Language for Specific Purposes : Research and Translation across Cultures and Media [1 ed.] 9781443862738, 9781443899321

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Language for Specific Purposes

Language for Specific Purposes: Research and Translation across Cultures and Media Edited by

Giuliana Elena Garzone, Dermot Heaney and Giorgia Riboni

Language for Specific Purposes: Research and Translation across Cultures and Media Edited by Giuliana Elena Garzone, Dermot Heaney and Giorgia Riboni This book first published 2016 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2016 by Giuliana Elena Garzone, Dermot Heaney, Giorgia Riboni and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-9932-1 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-9932-1

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables ............................................................................................ viii List of Figures............................................................................................. ix Introduction ................................................................................................ xi LSP Research and Translation across Languages and Media: Developments and Trends Giuliana Garzone, Dermot Heaney, Giorgia Riboni Part I. LSP Translation Chapter One ................................................................................................. 2 Translating Politically Sensitive Texts in Multilingual Contexts James Archibald Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 18 General Human Translation Processes and LSP-Specificity: The Need for Theory-Based Translation Teaching Laura Salmon Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 41 Emphasising the Individual in Legal Translation: Consequences of Knowledge Communication and Post-Structuralist Approaches Jan Engberg Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 62 On the Translational Specialisation of Digital Interactive Entertainment Silvia Pettini Chapter Five .............................................................................................. 80 A Comparison of Conventional Metaphors on the Euro Crisis: A Systematic Approach for Specialised L2 Translation Training Dermot Heaney

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Chapter Six .............................................................................................. 101 Translation Issues from Italian to English: A Pilot Study of Three Companies’ Financial Statements Sergio Pizziconi, Walter Giordano, Laura Di Ferrante Chapter Seven.......................................................................................... 126 Argumentative Conventions in Political Speeches: Implications for Interpreting Emanuele Brambilla Part II. LSP Research Chapter Eight ........................................................................................... 148 Organising Specialised (Medical) Knowledge in Academic and Professional Settings: Patient Information Genres Isabel Garcia-Izquierdo Chapter Nine............................................................................................ 168 CSR Reports in English and in Italian: Focus on Generic Structure and Importance Markers Marina Bondi Chapter Ten ............................................................................................. 200 A Matter of Terminology, When Terminology Matters: Naming Common Genetic Diseases Kim Grego, Alessandra Vicentini, Tatiana Canziani Chapter Eleven ........................................................................................ 219 On Intralinguistic Translation: From Summaries of Product Characteristics to Patient Information Leaflets Silvia Cacchiani Chapter Twelve ....................................................................................... 253 Complex Nominals in the Terminology of Biotechnology and Nutrition: A Cross-Linguistic Analysis of English and Italian Chiara Degano Chapter Thirteen ...................................................................................... 275 Deontic Modality in Legal Ukrainian: Focus on the Synthetic Future of Imperfective Verbs Liana Goletiani

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Chapter Fourteen ..................................................................................... 301 A Bilingual Comparable Analysis: The European Union in the Speeches of British and Italian Ministers Denise Milizia Chapter Fifteen ........................................................................................ 326 Analysing American Public Diplomacy: The Case of Brand USA— When Tourism Becomes an Ideological Tool Cinzia Spinzi Part III. Research on Web-Mediated Domain-Specific Communication Chapter Sixteen ....................................................................................... 350 Professional Groups on Social Networking Sites: The Case of Arbitration Professionals Giuliana Garzone Chapter Seventeen ................................................................................... 374 Academic Writing on Twitter: How Microblogging Becomes an Empowering Tool for Researchers Giorgia Riboni Chapter Eighteen ..................................................................................... 395 Travel Blogs and Lists of Suggestions Maria Cristina Paganoni Chapter Nineteen ..................................................................................... 412 Hopper Birthday to You: Creativity in Art Blogs Caterina Allais Contributors ............................................................................................. 435 Index ........................................................................................................ 444

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 3-1. Legal translation with an active translator–Functional approach. .............................................................................................. 43 Figure 3-2. Legal translation with an active translator–Knowledge Communication approach .................................................................... 50 Figure 3-3. Legal translation with an active translator–Post-structuralist approach ............................................................................................... 56 Figure 8-1. Home page of MedGentt cancer patient information documents .......................................................................................... 156 Figure 8-2. Comparative list of patient information genres .................... 158 Figure 8-3. Provisional image of the glossary (under construction) ....... 159 Figure 8-4. Screenshot of the search engines’s filters and the results it offers .................................................................................................. 163 Figure 9-1. The structure of the CSR report ........................................... 177 Figure 9-2. The Main report ................................................................... 181 Figure 11-1. PILs and related genres ...................................................... 222 Figure 12-1. N_A (‘Sequenziamento genomico’) in topicalised positions ............................................................................................. 269 Figure 14- 1. Concordance lines of ECB in the British corpus ............... 306 Figure 14- 2. Concordance lines of BCE in the Italian corpus ............... 307 Figure 14-3. Concordance lines of Schengen in the British corpus ........ 309 Figure 14-4a. Concordance lines of Stati Uniti d’Europa in the Italian corpus...................................................................................... 313 Figure 14-4b. Concordance lines of United States of Europe in the British corpus ............................................................................... 313 Figure 15-1. screenshot of the top-level section (last accessed February 2015) ................................ 334 Figure 15-2. The three main pillars located in the centre of the webpage ............................................................................................ 335 Figure 15-3. Top-angle perspective ........................................................ 337 Figure 15-4. Rosanne Cash in the video ................................................. 342 Figure 15-5. Native American dance ceremony ..................................... 342 Figure 15-6. A man of Asian descent riding a Harley-Davidson. ........... 342 Figure 15-7. Two Muslim women walking in Manhattan ...................... 343

LIST OF TABLES

Table 5-1. Size of corpora used in the study ............................................. 87 Table 5-2. Comparison of conventional metaphoricity rates for three specialised discourses .......................................................................... 89 Table 5-3. Comparison of first-ten ranked source domains in euro crisis journalism ....................................................................................... 92-93 Table 5-4. Comparison of next ten ranked source domains in euro crisis journalism ............................................................................................ 94 Table 5-5. Comparison of the first ten ranked source domains in Fashion Industry Press Releases and euro crisis articles ................................... 96 Table 6-1. Items alignment and differences ............................................ 109 Table 6-2. Same English translation, different Italian entries ................. 110 Table 6-3. The Corpus ............................................................................ 113 Table 6-4. Translation strategies ............................................................. 113 Table 6- 5. Inconsistencies ...................................................................... 119 Table 7-1. Excerpt of the Interpretation of Obama’s Victory Speech into Italian .......................................................................................... 139 Table 8-1. Degree of Technicality .......................................................... 151 Table 9-1. The BaCSREn Corpus ........................................................... 173 Table 9-2. The BaCSRIT_Corpus ........................................................... 174 Table 9-3. Expressions of importance in English and Italian.................. 184 Table 9-4. Collocates of importance/importanza.................................... 185 Table 9-5. Statements of understanding/belief (“Vision statements”) ..... 187 Table 9-6. Importance claims: quality attributing statements ................. 190 Table 9-7. Importance claims: CSR vision statements ............................ 191 Table 9- 8. Value/strategy-identifying statements ............................ 192-193 Table 10-1. Specialised corpus (BMJ 1840-2014): quantitative findings ....................................................................................... 207-208 Table 10-2. Popular corpus (GO 1791-2014): quantitative findings....... 211 Table 11-1. SmPCs: Summary of Product Characteristics ..................... 227 Table 11-2. PILs: generic structure potential .......................................... 228 Table 12-1. English suffixes with their Italian equivalent ...................... 261 Table 12-2. For semantic link ................................................................. 263 Table 12-3a. Make semantic link entailing processing .................... 263-264 Table 12-3b. Make semantic link (no processing entailed)..................... 264 Table 12-4. Examples of subjective nominalised complex nominals ..... 265

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Table 12-5. Examples of objective nominalised complex nominals ....... 265 Table 12-6. Nominalised premodifiers in English and their Italian equivalents ......................................................................................... 266 Table 12-7. Italian N_A primacy examples ............................................ 267 Table 13-1. Central structures according to modality types.................... 292 Table 13-2. Occurrences of synthetic and analytical future forms of the imperfective verbs ............................................................ 294-296 Table 19-1. Types of creative formations ............................................... 419 Table 19-2. Types and sources of creative formations............................ 420 Table 19-3. Use of suffixes ..................................................................... 422 Table 19-4. Manually investigated creative formations .......................... 429 Table 19-5. Automatically detected creative formations ........................ 429 Table 19-6. Topics of creativity .............................................................. 430

INTRODUCTION LSP RESEARCH AND TRANSLATION ACROSS LANGUAGES AND MEDIA: DEVELOPMENTS AND TRENDS GIULIANA GARZONE, DERMOT HEANEY, GIORGIA RIBONI

Introductory remarks This volume is one of the end products of the project “Languages for special purposes: research, teaching and translation” financed by the University of Milan in 2014, and conceived within the activities of the CLAVIER Research Centre, of which the English Linguistics researchers of the Department of Studies in Language Mediation and Intercultural Communication are members.1 The project focused on Languages for Specific Purposes and set out to explore three different but related aspects: research, translation and teaching. The essays collected in this volume, all of which have undergone double blind peer reviewing, concentrate on research in the areas of LSP research and LSP translation, exploring them under various perspectives and in different media and modes, while ESP pedagogy is tackled in another edited volume (Garzone, Heaney and Riboni, 2016). Thus, the studies collected in this book focus prevalently on language analysis and on translation issues, leaving needs analysis and pedagogical applications in the background. The study of LSP research and translation is all the more topical as, with the rapid spread of globalisation, multilingual and multicultural encounters have become the norm in a growing number of academic and professional settings. As communities of practice become ever more 1

Participants in the project: Giuliana Garzone (coordinator), Paola Catenaccio, Liana Goletiani, Kim Grego, Dermot Heaney, Giovanna Mapelli, Bettina Mottura, Maria Cristina Paganoni, Giorgia Riboni.

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international and de-localised, the role, function and status of languages for special purposes in professional, institutional, scientific and academic communication has become ever more closely intertwined with attendant issues of meaning negotiation in L1/L2 and/or lingua franca encounters, as well as with aspects of specialised translation. Research on LSP as a field of applied linguistics is now a wellestablished disciplinary area, over five decades after the publication of Barber’s article “Some measurable characteristics of modern scientific prose” (1962) which Swales, in the absence of a “clear and indisputable beginning” (1985, X), presents as the first expression of LSP research (cf. Upton 2012). Over this long span of time, LSP research has changed in various respects. It has become increasingly internationalised, with scholarly communities working in many different countries and on every continent (North America, Latin America, Asia, Australia, Europe), organising conferences and publishing extensively. As Johns observes (2013, 5), this has brought about a situation characterised by an extreme wealth of contributions and initiatives so that it is not easy to keep track of all the research work conducted in this area. Research perspectives have also evolved in time. Growing interest in the distinctive features of scientific language across genres has evolved from a merely descriptive approach, however useful it might be for the sake of establishing LSP learners’ needs, to broader research perspectives investigating the rhetorical implications of the deployment of certain linguistic features. Interest has also extended to the essentially pragmatic factors that go beyond mere text constitution and rhetorical structuring, i.e. metadiscursive devices that include “textual voices” through which authors’ stance and evaluation (Hunston and Thompson 2000; Bondi and Mauranen 2003) are expressed, and interactivity and interaction in communication are realised (Hyland 2005) These trends are amply reflected in the studies collected in this volume. Other fundamental recurrent notions relied on in the volume, both in chapters on specialised discourse and in those focusing on technical translation, are drawn from genre analysis, the introduction of which in the late 1980s/early 1990s contributed to adding a socio-rhetorical dimension to LSP research (cf. Swales 1990; Bhatia 1993) subsequently heavily influenced by genre analysis’ agenda of highlighting the specificities and regularities in social practices, text construction, and language use that characterise discourse production in recurrent situations and make communicative events promptly recognisable and susceptible to being categorised into genres. In time this methodology has expanded towards

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an ever more comprehensive and complex approach that considers a number of social, contextual and pragmatic variables, focusing on both academic and professional discursive practices (Swales 2004; Bhatia 2004), often seeking triangulation by means of ethnographic investigations that may rely on practitioners’ experience and observation of real discursive practices to confirm research findings (cf. Dressen-Hammouda 2013; Starfield 2011). In many of the studies collected in this volume, the analysis based on genre-related notions is supplemented by recourse to corpus linguistics, with a prevalently corpus-based, rather than corpusdriven, approach (Tognini Bonelli 2001). Thus corpus linguistics is used to investigate hypotheses formed on the basis of qualitative analysis, or to support findings obtained through it. In the studies in this volume corpus linguistics is mainly used to provide hard evidence for hypotheses and considerations grounded in ‘manual’ analysis, and therefore in combination with other analytical frameworks, first and foremost genre analysis, but also CDA (Hardt-Mautner 1995; Garzone and Santulli 2004; Kandil and Belcher 2011). The volume also records a more recent development in LSP research originating from the communications revolution that has taken place in the last few decades (and that we are still living through), which has had a profound impact on the way specialised discourse communities communicate and operate. The adaptation of existing genres to web-mediated communication and the introduction of new web-native genres has generated a spate of new studies exploring them – websites, blogs, social networking sites, forums, chatrooms, tweets, etc. Among the issue tackled in these studies, first and foremest has been the problem of the suitability of traditional analytical tools (Askehave and Swales 2001; Askehave and Ellerup Nielsen 2004; Garzone 2007) for the analysis of new media and new genres. Underlying all the aspects discussed so far is the growing awareness of the complexity of specialised communication and the ever-wider implications of the communicative situations in which it is embedded; hence the increasing attention to social practices associated with discourse production and to their ideological implications (cf. e.g. Garzone and Sarangi 2007). The evolution of research on specialised translation has kept pace with that of LSP research. Leaving aside the discussion of overall translation approaches, which goes beyond the scope of this analysis, originally works on domain-specific translation focused mainly on the distinctive linguistic traits of specialised texts and their rendering across languages (e.g. Gerzymisch-Arbogast 1993; Wright and Wright 1993; Malmjkjær 2003), with pride of place given to distinctive syntactic traits and

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terminological aspects (e.g. Sager 1993). In time this view of specialised translation gradually broadened, as the idea became widely accepted that also knowledge of the discursive practices of the relevant discourse communities is essential for the production of an appropriate translation (cf. e.g. Scarpa 2008). In this respect, genre-analysis informed studies have been especially useful, connecting linguistic communication and social practices. Increasing attention has been given to contextual and intercultural factors, and ideological implications, with ensuing changes in the way the role of the specialised translator is conceived. It is this view that is at the core of the studies of specialised translation published in this volume. If one were to propose a selection of key words to indicate significant common ground between them, we would certainly choose agent, holistic, multidisciplinarity, creativity, awareness, all placing a slightly different accent on the need for research to define the evolving status, emerging responsibilities and necessary resources of the contemporary specialised translator and interpreter faced with specialised languages that can no longer be considered in isolation from politics, identity, power and ideology, especially when such specialisations have clear repercussions on human lives at both an individual and social level. This development is characterised by a more pronounced and nuanced conception of the translator’s responsibilities and remit, which go well beyond the narrower dictates of the objective approach and even those of the functional approach (Vermeer 1986, Nord 1989), where it is the translator’s responsibility to select among available strategies those that will achieve the purpose to which the text is aimed in the target language. The knowledge communication-mediation approach to translation (Engberg 2007), with its emphasis on the translator as a highly aware text producer and knowledge mediator, sifting and gauging the appropriateness of content, registers, and genres, already constitutes an important advance in the development of a more holistic figure of the agent-translator, whose training is envisaged as increasingly the result of multidisciplinary collaborative work across professional boundaries, between, for example, linguists and jurists, practitioners of medical specialisations, or representatives of political institutions or organisations. A further refinement and social onus derives from the post-structuralist perspective (Martín Ruano 2012) and the attendant conception of the translator as a socially responsible agent empowered to make acknowledged subjective decisions, particularly when translation is conceived as a socially situated practice, involving issues such as ideologies underlying political and non-political discourse, identity, and

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power positions, increasingly under the spotlight in sensitive LSP fields like the law, politics, and medicine. These profiles of the contemporary LSP scenario here lead to a series of reflections on the new responsibilities and choices facing the specialised translator within each of the domains in question and prompt descriptions of current knowledge-mediation projects, consideration of fruitful new avenues of interdisciplinary research, and assessment of complementary methodologies and approaches that empower translators not just intellectually and culturally, but also socially and ideologically. Of course, if specialised translators are to become agents, it is important that they do not labour under outdated, not to say fossilised misapprehensions about the intrinsic nature of LSP discourse itself; they must start by freeing themselves from enduring, but nonetheless influential, misconceptions. A useful ground note to the entire section is supplied by the call for LSP translation educators to abandon simplistic preconceptions of a rigid dichotomy between expressive and technicalscientific text types, which only blinds translation educators to the fact that LSPs are frequently characterised by expressive micro-dominants (more marked in some genres than others) and that LSP texts as a whole are far from being monolithically denotative and inexpressive. This initial overview is of necessity general in nature, providing a theoretical vantage point from which to view the action of the current debate on LSP research unfold. The following section will offer a more detailed description of the contents of each chapter, drawing an overall picture of current lines of investigation and prevailing trends in research on LSP, be they monolingual, interlingual or intercultural, and specialised translation, also providing pointers as to future directions and developments.

Contents of the book In light of the above observations, the volume is divided into three parts and is opened by a section focusing on specialised translation, followed by one focusing on LSP research, while the closing section regards web-mediated genres in specialised communication. But it is important to note that the themes emerging in each of these sections often overlap or are interrelated so that together they contribute to drawing an all-round picture of topical notions and trends in this area of scholarly endeavour. Undoubtedly the keynote of Part I of the volume, devoted to specialised translation, is the role of the translator as an agent with necessarily varying degrees of responsibility and autonomy as a text

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producer, above and beyond mere mastery of a binary set of languages. This keynote is taken up and held in the first three chapters by three of the most influential and authoritative authors in the field. In the opening chapter of this Part, James Archibald addresses a number of dilemmas confronting translators of politically sensitive material for multilingual audiences. Among the issues he considers there are the very nature of politically sensitive texts, that is their specific textuality, the relationship between text and terminology, the intertextuality of the material in question, and the role played by politically charged terms, referred to as politemes by Grégory Corroyer (2006). In Archibald’s view, the figure of the “translator analyst” must increasingly take into account not only distinct language systems, but also the characteristics of textuality and intertextuality in cases involving sociopolitical alterities that may not be entirely compatible in terms of potential equivalencies. He stresses the need to move beyond Newmark’s (1991, 146-148) proposal for a distinct methodological approach to the translation of “value-laden” political language, pointing out that this position takes for granted advances toward democracy which are by no means accomplished or even pursued universally. In such a scenario, the political translator-analyst is, in fact, to be viewed as a special category of reader who must know how to decode texts with a view to allowing the eventual target text recipient to read the translated text and arrive at an equivalent understanding of the message embedded in the source text. Such decoding entails understanding of how politemes like ‘democracy’, for example, are subject to great variation in terms of intent and eventual understanding in various sociopolitical contexts. As political or politicised terms should always be treated as cultural variables, Archibald emphasises the need for language professionals to negotiate between different regional versions of politemes and the recognition of the fact that the larger human rights tradition seeks greater universality. The chapter concludes with considerations about how language professionals can strike a reasonable balance in this endeavour. In Chapter Two, Laura Salmon makes a case for considering LSP translation as a particular variant of a general translation model, rather than viewing it within a rigid framework of non-expressive or functional texts, an oversimplification the author regards as misleading and possibly deleterious. Starting from the contention that any human text shares some peculiar traits of the human mind, Salmon questions the entire notion of lexical stability, suggesting that it is an illusion that flies in the face of the evidence that language is a productive, unstable code-system. The author counsels against an overreliance on rigid and reductive text-typology theories in translation teaching: if, she maintains, humans are

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onomasiologically and semasiologically creative, LSPs, as they are generated by humans, are innately so, too, precisely because humans not only find and invent new things, and need creative linguistic solutions to name them, but also because they look at familiar things in an unstable way. In support of her argument, the author points out that the names of technical objects and scientific concepts are innately unstable, if not indeed protean. Language, in all its components, including LSP, is a relational, creative, and relatively unstable code. In this chapter, the author revisits LSP translation in the light of this contention and stresses the advisability of jettisoning the persistent dualistic distinction between supposedly “creative” translation (humanities) vs “informative” translations (fields of technology and science), which, she contends, is arbitrary, fundamentally inaccurate and unhelpful. The more the common nature of all texts is revealed to future professionals, the greater their preparedness to tackle LSPs as well. In the following Chapter Jan Engberg notes that recent developments in the conceptualisation of legal translation have opened the eyes of researchers and practitioners to the importance of the characteristics and capacities of the individual translator. This has led to the development of new theoretical approaches, broadly subsumed under the heading of Functional Translation. The aim of the chapter is to investigate the implications of applying two specific approaches, the Knowledge Communication Approach and the Post-Structuralist Approach, to the study of decisions taken by translators. The empirical basis of the comparison is a task given to student translators involving the necessity of selecting the most relevant aspects of source-language concepts in a legal text to be rendered in the target-language text based upon the translation brief. The result of the study is that the Knowledge-Communication Approach, on the one hand, especially guides the attention of the researcher (and the translator) to conceptual differences and overlaps and triggers consideration of target-language needs through the inclusion of strategies from popularisation. The Post-Structuralist Approach, on the other hand, helps the researcher (and the translator) to consider more power-related aspects of the source text like the emotional attitude of the parties involved in the conflict underlying a court case. The first three chapters of Part I, markedly theoretical in approach, putting forth reflections on the challenges awaiting LSP translation, are followed by four more specific, empirical studies on LSP translation/interpretation issues in different domains. Narrower in focus, they nevertheless respond to the call for greater awareness made in the previous three chapters.

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In Chapter Four, Silvia Pettini explores the relationships between video games and the field of LSP from the perspective of Game Localisation, in this case, the sports simulation game FIFA 2014 in its English into Italian localisation. The overarching aim of the chapter is to welcome such products into the fold of LSPs on the strength of the high degree of domain-specific language transfer specialisation required in order to deliver an equivalent gameplay experience. Pettini adopts an eclectic approach to highlight the main areas of interaction. In the course of the chapter, excerpts from in-game texts are analysed and discussed to pinpoint a) video games’ terminology (user interfaces, instructions, platform-specific references, etc.), b) single titles’ terminology, and c) video game terminology pertaining to the specialised domain of sports. Special attention is paid to the in-game textual world and her discussion focuses on the specialised translation of those game genres that require technical subject matter expertise. The following Chapter, authored by Dermot Heaney, focuses on the extent of figurative language at the core of an LSP, in this case euro crisis discourse, reflecting the conviction that metaphors are pervasive (Lakoff and Johnson 1980) and structure perception and thought in discourses of all types. This chapter explores the need for due awareness of this trope and its various functions in LSP translation. To this end, Heaney analyses conventional metaphor use in two comparable corpora on the euro crisis in Italian and English. Starting from the understanding that the more conventional the metaphor, the less likely it is to be consciously processed as such in L1, he considers the implications for L2 translation, in which low awareness of metaphors in the L1 quite frequently leads to unconventional renderings in the L2. By showing how conventional metaphor is used systematically in the discourse of the euro crisis, he explores the viability of a more systematic approach to conventional metaphor. This is undertaken by tracing patterns of “discourse systematic metaphors” (Semino 2008) for this discourse and by tracing convergent and divergent mappings in the two languages. The chapter concludes with reflections on how a domain-oriented approach might be used to raise conventional metaphor awareness, principally, but not exclusively, in L2 translation training scenarios. Chapter Six, authored by Sergio Pizziconi, Walter Giordano, and Laura Di Ferrante, concerns translation problems that companies may encounter with the translation of financial statements, and highlights the absence of shared terms for accounting, which continues to pose problems for translators of financial statements from Italian into English, with unresolved implications for companies that choose or are obliged to

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translate their financial statements into English and must therefore harmonise their statements with both international and national regulations. The Chapter analyses the financial statements that three Italian companies publish both in English and in Italian on their websites. With reference to the theory of semantic prototypes (Rosch 1978), the translations of postings are classified according to the use of lexical units that a) are used with the same meaning in multiple domains, b) are used in two cultures in the specific domain of business language, c) represent a prototypical example of the category denoted in Italian, as in hyponymic replacement, and d) represent a larger category of the prototypical object denoted in Italian, as in hyperonymic replacement. The findings reveal that class (a) occurs most frequently and that classes (c) and (d) must be used when the Italian label is determined by local regulations. The findings also indicate that solutions most frequently take the form of prototypical examples of each category, in the form of what is effectively a compromise between the most frequent ST item and a TT item that is most readily conceivable to and readable by the international audience. The final chapter in the part dedicated to the translation of specialised texts closes with a study in which the attention shifts from translation proper to interpreting, which various authoritative authors consider to be a special case of translation to be explored within the framework of Translation Studies (cf. e.g. Pöchhacker 2004). In this Chapter Emanuele Brambilla illustrates the need to go beyond knowledge-based strategies in the interpretation of political speeches on the economic crisis of the 21st century in order to provide a more nuanced and therefore accurate equivalence of the argumentative topoi employed in political discourse. He considers how the difficulty of the quest for argumentative equivalence between source and interpreted texts is compounded by the fact that argumentative conventions substantially diversify speeches, thereby calling for different priorities in different interpreting situations. Drawing on a corpus of authentic speeches, the author demonstrates that the speakers resort to the same, codified argumentative strategies in different ways, depending on the specific argumentative conventions governing their addresses. By shedding light on the relativity of argument strategies, his findings call for further research into the impact of argumentative conventions in diversifying political speeches and other argumentative situations, thereby promoting the pursuit of argumentative equivalence in interpreting contexts. Part II of the volume focuses on LSP research investigating traditional domain-specific genres. The current scientific debate on specialised types of language is currently very lively, as testified by the different

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contributions to this volume. Descriptions of Languages for Specialised Purposes typically adopt a subject matter-based classification (cf. Izquierdo, this volume), and the various chapters present in this part of the book are also categorised accordingly. This part of the book opens with a chapter, authored by Isabel GarcíaIzquierdo, which straddles the areas of linguistic LSP research and translation and testifies to the importance that research on LSP communication has for the efficient and successful management of specialised translation, revealing the synergy between LSP research and specialised translators’ work. The study focuses on the construction and communication of knowledge in professional fields, especially in the written mode, considering both the academic context (medical discourse and translation at advanced levels of teaching and research) and the professional context (medical writers and translators). The notion of translators as knowledge mediators, socially responsible agents, and communicators of specialised knowledge introduced in the previous chapters (cf. Archibald and Engberg, this volume) is extended to scientific and technical writers. The chapter has its starting point in the description of the work carried out by the GENTT (Textual Genres for Translation) Research Group, based at the Department of Translation and Communication at the Universitat Jaume I in Spain, which in the last few years has undertaken action research projects that combine qualitative and quantitative methods, and whose results are intended to be applied both to a social or professional group and to specialised research and training. The Chapter illustrates the results of one of the quantitative research projects that the Group is developing: the MedGentt multilingual document management system, aimed at medical translators and writers working with patient information genres in academic and professional settings; further testifying to the fact that in-depth research on LSP texts can contribute crucially to enhancing translator’s competence and translation quality. In the next chapter the focus shifts to the business environment, as Marina Bondi deals with a recently emerged business genre, the CSR report (Catenaccio 2012), adopting a cross-cultural discourse perspective, and in so doing provides an interesting example of recourse to corpus linguistics to support a multi-perspective analysis focusing on genre and at the same time exploring pragmatic features with crucial discursive import. The analysis, which investigates CSR reports in English and Italian, combines corpus and discourse perspectives and compares the generic and rhetorical structures of the reports across the two languages and linguacultural backgrounds. The findings show that reports in both languages

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share a similar thematic organisation and that cross-linguistic structural variation can be traced back to shared sequences of meaning elements, possibly due to the focus on international standards which characterises the CSR report. The Body of the report (or "Main report") has a similar thematic organisation in both English and in Italian Reports, whereas more variation is noticeable both in the Preamble and in the Corollary. Bondi argues that the presence of marked repetitive patterns in the structure of the Main report and a high degree of recursivity in the moves that realise each section make CSR reports comparable to chapters in textbooks, where functional sequences are repeated to introduce each new topic. Having established the shared generic coordinates of the reports, the study proceeds to investigate salient discoursal features, focusing in particular on importance markers, whose pragmatic roles are examined and discussed. The results of the analysis indicate that importance markers are strategically used to establish hierarchies of values and ultimately to represent, explain and possibly defend the company's conduct. In the next two chapters attention shifts to healthcare and medical communication, which still seems to represent a rather unsettled and therefore extremely productive field of investigation, deserving particular attention on account of its special complexity. Some old questions require reconsideration, while new questions have arisen regarding the dynamics of intra- and inter-specialist communication as well as specialist-tolayperson interaction. Another fundamental issue in LSP communication in the medical field is the importance of improving health literacy to provide non-specialists outside the community of practice with the linguistic means to gain control of their health and make informed decisions, an issue that is especially topical today on account of the increasingly significant coexistence of multilingual and multicultural diversity in our societies. Recent societal changes such as the “corporatisation” of healthcare providers, which has produced the effect of treating patients as possible clients, and the emergence of popular sources as possible opinion- makers, which has been made possible, among other factors, by spreading access to and use of new media, have guaranteed non specialists a new power and a more active role. As a consequence, specialist users are planning their communicative efforts ever more carefully. This trend is particularly manifest in the results obtained by Alessandra Vicentini, Kim Grego and Tatiana Canziani’s study, which offers a synthetic diachronic description of the terminological change in texts dealing with Down syndrome (DS) and Marfan syndrome (MFS) in the last two centuries. The chapter aims to establish whether a) eponyms

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and disparaging synonyms are still used, and b) how they have changed over time. This is done by comparing two corpora from specialised and non-specialised publications: 1) the British Medical Journal (1840-2014), and 2) The Guardian / The Observer, with sample checks from The New York Times (1791-2014). Results show that both eponyms and disparaging terms are still used to talk about DS and MFS both in the popular and – surprisingly – in the specialised press, the latter in spite of the official WHO calls for descriptive terminology. However, this trend is changing and it can be explained from a CDA perspective, by considering that medical terminology currently tends to become neutral and objectively descriptive in response to a change in power relations, i.e. under bottomup pressure coming from non-specialists (patients / clients) outside the community of practice. The concepts of “patient-centeredness” and “trust generation” are at the basis of Silvia Cacchiani’s contribution. The former term is particularly crucial as it indicates the move from bio-medical communication to patientcentred communication and, as a result, to non-specialists’ empowerment. Drawing on “patient-centeredness theory” (Mead and Bower 2000), Cacchiani addresses the features of UK Patient Information Leaflets (PILs) as originating and developing from the corresponding Summaries of Product Characteristics (SmPCs). The discursive construction of risk and trust generation informs patient-centeredness: intralinguistic and intergeneric expert-to-layman translation is at work to turn highly specialised Summaries of Product Characteristics (SmPCs) into functionally adequate Patient Information Leaflets (PILs), their closer cognates, to be seen as seats for Knowledge Dissemination, reconceptualisation and recontextualisation. In this context, it is the purpose of Cacchiani’s chapter to address questions about the shift from presentation of biomedical research to, broadly, interactive and patientfriendly communication that pursues engagement with the reader. While medical and health discourse is an obviously productive and fertile field of research, other specialised domains are also represented in the volume. Thus chapters on both scientific discourse and legal discourse are included. The first of these, by Chiara Degano, examines perspectives on LSP and scientific-terminological issues. Her study aims to analyse compounding in English and Italian contrastively, with a focus on the lexicon of bio-technology and nutrition. In particular, complex noun compounds extracted from a corpus of English scientific texts related to bio-technology and nutrition are classified on the basis of existing grammatical and semantic categorisations, with a view to drawing a typology of multiword units in this variety of English, and identifying

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correspondences with Italian, or lack thereof, thus finding regularities, if any, in how complex noun groups are formed in the two languages. Against a scenario that at first sight seems to be characterised by a substantial lack of sistematicity, with hardly any predictable patterns across the two languages, Degano proceeds through hypothesis testing in order to identify regularities. The findings rule out that existing semantic and grammatical categorisations of noun compounds can help predict correspondences between the internal structure of such constructions in English and in Italian, but allow the author to tentatively formulate a set of rules which can account for the different structures that English complex nominals can take in Italian, in line with the assumptions underpinning contemporary terminology, which sees the relationship between the term and its extralinguistic referent as subject to the influence of contextual factors. With Liana Goletiani’s study the focus shifts to another specialised domain, i.e. legal discourse. Her chapter deals with emerging trends in the expression of deontic modality in Ukrainian legal discourse and specifically with two future forms, the synthetic and analytic, which, unlike in other East Slavic languages, can occur with verbs in the imperfective aspect. The findings presented here extend previous research carried out on a corpus of parallel Russian and Ukrainian texts focused on divergences in expressing deontic value in legal texts in the two languages. Contrastive short-term diachronic analysis (1992-2012) reveals a redistribution of the two future forms of Ukrainian imperfective verbs. The partial data obtained from the Ukrainian-Russian sub-corpus suggest that the increase in the use of the future synthetic is associated with the break away of the official register from the Russian language codes of the Soviet period, a hypothesis that is investigated using data gathered from the UkrainianEnglish parallel text of the 2014 Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine. The findings confirm an intense revitalisation of the synthetic form and suggest the likelihood of a progressive functional divergence of the two forms in legal-diplomatic Ukrainian in the future. The next two chapters, which close Part II, have an essentially political focus. In Chapter Fourteen Denise Milizia investigates the representation of a controversial political institution such as the European Union. The analysis starts from the idea that, since it is often the case that political leaders’ speeches acquire the status of mediation tools between people and institutions, analytical frameworks and models habitually utilised for the examination of scientific discourse can be legitimately applied to the political domain, and to leaders’ speeches specifically, in order to investigate if and how knowledge about institutions is disseminated

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through them. The presence of typical popularising strategies in political texts might therefore imply that disseminating knowledge represents both a political as well as a linguistic act. Milizia’s contribution focuses on the language of politics across English and Italian political discourse, with special attention for the attitude of British politicians towards the European Union. This study also includes an interlinguistic element, as it examines two comparable corpora of speeches made by British and Italian politicians. Similarly, in the next Chapter, authored by Cinzia Spinzi, theexamination of the communication dynamics–both textual and semiotic– that underlie public diplomacy and nation branding in particular has been carried out utilising a combination of traditional linguistic tools such as Discourse Analysis and a set of concepts mainly originating from economics literature on marketing and branding. This methodological synergy finds its justification in the fact that nation branding does not simply rest on strategic communication with foreign publics in order to pursue specific policy objectives, but also represents a global marketing communication campaign. Spinzi’s study specifically examines the case of promoting America as a tourist attraction, a case of the use of destination branding as a tool of public diplomacy, with the aim of analysing the communication patterns and strategies used in the “Brand USA” campaign (and its consumer website DiscoverAmerica.com) to achieve the goal of creating a positive brand image internationally. The analysis, based on the multimodal approach, reveals how images and texts play a pivotal function in the promotional message, conveying core values associated with traditional American icons. Part III of the volume is entirely devoted to research on the relationship between LSP and new media. A still extensively investigated issue in this field, reflected in the chapters included in this section, is how discourses generated by various communities of practice (e.g. arbitration or travel discourse) transfer to the new electronic medium and adjust to fit new webgenres. In this regard, the question of whether discursive practices and language use on new media platforms are sufficiently professionally oriented as to determine the emergence of “virtual communities of practice” appears critical as well as topical. Central to this kind of analysis is also the investigation of the construction of an online professional identity. New media can be turned into an attention-seeking tool which guarantees interpersonal accreditation, on which (together with expertise) community affiliation depends. Selfimage representation is therefore particularly crucial in the electronic environment and often is the end-product of a process of “self-definition,

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delineation, and manipulation of available cues” (Lampe, Ellison and Steinfield 2007; Zhao, Grasmuck and Martin 2008). In this sense, Giuliana Garzone’s contribution sets the tone for the section, as she analyses arbitration discussion groups on Facebook and LinkedIn, two of the most popular social network sites (SNSs) among professionals, institutions and companies. The study sets out to provide a systematisation of these discussion groups in terms of language use and discursive resources so that the construction of users’ online identity can be investigated. The underlying concept and the architecture of both Facebook and LinkedIn play a significant role as they can affect professionals’ interaction; that is why possible variations regarding the textual and discursive layout are treated as a function of the specific features of each SNS. Findings suggest that discussion groups on both platforms can be considered as virtual communities of practice but, while the online identity constructed by LinkedIn users is mainly professional, on Facebook the traditional borders between public and private are more blurred, and the professional image of each user observable within the context of the arbitration group is only one element of a multifaceted construct delineated on the basis of other, non-professional constituents. Whereas Garzone’s chapter favours a qualitative analysis, the one that follows is based on the combined use of corpus software and the close reading of texts. This difformity in analytical approaches points to a methodological issue that characterises new media interaction, which – possibly differently from other areas of specialised communication – is characterised by a remarkably high degree of variability and creativity, as well as by text fragmentation and dispersion, which contribute to making a corpus-based approach difficult to apply. In Chapter Seventeen, Giorgia Riboni shifts the focus to communication on Twitter, relying on a phraseological approach to examine the highly variable language realisations of microblogging interactions in the academic domain, supporting her investigation with a corpus-based analysis. Specifically, she relies on the concept of “semantic sequence”, which rests on the assumption that patterns are much more consistent in meaning than they are in form, as this notion can be of help when dealing with texts characterised by greatly diversified lexical and syntactic choices. Her analysis of the language and discursive resources used by researchers on the microblogging platform Twitter is based on a combination of frequency-based lexical information and semantics, and highlights that scholars tend not only to share useful information online, but even to express their feelings and thoughts. The investigation of tweets labelled (or “hashtagged”) as “academic writing” (#acwri) reveals that

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posting entries about the writing process can be highly beneficial for researchers as it de-stresses and motivates them, and at the same time makes them feel less lonely in their endeavour. In this regard, the notions of “phatic communion” (Miller 2008) and “ambient affiliation” (Zappavigna 2014) can be very useful in order to describe the language and rhetorical resources professionals adopt to create a sentiment of interconnected sociality with the other members of their community of practice. In Chapter Eighteen the focus shifts from SNSs and Twitter to the weblog. Inspired by the rising popularity of the professional use of new media in tourism and travel communication, Maria Cristina Paganoni’s study focuses on lists of suggestions in travel blogs. In particular, after selecting a sample of successful blogs in English, she examines the rhetorical features that are commonly used to build expert status and offer advice through stancetaking in order to investigate their potential for yielding insights into the fast-changing cultural configurations of tourism and travel. Research shows that professional travel bloggers share the codified linguistic, discursive and representational strategies of mainstream tourism discourse. At the same time, capitalising on the preferences for identity cues shown by their networked audiences, they adjust advice-giving to their travelling style and add autobiographical storytelling and auto-ethnographic reflexivity to otherwise conventional moves. The result is a diverse mix of narrative elements and fictive identities–adventure seeking and place branding, creativity and homogenisation, the traveller and the tourist. In the closing Chapter the focus remains on the weblog, and more specifically on the “art blog”, which Caterina Allais investigates adopting a combined approach (with a preference for qualitative analysis) with special attention given to the language used by bloggers and commenters. A purpose-built corpus of art blogs–called Art Blog Corpus or ABC–is explored to identify examples of creativity. Considering that playful language is a common feature of online communication, examples of language creativity in the posts and comments of the Art Blog Corpus are illustrated, following Carter’s model (2004) of “pattern forming” and “pattern re-forming” choices, and a prevalence of the latter is observed. Results show that art bloggers are more conservative than expected, if we consider art itself as a meaningful source of innovation; the vast majority of manually detected creative formations consists of puns, while a topicbased classification reveals that most creative formations come from artists’ proper names.

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The analyses presented in this volume collectively provide important insights as to the intense research activity on LSP and specialised translation being currently carried out, the variety of objects of investigation and the multiplicity of approaches and fruitful areas of overlap and convergence between them. The picture that emerges is one of extreme complexity and ferment, where the study of specifically linguistic aspects of LSPs and their translation increasingly needs to take account of a whole range of social, pragmatic, intercultural, political factors, as well as disciplinary and sociotechnical components.

References Askehave, Inger and Anne Ellerup Nielsen. 2004. “Webmediated Genres a Challenge to Traditional Genre Theory.” Working Paper nr. 6. Aarhus: Center for Virksomhedskommunication. Askehave, Inger and John M. Swales. 2001. “Genre Identification and Communicative Purpose: a Problem and a Possible Solution.” Applied Linguistics 23(2): 195-212. Barber, Charles L. 1962. “Some measurable characteristics of modern scientific prose.” Contributions to English Syntax and Phylology, Gothenburg Studies in English, 14. Now reprinted, with a commentary in John M. Swales (ed.). 1988. Episodes in ESP: A Source and Reference Book on the Development of English for Science and Technology, 1-15. New York: Prentice-Hall. Bhatia, Vijay K. 1993. Analysing Genre: Language Use in Professional Settings. Harlow/New York: Longman. —. 2004. Worlds of Written Discourse. A Genre-based View. London: Continuum. Bondi, Marina and Anna Mauranen (eds.). 2003. “Evaluation in academic discourse.” Special issue of Journal of English for Academic Purposes, Vol. 2(4): 269 a 374. Carter, Ronald. 2004. Language and Creativity: The Art of Common Talk. London: Routledge. Catenaccio, Paola. 2012. Understanding CSR Discourse. Insights from Linguistics and Discourse Analysis. Milan: Arcipelago Edizioni. Corroyer, Grégory. 2006. “Quelques mécanismes de clivage dans les ‘débats’ politiques.” Communication et Langages 148: 33-51. Dressen–Hammouda, Dacia. 2013. “Ethnographic Approaches to ESP Research.” In The Handbook of English for Specific Purposes, First

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Edition, edited by Brian Paltridge and Sue Starfield, 501-517. Oxford: John Wiley & Sons. Engberg, Jan. 2007. “Wie und warum sollte die Fachkommunikationsforschung in Richtung Wissensstrukturen erweitert werden?” Fachsprache 29(1-2): 2-25. Garzone, Giuliana. 2007. “Genres, multimodality and the World-Wide Web: Theoretical Issues.” In Multimodality in Corporate Communication. Web Genres and Discursive Identity, edited by Giuliana Garzone, Paola Catenaccio and Gina Poncini, 15-30. Milano: FrancoAngeli. Garzone, Giuliana, Dermot Heaney and Giorgia Riboni. 2016. Focus on LSP Teaching. Developments and Issues. Milan: LED Edizioni. Garzone, Giuliana and Francesca Santulli. 2004. “What can corpus linguistics do for Critical Discourse Analysis?” In Corpora and Discourse, edited by Alan Partington, John Morley and Louhann Haarman , 351-368. Bern: Peter Lang. Garzone, Giuliana and Srikant Sarangi. 2007. “Discourse, Ideology and Specialised Communication: A Critical Introduction.” In Discourse, Ideology and Specialised Communication, edited by Giuliana Garzone, Srikant Sarangi, 9-36. Bern: Peter Lang. Gerzymisch-Arbogast, Heidrun. 1993. “Contrastive Scientific and Technical Register as a Translation Problem.” In Scientific and Technical Translation, edited by Sue Ellen Wright and Leland D. Wright Jr, 21-51. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Hardt-Mautner, Gerlinde. 1995. “Only Connect: Critical Discourse Analysis and Corpus Linguistics.” UCREL Technical Paper 6. Lancaster: University of Lancaster. Available at . Last accessed 24/07/2016. Hunston, Susan and Geoffrey Thompson (eds). 2000. Evaluation in Text: Authorial Stance and the Construction of Discourse. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hyland, Ken. 2005. Metadiscourse . London: Continuum. Johns, Ann M. 2013. “The History of English for Specific Purposes Research”. In The Handbook of English for Specific Purposes, first edition, edited by Brian Paltridge and Sue Starfield, 5-30. Oxford: John Wiley & Sons. Kandil, Magdi and Diane Belcher. 2011. “ESP and corpus - informed critical discourse analysis: Understanding the power of genres of power.” In New Directions in English for Specific Purposes, edited by Diane Belcher, Ann M. Johns, and Brian Paltridge. 252-270. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.

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Lakoff, George and Mark Johnson. 1980. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Lampe, Cliff, Nicole Ellison and Charles Steinfield. 2007. “A Familiar Face(book): Profile Elements as Signals in an Online Social Network.” In Proceedings of the SIGCHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems, 435-444. New York: ACM. Malmjkjær, Kirsten. 2003. “Language and Special Translational Purposes.” In Evidence-based LSP. Translation, Text and Terminology, edited by Khurshid Ahmad and Margaret Rogers, 491-509. Bern: Peter Lang. Martín Ruano, Maria del Rosario. 2012. “Traducción institucional e indentidad(es): asimetrías, conflictos, posibilidades.” In Ensayos sobre traducción jurídica e institucional, edited by Icíar Alonso Araguás, Jésus Baigorri Jalón and Helen J. L. Campbell, 43-68. Granada: Comares. Mead, Nicola and Peter Bower. 2000. “Patient-Centredness: A Conceptual Framework and Review of the Empirical Literature.” Social Science & Medicine 51, no. 7: 1087-1110. Miller, Vincent. 2008. “New Media, Networking and Phatic Culture.” Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 14 no. 4: 387-400. Newmark, Peter. 1991. About Translation. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Nord, Christiane. 1989. “Loyalität statt Treue. Vorschläge zu einer funktionalen Übersetzungstypologie.” Lebende Sprachen 34: 100-105. Pöchhacker, Franz. 2004. Introducing Interpreting Studies. London: Routledge. Rosch, Eleanor. 1978. “Principles of categorization.” In Cognition and Categorization, edited by Eleanor Rosch and Barbara Lloyd, 27-48. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Sager, Juan C. 1993. Language Engineering and Translation. Consequences of Automation. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Scarpa, Federica. 2008. La traduzione specializzata. Un approccio didattico professionale. Seconda Edizione. Milano: Hoepli. Semino, Elena. 2008. Metaphor in Discourse. Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press. Starfield, Sue. 2011. “Doing Critical Ethnographic Research into Academic Writing: The Theory of the Methodology.” In New Directions in English for Specific Purposes, edited by Diane Belcher, Ann M. Johns, and Brian Paltridge, 174-195. Ann Arbor MI: University of Michigan Press.

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Swales, John M. 1985. Episodes in ESP. Oxford: Pergamon Press. —. 1990. Genre Analysis: English in Academic and Research Settings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. —. 2004. Research Genres: Explorations and Applications. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Tognini-Bonelli, Elena. 2001. Corpus Linguistics at Work. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Upton, Thomas A. 2012. “LSP at 50: Looking back, looking forward.” Iberica 23(23): 9-28. Vermeer, Hans J. 1986. “Übersetzen als kultureller Transfer.” Übersetzungswissenschaft. Eine Neuorientierung. Zur Integrierung von Theorie und Praxis, edited by Mary Snell-Hornby, 30–53. Tübingen: Francke. Wright, Sue Ellen and Leland D. Wright Jr. 1993. Scientific and Technical Translation. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Zappavigna, Michelle. 2014. “Ambient Affiliation in Microblogging: Bonding Around the Quotidian.” Media International Australia. Incorporating Culture & Policy. no 151: 97-103. Zhao, Shanyang, Grasmuck Sherri and Martin Jason. 2008. “Identity Construction on Facebook: Digital Empowerment in Anchored Relationships.” Computers in Human Behaviour 24: 1816-1836.

PART I. LSP TRANSLATION

CHAPTER ONE TRANSLATING POLITICALLY SENSITIVE TEXTS IN MULTILINGUAL CONTEXTS JAMES ARCHIBALD

1. Introduction Our purpose in this chapter is to explore the difficulties one faces when translating politically sensitive texts and to suggest a number of avenues for future research which will help translators and writers come to a better understanding of the task at hand. This will, of course, entail developing a clearer understanding of the task of the translator and the related task of the rewriter of politically charged texts. The first issue then is to clarify the very nature of politically sensitive texts. Related research questions will necessarily focus squarely on a working description of political discourse, the typology of texts which by definition are politically oriented, an analysis of the relationship between such texts and the terminology which carries the intended meaning in addition to a coherent corpus of texts which share common characteristics. The terminology found in these texts–including tendentious propaganda– cannot be understood in isolation; indeed, the politically laden terms, which we refer to as politemes, are also interconnected. Hence, their interconnections must also be explored from a sociopolitical perspective in order to understand those denotations and connotations found in political discourse which are shared by writer/translator and reader alike. As Mona Baker has pointed out, these terms must be contextualized in analyzing the political narrative to be translated. In this sense, “translators [...] play a decisive role in both articulating and contesting the full range of public narratives circulating within and around any society at any moment in time” (Baker 2006, 38). Understanding the political lexicon, the narrative and the typology is central to the task of the translator in dealing with sensitive texts of a political nature. What then of these politemes?

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Simply put, they are politically laden terms which are subject to debate in that they may not be understood by readers and writers of different political stripes in the same way. Politemes lend themselves to discussion and politically or religiously polarized debates. Very often opposing parties find themselves at odds with their meaning insofar as they represent cleavages in political opinions. According to Grégory Corroyer (2006), politemes are lexemes corresponding to categorized ideas which are at issue in terms of their meanings. These may then be problematized in the context of disputations or debates. Corroyer cites some examples such as “prosperity” and “justice”. Placed in different sociopolitical contexts, such terms may actually represent different types of actions, some of which may be the antithesis of others. Justice for the members of Daesh, the acronym for alDawla al-Islamyia fil Iraq wa’al Sham, is not exactly what Europeans in the tradition of the Enlightenment envisage as justice or prosperity. In the third world such words differ considerably in meaning from that which one may understand in developed nations. Other examples are legion. These cleavages find their origin in the varying ways in which languages as carriers of political culture codify polysemy. This is what Peter Harling, a researcher with the International Crisis Group (ICG)1, in his analysis of the “war on terrorism” has referred to as la polysémie, dans la confusion. One may ask “Who is a ‘minority’? Who deserves ‘protection’?” (Harling 2014). The answer will vary depending upon one’s ideological and political definition of a minority or protection. Politically oriented answers may lead to conflict, on the one hand, or the peaceful resolution of differences, on the other, depending on what one understands by these terms. It is for this reason that Lynne Franjié (2009) uses the term “langue-culture” in her work on bilingual dictionaries. In her view, the true meaning of political language can only be ascertained through an understanding of the political culture in which such terms occur. A further distinction must be made between politemes and ideologemes like freedom and democracy. According to Edmond Cros (2003), ideologemes form part of a microsystem in various forms of ideological discourse. In addition to political discourse, these terms are recurrent features of texts in a wide variety of writing: administrative, ecological, humanistic, legal, religious and scientific. Yes, the authors of these texts often have opinions rooted in 1

ICG “provides on-the-ground analysis and detailed policy prescriptions to prevent or resolve violent conflicts” according to Louise Arbour, the ICG President. .

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Chapter One

ideologies and may have spirited arguments; however, these differences do not necessarily result in political action. Hence, the translator and writer must distinguish between what is purely ideological and that which is essentially political with a clear focus on a line of action and persuasiveness aimed at getting others to act in a specific manner on the political stage. In today’s world, ideology may lead to political action, but the political text is designed to translate an ideology into concrete movements which may have an effect on politically motivated action including armed conflicts, acts of terror, war and the diminution or destruction of opposing parties either physically or morally. In this sense, translators as rewriters of texts in other languages have the power to “create or efface opportunities for action” (Schaeffner 2010) in keeping with their own sense of ethical responsibility. Translators are therefore agents–unwitting or not–in this process. It is their duty to understand the ideologies behind political texts and the intent embedded in these texts and their politemes. Moreover, if translators feel that their participation in the act of translating certain political texts may lead to undesirable outcomes, they may invoke their own ethical principles in refusing to translate politically charged texts which have the potential of bringing about death or destruction. In other words, the translator as a professional no different from the physician is bound by the basic ethical principle of noli nocere. That is what we normally refer to as the professional’s societal responsibility (Office des professions du Québec 2012).

2. What is political discourse? The definitions of political discourse are legion; however, let us focus here on the types of texts where political discourse is prevalent. Suffice it to say that political discourse is theoretically and empirically framed in specific relation to ideologies, political structures and processes and is the reflection of life experiences, beliefs and values which may have been acquired either intentionally or unintentionally (van Dijk 2002). However, the underlying purpose of most political discourse is to persuade people to act in a given way. The words used–politemes–are enablers of this textual dynamic. The community of texts in which this dynamic is found is comprised for the most part of persuasive or argumentative texts which tend to communicate a perspective on political action rather than pure ideology. Hence, many are very pragmatic in nature. Like the politemes which they contain, these texts are also enablers focused on power and effect while at

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the same time using affect as a motivating force behind the text. This is why, as we shall point out below, the translator must be keenly aware of what Albrecht Neubert has termed the cognitive and affective intentionality of politically or ideologically driven texts. In highly charged texts, the challenge which translators must face is the ability to discover the source of the original author’s thirst for power. In doing so, the translator almost inevitably discovers the text’s intended impact from both rational and emotional perspectives in terms of a given text’s purposefulness. The translator also discovers how the original author is attempting to empower people to act or plan to act directly or indirectly in a defined way. Many politically charged texts are rooted in well-defined ideologies and present a dialectic of struggle or combat or a call to action. In C. Salavastru’s view, such texts are marked by their transivity and are purposefully transactional. In other words, there is a clear line of sequential action embedded in the intentionality of political discourse and the texts carried by such discourse patterns. These patterns are often polemical and, therefore, place translators in the invidious position of engaging in the political debate as transmitters of the polemic and as promoters of either dissensus or consensus (Amossy 2014). They consequently become enablers of political debates by using politemes capable of raising in target languages the same cognitive and affective effects as in source languages.

2.1. Examples of the genre When researchers constitute a corpus for further study, they may use a variety of texts which one finds in a given community of texts. One aspect which must be grasped by the researcher is the intertextual nature of these texts in both the source and target languages. Corpora studied may, therefore, include political platforms, opinion pieces, policy statements or draft policies, white or green papers, rationales for draft legislation, regulations or decrees, political speeches and press releases. Such texts fall into a category that we have termed elsewhere as “communication orientée” (Archibald 2009b). In such cases, the role of translators is to understand the politically oriented message in the source text in addition to its intentionality. From a strategic point of view, translators may be content with a simple transposition of the ideologically rooted politemes in the text. This strategy may, however, lead to target texts which are not fully understandable in the target language or sociopolitical culture in terms of their ideologies. Hence, the translator may feel obliged to adopt different strategies such as maintaining the foreignness of the text, providing explanations or producing clearly target-

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Chapter One

oriented translations. The binominal sourcier/cibliste opposition is truly a spectrum, and translators usually find themselves constrained to position themselves along a continuum to ensure that the message itself found in the source text may be accessible both cognitively and affectively to target language readers (Ladmiral 2014). These texts all contain politemes set in an ideological context. An example of this may be seen in the use of the politeme discrimination found in a white paper (Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles 2006) issued by the Québec Government as part of a strategy to promote the social inclusion of marginalized groups and to combat racism. Our analysis of this document provided a detailed description of this politeme in context. The paper illustrates the overriding need to understand such terms in context (Archibald 2006). The white paper is rife with politemes which are suggestive of future government-sponsored action plans all of which are set against the backdrop of the government’s ideological vision of what an open, inclusive society should be. And the purpose of the white paper was clearly to spark debate with a view to creating a societal consensus on a plan to combat both racism and various forms of discrimination.

2.2. Text and terminology When faced with the challenge of translating highly contextualized politemes, translators have been faced heretofore with the usual binominal choice of translating sensum de senso as opposed to translating verbum e verbo as explained by St. Jerome. Contemporary translation theory has moved beyond such restrictive binominal choices and now focuses more on a continuum of choices ranging from the word-for-word methods to the more communicative approaches which take into account, on the one hand, contextualization and, on the other, the fact that terms may not be understood in the same way by all readers. In this sense, translators are proto-readers as pointed out by Umberto Eco (1979). As such, translators are obliged to read not only the words but also the contexts in which they appear. Hence, the reader/translator provides the reader of the translated text with his or her interpretation of the source text’s meaning; however, this reading/translation is not necessarily the only right interpretation of the source text’s or source author’s original intention. Indeed, as pointed out by Lucie Guillemette and Josiane Cossette (n.d.), there may be several interpretations of both the source and the target texts as well as the intentionality of both. In addition, self-aware translators must also be cognizant of their own

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intentions in translating texts in various contexts. This is especially true of political language and its terminology. Given that political opinions and debates are expressed most often in the public sphere, this measured approach becomes all the more important because of the transivity of the terms in question in so far as they represent a transformational use of language. The study of context then becomes key to establishing a properly grounded interpretation of texts for translation, and this process draws upon the encyclopedic knowledge that the truly competent translator of political texts must have. This is very much in keeping with the widely accepted translation theory developed by the team at La Sorbonne Nouvelle Paris 3 (Fortunato and Lederer 2005) which serves as the predominant pedagogical model in most schools of translation today. This intellectual model of the translation process can only be reinforced by the translation strategy outlined by Albrecht Neubert and Gregory Shreve in their work (1992). Consequently, one may expect of the reader/translator that he or she fully integrate the analysis of intentionality, acceptability, coherence and cohesion in proposing translations of political texts including, of course, both the politemes and ideologemes embedded in this form of discourse.

2.3. Terminology and human rights Since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, most translators and many others have labored under the false assumption that since the rights are deemed to be “universal”, human rights terms and their meanings should be as well. Although the internationally shared vision of fundamental human rights has remained relatively stable ever since the French Revolution, Peter Stearns (2012) contends that human rights terminology is much less so. Indeed, there are conflicts between the “universal” values which are recognized by international organizations and the regional understanding of these values and their applications in legal systems (ibid. 21). This is all the more important for translators navigating between two or more legal systems because of legal transivity. This is to say that legal vocabulary should be a means to call citizens to action using the “new rights language and ideologies” notwithstanding the resistance to change seen in certain jurisdictions. Translators must, therefore, deal with resistive cultures and language patterns (ibid. 103). At times it even becomes necessary to use resistive translations or neologisms to mark for the target text reader the foreignness of certain concepts as they are

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Chapter One

transferred from one legal language-culture to another. This becomes even more complicated when translators working with lesser used languages must use intermediary languages in the translation process. See, for example, some of the issues raised following Malta’s integration into the European Union (Archibald 2009a). Because of the evolving international systematization of the human rights vocabulary and related discourse patterns, researchers are becoming more acutely aware of the need for a new human rights terminology in order to build a more understandable basis for human rights mediation, translation and interpretation (Stearns 2012, 115). Hence, translators and terminologists would be well advised to set as an objective across borders to arrive at a broader common understanding of these concepts and terms (ibid. 127-129, 146, 151). Progressively what has emerged and continues to do so is a “nowstandard human rights language” (ibid. 175). Using wider and more inclusive definitions of the human rights vocabulary could then lead to greater intercomprehensibility among the language-cultures of seemingly opposed or differing legal systems. Stearns concludes by reminding language specialists that “human rights should always be treated as a cultural variable, with acceptance of several different regional versions” (ibid. 182). Notwithstanding the inexorable push toward greater universality with respect to terminology, the ability to translate legal knowledge from target to source language-cultures remains a challenge. Nevertheless, the larger human rights tradition seeks greater universality. And therein lies the conundrum for translators and intercultural mediators.

2.4. Special purposes texts Following Susan Šarþeviü’s (1997) inventory of text types which could serve in such future research, one should include a large variety of special purposes texts which contain the ideologemes and politemes found in sociopolitical and legal texts. These may be understood in light of different yet related disciplines such as sociology, economics, finance, law and politics, all of which may have very specific rhetorical purposes. These highly connotative texts use coded lexemes which are subject to interpretation. Although many of these texts may be primary resources in the source languages, they use terminology which has echoes in secondary texts such as opinion pieces, editorials, pamphlets and purely political propaganda. The challenge for the translator-mediator lies in the ability to contextualize, to decontextualize and to understand fully these targetoriented texts and then to decide how to produce what Lawrence Venuti

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(1998) has called either domesticated or foreignized translations of these texts depending on the translation strategies adopted. In addition to the purely linguistic competence required to translate such texts, translators must be able to take into account a number of extralinguistic factors which devolve from socioeconomics and the rhetoric of sociopolitical action which aims to modify the behavior of readers. Indeed, the importance of general and specialized knowledge for (re)writers of special purposes texts often outweighs the mastery of a binary set of languages. This is quite illustrative of the translation processes espoused by followers of the interpretative theory of translation (TIT) and justifiably so.

3. Questions for future research Researchers who study the translation of politically oriented texts will have no choice but to take interdisciplinarity into account in their analysis of both translations and translation processes and procedures. Moreover, translation educators will become more attuned to the need to espouse a constructivist approach to translator education so that the general and specialized knowledge mentioned above may be fully integrated into the production process. This also provides a means to measure the pertinence of translation outputs in very specific sociopolitical settings. This confluence of knowledge and knowhow–political knowhow, linguistic competence, translation competence in terms of process and procedures– means that future translators will need to have the capacity to reflect on the act of translating and all its contributory elements. The up-and-coming discipline of jurilinguistics takes on renewed meaning when tasked with the analysis of translations of politically oriented texts of the types mentioned above. New approaches to translation research emerge thanks to collaboration among jurists, political scientists and translation-analysts. In Stefania Cavagnoli’s (2011) view, this will lead to structured models of collaboration which are both systemic and institutional and, by virtue of that fact, to a clearer understanding of the institution of language in various sociopolitical contexts. As a result, researchers will face the challenge of integrating sundry disciplines into their pragmatic analyses of both translation processes and outcomes, and in particular, ethics, linguistics, lexicometrics, logometrics2 and pragmatics. Quite the order!

2

For a practical application of logometrics see: Mayaffre (2013).

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Yet, it does seem that this call for a renewed orientation in the jurilinguistic analysis of politically oriented texts does not deviate considerably from the need for contextualization, decontextualization and recontextualization as prescribed by the interpretative theory of translation (TIT). Moreover, Cavagnoli (2011, 264) falls into line with Ladmiral in stating her preference for une optique cibliste in the translation of legal and politically oriented texts. After all, is it not the target reader of the translated text who needs to understand the full import of the source text? Researchers could well focus on the success of such operations.

3.1. Some hypotheses to be considered The need to refocus on the “language-culture tandem” in the analysis of the translation of politically oriented texts including strictly legal texts is now inescapable. Hence, new directions in translation research will have to promote comparative and contrastive approaches both linguistically and socioeconomically. The current need, as explained by Roberto Toniatti (2011), is to promote a deeper understanding of political language and political cultures in differential and interdisciplinary terms. Hence, translated texts may not benefit from extreme domestication but rather may benefit from more resistive approaches which allow the foreignness of certain concepts to be somewhat apparent without obscuring meaning for target readers. This measured approach to translation analysis allows the rewriters of texts in target language cultures to exploit the connotative value of texts in a more controlled and systematic fashion (Archibald 2008). However, one person may not be in a position to perform all the decontextualization and recontextualization tasks required of the translator-analyst. Consequently, it has become more and more prevalent to see jurists, linguists and translators working in tandem, each drawing on a complementary skill set. This level of collaboration must be understood in the context of constructivist theory, and translation educators must weigh the benefits of collaborative work across professional boundaries. This will open the way for more reflective studies on the product and process of political translation and should expand the ways in which Neubert and Shreve began to analyse this approach. Consequently, a new professional subspecialty will emerge which will draw on the competences of professional legal writing and (re)writing techniques. As a result, there will be increased cooperation between faculties of law and schools of translation so that a new category of jurilinguists will emerge, and jurilinguistics will become a recognized subspecialty in both law and translation as well as in related areas such as political science.

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4. Lexicon and text Although texts have as their building blocks lexical items, these are strung together in coherent and cohesive entities called texts which have characteristics all of their own, what we call textuality. The contextualization of the lexicon, and in particular that of politemes, is one of the textual features which should be of interest to translation researchers. Why? The simple answer to the question is that special purpose language comes about partly through knowledge transfers from one culture to another. This knowledge is carried by text strings and corpora of intertextually compatible texts. In a context of globalization where no language can be considered to be an isolate, translation-analysts must understand how proximity may lead to the adoption of neologisms and the appropriation of new meanings for borrowings from other languagecultures. This amalgam of old, new and borrowed is the stuff of which new knowledge is constructed interculturally. As globalized civilization moves inexorably onward, knowledge transfer becomes more complex, and analysts must understand the layered meaning of texts both synchronically and diachronically. This is what Jacqueline Visconti (2011) has described as the main challenge in the traduction des savoirs including, of course, legal and political knowledge in context. One may then conclude that the translation of legal or political texts is truly a form of knowledge transfer which requires an in-depth knowledge of institutions including the institution of language, political systems and jurisdictions in contact (Seymour 2005). Two principles studied by translation theorists must then be weighed: the degrees of kinship among languages and cultures as posited by Walter Benjamin (2007) on the one hand and the radical alterities evoked by Aleida Assmann (1996). In other words, what in the translator-analyst’s opinion is translatable and what is not and to what degree? This conundrum is well illustrated by the use of the term “liberal”, its derivatives and cognates in an article written by former US presidential candidate George McGovern (2002). The article is illustrative of the tension between terms and ideologies and the words that carry meaning: politemes and ideologemes. That tension even exists intralinguistically between American and British English as illustrated by Catherine Audard’s (2009) well-documented history of liberalism. The challenge of translation is even greater when moving from language-cultures which have a certain degree of kinship such as English, French and Italian to those whose political knowledge systems are radically different in contexts

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such as the Arabic-speaking or Chinese-speaking worlds. See the following extract from the McGovern article, paying particular attention to the underlined terms: Why … do so many contemporary liberals feel compelled to keep their liberalism a secret? Why does it seem increasingly difficult for liberals to get elected and to advance their agenda if they do? The negative associations with the word “liberal” are now so pronounced that many a political campaigner has profited simply by charging his opponent with “liberalism”, as if it were a crime. Liberals themselves now shy away from the word: “I am neither liberal nor conservative,” I heard one prominent Democrat assert on television recently. “I’m a pragmatic progressive.” Another liberal has described himself as a “pragmatic progressive” and “progressive pragmatist,” but it must be profound. (McGovern 2002, 3839)

4.1. Neological borrowings Going back to the related issues of proximity and kinship, let us examine some examples of borrowings from Arabic into French which are firstly the result of proximity which then led to a growing kinship between two language-cultures which are not ab initio related at all. To illustrate this point, let us consider three terms all of which could be called politemes: ayatollah, calife and fatwah. The first term literally means the vicar of God on earth; however, once borrowed and slowly integrated into the French sociopolitical vocabulary, the term took on the connotation of a political or cultural leader who is intolerant or intransigent. Hence, former president G. W. Bush was referred to as America’s ayatollah (l’ayatollah de l’Amérique) and Bernard Pivot, France’s perceived cultural czar, has been called the ayatollah of the French language (l’ayatollah de la langue française). Calife is an older borrowing which can be traced back to 1080 and is similar in meaning to the previous term denoting in various contexts the successor, vicar or lieutenant of the prophet. And in the 19th century, Bossuet was even called the caliph of French intellectual life (le calife de l’intellectualité française) as though French culture was governed like an autocratic caliphate. Some may not disagree. In 21st century geopolitics, the concept of a universal caliphate encompasses both theological and legal meanings in describing forms of governance under Islamic law (Guidère 2012). Another term–once borrowed–has taken on new connotations in the sociocultural context. A fatwah is literally a decree or legal opinion handed down by a koranic scholar, sometimes a self-proclaimed one,

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which is often–but not always–a matter of life and death (ibid. 97). In figurative language, the season of literary prizes in France is sometimes marked by the fatwah of literary prizes (la fatwah des prix littéraires) which can be either death sentences for authors or a reprieve from the evil decree! The purely political-legal concept takes on new meaning in the French cultural context, but the original meaning is not entirely lost. There are many other examples which illustrate how proximity has fostered intercultural borrowings and, in fact, helped to enrich the French language (Guemriche 2007). The “war on terror” and the current geopolitical context have brought the Arabic and French languages in even closer proximity and have led to the adoption of political neologisms which have slowly found their way into French political life just as these terms have crept into other languages at the same time. Of interest is the degree to which some terms have maintained their foreignness while others are progressively domesticated following the classic rules of neology as defined by Maria Teresa Cabré.3 New borrowings have maintained their foreignness while adapting to new political contexts. Common examples are califat, whose meaning has been expanded to coincide with the growing political understanding of daesh as in the expression les Soldats du califat (Sallon 2014). However, occurrences of the term djihad or jihad tell us more about the neologization of foreign sourced terminologies. On the one hand, some authors may prefer to maintain the foreignness of the term by using phonetic transcriptions which clearly demonstrate that the term in question is not part of the target language system in the sense that Albrecht Neubert uses the expression “language system”. Moreover, following Maria Teresa Cabré’s reasoning, the maintenance of a foreignized pronunciation clearly signals that the term and its derivitatives have not yet been admitted into the lexicon of naturalized borrowings in the target language. This is indicative of a degree of resistance and is, in and of itself, a political statement. In other words, djihad with is foreign pronunciation [d‫ ]ݤ‬is not part of the French phonological system which is traditionally resistive to linguistic change. Examples of this may be seen in Hélène Sallon’s article in Le Monde cited above. On the other hand, the same term is phonetically domesticated by both Luc Mathieu and Jean-Louis Le Touzet writing for the leftist newspaper Libération. Moreover the term has been integrated in neological terms into the French language system. The abstract noun referring to a political philosophy is used by Mathieu to denote an individual who subscribes to a 3

Cabré et al. (2012). See also Cabré (1998).

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Chapter One

specific ideology: un jihad appears in the same way that both he and Le Touzet use jihadiste, a term which morphologically follows the Frenchlanguage rules of word formation.4 One may conclude then that this word and its derivatives have been admitted into French usage by these two authors. It is only a matter of time now before the term and its derivatives will receive general acceptance. Maybe the second edition of Guemriche’s dictionary will have an entry for jihad and jihadiste, and both will be considered as French words of Arabic origin.

5. Where do we go from here? As indicated at the outset, our purpose was not to solve translation problems around the ubiquitous nature of politemes and ideologemes found in politically oriented texts. Our intention was to raise awareness of the difficulties one encounters in both understanding and translating such terms and to suggest that this is fertile ground for future research by translation theorists, terminologists and lexicographers. What better way to come to grips with the evolving task of the translator in ever-changing political contexts. Translation is not a form of passive servitude. We must continue to accentuate the creativity of the translation process especially in those contexts which are increasingly dynamic in the sense that political ideologies evolve and adapt themselves to changing times. This clearly means that more emphasis in future research must be placed on the management of political neology and the impact that this multicultural lexicon may have on the mutual understanding of peoples subscribing to ideologies which are all too often in opposition one to another in today’s world. Although the strategic value of language contact and interpenetration is an historical fact, one cannot deny that the current geopolitical context gives language specialists cause for pause. Hence, the creative neologist will be called upon to build greater understanding even in situations of radical alterity. This awareness should then spawn studies in comparative and contrastive political terminology, political textuality, translation strategies as applied to politically oriented texts and efforts to redefine equivalency 4

Jihad, n. un jihad (individual) (L.M.); un jihadiste, n. Qui sont les jihadistes ?; les jihadistes français convertis; le flot de jihadistes (L.M.); un jihadiste jeune et barbu (J.-L. Le T.); les jihadistes...jeunes et fragilisés socialement (J.-L. Le T.). Cf Mathieu 2014: 6-7; Le Touzet 2014: 7. Other politemes of a similar nature are loyaliste (see also the ideologeme loyalisme), diaboliste (diabolisme) and nationaliste (nationalisme).

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in political and legal translation in the face of varying degrees of ideological alterity. One may ask then if a new profession is in the process of emerging where translation studies and politics will be called upon jointly to solve common problems of intercultural understanding, and thus redefine translation as a form of knowledge transfer across cultural and linguistic divides.

References Amossy, Ruth. 2014. Apologie de la polémique. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Arbour, Louise. 2014. “Letter from the President.” International Crisis Group. Annual Report 2014, 3. BRUSSELS: ICG, 2014. . Archibald, James. 2009a. “La traduction professionnelle aux multiples visages: français-maltais.” Le français à l'université 14(03). —. 2009b. “Le champ sémantique de la proportionnalité dans la communication internationale des médias israéliens.” In Traduction et communication orientée, dir. par Mathieu Guidère, 129-150. Paris: Le Manuscrit. —. 2008. “La veille multilingue et la traduction-analyse dans la prise de décisions stratégiques.” Traduction et veille stratégique multilingue, dir. par Mathieu Guidère, 165-187. Paris: Le Manuscrit. —. 2006. Les mots de la discrimination. Québec: Commission de la Culture, Assemblée nationale du Québec. Assmann, Aleida. 1996. “The Curse and Blessing of Babel; or, Looking Back on Universalisms.” In The Translatability of Cultures, edited by Sanford Budick and Wolfgang Iser, 85-100. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Audard, Catherine. 2009. Qu’est-ce que le libéralisme? Éthique, politique, société. Paris: Gallimard. Baker, Mona. 2006. Translation and Conflict–A Narrative Account. London: Routledge. Benjamin, Walter. 2007. “The Task of the Translator.” In Illuminations / Walter Benjamin, edited by Hannah Arendt, 69-82. New York: Schocken Books. Cabré, Maria Teresa. 1998. La terminologie: théorie, méthode et applications. Traduit du catalan, adapté et mis à jour par Monique C. Cormier et John Humbley, préface de Jean-Claude Corbeil. Ottawa: Presses de l’Université d’Ottawa.

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Cabré, Maria Teresa, Rosa Estopà Bagot and Chelo Vargas Sierra 2012. Neology in Specialized Communication, Special issue of Terminology 18(1). Cavagnoli, Stefania. 2011. “Traduire le droit.” In Traduire les saviors, dir. par Danielle Londei et Matilde Callari Galli, 249-269. Berne: Peter Lang. Corroyer, Grégory. 2006. “Quelques mécanismes de clivage dans les ‘débats’ politiques. Argumentation et idéologie.” Communication et langages 148(1): 33-51. Cros, Edmond. 2003. La Sociocritique. Paris: L’Harmattan. Eco, Umberto. 1979. The Role of the Reader, Explorations in the Semiotics of Texts, edited by Thomas Sebeok. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Franjié, Lynne. 2009. La traduction dans les dictionnaires bilingues. Paris: Le Manuscrit. Guemriche, Salah. 2007. Dictionnaire des mots français d’origine arabe. Paris: Seuil. Guidère, Mathieu. 2012. Historical Dictionary of Islamic Fundamentalism. Lanham (Maryland): Scarecrow Press. Guillemette, Lucie and Josiane Cossette. “Textual Cooperation.” In Hébert, Louis (ed.) Signo. . Accessed 25 April 2016. Harling, Peter. 2014. “État islamique, un monstre providentiel.” Le Monde diplomatique (septembre 2014): 1, 6, 7. Israël, Fortunato et Marianne Lederer. 2005. La théorie interprétative de la traduction. Paris: Lettres modernes Minard. Ladmiral, Jean-René. 2014. Sourcier ou cibliste - Les profondeurs de la traduction. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Lederer, Marianna and Israel Fortunato (dir.). 1991. La liberté en traduction. Paris: Didier Erudition (Traductologie n. 7). Le Touzet, Jean-Louis. 2014.“Maxime Hauchard, Français au service de l’État islamique.” Libération (18 novembre 2014): 7. Mathieu, Luc. 2014. “La cause supérieure des jihadistes occidentaux”. Libération (18 novembre 2014): 6-7. Mayaffre, Damon. 2013. “Sarkozysme et populisme. Approche logométrique du discours de Nicolas Sarkozy (2007-2012).” Mots 103: 73-87. McGovern, George. “The Case for Liberalism. A Defense of the Future Against the Past.” Harper’s 305(1831) (December 2002): 37-42.

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Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles (MICC). 2006. Vers une politique gouvernementale de lutte contre le racisme et la discrimination. Québec: MICC, Direction des affaires publiques. Neubert, Albrecht and Gregory M. Shreve. 1992. Translation as Text. Kent (Ohio): Kent State University Press. Office des professions du Québec (OPQ). 2012. Le rôle de surveillance de l’Office des professions: Un tournant guidé par l’actualisation de la notion de protection du public. Québec: OPQ. Sallon, Hélène. 2014. “Un Français identifié parmi les bourreaux de l’EI”. Le Monde (18 novembre 2014): 6. Šarþeviü, Susan. 1997. New Approach to Legal Translation. The Hague: Kluwer Law International. Schaeffner, Christina. 2010. Political Discourse, Media and Translation. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Seymour, Michel. 2005. L’Institution du langage. Montréal: Presses de l’Université de Montréal. Stearns, Peter N. 2012. Human Rights in World History. New York: Routledge. Toniatti, Roberto. 2011. “Le droit traduit et compare.” In Traduire les savoirs, dir. par Danielle Londei et Matilde Callari Galli, 279-296. Bern: Peter Lang. van Dijk, Teun A. 2002. “Political discourse and ideology.” In Anàlisi del discurs polític, edited by Clara Ubaldina Lorda and Montserrat Ribas, 15-34. Barcelona: Universitat Pompeu Fabra. IULA. Venuti, Lawrence. 1998. The Scandals of Translation: Towards an Ethics of Difference. London: Routledge. Visconti, Jacqueline. 2011. “La traduction juridique: entre lexique et textualité.” In Traduire les savoirs, dir. par Danielle Londei et Matilde Callari Galli, 325-338. Berne: Peter Lang.

CHAPTER TWO GENERAL HUMAN TRANSLATION PROCESSES AND LSP-SPECIFICITY: THE NEED FOR THEORY-BASED TRANSLATION TEACHING LAURA SALMON

1. Preliminary remarks The theoretical investigation of human translation processes, including knowledge of psycholinguistics and onomasiology, cannot be considered an optional requisite in translation training. For students of translation and interpreting, theoretical training plays the same role as human physiology in introducing medical students to surgery. Translation and linguistic theory are equally important regardless of the text field of application–art literature, dubbing, LSP translation. Yet, trainers who work in academic translation programmes are frequently not familiar enough with the discussions held by theorists. The latter, in turn, frequently lack direct professional experience. This mismatch between knowledge and experience represents a macro-problem in organising the educational development of professional translators.1 This is mostly due to the fact that translation has only recently been included in university programmes and that, at least in Western countries, today’s teachers and professors are frequently self-taught trainers. Among the key-problems of self-taught translation teachers and their lack of a solid theoretical background, there is the widespread naïve conception of an inherent ‘substantial’ differentiation of texts typologies. Differentiation is useful and even needed, but certainly not before 1

In Italy, for instance, the first official chair of Translation Theory was introduced only in 2001.

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similarity is considered. Conversely, texts are repeatedly presented to students as clearly differentiated into typologies, and mostly into two macro-categories ‘technical-scientific’ vs ‘literary’ (or ‘expressive’) texts. Separate training is consequently recommended for each of the standardised typologies. Unfortunately, this simplistic approach is supported, sometimes imposed, by the official educational system.2 This chapter analyses the main prejudices about text typologies that a large number of self-taught translators share and pass on to their students in university courses.3 These preconceptions ignore the result of scholarly debate on natural languages, verbal communication, and text typology. There are several counterintuitive, but scientifically based statements that are largely overlooked by translation teachers and that represent in fact the foundations of a consistent theorisation of translation. Some of them directly concern the way LSP texts should be introduced to translation students. They can be summarised as follows: -

2

all texts have something in common; the definition and assessment of the context is a pre-requisite for defining typology itself4;

In Italy, for instance, the guidelines of the Ministry of Education leaves no room for Italian State Universities to organise complex post-graduate courses for translators; the choice lies necessarily between ‘technical-scientific’ vs ‘literary’ translation. In short, no Italian department can offer a Master’s degree (laurea magistrale) in ‘translation’ as such; students who study ‘technical’ translation, have no chance to learn ‘literary’ translation as well . This is like claiming that a medical student who has decided to become a cardiologist cannot first receive an education in the overall, complex field of medicine. 3 Still today, not only in high schools, but even in the best universities, there are teachers who claim that some languages are more ‘logical’ then others (for instance, German or ancient Greek are supposed to be more ‘logical’ than, say, English or Manchu). Similarly, the opinion is widespread that some text typologies are simpler or harder than others, forgetting the intuitive fact that literary texts can be far less creative than scientific ones. 4 Here and below I refer to the definition of the term “context” proposed in Salmon (2012, 104ff.). The word “context” can be used to denote very precisely the way the human brain interprets the complex interaction of the wh- factors: WHO is saying WHAT to WHOM, WHEN, WHERE and (crucial) WHY. When combined, Wh- function as parameters that can provide the basic heuristics in interpreting any human and animal message. A good interpreter is a human who is able to transform the wh- combination into a very precise cognitive scheme. Hence, even a singlelexeme sentence can be understood as a “communicative unit” (and translated into another language) if and only if all the wh- factors, or most of them, are given in the text or inferable from extra-textual data by the recipient.

Chapter Two

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-

-

complete, perfect denotation in human texts does not exist, as it does not exist in the human reception of any (even artificial) texts; how something is said should be considered as informative as what is said; the how/what relationship is always active regardless of text typology, and represents the main factor in determining the context/typology relationship; all natural languages tend to be highly formulaic, moving from creativity to canon regardless of the field of application; the essential feature of canons is that they are either applied or violated; canon violations may occur in any text typology; in any verbal communication, a message acts both at an explicit and an implicit (subliminal) level, and these two levels may or may not coincide.

Consequently: -

-

-

-

in varying proportion, all verbal artefacts reflect two oxymoronic qualities: conformation to a given canon and diversification resulting in the development of a new canon; LSPs share with all human languages (i.e. with “languages for all purposes”) stability and instability; LSP texts share in the creativity of all human languages; any violation of expectations of regularity is creative; creativity implies connotation, as it makes a verbal item ‘special’ (compared with expected usage); the typical discreteness or ‘objectivity’ of LSP is merely the result of the canonisation of a subjective, hence creative, onomasiological process; terms and definitions are by no means ideology-free.

In the following paragraphs, arguments are provided in support of the counterintuitive claims listed above. Translation students ought to be introduced to this issue before starting their practical training programme as such crucial concepts as function, context, markedness are indeed guidelines in the decision-making process. As for any kind of performance, translating requires ‘instruction’ based on patterns developed by means of experience and formalised according to the scientific data available. Hence, instruction evolves together with both science and experience. First, we experience the relationship between

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different techniques and different outcomes; then, we investigate when/why something works well or not, and we try to produce a scale for rating quality. Finally, the consistency of the parameters provided is checked against new scientific data. This process should be permanent, eschewing, however, categorical or exclusive axioms. When experience is converted into general rules, the outcome is a bottom up theoretical model. Curiously, the bottom-up approach emerges as the starting-point of any top down system of rules. Only if confirmed by both experience and scientific data, can a model be considered appropriate for professional, non-arbitrary instruction. Conversely, a top-down model generated out of experience leads to arbitrary prescriptions/proscriptions, i.e. to rigidity. The prejudice that neither generalisation, nor formalisation can be inferred from experience is falsifiable. Even professionals who are unable to reflect in a scholarly fashion on their decision-making processes, and apply predominantly top-down instruction, effectively follow an implicit cognitive model tested and reinforced by practice. Problems arise when rigidity itself is reinforced by practice, and actions become mechanical. A profound difference exists between the automation of procedures acquired through a direct ‘intake’ and the mechanical application of rigid external instructions. Mechanicalness is the blind application of simplified rules divorced from complexity and variability.

2. LSP texts and the ‘double standard” approach in translation theories 2.1. Generality In his best-seller Consilience, Edward O. Wilson (1999, 7) argued that also the Humanities (like natural and formal sciences) should pursue the four qualities that make any theory ‘scientific’, i.e. parsimony, generality, concilience, and predictiveness (Wilson 1999, 216). Of these properties, generality seems to be the primary requisite, since throughout history the emphasis on differentiations has often led to crucial scientific errors.5 As Wilson argues (ibid.), in any scientific model “one theory works exactly 5 Although the sun is to humans a ‘special star’, it is first (generally) a common star like many others; although Africans are to Europeans ‘dark-skinned people’, they are first (generally) human beings; although Russian has a grammaticalised verbal aspect, it first (generally) has verbs like any other language (which expresses aspect too, yet by means of other categories).

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for all” and differentiation is included within the general model (for instance, “the periodic table in chemistry precludes a separate theory for each element and compound”). Generality does not mean that differences are by no means important. It only means that, however important the differences among the objects considered within a model, scientists should look first for generality and later for differentiation. If one focuses first on surface differences, general rules are missed–a feather clearly falls slower than a brick, but this clear difference only reflects a surface problem (the air-blocking mechanism), while what is primarily at work is a general law (gravitation). Generality seems the critical point of theoretical scientific weakness in translation theory. This is particularly clear in LSP studies. Juan Sager (2001, 251) correctly claims that “translators and terminologists work in quite different modes, the former dealing with language in use, the latter with language as a conceptual system”, adding that translatologists have no unitary mode with which to approach the LSP question. Moreover, LSP theory itself was partially developed as a language-specific discipline– theoretical approaches and opinions were oriented to single linguistic areas, and therefore inevitably entailed a degree of relativism or even reductionism. This is even clearer in the case of ‘traditional terminology’ (focusing on the “relation between concept and terms”) when compared with more “recent trends” that are more attuned to cognitive, linguistic, and communicative aspects of LSP texts (Kageura 2002, 16-24). Korkas and Rogers (2010) show that an effective coordination of terminology theory with practice is required, but still incomplete. In short, the complexity of languages and text demands both multidisciplinary consistence and generality. Translation theory was traditionally oriented to differentiation, thus bypassing generality and actually entailing a ‘double-standard’ approach. In the course of the centuries, famous thinkers, translators, and scholars assumed the postulate of a binary opposition between textual macrotypologies supposed to be different in essence, i.e. ontologically. We can call this double-standard approach ‘bi-theory’. Whatever the details, ‘bitheory’ claims that all human texts can be either A or B, viewing the A vs B opposition in different ways–higher vs lower, literary/expressive vs technical/scientific, literary/scientific vs business, written vs oral etc.6 6

Note that the quality ‘high’ vs ‘low’ has been defined according to a tautology based on ideology. Most people are still sure ‘poetry’ exists as an ontological entity and that it is not only higher than ‘non-literary texts’, but also superior to ‘prose’. In turn, the difference between ‘poetry’ and ‘prose’ is defined according to a set of rules, for which counter-evidence is all too readily available. Moreover, most

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The dualistic view has dominated Western translation studies since St. Jerome had found its main expression in Friedrich Schleirmacher’s “On the Different Methods of Translating” (1813). The German scholar stated that two kinds of text exist, which require different approaches by X (translators) vs Y (interpreters), depending on “their final goal” and on the different fields of application: The interpreter’s job is in the business world and that of the true translator in the areas of scholarship and the arts (Schleiermacher 1992, 37; my Italics).

It is interesting that Schleiermacher notes that this distinction could seem “arbitrary” (ibid.) to his readers . Hence, he explicitly apologises for arbitrariness, saying that both opposed terms (“interpreter” vs “true translator”) just “responded quite well to the present need” (ibid.; my emphasis). He explicitly affirms that no subsidiary distinction between texts and methods of translating can be based on a rigorous epistemological analysis, rather on extra-textual variables. In fact, Schleiermacher’s separation of the “business world” from the field of “scholarship” is nowadays clearly inconsistent. Nonetheless, his admission of arbitrariness has been missed by his followers, and the binary opposition taken for granted, together with the (supposed) superiority/unicity of 1) written vs oral and 2) literary vs specialised translation. In short, the sphere of literary texts is definitively presented as opposed to that of LSP texts. This was a dramatic step away from generalisation. At the end of the 20th Century, this separation was accepted as a given in the field of LSP translation. As the distinctive feature of LSP texts, terminology became the exclusive scientific object of two interrelated disciplines, which have a central place in contemporary translatology– terminology and computer-assisted translation. Conversely, literary texts have been considered both ‘terminology-free’ and resistant to any form of scientific formalisation. This common sensincal, widespread notion has also been taken on board by those involved in cultural and literary studies.

people are still convinced that translating literature does not entail advanced bilingualism and a good knowledge of oral language. Pragmatic proficiency is supposed to be needed only in interpreting.

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2.2. Further premature differentiations LSP texts are not in themselves distinguished by the terminology they contain, since each one of their single formal features can be found in other text typologies. Consequently, a LSP text can be considered as such only on the basis of its context-related Skopos. As Michele Prandi (2009) states: It is not, in fact, the structure that distinguishes a term from a lexeme, but a shared sphere of its application […] To be considered as such, a term does not require a one-to-one correspondence with a concept: it is rather considered as a term when it is used in a LSP text of a given field. This trivial remark implies that LSP lexicons are exposed to polysemy: both common words and already stated terms can assume unambiguous values as new terms in texts that belong to a given domain.

The polisemy of terms is frequent in texts of any kind and successfully decoding them depends on context-related inferences. Inference works mostly implicitly and automatically7. For instance, any English speaker immediately infers the completely different meaning of the term ‘solution’ in different technical or scientific contexts, as in the following examples: -

the cheapest solution for EEG the Nazi final solution the saline solution for soft contact lenses

Polisemy is one of the several properties ‘terms’ share with ‘words’. Nevertheless, and despite the recent efforts of prominent terminologists in revealing evidence of LSP's continuity and contiguity with natural language (cf., for instance, Kageura 2002; Desmet 2005; Thelen and Steurs 2010; Rossi 2015), such evidence is still largely disregarded by translation teachers. The latter mostly apply the binary postulate of “different methods of translating”, which in turn generates a double corollary: 1) different approaches should be applied in translation training according to text typology, and b) different problem solving techniques and cognitive computations are needed in translating ‘simple words’ vs LSP ‘terms’. A ‘double standard theory’ is often presented to translation 7 Polysemy, of course, is not per se “ambiguity”, yet (like homophony and homography) it is the most frequent cause of ambiguity. The interaction of whfactors (context) makes it possible to avoid the risk of ambiguity in cases when polysemy occurs. Certainly, the less wh- factors can be detected by the interpreter, the more polysemy gives rise to ambiguity.

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students as a matter of fact. Instead of analysing the common nature of all linguistic artefacts and of all translation techniques, LSP texts are presented as a sphere of substantial specificity and LSP translation as the application of a set of supposed one-to-one correspondences between any object/concept and a single term. In short, students learn that LSP texts are ‘connotation-free’, being exclusively characterised by denotation. Conversely, connotation is presented as an inherent feature of literary texts. Moreover, formalisation, a prerogative of texts for special purposes only, is considered to be incompatible with connotation. This naïve binary simplification is not due to teachers’ scholarly inexperience alone; the fault also lies with handbooks and articles. In his Manuale del traduttore (The Translator's Handbook), Bruno Osimo (2006) claims that the aim of terminology is to have a single word for any different object or concept, that “any connotation is excluded in favour of pure denotation” (ibid, 132), and that in LSP terms have “one and only one denotative meaning, which is coded and unequivocal” (ibid, 108)8. In a scholarly paper, Donatella Pulitano (2006) states that terminology has the function of both “erasing intralinguistic and interlinguistic ambiguity” and “managing and spreading knowledge”. In her well-known book on LSP translation, Federica Scarpa (2001, 69) quotes received ‘dogma’ concerning literary translation directly from Osimo’s Handbook: it is impossible to transmit everything one understood in the other language, giving the reader the same chances of comprehension/incomprehension and interpretation that are present in the source text (ibid.).9

Unfortunately and curiously, the binary postulate has been assumed also by teachers of literary translation, who consider literary texts ontologically different (namely, “higher”) from LSP texts. Among their naïve statements, we find that only literary translations contribute to enriching the relevant target languages (Dąmbska-Prokop 2000, 256), as though LSP texts were not linguistic artefacts. Instead of generality, once again, specificity (gender, culture, ideology etc.) have become a reference 8

Curiously, in Osimo’s Italian glossary, included in the cited Handbook, there is no entry for LSP (even the Italian term ‘microlingua’ [“microlanguage”] is omitted) and the term ‘terminology’ itself is defined in a very undefined and tautological way: “A discipline which studies the theoretical analysis of the denomination and function of the terms of a discipline” (Osimo 2006, 229). 9 Scarpa cites from the first 1998 edition of Osimo 2006 (cf. pages 25 and 40 respectively).

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point for literary translation studies and the ‘anti-linguistic’ reaction of the postmodernist trend in socio-cultural Translation Studies has grown into a form of disdain for any scientifically-based investigation. Paradoxically, interest in translation processes has been kept outside the humanities thanks to the very scholars involved in literary studies. This fact has generated a new form of ‘bi-theory’–products are a topic of Translation Studies, while processes are the exclusive object of the so called ‘translatology’, which has moved closer to LSP investigation and in completely the opposite direction from socio-cultural Translation Studies. Once more, differentiation has preceded generalisation. Yet, any epistemologically based theoretical model demonstrates that neither processes can be separated from products, nor ‘higher’ texts from ‘lower’ ones.10 In fact, A) all texts share crucial features and reveal common functional mechanisms, B) differences among texts can be accounted for within a model based on generality, and C) surface differences are due to extra-textual factors and by no means by ‘ontological’ or rigidly formal oppositions 11. First, all texts are undoubtedly made of the same ‘stuff’, natural language. Literary complexity makes formalisation harder (and not all ‘literary texts’ are complex), but not impossible by definition. Second, there is solid evidence that knowledge is managed and spread by fiction and poetry too: like all arts, literature has played an important role in evolutionary adaptation (cf. McEwan 2005; Boyd 2009, 69-188). Third, it is clear that LSP texts not only enrich target languages, but are (both at the intra- and the interlinguistic level) the main pool of loan words and the most prominent source of linguistic productivity in the contemporary world.12 Fourth, ambiguity can be deliberately pursued in LSP texts 10

In all arts, artefacts initially considered ‘lower’ and provocative have become models for subsequent canonisation. 11 For instance, in all the literary texts I have translated from Russian into Italian I have found more terminological difficulties than I experienced through many years of conference interpreting and of written translation in the field of medicine. Note that, if novels were written in a remote past, they will contain terminology that is even more problematic to translate, as it refers to instruments, concepts or technical procedures that belong to the past. Consequently, terminology in literary texts requires a sophisticated theoretical approach that can solve the paradox of reformulating into accessible language terms that nonetheless should reveal the specificity of a past age. 12 For instance, such Italian neologisms as formattare, formattazione, formato made up for the lack of Italian terms in computer science, and such terms as scannerizzare, scannerizzazione have replaced already existing (and much more elegant) Italian equivalents (scandire, scansione).

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(notably in the legal field), but can be deliberately avoided in literary texts. Lastly, one-to-one term/object correspondences attributed to LSP is by no means a rule–there are lexemes that work as terms in two or even three specialised domains at the same time and that were clearly generated through creative, figurative onomasiological processes.

2.3. Onomasiological artefacts and words/terms migration Some simple considerations about onomasiology provide ample evidence that there is no substantial difference in the ways both words and terms are ‘created’. Whether or not a word becomes a ‘term’ depends on its use by scientists or professionals. Most common technical terms in most scientific domains move from one field to another through metaphor. Different kinds of metaphors can be listed in the process of creating terminology and they can converge in a “unified theory” (cf. Rossi 2015, 145). Terms migrate from one LSP to another mostly by visual or functional analogy. Crane, for instance, moved from ornithology to engineering and to film shooting. Screwdriver, from mechanics to cocktails. The Italian term martello moved from mechanics to anatomy (it means both hammer and malleus). Vaccino (noun, Engl. ‘vaccine’) is an Italian term-adjective from the food trade (it means ‘derived from, pertaining or relating to, cows’), since the ‘smallpox vaccine’ was originally obtained from cows. In turn, the term ‘smallpox’ migrated to both ‘smallpox plant’ (‘Sarracenia purpurea’, used as a popular remedy against smallpox) and curses, becoming a taboo word that invokes death or disfigurement (cf. Allan and Burridge 2006, 77). In 1928, Dmitrij Zelenin (cf. 1989, 196-198) revealed a similar taboo process at work for the corresponding Russian term ‘ospa’ (‘smallpox’). Hence, it can be stated that there has been an ‘inverted’ metonymic migration from terms describing diseases to common language and slang (see also the etymology of the fascinating word ‘idiot’ from ancient Greek to such common formulae as ‘blithering idiot’ or ‘drivelling idiot’, ‘blooming idiot’, etc.). Word migration is the basic evolutionary feature of onomasiology and is common to any word of any language. Once a word migrates, its pragmatic success depends on memetic, social, and ideological factors, but the onomasiological process is always creative. What is more, LSP terms vary according to time, place, and scientific knowledge. Despite the useful binary distinction between “vertical” and “horizontal” specificity in scholarly approaches (as proposed by Cortellazzo 1999, 21 ff.), this single distinction cannot exhaustively represent the

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complex approach to LSP terms as words in context. Regardless of their different use and register, terms are also created, selected, changed, and forgotten according to ideology, emotions, trends, taboos, and subjectivity.13 Medical terms for diseases provide further clear examples. Some of them which were once used neutrally have become politically incorrect: the word ‘mongolism’ (indicated in some dictionaries as a ‘medical term’) is now a lay term for ‘Down’s syndrome, though it is also more scientifically known as ‘trisonomy-21’, a more ‘vertical’, i.e. opaque term).14 These three different medical terms show the metaphoric and metonymic potential of onomasiology: the first term was generated by a superficial visual analogy (to Western eyes the facial features of affected people seemed to resemble typical oriental fascial features); the second is simply an eponym (from the name of the first scientist to investigate the condition); the third refers to a complex chromosomic process, identified by the number 21.15 Shapes, persons names, places, and taxonomies (through numbers or analogous categories) are different metonymic processes that govern onomasiology. Creativity, phantasy, and ambiguity are common not only to terms from the humanities and natural sciences, but to most terms of the formal science par excellence, mathematics.16 Not only are such concepts as ‘equivalence’, ‘equality’, ‘identity’ by no means discrete (mathematicians use them in interchangeably, with reference to slightly different concepts), not only are most terms for mathematical categories neither transparent, nor ‘logical’ (cf. ‘irrational numbers’, ‘imaginary numbers’, ‘quaternions’, ‘transcendental numbers’ etc.), but even ‘simple’ terms for common ‘every-day numbers’ reflect subjectivity, creativity, and a clear connection with the general pragmatic rules of the word system. For instance, in French/France ‘ninety nine’ is ‘quatre-vingt-dix-neuv’ (i.e. ‘four times twenty + ten + nine’), but it is also ‘nonant-neuf’ in French/Belgium (one language, but two terms). In Russian, ‘sorok’ (‘forty’) probably means “a bundle of sable skins”, but it might also have connections with ‘soroka’ (‘shirt’) (cf. Fasmer 1987, 722-723), although Russian ‘eighty’ is not

13

See also Scarpa (2004, 1-26). For an in-depth discussion of the denominations of Down’s syndrome, cf. Vicentini, Grego and Canziani, this volume. 15 See Rossi (2015) on the metaphoric properties of terminology, from both an intra-linguistic and inter-linguistic viewpoint. 16 The very concept of ‘mathematics’ changed completely after Goedel, as did the concept of ‘parallels’ after the demonstration of the independence of Euclid’s V postulate. 14

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labeled as ‘two bundles of sable skins’, yet simply as ‘vosem’desjat’ (‘eight times ten’). In short, terminology is creative even in formal sciences, it is never aseptic, nor necessarily logical, nor ‘entropy free’. LSP terms do not differ in onomasiology from commonly used nouns such as ‘four-letter word’, ‘Big Apple’ or ‘pandemonium’ (which means, from Latin, ‘all the demons’, but achieved greater memetic success in English thanks to the metaphoric name of the capital of Hell in Milton’s Paradise Lost). All human words and idioms are born through metaphoric elaboration, and they may or may not survive and propagate through memetic selection according to a specific (cultural) process of ‘natural evolution’.

3. Onomasiology in translation: ɟxpectancy, canons, violations Translation itself works as a channel of term selection and evolution. The primary formation of the term reflects some patterns, which can be completely different in the formation of a translation equivalent. As Juan Sager (2001, 253) claims, “in primary term formation there is no linguistic precedent”, while “in secondary term formation, by contrast, there is always the precedent of an existing term, with its own motivation, in another language”. This fact suggests a) that onomasiological creativity is always required when a loan word is domesticated in the target language, and b) that in translation LSP terms too undergo ideological manipulation. For instance, the transparent German terminology selected by Freud in labelling his main concepts was affected by the deliberate opacity in its ‘conversion’ into English. Opaque English cathexis became the equivalent for metaphorically clear Freudian (German) Besetzung. In the Freudian Encyclopedia, Darius Ornston (2001, 70) analyses the use of this pretentious neologism (cathexis) as opposed to the common German word (Besetzung means ‘occupation’), noting that Freud deliberately created his terminology by transferring a common, intelligible word into the context of his specific psychiatric sub-code: his onomasiological pattern was clarity through metaphor. Conversely, Greek-rooted cathexis reflects the opposite onomasiological approach, and “Freud expressed unhappiness with Strachey’s introduction of the term ‘cathexis’ […] and generally continued to use instead the German term Besetzung, even after the former term was introduced by Strachey in 1922” (ibid). In the Italian translation, Freudian Besetzung was re-created and is now canonised as investimento (cf. Laplanche and Pontalis 2010, 267). The Italian term too, as in Freud’s

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ST, is a ‘common word’ with contextual connotation, but it is by no means a one-to-one correspondence; rather it is a one-to-three. In fact, it is also the Italian equivalent for investment (economics) and collision (traffic-law: crash). This is a clear case of ‘migration’ from the language of economics to the LSP of psychoanalysis. Clearly, context, together with co-text (nearby words in a paragraph), provide German and Italian readers/translators with pointers to how to decode such words/terms as Besetzung and investimento, respectively. In short, all primary and secondary formations (terms, words, nouns, phrases) are shaped by creativity and ideology; they are in all respects artefacts, products of deliberate human creation. Any term is commonly assumed to perform the precise task it is designed for, but not infrequently (as in philosophy and jurisprudence) the term is created precisely for the purpose of being vague, opaque, or polysemantic. The Chomskian term mind is translated into German as Geist, and Geist is arbitrarily translated into most European languages as spirit, but it also means intellect and mind. Yet mind and spirit are related to domains (for instance, cognitive science and religion, respectively) that are in complete cultural and ideological opposition. The multifaceted factors involved in onomasiological processes of term formation require sophisticated descriptions. Kyo Kageura (2002, 39 ff.) proposes a complex structural model based on “conceptual patterns of term formation”, which is absolutely exhaustive, but, unfortunately, unwieldy. Even though it is a precious academic instrument within the field of terminology, it fails to provide a schematic framework that is equally useful for all translation teachers. Nonetheless, in his analysis of different definitions of terms vs words, Kageura states what can be considered a useful principle of generality: the level at which the category ‘term’ and ‘terminology’ is consolidated is different from the levels at which the category ‘word’ is recognised, even though as empirical objects terms are, like words, manifested as lexical items (ibid. 14).

The considerations put forth in the above quotation suggest that the main difference between LSP texts and no-LSP texts is to be found only at the level of the canonisation of the word/term used, considering that different ideological positions have given rise to terminological equivalence in two or more languages. Differences among texts that have different purposes can be recognised by defining the degree of canonisation of text units within specific fields, domains, and registers. An initial claim in considering ‘verbal canonisation’

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is that the essence of canons is that they exist in order to be violated. A text falls within the canon if written in precise compliance with expectations for regularity, but the site of its violation is the very site of ‘creativity’. This is peculiar of all text typologies. Since both at the lexical and the pragmatic level languages are mostly formulaic (Wray 2002, 2008), and differences in style and genre originate in violating formulae, the canonical/non-canonical criterion emerges as the most solid parameter in determining the informational potential of any single text, i.e. the way it acts as a trigger of both cognitive and aesthetic response. The more terms/words are canonised in a special domain, the more we expect words to be considered as terms. Nevertheless, as shown above, the criterion followed in translation is not always the same. Sometimes L1 ‘terms’ are just ‘words’ used as new metaphors (standard onomasiology), while their translation follows the conventional canon of opaque L2 terminology (see cathexis); but in a L3 the canonised equivalent term may be, once more, a word/term exported from another field/context (see the Italian ‘investimento’). This is even clearer with such ‘simple’ words as ‘number’, ‘solution’, ‘driver’, whose enduring polysemy can only be disambiguated through inferences from co-text/context. Contextual inference is used by human cognition in evaluating the canonisation/innovation criterion. Our mental language device answers the question: are expectations met in a given context? If not, what does this mean? An inferential, statistical device is always at work in the evaluation of word predictability in any given context. Context is to be understood as the interaction of all wh- factors- who is saying ‘WHAT’ to whom, when, where, why (Salmon 2012, 104-109). Wh- factors (context) are the keyparameters of an economical, general theoretical model, furnishing translators with a reference point in their decision-making strategies. In other words, the canon/violation criterion proportional to contextual factors (first of all, WHY something is said in that way) is the only one formal parameter that, from experience (bottom-up), provides us with a theoretical (top-down) model.

4. A general theoretical model of translation 4.1. Predictability, Wh- factors and synonymy A contemporary of Schleiermacher, Wilhelm von Humboldt (1992, 55) claimed that “each language expresses a concept somewhat differently, placing the nuance in each instance one step higher or lower on the ladder of perceptions”. Despite the widespread idea that synonymy cannot exist

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in two (or more) different languages, it is quite the opposite. If synonymy is understood as the same thing said in different ways, then in two different languages, synonymy is possible, while no synonymy is possible within the same language. This seems to be the crucial point of translation theory (cf. Salmon 2012, 105-108). First of all, the units of verbal communication are not isolated words, but sentences, as any communication implies subject, verb, and action (even if not explicitly expressed). If we measure the context/phrase correspondence in a given context, anything can be uttered in any existing target language, which carries exactly the same information as was expressed by a native speaker in the source language. Languages are not symmetric in their lexical (one-to-one) correspondence, since they act in context, and the context completes the information they convey. When translating English ‘Comrades!’ into Italian one might need to know whether they are far-right (‘Camerati!’) or far-left (‘Compagni!’): context alone can provide pointers to the right correspondence. The same can be said of any asymmetry between languages, as, for instance, the widespread asymmetry in the use of verbs of motion–context is the keyfactor in measuring equivalence. In a synthetic model of human translation processes (cf. Salmon 2006; 2012, 98-117), we argued that anything can be expressed within a given target language by two (or more) linguistic units that are equivalent to something expressed in a given source language. Context is the reference point of equivalence. When we list the different ways the ‘same thing’ (invariant) is expressed differently, we see that the sameness concerns only ‘WHAT’ is said, while the ‘HOW’ changes. In other words, the invariant is WHAT quasisynonyms share. For instance, if we consider the invariant ‘opening of a speech’ in different contexts, we see that only one precise sentence (text unit) is expected by listeners in each single context: Phrase or unit expected in Ladies & gentlemen! Gentlemen! Comrades! Brothers & sisters! Dear Friends! [My] fellow Americans! Italians! Dear children!

Context (wh- factors) formal, to men and women no women present Communist/Fascist meeting church, emotional familiarity private meeting US president Mussolini kindergarten, primary school, kids party

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Each unit shows a more or less significant difference from the others, i.e. different information about the wh- factors involved. HOW the invariant WHAT is expressed adds or lacks some information related with context specificity. A contextual mismatch is the key-factor in expressing and intending parody, irony, arrogance, playfulness, inadequacy, vulgarity, anger, etc. The same highly stereotyped unit in context C1 can turn out to violate the expectations and predictability in context C2-Cn. Hence, the canonisation/violation criterion reflects the degree of quasi-synonymy between two or more different units. If we interchange contexts with units, something unexpected occurs, something which looks odd, ridiculous, ironic or even touching. For instance, it is common knowledge that Stalin, after the Nazi invasion, opened his first radio address to the Soviet nation with the expected words “Comrades! Citizens!”, but then he added the unexpected words “Brothers and sisters!”: this very fact had a positive shock impact on the listeners, reflecting an unusual, emotional closeness of the leader to his people. Similarly, on New Year’s Eve (the greatest family holiday in Russia), Vladimir Putin usually begins his TV speech with the words “Dear friends!”, which marks a populist closeness to the people. Among American presidents, the stereotyped formula is “My fellows Americans!”, but Jimmy Carter seems to have used “Ladies and gentlemen!”, which sounds odd enough today, while on January 4, 2014 Barak Obama opened his speech with the words “Hi, everybody, and happy New Year!” which would be too familiar to be compatible with the Russian style.17 As suggested by our inferential device, Putin will never use an equivalent text unit in any official speech–this is the predictive linguistic knowledge we have about who says what to whom, where, when, why. The mechanism of canonisation/violation of stereotypy is associated with memories; if they are negative, a phrase becomes taboo. After the usual address by Mussolini, starting “Italians!”, nobody in Italy has ever reprised this formula again in an opening a speech (if not as a parody of the Duce). Translation any L1-formula into the L2, entails assessment of how predictable or odd it is, as even the slightest deviation from expectancy means something. But formulae can be partially or completely different within a pragmatic language system. In English, if Robert Brown is a professor, we expect him to be addressed in different ways by different persons (X) in different situations: 17

Cf. the official texts of speeches to the American nation (http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/sou.php; cons. 30-10-2015).

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34 ‘Mister Brown!’ ‘Professor Brown!’ ‘Robert!’ ‘Bob!’ ‘Bobbie’

(X=new neighbour, he doesn’t know he is a professor), (X=student), (X=new colleague), (X=friend, old colleague), (X=family members),

When utterances do not convey new information, the recipient’s consciousness is not involved (no attention is given to the verbal formula used). Conversely, if the HOW and the WHO mismatch, something unexpected occurs that, in some cases, can even consciously shock the addressee or other recipients. Were his wife to call her husband ‘Professor Brown!’ it would be marked and probably express irony or sarcasm, likewise, were a student to call Professor Brown ‘Bobbie!”, it might well reveal either an insolent scorn or an undue intimacy. The ‘unexpected response’ is triggered when the term of address expresses something more than the mere invariant (i.e. ‘Hey, you!’) concerning closeness and hierarchy between Robert Brown and his interlocutor: expected formula > no surprise > no reaction (no attention) unexpected formula > surprise > reaction (attention). An LSP term is something that is expected in a scientific or technical text, but it is unexpected when you are talking with friends during lunch (one would not say ‘give me, please, some sodium chloride’, but ‘pass the salt please’). Each mismatch between the use of terms and the related context entails an emotional (positive or negative) response to the speaker’s choice. This is a response to a change in information. Conversely, when a verbal unit matches with external expectations, no emotional response is triggered in the other participants (or readers, or audience), and the cognitive information is the only relevant element in the recipient’s mind. Within any natural language, the scale of different quasisynonyms covers the potential variability of the complex information compared with what is expected in the canon. A canon is by no means the mere opposite of creativity, it is rather the starting point of creativity, as creativity is only measurable by contrast or by violation of expectations. Hence, it is not the abstract concept of typology that helps translators select their strategies, but the computation of the way different parameters interact in changing each of the wh- factors. The deviation of any text unit from the expected formula is measurable through a single parameter that I have called functional markedness or fmarkedness (cf. Salmon 2006, 2005, 2012). F-markedness reveals the

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degree of departure from the canonical use a given word/phrase/sentence in a given context. The key-parameter in evaluating equivalence in translating any formula into a target language is how a unit is f-marked in a given context, i.e. how it matches with the given wh- factors. Language asymmetry requires that function-to-function equivalence, i.e. a f-equivalence, be applied. The theoretical model based on f-markedness predicts that each TT fequivalent transmits to the TT recipient the same set of information available to ST recipients at both the explicit and the implicit level. The set of information, as shown, includes emotions and/or ideology.

4.2. F-markedness and LSP texts Within any single language, even a small formal ɨr structural modification between two units that express the same invariant implies the absence of perfect synonymy. F-markedness is indeed the ‘yardstick’ that can detect minimal differences among quasi-synonyms within one language or between two or more languages as it determines what concretely distinguishes two verbal units (the ‘QUASI’ that prevents full synonymy). Change anything in a text unit and a more or less important modification of the message occurs at both cognitive and emotional level. In fact, ‘synonyms’ can be defined as equally f-marked units that, in two or more different languages, convey both the invariant and the same complex (implicit and explicit) information. In translation, ST and TT units are f-equivalent when it is arguable that the ST author, if s/he were a native speaker of the target language, had used that very TT unit since only that unit contains the same complete set of information. If the Italian ST formula is “Signori e signore!”, the synonym is not “Gentlemen and ladies!”, but “Ladies and gentlemen!”, since the former calque is f-marked, while the latter is as canonical as it is in the source unit. In LSP texts no f-markedness is usually expected in any text unit and the same degree of stereotypy of two ST and TT terms reveals whether they are synonyms. In LSP texts too, any choice from among quasisynonyms implies a ‘movement’ from higher stereotypy (denotation prevails) to lower stereotypy (connotation prevails) (Salmon 2007, 37-42):

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text unit (each quasi-synonym) high predictability high stereotypy canon/imitation/ more denotation

low predictability low stereotypy violation of canons/oddity more connotation

The presence of quasi-synonyms in LSP glossaries demonstrates the existence of differently f-marked terms and the presence in some terms of extra-invariant information. This is evident in a large set of medical terms that are canonised differently in two or more languages. In Russian, for instance, several diseases are canonically called by eponyms, while in other languages they are indicated by less opaque terms. Or vice-versa (cf. Bejenar, Bejenar Yakoucheva, 1988): bolezn’ Buvre [disease of Bouveret]–tachycardie f. paroxystique (ibid., 75) bolezn’ Ormonda–fibrose f. rétropéritonéale (ibid., 77) bolezn’ košaþego krika [disease of the screaming cat]–syndrome m. de Lejeune, blastomycose f. syndrome m. du cri du chat (ibid.) bolezn’ Pirogova-Mitþella [disease of Pirogov-Mitchell]–érythrométalgie f. (ibid., 78) bolezn’ Taratynova [disease of Taratynov]–granulome m. éosinophile (ibid., 79) bolezn’ Fošara [disease of Fošar]–paradontose f. (ibid., 79)

But there are also cases, when both languages use an eponym, but not the same or not completely the same one: bolezn’ Levandovskogo-Ljutca [disease of Lvandovskij-Lutz]–maladie de Lutz, blastomycose f. sud-américaine (ibid., 77) bolezn’ nakoplenija efirov xolesterina [disease from accumulation of cholestɟorolic ethers]–maladie de Wolman, xanthomatose f. familiale primitive (ibid.) bolezn’ Šturge-Vebera [disease of Sturge-Weber]–maladie de SturgeWeber-Krabbe (ibid., 80)

Most of these syndromes have quasi-synonyms (for instance, the Fošar syndrome is called ‘paradontoz’ in Russian too), but they are not strictly speaking synonyms, as the use changes in different contexts, which reflect not only a mere vertical/horizontal opposition. Trainee translators need a model for their term selection. The use of one or the other quasi-synonym entails a change of wh- factors in the TT unit, including the information about the speaker (how professionally s/he is well-versed in the topic) and the recipient (cf. 2004, 14).

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In short, as argued by Prandi (2009): LSP lexicon more or less shows its dependence from all the system’s levels of natural lexicons, from anisomorphism to homonymy, polysemy, synonymy, and in some cases, as we will see, they are even accentuated.

A single, universally applicable parameter (f-markedness) for measuring the information conveyed by two units allows students to make their decisions in translation. Moreover, it helps them to reflect on the complexity of language and develop some constructive distrust of glossaries and dictionaries that provide no contextual data. Bilingual corpora too can be better evaluated comparing f-equivalence through fmarkedness.

4.3. Functional dominant As I have outlined elsewhere (cf. Salmon 2007, 29), in defining text typology, three macro-factors interact and, as a whole, seem to be both necessary and adequate: -

-

the structural features of the text; the contextual collocation (a LSP-fragment can be included in a novel, but this fact is not sufficient to include the whole novel in the category of LSP-texts, as wh- factors are not the same as required by LSP-texts); the reception of the text by the addresses.

These three factors suggest that text typology is by no means an objective, ontological ‘entity’, but just a label that identifies the text’s functional dominant. The analysis of the interaction among ‘HOW’, ‘WHAT’, and ‘context’ allows theorists to formulate precisely not only the proportion in each text unit of canon/creativity, but also the dominant of the whole text (Jakobson 1996).18 This concept, developed by Roman Jakobson in the 1930s, anticipated by half a century the well-known concept of Skopos (Reiss and Vermeer 1984), suggesting that text typology can be defined only as the dominant component of an aesthetic vs referential function. The 18

Here reference is made to the reprinted Russian source text of a lecture given by Jakobson in 1935 in Brno (the first English translation of this work appeared in 1971 (Readings in Russian Poetics. Formalist and Structuralist Views, L. Matejka, K. Pomorska (eds), Cambridge: MIT Press, pp. 82-87).

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“dominant” is hence a measure of a proportion from the point of view of functionality. Instead of typology, the text function emerges as the basic factor in both translation projects and their relative chosen strategies. The text dominant emerges as a formal, structural, and functional macro-parameter, which offers translators a general guideline; however, the secondary elements of diversity in the texts are expected to require, step by step, variations in strategies. Each textual fragment might even diverge dramatically from the textual dominant and require radically different techniques (for instance a LSP digression in a literary text or a creative digression in a scientific book). This consideration suggests that, whatever the text considered, besides the macro-dominant of the whole text, different micro-dominants can also be found in any of the text fragments. Consequently, if the dominant is the macro-parameter for the general translation project, a micro-parameter is needed in making decisions at the level of each text fragment. The functional equivalence between the source text (ST) and target text (TT) is hence to be identified at two levels, that of the whole text and that of any single translation unit.

References Allan, Keith and Kate Burridge. 2006. Forbidden Words: Taboo and the Censoring of Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bejenar [Beženar], Galina Ivanovna, Vasilij Fedoroviþ Bejenar [Beženar], Elena Olegovna Yakoucheva [Jakuševa]. 1988. Dictionaire de Médicine Russe-Français. Moskva: Russkij jazyk (Russko-francuzskij medicinskij slovar’). Boyd, Brian. 2009. On the Origin of Stories: Evolution, Cognition, and Fiction, Cambridge/London: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Cortellazzo, Michele. 1999. “Lingue speciali: le dimensioni verticale e orizzontale.” In Didattica delle lingue speciali (problemi e difficoltà traduttive), edited by Christopher Taylor, 21-31. Trieste: EUT. Dąmbska-Prokop, Urszula. 2000. “Táumaczenie specjalistyczne”, “Táumaczenie techniczne.” In Maáa encyklopedia przekáadoznawstwa, edited by U. Dąmbska-Prokop, 255-256, 259-260. CzcĊstochowa: Wydawnictwo WyĪszej Szkoáy JĊzyków Obcych i Ekonomiki. Desmet, Isabel. 2005. “Variabilité et variation en terminologie et langues spécialisées: discours, textes et context.” In Mots, termes et contextes, Septièmes journées scientifiques du réseau Lexicologie, terminologie,

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traduction (LTT) de l’Agence universitaire de la francophonie (AUF), 235-247. Paris: Éditions des archives contemporaines, http://perso.univ-lyon2.fr/~thoiron/JS%20LTT%202005/pdf/Desmet.pdf [cons. 20.09.15]. Fasmer [Vasmer], Maks [Max], 1987. Etimologi eskij slovar’ russkogo jazyka. Moskva: Progress [1950-1958]. Humboldt von, Wilhelm.1992, “From ‘Introduction to His Translation of Agamemnon’.” In Theories of Translation. An Anthology from Dryden to Derrida, edited by Rainer Schulte and John Biguenet, 55-63. Chicago-London, The Chicago University Press [1816]. Jakobson, Roman. 1996. “Dominanta.” Jazyk i bessoznatel’noe. Moskva: Gnozis, 119-125. Kageura, Kyo. 2002. The Dynamics of Terminology. A Descriptive Theory of Term Formation and Terminological Growth. AmsterdamPhiladelphia: John Benjamins. Korkas, Vassilis and Margaret Rogers. 2010. “How much terminological theory do we need for practice?” In Terminology in Everyday Life, edited by Marcel Thelen and Frida Steurs, 123-135. Amsterdam/ Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Laplanche, Jean e Pontalis, Jean-Bertrand. 2010. Enciclopedia della psicoanalisi, I. Bari: Laterza. Matejka, Ladislav and Pomorska, Krystyna (eds). 1971. Readings in Russian Poetics. Formalist and Structuralist views. Cambridge MASS.: MIT Press. McEwan Ian. 2005. “Literature, Science, and Human Nature.” In The Literary Animal: Evolution and the Nature of Narrative, edited by Jonathan Gottsschall and David Sloan Wilson. 5-19. Evanston: Northwestern University Press. Ornston, Darius. 2001. “Catexis.” In The Freud Encyclopedia: Theory, Therapy, and Culture, edited by Edward Erwin, 69-72. New York: Routledge. Osimo, Bruno. 2011. Manuale del traduttore. Guida pratica con glossario. Milano: Hoepli. Prandi, Michele. 2009. “Tra descrizione e normalizzazione: il termine come segno e la dipendenza dalla lingua.” In Publifarum, 12, Terminologia, variazione e interferenze linguistiche e culturali (Atti del Convegno Assiterm 2009), a cura di Giovanni Adamo, Riccardo Gualdo, Giuseppina Piccardo, Sergio Poli, [accessed 10/09/2014] Pulitano, Donatella. 2006. “Il terminologo: cosa fa, cosa deve sapere, come si diventa.” Mediazioni, Special Issue, 3.

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[accessed 20/04/2016]. Reiss, Katharina und Vermeer, Hans J. 1984. Grundlegung einer allgemeinen Translationstheorie. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Rossi, Micaela. 2015. In rure alieno. Métaphores er termes nomades dans les langues de spécialité, Bern: Peter Lang. Sager, Juan C. 2001. “Terminology.” In Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation Studies, edited by Mona Baker and Kirsten Malmkjaer, 251-262. London/New York: Routledge. Scarpa, Federica. 2004. La traduzione specializzata. Lingue speciali e mediazione linguistica, Milano: Hoepli. Schleiermacher, Friedrich. 1992. “From ‘On the Different Methods of Translating’.” In Theories of Translation. An Anthology from Dryden to Derrida, edited by Rainer Schulte and John Biguenet, 36-54. ChicagoLondon: The Chicago University Press. Salmon, Laura. 2006. “A Theoretical Proposal on Human Translation Processes.” Cognitive Systems, 6-4: 311-334. Salmon, Laura. 2007. “Su macro- e microtipologie testuali: espistemologia, funzionalità e didattica della traduzione.” In Tradurre le microlingue scientifico-professionali, edited by Patrizia Mazzotta and Laura Salmon, 27-48. Torino: Utet. Salmon Laura. 2012. “I processi traduttivi umani.” In Bilinguismo e traduzione. Dalla neurolinguistica alla didattica delle lingue, a cura di Laura Salmon e Manuela Mariani, 77-130. Milano: Franco Angeli. Thelen, Marcel and Steurs, Frida. 2010. Terminology in Everyday life. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Wilson, Edward O. 1999. Consilience. New York: Vintage. Wray, Alison. 2002. Formulaic Language and the Lexicon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wray Alison. 2008. Formulaic Language: Pushing the Boundaries. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Zelenin, Dimitri K. 1989. “Tabù linguistici nelle popolazioni dell'Europa orientale e dell'Asia settentrionale.” III. Quaderni di semantica, X/2: 183-276.

CHAPTER THREE EMPHASISING THE INDIVIDUAL IN LEGAL TRANSLATION: CONSEQUENCES OF KNOWLEDGE COMMUNICATION AND POSTSTRUCTURALIST APPROACHES JAN ENGBERG

1. Introduction In the course of the development of translation theory over at least the last 30 years, focus has increasingly been upon the necessary visibility of translators as such in translational products. The former ideal of the totally objective translator aiming at the one and only correct rendition of the source text has gradually had to be abandoned, mainly in the course of a reconceptualization of the relation between texts and readers: emerging insights demonstrate that texts cannot sensibly be perceived as carrying meaning in and by themselves. Meaning emerges in the process of reading and is to a large extent dependent upon the background knowledge of the reader. Thus, translators do not have access to any objective meaning hidden in a source text. Instead, they only have access to their own interpretation of the source text and may produce a target text solely on this basis (cf. the Communication Meme (Chesterman 2016, 31-33)). Furthermore, the target text produced by translators will be dependent upon their view of the target text situation and relevant factors. Underlying this description is the general idea that translators are conscientious and purposeful actors. The idea is focused not only, but prominently by the Functional Translation approach. One of the early and basic definitions in this context is the following:

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Chapter Three Ein Translat ist ein Informationsangebot in einer Sprache z der Kultur Z, das ein Informationsangebot in einer Sprache a der Kultur A funktionsgerecht imitiert (Vermeer 1986, 33).1

Two aspects are relevant here: firstly, the task of the translator is to write a target text which imitates the source text in a functionally apt way; secondly, source and target text are located in two different cultural situations, in which they function as information offers to potential receivers. With this definition, especially the emphasis upon translation as imitation, not transfer, Vermeer abandons the idea of the “holy original” as the main guide for translating. Instead, introducing the prevalence of the target text situation, he conceptualizes translation as a complex action going beyond mere transcoding of words and sentences between languages (Vermeer 1986, 33). Thus, he lays the ground for conceptualizing translators as actors with specific loyalties towards different parties in the communicative situation, as developed prominently by Nord (1989, 1997) in her ideas about documentary vs instrumental translation. A defining factor in these approaches is the concept of the acting, selecting and therefore responsible translator. This concept and its importance will be at the center of the reflections in this chapter. The idea was especially at the beginning somewhat reluctantly adopted in the field of legal translation (e.g. Madsen 1997). However, in the last years the idea of the acting translator has gained ground even in very traditional fields of legal translation like the European Union (Strandvik 2015). The approach has been applied to demonstrate that translators are allowed to be, or actually better: have to be creative in their work, although always within the confines of loyalty especially towards the commissioner of the translation, in order to fulfil the task given to them in the context of even the more documentary types of legal translation (Garzone 2000; Šarþeviü 2000; Pommer 2008; Fujii 2013). Summing up, legal translators receive some (creative) powers from especially two ideas in the Communicative Meme: first, from the basic idea that translation-relevant meaning is not tied to a text, but emerges from its application and embedding in a specific communicative situation with specific people involved, and secondly from the idea of translations imitating their source texts in ways that are functionally relevant in order for target-language receivers to establish the intended meaning. However, for instance in professional codes of conduct, legal translators are 1

A translation is an information offer in a language t of the culture T, which imitates an offer of information in a language s of the culture S in a functionally adequate way (my translation).

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traditionally seen as less free in their decisions than for instance literary translators (Martín Ruano 2014, 195-196). It is probably due to the special characteristic of communicating in the legal field that an asymmetry exists concerning who decides what texts may be taken to mean. Legal experts, especially deciding judges, have a privileged position in this process of meaning decision (Engberg 2009). So although there is no way to circumvent the fact that translators have only direct access to their own interpretations of the source text, the distribution of definitional power gives translators the responsibility (and power) to control their interpretations against the regular interpretation among especially legal specialists in the source text setting and with the power (and responsibility) to construct a target text that best meets the requirements of the target setting. The components and relations underlying the comments so far are reflected in the following model of legal translation. Culture 1

Culture 2

Figure 3-1. Legal translation with an active translator–Functional approach.

A translator (here coincidentally a male translator) is located as mediator bridging the divide between a source and a target culture. He observes and interprets a concrete source text situation and a concrete target situation, for which the target text is intended (hence the overlapping circles). On the basis of his insight into the characteristics of the situations and his perception of the knowledge of the communities of legal experts in the two

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cultures, he writes a target text which presents/imitates aspects of the source text in a functionally relevant way. In what is often seen as the prototypical type of legal translation, viz., the translation of performative legal texts (contracts, statutes, etc.) for documentary purposes in connection with court proceedings or in the context of making a national statute accessible for parties without access to the national language, translators’ power is in fact more limited (Alcaraz Varó and Hughes 2002, 152). This is due to requirements of the situation and responsibilities towards the commissioner of the translation, although – as indicated above – research has demonstrated that even here translators have to make informed choices, and thus are required to perform creativity in order to fulfil the documentary task. However, the documentary translation task is not the only type of legal translation existing in practice. Translators employed in law firms that I have met as students report that they also are asked to perform translation tasks of a less prototypical and more informative kind, viz., translations informing the receiver (regularly a lawyer) about the content of a legal document, which the receiver sees as potentially relevant in a specific situation, but is not able to read due to its language. In such cases, translators have more room for personal decisions and creativity. In fact, it is expected of them that they direct the translation so that it mediates exactly the part of the legal knowledge conveyed in the text of relevance to the receiver and his or her task. The mediating character of the task brings it close to the concept of popularisation, although the receiver is as much an expert in law as the sender of the source text. However, an asymmetry exists in the cultural dimension (the unknown foreign law), which the translator is supposed to bridge (Kastberg 2011; Jacobsen 2012). Furthermore, the translator must focus and limit the potential meanings, as is typical of popularisation. The central aim of this chapter is to investigate what the implications of different approaches are when evaluating decisions taken in this type of translation task with its special characteristics. Consequently, in the empirical part of the chapter I want to present an analysis of this special type of translation task, investigating also overlaps with popularisation as a communicative activity. Subsequently, I will present two emerging approaches to legal translation which both emphasise the power of translators to decide about the formulation of target texts and thus the type of decisions relevant in the empirical example: A Knowledge Communication approach and a Post-Structuralist approach. The idea is to assess relations between the approaches and an empirical example of translation choices. This generates the following research question:

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x Which aspects of a popularizing legal translation are grasped by the two approaches to the study of translational decisions? The chapter will consequently be divided in three parts: In the first part, I will present two different student solutions to a translation task of the nonprototypical type described above. This empirical part will then function as basis for a discussion of the implications of describing the strategic decisions made by the students in the light of each of the two approaches. In the concluding section, I will compare the two approaches and highlight overlaps and differences.

2. Empirical base: Two different solutions to the same translation task In a previous work (Engberg 2015), I have compared two different translations of the same assignment in my legal translation course between German and Danish in order to show consequences of differences between the way various translators think about the task. I will start this chapter by discussing these two translations. The discussion will function as the backdrop for presenting opportunities and challenges in conceptualizing the legal translator as an agent with ensuing responsibilities. The text that the students were asked to translate was an excerpt from a court decision by the German Federal Supreme Court (Bundesgerichtshof, BGH) issued in 2012 (BGH, Beschluss vom 10.1.2012 – 4 StR 632/11). The decision reports a criminal case concerning a person driving away from petrol stations without paying for petrol in a number of instances. The legal framework was that of a Revision, i.e., of an appeal to the BGH solely concerning points of (interpretation of) law, not of the case. The court had to decide what kind of offence it is to drive away without paying: theft (Diebstahl), fraud (Betrug) or misappropriation (Unterschlagung). The translation brief the students were given was to write a target text intended for a Danish lawyer. The translation was to function as background for his work on an article in the field of comparative law on the legal status of driving away without paying for petrol. Thus, the idea is to produce a translation where the receiver in the target text situation is mainly interested in understanding the framework and the argumentation of the German court and the basic legal concepts involved in the case. The target text has a function that is different from that of the source text, emphasising the informative function. The receiver is not particularly interested in the concrete details of, for example, how the court decision is formulated. As a consequence, the brief leaves room for the translator to

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decide what level of detail is relevant in the rendering of the German original. The reader can be supposed to possess a considerable level of specialized knowledge on relevant Danish law and to be well acquainted with the situation underlying the genre of court decisions in the Danish context, whereas the reader’s knowledge of the specifics of the German context cannot be presupposed to be very sophisticated. For my discussion here, I have chosen one sentence from this decision as an example which I will discuss in detail: Ex. (1): Gegen das Urteil richtete sich die auf eine Verfahrens- und Sachrüge gestützte Revision des Angeklagten (emphasis added) [Against the court decision was directed the on a procedural and material objection based appeal of the defendant; my linear translation]

I have emphasised the words eine Verfahrens- und Sachrüge, which cover two different central hyponyms rendered together here. Focus in the following will be upon how two students have rendered this nominal phrase. Concerning legal content, both hyponyms refer to types of objection that a party may base an appeal upon. Verfahrensrüge is an objection concerning legal procedure. Sachrüge is an objection concerning the (interpretation of the) material law treated in the decision against which the appeal is directed. The distinction between the two areas is also known in Danish law (processuel vs. materiel). A term exists for the basic word in the two hyponyms in Danish (Rüge Æ indsigelse), but conventionalised terms for the two hyponyms themselves in Danish are not known to me. The situation is thus that it is possible to render the content by way of combining existing terms in a kind of neologism (en processuel og materiel indsigelse). However, it is also possible to opt for other versions which focus specific parts of the content and among other things makes details explicit that are implicit in the sentence from the source text. In our case, none of the students opted for the neologism; instead they have chosen more explanatory translations: Ex. (2): Tiltalte rettede revisionsanke mod dommen støttet på klagepunkter om rettergangsfejl og materielle klagepunkter. (Student 1, Aarhus University, Spring 2014) [Defendant directed revising appeal against the decision based upon items of complaint on procedural errors and material items of complaint] Ex. (3): Den tiltalte gjorde krænkelse af den processuelle og materielle retssikkerhed gældende til støtte for sin anke af landsrettens dom (Student 2, Aarhus University, Spring 2014)

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[The defendant claimed infringement of the procedural and material rule of law as support of his appeal against the decision of the ’landsret’]

The students follow two different strategies: x Student 1 uses the non-terminological formulation klagepunkter for Rüge, which is a fair semantical rendering of the source language concept, despite not being the Danish term. The distinction between the two subtypes is rendered by specifying the type of klagepunkter. In the first case, the student uses the term rettergangsfejl and thus uses a relevant and specific specialized term. The student may be said to have chosen the strategy known from the field of popularization as exemplification (Garzone 2006: 97), although not introduced as an example: Instead of attributing klagepunkter with the adjective terminologically used in the dichotomy between procedural and material law (processuel), a relevant example of a type of error is used to indicate this side of the dichotomy (rettergangsfejl). The other side of the dichotomy is indicated by the generally used term (materiel). Thus, the receiver is here expected to find in his (or her) background knowledge the idea of complaints supporting an appeal; and the receiver is told to elicit the distinction between procedural and material law, albeit only in an indirect way, as the two parts are represented asymmetrically (by an example of a type of error and by an abstract attribute, respectively). x Student 2 uses a different strategy to render the hyponyms and the distinction between them. Instead of sticking to the nominalised form of the German original, student 2 renders the content of Rüge by expressing the process of claiming something in court by way of the relevant verb (gjorde gældende). What is claimed is that the previous decision infringes the rule of law. This may also be said to be a strategy known from popularization, viz., the strategy of explication of aspects that are presupposed, but not expressed directly in the German formulation, here by way of expressing the process character and by expressing the link to the rule of law (Garzone 2006, 97). Finally, the distinction between the two hyponyms is here indicated symmetrically through the attributes processuelle and materielle, which are the accepted terms. Thus, the receiver is also here expected to be able to construct the relevant knowledge structure; however, here it may be done on the

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basis of a more explicit formulation than probably absolutely necessary given the intended receiver. I consider both solutions to be generally acceptable in the situation sketched out for the assignment, as they succeed in conveying the relevant information, albeit on the basis of different formulation decisions. Thus, the differences between the two solutions indicates that legal translators are in this setting agents with room for making choices, as long as the choices comply with the requirements of the situation. On the grounds of consistency and symmetry, the solutions by student 2 may appear better than those by student 1. However, in this context I think we need more elaborate criteria to guide translators when making such decisions. In the remainder of this paper I want to present and compare two approaches that have the translator as agent as one of their central assumptions. The aim is to investigate what light the approaches may shed upon the choices behind the two solutions. First, I will present the conceptually oriented Knowledge Communication Approach and implement it in an assessment of the two solutions. Second, I will discuss differences between this approach and the type of recent work based on a poststructuralist and critical approach, which has emerged in the last 15 years. The basic idea is that legal translators due to their characteristic of being agents have a social responsibility when performing their translational work.

3. Conceptual approach: Knowledge Communication 3.1. Basics of the approach The Knowledge Communication Approach aims at studying specialized knowledge as it is mentally constructed, textually represented, and contextually communicated in different particularly professional settings. Point of departure and focus is the fact that knowledge as shared knowledge emerges from communicative interaction (Engberg 2012, 124126; Kastberg 2007, 2010; Ditlevsen 2011). Studies of Knowledge Communication are typically interdisciplinary ventures. In brief, the study of Knowledge Communication in the sense used here may be described as follows: The study of Knowledge Communication aims at investigating the intentional and decision-based communication of specialised knowledge in professional settings (among experts as well as between experts and nonexperts) with a focus upon the interplay between knowledge and expertise

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of individuals, on the one hand, and knowledge as a social phenomenon, on the other, as well as the coping with knowledge asymmetries, i.e., the communicative consequences of differences between individual knowledge in depth as well as breadth. (Engberg 2016, 37)

Knowledge is thus conceptualized with a simultaneous emphasis on its characteristic of being a collective phenomenon and on the role of individuals and their insights when describing and explaining knowledge and knowledge developments: specialised knowledge is seen as the insights held and shared by individuals belonging to a peer group, supported by the process of ascribing meaning in communicative interaction (Engberg 2007, 4-5). Furthermore, the basic interest is in knowledge in its actual complexity (Kastberg 2007, 2010; Porup Thomasen 2015). The ambition of grasping better the actual complexity, however, also means that the collective aspects of individually held knowledge have to be taken into account. Although knowledge is only empirically present in individuals, this knowledge is dependent not only upon personal experiences, but also upon exchange through interpersonal communication (teaching, instruction, etc.) and social control and tradition (cf., e.g. Barth 2002). Important sources of inspiration for the Knowledge Communication approach are Wittgenstein’s theory of meaning as use and Weber’s ideas of sociology as the interpretative study of social actions and their intentional backgrounds. In the context of a Knowledge Communication approach, the translation task presented in Section 2 is one of representing relevant parts of a conceptual complex in a text aimed at a specific communicative situation, the target situation. Following the ideas of Wittgenstein, meaning in language is dependent upon the use: Words carry the meaning that they are applied to mean in practical communication. There is no objective source for linguistic meaning outside of communicative behaviour performed and accepted by the community to which the language user belongs (or intends to belong to). Thus, any understanding of concepts is based upon a (re-)construction of meanings among participants, triggered by the communicative input and performed on the basis of their pre-existing individual stock of knowledge, which is held by individuals, but developed in communicative interaction with their peers. In our context, it means that the task of the translators in the example in Section 2 is first to read the source text and assess/interpret it on the basis of their pre-existing stock of knowledge, of investigations of the collective knowledge of the community of legal experts (through encyclopaedia, dictionaries, scholarly books, dialogue, etc.) and of investigations of possible situational deviations from this collective

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knowledge in order to assess a what the t knowledgge emerging from the communicattive situation looks like. In I other wordds, the first step s is to build a perssonal knowleddge structure imitating thee knowledge structures s constructed by the particcipants in thee source text situation. In a second step, the trannslators have to t give this kn nowledge struucture the proffile which they perceivve to be mostt relevant in the t target situuation and wrrite a text that will moost likely enaable the targett text readers to build a kn nowledge structure sim milar to the onne intended by y the translatorrs. Focus inn this approacch is thus up pon the buildi ding, manipulaation and comparison of knowledgge structures. In the contexxt of the abov ve model, the characteeristics of the approach a may y be expressedd by inserting elements in the abovee model (Figurre 3-1): Cultture 1

Culture 2

Figure 3-2. L Legal translationn with an activee translator–Knnowledge Comm munication approach.

The speciall focus of thee Knowledge Communicattion approach h to legal translation is shown thrrough the inssertion of knnowledge icon ns in the square inddicating the translator. The Knowleedge Commu unication approach em mphasises thhe aspect of the translatioon task conn nected to understandinng/interpretingg the kn nowledge em merging fro om the communicattive interactioon represented d in the sourcee text, on the one o hand, and to convveying the (functionally) relevant parrts of it in the target situation. Liike in Figure 3-1, 3 the translator’s circle iss placed below w the two circles indiccating the source and targ get communiccative situatio ons. This

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indicates that the task of the translator is mainly seen as one of mediating and conveying and less as one of influencing these situations to any major degree. For the same reason, also in this figure we have one-sided arrows between the community of legal experts and the translator, as the translator mainly uses the community knowledge as input without the intent of influencing it directly (Engberg 2002). However, it is important to note that interest is in the knowledge emerging from the individual communicative situation. And this may always (especially in the context of legal communication, where much of the professional activity is about challenging the interpretations of others) deviate to some degree from the collective knowledge. Thus, emphasis in this approach is upon the potential dynamics of meaning stemming from the distinction between the collective knowledge of the community of experts and the knowledge emerging in individual communicative situations. For the process of conveying selected elements of a concept in a translation task, the following basic assumptions of the Knowledge Communication approach are central: 1. Uttering a text is highlighting aspects of (pre-existing) knowledge for purposes of the situation at hand 2. As understanding is (re-)constructing knowledge on a personal level, the result of a process may be checked empirically These assumptions have repercussions for the practice of translation, as they engender two sets of criteria to use when making decisions or when assessing the decisions of others. x The first test dimension concerns the question whether the aspects highlighted through being textually realised contribute to highlighting relevant aspects of the pre-existing disciplinary knowledge from the point of view of the function of the target text. The underlying reason for why this is relevant is that even acquiring new knowledge is only possible in the form of integrating the new knowledge with knowledge already held. So a translation task of the kind discussed here may be assessed according to whether it points the intended readers to the most relevant aspects of their expected pre-existing knowledge to enable them to construct intended conceptual structures. x The second test dimension is connected to the focus on knowledge perceived as being held by individuals. This means that if we formulate aspects of the concept to be particularly important, we

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may then subsequently test empirically whether receivers understand exactly these aspects. The second test dimension is interesting, because it introduces a possibility of actually checking quality empirically. Naturally, it is not always a real possibility, e.g., if time limits do not allow it, or if the target group is not empirically available. But I consider it important to be aware that in actual fact the translation is only successful, if the intended receivers understand what I intend them to as a translator. The above considerations may be summed up in the following definition: Translating terms in legal documents consists in strategically choosing relevant parts of the complex conceptual knowledge represented in the source text in order to present the aspects exactly relevant for this text in the target text situation in order to enable a receiver to construct the intended conceptual structure. (Engberg 2015, 5)

In the following section, I will demonstrate the application of the ideas on our concrete example above.

3.2. Applying the approach to the example From the point of view of a Knowledge Communication approach, the challenge in the example above is to assess whether one of the two suggestions may be said to be a better rendering of the source text meaning in the target text situation than the other. I will focus upon the textual aspects and concentrate upon the first test dimension, i.e., the highlighting of aspects of the knowledge and only briefly mention some practical aspects of investigating the second test dimension. As stated already, the main difference between the two solutions is that the first solution indicates the two sides of the appeal asymmetrically by giving a more concrete example in the first instance (rettergangsfejl) and a more abstract category in the second instance (materielle klagepunkter), whereas the second solution presents the two sides in a more symmetric way and furthermore explicates aspects presupposed in the source text. Based on the assumption that understanding the new knowledge communicated in the two target texts is a process of constructing a new concept based upon existing knowledge, we need to establish hypotheses about the influence of the two versions on knowledge construction of the target text reader. I claim that the characteristics of the solution by student 2 will constitute the most efficient basis for the construction process. The

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main reason is that the symmetrical presentation focuses exactly upon the distinction between the two possible types of claims and thus minimizes the risk of the receiver making irrelevant inferences. The explications introduced by translator 2, on the other hand, may not be necessary for the actual receiver due to his or her presupposed legal knowledge as an expert in comparative law. However, the explications do not give rise to irrelevant inferences, so they are not problematic, only probably not necessary. The second test dimension would then ideally test the hypotheses about the construction process to which the target text versions give rise. As the task underlying the translations is fictitious, I have not put it to an actual test. However, in a situation where the second test dimension would be relevant, a sensible approach would be to apply procedures developed in the field of intelligibility and usability studies. Procedures aiming at investigating not only the ability of a receiver to perform a specific task, as is done in prototypical usability studies, but aiming at demonstrating what the receiver has actually understood, will be especially relevant in this context (e.g., Göpferich 2006). Thus, we would investigate whether the receiver actually is able to perform the construction processes presupposed in the discussion above. But already on the basis of the first test dimension, translators are given a set of criteria to apply that may help them make reasoned decisions and thus fill out their role as acting and responsible text producers in knowledge mediating situations.

4. One step further: Knowledge mediators as socially responsible agents 4.1. Basics of the approach The Knowledge Communication approach presented above departs from the traditional idea of the translator as an objective copier and attributes the translator with power to make subjective decisions in accordance with the perceived characteristics of the communicative situation. However, although it gives up the idea of one context-free correct translation of legal terms as the goal, it still focuses upon the legal content and upon mediating this content and thus only departs partially from the traditional approach: like the Functional approach, it still accepts the central role of content presentation in legal translation. Differently from the Functional approach, on the other hand, it offers more concrete criteria for making decisions as responsible agents, especially by

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emphasising the dynamic character of linguistic meaning, its link to individual knowledge and the role of knowledge construction. The Knowledge Communication approach thus emphasises the role of individuals, but still focuses upon the rendering of information and the construction of knowledge. In this way, the relation between the traditional ‘objective’ approach, the Functional approach and the Knowledge Communication approach is one of rising importance of the individual in the conceptualisation of legal translation. A further and more radical step in this direction is taken by approaches rooted in post-structuralism. Where the Knowledge Communication approach concentrates upon the individual as a carrier, issuer and receiver of knowledge, the Post-structuralist approaches, of which I am going to present the approach developed by María Carmen África Vidal and María Rosario Martín of the University of Salamanca, Spain, as an example here, focus upon the individual as part of societal groups with identities and ideologies (Monzó 2015, 193-194). Like the Functional and Knowledge Communication approaches, the Post-structuralist approaches abandon the idea of context-free equivalence as the main goal of translation. However, they emphasise that the characteristic similarity relation between source and target text in translation is actually often more a question of claiming similarity than of any kind of ‘objective’ characteristic. An example of this is multilingual legislation as it is found in the constitutions of multilingual states like Canada (Vidal Claramonte 2010, 17). Translation is thus never neutral, is always intervention and is based upon an interpreted and postulated relation between source and target text instigated by an active translator, who should therefore be visible and recognised as such (Vidal Claramonte 2010, 19, 38). The lack of neutrality in speaking and therefore in translating is rooted in the embeddedness of (linguistic) meaning not only in cultures, but also in ideologies and identities (Vidal Claramonte 2010, 27, 33). These ideas lead the authors to a different focus on the individual than the Knowledge Communication approach presented above: In general terms, what seems to be missing in the conceptualisation of translation and interpreting as reproduction is the ability to assume the participatory role of these professionals in the (re)construction of meanings and of broader elements such as identities, power positions or symbolic capital, which can be accounted for when translation and interpreting are conceived as socially-situated practices. (Martín Ruano 2014, 201; my emphasis)

Translators are perceived holistically, not only as knowledge mediators, but as socially-situated individuals with ensuing identity characteristics and

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with a responsibility also for defending cultural diversity (Martín Ruano 2012, 44-45): Contemporary translators inhabit multiple realities and cannot limit themselves to universal and uniform translating formulae. If they did, all respect for diversity would be lost, particularly in places where the legal translator is so necessary in contemporary society: police stations, courts of law, NGOs and international organizations. (Vidal Claramonte 2014, 184)

The reward of these basic assumptions is that translators are seen as possessing capacities for influencing their own position and role as well as impacting the way especially the weaker participants in the communicative situations at police stations, in courts, etc. are treated. In other words, the field of law and its concepts are deconstructed and not seen as inherently ‘objective’, but instead as being the product of an institutional process relying upon individual participants’ interpretations. Translators are thus empowered from the point of view of their identity on the basis of a deconstructed view of the situations in which translators are active: We can no longer naively rely on the foundations once offered by our legal system and by those translation theories that believed in equivalent meaning. Instead, we must perform a deconstruction of “normal” courtroom proceedings, keeping in mind that legal translation is no longer neutral but ideologically charged, […] (Vidal Claramonte 2014, 192; my emphasis)

The challenge is that in this view translators cannot avoid responsibility for their choices both from the point of view of the content conveyed, as in the Knowledge Communication approach, and from the point of view of the social consequences of their own practice (Martín Ruano 2012, 52). And it is at least questionable whether the other actors in the sociallysituated practices involving legal translation will allow translators to acquire a more empowered role. If legal translation is “no longer neutral, but ideologically charged”, it challenges the usefulness of the translator. It may be that no such thing as a fully neutral or “objective” rendering of a source text exists. However, if it shall still be possible to acquire the role as the sole translator or interpreter in, e.g., a court context, I think that translators will still have to be able to achieve a position of being at least “negotiatedly” neutral. That means that the different participants in the court context have to agree in and through their interaction that the renderings by the translator are sufficiently neutral for them to fill the role as textual base for the court proceedings.

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Practical experience tells us that lawyers and judges tend to demonstrate some scepticism towards translators (and interpreters) as intermediaries, and it is still to be seen, whether they will accept translators in a more empowered role. On the other hand, the situation and the role of the translator may only be changed, if translators are aware of their actual role and possibilities. This awareness may only arise if the aspect we want to change has a place in the theory. So although the approach is challenging for the translator and may lead to some deceptions when translators’ aspirations meet the traditional reality, it is valuable in demonstrating ways of development and of creating more nuanced insights into the practice of legal translation and the practices in which they participate: We are in a new world situation that demands new ways of translating, especially in such a sensitive field as legal translation. To achieve a more ethical legal translation it will be necessary to destroy the homogeneous, devour universalism and facilitate a new form of thinking and, subsequently, of translating. Translators should be aware of the responsibilities involved here. Every translation upsets the translator, who never comes out of the process unscathed, because translation is never carried out in symmetrical situations, and because language and translation shape our identities (in the plural). (Vidal Claramonte 2014, 191)

The characteristics of this approach require changes compared to the models presented as fig. 1 and 2 above: Culture 1

Culture 2

Figure 3-3. Legal translation with an active translator–Post-structuralist approach.

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The type of arrows as well as the number of arrows has to be different when describing the post-structuralist approach. As the identity and ideology as well as the responsibility of the translator in the communicative situations in which he (or she) is involved carry much more weight in this approach compared to the Knowledge Communication approach, I have chosen double arrows to show the relevant type of relations and influence: The translator is not merely a mediator being influenced by the collective knowledge of the expert communities. Instead, the translator plays an active role also in influencing meanings and ideologies. Furthermore, it is not enough to put arrows between the translator and the expert communities. The translator has a responsibility not only for influencing the meanings and ideologies at community level, but also at the level of the communicative situations, in which he (or she) is involved when performing the translation task. Finally, I have here positioned the circle of the translator in front of the circles of the source and target situations. Again, this is intended to show that the focus in this approach is more upon the translator as a holistic being and upon the position of the translator in the power struggle among different players and upon empowering the translator.

4.2. Applying the approach to the example On the face of it, it may not seem centrally relevant to assess the conceptually oriented question underlying the choice of linguistic means to express the specialized concept from the source text relevantly in the target situation. The different foci of the Knowledge Communication approach and Post-structuralist approaches make them relevant for different issues. Still, their origin in the same basic idea, i.e., the responsible and active translator, means that they can supplement each other: where the Knowledge Communication approach focuses upon deciding which parts of the knowledge potentially communicated by the source text should be highlighted and thus be indicated as especially relevant for the (re-)construction process of understanding, the poststructuralist approach focuses upon deciding how to reflect aspects of identity and power. This way, the two approaches can help achieving a more nuanced argumentation for the chosen solutions. In our example, however, one difference between the solutions by the two translators may be relevant from the point of view of the Poststructuralist approach: the choice between klagepunkter (= items of complaint), on the one hand, and krænkelse (= infringement), on the other. From the point of view of the mediated knowledge, no relevant arguments

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may be presented. From the point of view of the post-structuralist approach, on the other hand, there is a relevant difference between the two solutions: The word klagepunkter is a neutral rendering of the fact that the appellant files his complaint in the form of a number of different items. The word krænkelse, on the other hand, apart from explicating the verbal action underlying the appeal contains the aspect of the appellant having actually been the subject of unjust treatment. Thus, the second solution expresses more human sentiment and therefore indicates more of the personal identity of the appellant. The formulation in the source text is as neutral as the solution by student 1. It is thus up to the translator to decide whether the target text should highlight the more neutral rendering or the feelings of the appellant.

5. Concluding remarks By way of conclusion, I will end this paper by highlighting differences and overlaps between the Knowledge Communication approach and the Post-structuralist approach which have been focused on here. Being a pluralist by conviction, I am interested in the degree to which the two approaches may supplement each other. They agree in emphasising the role of the translator as an individualised responsible agent more than previous approaches to the study of legal translation. Translators as well as other participants in the relevant communicative situations are taken more seriously as persons involved actively in the process of (co-)creating meanings. As a consequence, the approaches agree in emphasising the dynamicity of meanings also in the context of legal translation. However, they differ in the perspectives they focus upon as a consequence of the basic assumptions they share. The Knowledge Communication approach has its focus upon the interaction between individual and collective knowledge in the generation of meaning and thus upon the power of dialogue in this process along the lines of Wittgenstein’s approach to meaning. Therefore, the emphasis is upon the dialogical interaction of translators in source and target text situations and upon the (co-)created output of such interactions. The focus is upon the (serving) translator as an agent responsible for supporting the construction of relevant knowledge structures. Post-structuralist approaches, on the other hand, have their focus upon the power-related interaction between participants in legal translation situations and upon the rendering of multiple identities and the preservation of cultural diversity. As socially critical approaches, they are thus more interested in the ideological

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responsibilities and the power-struggles underlying the practice of legal translation and the construction of meaning in legal contexts. As indicated above, I see the overlaps between the approaches through their common basic assumptions as important enough for the approaches to be seen as supplements to each other. Combining insights from the approaches it is possible to not only give translators a more nuanced tool for fulfilling their task as knowledge mediators between source and target situations and cultures, but also to lead translators towards avenues for empowering themselves, achieving more recognition for the role they actually play in legal translation settings.

References Alcaraz Varó, Enrique and Brian Hughes. 2002. Legal Translation Explained. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing. Barth, Fredrik. 2002. “An Anthropology of Knowledge.” Current Anthropology 43, no. 1: 1-18. Chesterman, Andrew. 2016. Memes of translation : the spread of ideas in translation theory. Revised Edition, Benjamins translation library; v. 123. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Ditlevsen, Marianne Grove. 2011. “Towards a Methodological Framework for Knowledge Communication.” In Current Issues in Specialized Communication, edited by Margrethe Petersen and Jan Engberg, 187208. Bern: Peter Lang. Engberg, Jan. 2002. “Legal meaning assumptions–what are the consequences for legal interpretation and legal translation?” International Journal of the Semiotics of Law 15, no. 4: 375-388. —. 2007. “Wie und warum sollte die Fachkommunikationsforschung in Richtung Wissensstrukturen erweitert werden?” Fachsprache 29, no. 1-2: 2-25. —. 2009. “Von der Rolle des institutionellen Verstehens für das professionelle Kommunizieren im Recht.” Jahrbuch Deutsch als Fremdsprache 2008: Professionelle Kommunikation 34, no.: 97-111. —. 2012. “Specialized Communication and Culture, Practice, Competence, and Knowledge: Implications and derived insights.” In Applied Linguistics Today: Research and Perspectives. Angewandte Linguistik heute: Forschung und Perspektiven, edited by Leonard Pon, Vladimir Karabalic and Sanja Cimer, 109-130. Frankfurt a.M: Peter Lang. —. 2015. “What does it mean to see Legal translation as knowledge communication?–conceptualisation and quality standards.” Terminology Science and Research 25: 1-10.

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2016. “Conceptualising Corporate Criminal Liability: Legal Linguistics and the Combination of Descriptive Lenses.” In Constructing Legal Discourses and Social Practices: Issues and Perspectives, edited by Girolamo Tessuto, Vijay K. Bhatia, Giuliana Garzone, Rita Salvi and Christopher Williams, 28-56. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars. Fujii, Yasunari. 2013. “The translation of legal agreements and contracts from Japanese into English: The case for a free approach.” Babel 59, no. 4: 421-444. Garzone, Giuliana. 2000. “Legal Translation and Functional Approaches: a Contradiction in Terms?” In Actes du Colloque International “La traduction juridique. Histoire, théorie(s) et pratique, 395-414. Genève: École de Traduction et d’Interprétation - Université de Genève. —. 2006. Perspectives on ESP and popularization. Milano: CUEM. Göpferich, Susanne. 2006. “How Successful is the Mediation of Specialized Knowledge? - The Use of Thinking-aloud Protocols and Log Files of Reverbalization Processes as a Method in Comprehensibility Research.” Hermes. Journal of Language and Communication Studies no. 37: 67-93. Jacobsen, Ushma Chauhan. 2012. Knowledge Asymmetries. A situated inquiry in three sites of professional communication, Dept. of Business Communication, Aarhus University, Aarhus. Kastberg, Peter. 2007. “Knowledge Communication: The emergence of a third order discipline.” In Kommunikation in Bewegung: Multimedialer und multilingualer Wissenstransfer in der Experten-LaienKommunikation. Festschrift für Annely Rothkegel, edited by Claudia Villiger and Heidrun Gerzymisch-Arbogast, 7-24. Berlin: Peter Lang. —. 2010. “Knowledge Communication. Formative Ideas and Research Impetus.” Pragmatic Perspectives 2, no. 1: 59-71. —. 2011. “Knowledge Asymmetries: Beyond to Have and Have Not.” Fachsprache - International Journal of Specialized Communication 34, no. 3-4: 137-151. Madsen, Dorte. 1997. “Towards a description of communication in the legal universe. Translation of legal texts and the skopos theory.” Fachsprache 19, no. 1/2: 17-27. Martín Ruano, María Rosario. 2012. “Traducción institucional e indentidad(es): asimetrías, conflictos, posibilidades.” In Ensayos sobre traducción jurídica e institucional, edited by Icíar Alonso Araguás, Jesús Baigorri Jalón and Helen J. L. Campbell, 43-68. Granada: Comares.

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—. 2014. “From suspicion to collaboration: defining new epistemologies of reflexive practice for legal translation and interpreting.” JoSTrans no. 22: 194-213. Monzó, Esther. 2015. “(Re)producing habits in international negotiations: a study on the translation of collocations.” Fachsprache 37, no. 1-2: 193-209. Nord, Christiane. 1989. “Loyalität statt Treue. Vorschläge zu einer funktionalen Übersetzungstypologie.” Lebende Sprachen 34: 100-105. —. 1997. Translating as a Purposeful Activity. Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing. Pommer, Sieglinde E. 2008. “No creativity in legal translation?” Babel 54, no. 4: 355-368. Porup Thomasen, Ulf. 2015. Exploring the Communicative Dimensions of Knowledge-Intensive Innovation : An Ethnographic Insight into the Innovation Culture Initiative of Novo Nordisk, Department of Business Communication, Aarhus University. Šarþeviü, Susan. 2000. “Creativity in legal translation: How much is too much?” In Translation in Context. Selected Papers from the EST Congress, Granada 1998, edited by Andrew Chesterman, Natividad Gallardo San Salvador and Yves Gambier, 281-292. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Strandvik, Ingemar. 2015. “On Quality in EU Multilingual Lawmaking.” In Language and Culture in EU Law: Multidisciplinary Perspectives, edited by Susan Šarþeviü, 141-165. London Ashgate. Vermeer, Hans J. 1986. “Übersetzen als kultureller Transfer.” In Übersetzungswissenschaft. Eine Neuorientierung. Zur Integrierung von Theorie und Praxis, edited by Mary Snell-Hornby, 30–53. Tübingen: Francke. Vidal Claramonte, María Carmen África. 2010. Traducción y asimetría. Frankfurt a.M.:Peter Lang. —. 2014. “Towards a new research model in legal translation: future perspectives in the era of asymmetry.” Linguistica Antverpiensia no. 12: 182-196.

CHAPTER FOUR ON THE TRANSLATIONAL SPECIALISATION OF DIGITAL INTERACTIVE ENTERTAINMENT SILVIA PETTINI

1. Introduction The multimedia interactive entertainment software, which is most commonly known as video games, first became popular in the USA and Japan in the 1970s and rapidly evolved into a global mass consumption product. Video games’ history is therefore rather short when compared with other forms of entertainment, such as plays, poetry, novels, etc. Nevertheless, their non-stop progression has made video games into the most lucrative entertainment industry ahead of books, music and films (Bernal Merino 2011). Digital interactive entertainment’s “success story was fully dependent, and is inextricably linked to the success story of the game localisation profession that had to be created from scratch in order to cover the unprecedented demands of multimedia interactive products” (Bernal Merino 2011, 11). Mostly developed in the USA and Japan, thanks to the localisation process video games have spread worldwide and reached players in different territories, each representing a “locale”, “a specific combination of region, language and character encoding” (Esselink 2000, 1). In the game industry, English and Japanese are the main source languages. Within the whole customisation cycle, the linguistic and cultural transfer of game contents, also referred to as “assets” in the industry, is a fundamental step because translation allows players to immerse themselves in the gaming experience, as if it were conceived in their language. In this light, it goes without saying that game translation is primarily driven by its purpose which is ultimately entertainment. However, given the range of games also in terms of “fun factor” and players’ expectations,

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language transfer usually requires a functionalistic approach which includes appropriate translation strategies to keep the same look and feel of the original and preserve the gameplay experience (see Mangiron and O’Hagan 2006; Bernal Merino 2009). As Bernal Merino (2014, 2) notes, “[i]t is important to note at this point, that game translation is not the same as game localisation, the latter being a business term that encompasses several [technical] industry processes other than translation”. As regards game translation in particular, given the wide variety of products the category “video games” encompasses, language professionals deal with wide-ranging assets in terms of size, textual types, and game contents, the latter usually corresponding to genres. Multimedia interactive entertainment software can range from exclusively visual games to titles containing hundreds of thousands of words. With respect to text types, games are multi-textual and may require very different skills ranging from literary to technical translation since they include manuals, game dialogues, and legal documentation, amongst others. They all have specific functions, characteristics, conventions, styles and formats which have to be taken into account when selecting the appropriate translation strategies. A functionalistic approach is therefore needed in order to cope with such a textual heterogeneity within one single project. “One of the biggest challenges of localisation in interactive entertainment is that no one project is like another” (Bartelt Krantz 2011, 86) and this seems the reason why, at both macro (the game world) and micro (text types) levels, it is difficult to adopt a systematic attitude to game localisation and translation. On the basis of a brief analysis of the degree of realism or fictionality of game contents, Section 2 examines sports simulation games as a genre which aims to virtually imitate a real world sport, whose verisimilitude also depends on the language used and whose transfer is akin to technical and specialised translation. Section 3 presents FIFA 14 as a case study and highlights some of its most interesting localisation features resulting from a domesticating approach which aims to give the game a local look and feel. Section 4 outlines the language transfer specialisation of video games, focusing attention on the role terminology plays in game translation. Section 5 describes Electronic Arts’ FIFA 14 glossary of football terminology and provides the background to the ensuing analysis. The equivalence relationships between some of the terms in the glossary are compared to the equivalence relationships between the same terms as used in the game texts. Quantitative data are also provided in order to show the occurrences and the frequency of the main terms discussed. The

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objective is, on the one hand, to verify the influence the glossary exerts on translators’ choices and, on the other, to investigate whether and how the target football language contributes to the realism of the sports simulation, as summarised in the concluding remarks.

2. The realism-fantasy spectrum Video games can be grouped according to their relationship with the real world, thus resulting in a realism-fantasy spectrum of products which “can range from extreme realism to utter fantasy” (Dietz 2006, 122). Simulation and strategy games represent the highest degree of verisimilitude, the closest approximation to the outside world; fantasy and science fiction titles create worlds of magic. When it comes to translation, specialised subject knowledge and terminological mastery are required when transferring verisimilar contents, given the subject field specialisation, which makes this type of language transfer similar to technical translation. On the contrary, “the localization of science fiction or fantasy titles is more akin to literary translation” (Dietz 2006, 124) and inventiveness is of paramount importance, calling for creative writing and “transcreation” (Mangiron and O’Hagan 2006). Domain-specific games (military warfare, aviation, sports titles) strive for considerable authenticity also in terminology, while fantasy games imaginatively create their own language but, in both cases, an incorrect or unsuitable translation can interrupt the player’s suspension of disbelief. The degree of realism or fictionality of game worlds influences translators’ strategies in order to transfer the gaming experience to the target player. It also limits or encourages their freedom to depart from the source text, thus determining their main approach. According to Bernal Merino (2007: online), “from the point of view of translation, we could say that there are only two types of games, based on the degree of freedom translators are given. Effectively, some games require more research than creativity, and others require more creativity than research”. Therefore, video game translation requires “terminological rigour when dealing with established realities and stories, and playful creativity when tackling new narratives and items” (Bernal Merino 2014, 218). As Ruohomäki (1995, 14) indicates, “a game is a simulation game if its rules refer to an empirical model of reality. In simulation games […], the game roles, goals, activities, constraints and consequences, and the links between them, simulate these elements of the real world system”.

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There is a great variety of simulation games and they have been used for different purposes in different application areas, such as teaching and training. According to Consalvo et al. (2013), sports games have been popular throughout the history of video games. They literally represent the medium’s oldest genre. Video gaming began with sports variants, like Tennis for Two or Pong because more than any other class of video games, sports video games can call on ongoing, real-world events to create enthusiasm for playing them. Sports competitions and championships provide a source of inspiration to game developers and a good investment for publishers, as they tend to adhere to yearly cycles. Most sports and sporting events have often been turned into video games, for example football, Formula 1 racing, tennis, boxing, golf, bowling, or snooker, among others. Moreover, “most sportspeople and organisations lend their names, image, and voices to game franchises, such as Tiger Woods, Colin McRae, Rafael Nadal, Wayne Rooney and even organisations such as FIFA, a move that they see as a way of extending their brand and popularity” (Bernal Merino 2014, 33). Two companies currently dominate the genre: Electronic Arts (EA) and 2K Games which, under their “Sports” labels, release the most appealing games on the market. EA's franchises include the FIFA series, the NBA Live series, the Madden Football series, the NHL series, and Tiger Woods series while 2K Games’ series include NBA 2K, NHL 2K, Major League Baseball 2K, amongst others. When designing sports-inspired games, “the drive is to make the game even closer to the actual game, that is, to make the computer game converge with the sport” (Sicart 2013, 34). As regards the case study presented in this chapter, FIFA 14 “wants to converge through computational simulation with the reference sport of football. FIFA wants to be a realistic simulation of the real-life game” (Sicart 2013, 34).

3. FIFA 14 FIFA 14 is a football simulation video game which was developed and published by Electronic Arts in late September 2013 as a multi-platform title. FIFA, also known as FIFA Football or FIFA Soccer, is a series of football simulators, which have been released annually under the EA Sports label since 1993. The franchise is notable for being the first to have an official license from the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), the world governing body of football and, overriding its historic

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second contender, namely Konami’s Pro Evolution Soccer, FIFA is definitely the front-runner series in the genre. As regards localisation, it is worth mentioning that FIFA 14 entered the market of 51 countries and was translated into sixteen different languages (Curtis 2013). Customisation is particularly evident when observing box covers: Lionel Messi returns as the main cover star for all regions on the global cover, as he was in FIFA 13 (Electronic-Arts 2013a), while his partner changes according to the locale. For example, the UK cover is featured by Messi and Welshman Gareth Bale while the Italian one is starred by Messi and Stephan El Shaarawy (Electronic-Arts 2013b), who is a gifted AC Milan forward. In translational terms, as Fernández Costales (2012, 396-397) points out, sports games like FIFA “can be regarded as clear representatives of domestication strategies, as they are localised, adapted and tailored to meet the expectations and the preferences of the users of the corresponding markets where the games are sold”. As a result, as discussed earlier, these games are promoted by stars of the most representative local football teams, while the menus and the user interfaces “may be adapted to display a particular league and nation by default” (Fernández-Costales 2012, 396397). Localisation, and domestication in particular, also affects sportscast: football commentators are chosen from among the most well-known and appreciated ones in their countries. For instance, matches in FIFA 14 English version are commented on by Clive Tyldesley with Andy Townsend and Alan Smith with Martin Tyler. Similarly, the Italian counterparts are Fabio Caressa and Beppe Bergomi whose commentary, however, is often reviewed as monotonous and clichéd (Valentini and Mosna 2013). This is maybe the reason why, for FIFA 15, Electronic Arts has announced a new Italian commentary team starring two other famous sports casters - Pierluigi Pardo and Stefano Nava. As declared by the company itself, “the aim is to deliver Italian FIFA fans a stronger local focus that is relevant to their game playing choices” (Electronic-Arts 2014).

4. Game translation and terminology The areas where game translation relates to terminology are many and diverse but they all affect language transfer, although at different levels and for different reasons. For example, “translators in this field are usually asked to expand their horizons and act as expert terminologists and copywriters when dealing with the different brand-specific glossaries

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concerning the trademarked, copyrighted and legal texts of the project” (Bernal Merino 2014, 117). The translation of platform-specific references is indeed one of the main areas of interaction between terminology and game translation. Secondly, terminology is connected to the translation of titles belonging to a saga whose world has created its own body of terms referring to the story, mainly proper names for characters, items, etc. This could be referred to as the series’ own terminology and represents a constraint not only for verisimilar products but also for sci-fi or fantasy games because they create a world of magic which usually has its fictional but specific vocabulary. A faithful translation, in terms of terminological consistency, can produce and maintain the player’s immersion in the virtual world created by the game. Moreover, the relationship between game translation and terminology is particularly significant in simulation games, where there is a great amount of technical words which belong to a particular (simulated) domain and give the game a realistic flavour. In this respect, the localisation of this genre of games is akin to technical or specialised translation (Dietz 2007), where terminological equivalence is paramount, because the appropriateness of a target text “is to a large extent dependent on a good knowledge and the proper use of the terminology relevant to the subject field of the source text” (Thelen 2010, 32). In other words, the specific domain and reality the video game simulates require game translators to reproduce their specific or specialised language faithfully in order to enable players to immerse in a world they already know, since they are most likely to intuitively notice something that has not been properly rendered. In this light, given the importance of terminology in game localisation and translation, it comes as no surprise that glossaries and translation memories are essential reference materials. Thanks to these tools, translators can make informed decisions and maintain consistency throughout the product at different levels. They are useful for technical and trademarked terms, as well as for ensuring uniformity in spelling, game feature labels, character and item names, domain-specific terms and they represent invaluable terminology databases for translators. The following section explores the transfer of football language within the English into Italian localisation of the sports simulation game FIFA 14. The analysis has been carried out on the basis of Electronic Arts’ in-house databases, namely the game-specific glossary and the title’s in-game texts.

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5. The FIFA 14 glossary and translation examples FIFA 14 is rich in football language and vocabulary. The whole gamespecific database consists of 380 entries concerning a variety of game contents: settings, statistics, difficulty levels, names of accomplishments, help texts, menu items, etc. More relevantly, the glossary contains a wide range of football terms which can be grouped according to semantic fields, namely: (a) Actions, (b) Roles, (c) Teams, (d) Matches, and (e) Penalties. When looking at equivalence relations in the glossary, domain-specific literal translation seems the most appropriate strategy to be used, on the basis of one-to-one or many-to-one correspondences between the terms from English into Italian. The following game excerpts show some of the most relevant football terms contained in the glossary in context. The cases are selected and discussed according to the divergent terminological relationship between the terms in the wordlist and the terms in the game. To this purpose, quantitative data are also provided for the glossary’s source and target terms discussed. The analysis focuses on the terms belonging to the football roles category because they most fully represent the translational phenomena this chapter focuses on. Football can be described as the game played by two teams of eleven people who kick a ball and try to score goals by getting the ball into a net. Each player has his own role in the game and is assigned to a particular position on the field of play. In sum, a team is made up of one goalkeeper and ten outfield players who fill various defensive, midfield and attacking positions depending on the formation deployed. The FIFA 14 glossary contains all the terms referring to the roles played in a match but the equivalence relationship between the source English and the target Italian terminology varies. Some terms present a straightforward translation based on a one-to-one equivalence, such as “defender” and “difensore”, “full back” and “terzino”, “goalkeeper” and “portiere”, among others. Some terms relate to their translations in a oneto-many equivalence, such as “midfielder” which is rendered into “centrocampista” and “centrale”, or “stopper” into “stopper” and “estremo difensore”. Finally, other terms converge into Italian by means of a many-toone equivalence, as in the case of “attaccante”. In the glossary, this term’s multiple sources are “attacker” (1), “forward” (2) and “striker” (3) which present 19, 154 and 59 occurrences respectively in the source game text. In the game target text, the Italian term “attaccante” has 223 occurrences whose sources are 8% “attacker” (18 occurrences), 45% “forward” (101 occurrences), 18% “striker” (41 occurrences), 28% others (63

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occurrences). The following excerpts exemplify the translation of the above three terms. (1)

(2)

(3)

(…) Any deficiency from the attackers must be quickly compensated for by other players, (…) is sure to have noticed , the year old forward (…) has singled out striker (…)

(…) Le eventuali mancanze degli attaccanti andranno compensate subito dagli altri giocatori, (…) ha sicuramente notato le ottime prestazioni del enne attaccante , (…) ha elogiato l'attaccante della squadra , (…)

As regards “forward”, it is also interesting to note that it is used as an adjective and translated into attacking-related expressions, such as “attacco” and “reparto offensivo” for “forward positions”, “forward line” or “forward players”. As regards “striker”, it is worth highlighting that in the game texts it presents other synonymous translations such as “punta” (4) and “centravanti” (5), both meaning an attacking player. (4)

(5)

The only way is up for the -year-old with one thing on his mind: goals. The youngster, who stands %1s cm, is equally happy playing as a lone striker, (…) will make special plans to deal with striker (…)

Il giovane enne, alto %1s cm, ha una sola cosa in testa quando scende in campo: il gol. Può giocare sia da unica punta, (…) La squadra adotterà delle misure speciali per arginare il centravanti della formazione , , (…)

Moreover, as discussed above, “attaccante” is the translation of other rolerelated terms, such as “attacking player” (6), “attacking force” (7), “front man” (8), and “goal scorer” (9), thus increasing the number of English terms in the source game text. (6)

(…) fans have become more and more vocal towards the prospect of acquiring a new attacking player. (…)

(…), i tifosi della squadra hanno chiesto a gran voce l'acquisto di un nuovo attaccante. (…)

70 (7)

(8)

(9)

Chapter Four (…) the boss will be surely keeping an eye on the opposition's attacking force to ensure they can deal with them effectively. (...) Snapping at reporters who continued to quiz him on the -year-old front man, (…) Goals win matches and prolific goal scorers are hard to find. (…)

(…), l'allenatore farà bene a tenere d'occhio gli attaccanti avversari per marcarli efficacemente. (…) Rispondendo ai giornalisti che continuavano a chiedergli del enne attaccante, (…) Di questi tempi è sempre più difficile trovare attaccanti prolifici e in grado di fare la differenza. (…)

Furthermore, as regards the latter term, “scorer” or “goal scorer”, it seems worth noting that, especially when defined as “top” or “best”, it gives rise to other football expressions such as “capocannoniere” (10), “bomber” (11) and “goleador” (12) which refer to a very skilled scorer. (10)

(11)

(12)

%1s’s agent has revealed that %4s have approached %3s in an attempt to sign the prolific %6s, who finished last year as the league’s top scorer with %2s goals. (…), said , , was among the best goal scorers he'd ever worked with. Midfielder , meanwhile, will need to prove both provider and scorer if his team is to thrive.

La squadra %4s avrebbe contattato la formazione %3s per avere notizie su %6s, capocannoniere dello scorso campionato con %2s reti. (…), ha detto che il enne è tra i migliori bomber con i quali abbia mai lavorato. Il centrocampista dovrà dimostrarsi sia un abile uomo assist, sia un goleador prolifico se vuole che la sua squadra scali la classifica.

As regards the latter two terms above, “goleador” and “bomber”, it seems worth underlining that, while “goleador” is a Spanish football loan word in its own right, “bomber” is a false or pseudo-Anglicism which resulted from a “metaphorical shift” (MacKenzie 2012, 34) and became integrated into Italian football language. Every football team has its own leader, its “captain” which is translated into its Italian prima facie equivalent “capitano” in the glossary. This oneto-one correspondence is also the translators’ main choice in the game

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texts as in (13). Moreover, it is interesting to note that “captain” and “capitano” often co-occur with “armband” and “la fascia di” respectively as in (14). Furthermore, in the Italian game text, “captain” is often expanded into “la fascia di capitano”, using this role’s symbol to refer to the appointment, as in (15). That said, “capitano” and “la fascia di capitano” are also the solutions provided for the noun “captaincy”, as in (16) and (17) respectively. This term refers to the job of being the captain of a sports team, and it does not have an equivalent translation in Italian. Even if it does not appear in the glossary, “captaincy” is a football term which is successfully rendered as “capitano” in the many-to-one relation resulting from the game texts’ translation. (13)

(14)

(15)

(16)

(17)

have taken measures to change their fortunes and announced that is no longer the captain. (…) In a surprise move have given the captain's armband to .

(…), questions are still being asked as to why felt he would be the best player to be the new club captain. (…) I’ve been impressed with your performances so I’m giving you the captaincy. (…) Despite the team enjoying good fortunes on the pitch, have decided to relieve of his captaincy. (…)

La squadra ha annunciato che non è più il capitano. (…) Con una mossa a sorpresa, il tecnico della squadra ha deciso di affidare la fascia di capitano a . (…), ci si chiede come mai abbia deciso di affidare proprio a lui la fascia di capitano. (…) Sono rimasto colpito dalle tue prestazioni, perciò ho deciso di nominarti capitano. (…) Nonostante i buoni risultati ottenuti, il tecnico della formazione ha deciso di togliere la fascia di capitano a . (…)

“Capitano” has 39 occurrences in the game Italian text, whose source terms are: 75% “captain” (30 occurrences), 17,5% “captaincy” (7 occurrences) and 7,5% others such as “leadership” (1 occurrence) and “skipper” (2 occurrences). As regards “fascia di capitano”, it has 6 occurrences and its source terms are 50% “captain’s armband” (3 occurrences), 16% “captain” (1 occurrence), 16% “captaincy” (1 occurrence) and 16% “leader” (1 occurrence). In the game source text, “captain”, “captaincy” and “captain’s armband” have 31, 9 and 2 occurrences respectively.

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During the football match, a person makes sure that players act according to football rules. In the glossary, this role is referred to as both “match official” and “referee” and their Italian equivalent is “arbitro”. In the game text, the term “referee” is mostly translated into “arbitro” as in (18), and occasionally “direttore di gara” as in (19). On the contrary, the term “match official” is always plural and translated into a variety of synonymous expressions such as “classe arbitrale” (20), “ufficiali di gara” (21) and “direttori di gara” (22), thus increasing the number of possible equivalents. (18)

(…) most agreed the referee had made the correct decision.

(19)

got his marching orders from the referee after a exuberant looking tangle on the halfway line. (…) Dear Mr. , Please be aware that your comments directed towards the match officials are in danger of overshadowing your good work and achievements at the club. (…) Dear Mr. , Your recent confrontations with match officials has not gone unnoticed. (…) FIFA's Fair Play campaign begins another season, players are expected to respect each other and the match officials.

(20)

(21)

(22)

(…) in molti ritengono che l'arbitro abbia preso la decisione giusta cacciando il giocatore dal campo. è stato espulso dal direttore di gara dopo un brutto intervento a centrocampo. (…) Signor , I suoi commenti offensivi all'indirizzo della classe arbitrale rischiano di offuscare il suo operato e gli ottimi risultati ottenuti con il club. (…) Sig. , I suoi recenti diverbi con gli ufficiali di gara non sono passati inosservati. (…) Si rinnova la campagna per il Fair Play promossa dalla FIFA. I giocatori sono chiamati al rispetto verso i propri colleghi e i direttori di gara.

In the source text, “referee” and “match official” have 43 and 10 occurrences respectively. In the Italian game text, “arbitro” has 63 occurrences, whose source terms are: 3% “match official” (2 occurrences), 11% “official” (7 occurrences), 54% “referee” (34 occurrences), 6% the abbreviation “ref” (4 occurrences), 25% others (16 occurrences). “Direttore di gara” has 9 occurrences and its source terms are: 55% “referee” (5 occurrences), 11% the abbreviation “ref” (1 occurrence), 11% “match official” (1 occurrence), 22% others (2 occurrences). “Classe

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arbitrale” and “ufficiale di gara” have 4 occurrences apiece, 75% “match official” (3 occurrences) and 25% others (1 occurrence). Furthermore, the majority of the occurrences of the target terms above that do not clearly relate to “referee” or “match official” in the source text, concern the referee’s decisions and represent instances of explicitation and expansion, as the following example shows: “The handball was a fair call even if it cost us the game” conceded after seeing his side lose to a red card. (…)

“La decisione dell'arbitro sul fallo di mano è stata corretta, anche se ci è costata la partita”, ha ammesso a proposito dell'espulsione di . (…)

During a game, there is a group of footballers who can substitute their team mates on the pitch. According to the Merriam Webster (2003) “bench” means (a) a seat on which the members of an athletic team await a turn or opportunity to play, (b) the reserve players on a team. Moreover, the transitive verb “bench” means (c) “sports: to not allow (a player) to play in a game, to put (a player) on the bench”. Within its total 27 occurrences in the English game text, “bench” is a verb meaning (c) only twice. In the FIFA 14 glossary, the equivalent of the term “bench” is “panchina”, as in (23), (24), (25) which exemplify the meanings (a) and (b) above and contains the metonymy where the seat represents the reserve players. “Bench” as a verb occurs in (26) and, as an equivalent one-word term does not exist in Italian, it is translated into the periphrasis “mandare in panchina”. (23) (24)

You will be on the bench for the next match. Select how many players on the bench each team should have.

(25)

I'd have preferred to have stayed on the bench, you knew I was tired, you don't listen to me.

(26)

I've been in pretty good form lately, and I'm feeling good, so I hope you're not going to bench me for the next game.

Resterai in panchina la prossima partita. Seleziona il numero di giocatori che compongono la panchina di ogni squadra. Avrei preferito rimanere in panchina. Sapeva benissimo che ero stanco, ma lei non vuole darmi mai ascolto. Sto attraversando un buon periodo di forma ultimamente. Mi sento bene, quindi spero che non mi manderà in panchina nella prossima partita.

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Interestingly enough, in the Italian game text, the term “panchina” has 176 occurrences because, as the following examples show, it translates terms and expressions other than “bench”, which are mostly managementrelated, as in (27) - (30). This latter use refers to the Italian sports language metaphorical meaning of “panchina” as being the manager of a team or broadly the manager himself. (27)

(28)

(29)

(30)

Dear %1s, We the board would like to offer you the manager's job here at %2s. (…) It's clear that he's pushing for the win that will justify the decision of the Football Association of to employ . (…) Another loss could forecast a gloomy outlook for the man only installed in the hot seat two games ago. (…) Fans eager for the new start with will have their expectations tempered after the last change in management.

Spett.le %1s, La dirigenza della squadra %2s sarebbe lieta di offrirle la panchina del club. (…) È chiaro che voglia ottenere una vittoria per giustificare la scelta della federazione di affidargli la panchina. (…) Un'altra sconfitta, invece, getterebbe nubi sul futuro del tecnico insediatosi sulla panchina della nazionale appena due gare fa. (…) I tifosi della formazione sperano in un nuovo inizio dopo l'ennesimo cambio in panchina.

A “manager” directs the training and the performance of every football club. In the glossary, this role is translated into “allenatore”. This one-toone correspondence becomes one-to-many in the game texts because this term is rendered into “allenatore” and “mister” as in (31), and “tecnico” as in (32). Moreover, when referring to the manager of a national team, this term is translated into “commissario tecnico” as in (33) and its acronym “CT” as in (34). (31)

(32)

%1s was praised early today by his manager in an interview with the club's website. “(…)”, stated the manager. %2s's manager congratulated his %3s %1s for setting up goals in the past few league matches. (…)

%1s è stato elogiato dal proprio allenatore durante un'intervista rilasciata al sito della squadra. "(…)", ha dichiarato il mister. Il tecnico della squadra %2s si è congratulato con %1s per il numero di assist forniti nelle ultime gare di campionato. (…)

On the Translational Specialisation of Digital Interactive Entertainment (33)

(34)

(…) "I'm delighted to have signed a new contract so that I can remain on in my role as a national manager" said . (…) New manager watched his team grind out a draw in his second game in charge of (…)

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(…) "Sono entusiasta di essere ancora il commissario tecnico di questa nazionale", ha detto . (…) Il neo CT della nazionale , , ha ottenuto un pareggio nella sua seconda gara sulla panchina, (…)

As regards the glossary’s source term “manager”, there are 687 occurrences referring to this role. In the Italian target text, “allenatore” has 440 occurrences, whose sources are: 86% “manager” (380 occurrences), 5% “boss” (23 occurrences), 2% “coach” (10 occurrences), 6% other related expressions. “Mister” is an Italian culturally specific expression used to refer to a team manager. It is a false or pseudo-Anglicism that has become a football term because originally football managers were often from the UK and this form of address developed into a role name. In MacKenzie’s words it is a “semantic shift or meaning extension” (2012: 34). In the Italian game text, “mister” has 464 occurrences and is also the translation of “boss” and “gaffer” especially, but not only, when players or other staff members address their leader. That said, “boss” and “gaffer” turn out to be other source terms for “allenatore” and “tecnico” as in (35), (36) and (37) respectively. “Boss” is also used to refer to the national manager and therefore its translations are “commissario tecnico” and “CT” as in (38). (35)

(36)

The %1s boss added "I've been waiting for the chance to get some competition for places up front and now is the right time to make a move". The boss continued "I won't be held to ransom by their clubs, though, and I've still got other irons in the fire." (…) I enjoyed the match. It was great seeing all the guys again and the gaffer. (…)”

Il tecnico della compagine %1s ha detto di voler creare concorrenza per un posto in squadra in avanti e che questo è il momento giusto per muoversi. "Questo però non significa che cederò ai ricatti dei loro club", ha aggiunto l'allenatore. (…) "Mi sono divertito molto. È stato bello rivedere tutti i miei ex compagni e il mio ex allenatore alla squadra . (…)”

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(37)

(…) “I should fully expect to see them come out hungry and want to win as they're a better team than what their current table position says," stated the gaffer.

(38)

(…) "I just need to make sure that I play good enough for my club that the boss will notice me and hopefully give me a chance." The boss could not be reached for comment (…)

(…) “Scenderanno sicuramente in campo per vincere, dato che sono una compagine di gran lunga migliore di quanto la loro classifica attuale lascerebbe intendere", ha dichiarato il tecnico della formazione . (…) "Tutto quello che devo fare è giocare bene con il mio club per farmi notare dal CT della nazionale ". Il commissario tecnico della squadra non ha voluto commentare queste dichiarazioni, (…)

As the excerpts above show, when observing the terms in the game texts and comparing the English source vocabulary to the Italian target counterpart in context, it seems that the correspondences between the terms in the glossary vary considerably. Football language in FIFA 14, in both the English source text and the Italian target one, is accordingly richer than it appears in the glossary. This is particularly true for the Italian localisation, and this seems to depend on the target-oriented direction of the language transfer. The domesticating approach seems to require translators to exploit all the suitable linguistic assets available in the national variety of football language , above all in terms of synonymy.

6. Concluding remarks As Bergh and Ohlander (2012) suggest, given its global position and media status, football gives rise to an enormous amount of specialised language. Despite its use in diverse contexts, it can be regarded as a “welldelimited special domain” (Schmidt 2008, 20). Accordingly, its language can be considered a special language and its lexicon is the most obvious distinguishing characteristic (Sager et al. 1980). In Lavric’s words (2008, 5), “the language of football is first and foremost terminology”. When a sports video game simulates football, it inevitably imitates and borrows its jargon in order to be realistic. Given the worldwide popularity of this sport, its status as a cultural phenomenon and its significance in societies, when localising a football simulation game, domestication turns out to be the key translational approach in order to allow players to immerse in “the

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beautiful game”. Accordingly, translators must reproduce their national football special language in order to satisfy players’ expectations. Terminology plays a fundamental role in the translation of this genre of games. It can be viewed as part of the established reality translators cannot deviate from. In-house glossaries represent invaluable reference material and also demonstrate the industry’s commitment to quality translation. Nevertheless, as first findings suggest, glossaries can only serve as general guidelines because translators extend their range and increase the number of equivalent terms, thus successfully exploiting the wealth of the target special language. The use of pseudo-Anglicisms like “mister” and “bomber”, for example, together with metonymies like “panchina”, to refer to team management, testify to the specificity of Italian football language, which translators of FIFA 14 have effectively rendered. Due to the limitations of a case study and the partial number of the terms examined, these preliminary conclusions are meant to open new lines of research. In-depth analyses focusing on more simulation games with domain-specific contents and investigating the translation of their special languages would shed some light on a still rather underexplored area.

References Bartelt Krantz, Michaela. 2011. “Game Localization Management: Balancing linguistic quality and financial efficiency.” TRANS: Revista de Traductología 15: 83-88. Accessed October 1, 2014. Online at

Bergh, Gunnar and Sölve Ohlander. 2012. “English direct loans in European football lexis.” In The Anglicization of European Lexis, edited by Cristiano Furiassi, Virginia Pulcini and Félix Rodríguez González, 281-304. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Bernal Merino, Miguel. 2007. “Challenges in the translation of video games.” Revista Tradumática 5. Paper 2. Accessed October 1, 2014. Online at . —. 2009. “Video games and children’s books in translation.” The Journal of Specialised Translation 11: 234-247. Accessed October 1, 2014. Online at . —. 2011. “A Brief History of Game Localisation.” TRANS. Revista de Traductología 15: 11-17. Accessed October 1, 2014. Online at .

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—. 2014. Translation and Localisation in Video Games: Making Entertainment Software Global. London: Routledge. Consalvo, Mia, Konstantin Mitgutsch and Abe Stein (eds). 2013. Sports Videogames. London: Routledge. Curtis, Sophie. 2013. “FIFA 14 launch: 15 fun facts about FIFA.” The Telegraph, September 27. Accessed October 6, 2014. Online at

Dietz, Frank. 2006. “Issues in localizing computer games.” In Perspectives on Localization, edited by Keiran J. Dunne, 121-134. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. —. 2007. “How Difficult Can That Be?–The Work of Computer and Video Game Localization.” Revista Tradumàtica 5. Paper 4. Accessed October 1, 2014. Online at . Electronic Arts. 2013a, June 28. “FIFA 14 - Global Cover Reveal.” Accessed September 29, 2014. Online at . —. 2013b, July 25. “Stephan El Sharaawy nuovo volto italiano di FIFA 14.” Accessed September 29, 2014. Online at . —. 2014, June 27. “FIFA 15 - New Italian Commentary Team.” Accessed October 6, 2014. Online at . Esselink, Bert. 2000. A Practical Guide to Localization. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Fernández Costales, Alberto. 2012. “Exploring Translation Strategies in Video Game Localization.” Monographs in Translation and Interpreting (MONTI) 4: 385-408. Accessed October 1, 2014. Online at . Lavric, Eva. 2008. “Introduction.” In The Linguistics of Football, edited by Eva Lavric, Gerhard Pisek, Andrew Skinner and Wolfgang Stadler, 5-8. Tübingen: Gunter Narr. MacKenzie, Ian. 2012. “Fair play to them. Proficiency in English and types of borrowing.” In The Anglicization of European Lexis, edited by Cristiano Furiassi, Virginia Pulcini and Félix Rodríguez González, 2742. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

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Mangiron, Carmen and Minako O’Hagan. 2006. “Game localisation: unleashing imagination with ‘restricted’ translation.” The Journal of Specialised Translation 6: 10-21. Accessed October 1, 2014. Online at . Merriam Webster's Collegiate Dictionary (Eleventh Edition). 2003. Springfield: Merriam Webster Inc. Ruohomäki, Virpi. 1995. “Viewpoints on learning and education with simulation games.” In Simulation Games and Learning in Production Development, edited by Jens O. Riis, 13-25. London: Chapman & Hall. Sager, Juan C., David Dungworth and Peter F. McDonald. 1980. English Special Languages: Principles and practice in science and technology. Wiesbaden: Oscar Brandstetter. Schmidt, Thomas. 2008. “The Kicktionary: Combining corpus linguistics and lexical semantics for a multilingual football dictionary.” In The Linguistics of Football, edited by Eva Lavric, Gerhard Pisek, Andrew Skinner and Wolfgang Stadler, 11-21. Tübingen: Gunter Narr. Sicart, Miguel. 2013. “A Tale of Two Games: Football and FIFA 12.” In Sports Videogames, edited by Mia Consalvo, Konstantin Mitgutsch and Abe Stein, 32-50. London: Routledge. Thelen, Marcel. 2010. “Translation Studies: Terminology in Theory and Practice.” In Meaning in Translation, edited by Barbara Lewandowska Tomaszczyk and Marcel Thelen, 31-62. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. Valentini, Tommaso and Lorenzo Mosna. 2013. “Video Recensione FIFA 14.” SpazioGames.it, September 23. Accessed October 6, 2014. Online at .

CHAPTER FIVE A COMPARISON OF CONVENTIONAL METAPHORS ON THE EURO CRISIS: A SYSTEMATIC APPROACH FOR SPECIALISED L2 TRANSLATION TRAINING DERMOT HEANEY

1. Introduction This chapter is conceived as part of a more extensive ongoing project to map conventional metaphor use cross-linguistically across a variety of discourses in the Italian-English pairing. It has been preceded by three related, corpus-assisted studies that chart patterns of conventional source domain (figurative word) convergence and divergence in specialised discourses (Heaney 2012, 2014, 2015), resulting in metaphorical mappings for company museum discourse, fashion industry press releases, and local food produce promotion. There are a number of underlying reasons for extending the analysis to the domain of economics and this level of specialisation: 1) it should provide pointers to variations in the ratio of conventional metaphoricity to the text-type; 2) it should outline the “discourse systematicity” (Semino 2008, 34) of certain metaphors, that is, their tendency to occur in specific discourses, and trace convergent, divergent or zero mappings for this LSP in the two languages; 3) the addition of a further domain should make more data available about cross-linguistic patterns of “global systematicity” (Semino 2008, 34), in other words, the occurrence of source domains across different discourses in the two languages. Ultimately, it is expected that data can be drawn on to teach L2 translation of metaphor in a more systematic way that complements and extends typology-based strategies discussed in Section 1.4.

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1.1. Metaphor and economy and finance discourse Metaphor theorists have responded widely to what Herrera-Soler and White (2012, 3) call “the ubiquitous use of metaphor in discourse”, giving rise to a veritable “proliferation of studies on the language of economy and finance”. Significant contributions to this endeavour are outlined by Rojo Lopéz and Ortis Llopis (2008), who also indicate that studies of metaphor use in financial and economy discourse branch off in two broad directions. In their (2008, 3) view, the majority of studies aim “to profile the underlying contextual and ideological motivations that give rise to its linguistic features”, a research agenda typified by the work of Koller et al. (2008, 142), whose analysis of metaphor in business discourse constitutes an “investigation into particular metaphors which are a shared by and distributed and reinforced among a discourse community”.

1.2. Metaphor in the translation of finance and economy discourse The alternative approach is represented by a contrastive methodology conducted in various language pairings. Rojo Lopéz and Ortis Llopis (2008, 3) provide an overview of studies in this branch of metaphor research in the field of finance and economy, which they characterize as “a useful methodology to uncover similarities and differences in the conceptualization of economic and financial issues in different societies”, but note “this type of empirical studies on metaphor and specialized languages is still scarce in the field of translation”. Rojo Lopéz and Ortis Llopis (2008, 3) state that their own research into metaphor use in this domain embodies the “contrastive methodology, but it differs from papers previously mentioned in adopting a translation perspective”. The authors regard the work of Fuertes Olivera (1998) as an important stepping stone in the development of this approach to translation, to which we might add, among others, Schäffner (2004) and Nicaise (2011, 407), the latter summarizing the underlying rationale of this approach as follows: … the larger the difference between the ways in which two languages conceptualise similar expressions the more difficult the task of translation may become; especially for translators not familiar with the host of variables affecting the selection of metaphors in a particular discourse type.

This chapter falls within this contrastive, translation-oriented approach and, like the other studies mentioned, uses comparable corpora to trace

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divergence and convergence of metaphor use with a view to assessing how this can develop greater competence in dealing with this aspect of translation, both on the part of trainers and trainees.

1.3. Metaphor in translation studies The approach to the translation of metaphor proposed in this chapter offers a different perspective from those found in the seminal works on the issue by author’s like Newmark (1983, 93-100) and Toury (1995, 70-86), in which taxonomies of metaphors are established and appropriate strategies are suggested for various metaphor types along a cline from ‘dead’ lexicalized metaphors to novel or ‘creative’ metaphors, depending on the text-type they occur in. This kind of approach still has a place in translation manuals (Laviosa 2014), and is being refined by increasingly nuanced procedures, such as those advocated by Al-Harassi (2001) (cited by Schäffner 2014). This chapter, however, considers the potential of approaching the translation of metaphor not only from the perspective of metaphor types and text-types, but from the vantage point of domains, namely the image (source domain) that is used to convey understanding and perception of the world around us (target domains), a theory initially developed by Lakoff and Johnson (1980) and glossed here by Schäffner (2012, 251): In conceptual metaphor theory, metaphors are means to understand one domain of experience, a new, unknown one (a target domain) in terms of another, a familiar one (source domain). The source domain is mapped onto the target domain. The structural components of the base conceptual schema are transferred to the target domain, thus also allowing for knowledge-based inferences and entailments. Such models are largely encoded and understood in linguistic terms.

The accent on domains underpins the approach to the translation of metaphor outlined in this chapter, in which the focus shifts from metaphor types to metaphorical mappings and their comparative frequency, convergence, and divergence within the same specialised discourses across two languages.

1.4. L2 translation The present chapter has a narrower focus than the comparative approaches mentioned in Section 1.3, in that it deals with the issue of translating conventional metaphors from L1 to L2. There are two

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underlying reasons for this: 1) because translation into an L2 is an established practice in third-level education language teaching in Italy; 2) that translating metaphor into the L2 entails a series of problems and challenges peculiar to that directionality (see Section 2), which could benefit from a systematic and methodical approach to this aspect of translation, if translation teaching of this aspect of discourse is to advance beyond an over-reliance on (frequently L1) translation trainers’ ‘privileged’, though quite frequently fallible, intuitions (for a detailed account of this fairly frequent didactic scenario see Pokorn 2009). That is not to say that some of the findings will not contribute to the wider exploration of teaching metaphor translation in specialized texts in the L1 directionality.

1.5. Why L2 translation? The initial stimulus for investigating this aspect of translation (see Heaney 2011, 2012) was provided by trainees’ uneven performances in translating the kinds of metaphor commonly occurring in specialized discourses in Italian texts. This was not due to the intrinsic novelty of the metaphor types in question; far from it, such texts featured almost exclusively dead or stock metaphors (Newmark 1983, 95; Kövecses 2002, ix) that had become lexicalized to such an extent that they were at times virtually ‘invisible’ in the students’ L1, resulting, nevertheless, in inappropriately marked renderings, usually because the corresponding mapping in the TL was considerably less common. This contrasted with students’ translation of more noticeable metaphors, for which they frequently chose effective translation procedures. Evidently, therefore, the problem is not so much one of degree of metaphor but of frequency of a mapping across two languages. The L2 focus simply throws the problem into sharper relief, because it reveals the greater difficulty of identifying conventionally used source domains in an L1 discourse and of choosing accurately the corresponding L2 mapping. On the contrary, approaching the translation of metaphor using the metaphor-type procedure means that many lexicalized metaphors will not be spotted and are therefore likely to be translated literally, quite frequently with an inappropriate mapping.

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2. Conventional metaphor and translation what’s the problem? This section takes its cue from a recent article on metaphor and translation by Steen (2014). In it, he extends his focus on deliberate metaphor to translation in the following way (2014, 16): If many metaphors do not function metaphorically, why should it be important to translate them as metaphors? If metaphors are not always recognised as metaphors by readers, that is if metaphors do not always cause readers to set up cross-domain mappings in their minds, then not every metaphor in a ST requires a metaphor in the TT. In other words, some metaphors may be more metaphorical than others.

Steen’s argument applies convincingly to translation in the L1 directionality, and he shows how it actually corresponds to professional translators’ practices when confronted with deliberate metaphors, which, in the examples he provides, are regularly not translated verbatim. However, cogent as this point may be in the realm of L1 translation, it cannot be applied quite so neatly to L2 translation, for the simple reason that unfamiliarity with the frequency of metaphors, with patterns of cross-linguistic convergence and divergence of source domains, and with their lexico-grammatical instantiations makes it far more difficult for L2 translators to maintain the same levels of conventionality in their renderings. It is easier (though not necessarily entirely straightforward) to translate conventional metaphors into the L1, because translators can intuitively draw on knowledge and familiarity with the way conventional metaphors collocate both with other lexical items and with various semantic fields. They may not be able to explain why certain metaphors occur or do not occur in certain semantic fields, but they can generally avoid marked renditions caused by the selection of inappropriate source domains. L2 translators, on the other hand, are faced with a dual problem: firstly they are unlikely to be consistently aware of a fully or semilexicalised conventional metaphor in their L1; secondly they will not necessarily know whether a given conventional metaphor collocates with a given semantic field or, indeed, with the surrounding lexis from the common word stock. Thus conventional or unintentional metaphors, which Steen claims do not need to be translated, are quite frequently translated verbatim, with the result that they appear more intentional than they are in the ST. Thus they become inappropriately vitalised and appear unwarrantedly intentional. The following is an example of the inadvertent revitalisation of metaphor that can occur in verbatim translation of

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conventional metaphor in the Italian English directionality (Heaney 2011, 245): Le Americhe si riferiscono alle culture archeologiche della Mesoamerica, dell’America Centrale e del Mondo andino. Prevede un primo percorso sul popolamento e sui primi contatti con gli europei. The Americas department shows the archaeological cultures of Mesoamerica, Central America and the ancient Andean World. It houses an introductive trail on the peopling of the Americas and their first contacts with European populations.

In this otherwise highly competent L2 translation of museum discourse, it is significant that the only marked renderings stem from the use of conventional metaphors both in the source text and in the target text. The verbatim translation “trail”, which would normally collocate with outdoor contexts like “nature”, “adventure” or “fitness” in the L2, appears more marked here than it does in the source language, where the conventional metaphor “percorso” frequently occurs in this domain. Furthermore, the translator actually resorts to metaphor to paraphrase the official register verb “prevede”, with the result that “houses” collocates unusually with “trail”, in that “exhibitions”, “collections”, “exhibits” are normally “housed”. Additionally the reflexive verb “si riferiscono” is translated with the highly conventional unintentional metaphor “shows”, which in itself fails to collocate convincingly with “department”. Steen (2009, 183) observes that “99% of metaphors are conventional”. If we acknowledge that metaphor is not necessarily a special use of language, but a systematic one occurring widely in texts, it is not difficult to imagine how such forced renderings may cumulatively combine to skew an L2 translation of longer texts. What is more, the above example indicates that trainees may consider unintentional metaphors as more of a resource than they actually are in L2 translation. Here, for example, the translator uses conventional metaphors to paraphrase impersonal or reflexive verbs that are seen as ‘difficult’ to translate. In keeping with its basic function of making abstract meanings more accessible by drawing on concrete source domains, the conventional metaphor would appear to offer an easier option, though the actual rendering belies that expectation.

2.1. L2 translation and figurative awareness The instances of ineffectively translated conventional metaphor in Section 2 are very probably due to the relative ‘invisibility’ of metaphors in the translators’ L1. Knowles and Moon (2006, 79) define this aspect of

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translation as “figurative awareness” and point out that in the case of conventional metaphors it is normally low, particularly in native speakers: “in normal circumstances we are unaware of the figurativeness of conventional metaphors and metonyms: we simply use them as we would ordinary, non-figurative meanings or words”. As Ritchie (2013, 21) points out: “dead metaphors…may not be recognised by many researchers as metaphorical at all”. If researchers can find it difficult to identify extremely conventional metaphors, trainee translators find it even more difficult to do so, not least because their main focus lies elsewhere, usually on unfamiliar lexis and terminology, grammar, etc. Most highly conventional metaphors, on the contrary, have become part of the L1 general word stock, and therefore may and do quite frequently pass unobserved, with the result that they are often translated as though they were transparent, though there is empirical evidence to suggest that this is far from being the case, either because a metaphor is expressed using a source domain (figurative word) that is not used for the same target domain (original concept or thing) in the two languages or, in the case that the domains converge, the metaphors are instantiated in different ways (e.g. using different word classes, colligations, etc.). As Knowles and Moon (2006: 86) point out: “certain metaphorical analogies recur across a wide range of different languages, perhaps because of their basis in human experience, although we have also seen that the detail of metaphors and their exact realisations in vocabulary may vary between languages, even where those languages are related”.

2.2. Metaphor visibility: terms versus metaphor identification Further empirical evidence that handling conventional metaphor is an important competence in L2 translation is also provided by a recent study that compares L2 renderings of conventional metaphors and terms in slow food discourse (Heaney 2015). In a set of source language texts there were fifty-one occurrences of terms, compared with fifty-two instances of conventional/unintentional metaphor (Steen 2009). When these figures were gauged against their renderings in the corresponding set of students’ L2 target texts, the virtual parity in frequency contrasted strongly with a significant disparity in renderings of terms versus conventional unintentional metaphors. Just seven terms involved discrepancies in the L2 translations, compared with a total of twenty-two inappropriate renderings of conventional unintentional metaphor. What is more, some of the terms were actually metaphors, (a fairly frequent process in term formation, (see Taylor 1998, 33-34) and therefore more deliberate; as a consequence, they were rendered consistently accurately, suggesting that when metaphors are

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used to form terms they regain ‘visibility’ and are translated with greater awareness.

3. Euro crisis discourse: the data The data used for this analysis are provided by two ready-made comparable corpora (McEnery and Hardie 2012, 20) constructed by an MA student (De Silvestris 2012) in order to trace the role of metaphor in conveying ideological attitudes to the initial period of the euro crisis in the English language and Italian financial press. The corpora are composed of texts covering the six months from September 2011 to April 2012, the critical period of the crisis in Italy, in which Mario Monti replaced Silvio Berlusconi, Greece tottered on the brink of default, and the threat of crisis loomed over the European Union. As can be seen from the previous sentence, such events tend to elicit a wide use of metaphor. The Italian language corpus is composed exclusively of articles taken from the finance and economy daily Il Sole 24 ore, while the English language corpus is comprised of articles from The Financial Times and the financial and economy pages of The Guardian, The Economist, and Time. The imbalance in sources requires some explanation. In this phase of the euro crisis, Il Sole 24 ore covered events with greater regularity than its obvious UK counterpart, The Financial Times. As part of the Eurozone, indeed considered one of the PIIGS, its weaker economies, Italy was far more closely involved in and concerned about the course of events. News articles and editorials about the crisis are therefore more frequent and prominent because of their relevance to Italian society. The same developments are covered more sporadically in the Financial Times. Hence the greater number of articles in the major Italian finance and economics newspaper in the time span covered by the corpora. In order to assemble two similarly sized corpora it was therefore necessary to add articles drawn from the other sources listed above.

3.1. Corpus size and focus The size of the corpora are provided in the following table: Language English Italian

Types 4,500 5,289

Table 5-1. Size of corpora used in the study.

Tokens 28,255 26,149

TTR 15.9% 20.2%

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As the comparable corpora are very close in size, a straightforward Type-Token Ratio probably provides a sufficiently accurate impression of lexical variation. Although the English language corpus features slightly higher lexical variation, both corpora reveal quite low levels that, it can be reasonably assumed, reflects the use of a highly conventional repertoire of terms and figurative language in this kind of discourse. If conventional metaphor is expected to account for a high proportion of lexical variety, then it should be easier to trace convergence and divergence patterns in corpora that do not display exceedingly high levels of variety. The size of the corpora admittedly puts them on the threshold for analysis suggested by McEnery (2014). Nevertheless, they fulfil his stricture that a corpus “must, in some broad sense, be representative of language or of a genre of that language… so that you can start to measure it up against the research questions you have”. Moreover, this analysis conforms to a type of study that applies “corpus-based methods to the cross-linguistic equivalent of metaphors used in different languages” (Semino 2008, 206). As Semino (2008, 206) points out, “these studies typically use smaller and more specialised corpora”. There is a further cogent reason for working with small corpora when comparing conventional metaphor use across languages, and that is the issue of metaphor identification procedure (MIP) (Pragglejaz 2007). The scholars (Pragglejaz 2007, 36) involved in defining MIP admit that it is a lengthy and complex procedure, involving the following stages: 1. Read the entire text to understand the general context. 2. Decide about the boundaries of words. 3a. Establish the contextual meaning of the examined lexical unit, i.e. its application in the situation evoked by the text, taking into account the words surrounding the examined lexical unit. 3b. Determine the basic meaning of the word on the basis of the dictionary. The basic meaning is usually the most concrete, human oriented, specific as opposed to vague and historically older meaning. 3c. Decide whether the basic meaning of the word is sufficiently distinct from the contextual meaning 3d. Decide whether the contextual meaning of the word can be related to the basic meaning by some form of similarity 4 If the answers to 3c and 3d are positive, the lexical unit should be marked as metaphorical. (cited in Steen 2014, 15)

In the case of highly conventional metaphors this task can be a significant challenge, precisely because of their very low visibility due to the process of lexicalisation. The overall picture of metaphor density for

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each corpus was therefore built up by the kind of close qualitative analysis required to identify each metaphor in every individual text in the corpus, combined with concordances of the entire corpus to quantify their occurrence elsewhere using the Antconc software (Anthony 2014). This cross-checking was carried out on each text in the corpus in order to build up an accurate picture of metaphor density in each of the two corpora and, given the length of the procedure, it was felt the decision to work with smaller corpora was justified (see Koller et al. 2008 for further insights into this procedure).

4. Rates of conventional metaphoricity in specialised discourses Table 5-2 shows the rates of conventional-unintentional metaphor calculated for two discourses that have been the object of previous corpusassisted studies, compared with metaphor frequency in euro crisis discourse. Were function words excluded from the total word-count, conventional metaphor would account for an even higher percentage of lexis in each corpus. Corpora set 1 Company Museums Rate of conventional metaphor Corpora set 2 Fashion Industry Press Releases Rate of conventional metaphor Corpora set 3 The euro crisis Rate of conventional metaphor

Italian Corpus

English Corpus

4.3%

1.6%

Italian Corpus

English Corpus

4.00%

2.49%

Italian Corpus 5.14%

English Corpus 5.97%

American English Corpus 2.15%

Table 5-2. Comparison of conventional metaphoricity rates for three specialised discourses.

When compared with previous data on metaphor frequency, the rates for comparable corpora for the euro crisis economic journalism reveal significant differences. Metaphor density in each of the corpora in the set is not only higher, but is considerably closer than in the other two sets.

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This is closely tied to the dynamics of releasing information and reporting on such matters. Reports on issues like the euro crisis often incorporate official statements about it; these themselves are often formulated by drawing on journalistic accounts, including figures of speech, which gradually establish themselves as the shared accepted parlance for such topics and are, as such, often taken on board in different cultures and languages through the process of translation. As Schäffner (2014, 70) points out: Whenever journalists report about political meetings, speeches or press conferences with the mass media and quote from translated or interpreted discourse, we have cases of intertextuality, interdiscursivity and recontextualisation across linguistic and cultural boundaries.

It is therefore likely that the high ratio of metaphors in these data sets reflect the fact that the conventional metaphors used in this discourse in both languages have become part of the terminology through the process described by Schäffner (2014), familiar in such systematic mappings1 as: AN IMPROVING ECONOMY IS INCREASED SIZE: growth; A WORSENING ECONOMY IS BACKWARD MOVEMENT: recession; A WORSENING ECONOMY IS DOWNWARD MOVEMENT: drop; AN IMPROVEMENT IS DOWNWARD MOVEMENT: fall, drop, low; AN ECONOMIC CRISIS IS ILLNESS: recovery; FINANCIAL ASSISITANCE IS A RESUCE OPERATION: bailout.

4.1. Metaphor density and text-type The text-type itself also accounts for the high levels of metaphor compared with the rates for more narrowly specialised discourses studied so far. To be sure, the financial pages of papers like Il Sole 24ore, The Financial Times and The Economist, and of a quality paper like The Guardian are regularly read by a relatively specialised readership, and they retain a considerable degree of terminology. However, they also retain many of the classic defining characteristics of news discourse. Conspicuous among these are the expressive/poetic functions, often involving metaphor use, which contribute to the newsworthiness of the articles that comprise the corpora. Presenting the euro crisis in terms of

 1

As this analysis attempts to show systematic patterns of concrete metaphors used to structure perception and understanding of abstract fields of knowledge, an approach modeled on Conceptual Metaphor Theory, it follows the practice of using block capitals to indicate mappings.

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source domains like war, natural disaster, epidemic, or an epic journey undoubtedly increases the perceived relevance of the events described. In such discourse, then, conventional (semi) terminological metaphors co-exist with other conventional metaphors and occur in clusters, as in the following example, in which metaphors are indicated in italics: Sullo sfondo una profonda riforma del sistema finanziario che ha fatto guadagnare a Dublino il plauso del Fmi nell’ultimo rapporto di aggiornamento del mese. Washington invita però a non abbassare la guardia e a proseguire nella guerra al disavanzo. A Lisbona sono ancora nere le nubi all’orizzonte. “La cura è appena cominciata–dice Fabio Fois, economista di Barclays Capital–a il governo sta facendo il suo dovere”. 2

Such discourse affords various opportunities for increasing figurative awareness in a number of ways. It is sufficiently obvious that different types of conventional metaphor are prominent and present in extensive networks in this discourse. Thus we have conventional metaphors closely connected with economics discourse, such as “guerra al disavanzo” (war against the national debt) and “la cura” (treatment), not to mention the topological metonymies referring to national governments. Additionally metaphors also take the form of multi-word units such as “non abbassare la guardia” ([not] dropping their guard), or “ancora nere le nubi sull’orizzonte” (dark clouds still loom on the horizon), which are more likely to be registered as metaphorical and therefore to trigger figurative awareness and translating strategies. There are, also, one-word metaphors that are so conventional and unintentional that they are more likely to pass unnoticed with consequent forced renderings in the L2 target text: “sullo fondo” (against a backdrop), and “profonda riforma” (radical reform).

4.2. The systematic perspective Not only is it possible to distinguish different degrees of intentionality and conventionality for metaphor use in such discourse, it is also feasible

 2

Against a backdrop of radical reform of the financial system that earned Dublin praise from The IMF in the last update of the month, Washington nevertheless warns against dropping their guard and recommends they carry on the war against the national debt. In Lisbon dark clouds still loom on the horizon. ‘The treatment has only just begun’, states Fabio Fois, economist at Barclays Capital, ‘but the government is doing what needs to be done.

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to approach the issue of metaphoricity from a systematic perspective, too. This entails viewing metaphors in a given corpus in terms of domains, as theorised by Lakoff and Johnson (1980), and summarized by Semino (2008, 5) in the following way: … groups of expressions … reflect conventional patterns of thought known as ‘conceptual metaphors’ Conceptual metaphors are defined as systematic sets of correspondences or ‘mappings’ across conceptual domains, whereby a ‘target domain’ (e.g. our knowledge about arguments is partly structured in terms of a different ‘source’ domains (e.g. our knowledge about war).

The key word, here is ‘systematic’, and it offers the possibility of integrating approaches to teaching the translation of metaphor by furthering understanding of how metaphors occur systematically within a discourse, that is, by also considering its “discourse systematicity” (Semino 2008, 34), namely, recurrent converging and diverging mappings in the same discourse in a language pairing.

5. A discourse systematic comparison of metaphor use The following table provides an overview of the top-ten ranked source domains identified in the two comparable corpora for euro crisis discourse. The percentages are out of a total of 687 conventional metaphors identified in the English language corpus and 644 in the Italian language one. Horizontal arrows indicate convergence of conventional metaphors in the top-ten ranked domains. Diagonal arrows indicate convergence with a lower ranked domain. No arrow indicates non-convergence. English Corpus WARt

N° 110

% 15.5

E.g., Global financial rout AID/RESCUEte.g.

86

12.5

E.g., the rescue of the currency union ILLNESSt 80 11.6 E.g., a dose of it has been prescribing for others DISASTERt E.g., policy makers are prepared for the potential aftershocks

58

8.4

N° Italian Corpus sPHYSICAL 78 DEVELOPMENT E.g., non solo deprime la crescità s ILLNESS 76 E.g., terapia intensive, terapia Monti sDOWNWARDS 64 MOVEMENT/POSITION E.g. discesa per i titoli di stato s WAR 64 E.g., la Germana era già sul piede di guerra

% 12. 1 11. 08 9.9

9.9

A Comparison of Conventional Metaphors on the Euro Crisis N° % English Corpus PHYSICAL 52 7.5 DEVELOPMENT E.g., the metamorphosis that the country definitely needs UPWWARDS 52 7.5 MOVEMENT/POSITION t E.g., the cost of borrowing could now climb DOWNWARDS 48 6.9 MOVEMENT/POSITION t E.g., stocks tumbling to their biggest falls BUILDING/STRUCTURE 40 5.8 t E.g., a pillar of fiscal austerity RELIGION E.g., a fiscal hair shirt

31

4.5

BACKWARDS 28 4.0 MOVEMENTP E.g., retreating after hopes had faded 84.2

Italian Corpus sRESCUE/AID

93 N° 57

% 8.8

51

7.9

E.g., ciambella di salvataggio OJOURNEY

E.g., punto di partenza, non punto di arrivo OVEHICLE 42 6.5

E.g., l’Italia è Il fanalino di coda sBUILDING/STRUCTURE 34

5.2

E.g., un altro mattone è stato inserito nell’edificio SPORT 24 4.6 E.g., Mario Monti è reduce della lunga maratona sDISASTER 25 3.8 E.g., prima che l’incendio divampi 79.2

Table 5-3. Comparison of first-ten ranked source domains in euro crisis journalism.

When the survey of systematicity is extended to the next-ten ranked source domains (comprising those that occur at least ten times in each corpus), shown in table 5-4, it can be seen that some occur within the same range, while others converge with higher ranked source domains in the previous table. It will also be noted that an increasing number of domains do not converge at all, potentially useful information for the translator trainer who intends to factor the translation of metaphor into a course in a structured rather than a sporadic or intuitive way.

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N° % English Corpus LANDSCAPEt 27 3.9 E.g., the zone is on the edge of disaster CHAOS 27 3.9 E.g., Eurobond markets in turmoil CUTTINGt 25 3.6 E.g., Greece slashes its debt burden EMOTIONŠ 25 3.6 E.g., the financial sector is edgy SCIENCE & 22 3.2 TECHNOLOGY E.g., a full-blown economic melt-down VEHICLEN 20 2.9 E.g., the train seems to have already left the station SHIPPINGt 20 2.9 E.g., safe haven assets JOURNEYN 15 2.1 E.g., Portugal could be headed on a similar road as Greece DEGREES OF 12 1.7 PHYSICAL STRENGTHt E.g., The health of sovereign bonds weakened the eurozone PREDATORS/PREY 10 1.4 E.g., The contagion worries that have been stalking the eurozone 29.2

Italian Corpus N° % sLANDSCAPE 24 3.7 E.g., Sull’orlo baratro sUPWARDS 23 3.5 MOVEMENT/POSITION E.g., Al rialzo le stime sula crescita sCUTTING 23 3.5 E.g., Taglio alla spesa pubblica THEATRE 21 3.2 E.g., La crisi esce di scena MBACKWARDS 19 2.9 MOVEMENT E.g., i passi indietro di tutti sEMOTION 19 2.9 E.g., i mercati hanno temuto una “nuova Grecia” sDEGREES OF PHYSICAL 18 2.7 STRENGTH E.g., rafforzare or indebolire la credibilità FOOD/DRINK 14 2.1 E.g., la torta da ripartire IMAGE/PICTURE

12

1.8

E.g., Un mosaico che si sta componendo sSHIPPING 12 1.8 E.g., ormai si naviga a vista su rotte sempre più interrogative 28.1

Table 5-4. Comparison of next-ten ranked source domains in euro crisis journalism.

5.1. Using the data for graded L2 metaphor translation instruction The above information about converging and diverging source domains can be used to establish assessment criteria based on prioritizing high-ranking domains. The first-five ranked domains all converge and account for a high percentage of total conventional metaphor use in the discourse in both languages. That suggests that they should be a priority. Such domains are likely to account for the fundamental metaphor-based terminology of this discourse, for example:

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FINANCIAL CRISIS IS A NATURAL DISASTER: e.g., para fiamme salva stati FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE IS RESCUE: e.g., il salvagente lanciato ad Atene FINANCIAL CRISIS AS ILLNESS: e.g., quattro paesi patologie diverse

Having established which are the principal convergent domains, more focused comparative work on how these metaphors are instantiated can be carried out, particularly if compact, comparable corpora have been constructed prior to or during the initial phases. This work could focus on typical word classes and related constructions, collocations, etc. (see Heaney 2012). The next in terms of importance could be domains that occur with ever—decreasing frequency, or not at all, which would indicate that they probably reflect cultural preferences, as in the following: A RESUMPTION OF NEGOTIATIONS IS A DANCE: un nuovo giro di walzer THE ECONOMIC CRISIS IS AN ACTOR: la crisi esce di scena

Alternatively, some metaphors may reflect a given newspaper’s ideological stance (at times a critical evaluation emerges strongly in the English language corpora, for example with the use of the source domain of RELIGION, e.g., “the sale of indulgences”). Other, more divergent metaphors are topic-triggered and mainly used to achieve specific effects like humour (not absent from this kind of journalism, but not a central use); for instance, the rather predictable wordplay on the euro crisis in Greece in the English Press (“The Greek crisis, the end of a Marathon?”). Such instances may not be prioritised or can be referred to for more nuanced training tasks.

5.2. Developing awareness of global discourse systematicity Besides its potential for a comparative analysis of discourse systematic metaphoricity, the data can also be used to strengthen awareness of global systematicity, that is, to provide pointers to source domains that recur in various discourses and indicate the degree to which they converge in the two languages. A comparison of the first-ten-ranked source domains for the euro crisis discourse with the corresponding data from a corpus of fashion industry press releases, provides the following information:

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Fashion industry press releases

Euro crisis articles

ILC

ELC

ELC

ILC

1

JOURNEY

JOURNEY

WAR

2

SUBSTANCE

MOVEMENT

AID/RESCUE

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT ILLNESS

3

THEATRE

STABILIZATI ON

ILLNESS

4

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT BODY

DISASTER

5

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT FAMILY

6

NARRATION

WAR

7

WEALTH

SPORT

8

WAR

9

BUILDING

1

PROCREATION

0

DOWNWARDS MOVEMENT/ POSITION WAR

RESCUE/AID

BUILDING

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT UPWWARDS MOVEMENT/POSIT -ION DOWNWARDS MOVEMENT/POSIT -ION BUILDING

BUILDING

WEALTH

RELIGION

SPORT

SUBSTANCE

BACKWARDS MOVEMENT

DISASTER

JOURNEY

VEHICLE

Table 5-5. Comparison of the first-ten ranked source domains in fashion industry press releases and euro crisis articles.

This comparison of the top-ten ranked domains for these two discourses indicates the presence in both of the domains JOURNEY, WAR, PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT, BUILDING, and MOVEMENT, suggesting that they are likely to be globally systematic and that mastering their translations and instantiations should therefore prove useful for other discourses too. In this case, the overlap of domains can be accounted for by shared economic concerns in these discourses. Thus, the fashion industry press releases feature metaphors for company growth, fighting competition, achieving higher sales, or progressing in other ways; much as euro crisis discourse draws on source domains for combating public spending, finding ways of progressing beyond the crisis, stimulating growth and registering progress or its opposite in terms of movement. Naturally, this level of figurative knowledge is one that can only be developed over time, as students gradually address the translation of

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various specialized discourses and consciously build up a picture of globally systematic mappings. Additionally, table 5-5 throws into quite sharp relief the specific set of domains proper to each kind of discourse, such as that of WEALTH in the fashion industry press releases, probably reflecting the upbeat and positive spin associated with this genre, compared with the frequency of source domains like AID/RESCUE or DISASTER and negative MOVEMENT in the euro crisis corpora.

6. Concluding observations The data has revealed that metaphor density in euro crisis discourse exceeds the metaphoricity levels of other discourses analysed in previous studies, a further indication that far from being a sporadic stylistic embellishment, metaphor is a fundamental means of organising and expressing understanding in LSPs. The chapter has examined this issue principally from an L2 translation perspective because, for the reasons examined and explained in Section 2, L2 translators are more liable to underestimate the extent of this trope and the difficulties it entails in the translation process. In view of its pervasiveness, the chapter has assessed the viability of a domain-based approach to metaphor translation as an extension of the metaphor-type approach pioneered by Newmark (1983). Specifically, the chapter has examined the potential of two comparable corpora for increasing what Knowles and Moon (2006, 79) call “figurative awareness” in the translation of an LSP. It has been suggested that a domain-oriented approach can develop figurative awareness in two ways: at the discourse-specific level and the global-systematic level. In terms of the former, conventional metaphor mappings for this discourse can be traced and compared to establish rankings that indicate priority source domains that trainees might be expected to become proficient in translating. The analysis of this discourse has revealed a wide range of metaphor use, comprising metaphors that form part of the recognised terminological parlance of the field, highly conventional, often unintentional metaphors at the very end of their metaphor career (Gentner and Bowdle 2005), and more intentional metaphors, often used for achieving effects like humour, for conveying ideological stances, or for increasing the sensational aspects of news coverage. It has been suggested that the first two kinds in particular, which also demonstrate the highest level of overlap between the two corpora, might be prioritised. The chapter has also suggested the complementary potential of the domain-based system for viewing conventional metaphor mappings from a globally systematic perspective across different

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discourses in two languages. In theory, this extension of the approach should make it possible for educators to help trainee translators consolidate their understanding of how certain conventional metaphors extend across different specialised domains and increase their competence in rendering them whenever they are encountered.

References Anthony, Laurence. 2014. AntConc [Macintosh OSX 10.6.(3,41)] Tokyo, Japan: Waseda University. Available from . Last accessed 20/02/2015. De Silvestris, Silvia. 2012. Le metafore della crisi dell’eurozona nel giornalismo economico italiano e inglese. Unpublished dissertation. Università degli Studi di Roma ‘Tor Vergata’. Fuertes Olivera, Pedro. 1998. “Metaphor and Translation: A Case Study in the Field of Economics.” In La traducción: orientaciones lingüísticas y culturales, edited by Purificazión Fernández Nistal, P. and José Maria Bravo Gozalo, 79-95.Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid. Gentner, Derdre and Brian F. Bowdle. 2001. “Convention, form, and figurative language processing”. Metaphor and Symbol, 16: 223-247. Heaney, Dermot. 2011. “Negotiating Communicative Style, Situational Context and TT Models in Advanced Cultural Mediation Pedagogy: A case study from Italian-English Translation.” Novitas-ROYAL (RESEARCH ON YOUTH AND LANGUAGE), 2, 5 (2): 229-246. —. 2012. “Metaphors We translate By? Towards a Domain-based Approach to Conventional Metaphor in L2 Translation Pedagogy.” In A Cultural Journey through the English Lexicon, edited by Roberta Fachinetti, 35-62. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. —. 2014. “Hypothesising a systematic approach to L2 translation of conventional metaphor in specialised discourses.” Current Trends in Translation Teaching and Learning, 2014, 1: 44-82. —. 2015. “Metaphor? What Metaphor? A case-study of discrepancies in rendering terms and conventional metaphors in L2 translations of specialised discourse.” Rivista Italiana di Psicolinguistica Applicata. XV/1: 26-39. Herrera-Soler, Honesto and Michael, White. 2012. “Metaphors and Mills: Figurative Language in Business and Economics.” In Metaphor and Mills, edited by Honesto Herrera-Soler and Michael White, 1-24. Berlin/ Boston: Walter de Gruyter.

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Knowles, Murray and Rosamund Moon. 2006. Introducing Metaphor. London: Routledge. Koller, Veronica, Andrew Hardie, Paul Rayson, and Elena Semino. 2008. “Using a Semantic Annotation Tool for the Analysis of Metaphor in Discourse.” Metaphoric. DE, 15: 141-60. Kövecses, Zoltán. 2002. Metaphor: A Practical Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press. Lakoff, George and Mark Johnson. 1980. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Laviosa, Sara. [2005] 2014. Linking Wor[l]ds. Naples: Liguori Editore. McEnery, Tony and Andrew Hardie. 2012. Corpus Linguistics: Theory and Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Newmark, Peter. 1983. “The Translation of Metaphor.” Volume 104 of Linguistic Agency Trier: Series A. Trier: L.A.U.T.: 93-100. Nicaise, Laurent. 2011. “On Going beyond the Literal: Translating Metaphorical Conceptualizations in Financial Discourse.” Meta journal de Traducteurs/ Meta: Translators’ Journal. vol. 56, 2: 407423. Pokorn, Nike K. 2009. “Natives or Non-Natives? That Is the Question… Teachers of Translation into Language B.” The Interpreter and Translator Trainer, 3:2: 189-208. Pragglejaz Group. 2007. “MIP: A Method for Identifying Metaphorically Used Words in Discourse.” Metaphor and Symbol, 22 (1): 1–39. Ritchie, David L. 2013. Metaphor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rojo Lopéz, Ana María and María Angeles Ortis Llopis. 2008. “Conceptual Metaphors and Translation: A comparative study of metaphors in English and Spanish financial reports.” In Researching and Teaching Specialised Languages, edited by Purificación Sanches Hernandez, 1-12. Murcia: Universidad de Murcia, Servicio de Publicaciones. Schäffner, Cristina. 2004. “Metaphor and Translation: some implications of a cognitive approach.” Journal of Pragmatics. 36 (7): 1253-1269. —. 2012. “Finding space under the umbrella: The Euro crisis, metaphors, and translation.” Journal of Specialised Translation 7: 250-270. http://www.jostrans.org/issue17/art_schaeffner.php —. 2014. “Umbrellas and Firewalls: Metaphor in debating the financial crisis from the perspective of translation studies.” In Tradurre Figure/ Translating Figurative Languages, edited by Donna Miller and Enrico Monti, 11-24. Bologna: Quaderni del CeSLiC.

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Semino, Elena. 2008. Metaphor in Discourse. Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press. Steen, Gerard J. 2009. “Deliberate Metaphor Affords Conscious Metaphorical Cognition.” Journal of Cognitive Semiotics, V(1-2):179-97. —. 2014. “Translating metaphor. What’s the problem?” In Tradurre Figure / Translating Figurative Languages, edited by Donna Miller and Enrico Monti, 11-24. Bologna: Quaderni del CeSLiC. Taylor, Christopher. 1998. Language to Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Toury, Gideon 1995. Descriptive Translation Studies and Beyond. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

Websites McEnery, Tony. 2014. ‘Week one lecture 1: Part 1’ https://www.future learn.com/courses/corpus-linguistics-2014-q3/todo/1108. Last accessed 20/02/2015.

CHAPTER SIX TRANSLATION ISSUES FROM ITALIAN TO ENGLISH: A PILOT STUDY OF THREE COMPANIES’ FINANCIAL STATEMENTS SERGIO PIZZICONI, WALTER GIORDANO, LAURA DI FERRANTE1

1. Introduction 1.1. Statement of the Problem In global markets, many companies are interested in having their financial information disclosures as reliable, transparent, and comparable as possible regardless of the language used to show data. Firms and national and international regulatory entities are interested in supporting the international standardisation of accounting practices. The accounting principles of IFRS (International Financial Reporting Standards) or the taxonomies of the XBRL (eXtensible Business Reporting Language) are two modalities to aim at transparency and comparability of financial information across countries and accounting cultures. In this exploratory study, we focus on the way financial statements, written following Italian regulation guidelines, are translated into English. Translations are meant to depict the financial standing of a firm for a variety of international stakeholders, such as suppliers, customers, investors, competitors, potential partners, and financial analysts. The firms that we observed show in their websites an English translation of their financial statements as they were prepared for the Italian Business Register. Each entry is translated in the same order with the same amount 1 Pizziconi wrote Sections 3.2, 4, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, and 5.5; Giordano wrote Sections 1, 2, and 5.6. Di Ferrante wrote Sections 3.1, 5.1, and 6.

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of financial value. This is meant to prove the reliability of the disclosure or, at the very least, its official nature. From January 2016, the Italian regulator decided that all Italian financial statements are to comply with the IFRS. Up to then, the Italian Civil Code (Codice Civile) set the domestic accounting standards, like the Burgerlijk Wetboek in the Netherlands or the Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch in Germany, to name just two. Not only do national regulations determine country-specific relations between concepts and forms to describe financial entities, they also allow for connotative meanings to be added to those concept-form relations linked to the accounting and general culture of the country. These two dimensions, namely denotative and connotative meaning, are those that engender the main issues in translating financial statements prepared according to national regulations. In this exploratory study, we propose a short list of strategies strictly connected to the translation of accounting terminology. We have analyzed the English translation outputs of each entry in the financial statements of three Italian companies, Barilla, Fidia, and Socotherm. We carried out a comparative study, in order to identify the strategies that each company adopts to achieve the desired result in English. In particular, we investigated either the correspondence with equivalent lexical units or the strategy adopted in case of missing equivalence. The result is a categorisation of the translation strategies in a semantic framework. Thus, in the following sections, a definition of the problem will be given, along with a theoretical framework, explaining the terms and the objectives of our investigation (Section 2). The method and the analysis will be discussed in Sections 3 and 4. The results will be explained in Section 5. They include the list of translated items per company, the linguistic strategies, the differentiation between common lexicon and business specific lexicon, and finally, some inconsistencies across companies and the translation of some items that we considered typical of the Italian regulation or culture.

1.2. The nature of Financial Statements According to IASB’s Framework for the preparation and presentation of financial statements, Financial Statements (FS) “provide information about the financial position, performance, and cash flows of an enterprise that is useful to a wide range of users in making economic decisions”. They convey financial information to stakeholders who belong to different communities: suppliers, customers, investors, competitors, and financial analysts. Financial statements are usually included in a company’s annual

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reports. Over the years, the latter have been considered in the literature as a self-standing text type (Garzone, 2004; 2005) and more than a collection of different text types (de Groot 2008). De Groot (2008) suggests that annual reports have to be considered as a text type in their entirety, and their communicative purposes (that is conveying management’s philosophy and style, as well as information about the company’s performance and financial results) and the audience (groups of readers, shareholders, journalists, banks, and analysts) taken into consideration. In the annual report, financial statements represent a less textual element as they consist mainly of figures, tables, and charts with the exception of a couple of documents, Notes to financial statements and Management Commentary. The latter represent the explanation and detailed description of the items posted in the numeric sections of the financial statements (Balance Sheet and Income Statement). Since the FS are the main business information tool, any process of translation must consider many aspects, the regulatory to the cultural ones.

2. Theoretical background 2.1. Translation of financial and accounting terminology The communicative purposes of disclosing information, is at the basis of a wider research endeavour by a number of scholars from multiple disciplines who are trying to combine their research with linguistic research, as the study of language is becoming the tool to better understand some processes. Not surprisingly, one of these disciplines is accounting. Accounting represents one of those speech communities where English is the lingua franca (Engberg 2006; Gerritsen and Nickerson 2009, 2011). Over the years, these studies have brought the awareness that the interdisciplinary outcome is dual: linguists benefit from the knowledge of the content, the social background, and the technical motivation lying behind the words, and the business accounting scholars benefit from the interpretation tool of the language, which allows for the harmonisation among cultures, regulations, and professional communities. Specialised translation blends all of these cultural needs. Nowadays, accounting terminology and procedures are translated into different cultural settings and into other languages. The international accounting and legal community recognises the translation activity as a necessary feature, culture, and language (Evans 2004, 2010). If translation is considered not just a mere correspondence of words, but as a process of adaptation of aims and actors in the translation, then the role of the

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translator becomes pivotal in understanding what has to be adapted and selected: these decisions are the “translator’s instinct as well as the essence of translating” (Hu 2003, 284). Yet, translation in the field of accounting takes on the difficult role of translating the words and the underlying concepts in a domain where a multitude of interests and perspectives create multiple readings of the same financial concept. Sometimes a concept in the national culture has no exact equivalent in the foreign culture, thus translators look for similar and analogical concepts and words to explain the concept. This trial counts on the translator’s perception that concepts are similar, but this often leads to misconceptions and loss of significance (Evans 2004). The problem is quite relevant: the internationalisation of international accounting and its standardisation (IFRS) has led to a process of harmonisation with the national regulation. Many actors are involved in this process: users, investors, preparers of financial statements, researchers, and students. The process and the actors depend on the reliability of the financial statements translation, as their related activities could be severely affected (Evans 2004). One of the core reasons for the entries in the financial statements to be standardised is their comparability across companies. In particular, comparability is listed as the first of the qualitative characteristics of financial reporting: “the usefulness of financial information is enhanced if it is comparable, verifiable, timely and understandable” (IFRS 2015) It is widely acknowledged that for a company to be present on international markets, its financial statement should be comparable both diachronically, across multiple years, and synchronically, with other companies and competitors. Nuryanah and Islam (2015) clarify that “comparability refers to the ability of the information to be compared through time and across entities.” It turns out that it is not just a matter for the financial statements to be translated in English, but it is also a matter for the signifiers, the entries in such statements to have the same referent in terms of financial elements. If on the one hand, this is one of the main reasons that prompted the need for international standards, on the other hand this is one of the major issues as there are quite marked differences in terms of referents across financial systems and accounting practices (Doupnik and Richter 2003; Evans 2004). In this regard, the “True and Fair View (TFV)” issue, only formally closed with the 1978 final version of the European Commission Fourth Directive on accounting standards (European Parliament 2002), has become a prototypical example for translation issues in accounting as it

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has been examined by many scholars (e.g. Evans 2004; Nobes 1993) cited by Dahlgreen and Nilsson (2012). The authors underline how the phrase, and therefore the concept, belonged to British culture, but not to other European cultures: The problem is not primarily a question of finding words but rather a meaning that in each language would convey the original idea. Since the concept did not exist in the accounting cultures of the other countries, it obviously could not just be translated. Here, different countries chose different strategies when the directive was to be incorporated into the law. (Dahlgreen and Nilsson 2012, 48)

The authors mention that one of these strategies was, for example, for some nations to keep their own concepts and in other cases multiple, discordant translations were used. Moreover, current research is focussing on the way the language of accounting has several cognitive implications. Weißenberger and Holthoff (2013) add to research construal of denotative and connotative meanings of accounting terms a further dimension of variation dependant on cognitive styles in the use and interpretation of accounting language. We believe that the identification of the linguistic mechanisms underlying the different strategies to translate concepts would not only be useful for the translation practice, but would also make these translation more transparent. In other words, the classification of these strategies may add clarity to the translation itself and serve as a step forward in the debate on comparability. In the Italian experience, attention must be paid to the translation of some concepts: among which, immobilizzazioni materiali, attività finanziarie, riserve, decimi non versati, and trattamento di fine rapporto. These concepts are peculiar to the Italian business context and are also described in the national regulation. Their translation into English represents a good example of the difficulty inherent to the effort of harmonisation of concepts from one culture to another. Consequently, translation strategies have to be chosen, in order to get an effective result. Pedersen (2005) recognises that there cannot be a single strategy, but an organic set of strategies have to be adopted. The author starts from the recognition of an Official Equivalent, which can provide a standardised translation, regulated and “pre-fabricated” by an “official decision by people in authority” (p. 115). If there is no Official Equivalent, it is reasonably clear that other strategies have to be applied. In his description, among others, generalisation seems to be a strategy which fits with the documents we have analysed. Generalisation means replacing a concept

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with a broader one. This usually involves hyperonymy, but, when compared to addition, another translation strategy, it emerges that hyponyms are often used to render a concept. From Pedersen’s study, it can be inferred that generalisation and addition are, albeit opposite, similar and related. (p. 118). Similarly, Mai, Ngoc, and Tuan (2014) state that in the translation of scientific terms equivalence must be sought (574). They draw from Arntz, Picht and Schmitz (1991, 160) who suggest four levels of functional equivalence: level 1, 2 and 4 relate respectively to complete equivalence, partial equivalence or no equivalence, Instead, level 3, defined as inclusion, is based on the utilisation of hyperonyms and hyponyms, in order to explain concepts and features. On the basis of these studies, resorting to hyperonyms and hyponyms in translating financial reporting appears to be appropriate in the analysis of the translation strategies adopted in the items we investigated.

3. Method 3.1. Translation distances and the semantics of prototypes In this chapter, we deal with the financial statement items that help a company to handle its finances according to the market rules and the laws of the country in which the company is a taxpayer. Some Italian companies compile their financial statements according to Italian regulations and then translate them into English to gain international visibility. These translated items do not have a standardised or agreed upon correspondence with financial statement items in English speaking countries. Moreover, sometimes the items of the financial statements do not exist in other countries and the English language has no word to designate them. For the purpose of the present study, a semantic model of classification was needed for three purposes at two different levels. At the methodological level: a. to observe/determine the semantic relation between the signifiers and the signifieds within the Italian language (the same concept may be named with different terms) and across the three (sometimes different) translations in English.

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At the analysis level: a. to observe the semantic relation between each Italian entry and its translation b.to observe the semantic relations between the three English translations. The translation issue at the methodological stage is of primary importance, as the semantic model of classification should enable the researcher to decide on the classification of items like Azioni proprie in portafoglio and Azioni proprie, where the only difference is ‘in portafoglio’. It is necessary to establish if such difference is significant in terms of what is signified. Also, different translations of these same items are selected, respectively: treasury stock held and own shares; such translation choices need to be addressed in terms of semantic categorisation in order to identify the selected translation strategies. The Trattamento di Fine Rapporto (TFR) is a good example to demonstrate how the semantic model of classification was needed at the analysis stage: In the Italian system, this phrase refers to a percentage of the worker’s salary which is withheld by the employer, and then given back to the employer when he or she leaves (or is let go by) the company. In countries other than Italy, such an item may not exist, or if it does exist, it may work differently so that there is no commonly used or acknowledged expression or phrase a translator can safely use to translate TFR. At this point the translation output can either be literal or use a phrase that is commonly used in business lexicon, which most closely designates it. The literal translation may be obscure: end of the relationship’s treatment, or not explanatory enough: post employment pay. Hence, often translators rely on categories that already exist in the business lexicon, like severance indemnity, severance pay, termination benefits, deferred wage fund, etc. The choice of using a semantic category that includes and/or has many features in common with the item to be translated and makes it possible to compare and establish correspondences and semantic relations between items. In order to understand how the financial statement entities have been (or should/could/will be) translated, we needed a theoretical framework that would allow us to collocate such entities within semantic categories in which the Italian and the English financial statement entries could be analysed and compared in parallel. Such a theoretical framework was identified in prototype semantics that represents a “revolution (the Roschian revolution) regarding classic lexical semantics” (Amoretti 2003), as it proposed to look at the relationship between entities not based

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on a number of conditions for them to belong to a given category. Rather, prototype semantics is based on some attributes characterising an item and on how such attributes are related to other attributes of another item. In the 1970s, Eleanor Rosch proposed a novel conception of semantics, switching the focus from the idea of necessary and sufficient features to belong in a category to the idea of prototypical instances of a given category: [...] conceiving of each category in terms of its clear cases rather than its boundaries. . . . In the normal course of life, two neighbors know on whose property they are standing without exact demarcation of the boundary line. Categories can be viewed in terms of their clear cases if the perceiver places emphasis on the correlational structure of perceived attributes such that the categories are represented by their most structured portions. (Rosch 1978, 11)

Going back to the lack of an exact English correspondence of TFR, the translation ‘severance indemnity’ or ‘termination benefits’ relies heavily on the idea that these phrases represent “clear cases” of the TFR category, that TFR is a clear case of that category, or they both are clear cases of the same category and these mechanisms seem to work as the basis of the choices of translation. The interpretation of these mechanisms is one of the goals of this chapter.

3.2. Corpus: sources and analytical setup The English translations of the financial statements contained in the annual reports for the financial year 2013 of three Italian companies (Fidia, Socotherm, and Barilla) were compared on the basis of the Italian entries. These three companies were selected at random looking only for a full match with the following requirements: a. Italian companies that operate in different industrial sectors to avoid that the convergence of product specificities and markets might engender common translation strategies. Fidia deals with numerical controls of automated machines and milling, Socotherm with industrial pipe coatings, and Barilla with pasta and other food products. b. Companies that made their 2013 financial statements available on their websites in both Italian and English. Besides simplifying the composition of the corpus, the public accessibility of the translation

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implies that the management of the company has approved the document. c. The Italian version of the document must comply with Italian regulations and not the IFRS, and the English translation announces itself as a faithful translation of the original text. Therefore, same or similar Italian names for entries or sections of the financial statements have been used to line up the English names, as in Table 6-1, where some of the most typical differences in the translation are displayed. The items in the Italian versions were aligned across the three companies according to their referents, despite the fact that the wording might not have been identical. The line-up helped the construction of categories of translation strategies. Socotherm

Fidia SpA

Barilla

Italian

English Italian translation

English Italian translation

English translation

Fondo imposte differite

Tax liabilities

Passività per imposte differite

Deferred tax Imposte liabilities differite passive

Deferred income tax liabilities

Disponibilità e mezzi equivalenti all’inizio dell’esercizio

Cash on hand and cash equivalents at beginning of year

Disponibilità generate (assorbite) dall’attività operative

Cash from/(used in) operating activities

Flusso di cassa netto generato (assorbito) da attività operative (A)

Rendiconto Finanziario

Cash Flow Statement

Rendiconto Consolidated Finanziario Cash Flow Consolidato Statement

Rendiconto Financial Finanziario Statement

Table 6-1. Items alignment and differences.

Net cash generated from operating activities (a)

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Table 6-1 is an example of how the items were aligned and shows the main differences across Italian entries and their translations. In the first line, we can observe that the Italian wording of the first item is different across the companies (fondo imposte differite vs. passività per imposte differite vs. imposte differite passive). However, given their position in the financial statements and the surrounding entries, we could verify that they referred to the same financial referent and were, thus, lined up to compare the English translations. In the second row, we inserted Fidia SpA’s item, Disponibilità e mezzi equivalenti all’inizio dell’esercizio, the cells in the second row, corresponding to Socotherm and Barilla are empty, because, in their financial statements, we could not find any item that could be aligned to the Fidia SpA one. In these series, the differences in the Italian names usually convey different detail choices of the Italian editor or are connected to specificities of the statements. For example, the presence in Table 6-1’s fourth row of consolidato (consolidated) in Barilla’s entry is due to the fact that the report is by Barilla Group and not a single firm; or disponibilità, literally ‘availability (of cash)’ compared to flusso di cassa netto, lit. ‘net flow of cash’, in Table 6-1’s third row are virtually equivalent, but the latter specifies the accounting procedure to determine the value of the entry. The same procedure to verify the correspondence of the Italian and English items was used in cases like the one shown in Table 6-2. The same English tag (trade payables) was used to translate both debiti commerciali (lit. ‘commercial debts’) and debiti verso fornitori (lit. ‘debts towards suppliers’). Barilla’s choice in Italian is again a matter of detail, provided that debts/payables towards suppliers are the most frequent type of trade payables. Socotherm Italian

Fidia SpA

English Italian translation

Debiti Trade commerciali Payables

English translation

Debiti Trade commercial Payables

Barilla Italian

English translation

Debiti verso Trade fornitori Payables

Table 6-2. Same English translation, different Italian entries. Within the same company, the entries of the English translations were usually easily matched to the Italian ones. In other words, every entry of the Italian version was translated with one entry in English almost invariably in the same position. However, if any doubt arose, the monetary values of the entries were matched. For instance, in Socotherm’s Italian

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statements, two entries, risultato netto da attività in esercizio and risultato netto dell’esercizio (Socotherm) were listed in two subsequent lines at the end of the Conto Economico with a repeated value of 2,104,930 Euros. In the corresponding section of the English version of the Income Statement, a single entry namely Profit (loss) for the period with the same amount of Euros was recorded. The two entries in Italian were related to one translation. Once the Italian entries were lined up, we matched the English translations to find differences, such as tax liabilities vs. deferred tax liabilities vs. deferred income tax liabilities or financial statement vs. cash flow statement, which were indicative of different translation strategies.

4. Analysis After the whole correspondence matrix was built, each pair, namely the Italian and English names of the entry, was classified according to the translation strategy adopted by the translator. We identified, named, defined, and operationalised four strategies as follows: a. COMMON: the translation adheres to the Italian concept and employs lexical units that are used with the same meaning in many other domains (e.g., licenses/licenze). Usually dictionaries do not distinguish a specific usage labelled as “business,” “accounting,” “financial,” or the like. When they do, the process is the same and participants and circumstances are special cases of those in definitions not labelled for specific usage2. b. BUSINESS: the translation adheres to the Italian concept and uses lexical units that in both cultures are specific to the financial language domain (e.g., goodwill/avviamento). Dictionaries mark the definition (or translation in bilingual dictionaries) with one of the labels listed in (a). c. HYPONYMIC: the translation uses lexical units that represent a prototypical example of the category denoted in Italian, as in hyponymic replacement (e.g., government grants/contributi statali). Whether dictionaries mark the definition as specific to finance is irrelevant. At least one other example in English must exist that can be rubricated under the category in Italian. 2

Processes, participants, and circumstances are used here in the framework of Hallidayan functional grammar (Halliday 1994). An example of how they were used in this study is in section 5.2 below.

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d. HYPERONYMIC: the translation uses lexical units that represent a larger category of the prototypical object denoted in Italian, as in hyperonymic replacement (e.g., retained earnings/utili portati a nuovo). Whether dictionaries mark the definition as specific to finance is irrelevant. At least one other example in Italian must exist that can be rubricated under the category in English. Therefore, the tagging was carried out on a lexicographic basis. Our assumption was that translators would check for the accuracy of the translation following the usage directions of monolingual and bilingual dictionaries. Whether translators actually used lexicographic sources or referred to their own lexical competence is irrelevant to the objectives of this investigation. Our expectation about strategies (c) and (d) were that if the choices did not follow prototypical movements, some further pragmatic function might be at work. Typically, it will be in the direction of understating descriptive features of entries that might be interpreted as negative to the image of the company. Some examples will be discussed in Sections 5.4 and 5.5 below.

5. Results and discussion 5.1. Linguistic strategies of translated items The corpus consists of 130 items, namely individual words or phrases in the original Italian versions and translated into the English versions. The items in the English versions consist of 438 words total. In Table 6-3, the column “Number of items” shows the quantity of translated items as they appear in each company’s financial statement. The difference in quantity of items across the three companies depends on the fact that some items were not present in all the three financial statements. Barilla’s financial statements offered 35.38% of the total items analysed in this study. Fidia SpA financial statement items represent 36.15% of the corpus and the remaining 28.46% was extracted from Socotherm’s financial statement.

Translation Issues from Italian to English

Socotherm Fidia S.p.A. Barilla Total

Number of items Frequency Percentage 37 28.46% 47 36.15% 46 35.38% 130 100%

113 Words 111 138 189 438

Table 6-3. The Corpus. As shown in Table 6-4, the items have been analysed on the basis of the strategy used to translate them into English. The results demonstrate that business lexicon is largely preferred in 65.3% of the translations. In other words, for the financial statements analysed in this study, translations display words and phrases that are specific to the financial context. A small part of the translations, 1.5%, look inconsistent with the reference; in other words, there are cases in which there appears to be no semantic relationship between the original term and its translation. Common lexicon is used far less than business lexicon. The occurrences are less than one sixth of those where financial language is used. Table 6-4 also presents those cases in which the translation is operated either through more specific instances of the original term, what we named a hyponymic translation strategy, which is found in 8.4% of the occurrences; conversely, hyperonymic strategies are used for 6.9% of the items. Although hyponyms are slightly more frequent translation outcomes than hyperonyms, suggesting a tendency to prefer narrowing the meaning through translating rather than generalising it, the corpus is too small for this result to be conclusive. Common F %

Business F %

Hyponym F %

Hyperonym F %

Inconsistencies F %

Socotherm

3

2.3

25 19.2

6

4.6

1

0.7

2

1.5

Fidia S.p.A.

5

3.8

38 29.2

1

0.7

3

2.3

0

0

Barilla

5

3.8

32 24.6

4

3

5

3.8

0

0

13

10

85 65.3 11

8.4

9

6.9

2

1.5

Total

Table 6-4. Translation strategies.

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5.2. Use of common lexicon In the common lexicon category, we have classified those translations that use lexical units that belong with many different domains. As a paradigmatic example, the word reserve for riserva has been classified in this group because: a. the first definitions from Merriam-Webster Unabridged Edition (2015) of the dictionary report: “1. something that is reserved: something kept back or held available (as for future use) [...] 2. something reserved or set aside for a particular purpose, use, or reason [...]” (Webster, s.v. reserve) b. the definition related to the financial use of the word, usually without any explicit lexicographic label, explains: “6. money or its equivalent kept in hand or set apart usually to meet a specified liability or anticipated liabilities” (Webster, s.v. reserve) c. the syntactic process in definition (6) reported above is the same or equivalent to the most general definitions: kept (in hand) and set apart in the finance related definition are equivalent to kept back, held (available), set aside in the more general definitions (1) and (2) reported above; d. the participants and circumstances are more strictly related to financial settings: money or its equivalent is a participant that specifies the indefinite something in the general definition. The adverbial phrase to meet a specified liability or anticipated liabilities as a circumstance explains the goal of the process and specifies for future use in the general definition. The use of common lexicon is connected to cases (a) in which the Italian label also consists in lexical units that have a use wider than finance and (b) in which the English translation explains the content of the Italian label that displays a conventionalised use of words. Examples of the former circumstance3: correnti > current, non correnti > non current, (immobili) impianti e macchinari > (property) plant and

3

Angle bracket “>“ stands for “translated with”. If no specification is added examples have been observed in the three companies. If the example occurs in only one or two companies, their names are bracketed at the end of the example. Where one company adds lexical units to the same sequence of words, the differing

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equipment [(Barilla) and Fidia], azioni proprie > own shares [Fidia], riserva legale > legal reserve [Socotherm, Fidia]; Examples of the latter circumstance: costo del venduto [lit. ‘cost of sold (goods)] > cost of sales [Barilla], benefici a dipendenti [lit. ‘benefits (paid) to employees’] > employee benefits [Socotherm], altri crediti verso controllate [lit. ‘other receivable towards controlled (firms)’] > other receivables due from parent company [Barilla].

5.3. Use of business lexicon This category comprises translations that use technical terms. By definition a term is a lexical unit that has undergone a process of desemantisation followed by a re-semantisation within the technical domain it is supposed to be used in to mean a concept of the field that is defined as narrowly as possible.4 The term goodwill is a paradigmatic example from financial reports to display this process. From the dictionary entry goodwill is defined as: a. kindly feeling [...] b. the custom of a trade or business: the favor or advantage in the way of custom that a business has acquired beyond the mere value of what it sells [...] c. the capitalized value of the excess of estimated future profits of a business over the rate of return on capital considered normal in the related industry (Webster, s.v. goodwill)

The semantic features of the use of the word in common language, meaning listed as (a), have been almost completely expunged from the technical use in financial terminology as shown in the meaning listed as (c) which is the one of the entries in financial statements. What is preserved lies in the meaning listed above as (b) and refers to something that goes beyond the tangible direct perception of the quality of a person (in the case of the common use) and of a company (in the case of a business) behavior.

element is in parentheses and the name of the company reported in parentheses at the end of the example. 4 The process succinctly described here is one of the central distinctive features in the definition of any technical-scientific language. It is aimed at generating exactness and accuracy of the specific language by avoiding that synonymy might engender vagueness as in common language. For relevant bibliography and more detail see Pizziconi (2006, 62-72).

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Most of the English terms in this category are also used in financial reporting in English speaking countries and require the translator to have specific knowledge in order to not confuse them with false friends: attività and passività are translated in English as assets and liabilities, which are clearly different from the lexical roots activ- and passiv- that are closer to the Italian words. Analogously, debiti and crediti, are not translated as debts and credits, as their common etymologies would suggest, but with payables and receivables. Among the many entries classified in this group we find several combinations of assets, liabilities, payables, and receivables with other common language words such as current, non-current, other (as in other receivables to translate altri crediti), total (as in total assets for totale attività), and many others. Other technical terms are used in the following examples: immobilizzazioni immateriali > intangible assets [Fidia and Barilla], strumenti finanziari derivati > derivative financial instruments [Barilla], crediti commerciali > trade receivables [Socotherm and Fidia], disponibilità liquide e mezzi equivalenti >cash and cash equivalents [Socotherm and Fidia], patrimonio netto> (total shareholder’s) equity (Socotherm), capitale (sociale)>share capital (Fidia), and riserva di sovrapprezzo azioni > share premium reserve [Socotherm and Fidia].

5.4. Use of hyperonyms In this group, the Italian entries are labelled with a rather high level of detail and are translated with English labels that refer to categories that encompass the Italian referent but might include different instances. For example, Socotherm translates rimanenze e lavori in corso (lit. ‘left-over stock and works in progress’) with inventories. The use of this entry in English balance sheets usually refers to “the amount of raw materials, work in process, and finished goods being held for sale at a given time” (Wall Street Words 2015, s.v. inventory). This is the category to which the two components of the Italian label can be ascribed. The Italian posting crediti verso clienti e altri crediti (lit. ‘receivables from customers and other receivables’) has been translated by Barilla with trade and other receivables where the modifier trade is probably meant to include receivables from any buy-and-sell activity. The general label borrowings is used to cover two different types of debt: Socotherm translates debiti per locazioni finanziarie (lit. ‘debts for financial leasings’) with borrowings from other financial institutions, whereas Barilla translates debiti verso banche e altri finanziatori (lit. ‘debts to banks and other financing bodies’) with a plain borrowings. In

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both cases, borrowing is used as a more general term than those specified in the Italian entries. The choice in this case might also achieve the function of changing the status of the economical actor. The use of debt construes a condition the company is obligated to, as in “The company is indebted to…” Conversely, the construal with borrowing seems to refer to a deliberate project of the borrower to achieve some goal, as in “the Company borrowed money from a bank (or any other financial institution)”. In a different part of Socotherm’s statement, a more neutral choice is made when translating debiti verso banche (lit. ‘debts to banks’), with an even more general category used, namely, other current financial liabilities. A similar translation, current financial liabilities, is used by Fidia to translate passività finanziarie correnti.

5.5. Use of hyponyms The Italian entries translated with a hyponymic strategy are typically composed of words that encompass a wide range of specific economic actions and relations that may involve participants of diverse nature. The lexical units that compose the Italian labels are usually words that are also used in common language. An example of this semantic relationship is the translation of contributi statali. Literal translations, such as ‘state/government subsidies/contributions’, might convey an idea of weakness of the company that relies on some form of public help. On the contrary, the translation government grants conveys the idea of a company deserving public funds on the basis of specific projects, generally expansion programs or start-ups. Among the examples in our corpus, the translation of the Italian partecipazioni demonstrates how prototypical movements can be in opposite directions even with same heads of the noun phrase. First of all it must be pointed out that the financial use of the Italian word partecipazioni has little to do with the financial use of participation in English, which refers to a specific type of lender-borrower relationship. Second, the sense of taking part in something or some event or sharing something, which explains the common use of the words in both languages, is also the type of process, in the sense of functional grammar, that frames the financial use in Italian. However, the Italian word also has a plethora of common uses that go from the invitation to a wedding to an empathic feeling. A similar diversity of meanings characterises sharing or interest, which are more literal but more general translations of partecipazioni. Socotherm’s translation, instead, provides examples of this

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type of economic relation using investments in associates and joint ventures, which actually are its most frequent instances. It is worth noticing that Fidia translates the same entry with a plain investments, which we have classified as a hyperonymic translation in this study, in that, without further qualification the English word points to a larger category than the Italian partecipazioni and the latter is a good prototypical example of investment. Other examples in this group, attività fiscali (lit. ‘fiscal assets’) translated by Socotherm with deferred tax assets and imposte differite attive (lit. ‘active deferred taxes’) translated by Barilla with deferred income tax assets provides a clear example of translation issues related to Italian regulations. In Italian fiscal vocabulary tassa is a fiscal tribute paid against some public service, whereas imposta is a fiscal tribute paid against no specific public service. A prototypical example of imposta is what is paid on the income of a company, as well as a private citizen for that matter. This explains Barilla’s choice to use income tax to translate the Italian imposte. Socotherm’s choice to use (deferred) tax, as the noun modifier equivalent to the Italian adjective fiscali, is not meant to point to the difference between tassa and imposta in Italian, but to use a prototypical example of what is described as fiscal in English.

5.6. Inconsistencies across firms and Italian-specific items We have detected some inconsistencies from the investigation of the three companies’ financial statements. Some of them are related to a slight semantic difference, some other are linked to a different interpretation of the regulation. This is the case of the financial income, which is translated differently as income or revenues and expenses or costs. This is a matter of interpretation. The term income has a more additive meaning, as it refers to a residual result. Instead the term expense refers to a single economic negative item.

Translation Issues from Italian to English

Socotherm Italian

English translation

Altre Borrowings passività from other finanziarie financial institutions

Fidia SpA Italian

English translation

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Barilla Italian

English translation

Altre Other current passività financial finanziarie liabilities correnti

Debiti per Borrowings locazioni from other finanziarie financial institutions

Table 6-5. Inconsistencies. Another peculiar result from the investigation is the case of borrowings from other financial institutions in Socotherm’s statements. This item appears twice, both to translate altre passività finanziarie, and to translate debiti per locazioni finanziarie. Both at a national level and at international level, regulations would never allow the naming of two different items with the same description. This inconsistency might also be semantic. The item altre passività finanziarie refers to a number of financial commitments, as interests, fees, duties due in connection to any financial activities. It does not necessarily imply a loan from a financial institution. The same semantic inconsistency is possibly related to the second item, debiti per locazioni finanziarie. This implies the leasing of capital goods and states the liability of the company to the leaser, which can be a financial institution or not. These inconsistencies make the financial statements non-standardised and poorly intelligible on the international scenario where it is necessary to make information understandable, relevant, faithful, comparable and verifiable, as stated in the fundamental principles of IFRS. The analysis has also singled out a number of items translated into English from Italian, with no particular analogy to the commonly used items present in the IFRS schemes. It is the case of reserves, which are not explained in the financial statements prospectuses, while the Italian Regulation, the Civil Code, requires the specification of each item in the reserves repertoire. Thus, companies have a mostly common scheme of translation for the components of the reserve group; the riserve per azioni proprie in portafoglio is the item that allows for the most varied

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interpretation and translation of the same meaning. Another possible influence of the local regulation is related to the translation of immobilizzazioni materiali. This item is well explained in the Civil Code as a group that includes all the capital goods which are employed steadily in production process. Fixed asset is the translation that best fits Italian requirements, while plant and machinery is the one that follows the IFRS scheme. The translation strategy of making reference to the analogous international representation of the similar event is clear in the trattamento di fine rapporto (TFR) item. The Italian TFR relates to the practice of saving some money during the working life of a subject to be cashed out at his/her retirement. The translation does not often take into account that it represents a provision, that it has a strong local feature, as it depends on the national regulation and there cannot be a “ready-to-use” translation for this item. Reference can be made to some general concepts stemming from the general international practice. A possible solution could be a broad and general provision for staff termination pay, which includes all the elements needed to understand what this provision is for, leaving apart any possible semantic difference (Giordano 2010).

6. Conclusions The analysis of this pilot study on three Italian companies shows results that, although not conclusive due to the limited amount of items analysed, yet nevertheless highlighted a number of issues that, on the one hand, allow for the identification of patterns in the English translations of financial statements entries and, on the other, reveal the areas that most urgently call for examination and intervention to make the translated financial statements more transparent, readable, and comparable and therefore actually apt to their function. We were able to classify the translations of entries in two large groups with subcategories: according to the use of lexical units that: 1. Literal translations: usually a one-to-one correspondence between Italian lexical units and English ones has been detected, in some cases the English entry is an explanation of the Italian one. Two types of English output have been detected: a.lexical units that are used with the same meaning in multiple domains not only the financial one (e.g., licenses/licenze),

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b.lexical units that are used in the two systems (Italian and English) in the specific domain of business language (e.g., goodwill/ avviamento); 2. Translation with a prototypical movement: the translation does not match the Italian entry, rather, it is either included by the Italian concept or includes it. Whether the output consists of lexical units that are used only in accounting or also in other domains is irrelevant. Two types of output have been detected: c. the English lexical unit represents a prototypical example of the category denoted in Italian, as in hyponymic replacement (e.g., government grants/contributi statali), d. the English lexical unit represents a larger category of the prototypical object denoted in Italian, as in hyperonymic replacement (e.g., retained earnings/utili portati a nuovo). Our results revealed that classes (a) and (b) occur the most frequently. The overwhelming occurrence of strategy (b), namely finance and accounting terminology, demonstrates that over the years for many accounting concepts a rather direct equivalence with international and specifically English practices has been found. Classes (c) and (d) are used especially when the Italian label is determined by local regulations. More often, the tendency is towards a prototypical example of the category. The prototypical tendency appears to be based on a compromise between what is more frequently used in the Italian context and what is conceivable and readable by the international audience. Future developments of this study shall investigate the transparency/readability of type (c) and (d) translations by collecting a wider corpus of financial statements and respective items and by having the translation rated by experts in the field. From a general perspective, we noticed large discrepancies among the translations of the three companies’ financial statements. Such differences make it hard to compare FS with one another, which should not happen as they are technical documents whose content should be internationally intelligible, particularly for companies that are active in more than one country. Part of the problem lies in the fact that the path toward standardisation of financial reports is very complex and it cannot be achieved through translators’ work alone. Lourenco and Major (2015), discussing the accounting standardisation process in Brazil, note the difficulty of complying simultaneously with international standards and

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local tax regulations, which makes it difficult for many professionals to handle the process: the implementation of international standards [...] demands greater professional judgment, analysis, evaluation and decision making. This new reality has challenged accountants to move out of their comfort zone, forcing them to seek more information, acquire new knowledge and make use of other professionals to enhance their reports (Lourenco and Major 2015, 288).

Our results show how both in Italian and English, the same referent often has a number of possible signifiers, which clearly makes the landscape even more complex than we expected. The interchangeability of cash flow statement and statement of cash flows is only one of the most basic examples of the multiplicity of terms present in these highly specialised documents. The lack of lexical equivalence is therefore one aspect that emerged at the moment of the data entry and was confirmed during the analysis stage. In certain cases it was impossible to match the items across the companies or to identify correspondences on the basis of the context alone. It is the case, for example of Costi per servizi translated as Services in Socotherm: it was not possible to identify a correspondence in Fidia’s financial statements. Nor was it possible to infer that in Barilla the entry Spese generali e amministrative translated as General and administrative expenses was referring to the same item (referent). This observation reveals how these across-company translation issues make it hard to carry out parallel reading, let alone a comparison between documents meant for this type of operation. In this analysis of three different companies’ presentation of their financial statements in English, we noticed how prototype semantics can account for a classification of translation strategies. The translation of items that do not have a direct equivalent in English is performed through the identification of a semantic relation. In particular, the translation is made, either by selecting hyperonyms or by selecting hyponyms of the original item. In conclusion, our results demonstrate that shared standards (if not in terms of accounting, at least in terms of lexicon) still present issues that make it difficult for accounting professionals and translators to linguistically and technically translate financial statements from Italian into English. This situation clearly constitutes an obstacle, not only for those companies that choose to translate their FS into English, but also for those who are required to comply with international standards.

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We observed that so far translators find very different solutions for the translations of finance-related terms; such solutions should be compared and analysed and then the more effective ones should be selected to constitute a shared glossary for financial statement translation into English.

References Amoretti, Maria Suzana Marc. 2003. “Collaborative learning of concepts in distance learning conceptual map: Analysis of prototypes and categorization levels.” Proceedings of the 25th Annual Meeting of the Cognitive Science Society. Boston, Massachusetts, USA. Arntz, Reiner, Heiribert Picht and Klaus-Dirk Schmitz. 1991. Einführung in die Terminologiearbeit. Hildesheim: Olms. Commission Regulation (EU) No. 475/2012 of 5 June 2012 amending Regulation (EC) No 1126/2008 amending Regulation (EC) No 1126/2008 adopting certain international accounting standards in accordance with Regulation (EC) No. 1606/2002 of the European Parliament and of the Council as regards International Accounting Standard (IAS) 1 and International Accounting Standard (IAS) 19. . Dahlgreen, Jörgen and Sven-Arne Nilsson. 2012. “Can Translations Achieve Comparability? The Case of Translating IFRSs into Swedish.” Accounting in Europe 9, no. 1: 39-59. de Groot, Elizabeth. 2008. English Annual Reports in Europe. Utrecht: LOT. Doupnik, Timothy S. and Martin Richter. 2003. “Interpretation of uncertainty expressions: a cross-national study.” Accounting, Organizations, and Society 28: 15–35. Engberg, Jan. 2006. “Languages for Specific Purposes.” In Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics, Vol.6, second edition, edited by Keith Brown, 679–84. Amsterdam/Boston, MA: Elsevier. Evans, Lisa. 2004. “Language, translation and the problem of international accounting communication.” Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 17, no. 2: 210-48. —. 2010. “Observation on the changing language of accounting.” Accounting History 15, no. 4: 439–62. European Parliament. 2002. Regulation (EC) No1606/2002 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 19 July 2002 on the application of international accounting standards.

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Garzone, Giuliana. 2004. “Annual Company Reports and CEOs’ Letters: Discoursal Features and Cultural Markedness.” In Intercultural Aspects of Specialized Communication, edited by Christofer Candlin and Maurizio Gotti, 311-41. Bern: Peter Lang. —. 2005. “Letters to the shareholders and chairman’s statements: textual variability and generic integrity.” In Genre Variation in Business Letters, edited by Paul Gillaerts and Maurizio Gotti, 179-204. Bern: Peter Lang. Gerritsen, Marinel, and Catherine Nickerson. 2009. Business English as a lingua franca. In The Handbook of Business Discourse, edited by Francesca Bargiela-Chappini, 180-94. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. ––. 2011. “Business English: a lingua franca?” Communication Director, Magazine for Corporate Communication and Public Relations 4: 62-6. Giordano, Walter. 2010. English for Business Communication. Milano: Egea. Halliday, Michael Alexander Kirkwood. 1994. An Introduction to Functional Grammar. London/Melbourne/Auckland: Edward Arnold. Hu, Gengshen. 2003. “Translation as adaptation and selection.” Perspectives: Studies in Translatology 11, no. 4: 283-91. IFRS. 2015. Technical Summaries. Online at . Lourenco, Isabel and Maria Major. 2015. Standardization of Financial Reporting and Accounting in Latin American Countries. Hershey, PA: IGI Global. Mai, Luu Hoang, Luu Thi Bich Ngoc and Luu Trong Tuan. 2014. “Translating Scientific Terms.” Journal of Language Teaching and Research 5, no. 3: 572-80. Merriam-Webster’s Third New International Dictionary, Unabridged. Online at . Nobes, Christopher. 1993. “The True and Fair View Requirement: Impact on and of the Fourth Directive.” Accounting and Business Research 24, no. 93: 35-48. Nuryanah, Siti and Sardar M.N. Islam. 2015. Corporate Governance and Financial Management: Computational Optimisation Modelling and Accounting Perspectives. Basingstoke, UK/New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Pedersen. Jan. 2005. “How is Culture Rendered in Subtitles?” In MuTra Conference Proceedings: Challenges of Multidimensional Translation. EU High Level Scientific Conference Series Multidimensional Translation, edited by Heidrun Gerzymisch-Arbogast and Sandra

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Nauert, 113-30. Saarland, Germany: ATRC. Online at . Pizziconi, Sergio. 2006. Norme, parole e forme dei brevetti di invenzione italiani del ‘900. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Università per Stranieri di Siena, Italy. Rosch, Eleanor. 1978. “Principles of categorization.” In Cognition and categorization, edited by Eleanor Rosch and Barbara B. Lloyd, 27-48. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Swales, John M. 1990. Genre Analysis: English in Academic and Research Settings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wall Street Words (Oct, 2015). An A to Z Guide to Investment Terms for Today’s Investor. Online at . Weißenberger, Barbara E. and Gero Holthoff. 2013. “Cognitive style and connotative meaning in management accounting communication.” Journal of Management Control 24, no. 1: 1–25.

CHAPTER SEVEN ARGUMENTATIVE CONVENTIONS IN POLITICAL SPEECHES: IMPLICATIONS FOR INTERPRETING EMANUELE BRAMBILLA

1. Introduction Irrespective of their specific domains of use, all texts in specialised communication contain an important persuasive component (Garzone 2006, 6), though to differing extents. In recent years, the study of this aspect of LSPs has been given paramount importance, as research has shifted from lexico-grammatical to pragmatic and rhetorical aspects of discourse (Garzone 2006, 71), thus stimulating studies aimed at identifying the most frequently recurring strategies of persuasion which determine the pragmatic force of specialised texts (Garzone 2006, 6). However, argumentation theory has not been consistently used as a methodological framework in LSP research, though it precisely aims at examining the arguments speakers and/or text producers put forward to convince audiences and readers of the validity of their standpoints. Analysed from an argumentative perspective, LSPs can be said to be often used in argumentative situations (Plantin 2014, 61), i.e. communicative events aimed at solving a controversy, be it overt, such as in trials, or latent, such as in a variety of specialist conferences and political speeches. Irrespective of the topic addressed and the communicative context, argumentation always starts from a controversy (van Eemeren et al. 1996, 2). Pro-arguments and contra-arguments (van Eemeren et al. 1996, 3-4) are continuously put forward by means of argumentative strategies, shaping argumentative situations and determining the successes and failures of the parties involved. Arguments are, therefore, distinctive features and essential resources of specialised communication. Though a number of “codified” and recurrent strategies

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have been detected in argumentation theory1, argumentation is essentially relative, as it is determined by a set of variables, namely: -

cultural conventions (Marzocchi 1998, 6); contextual constraints (Marzocchi 1997, 182) and topic-relatedness (Reisigl 2014, 77); idiosyncratic preferences (Fairclough and Fairclough 2012, 3).

Argumentation is cultural in that every linguistic community shows a predilection for specific ways of arguing (Hatim and Mason 1997, 106107). Argumentation is not only cultural but also context-dependent: Toulmin’s seminal notion of field-dependency (1958, 14) has turned the spotlight on the fact that arguments vary according to the specific “fields of social action” (Reisigl 2014, 69) in which they are put forward. Contextual constraints, thus, refer to broader and narrow contexts 2 of communication alike (Wodak 2007, 206). As a consequence, argumentation is also topic-related or discourse-specific (Reisigl 2014, 77-78), meaning that the choice of arguments is determined by the topic addressed. Moreover, argumentation is subjective in that it is a “verbal and social activity of reason” (van Eemeren et al. 1996, 5) to which speakers resort in personal ways. All these argumentative conventions substantially diversify discourse, thereby providing fertile ground for interdisciplinary linguistic analyses in different scholarly fields. Since argumentation is context-dependent and topic-related, enhanced analysis of argumentation in LSP research is bound to deepen understanding of the strategies of persuasion used in specific professional domains. Over and above this general hermeneutical function, argumentation analysis also performs a second and more specific contrastive function (Marzocchi 1998, 8), highlighting the culture-bound nature of arguments. In so doing, it provides the opportunity to analyse texts adopting an interlinguistic and translational perspective.

1

For an exhaustive account of the techniques used in argumentative situations, see Walton, Reed and Macagno (2008). 2 The broader context is the sociopolitical and historical context of the juncture at which and country in which the communicative event takes place, “which discursive practices are embedded in and related to” (Reisigl and Wodak 2009, 93); the narrow context is the communicative setting or context of situation itself (Wodak 2007, 206), whose “extralinguistic social variables and institutional frames” (Reisigl and Wodak 2009, 93) influence and determine speech configuration and pragmatic force.

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Particularly, text analytical practices based on the concept of argumentation have found useful application in scholarly interpreting settings (Marzocchi 1997, 1998; Brambilla 2015) for a simple reason. When source texts (STs) “contain many elements of argumentation” (Reisigl 2014, 72), interpreters are called upon to reproduce, in interpreted texts (ITs), the argumentative strategies adopted by source language speakers. As argumentative conventions diversify source texts, the quest for argumentative equivalence (Brambilla 2015) is a highly demanding task, having largely to do with pragmatic quality: In its pragmatic sense quality is not an absolute value, but it is contextually determined. In other words, context “complicates” the problems of quality in that it introduces situational variables that might call for different priorities in different situations of translation (KopczyĔski 1994, 190).

Despite the utmost importance of practice and the need for solid procedural competence, interpreting ability also hinges on familiarity with ST features and the ability to implement strategies whereby these features are reproduced in the IT. L’interpretazione si basa su strategie comunicative deliberatamente adottate–basate, a loro volta, su comportamenti comunicativi tipici e sul riconoscimento degli stessi (Viezzi 2001, 133-134).

Marzocchi (1998, 7) clarifies that glaring cases of inappropriate translation can be explained by relating them to the scanty familiarity of the interpreter with the argumentative conventions of the source language and culture. Only knowledge of such argumentative conventions by the interpreter, together with knowledge of the situational variables of interpreted events, enables anticipation acting “at the level of discourse plan” and “at the extra-linguistic level” (Garzone 2000, 74) and concerning the unfolding of an individual text or an entire communicative situation (Marzocchi 1998, 7). In this respect, despite the shared assumption that empirical research is “une recherche menée directement à partir de phénomènes d’interprétation observés sur le terrain” (Gile 1995, 201), research models based on source-text analysis play an instrumental role in shedding light on the nature of texts for which interpretation is required (Garzone 2000, 69). In the light of which, the present chapter taps into the hermeneutical and contrastive potentials of argumentation analysis to assess the impact of argumentative conventions in diversifying specialised texts, while simultaneously addressing the implications of argumentation for interpreting

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activity. Particularly, it focuses on the analysis of political argumentation. The study of argumentative conventions in political speeches is particularly promising in LSP research, as the persuasive component of discourse becomes prominent, as does its ethotic dimension (Amossy 2000, 60-69). It is also promising in interpreting contexts; since the potential of argumentation analysis in interpreting research lies in the detection of patterns (Marzocchi 1997, 181), the study of political argumentation is particularly suitable to analyse argumentative conventions, because political speeches are based on recurrent (Reisigl 2010, 243) and therefore predictable (Zarefsky 2009, 115) discourse patterns. The chapter reports on the findings of the empirical examination of a multilingual comparable corpus composed of three hundred and thirteen political speeches on the financial and economic crisis. The corpus, named ARGO, is divided into three sub-corpora containing speeches delivered by Barack Obama, David Cameron, Nicolas Sarkozy and François Hollande.

2. Political terminology and political argumentation Though LSP “scholars’ attention has shifted from lexico-grammatical and textual aspects to the discursive and communicative levels” (Garzone 2006, 7), specialised lexicon remains the most distinctive feature of domain-specific languages. Political communication is no exception, as attested by the considerable attention paid in discourse studies to “political terminology” (Chilton 2010). What I understand as “political terms” is lexical items that would be recognised by native speakers as typically used to refer to entities and processes in that domain of social life concerned with politics, where politics is understood to be primarily activities associated with the public institutions of the state (Chilton 2010, 226).

The study of political terms, encompassed in the broader study of political discourse (Chilton 2010, 226) and understood as research into “political terms and their associated concepts” (Chilton 2010, 225), also lies at the heart of argumentation analyses. According to the pragmadialectical theory of strategic manoeuvring (van Eemeren and Houtlosser 2007, 241), every act of arguing is made up of three inseparable components, namely topical potential, audience demand and presentational devices (van Eemeren 2010, 93-94). In simple terms, an arguer always makes a choice from the available topical potential and selects a specific topic s/he wishes to address, adapts argumentation to the relevant audience and verbalises arguments in the most strategically

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appropriate way, i.e. by harnessing the most effective devices at his/her disposal, which include the recourse to specialised lexicon. Political terms are either culture-bound terms or terms associated with “essentially contested concepts” (Gallie 1956) such as democracy or family, which “can endlessly be both supported and contested by rational arguments of different kinds, all of which are valid” (Chilton 2010, 227). In this respect, political terms act as triggers of argumentation, as argumentative interaction naturally arises when contested concepts are addressed. Analyses of political terms are highly relevant in interpreting contexts, too, considering that knowledge or familiarity with specialised lexicon “also represents an essential component in a translator’s competence” (Garzone 2006, 13). Unlike vocabulary pertaining to other domains, political terms do not pose insurmountable translational problems but rather demand that interpreters keep up the argumentative interaction that naturally arises when contested concepts are addressed. Viezzi’s (2001) analysis of political terms in Blair’s 1999 speech at the XXI Congress of the Socialist International is a case in point. Stress is laid not only on the propositional content but also on what it stands for, in the spirit of anticipating prospective comprehension problems triggered by culturebound or political terms. The contextualisation of problematic terminology including, among others, the terms vision, people, business, welfare, social democracy/democratic socialism, partnership, empowerment, government and enablers (Viezzi 2001, 197-210) has the double aim to propose translational solutions and (especially) to further comprehension of Blair’s illocutionary and perlocutionary routines. As regards the analysis of the speeches on the economic crisis in the ARGO corpus, a number of lexical items around which arguments are built have been identified. Cameron’s Big Society Argument is a case in point. The argument is basically an appeal to decentralisation, a spur to “do more with less”, cut state-driven regulation and empower civil society; basically serving the purpose of counterbalancing the pragmatic force of austerity arguments, it builds, among other strategies, on the reiteration of the term (big) society. The analysis of ARGO shows that commitment to social issues is not unrelated to discourse on the economy; the speeches are strewn with references to society, social justice and plans aimed at solving the crisis once and for all by bringing about not only economic but also social recovery. In Hollande’s terms, “les crises ne se séparent pas”3 and 3

Déclaration de M. François Hollande, Président de la République, sur les défis et priorités de la France en matière environnementale, à Paris, 14th September 2012, .

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crisis discourse is governed by a macro-argument in favour of a comprehensive solution to all the problems which prevent nations from thriving. However in line with the addresses of the other corpus speakers, Cameron’s speeches on the economy are, though, less predictable as far as the appeal to social recovery is concerned, as they prove mainstream expectations regarding British Conservative rhetoric wrong. In the light of Margaret Thatcher’s motto “There is no such thing as society” 4 , the prominent role of the Big Society argument marks a decisive shift in Conservative discourse and, thus, challenges interpreters to trust what they hear rather than what they know. In van Dijk’s words, “knowledge is by definition relative” (2004, 10) and resorting to knowledge-based strategies (Riccardi 2005, 762)5 when interpreting Cameron’s argumentation regarding the Big Society is bound to result in failure. In this respect, highlighting the crucial role of the argument in the former Prime Minister’s speeches enables “recognition of a well-known stimulus within the communicative event” (Riccardi 2005, 760), turning the reproduction of the Big Society argument into a skill-based strategy (Riccardi 2005, 760). Several recurring key terms have been identified in the corpus, such as Obama’s middle class, Sarkozy’s capitalisme and Hollande’s conférence sociale. Such terms are not problematic as far as translation is concerned, but trigger argumentation regarding specific topics and sub-topics which interpreters had better know in advance if they wish to guarantee argumentative equivalence in interpreted texts. Besides political terms, which “merely” demand topical preparation and lexical precision, specific arguments, signalled by “certain morpho-syntactic forms [...] used with abnormal frequency” (Garzone 2006, 8), are regularly put forward by the corpus speakers. In their attempts at defending and attacking standpoints to gain consensus, politicians regularly resort to all sorts of “argumentative devices” (Reisigl and Wodak 2009, 114), i.e. argumentative strategies– included in the broader sphere of “discursive strategies” (Reisigl and Wodak 2009, 94) or “pragmatic devices” (Wodak 2007, 203)–aimed at legitimising given stances to the detriment of political opponents, who play the role of interlocutors and counter-arguers in the communication 4

Margaret Thatcher, “Interview for Woman’s Own (‘no such thing as society’)”, 23rd September 1987. Margaret Thatcher Foundation, . 5 Knowledge-based strategies “differ from skill-based strategies because their activation is the result of conscious analytical processes. They come into play when actions must be planned on-line, because no automatic response is found or because something has caused a momentary memory overload” (Riccardi 2005, 762).

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process, be they present or not6. Broadly speaking, the analysis of ARGO has revealed that the speakers resort to extremely different arguments (Brambilla 2015, 306-311), also owing to the different national implications of the crisis. However, this chapter focuses on a number of “codified”, typically political argumentative strategies that all the four politicians adopt. In the following paragraphs, the three most frequently recurring strategies adopted by the corpus speakers will be described with an eye to interpreting; emphasis will be laid on the fact that, despite being traditionally adopted in political communication, these strategies are implemented in different ways owing to the specific argumentative conventions governing ARGO speeches.

2.1. The locus of the irreparable Though to differing extents, all the corpus speakers heavily rely on the locus of the irreparable, a recurring strategy in political argumentation (Zarefsky 2009, 123). Le lieu de l’irréparable se présente comme une limite, qui vient accentuer le lieu du précaire: la force argumentative liée à son évocation peut être d’un effet foudroyant. […] La valeur de l’irréparable peut, si l’on veut en rechercher les fondements se rattacher à la quantité: durée infinie du temps qui s’écoulera après que l’irréparable aura été fait ou constaté, certitude de ce que les effets, voulus ou non, se prolongeront indéfiniment (Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca 1958, 122-123).

The current crisis is exceptional and unprecedented, to use a couple of adjectives dear to all the corpus speakers. The world has been shocked by an economic and financial upheaval for which solutions are not immediately at hand, a serious predicament liable to lead to a lasting, almost endless recession. Mais la crise n’est pas finie. Et elle aura des conséquences. Cette crise n’est pas une crise française. Ce n’est pas une crise européenne. C’est une 6

The frequent monologic character of argumentation is acknowledged in all argumentation theories and is frequently related to political communication, whose purpose is “the overcoming of a (latent) conflict between different lines of action” (Marzocchi 1997, 182). In this regard, most political speeches are only apparently monologic and can be understood as “complex realisations of conventionalised linguistic action patterns with a clear interaction structure, even though they [...] are [...] not endowed with turn taking” (Reisigl 2010, 254).

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crise mondiale. Cette crise, ce n’est pas une crise conjoncturelle. Ce n’est pas un accident. C’est une crise structurelle. Cette crise n’est pas une parenthèse qui sera bientôt refermée.7 We meet today at a perilous moment for economies right across Europe. Growth has stalled. Unemployment is rising. The prospect of Europe getting left behind is all too apparent.8 The challenge is clear. The global economy is contracting. Trade is shrinking. Unemployment is rising. The international finance system is nearly frozen. Even these facts can’t fully capture the crisis that we’re confronting, because behind them is the pain and uncertainty that so many people are facing. We see it back in the United States. We see it here in London. We see it around the world: families losing their homes, workers losing their jobs and their savings, students who are deferring their dreams. So many have lost so much.9 [emphasis added]

The examples suggest that the implementation of the locus of the irreparable hinges on parataxis, short juxtaposed sentences, the reiteration of the term crisis and/or its synonyms (e.g. catastrophe) and the choice of negatively-connoted terms such as pain and lose. The predilection for reiteration of the term crisis and its synonyms is particularly evident in Sarkozy’s speeches, where the proliferation of crise, précipice, gouffre, tempête and catastrophe contribute to bestowing vividness on the former President’s addresses. However, negatively-connoted terms can be found throughout the whole corpus. Interestingly, the locus of the irreparable is systematically found at the beginning of ARGO speeches, where it is used to depict a threatening economic landscape. The strategy is closely related to the adoption of vivid lexical items to conjure up a gloomy atmosphere and elucidate, to the benefit of the audience, the daunting origins of the predicament or its looming consequences. The choice to shed light on the detrimental causes of the crisis and to prophesy a miserable future might seem counterproductive. However, the pragmatic and persuasive function of the locus of the irreparable does not lie in the description of the causes and consequences of the crisis per se, but in the description of their negativity aimed at evoking their potential irreparability. In other words, 7 Déclaration de M. Nicolas Sarkozy, Président de la République, sur les mesures de soutien à l'économie face à la crise économique internationale, à Argonay, 23rd October 2008, . 8 Cameron’s Speech in Davos, 26th January 2012, . 9 Obama at the G20 London Summit 2009, 2nd April 2009, .

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the locus of the irreparable finds fertile ground in crisis discourse, as it enables the description of a potentially irreparable prospect, thereby providing the speaker with the opportunity to propose a plan to “repair the irreparable”. But it [the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act] will give millions of families resigned to financial ruin the chance to rebuild.10 So this is not a moment to try and pretend there isn’t a problem. Nor is it a moment to allow the fear of failure to hold us back. This is a time to show the leadership our people are demanding. Tinkering here and there and hoping we’ll drift to a solution simply won’t cut it anymore. This is a time for boldness not caution.11

As the above examples suggest, the presence of the locus of the irreparable is a distinctive argumentative feature of the speeches delivered by Obama, Cameron and Sarkozy, but Hollande’s addresses see a significantly less marked recourse to the strategy in question. Unlike his predecessor, Hollande refrains from reiterating negatively-connoted terms to denote the predicament. This feature is partly ascribable to the limited need for the current French President to deal with the origins and consequences of the crisis, since he was elected in 2012; yet, the analysis shows that Obama, Cameron and Sarkozy also resort to the locus of the irreparable years after the outbreak of the financial and economic crisis: Hundreds of thousands of construction workers had lost their jobs. A record number of people were behind on their mortgage payments. And a lot of people here in Phoenix, they saw that devastation.12 Le monde sort de quatre années de crise d’une violence inouïe, crises multiples, financière, économique, qui ont été à deux doigts d’emporter les plus grands pays du monde.13 10

Remarks by Obama on the Mortgage Crisis, 18th February 2009, . 11 Cameron’s Speech in Davos, 26th January 2012, . 12 Remarks by Obama on Responsible Homeownership, 6th August 2013, . 13 Déclaration de M. Nicolas Sarkozy, candidat à l'élection présidentielle, sur la politique du gouvernement face à la crise économique, les réformes du quinquennat, l'immigration et sur les questions de sécurité, à Saint-Brice-SousForêt, 12th April 2012, .

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Therefore, the decision not to iterate the term crisis and its synonyms and the choice not always to start speeches with gloomy atmospheres in Hollande’s addresses are symptoms of a less polemic, less intimidating and more “accommodating” argumentation, partly influenced by the constraints of the broader context and determined by the idiosyncratic preferences of the current French President. As regards interpreting, the rendition of the locus of the irreparable appears mainly to hinge on the reproduction in the IT of negativelyconnoted and evocative phrases and lexical items reiterated in the ST.

2.2. The topos of history However simple, the argument by analogy (Mazzi 2011; Walton, Reed and Macagno 2008, 315) is one of the most widely adopted schemes14 in ordinary and institutional communication alike (Mazzi 2011). It provides argumentation with considerable pragmatic force, as it enables speakers to define and describe unfathomable circumstances by means of comparison with more clearly delineated events. L’argumentation ne saurait aller bien loin sans recourir à des comparaisons, où l’on confronte plusieurs objets pour les évaluer l’un par rapport à l’autre (Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca 1958, 326).

Though the crisis is often said to be exceptional and unprecedented, it is actually and systematically compared to the 1929 financial and economic crisis and with the ensuing Great Depression. More precisely, the implementation of the argument by analogy also builds on the topos of history, through which speakers claim that lessons have been learnt or must be learnt from the past. The topos of history can be described as follows: because history teaches that specific actions have specific consequences, one should perform or omit a specific action in a specific situation (allegedly) comparable with the historical example referred to. A specific subtype of this argumentation scheme is the already Ciceronian topos of historia magistra vitae (Reisigl and Wodak 2001, 80).

The topos of history can, thus, be said to rely upon the following content-abstract argument scheme (Walton, Reed and Macagno 2008): 14 Argument schemes are general schemes for defending and/or attacking standpoints (van Eemeren et al. 1996, 106).

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Chapter Seven Premise: Today’s situation is like situation x in the past. Argument: Mistakes were made then, but we have learnt important lessons from those mistakes. Conclusion: Therefore, we will not make the same mistakes.

History has taught that protectionist trends are always rife in times of crisis and tend to worsen economic recessions, a concept reaffirmed in most ARGO speeches. Here lies the strategic function of making reference to the past: reassuring the audience by claiming that lessons have been learnt from the past predicament. However, a comprehensive contentrelated argument scheme (Reisigl and Wodak 2009, 114) that is indicative of all the speakers’ arguments cannot be provided, as the scheme is implemented in different ways. Hollande distinguishes himself from the other speakers in that he refrains from resorting to the argument by analogy and the topos of history to compare the present crisis to past predicaments, which is partly ascribable to the fact that the current French President’s addresses were delivered four years after the crisis broke out. Most references to the Great Depression show up in Obama’s speeches, while Cameron and Sarkozy generally refer to the “crisis of the Thirties”. These differences in the speakers’ choices are likely to be determined by cultural factors, as the Great Depression originated in the United States; indeed, the most detailed implementations of the topos of history can be found in Obama’s speeches. The American President’s frequent references to the launch of the New Deal in the Thirties enables thorough transfer of the characteristics of the 1929 crisis to today’s crisis, thereby drawing attention to the successful, albeit belated, containment of the economic predicament. In Obama’s speeches, then, the topos of history serves the same function as the locus of the irreparable, i.e. starting speeches by evoking potential irreparability and then suddenly steering discourse towards brighter and more hopeful prospects concerning the search for appropriate solutions to the crisis. Regarding other differences, even though the comparison with the notorious downturn of the Thirties shows through the speeches of Obama, Cameron and Sarkozy, the former French President is the only one who deals explicitly with the lessons that have been or need to be learnt, whereas the argument is systematically left implicit by the American President and the British Prime Minister. This comes as no surprise, as argumentation is frequently enthymemic (Reisigl 2014, 72), i.e. partially left implicit for emphatic purposes. Certaines valeurs et positions ont d’autant plus d’impact qu’elles sont avancées sur le mode du cela-va-de-soi, et glissées dans le discours de

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façon à ne pas constituer l’objet déclaré du dire. Elles échappent ainsi à la contestation, s’imposant d’autant mieux à l’auditoire qu’elles se donnent comme des évidences qui n’ont pas besoin d’être formulées en toutes lettres (Amossy 2000, 152).

However enthymemic or not, the topos of history recurs in the whole corpus and proves to be a lynchpin of crisis discourse. As with the locus of the irreparable, though, its implementation is influenced by argumentative conventions and the heterogeneous forms it takes on in discourse require adaptable translation behaviour in interpreting contexts. In particular, Sarkozy’s predilection for reiteration of the term lesson should be reproduced in ITs, while the other speakers’ tendency to put forward the argument in its enthymemic form should be respected by leaving implicit information in the ST also implicit in the IT for emphatic and persuasive purposes. Indeed, attention towards implicit meaning is also an essential component of an interpreter’s competence (Schäffner 1997, 129).

2.3. The straw man argument The delivery of appropriate remedies leading to a lasting recovery depends upon the implementation of policies that are recurrently described as being constantly hindered by opposition parties. Incidentally, the macro-aim of political communication must not be neglected, i.e. gathering consensus to the detriment of political opponents. Another example of the relativity of argumentation is provided by an argumentative strategy that pursues precisely this aim: the straw man argument. Described by Walton (2004, 17) as “the tactic of distorting or exaggerating an opponent’s position, in order to make it look implausible, and then attacking this implausible position”, it is a fallacious argument hinging on the following formal scheme: Premise: I oppose x. Argument: Some say x, but x is implausible. Conclusion: Therefore, those who say x are wrong and I am right.

Generally announced by phrases such as “There are those who”, the straw man argument is pervasive in the corpus, as it is typical not only of crisis discourse but of political communication in general. A couple of examples of the implementation of the formal scheme within ARGO are provided below:

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As the examples suggest, the target of arguers who resort to the straw man argument is generally vague and broadly includes pessimists and cynics. Indeed, a key feature of this strategy is that “when an opponent’s position is distorted or exaggerated in a straw man argument, the effect is often to divert the line of argument to irrelevant issues” (Walton 2004, 22). This has specific implications for the interpreter; the analysis of a number of political STs and their respective ITs17 has shown that the sudden shift towards irrelevance engendered by the straw man argument often compounds comprehension and challenges relevant translation (Brambilla 2015, 304-305). In particular, interpreters, generally uninformed of the exaggerating implications of the straw man argument, appear to have difficulties in grasping the argumentative move and often lose their bearings in front of vague attacks, as suggested by the excerpt shown in Table 7-1. Broadly speaking, the interpreter managed to preserve ST illocution, but his delivery is flawed with omissions, pauses, disfluencies and false starts, suggesting a certain translation uneasiness and the likely implementation of knowledge-based strategies. Particularly, reference to cynicism, favouring speech comprehension by the target audience, is omitted, just as happened in the interpretation of Obama’s Inauguration Speech discussed in Brambilla (2015, 304-305).

15

David Cameron’s Speech at the World Economic Forum, 28th January 2011, . 16 Nicolas Sarkozy’s Speech at Meeting in Marseille, 19th February 2012, . 17 The texts were drawn from CorIT, the television interpreting corpus developed at the University of Trieste.

Argumentative Conventions in Political Speeches ST – Obama Victory Speech, 4th November 2008 To those would tear the world down: we will defeat you And where we are met with cynicism and doubts and those who tell us that we can’t, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a nation: yes. We can.

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IT – transcription a coloro (2 sec) che vuogliono (!) abbattere il mondo noi: (.) vi sconfiggeremo dobbiamo combattere coloro (.) che nonche ci dicono che non ce la faremo (4 sec) yes we can sì che possiamo

Table 7-1. Excerpt of the Interpretation of Obama’s Victory Speech into Italian.18

Previous knowledge of this argumentative strategy, to which Obama frequently resorts, could have helped the interpreter grasp the aim of the argumentative move. However, internalising the pragmatic purpose of the straw man argument is not sufficient fully to understand its implementation in political communication and deal with its translation, because politicians, in general, and the corpus speakers, in particular, resort to the strategy in question in different ways. If it is true that the straw man argument is present in all the sub-corpora, it is also true that it is definitely more recurrent in Cameron’s and Sarkozy’s speeches, as the two speakers appear to “need it”, respectively, to blame Labour for bequeathing a disastrous deficit and to corroborate the need to embrace a specific interventionist ideology (Mayaffre 2012: 37-40). In Cameron’s addresses, reference to cynics, pessimists and those who is frequently replaced by overt attacks on “the previous government”, while Sarkozy directly blames both the financial sector and opposition parties for plunging the country into the current predicament. In other words, the recurrence of the straw man argument in Cameron’s and Sarkozy’s speeches is the symptom of polemic argumentation and, thus, requires faithful reproduction for the purpose of pragmatic force retention. Barack Obama resorts to the straw man argument to a lesser extent than his British and French “colleagues”, generally to allude to the Republican opposition and to bestow enhanced pragmatic force on his standpoints; the opposition is, though, only rarely and vaguely alluded to, which enables the American President to “avoid [...] face-threatening acts (FTAs) against other politicians while 18

Among the adopted transcription conventions, (!) dispels doubts about the presence of typing errors, (.) and other parentheses containing the exact number of seconds signal pauses and, occasionally, their duration; - points out false starts, while : indicates a vowel or consonant stretch.

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simultaneously threatening their PPFs [Public Positive Faces]” (Gruber 1993, 3). As regards François Hollande, he again shows a markedly limited recourse to the strategy in question compared to the other corpus speakers, which is another indicator of his less polemic argumentation choices.

3. Conclusions The analysis of argumentation in ARGO speeches shows that three argumentative strategies are recurrently used by all the corpus speakers to deal with the topic of the economic crisis. Obama, Cameron, Sarkozy and Hollande all resort to the locus of the irreparable, the topos of history and the straw man argument, which can be considered typical of political discourse. Despite being traditional and codified strategies, they are, though, implemented by the corpus speakers in extremely different ways owing to the specific argumentative conventions governing their addresses. Cultural conventions, the communicative contexts of speech delivery, the topics and sub-topics addressed and the speakers’ idiosyncratic preferences shape the speeches and determine their heterogeneity. The differences in the speakers’ implementations of the locus of the irreparable, the topos of history and the straw man argument might seem minor details and their description a pointless exercise; however, the argumentative choices made by the politicians in question are the harbingers of their credos and the guardians of the pragmatic force of their speeches. On the one hand, the analysis, therefore, confirms the hermeneutical potential of argumentation theory as a methodological framework to study the persuasive aspects of LSPs. On the other hand, the findings also attest the contrastive function of argumentation analysis and corroborate the validity of an interlinguistic and/or translational approach to the study of argumentation in specialised communication. Particularly, the results suggest that political discourse hinges on given argumentative strategies but their contextual uses call for “for different priorities in different situations of translation” (KopczyĔski 1994, 190). In other words, as argumentation changes in STs, different schemata (Riccardi 1998, 173) need to be activated according to relevant argumentative conventions. The benefits of a systematic recourse to argumentation analysis in interpreting contexts have yet to be explored (Crevatin 1998, xiv), but a few remarks are in order, especially regarding the dilemma of the interpreter’s knowledge. Like anyone else, interpreters master national and cultural knowledge (van Dijk 2005, 79), i.e. knowledge shared by the citizens of their own native countries and cultural “peers”; however, their

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profession compels them to cope with the task of familiarising with the source culture, and particularly with the speaker’s ethos and recurrent terms and concepts cropping up in political speeches. The early scholarly suggestions to “connaître le sujet traité” and “avoir une vaste culture générale” (Herbert 1952, 10) are fairly anecdotal and not particularly stimulating for interpreters; moreover, however instrumental in describing the cognitive implications of knowledge management during the interpreting process, the various top-down approaches to knowledge are not particularly helpful in providing relevant information enabling anticipation during interpreting activity. Therefore, in the midst of the sociocultural “revolution” of interpreting studies (Pöchhacker 2006), the apparently unwieldy issue of knowledge is probably best “broken into pieces” rather than addressed as an overall concept. Like Viezzi’s (2001) analysis of Blair’s speech and Marzocchi’s (1998, 73) analysis of the Troonrede 19 , the findings outlined in the present chapter stem from a bottom-up approach to knowledge, exclusively dealing with “knowledge” related to the speeches on the economic crisis delivered by Obama, Cameron, Sarkozy and Hollande; in other words, the study is primarily concerned with access to a specific “portion” of knowledge rather than with theorising or cognitive-model devising, however instrumental they have been and still will be. For instance, the analytical findings turn the spotlight on Cameron’s unexpected commitment to societal issues; they warn of Obama’s habit of comparing the economic crisis to the 1929 predicament and evoking the Great Depression to show the political road ahead; they highlight that Sarkozy’s polemic argumentation hinges on evocative lexical items and specific argumentative strategies, and warn of the more accommodating argumentative routines of his successor. This bottom-up approach to knowledge might seem to yield limited findings that do not provide comprehensive means for tackling the relativity of argumentation; yet, while it “merely” deepens understanding of a given class of political speeches, it also yields findings that can be applied to the interpretation of other speeches like the speeches analysed. Just as Viezzi’s (2001, 197) comments on the term vision are relevant to all political speeches delivered in English, the findings of the analysis of ARGO highlight three core argumentative strategies traditionally used in political communication, while simultaneously focusing on the specific implementations of these strategies by the corpus speakers. In so doing, they shed light on the impact of argumentative conventions in diversifying 19 The “Speech from the Throne” delivered by the Queen of the Netherlands, in this case in 1990.

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political speeches, thereby calling for further argumentation analyses to examine the arguments put forward in specialised communication and assess their implications for interpreting activity.

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Marzocchi, Carlo. 1997. “The analysis of argumentation and its relevance to interpretation research and theory.” In Transferre Necesse Est. Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference of Current Trends in Studies of Translation and Interpreting, 5-7 September, 1996, Budapest, Hungary, edited by Kinga Klaudy and János Kohn, 179-185. Budapest: Scholastica. —. 1998. Interpretare il discorso argomentativo. Teoria, aspetti e problemi. Trieste: Scuola superiore di lingue moderne per interpreti e traduttori. Mayaffre, Damon. 2012. Nicolas Sarkozy. Mesure et démesure du discours (2007-2012). Paris: SciencesPo. Les Presses. Mazzi, Davide. 2011. “‘Palmerston bustles around with the foreign policy of this powerful nation, like a furious and old drunkard…’: on the discursive formulation of argument by analogy in history.” In Proceedings of the Seventh International Conference for the Study of Argumentation, edited by Frans H. van Eemeren, Bart Garssen, David Godden and Gordon Mitchell, 1221-1233. Amsterdam: SICSAT. Perelman, Chaïm and Lucie Olbrechts-Tyteca. 1958. Traité de l’Argumentation. La Nouvelle Rhétorique. Bruxelles: Éditions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 6ème édition, 2008. Plantin, Christian. 2014. Dictionnaire de l’argumentation. Une introduction notionnelle aux études d’argumentation. Lyon: ENS Éditions. Pöchhacker, Franz. 2006. “‘Going social?’ On pathways and paradigms in interpreting studies.” In Sociocultural Aspects of Translating and Interpreting, edited by Anthony Pym, Miriam Shlesinger and Zuzana Jettmarová, 215-232. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Reisigl, Martin. 2010. “Rhetoric of political speeches.” In Handbook of Communication in the Public Sphere, edited by Ruth Wodak and Veronika Koller, 243-269. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter Mouton. —. 2014. “Argumentation analysis and the Discourse-Historical Approach: a methodological framework.” In Contemporary Critical Discourse Studies, edited by Christopher Hart and Piotr Cap, 67-96. London/New York: Bloomsbury. Reisigl, Martin and Ruth Wodak. 2001. Discourse and Discrimination. Rhetorics of Racism and Antisemitism. London/New York: Routledge. Reisigl, Martin and Ruth Wodak. 2009. “The discourse-historical approach (DHA).” In Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis, edited by Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer, 87-121. London: SAGE Publications.

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Riccardi, Alessandra. 1998. “Interpreting strategies and creativity.” In Translators’ Strategies and Creativity, edited by Ann Beylard-Ozeroff, Jana Králová and Barbara Moser-Mercer, 171-179. Amsterdam/ Philadelphia: John Benjamins. —. 2005. “On the evolution of interpreting strategies in simultaneous interpreting.” Meta: Translators’ Journal 50, no. 2: 753-767. Schäffner, Christina. 1997. “Strategies of translating political texts”. In Text Typology and Translation, edited by Anna Trosborg, 119-143. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Toulmin, Stephen E. 1958. The Uses of Argument. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Updated Edition (2003). van Dijk, Teun A. 2004. “Discourse, knowledge and ideology: reformulating old questions and proposing some new solutions.” In Communicating Ideologies. Multidisciplinary Perspectives on Language, Discourse and Social Practice, edited by Martin Pütz, Joanne Neff and Teun A. van Dijk, 5-38. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. —. 2005. “Contextual knowledge management in discourse production. A CDA perspective.” In A New Agenda in (Critical) Discourse Analysis, edited by Ruth Wodak and Paul Chilton, 71-100. Amsterdam/ Philadelphia: John Benjamins. van Eemeren, Frans H. 2010. Strategic Maneuvering in Argumentative Discourse. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. van Eemeren, Frans H., Rob Grootendorst, Francisca Snoeck Henkemans et al. (eds). 1996. Fundamentals of Argumentation Theory. A Handbook of Historical Backgrounds and Contemporary Developments. London/New York: Routledge. van Eemeren, Frans H. and Peter Houtlosser. 2007. “Strategic maneuvering. Maintaining a delicate balance.” In Discourse Studies. Volume 5, edited by Teun A. van Dijk, 238-267. Los Angeles/London/ New Delhi/Singapore: SAGE Publications. Viezzi, Maurizio. 2001. “Interpretazione e comunicazione politica.” In Comunicazione specialistica e interpretazione di conferenza, edited by Giuliana Garzone and Maurizio Viezzi, 131-231. Trieste: EUT. Walton, Douglas. 2004. Relevance in Argumentation. Mahwah (NJ): Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Walton, Douglas, Chris Reed and Fabrizio Macagno. 2008. Argumentation Schemes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wodak, Ruth. 2007. “Pragmatics and critical discourse analysis. A crossdisciplinary inquiry.” Pragmatics and Cognition 15, no. 1: 203-225.

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PART II. LSP RESEARCH

CHAPTER EIGHT ORGANISING SPECIALISED (MEDICAL) KNOWLEDGE IN ACADEMIC AND PROFESSIONAL SETTINGS: PATIENT INFORMATION GENRES ISABEL GARCÍA-IZQUIERDO

1. Introduction1 The complexity of specialised fields of communication requires that we approach the task of analysing them from a comprehensive perspective that takes account of the multifaceted nature of knowledge (Engberg, 2012). This is the position defended by the discipline of Knowledge Communication, which arose, in the opinion of Katsberg (2010, 60), “as a response to the limitations of LSP”, because “LSP is still a text-bound school of thought and […] The text is not the measure of all things”. Professional communication, in this author’s view, “stands in symbiotic relationships to a variety of other disciplines” (2010, 61), but “is independent from the restraints of any one theory or any one method” (2010, 67). Therefore, following Katsberg’s approach, since our research focuses on the construction and communication of knowledge in professional fields, it must be addressed from a multidisciplinary perspective, and in methodological terms it must attempt to respond to the needs of both the academic context (medical discourse and translation at advanced levels of teaching and research) and the professional context (medical writers and translators). To tackle this multifaceted nature of (specialised) knowledge we need to take account both of the cognitive and linguistic factors that help us to construct it and of the texts and genres that represent it and the interactive 1

This Chapter was written with the aid of funding from the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, as part of project FFI2012-34200.

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situations in which we communicate it. Moreover, in Katsberg’s own words (2010, 67): So, for a knowledge society, the creation of knowledge is a necessary condition, but it is in itself not a sufficient condition. For the knowledge society to thrive, there are three prerequisites: (a) Being able to produce ever more specialized knowledge, (b) being able to communicate this specialized knowledge, and (c) doing so in such a way that this knowledge may be utilized.

Writers and translators, as knowledge mediators and communicators of specialised knowledge, are socially responsible agents (Engberg, this volume), especially if they work in sensitive specialised fields, such as medical writing and translation, a field that involves different degrees of specialisation, depending on the various participants, that is very dynamic, due to the obvious relationship of medical translation and communication with the social needs of the culture involved (García-Izquierdo and Montalt, forth.), and in which the existence of multilingual and multicultural groups has to be considered. The GENTT group’s research (García-Izquierdo 2005; García-Izquierdo 2007 and 2009; Borja, GarcíaIzquierdo and Montalt 2009; Borja 2013, among others) highlights the usefulness of genre as a conceptual tool for organising specialised knowledge, due to its multifaceted nature, which combines formal, communicative and cognitive considerations; it therefore responds to the textual and intertextual nature of such communication (García-Izquierdo and Montalt 2013) and is well in keeping with the multifaceted nature of knowledge referred to above. For this reason, it is the underlying principle of our research. This Chapter will attempt to provide a brief description of the medical field of specialised knowledge with which we are concerned and of its complexity; it will review certain methodological tools that can help us to respond to the requirements of professional and academic writing and will finally present a concrete proposal for a document management tool which the Gentt group is designing to meet those requirements.

2. Conceptual framework The existence of fields of specialised communication in language is a reality recognised by most speakers, who, in many cases, identify them by their subject matter (García-Izquierdo 2007, 120). However, the texts and types of language that serve as vehicles for that specialised knowledge are in most cases unrecognisable to the average speaker. These types of

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language, which Alcaraz (2007, 7) calls professional and academic language, possess, in his view, a series of recognised basic features, related fundamentally to the lexis, morphology and syntax, communication strategies, professional texts and cultural context involved (Alcaraz 2007, 7–8). But the common feature we find in all descriptions (see also Cabré and Estopà 2005) of specialised types of language is those “professional texts” Alcaraz refers to, or prototypical professional genres, have constituted the core of the Gentt group’s research (García-Izquierdo 2005; García-Izquierdo 2007; Borja, García-Izquierdo and Montalt 2009; GarcíaIzquierdo and Montalt 2013, among others), as noted above. Descriptions of specialised types of language tend to use a classification based, as already mentioned, on subject matter, and so we find labels such as legal, financial, economic, scientific, technical, audiovisual, medical, etc. The last of these, because of its special complexity, is the central focus of this chapter. Medical translation/writing has much in common with other specialised fields. However, as we shall soon see, there are certain features that merit special attention in describing it. Using a recent classification (Muñoz Miquel 2014, 41), we can say that there are six basic features that define medical translation: 1. Breadth of subject matter and interdisciplinarity (specifically medical specialities, related sciences and the need to determine the conceptual nuclei of the discipline) 2. Communicative situations and degrees of specialisation (continuum between specialisation and popularisation, purposes, etc.) 3. Genres (prototypically medical or shared with other specialities) 4. Sectors (pharmaceutical, publishing, research, public health, translation companies, etc.) 5. Medical terminology and language (dominance of English in communication, Graeco-Latin origin of terms, use of metaphors, analogies, eponyms, in vivo and in vitro terminology, etc.) 6. Cultural factors (health care systems, social rules, beliefs about health, etc.). Out of all the features mentioned we shall concentrate on two that are of particular interest: the degree of technicality and the use of prototypical genres. The first of these, the degree of technicality, can prove complex to analyse and demonstrates the particular character of the medical field. Those who have studied specialised communication draw attention to the existence of a continuum between general language and specialised

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language (Schifko 2001), even though they have different purposes; and the same could be said of translation, since there is also some degree of intersection between specialised translation and so-called general translation, especially in certain fields. What needs to be emphasised in relation to users of specialised communication is their lack of uniformity. Thus Bergenholtz and Tarp (2010, 34) remind us that “according to their encyclopaedic or subject-field competence, LSP dictionary users can be categorised into experts, semi-experts and laypeople” (Bergenholtz and Tarp 1995, 21). And other authors have used these categories (Cabré 2004) to highlight the relationship between level of specialisation, users, and types or “colonies of genres” (Bhatia 2002) in that continuum referred to above. Thus a correlation from lesser to greater specialisation is established between: Degree of technicality Minimally specialised Specialised Highly specialised

Participants

Genre colony

Layperson to expert Semi-expert to expert Expert to expert

Popularising genres Educational genres Professional genres

Table 8-1. Degree of technicality.

However, this classification does not reflect the reality of medical writing and translation, whose genres sometimes involve a particular communicative situation that does not exactly match these parameters. I am referring, for example, to patient information genres, the main focus of this article, where we find that neither the relationship between the participants nor the purpose is unitary. Thus we cannot say that popularising genres that convey information to patients systematically involve a relationship between experts and laypeople; and in particular it is not easy to ascribe these genres to a single colony, since their purpose may lie between the popularising and the educational and may sometimes even include (semi-)professional guidance—consider the case of the informed consent, for example. This point, which has been highlighted in a recent study (García-Izquierdo and Montalt 2013), may complicate the task of the translator, who will have to define for each particular case how that relationship between the participants is manifested depending on the cultural context and the specific communicative situation. The second feature I would like to emphasise is the existence of prototypical genres. As we saw above, Muñoz Miquel (2014) highlights the existence of genres that are prototypically medical or shared with other specialities. And patient information genres, as they have been called

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(García Izquierdo 2009), are precisely among those that can be considered specific to the medical field, as they are genres we do not find in other specialities; but above all they are genres that present specific problems from the point of view of a medical writer or translator. I am referring to the existence of asymmetries (García-Izquierdo and Montalt 2013) which have to be satisfactorily resolved in order for the communication to work. So whereas in most cases specialised translators will have in mind an equifunctional or equigeneric translation, motivated by the existence of a generic symmetry, since the genre exists in the working languages, in the medical field we may find various kinds of asymmetries. The first, which it may share with other specialities (such as legal translation, for example), arises from the fact that the genre does not exist in the target language (heterofunctional or intergeneric translation); and the second, which is more significant and specific to the medical field, arises from the existence of groups of readers or receivers with different needs or expectations, which sometimes makes it necessary to resort to a translation that is not only intergeneric but even intralinguistic (Zethsen 2009), with variations of form and register, in order to be able to adapt to the expectations of the specific audience. All these factors will, in some way, determine the task of the medical writer or translator. We must therefore try to equip translators in this field with tools that will facilitate their work, and will be versatile, responding both to academic and to professional needs. To do so, we must ask ourselves how we should organise the information we have available so as to enable it to meet both purposes. The following section offers some methodological notes on our organisational proposal.

3. Methodological issues As has just been mentioned, in a complex area such as the medical field, research must respond to the needs of writers and translators both in academic and in professional contexts. To achieve this, the Gentt group’s proposal is to combine quantitative with qualitative methods and to adopt an action research philosophy, so that the results are clearly transferable to specific areas of use. On the one hand, we started from the idea of constructing tools that could be used for research and academic purposes. And for this we used primarily quantitative methods: we designed a multilingual comparable corpus, the Gentt 3.0 corpus, in which a mapping exercise was carried out and the main genres in the field were described. The usefulness of this corpus, which includes not only the genre trees and genre sheets in the

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various languages but also utilities such as frequency search and concordances or the ability to consult “real” documents, etc., so important to translators, has been amply demonstrated (García-Izquierdo 2011; Borja and Ordóñez 2012).2 However, analysis of the real situations in which medical communication takes place made it imperative to take a further step. The corpus had proved its usefulness, especially for academic and research purposes,3 but it focused primarily on the formal aspects of genres and did not correspond exactly to what professional medical writers and translators required (García-Izquierdo and Conde 2012 and 2014). We therefore decided to expand the scope of our research by including communicative and cognitive factors in our analysis of the corpus, as we agreed with the statement that “[…] translation requires both cognitive and communicative user skills and is composed of several possible phases and subphases” (Bergenholtz and Tarp 2010, 32). For this purpose, as well as extending the quantitative approach, as we shall see shortly, we opted for including qualitative methodologies (surveys, interviews, focus-groups, readability and legibility analysis—see García-Izquierdo and Montalt, forth.), which would enable us to broaden our knowledge of the socioprofessional field and, in this sense, to acquire a more adequate grasp of the most significant aspects of communicative situations and of their cognitive content and interpretation. All this was done with an action research philosophy that would allow us to transfer the results so as to enhance the socio-professional field we were studying, as already noted. Nevertheless, in the following section I shall concentrate exclusively on the quantitative methods. As I suggested earlier, medical translators act as expert linguistic mediators between experts, who share knowledge and expressive codes (contextual and textual features), and between experts and semi-experts or laypeople, who do not wholly share knowledge or expressive codes. They therefore need to know the conventions of both the specialised and the popularising genres and to be able to find the appropriate documentary 2

In the view of Bowker (2010, 167–168), the benefits of using corpora to enhance learning and of constructing reference tools are obvious, although their potential has not yet been fully exploited. Studies by authors such as Sinclair, ed. (2004) and Zanettin (2012) support this statement. 3 The Gentt corpus has been widely used in the teaching of specialised translation at the Universitat Jaume I, both in the final years of the undergraduate degree course and at master’s level. In addition, numerous master’s and doctoral students at Spanish universities, such as Granada, Alicante, Vigo, Autònoma de Barcelona, Valladolid and Salamanca, among others, have requested access for research purposes.

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resources and know how to reuse them. For this purpose, in order to address the requirements of professional contexts, we opted for constructing a knowledge-based documentation management system, primarily aimed at professional writers and translators: the MedGentt platform. This platform, like its counterpart for the legal field (JudGentt), as fully explained in Borja and García-Izquierdo (2015, 200ff), has a single web architecture, which is completed with specific contents for each of the sub-platforms of which it is composed. Thus in the case of MedGentt, the platform, currently under construction, will include: Medical-legal document (genre) translation resources Patient information document (genre) translation resources Research study protocol (genre) translation resources Pharmaceutical product information document (genre) translation resources. And as already noted, fuller information will be given below on the sub-platform devoted to patient information genres. Though designed by linguists and teachers of specialised translation, with the help of medical professionals, there is no doubt that the tool we have designed could be classified as lexicographical, if we go by the definition proposed by Tarp (2008, 123): A lexicographical tool is a tool that can be used via consultation or passive searching by users with a specific type of communicative or cognitive need to gain access to lexicographical data, from which they can extract the type of information required to cover their specific needs.

Tarp himself (2011, 57) also demonstrates the complexity of certain classifications: To sum up, the new technological environment in which lexicography is developing strongly suggests that this discipline should be considered part and parcel of a broader consultation discipline, or science, integrated into information science [...] In this way, the general theory of lexicography will form a synthesis with other theories and integrate into a completely new general theory of consultation tools.

Our aim, therefore, in this overall context, as linguists and specialists in specialised translation, is that the product we have designed in collaboration with medical specialists, which is aimed at a specific audience and includes specific utilities, will, on the one hand, provide

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users with easy, rapid access, and on the other, enable them to find resources dispersed over the web.

4. An example: the MedGentt platform of genres for patients Borja (2005) noted, for the first time, the need to provide knowledge management platforms for translators that combine conceptual issues with textual and communicative questions. The Gentt team therefore proposed creating document management platforms (Borja, 2013; Borja and García Izquierdo 2015) focused on specialised medical and legal fields. For each of these fields a platform would be proposed for each “colony of genres” (Bhatia 2002) considered significant. Andersen and Nielsen (2009, 363) state that “[…] lexicography should begin to look critically at its traditional conception of its research object as the dictionary, and realise that lexicography is rapidly spreading to a wide range of research objects other than traditional dictionary.” And the various terminographical tools (dictionaries, terminological databases, lexicons, encyclopaedias—and any other kind of lexicographical handbook—) are tools to cover specific needs (Bergenholtz and Tarp 2010, 37). Our aim is indeed to cover the needs of both medical writers and translators (especially those who cannot yet be regarded as experts, García-Izquierdo and Conde 2012; Tarp 2014, 69) and medical professionals who occasionally write or translate patient information genres. In this regard, precisely because of the non-unitary nature of communication and the existence of many genres of a popularising kind, a double level of complexity has been introduced in the MedGentt patient genre platform, as we shall see later, both in the corpus of documents and in the glossaries and resources, unlike the other JudGentt and MedGentt platforms, which are basically designed for expert users. There now follows a presentation of the MedGentt sub-platform devoted to information genres for patients (especially cancer patients),4 constructed, as I have indicated, to facilitate the documentation process for medical translators and writers—with their various levels of expertise, as 4

Although the team is interested in patient information genres in general, and many of the resources included in the platform, as we shall see shortly, could be used for other specialities, our research for a project on information for cancer patients, financed by MINECO (the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness), on which we worked in close collaboration with professionals (oncologists, specialist nurses, psycho-oncologists) and patients, led us to choose this speciality when we came to configure the corpus of documents.

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explained above—in the English-Spanish combination (Figure 8-1), and designed by the team, as has already been explained, with the collaboration of medical translators, health professionals, patients’ associations and public institutions and organisations.

Figure 8-1. Home page of MedGentt cancer patient information documents.

As we can see at the top-centre of Figure 8-1, the platform comprises four main blocks:5 1. A catalogue of the patient information genres with their corresponding genre sheets (in English and Spanish) and links to models and examples of such documents (in the field of oncology); 2. Specialised glossaries created by the team on the basis of terminological extraction from the documents available on the platform;

5

All the group’s platforms have the same structure, which was originally designed in a project directed by Dr Borja between 2011 and 2013 and subsequently improved (see Borja and García-Izquierdo 2015).

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3. Regulations governing the field and the genres analysed, at national level (Spain, United Kingdom, United Sates and other countries) and international level (EU and international law); 4. A list of resources divided into two major categories: links and bibliography (with their corresponding subdivision).6 An important feature, in addition to all this, is the search engine, which retrieves information from any part of the platform.

4.1. Catalogue of genres The genre catalogue section contains the proposed classification formulated by the Gentt team on the basis of consultation and advice from a range of specialists in this field. This process was not without its difficulties, since the line separating some of the genres included in the platform is a very fine one. Nevertheless, like any classification designed for explanatory purposes, our proposal is dynamic and is open both to the incorporation of new genres and to the elimination or merging of existing ones, depending on how society and the research itself develop. As can be seen in Figure 8-2 below, we propose a list of eight patient information genres in Spanish and their corresponding equivalents in English. Specifically, the proposal includes the genres Guide, Factsheet, Comic, Poster, Children’s story, Informed consent for clinical studies, Informed consent for treatment and Patient information leaflet. Actually the first five could be subsumed under the generic macro-label Patient guide (and therefore be regarded as subgenres), but after consideration we decided to keep each of the terms for explanatory purposes and so as to make it easier for users to access each genre independently. We therefore use the term Guide for documents substantially longer than a factsheet, and maintain the distinction between poster, children’s story and comic because of their different formats and, ultimately, their purposes. As for consents, we also decided, for technical reasons and again with the aim of facilitating access to the documents, to assign independent entries to the two types, again according to their ultimate purpose.

6

For a detailed analysis of the platforms, see Borja and García-Izquierdo, 2015.

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Figure 8-2. Comparative list of patient information genres.

For each of the genres shown in Figure 8-2 we compiled a genre sheet listing its defining features. These genre sheets include a definition of the genre, a reference indicating whether it has other common names, a list of subgenres (where applicable), the communicative situation (addresseraddressee relationship, etc.) in which it occurs, the legal framework that governs it, the macrostructure that characterises it, and references both to the texts included in the platform that belong to the genre, so that the user can consult them (provided they are not subject to privacy or copyright restrictions), and to other related elements in the platform itself (equivalent genres, for example), via hyperlinks. All these are very significant elements for a knowledge of the linguistic/textual and conceptual configuration of the genre in the working languages.

4.2. Glossaries This section contains the specialised glossaries extracted by members of the team using the Synchroterm program. As is explained in detail in Borja and García-Izquierdo (2016), in relation to the legal field, the extraction process was also carried out in this case from a selection of the most representative texts in the corpus for this platform: on the one hand, normative texts in English and Spanish related to the subject matter being studied (in the case of the patient information field these include laws,

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royal decrees, acts, codes, etc., as we shall see shortly), and on the other, some representative texts in the eight genres included in the classification.

Figure 8-3. Provisional image of the glossary (under construction).

The user is provided with a monolingual glossary in Spanish and another monolingual glossary in English, which include both terms and prototypical phraseological units. Thus in the case of the Spanish glossary, together with the term itself we find other possible designations of the term and its equivalent in English, and the entry offers a definition, its source, the context of production and the source of that context (Figure 83).7 The essential difference between the glossary for the patient information field and those for the other MedGentt and JudGentt subplatforms is the inclusion of two levels of technicality in the definition, as was noted earlier. Since the platform includes genres that lie at various levels between popularising and specialised, we consider it necessary (both for academic and for professional purposes) to provide the user with a more accessible and a more specialised definition of the term. In the case of the term adenopathy, for example: 7

We are currently completing the information in the glossary to include a reference to grammatical information, which may be relevant for translators.

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x Specialised definition8: Aumento del volumen de un ganglio linfático que puede deberse, entre otras causas, a infecciones, neoplasias del tejido linfático, metástasis tumorales o trastornos inmunitarios. Las adenopatías palpables se definen según su localización, número, forma, tamaño, consistencia, sensibilidad y adherencia a la piel y a los planos profundos; constituyen un signo importante de la exploración física o de los estudios de imagen, y pueden comprimir estructuras anatómicas vecinas. Fuente: Diccionario de Términos Médicos de la RANM. x Popularising definition: Aumento doloroso o no doloroso del tamaño de un ganglio de textura dura y en ocasiones inflamado. Una adenopatía puede estar provocada por células cancerosas que provienen de un órgano o de un tejido vecino al ganglio." Fuente: Información para pacientes sobre el cáncer de próstata ) Fuente: Guía incluida en el corpus MedGentt. In this way, depending on the level of specialisation required by the genre and the context of production (heterofunctional translation), the writer (be he or she a linguist, a translator or a doctor) will have sufficient information to select the definition they consider most suitable. It must obviously be accompanied by an appropriate register and therefore by other linguistic strategies such as determinologisation, use of paraphrase, repetition, etc. (see García- Izquierdo and Montalt, forth.).

8

Specialised definition: Increase in the volume of a lymph node that may be due, among other causes, to infections, neoplasms of lymphoid tissue, metastases of tumour cells or immune disorders. Palpable adenopathies are defined according to their location, number, shape, size, consistency and adherence to the skin and the deep tissue planes; they constitute an important sign in physical examination or imaging studies and may compress neighbouring anatomical structures. Source: RANM (Royal National Academy of Medicine) Dictionary of Medical Terms. Popularising definition: A painful or painless swollen gland, hard to the touch and sometimes inflamed. An adenopathy can be caused by cancer cells from an organ or tissue near the gland. Source: Information for patients on prostate cancer () Source: Guide included in the MedGentt corpus.

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4.3. Regulations This section provides a list of the regulations governing patient information genres. It is imperative that writers and translators should be aware of this, since some of the changes these genres undergo may be due to changes in legislation (informed consents and patient information leaflets, for example). These regulations are classified by their origin: national legislation (Spain, United Kingdom, United States and other countries) and international legislation, and where officially authorised translations exist these are included together with their bitext. Among the resources we find codes of ethics, laws, regulations, royal decrees, directives, codes, acts, etc., which appear in coded form with their identification number (four digits), the initials corresponding to their country of origin, their international status (ES, EC, INT, etc.) and the label LEG, to identify the part of the platform they belong to (Legislation). Some examples: 0006_ES_ES_LEG 0007_INT_ES_LEG 0016_ES_ES_LEG 0029_EC_ES_LEG

0109_ES_ES_LEG 0154_EC_ES_LEG

0013_UK_EN_LEG 0187_USA_EN_LEG

0218_EC_EN_ES_LEG

Code of Medical Ethics and Deontology of the Spanish General Council of Associations of Physicians International Code of Medical Ethics of the World Medical Association Fundamental Act 15/1999 (13 December) on Personal Data Protection Regulation (EC) No. 851/2004 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 21 April 2004 establishing a European centre for disease prevention and control Royal Decree 1718/2010 (17 December) on medical prescriptions and dispensing orders Directive 2008/29/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 11 March 2008 amending Directive 2001/83/EC on the Community code relating to medicinal products for human use, as regards the implementing powers conferred on the Commission Health and Social Care Act 2012 Code of Federal Regulations. Title 45. Public Welfare. Department of Health and Human Services. Part 46. Protection of Human Subjects. Regulation (EU) No. 536/2014 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 April 2014 on clinical trials on medicinal products for human use…

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4.4. Resources This section contains a list of resources divided into two main blocks: links and paper publications. For the links a taxonomy of electronic resources was established, subdivided into a series of sections and subsections and including terminological and documentary resources (databases and corpora, dictionaries and glossaries, websites, search engines and directories) in English and in Spanish; information on associations, blogs and journals; complete texts of regulations and translated regulations and a miscellany of other resources of interest. The bibliography, in turn, comprises a list of printed reference works concerned with questions related to patient information documents, which will have to be constantly updated. The interesting point, once more, is the presence of a dual level of specialisation, wherever possible. Thus despite the fact that the platform is designed, as has already been explained, as an aid for writing and translating patient information genres, which are semi-specialised, with an intermediate degree of specialisation or complexity, for the reasons explained earlier it includes references to highly specialised works, which, in particular cases, may prove useful to writers and translators to complete their knowledge of a specific field.

4.5. Search engine and corpus of documents One of the most notable features of the platform, however, is undoubtedly the search engine, which retrieves results from every section of its corpus of documents. This bilingual comparable and bidirectional parallel corpus contains complete texts from the genres with which the platform is concerned,9 which are numbered consecutively and organised by language (EN, ES, EN_ES or ES_EN), with a reference to whether they are original texts (OR), translations (TR) or bitexts10 (BT: original and translation arranged in two parallel columns), and also whether they are real texts or forms. These data are incorporated in turn into the name of each document, which is assigned a unique identification code that reflects this information. Finally, the search engine offers the user different search possibilities using filters (Figure 8-4). Thus we can select a specific combination of languages or a particular text genre, or we can decide to limit the search to 9

Most of the documents have been extracted, for reasons of reliability, from the websites of official organisations. 10 Many of these come from US bilingual websites whose level of linguistic correctness is not always as high as one would wish (García-Izquierdo 2009, 95).

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documents in the regulations section or to the group of real documents (not forms), among other possibilities.

Figure 8-4. Screenshot of the search engines’s filters and the results it offers.

As we can see in Figure 8-4, users can choose whether they wish to view only the results from the bilingual corpus of documents, those from the monolingual corpus, or both.

5. Conclusion In the Introduction I drew attention to the complexity of specialised fields of communication and the need for research to respond to that complexity. This Chapter has attempted, on the one hand, to reveal the specific nature of the field of medical communication, especially in the case of patient information genres, with which we have been concerned, due to their position halfway between popularisation and specialisation; and on the other, to propose tools for managing knowledge and specialised documentation that can facilitate the task of medical writers and translators of patient information genres, responding both to the demands of genres of differing levels of technicality and to the asymmetries arising from the

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diversity of those who receive such genres. We therefore consider that the MedGentt platform for supporting the writing and translation of patient information genres, the result of research carried out by a multidisciplinary team of linguists, translators, physicians and associations, can help to address the complexity of this field, in both academic and professional contexts.

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Translation and Interpreting Studies: From Description to Appplication, edited by Maria Teresa Sánchez Nieto, 191-209. Berlin: Frank and Timme. Borha, Anabel and Isabel García-Izquierdo. 2016. “Web-based tools and resources for legal translators: the JudGentt translation-oriented glossaries for criminal courts translators.” Onomazéin. Revista de lingüística, filología y traducción 33: 226-250. Bowker, Lynne. 2010. “The Contribution of Corpus Linguistics to the Development of Specialised Dictionaries for Learners.” In Specialised Dictionaries for Learners, edited by Pedro A. Fuertes-Olivera, 155168. Berlin/New York: Walter De Gruyter. Cabré Castellví, Maria Teresa. 2004. “Estado actual de la investigación en Terminología޵. Lenguaje y sociedad: aportaciones recientes en Lingüística cognitiva, Lenguas en contacto, Lenguas de especialidad y Lingüística de corpus, edited by Pedro A. Fuertes-Olivera, 193-203. Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid. Cabré Castellví, Maria Teresa and Rosa Estopà. 2005. “Unidades de conocimiento especializado: caracterización y tipología”. Coneixement, llenguatge i discurs especialitzat, edited by Maria Teresa Cabré Castellví and Carmen Bach, 69-93. Barcelona: IULA, Universitat Pompeu Fabra. Engberg, Jan. 2012. “Specialized Communication and Culture, Practice, Competence, and Knowledge: Implications and derived insights.” In Applied Linguistics Today: Research and Perspectives. Angewandte Linguistik heute: Forschung und Perspektiven, edited by Leonard Pon, Vladimir Karabalic and Sanja Cimer, 109-130. Frankfurt: Peter Lang. Fuertes-Olivera, Pedro A. 2010. “Lexicography for the Third Millenium: Free Institutional Internet Terminological Dictionaries for Learners.” In Specialised Dictionaries for Learners, edited by Pedro A. FuertesOlivera, 191-209. Berlin/New York: Walter De Gruyter. García-Izquierdo, Isabel (ed.). 2005. El género textual y la traducción. Reflexiones teóricas y aplicaciones pedagógicas. Bern: Peter Lang. García-Izquierdo, Isabel. 2007. “Los géneros y las lenguas de especialidad.” In Las lenguas profesionales y académicas, edited by in Enrique Alcaraz, 119–125. Barcelona-Alacant: Ariel-IULMA. —. 2009. Divulgación médica y traducción. El género Información para pacientes. Bern: Peter Lang. García-Izquierdo, Isabel. 2011. “Investigating professional languages through genres.” In Interdisciplinarity and Languages: Current Issues in Research, Teaching and professional applications and ICT, edited by Tina Suau and Barry Pennock, 125–145. Selected Papers,

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Contemporary Studies in Descriptive Linguistics, vol. 30. Bern: Peter Lang. García Izquierdo, Isabel and Tomás Conde. 2012. “Investigating specialized translators: corpus and documentary sources.” Ibérica 23: 131–157. García Izquierdo, Isabel and Tomás Conde. 2014. “Necesidades documentales del traductor médico en España.” TRANS. Revista de Traductología, vol.18, 141-162 (available at ). García-Izquierdo, Isabel and Vicent Montalt. 2013. “Equigeneric and Intergeneric Translation in Patient-Centred Care.” Hermes - Journal of Language and Communication in Business 51: 39-54. García-Izquierdo, Isabel and Vicent Montalt. Forthcoming. “Understanding and enhancing comprehensibility in texts for patients in a Spanish context: A mixed method analysis.” Katsberg, Peter. 2010. “Knowledge Communication: Formative Ideas and Research Impetus”, Programmatic Perspectives 2(1): 59-71. Muñoz Miquel, Ana. 2014. El perfil del traductor médico: análisis y descripción de competencias específicas para su formación. Unpublished doctoral thesis. Castellón: Universitat Jaume I. Schifko, Peter. 2001. “Existen lenguas de especialidad?” In Las lenguas de especialidad y su didáctica, Actas del Simposio Hispano-austríaco, edited by Maria Bargalló et al., 21-31. Tarragona: Universitat Rovira i Virgili. Sinclair, John. 2004 (ed.). How to Use Corpora in Language Teaching. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Tarp, Sven. 2008. Lexicography in the Borderland between Knowledge and non-Knowledge. General Lexicographical Theory with Particular Focus on Learner’s Lexicography. Tübingen: Niemeyer. —.2011. “Lexicographical and other e-tools for consultation purposes: Towards the individualization of needs satisfaction.” In eLexicography. The Internet. Digital Iniciatives and Lexicography, edited by Pedro A. Fuertes-Olivera, and Henning Bergenholtz, 54-70. London/New York: Bloomsbury Academic. —. 2014. “Reflexiones sobre el papel y diseño de los diccionarios de traducción especializada.” In Translation and Lexicography, MONTi. Monografías de Traducción e Interpretación, vol. 6, edited by Cesáreo Calvo and Maria Vittoria Calvi, 63-89. Zanettin, Federico. 2012. Translation-Driven Corpora. Corpus Resources for Descriptive and Applied Translation Studies. Manchester: St. Jerome.

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Zethsen, Karen Korning. 2009. “Intralingual translation: An attempt at description.” Meta, 54 (4): 795–812.

CHAPTER NINE CSR REPORTS IN ENGLISH AND IN ITALIAN: FOCUS ON GENERIC STRUCTURE AND IMPORTANCE MARKERS MARINA BONDI

1. Introduction The present chapter explores different levels of cross-linguistic analysis with a view to a better understanding of the structure and nature of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) reports. CSR reports are chosen as an interesting testing ground for an exploration of genre characteristics across languages and cultures. It is in the nature of CSR itself to pay heightened attention to the local community, but the global dimension of the economy and its fragmented nature pose increasing challenges to local companies and global multinational corporations alike (Scherer and Palazzo 2008). This is reflected in an interesting paradox in terms of reference culture(s). On the one hand, CSR reports can be taken as an example of corporate disclosure, and therefore deeply influenced by the immediate cultural context, in terms of local guidelines or orientations, local business culture and specific corporate culture. Indeed, as shown by Malavasi (2012), crosscultural discourse perspectives on CSR are not so much interested in “national culture” but rather in local business culture and corporate culture itself, i.e. corporate core values in the cultural context (defining behaviour, expectations and internal and external relations). On the other hand, because of the global dimension of both sustainability issues and business in general, disclosure documents and CSR reports in particular are also clearly related to the global and international contexts, with a clear dominance of international guidelines. It is also important to remember that CSR reports have actually developed as standard practice over the years when web-mediated

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communication was also becoming predominant. The emergence of the new genre has taken place at a time of great changes in the communicative resources available to corporate communication: these are both changes in the perception of what companies should be communicating and changes in the new affordances provided by the World Wide Web. The extended participation framework of the Web confronts most companies with the need to be understood well beyond the local community. Globalisation has great relevance to CSR (Scherer and Palazzo 2008), but does not reduce the interest in cross-cultural comparison at all. Quite the opposite: it has thus become increasingly important for practitioners and researchers to understand how CSR is communicated in different cultural and linguistic contexts and how companies can manage the requirements of different stakeholders in different countries (Williams and Aguilera 2008). The dimensions investigated may vary. Williams and Aguilera (2008) identify three main directions: comparisons of legal and institutional factors shaping CSR, actor-centred cross-national comparisons (i.e. attitudes of managers and consumers towards CSR) and behaviourcentred cross-national comparisons, including reporting. The area of crosscultural comparison is also paid attention to in a more discourse-oriented perspective, but there are very few investigations of cross-cultural case studies or cross-cultural corpora, as against a very high number of variables that could influence variation, including not only laws and mandatory regulations, social expectations, industry and professional practices, the business culture in the country, consumers’ interests and the country’s underlying political and social philosophy (Williams and Aguilera 2008, 454), but also standard writing practices and lexicogrammatical features of the verbal resources employed. The present analysis looks at the main tool of CSR communication: the CSR report. Cross-linguistic analysis is centred on the banking sector and the language backgrounds explored are those of Italian and English as an International Language (EIL). Keeping in mind the complexity of linguacultural issues involved in any comparison between a national and an international language, the study addresses two research questions. It focuses first on an attempt to look at the CSR report, with a view to defining its global macro-generic structure. It then focuses on the role of importance markers in the reports, with a view to exploring convergences and divergences in the language-specific corpora. The chapter is structured as follows. Section 2 reviews some of the literature on the discourse of CSR as a background to the study. After the presentation of the corpus of CSR reports in English and Italian and of the procedures involved in the analysis (Section 3), the cross-linguistic

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analysis is divided into two main steps: Section 4 outlines the general structure of CSR reports as a macro-genre characterised by a high degree of recursivity, while Section 5 focuses on importance markers and on the role they play in guiding the reader to identifying the main CSR principles adhered to by the company in such an extended textual form (Section 5). The aim is also to explore the importance of lexico-semantic patterns and pragmatic functions in a cross-linguistic perspective. Conclusions are drawn as to the nature of the genre and the usefulness of cross-linguistic comparison for the purposes of genre analysis.

2. Background CSR can be defined as “the commitment of business to contribute to sustainable economic development, by working with employees, their families, the local community and society at large to improve their quality of life” (WBCSD 2001, 6). CSR communication is an important element of CSR activity in general. An interrelated set of texts are produced, disseminated and received as part of the constant dialogue between corporations and their different stakeholders. Actively communicating CSR achievements can contribute to corporate reputation and possibly to financial performance (Balmer and Gray 1999). A caring image of the organisation is critical to building up its reputation and this reminds us that actions are desirable, proper or appropriate within some socially constructed system of norms, values, beliefs and definitions (McWilliams, Siegel and Wright, 2006). The practice of CSR reporting has rapidly grown into institutionalised practice in many contexts (see for example Contrafatto 2014 and Tang, Gallagher and Bie, 2015). CSR reporting has acquired growing importance over the past 20-25 years, under the influence of guidelines and standards that regulate the otherwise largely voluntary practice of CSR reporting, including highly influential international standards (OECD Guidelines, ISO 26000, UN Global Compact, UN Principles for Responsible Investment, UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, Global Reporting Initiative etc.), national and supranational strategic documents (national action plans, the EU 2011 CSR strategy and directive 95, 2014). The most influential standards keep evolving, e.g., from GRI 3 (2006) to 3.1 (2011) and 4 (2013). Laws and regulatory policies, however, are only one of the influences that determine the process of institutionalisation of CSR practices. Mimetic isomorphism–the tendency to appear similar to other organisations in the same industry–and normative isomorphism–adopting certain practices or structures to comply

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with professional norms–can be equally important (Campbell 2007). This makes the study of CSR discourse from a discourse-analytic point of view even more important and relevant to the practice of corporate reporting. As stated by Catenaccio (2011, 172), “GRI guidelines provide fairly extensive indications of what should be included, but do not say anything about how the information should be articulated”. It is by focusing on this how of CSR reporting that discourse-analytic perspectives have found fertile ground in the study of CSR communication, whether by concentrating on general text-pragmatic categories (discourse, text type, genre) or on the specific lexico-grammar of this particular genre. CSR reports are classified as reporting and disclosure documents and often looked at in terms of content (Ellerup Nielsen and Thomsen 2007; Everaert et al. 2009), but if we focus on their communicative action beyond reporting “facts”, we should probably emphasise their argumentative nature: they present the position of the company, its vision and its point of view, as shown by the presence of epistemic and attitudinal elements. The attention then shifts from facts to values (Catenaccio 2012a, 2013). From the point of view of text types, CSR reports can thus be looked at as being narrative, argumentative and expository at the same time. They do not only report action undertaken by the company in CSR fields: they also support a positive view of the company’s “corporate citizenship” and outline related strategies, objectives and plans, especially when reputation and trust are at play (Catenaccio 2012b; Fuoli and Paradis 2014). They reinforce corporate identity through a representation of the company's values in the context of debates that are relevant to the community, usually highlighting the company’s alignment with the values of the community in general (Neu, Warsame and Pedwell 1998; O'Donovan 2002). In terms of discourse as such, CSR reports are often studied as an example of “interdiscursivity”, increasingly recognised as the norm in actual communication (Candlin 2006). A. Bhatia (2012) for example, focuses on the interdiscursive nature of CSR reports while adopting a critical discourse analysis approach. She highlights that CSR reporting involves three types of discourses: discourses of promotion, goodwill, and self-justification. The discourse of promotion aims at establishing credentials and building importance to (re)construct the corporate image. The discourse of good will aims at demonstrating that the company cares for society and is committed to CSR principles and action. The discourse of self-justification is used by companies to legitimise their practices; its most common rhetorical strategy is to emphasise the constraint which is forced on the company by external conditions (A. Bhatia 2012, 235).

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Both annual reports and CSR reports have attracted the attention of discourse analysts, whether more interested in textual, evaluative aspects (Rutherford 2005; Malavasi 2007; Lischinsky 2011) or in their generic structure (De Groot 2008; Catenaccio 2012a). The CSR report is often seen as derived from its ‘antecedent’, the annual report (financial and operational report). The two genres share many structural features, as described in the literature, e.g. management statements, company profiles, operational reviews (De Groot 2008; Malavasi 2005). CEO’s letters in particular, as the most widely read section of both annual reports and CSR reports, have received major attention (Hyland 1998; Garzone 2004; Malavasi 2007; Murphy 2013). The interest has also focused on issues of generic structure and generic hybridisation, i.e. the integration of promotional cues in a reporting genre (cf. Catenaccio 2011, 2012b), issues of self-representation and corporate identity (Catenaccio and Degano 2011), as well as values and discourse strategies characterising specific case studies (Catenaccio and Degano 2011; Catenaccio 2012b; Malavasi 2011). Emphasis on impression management and identity creation has widely stimulated work on elements of evaluative language use (Fuoli 2012; Malavasi 2011, 2012; Murphy 2013). Recent interest in CSR as aspirational talk (Christensen, Morsing and Thyssen 2013) has also stimulated studies of future references in CSR (Aiezza 2015; Bondi 2016). Discourse approaches to CSR reports have explored cross-cultural issues along the lines traced by many business communication studies, exploring the influence of national cultural norms, organisational culture, professional culture and different types of stakeholders (communities, consumers, customers, regulators) (Willimas and Aguilera 2008; Tang, Gallagher and Bie 2015). A. Bhatia (2012), for example, shows that the US companies in her corpus tend to articulate the discourse of goodwill in terms of the idea of company engagement with society, while the Chinese companies demonstrate more explicitly their caring and nurturing approach to the environment and society, in harmony with traditional sociocultural ideologies (A. Bhatia 2012, 232). Studies of CSR in a discourse perspective tend to integrate content and function in their analysis of how discourse develops. Fuoli (2012), for example, combines an emphasis on a legitimisation theory of CSR and close attention to Martin and White’s (2005) Appraisal theory, focusing in particular on Attitude (expressions of Affect, moral Judgment and Appreciation) and Engagement (whether or not acknowledging other positions on the issue and then expressing agreement or disagreement with other positions), while leaving aside aspects of Graduation, i.e.

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expressions of Force (adjusting the degree of positive/negative evaluation with intensifiers, modal adverbs etc., e.g. highly commended) and Focus (adjusting the strength of boundaries between categories with emphasis or hedging, e.g. true expectations, ). The present study aims at highlighting features of the complex textuality of CSR reports, drawing attention on the one hand to how recursive units relate to each other and the macro-text and on the other to how lexical and phraseological elements may vary across the text in ways that characterise different lingua-cultural contexts.

3. Corpus and procedures The study is based on a corpus of 30 CSR reports in English from international banks, and a comparable corpus of 30 CSR reports in Italian from Italian banks. The reports cover five years, from 2007 to 2011, so that comparison could be made with an existing corpus of CSR reports from different sectors. N.

Company

Words

1

Barclays

139,558

2

Banco Santander

150,445

3

Deutsche Bank

222,602

4

HSBC

87,189

5

ICBC

134,343

6

Royal Bank of Scotland

116,459

TOTAL

855,328

Table 9-1. The BaCSREn Corpus. The BaCSREn Corpus (Banking CSR in English) (cf. Table 9-1) consists of 30 CSR reports in English from six top international banks: three headquartered in the UK (Barclays, HSBC, Royal Bank of Scotland) and three headquartered elsewhere, and thus more clearly representative of EIL (English as an International Language): Banco Santander, based in Spain; Deutsche Bank, based in Germany; ICBC, based in China (one of the “big four” state-owned commercial banks of China). The choice allowed exploration of both native and non-native contexts of use. All of

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the major banks, on the other hand, have a clear vision of their international standing and can therefore be taken to be representative of the use of English in international banking communication. The BaCSRIT_Corpus (Table 9-2) comprises 30 CSR reports in Italian from the top 6 Italian banks producing a CSR report at the time: BNL, Cariparma, Monte dei Paschi di Siena, Banca Intesa SanPaolo, Unicredit, UBI. The range of banks is much wider here in terms of size and international orientation, with Unicredit and IntesaSanpaolo operating widely in Europe, but all the other banks having a basically local orientation, although Cariparma is part of the French group Crédit Agricole and BNL is controlled by BNP Paribas. The choice was also limited by the fact that many Italian banks have been lagging behind in producing systematic CSR reports. Yet, the range may be reasonably representative of the development of the language of CSR reporting in the country. No.

Company

Words

1

BNL

196,423

2

CARIPARMA

224,909

3

IntesaSanpaolo

370,030

4

MPS

165,191

5

UBI

211,941

6

UNICREDIT

337,741

TOTAL

1,506,235

Table 9-2. The BaCSRIT_Corpus. Comparison between Italian and English in professional communication is always in need of a caveat as to the international status of the two languages. It is obvious that CSR reports published in Italian are not only affected by the resources of the language and by the rhetoric of written discourse in Italian, but also by the fact that they address a basically national audience. CSR reports published in English, whether in the context of English speaking countries or not, are always addressing an international audience. The comparison also made use of a reference corpus of CSR reports from different sectors, the CSR_30 Corpus, including 30 reports from 6

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different companies (Heineken, Coca-cola, Epson, HP, Glaxo, Bayer) covering the same years (see Bondi 2016 for a presentation of the corpus). The analysis, combining corpus and discourse perspectives, was carried out in two phases. The first phase was aimed at establishing convergences and divergences in rhetorical structure of the whole document. It was essentially based on the tools of genre analysis (Bhatia 1993, 2004) and looked at the rhetorical organisation of CSR reports and their generic structure in terms of macromoves and moves. The analysis revealed a highly complex structure, with a marked degree of consistency across cultures. It also revealed noticeable recursivity in the development of the themes prescribed by international standards. Having established that the genre was clearly identified by the same major elements in both lingua-cultural contexts, the main lexicogrammatical analysis focused on the exploration of importance markers often used in argumentative and expository discourse when the relation is one of addition or elaboration (Knott et al. 2001; Taboada 2006). Importance markers are evaluations of importance, relevance or significance (Hunston and Thompson 2000) guiding the reader in the recognition of coherence relations at textual and interpersonal level (Bednarek 2006; Biber 2006; Bondi 2011, 2015; Deroy 2012, Partington 2013). The aim of the present analysis is to explore how they are used to identify strategic priorities and to establish hierarchies of values and ultimately to represent, qualify and justify the company's (past and future) conduct in CSR matters. As I have argued elsewhere (Bondi 2015, 162ff.), expressions of importance can be seen to contribute to the representation (and evaluation) of relations between textual units, by signalling–though not necessarily explicating–textual relations, and thus establishing a common ground between reader and writer. They are both “attitude markers” (i.e. pragmatic markers conveying the speaker’s attitudes, feelings, or value judgements on the “message”) and “discourse markers” (when their function is basically that of organisational units, elements that help manage “changes of topic and the interrelations among chunks of contents and stretches of discourse” (Sinclair and Mauranen 2006, 60). They are also key resources of intersubjective positioning conflating stance–the resources writers employ to express their positions–and engagement– elements aiming at connecting with readers, engaging them in the interpretation of the text by selectively focusing their attention (Hyland 2001, 2004, 2005), as they signal how important elements are in the world of the text (i.e. the values of the company) or in the organisation of

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discourse. After a preliminary analysis of frequency data (wordlists) (WS Tools, Scott 2008), concordance analysis of selected items highlighted patterns of collocation, semantic preference (preference for collocating with words sharing semantic elements, Sinclair 2004: 32) and semantic sequences (sequences of semantic elements that may reveal patterning even in contexts of formal variation, Hunston 2008), looking in particular at evaluative phraseology (Hunston 2011). Pragmatic analysis was aimed at highlighting their interacting interestingly with evaluators and textual voices (who attributes importance?) as well as with issues of semantic intensity and functional highlighting. In a discourse perspective, this highlights the interplay between communicative function, textual organisation and textual interaction between the Writer and the Reader.

4. A genre-analytic view of CSR Reports: Genre? Macro-genre? The first phase of the analysis consisted in an overview of the generic structure of CSR reports. CSR Reports are extended documents characterised by a structure that can be defined as a “colony-in-loops” (Parodi 2010). Following Parodi’s terminology for the study of textbooks, we can look at the structure of a CSR report in terms of a Preamble, a Main report and a Corollary, as shown in Figure 9-1. The (part) genres of the Preamble vary widely in structure, function and internal consistency. The Preamble, in particular, is characterised by two elements which are widely shared across the whole corpus apart from the front cover–the letter or interview with Chairman/CEO and the table of contents.

CSR Reports in English and in Italian

Preamble - Front cover

- Table of contents -Letter / interview (Chairman/CEO) - (Cautionary statement) - (Preview of facts and figures) - (list of management board members) - (Introduction/Guide to reading) - (Legenda)

Methodology Auditors’ report /compliance

Main report

177

Corollary

Corporate identity and corporate governance -

History (Methodology) Context (Auditors’ Strategies report/ Projects compliance) Governance Stakeholders - -----

Performance and outlook (Preview) Economic performance….. Social performance…… Environmental performance …. Outlook (improvement plans)

(Methodology) Auditors’ report/ compliance

- Guidelines - Indicators Appendices with key facts - Glossary - Feedback - Supplement - Summary -

25

Figure 9-1. The structure of the CSR report.

The most common format places the table of contents before the whole document. This happens regularly in the reports of the UK-based banks, whereas the three banks based outside the UK all adopt a different pattern: ICBC always has an introduction before the contents; Santander prefaces the Table of contents with a methodological note, whereas DB places the contents after a preview of facts and figures, as well as the Chairman’s letter and another quote from the Chairman. The table of contents itself is variously denominated across the English corpus: contents 13 times, what’s inside 3 times, but also directory, index and table of contents all used once, while there are 11 reports where it has no heading. In the Italian corpus there is less variation in denominations: usually Indice (table of contents), but also Sommario (Summary) for IntesaSanPaolo 2007-2011 and Cariparma 2011, and occasionally with no heading, as in BNL2007, UBI 2007-2010. On the other hand, in the Italian corpus there is greater variation in the order of elements even within the same bank: the table of contents is the first element after the front cover in only 13 of the 30 reports (BNL 2007-2011, MPS 2008-2011, Cariparma 2009-2011, UBI 2011), it is systematically preceded by an introductory focus and reading guide in UNICREDIT and by a list of management board members and a legenda in IntesaSanpaolo. In the UBI reports it is preceded by the letter of the Chairmen from 2007 to 2010, but in 2009 there are also an introduction and the external audit, whereas the 2010 edition includes

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contacts together with the letter and the 2011 edition has the table of contents right at the beginning. Similarly Cariparma 2007 antepones the methodology, the Chairman’s letter and the Chairman’s bio, whereas MPS 2007 had a lot of materials in the first part of the preamble: list of management board members, CEO’s letter, introduction, company profile, and highlights. The central element of the preamble is a statement from the management in the form of a letter or an interview. The letter is decidedly the preferred form: there is only one occurrence of an interview in the Italian corpus (Unicredit 2009) and one occurrence with neither (BNL2008); all the other reports have one or two letters from Chairman/CEO. Although the form of the letter is typically suggested by the signature, there is some variation in the labeling nouns used for the message in the Italian corpus: it is called messaggio (message) or dichiarazioni (statements) once, considerazioni (considerations, observations) in 6 cases and lettera agli stakeholder (letter to stakeholders), emphasising the addressee rather than the addresser in IntesaSanpaolo. The English corpus, on the other hand, while more consistent in the presence of the letter, shows greater variation in the labeling nouns: they are called Messages from the chairman by Santander, introductions (of CEO and Chairman respectively) by Barclays (CEO) HSBC (Chairman) and RBS (chairman’s introduction three times and twice introduction by chairman and CEO, though not identified as such in the table of contents), whereas ICBC talks of statements by chairman and president, and DB uses letter, but also dialog once and editorial twice. Two other important elements that can be found in the preamble are the methodology and the auditors’ report. The auditors' report assessing the information presented and its compliance with existing guidelines and regulations is usually quite clearly identifiable as separate from the main report, as it is attributed to a different source. This is one of the reasons why a lot of banks prefer to include it in the corollary, together with other appendices (often including the GRI indicators): this is the case of IntesaSanpaolo, Unicredit, Cariparma and MPS, whereas BNL and UBI exemplify a noticeable degree of instability in the structure: UBI presents the auditors’ report (and the methodology) in the Preamble 3 times, but once in the Main report (where the typical position is after a company profile) and once in the Corollary; BNL on the other hand presents it in the corollary 3 times, but twice in the first section of the main report, together with the methodology. The English corpus shows a different trend: Santander, HSBC, RBS, Barclays always have the auditors’ report in the Corallary, and so does ICBC in the reports where it is included (the four

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after the first, where reference is made only to internal audits and state audits), whereas DB only has it in the Corollary in 2011: in all earlier editions it is included in the main report, in the section on their sustainability management system. The methodology has a much more ambiguous status: it is a statement of the principles guiding the compilation of the report, which may be presented as external or internal to the main document, but constitutes anyway a key element for any reading of the report. In the Italian corpus, where it is often called the premessa metodologica (methodological premise), this is reflected in a preference for initial position, either in the preamble or in the first section of the main report, after a brief presentation of corporate identity (profile): Cariparma and IntesaSanpaolo regularly opt for the preamble; BNL and MPS have it in the preamble in the first year and then move it to mid-position, whereas UBI shows some instability (three times in the preamble, once in the Corollary and once in midposition), and Unicredit adopts a peculiar combination presenting the thematic focus of the report in the preamble and the scope in the corollary. The English corpus shows a much clearer preference for placing information on the scope of the report in the Corollary, together with the GRI-index. This is always the case with Santander, Deutschebank and Barclays (although some information on the scope is in the preamble in 2007). HSBC and RBS show some variation, though both opt for the Corollary in 2011, after one mid-position and three Preambles for HSBC and one Preamble and three mid-positions for RBS. ICBC shows a different pattern: The structure of the 2007 report is provided by the CSR model of ICBC in the preamble; after that, the scope of the report is systematically presented in the Preamble. Closer analysis of materials included in the Corollary shows some other variation across the corpora. The most noticeable feature is the preference of Italian banks for including all the figures and the statistics in the Corollary, rather than as highlights in the Main report. The Corollary quite often accounts for about a third of the report: the information presented provides greater detail, but is also not directly related to the interpretation and the trends presented elsewhere in the text. The body of the report (the “Main report”) is largely inspired by the international guidelines of the GRI-Index and can be seen to show a recursive structure based on the topics identified as relevant. The main report itself can usually be divided into two main sections: one devoted mostly to self-presentation, introducing corporate identity and corporate governance and illustrating the role of CSR policy in the identity and

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governance of the company, and the other more specifically reporting CSR performance and outlook in economic, social and environmental terms. The self-presentation section focuses on Corporate identity and approach to CSR, illustrating the mission and vision of the company and its governance structure, together with a definition of its stakeholders and of the CSR approach or strategies adopted, often with reference to projects and highlights (to be detailed in the performance section); it can contain information on the history of the company and the context in which it operates (as well as methodological issues of reporting). The Performance and outlook section includes information on Economic performance, with highlights of economic results and emphasis on how CSR contributes to Value creation throughout society, as well as on the company’s economic impact on society (supporting, promoting, and enhancing both capital flow and welfare). The social performance section deals more specifically with social impact on the community in terms of sponsorship, product responsibility, ethics in competition, safety of employees, etc. Environmental performance usually involves green credit and finance, green office and energy consumption (impact on climate change), promoting environmental causes, etc. The section often involves outlook statements, either in a clearly identifiable sub-section or interspersed in the various thematic units. Figure 9-2 illustrates some of the contents and functions of the Main report. In terms of pragmatic functions, as already identified by Skulstad (2008) and Catenaccio (2012a), the section focusing on corporate identity and CSR approach aims at establishing the company’s credentials, at signalling assets, mission and vision, as well as at signalling the understanding of CSR. The performance reporting section details good practice (thus obviously also contributing to developing positive identity) by reporting performance in prescribed sectors and assessing impact. It also presents predictions of future performance and commitments to future action. The major role played by international standards (and particularly by the GRI-index) provides a strong influence determining a homogeneous thematic structure across cultural contexts. Where cultural context may prove more influential in determining other patterns is in the sequence of functional moves.

CSR Reports in English and in Italian

Corporate identity and approach to CSR • • • • • • • • • •

(methodology & independent assessment) Mission and vision Governance (History) (Context) CSR management approach Strategies (Projects) (Highlights) (Stakeholders)

181

Performance and outlook • • • -

•

Economic performance Results and Value creation, impact (supporting, promoting, enhancing) Social performance The community, sponsorship, product, competition, safety (employees) Environmental performance Green credit and finance, green office and consumption/climate, promoting environmental causes Outlook

1

Figure 9-2. The Main report.

The role played by topics prescribed in the highly influential GRI guidelines is not limited to the presence/absence of GRI-indicators (usually presented in the Corollary by including the list and recording where information is provided): the list of indicators determines marked repetitive patterns in the structure of the Main report and a high degree of recursivity in the moves that realise each thematic subsection. Examples 1 and 2 below (from the HSBC 2011 report) illustrate recursivity in the development of topics, showing in both extracts a sequence from “identifying element of vision/value” to “specifying strategy” and “practice”: (1) Good governance. HSBC’s governance structure is focused on delivering sustainable value to our shareholders. The strategy and risk appetite for HSBC is set by the Board, which delegates the day-to-day running of the business to the Group Management Board. Global businesses and functions have established operating, financial reporting and management reporting standards for application throughout HSBC. (HSBC 2011) (2) Managing our risks. As with all financial services organisations, we have to manage risks in our business. Our focus is on identifying, understanding and dealing with those risks in line with our agreed risk appetite. Robust risk governance and accountability is embedded across HSBC and the Group Risk Committee monitors the

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Chapter Nine effectiveness of our overall risk management. The Board, advised by the Group Risk Committee, approves HSBC’s risk appetite. (HSBC 2011)

Recursivity of patterns throughout the same report highlights textual coherence and facilitates reading. Internal recursivity–repetition of similar rhetorical structures for each of the topics examined–also hinted at potential cross-cultural divergences and convergences. Example 3 from the Italian corpus, for instance, illustrates a similar move with a different procedure: where the examples in English tended to proceed from values to strategies, the Italian corpus shows a tendency to proceed from strategy to values. (3) I VALORI. Intesa Sanpaolo ha adottato nel luglio 2007 il Codice Etico, carta valoriale che esprime in primo luogo l’identità della Banca, quello che vuole essere e i principi che adotta nelle relazioni con i propri stakeholder. Il Codice di Intesa Sanpaolo è imperniato sul concetto di responsabilità e richiede, non solo ai singoli ma anche a ogni funzione aziendale, di garantire il proprio impegno perché le attività siano sempre coerenti con i valori dichiarati. (IntesaSanpaolo 2011) (OUR VALUES. In July 2007 Intesa Sanpaolo adopted the Code of Ethics, a charter of values that first of all expresses the Bank’s identity, what it seeks to be and the principles it adopts in relations with stakeholders. The Intesa Sanpaolo Code of Ethics focuses on the concept of responsibility and requires that not only individuals but also every corporate department guarantee their commitment to ensuring that business activities remain consistent with the values stated)

A qualitative and quantitative analysis of these differences lies outside the scope of this chapter: see Yu and Bondi (in press) for a cross-cultural study of similar sequences in CSR reports in English, Italian and Chinese. By way of preliminary conclusion it will suffice to say that the nature of the CSR report and its focus on international standards and issues highlights a similar thematic organisation in the main report across both corpora. The extended nature of the document and the list of prescribed topics also determine the recursivity of its structure, which can be defined as a “colony-in-loops” (Parodi 2010), in analogy with the recursive structure of chapters in textbooks, where functional sequences are repeated for each new topic. Another element that can be drawn from the analogy between reports and textbooks is the idea of the macro-genre having a nucleus in the main report and (important) satellites in the Preamble and Corollary, which play a major role in establishing the company’s

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credentials with facts, figures, indexes and external assessment. From a cross-cultural point of view, the corpora appear to be largely influenced by international standards and therefore basically converging in the nucleus of the macro-structure, with some variation particularly in the satellites of the Preamble and the Corollary, or in the methodology and external audit. The degree of stability in the position of elements, on the other hand, shows much greater variation in the Italian corpus, compared to the English corpus, and the UK-based banks show the least variation within the English corpus. Internal variation (changes within the same bank) can be related to changes in the management (e.g., MPS after 2007), but also to a restructuring of the document which is usually in line with internationally dominant trends. Italian banks are also noticeable for a marked preference for including a conspicuous amount of facts and figures in the Corollary, with no explicit explanation for the lay reader.

5. Importance markers: overview and focus on context The complexity of the genre and its recursive structure suggest that a study of importance markers might easily show that they are used both as “attitude markers” (i.e. pragmatic markers conveying the speaker’s attitudes, feelings, or value judgements on the “message”), as in example 1, and as “discourse markers”, when their function is basically that of organisational units, elements that help manage “changes of topic and the interrelations among chunks of contents and stretches of discourse” (Sinclair and Mauranen 2006, 60), as in example 2. (4) Corporate Responsibility is central to the way we run and manage our business (RBS 2007) (5) Deutsche Bank London has so far donated £30,000 to this initiative. Even more importantly, more than 400 bank employees have worked as volunteers on Shoreditch projects during their spare time. (Deutsche Bank 2008)

When used as attitude markers, expressions of importance often become major tools in signalling commitment to CSR principles and in building vision statements. Focusing on this function, a comparative analysis of importance markers in English and Italian highlights convergences and divergences between the two small corpora analysed, showing that similar semantic sequences may be identified in the two corpora, while lexicalisations and syntactic patterns differ visibly.

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A preliminary overview of the most frequent adjectival, nominal and adverbial resources in both corpora shows some interesting patterns. Table 9-3 illustrates frequency data in English and Italian. English Adjective

Italian

Freq. pttw

texts

Adjective

Freq.

pttw

texts

key

775

9

30

Principali (main, principal)

1,357

9

30

important

469

5

30

principale

229

2

29

significant

460

5

30

482

3

30

main

446

5

29

importante (important) importanti

506

3

30

relevant

357

4

30

335

2

30

central

193

2

28

significativi (significant, meaningful) significative

204

1

30

primary

145

2

28

significativo

186

1

28

essential

103

1

24

Noun

Freq. pttw

texts

importance

200

2

30

significance

27

--

16

Adverb

Freq. pttw

texts

significantly

92

1

25

Mainly

69

-

22

primarily

79

-

26

significativa

124

-

28

rilevanti (relevant)

359

2

30

rilevante

257

2

30

fondamentale (fundamental) fondamentali

196

1

28

133

-

29

Noun

Freq.

pttw

texts

importanza (importance) priorità (priority, significance) Adverb

255

1

30

172

1

20

principalmente (mainly, primarily) significativamente (significantly)

219

1

30

49

-

22

Freq.

pttw

texts

Table 9-3. Expressions of importance in English and Italian.

The data show that adverbial and nominal expressions are much more limited in both corpora, whereas adjectives tend to be very frequent in

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both of them. Relative frequencies are altogether very similar, with no outstanding or significant difference. Adverbials are relatively limited in use as discourse markers. In the English corpus, for example, the most frequent adverb–significantly (92, 1pttw)–is always used as an intensifier, pointing to quantitative difference or variation (change significantly/ is significantly better). Other adverbs like mainly or primarily–even less frequent–function as focusing devices, drawing attention to particular elements in a clause. The most frequent adverb in Italian–principalmente (mainly, mostly) (219, 1 pttw)–is also used as a focusing device, usually pointing selectively to the most important of possible circumstantial elements of the clause (often also referring to frequency): attiene principalmente a (mostly concerns), è da attribuirsi principalmente a (is mainly due to), avviene principalmente nel caso in cui (takes place mainly in cases where). Similarly, significativamente (significantly) is used as an intensifier. On the whole, then, the most frequent adverbials act rather at the level of the clause than the text, highlighting elements of the ideational message. When looking at the co-text of the nominal and adjectival expressions, we notice both converging and diverging trends across the corpora. We will look at constructions with importance/importanza and the most frequent adjectives of importance for some more specific co-text analysis. Nominal forms are usually qualified by evaluative adjectives. Table 9-4 illustrates the adjectives qualifying importance/importanza in our corpora. Only adjectives occurring more than once are listed. The data show a greater tendency of the Italian corpus to qualify the notion of ‘importance’. Collocates of importance equal 3 fundamental 11 great/er/est 26 growing 4 increasing 5 more 2 paramount 5 particular 10 relative 10 strategic 6 utmost 2 vital 2 other 12 total

98/200

Collocates of importanza crescente (growing) cruciale (crucial, key) fondamentale (fundamental) grande (great) maggiore (greater) massima (utmost) molta (great) particolare (particular) primaria (primary) strategica (strategic) relativa (relative) internazionale (international) vitale (vital) other total

Table 9-4. Collocates of importance/importanza.

13 11 12 14 4 2 2 23 11 10 2 2 5 7 118/255

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A close reading of the concordances shows that in both corpora nominal expressions are almost equally divided between references to the importance of something (often establishing cohesive links between sentences) and predicates in importance claims (often used to introduce new topics, values or strategies characterising the company’s approach to CSR or its performance). Importance claims play a major role in organising the complexity of the document. When looking at syntactic patterns or patterns of semantic preference around importanza/importance in importance claims, we notice they can mostly be related to three main types of statements: a) quality-attributing statements: e.g. è per noi di importanza cruciale (it is of crucial importance for us), riveste grande importanza (is of major importance), assume un’importanza vitale (is of vital importance); is of fundamental importance, of particular importance are, has great importance b) statements involving mental processes (showing awareness of commitment to particular aspects): essere consapevoli/convinti dell’importanza (to be aware of the importance), comprendere/ riconoscere/capire l’importanza (to understand/ acknowledge the importance), attribuire importanza (to attribute importance), considerare l’importanza (to consider the importance); attach importance, recognise/realise the importance etc.; c) more explict references to verbal/argumentative processes: ribadire/sottolineare/rivelare/testimoniare/accentuare l’importanza (to reaffirm/underline/highlight/witness/emphasise the importance), si evidenzia l’importanza (we highlight the importance), sensibilizzare sull’importanza (to raise awareness about the importance); highlight/ celebrate/ demonstrate/ show/ understand/ underscore the importance. Direct quality-attributing sentences (examples 3 and 4) are limited in both corpora, though slightly more frequent in Italian (70/167, 1.e. 42%) than in English (33/109, i.e. 30%) especially thanks to the frequency of verbs such as rivestire/assumere importanza (to have importance): (6) Climate change: this is a matter of global importance which requires a global response from all sectors (Santander 2007) (7) Per Pioneer Investments la corporate governance riveste un’importanza strategica (Unicredit 2008) (For Pioneer Investments, corporate governance is a strategic matter.)

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Most importance claims (58% in Italian and 70 % in English) are presented in the form of statements explicitly introduced by verbs of mental or verbal process (recognise, emphasise, promote, believe etc.) illustrating the vision of the company (as in 5 and 6): (8) We attach importance to a fair and open exchange with all of our stakeholders (DB 2010) UniCredit è convinta dell’importanza della lotta ai fenomeni del riciclaggio e del finanziamento del terrorismo (Unicredit 2008) (UniCredit Group is fully aware of the importance of combating money laundering and terrorist financing)

Table 9-5 illustrates the typical structure of importance claims in statements showing CSR understanding and commitment. The “vision statement” is often introduced by verbs like recognise, emphasise, promote, belief, etc., and is often intensified by adjectives such as central, considerable, equal, fundamental, etc. Evaluation frame work

Entity/process evaluated

Evaluator ‘WE’ + expression of awareness/ belief

Evaluation IM -Importance marker

Element of ‘Vision’

We place

great importance

on activities that stimulate economic growth (RBS 2011)

The Bank has been attaching

great importance

to communication with shareholders (ICBC 2008)

Siamo consapevoli (We are aware)

dell’importanza (of the importance)

di avere una chiara visione a supporto della gestione dei contributi a favore del territorio (Cariparma 2010) (of a clear vision for the management of contributions to the local community)

UniCredit è convinta (UniCredit Group is fully aware)

dell’importanza (of the importance)

della lotta ai fenomeni del riciclaggio e del finanziamento del terrorismo (Unicredit 2008) (of combating money laundering and terrorist financing)

Table 9-5. Statements of understanding/belief (“Vision statements”).

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When looking at the collocations and patterns of the five top adjectives in both corpora (It: principale, importante, significativo, rilevante, fondamentale (main, important, significant, relevant, fundamental); En: key, important, significant, relevant, central), we notice they often collocate with intensifiers that refer to grading importance (ranking), for example, most significant, increasingly important, particularly important, more important, etc. The phenomenon is also found in Italian, for example, più/ molto/ particolarmente importante (more/ very/ especially important). One cross-linguistic difference regards the frequency: in Italian this pattern is not as frequently used as in English, as shown by the fact that the top 5 collocates in each corpus qualify 22% of the occurrences in English as against 15% in Italian. This seems to balance the fact that nominal expressions are more often qualified in Italian. The most interesting collocations, however, are those with nouns: e.g., in English key issues, important roles, significant changes; in Italian, ruolo importante, aspetti significativi, principali obiettivi (important roles, significant features, main objectives). The data show that importance adjectives often qualify general labeling nouns, involving both messageoriented elements (e.g. key performance indicators) and discourseorganisational elements (e.g. an important aspect). An analysis of the most frequent collocates of the adjectives shows that–while most of them can be used in both contexts–some show a clear preference for discourse-oriented elements, e.g. an important part or ruolo importante, aspetti significativi (important role, significant features) and others for message-oriented strategic business importance, such as key stakeholders or principali obiettivi (main objectives). Key is an interesting metaphorical adjective, particularly frequent in this genre, often chosen to indicate strategic business importance, for example, key performance indicators/ issues/ facts/ stakeholders/ projects/ roles/ areas/ figures/ elements/ suppliers/ topics/ developments/ industries, etc. Important and Significant, on the other hand, are often used with quantitative meaning–and–especially as far as important is concerned–preferably to highlight importance in the text: e.g., important areas/ priorities/ contribution/ part/ role/ aspects or significant changes/ progress/ growth/ investment, etc. In Italian, a particularity to be noticed is that principale (principal, main, major) specialises the importance in the world of business rather than discourse, for example, principale mercato, sponsor principale, banca principale (principal market, major sponsor, main bank), etc. A study of collocates also highlights the importance of predicative patterns. The pattern “is/are + adj.” is most used by important (is important 51, are important 23), and much less used by key (is key 5, are

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key 11) and significant (is significant 4, are significant 2). In Italian, the predicative pattern “è/sono + adjective” is most used by important* (important)(è importante 13, sono importanti 6), much less used by significativ* (significant) (è significativ* 0, sono significativ* 3), and never used by principal* (è principale 0, sono principali 0). The pattern is often followed by a verb in its infinitive form: e.g., è importante ricordare (it is important to remember). In comparison to English, generally the predicative pattern is much less employed in Italian. Finally the analysis points to the presence among the most frequent collocates of the adjectives of prepositions like to/for or per, typically introducing the Evaluator or the scope of the importance in question, as in examples 7-8 (evaluator) and 9-10 (scope): (9) Environmental issues are important to our employees (RBS 2008) (10) Innovazione e Ricerca sono per Intesa Sanpaolo un driver fondamentale per il rilancio del tessuto produttivo in cui la Banca opera (IntesaSanpaolo 2011) (Innovation and Research are fundamental Intesa Sanpaolo drivers for relaunching production in the areas in which the Bank operates ) (11) It is also important for the rebuilding of our reputation (RBS 2009) (12) L’adozione del codice etico è una tappa fondamentale nella realizzazione del modello di responsabilità sociale del Gruppo UBI (UBI 2011) (the adoption of a Code of Ethics constitutes a fundamental step in the achievement of the social responsibility model of the UBI Banca Group)

The presence of a scope of the importance is more frequent than that of an explicit Evaluator, thus placing emphasis on strategic importance. When looking at the possible semantic sequences involved, adjectives unsurprisingly offer a much more varied picture, exemplifying three types of statements: quality-attributing statements, statements of understanding/belief and value/strategy identifying statements, as illustrated in tables 9-4, 9-5 and 9-6.

190

Entity/process evaluated :

Chapter Nine

Hinge + Evaluation LINK-verb + Importance attribute

Scope/evaluator

Executive Corporate Responsibility

is central

to the way we run and manage our business (RBS 2007)

By helping to improve the financial capability of the UK's small business owners, our service

plays an important role

in achieving wider economic stability (Barclays 2010)

Listening to our customers

is key to

enabling us to understand their needs and how they are changing over time (RBS 2007)

To promote talent

is a key focus

of our CSR investments (DB 2010)

I risultati raggiunti (The results achieved)

sono significativi, in particolare (are particularly significant)

per Cariparma (Cariparma 2010) (for Cariparma)

Oggi più che mai agire in modo sostenibile (More than ever, sustainable practices)

è fondamentale (are fundamental)

per il nostro successo (UniCredit 2011) (to our success)

CSR values/ CSR action

Table 9-6. Importance claims: quality attributing statements.

CSR Reports in English and in Italian

Evaluation frame work

Entity/process evaluated

‘WE’ + Verb of belief

IM-Adj + Element of ‘Vision’

Our board and management team

recognise

how important it is

We

will continue to support and promote

important responsible business initiatives such as the UN Global Compact and the Equator Principles (RBS 2008)

to reward the exceptional efforts our employees are making to serve our customers and build the new (RBS 2010)

Crediamo fermamente che (We strongly believe that)

una vita basata sull’integrità sia fondamentale per la crescita personale (Unicredit 2008) (a life of integrity is the fundamental basis of personal worth)

Il Gruppo UniCredit […] (As a financial institution, we)

importante (our role)

considera (see it as)

Table 9-7. Importance claims: CSR vision statements.

191

assicurarsi che i propri clienti siano in condizioni di ripagare regolarmente i propri debiti senza incorrere in difficoltà finanziarie (Unicredit 2007) (to ensure that our customers can accommodate regular repayments without ending up in financial difficulty)

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Evaluation frame work

Entity/process evaluated

Importance adj+general noun

LINK-verb

CSR activity /value

Another key element of Banco Santander's social action

is

its support for entrepreneurship through initiatives such as microcredits to achieve financial inclusion and social and work integration for those at risk of exclusion. (Santander 2011)

The most important pillar of our company pension scheme

is

the contribution plan (DB 2007)

Primario obiettivo (the main objective)

è stato (has been)

garantire maggiore tutela, diritti e trasparenza ai clienti (MPS 2010 (to provide greater protection, more rights and transparency to our customers)

Gli interventi più importanti (The most important initiatives)

Sono stati rivolti (were addressed)

all’Associazione Telefono Azzurro (UBI 2010) (to the association called Telefono Azzurro)

Importance adj

CSR activity /value (+ Evaluator/Scope)

It will be

important

for Barclays to plan regular stakeholder engagement activity (Barclays 2011)

For the long-term stability of local communities, it is

essential

that their citizens have access to capital resources to launch innovative social enterprises (DB 2011)

Link-verb (+ Evaluator/Scope)

Importance adj

CSR activity /value

Per noi è

importante (serious about)

contribuire allo sviluppo della società in cui operiamo, attuando e sostenendo progetti nel campo dell’educazione, dell’ambiente, dell’arte e della cultura (Unicredit 2011) (contributing to the society in which it operates by implementing and supporting projects in education, art and culture, and the environment)

It+ LINK-verb

(It is) .

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Entity/process evaluated

Evaluation

Evaluator/ scope

CSR strategy/activity /value

Link-V+ Importance adj

evaluator/scope

People's knowledge

is truly an important tool

for overcoming relevant problems (DB 2011)

Combating financial crime

remains an important priority

for our stakeholders (RBS 2008)

Investire sulle nostre persone (Investing in our people)

è fondamentale (is key)

per la sostenibilità stessa del Gruppo (UniCredit 2010) (to our sustainability)

Table 9- 8. Value/strategy-identifying statements.

In a cross-linguistic perspective, lexico-syntactic analysis shows obvious elements of structural variation, such as use of the anticipatory it in English, where Italian has greater word order flexibility. More importantly, however, it also shows that similar semantic sequences may be identified in the two corpora, while lexicalisations and syntactic patterns differ visibly in terms of frequency or structure.

6. Conclusions The chapter has examined the CSR report as a (macro-) genre and proposed a pattern of its macro-generic structure, consisting of three macro-parts: the Preamble, the Main report, and the Corollary. By looking in greater detail at the part-genres which constitute the Preamble and Corollary, the analysis has revealed cross-linguistic divergences and convergences between the English and Italian reports: a) The reports of the UK-based banks tend to share a regular format in positioning the “table of contents”, while reports from different countries present more variety. b) The sample reports show a preference of the form of letter when presenting the statement from the management. c) The auditors' report tends to be put in the Corollary, and in some cases it is put also in the Preamble or the main report. d) In the corpus, the Italian reports present a higher degree of instability in the structure in comparison to UK-based CSR reports;

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e) The Italian CSR reports show higher variety in the position of “methodology”, while the English reports present clearer preference in placing the “scope of report” in the Corollary. The generic analysis of the Main report highlights some of the contents and functions of the two main sections of the main body: the selfpresentation section and the performance-reporting section. A further internal analysis of the text suggests that this reporting genre is characterised by intensive recursivity of structure, which can be defined as “colony-in-loops” (Parodi 2010). This recursivity of patterns contributes to manage the complexity of the genre by improving textual coherence and facilitating reading. Lexical analysis has focused on importance markers, investigating how IMs contribute to textual coherence, and further exploring their interpersonal and ideational macro-functions. A preliminary overview of the linguistic resources indicating importance has shown that adverbial and nominal marking of importance is rather limited, whereas adjectives account for much higher frequency in both corpora. Adverbial IMs can be used for elaboration and listing, but their most frequent use is definitely as intensifiers. Nominalisations can be used to sum up a chain of previous or subsequent referents, but are mostly used in explicit statements of belief in CSR values. Adjectives tend to collocate with general nouns and determine more complex causal/inferential relations, but they are also very often used in order to structure the sequence of topics and identify different aspects of CSR in importance claims that act as vision statements or value/strategy-identifying statements. Cross-linguistic structural variation can be brought back to shared sequences of meaning elements. From the point of view of the macro-functions of language, the analysis has highlighted the major textual function of IMs in creating relevance to context, beyond a basic ideational function (where they are related to issues of semantic intensity and functional highlighting). By creating complex textual patterns, IMs are employed to realise organisational units (emphasising the importance in the text), or perform the message-oriented function (stressing the importance in the world of fact). IMs are also shown to interact interestingly with Evaluators and other textual voices attributing importance. Explicit forms of selfattribution can be seen to contribute to showing awareness, understanding and commitment to CSR principles on the part of the company, thus constructing interpersonal consensus. In this way, IMs can also be used to establish and maintain relationships with the stakeholders. In conclusion importance markers can be shown to contribute to positioning the

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company’s image in the context of current debates and to highlighting the values and actions constituting its identity, thus becoming resources by which the company negotiates convergent or conflicting positions with the reader as to the chain of events and the validity of the argument. On the whole, both the generic analysis and the lexical case study of importance markers point to the importance of establishing hierarchies of values in both legitimising the company’s (past and future) conduct and positioning the company’s image in the context of current debates. The corporate identity thus created can communicate expertise, authority and ultimately, by emphasising the caring and collaborative image of the company, trustworthiness, whether or not distracting attention from critical issues in times of crisis.

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edited by Anne Marie Bülow-Møller. Nacogdoches, Texas: The Association for Business Communication. —. 2007. “Lexical analysis of implicit promotional devices in bank annual reports.” Revue de l’Institut des langues et cultures d’Europe, Amérique, Afrique et Asie 9: 171-184. —. 2011. “‘Doing Well by Doing Good’: A Comparative Analysis of Nokia’s and Ericsson’s Corporate Social Responsibility Reports.” In Discourse, Communication and the Enterprise. Genres and Trends. edited by Giuliana Elena Garzone, and Maurizio Gotti, 193-212. Bern: Peter Lang. —. 2012. “‘The necessary balance between sustainability and economic success’: an analysis of Fiat’s and Toyota’s Corporate Social Responsibility reports.” In The Language Factor in International business. New Perspectives on Research, Teaching and Practice, edited by Priscilla Heynderickx, Sylvaine Dieltjens, Geert Jacobs, Paul Gillaerts and Elizabeth de Groot, 247-264. Bern: Peter Lang. Martin, James R. and Peter R. R. White. 2005. The Language of Evaluation: Appraisal in English. London/New York: Palgrave/Macmillan. McWilliams, Abagail, Donald Siegel and Patrick Wright. 2006. “Guest Editors’ Introduction. Corporate Social Responsibility: Strategic Implications.” Journal of Management Studies. 43(1): 1–18. Murphy, Amanda. 2013. “On ‘true’ portraits of letters to shareholders.” International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 18(1): 57-81. Neu, Dean, Hussein Warsame and Kathryn Pedwell. 1998. “Managing public impressions: Environmental disclosure in annual reports.” Accounting, Organizations and Society 23(3): 265-282. O’Donovan, Gary. 2002. “Environmental disclosures in the Annual Report: Extending the applicability and predictive power of legitimacy theory.” Accounting, Auditing and Accountability Journal 15: 344-371. Parodi, Giovanni. 2010. “The rhetorical organization of the textbook genre across disciplines: a ‘colony-in-loops?’” Discourse Studies 12(2): 195222. Partington, Alan. 2014. “The marking of importance in ‘enlightentainment’ talks.” In Corpus Analysis for Descriptive and Pedagogical Purposes: ESP Perspectives, edited by Maurizio Gotti and Davide Giannoni. 143-165. Bern: Peter Lang. Rutherford, Brian. 2005. “Genre Analysis of corporate annual report narratives.” Journal of Business Communication. 42(4): 349-378. Scherer Andreas, and Guido Palazzo. 2008. “Globalization and corporate social responsibility.” In The Oxford Handbook of Corporate Social Responsibility, edited by Andrew Crane, Abagail McWilliams, Dirk

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Matten, Jeremy Moon, and Donald Siegel, 413-431. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Scott, Michael. 2008. Wordsmith Tools, Version 5. Liverpool: Lexical Analysis Software. Sinclair, John. 2004. Trust the Text. Language, Corpus and Discourse. London: Routledge. Sinclair, John and Anna Mauranen. 2006. Linear Unit Grammar. Integrating Speech and Writing. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Skulstad, Aud Solbiørg. 2008. “Creating a ‘green’ image in the public sphere: Corporate environmental reports in a genre perspective.” In Handbook of Communication in the Public Sphere, edited by Ruth Wodak, and Veronika Koller, 181-201. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. Taboada, Maite. 2006. “Discourse markers as signals (or not) of rhetorical relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 38: 567-592. Tang, Lu, Christine Gallagher and Bijie Bie. 2015. “Corporate social responsibility communication through corporate websites: a comparison of leading corporations in the United States and China.” International Journal of Business Communication 52(2): 205-227. WBCSD (World Business Council for Sustainable Development). 2001. The Business Case for Sustainable Development. Geneva: WBCSD Publications. Available at (accessed 31 January 2016). Williams, Cynthia and Ruth Aguilera. 2008. “Corporate social responsibility in comparative perspective.” In The Oxford Handbook of Corporate Social Responsibility, edited by Andrew Crane, Abagail McWilliams, Dirk Matten, Jeremy Moon, and Donald Siegel, 452-472. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Yu, Danni and Marina Bondi (in press). “The generic structure of CSR reports in Italian, Chinese, and English.” In Proceedings of the Discourse, Communication and the Enterprise Conference VIII 11-13 June 2015, edited by Walter Giordano. Naples.

CHAPTER TEN A MATTER OF TERMINOLOGY, WHEN TERMINOLOGY MATTERS: NAMING COMMON GENETIC DISEASES1 ALESSANDRA VICENTINI, KIM GREGO, TATIANA CANZIANI

1. Introduction In recent years, the rapid evolution of scientific research on DNA has unlocked the codes to genetic conditions and contributed to unveiling the causes of diseases once unknown. All this brought about a number of economic issues regarding private and public investment in research, treatment and prevention (e.g.: advertising and screening campaigns), which are especially prominent in the case of common (as opposed to rare) genetic diseases. Furthermore, genetic diseases with a high phenotypical impact (HPI) involve considerable social stigma and are thus particularly ethically connoted. Not only, the advancement of medical (genetic) science usually goes hand in hand with a change in terminology. Most genetic diseases’ names are either eponyms, as they were identified and labelled after the names of the physicians that first clinically observed and described them (e.g.: Down syndrome, Angelman syndrome, Marfan syndrome, etc.), which sometimes include even disparaging synonyms (e.g.: mongoloid, happy puppet syndrome, etc.), or popular names indicating the physical appearance of the patient (e.g.: dwarfism, cloverleaf skull syndrome, etc.). Directions by WHO (2004) and other institutional 1

Research for this chapter was conducted jointly by the three authors. In particular, Alessandra Vicentini is responsible for § 1, 3, 5.2; Kim Grego for §5.1, 6; Tatiana Canziani for 2.1, 2.2, 4.1, 4.2. Part of the research background on domain-specific English and ethics was funded through a 2014-2015 US-Italy Fulbright Commission Research Scholar Grant (grantee: Kim Grego).

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medical authorities (e.g. CIOMS, FCAT, ICHT2) have been inviting the global scientific community since as far back as the 1970s not to use ambiguous terms in medical intra-and inter-specialist communication, as well as in specialist-to-layperson encounters, e.g. in doctor-patient interviews.

2. Background 2.1. Genetic disease nomenclature Medical nomenclature of diseases has always been a pernicious problem in the scientific community. This situation has become more and more difficult with the mapping and codification of the human genome, which caused “a terminological explosion” (Bankowski 1985) and increased the number of terms used to name new or already existing pathologies. As known, a genetic disorder is a disease caused by an abnormality in an individual’s DNA. Abnormalities can be as small as a single-base mutation in just one gene, or they can involve the addition or subtraction of entire chromosomes. Nearly all-genetic diseases are rare diseases, not all rare diseases are genetic. From a linguistic point of view, genetic disorders may be named according to: 1. The basic genetic or biochemical defect that causes the pathological condition (trisomy 21, trisomy 18; factor IX deficiency). 2. One or more symptoms or signs of the disorder (cholestasis with peripheral pulmonary stenosis) having or not a metaphorical connotation (cri-du-chat syndrome). 3. The parts of the body affected (craniofacial-deafness-hand syndrome). 4. The physical appearance of the patient affected by the genetic disorder (mongolism) more or less metaphorical (happy puppet syndrome). 2

The Council for International Organizations of Medical Sciences (CIOMS) is an international, non-governmental, non-profit organisation established jointly by WHO and UNESCO in 1949, including 49 international, national and associate member organisations, representing many of the biomedical disciplines, national academies of sciences and medical research councils. The Federative International Committee on Anatomical Terminology (FCAT) published Terminologia Anatomica to democratise the anatomical terminology and make it internationally accepted. The International Committee on Thrombosis and Haemostasis (ICHT) supports the standardisation of the nomenclature of blood clotting factors.

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5. The name of the physician who first described the disorder (Down syndrome, Marfan Syndrome), the patient or family affected by the disorder (Lou Gehrig disease, Hartnup disease, after the Hartnup family of London who were affected by pellagra-like dermatosis). Thus, in pathologies, factors have and created information.

present use, there is no standardised system for naming but different ways of naming diseases coexist. All these caused an abundance of synonyms for the same pathologies great obstacles to the efficient communication of medical

2.2. Attempts at terminological standardisation The medical community and health organisations have always supported the necessity for a standardised terminology to lower the barrier to international communication. The first attempts at disease terminological standardisation date back to the mid-19th century, when the Royal College of Physicians and the American Medical Association (AMA) published their nomenclature of diseases (in 1857 and 1933), but a few years later they decided to cease their publication (AMA 1961). In 1975, CIOMS and WHO pioneered the drafting of an International Nomenclature of Diseases (IND). One of the main objectives of the IND is to serve as a complement to the WHO International Statistical Classification of Diseases (ICD) (every ten years, WHO publishes an updated version) , the most important standard diagnostic tool for health management and clinical purpose internationally recognised by the medical community to name, define and classify clinical conditions. ICD is a statistical classification of diseases or better a list of diseases arranged systematically in accordance with their characteristics (symptomatology, aetiology, etc.), while a disease nomenclature (IND) refers to the names under which the various diseases are recognised. As far as possible, IND terminology has been given preference in the ICD 10th. The main aim of the IND is to provide, for each morbid entity, a single recommended name, which should: 1. be specific (applicable to one and only one disease); 2. be unambiguous, as self-descriptive as possible, as simple as possible and, whenever possible, based on cause;

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3. avoid the use of eponymous terms3, which are not self-descriptive, even if many are so frequently used (e.g. Parkinson disease) that they are actually retained (ICD-10: 9). Regarding rare diseases, one of the main problems in the ICD 10 (2004) classification is the absence of codes and names referring to a large number of rare diseases. According to the Orphanet4 database, of the thousands of known rare diseases for which a clinical identification is possible, only 250 of them have a code in the current ICD 10 version and are thus considered more common. For this reason, in 2007 WHO decided to revise the 11th ICD version (revision is due by 2017), to ensure a better codification and classification of rare diseases, in cooperation with Orphanet and the Chair of the EU Rare Diseases task force (Council Recommendation of 8 June 2009).

3. Aims, corpus and methods This chapter offers a synthetic diachronic description of the terminological change undergone by two sample genetic pathologies– Down syndrome5 (DS) and Marfan syndrome6 (MFS)–in the last two 3

There has been a long-standing debate in the scientific community over whether or not to include eponyms in medical terminology (Whitworth 2007; Woywodt and Matteson 2007). Among the numerous arguments supporting the exclusion of eponyms from medical discourse is the conviction that eponyms are ambiguous, opaque, semantically empty and imprecise (Dirckx 1983). 4 An organisation led by a consortium of around 40 countries, coordinated by the French INSERM (Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale). 5 Down syndrome is a chromosomal abnormality caused by the presence of a third (partial or total copy of chromosome 21) and it is characterised by variable intellectual disability, muscular hypotonia, and joint laxity, often associated with a characteristic facial dysmorphism and various anomalies such as cardiac, gastrointestinal and endocrine defects. The prevalence at birth in Europe is 11.2 per 10,000 births (Loane et al. 2012). 6 Marfan syndrome is a multi-systemic disorder of the connective tissue with manifestations typically involving the cardiovascular, musculoskeletal, ophthalmic and pulmonary systems. The incidence of Marfan syndrome is estimated to be 2-3 per 10,000 individuals. The features of Marfan syndrome can become apparent anytime between infancy and adulthood. Depending on the onset and severity of signs and symptoms, Marfan can be fatal early in life; however, the majority of affected individuals survive into mid-to-late adulthood. Individuals with Marfan syndrome are usually tall and slender, have elongated fingers and toes (arachnodactyly), and have an arm span that exceeds their body height. Other

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centuries, at both the specialist and the popular levels. These were selected on the basis of the following criteria: x they are included in the ICD 10, which makes them common genetic diseases7; x they have been identified in the same historical period (DS 1866/MFS 1896); x their high phenotypical impact implies their high social visibility; x they are known by eponyms; x they are not “orphan” diseases, but have benefited substantially from recent genetic research; x they are covered in both the specialised and the popular press. DS and MFS are serious, chronic, progressive and affected patients are psychologically, culturally, socially and economically vulnerable. Moreover, both syndromes have been popularised, either due to ethical debates surrounding them (Down syndrome) or for their association with famous patients (Marfan syndrome; among the numerous famous people probably affected by Marfan syndrome, there are, Queen Mary (Buchanan and Kean 2011), Nicola Paganini (Sperati and Felisati 2005) and Abraham Lincoln (Reilly 2000)). The analysis was conducted by first reviewing the historical development of the terminology associated with the two conditions, and then comparing two corpora from specialised and non-specialised publications: x the British Medical Journal (1840-2014-6,161 texts); x The Guardian/The Observer, with sample checks from The New York Times (1791-2014–8,950 texts). The research questions pursued were: are eponyms and disparaging synonyms still used, despite being banned by medical authorities? Why or why not? How have they changed over time, both at the specialist and at the popular levels?

common features include a long and narrow face, crowded teeth, an abnormal curvature of the spine (scoliosis or kyphosis), and either a sunken chest (pectus excavatum) or a protruding chest (pectus carinatum) (Judge and Dietz 2005). 7 As already observed by Orphanet, rare genetic diseases are approximately 5,600, but only 250 – the most common – of them are included in ICD 10.

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Both quantitative (through the search engines of the online databases) and qualitative methods (Bourgeault, Dingwall and de Vries 2013) for analysis were employed and the perspective adopted was that of Critical Discourse Analysis (Fairclough 2003) for the socially relevant issues that the topic addresses. Specific insights were gathered from Medical Discourse Analysis (Gotti and Salager-Meyer 2006) and the History of Medical Terminology (Turnpenny and Smith 2003; Canziani 2011; Canziani, Grego and Iamartino 2014). For the ethical implications connected with social stigma, works on genetic counselling were consulted (Sheets et al. 2011; Sarangi 2013).

4. History of the terms 4.1. Down Syndrome Down syndrome is an eponym and derives its name from John Langdon Haydon Down (1828-1896), the British doctor who first described it in 1866, naming it “mongolism”. Down based this unfortunate name on his notion that children with this syndrome looked like people from Mongolia, who were considered a lower race. According to monogenists, lower races were fixed at an early stage of development, while white Caucasians were considered to be fully developed. Therefore, the popular notion at that time among Europeans was that Caucasians were superior to Mongolians as a race. Before 1961, the terms generally used by the medical community for Down syndrome were “mongolian idiocy” or “mongolism,” and patients affected were labelled as “mongoloids”. These terms were banished from scientific communication after a letter written by a group of 19 scientists to the editor of The Lancet in 1961 (Allen et al. 1961). In this letter, scientists asked the editor to abandon the term “mongolism” in favour of a less offensive one, pointing out the increasing participation of Chinese and Japanese investigators in the study of the condition. In 1962 a delegation from Mongolia which had at that time become a member of WHO made an informal request to the WHO director to change the term “mongolism” because it was offensive. From 1964 the eponym “Down’s syndrome” gradually substituted the offensive and discriminatory term “mongolism”. A new synonym for the condition was introduced in 1959, after Dr Lejeune discovered an extra chromosome 21 in affected patients. After this discovery, Down syndrome was renamed by Lejeune “trisomy 21” to describe the disability more objectively. According to a recent study (Rodríguez-Hernández and Montoya 2011), which investigated the use of the various names given to this syndrome

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from 1961 to 2010, “Down syndrome” seems to be the most widely accepted among medical literature, while “trisomy 21” is preferentially used when referring to the disorder in association with other chromosomal anomalies.

4.2. Marfan syndrome Marfan syndrome derives its name from the French physician Antoine Marfan, who first described the skeletal anomalies caused by this syndrome in 1896. In 1906 Émile Charles Achard called the condition “arachnodactyly”, because affected patients had elongated fingers and toes. In 1931 Henricus Jacobus Marie Weve showed that the disorder was transmitted as a dominant trait, and in 1990 the gene for Marfan syndrome was localised to chromosome 15q21. In 1991 the gene encoding fibrillin-1 (FBN1) was cloned, and the first mutations in the gene were identified in Marfan syndrome patients. According to ICD classification, like Down syndrome, Marfan syndrome is grouped within the category “Congenital malformations, deformations and chromosomal abnormalities”. ICD 10 does not include an alternative name for Marfan syndrome. The Orphanet database includes its initialism MFS as a synonym. The term “arachnodactyly” is absent, probably because elongated fingers and toes are one of the symptoms of this condition or because, according to Parish (1967), the cases described by Achard in 1902 differed from Marfan’s case of 1896.

5. Findings 5.1. Specialised corpus: British Medical Journal (BMJ), 1840-2014 The corpus of specialised texts from the British Medical Journal (BMJ) online archive comprises 6,161 documents dating between 1840 and 20148. It was searched for pre-selected key terms, phrases and combinations thereof, chosen from among specialised and popular synonyms of the genetic conditions considered. Results were as specified below.

8

January 1840 to November 2014.

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BMJ > Archive > Advanced search > Jan 1840-Nov 2014 > All specialties > All article types Term searched Searched No. Earliest Latest in results occurrence occurrence full text 1,051 1962 2014 1. “DOWN’S SYNDROME” 2. “DOWN’S title or 228 1967 2014 SYNDROME” abstract 3. “DOWN SYNDROME” full text 295 1950 2014 4. “DOWN SYNDROME” title or 4 1994 2014 abstract 5. “TRISOMY 21” full text 172 1962 2014 6. “TRISOMY 21” title or 9 1991 2011 abstract 104 1963 2014 7. “DOWN'S SYNDROME” full text AND “TRISOMY 21” 8. “DOWN'S SYNDROME” title or 3 1991 2008 AND “TRISOMY 21” abstract 9. “DOWN SYNDROME” full text 58 1962 2014 AND “TRISOMY 21” title or 0 10. “DOWN SYNDROME” abstract AND “TRISOMY 21” 11. MONGOLISM full text 470 1904 2009 12. MONGOLISM title or 45 1907 1999 abstract 13. MONGOLISM AND full text 31 1950 1994 “DOWN SYNDROME” 14. MONGOLISM AND title or 0 “DOWN SYNDROME” abstract 15. MONGOLISM AND full text 84 1962 2007 “DOWN’S SYNDROME” 16. MONGOLISM AND title or 1 1999 “DOWN’S abstract SYNDROME” 17. RETARDATION AND full text 117 1963 2009 “DOWN’S SYNDROME” 18. RETARDATION AND title or 0 “DOWN’S abstract SYNDROME” full text 28 1952 2009 19. RETARDATION AND “DOWN SYNDROME” 20. RETARDATION AND title or 0 “DOWN SYNDROME” abstract

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BMJ > Archive > Advanced search > Jan 1840-Nov 2014 > All specialties > All article types 21. “DOWN’S full text 3 1962 1968 SYNDROME” AND IDIOT

22. “DOWN’S SYNDROME” IMBECIL*

23. “DOWN’S SYNDROME” CRETIN*

full text

6

1966

1973

full text

10

1963

1991

full text

137

1955

2010

title or abstract full text

20

1957

2010

70

1936

2012

3

1964

1988

137

1955

2010

AND

AND

24. “MARFAN’S SYNDROME” 25. “MARFAN’S SYNDROME” 26. “MARFAN SYNDROME” 27. “MARFAN SYNDROME” 28. “MARFAN’S SYNDROME” 29. “MARFAN’S SYNDROME” 30. ARACHNODACTYLY 31. ARACHNODACTYLY

title or abstract full text title or abstract full text title or abstract full text

20

1957

2010

75 2

1928 1951

2013 1957

11

1909

1978

full text

38

1936

2012

32.

MARFAN AND SPIDER*

33.

ARACHNODACTYLY AND MARFAN

34.

FIBRILLIN MARFAN

AND

full text

7

1991

2012

35.

FIBRILLIN MARFAN

AND

0

-

-

36. 37.

MARFAN

2 0

2009 -

2011 -

38.

MARFAN AND MONGOL*

title or abstract full text title or abstract full text

12

1924

1978

39.

MFS1 OR “MARFAN SYNDROME TYPE 1”

full text

0

-

-

MARFAN

AND FBN1 AND FBN1

Table 10-1. Specialised corpus (BMJ 1840-2014): quantitative findings.

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The immediate, evident result is that eponyms are, for the two conditions considered, still being used, in both their Saxon genitive and adjectival versions: 1,051 texts for “DOWN SYNDROME”; 295 for “DOWN’S SYNDROME”; 137 for “MARFAN’S SYNDROME”; 70 for “MARFAN SYNDROME”. In detail, disparaging synonyms, like MONGOL*, appear as far back as 1904, in line with Dr Down’s own classification. However, they only started being dropped in the 1990s, following the new research on genetics made possible in those years. In the BMJ corpus surveyed, 99 texts were found containing both the terms “DOWN’S SYNDROME” AND MONGOLISM (85), or “DOWN SYNDROME” AND MONGOLISM (14), in a full text search of all article types between 1840 and 2014. A qualitative, manual analysis revealed that the last occurrence of the term MONGOL* in a research article, written by specialists in a field for specialists in the same field (unlike, for example, a review) for descriptive purposes, is from 1980: Down's syndrome is associated with autoimmune diseases affecting the thyroid, pancreas, gastric mucosa, and adrenal glands. Mongols have an increased tendency to produce thyroid antibodies (de H. Lobo, Khan and Tew 1980, 1253).

After 1980, MONGOL* only appears in articles, in metalinguistic debates, to describe “old” terminology, or in bibliographical references to works from no later than the 1970s. Other disparaging terms found to be associated in non-recent times with DS (much with the same chronological pattern of MONGOL*) are IDIOT (3 occurrences), IMBECIL* (6 occurrences), and CRETIN* (6 relevant occurrences out of 10). As seen, chronologically, MONGOL* and “DOWN(‘S) SYNDROME” coexist, with MONGOLISM first appearing in 1904, “DOWN(’S) SYNDROME” only in 1950 and MONGOLISM, used descriptively, disappearing after 1980. On the other hand, MARFAN and MONGOL* never co-exist as synonyms, but are only employed to refer to different conditions (DS and MFS), often sharing the common ground of heart conditions (occurrences starting from 1924), and never after 1978 anyway (in line with the above 1980 datum). The clearest example is probably Campbell (1965): Not much has been added since then about malformations of the heart, though the advances in human genetics have been enormous, as shown by the greater knowledge of the human chromosomes and their correct enumeration, and by the discoveries about mongolism and ovarian dysgenesis, to quote only two instances. […] Medial necrosis of the aorta is often found with arachnodactyly (Marfan's syndrome), and rupture of the aorta is not uncommon as the mode of death, though the anomalies of

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MARFAN* and GIANT*, where the latter term(s) could have disparaging connotations, co-exist in the BMJ corpus, but with few occurrences (25 texts). Once manually scanned, though, only 1 of them is revealed to include a relationship between MFS and the bodily size of those affected9. In all the other cases, GIANT* occurs either in specialist collocations like “GIANT CELLS”, or even in non-specialist, evaluative terms. An iconic example is BMJ (1973), a short article titled “Mid-Systolic Click and Late Systolic Murmur”, which opens with the figurative epithet “the giants of cardiology”, and then moves on to mention MFS: Some of the giants of cardiology have focused their attention on the remarkable auscultatory syndrome of the patient with a mid-systolic click and a late systolic murmur at the cardiac apex. […] They noted a high incidence of minor skeletal abnormalities which can be associated with Marfan's syndrome but none of the major ones (BMJ 1973, 249).

The irony, of course, lies in the choice of the noun GIANT to refer to cardiologists, i.e. those who study and treat patients with conditions like MFS who tend to be, literally, giants. The one case involving a descriptive use of GIANT* in relation to MFS is Young (1986, 1624), supporting the famous hypothesis according to which pianist Rachmaninov may have suffered from MFD: “This unusual fingering of the C major chord requires much more than simply a giant hand”. In this instance, the word appears to have no pejorative nuances; it merely seems to make a superlative use of the term, to refer to some extremely large size. Nor in the case of ARACHNODACTYLY, or SPIDER*, often used in combination (11 occurrences in total, 9 of which relevant), does there seem to emerge any disparaging connotation in their use. Rather, once again another wellknown historical figure is mentioned as possibly having had MFS, in the short leading article “The Strange Case of Abraham Lincoln”: Since A. B. Marfan first described a 5-year-old girl with thin spider-like fingers, poor musculature, and skeletal abnormalities many other features have been added to the syndrome called after him. [...] A fascinating piece of detection by Harold Schwartz has supported a suggestion by A. M. Gordon that Abraham Lincoln had Marfan's syndrome (BMJ 1964, 858).

9

MARFAN* and GIGANTI* co-exist but with only 6 occurrences, 0 of which in a disease-description relationship.

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In conclusion, where DS is often associated with terms bearing disparaging implications, MFS seems to be exempt from this phenomenon.

5.2. The popular corpus: The Guardian/The Observer (GO), 1791-2014 (with sample checks from The New York Times– NYT) The corpus of popular texts from The Guardian and The Observer online archives (GO) includes 8,950 documents dating between 1791 and 201410. It was searched for similar key terms, phrases and combinations thereof as in the BMJ corpus. Findings are listed below. Term searched 1. 2. 3. 4.

“DOWN(’S) SYNDROME” “TRISOMY 21” MONGOL* MONGOL* AND “DOWN(’S) SYNDROME” RETARDATION AND “DOWN(‘S) SYNDROME” “DOWN(‘S) SYNDROME” AND

5. 6.

No. results

Earliest occurrence

Latest occurrence

1,202 5 155 36

1969 1987 1946 1974

2014 2012 2014 2014

32

1797

2000

7

1795

1998

1

2003

---

0

---

---

25 0 1 1

1991 --1996 1997

2009 -------

IDIOT

7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

“DOWN(‘S) SYNDROME” AND IMBECIL* “DOWN(‘S) SYNDROME” AND CRETIN* MARFAN* FIBRILLIN(-1) ARACHNODACTYL* GIANT/GIGANT*

Table 10-2. Popular corpus (GO 1791-2014): quantitative findings.

The search shows that eponyms are still being used, both in their Saxon genitive (“DOWN(’S) SYNDROME”, “MARFAN(’S) SYNDROME”) and adjectival versions. With regard to DS, also disparaging terms are still being employed, with a first occurrence of the term MONGOL* associated to IDIOT/IMBECILES dating back to 1946, in line with Dr Down’s definition 10

January 1791 to November 2014.

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of 1866. The term MONGOL* combined with “DOWN(’S) SYNDROME” first appears in 1974 for explanatory purposes (“Mongolism, that is Down’s Syndrome”), where MONGOLISM seems to be already outdated and in need of decoding for the mass. The medical debate on terminology is first reflected in the popular press only in 1982, almost twenty years after WHO’s recommendations: “A Campaign aimed at phasing out the word “mongol” and encouraging the description Down Syndrome has been launched” (Bennet 1982, 3). In this year, most of the articles about DS were published (19 out of 155 texts), which testifies to how much the medical and ethical debate on such issues was permeating the mass media at the time. Large patients’ associations and charities played a major role in prescribing more neutral labels in lieu of disparaging terms. DS has been associated with different social and medical issues through the years, which is also proven by the lexical and semantic occurrences in the GO corpus: in particular, with mental retard(ation) since 1946, social issues and pedagogy since the 1960s, genetics and pre-natal screening since the 1960s, abortion and choice since 1968. The qualitative, manual analysis revealed that the last occurrence of the term MONGOL* for descriptive purposes, is from 2000: “Some cases are more bearable than these: the hunchback mongol pushing herself about the floor on her knees at least finds a lot to smile about” (Nichols 2000, 1). Thereafter, MONGOL* appears only in metalinguistic debates as a more popular synonym for DS, or to stigmatise those using disparaging labels, as in the following example: The problem started last year when, at a council meeting discussing the challenges for disabled adults in modern society, Martin asked: "Are we still letting mongols have sex with each other?" Despite saying he'd done nothing wrong, Martin was found guilty of breaching the members' code of conduct. Told to apologise, Martin – apparently blocking out the part where he inferred that disabled people shouldn't be allowed to breed – said mongol was a word he "was brought up with", and that it was "not a modern word". It was at this point I started to weaken and feel absolutely no sympathy for Martin (or Mayor Martin the Misunderstood, as I imagine he refers to himself). (Ryan 2014)

As expected, the technical term “TRISOMY 21” is very rarely used in popular sources (5 occurrences only). It first appears late, in 1987, and only along with “DOWN (’S) SYNDROME”. Other disparaging terms associated with DS are RETARDATION (29 occurrences), IDIOT* (7 occurrences), and IMBECIL* (1 occurrences). MARFAN* is present in 25 texts in the GO, while a sample analysis of the NYT revealed 100 occurrences, especially in articles about Abraham

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Lincoln. Preference is given to the Saxon genitive form in the GO corpus and to the adjectival version in the NYT (in line with “DOWN SYNDROME”). The term first occurs in 1991, thus following the genetic discoveries on the disease, in association with, almost throughout the whole corpus, famous, particularly clever characters such as Rachmaninov, Lincoln, Tavener, etc.: Scientists want to examine genetic material from the assassinated US President Abraham Lincoln in research that could set a precedent for scrutinising similar material from other historical figures. Experts will begin debate […] on whether to clone genetic material from strands of Lincoln’s hair, a stain of his blood and tiny fragments of his skull to determine whether he suffered from an inherited disease called Marfan’s syndrome (Reuter 1991, 10). Was Rachmaninov a Marfan sufferer? […] Rachmaninov’s Third, incidentally, was dedicated to his psychiatrist, who had relieved the terrible depression that had cursed the composer’s life. Perhaps it should also have been dedicated to Bernard-Jean Marfan, who first described the syndrome that bears his name. (Bywater 1997, 130).

MARFAN* and MONGOL* never coexist. Disparaging synonyms are not used either (except for 1 occurrence, GIANT*) and also the specialised medical term FIBRILLIN(-1), the protein responsible for the genetic mutation causing MFS, is never used, though in popular sources dealing with cosmetics it is (5 texts). Other terms found to be associated with MFS are ARACHNODACTYL* and its more popular alternative “SPIDER FINGERS”, though only in 1 text (1996). To conclude, whereas disparaging terms coexist with “DOWN SYNDROME” until recent times, this is not the case with “MARFAN SYNDROME”, which does not seem to be stigmatised at the popular level. Moreover, while the former is associated with mental retardation, the latter with talent and cleverness.

6. Conclusions As emerges from the analysis conducted on the linguistic representation of Down and Marfan syndromes in the specialised and popular press, both eponyms and disparaging terms are still used. A new synonym has emerged for DS (“trisomy 21”), though, and a few hypotheses can be put forward as to the social and ethical aspects of this linguistic evolution.

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The history of ESP testifies to the productivity of English scientific terms; this is particularly true of medical English, with all the recent advances brought forth by contemporary research. As regards the two conditions considered in this chapter, they followed classical paths in their terminology, being “discovered” at about the same time (late 19th century) and initially given the names of their “discoverers”. However, while Down syndrome went on to meet, in part, the WHO recommendations about preferring descriptive terms to eponyms (thus being increasingly referred to as “TRISOMY 21” in the specialised corpus), in the case of Marfan syndrome this has not happened, or not yet. A critical interpretation may ascribe the reasons for this difference, as well as to the recent discoveries in genetics, to changing power relations between actors. In the case of DS, its name has incurred a process of reification, undergoing a shift of focus from an external agent (the scientist who first described the condition, Dr Down) to the condition itself (determined by a third copy of chromosome 21). This is in line with the late 20th-early 21st century “doctor-to-patient” shift of attention from the (traditionally allpowerful) healer to the (traditionally helpless) affected. However, this has not happened in the case of MFS, which could be explained in terms of stigma, but not so much about the aspect of the patients as their mental development. Both conditions have phenotypical realisations that make their bearers recognisable by typical physical features (HPI, e.g. the elongated Mongol-like eyes in DS; gigantism in MFS), but mental impairment only necessarily occurs in DS. Indeed, the association of MFS with famous people, including a president of the United States and a classical music composer, on the contrary suggests – at least in the popular press – that there may be a connection between the condition and extraordinary achievements. Therefore, at the popular level, in preferring TRISOMY 21 to DOWN SYNDROME, one chooses to move the responsibility and blame for the mental impairment from the affected themselves (and their parents, who gave birth to “defective” children) to the vague but convenient field of “genetics”, something that does not depend on personal choices but on ineffable natural laws, and thus cannot be helped. Recently, though, in developed societies, not even genetics seems to save families affected by DS from stigma. As improved pre-natal screenings and selective abortion provide the possibility of early diagnosis and of opting out of entering the DS world, the responsibility and the blame are back with the parents, who chose not to have pre-natal screenings or to give birth to “defective” children.

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At the specialist level, the persistence of the eponyms may, at first, appear surprising. The use of DOWN SYNDROME (mostly in its Saxon genitive version in the BMJ corpus) is over 6 times more frequent than TRISOMY 21 (more than 25 times more frequent when it comes to titles and abstracts, i.e. articles whose main focus is DS), while MARFAN SYNDROME practically has no other synonyms. Neither the 20th century’s great advances in medical research that clearly identify genetic issues as causing the conditions, nor the official WHO calls for descriptive terminology (which came as far back as 1975) seem to have been sufficient to produce a shift in specialist usage, since in 1980 not only was “TRISOMY 21” hardly used, but MONGOL* was actually still employed. On closer inspection, though, the conservative tendencies among the members of communities of practice, especially very exclusive ones like the medical one, can explain the reticence. Since functionality and simplicity of use are two driving forces in shaping specialised lexicons, it is actually not so unexpected that specialists should prefer well-known historical terms (where these are well established), in spite of their opacity, over newer ones, even if these are mono-referential, descriptive, explicative and meet contemporary professional standards. In fact, one noticeable trend emerging from the analysis is that specialised lexicon may tend to undergo changes towards the descriptive end of the continuum when the pressure comes not from within the community of practice, but from without it. Social and political pressures towards political correctness, for example, can be exercised by lobbies and communities of opinion like large patients associations or charities. An example is the mentioned “Mongol debate”, which was initiated at the specialist level in 1961 (cf. par. 4.1), received official endorsement with the WHO’s recommendations in 1964 (cf. par. 4.1), but did not lead to dropping the terms MONGOL* in specialised use until the early 1980s (cf. par. 5.1), the same years in which a similar popular press campaign was being led against it (cf. par. 5.2). The power of the new social media also has to be reckoned with, of late. Incidents like the one involving Mr Martin (cf. par 5.2) can stir public opinion very rapidly and very violently (although social media also as rapidly forget), and exert some strong influence on expectations not only of politicians but also of professionals. The same occurs with public health campaigns, which are planned and designed top-down, and can choose to popularise some terms instead of others. This results in the receivers of such campaigns going to their health professionals and using the popularised terms acquired through the campaigns, in turn exercising bottom-up pressure on them. To this, the spreading “corporatisation” –not necessarily implying privatisation (see

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the case of Italy in Grego and Vicentini forth.)–of healthcare providers worldwide is added. Seeing patients as clients, and treating them accordingly, only increases the degree of attention that professionals are required to pay to communicative approaches, of which lexical choices are a key element. Again, all this amounts to a shift in “high” vs “low”, “prestigious” vs “common”, “doctor” vs “patient” power relations, with popular sources emerging, helped by the new media, as opinion-makers capable of influencing, in some cases, specialised terminology more than WHO recommendations do.

References Allen, Gordon et al. 1961. “Mongolism.” Lancet 1: 775. American Medical Association. 1961. Nomenclature of Diseases and Operations. New York: McGraw-Hill. Bankowski, Zbigniew. 1985. “International Nomenclature of Diseases.” In Surgery and Pathology of the Middle Ear, Proceedings of the International Conference on the Postoperative Evaluation in Middle Ear Surgery, edited by Jean F. E. Marquet, 15-19. Brussels: Medical Media International. Bennet, Will. 1982. “Charity wants to scrap all talk of ‘mongolism’.” The Guardian. November 1, 1982, 3. British Medical Journal. 1964. “The Strange Case of Abraham Lincoln.” British Medical Journal. April 4, 1964, 1: 858. —. 1973. “Mid-Systolic Click and Late Systolic Murmur.” British Medical Journal, August 4, 1973, 3: 249-250. Bourgeault, Ivy, Robert Dingwall and Ray de Vries (eds). 2013. The SAGE Handbook of Qualitative Methods in Health Research. London: SAGE. Buchanan, Watson W. and Walter F. Kean. 2011. “Rheumatoid Arthritis: Beyond the Lymphocyte.” The Journal of Rheumatology 28: 691-693. Bywater, Michael. 1997. “Disease of the week. A big hand for pianists.” The Observer, February 23, 1997: 130. Campbell, Maurice. 1965. “Causes of Malformations of the Heart.” British Medical Journal 2, no. 5467: 895-904. Canziani, Tatiana. 2011. “The status of medical eponyms: advantages and disadvantages.” In Teaching Medical English: Methods and Models, edited by Anna Loiacono, Giovanni Iamartino and Kim Grego, 217230. Monza: Polimetrica. Canziani, Tatiana, Kim Grego and Giovanni Iamartino (eds). 2014. Perspectives in Medical English. Monza: Polimetrica.

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Council Recommendation of 8 June 2009 on an action in the field of rare diseases, Official Journal of the European Union, C151, 7-10. Dirckx, John H. 1983. The Language of Medicine. Its Evolution, Structure and Dynamics. New York: Praeger Publishers. Fairclough, Norman. 2003. Analysing Discourse: Textual Analysis for Social Research. London/New York: Routledge. FCAT (Federative Committee on Anatomical Terminology). 1999. Terminologia Anatomica, Stuttgart: Thieme. Gotti, Maurizio and Françoise Salager-Meyer. 2006. Advances in Medical Discourse Analysis: Written and Oral Contexts. Bern: Peter Lang. Grego, Kim and Alessandra Vicentini. forthcoming. “The Revolution of Devolution: Issues of multilingualism in Italian public healthcare websites”. In Medical English: Communicating Science, Popularizing Science, edited by Franca Daniele and Giuliana Garzone. Milano: FrancoAngeli. ICD-10. 2004. International Classification of Diseases. 10th revision, 2nd edition. Geneva: World Health Organization. Judge, Daniel P. and Harry C. Dietz. 2005. “Marfan’s syndrome.” The Lancet 366, no. 9501: 1965-1976. Loane, Maria, Joan Morris, Marie-Claude Addor and Helen Dolk. 2012. “Twenty-year trends in the prevalence of Down syndrome and other trisomies in Europe: Impact of maternal age and parental screening.” European Journal of Genetics. 21, no. 1: 27-33. Lobo Ede H., Edwin, Mujahid A. Khan and J. Tew. 1980. “Community study of hypothyroidism in Down's syndrome.” British Medical Journal 280, no. 6226: 1253. Nichols, Peter. 2000. “Saturday Review: Waiting for Abigail: While his daughter was dying, Peter Nichols tasted international success with his play based on her brief, unhappy life. This is his unflinching diary of that time.” The Guardian Saturday Pages. September 30, 2000: 1. Parish, J. Gordon. 1967. “Skeletal Hand Charts in Inherited Connective Tissue Disease.” Journal of Medical Genetics. 4, no. 4: 227-238. Reilly, Philip R. 2000. Abraham Lincoln’s DNA and other adventures in Genetics. New York: Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory Press. Reuter in Washington. 1991. “Lincoln’s genes may be cloned for research.” The Guardian, February 18, 1991: 10. Rodríguez-Hernández, María Luisa and Eladio Montoya. 2011. “Fifty years of evolution of the term Down’s syndrome.” The Lancet 378, no. 9789: 402. Ryan, Frances. 2014. “How did this disabled-hating bigot ever get elected mayor of Swindon?” The Guardian, April 15, 2014. Online at

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. Sarangi, Srikant. 2013. “Genetic Counselling Communication: A DiscourseǦAnalytical Approach”, eLS. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Sheets, Kathryn B. et al. 2011. “Practice Guidelines for Communicating a Prenatal͒or Postnatal Diagnosis of Down Syndrome: Recommendations of the National Society of Genetic Counselors.” Journal of Genetic Counseling 20: 432–441. Sperati, Giorgio and Dino Felisati. 2005. “Nicolò Paganini (1782-1840).” Acta Otorhinolangolica Italica 25: 125-128. Turnpenny, Peter and Ron Smith. 2003. “Of eponyms, acronyms and ... orthonyms.” Nature Reviews Genetics 4: 152-156. Whitworth, Judith A. 2007. “Should eponyms be abandoned? No.” British Medical Journal 335: 425. Woywodt, Alexander and Eric Matteson. 2007. “Should eponyms be abandoned? Yes.” British Medical Journal 335: 424. Young, David. A.B. 1986. “Rachmaninov and Marfa syndrome.” British Medical Journal 293: 1624.

CHAPTER ELEVEN ON INTRALINGUISTIC TRANSLATION: FROM SUMMARIES OF PRODUCT CHARACTERISTICS TO PATIENT INFORMATION LEAFLETS SILVIA CACCHIANI

This chapter addresses features of UK Patient Information Leaflets (PILs) as originating and shifting from the corresponding Summaries of Product Characteristics (SmPCs). PILs accompany prescription-only and over-thecounter medicines to ensure that all citizens have equal access to reliable and effective quality information. To this purpose, they have been regularly revised by pharmaceutical companies and then validated by the national Departments of Health in compliance with national regulations and EU directives and regulations. Alternatively, they are now licensed for use in EU Member States by the European Medicines Agency. The discursive construction of risk (Fage-Butler 2011) and trust generation (Earle 2010) informs patient-centeredness (Balint 1969; Mead and Bower 2000): intralinguistic and intergeneric expert-to-layman translation (Zehtsen 2007) are at work to turn highly specialised Summaries of Product Characteristics (SmPCs) into functionally adequate Patient Information Leaflets (PILs), their closer cognates. These can be seen as seats for Knowledge Dissemination (Calsamiglia and van Dijk 2004), reconceptualisation and recontextualisation. In this context, it is the purpose of this chapter to address questions about the shift from presentation of biomedical research to interactive and patient-friendly communication that pursues engagement with the reader via recourse to general words (as against specialist terms or hypernyms), basic categories (vs. hyponyms) and, importantly, 1st and 2nd person conditionals and 2nd person imperatives and question-answer patterns (as against nominalisations).

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1. Introduction Patient information leaflets (PILs), also called patient package inserts (PPIs), are provided by pharmaceutical companies to accompany medicinal products licensed for use in the European Union. As “tangible record[s]” to which patients can refer for instruction and information, to check understanding or as “a basis to ask healthcare professionals further questions” (Clerehan 2014, 215), they have received special attention in the literature on provider-patient written communication.1 In principle, PILs are intended to provide mandated healthcare-focused information that is both high-quality and useful to the patient. They have an important role in turning patients into well informed and satisfied health consumers that take control of their health and health care. To this purpose, subsequent EU directives, regulations and non-legislative material governing marketing authorisation procedures of medicinal products have placed increasing emphasis on issues such as type and amount of information provided, text design and readability, harmonisation of terms, semi-specialist and non-specialist vocabulary, generic structure potential (Paltridge 1997) and standardisation of patient information leaflets (Cacchiani 2013). Attempts at improving PILs can be seen as one side of high-quality care (Mead and Bower 2000), which recognises the specific information and affective needs of patients, now seen as health consumers with a right to empowerment. If improving health literacy assists patients with gaining control of their health and taking informed decisions about their health care, then being able to decide whether or not to take a medicinal product is one of the several facets of empowerment and a matter of social responsibility. In practice, patient empowerment relies on a shift from bio-medical communication to patient-centred communication (Balint 1969), also observed across subsequent revisions of PILs (Cacchiani 2013). As will become clear, genre-specific conventions are intended to ensure that all citizens have equal access to reliable and effective quality information on existing medicines. Over time, pharmaceutical companies thus adapt PILs to EU and local documentation. These are then submitted to the competent national or community regulatory agencyíthe local Department of Health and Social Security or the European Medicines Agency (EMA)ías part of the dossier required in the procedure for marketing authorisation of the 1

Within a broader perspective, PILs also comprise non-mandatory written information provided by doctors to patients when commencing them on a therapy (Clerehan 2014).

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medicinal product they accompany. Subsequent revisions amount to attempts at translating expert company knowledge into knowledge that is adequate to the background of lay patients, with limited expertise that is mainly grounded in experience. Though so-called ‘best practice’ still leaves room for improvement,2 our intention is not to focus on the problematic aspects of PILs but, rather, to address PILs as sites for knowledge dissemination from anonymous company professionals (researchers and medical writers) to an individualised lay-audience. In order to focus on the shift from objectivation and subjectorientation to audience-/patient-orientation and subjectivation (Dressler and Ecckramer 2001), we shall therefore address features of UK PILs, also looking at Summaries of Product Characteristics (SmPCs/SPCs), their specialised originators and closer cognates. Importantly, this shift reflects interest in risk communication, trust generation (Earle 2010; Fage-Butler 2013) and patient-centeredness (Balint 1969; Mead and Bower 2000)– key notions in health communication research. More particularly, we carry out a qualitative analysis of some aspects of intralinguistic expert-to-layman translation (Askehave and Zethsen 2000; Zethsen 2007, 2009) from SmPCs to the corresponding PILs. Whereas we only touch upon intergeneric shift (Askehave and Zethsen 2000; Zethsen 2007, 2009: intergeneric translation) and changes in move structure, the main emphasis lies onto specific knowledge dissemination features at the word and syntax levels that are used to pursue engagement with the reader: general words vs. specialist terms; superordinates and basic categories vs. hyponyms; 1st and 2nd person conditionals, infinitives and 2nd person imperatives and question-answer patterns vs nominalisations.

2. Patient Information Leaflets and related genres PILs, Dressler and Ecckramer (2001) argue, originate in the sixties from expert genres for communication of company researchers with institutions and health professionals (family doctors, nurses, pharmacists, etc.). If we now try and locate PILs within the relevant genre colony, what we get is Figure 1, which repeats the genre system template of medicinal product information outlined in Ezpeleta Piorno (2012). 2

Importantly, PILs are still strongly criticized by patients as too complex and often dismissed as useless. Criticism ranges from font size and document design through readability issues to the general inability of PILs to meet healthcare consumers’ views and demands regarding what should count as the optimal extent and type of information required (Askehave and Zethsen 2000, 2003; Grime et al. 2007; Pander Maat and Lentz 2010; Zehtsen and Askehave 2010).

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Figure 11-1. PILs and related genres (Ezpeleta Piorno 2012, adapted).

The purpose of the regulated interrelation of genres in Figure 11-1 is to secure and monitor safety and availability of medicinal products to EU citizens. These genres develop around The Rules Governing Medicinal Products in the European Union (DGHC 1986-2013a, 1986-2013b). The Rules comprise both pharmaceutical legislation and guidelines on procedures for marketing authorisation, presentation of relevant documentation, labelling, and drafting of SmPCs and PILs. This is an attempt to meet the goals of the European Union and the European Commission’s Directorate General for Health and Food Safety (SANTE) (http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/health_food-safety/index_en.htm). Specifically, within the Department the job of the Directorate General for Health and Consumers (DGHC) is to secure availability of medicinal products to citizens and, secondly, to warrant the highest possible level of public health. Broadly, all genres in Figure 11-1, advertising and promotional materials included, are subject to strict and specific control measures as well as effective monitoring by EU and national authorities. SmPCs take a crucial position in the process of marketing authorisation: while drawing on technical documentation such as Product Monographs (PMs), Company Core Data Sheets (CCDSs), Periodic Safety Update Reports (PSURs) and

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Company Core Safety Information (CCSI), they provide information that is further used as a basis for PILs and other genres. The expert know-how of laboratories and research institutes is thus distributed ‘top-down’ (Montalt Resurrección and González Davies 2007, 46), with systematic reduction of terminological precision and bio-medical detail, formality and conciseness in the provision of information. Accordingly, we can observe a shift from (i) communication between researchers, experts and authorities (PMs, CCDSs, PSURs, CCSIs), through (ii) communication to authorities and healthcare intermediaries (SmPCs), to (iii) communication to healthcare professionals (pharmacists, nurses, doctors) and, primarily, (iv) patients (PILs). Here, professionals may serve as mediators; the background of the lay-patient may differ with education, individual experience and medical history.

3. Corpus data and methodology The question we address is one about knowledge dissemination strategies (Calsamiglia and van Dijk 2004). What strategies are implemented in UK PILs in the process of intralinguistic and intergeneric (Askehave and Zethsen 2000; Zethsen 2007, 2009) expert-to-layman translation (Zethsen 2007) from the corresponding SmPCs? To address this issue, the data we use is a small maximal variation sample (Patton 2002) of 16 PILs (UK_PILs) and corresponding SmPCs (UK_SmPCs) that were validated between 2013 and 2015 for medicines that are currently available on the UK market. All texts were downloaded from the electronic Medicines Compendium (eMC) (http://medicines.org.uk/emc). Maximising variation enables the analyst to make generalisations about salient similarities of PILs validated for prescription-only (POMs) and Over-The-Counter (OTC) medicines that treat relatively common conditions of the cardiovascular, dermatological, musculoskeletal, nervous and respiratory systems.3 The sample also comprises medicines that treat similar conditions (e.g. NSAIDs or SSRIs antidepressants, including doubles such as Seroxat (12) and Paroxetine (11), its generic equivalent with non-proprietary name):4 3

Whereas POMs are prescribed by the doctor, OTCs may be recommended by the (family) doctor or pharmacist and/or chosen independently by the patient (ideally, a knowledgeable and empowered health consumer). Either way, however, PILs are intended to cater for the health, knowledge and safety needs of patients that might not be familiar with the relevant medicine. 4 Admittedly, using larger samples of PILs and of their source SmPCs grouped by same or similar active ingredient(s) in the same or similar dosageíand, therefore,

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- POMs: 1: Arthrotec 50. modified-release tablets. Diclofenac

-

sodium, misoprostol. Searle; 2: Augmentin. 375 mg Tablets. Coamoxiclav (amoxicillin and clavulanic acid). GlaxoSmithKline; 3: Florinef. 0.1 mg tablets. Fludrocortisone acetate. E.R. Squibb & Sons; 4: Foradil. Formoterol fumarate. Novartis Pharmaceuticals; 5: Innovace. 2.5 mg, 5 mg, 10 mg or 20 mg tablets. Enalapril maleate. Merck Sharp & Dorme; 6: Lofepramine. 70 mg tablets. Actavis; 7: Lustral. 50 mg, 100 mg film coated tablets. Sertraline. Pfizer; 9: Nu-Seals 300. Aspirin (acetylsalicylic acid). Alliance; 11: Paroxetine. 20mg and 30mg tablets. Paroxetine hydrochloride anhydrous. Actavis; 12: Seroxat. 10 mg, 20 mg and 30 mg filmcoated tablets. Paroxetine. GlaxoSmithKline; 13: Ventolin. Evohaler. 100 micrograms. Salbutamol sulfate. Allen & Hamburys. Glaxo Wellcome; 15: Zestril. 5 mg, 10 mg, 20 mg tablets. Lisinopril AstraZeneca. OTC medicines (P: available from pharmacies; GSL: available from supermarkets, on the General Sales List): 8: P: Nu-Seals 75. Aspirin (acetylsalicylic acid). Alliance; 10: P; GSL: Anadin. 200 mg tablets. Ibuprofen. Pfizer/Wyeth Lederle; 14: P: Viscotears. Single dose unit 2.0 mg/g eye gel. Carbomer (polyacrylic acid). Alcon; 16: P; GSL: Zovirax. Cold sore cream. Aciclovir. GlaxoSmithKline.

The main emphasis lies on subjectivation and audience-/patientorientation (Dressler and Ecckramer 2001) in PILsífeatures that can be easily understood in terms of the care/solidarity dimension of trust generation (Poortinga and Pidgeon 2005; Earle 2010; Fage-Butler 2011, 2013; Cacchiani 2013) once we rethink patients as unique individuals and health consumers with a social responsibility to make informed decisions about their health and health care. This is where notions such as generic with the same or similar indications for treating or controlling the same condition(s)íwould allow a different type of investigation. Comparative research could be carried out on type and amount of bio-medical detail across POMs and OTCs as well as across conditions and degrees of severity. Indeed, our data does show that PILs of POMs come closer to SmPCs than PILs of OTCs, with SSRIs antidepressants such as Seroxat (UK_PILs_12) and its generic counterpart, Paroxetine (UK_PILs_11), providing more biomedical detail than, for instance, NSAIDs like Arthotec 50 (UK_PILs_1). Whereas this positive correlation would call for further investigation, however, our objective is more modest. At this stage of research, it is our intention is to focus on patient-centered knowledge dissemination strategies in PILs in general.

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structure potential (Paltridge 1997), move and genre structure (Swales 1990), headings, words and terms, as well as directive speech acts like recommend and warn (Searle and Vandervecken 1985) are useful.

4. Framework of analysis Patient-centeredness theory (Balint 1969; Mead and Bower 2000) states the need to supplement the more impersonal and objective biomedical communication in clinical settings with communication strategies that focus on the patient as an individual with affective needs, perspectives, limited expertise and experientially derived knowledge. Our focus here is on the shift from presentation of biomedical research to, broadly, interactive and patient-friendly communication that pursues engagement with the reader. Trust generation in medical communication is another important notion. It combines the parameters of competence/accuracy, care/solidarity, and corporate accountability (Poortinga and Pidgeon 2005; Earle 2010; FageButler 2013). Patient-information leaflets have an informative/expository function next to a primarily directive goal (Cacchiani 2006). They are heterogeneous (Virtanen 1992) practical instructions (Werlich [1976] 1983). The first question a patient asks him/herself is a ‘how-to’ question: the modality of “How shall I take my medicine to treat x?” is teleological, goal-oriented (Portner 2009). The patient decides to follow the recommendations in the Dosage and Administration section based on the “authority of practical validity” (Werlich [1976] 1983) of the writer, that is, based on his/her factual knowledge (Portner 2009). The competence/accuracy side shown in embedded expository texts (which are background, in the sense of Smith 2003) is key to reinforcing the company’s authority of practical validity and to modulating/reinforcing (Merlini Barbaresi 1997) directives (Searle and Vandervecken 1985) in PILs. This is a dimension of trust generation. Another dimension of trust generation is care/solidarity. In Patient Information Leaflets, care is expected to translate into the ability to construct and address patients as individuals with limited expertise but with a right to empowerment. This should motivate departures from distinctive features of expert communication in the text and, importantly, in section headings. That is, departures from bio-medical terminology, lexical precision (Sager, Dungworth and McDonald 1980), biuniqueness (Merlini Barbaresi 1988) and monoreferentiality in context (Gotti 2008), depersonalisation and conciseness (Gotti 2008), as achieved via recourse to compounding and derivation, nominalisations and passives–features of

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objectification in Dressler and Ecckramer (2001). In Contrastive Textology (Dressler and Ecckramer 2001), this amounts to a shift from objectivation and subject-orientation (or focus on the referent and on biomedical information; cf. Jakobson’s [1960] 1987 referential function) to subjectivation and addressee-orientation–where the addressee turns into a participant in the communicative situation (cf. Jakobson’s [1966] 1987 conative function). Last, following Calsamiglia and van Dijk (2004) we understand Knowledge Dissemination (KD) as recontextualisation (Ciapuscio 2003), also from researcher to healthcare professional. Patient Information Leaflets are intralinguistic and intergeneric (Askehave and Zethsen 2000 Zethsen 2007, 2009) expert-to-layman translations (Zethsen 2007). Exclusive expertise thus translates into comprehensible knowledge ௅ that is, knowledge that is suitable to the background of the addressee and functionally adequate (Nord 1997) to the needs of the lay-patient. This genre shift involves:

- Recontextualisation and reconceptualisation on the content level

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(Cacchiani 2013). Here, we record omission, reduction and synthesis of information intended for prescribers but not entirely relevant to the patient. Omission and reduction of technical and bio-medical detail is thus expected to be coextensive with looser domain-internal structuring as compared with SmPCs. Reformulation, which works at the lexical level (Ciapuscio 2003), in the form of simplification and explicitation (Mauranen 2006). Under simplification, technical and biomedical terms are replaced by general equivalents; instead, explicitation strategies involve reformulation via paraphrase or synonyms that help unpack problematic terms.

5. Aspects of intralinguistic translation from SmPCs to PILs This section shall first compare and contrast the generic structure potential (Paltridge 1997) of SmPCs and PILs (5.1). As a second step (Section 5.2), we shall move on to features that illustrate subjectivation and patient-orientation in moves and move headings. Whereas we cannot go into much detail for lack of space, as a way of illustration Appendixes A and B provide the SmPC and PIL of Arthrotec 50 (UK_PILs_1) in full. Importantly, proceeding from some initial observations on generic structure potential to KD strategies shall also enable us to address

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linguistic correlates of implicit and explicit speech acts and the role of extra-textual factors (and patient-centeredness in particular) in PILs.

5.1. Generic structure potential In line with EU guidelines and documentation (DGHC 1986-2013a, 1986-2013b), SmPCs and PILs represent highly conventionalised and fully codified genres. Table 1 gives the shared template and headings provided by the DGHC (1986-2013b).5 Section number

Section heading

Pharmaceutical data 1. 2. 3.

Name of the medicinal product Qualitative and quantitative composition Pharmaceutical form

Clinical information 4.

5. 6.

Clinical particulars ࣓ 4.1. Therapeutic indications; 4.2. Posology and method of administration; 4.3. Contra-indications; 4.4. Special warnings and precautions for use; 4.5. Interactions with other medicinal products and other forms of interaction; 4.6. Pregnancy and lactation; 4.7. Effects on ability to drive and use of machines; 4.8. Undesirable effects; 4.9. Overdose Pharmacological properties ࣓ 5.1. Pharmacodynamic properties; 5.2. Pharmacokinetic properties; 5.3. Preclinical safety data Pharmaceutical properties ࣓ 6.1. List of excipients; 6.2. Incompatibilities; 6.3. Shelf life; 6.4. Special precautions for storage; 6.5. Nature and contents of container; 6.6. Special precautions for disposal and other handling

Administrative information 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. -

Marketing authorisation holder Marketing authorisation number(s) Date of first authorisation/renewal of the authorisation Date of revision of the text [Dosimetry] [Instructions for preparation of radiopharmaceuticals] Legal category

Table 11-1. SmPCs: Summary of Product Characteristics.

Following guidelines by the DGHC (1986-2013b), PILs are also drafted on a standardised template that sets down headings and phraseological units, syntax, style, design and layout of information, and use of images. PILs involve the interaction of the frame text type and discourse purpose described by a directive speech act (Searle and Vandervecken 1985) in Dosage and Administration (which provides how5

The DGHC further provides useful phraseology and advice for presenting information. Standardized terms and nomenclature in the genre come from dictionaries and standards set by regulatory institutions such as the European Directorate for the Quality of Medicines and Healthcare.

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to knowledge), and a number of assertive and directive secondary text types and speech acts (Cacchiani 2006). Table 2 spells out the generic structure potential of PILs. We adopt the following conventions: ‘^’ indicates sequential ordering of units/moves; round brackets ‘(…)’ stand for optional moves; curly brackets are used for moves that may take different positions in the text; labels in square brackets ‘[…]’ and italics are used for larger units, identified on the basis of overall rhetorical function and micro-pragmatic purpose; finally, column 3 gives the SmPCs counterparts of the moves that we identified for PILs. Unit 1.

Move Brand name ^ Active ingredient [Identification]

2. 3.

^ Introduction ^ Indications (also, optional Divulgative information) ^ Contraindications ^ Drug interactions [Useful information and recommendations] ^ Dosage and administration ^ (Instructions for use) ^ Overuse and underuse [part of Instructions proper] ^ Side effects [Useful information and recommendations] ^ Storage [Instructions proper] ^ {(Divulgative information)} ^ Composition ^ Producer ^ Marketing authorization holder ^ Marketing authorization number(s) ^ Date of first authorization or revision of the text ^ Clinical contact [Further information; with 1., Identification, part of Presentation]

4. 3. 4. 5.

SmPCs section number 1.-3., Legal category X 4. 4., 11.

4. 6. 7.-10.

Table 11-2. PILs: generic structure potential (Cacchiani 2013, modified).

The templates for SmPCs and PILs ensure consistent presentation of information in both genres. Following reflection on the potential needs of the lay-patient, PILs introduce a move, Introduction, which plays on the social responsibility of the reader (Section 5.1.1). There follows information that is easily retrievable and assumed to be useful to the laypatient, proceeding iconically through the pre-medication, medication and post-medication stages: Indications, Contra-indications, Dosage and administration, Side-effects, Over- or Underuse, Storage. Instructions for use are only found as a separate section with medicines that are delivered using canisters and inhalers, syringes, or other implements. Finally, PILs conclude with information that is necessary in the process of legal approval and for protection against product liability (e.g. sections providing information on Producer and Marketing authorisation holder, and other obligatory assertive moves under Further information). A quick comparison of Tables 11-1 and 11-2 also suggests a type of recontextualisation and reconceptualisation in PILs that derives from less

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articulated and looser domain-internal structuring. On the one hand, SmPCs give highly specialised and technical biomedical expert communication. Therefore, sections comprising extensive bio-medical detail in SmPCs do not find a counterpart in PILs (SmPCs: 5. Pharmacological properties, 6.3. Shelf life, 12. Instructions for preparation […], and most of 11. Dosimetry). On the other hand, the moves Contra-indications and Side effects in PILs bring together and translate reduced selected information from several submoves of SmPCs, e.g. 4.3 to 4.9 (under 4. Clinical particulars) and 6.2. Incompatibilities (in 6. Pharmaceutical properties) (Section 5.2). 5.1.1. Introductions Introductions are a feature of PILs. They construct the reader/patient as lay, and as a unique individual with specific symptoms, conditions, needs and questions, as in example (1). (1) PATIENT INFORMATION LEAFLET Arthrotec® 50 modified-release tablets Diclofenac sodium, misoprostol Read all of this leaflet carefully before you start taking this medicine [recommend/urge] x Keep this leaflet. You may need to read it again. [recommend/warn] x If you have any further questions, please ask your doctor or pharmacist. [recommend/request] x This medicine has been prescribed for you. Do not pass it on to others. It may harm them, even if their symptoms are the same as yours. [caution/forbid] x If any of the side effects get serious or if you notice any side effects not listed in the leaflet, please tell your doctor or pharmacist. [recommend/encourage] In this leaflet: [assertive, listing text, basic type of description] 1. What Arthrotec is and what it is used for 2. Before you take Arthrotec 3. How to take Arthrotec 4. Possible side effects 5. How to store your Arthrotec 6. Further information (UK_PILs_1)

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In line with the EMA quality review 2012 consultation template (http://www.ema.europa.eu/docs/en_GB/document_library/Template_or_f orm/2012/07/WC500130008.pdf), example (1) is comprised of Brand name and Active ingredient (that is, Identification). Patient information leaflet precedes so as to provide the generic label and identify the macropragmatic aims of the genre: the leaflet provides information for patients to use when taking the medicine. Instruction (Werlich [1976] 1983) is a dominant, necessary and sufficient text type in the Introduction, which has developed as an independent move from a speech act of recommending/warning that was present as early as the late nineties (Read all of this leaflet carefully before you start taking this medicine, cf. Cacchiani 2013). Introductions further organise imperatives into bulleted lists to provide general guidelines on the use of medicines in family health care. The opening directive type minimally realises the following speech acts (italics in the example): -

-

-

-

encouraging and inviting patients to read the text carefully; the 2nd person pronoun youía feature of interactive health literacy–directly addresses patients as unique individuals; via recommend- or warn/caution-imperatives and imperative conditionals, recommending and warning patients to keep the leaflet for reference for the duration of the treatment; recommending that the patient contact his/her family doctor or pharmacist in case of doubts or serious side effects (which immediately construes the patient as lay and the type of information provided by the PIL at hand as a tangible but basic record); cautioning against recommending the product to others (which brings us back to the uniqueness of each and every patient).

Where present, assertive speech acts in independent argumentative sentences reinforce the obligation issued by the imperative: This medicine has been prescribed for you. Do not pass it on to others. It may harm them, even if their symptoms are the same as yours. This medicine has been prescribed for you. Again, the patient is construed as a unique individual (you as opposed to others), with a specific prescription history and drugs exclusively prescribed for personal use. An optional assertive text type constitutes the next step (In this leaflet…), with a numbered list (Adam’s 1986 degré zero of Description) for the table of contents. This is clearly intended to guide the reader directly to the information that is more relevant for him/her.

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Altogether, the Introduction has a highly codified structure. Asyndeton make it possible to present information in short chunks. Bulleted lists work towards structural precision, economy (Sager, Dungworth and McDonald 1980), and also clarity (Dressler and Eckkramer 2001). As regards style conventions, (1) is in bold in the original. Besides making the passage perceptually salient, bold is used for speech act intensification in the written medium, thus reinforcing the reader’s obligation to comply with the speech act (Merlini Barbaresi 1997). Overall, deontic (rule-based) and teleological (goal-based) modality (Portner 2009) conflate on the simple ground that looking after oneself is seen as an individual responsibility and a perfectly proper aim. On this account, the speech act recommend (which points to something that is good for the patient and for all patients in general) comes with a degree of strength that is, to say the least, significantly greater than usual. (See Searle and Vandervecken 1985 for components of illocutionary force.) In the second place, based on speaker endorsement, bold can be interpreted as signalling and reinforcing the writer’s care for, and interest in, the patient’s health and wellbeing. The care dimension of trust generation and authority building is at the forefront.

5.2. Subjectivation and patient orientation from headings to moves In this section we focus on section headings and subheadings, which alert the reader to what comes next: as advance organisers and relevance optimisers (Sperber and Wilson 1986), they facilitate decoding in SmPCs and PILs in that they combine large contextual effects with little processing effort. In SmPCs, headings and subheadings are bio-medical or semi-specialist terms, often superordinates, in the form of noun phrases (e.g., Clinical particulars, Pregnancy and lactation, Overdose, Pharmacological properties, Dosimetry), and noun phrases and nominalisations that may also trigger association of the ensuing text with the underlying speech act. For instance, Therapeutic indications, Contraindications, Special warnings and precautions. As is clear, they serve the purposes of lexical precision, conciseness, depersonalisation and objectivation in the interest of specialised peer-to-peer communication.

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Conversely, headings in PILs illustrate the case of intralinguistic translation of exclusive expertise into comprehensible knowledge that is suitable to the background of the addressee. To take some examples, information under Section 4, Clinical particulars, is reorganised under headings such as (2ai) to (2aiii), for Composition and Therapeutic indications that do not cross-refer to detailed lists of excipients (Section 6. List of excipients, in SmPCs): (2) 4. Clinical particulars; 6. Pharmaceutical properties

(2ai)

1. What Augmentin is and what it is used for (UK_PILs_2) (2aii) Q. What is in Florinef Tablets? (UK_PILs_3) (2aiii) Q. What is this medicine for? (UK_PILs_3)

Example 3, Before taking/you take Medicine, brings together moves such as Indications, Contra-indications (3ai, 3aii, 3aiii), Pregnancy and lactation (3bi, 3bii), Effects on ability to drive and Drug interactions (3c). (3) 4. Clinical particulars 4.3. Contraindications; 4.4. Special warnings and precautions for use

(3ai)

(3aii)

(3aiii)

2. Before you take Seroxat Do not take Seroxat – If you …; If you … (UK_PILs_12) BEFORE TAKING YOUR MEDICINE Q. Should I be taking Florinet tablets? A. You should not take this medicine if x you [bulleted list follows] (UK_PILs_3) 2. BEFORE YOU TAKE LOFEPRAMINE TABLETS Do not take Lofepramine tablets and tell your doctor if you x [bulleted list follows] Take special care with Lofepramine tablets Tell your doctor if you x Have a history of, or you suffer from any heart, circulation, liver or kidney disorders x […] (UK_PILs_6)

On Intralinguistic Translation 4.6. Pregnancy and lactation; 4.7. Effects on ability to drive and use machines

4.5. Interactions with other medicinal products and other forms of interaction

(3bi) (3bii)

(3c)

233

Pregnancy and breast feeding (UK_PILs_1) Q. What if I am pregnant or think I may be pregnant? What if I am planning to become pregnant? What if I am breast feeding? A. You should make sure you discuss this with your doctor as soon as possible before taking Florinet tablets (UK_PILs_3) Taking other medicines (UK_PILs_1)

In like manner, finite and non-finite clauses replace noun phases and nominalisations, as in examples (4) and (5). How to take Medicine (4a) renders Posology and method of administration (Section 4.2 in the Clinical Particulars of SmPCs). Use (in 4b, How to use your Medicine), replaces take in case of a sequence of directives in Instructions for use proper. Dosimetry has no counterpart in PILs. (4) 4. Clinical particulars 4.3. Dosage and administration

(4a) (4b)

3. How to take Arthrotec 50 (UK_PILs_1) How to use your eye drops (UK_PILs_14)

Overdose (Section 4.9 from the Clinical particulars of SmPCs) translates into If you take more Medicine than you should (5). (5) 4. Clinical particulars 4.9. Overdose

(5)

If you take more Arthrotec 50 than you should (UK_PILs_1)

All the examples suggest a move in PILs from precision, conciseness and objectivation towards audience-/patient-orientation and Jakobson’s (1960) conative function. Simplification and reformulation are at play

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when biomedical terms are not part of the mental lexicon of the intended lay-patient. Accordingly: -

Terms in headings and subheadings translate into general words. For instance, lactation turns into breast feeding (3bi, 3bii). Terms in headings and subheadings are substituted with paraphrases so that technical noun phrases and nominalisations are paraphrased with words from general language in finite and nonfinite clauses that reflect a shift from competence to performance in the online construction of topic-giving headings. Additionally, addressee-orientation comes to the fore via recourse to 1st and 2nd person pronouns and adjectives in the Question/Answer (Q/A) pattern that characterises most finite clauses (2aii, 2aiii, 3aiii).

Certainly, this patient-oriented shift can be accounted for in terms of addresser involvement, interactive concerns (asking and 1st and 2nd person in the Q/A pattern), and construction of the patient as a lay (as opposed to doctor or pharmacist) and with a right to ask questions (1 above; 3aiii: … and tell your doctor if you). In the interest of interactive health literacy, patient-centeredness thus shapes headings and section, in a Q/A pattern that mimes and mirrors patient-doctor/pharmacist face-to-face interactions. This is also a feature of the writer’s recommendations (3aii: Take special care if) or warnings/cautions (3bii: You should make sure you discuss this with your doctor as soon as possible) in the immediately following answer. This way, PILs point to company endorsement, and, therefore, to the care dimension of trust generation in risk communication. If we now turn to individual moves, clarity overrides precision via recourse to simplification strategies such as reduction of bio-medical detail, omission of terms, and recourse to general language. One key example from (3aiii) is the provision of if-clauses in bulleted lists. Here, superordinates from general language replace specific conditions or ingredients (Tell your doctor if you have a history or you suffer from any heart, circulation, liver or kidney disorders). Another tool for patient-friendly knowledge transfer is reformulation. Reformulation can be seen as the kind of intratextual iconicity that involves repetition of signata (Merlini Barbaresi 1988) and a relation of equivalence, ranging from adpositions of cohesive devices such as synonymy and paraphrase (de Beaugrande and Dressler 1981), through short definitions with relational expressions, to longer expository texts. Thus, reformulation interacts with omission of bio-medical detail and simplification via general language synonyms, in sections that depart from precision (or technical detail), economy and conciseness but retain the

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degree of accuracy that is deemed necessary to meet the needs of the patient. Consider example (6): (6) 2. Before you take Seroxat Do not take Seroxat … x If you are taking medicines called monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAOIs, including moclobemide and […]), or have taken them at any time within the last two weeks. Your doctor will advise you how you should begin taking Seroxat once you have stopped taking the MAOI. x If you are taking a tranquillizer called thioridazine. x […] [forbid] Check with your doctor … x Are you taking any other medicines (see Other medicines and Seroxat, inside this leaflet)? x Are you taking tamoxifen to treat breast cancer or fertility problems? Seroxat may make tamoxifen less effective so your doctor may recommend you take another antidepressant. x Do you have eye, kidney, liver or heart trouble? [general vocabulary] x […] x Do you have glaucoma (pressure in the eye)? [recommend/urge] x If your answer is yes to any of these questions, and you have not already discussed them with your doctor, go back to your doctor and ask what to do about taking Seroxat. [recommend/urge] (UK_PILs_12)

The following strategies can be highlighted: -

-

-

-

reformulation marker and specialised acronym after technical name. So, called, brackets and relational sign (including) in: called monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAOIs, including moclobemide and […]); reformulation with marker and hyponymous term for general word or semispecialist term that explicitates the function of the medicine (tranquillizer called thioridazine); reformulation with general vocabulary rendering a clinical condition (e.g. in interactive questions such as Do you have glaucoma (pressure in the eye)?); reformulation as part of a partial definition, pointing to the purpose of the medicine (e.g. in the question Are you taking tamoxifen to treat breast cancer or fertility problems?);

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-

background (Smith 2003) expository texts that provide further information in expository imperatives (Aikhenvald 2010). That is, imperative directives are reinforced by an expository text which construes the writer as a source of competent, factual and rational, accurate knowledge. See the following example “Seroxat may make tamoxifen less effective so your doctor may recommend you take another antidepressant”. Here, Seroxat and tamoxifen are sisters and co-hyponyms of the superordinate antidepressant, and the disadvantages of the medicine are briefly addressed.

5. Conclusions This chapter has attempted an exploration of UK patient information leaflets as a knowledge dissemination genre that relies on intercultural, intergeneric and intralinguistic translation from Summaries of Product Characteristics. Specifically, we took the first steps to consider changes in generic structure, writer-reader relationship, headings, and move contents, which fall under the broad categories of subjectivation and patientorientation (Dressler and Ecckramer 2001) once patient-centeredness and trust-generation enter the equation. To all appearances, the items singled out for analysis testify to a significant shift from objectivation and subject-orientation in a highly specialised bio-medical genre (SmPCs) to a mandated health-care communication genre that pursues usability and functional adequacy based on national regulations and, importantly, EU directives, regulations and non-legislative material. In the spirit of the European Commission’s Directorate General for Health and Food Safety, UK PILs put patients at the centre of the knowledge mediation process. As things stand, reconceptualisation and reformulation (both simplification and explicitation) are modulated by a view of patients as unique individuals with affective needs, perspectives, limited expertise and experientially derived knowledge. Patients are better seen as health consumers, with a right to empowerment and the responsibility to care for themselves and use medicines appropriately. Conversely, anonymous professionals at the pharmaceutical company take full responsibility for assisting patients in making an informed decision about taking a medicine (one of the several aspects of taking control of one’s health and health-care). In this context, recommend tends to conflate with other speech acts in PILs. This is indeed possible thanks to an introductory move that is particular to PILs and immediately constructs the patient as lay and unique, the PIL as useful but often not sufficient, and the doctor or pharmacist as the experts to whom

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the patient may want to refer for further information. On this account, while directive speech acts in ‘how-to’ utterances retain their strength, instruct-speech acts combine with recommendations, warnings and cautions. As far as the Dosage and Administration section is concerned, whereas the instruct-meaning carries over from the section heading (e.g., TAKING YOUR MEDICINE […], UK_PILs_8), the uniqueness and responsibility of the patient are still at the forefront. This motivates recourse to assertive sentences of the type The usual recommended starting dose is (UK_PILs_8) or The usual long-term dose is (UK_PILs_8). In like manner, this accounts for interpreting imperatives like Anti-platelet action: […] take one 75mg tablet a day (UK_PILs_8) as should-imperatives, especially in relation to warnings/recommendations like Take your medicines as your doctor has told you (in POMs; UK_PILs_8) or recommendations like If you are (still) not sure how many to take, ask your doctor or pharmacist (UK_PILs_8). Rethinking the role of the patient also yields other general properties that fall under the competence/accuracy and care dimensions of trust generation. Importantly, a fixed sequence of moves is organised around the following contents: introductory recommendations; information about questions that may arise before, during and after taking the medication; information that is necessary for legal approval but not directly relevant to the patient. In addition, PILs invariably feature cancellation or reduction of moves from SmPCs and systematic (re-)structuring and loosening of domain-specific knowledge, while at the same time taking a major turn towards interactive health literacy (e.g. via the Q/A pattern, 1st and 2nd person pronouns, imperatives and conditionals).

References Adam, Jean-Michel. 1986. “Prolégomèmes à une definition linguistique de la description.” Travaux du Centre de Recherches Sémiologiques de l’Université de Nuchâtel 52: 147-188. Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. 2010. Imperatives and Commands. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Askehave, Inger and Karen Zethsen. 2000. The Patient Package Insert of the Future: Report for the Danish Ministry of Health. Aarhus: Aarhus School of Business. —. 2003. “Communication Barriers in Public Discourse: The Patient Package Insert.” Document Design 4 no. 1: 22-41.

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Balint, Enid. 1969. “The Possibilities of Patient-centered Medicine.” Journal of the Royal College of General Practitioners 17, no. 82: 26976. Cacchiani, Silvia, 2006. “Dis/Similarities between PILs in Britain and Italy: Implications for the Translator.” New Voices in Translation Studies 2: 28-43. —. 2013. Understanding Written Practical Instructions. Studies in English and Italian Multitype Texts. Roma: Aracne Editrice. Calsamiglia, Helena and Teun A. van Dijk. 2004. “Popularization Discourse and Knowledge about the Genome.” Discourse & Society 15, no. 4: 369-389. Ciapuscio, Guiomar E. 2003. “Formulation and Reformulation Procedures in Verbal Interactions between Experts and (Semi-)Laypersons. Discourse Studies 5, no. 2: 207-233. Clerehan, Rosemary. 2014. “Quality and Usefulness of Written Communication for Patients. In The Routledge Handbook of Language and Health Communication, edited by Heidi E. Hamilton, Weng-ying S. Chou, 212-227. London/New York: Routledge. de Beaugrande, Robert A. and Wolfgang U Dressler. 1981. Introduction to Text Linguistics. London: Longman. Directorate General for Health and Consumers (DGHC). (1986-2013a). The Rules Governing Medicinal Products in the European Union. Volume 1 – Pharmaceutical Legislation Medicinal Products for Human Use: http://ec.europa.eu/health/documents/eudralex/vol-1/index_ en.htm. —. (1986-2013b). The Rules Governing Medicinal Products in the European Union. Volume 2 – Notice to Applicants and Regulatory Guidelines Medicinal Products for Human Use. http://ec.europa. eu/health/documents/eudralex/vol-2/index_en.htm. Dressler, Wolfgang U. and Eva M. Ecckramer. 2001. “Functional Explanation in Contrastive Textology.” Logos and Language 2, no. 1: 25-43. Earle, Timothy C. 2010. “Trust in Risk Management: A Model-based Review of Empirical Research.” Risk Analysis 30, no. 4: 541-574. Ezpeleta Piorno, Pilar. 2012. “An Example of Genre Shift in the Medicinal Product Information Genre System.” Linguistica Antverpiensa. New Series. Themes in Translation Studies 11: 168-187. Fage-Butler, Antoinette M. 2011. “The Discursive Construction of Risk and Trust in Patient Information Leaflets.” Hermes – Journal of Language and Communication Studies 46: 61-74.

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—. 2013. “Improving Patient Information Leaflets: Developing and Applying an Evaluative Model of Patient Centeredness for Text.” Communication & Medicine 10, no. 2: 105-115. Gotti, Maurizio. 2008. Investigating Specialized Discourse. Bern: Peter Lang. 2nd rev ed. Grime, Janet, Alison Blenkinsopp, David K. Raynor, Kristian Pollock and Peter Knapp. 2007. “The Role and Value of Written Information for Patient Information Leaflets about Individual Medicines: An Overview.” Health Expectations: An International Journal of Public Participation in Health Care and Health Policy 10, no. 3: 286-298 Jakobson, Roman, [1960] 1987. “Closing Statement: Linguistics and Poetics. In Style in Language, edited by Thomas A. Sebeok, 350-377. Cambridge (Mass.): The Technology Press of Massachusetts Institute of Technology and John Wiley & Sons. Mauranen, Anna, 2006. “Rhetorically Speaking: Repetition and Repair in Making a Point.” In Managing Interaction in Professional Discourse, edited by Julia Bamford and Marina Bondi, 101-121. Roma: Officina Edizioni. Mead, Nicola and Peter Bower. 2000. “Patient-Centredness: A Conceptual Framework and Review of the Empirical Literature.” Social Science & Medicine 51, no. 7: 1087-1110. Merlini Barbaresi, Lavinia. 1988. Markedness in English Discourse. A Semiotic Approach. Parma: Edizioni Zara. —. 1997. “Modification of Speech Acts. Aggravation and Mitigation.” In Proceedings of the 16th International Congress of Linguistics, Paper no. 0353. Oxford: Pergamon. Montalt Resurreción, Vicent and María González Davies. 2007. Medical Translation Step by Step. Translation Practices Explained. Manchester: St Jerome. Nord, Christiane, 1997. Translating as a Purposeful Activity: Functionalist Approaches Explained. Manchester: St. Jerome. Paltridge, Brian, 1997. Genre, Frames and Writing in Research Settings. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Pander Maat, Henk and Leo Lentz. 2010. “Written Patient Information: Improving the Usability of Patient Information Leaflets.” Patient Education and Counseling 80: 113-119. Patton, Michael Q., 2002. Qualitative Research & Evaluation Methods. Thousand Oaks (CA): Sage Publications. 3rd ed. Poortinga, Wouter and Nick F. Pidgeon. 2005. Trust in Risk Regulation: Cause or Consequence of the Acceptability of GM Food?” Risk Analysis 25 no. 4: 199-209.

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Portner, Paul. 2009. Modality. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sager, Juan C., David Dungworth and Peter F. McDonald. 1980. English Special Languages. Wiesbaden: Oscar Brandstetter. Searle, John R. and Daniel Vandervecken. 1985. Foundations of Illocutionary Logic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Smith, Carlota S. 2003. Modes of Discourse. The Local Structure of Texts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sperber, Dan and Deirdre Wilson. 1986. Relevance: Communication and Cognition. London: Blackwell. Swales, John M. 1990. Genre Analysis: English in Academic and Research Settings. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Virtanen, Tuija. 1992. “Issues of Text Typology: Narrative–A ‘Basic’ Type of Text?” Text 12, no. 2: 293-310. Werlich, Egon. [1976] 1983. A Text Grammar of English. Heidelberg: Quelle und Meyer. 2nd ed. Zethsen, Karen. 2007. “Beyond Translation Proper: Extending the Field of Translation Studies.” TTR: Traduction, Terminologie, Redaction 20, no. 1: 281-308. Zethsen, Karen. 2009. “Intralingual Translation: An Attempt at Description.” Meta 54 no. 4: 795-812. Zethsen, Karen and Inger Askehave. 2010. “PIL of the Month – A Study of Best Practice in Patient Information Leaflets.” Journal of Applied Linguistics and Professional Practice 7: 97-120.

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Appendix A. SmPC: Arthotec 50 Tablets SmPC: Arthotec 50 Tablets Last Updated on eMC 26-Nov-2013 – Pfizer Limited (https://www.medicines.org.uk/emc/medicine/10673) 1. Name of the medicinal product Arthrotec 50 modified-release tablets. 2. Qualitative and quantitative composition Each tablet consists of a gastro-resistant core containing 50mg diclofenac sodium surrounded by an outer mantle containing 200mcg misoprostol. Excipient(s): Each tablet contains 13 mg lactose monohydrate. For a full list of excipients, see section 6.1. 3. Pharmaceutical form Modified-release tablet. White, round, biconvex tablets marked

on one side and ‘Searle 1411’ on the other side.

4. Clinical particulars 4.1 Therapeutic indications Arthrotec 50 is indicated for patients who require the non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drug diclofenac together with misoprostol. The diclofenac component of Arthrotec 50 is indicated for the symptomatic treatment of osteoarthritis and rheumatoid arthritis. The misoprostol component of Arthrotec 50 is indicated for patients with a special need for the prophylaxis of NSAID-induced gastric and duodenal ulceration 4.2 Posology and method of administration Undesirable effects may be minimised by using the lowest effective dose for the shortest duration necessary to control symptoms (see section 4.4 Special warnings and precautions for use). Adults One tablet to be taken with food, two or three times daily. Tablets should be swallowed whole, not chewed. Elderly/Renal Impairment/Hepatic Impairment No adjustment of dosage is necessary in the elderly or in patients with hepatic impairment or mild to moderate renal impairment as pharmacokinetics are not altered to any clinically relevant extent. Nevertheless patients with renal or hepatic impairment should be closely monitored (see section 4.4 and section 4.8). Children The safety and efficacy of Arthrotec 50 in children has not been established. 4.3 Contraindications Arthrotec 50 is contraindicated in: - Patients with active peptic ulcer/haemorrhage or perforation or who have active GI bleeding or other active bleedings e.g. cerebrovascular bleedings. - Pregnant women and in women planning a pregnancy. - Patients with a known hypersensitivity to diclofenac, aspirin, other NSAIDs, misoprostol, other prostaglandins, or any other ingredient of the product. - Patients in whom attacks of asthma, urticaria or acute rhinitis are precipitated by aspirin or other non-steroidal antiinflammatory agents. - Treatment of peri-operative pain in the setting of coronary bypass graft (CABG) surgery. - Patients with severe renal and hepatic failure. - Established congestive heart failure (NYHA II-IV), ischemic heart disease, peripheral arterial disease and/or cerebrovascular disease. 4.4 Special warnings and precautions for use Warnings The use of diclofenac/misoprostol with concomitant NSAIDs including COX-2 inhibitors should be avoided. Use in pre-menopausal women (see also section 4.3) Arthrotec 50 should not be used in pre-menopausal women unless they use effective contraception and have been advised of the risks of taking the product if pregnant (see section 4.6). The label will state: ‘Not for use by pre-menopausal women unless using effective contraception’. Precautions

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Undesirable effects may be minimised by using the lowest effective dose for the shortest duration necessary to control symptoms (see section 4.2, and GI and cardiovascular risks below). • Renal/Cardiac/Hepatic In patients with renal, cardiac or hepatic impairment caution is required since the use of NSAIDs may result in deterioration of renal function. In the following conditions Arthrotec 50 should be used only in exceptional circumstances and with close clinical monitoring: advanced liver disease, severe dehydration. In a large trial where patients received diclofenac for a mean of 18 months, ALT/AST elevations were observed in 3.1% of patients. ALT/AST elevations usually occur within 1-6 months. In clinical trials, hepatitis has been observed in patients who received diclofenac, and in postmarketing experience, other hepatic reactions have been reported, including jaundice and hepatic failure. During diclofenac/misoprostol therapy, liver function should be monitored periodically. If diclofenac/misoprostol is used in the presence of impaired liver function, close monitoring is necessary. If abnormal liver tests persist or worsen, if clinical signs and symptoms consistent with liver disease develop, or if systemic manifestations occur, treatment with diclofenac should be discontinued. Diclofenac metabolites are eliminated primarily by the kidneys (see section 5.2). The extent to which the metabolites may accumulate in patients with renal failure has not been studied. As with other NSAIDs, metabolites of which are excreted by the kidney, patients with significantly impaired renal function should be more closely monitored. In rare cases, NSAIDs, including diclofenac/misoprostol, may cause interstitial nephritis, glomerulitis, papillary necrosis and the nephrotic syndrome. NSAIDs inhibit the synthesis of renal prostaglandin which plays a supportive role in the maintenance of renal perfusion in patients whose renal blood flow and blood volume are decreased. In these patients, administration of an NSAID may precipitate overt renal decompensation, which is typically followed by recovery to pretreatment state upon discontinuation of NSAID therapy. Patients at greatest risk of such a reaction are those with congestive heart failure, liver cirrhosis, nephrotic syndrome and overt renal disease. Such patients should be carefully monitored while receiving NSAID therapy. Appropriate monitoring and advice are required for patients with a history of hypertension and/or mild to moderate congestive heart failure as fluid retention and oedema have been reported in association with NSAID therapy. As with all NSAIDS, diclofenac/misoprostol can lead to the onset of new hypertension or worsening of pre-existing hypertension, either of which may contribute to the increased incidence of cardiovascular events. NSAIDs, including diclofenac/misoprostol, should be used with caution in patients with hypertension. Blood pressure should be monitored closely during the initiation of therapy with diclofenac/misoprostol and throughout the course of therapy. Patients with significant risk factors for cardiovascular events (e.g. hypertension, hyperlipidaemia, diabetes mellitus, smoking) should only be treated with diclofenac after careful consideration. As the cardiovascular risks of diclofenac may increase with dose and duration of exposure, the shortest duration possible and the lowest effective daily dose should be used. The patient’s need for symptomatic relief and response to therapy should be re-evaluated periodically. Clinical trial and epidemiological data suggest that use of diclofenac, particularly at high dose (150mg daily) and in long term treatment may be associated with a small increased risk of serious arterial thrombotic events (for example myocardial infarction or stroke). Physicians and patients should remain alert for the development of such events, even in the absence of previous cardiovascular symptoms. Patients should be informed about the signs and/or symptoms of serious cardiovascular toxicity and the steps to take if they occur (see section 4.3). • Blood system/Gastrointestinal NSAIDs, including diclofenac/misoprostol, can cause serious gastrointestinal (GI) adverse events including inflammation, bleeding, ulceration, and perforation of the stomach, small intestine, or large intestine, which can be fatal. When GI bleeding or ulceration occurs in patients receiving diclofenac/misoprostol, the treatment should be withdrawn. These events can occur at any time during treatment, with or without warning symptoms or in patients with a previous history of serious GI events. Patients most at risk of developing these types of GI complications with NSAIDs are those treated at higher doses, the elderly, patients with cardiovascular disease, patients using concomitant aspirin, or patients with a prior history of, or active, gastrointestinal disease, such as ulceration, GI bleeding or inflammatory conditions. Therefore, diclofenac/misoprostol should be used with caution in these patients and commence on treatment at the lowest dose available (see section 4.3). Patients with a history of GI toxicity, particularly when elderly, should report any unusual abdominal symptoms (especially GI bleeding) particularly in the initial stages of treatment. Caution should be advised in patients receiving concomitant medicines which could increase the risk of ulceration or bleeding, such as oral corticosteroids, anticoagulants such as warfarin, selective serotonin-reuptake inhibitors or anti-platelet agents such as aspirin (see section 4.5). Arthrotec 50, in common with other NSAIDs, may decrease platelet aggregation and prolong bleeding time. Extra supervision is recommended in haematopoietic disorders or in conditions with defective coagulation or in patients with a history of cerebrovascular bleeding. Caution is required in patients suffering from ulcerative colitis or Crohn’s Disease as these conditions may be exacerbated (see section 4.8). Care should be taken in elderly patients and in patients treated with corticosteroids, other NSAIDs, or anti-coagulants (see section 4.5). • Skin Reactions Serious skin reactions, some of them fatal, including exfoliative dermatitis, Stevens-Johnson syndrome, and toxic epidermal necrolysis, have been reported very rarely in association with the use of NSAIDs, including diclofenac/misoprostol (see section 4.8). Patients appear to be at highest risk for these events early in the course of therapy, the onset of the event occurring in the majority of cases within the first month of treatment. Diclofenac/misoprostol should be discontinued at the first appearance of skin rash, mucosal lesions, or any other sign of hypersensitivity • Hypersensitivity NSAIDs may precipitate bronchospasm in patients suffering from, or with a history of, bronchial asthma or allergic disease. • Long-term treatment

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All patients who are receiving long-term treatment with NSAIDs should be monitored as a precautionary measure (e.g. renal, hepatic function and blood counts). During long-term, high dose treatment with analgesic/anti-inflammatory drugs, headaches can occur which must not be treated with higher doses of the medicinal product. Arthrotec may mask fever and thus an underlying infection. Patients with rare hereditary problems of galactose intolerance, the Lapp lactase deficiency or glucose-galactose malabsorption should not take this medicine. 4.5 Interaction with other medicinal products and other forms of interaction NSAIDs may attenuate the natriuretic efficacy of diuretics due to inhibition of intrarenal synthesis of prostaglandins. Concomitant treatment with potassium-sparing diuretics may be associated with increased serum potassium levels, hence serum potassium should be monitored. Because of their effect on renal prostaglandins, cyclo-oxygenase inhibitors such as diclofenac can increase the nephrotoxicity of ciclosporin. There is a possible increased risk of nephrotoxicity when NSAIDs are given with tacrolimus. Steady state plasma lithium and digoxin levels may be increased and ketoconazole levels may be decreased. Pharmacodynamic studies with diclofenac have shown no potentiation of oral hypoglycaemic and anticoagulant drugs. However as interactions have been reported with other NSAIDs, caution and adequate monitoring are, nevertheless advised (see statement on platelet aggregation in Precautions). Because of decreased platelet aggregation caution is also advised when using Arthrotec 50 with anti-coagulants. NSAIDs may enhance the effects of anti-coagulants, such as warfarin, antiplatelet agents, such as aspirin, and serotonin re-uptake inhibitors (SSRIs) thereby increasing the risk of gastrointestinal bleeding (see section 4.4). Cases of hypo and hyperglycaemia have been reported when diclofenac was associated with antidiabetic agents. Caution is advised when methotrexate is administered concurrently with NSAIDs because of possible enhancement of its toxicity by the NSAID as a result of increase in methotrexate plasma levels. Concomitant use with other NSAIDs or with corticosteroids may increase the frequency of side effects generally. Anti-hypertensives including diuretics, angiotensin-converting enzyme (ACE) inhibitors and angiotensin II antagonists (AIIA): NSAIDs can reduce the efficacy of diuretics and other antihypertensive drugs. In patients with impaired renal function (e.g. dehydrated patients or elderly patients with compromised renal function), the co-administration of an ACE inhibitor or an AIIA with a cyclo-oxygenase inhibitor can increase the deterioration of the renal function, including the possibility of acute renal failure, which is usually reversible. The occurrence of these interactions should be considered in patients taking diclofenac/misoprostol with an ACE inhibitor or an AIIA. Antacids may delay the absorption of diclofenac. Magnesium-containing antacids have been shown to exacerbate misoprostol-associated diarrhoea. Animal data indicate that NSAIDs can increase the risk of convulsions associated with quinolone antibiotics. Patients taking NSAIDs and quinolones may have an increased risk of developing convulsions. NSAIDs should not be used for 8-12 days after mifepristone administration as NSAIDs can reduce the effect of mifepristone. 4.6 Fertility, pregnancy and lactation Pregnancy Arthrotec 50 is contraindicated in pregnant women and in women planning a pregnancy because misoprostol induces uterine contractions and is associated with abortion, premature birth, and fetal death. Use of misoprostol has been associated with birth defects. Also diclofenac may cause premature closure of the ductus arteriosus. Women of childbearing potential should not be started on diclofenac/misoprostol until pregnancy is excluded, and should be fully counseled on the importance of adequate contraception while undergoing treatment. If pregnancy is suspected, use of the product should be discontinued. Lactation Misoprostol is rapidly metabolised in the mother to misoprostol acid, which is biologically active and is excreted in breast milk. Diclofenac is excreted in breast milk in very small quantities. In general, the potential effects on the infant from any exposure to misoprostol and its metabolites via breast feeding are unknown. However, diarrhoea is a recognised side effect of misoprostol and could occur in infants of nursing mothers. Arthrotec 50 should therefore not be administered to nursing mothers. 4.7 Effects on ability to drive and use machines Patients who experience dizziness or other central nervous system disturbances while taking NSAIDs should refrain from driving or operating machinery. 4.8 Undesirable effects In the table below the incidence of adverse drug reactions reported in controlled clinical studies where Arthrotec was administered to more than 2000 patients are listed. Additionally, adverse drug reactions reported during post-marketing surveillance are whose frequency cannot be estimated from the available data, such as spontaneous reports, have been listed at frequency ‘unknown’. The most commonly observed adverse events are gastrointestinal in nature.

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Very Common (• 1/10)

Common (•1/100 and -ito/ita -ar > -are -ary > -are -ous > -oso -an > ano -ive > -ivo -ble > -bile -ing > -ante

Abiotic - abiotico Artificial – artificiale Assisted – assistita Circular – circolare Complementary – complementare Filametous – filamentoso Human - umano Intensive – intensivo Fat-soluble - liposolubile Ioizing - ionizzante

Table 12-1. English suffixes with their Italian equivalent.

In other cases, the morphological correspondence is less transparent, with English and Italian adjectives sharing the same root, but different suffixes, hence the necessity of raising students’ awareness about them for translation both from and into Italian. Even in these cases, however, a certain consistency can generally be observed in the suffix shift, whereby English -al becomes –ico in Italian (as in microbial/microbico, bacterial/batterico, beneficial/benefico, biological/biologico, pharmaceutical/farmaceutico, chromosomal/cromosomico), and -ous corresponds to -o (endogenous/endogeno). At times, the English suffix -ic matches with -o/a in Italian (as in thermophilic/termofilo, phototrophic/fototrofo, eukariotic/eucariota). Finally, adjectives ending in -ar in English can take the suffix -oso in Italian (e.g. granular/granuloso). In fewer cases the gap between the two languages is greater and hardly predictable, as shown by the pairs agricultural/agricolo௅in which a suffixoid is reduced to a suffix௅, antifoaming/antischiuma with a gerund becoming a noun, or selectable/di selezione, where the modifier, an adjective in English, is rendered by a prepositional phrase in Italian. The latter formal shift is particularly interesting as it is accompanied by an even greater semantic shift. While in English ‘selectable’ can be paraphrased as ‘that can be selected’, with the marker being the object of the selection process, in Italian ‘di selezione’ can be paraphrased as ‘that allows to select something’, with the marker represented as an active force in the selection process.

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4.2. Noun+noun (N_N) The other main pattern for two-word expressions in the English corpus is formed by a noun premodifying another noun, a construction that Italian allows limitedly to appositional compounds of the type ‘bambino-soldato’ (child-soldier), and which therefore presents greater problems for translation. The problem lies mostly in the fact that the relation between the two components of the compound is left unexpressed in English, whereas it must be expressed in Italian, leaving the translator with the burden of choosing between different patterns ௅ mostly noun+adjective (N_A) or noun+prepositional phrase (N_PP). In most cases either construction would be acceptable in terms of grammatical correctness, but one of them might not be backed by real language use. This part of the analysis is oriented to finding in the internal structure of such compounds and fixed collocations some regularities that may help explain and predict the corresponding pattern in Italian. 4.2.1 Working hypothesis 1 The first working hypothesis is that different semantic relationships between the two noun components in English may correspond to different syntactic realisations in Italian. Although their surface form does not reveal it, noun+noun units, which are reductions from full clauses, can result from either predicate deletion or predicate nominalisation (Levi 1978). With regard to the former, there are only a limited number of semantic relations that can be deleted and recovered, and these are expressed by the following generalising labels: cause, make, have, use, be, in, for, from, about. For example ‘tear gas’ is a gas that causes tears, a silk worm is a worm used to make silk, and a price war is a “war” about prices. On this ground, and on the basis of the sole biotechnology data set, it was tentatively hypothesised that among those listed above, the semantic relation for tends to correspond to the pattern N_PP in Italian, as the following occurrences might suggest: (1) Bioremedation agent > Agente di biorisanamento Denaturation agent > Agente di denaturazione Transcription factor > Fattore di trascrizione Growth hormone > Ormone della crescita

However, this hypothesis did not stand against the inspection of a larger dataset, including also nutrition N_N compounds. In fact, as shown in

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tables 12-2 and 12-3, compounds characterised by the same internal semantic relation are realised in Italian by different patterns. adhesion molecules digestibility coefficient motor protein reference protein

for for for for

molecola di adesione coefficiente di digeribilità proteina motrice proteina di riferimento

staff canteen

for

mensa aziendale

transport protein weight- loss diet

for for

proteina vettore dieta dimagrante

Table 12-2. For semantic link.

With regard to the aforementioned for relation, for example, motor protein, transport protein and adhesion protein, all referring to the function of each type of protein, correspond in Italian to a N_PP pattern in ‘proteina di adesione’, but to a N_N pattern in the case of ‘proteina vettore’ and ‘proteina motrice’, while weight-loss diet is rendered by yet another pattern in Italian, i.e. noun+adjective (‘dieta dimagrante’). The same variability emerges with regard to the other semantic relations. Suffice here to consider the make relation (Table 12-3), contrasting for example fruit juice and lipid molecule, both expressing the implicit relation ‘head noun made of premodifier’.9 In Italian these are rendered by head noun+postmodification, with the postmodifier coming sometimes as a prepositional phrase (in bold in the Table), as in ‘succo di frutta’, and some other times as an adjective, for example ‘molecola lipidica’. fruit juice bean flour colza oil

succo di frutta farina di fagioli olio di colza

olive oil

Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of)

rape-seed oil

Make (made of)

olio di colza

olio d'oliva

9 Levi’s classification above does not distinguish different types of make relation. However, data suggest that at least one important distinction can be drawn between those complex nominals referring to the product of a processing process, like olive oil and those in which the premodifier is a constituent of the head noun, like lipid molecule, in which no processing is entailed.

264 soy flour sunflower-seed oil vegetable oil wheat flour

Chapter Twelve Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of)

farina di soia olio di ( semi di ) girasole olio vegetale farina di grano

Table 12-3a. Make semantic link entailing processing. aleurone layer body tissue bone tissue carbon atom carbon chain ethyl alcohol lipid molecule muscle mass nitrogen material protein dish protein food salt solution / saline solution water layer

Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of) Make (made of)

strato aleuronico tessuto corporeo tessuto osseo atomi di carbonio catena di carbonio alcool etilico molecola lipidica massa muscolare materia azotata piatto protidico alimento protidico soluzione salina strato acquoso / d'acqua

Table 12-3b. Make semantic link (no processing entailed).

4.2.2. Working hypothesis 2 Moving on to N_N compounds resulting from predicate nominalisation, where a nominalised verb/deverbal noun is the head noun, two different types can be distinguished: subjective nominalised complex nominals and objective nominalised complex nominals. In the first type the premodifier performs the function of the underlying subject, as is the case in the compound cell decomposition, which is a reduction from the clause “cell decompose”. In the second the premodifier is the object, as in birth control, where birth (incidentally also a nominalisation) is the object of the control process. The second working hypothesis was that differences in the formation patterns of the Italian equivalents might be explained on the ground of a difference in the underlying syntactic structure. In order to verify this hypothesis, the English compounds resulting from predicate nominalisation were divided into subjective and objective nominalised complex nominals,

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as shown in Tables 12-4 and 12-5, and matched with their Italian equivalents:

Table 12-4. Examples of subjective nominalised complex nominals.

Table 12-5. Examples of objective nominalised complex nominals.

As was the case with the first working hypothesis, however, no regular distribution patterns emerged from the matching: both subjective and objective nominalised complex nominals correspond to either noun+adjective post-modification or noun+prepositional phrase postmodification in Italian. Corpus-based analysis has then disproved also working hypothesis number two. Nonetheless it has brought to the fore a

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pattern of correspondence that is related to nominalisation, but in a different way. The complex nominal categorisation proposed above focuses attention on the relation between a nominalised head noun and its premodifier, hence working hypothesis 2 which, as seen, was disconfirmed by data. However, if attention is shifted from the syntactic relation uniting the two parts of the compound to the form of the premodifier, a pattern emerges. It can be noticed that where the premodifier is nominalised in English, the Italian equivalent is often a noun post-modified by a prepositional phrase whose noun is, in fact, a nominalisation, as illustrated by the selected examples in Table 12-6. Adhesion molecules Deficiency condition Digestibility coefficient Digestion rate Reference protein Transport protein Weight-loss diet

Molecole di adesione Situazione di carenza Coefficiente di digeribilità Tasso di digeribilità Proteina di riferimento Proteina di riferimento Dieta dimagrante

Table 12-6. Nominalised premodifiers in English and their Italian equivalents.

This trend can be schematised as follows: (2) If English N(nominalisation)_N then Italian N_PP(di+nominalisation),

The Italian equivalent features a pattern diverging from the one described in (2) when an adjective is available for the English nominalised premodifier, e.g. ‘dieta dimagrante’, or in the case of appositional N_N compounds of the like of “proteina vettore/motrice”. The tentative ‘rule’ schematised in (2) should therefore be qualified by adding the caveat ‘if the nominalised premodifier has no adjective, nor N_N equivalent in Italian’. This observation leads to the formulation of a more generalisable ‘rule’: (3) if a N_A (or more rarely N_N) pattern is possible in Italian, then that is the default option. A N_PP pattern is the “second best”, when the default option does not apply.

A few more examples seem to confirm this ‘rule’:

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Table 12-7. Italian N_A primacy examples.

This ‘rule’, highlights a sort of preference for the N_A (or a N_N) pattern in Italian, which may be explained by the fact that these are perceived as more lexicalised than nouns with prepositional postmodification, and since scientific discourse aims at precision and monoreferentiality, a higher extent of lexicalisation resembles more closely the one-term-for-each-referent ideal. Such an explanation seems to be backed also by register factors. If both N_A and N_PP are possible, N_A is (or is perceived) as more technical, hence more scientific, as illustrated by the following complex nominals: (4) Nucleo cellulare [cell nucleous] Latte vaccino [vaccine milk] vs Carne avicola [poultry] [chicken meat] Carne suina [swine meat] [pork meat] Carne equina [equine meat] vs

vs nucleo della cellula latte di mucca [cow’s milk] vs carne di pollo vs

carne

di

maiale

carne di cavallo [horse meat]

All in all Italian scientific and technical discourse tends to adopt a higher register than its English counterpart. The expressions featuring the

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second pattern in the list above combine the N_PP structure with a less specialised term (e.g. cow’s vs vaccine), which makes them appropriate for everyday speech, but not for more formal contexts such as academic, technical, scientific or legal discourse. The two examples below are representative of both uses: (5) Per cui io raccomando a tutti quelli che hanno un tumore di NON bere latte di mucca, per il latte di cereali non c’è nessun problema. Teniamo presente che anche i legumi sono ricchi di proteine: noi raccomandiamo di metterli ad ogni pasto perché hanno la meravigliosa proprietà di rallentare la velocità di assorbimento degli zuccheri, però in piccola quantità perché sono molto proteici (interview with prof. Berrino, http://www.lafucina.it/2015/04/16/latte/, accessed on 12.8.2015). [Therefore I recommend that people affected by cancer do NOT drink cow’s milk, no problem for cereal milk. Let’s take into account that even legumes are rich in proteins: we recommend having them at each meal, as they have the marvellous property of slowing down the sugar absorption speed, but in small quantity as they are so protein-rich]. (6) Le proteine del latte vaccino (3,5%) sono rappresentate prevalentemente dalla caseina (o caseinogeno) in misura del 2,8% ca, dalla lattoalbumina in misura dello 0,7% ca, nonché da una ßlattoglobulina. (Enciclopedia medica italiana, 1973 Firenze, USES. Volume 1: 1189) [Vaccine milk proteins (3.5%) include mainly caseins (or caseinogen), in the order of 2.8%, lactalbumin in the order of about 0.7%, as well as ß-lactoglobulin].

The first one, taken from a nutrition education website, is an excerpt from an interview with prof. Berrino, a famous expert of the nexus between nutrition and cancer at the National Cancer Institute in Milan, about the negative effects of cow’s milk on patients affected by cancer. In spite of the speaker’s expertise, the register is quite colloquial, as testified by the use of the first person personal reference (“io”/ “noi”), the loose syntax (omission of linking words such as while or whereas between the first and the second sentence), the use of capital letters for emphasis (“NON”), and the hyperbolic adjective “meravigliosa”(marvellous) referred to a property of legumes. Here cow’s milk is accordingly referred to as “latte di mucca”, with a N_PP construction, while in the second excerpt, taken from the Italian Medical Encyclopaedia, whose register is definitely more technical –as shown by the use of technical terms such as “caseina”, “lattoalbumina”, “ß-lattoglobulina”, the more formal construction “latte vaccino” with adjectival postmodification is used.

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Another factor affecting the choice between the two most common patterns N_A vs N_PP, when both options are available in Italian concerns text composition conventions. The pattern N_A tends to be used in headlines and topicalised (thematised) positions, as shown below, while in other positions the pattern head noun followed by a prepositional phrase freely alternates with the former:

Figure 12-1. N_A (‘Sequenziamento genomico’) in topicalised positions.

For the sake of legibility, the text featured in Figure 12-1 is copied below: (7) Sequenziamento genomico –Nuove tendenze e opportunità di lavoro per Bioingegneri Il sequenziamento genomico Il sequenziamento genomico è un processo attraverso il quale si riescono ad identificare le singole basi nucleotidiche del DNA e […] [Genomic sequencing –New trends and work opportunities for Bioengineers Genomic sequencing Genomic sequencing is a process whereby single DNA nucleotide bases can be identified.]

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This example is taken from the blog Technological minds,10 a community of experts in various scientific and technical disciplines. Here the N_A compound “sequenziamento genomico” is used in the post’s headline, where in line with title conventions the phrase does not contain a determiner, in the first section’s headline, preceded by a definite article, and in theme position at the beginning of the same section, which opens with a definition of the expression. Later on in the text, where the register becomes more colloquial, simulating a question-and-answer interaction, and the content more prosaic (i.e. the cost of a whole genomic sequencing), the same concept is referred to as “sequenziamento del genoma”, using the pattern noun + prepositional phrase, as shown below: (8) Quanto costerebbe sequenziare tutto il mio genoma e si può fare? Nove anni fa, per sequenziare un genoma umano ci sono voluti circa 10 milioni di dollari (costo 50 volte inferiore rispetto al decennio precedente). Nel 2007, il Dottor James Watson, che ha scoperto la struttura del DNA, ha registrato la sua sequenza genomica completa su un disco rigido per meno di 1 milione di dollari. Già nel 2012 il prezzo per il sequenziamento del genoma era sceso a meno di 50.000 dollari. [What would be the cost of sequencing my whole genome, and is it feasible? Nine years ago sequencing a human genome cost about 10 million dollars (50 times less than in the previous decade). In 2007 Dr James Watson, who discovered the DNA structure, recorded his complete genomic sequence on a hard disk for less than 1 million dollars. By 2012 the price of genome sequencing was down to less than 50,000 dollars.]

5. Conclusions Resting on the premises that a) a significant proportion of scientific terminology is formed by multi-word constructions that can pose problems for translators, not being included in dictionaries, and b) that Italian scientific lexicon is often the result of a translation process from English, the analysis of complex nominals carried out in this chapter was meant to 10 , accessed on 12.8.2015.

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explore the hypothesis that there might be some regularities in the structure of English and Italian equivalents, so as to facilitate the translator’s task, as well as contributing to terminological standardisation. In order to do so, two-word complex nominals in the domains of biotechnology and nutrition were analysed from the viewpoint of the semantic and syntactic relations between their components to verify whether any given structure in English might correspond to any specific structure in its Italian equivalent. From a purely descriptive perspective, findings have highlighted that the most frequent formation pattern for complex nominals in the varieties of English taken into examination is adjective+noun, corresponding in Italian to the perfectly equivalent pattern noun+adjective. The same pattern prevails also in the Italian equivalents of English compounds in which a noun premodifies another noun, a structure that in Italian is reserved to co-compounds (or appositional compounds). With regard to whether regularities could be found in the formation of Italian equivalents on the ground of any implicit relations holding between the components of the complex nominal, the results have disconfirmed both the working hypotheses that had been formulated resting on existing categorisations. Neither the semantic link expressed by the implicit predicate in the case of complex nominals resulting from predicate deletion (MAKE, CAUSE, HAVE…), nor the argument structure, in the case of complex nominals derived from predicate nominalisation (i.e. whether the premodifier performs the function of subject or object in the full clause from which the complex nominal is derived) can predict the form of the Italian equivalent. At the same time, the systematic analysis of data that led to disconfirm the initial working hypotheses has made it possible to observe the following regularities: 1. The adjective+noun pattern in English corresponds to the same unmarked structure in Italian, i.e. noun+adjective, with the modifying adjectives featuring mostly the same suffix. 2. The noun+noun pattern in English corresponds to the noun+adjective pattern in Italian, whenever an adjective is available which shares the equivalent root of the English premodifier. If no such adjective is available in Italian, the head noun is postmodified by a prepositional phrase (typically ‘di + N’), a pattern that, incidentally, is particularly frequent when a nominalisation occupies the premodifier slot in English.

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3. When both N_A and N_PP are attested in Italian, their distribution depends on discoursal factors like register and conventions for textual composition. From a more general methodological point of view, it is worth stressing that the regularities above emerged thanks to the integration of corpusbased and corpus-driven approaches. The corpus-based verification, and the subsequent disconfirmation, of working hypotheses formed starting from extant theoretical models has cleared the ground from misleading conjectures, while at the same time contributing to bringing into focus relevant facts previously ignored, as is the case with a corpus-driven approach. Furthermore the results confirm the validity of the projects’ methodological architecture (cf. Garzone 2015). In line with the assumptions underpinning contemporary terminology, in which the relationship between the term and its extralinguistic referent is seen as subject to the influence of socio-cognitive and cultural factors, the regularities that emerged from the analysis could be accounted for by bringing also higher levels of language description into the picture. Similar research on different datasets from other specialised domains is however desirable to further confirm such regularities or, alternatively, qualify them further.

References Algeo, John (ed.). 1991. Fifty Years Among the New Words. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Allen, Margareth. 1978. Morphological Investigations. PhD Thesis, University of Connecticut. Bauer, Laurie and Tarasova Elizaveta. 2013. “The Meaning Link in Nominal Compounds”. SKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics 10, no.3: 1-18. Bauer, Laurie. 1979. “On the Need for Pragmatics in the Study of Nominal Compounding.” Journal of Pragmatics 3: 45-50. Brekle, Herbert E. 1976. Generative Satzsemantik im System der englischen Nominalkomposition. München: Fink. Coene, Martine and Yves D’Hulst (eds). 2002. From NP to DP Volume I: The Syntax and Semantics of Noun Phrases. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2002. From NP to DP Volume II: The Expression of Possession in Noun Phrases. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Downing, Pamela Ann. 1977. “On the Creation and Use of English Compound Nouns.” Language 53: 810-842.

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Felber, Helmut. 1984. Terminology Manual. Vienna: Infoterm. Garzone, Giuliana. 2015. “Premessa/Preface”. In Dizionario dell’alimentazione: italiano-inglese-cinese / Dictionary of Food and Nutrition: Italian-English-Chinese, a cura di Giuliana Garzone, Franca Bosc, Clara Bulfoni, III-VI. Milano: Academia Universa Press. Giegerich, Heinz. 2005. “Associative Adjectives in English and the Lexicon-Syntax Interface.” Journal of Linguistics 41: 571-591. —. 2009. “The English Compound Stress Myth.” Word Structure 2: 1- 17. Guevara, Emiliano and Sergio Scalise. 2009. “Searching for Universals in Compounding.” In Universals of Language Today, edited by Sergio Scalise, Elisabetta Magni and Antonietta Bisetto, 101-128. Berlin: Springer. Halliday, Michael A.K. and James R. Martin. 1993. Writing Science: Literacy and Discursive Power. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. Jackendoff, Ray. 2009. “Compounding in the Parallel Architecture and Conceptual Semantics.” In Handbook of Compounding, edited by Lieber, Rochelle and Pavol Štekauer, 105-128. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jespersen, Otto. 1942. A Modern English Grammar on Historical Principles. Part VI: Morphology. London: Allen & Unwin/Copenhagen: Munksgaard. Johnston, Michael and Federica Busa. 1996. “Qualia Structure and the Compositional Interpretation of Compounds.” In Proceedings of the ACL SIGLEX Workshop on Breadth and Depth of Semantic Lexicons. . Kunter, Gero. 2011. Compound Stress in English: The Phonetics and Phonology of Prosodic Prominence. Berlin: de Gruyter. Lauer, Mark. 1995. Designing Statistical Language Learners: Experiments on Noun Compounds. PhD Thesis. Department of Computing, Macquarie University, Australia. Lees, Robert B. 1970. “Problems in the Grammatical Analysis of English Nominal Compounds.” In Progress in Linguistics, edited by Manfred Bierwisch and Karl Erik Heidolph, 174-186. The Hague: Mouton. Levi, Judith. 1978. The Syntax and Semantics of Complex Nominals. New York: Academic Press. Nakov, Preslav. 2013. “On the Interpretation of Noun Compounds: Syntax, Semantics, Entailment.” Natural Language Engineering 1, no. 1: 1-40. Pustejovsky, James. 1995. The Generative Lexicon. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

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Rosario, Barbara. 2005. Extraction of Semantic Relations from Bioscience Text. PhD Thesis. University of California, Berkeley. Ryder, Mary Ellen 1994. Ordered Chaos. Berkeley: University of California Press. Santos López, Luis Javier. 2014. “La terminologia dell’Expo 2015: approcci metodologici.” In Le lingue, le culture e la traduzione per la mediazione. Prospettive didattiche e di ricerca, a cura di MarieChristine Jullion e Paola Cattani, 81-104. Torino: L’Harmattan Italia. Scalise, Sergio and Irene Vogel. 2010. “Why compounding?” In CrossDisciplinary Issues in Compounding, edited by Sergio Scalise and Irene Vogel, 1-18. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Scott, Michael. 2012. Wordsmith Tools 6.0. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Tarasova, Elizaveta. 2013. Some New Insights into the Semantics of English N+N compounds. PhD thesis. Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand. Temmerman, Rita. 2000. Towards New Ways of Terminology Description. The Sociocognitive-Approach. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. —. 1997. “Questioning the Univocity Ideal. The Difference between Socio-Cognitive Terminology and Traditional Terminology.” Hermes, Journal of Linguistics 18: 51-90. Wünster, Eugen (1956) 1991. Einführung in die allgemeine Terminologielehre und terminologische Lexikographie. 3. Aufl. Bonn: Romanistischer Verlag.

Corpus composition Caballero, Benjamin, Lindsay Allen and Andrew Prentice (eds). 2005. Encyclopedia of Human Nutrition (2nd Edition). Oxford: Elsevier Ltd. Johnson Green, Perry. 2002 Introduction to Food Biotechnology. Boca Raton, Fla: CRC Press. Malacinski, George M. and David Freifelder. 1998. Essentials of Molecular Biology. Boston: Jones and Bartlett Publishers. Miller, Frederic P., Agnes F. Vandome and John McBrewster. 2010. Molecular Farming. Saarbrücken: Alphascript Publishing. Ratledge, Colin and Bjorn Kristiansen (eds). 2006. Basic Biotechnology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

CHAPTER THIRTEEN DEONTIC MODALITY IN LEGAL UKRAINIAN: FOCUS ON THE SYNTHETIC FUTURE OF IMPERFECTIVE VERBS LIANA GOLETIANI

1. Introduction This Chapter examines the use of the future tense forms of imperfective verbs for expressing deontic modality in the Ukrainian legal language. Imperfective verbs in the Ukrainian language can have two forms: analytical and synthetic. In all three East Slavic languages: Belarusian, Russian and Ukrainian, the analytical future tense (further referred to as AF) is made by means of the verb “to be”. The synthetic future tense (further referred to as SF), formed by the auxiliary verb (ɣ)ɧɹɬɢ by means of adding -ɦɭ, -ɦɟɲ, -ɦɟ etc., exists, in the East Slavic area, only in the Ukrainian language (cf. summary diagram of inflectional futures in European languages in Dahl 2002, 318). The existence of the synthetic future tense distinguishes the Ukrainian language not only from the two other Eastern Slavonic languages, but also from most other Slavonic languages1. The description of this verbal form in the East Slavic area was initiated by Ⱥ. Ⱥ. Potebnja (1874/1958, 358) and continued in a number of studies on the descriptive linguistics of the Ukrainian language in an attempt to determine the difference in the meaning and use of the two forms of the future2. In recent years, research interest in the synthetic form has increased significantly. Marþylo (1999) illustrates the establishment 1

The synthetic future tense exists in some dialects of the Belarusian and Russian languages, but not in standard Belarusian and Russian. The synthetic future can be formed in the Serbo-Croatian language by means of the verb “want”. However, this form may occur with both perfect and imperfect verbs. 2 ɋf. references in Danylenko (2010).

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and use of this form in Ukrainian administrative documents from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, based on broad empirical evidence. According to Marþylo, from a historical point of view, the synthetic form could be referred to in order to denote a particular action, while the analytical form appears to be more versatile. Danylenko’s (2010) study systematises the approaches and results of various studies on the synthetic future tense in Ukrainian, and it is thanks to this author’s work in the field of areal typology (Danylenko 2012) that today we have a deeper understanding of the genesis of this form. The study that appears to be the most similar to the present one in terms of linguistic material used, is that of Sokolova and Šumarova (1988), in which an attempt is made to review the functioning stylistic features of the future tense forms in the Russian and Ukrainian languages. The authors analyse the semantics of the future tense forms in different linguistic registers, including those used in international legal texts during the Soviet period. In the Ukranian legislation of the post-Soviet period, the synthetic future tense form was not yet the subject of special study. Our previous minidiachronic studies of two corpora from the post-Soviet period have shown that the dramatic variability in the expression of deontic modality in the Ukranian language has undergone dynamic processes. It appears that these processes were driven by the independence of Ukraine in 1991, resulting in an ensuing freer development of Ukrainian legal language. In this regard, the study of the Ukranian translations of EU Directives of 2000-2009 (Goletiani 2015) revealed a tendency towards the stabilisation of some modal constructions. A ɫontrastive study (Goletiani 2014) of the parallel texts in the 1992-2012 Russian-Ukrainian international agreements revealed a process of revitalisation in the synthetic form and its expansion to the detriment of the analytical form. However, it can be assumed that due to interference, the Ukrainian formulation of deontic norms in these texts is influenced by the Russian language, in which there is no synthetic future tense, and which until recently dominated the legal sphere. Accordingly, a study based on a corpus that eliminates the interference factor, may yield different results. The text of the Association Agreement between the EU and the Republic of Ukraine (hereafter ‘Agreement’) can be regarded as belonging to this type of corpus. A parallel text written in English, which typologically differs greatly from the Ukrainian one, has a

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further advantage in the light of the long and fruitful tradition of studies on deontic modality in English studies3.

2. The expression of deontic modality in the Ukrainian language: lexical and morpho-syntactic variation The existence of two future tense forms for imperfective verbs in the Ukrainian language is not, of course, the only source of variability in the expression of deontic modality in Ukrainian legal discourse. The category of temporality is closely intertwined here with the category of modality4. The synonymy between modal constructions and structures with verbs in the present and future tense, both in Russian and Ukrainian legal documents, was first identified by Sokolova and Šumarova (1988, 96): In the official style, present tense forms express a legal will, a necessity of its implementation in the life of citizens and society from a certain point of time. (Author’s translation)

It is clear that this certain point of time occurs after the entry into force of a legal act, thus requiring reference to future time. This kind of synonymy, bearing in mind the language function of the field in question, can clearly be seen in the genre of international treaties. Here, the future tense forms can be easily replaced by present tense forms or modal markers. Moreover, in comparison with Russian, Ukrainian has more modal resources, which can be used in legal discourse. As a result, the modern Ukrainian language has a very wide range of linguistic units that can act as deontic markers. For obligatory deontic modality, these are primarily modal verbs and predicates with the value of necessity or obligation. Added to an infinitive of the main verb that expresses prescribed norms of action, they form a variety of modal structures5. Depending on whether the modal verb/predicate has a personal form, it is possible to distinguish between a personal and impersonal modal structure. The study (Goletiani 2015) based on the 2000-2009 corpus of 27 texts that comprise a total of 350,527 tokens identified the following more or less productive modal constructions: 3

Cf. Coates (1983), Palmer (1986), Garzone (2001, 2013a, 2013b), Gotti (2001). As has been shown in cross-linguistic research on grammaticalisation, in many languages, expression of obligation is associated with future tense markers (Bybee and Pagliuca 1994). 5 If the norm prescribes any state, the infinitive can include a participle or an adjective. 4

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Personal constructions: • • • •

personal form of the modal verb ɦɚɬɢ + Infinitive personal form of the modal verb ɦɭɫɢɬɢ + Infinitivɟ (ɽ) + modal predicate ɩɨɜɢɧɟɧ / ɩɨɜɢɧɧɚ / ɩɨɜɢɧɧɟ / ɩɨɜɢɧɧi + Infinitivɟ (ɽ) + participle ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧɢɣ / ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧɚ / ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧe / ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧi + Infinitivɟ

Impersonal constructions: • • • • • •

modal predicate (or rigid form of the modal verb) ɧɚɥɟɠɢɬɶ + Infinitive modal predicate ɧɟɨɛɯiɞɧɨ + Infinitivɟ modal predicate ɩɨɜɢɧɧɨ + Infinitivɟ modal predicate ɩɨɬɪiɛɧɨ + Infinitivɟ modal predicate ɫɥiɞ + Infinitivɟ modal predicate ɬɪɟɛɚ + Infinitivɟ

In addition to these modal structures in the genre of the international treaty, Goletiani’s 2014 and 2016 studies identify a widespread use of other periphrastic constructions, in which the infinitive form of a main verb is used after finite verb forms with the semantics of commitments / intentions, e.g., ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɭɜɚɬɢɫɹ (be obligated), ɞɨɦɨɜɥɹɬɢɫɹ (agree), ɩɨɝɨɞɢɬɢɫɶ (agree), ɩɪɚɝɧɭɬɢ (aim), ɧɚɦɚɝɚɬɢɫɹ (endeavour). The deontic value of speech acts with these structures depends on the semantics of the semi-auxiliary verb, which is to a greater or lesser extent capable of carrying out a performative act.

3. Aims of the study and the corpus The material on which this research is based is a Ukrainian text (538059 Chars) of the Agreement, without its annexes, protocols, or declaratory parts6. 6

The Agreement has been under preparation since 2007. On 11 November 2011 in Brussels, all the provisions of the Agreement were agreed upon. Contrary to the agreement, President Viktor Yanukovych refused to sign the deal at the Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius on 28-29 November 2013. This led to mass protests, which were severely suppressed by the authorities on 30 November 2013. Then in the winter of 2013/14, followed the Euromaidan confrontation and Revolution of Dignity (Ukrainian: Ɋɟɜɨɥɸɰɿɹ ɝɿɞɧɨɫɬɿ), also known as the Euromaidan

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Against this background, this study has several purposes. Firstly, it intends to find out the resources of the Ukrainian language employed to express deontic modality in the data under study. The place occupied by the synthetic future form can be determined only after establishing the full paradigm of expressions with deontic meanings of OBLIGATION, PROHIBITION, PERMISSION. The second step involves a pragmatic and quantitative analysis of data obtained from the corpus for two representative aspectual verb pairs: ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɢ / ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢ (ensure) and ɧɚɞɚɬɢ / ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ (provide). Therefore, the statistical data on the two forms of the future for all the imperfective verbs found in the Agreement will be provided. Finally, to complete the picture, the data about the synthetic future tense in the corpus under study will be compared with the data of a larger corpus of texts belonging to the legal genre of the agreement (Goletiani 2014). Such a comparison will help to neutralise interference from Russian, which only has the analytical form, which can “encourage” translators to use a parallel grammatical form in Ukrainian. Though contrastive analysis (Ukrainian vs. English) is not the focus of discussion here, each single example will be provided with a corresponding English item from the official English version of the parallel text. These data can be used for both cross-linguistic studies of the expression of deontic modality and the study of Ukrainian-English translation issues. Their description, through the use of the contrastive, statistical and comparative method will also take into account studies providing a semantic and pragmatic analysis of the relevant lexical and grammatical categories of the Ukrainian language.

4. Expression of deontic modality in the text of the Agreement The first matter that should be clarified concerns the variability of lexical and morpho-syntactic constructions with imperfective verbs used to express the three categories of deontic modality in the Agreement. I shall examine the full range of verbal constructions and their use by referring to Revolution, which brought to power the pro-European government on 27 February 2014 as a result of a complex socio-political situation in Ukraine in 2014, cf. Sapper/Weichsel (2014) and Plokhy (2015, 337). On 21 March 2014, the new Prime Minister of Ukraine, Arsenij Yatseniuk, signed the political part of the Agreement. Elected President in the elections of 25 May 2014, Petro Poroshenko signed the full text of the Agreement on 27 June 2014 in Brussels. The Agreement was simultaneously ratified by the European Parliament and the Ukrainian Parliament in Kiev on 16 September 2014.

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two verb pairs ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɢ / ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢ (ensure) and ɧɚɞɚɬɢ / ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ (provide). These verbs can be considered representative of the entire set of data, since they are extremely productive in the genre of Agreement, which can be accounted for by their high morpho-syntactic variability and wide semantic compatibility.

4.1. Convenience sampling: the verb pairs ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɢ / ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢ (ensure) and ɧɚɞɚɬɢ / ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ (provide) 4.1.1. Present form constructions Of all tense forms of a verb, the present form is the most productive. Temporal meaning, however, here takes second place to the modal meaning, which in this case is deontic rather than deictic. In our corpus the most frequent sentence containing a main verb in the present is used to imply obligation. Nevertheless, though it is less common, this structure is used also in the formulation of prohibitive norms. The typical sentence type with the deontic value of obligation contains a verb in the present followed by a direct object. The verb ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢ ‘ensure’ and other similar verbs may occur in complex sentences, where the main verb is used in the main clause, while the obligation is implied in the subsequent dependent clause introduced by ɳɨɛ (that, so as, in order to). (1)

Obligation:

ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɽ ensure-PRS.1SG

ɍɤɪɚʀɧɚ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɽ, ɳɨɛ ɿɫɧɭɸɱɿ ɡɚɤɨɧɢ ɬɚ ɦɚɣɛɭɬɧɽ ɡɚɤɨɧɨɞɚɜɫɬɜɨ ɩɨɫɬɭɩɨɜɨ ɞɨɫɹɝɥɢ ɫɭɦɿɫɧɨɫɬɿ ɡ acquis ȯɋ. Ukraine shall ensure that its existing laws and future legislation will be gradually made compatible with the EU acquis. (2)

Obligation:

ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɸɬɶ ensure-PRS.3SG

ɋɬɨɪɨɧɢ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɸɬɶ ɿɦɩɥɟɦɟɧɬɚɰɿɸ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɢɯ ɦɿɠɧɚɪɨɞɧɢɯ ɫɬɚɧɞɚɪɬɿɜ, ɡɨɤɪɟɦɚ ɫɬɚɧɞɚɪɬɿɜ Ƚɪɭɩɢ ɡ ɪɨɡɪɨɛɤɢ ɮɿɧɚɧɫɨɜɢɯ ɡɚɯɨɞɿɜ ɛɨɪɨɬɶɛɢ ɡ ɜɿɞɦɢɜɚɧɧɹɦ ɝɪɨɲɟɣ ɬɚ ɮɿɧɚɧɫɭɜɚɧɧɹɦ ɬɟɪɨɪɢɡɦɭ (ɎȺɌɎ) ɬɚ ɫɬɚɧɞɚɪɬɿɜ, ɪɿɜɧɨɡɧɚɱɧɢɯ ɬɢɦ, ɹɤɿ ɛɭɥɢ ɩɪɢɣɧɹɬɿ ȯɜɪɨɩɟɣɫɶɤɢɦ ɋɨɸɡɨɦ;

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The Parties shall ensure implementation of relevant international standards, in particular those of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and standards equivalent to those adopted by the Union. (3)

Obligation:

ɧɚɞɚɽ provide-PRS.1SG

ɋɬɨɪɨɧɚ, ɳɨ ɟɤɫɩɨɪɬɭɽ, ɡɚ ɡɚɩɢɬɨɦ ɿɧɲɨʀ ɋɬɨɪɨɧɢ ɧɚɞɚɽ ɩɿɞɬɜɟɪɞɠɟɧɧɹ, ɳɨ ɪɿɡɧɿ ɰɿɧɢ ɧɚ ɨɞɧɚɤɨɜɿ ɟɧɟɪɝɟɬɢɱɧɿ ɬɨɜɚɪɢ, ɹɤɿ ɩɪɨɞɚɸɬɶɫɹ ɧɚ ɜɧɭɬɪɿɲɧɶɨɦɭ ɪɢɧɤɭ ɿ ɟɤɫɩɨɪɬɭɸɬɶɫɹ ɧɟ ɽ ɪɟɡɭɥɶɬɚɬɨɦ ɡɚɛɨɪɨɧɟɧɢɯ ɡɚɯɨɞɿɜ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɨ ɞɨ ɩɭɧɤɬɭ 1 ɰɿɽʀ ɫɬɚɬɬɿ. The exporting Party shall at the request of the other Party provide evidence that a different price for the same energy goods sold on the domestic market and for export does not result from a measure prohibited by paragraph 1 of this Article. (4)

Obligation:

ɧɚɞɚɸɬɶ provide-PRS.3SG

ɋɬɨɪɨɧɢ ɧɚɞɚɸɬɶ ɜɢɤɨɧɚɜɰɹɦ ɜɢɤɥɸɱɧɟ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɞɨɡɜɨɥɹɬɢ ɚɛɨ ɡɚɛɨɪɨɧɹɬɢ ɟɮɿɪɧɟ ɦɨɜɥɟɧɧɹ ɛɟɡɞɪɨɬɨɜɢɦɢ ɡɚɫɨɛɚɦɢ ɿ ɨɩɪɢɥɸɞɧɟɧɧɹ ɫɜɨʀɯ ɜɢɤɨɧɚɧɶ, ɡɚ ɜɢɧɹɬɤɨɦ ɜɢɩɚɞɤɭ, ɤɨɥɢ ɩɟɪɟɞɚɱɿ ɜɢɤɨɧɚɧɧɹ ɡɞɿɣɫɧɸɽɬɶɫɹ ɩɿɞ ɱɚɫ ɟɮɿɪɧɨɝɨ ɦɨɜɥɟɧɧɹ ɚɛɨ ɽ ɜɿɞɬɜɨɪɟɧɧɹɦ ɡɚɩɢɫɭ. The Parties shall provide performers with the exclusive right to authorise or prohibit the broadcasting by wireless means and the communication to the public of their performances, except where the performance is itself already a broadcast performance or is made from a fixation.

Judging from the above examples, it can be concluded that these verbs are productive in both singular (attachment 1 and 3) and plural forms (att. 2 and 4). Another deontic category, that of prohibition, is relatively infrequently expressed by the present tense structure in the corpus. The present tense verb in such sentences is preceded by ɧɟ (not), as in the following instance: (5)

Prohibition:

ɧɟ ɧɚɞɚɽɬɶɫɹ not provide-PRS.1SG.REFL

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Ɉɯɨɪɨɧɚ ɡɝɿɞɧɨ ɡ ɰɿɽɸ ɍɝɨɞɨɸ ɧɟ ɧɚɞɚɽɬɶɫɹ ɤɨɦɩ’ɸɬɟɪɧɢɦ ɩɪɨɝɪɚɦɚɦ, ɳɨ ɜɢɤɨɪɢɫɬɨɜɭɸɬɶɫɹ ɩɪɢ ɫɬɜɨɪɟɧɧɿ ɚɛɨ ɮɭɧɤɰɿɨɧɭɜɚɧɧɹ ɛɚɡ ɞɚɧɢɯ, ɞɨɫɬɭɩɧɢɯ ɡɚ ɞɨɩɨɦɨɝɨɸ ɟɥɟɤɬɪɨɧɧɢɯ ɡɚɫɨɛɿɜ. Protection under this Agreement shall not apply to computer programs used in the making or operation of databases accessible by electronic means.

It should be mentioned, however, that in example (5) the verb form is reflexive, in contrasts with the English version, where another lexical item corresponding to ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ (‘apply’) is used. 4.1.2. Future forms constructions The second most frequent sentence structure for implying obligation contains forms of the future tense. First, we will consider the use of the future tense form of perfective aspect verbs. As mentioned previously there is only one possible form for these verbs. The future form of the perfective verbs expresses only obligation in the corpus. The synthetic future form for the perfective verb ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɢ (9 occurrences) and the synthetic future form for the perfective verb ɧɚɞɚɬɢ (4 occurrences) are exemplified in the following quotations: (6)

Obligation:

ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɶ ensure-PFV.FUT.1SG

ɍɤɪɚʀɧɚ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɶ ɩɨɫɬɭɩɨɜɟ ɩɪɢɜɟɞɟɧɧɹ ɭ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɿɫɬɶ ɫɜɨʀɯ ɱɢɧɧɢɯ ɡɚɤɨɧɿɜ ɬɚ ɦɚɣɛɭɬɧɶɨɝɨ ɡɚɤɨɧɨɞɚɜɫɬɜɚ ɞɨ acquis ȯɋ. Ukraine shall ensure that its existing laws and future legislation will be gradually made compatible with the EU acquis. (7)

Obligation:

ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɚɬɶ ensure-PFV.FUT.3SG

ɍɤɪɚʀɧɚ ɬɚ ɋɬɨɪɨɧɚ ȯɋ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɚɬɶ ɡɚɝɚɥɶɧɨɞɨɫɬɭɩɧɭ ɟɥɟɤɬɪɨɧɧɭ ɛɚɡɭ ɞɚɧɢɯ ɡɚɹɜɨɤ ɧɚ ɬɨɪɝɨɜɟɥɶɧɿ ɦɚɪɤɢ ɬɚ ɿɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɿʀ ɩɪɨ ɪɟɽɫɬɪɚɰɿɸ ɬɨɪɝɨɜɟɥɶɧɢɯ ɦɚɪɨɤ. The EU Party and Ukraine shall provide a publicly available electronic database of trade-mark applications and trade-mark registrations.

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283

ɧɚɞɚɫɬɶ provide-PFV.FUT.1SG

ɍɤɪɚʀɧɚ ɧɚɞɚɫɬɶ ɞɨɫɬɭɩ ɞɨ ɩɪɨɰɟɞɭɪ ɭɤɥɚɞɟɧɧɹ ɤɨɧɬɪɚɤɬɿɜ ɤɨɦɩɚɧɿɹɦ ɋɬɨɪɨɧɢ ȯɋ – ɡɚɫɧɨɜɚɧɢɦ ɹɤ ɜ ɦɟɠɚɯ, ɬɚɤ ɿ ɩɨɡɚ ɦɟɠɚɦɢ ɍɤɪɚʀɧɢ – ɭ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɨɫɬɿ ɿɡ ɧɚɰɿɨɧɚɥɶɧɢɦɢ ɩɪɚɜɢɥɚɦɢ ɞɟɪɠɚɜɧɢɯ ɡɚɤɭɩɿɜɟɥɶ ɧɚ ɭɦɨɜɚɯ ɧɟ ɦɟɧɲ ɫɩɪɢɹɬɥɢɜɢɯ, ɧɿɠ ɬɿ, ɳɨ ɡɚɫɬɨɫɨɜɭɸɬɶɫɹ ɞɨ ɭɤɪɚʀɧɫɶɤɢɯ ɤɨɦɩɚɧɿɣ. Ukraine shall grant access to contract award procedures for EU Party companies – whether established or not in Ukraine – pursuant to national procurement rules under treatment no less favourable than that accorded to Ukrainian companies. (9)

Obligation:

ɧɚɞɚɞɭɬɶ provide-PFV.FUT.3SG

ɍɤɪɚʀɧɚ ɬɚ ɋɬɨɪɨɧɚ ȯɋ ɧɚɞɚɞɭɬɶ ɬɚɤɨɠ ɦɨɠɥɢɜɿɫɬɶ ɡɚɹɜɢɬɢ ɡɚɩɟɪɟɱɟɧɧɹ ɩɪɨɬɢ ɩɨɞɚɧɢɯ ɡɚɹɜɨɤ ɧɚ ɪɟɽɫɬɪɚɰɿɸ ɬɨɪɝɨɜɟɥɶɧɨʀ ɦɚɪɤɢ. The EU Party and Ukraine shall also introduce the possibility to oppose trade-mark applications. Such opposition proceedings shall be adversarial.

It is important to note that, from the grammatical point of view, in all the examples provided both perfective aspect and imperfective aspect-type verbs are acceptable. However, it is the perfective aspect form that implies greater confidence in the future fulfilment of the obligation by the parties. Now we will consider the use of future tense forms of imperfective aspect verbs. The synthetic future form is more frequent both for the imperfective verb ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢ (12 occurrences) and for the imperfective verb ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ (7 occurrences), as shown in the following quotations: (10) Obligation:

ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢɦɟ ensure-IPFV.FUT.1SG

ɍɤɪɚʀɧɚ ɭ ɩɨɜɧɨɦɭ ɨɛɫɹɡɿ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢɦɟ ɭɱɚɫɬɶ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɢɯ ɧɚɰɿɨɧɚɥɶɧɢɯ ɨɪɝɚɧɿɜ ɭ ɽɜɪɨɩɟɣɫɶɤɢɯ ɬɚ ɦɿɠɧɚɪɨɞɧɢɯ ɨɪɝɚɧɿɡɚɰɿɹɯ ɡɿ ɫɬɚɧɞɚɪɬɢɡɚɰɿʀ, ɡɚɤɨɧɨɞɚɜɱɨʀ ɬɚ ɮɭɧɞɚɦɟɧɬɚɥɶɧɨʀ ɦɟɬɪɨɥɨɝɿʀ, ɨɰɿɧɤɢ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɨɫɬɿ, ɭ ɬɨɦɭ ɱɢɫɥɿ ɡ ɚɤɪɟɞɢɬɚɰɿʀ, ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɨ ɞɨ ɫɮɟɪɢ ʀʀ ɞɿɹɥɶɧɨɫɬɿ ɬɚ ɫɬɚɬɭɫɭ ɱɥɟɧɫɬɜɚ ɭ ɰɢɯ ɨɪɝɚɧɿɡɚɰɿɹɯ.

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Ukraine shall ensure that its relevant national bodies participate fully in the European and international organisations for standardisation, legal and fundamental metrology, and conformity assessment including accreditation in accordance with its area of activity and the membership status available to it. (11) Obligation:

ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢɦɭɬɶ ensure-IPFV.FUT.3SG

ɋɬɨɪɨɧɢ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢɦɭɬɶ ɡɚɫɬɨɫɭɜɚɧɧɹ ɞɨ ɬɚɤɢɯ ɩɿɞɩɪɢɽɦɫɬɜ ɡɚɤɨɧɨɞɚɜɫɬɜɚ ɩɪɨ ɤɨɧɤɭɪɟɧɰɿɸ, ɧɚ ɹɤɟ ɩɨɫɢɥɚɽɬɶɫɹ ɫɬɚɬɬɹ 253(2) ɰɿɽʀ ɍɝɨɞɢ the Parties shall ensure that such enterprises are subject to the competition laws referred to in Article 253(2) of this Agreement (12) Obligation:

ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢɦɟɬɶɫɹ provide-IPFV.FUT.1SG.REFL

ɍɤɪɚʀɧɚ ɨɬɪɢɦɭɜɚɬɢɦɟ ɮɿɧɚɧɫɨɜɭ ɞɨɩɨɦɨɝɭ ɱɟɪɟɡ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɿ ɦɟɯɚɧɿɡɦɢ ɬɚ ɿɧɫɬɪɭɦɟɧɬɢ ɮɿɧɚɧɫɭɜɚɧɧɹ ȯɋ. Ɏɿɧɚɧɫɨɜɚ ɞɨɩɨɦɨɝɚ ɫɩɪɢɹɬɢɦɟ ɞɨɫɹɝɧɟɧɧɸ ɰɿɥɟɣ ɰɿɽʀ ɍɝɨɞɢ ɬɚ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢɦɟɬɶɫɹ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɨ ɞɨ ɧɚɫɬɭɩɧɢɯ ɫɬɚɬɟɣ ɰɿɽʀ ɍɝɨɞɢ. Ukraine shall benefit from financial assistance through the relevant EU funding mechanisms and instruments. Such financial assistance will contribute to achieving the objectives of this Agreement and will be provided in accordance with the following Articles of this Agreement. (13) Obligation:

ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢɦɭɬɶ provide-IPFV.FUT.3PL

ɋɬɨɪɨɧɢ ɡɞɿɣɫɧɸɜɚɬɢɦɭɬɶ ɫɩɿɥɶɧɿ ɡɚɯɨɞɢ, ɨɛɦɿɧɸɜɚɬɢɦɭɬɶɫɹ ɿɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɿɽɸ ɬɚ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢɦɭɬɶ ɨɞɧɚ ɨɞɧɿɣ ɩɿɞɬɪɢɦɤɭ ɡ ɦɟɬɨɸ ɡɚɨɯɨɱɟɧɧɹ […] The Parties shall take joint actions, exchange information and provide support to each other in order to promote […]

By contrast, the analytical form for the imperfective verbs occurs far less frequently. The analytical form for the imperfective verb ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢ appears in only one case. Here the sentence expresses another deontic category, that of prohibition. The structure is auxiliary

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verb ɛɭɞɟ preceded by ɧɟ (not) and followed by the infinitives of two main verbs: (14) Prohibition:

ɧɟ not

ɛɭɞɟ be-AUX.1SG

ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢ ensure-IPFV.INF

əɤɳɨ ɪɟɝɭɥɸɸɱɟ ɜɿɞɨɦɫɬɜɨ ɞɿɣɞɟ ɜɢɫɧɨɜɤɭ, ɳɨ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɢɣ ɪɢɧɨɤ ɽ ɞɿɣɫɧɨ ɤɨɧɤɭɪɟɧɬɧɢɦ, ɜɨɧɨ ɧɟ ɛɭɞɟ ɜɫɬɚɧɨɜɥɸɜɚɬɢ ɚɛɨ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢ ɠɨɞɧɿ ɪɟɝɭɥɹɬɨɪɧɿ ɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɤɢ, ɡɚɡɧɚɱɟɧɿ ɜ ɫɬɚɬɬɿ 118 ɰɿɽʀ ɍɝɨɞɢ. Where the regulatory authority concludes that the market is effectively competitive it shall not impose or maintain any of the regulatory obligations referred to in Article 118 of this Agreement.

The analytical form for the imperfective verb ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ appears in only three cases. In two instances with the semantic value of prediction, as in the following example: (15) Obligation:

ɛɭɞɟ be-AUX.1SG

ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ provide-IPFV.INF

ȯɜɪɨɩɟɣɫɶɤɚ Ʉɨɦɿɫɿɹ ɩɨɜɿɞɨɦɥɹɽ ɍɤɪɚʀɧɭ ɛɟɡ ɧɟɜɢɩɪɚɜɞɚɧɨʀ ɡɚɬɪɢɦɤɢ ɩɪɨ ɛɭɞɶ-ɹɤɿ ɡɦɿɧɢ ɭ acquis ȯɋ. Ʉɨɦɿɫɿɹ ɛɭɞɟ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɿ ɤɨɧɫɭɥɶɬɚɰɿʀ ɬɚ ɬɟɯɧɿɱɧɭ ɞɨɩɨɦɨɝɭ ɡ ɦɟɬɨɸ ɜɩɪɨɜɚɞɠɟɧɧɹ ɬɚɤɢɯ ɡɦɿɧ. The European Commission shall notify without undue delay Ukraine of any modifications of the EU acquis. It will provide appropriate advice and technical assistance for the purpose of implementing such modifications.

Another reason for the occurrence of the analytical form is its use in very frequent elliptical structures, when the auxiliary verb ɛɭɞɟ (will) is followed by more than one main verb, as follows: (16) Obligation:

ɛɭɞɟ be-AUX.1SG

ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ provide-IPFV.INF

ɉiɞɤɨɦɿɬɟɬ ɡ ɩɢɬɚɧɶ ɦɢɬɧɨɝɨ ɫɩɿɜɪɨɛɿɬɧɢɰɬɜɚ ɛɭɞɟ, inter alia: (a) ɫɬɟɠɢɬɢ ɡɚ ɧɚɥɟɠɧɢɦ ɡɚɫɬɨɫɭɜɚɧɧɹɦ ɰɿɽʀ Ƚɥɚɜɢ, ɚ ɬɚɤɨɠ ɉɪɨɬɨɤɨɥɿɜ ʋ1 ɬɚ 2 ɞɨ ɰɿɽʀ ɍɝɨɞɢ; (b) ɩɪɢɣɦɚɬɢ ɪɿɲɟɧɧɹ ɳɨɞɨ ɡɚɯɨɞɿɜ ɿ ɩɪɚɤɬɢɱɧɢɯ ɤɪɨɤɿɜ ɫɬɨɫɨɜɧɨ ɿɦɩɥɟɦɟɧɬɚɰɿʀ ɰɿɽʀ Ƚɥɚɜɢ ɿ ɉɪɨɬɨɤɨɥɿɜ ʋ1 ɬɚ 2 ɞɨ ɰɿɽʀ ɍɝɨɞɢ, ɜ ɬɨɦɭ ɱɢɫɥɿ ɳɨɞɨ ɨɛɦɿɧɭ ɿɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɿɽɸ ɬɚ ɞɚɧɢɦɢ,

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ɜɡɚɽɦɧɨɝɨ ɜɢɡɧɚɧɧɹ ɦɢɬɧɨɝɨ ɤɨɧɬɪɨɥɸ ɬɚ ɩɪɨɝɪɚɦ ɬɨɪɝɨɜɨɝɨ ɩɚɪɬɧɟɪɫɬɜɚ ɿ ɜɡɚɽɦɧɨ ɭɡɝɨɞɠɟɧɢɯ ɜɢɝɨɞ; (c) ɨɛɦɿɧɸɜɚɬɢɫɹ ɞɭɦɤɚɦɢ ɡ ɛɭɞɶ-ɹɤɨɝɨ ɩɢɬɚɧɧɹ, ɳɨ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɥɹɽ ɜɡɚɽɦɧɢɣ ɿɧɬɟɪɟɫ, ɭ ɬɨɦɭ ɱɢɫɥɿ ɳɨɞɨ ɦɚɣɛɭɬɧɿɯ ɡɚɯɨɞɿɜ ɬɚ ɪɟɫɭɪɫɿɜ ɞɥɹ ɧɢɯ; (d) ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ ɪɟɤɨɦɟɧɞɚɰɿʀ, ɞɟ ɰɟ ɽ ɧɟɨɛɯɿɞɧɨ The Customs Sub-Committee shall inter alia: (a) see to the proper functioning of this Chapter and of Protocols 1 and 2 to this Agreement; (b) decide measures and practical arrangements for implementing this Chapter and Protocols 1 and 2 to this Agreement including on exchange of information and data, mutual recognition of customs controls and trade partnership programmes, and mutually agreed benefits; (c) exchange views on any points of common interest, including future measures and the resources for them; (d) make recommendations where appropriate

Obviously, the use of an analytical form in articles laying down a long list of obligations implied by an infinitive of a main verb maintains textual cohesion and coherence. 4.1.3. Modal and periphrastic constructions The deontic value of obligation, prohibition or permission is made more explicit by use of sentence structures containing modal markers of deontic necessity and possibility. There is a wide range of deontic auxiliaries found in the corpus: verbs ɦɨɝɬɢ, ɦɚɬɢ, ɞɨɡɜɨɥɹɬɢ(ɫɹ), ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɭɜɚɬɢɫɹ etc., modal adverbs ɦɨɠɧɚ, ɧɟɨɛɯiɞɧɨ, ɩɨɜɢɧɧɨ, ɩɨɬɪiɛɧɨ, ɫɥiɞ, modal predicatives ɩɨɜɢɧɟɧ/ɚ/ɟ/i, ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧɢɣ/ɚ/e/i, nouns ɦɨɠɥɢɜiɫɬɶ, ɩɨɜɧɨɜɚɠɟɧɧɹ, ɩɪɚɜɨ, ɞɨɡɜiɥ, ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧɧɹ, ɜɢɦɨɝɚ, ɩɨɬɪɟɛɚ, etc. The modal structures with the verbs ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢ/ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɢ and ɧɚɞɚɬɢ/ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ containing such markers also occur very frequently in the corpus, as can be seen in the following examples: (17) Obligation:

ɦɚɽ have-PRS.1SG

ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɢ ensure-PF.INF

Ʉɨɦɿɬɟɬ ɡ ɩɢɬɚɧɶ ɬɨɪɝɿɜɥɿ ɦɚɽ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɢ, ɳɨɛ ɡɝɚɞɚɧɢɣ ɫɩɢɫɨɤ ɡɚɜɠɞɢ ɩɿɞɬɪɢɦɭɜɚɜɫɹ ɧɚ ɡɚɡɧɚɱɟɧɨɦɭ ɪɿɜɧɿ.

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The Trade Committee shall ensure that the list is always maintained at this level. (18) Obligation:

ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɭɸɬɶɫɹ obligate-PRS.PL.REFL

ɋɬɨɪɨɧɢ ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɭɸɬɶɫɹ ɨɛɫɬɚɜɢɧ ɫɩɪɚɜɢ.

ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɢ ensure-PF.INF

ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɢ

ɧɚɥɟɠɧɢɣ

ɪɨɡɝɥɹɞ

The Parties shall ensure that the merits of the case are duly taken into account. (19) Obligation:

ɦɚɸɬɶ have-PRS.3PL

ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ ensure-IPFV.INF

ɍ ɪɚɦɤɚɯ ɧɚɛɥɢɠɟɧɧɹ ɡɚɤɨɧɨɞɚɜɫɬɜɚ, ɹɤ ɜɢɡɧɚɱɟɧɨ ɭ ɫɬɚɬɬɿ 64 ɰɿɽʀ ɍɝɨɞɢ, ɚɛɨ ɜɢɡɧɚɱɟɧɧɹ ɟɤɜɿɜɚɥɟɧɬɧɨɫɬɿ, ɹɤ ɜɢɡɧɚɱɟɧɨ ɭ ɫɬɚɬɬɿ 66 ɰɿɽʀ ɍɝɨɞɢ, ɋɬɨɪɨɧɢ ɦɚɸɬɶ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ ɿɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɿɸ ɳɨɞɨ ɡɚɤɨɧɨɞɚɜɫɬɜɚ ɬɚ ɿɧɲɢɯ ɩɪɨɰɟɫɭɚɥɶɧɢɯ ɡɦɿɧ, ɩɪɢɣɧɹɬɢɯ ɡ ɰɢɯ ɩɢɬɚɧɶ. In the framework of approximation of legislation as referred to in Article 64 or of determination of equivalence as referred to in Article 66 of this Agreement, the Parties shall keep each other informed of legislative and other procedural changes adopted in the areas concerned.

To increase performative value, the modal or periphrastic expression often contains temporal and modal nouns and adverbs, as in the following instance: (20) Obligation: ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧɿ obligate-PTCP.PST.PL.3SG

ɧɟɜɿɞɤɥɚɞɧɨ promptly

ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ ensure-IPFV.INF

Ɍɚɤɿ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɱɿ ɩɨɫɥɭɝ ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧɿ ɧɟɜɿɞɤɥɚɞɧɨ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ ɬɚɤɭ ɿɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɿɸ ɡɚ ɡɚɩɢɬɨɦ ɬɚ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɨ ɞɨ ɜɢɡɧɚɱɟɧɢɯ ɬɟɪɦɿɧɿɜ ɬɚ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɨɝɨ ɪɿɜɧɹ ɞɟɬɚɥɿɡɚɰɿɣ ɜɫɬɚɧɨɜɥɟɧɢɯ ɪɟɝɭɥɸɸɱɢɦ ɜɿɞɨɦɫɬɜɨɦ. These service suppliers shall provide such information promptly on request and to the timescales and level of detail required by the regulatory authority.

Chapter Thirteen

288 (21) Obligation: ɦɚɽ ɛɟɡ

ɡɚɬɪɢɦɤɢ have-PRS.3SG

ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ without delay

ensure-IPFV.INF

ɍɤɪɚʀɧɚ ɦɚɽ ɛɟɡ ɡɚɬɪɢɦɤɢ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ ɳɨɦɿɫɹɱɧɭ ɫɬɚɬɢɫɬɢɱɧɭ ɿɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɿɸ ɳɨɞɨ ɡɚɝɚɥɶɧɢɯ ɨɛɫɹɝɿɜ (ɭ ɤɿɥɶɤɿɫɧɢɯ ɨɞɢɧɢɰɹɯ) ɿɦɩɨɪɬɭ ɬɨɜɚɪɭ, ɡɚɝɚɥɶɧɢɯ ɨɛɫɹɝɿɜ (ɜ ɤɿɥɶɤɿɫɧɢɯ ɨɞɢɧɢɰɹɯ) ɿɦɩɨɪɬɭ ɥɟɝɤɨɜɢɯ ɚɜɬɨɦɨɛɿɥɿɜ ɡ ɛɭɞɶ-ɹɤɢɯ ɞɠɟɪɟɥ ɬɚ ɳɨɞɨ ɩɟɪɜɢɧɧɢɯ ɪɟɽɫɬɪɚɰɿɣ ɥɟɝɤɨɜɢɯ ɚɜɬɨɦɨɛɿɥɿɜ ɜ ɍɤɪɚʀɧɿ. Ukraine shall provide without delay monthly statistics on the volume (in units) of imports of the product, the total volume (in units) of imports of passenger cars of any source and the new registrations of passenger cars in Ukraine. (22) Obligation: ɦɚɽ ɹɤɧɚɣɲɜɢɞɲɟ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ have-PRS.3SG as soon as possible ensure-IPFV.INF Ɂ ɰɿɽɸ ɦɟɬɨɸ ɍɤɪɚʀɧɚ ɦɚɽ ɹɤɧɚɣɲɜɢɞɲɟ ɩɨɜɿɞɨɦɥɹɬɢ ɋɬɨɪɨɧɭ ȯɋ ɭ ɩɢɫɶɦɨɜɿɣ ɮɨɪɦɿ ɫɬɨɫɨɜɧɨ ɧɚɦɿɪɭ ɡɚɫɬɨɫɭɜɚɬɢ ɬɚɤɿ ɡɚɯɨɞɢ ɬɚ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ ɜɫɸ ɪɟɥɟɜɚɧɬɧɭ ɿɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɿɸ, ɡɨɤɪɟɦɚ ɨɛɫɹɝɢ (ɭ ɤɿɥɶɤɿɫɧɢɯ ɨɞɢɧɢɰɹɯ) ɿɦɩɨɪɬɭ ɬɨɜɚɪɭ, ɚ ɬɚɤɨɠ ɡɚɝɚɥɶɧɿ ɨɛɫɹɝɢ (ɭ ɤɿɥɶɤɿɫɧɢɯ ɨɞɢɧɢɰɹɯ) ɿɦɩɨɪɬɭ ɥɟɝɤɨɜɢɯ ɚɜɬɨɦɨɛɿɥɿɜ ɡ ɛɭɞɶ-ɹɤɨɝɨ ɧɚɩɪɹɦɭ ɬɚ ɤɿɥɶɤɨɫɬɿ ɩɟɪɜɢɧɧɢɯ ɪɟɽɫɬɪɚɰɿɣ ɥɟɝɤɨɜɢɯ ɚɜɬɨɦɨɛɿɥɿɜ ɜ ɍɤɪɚʀɧɿ ɡɚ ɩɟɪɿɨɞ ɱɚɫɭ, ɡɚɡɧɚɱɟɧɢɣ ɭ ɩɭɧɤɬɿ 1 ɰɿɽʀ ɫɬɚɬɬɿ. To this end, Ukraine shall, as soon as possible, provide written notification to the EU Party of its intention to apply such a measure and provide all the pertinent information, including the volume (in units) of imports of the product, the total volume (in units) of imports of passenger cars of any source and the new registrations of passenger cars in Ukraine for the period referred to in paragraph 1 of this Article. Ukraine shall invite the EU Party for consultations as far in advance of taking such measure as practicable in order to discuss this information.

The performative value of such sentences is also increased when necessity adverbs such as ɧɟɨɛɯɿɞɧɨ are used as modal markers: (23) Obligation:

ɧɟɨɛɯɿɞɧɨ necessary-ADV

ɧɚɞɚɬɢ ensure-PFV.INF

ɉɿɫɥɹ ɧɚɞɚɧɧɹ ɨɫɬɚɧɧɶɨʀ ɿɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɿʀ ɡɚɿɧɬɟɪɟɫɨɜɚɧɢɦ (sic!) ɫɬɨɪɨɧɚɦ ɧɟɨɛɯɿɞɧɨ ɧɚɞɚɬɢ ɳɨɧɚɣɦɟɧɲɟ 10 ɞɧɿɜ ɞɥɹ ɧɚɞɚɧɧɹ ɤɨɦɟɧɬɚɪɿɜ

Deontic Modality in Legal Ukrainian

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After final disclosure, interested parties shall be given at least 10 days to make their comments.

By contrast, the impersonal modal marker ɫɥɿɞ can express a less strong obligation: (24) Obligation:

ɫɥɿɞ should-ADV

ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ ensure-IPFV.INF

Ɂɚ ɭɦɨɜɢ ɞɨɬɪɢɦɚɧɧɹ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɢɯ ɩɨɥɨɠɟɧɶ ɜɧɭɬɪɿɲɧɶɨɝɨ ɡɚɤɨɧɨɞɚɜɫɬɜɚ ɤɨɠɧɨʀ ɡɿ ɋɬɨɪɿɧ, ɋɬɨɪɨɧɚɦ ɫɥɿɞ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ ɩɟɪɟɜɚɝɭ ɰɿɧɨɜɢɦ ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧɧɹɦ, ɭ ɬɨɦɭ ɨɛɫɹɡɿ, ɜ ɹɤɨɦɭ ɜɨɧɢ ɨɬɪɢɦɚɥɢ ɚɞɟɤɜɚɬɧɿ ɩɪɨɩɨɡɢɰɿʀ ɜɿɞ ɟɤɫɩɨɪɬɟɪɿɜ, ɹɤɳɨ ɩɪɢɣɧɹɬɬɹ ɰɢɯ ɩɪɨɩɨɡɢɰɿɣ ɧɟ ɜɜɚɠɚɽɬɶɫɹ ɧɟɦɨɠɥɢɜɢɦ. Without prejudice to the relevant provisions of each Party’s internal legislation, the Parties should give preference to price undertakings, to the extent that they have received adequate offers by exporters and that the acceptance of these offers is not considered impractical.

The issue of aspectual competition within the verb pairs seems to be irrelevant in such constructions. The modal markers are used for both aspectual categories, as shown in the following absolutely identical examples: (25) Obligation:

ɩɨɜɢɧɧɿ must-3PL

ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢ IPFV.INF

ɩɨɜɢɧɧɿ must-3PL

ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɢ PFV.INF

Ɋɭɯ ɤɚɩɿɬɚɥɭ 1. ɓɨ ɫɬɨɫɭɽɬɶɫɹ ɨɩɟɪɚɰɿɣ ɧɚ ɪɚɯɭɧɤɭ ɨɩɟɪɚɰɿɣ ɡ ɤɚɩɿɬɚɥɨɦ ɬɚ ɮɿɧɚɧɫɨɜɨɦɭ ɪɚɯɭɧɤɭ ɩɥɚɬɿɠɧɨɝɨ ɛɚɥɚɧɫɭ, ɬɨ ɡ ɞɚɬɢ ɧɚɛɪɚɧɧɹ ɱɢɧɧɨɫɬɿ ɰɿɽɸ ɍɝɨɞɨɸ ɋɬɨɪɨɧɢ ɩɨɜɢɧɧɿ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢ ɜɿɥɶɧɢɣ ɪɭɯ ɤɚɩɿɬɚɥɭ, ɩɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧɨɝɨ ɡ ɧɚɞɯɨɞɠɟɧɧɹɦ ɩɪɹɦɢɯ ɿɧɜɟɫɬɢɰɿɣ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɨ ɞɨ ɡɚɤɨɧɨɞɚɜɫɬɜɚ ɩɪɢɣɦɚɸɱɨʀ ɤɪɚʀɧɢ ɬɚ ɿɧɜɟɫɬɭɜɚɧɧɹɦ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɨ ɞɨ ɩɨɥɨɠɟɧɶ Ƚɥɚɜɢ 6 «Ɂɚɫɧɭɜɚɧɧɹ ɩɿɞɩɪɢɽɦɧɢɰɶɤɨʀ ɞɿɹɥɶɧɨɫɬɿ, ɬɨɪɝɿɜɥɹ ɩɨɫɥɭɝɚɦɢ ɬɚ ɟɥɟɤɬɪɨɧɧɚ ɬɨɪɝɿɜɥɹ» Ɋɨɡɞɿɥɭ IV ɰɿɽʀ ɍɝɨɞɢ ɬɚ ɜɢɩɥɚɬɢ ɚɛɨ ɪɟɩɚɬɪɿɚɰɿʀ ɰɢɯ ɿɧɜɟɫɬɨɜɚɧɢɯ ɤɚɩɿɬɚɥɿɜ ɬɚ ɛɭɞɶ-ɹɤɨɝɨ ɩɪɢɛɭɬɤɭ, ɨɬɪɢɦɚɧɨɝɨ ɡ ɧɢɯ. 2. ɓɨ ɫɬɨɫɭɽɬɶɫɹ ɿɧɲɢɯ ɨɩɟɪɚɰɿɣ ɧɚ ɪɚɯɭɧɤɭ ɨɩɟɪɚɰɿɣ ɡ ɤɚɩɿɬɚɥɨɦ ɿ ɮɿɧɚɧɫɨɜɨɦɭ ɪɚɯɭɧɤɭ ɩɥɚɬɿɠɧɨɝɨ ɛɚɥɚɧɫɭ, ɡ ɞɚɬɢ

290

Chapter Thirteen ɧɚɛɪɚɧɧɹ ɱɢɧɧɨɫɬɿ ɰɿɽɸ ɍɝɨɞɨɸ ɿ ɛɟɡ ɲɤɨɞɢ ɞɥɹ ɿɧɲɢɯ ɩɨɥɨɠɟɧɶ ɰɿɽʀ ɍɝɨɞɢ, ɋɬɨɪɨɧɢ ɩɨɜɢɧɧɿ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɢ: a) ɜɿɥɶɧɢɣ ɪɭɯ ɤɚɩɿɬɚɥɭ ɩɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧɢɣ ɡ ɧɚɞɚɧɧɹɦ ɤɪɟɞɢɬɿɜ, ɹɤɿ ɫɬɨɫɭɸɬɶɫɹ ɬɨɪɝɨɜɟɥɶɧɢɯ ɨɩɟɪɚɰɿɣ, ɚɛɨ ɡ ɧɚɞɚɧɧɹɦ ɩɨɫɥɭɝ, ɜ ɹɤɢɯ ɛɟɪɟ ɭɱɚɫɬɶ ɪɟɡɢɞɟɧɬ ɨɞɧɿɽʀ ɿɡ ɋɬɨɪɿɧ, b) ɜɿɥɶɧɢɣ ɪɭɯ ɤɚɩɿɬɚɥɭ, ɩɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧɢɣ ɡ ɩɨɪɬɮɟɥɶɧɢɦɢ ɿɧɜɟɫɬɢɰɿɹɦɢ ɿ ɮɿɧɚɧɫɨɜɢɦɢ ɩɨɡɢɤɚɦɢ ɬɚ ɤɪɟɞɢɬɚɦɢ ɿɧɜɟɫɬɨɪɿɜ ɿɧɲɨʀ ɋɬɨɪɨɧɢ. Capital movements 1. With regard to transactions on the capital and financial account of balance of payments, from the entry into force of this Agreement, the Parties shall ensure the free movement of capital relating to direct investments made in accordance with the laws of the host country, to investments made in accordance with the provisions of Chapter 6 (Establishment, Trade in Services and Electronic Commerce) of Title IV of this Agreement and to the liquidation or repatriation of such invested capitals and of any profit stemming therefrom. 2. With regard to other transactions on the capital and financial account of balance of payments, from the entry into force of this Agreement and without prejudice to other provisions of this Agreement the Parties shall ensure: (a) the free movement of capital relating to credits related to commercial transactions or to the provision of services in which a resident of one of the Parties is participating; (b) the free movement of capital relating to portfolio investments and financial loans and credits by the investors of the other Party.

As regards the passive structures, only one case was found of the construction modal marker + predicative form ending in -no/-to of the verb ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɢ: (26) Obligation: ɩɨɜɢɧɧɨ ɛɭɬɢ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɟɧɨ must-IMPS essere-AUX.INF ensure-PTCP.PST.IMPS ɍ ɪɚɡɿ ɹɤɳɨ ɞɟɪɠɚɜɧɿ ɚɛɨ ɦɿɫɰɟɜɿ ɨɪɝɚɧɢ ɜɥɚɞɢ ɡɛɟɪɿɝɚɸɬɶ ɡɚ ɫɨɛɨɸ ɩɪɚɜɨ ɜɥɚɫɧɨɫɬɿ ɚɛɨ ɤɨɧɬɪɨɥɶ ɧɚɞ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɱɚɦɢ ɩɨɫɥɭɝ, ɹɤɿ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɸɬɶ ɤɨɦɭɧɿɤɚɰɿɣɧɿ ɦɟɪɟɠɿ ɡɚɝɚɥɶɧɨɝɨ ɤɨɪɢɫɬɭɜɚɧɧɹ ɬɚ/ɚɛɨ ɩɨɫɥɭɝɢ, ɩɨɜɢɧɧɨ ɛɭɬɢ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɟɧɨ ɟɮɟɤɬɢɜɧɟ ɫɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɧɟ ɜɿɞɨɤɪɟɦɥɟɧɧɹ ɮɭɧɤɰɿɣ ɧɚɞɚɧɧɹ ɩɪɚɜ ɞɨɫɬɭɩɭ ɜɿɞ ɞɿɹɥɶɧɨɫɬɿ, ɩɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧɨʀ ɿɡ ɩɪɚɜɨɦ ɜɥɚɫɧɨɫɬɿ ɚɛɨ ɤɨɧɬɪɨɥɟɦ. Where public or local authorities retain ownership or control of service suppliers operating public communications networks and/or services, effective structural separation needs to be ensured between

Deontic Modality in Legal Ukrainian

291

the function responsible for granting the rights of way from activities associated with ownership or control.

By contrast, the construction modal marker + passive infinitive of the imperfective reflexive verb occurs in the corpus more frequently, as in the following instances: (27) Obligation:

ɦɚɽ have-PRS.3SG

ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢɫɹ provide-IPFV.INF.REFL

ɉɟɪɟɜɚɝɚ ɦɚɽ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢɫɹ ɜɢɤɨɪɢɫɬɚɧɧɸ ɡɚɝɚɥɶɧɢɯ ɨɩɢɫɿɜ ɳɨɞɨ ɬɟɯɧɿɱɧɢɯ ɱɢ ɹɤɿɫɧɢɯ ɯɚɪɚɤɬɟɪɢɫɬɢɤ ɱɢ ɮɭɧɤɰɿɣ. Preference shall be given to the use of general descriptions of performance or functions. (28) Obligation:

ɩɨɜɢɧɧɿ must-3PL

ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢɫɹ provide-IPFV.INF.REFL

ɍ ɜɢɩɚɞɤɚɯ, ɤɨɥɢ ɚɩɟɥɹɰɿɣɧɚ ɭɫɬɚɧɨɜɚ ɧɟ ɩɪɢɣɦɚɽ ɡɚɤɨɧɨɞɚɜɱɨɝɨ ɪɿɲɟɧɧɹ, ɡɚɜɠɞɢ ɩɨɜɢɧɧɿ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢɫɹ ɩɢɫɶɦɨɜɿ ɩɨɹɫɧɟɧɧɹ ɬɚ ʀʀ ɪɿɲɟɧɧɹ ɬɚɤɨɠ ɛɭɞɭɬɶ ɨɛ’ɽɤɬɨɦ ɪɨɡɝɥɹɞɭ ɧɟɡɚɿɧɬɟɪɟɫɨɜɚɧɢɯ (sic!) ɬɚ ɧɟɡɚɥɟɠɧɢɯ ɸɪɢɞɢɱɧɢɯ ɨɪɝɚɧɿɜ. Where the appeal body is not judicial in character, written reasons for its decision shall always be given and its decisions shall also be subject to review by an impartial and independent judicial authority.

The most frequent construction used for expression of permission contains possibility marker + infinitive of the main verb, as in the following examples: (29) Permission:

ɦɨɠɟ can-PRS.3SG

ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ provide-IPFV.INF

Ȼɭɞɶ-ɹɤɚ ɿɡ ɋɬɨɪɿɧ ɦɨɠɟ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ ɿɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɿɸ ɩɪɨ ɪɟɡɭɥɶɬɚɬɢ ɩɟɪɟɜɿɪɨɤ ɬɚ ɜɢɫɧɨɜɤɢ ɩɿɞɬɜɟɪɞɠɟɧɧɹ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɨ ɞɨ ɩɭɧɤɬɭ 1(ɚ) ɰɿɽʀ ɫɬɚɬɬɿ ɬɪɟɬɿɦ ɋɬɨɪɨɧɚɦ, ɬɚ ɨɩɪɢɥɸɞɧɸɜɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɜɢɦɨɝɭ ɪɟɡɭɥɶɬɚɬɢ, ɹɤ ɬɨɝɨ ɦɨɠɭɬɶ ɜɢɦɚɝɚɬɢ ɩɨɥɨɠɟɧɧɹ, ɳɨ ɡɚɫɬɨɫɨɜɭɸɬɶɫɹ ɞɨ ɤɨɠɧɨʀ ɿɡ ɋɬɨɪɿɧ. Either Party may share the results of the verifications referred to in subparagraph 1(a) of this Article with third parties and make the results publicly available as may be required by provisions applicable to either Party.

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Typically, prohibition is conveyed by sentences in which the possibility marker is preceded by ɧɟ (not). The corpus presents no cases of prohibition with verbs ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢ / ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɢɬɢ (ensure, provide) and ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ / ɧɚɞɚɬɢ (give, provide). However, such phrases are very frequent with other main verbs, e.g.: (30) Prohibition:

ɧɟ not

ɦɨɠɟ can-PRS.3SG

ɬɥɭɦɚɱɢɬɢɫɹ interpret-IPFV.INF.REFL

ɀɨɞɧɟ ɩɨɥɨɠɟɧɧɹ ɰɿɽʀ Ƚɥɚɜɢ ɧɟ ɦɨɠɟ ɬɥɭɦɚɱɢɬɢɫɹ ɹɤ ɬɚɤɟ, ɳɨ ɧɟ ɞɨɡɜɨɥɹɽ ɋɬɨɪɨɧɿ, ɡɨɤɪɟɦɚ ʀʀ ɞɟɪɠɚɜɧɿ ɭɫɬɚɧɨɜɢ, ɟɤɫɤɥɸɡɢɜɧɨ ɡɞɿɣɫɧɸɜɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɫɜɨʀɣ ɬɟɪɢɬɨɪɿʀ ɜɢɞɢ ɞɿɹɥɶɧɨɫɬɿ ɚɛɨ ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ ɩɨɫɥɭɝɢ ɜɿɞ ɿɦɟɧɿ ɚɛɨ ɩɿɞ ɝɚɪɚɧɬɿʀ ɚɛɨ ɡ ɜɢɤɨɪɢɫɬɚɧɧɹɦ ɮɿɧɚɧɫɨɜɢɯ ɪɟɫɭɪɫɿɜ ɜɿɞɩɨɜɿɞɧɨʀ ɋɬɨɪɨɧɢ ɚɛɨ ʀʀ ɞɟɪɠɚɜɧɢɯ ɭɫɬɚɧɨɜ. Nothing in this Chapter shall be construed in such a way as to prevent a Party, including its public entities, from exclusively conducting or providing in its territory activities or services for the account of, or with the guarantee or using the financial resources of the Party, or its public entities.

Table 13-1 summarises the main types of morpho-syntactic and modal structures found in the examples provided, according to modality type. Modality type Obligation

Prohibition

Permission

Structure type Present Synthetic Future PFV Analytical Future IPFV Synthetic Future IPFV ɦɚɬɢ + INF ɩɨɜɢɧɟɧ + INF ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɭɜɚɬɢɫɹ+ INF ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɚɧɢɣ + INF ɧɟɨɛɯɿɞɧɨ + INF ɫɥɿɞ + INF ɩɨɜɢɧɧɨ + INF ɧɟ + Present ɧɟ + Future ɧɟ ɦɨɠɟ + INF ɦɨɠɟ + INF

English shall + INF shall + INF shall + INF shall + INF shall + INF shall + INF shall + INF shall + INF shall + INF shall + INF shall + INF shall not + INF shall not + INF shall not + INF may + INF

Table 13-1. Central structures according to modality types.

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4.2. Expression of deontic obligation through the use of the future tense: two competing forms A study by Šumarova (1979) expresses the view that the usage of the two forms in Ukrainian official discourse is uneven and dominated by the analytical form. In the official register (laws, regulations), the future tense forms are used very rarely. In the pursuit of univocacy in framing concepts, mostly analytical forms typical for the book style are found in Ukrainian texts. (Šumarova 1979, 78) (Author’s translation)

The use of the future tense forms is not common for legal language in general. However, in the light of our research purpose there is little point in discussing legal discourse as a whole. Genres of international and European law such as Convention, Treaty, and Directive, in which the fulfillment of an action lies in the future, provide sufficient material for a study of the future tense forms. There are doubts regarding the evaluation of the role of analytical forms as well. The only example cited in evidence is a legislative text from the Soviet period. It is interesting to note that another study by Sokolova and Šumarova (1988), which is, judging by the examples, based on a wide sample of data, expresses the opposite opinion regarding the synthetic future: The analyzed data indicate the opposite tendency. According to the results obtained, the frequency of synthetic forms is more typical of the modern Ukrainian official style. Synthetic forms prevail in the conventions, declarations, communiqués, addresses, protocols, and notes of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic’s Government, representing the activity of the Republic on the international scene. (Sokolova and Šumarova 1988, 108) (my translation)

This conclusion is confirmed by the data obtained in Goletiani 2014 from the corpus of international treaties of the post-Soviet period, concluded between Ukraine, the Russian Federation and other former Soviet republics. If, in 1992, the ratio of synthetic to analytical future was 1:4, then twenty years later the reverse is true. Judging by the 2012 sub-corpus, the synthetic future is used four times more often than the analytical future. This is strongly indicative of an expansion of the synthetic future in relation to the analytical future from 1992 to 2012, even in the texts where the interferential influence of the Russian language can be assumed. Since it is easier to eliminate interference factors, the data from the corpus under study appear to provide substantial evidence of the tendency. Table 13-2

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shows the frequency data of all imperfective verbs in the future tense in the text of the Agreement. Verb ɛɚɡɭɜɚɬɢɫɹ ɛɪɚɬɢ ɜɜɚɠɚɬɢ ɜɟɫɬɢ ɜɠɢɜɚɬɢ ɜiɞɛɭɜɚɬɢɫɹ ɜiɞɩɨɜiɞɚɬɢ ɜiɞɪiɡɧɹɬɢ ɜɢɜɱɚɬɢ ɜɢɤɨɪɢɫɬɨɜɭɜɚɬɢ ɜɢɡɧɚɜɚɬɢ ɜɢɡɧɚɱɚɬɢ ɜɢɦɚɝɚɬɢ ɜɢɪiɲɭɜɚɬɢ ɜɢɪɨɛɥɹɬɢ ɜɢɫɬɭɩɚɬɢ ɜɢɫɭɜɚɬɢ ɜɤɥɸɱɚɬɢ ɜɪɚɯɨɜɭɜɚɬɢ ɜɩɥɢɜɚɬɢ ɜɩɪɨɜɚɞɠɭɜɚɬɢ ɜɫɬɚɧɨɜɥɸɜɚɬɢ ɝɚɪɚɧɬɭɜɚɬɢ ɝɚɪɦɨɧiɡɭɜɚɬɢ ʉɪɭɧɬɭɜɚɬɢɫɹ ɞɢɫɤɪɢɦɿɧɭɜɚɬɢ ɞɨɡɜɨɥɹɬɢ ɞɨɤɥɚɞɚɬɢ (ɡɭɫɢɥɶ) ɞɨɦɨɜɥɹɬɢɫɹ ɞɨɬɪɢɦɭɜɚɬɢɫɹ ɡɚɛɟɡɩɟɱɭɜɚɬɢ ɡɚɜɚɠɚɬɢ ɡɚɡɧɚɱɚɬɢ(ɫɹ) ɡɚɥɟɠɚɬɢ ɡɚɥɢɲɚɬɢ(cɹ)

Corresponding English Items be based, take into account, respect, operate on the basis take consider, presume, regard, suspect conduct, lead, adopt, fulfil, take steps occur, take place, proceed be in accordance, be in the interest differentiate explore use, make use recognise identify, specify require, be subject address produce constitute impose include, cover, address take into account affect, impact transpose establish, impose guarantee, ensure harmonise be based discriminate permit make efforts, make attempt, strive, endeavour, agree comply, respect provide, ensure hinder indicate, be specify depend, be subject remain

AF 0

SF 4

0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 3 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 3 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 2

2 12 1 3 27 5 0 1 3 0 2 1 1 1 0 1 15 2 0 1 0 2 1 1 1 1 6

0 2 1 0 0 1 0

1 2 10 1 1 1 1

Deontic Modality in Legal Ukrainian Verb ɡɚɨɯɨɱɭɜɚɬɢ ɡɚɩɨɛiɝɚɬɢ ɡɚɩɪɨɜɚɞɠɭɜɚɬɢ ɡɚɫɬɨɫɨɜɭɜɚɬɢ ɡɛɟɪiɝɚɬɢ ɡɜiɬɭɜɚɬɢ ɡɞiɣɫɧɸɜɚɬɢ ɡɦiɰɧɸɜɚɬɢ ɡɧɚɯɨɞɢɬɢɫɶ ɡɨɫɟɪɟɞɠɭɜɚɬɢcɶ iɦɟɧɭɜɚɬɢɫɹ iɧɮɨɪɦɭɜɚɬɢ ɤɟɪɭɜɚɬɢ ɤɨɧɜɟɪɬɭɜɚɬɢ ɤɨɧɫɨɥiɞɭɜɚɬɢ ɤɨɧɫɭɥɶɬɭɜɚɬɢɫɹ ɤɨɪɢɫɬɭɜɚɬɢɫɹ ɤɨɨɪɞɢɧɭɜɚɬɢ ɦɚɬɢ ɧɚɛɥɢɠɭɜɚɬɢ ɧɚɛɢɪɚɬɢ (ɱɢɧɧɨɫɬɿ) ɧɚɞɚɜɚɬɢ ɧɚɦɚɝɚɬɢɫɹ ɨɛɦiɧɸɜɚɬɢ(ɫɹ) ɨɬɪɢɦɭɜɚɬɢ ɨɰiɧɸɜɚɬɢ(ɫɹ) ɨɯɨɩɥɸɜɚɬɢ ɩɟɪɟɜɚɠɚɬɢ ɩɟɪɟɞɛɚɱɚɬɢ ɩiɞɬɪɢɦɭɜɚɬɢ ɩɥɚɧɭɜɚɬɢ ɩɨɽɞɧɭɜɚɬɢ(ɫɹ) ɩɨɝɥɢɛɥɸɜɚɬɢ ɩɨɤɪɚɳɭɜɚɬɢ ɩɨɥiɩɲɭɜɚɬɢ ɩɨɫɢɥɸɜɚɬɢ ɩɨɬɪɟɛɭɜɚɬɢ ɩɨɲɢɪɸɜɚɬɢ(ɫɹ)

295

Corresponding English items encourage, promote prevent enact apply, follow maintain report conduct, curry out, endeavour, implement, provide, undertake step up, strengthen be available focus refer inform guide convert consolidate consult enjoy coordinate have approximate take effect

AF 0 0 0 6 0 0 3

SF 5 1 1 7 2 2 12

0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0

7 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 16 1 2

allow, make, pay endeavour, look to, seek, strive exchange benefit assess, evaluate cover prevail provide, include, introduce encourage, maintain, support plan be linked to strengthen enhance, improve improve strengthen, enhance require extend, promote

2 1 5 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1

7 4 7 1 1 4 0 4 6 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 3

296 Verb ɩɪɚɝɧɭɬɢ ɩɪɚɰɸɜɚɬɢ ɩɪɢɞiɥɹɬɢ (ɭɜɚɝɭ) ɩɪɢɜɨɞɢɬɢ ɩɪɢɣɦɚɬɢ ɩɪɨɜɨɞɢɬɢ(ɫɹ) ɩɪɨɞɨɜɠɭɜɚɬɢ ɪɟɚɝɭɜɚɬɢ ɪɟɝɭɥɸɜɚɬɢ ɪɨɡɜɢɜɚɬɢ ɪɨɡɝɥɹɞɚɬɢ ɧɟ ɪɨɡɝɨɥɨɲɭɜɚɬɢɫɹ ɪɨɡɩɨɜɫɸɞɠɭɜɚɬɢɫɶ ɪɨɡɪɚɯɨɜɭɜɚɬɢ ɪɨɡɪɨɛɥɹɬɢ ɪɨɡɲɢɪɸɜɚɬɢ ɫɤɚɫɨɜɭɜɚɬɢ ɫɤɥɚɞɚɬɢ ɫɥɭɝɭɜɚɬɢ ɫɩiɜɩɪɚɰɸɜɚɬɢ ɫɩɪɢɱɢɧɹɬɢ ɫɩɪɢɹɬɢ cɩɪɹɦɨɜɭɜɚɬɢ ɫɬɚɧɨɜɢɬɢ ɫɬɜɨɪɸɜɚɬɢ ɫɭɩɟɪɟɱɢɬɢ ɫɭɩɪɨɜɨɞɠɭɜɚɬɢ ɬɪɚɤɬɭɜɚɬɢɫɹ ɭɤɥɚɞɚɬɢ ɲɭɤɚɬɢ Total %

Chapter Thirteen Corresponding English Items aim, pursue work, serve focus, pay attention, place emphasis lead adopt, take hold, monitor, transact, take place continue address govern develop deal, regard remain confidential extend calculate develop expand withdraw be, be composed, consist serve cooperate, work together cause, entail contribute, foster, promote address, aim, direct be, constitute, underpin create, delay, establish contravene, be contrary accompany treat award, enter into agreement search

AF SF 0 2 0 1 0 4 0 1 2 1 1 3 0 2 1 0 0 1 0 13 2 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 4 0 1 2 11 0 1 2 21 0 8 0 3 1 2 0 2 0 2 0 2 0 2 0 1 57 313 15,4% 84,6%

Table 13-2. Occurrences of synthetic and analytical future forms of the imperfective verbs.

The data show that the frequency of the forms is 370, with 57 (15.4%) occurrences of the analytical form to 313 (84.6%) instances of the synthetic one.

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5. Evaluation of data These quantitative results suggest the following answer to the question of variability: the predicate rule, which formulates deontic obligations for the parties in the text of the Agreement is primarily expressed through the following personal constructs: 1) constructions with finite forms of the verb in the future tense, 2) constructions with finite forms of the verb in the present tense, 3) modal, modalised and periphrastic constructions As anticipated, the predominant structure is that with a present tense verb form. As for the future tense forms, the synthetic future form was nearly six times more frequent than the analytical one. The result removes any doubt that the dominant form of the future tense used to express deontic obligation in the genre of Agreement in modern Ukrainian is a synthetic future tense form. Further studies will show whether the analytical future tense form will be completely displaced; in any case, as shown by the examples, the analytical form may have certain advantages over the synthetic future tense form. The synthetic form is more convenient when a linking verb introduces a number of infinitives. In personal modal constructions, competition between the two modal markers ɩɨɜɢɧɟɧ and ɦɚɬɢ is apparent. No cases of the use of the modal verb ɦɭɫɢɬɢ have been observed. Despite the overall synonymy of all the three types of structures, it is only personal modal structures with explicitly expressed modality that are used for the strong expression of deontic modality. This is confirmed by the frequent use of predicates, enhancing the illocutionary force of obligations. As for non-personal modal constructions with such predicative words as ɧɚɥɟɠɢɬɶ, ɧɟɨɛɯiɞɧɨ, ɩɨɬɪiɛɧɨ, ɫɥiɞ, which are very productive in other legislative genres, they were infrequent in the Agreement. Not a single case of the use of the predicate ɬɪɟɛɚ has been observed. These results can probably be easily explained by peculiarities of the genre of the treaty. The logical subject of sentences formulating the deontic norm in this genre is clearly defined: the contracting parties to the agreement, making a number of commitments in order to achieve mutually beneficial results. They often serve as a grammatical subject (the Parties, each Party, the EU and Ukraine etc.). The same peculiarity of the genre is connected with the quite extensive use of periphrastic constructions, in which the verbs with the semantics of intentions, aspirations and mutually planned action are used as auxiliary verbs. The structures in which the deontic

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norm is expressed by nominalisation of a prescribed action should be the subject of separate consideration. The data of this corpus show that these are also widespread in legal writing in Ukrainian. Although the transformation of a verb structure into a nominalised one and vice versa is regular, these constructions are beyond verbal variability. Therefore, they cannot be the subject of analysis here, nor can aspect theory issues. However, the data obtained suggest, firstly, two kinds of competition, and secondly, that perfective verbs form periphrastic modal structures more actively, the latter appearing to be due to the aspectual meanings of perfective verbs: resultative verbs are more suited to stronger, explicitly expressed deontic modality.

6. Conclusion This analysis of deontic regulations in the Ukrainian text of the Association Agreement between the EU and the Republic of Ukraine, above all as far as the category of obligation is concerned, reveals the considerable variability of lexical and morpho-syntactic resources in Ukrainian as regards verbal constructions. Together with modal constructions, with ɩɨɜɢɧɟɧ (must) and ɦɚɬɢ (have to) and periphrastic ones with ɡɨɛɨɜ’ɹɡɭɜɚɬɢɫɹ (be obligated), constructions in the present and future tense of the verb are also frequently used. In verbs with an imperfective aspect this variability further increases thanks to the existence of two alternative forms of the future tense: the synthetic and analytic. This quantitative study has confirmed the expansion of the synthetic form identified in previous studies based on corpora of other contemporary international legal texts in the Ukrainian language. The comparison of the data from various corpora has also indicated that the preference for the synthetic form has grown with the increased distance of Ukrainian from the influence, hitherto dominant in the legal sphere, of Russian, in which this form of the future is absent.

References Bybee, Joan, Revere Perkins and William Pagliuca. 1994. The Evolution of Grammar: Tense, Aspect, and Modality in the Languages of the World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Coates, Jennifer. 1983. The Semantics of the Modal Auxiliaries. London: Croom Helm. Dahl, Östen (ed.). 2002. Tense and Aspect in the Languages of Europe. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

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Danylenko, Andrij. 2010. “Naskil’ky ukrajins’kyj syntetyþnyj majbutnij þas je syntetyþnym?” Movoznavstvo 4-5: 112-121. —. 2012. “Auxiliary Clitics in Southwest Ukrainian: Questions of Chronology, Areal Distribution, and Grammaticalization.” Journal of Slavic Linguistics 20 (1): 3-34. Garzone, Giuliana. 2001. “Deontic Modality and Performativity in English Legal Texts.” In Modality in Specialized Texts. Selected Papers of the 1st CERLIS Conference, edited by Maurizio Gotti and Marina Dossena, 153-173. Bern: Peter Lang. —. 2013a. “Variation in the use of modality in legislative texts: Focus on shall.” Journal of Pragmatics 57: 68-81. —. 2013b. “Modality and Performativity in Legislative Texts across Jurisdictions: The Case of Shall.” In The Three Waves of Globalization: Winds of Change in Professional, Institutional and Academic Genres, edited by Franca Poppi and Winnie Cheng, 94-122. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Goletiani, Liana. 2014. “Futuro dei verbi imperfettivi nel linguaggio giuridico ucraino e russo.” Paper presented at Conference “V Incontro di Linguistica Slava”, Rome, 25-27 September 2014. —. 2015. “Zur Übersetzung deontischer Modalmarker ins Ukrainische: eine korpusgestützte Untersuchung anhand des Korpus von den EURichtlinien.” Zeitschrift für Slawistik 60(2): 269-293. —. 2016. “Vyraženie deontiþeskoj modal’nosti objazatel’stvo: russkie i ukrainskie glagol’nye konstrukcii.” (= Expressing Deontic Modality: Obligation in Russian and Ukrainian verb structures). Comparative Legilinguistics. International Journal for Legal Communication 26: 730. Gotti, Maurizio. 2001. “Semantic and Pragmatic Values of Shall and Will in Early Modern English Statutes.” In Modality in Specialized Texts. Selected Papers of the 1st CERLIS Conference, edited by Maurizio Gotti and Marina Dossena, 89-112. Bern: Peter Lang. Marþylo, Larysa. 1999. Istorija form majbutn’oho þasu dijeslova v ukrajins’kij movi. Kyjiv: NPU im. M. Drahomanova. Palmer, Frank Robert. 1986. Mood and Modality. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Plokhy, Serhii. 2015. The Gates of Europe. A History of Ukraine. New York: Basic Books. Potebnja, Aleksandr A. 1874/1958. Iz zapisok po russkoj grammatike. Vol. 1-2. Moskva: Uþpedgiz. Sapper, Manfred and Volker Weichsel (eds). 2014. Zerreißprobe. Die Ukraine: Konflikt, Krise, Krieg. Berlin 2014 (= Osteuropa, 64/5-6).

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Sokolova, Svetlana O. and Natal’ja P. Šumarova. 1988. Semantika i stilistika russkogo glagola. Kiev: Naukova dumka. Šumarova, Natal’ja P. 1979. “Majbutnij þas u systemi funkcional’nyh styliv rosijs’koji ta ukrajins’koji literaturnyh mov.” Movoznavstvo 6: 75-80.

CHAPTER FOURTEEN A BILINGUAL COMPARABLE ANALYSIS: THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE SPEECHES OF BRITISH AND ITALIAN MINISTERS DENISE MILIZIA

1. Introduction It cannot be denied that Britain has always been an awkward partner in EU affairs (George 1994), with its peculiar cherry-picking attitude of opting in/opting out at will, in many ways half in/half out, for the sake of what has now become the signature of the coalition government of Conservative David Cameron and Liberal-Democrat Nick Clegg: in the national interest, in Britain’s national interest (Milizia 2014a)1. This work is a bilingual analysis, in that both British and Italian speeches are investigated, with the purpose of analysing the techniques and the strategies used by the politicians of these two countries for the management of discourse and knowledge, and seeing how specialised knowledge, political knowledge of European affairs in the case in point, is disseminated and mediated to the lay public across the UK and Italy (Gotti 2013; Williams 2013). Following Calsamiglia and van Dijk (2004), this Chapter is divided in two parts: it first looks at what knowledge is being presupposed, what knowledge is being ‘recalled’ or actualised, and what knowledge is expressed and newly constructed. Secondly, it investigates some of the main features which are considered typical of popularisation discourse: metaphors/similes/analogies, imagery, reformulation/paraphrase, define1

This research is part of a larger-scale project that looks at the sentiment of the UK towards the European Union, this cherry-picking attitude, as it has been called, this à-la-carte attitude which sees Britain agreeing to some policy areas, disagreeing to some others.

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tions/descriptions, examples/exemplification, explanation (see also Garzone 2006). It is well known that, historically, the attitude of Italy and the UK towards Europe was and still is different in many ways: Italy is among the six founding members of the Union2, and the current Italian Prime Minister, Matteo Renzi, seems to follow the Italian political tradition set out by Alcide De Gasperi and Altiero Spinelli, two of the founding fathers of Europe. Unlike Italy, Britain joined the European Community twenty years after it was formed, and just two years later, in 1975, the British people were already given a chance to have their say on Europe in the first ever referendum held throughout the UK: the eventual result was a landslide for the ‘yes’ campaign, with 67.2 per cent of the public voting to stay in the Community. Interestingly, back in 1975, it was the Labour rather than the Conservative Party which was torn apart by disagreements on Europe, while Margaret Thatcher, who had recently been elected leader of the Tories, argued for staying in the EEC. In his speech on Europe delivered on 23 January 20153, David Cameron promised an in-out referendum on the EU to be held on 23 June 2016, and the parallels between the first European referendum and the 2016 one are striking. Today, at the time of writing, it seems that Britain, in many ways, has been in two minds about the Union since becoming a member, and that, at the end of the day, the British people never fell in love with Europe, given that forty years after joining the Union, they are still reluctant Europeans who consider Europe “abroad”, still asking for referendums, even more so after the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty (Milizia 2014b).

2. The corpus Both the British and the Italian data come from the respective institutional websites, where the texts are freely available to the public. This project has been carried out with 1st and 2nd year students of the Faculty of Political Science, and with the contribution of final-year and PhD students. The spoken corpus of political speeches at the time of writing totals respectively 5 million words of running text for the English 2

The Treaty of Paris was signed in 1951 and came into force in 1952. The Union back then was called European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). 3 On this same day 40 years earlier, Harold Wilson announced that a referendum on Britain’s membership of the European Community would be held within six months.

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data and 2 million words for the Italian data. The Chapter also includes some data from our written corpus of European affairs, consisting of articles mainly retrieved from the weekly magazine The Economist; at the time of writing it includes 1 million tokens. In the selection of the speeches the British website allows us to choose the announcement type, the topic, the department and world locations. In the selection of the topic, Europe could have been selected for the purpose of this study, but since this is also a quantitative analysis we included all topics in our corpus, as well as all departments and world locations of where a given speech was delivered. Unlike the Labour website under Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, the one set up by the coalition government did not allow us to filter the speeches by the name of the politician delivering the speech, and since the present study focuses mainly on the language used by David Cameron and Nick Clegg, we had to trawl through all of the speeches delivered by the other Ministers. As for the Italian data, in the present study we investigate mostly the speeches of the current Prime Minister, all of them published on the institutional website, (or ) and freely accessible. However, at the time of writing only five speeches delivered by Matteo Renzi are available, even though he has spoken at national and international events on many occasions since February 2014. Furthermore, in the semester from July to December 2014 Italy held the Presidency of the European Council, and thus we were expecting this to be a very fruitful period in terms of numbers of speeches made on European issues. It is worth noting that video speeches abound on the Italian institutional website, but transcriptions are almost entirely missing. For example, the full speech Matteo Renzi delivered in July 2014 in Strasbourg to open the six-month Italian Presidency of the European Union was unavailable, either on the institutional website or on any other site. However, most speeches were downloaded and analysed: the Strasbourg speech, for instance, a 20-minute speech, was given in Italian, because within the European institutions all member states use their own language. It was interesting to notice the differences in tone between the rather informal meetings at 10 Downing Street and the more formal type of discourse used in Press Conferences. It is worth noting, at this point, that most of their meetings ended by highlighting that the UK presence in Europe is crucial and unquestionable and that “there is no great Europe without the presence of the United Kingdom, without David Cameron and the British people”.

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3. Presupposed knowledge: IMF and Schengen In this section we shall look at what knowledge British and Italian politicians presuppose of their audience, what kind of knowledge they transform into ‘everyday’ or ‘lay’ knowledge (Calsamiglia and van Dijk 2004), popularising and re-contextualising political discourse, and what kind of knowledge they presume their audience has already a familiarity with, thus leaving notions, concepts and phrases ‘unexplained’, as it were. The extent of popularisation varies a great deal according to the type of audience the politician is addressing. Cloître and Shinn (1985) speak of four levels of exposition: popular exposition (intended for the largest audience possible), didactic/pedagogical exposition (from specialist to non-specialist), inter-specialist exposition (from specialist to specialist in different fields), and intra-specialist exposition (from specialist to specialist in the same field). The data of our corpus include all levels: the expected audience of the Prime Ministers, both British and Italian, and the British Deputy Prime Minister varies from experts in the political field to the layman. Evidence from the data has shown that both British and Italian cultures presuppose fundamental concepts of classical economics and politics and more often than not they presume a familiarity with abbreviations, not only widespread and well-known acronyms and initialisms4 like EU/UE, but also more technical initialisms like EMU/UEM, ECB/BCE, IMF/FMI. The use of abbreviations, namely acronyms, initialisms, clippings, whose aim is mainly to condense information into smaller units, is a general tendency in specialised discourse, and in English in particular, even more frequently than in Italian. This tendency to shorten long and complex phrases and nominalisations obeys the well-known “Principle of Linguistic Economy” (Martinet 1955), after Zipf’s (1949) “Principle of Least Effort”, according to which shorter and simpler communication is favoured over redundancy. The need to shorten words and phrases, in 4

Both acronyms and initialisms are abbreviations, but there is a difference between the two: acronyms consist of initial letters of other words, and the resulting abbreviation is pronounced as a word, e.g. NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization), EFTA (European Free Trade Association), BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, China). In our corpus also some instances of the variant BRICS were found, including South Africa. Initialisms are similar to acronyms in that they are usually made up of the first letter of each word, but the individual letters of the abbreviation formed are not pronounced as a word but separately, such as ECB (European Central Bank), IMF (International Monetary Fund), and EMU (Economic and Monetary Union).

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spoken discourse in the case in point, may in fact very often depend on a lack of time or on the need to achieve social closeness among in-group experts (Mattiello 2012). In politics these abbreviatory operations abound, both in English and in Italian, and some of them may become so integrated in the language that they can take the plural form and appear in lower-case letters. Abbreviations are not necessarily restricted to experts: they are also used by the average lay-person, even though they normally do not know what the individual letters stand for. This is, for example, the case of NATO, whose use and meaning is by now common also to non-experts: several lower-case instances of the word have been detected in our corpus, i.e. Nato, to indicate that it has acquired the status of a word and that it has gone through different levels of lexicalisation, being now perfectly integrated in the language, not only in English but also in Italian. Unlike several languages, in fact, which have preferred to use the domesticated version of the acronym, Italian has maintained the English sequence of the letters rather than use what would have been the Italian acronym. Italian, indeed, often leaves English abbreviations untranslated, mainly those which refer to worldwide concepts and are widely recognised at an international level. It is interesting to note that the English initialism UNO (United Nations Organization), generally referred to as UN, in Italian is instead an acronym, ONU (Organizzazione Nazioni Unite). The same is true for the English ECSC (European Coal and Steel Community), and for the Italian CECA (Comunità Europea del Carbone e dell’Acciaio). It is well known that English relies on abbreviations more heavily than Italian, and even the name of the country itself is more commonly found, in terms of frequency, in its abbreviated form: UK5 and USA are in fact, both in the spoken and written mode, more frequent than the United Kingdom and the United States of America. In the dissemination of political knowledge, and of European politics in the case in point, it did not come as a surprise to find that “EU” in English was uttered twice as often as its extended form, European Union. What instead did surprise us, at least in spoken language, was to find that Italian relies on the use of the initialism “UE” almost as often as its fulllength form, “Unione Europea”. “ECB” and “IMF” were also found to be more frequent than their full form and, interestingly, the data seems to show that politicians did not feel 5

In David Cameron and Nick Clegg’s spoken corpus “UK” was found on 3,985 occasions vs 772 instances of “United Kingdom”. Conversely, the extended form “Great Britain” seems to be preferred to “GB”, whose occurrences in the corpus were 73 vs 8 respectively.

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the need to add any explicitation or explanation to the initialisms, thus assuming that their meaning has been disseminated enough also among the lay audience, mainly through the media (Silletti 2013). As Figure 14-1 shows, apart from line 6, where “ECB” stands for “English Cricket Board”, the other instances all stand for “European Central Bank”, and only a couple of times did David Cameron add further information to it. We were in fact surprised that in line 19 David Cameron provided so many details, with accessorial information both on the left and on the right of the initialism, thus providing an example of both an initialism in mention and an initialism in use (ibid.): “the European Central Bank, ECB, the bank of the eurozone”. This was, in fact, an intraspecialist exposition, i.e. from specialist to specialist in the same field (Cloître and Shinn 1985): the speech was given in Brussels in June 2012, at the end of the European Council.

Figure 14- 1. Concordance lines of ECB in the British corpus.

Interestingly, it was found that in Italian the acronym BCE was more common in terms of frequency than its English counterpart: it was also hypothesised that the reason could lie in the fact that the President of the European Central Bank, Mario Draghi, is Italian, and as Matteo Renzi has recently said, “The ECB is ours”, and hence this abbreviation has reached the lay audience. In actual fact, the increase in the use of “BCE”, mainly

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due to its repeated use in the media, is so high that Italian politicians did not perceive it as too opaque or inaccessible to non-experts. Not one instance of explicitation or reformulation of BCE was found in the corpus, as Figure 14-2 illustrates.

Figure 14- 2. Concordance lines of BCE in the Italian corpus.

What immediately aroused interest were the brackets in line 1 in which BCE was included: enlarging the context, it emerged that politicians were instead keen to explain what “Troika” stands for, namely an organism composed of ECB, European Commission and IMF, thus acknowledging that this term, of Russian origin, was certainly ‘exclusive expertise’ which needed explicitation. Further brackets, thus further explanation, follow in the same line, when Matteo Renzi mentions the EU countries in need of financial assistance, i.e. Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Cyprus, responsible for what has been defined a “social tsunami”. Unlike ECB/BCE, IMF/FMI are perceived as being more specific, that is to say abbreviations falling more within technical knowledge rather than within technical lay knowledge (Calsamiglia and van Dijk 2004). Thus, IMF is spelt out only once in English, out of 146 utterances, whereas Italian prefers, on this occasion, to rely on its extended form, Fondo Monetario Internazionale, using FMI only on three occasions. The initialism “FMI” was most likely regarded as “exclusive expertise”, accessible only to very few specialists.

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3.1. Schengen and Lisbon? .

Schengen and Lisbon are two cities where two important European treaties were signed, i.e. the Schengen Agreement and the Lisbon Treaty. The Schengen Agreement was signed on 14 June 1985 between five of the then ten member states of the European Economic Community near the town of Schengen, Luxembourg: it proposed the gradual abolition of border checks at the signatories’ common borders and led to the creation of Europe’s borderless Schengen Area in 1995. Several non-EU countries are also included in the area, but Ireland and the UK have remained outside the area asking for a permanent opt-out. The Lisbon Treaty was signed on 13 December 2007 in the Jerónimos Monastery in Lisbon, as Portugal held the EU Council’s Presidency at the time. It came into force two years later, on 1 December 2009. The Lisbon Treaty is an amending treaty, amending two previous treaties, the Maastricht Treaty (1993) and the Treaty of Rome (1958), without combining them into one document (Milizia 2010). It is common practice that the Treaties usually take their name after the city where they are signed, and the evidence of our spoken data shows that it has become common practice also to refer to the treaty naming the city only: in our corpus in fact, both Schengen and Lisbon are more common in terms of frequency than the Schengen Agreement and the Lisbon Treaty respectively, thus a metonymy, or a synecdoche, as defined by classical rhetoricians (Ferrari 2013), is being employed in spoken discourse. As Beard (2000) puts it, metonymy involves replacing the name of something with something that is connected to it, without being the whole thing. Schengen and Lisbon here stand for the treaties, representing indeed a synecdoche6, e.g. the idea of a part for the whole or, like the question in point, the whole for a part: the city replaces the treaty. Lakoff and Johnson (1980) show that metonymic uses are not random but systematic, in that they show how we organise our thoughts, actions and attitudes. As shown in Figure 14-3, Schengen co-occurs with Agreement only on four occasions, with some sort of explicitation following in line 2: “we are not a member of the Schengen agreement, we maintain our own borders”.

6

Metonymy and synecdoche are both figures of speech used in rhetoric. Even though they are not the same thing, metonymy is often interpreted so widely that synecdoche can be regarded as a special case of it.

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Figure 14-3. Concordance lines of Schengen in the British corpus.

In lines 6-8 Schengen co-occurs with area in three instances, i.e. the Schengen area, and in line 6 in particular David Cameron adamantly reiterates his firm belief, “Let me be clear again Britain is not in the Schengen Area. We’re not going to be joining the Schengen area”. More details are added in line 8, with the word border between Schengen and area, i.e. the Schengen border area, and here again the Prime Minister does not hesitate to repeat that the UK is not going to participate in the area and weaken border controls. From line 15 to line 19 more explicitation follows with no-borders between Schengen and Agreement, as to clearly explicitate what the Schengen Agreement sets out, namely no borders among member states. In all the other instances in Figure 14-3, knowledge is being presupposed, and the audience is expected to know that Schengen is a town, in Luxembourg, where the agreement that proposed the abolition of internal border controls was signed. The most opaque of all instances is line 10 (and line 11, which is obviously a repeat): “to open up in Schengen”. The interviewer says to the Prime Minister: “There are two things that the UK hasn’t done, one is to join the euro, the other is to open up in Schengen”. The phrase “open up in Schengen” is indeed highly

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opaque, somewhat incomprehensible, inaccessible to all but experts, and suitable only to very few specialists. In the speech on Europe that David Cameron delivered on January 23, 2013, bearing in mind that his audience would range from specialists in the same field to the widest audience possible, he was more often than not quite explicit and detailed, providing his wide audience with explanation and explicitation, as well as reformulation and description. In trying to persuade them that all member states are different, that we all make different choices and cannot harmonise everything, and that we should welcome the diversity between states instead of “snuffing it out”, in line 12 we read: “26 countries are members of Schengen, including four outside the European Union: Switzerland, Norway, Liechtenstein and Iceland”. Soon after he underlines that “Two EU countries–Britain and Ireland–have retained their border controls”. Interestingly, in the Italian corpus, l’Accordo di Schengen (the Schengen Agreement) is never found, and the agreement is indeed referred to as il Trattato di Schengen (the Treaty of Schengen), with only two occurrences. On five occasions Schengen collocates with spazio, lo spazio Schengen, (the Schengen space), whose English counterpart is the Schengen area, but no explicitation or explanation is provided. Only once is Schengen used metonymically: “Schengen poi è la dimostrazione della modernità dell’idea di Europa” (“Schengen is then evidence of the modernity of the idea of Europe”). As far as Lisbon7 is concerned, statistics shows that just like Schengen, also Lisbon is often used metonymically, and the audience is expected to know that the city of Lisbon is being used to refer to the treaty, signed in that city in December 2009: only on one occasion in 207 occurrences is Lisbon used to refer to the city, “I was pleased to go to Lisbon yesterday”; in all the other instances politicians presuppose that their audience does not need any explicitation on what Lisbon stands for. Unlike in the English corpus, in the Italian corpus Lisbona very often refers directly to the city of Lisbon, with no metonymy involved. Il Trattato di Lisbona (The Treaty of Lisbon) occurs 7 times. Lisbona is rarely used metonymically, as it is in English, and in phrases like la strategia di Lisbona (the Lisbon strategy) and gli obiettivi di Lisbona (the Lisbon objectives), it indeed stands for the treaty itself.

7

In the English corpus The Treaty of Lisbon occurs only 5 times vs 86 occurrences of The Lisbon Treaty.

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4. Metaphors around Europe In order to facilitate understanding of the main issues of the moment, several concepts are made accessible by metaphorisation. Metaphors play a central role in the construction of social and political reality (Lakoff and Johnson 1980), and a prominent role in popularisation discourse (Calsamiglia and van Dijk 2004). Some of the metaphors, similes and analogies that Renzi used in his Strasbourg speech are well known by now: the idea of a smart Europe, the image of the selfie, the Telemachus generation, the Erasmus generation, the idea of Europe as a loving mother rather than a step-mother are just some of the many metaphors that abound in Renzi’s discourse. In the British corpus, instead, Europe is often conceived as the cause of recent evils, mainly after the euro crisis, and even though the UK is not part of the Eurozone nor is she likely to become a member, as will be shown shortly, the British want a strong and stable Eurozone, because that is where 50% of their trade goes and it is in Britain’s national interest. The metaphors Europe ‘lives by’ are countless and this has been extensively studied in the literature. The ones examined below include the image of a United States of Europe with the related image of the euro as a single currency, and the analogy of the European train which has proceeded and still is proceeding, mainly after the Maastricht Treaty, at several different speeds.

4.1. Is Europe a dream? Is the euro a healthy baby? In the speech that Matteo Renzi delivered in Strasbourg in July 2014 to open the six-month Italian Presidency of the European Union we read: “We want a smart Europe, but Europe today is actually tired, and the image we would get if Europe took a selfie would be that of forbearance, tiredness and boredom”. “We are the Telemachus generation, we have to deserve the legacy of our founding fathers”. “We are the Erasmus generation, we are living in a period in which the Erasmus generation, which is highly represented in government, has experienced the concrete dream of a United States of Europe, and has experienced the euro as a single currency, or almost”.

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Chapter Fourteen “Europe is not our enemy, Europe is not our-step-mother and we have to free ourselves from the cultural subservience that Europe is our stepmother”.

Even though the Italian Prime Minister would have certainly been very pleased not to add the word “almost” when talking of the euro as a single currency, he had to, given that most EU countries have experienced the euro, but some have not, and the UK is among those who have opted out of it8. Whereas of the nine EU member states outside the eurozone seven will be obliged to join once they fulfil the strict entrance requirements, the United Kingdom and Denmark have a permanent opt-out provision (Milizia 2010). Incidentally, the dream of a United States of Europe is not shared by everybody: even France, one of the founding members, is against it. Relying on the assumption that frequency is a guide to importance, the following data appear significant. The phrase Stati Uniti d’Europa (United States of Europe) occurs on 19 occasions in the Italian corpus (cf. Figure 14-4a below), and in lines 5-7 it collocates with sogno (dream): il sogno degli Stati Uniti d’Europa (the dream of the United States of Europe). In the British corpus only one occurrence of the phrase United States of Europe was found, as Figures 14-4a and 14-4b show, but then enlarging the context it becomes evident that the phrase is not uttered by British politicians but by the interviewer, who is actually asking the Eurosceptical United Kingdom what kind of support the UK can find in Italy, whose dream is the United States of Europe.

8

At the time of writing, 19 European Union member states have adopted the euro as their common currency and sole legal tender. Latvia and Lithuania joined respectively in 2014 and in 2015. Andorra, Monaco, San Marino, and the Vatican City have formal agreements with the EU to use the euro as their official currency and issue their own coins. Other states, like Kosovo and Montenegro, have adopted the euro unilaterally, but these countries do not officially belong to the eurozone and do not have representation in the ECB or the Eurogroup.

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Figure 14-4a. Concordance lines of Stati Uniti d’Europa in the Italian corpus.

Figure 14-4b. Concordance lines of United States of Europe in the British corpus.

Interestingly, the United States of Europe was a dream to some in the UK as well: back in 1946, soon after the end of World War II, Winston Churchill was one of the first statesmen to call for the creation of a ‘United States of Europe’. In his famous speech held at the University of Zurich, the phrase United States of Europe occurs five times, even though, as illustrated in some of the extracts below, he sensed that maybe it would have been more appropriate to give it another name: It is to re-create the European family, or as much of it as we can, and to provide it with a structure under which it can dwell in peace, in safety and in freedom. We must build a kind of United States of Europe. […] (my italics) If we are to form a United States of Europe, or whatever name it may take, we must begin now. […] (my italics)

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Chapter Fourteen We must re-create the European family in a regional structure called, it may be, the United States of Europe. (my italics)

Winston Churchill’s words were recently echoed by the former President of the European Commission, José Manuel Barroso, who urged the current generation of EU leaders to revive Winston Churchill’s vision of a United States of Europe, saying that “David Cameron must embrace Churchill’s vision of a United States of Europe”9. The immediate reaction of Nigel Farage, leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), to Barroso’s words came as no surprise, when he accused the then President of the Commission of “hijacking a single phrase by Churchill and taking it out of context to paint him as a fan of political union in Europe”. Instead, Churchill once said that “If Britain must choose between Europe and the open sea, she must always choose the open sea”. The image of the dream emerged again in our data, this time in relation to monetary union. Some people in Italy were very enthusiastic about the birth of the new baby, as the euro was called at its inception (Musolff 2004): the euro-enthusiastic Italian Finance Minister of the time, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, described monetary union as “the dream of a lifetime” (Semino 2002). It is worth bearing in mind that Ciampi had always been a staunch supporter of the European Union as well as an instrumental figure in guiding Italy’s entry into the EMU, with the plan to link the currencies of the EU member nations in order to reduce inflation and prevent fluctuations in foreign exchange rates. But according to many, the arrival of the euro was a hastened arrival, which was going to deliver a sickly, premature baby (Musolff 2004); yet the EU Commission declared all candidate states to be fit for the single currency and the euro was given the green light, despite several warnings that the member states were committing economic suicide. Certainly, the new born was not a sturdy baby, but a baby to be taken care of, yet still the “dream of a lifetime” to some. Thus, on 1 January 1999, eleven European Union countries officially abolished their own individual currencies and adopted the euro as a single currency, and on the same day the British newspaper The Daily Telegraph wrote: “Today, a European dream comes true. Europe’s dream, not ours”, restricting the validity of the metaphor to Europe only, a Europe where Britain was not included. In 1997, in the Blair government, the newly elected Chancellor Gordon Brown said that the British government was pro-euro in principle but 9

The Daily Telegraph, November 8, 2013.

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“must pass five economic tests before a referendum on the issue is held”. At the same time William Hague announced that the Conservative party would rule out joining the single currency for at least two parliaments. Almost twenty years after Brown’s and Hagues’s statements, Britain is firmly convinced that it will never join the euro and, as David Cameron has often repeated, “while I’m Prime Minister it never will”, “and frankly we are never likely to join”, “and let me be clear, we are not going to join the euro, at least not in my political lifetime”. The adamant position of both David Cameron and Nick Clegg of not wanting to give up the pound and join the euro is by now well-known. Interestingly, the feeling of resentment does not belong to the UK only, but is widespread throughout Europe: in France, a founding member, the EU today attracts even more resentment than it does in the famously Eurosceptical Britain. Despite the current Italian Prime Minister’s enthusiasm, today euroscepticism is very strong in Italy as well, with some parties even calling for a referendum to leave the euro, like the Movimento Cinque Stelle (‘Five Star Movement’), once led by Beppe Grillo, and with Silvio Berlusconi and his Forza Italia party being highly critical of the euro. As early as January 2002, only a year after the euro currency had been in circulation, we read in The Economist: Their [people in Brussels] most immediate worry is Italy, long the most reliable of ‘pro-European’ countries. The Treaty of Rome in 1957 was the founding document of the modern European Union: the Italians have always been among the loudest cheerleaders for “ever-closer union”, the ideal enshrined in the treaty. Yet, Silvio Berlusconi’s government is making increasingly sceptical noises about the EU. His ministers have compared their stance on Europe to that of Tony Blair. To believers in ever closer union, such a comparison is shocking. In the past year Romano Prodi, the European Commission’s head, himself an Italian (albeit one who cannot stand Mr Berlusconi), has been driven to near-despair by what he regards as the “theological” opposition of the British to further European integration.10

10 This quote was taken from an article published in The Economist on January 24, 2002, titled In search of “good Europeans”.

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4.2. A multi-speed, multi-track, multi-tier, and multi-layered Europe? Two years after her resignation as Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher voiced her misgivings about the use of metaphors in general, and in particular about the then popular metaphor of the European train leaving the station without Britain. In the speech delivered in June 1973 she said: Whatever you said in the Community, it had to be the first stage of something which led to one destination, a European union. You did not have any other alternatives. You were either on a slow train or a fast train, but you were on the train to that destination and if you do not want to go to that destination, it does not matter at what speed you go. You do not want to be on it at all. I suggest that we do not want to go any further on that train.

Interestingly, even though the Iron Lady saw metaphors and analogies as dangerous rhetorical devices, and in her autobiographical account of her time in office The Downing Street Years she wrote that “anyone dealing with the European Community should pay careful attention to metaphors”, the Prime Minister herself, as shown in the paragraph above, reiterated the point of the “misleading” analogy/metaphor of the slow/fast train and on the different speeds this train may take (cf. Beard 2000). As seen earlier in this study, when the UK joined the European Economic Community in 1973, the Prime Minister was Edward Heath, a Conservative Prime Minister, and it was the Tories led by Margaret Thatcher who were the more pro-European party, and their votes were instrumental in getting membership to the EEC passed in Parliament. Interestingly, the Labour Party–led by Harold Wilson–was instead the more Europe-sceptical party. Research has shown that on becoming Prime Minister John Major, Margaret Thatcher’s successor in 1990, had promised to keep Britain “at the very heart of Europe” (Musolff 2013), and that he had claimed to have won “game, set and match for Britain” by negotiating the social chapter and single currency opt-outs from the Maastricht Treaty. This metaphor of the heart and of Britain being at the heart of Europe is an analogy which is still being used today and still causing a great deal of criticism. We read in fact in The Economist: […] How would Britain fare outside a single-currency area–and how does staying out square with the oft-repeated wish to be at the heart of Europe?

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[…] but you can’t be at the heart of Europe if you spend your time blocking its arteries.

Further investigation (Milizia 2014a) has shown that Major himself told his biographer, Dr Anthony Seldon, that his choice of words had been a mistake and that he meant to say that Britain should be at the heart of the debate on Europe. Apparently, the attitude of John Major in the 1990s and of David Cameron today seems very often ambiguous, as is reflected in their language: as Chilton and Schäffner (2002) aptly point out, language is inherently ambivalent, and it is this that grounds its relation to politics. Politics and language are intimately intertwined and the doings of politics are predominantly constituted in language (ibid.). Even though John Major was apparently a Euro-enthusiast, loyal to the ERM11 and Maastricht, favouring greater integration with Europe, he was at times equally capable of espousing an opposed different message and adopting a highly Eurosceptical tone, showing a strong bias towards Euro-scepticism. The same is true of David Cameron today, who first promises the British people an in-out referendum on Britain’s EU membership and then says he will “campaign with all his heart and soul when the referendum comes (to stay in the Union)”. The attitudes of both the former and the current Conservative leaders show that the party was and still is totally split from top to bottom over Europe12. Going back to the metaphor of Europe’s speed differences, John Major was the first to endorse the idea of Britain as a slow mover, believing that “it was perfectly healthy for all member states to agree that some should integrate more closely and more quickly in certain areas” (Musolff 2004). With different words but with exactly the same meaning, in his speech on Europe delivered in January 2013 David Cameron said: We need a structure that can accommodate the diversity of the EU’s members–north, south, east, west, large, small, old and new. Some of whom are contemplating much closer economic and political integration. And many others, including Britain, who would never embrace that goal. […]

11

ERM: Exchange Rate Mechanism. Both the Conservative and the Labour Party are today split over the issue, whereas the Lib-Dems are very strongly united on the EU question (pro-Europe), as is, from the opposite stance, UKIP (against Europe). 12

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Chapter Fourteen We must not be weighed down by an insistence on a one size fits all approach which implies that all countries want the same level of integration. The fact is that they don’t and we shouldn’t assert that they do. […] Some members, like France and Britain, are ready, willing and able to take action in Libya or Mali. Others are uncomfortable with the use of military force. Let us welcome that diversity, instead of trying to snuff it out.

Along the same lines, he continued: Let us stop all this talk of two-speed Europe, of fast lanes and slow lanes, of countries missing trains and buses, and frankly let us consign the whole weary caravan of transport metaphors if you like to a permanent siding. […] Countries are different. They make different choices. We cannot harmonise everything.

The metaphor of the two-speed Europe and the associated scenario of the EU train /boat/ship/convoy was first used by the British Euro-sceptical press and politicians. Indeed, the two/multi-speed Union is recently being replaced by a “Teutonic Union”, with Germany behind the scenes, quietly asserting its influence in Brussels. Ironically, Germany has often been depicted as being the front-runner and driving the train, not only recently, but also as early as 1990. In an article published in 2011 in The Financial Times13 Angela Merkel is represented in the act of driving an old-fashioned steam engine, and Nicolas Sarkozy can be seen beside her in the cab. The FrancoGerman locomotive is chugging onwards, and in the distance the British train, which is broken down, is carrying passengers who are waving goodbye from the platform (or may be asking it to wait?)14. Thus, Britain is portrayed as a slow traveller, and Germany and France as fast travellers, with some member states very likely in the coaches behind. Twenty years earlier, The Economist15 showed that the attitude towards Europe was not very different: the vehicle depicted in 1990 in a cover of the weekly is not a train but a horse, yet Germany and France were already 13 . 14 This seems to indicate that if The Financial Times had favoured integration, they would have depicted a bullet train, rather than an old-fashioned locomotive (Scott, personal communication). 15 .

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riding the front horses, with Helmut Kohl and François Mitterand. Here the other member states are more clearly pictured, with French Jacques Delors as the coach driver and other EC states’ representatives in the driver seat: Britain's Margaret Thatcher is depicted in the backseat trying to apply the brakes (see Musolff 2001). Interestingly, in 2012 the vehicle chosen by The Economist16 to represent the two/multi-tier Europe is a motorbike: Angela Merkel is still at the controls, with French François Hollande behind her, and David Cameron sitting in the side-car threatening to saw off the side-car from the rest of the motorbike. Due to its very contentiousness, politicians have tried to avoid the two/multi speed Europe phrase. David Cameron and Nick Clegg very often overtly rejected the idea of different speeds and of slow and fast lanes in European politics, trying to shun the stigmatised phrase but effectively endorsing its content. However, some politicians, without paying the political price of appearing to be slow, argued that “if the EU is perceived as making too fast progress, by going slowly Britain is safe from rushing headlong into a disaster” (Musolff 2004). Michael Howard, Secretary of State for the Environment during John Major’s government in 1992-1993, went as far as saying that Britain might be better off in what was falsely called the slow track, presenting it as preferable to the fast lane of European integration, even trying to make a virtue out of being slow (Musolff 2001, 2004). The image of a two/multi-speed Europe started to emerge after the Maastricht Treaty was concluded in 1992. In a way, the Treaty seemed to endorse, as it were, the slogan itself, in that the United Kingdom was granted an opt-out clause, allowing it not to participate in the third stage of the economic and monetary union (EMU), and consequently introduce the euro. In particular, the different speeds of member states’ movements towards currency union were on the agenda after the withdrawal of the British pound (together with the Italian lira) from the ERM on 16 September 1992, the day which came to be known as Black Wednesday17. In the Italian corpus the x-speed Europe formula includes a two-speed Europe, a different speed of integration, and a multi-speed Europe.

16

. 17 Ironically, whilst September 16, 1992 was baptized as “Black Wednesday” because it was regarded as a national disaster, some Conservatives claim that the forced ejection from the ERM was a “Golden Wednesday” or a “White Wednesday”, the day that paved the way for an economic revival.

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Obviously, the Europe envisaged by Mazzini and Cavour was not a two-speed Europe, yet today there is an unbridgeable gap between the speed at which some member states are proceeding and Italy’s pace, a country certainly included among the laggards. Furthermore, we learn that some Eurozone member states are proceeding at a speed which is twice as fast as the speed of Italy. In line with the Maastricht Treaty, it is conceded that not all member states need to necessarily have the same speed, and some important political choices have already been made in Europe leaving some states out, like the Euro and the Schengen area, but always leaving the door open. Interestingly, whenever the reference to the two/multi tiers was found in the Italian corpus, the laggard was not the UK but Italy. Even though Britain is usually and traditionally perceived as the slowest EU member within the two/several speed set-up (Musolff 2001), no reference to it was found in the Italian data, where the only laggard is, to Italian politicians, their own country. What really matters is that–whether the laggard is traditionally the UK, or Italy for some other reasons–the image of a Union divided into several tiers or circles, or a firm core and a periphery (cf. Schäffner 2004), portrays a Europe in which some member states would be “more equal than others”, according to the undemocratic principle of Orwell’s Animal Farm. Unlike the analogy of the multi-speed, multi-track, multi-tier, and multi-layered Europe, the image of the train, and the consequent fast/slow lanes, was not found in the Italian corpus. What instead emerged in relation to the train was “the train of progress” and “the train of growth”. Lakoff and Johnson’s research has provided ample proof of the ubiquity of the WAY-MOVEMENT-SPEED metaphors, regarded as the most basic conceptual metaphor systems we ‘live by’ (Musolff 2004; see Vaghi and Venuti 2003). The evidence of the data has shown that the metaphors the European Union lives by are countless and most of them are shared by the other member states. Italy has adopted and adapted to itself the metaphor of the two/multi speed Europe that originated in the UK, even though, we read that “we have now passed from a two-speed Europe to a two-slowness Europe, and thus our highest priority now is try and go back to growth”.18

18

“Siamo ora passati da un’Europa a due velocità a un’Europa a due lentezze, e la priorità assoluta è quindi tornare a crescere”: this quote was taken from a speech by Paolo Guerrieri Paleotti delivered at the Italian Senate on December 16, 2014.

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5. Conclusion This Chapter has attempted to probe the attitude of two European member states towards Europe, i.e. the UK and Italy. Even though the corpus includes British and Italian speeches delivered over the last twenty years, for the purpose of this study we have taken stock only of speeches delivered by the leaders in office at the time of writing. Despite their different historical and present stance towards the European Union, we have looked at what they share and what differentiates them in political terms as well as in linguistic terms. In Section 2 I have explained how difficult it was to assemble the Italian corpus, hence the size of the two corpora was not perfectly comparable in terms of size. The main purpose of this Chapter was to see how these two different countries disseminate European political knowledge. The analysis has identified some strategies used by politicians to try and make concepts as accessible as possible to the lay audience, simplifying and explaining them when necessary (Garzone 2006). It was interesting to notice that sentences like Let me be clear /I want to be absolutely clear/Let’s be clear and Voglio essere chiaro/Vorrei essere chiaro/Dobbiamo essere chiari abounded in both corpora: they ranked top of the list of three and four-word phrases in the British and Italian corpus, a clear indication that some kind of explanation, or reformulation or paraphrase was going to follow soon after in the speech act (Milizia 2011). Even though it was conceived with scientific discourse in mind (Williams 2013), Calsamiglia and van Dijk’s model (2004) can be adapted for political discourse and is thus followed here. The analysis started by looking at presupposed knowledge, thus abbreviations, e.g. acronyms and initialisms, were looked at both in English and Italian. In the investigation of presupposed knowledge, a figure of speech was first analysed, e.g. synecdoche, often confused with metonymy. It was thus pointed out that even though these two rhetorical figures are not the same thing, metonymy is often interpreted so widely that synecdoche can be regarded as a special case of it: Schengen and Lisbon, in the case in point, replace respectively the Schengen Agreement and the Lisbon Treaty. Thus, the fact that the audience should be familiar with what happened in these two cities and what they stand for is taken for granted. Only occasionally do politicians add details to provide further information to the more or less lay audience. Hence, on some occasions knowledge is ‘recalled’ or actualised, and rarely is it newly constructed.

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The language of the coalition government was analysed in depth in previous research (Milizia 2014a, 2014b), and the language of the British administration is still being investigated in the light of the Conservative government formed after the general election in May 2015. The study of the language of the current Italian Prime Minister has started only recently, and merits therefore further research. It can safely be said that the language Matteo Renzi uses is learned and high-flown as well as conversational and humorous (e.g. In bocca al lupo, Dammi cinque, Break a leg, Give me five), including sarcastic remarks and euphemistic comments. It is clear in his speeches that he is well aware that he is very often performing a popularising task, or rather that his target audience will vary from specialists to lay people (see Gotti 2013). Metaphors were then investigated, which are used for the purpose of facilitating understanding of several ‘complex’ issues, in order to make them accessible to the non-experts. As mentioned earlier, metaphors, as well as analogies and similes, play a prominent role in the construction of political reality and in popularisation discourse. The metaphor of the dream is described, and in particular the dream of a United States of Europe, and the dream of a life time, the euro, which was of course experienced as such only by some member states, Italy in particular and by Carlo Azeglio Ciampi in the case in point. The UK, instead, has rejected both dreams, and has squarely decided that it “will never join the euro”, which was perhaps a dream for Europe, but a Europe where Britain was not included. De Gasperi in Italy, one of the founding fathers of the European Community, went as far as using the expression “Europe our homeland”. In actual fact, today disillusionment with the EU is at an alltime high, and the feeling of resentment and growing scepticism does not belong to the UK only, but is widespread throughout Europe. As things stand now, democratic consent for the EU in Britain still wavers, with governments still “cherry-picking” what is best in their national interest, and still opting out of some clauses. Soon after the Maastricht Treaty member states started to travel at two speeds, and are now travelling at several speeds and on several tracks. Bearing in mind Lakoff and Johnson’s (1980) words, i.e. that “the essence of metaphor is understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another”, the image of the two/multi/several speeds of Europe makes the message accessible to all sorts of audience, specialists and non-specialists, popularising and re-contextualising political discourse and clearly transforming it into ‘everyday’ or ‘lay’ knowledge. Needless to say, given the topicality of the issue, this research is far from concluded and opens several avenues for further research, even in the

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light of the in/out referendum that will take place in June 2016. The campaign has recently started, “the deals are done and the theatrics are over” and, after confirming that Britain has a specific opt-out from the EU’s historic commitment to forge an “ever closer union among the peoples of Europe”, and although several ministers are openly supporting Brexit, David Cameron has firmly declared that “Britain will be safer, stronger and better off in a reformed European Union”.

References Beard, Adrian. 2000. The Language of Politics. New York: Routledge. Calsamiglia, Helena and Teun A. van Dijk. 2004. “Popularization Discourse and Knowledge about the Genome.” In Discourse & Society, 15(4), Special issue Genetic and genomic discourses at the dawn of the 21st century, guest-edited by Brigitte Nerlich, Robert Dingwall and Paul Martin: 369-389. Chilton, Paul and Christina Schäffner. 2002. “Themes and principles in the analysis of political discourse.” In Politics as Text and Talk. Analytic approaches to political discourse, edited by Paul Chilton and Christina Schäffner, 1-41. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Cloître, Michel and Terry Shinn. 1985. “Expository practice: social, cognitive and epistemological linkages.” In Expository Science. Forms and Functions of Popularization, edited by Terry Shinn and Richard Whitley, 31-60. Dordrecth: Reidel. Ferrari, Federica. 2013. Non solo metafore. (De)costruzione della strategia persuasive di G.W. Bush. Padova: Libreria universitaria. Garzone, Giuliana. 2006. Perspectives on ESP and Popularization. Milan: CUEM. George, Stephen. 1994. An Awkward Partner. Britain in the European Community. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gotti, Maurizio. 2013. “The analysis of popularization discourse: conceptual changes and methodological evolutions.” In The Popularization of Specialized Discourse and Knowledge across Communities and Cultures, edited by Susan Kermas and Thomas Christiansen, 9-13. Bari: Edipuglia. Lakoff, George and Mark Johnson. 1980. Metaphors we live by. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Martinet, André. 1995. Economie des changements phonétiques. Traité de Phonologie diachronique. Bern: A. Francke. Mattiello, Elisa. 2012. “Abbreviations in English and Italian scientific discourse.” ESP Across Cultures 9: 149-168.

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Milizia, Denise. 2010. “A linguistic investigation of the Lisbon Treaty.” Studi sull’Integrazione Europea 2: 455-474. —. 2011. “How to get the message across: a corpus-driven analysis of political discourse.” In Applied Psycholinguistics. Positive Effects and Ethical Perspectives, edited by Amelia Manuti and Giuseppe Mininni, 270-281. Milano: FrancoAngeli. —. 2014a. “In, out, or half way? The European attitude in the speeches of British leaders.” Lingue e Linguaggi 11: 157-175. —. 2014b. “Specialized discourse vs popularized discourse: the UK and the European Union.” Paper presented at the Languaging Diversity, 2nd International Conference, University of Catania: October 9-11, 2014. Musolff, Andreas. 2001. “Cross-language metaphors: obstacles or pathways of international communication?” Paper presented at the conference: Language, The Media and International Communication, at St Catherine’s College, Oxford, Sponsored by the Faculty of English, University of Oxford, 29 March–1 April 2001. . —. 2004. Metaphor and Political Discourse. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. —. 2013. “The heart of Europe. Synchronic variation and historical trajectories of a political metaphor.” In Speaking of Europe, edited by Kjersti Fløttum, 135-150. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Schäffner, Christina. 2004. “Metaphor and translation: some implications of a cognitive approach.” Journal of Pragmatics 36. Elsevier: 12531269. Semino, Elena. 2002. “A sturdy baby or a derailing train? Metaphorical representations of the euro in British and Italian newspapers.” In Text 22 [1]: 107-139. Silletti, Alida. 2013. “Term reduction by initialisms in French, English and Italian scientific discourse of popularization.” Paper presented at the CLAVIER 13 Conference Discourse in and through the Media. Recontextualizing and Reconceptualizing Expert Discourse, University of Modena and Reggio Emilia, November 6-8, 2013. Vaghi, Francesca and Marco Venuti. 2003. “The Economist and the Financial Times. A study of movement metaphors.” In Proceedings of the Corpus Linguistics 2003 Conference, edited by Dawn Archer, Paul Rayson, Andrew Wilson and Tony McEnery, 828-834. Lancaster: University of Lancaster.. Williams, Christopher. 2013. “The ‘popularization of law’ and ‘law and plain language’: are they two separate issues?” In The Popularization

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of Specialized Discourse and Knowledge across Communities and Cultures, edited by Susan Kermas and Thomas Christiansen, 33-52. Bari: Edipuglia. Zipf, George Kingsley. 1949. Human Behaviour and the Principle of Least Effort. Cambridge (MA): Addison-Wesley Press.

CHAPTER FIFTEEN ANALYSING AMERICAN PUBLIC DIPLOMACY: THE CASE OF BRAND USA— WHEN TOURISM BECOMES AN IDEOLOGICAL TOOL CINZIA SPINZI

1. Framing the issue Advances in information and communication technologies have played a crucial role in driving changes in the ways governments and institutions conduct their affairs. The Internet has shaped modern society by creating ultra-fast global communication and networking, allowing people to get much closer to each other, shrinking time and distance. In order to conceptualise these changes, Faris suggests (2013, 35) replacing the phrase “Age of Secrecy” with “Age of Sharing”, pointing out that, today, ordinary citizens manipulate information flows in ways that are unique: they read, annotate and criticise governmental policies sharing their views with online social networks. This also implies that communication between individuals with different cultural origins is now a matter of everyday routine and thus “Intercultural communication has become one key factor for success in a vast area of activities” (Fust 2004, ix). Furthermore, verbal and non-verbal components must be factored into the analysis of diplomatic communication. The desire to revise US Public Diplomacy arose in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, when the U.S.A. embarked on a campaign to win the “hearts and minds” of foreign citizens, in particular those from the Middle East, as a result of the war in Afghanistan and in Iraq. In the process of rethinking Public Diplomacy, web communication has been crucial in that it constitutes a powerful strategic resource to achieve institutional objectives such as forming political alliances,

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attracting economic investments and enticing tourists. Web-communication is also fundamental in Public Diplomacy (henceforth PD) because it allows governments to reach those areas of the world that are difficult to access: “Internet-based activities are certainly the most meaningful, forming part of what has been described as “strategic communication”, as opposed to traditional public diplomacy” (Garzone and Degano 2010, 34). In this chapter, PD is intended as strategic communication with foreign publics in order to pursue specific foreign policy objectives (Wallin 2012, 3) through tourism and other communication tools. Investigating public diplomacy as strategic government-sponsored communication with foreign audiences, comprising also mediated communication, implies that government-funded tourism advertising campaigns may be considered a type of mediated public diplomacy. Our objective in this Chapter is twofold: first, to verify whether behind the action of rebranding the image of the U.S.A. there is an ideological agenda; second, to identify the communication dynamics - both textual and semiotic - which have contributed to make the campaign successful and whether they are in line with the communicative profile of the U.S.A., adopting a handful of current models in intercultural studies. We can assemble these research questions in two sets. One has to do with the process of political communication, decision-making, ideology and the role of the language. The other set of questions covers communication as a multimodal phenomenon where meanings are conveyed through the interplay of different modes such as music, images and language. More particularly, we will be looking at the semiotic organisation of the commercial website of Discovery America and its tourist campaign (“Land of Dreams”), both planned by Brand USA, a first-ever quasi-governmental agency with the mandate to increase the number of international visitors to the United States through a global marketing communication campaign. The Brand USA agency is the result of the U.S. Travel Promotion Act signed by President Obama in March 2010 (US Commerce Dept., 2010). The basic methodological framework for this study lies in the tradition of Discourse Analysis, mainly Systemic Functional Linguistics (Chilton 2004; Fairclough 1992; 1993; 2006; Halliday 1978), which becomes useful when used to identify the ideological significance of certain linguistic and also semiotic choices. The analysis also embraces the multimodal approach (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006) well suited for revealing a thorough picture of public diplomacy communication. Insights from Intercultural Studies (Hall 1976/1989) and from the literature on nation branding will be beneficial for discerning the role of tourism as a strategic tool in PD.

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Placed in the Bakhtinian ([1935] 1981) tradition of ‘dialogism’, this study sees any text as both ideological and axiological (i.e. Halliday’s complementarity of ideational and interpersonal meaning) where the bonding of ‘sense’ and ‘emotion’ shapes discourse and moves the world. Furthermore, this work accepts the theory that ideologies are socially shaped, and emphasises their cognitive aspect, considering them as systems of beliefs performing identifying tasks and representing the basic social characteristics of a group such as their objectives, values and norms (van Dijk 2001, 21).

2. Public diplomacy in the U.S.A. During the Bush administration the main purpose of Public Diplomacy was to define America’s message and to defend American ideals abroad (The 9/11 Commission Report, 377). However, the Bush administration’s efforts to win the “war of ideas” was envisioned in the world “as too much lecturing and moralising rhetoric, focused on message control and influencing target audiences, and too little consultation, listening and dialogue” (Lord and Lynch 2010, 15). An example of this is the rhetoric of the president Bush full of anti-Islamic metaphors such as ‘war on terror’ (Milizia and Spinzi 2010), the ‘axis of evil’ (Bush, January 29, 2002) or ‘crusade’ (Bush, September 16, 2001), which fuelled anti-American sentiment and contributed to the decline of America’s stature, in the eyes of many, by changing its role from ‘victim’ to ‘aggressor’. AntiAmericanism resulted in negatively stereotyping Americans as arrogant, unobservant, self-indulgent, hypocritical, and unwilling to engage in crosscultural dialogue (cf. Peterson 2002). In his attempt to criticise Washington’s campaign to improve the American image in the Middle East, the political analyst and lecturer Marwan Bishara pointed out that since "actions speak louder than words", people around the world "will not trust the message if they do not trust the messenger." (the International Herald Tribune, February 23, 2004). This lack of credibility has a deeply negative impact on tourism. The Obama administration signals a new direction in PD by moving from a focus on the message to information exchange, from “telling America’s story to the world” to “engaging with the world”, that is, from a monologic approach to a more relational approach. What is meant by the word ‘engagement’ is “the active participation of the United States in relationships” beyond its borders (National Security Strategy 2010). Obama has been promoting this participatory approach as his guiding philosophy since his first inaugural speech, where the importance of

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dialogue and mutual respect was clearly set out. The same principles are on the official website of the U.S. Department of State, the main source for PD (http://www.state.gov/r/)1 Starting from the definition of PD, there are a number of essential points that can be highlighted: PD encompasses dimensions of international relations beyond traditional diplomacy; it aims at enhancing the country’s image and reputation and it exploits tactics to raise public opinions about and appreciation for the country. We will conclude this section by borrowing a metaphor from Zaharna (2010, 4) which describes the current American PD in terms of “one of open hands rather than clenched fists”. In other words, more ‘soft power’ and less ‘hard power’.

3. Place branding, tourism and public diplomacy The interrelation between tourism advertising and PD can be explained through the concept of ‘place branding’ (also known as ‘nation branding’ or ‘country branding’), namely the “practice of applying brand strategy and other marketing techniques and disciplines to the economic, social, political and cultural development of cities, regions and countries” (Kavaratzis and Ashworth 2006, 183). In this information-saturated age, a positive image and an outstanding reputation consolidate the power of a state. The power of representation is fundamental in current consumer society where the ‘image’ is based on the combination of perceptions, beliefs and ideas, which symbolise and embody a nation. It has been highlighted that images are more relevant than tangible items given that perceptions, rather than reality, move people to buy and consume (Gallarza, Saura and Calderon Garcia 2002). The reputation of a state may be indicative of its trustworthiness and may be considered a component of ‘soft power’ (Nye 2004) which, together with military and economic resources, helps increase the power of the state itself. Indeed, every nation is associated to a brand name, that is the result of a set of complex and given factors such as geography, history, language, and value systems. These aspects all together, inevitably, contribute to affect the tourist’s choice of that country as a tourist destination. All this goes under the label of ‘nation branding’ seen as “a compendium of discourses and practices aimed at reconstituting nationhood through marketing and branding paradigms” (Kaneva 2011, 118). In public diplomacy, branding is about attaching value to the

1

Last accessed February 2016.

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message, because value attracts people. These values can be both physical and emotional, and it is well known that emotions drive people to act. Laurano (2011, 49-51) mentions various cases where tourism is the main tool in the process of re-branding the negative image of a country due to adverse political events. For example, she refers to the re-branding of Israel as “A country, another world”, a campaign deliberately exploiting the resources of the country expressed as soul (spiritual needs) and body (physical needs). Another case is that of the satellite countries of the former Soviet Union states, such as Estonia and Latvia, whose national characteristics were little known before the fall of the Berlin wall. Tourism and PD are reciprocally interrelated and their interface is played out in communication. Most industrialised countries have national boards that promote their country; the U.S.A., however, did not have a unified tourism board until the formation of Brand USA. The purpose of the project was to “rekindle the holidaymakers’ love affair with America – reclaiming their share of the market and positioning it as a diverse destination still to be explored” (Eye for Travel, February 18, 2013)2. Thus, the public/private agency Brand USA aimed to spread America’s message of welcome around the world and invite visitors to experience the limitless possibilities of the United States. Before embarking on the American campaign, Brand USA engaged a marketing agency to capture perceptions of the U.S.A. around the world. The results were those of a country seen as arrogant and unwelcoming. The only positive features that emerged concerned the conventional value of freedom–freedom to succeed, freedom of expression, freedom to participate–embodied by America and the aspect of diversity. Brand USA launched the first wave of tourism advertising in May 2012 in the UK, Japan and Canada. The centerpiece of the promotional action was a 60-second music-driven commercial known as “Land of Dreams”3.

4. The intercultural profile of the USA Culture cannot be separated from communication and PD, as a form of communication as well as a political phenomenon, is doubly influenced by culture (Condon and Fathi 1975, 34.). From policy to scholarship, from values to ideals, culture resounds everywhere; sometimes the shortcomings 2

The article is available at (Last accessed February 2016) 3 The video and the song are available at (Last accessed March 2016)

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of public diplomacy initiatives may have a cultural reason due to differences in communication patterns and style (cf. Zaharna 2012). American culture is strongly oriented towards individualism (Hofstede 2001), which has to do with whether people’s self-image is defined in terms of “I” or “We”. Unlike collectivist cultures where harmony and cohesion among people dominate, in individualist societies people are primarily supposed to look after themselves and their direct family. Individualism has been criticised as the main drawback in American PD communication because this dimension has determined the selfcentredness of the information produced; according to Zaharna (2012) it is the main factor leading to a form of ‘cultural apathy’. Unlike the other bipolar intercultural models, Lewis (2006) introduces a tripartite system which includes Linear-active (e.g. Americans; Canadians), Multi-active (e.g. the Italian culture) and Reactive cultures (e.g. the Japanese culture). The first category comprises individuals who are task-oriented and follow plans and schedules; the second category is based on expressiveness of emotions. People from this cultural typology tend to give priority to relationships and connections; finally, caring, respect and calmness are embodied by ‘Reactive people’. American culture is sketched as being ‘literate’ with a linear-thought communication pattern where evidence, reasoning and analysis are the favoured components. Finally, American culture tends to place a premium on innovation and change with an orientation to the future.

5. Theoretical orientation Kress and van Leeuwen’s social semiotic framework of visual communication grammar (2006), grounded in Halliday’s systemic functional theory (1978), was espoused as the theoretical model for this study in view of its privileging semiotic resources other than language. A major tenet of the systemic functional grammar is that the construction of meanings involves multiple semiotic systems, and semantics is one among many. Thus, relying on Halliday’s contention that meaning is therefore made through realised choices from paradigms and in syntagms (Halliday 1994); Kress and van Leeuwen (2006, 1) maintain that visuals, just like words, have their own semantics and syntax, and their grammar “will describe the way in which depicted people, places and things combine in visual ‘statements’ of greater or lesser complexity and extension”. Aware of the lack of immediacy in the interpretation process of images with respect to verbal language, the two authors go beyond the grammar of visuals by stressing the importance of the culture in which images are

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rooted: “Semiotic modes are shaped both by the intrinsic characteristics and potentialities of the medium and by the requirements, histories and values of societies and their cultures” (2006, 34). Thus investigation of the syntagmatic relations of a sign, such as colour, size, positioning, discloses patterns of images that may evoke various meanings. Kress and van Leeuwen’s framework matches Hallidayan social semiotic metafunctions, viz Ideational, Interpersonal and Textual, which were thereafter extended to visual communication. The Representational metafunction (Ideational in Halliday’s theory) refers to the ability of a semiotic system to represent the experience in the external world. The processes constructed in visual images are either of Narrative type (action, relational and verbal processes) or of Conceptual type (classificational, analytical and symbolic processes). The movement of images is given graphically by vectors in Narrative processes; on the contrary, Conceptual processes lack movement and thus they are considered as attributing values to carriers and construing taxonomic relations. The Interactive metafunction (Interpersonal in Halliday’s theory) refers to the ability of a semiotic system to represent the social relations between the producer of an image and its addressee. Contact (demand or offer), size of frame (close-ups, medium shots, long shots), perspective (high angle, low angle, eye level) are criteria on the basis of which social distance, and familiarity and positioning may be discerned. The linguistic interpersonal resource of modality is visually represented by the degree of ‘credibility’ manifest in the image, varying from high degree of truthfulness (e.g. naturalistic images) to low degree of modality (e.g. less real images). Finally, the Compositional metafunction (Textual in Halliday’s theory) refers to the ability of a semiotic system to arrange images so as to create connections among them. The arrangement of images is defined as a “system of information value” and it is based on the two components salience and framing. If salience is related to foregrounding or backgrounding, framing concerns the presence or absence of it. In other words, salience refers to what is made prominent and framing is based on resources that realise continuity or contrast between items such as barriers, lines, boxes, colours and so on. In this theory, concepts like power, involvement, detachment are only potential meanings which are then activated by makers and target audience.

6. Exploring the website: Discover America The Brand USA campaign “Land of Dreams” is based on both traditional and new communication elements. It includes 60-second

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television commercials, billboards, subway advertising, bus shelters and an online portal as well as social networks such as Facebook and Twitter along with a customised You Tube site loaded with multiple versions of the commercials.4 Relying on the analytical approach described (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2006), the organisation of the website and the pictures on the homepage will be analysed in the light of the representational, interactive and compositional resources used by meaning-makers. An exploratory inventory of the home page5 reveals an omission of traditional categories from the top-level navigation on the site (e.g. “about us”, “photo gallery”, “products”); the top space displays four broad sections (Figure 15-1), each one with drop-down menus. The semiotic perspective moves from a general picture of the sea, which might be everywhere, to three main thematic categories in the middle and then opens up to the local regions and yet more local varieties of cultural artefacts located at the bottom of the page (Figure 15-2). Furthermore, the absence of framing between the pictures positioned as “promise޵ and those in the “real” space lead the viewer to see all the images as continuous and complementary: from America as a whole we move on to regional differences. In Kress and Van Leeuwen’s framework (2006, 206), the “Centre” and the “Margin” represent two of the dimensions around which visual composition can be structured, whereas horizontal, vertical and centreperiphery dimensions of the visual space are related to layout and information value. The horizontal dimension arranges known message to the left and unknown message to the right. The vertical dimension positions ideal information at the top of the web page and real or more specific details at the bottom of it. Furthermore, what is placed in the upper part is usually the promise, whilst the content in the lower part epitomises the real, the fact, which “presents more down-to-earth’ information” (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2006, 193-194).

4

The different versions of the commercial are available at (last accessed November 2014) 5 The website which in the beginning was available at has been renamed and is now available at the address: .

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Figure 15-1. screenshot of the top-level section (last accessed February 2015).

With respect to the whole webpage, the picture in Figure 15-1 is located in the space of the Ideal – that which is unknown – the promise (Kress and van Leewuen 2006) and is made prominently salient by its large size. From the representational point of view, this image is constructed as Conceptual since nothing is happening in terms of narration. More particularly, it stages a Symbolic Attributive Process since its meaning lies in its connotations, that can be drawn from the materials used: sand and crystal-clear water. Except for the boats, the other elements are natural and connote transparency and the infinite. The use of light and bright colours makes the sea look like a mirror and constructs an ethereal, almost unreal, image which ‘casts a spell’ on the viewer. The symbolic meaning is also displayed by the verbal imagery (“Discover this land, like never before”) that together with the captivating visuality create a cumulative effect of enchantment. The system of Modality, which relates to the truth value of the sign, is low in this picture due to soft colours representing the product – the sea landscape – as fantasy/promise. Furthermore, the centred perspective, given by the front-on viewing, indicates that the viewer is subjectively involved with the image. Scrolling down the page leads us to the dominant thematic categories that are represented by tourism sub-discourses: road trips, food, and sports (cf. Figure 15-2 below). Located in the middle of the webpage, these sections are the main sources for regional cultural information and diversification and they are given salience by their central position. These three images function as ‘macrothemes’ for the whole text (Martin 2000) in the sense that the three pictures of road trips, food and sport, supported by the verbal signs, signal what the sections are about.

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Figure 15-2. The three main pillars located in the centre of the webpage.

The pictures are arranged symmetrically and framed by a rectangle, represented as equal in size and oriented in the same way towards the horizontal and vertical axes so that the picture as a whole creates a relation of similarity among the six rectangles. The road trip and sport images are located in the Real/Given space while food is placed in the Ideal/New space. It is worth pointing out that rectangles are elements of the human world construction, “they form the modules, the building blocks with which we construct our world, and they are therefore the dominant choice of builders and engineers, and of those who think like builders and engineers” (Krees and van Leewuen 2006, 54). Thus, according to the two authors, the use of this shape reveals aspects of rationality, an aspect that is in line with the American linear-pattern communication, one of the features of cultures based on text6. Linearity allows the sequential presentation of facts and events, and is object-oriented and communication – in low-context cultures (LCC) – tends to be specific, explicit and analytical (for further details see Dodd 1992). The first picture on the left reproduces one of the symbols of Americaness: road trips which fully emerged in the post-WWII era and soon became the iconic encapsulation of the good life and the “American Dream”. The image is represented through a Narrative process of the Reactional type (process of doing) as the two actors are in the car, driving, looking and smiling at each other. The woman is the Reactor who is looking at (the vector) the man (the Phenomenon) and their smile suggests 6

Following Hall’s model of culture (1976/1989), two types of communication styles are discerned depending on the extent to which individuals place meanings in context: high-context (HCC) and low-context cultures (LCC). In HCC, most of the information is in the physical context. The U.S.A is known for favouring lowcontext communication because meanings are made explicit through words and they are not internalised in the person as they would be in a HCC.

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amusement as they begin their adventure. Road trips have always played a key role in American culture because they “exemplified and shaped a particularly American collective identity, mapping a system of meaning onto the landscape and its citizenry, and structuring the meanings of experience, desire, visuality, mobility, and consumerism by which the “good life” was defined as a social and moral imperative” (Conrad 2010, 16). The car on the road came to symbolise the “family vacation” which may be taken as the ideological model of ‘family togetherness’. The couple is foregrounded and in this way the viewer is asked to enter into a relation of social affinity with them. The picture in the middle of the bigger rectangle, carrying the core of the information, is an analytical picture as there is neither vector nor classificational processes. It serves to identify a ‘carrier’ (the pie) and to allow viewers to scrutinise its possessive attributes. In Hallidayan terms, this picture represents an offer of goods and services in which the expected response is acceptance. The picture is at close distance and the object is shown as if the viewer is engaged with what it symbolises viz tradition, home and family. The analytical nature serves the purpose of representing a structure as showing all the ingredients/parts the whole is made up of just as the U.S.A. is made up of different regions with their own features. But its purpose is also interactional and emotive rather than representational given that the image of fresh fruit, the fact that it is handmade and the high modality establishes an imaginary relation with viewers through the alluring sensory quality of this traditional pie. Calling to mind another icon of American culture7 – the multifaceted apple pie – this image contributes to a collective notion of ‘Americanness’ since it is not from a specific region. The picture to the right, positioned in the unknown space, shows an American footballer, that is the Actor of the Narrative Process (he is playing; he is winning). This sport serves the multiple roles of holiday spectacle, promotional vehicle, and symbol of American virtue and vice from an early date (Arens 1976). The picture connotes the underlying cultural schemata of victory and success as important achievements: the footballer is at a middle distance and the setting is out of focus. As Hofstede (2001, 297) points out, in low-Uncertainty Avoidance cultures– such as the U.S.A.–“[…] achievement tends to be defined in terms of ego boosting, wealth and recognition”.

7

For further details on American icons see the following institutional website .

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Despite their different representational meanings, the three images share interactional resources: they make use of a perspective that is in between the eye-angle and the top-angle; they represent a closer social distance rather than being far away and, finally, the absence of direct eye contact construes a non-direct form of address, so that the pictures offer the possibility of discovering through driving, tasting and watching rather than demanding it. This framing invites the viewer to enter the represented world, highlighting the core value of hospitality (cf. Francesconi 2011, 341). Only the picture of the footballer apparently shows some differences in terms of a lower degree of involvement given by the further distance of the represented subject. However, this wider distance is then recovered through a more horizontally-oriented angle. Finally, these three pictures are naturalistic in the sense that what we observe here could also be observed in reality. All the settings are realistic and the colours and contrasts used are consistent with a high modality, which is in line with the aim of the website, namely promoting and attracting visitors to the U.S.A. The top angle perspective is chosen for the picture located at the bottom of the webpage with the woman looking at the landscape (Figure 15-3). The top-down angle that “is the angle of maximum power” and is knowledge-oriented because it allows the viewer to contemplate “the world from a god-like point of view, puts it at your feet, rather than within reach of your hands” (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2006: 149). This top vertical angle is mitigated by an oblique perspective which moves on from the woman’s gaze towards the lake or the sea and requires less commitment from the viewer. At this point the traveller may more easily approach the landscape and engage with it.

Figure 15-3. Top-angle perspective.

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The role of language on the homepage is ancillary being used to accompany thematic categories with catch-phrases containing features typical of tourism discourse: thematised imperatives which are ‘doings’ and a goal that, in most of the cases, is given by the name of the country or one of its qualities.

6.1. Looking at the logo As Peters (1999, 41) has observed, “Humans think visually. A picture is really worth a million words. And great brands have readily identifiable icons – just ask Nike or Apple or Shell – strong simple images that connect with customers”. A logo is a graphical element that aims to elicit immediate recognition by the viewer (Spinzi and Terminiello 2010, 125) and functions as the face of a brand (Young 2009). Logos, which contribute to the realisation of corporate visual identity together with name, typography, colour, and slogan, work as visual representations of businesses, as identification of the company in terms of quality producer of goods and/or services (Considine and Haley, 1992). Thus, it goes without saying that logos are also used to depict political figures and to designate ideologies and social issues. Peirce’s semiotic framework (1958 [1931]), the three-part paradigm of signification, can help us shed light on the logo created by Brand USA. The ‘representamen’ (or the sign itself), is lexical in the sense that we find letters made up of multi-coloured dots. Dots or points are the beginning of any visual symbol and their spreading out from the borders of the letters (e.g. USA) may suggest the infinite. Furthermore, a dot recalls the shape of a circle which – as has already been observed – denotes “endlessness, warmth, protection” (Kress and van Leuween 2006, 54). The ‘object’ (or “referent”, what the sign refers to) is the nation, the U.S.A. The third component of the signification is the ‘interpretant’, namely the effect on the viewer, or the viewer’s interpretation: the dots, arranged together to harmonise the letters USA, suggest infinity, unlimited spaces or possibilities together with the ideals of diversity. Diversity might be diversity of people, of experiences, of cultures, of places, of climate. To further emphasise diversity, the identity is not tied to a single palette as it appears in a variety of colours. According to the Brand Union New York, the new design captures the spirit of the United States: authentic, optimistic, unexpected, inclusive with endless possibilities. What is ideologically relevant here is what the logo is not: it’s not redwhite-and-blue and it is not made up of stars, stripes, or a combination

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thereof. It is rather simple and generic in order to be accessible to people with a different cultural background. We can safely state that the logo realises Brand USA’s expectation, namely that of constructing an identity emanating energy and the positive outlook that is (assumed to be) typical of Americans.8

6.2. The first campaign: Land of Dreams The campaign was first launched in the UK, in Australia and Japan. The video features the American songwriter and vocalist Roseanne Cash (daughter of Johnny Cash) singing an original song the “Land of Dreams”, accompanied by several musicians. The title chosen for the song shows elements of what Fairclough (1992, 102) calls “constitutive intertextuality”, which refers to inserting prior texts, or parts of them, in new texts, which may conform, oppose, or echo them. Intertextuality is one of the main devices used by advertising to arouse the audience’s interest in the products. Its use encourages people to make associations with previous knowledge and then stimulates their purchasing action by relying on familiarity with other objects or situations (Cook 1992). “Land of Dreams” echoes the title of a poem by William Blake, where these words are uttered by a motherless infant to his father. The child dreams of his mother and longs to return to the "land of dreams" so that he can be once again by her side. The intended meaning is that of union, a precious dream–meeting with his mother in the land of dreams, possibly America. Allusion is used in the song to make the point (e.g. union) more intelligible and then the hearer is invited to make the connection. This type of intertextuality is closely related to orders of discourse and social change where the hidden discourses (e.g. union despite diversity) imply the advancement of operational social, cultural, and ideological values by forging them in order to achieve the producer's goals.

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Wally Krantz who led the brand identity initiative for The Brand Union New York wrote "In designing the identity we wanted to find a logo that was both aspirational and true to the heart of the country; the use of a percolating image encapsulates the energy and optimism that draws people to the United States," (last accessed February 2015).

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6.2.1. Analysis of the song I heard you calling from the start A river runs through both our hearts A thousand shades of something new I cannot wait to play for you So play your songs and make them real There’s a place for all we feel And it’s closer than it seems Come and find your land of dreams Land of dreams, land of dreams Come and find your land of dreams And it’s closer than it seems Come and find your land of dreams The world is smaller in our eyes The city streets and moonlit skies The shining waves and evergreens I will give you everything Well you can hear the bells and strings Just wait until you make them ring And it’s closer than it seems Come and find your land of dreams

The functional analysis of the lyrics looks at transitivity, the system that activates ideational meanings modelled through processes, and at mood and modality as language resources to construe interpersonal meanings (Halliday 1978). In the song, ideational meanings are mainly expressed by Material Processes that refer to actions and doings (come, find, play, give, run, wait). We also find Relational Processes (it’s closer; the world is smaller than it seems), which serve the purpose of depicting America (the Carrier) as a neighbouring country (Attribute), not far away from the rest of the world. Bonds among Americans and visitors are thus significantly strengthened. The only Existential Process (there’s a place) points out the real existence of this world, where dreams can become true. The three occurrences of I create the speaking voice of America that addresses people in the world using you (5 occurrences) but it also integrates with them by inserting the inclusive we which, reinforced by our (2 occurrences), aims at emphasising again the concept of connectedness among Americans and foreigners. This creates the following impression:

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the U.S.A. will fulfil its promise through the joint efforts of all people who visit the country, where they will find every benefit they are looking for. The transitivity roles ascribed to visitors are mainly material: they will be the doers of their action of discovering America. The I is mainly connected to the category of Mental Processes and the voice comes to be identified with that of a mentor who knows the potentialities of the American land and wishes to attain them. It becomes agent with the promise of ‘giving everything’ by the use of will as expressing strong volitional meaning and thus closer to deontic meaning (for a detailed study on modality see Coates 1983). The Land of dreams is the main participant, that represents the Goal of the Material processes, namely the element the action is directed at. This nominal group, together with A thousand shades of something new, construes an objective world given by fixed non-negotiable entities (dreams, shades). This metaphorical wording accentuates the appeal of America as a place that contains commodities of some kind and where everything is possible. From the interpersonal point of view, addressers have different choices to express power relations in verbal exchange: they can use declaratives for statements, interrogatives to ask yes/no questions and imperatives to give commands. In the case of the song, the mood fluctuates from declarative (15 occurrences) to imperative forms (12 occurrences). Declaratives relate to the writer’s imaginative convictions and highlight that the voice of America is the information-giver and that the song is mainly expressed in terms of statements of experience. The statements are believed to be convincing and confirming. All the imperative sentences function as commands/requests that are not open to negotiation with the sole function of persuading the audience. The imperatives used require the addressee to take some course of action and to enjoy what America offers. 6.2.2. Looking at the video If the song functions both as information-giver first and then as an invitation to the world to visit the States, the images chosen to construct the video present America as a land of opportunity, highlighting multiculturalism. For space constraints, only some observations can be made here. The full-length video analysed for this study showcases different destinations which do not represent the usual American icons, but rather unknown places with scenes of urban life and natural landscapes interspersed with multicultural images.

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The video has been divided into thirty shots on the basis of the places represented, of which only seven will be considered here. For the analysis the images have been grouped under four main struts framing the message: the great outdoors, urban excitement, tolerance, and culture. The most salient and frequent images showcase the singer under a bridge playing and singing with Brazilian-American artist Bebel Gilberto, as well as sitar players and musicians coming from different parts of the world. Prominent images play the role of aligning people around shared values. The focus is on diversity; music, being a universal language, blurs cultural differences and emphasises commonality. In most of these images (see for example Figures 15-4 and 15-7) we have close-up frontal shots of the people represented. Cash’s direct eye contact in Figure 4, taken from a horizontal angle, results in an intimate social distance or close personal involvement (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006, 124).

Figure 15-4. Rosanne Cash in the video.

Figure 15-5. Native American dance ceremony.

Figure 15-6. A man of Asian descent riding a Harley-Davidson.

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Figure 15-7. Two Muslim women walking in Manhattan.

There are frequent cutaways to images of American sports life and landscape: hikers parachuting off brilliant, orange-red cliffs, shots of a baseball game, rafters and a blonde woman tip-toeing through the Everglades. The urban excitement category includes two smiling Muslim women strutting down a Manhattan street (Figure 15-7) and a young man cruising a lighted street in a convertible. Again, the horizontal plane of Figure 15-7 has a relevant interpersonal function in connecting with viewers, whereas the down-angle of Figure 15-6 makes the driver dominant. He becomes the source for energy and excitement and the viewer/traveller feels that s/he will be invaded by them. Apart from the prominent images discussed above, culture is the represented and shared topic in the scenes: a native American dance ceremony (Figure 15-5), a man of Asian descent riding a Harley-Davidson (Figure 15-6), friends enjoying dinner in Napa Valley, and old men playing dominoes in Little Havana in Miami. Some pictures lend themselves to more than one category, like the bi-racial couple celebrating their wedding in New Orleans and a gay couple embracing on a trolley in San Francisco. Themes and characters intermingle, evoking feelings of joy, admiration and harmony. Being complementary to language, signs have their own modality: visuals can represent real events, imaginings, real people, caricatures and so on. All of the images on both the websites and in the video are real pictures with a ‘naturalistic coding orientation’ and thus embody a very high modality.

7. Concluding remarks This chapter has applied multimodal frameworks to understand ideological meanings behind the visual-verbal modes used by the American promotional website commissioned by the government with the

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aim of rebuilding the image of the U.S.A. Public diplomacy in this work is inherently about identity and image. In terms of communication, the analysis has shown extensive reliance on signs rather than text, which makes both the website and the video more accessible also to those cultures which are characterised by a non-linear thought pattern of communication (e.g. Japan). Images indeed play a relevant role in persuading people to visit a certain place and in shaping identity (cf. Balirano 2015, 19). All the three metafunctions have a strategic role in this website: representational meanings activate new schemata and consolidate the relevant existing ones. The compositional metafunction has ideologically organised the website, moving from the whole to the local richness, from the ethereal promise to the real cultural diversity which is a prominent aspect in the video. All resources such as images, music, photographs, literature and language contribute to construe and strengthen this multicultural diversity. The re-branding of America as a tourist destination relies mainly on emotional values like unity, harmony and tolerance and in their representation the interpersonal function (e.g horizontal angles, close-ups, high modality) is fundamental. Through the direct involvement of the viewer, the use of ‘offers’ (exchange of goods and services), the message of welcome are all signals of dialogue and exchange. From the above analysis, we can conclude that by using the declarative mood, the producer takes the role of information-processor and -deliverer whilst the use of high modality serves the purpose of influencing the attitudes and beliefs of the listeners and the American people. We can safely state that the web-communication strategies used by Brand USA combine institutional transaction oriented to the dissemination of information (the lesser known American cultural aspects) and interaction, through the constant involvement of the viewers, which has a social or phatic component (cf. Harris 1995). This is very similar to Habermas’ distinction (1984) between communicative discourse, aimed at reaching an understanding, and strategic discourse, which “is basically instrumental in mode, power-laden and often located in institutional sites” (Harris 1995, 121). Furthermore, the analysis of intertextuality indicates that hybridisation is an efficient way to construct tourist advertisements. The use of intertextuality also shows the attempt by advertisers to dilute the commercial materials with authority and credibility from other discourses such as literature. Thus, credibility (e.g. high modality; naturalistic images) becomes vital to promote destinations, life-styles and ideologies. The more credible the information content, the more persuasive its value.

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The semiotic organisation of the website mirrors some patterns of communication in line with the American linear-thought cultural orientation, like the moving from the general into regional details according to a logical framing. The apparent absence of American traditional symbols and icons (e.g. red and blue colours) and the awareness of cultural aspects marks a shift towards an “intercultural” perspective or rather, to culture emerging as a pivotal feature of new models and perspectives, suggesting a change of attitude in public diplomacy. By introducing these changes, for example by representing women in hijab walking around freely without being harassed or asked to change, the tourist advertisement does not only have the function of promoting the country, but that of rebranding the warlike image of the past years. In the attempt to reframe America, to clear away any doubts and to exalt its stature, a political agenda seems to be operating by endorsing the ideology and image of unity and by calling to mind the old schemata of “dream” embodied by America as a nation, as a concrete entity, a multicultural country and as a symbolic artefact.

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