Land Reform and Peasant Differentiation in Two Southern Districts of Peru 0315661615

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Land Reform and Peasant Differentiation in Two Southern Districts of Peru
 0315661615

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Canadian Theses Service ' ~ e r v * ed8s

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of this mkrofon is heavi4dependent upon th4

uality of the original thesis submitted for microfilming. 2reproduction very effort has beenmade to ensure thahihest qualivof possible.


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w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i i d f i ~ -


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nth century, cattle wd+Sheep msing In f-ltkmme! \ . Ccapacmarca and alpaca wool production for export in Marangani haw developed at the

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expense of basic food crops for peasant households: Insufficient land and capital have

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constantly forced small cultivators to seek employment in urban centres. Clearly, thus, this

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southern region forms

integral part of peripheral capitalism as evidenced by factors such

as its limited internal market, the declining production of basic f a d crops and inmasing

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~owever,Ccapacmarca and ~ a r a n ~ ahave n i differed considerably with regard to

their historical interntion into Peru's cap-is-

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economy of Ccapacmarda has remained tied to domestic meat production while that of

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Marangani, starting in the mid- 1800s, became part of the international wool trade.

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Subscquehly, Ccapacmma's despotic landed class ruled over purely local affairs, while Mamngani's large estate owners became more nationally-oriented, absentee landlords

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playing a less significant&le in village affairs ( @ h e , 1977b).

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The reformist policies of the 1968 military government tended to reinforce such .local differen& Following the 1969 land reform, in Marangani the government mated a rural collective called.sociedod agrleefa & inter& sociol or SAIS (social Interest Agrarian

'" Society) to promote alpaca raising. Under such an arrangement, ex-hacienda tenants 2

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(feudotorws ) became direct members of a SAIS organiied into production units (iectprei F

& produccidn ). Each unit acquired one conective voting membership to represent its

workers but its land remain,@ the ownership of the SAIS administration. Meanwhile, free-

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the same m area were ~ amhated to the SAIS and, though not

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and decision making.

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del Cusco. Their studies have focused upon Charamuray,,apeasant community only a few

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carnpesina: caso Ccapacmarca, Chum6ivilcas". -

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my own ahd the validityof his data was

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I used several published manuscripts written by micro-regiod development project zP

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agencies including the Dutch-Peru Project, the Government's Support Project for \

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dependent economies" (ibid91). This point had also been".

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discussed by Frank (1967) who stated that this type of "active capitalist involkion;' could* only lead to limited autonomous development. ~

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&velopmen~in peripheral idonomies by raising the level of -productive faces arid by .

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widening domestic markets. However, this type of development produces "ah internal 7

structural fragmentation" $&reby

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industrial sector becomes inteeted &to world . I

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capitalism at the expense of the m m rural areas. Agriculture then acts as an internal colony

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with regard to the more dynamic sectors of the economy. This structund duality is "functionalQto the expansion of capitalism in that it keeps wages low and diminish& -3

. Brazil as a case study, Cardoso political tension within the modein sector (1972:W)Using '

argues that this new model of "a~sociated-&pendentdevelopment" gives rise to new ,-4

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combinkd with the actor orient+tion model to emphasize the dynamic formsynco-

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Mantaro Vdley, dependent decWopmenthas brought both inequality and economic

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extenfal dependence between Latin America and Western nations. By arguing that the .

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core-periphery relationship, it rejected the notion of dualism implicit in the urban-rural continuum of modernization theory. Further, dependency led to a re-examination of the theory of imperialism. However, it presented an overly abstract concept of the world b

economy and, thus, had only liinited value for empirical research. Brenner (1977) has -

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denounced the trade-centered biases of dependency and demonstrated that this approach has failed to grasp the importance of the emergence of capitalism and, in the process, not c l d i e d the analysis of transition from feudalism to capitalism. Brenner also points out the -

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underdevelopment. Rather than being determined by surplus transfer, underdevelopment results from an internal class structure that blocks the development of the forces of production and exploitation is a class phenomenon within the sphere of production. Dore and Weeks denounce'the oversight of dependency - especially Franks formulation -by saying: , , .,

(1)t is a fundamental error to imagine that dependen theorists, through the use of the concept "surplus extraction , have built upon Marx's category of exploitation and extended it from the class level to we have is a substitutio replacement of one concept with another. For it is at the class level that all "extraction", appropriation, or expropriation of surplus product occurs, with the categories of community, region, or country merely providing the geographic context of this class appropriation of surplus product (op.cit:16).

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regron, or country merely providing thegeographic conkxt of this class appropriationof sllrplus product (1977: 16). -.'"-.. -

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Another shortcoming of dependency is that analyses within this perspecti

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proh%ive unit Because the Andean n u c-l e a r ~ ~ s e h o l d _ n = s u l t s ~ ~ r n ~ ~ r ~-c o n ~ c,t l ~ ~ -

In area? where capitalism did not emerge organically from the internal relations of a society, but was instead brought in through colonial or neo-colonial contact, one would expect ations to be even a a t i o n could therefore provide a context within -a capitalism, while at the same time understanding the multiple long-lasting, and stubborn resistarlce of non-capitalist cultural, economic, political, and social forms to its dominance (1983:6), ,

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non-capmbxfmm and alanons of pmducnon. On me contrary, sucn rorms can s w r v e m

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as a specific response to capitalist penetration.

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However, the modes of production approach has remained abstract and difficult to: .%

apply to concrete situations. For instance, Taylor's (1979) examination of the importance ofi.

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the concepts of capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production for analyzing the spucture t

and development of Third World societies has not led to a l&e body ofempkicd research

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- f o m a ~ O n , ~ W ~ ~ a r t ~ c u land a t edominated d position with other modes, Reproduction of this unicbss, mode thus .. I edted oi at 1 e ~not have stable rules of reproduction, and this contradicts the legitimacy of the very notion of mode (198 1:3).

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What de J a n ~ points y out is that an articulation of mode of production app ach considers

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peasant society as articulated'throughvarious relations to the dominant capitalist mode of

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production and that this articulation, external to the peasantry, is what constitutes the "class -

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relations" ofwh&h the peasantq is part. ihus,it araosfanns whauulexploitativ~clas,.*--relations into an'articulation between two modes. To de Janvry, "peasants are not a mode

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but an unstable fraction of class that ranges froin the peffy bourgeoisie to the 5 -

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semi'proletariatH(l'biZ?J.

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Within Marxism

In an attempt to go beyond the theoretical confines of the" articulation of mcide of

production", Roseberry contends that#theproblem of "articulation" disappears when we drop all notions of "peasant" and start exarniqing the larger system: "If peasants exist within --

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larger societies, let us begin with those societies, examine the social, political, and

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economic processes of development (or underdevelopment) which are at work in them, and then analyze'rural regions in terms of those larger processes" (1978:3). Then, he.argues, "we are no longer talking a b u t two discrete units which somehow are related b"; about a total society" (ibid). Instead, the author regarding wage emplpymtnt as a critical factor of a

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contemporary peasant ecoiomy proposes a study of agrarian nlations &rived solely from their location in the larger socio-economic s&turc. His approach theoretically rejects th&k

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v of cap)italism. %*

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Bernstein explains that the difficulty of ,.. examining peasants A h i n "the mode of

articulation theory" is that the object of anal$&inot

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of production in the

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materialist sense, but the peasant family as a wit of production k dmproduction" (1977:422). In other words, such relations are those internal to+thefamily. Bernjetin is **;

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worth quoting at length:

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In these 'models' of peasant economy, the s&ial "kations suggested are those internal to the producing unit, the peasant household. They cannot formulate the social relations of production which provide the most important element in the materialist theory of a mode of pioduction. The social relations of ~roductionencompass and relate the relations of productidn, appropriation; distribution and utilisation of the social prduct a s 3 whoE-Anavsis Cf fiesocial relationsEfp=tioTfieI'efm i i i c l u ~ e a n s b2iween various units of production, between various classes, and the relations of the process of social reproduction (no household can satisfy the conditions of its own reproduction outside the process of social -

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relations are external to the dynamics of the elementary unit of production f ~ households); e something which is clear enough in .t'hE 'M6& of bdlh Chayanov and Sahlins (ibid:4:!5). "

Bernstein speaks o -plllral peasantries - a more accurate ikrm since there exists no

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"single" and "essential peasan -j". Consequently, peasants do n&fit any general definition .

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- they take on historically specific forms. He contends that a study of contemporary peasants necessarily entails an analysis of the circuit of capital and needs to consider the .

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particular historical forms of capital penetration and comrnoditjl. extension. Thus, Bernstein -r'

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offers the following alternative approach to the mode of productiqn inodel- an approach

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examining the ways in which modern capital destroys "nat*

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economy" - a social

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formation where the production of use-value is dominant - through the mediation of the q>

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state. The process of natural economy destruction contains two dimensions: 1) the i

of commodity production. Thus, rather than considering peasants as a mode, Bemstein 4'

asserts: (~)easantshave to be located in capitalist relations of production, but in conditions less determinate than those of

the proletariat to the degree.that household production is not subject to complete e x . p m p n a of regulations and discipline of labour exercised within capitalist production process (ibid:437).

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bourgeoisie and landed elites. Given this context of disamculated acc8mu'ia$ioti;& Janvry I

then argues that dualism is functional. This "functional dualism" usualIy existing between *, * **;; . commercial capitalist - a n d s u b . ~ i s t e n c e : ~ w & e , is &din& as *L

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both a source of primitive accumulation through cheap food and semiproletarian labour and also a contradictory process that leads to the destruction of the peasantry. De Janvry >yexplains:

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Thus, unequal development is a process whereby growth of capitalist production in the periphery feeds upon the stagnation, impdverishment, and desuvction of the peasant and artisan spheres. This process is consistent with the classical interpretation of the law o h e q u a l development and its restoration by the critics of the un&rcievelopment school. (ibid:22).

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This model also implies that, indisarticulated econoqks, full proletarianization of the rural sector is not a+ necessary condition since wages can be maintained at a low level by perpetuating a peasant economy which partially assumes the cost of maintaining and -

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.. yill take plafe tQmugh "

in the periph&-y.An eventual full &letarianization of the

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impoksubstitution to bring about a socially articulated alliance. According to de'~a&y, '. . Peru's 1969 land reform npresents,such an attempt to articulate the n a h d boqjeoisie,

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the proletariat and the peasantry togethw stajes, it is ..-However, as Assies (1987:511) ,. .

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hautgeaisiem&as.I-will discussin-Chaptiz&t.k-_1_

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., .: ',, . . .. .. .._ . ; . Recent efforts at rethinkingirhc : category of "peasa@" within capitalism h e led , ; . , .. . . _. ,; 6 . .' . . , . . . ,

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for articulated accumulation.

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military also failed to achieve pshu1a.r support - an aspect that & Janwry sees as a condition .. ,

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author such as Assies (1987);:bnhsw et.al. (1977), ~ernstein'(l977)t ~ l o o hupon -

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peasants as simple commodity ~roducers~ :'Simple codwpmductiO~"~,~ccording.to. .- . . . ,

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Bernstein (op.cit:42.5) "is distinguished from capitalist p;oduction by its 'logic' of, subsistence (meehng the needs of simple praduction) as opposed to the l ~ g i cQf the

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appmpnation and redisation of surplus-value and the accumulation of capitaI". To these .

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authors, simple canmodity producers are fully part of the caiitalist economy. "It-is a farm

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of production which is a normal feature of capitalist social f-tions,

that is. iocial

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formations cham terised by generalised commodity production in which &production

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outside the commodity economy has become impossible",(Assies, op.cit:506).:~h;s,

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form an integral part of capitalism, then the qucial heontkal problem li&han

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understanding of their class nature.

among various categories of agricultural produters and with the ways in which these categories could

integrated into mon.rigorous c l a ~ s ~ a n a ~ ~ For s eexample, s. Enkew 'et d' I

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Followng Hemstem, this thesis cognizes that an adequate understanding of the

economy of contemporary Peru. The approach takes into consideration the relations of commodity produetion md exehmge which tie swtllem peasants toperipheral capitatism ,

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Andean relations cannot be fully understood on-a riiaten'listiclevd alone. They have to be '"

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recontextualizcd in terms of cuItural factors. Foi example, re-~santization:ifl'~cap~arca. ?

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can'be fully un&rstood only if we examine the role played by gamondbm (naal ,

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landlordism) at the local level.-Thus, a soeio-political analysis of social dations cannot be

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completely divorccd from cultural~nality.Culhual and sociolbgical~databroaden the

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To sum up this sec'fion,the work of h n i n and Chayanov have &*en of special value .'

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for a better understanding of peasant societies. Though highly enlightening, Lenin's

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formulation of rurd transformation has w n increasingly challenged as to its relev-

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peripheral economies where capitalist &amion has fallowed divergent paths from the _ .P

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West. Strtszring the multi-faceted nature of that evolution, Rosebeny warns that "we must '. .

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at once be sensiiivc to variation and analyse proassud regul@ties,. This q u h s constant. 7

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k u l i a r societies" (1978:15). ,-

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This thesis accepts the basic premise of dependency (historical analysis of

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imperialist domindon) bytseeks in the Marxist appmxh adequate theoretical tools %*

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(namely, relations of production and exchange) to conceptualizethe precise mechanisw'of

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peasant differe~tiati~. It Ases both a political economy perspective to examine the impact of state policies on social processes in southern Peru and a bottom-up ethnographic

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h -df the . social reW'ons of pduction that subordinate peasants within a larger r

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capitalist system. In order to examine the realities that shape Andean peasant life, it is

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necessary to locate the peasantry within the class structure of the nation-state while taking in to consideration its concrete cultural characteristics. -

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empirical circumstances that account for the rnaintenke, the b a y ama@irlid ,

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the peasanby. In agreement with Bernstcin. I would m e -

that a viable tkay of t

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transformed by k g = syst&nic! structures to which it is connected and#differingf e r n s of

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capitalist dominatioq: Thus;it is a matter of concrete circurnstan~e,rather than of theory, to 7

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of prnduction either rapidly desintcptt

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& kame &lectivcly sustained and, as sueh, swve as transitional rtlatidris within capitalist pmduciion. With this in mind, thc following chapters examine the v i a l character . - .. of puthem ag<urd &duceers under colonial and later,.republicdn state shucnurs. - ,. , . , " * I

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~ z m of e the thcantical'ideas o u t l i d above will help explain the didtinct $haracter of the

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-.After Lm&bAndMadre doaDios,Cusct, is the third largest of the counqts twenty L,

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The Economic History of ttie Provincias Altas

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- some 76,224' ~~uarekiloxheters and

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three mountain ranges separgted by two broad valleys,

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he provincias altm, where the research sites are located, are comprised of fDur

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p&incesi ~ m a sCanchis, , Ch~mbivilcasand Espinar (See Figure 2, Chapter 1) in the, 4.

and 3,900 meters abovfsezblevel. Also known as the altiplano, it represents the uppermost v .

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limit for cropfuJ$vati6n in the Andes (only the bitter potato or Kanuwa can grow at this 8'

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altitude). T I y s undulating plateau is a p t

sheep) grazing oil

upland with livestock (alpaca, llama and P

wild grass or stipa ichu . Its carrying capacity for pasture averages to

The secondgnephe suni ,lies between 3,900 and 3,300 meters and is a region *.

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where we find wheat, barley, broad beans and potatoes as w@l as Andean root crops such

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oca (oxalis tuberosa), ulluco (ulluc& tuberosa) and isano. The principal herd animals,are

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sheep, cattle and hoi&,, the latter khnd mainly in Chumbivilcas. Third, the ~ h e s h u azone

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is more tempfste lying between 3,500 to 2,360 meters. Its leading crop is maize, but

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barley, wheat'bd beans are also cultivated. Pigs may be found higher up, but are i

According to Gade (1975:13), the province of Canchis $here Llallahyi is located suffers &om mostfrequent droughts in the Vilcanota Valley. -

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Eesnthe southernmost part of the department of Cusco. It

The p'ovinGf=chis

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covers some 4,118.3 square kilometers between 3,230 and 3,695 metm (Map 3 be1ow)z.

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Pass Sic ani (altitude 3,5321 mefers), on the way to Cusco (3,382 meters), some quebrudus >,

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exhibit a qheshua climate. However, the predominant ecol~gicalzones, as found in C

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Marangmi, are puna and $ h i . *

Vilcanota Valley, covers a~ maof 400k$. --

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The district of Marangani, located in the highest and sqthernmost part of the -

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and 3S4.5 krn2 of pwur and cordillera. In this region the topography is rugged with elevations varying between 3,540 to 5,000 meters above sea level (the pueblo of

The vegetation of this micro-region varies with the altitude. Below 3,500 meters, one fiqdds eucalyptus trees, wild plants like ~hirichiiiand cacti. Between 3,600 and 3,900 meters potatoes, broad beans, ocas, barley, wheat and ollucas are cultivated. In the puna, '

above 4,a00 meters, we fmd a bitter potato or rzq'uipupu f-

which rnoraycz and chuM

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(dried potato) are made. Only a few small mes are seen at this elevatig~which, once dried, --

are used as combustible material. The fauna of this zone includes alpaca, sheep, cattle, I

llama, horse, deer, foxes, pumas androndors. Agriculture is based on small grains and P

tubers while hardy root crops are grown on some of the slopes. '1n the puna, animal husbandry prevails over crop raising3. 4.

The Vilcanota Valley covers only 4 per cent of Canchis but contains some 95 per

cent of the province's inhabitahts. Here, population density is over four hundied times as high as in the puna (Orlove, 1980:182). In pre-Colombian days, the valley was at the

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3 The ecozones of the Vilcanota Valley have been studied in details by Troll (1968); Gade,(1975); a ~ Fioravanti-MolinC, d (1975).

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center of the Inca empire with its capital, Cusco, placed mid-way a l h g its alluvial basin. The southern'part of the valley has k e n , for centuries, a majw trading m t e Linking Cusco to Lake Titicaca through La Raya La Raya (4,3 13 meters), some 30 kilometers south of the tow? of ~ a r a n ~ ais&the highest

anlY'%cces&lePassk~olivia,

Sicuani, the provincial capital, remained relatively isdlated from the national econofny until the construction Of a railway by the British in 1897. h i s train line -

-

cgnstructed during the guano wool boom,n,ow conrfects the coast to the southern

.-

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highlands and plays a major role in the economy of the whble province. A major southern . highway also traverses the province where numerous buses pass through the area en route

to either Cusco or southward to Puno and h u i p a then Lima. Along the perimeters of this highway, one finds the majority of Canchis peasant communities. t

+

cas is one of the high provin&s 'pf Cusco with an altitude varying between 3,512 to 3,796 meters (see Figun 4 2 4 , 1 ~ edistrict of Ccapacmarca, in the northern tip of the province, is found at some 3,500 imters. As such, it contains the three ecological zones typical ~f this southern region. However, as in the case qf Canchis, the r'

puna and suni zones q the most important. Consequently, this economy is primarily ag-rokastoralwith herding traditionally holding an important position. . r .

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3

This area is extremely isolated and of difficult kcess. Roads art unpaved and ih

Cusco. ,

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The flora of this province has been extensively studied by VargasCalderon (1967).

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.I b-~oc&economic~ e t t i n i d i ~ 6 ~ h i s a n - b i v i l c ~ -

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Traditionally, social relations in+& p&inciu+ -

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between mestizos or ~ i a b l e sand ~uechua s&aking p e ~ s k t +so s referred to as 1ndiani.

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main social groupsown ~nicroholdingsof two hectares or kss per family enjoying Ut*' social and economic power5..

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ffotobl& control land, market networks and d k a t i o n while pasants, who c&sdw& the

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63,603 inhabitants while that,bf canchis counted 82,918 people of which 51,988 ;;ere peasants living off their own land. Both provinces.are part of the m n c h a india (hdi8n

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stain) - an area when living standards are among the lowe; of Latin ~mcrica(Cotkc

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. / Illiteracy is high j! bdthptxinctq. Chwnbivilcas is the lwst litcrate of nll ihe 13

%

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provinces of the departrr$nt of Cusco. According td the 1971 census; 67'per cent of those ten years or older wew illiterate. The san ycL national siatistics showki @at illiteracy --

st&t

, 32 p&rcent in Canchis. Average life e;xpecmi€3iumblvllcas i$.stiT48 years

age, The

with more than one quarter of the deaths'o~cunin~ in children undq two

1981 censup also indicates that 98.2 s r cent of its nsidcnts had n ~ h n n i n ~ w a tnor' er I

elecmcity.

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Canchis and Chumbiyilcas exhibit a pattern of 1 ~ w indkrid deve~o~menbtypical of *

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"Manchu india" means 'Indig Stain4- a demgytory expression referring to predominantly -Quechua speaking depart-men^ ihcluding - . . Ayacucho, Arkqsh, Apqirnac; . Cusco, Huancavelica and YunQ. Accomng to Handelman ( I m), two thlrds of h e population is rural and less than hdf the adults arq literat$. *. ' . ' ,

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5 In 1972, the department of Cusco counted o v d r . 3 3 5 , ~ peasant ~ houkholds ?wningtq average of 1.8 hectare of l h d each (Villassarrte, , 1981:4). + . .. , . .

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of wbmen yho crippled their gwn chiken to save them from mita- , service : r - .

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.--.. ma me'grievances unanimously voiced by the parish priests in the districts subjected to mita at Huancavelica toward the end of the seventeenth century suggest the proportions of a genocide (198555).

s mtage

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Equally, Silverblatt (1980) contends that an underground female culture of resistance

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developed in the p u m against the colonial power. Basing her argument on Guaman -

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(S)ometimes women became sd &perate at seeing their culture destroyed that they preferred to commit infanticide than allow a new generation to suffer at the hands of priests, colonial magistrates, Mayordomos, or their own native functionaries. But women who practiced infanticide killed only their male children (ibid: 179).

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l6 In the dimes of Cusco, natives from the portados of Ayrnaraes, Cotobarnbas and Chumbivilcas were required to serve in the mine of Huancavelica (Poole, 1987; Mamer, 1,977:22). Meanwhile, Canas, Canchis and Quispicanchiswere part of the sixteen Peruvian ., Tpmvincessubjeeted to work tit Potosi @4(kner,Ibidtl f 2-3). a -

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the surface veins and

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wars

&&collapse of the world silver market afterihe 17809. Only when -,

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export and wool

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was the country able to recover financially. This aspect,

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examined next, shows the waysn in which the wool trade in the south led to the formation of

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Peru became dcd to the Gpitalist international market through g u ~ ,omining, tropical c r ~ p'

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Mestizos. Nationally, the country was in shmbles - rampant corruption, $i:ymst,

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peasants gained little out of it.

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new rural confiicts through landholding conception and hacienda xpansion. Such i.,

conflicts, based on neiv class relations, in turn affected both the course of reglonal development and government policies towards Andean peasants29.

d

I

3-Regional Integration into the International Wool Market Shortly after independence in 1821 and-prior to Peru's involvement into the world . trade, the country was dominated by caudillismo - a political style characteristically \

authoritarian h d chronically unstable. This period signals a new phase in the disinagration of community lands following the gassing of l

i laws.~ k

4

After 1822, following the withdrawal of the hblonial pbwer, Peru found itself in a .

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state of internal anarchy with no central power autho& to unify a country tom by ,

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factionalism. Hard hit by the independence wars, the central government was forced to rely

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on d m r y men IR charge 0f

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presidency untl! a clvlllan elite gamed enough strength and

29 Recently, W r a n d (1986) researched a similar question in the frontier region of Colombia. -

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the region. The leadership style' they created, "caudillisrno", wasbased onpersonal loyal& -

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rather than political programs. Struggle over state control within the ranks of the army led

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to power fragrnentation'to the benefit of the rural landed class or gomomles "who instituted *

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a system of private justice of the estate, in a number of cases even executing the dqpgdoers" (Langer, 1986:122).

1820s, Simon Bolivargd San Martin - both strong believers in private property - passed

*

decrees ( 1 8 2 m 8 2 5 ) that atlowed Indians to become individual owners of ayllu lands3O. By issuing individual rights, these governmental moves fufthered the destruction -of Andean communities and advatlced rural differentiation by enab4ing Mestizos and Whites alike

A? therefore, pass&

urchase commonly held lands on a large scale. Considerable tracts,

0 +

non-comuneros at a time cmsponding to Peru's incorporation into

the international trade market. This privatization of lands created a national market in land -

and paved the way for the entrenchment of the hpcienda system. By depriviag m '

y

.

The existence of Andean gornmunities was further threatened by the fact that the 1821 San Martin D e m reinforced by the 1824 Decree of TruJiuo did not constitutionally recognize them as corporate groups. After i n d e ~ ~ cthe e new , liberal state ended the collective ownership of inelienable lands which left communities unprotected, without any L

legal status and only a limited de facto recognition. Communal holdings belonged to the t--

jUThe law entitled caciques to receive up to five topos or the equivalent of 15,000 square meters each while the figure for conluneros was one or two topos (4,000square meters) per family depending on its size.

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over as rewards for patriotic action. For example,in

state and, as s u c h x r e often=%

--Chumbivilcai, the present day owners of Hucien& Chaypha Pa@pa and Phausi trace back -L-

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their prop&y rights to the&cestors *

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who received

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mules to Simon Bolivar, the46&r$or of the +4mricas *

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The breaking up of cornmu& holdings reached new heights with the inhoduction of Spaniph inheritance law whereby sons and daughters received equally from their parents. ."' . ;*

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hw- -set in motion greaterland fragmentation - - a p t o c c s s c x a ~ e c t i r r t f i ~ u t by------.h

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popul~tio~&plosion , _ due to incnased economic prbsperity following the coming of the

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raijway. 'his was the case in Canchis where the population=ihcreasedby 74 per cent in 20 b

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For decades after independence (1840-1879), the new republican state took

xx

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i advantage of rising European demands for guano and nitrate (two fertilizers) to encourage

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trade with Britain which brought about a new golden age for this newly formed nation.

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Rosperity ended when the Republic exhausied its guano and lost its nitrate to Chile after -

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boundary reclefmition during the War of the pacific in 1879. The defeat of Peruvian troops marked the end of formal caudillo politics. A civilian government dominated by +e rising

of a cotton-sugar-plantationelite came to power. That is, export gave Peru's emerging middle class access to political state power.

*

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Civilian rule provided some degree of stability for wonomic growt through the

9

penetration of foreign capital in mining (copper, gold, lead, zinc and, in particular, tin), agriculture (cotton, rice, suiar) and wool trades. The resulting expansion led to the

1

construction of a railroad beginningin 1851. Three lines connected the coast with the sierra

- one in the south and two in thecentral region. Trains gave a tremendous impetus to the \

development of distant rural areas such as the southern regions reaching Pun9 in 1876,

-

provinces of Cusco within the wool export andexpanding latiftutdio syhem. Livestock -

raising became vig&s

I -

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under British demandsfor sheep and alpaca wool k0iipo~nde.dbyu

the increased price of wool on the international scene. The advent of the wool boom

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~sfurmgdsSicuaniinto one ofthe richest wool Iffoducinga~9asef9heSouthern hdes

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andthe major commercial and administrative centre for the provincias altar. Government

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employment was drastically expanded and textile plants started to emerge. For example, the * .

machinary, created an important " source of employment for nearby peasant communities. It "$

appears, thus, that a ';raceis of limited "rnodemizatioi-i"occurred with capital accumulated . A

h m the wool export trade being eventually transfemd into industrialization (M6rner et al. ,,-. '

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l482:74). This largely explains why contemporary Canchis is more industrialized than %

Chumbivilcas. a

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Refound administrative and commercial chafiges at the local level followed the

-integrationof the south into the wool trade. Espinar became h ne6 province; Yauri and Toqroyoc emerged as small urban centres; Coparaqe, Pichigua and Santo Tomas expanded

0

as they became better connected with Sicuani, through the construction of the ro& system: -

Santo Tomas-Yauri-Sicuani (Figure 2, Chapter 1). During this period, h q u i p a - a C

commercial city near the coast - was the dominant power. Its wealth was in the hands of a

/ .'

few foreign-owned houses, mainly British. In 1901, Arequipa counted 17 such houses; it

1977:212).

,*& ~W €R -%

3

,

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end of the nineteenth century, the peasant pastoral economy of the

southern highlands seemed successfully integrated into the wool trade. Pie1 (1987:9) -

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of the prov$qe of Canas circa 2891 at the time of the fiscal census

provides a useful pic-

r me snows that . 1) wound Yanaoca, some 94 per cent r

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of the peasan~contro1ledjust below 92 per knt,,ofthe resources; 2)ne-tit YauiT(E@narJ

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96.4 per cent of the peasmts.controlled more than 97.4 per cent of the resources

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accohtabk in money terms; and 3) "Indian" pastoml c,@tal near Yayi is 3.6 times grester -- -

- - -1

than crop-livestock capital (Indianand MestizodCrw,le) found near Yanaoca .Yet local

hacendados had not succeeded in controling production and markets. According to -

-

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~ ~ ~ l i e l ~ a b s e n c e & & ~ c e n ~ o ~ & i --f the basis for a political monopol&of any real duration of profit" (1980:92). She argues that the rise of an hacendado elite

became linked to political rather than economic factors.

The dLvelopment of an allianfe between the fonign firms and groups within the landed elite favoured hacienda expansion such that the peasant pastoral economy was .-

"subject to a true rnisti invasion of its own space" (Piel, 1987:13). In the provinck,~f @w

Espinar between 1889 and 1940, Pielgtates "that the Indian pastoral communities...have just undergone a real defeat in the face ofthe mistipf Yauri andelsewhere" (ibid). By

-

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esnzos had encroached on over 70 per cent of the punas located in the provinch :

alfas (Piel, 1983:275). The magnitude of these incursions is evident in the example of one estate which covered more than 30,000 hectares of gidzing land for over 60,000 alpaca, between 1915 and 1929 by taking over community lands in Cantisfcanchisand

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.

Quispicanchis (Florres Galindo, 1977:214). However, according to Spalding, land -concentration did not inmase pr ction. Rather, "it Ted to the concentration of that same

% .

income in fewer hands" (1980:95). \

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exporters, coastal Peruvians, and powerful figures within the kendodo na$rmal clitd$y

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began toinvest in landed proparties (Orlove, 1980337-348).FG

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exacti~gpeasant ~bedience.A number of techniques were used to take over peasant lands. . .-: