Kosovo, A Documentary History: From the Balkan Wars to World War II 1788311760, 9781788311762

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Robert Elsie (1950–2017) was an expert in the field of Albanian studies. He has authored over ninety books, including Albanian Literature: A Short History and A Biographical Dictionary of A ­ lbanian History (both published by I.B.Tauris and the Centre for ­Albanian Studies) and Enver Hoxha (I.B.Tauris, 2016). Bejtullah Destani is a British-Albanian scholar and founder of the Centre for Albanian Studies in London, of which he is the Director.

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“It may come across as trite to say that only one who knows the past can understand the present and shape the future – but, nowhere is this more true than in the Balkans. Anyone interested in the history of the Kosovo ­Albanians and their quest for independence from Serbia should turn to this book. This documentary history of Kosovo from the Balkan Wars to World War II, with its excellent chronological sketch of developments in Kosovo since 1912 and a very helpful bibliography, will help readers to understand better the Kosovo Conflict in the late 1990s and the establishment of the Republic of Kosovo in 2008.” Professor Stefan Talmon, University of Bonn

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Kosovo, A Documentary History From the Balkan Wars to World War II

Edited by Robert Elsie and Bejtullah Destani

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Published in 2018 by I.B.Tauris & Co. Ltd London • New York www.ibtauris.com Copyright © 2018 the state of Robert lsie and Bejtullah Destani The right of Robert lsie and Bejtullah Destani to be identified as the editors of this work has been asserted by the state of Robert lsie and Bejtullah Destani in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. xcept for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. References to websites were correct at the time of writing. Library of Balkan Studies 8 ISB : 978 1 78831 176 2 eISB : 978 1 78672 354 3 ePDF: 978 1 78673 354 2 A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library A full CIP record is available from the Library of Congress Library of Congress Catalog Card umber: available

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Contents

Prefacevii List of Documents ix Mapsxxv Introduction1 Documents (1912–45)15 Notes421 Bibliography423 Index465

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Preface

The present volume is a compilation of key documents on the history of Kosovo in the first half of the twentieth century. These texts, including numerous diplomatic despatches of the British Foreign Office, deal initially with the Albanian uprising against Ottoman rule in the spring of 1912 and, in particular, with the period of the Serbian invasion of Kosovo in late 1912 and the repercussions of the conquest for the native Albanian population. The documents from 1918 to the early 1920s focus mainly on endeavours by Albanian leaders, including those of the so-called Kosovo Committee in exile, to bring the plight of their people to the attention of the outside world, endeavours which largely failed. Further documents reflect the situation in Kosovo up to World War II. This collection does not claim to constitute a full documentary history of Kosovo in the period in question, but it does hope to provide the interested reader with much information, largely unavailable up to now, on many of the major and minor events that channelled and determined subsequent happenings, including the Kosovo War of 1998–9 and the declaration of independence in February 2008. The editors are grateful for the support of Selim Pacolli. A word of thanks also goes to the National Archives in Kew (London) for use of the many archival documents presented in this book, and to the Mabetex Company in Prishtina for funding to cover the printing costs of this book. Robert Elsie, Berlin Bejtullah Destani, Rome May 2017

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List of Documents

1912.03.10 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul ­General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 10 March 1912, on the visit of the Turkish Minister of the Interior to Kosovo.16 1912.03.20 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul ­General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 20 March 1912, with further information on the visit of the Turkish Minister of the Interior to Kosovo.17 1912.03.22 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul ­General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 22 March 1912, on an ambush of the ­Turkish Minister of the Interior.17 1912.04.24 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 24 April 1912, on Krasniqja rebels in Gjakova and Ura e Fshajt in Kosovo.18 1912.04.28 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 28 April 1912, on an interview with Hasan bey Prishtina concerning an Albanian uprising.19 1912.05.14 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 14 May 1912, on Ottoman troop movements towards Gjakova.21

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 1912.05.29 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 29 May 1912, on signs of an anti-Ottoman Albanian uprising in Kosovo.22 1912.06.07 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 7 June 1912, on more signs of an antiOttoman Albanian uprising in Kosovo.23 1912.06.29 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 29 June 1912, containing an Albanian manifesto against the Young Turk authorities.24 1912.07.09 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 9 July 1912, summarising the situation in Kosovo.26 1912.07.12 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 12 July 1912, on the deportation of women in Kosovo.29 1912.07.15 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 15 July 1912, on military movements and fighting in Kosovo.30 1912.07.18 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 18 July 1912, on military activity and the spread of the revolt in Kosovo.31 1912.07.19 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 19 July 1912, on Turkish troop movements and the spread of the revolt in Kosovo.32 1912.07.22 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 22 July 1912, on Turkish troop movements and the spread of the revolt from Kosovo into Macedonia.33 x

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List of Documents 1912.07.24A Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 24 July 1912, on Turkish military movements and Albanian demands.35 1912.07.24B Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 24 July 1912, on the fall of Prishtina to the insurgents.36 1912.07.27A Abridged translation of an article in the Turkish-language Salonica newspaper “Yeni Asır,” transmitted on 27 July 1912 by British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica to the British Ambassador in Constantinople, Sir Gerard Lowther, about the entry of Albanian insurgents into Prishtina on the night of 22 July 1912.37 1912.07.27B Translation of a letter published in the Turkish-language Salonica newspaper “Yeni Asır,” dated 27 July 1912 and transmitted on 31 July 1912 by British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica to the British Ambassador in Constantinople, Sir Gerard Lowther, about the situation in Kosovo.40 1912.07.27C Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 27 July 1912, with an overview of the Albanian uprising in Kosovo.41 1912.08.05 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 5 August 1912, on the convergence of Albanian insurgents in Ferizaj.44 1912.08.08 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 8 August 1912, on the dissolution of Parliament and negotiations with Albanian leaders.44 1912.08.10 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 10 August 1912, on fourteen Albanian demands made to the Ottoman authorities.46

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 1912.08.12 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 12 August 1912, on hundreds of Albanian fighters arriving in Skopje and on three divergent political directions among the Kosovo Albanian leaders.47 1912.08.15 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 15 August 1912, on the occupation of Skopje by 16,000 Albanian fighters.48 1912.08.19 Despatch from British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica to the British Ambassador in Constantinople, Sir Gerard Lowther, dated 19 August 1912, concerning a memorandum of the 13 demands of the southern Albanian chiefs and notables, dated 10/23 July 1913, followed by two enclosures: (1) the original memorandum of demands, and (2) a second nine-point memorandum said to be from the Gheg Albanians of Kosovo.50 1912.08.20 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 20 August 1912, on the withdrawal of Albanian fighters from Skopje.56 1912.08.23 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 23 August 1912, on the appointment of Albanian-speaking officials to the local Ottoman administration.58 1912.09.15 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 15 September 1912, on the Turkish reply to the 14 Albanian demands, together with the actual reply of the Sublime Porte to the Albanian demands, dated 19 August 1912.58 1912.09.17 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 17 September 1912, together with a memorandum on the conditions of the Serbian inhabitants of Kosovo and Macedonia, communicated by the Serbian consul in Skopje and forwarded to the British vice-consulate, and a further note by Vice-Consul Peckham on this subject, dated 24 September 1912.62

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List of Documents 1912.09.19 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 19 September 1912, on a conversation with Riza Bey of Gjakova.67 1912.11.00 Memorandum by Hasan bey Prishtina, published as “Nji shkurtim kujtimesh mbi kryengritjen shqiptare të vjetit 1921” (Shkodra 1921), in which describes the circumstances of the 1912 Kosovo uprising that he headed against Ottoman rule.68 1912.11.02 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 2 November 1912, on the surrender of Skopje to Serbian forces.84 1912.11.11 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 11 November 1912, on events in Skopje and Kosovo after the fall of Kumanovo.87 1912.11.16 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 16  November 1912, with his reflections on the future of the Albanians following the defeat of Ottoman forces in Kosovo and Skopje.94 1912.11.25 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 25 November 1912, with further reflections on the future of the Albanians following the defeat of Ottoman forces in Kosovo and Skopje.98 1912.12.14 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 14 December 1912, with yet further reflections on the future of the Albanians following the defeat of Ottoman forces in Kosovo and Skopje.100 1912.12.23 Newspaper report by the Russian revolutionary, Leon Trotsky (1879–1940), then working as a war correspondent in the Balkans, and published in the Kiev newspaper “Kievskaya Misl”, No. 355, on 23 December 1912, concerning atrocities committed on the Albanians of Macedonia and Kosovo in the wake of the Serbian invasion of October 1912.102 xiii

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 1912.12.26 Article in the German-language Sarajevo newspaper Bosnische Post, dated 26 December 1912, containing an appeal to the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Leopold Berchtold, from 319 Albanian refugees who fled there.107 1912.12.31 Newspaper report that appeared in The New York Times on 31 December 1912 on the situation in Kosovo, two months after the Serbian invasion.109 1913.01.16 Despatch from the British representative in Sarajevo to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, dated 16 January 1913, concerning the protest meeting of the Albanian refugees in Sarajevo, as reported in the Bosnische Post on 26 December 1912.110 1913.01.17A Front-page article in the morning edition of the Vienna newspaper Reichspost, No.  27, Friday 17  January 1913, on Serbian atrocities committed against Albanians in and around Skopje, based on statements of the Catholic parish priest of Skopje.113 1913.01.17B Despatch from the British Ambassador to Austria-Hungary, Sir Fairfax Cartwright, to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, dated 17 January 1913, on Serbian atrocities in and around Skopje, as reported in the Vienna newspaper Reichspost, on the same date.115 1913.01.21 Memorandum of the Serbian Government in reply to allegations of atrocities committed by its forces against the Albanians, dated 21 January 1913, communicated to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade and forwarded to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, on 22 January 1913.116 1913.01.24 Report by the Catholic Archbishop of Skopje, Lazer Mjeda (1869–1935), known in Italian as Lazzaro Miedia, to the Vatican, dated 24 January 1913, on the Serbian invasion of Kosovo and Macedonia.117 1913.02.09 Despatch from the Austro-Hungarian consul in Prizren, von Heimroth, to the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Leopold von Berchtold in Vienna, dated 9 February 1913, to inform the latter of the situation in Skopje and Kosovo following the Serbian invasion.123

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List of Documents 1913.02.18 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 18 February 1913, with reflections on a territorial division between Albania and Serbia.128 1913.02.20 Memorandum from the Austrian legation, dated 20 February 1913, communicated to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade and forwarded to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, on 24 January 1913, concerning atrocities committed by Serbian soldiers in Karadag (Skopska Crna Gora).133 1913.02.28 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 28 February1913, on reports of massacres of Albanians in Kosovo and Skopje, together with a memorandum on the massacres, drafted by a Catholic priest in Skopje.133 1913.03.10 Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, and forwarded by the latter to the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey on 10 March 1913, concerning massacres committed by Serbian forces in the Gjilan region of Kosovo.137 1913.03.14 Front-page editorial in the German newspaper, Frankfurter Zeitung, 14  March 1913, pp. 1–2, on the extermination of the Albanians in Serbian-held Macedonia and Kosovo.138 1913.03.15 Despatch from the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade to the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey, dated 15 March 1913, containing a private letter from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje, dated 13 March 1913, reporting on Serbian outrages in Skopje.140 1913.03.19 Despatch from the British Ambassador to Austria-Hungary, Sir Fairfax Cartwright, to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, dated 19 March 1913, on Serbian and Montenegrin atrocities in Albania, as reported in the Vienna newspaper Reichspost.141 1913.03.23 Translation of a small book published in German under the title Albaniens Golgatha: Anklageakten gegen die Vernichter des Albanervolkes (Vienna, 1913),

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Kosovo, A Documentary History by the Jewish publisher, Leo Freundlich (1875–1953), containing a rare compilation of news reports that seeped out of Kosovo at the time of the Balkan Wars.143 1913.04.00 Excerpt from the book The Struggle for Scutari: Turk, Slav and Albanian (London 1914) by the English traveller and war correspondent Edith Durham on the situation in northern Albania and Kosovo under Serbian and Montenegrin occupation in 1912–13.163 1913.04.11 Despatch from the British Ambassador to Montenegro, Count John de Salis, to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, dated 11 April 1913, on the murder of the Catholic priest Luigi Palic by Montenegrin forces in March 1913.167 1913.04.22 Letter from General P. Bojovic´, commander of Serbian forces in Albania, to British Vice-Admiral Cecil Burney, dated 22 April 1913 and forwarded to the Admiralty and the British Foreign Office on 28 April 1913, concerning the withdrawal of Serbian forces and the said gratitude of the Albanian population.168 1913.08.19 Despatch from British Vice-Consul, W.D. Peckham, in Skopje to the British Ambassador, Sir Ralph Paget, in Belgrade, dated 19 August 1913, concerning a massacre of Albanians in Vuchitrn [Vushtrria] in Kosovo.169 1913.08.25 Telegram from British Vice-Consul, W.D. Peckham, in Skopje to Dayrell Crackanthorpe at the British Embassy in Belgrade, dated 25 August 1913, concerning an attack on Serbian forces near Gjakova by the Albanian forces of Isa Boletini.170 1913.08.28 Despatch from British Vice-Consul, W.D. Peckham, in Skopje to the British Ambassador, Sir Ralph Paget, in Belgrade, dated 28 August 1913, on Isa Boletini and Albanian unrest under Serbian rule in Kosovo.171 1913.09.11 Despatch from Dayrell Crackanthorpe at the British Embassy in Belgrade to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, dated 11 September 1913, on a possible partitioning of Albania.172 1913.09.14 Telegram from Dayrell Crackanthorpe at the British Embassy in Belgrade to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, dated 14 September 1913, on a possible Austrian occupation of Albania.173 xvi

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List of Documents 1913.09.21 Appeal of the Kosovo Committee to the Great Powers, dated 21 September 1913, highlighting crimes committed by Serbian and Montenegrin forces in early September 1913.173 1913.09.22A Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to Dayrell Crackanthorpe at the British Embassy in Belgrade, dated 22 September 1913, concerning the former’s trip to Prizren and Peja in September 1913.176 1913.09.22B Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to Dayrell Crackanthorpe at the British Embassy in Belgrade, dated 22 September 1913, concerning rumours of autonomy in Montenegrin and Serbian-occupied Kosovo.181 1913.10.25 Letter from Hasan Prishtina, written in Vlora on 25 October 1913, with a table containing the statistics of killings in the villages of western Macedonia and Kosovo.183 1913.12.21 Report in the Italian daily newspaper Corriere delle Puglie, Bari, XXVI, 354, of 21 December 1913, concerning massacres in the Dibra region committed by Serb forces.186 1914.00.00 Extract from the “Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars” of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (Washington, 1914), pp.  149–51, containing material on the Serbian invasion of Kosovo in the autumn of 1912.195 1914.01.27 Despatch from the Austro-Hungarian Vice-Consul Rudolf Kohlruss in Prizren to the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, Count Leopold Berchtold, in Vienna, dated 27 January 1914, reporting on conditions in Prizren, a year after the Serbian conquest of the town on 3 November 1912.197 1914.05.08 Despatch from British Vice-Consul, W.D. Peckham, in Skopje to Dayrell Crackanthorpe at the British Embassy in Belgrade, dated 8 May 1914, with various reports from Kosovo and Macedonia.199 1918.11.20A Appeal of the Kosovo Committee to the King of England, dated 20 November 1918, requesting the annexation of Kosovo to independent Albania.200 xvii

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 1918.11.20B Appeal of the Kosovo Committee to the King of England, dated 20 November 1918, calling for military and political intervention in Kosovo.202 1918.12.20 Appeal of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 20 December 1918, for Kosovo to be put under provisional international administration.203 1919.01.23 Letter from British Brigadier General George Fraser Phillips, head of the International Military Mission in Shkodra, to the D.M.I., dated 23 January 1919, on the veracity of Albanian documents and reports received by the mission.203 1919.01.26 Appeal of the Kosovo Committee to the King of England, dated 26 January 1919, for an end to the massacres and to the Serbian regime in Kosovo, with an appendix containing statistics on the inhabitants of the districts of Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje], now in southeastern Montenegro.204 1919.02.16 Document compiled for the Kosovo Committee by two priests and sent to British Brigadier General George Fraser Phillips, head of the British Military Control Commission in Albania and Montenegro, in Shkodra, in the second half of 1919, and subsequently transmitted to the Great Powers and the League of Nations, providing detailed statistics of the massacre committed by Serbian and Montenegrin forces in the Rugova highlands in western Kosovo on or around 16 February 1919.207 1919.02.19 Letter from some prominent figures of Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje], dated 19 February 1919, to the Kosovo Committee, calling for action against what they call Slavic lies and slander.233 1919.02.21 List of weapons and military equipment used and of Albanians slain during the Serbian attack on Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje] from 17 to 21 February 1919.234 1919.02.22A Letter from the President of the Kosovo Committee, Hodja Kadri, dated 22 February 1919, to the British Foreign Office, calling for international troops to help against the invasion of Serbian and Montenegrin forces in Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje].236

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List of Documents 1919.02.22B Letter from the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 22 February 1919, together with statistics on crimes committed in and around Rozhaj [Rožaje], now in eastern Montenegro.236 1919.02.27 Letter from Beshir Qemal Vokshi of Gjakova to the Kosovo Committee, dated 27 February 1919, about the Serbian occupation of the Gjakova Highlands, with an appeal for information.241 1919.03.05 Letter of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 5 March 1919, about the Serbian attack on Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje] in February 1919.242 1919.03.08 Letter of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 8 March 1919, appealing for humanitarian assistance for the Albanian refugees from Plava [Plav], Gucia [Gusinje] and Rugova.245 1919.03.09 Letter of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 8 March 1919, containing a letter from the chiefs of the Gjakova Highlands, dated 6–7 March 1919, about the imminent Serbian invasion of their territory.246 1919.03.23 Anonymous letter from Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje], dated 23 March 1919, on the desperate plight of the Albanians there.247 1919.03.25 Letter of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 25 March 1919, with statistics on a massacre of Albanians in Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje] from 17 to 23 February 1919, carried out by Serbian troops and Montenegrin bandits.248 1919.04.01 Letter of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 1 April 1919, drawing attention to crimes committed in Kosovo.260 1919.04.29A Statistics compiled by the Kosovo Committee, undated (probably from 29 April 1919), on crimes committed by Serbian and Montenegrin forces in the Peja and Gjakova regions of Kosovo in December 1918 and February 1919.261

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 1919.04.29B Statistics compiled by the Kosovo Committee, dated 29 April 1919, on crimes committed by Serbian forces in the Peja and Gjakova regions of Kosovo in January 1919.264 1919.05.22 Information from the Kosovo Committee sent to the British Foreign Office, dated 22 May 1919, on the situation in the various part of Kosovo from 1 April to 18 May 1919.266 1919.05.24 Letter from the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 24 May 1919, portraying the situation in Kosovo since the restoration of Serbian rule.269 1919.06.03 Letter from the Albanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference to David Lloyd George, head of the British delegation, dated 3 June 1919, calling for an American occupation of Kosovo and drawing attention to the suffering of the population there.270 1919.07.15 Article taken from the short-lived political periodical, “Bulletin Albanais”, on 15 July 1919, describing Serbian atrocities in Kosovo.271 1919.08.15 Appeal of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 15  August 1919, protesting at the pillaging of Gjakova on 13  June 1919 and of Prizren on 1 July 1919 by Serbian forces.272 1920.04.07 Letter from Hasan Prishtina to the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, dated 7 April 1920, requesting his support for the Kosovo Albanians.273 1921.01.01 Letter from Hasan Prishtina to the British Foreign Secretary, David Lloyd George, dated 1 January 1921, calling attention to Serbian atrocities in Kosovo and Dibra, and appealing for British intervention with the Yugoslav government.274 1921.04.04 Letter from Rexhep Mitrovica and Bedri Pejani to Count de Salis in Rome, dated 4 April 1921, requesting support for the Albanian cause, in particular with regard to the inclusion in Yugoslavia of the Albanian regions earlier annexed by Montenegro. The letter was forwarded by Count de Salis to Earl Curzon of Kedleston at the British Foreign Office on 14 April 1921.275

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List of Documents 1921.04.10 Letter from the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 10 April 1921, protesting against the internment of Kosovo Albanian families along the Hungarian border and containing statistics, dated 31  March 1921, on atrocities committed by Serbian forces in Kosovo, specifically in the eastern region between Podujeva and Gjilan.277 1924.03.15 List forwarded to the British Foreign Office of the names and ages of the victims of a massacre that took place in Vushtrria [Vuçitrn] in early March 1924.282 1924.09.26 Memorandum of the so-called United Committees of Albanian Irredentists, represented by Bajram Curri, Hasan Prishtina and Bedri Pejani, presented as a minorities complaint to the head of the Council of the League of Nations in Geneva, dated 26 September 1924, on the situation of the Albanians in Kosovo, with five documents in annex.283 1924.10.18 Motion presented in parliament in Belgrade to the Serbian Minister of the Interior, by Akif Hadji Ahmed, deputy for Novi Pazar, as published in the Skopje newspaper “Hak”, No. 914, on 18 October 1924.289 1924.11.29 Response of the Yugoslav Government to the minorities complaint to the League of Nations submitted in the form of a Memorandum by the so-called United Committees of Irredentist Albanians on 26  September 1924, dated 29  November 1924, with three documents in annex: Annex No.  1 on the death of the Kosovo Albanian rebel Azem Bejta, also known as Azem Galica, on 25 July 1924; Annex No. 2 on a shoot-out with the bands of Mehmed Konjuh and the Bajçinovci brothers; and Annex No. 3 on Albanian emigration.290 1924.12.10 Record of a conversation between the British diplomatic representative, Mr Selby, and Bedri Pejani, dated 10 December 1924, followed by comments thereon from the British Foreign Office, dated 17 December 1924.298 1925.01.05 Statement to the Belgrade press by Marko Tzemovich, Deputy Minister of the Interior, undated but received by the British Foreign Ministry on 5 January 1925, on the situation in Kosovo and Macedonia.300

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 1929.03.02 Petition from Hasan Prishtina received by the Secretariat of the League of Nations on 2 March 1929, protesting against the oppression of Albanian minority in Yugoslavia, and the response of J. Shumenkovich, Permanent Delegate of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, dated 11 July 1929, rejecting the said petition.300 1929.08.21 Memorandum of the Permanent Yugoslav Delegate to the League of Nations on the treatment of the Albanian population in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, dated 21 August 1929.306 1930.03.15 Letter from Hasan Prishtina in Vienna to the President of the Committee of Three of the League of Nations for the Study of National Minorities in Geneva, dated 15  March 1930, in response to a Yugoslav memorandum on the rights of the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia.310 1930.05.05 Memorandum, published in French as “La Situation de la minorité albanaise en Yougoslavie” (Geneva, 1930), addressed to the League of Nations on 5 May 1930 by three Albanian Catholic priests, Gjon Bisaku, Shtjefën Kurti, Luigj Gashi, who had been working in Kosovo in the 1920s on behalf of the Sacred Congregation of the Propaganda Fide in Rome.311 1937.03.07 Political Memorandum (Serbian “Iseljavanje Arnauta”) written and presented in Belgrade on 7 March 1937 by the Bosnian Serb scholar and political figure Vaso Čubrilović, who was professor at the Faculty of Arts in Belgrade and a leading member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Art.337 1937.04.01 Letter from Sir Andrew Ryan, British Minister in Albania, to the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, dated 1 April 1937, on the proposed resettlement of Muslim “Kossovaris” in Albania.356 1937.04.12 Letter from the British Embassy in Belgrade to Philip Nichols at the British Foreign Office, dated 12 April 1937, on the resettlement of “Kossovaris” in Turkey.358 1938.06.27 Letter from Sir Andrew Ryan, British Minister in Albania, to the British Foreign Secretary, Viscount Halifax, dated 27 June 1938, on the proposed resettlement of Muslim “Kossovaris” in Turkey and Albania.359

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List of Documents 1938.07.11 Convention concluded between Turkey and Yugoslavia on 11 July 1938, for Turkey to take 40,000 families and receive as compensation from Yugoslavia 500 Turkish pounds per family. This agreement formalised the ongoing expulsion of Kosovo Albanian families to Turkey.362 1939.00.00 Political Memorandum (Serbian: “Elaborat o Albaniji”) written in 1939 by the Bosnian Serb novelist and Nobel-Prize winner Ivo Andrić, proposing the partition of Albania between Italy and Yugoslavia and the deportation of Muslim Albanians to Turkey.369 1939.03.29 Letter and memorandum from Bedri Pejani, former member of parliament and former president of the Popular Party, to the British Prime Minister, Nevil Chamberlain, dated 29 March 1939, on “Unredeemed Albania” (i.e., Kosovo and the other Albanian-inhabited territories occupied by Yugoslavia and Greece), followed by a note from Jasper Rootham of the Prime Minister’s Department in Downing Street to Harold  A. Caccia of the British Foreign Office, dated 5  April 1939, advising not to reply to the letter.378 1943.02.04 Notes on the Albanians of Kosovo, given to British writer and military figure Vandeleur Robinson by the British writer Edith Durham on 4 February 1943.384 1944.01.02 Extract from the Resolution of the Founding Conference of the National Liberation Council of Kosovo and Metohia in the village of Bujan in the Gjakova Highlands on 31 December 1943 and 1 and 2 January 1944.386 1944.03.19 Letter from Bedri Pejani to German Reichsführer SS, Heinrich Himmler, dated 29 March 1944, with an attachment dated 19 March 1944, in which Pejani appeals for support to set up an Albanian army to protect Kosovo from the advancing communist partisans. Nothing came of the project.387 1944.11.03 Political Memorandum by the Bosnian Serb scholar and political figure Vaso Čubrilović on “The Minority Problem in the New Yugoslavia” (Serbian: “Manjinski problem u novoj Jugoslaviji”), presented in Belgrade on 3 November 1944, concerning the place of the Albanians (and other minorities) in Yugoslavia.389

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 1945.04.21 Despatch from the British diplomat Ralph Skrine Stevenson to the British Foreign Office, dated 21  April 1945, concerning the political situation in Kosovo and western Macedonia in the spring of 1945.401 1945.10.13 Extract from a report by an unnamed official of the British Embassy in Belgrade on a visit to Kosovo in October 1945.409 1945.10.22 Memorandum of the anti-communist “Besa Kombëtare” organisation in Kosovo, written by its head Ymer Berisha and sent to Brigadier General Edward Hodgson, head of the British Military Mission in Albania, in an appeal for help in their struggle against the advancing communist partisans.413

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MAPS

Map of modern Kosovo by Ismail Gagica

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Višegrad

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Pec Plava Decˇani Gusinje Djakovica Podgorica

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Bitolj Ohrida L. Prespa Florina

A L B A N I A N M I N O R I T Y I N Y U G O S L AV I A International frontiers up to 1941.............. Approximate boundary of Albania 1942.... Districts largely Albanian-inhabited........... Mountainous areas, hardly inhabited........ Railways, single track................................

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Introduction

KOSOVO: AN EMERGING EUROPEAN NATION Kosovo is the newest country in Europe. It is the seventh and probably last state to arise from the ruins of former Yugoslavia. It is also one of the poorest countries in Europe. Kosovo’s long struggle for identity, self-determination and independence has been bitter, and the country will be in need of international ­assistance for a while before it can become a normal European nation like the others. For centuries, Kosovo, also known as Kosova, was part of the Ottoman Empire, and for most of the twentieth century, it was a province of what was once Yugoslavia. After the military conflict in 1998–9 and a period of administration by the United Nations, Kosovo declared its independence from ­Serbia on 17 February 2008. Land and People Kosovo is situated in the southern interior of the Balkan Peninsula in south-­ eastern Europe, between 43°16´ and 41°47´ of latitude north, and 20°00´ and 21°47´ of longitude east. It is a landlocked, square-shaped country of 10,877 square kilometres, about the size of Montenegro, Northern Ireland or the US state of Connecticut. Kosovo’s surface area is less than half of that of Albania, having a north–south distance of about 147 kilometres and an east–west distance of about 152 kilometres. The country borders on the Republic of ­Albania to the west, the Republic of Montenegro to the northwest, the ­Republic of ­Serbia to the north and east and the Republic of Macedonia to the south. Settlements in Kosovo are concentrated primarily on two central plateaux stretching in a north–south direction. The eastern part of Kosovo, known geographically at the Plain of Kosovo (Alb. Fusha e Kosovës, BCS Kosovo Polje), is a plateau running from Mitrovica southwards past Prishtina and Ferizaj almost to Kaçanik. It has an elevation of 500–600 metres. Western Kosovo, known geographically as the Dukagjin Plateau or Metohija (Alb. Rrafshi i Dukagjinit, BCS Metohija), is a plateau running from Istog and Peja in the north down to Prizren in the south. It has an elevation of 300–500 metres.

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Kosovo has a population of almost 2 million people, roughly equivalent to that of Macedonia or Slovenia. It is inhabited primarily (to about 92 per cent) by Albanians, the same Indo-European people as in the neighbouring Republic of Albania. There are also minorities of Serbs, Bosniacs, Roma and Turks. The Serbs, though now only 5 per cent of the population, played an important role in Kosovo’s history and held political power throughout most of the twentieth century. The main languages spoken in Kosovo, accordingly, are Albanian, used by about 92 per cent of the population, and BCS (Bosnian–Croatian–Serbian), commonly known here as Serbian, used by about 6 per cent of the population. English and German are the best-known foreign languages. History Kosovo has fixed and recognized borders, but until 2008 it never constituted an independent state of its own. In the first millennium ad, it was part of the Roman Empire and later fell to Byzantium. In the period 1184–1216, it came under the rule of the Serb Nemanja dynasty from neighbouring Rascia (Raška) and formed an integral part of the medieval Serb Empire. The famed Battle of Kosovo of 1389 marked the beginning of Ottoman expansion into Kosovo. By the year 1455, all of the country was under Turkish rule and was to remain under the sway of the sultans until the early years of the twentieth century. The late ninteenth century saw the rise of the Albanian nationalist movement that crystallised in the League of Prizren in 1878. This League took over Kosovo and governed it until 1881, when it was quashed by Ottoman troops. From that time until the end of Ottoman rule, or better misrule, uprisings in Kosovo were a matter of course. Yet the Albanians, who were by this time the majority of the population, were hesitant to cut all ties with the Ottoman Empire for fear that Serbia might invade and take over the country. In October 1912, this is exactly what happened. Kosovo under Serb Rule As the Ottoman Empire crumbled, leaving Kosovo in a state of anarchy, the Serb army under King Peter invaded from the north and occupied all of Kosovo. Hideous massacres, recorded in the chronicle Albaniens Golgatha (Albania’s Golgotha), Vienna 1913, by Austrian Socialist Leo Freundlich, were committed against the Albanian population. Village after village was razed to the ground, with the inhabitants being bayoneted or burned alive. The Serbs of Kosovo, for their part, welcomed the army of King Peter as liberators, and liberated they were. The Conference of Ambassadors, meeting in London from December 1912 to August 1913 to discuss events in the Balkans, confirmed the independence 2

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Introduction of Albania itself, but agreed to recognize Serb rule over Kosovo, thus excluding 40 per cent of the Albanian population in the Balkans from Albania itself. It was a tragic mistake that haunted the Balkans right to the end of the twentieth century. Kosovo was under Serb rule for over 80 years, throughout which, from start to finish, it had a large Albanian majority population. The people of Kosovo were never consulted as to whether they wished to be part of Serbia, and they did not. Had there been a free and democratic referendum on Serb rule at any time from the military invasion of 1912 to the withdrawal of Serb forces in 1999, the population of Kosovo, in its overwhelming majority, would undoubtedly have said “No, thank you”. Thus, although the inclusion of Kosovo in Serbia and Yugoslavia was largely recognised internationally, it lacked basic democratic legitimacy. As a consequence of this, although regimes in Belgrade changed over the decades (royalist, communist, democratic), one constant factor was dictatorship, and often military dictatorship in Kosovo. It could never be otherwise because anything Belgrade had to offer was fundamentally against the wishes of the people of Kosovo. Vociferous claims emanating from Belgrade that Kosovo was “part of Serbia” were not unlike protests in France in the 1950s that Algeria was not a colony but “part of France”. In neither case were the people of the territory in question ever consulted. The history of the Kosovo Albanians from the beginning of Serb rule in 1912 to its very end in June 1999 is one of tragedy and unspeakable injustice. Had there been any semblance of national and minority rights for nonSlavs in the new Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, things might have been different. The Kosovo Albanians, as non-Slavs and as Muslims in their majority, were looked upon from the start with great suspicion and were deprived of basic rights. Books and school education in Albanian remained as illegal as they had been under Ottoman rule, and very few Albanians ever gained positions in government administration. The 1920s saw the rise of official Yugoslav government campaigns, some of them very violent, to depopulate Kosovo of its original inhabitants and to colonise it with peasants and farmers from Serbia and the Vojvodina. In September 1920, a “decree on the colonisation of the new southern lands” facilitated the takeover by Serb colonists of large Ottoman estates and of land seized from Albanian rebels. By 1925, the government colonisation programme, which had brought some 70,000 colonists to Kosovo, equivalent to about 10 per cent of the total population, had raised the proportion of Serbs there from 24 per cent in 1919 to 38 per cent. In June 1931, a new Yugoslav law “on the colonisation of the southern regions” entered into force and, in 1933, the Yugoslav government began negotiations with the Turkish government for the deportation of the Muslim population to Turkey. By 1935, an orchestrated wave of confiscation of land from Albanians was well underway. The culmination of prewar projects for the 3

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Kosovo, A Documentary History ethnic cleansing of Kosovo can be seen in a chilling paper presented to the Serb Academy of Sciences in Belgrade on 7 March 1937. Its author, Vaso Čubrilović, a noted Serb scholar and political figure of the age, called for nothing less than the expulsion of all Albanians from their native Kosovo. By 1939, there were about 60,000 Slav colonists in Kosovo, equivalent to 9.3 per cent of the population. It is no wonder therefore that Kosovo Albanian sympathies were divided at the time of the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia in 1941. Although there was no particular enthusiasm for the new Axis administration, most Kosovo ­Albanians found it preferable to Serb rule. In the autumn of 1941, Italian forces occupied and annexed most of Kosovo, which, under Benito Mussolini, was finally, though briefly, reunited with Albania. It was during the Italian and German occupation that the tables turned for the Serb and Montenegrin colonists in Kosovo, who, for the most part, were driven back out of the country, not without terror and violence. An estimated 20,000 Serbs and Montenegrins fled for their lives in the spring and summer of 1941, many being deported to forced labour camps or to work in the Trepça mines. Kosovo Albanian historians assert that the Albanians drove out only the new settlers and ­ colonists who had earlier taken their land, and, generally, did not attack the traditional Kosovo Serb communities whom they regarded as their neighbours. In 1943–4, however, under the Albanian nationalist Second League of Prizren, there was general terror against the Serbs and Montenegrins, and about 40,000 of them had been driven out of the country. Fascist rule and the reunification of Kosovo with Albania were shortlived. By the end of November 1944, all of Kosovo had fallen into the hands of the victorious Yugoslav partisans, and had been returned to Serb administration. Tito’s communists originally promised to let the people of Kosovo decide democratically as to whether they wished to be part of Albania or of ­Yugoslavia. Tito, however, soon reneged on his promise, realising that the so-called “Marxist solution” to the Kosovo question would never be accepted by Serbia. Kosovo was thus incorporated into socialist Yugoslavia against its will, under the law of 3 September 1945. It was, nonetheless, recognised as an “autonomous region”. Relations with neighbouring communist Albania under Enver Hoxha were initially very good, but by 1949, in the early years of the Cold War, they reached an all-time low. In order to keep power and to counterbalance Yugoslav influence in his tiny and impoverished country, Hoxha aligned ­ ­Albania with Stalinist Russia. Claims on Kosovo would only have destabilised his rule. The border between Albania and Kosovo was thus closed and became as impervious as any communist border could be. Even in the mid1990s, long after the fall of communism in both countries, Kosovo Albanians still required special exit visas to visit Albania, which were usually denied. Yugoslav communism brought the Kosovo Albanians a modicum of rights as citizens, but as an ethnic group they were still deprived of full equality. 4

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Introduction ­ articularly difficult were the years of Aleksandar Ranković (1909–84). As P Tito’s right-hand man, Ranković was initially Serb minister of the interior and, from 1953–66, was deputy prime minister. He despised and mistrusted the Albanians and made sure that his police and security forces kept them under strict control. The infamous and ludicrous campaign for the collection of arms in 1956 was so rigorous that Albanian families, faced with savage beatings and prison, were forced to buy weapons (from the Serb police) in order to give them up (to the Serb police). The whole country breathed a sigh of relief when Ranković was purged in 1966. The Brioni Plenum of July 1966 marked the beginning of a substantial improvement in the lot of the Kosovo Albanians. In March 1967, Tito paid a visit to Kosovo. In 1969, official usage of the pejorative term for the ­Albanians, šiptar, was banned in favour of the neutral term albanac. The founding of the University of Prishtina in February 1970 gave the Kosovo Albanians something essential that they had always been denied: access to higher education in their own language. Within one short decade, a new elite of professors, doctors, lawyers and educated political figures arose to give leadership and direction to the country for the first time. In February 1974, the new constitutions of Yugoslavia, Serbia and Kosovo accorded the autonomous province a status virtually equal to that of the republics in the Yugoslav federation. Though still under Serb tutelage, Kosovo could now manage most of its own affairs. It had its own parliament, its own police force and its own national bank. Run by local Albanian communists, Kosovo was equally represented with the six republics and the Vojvodina in the federal presidency. And the Albanians won the right to fly their own national flag. In many ways, the period from 1967 to 1981 marked a “golden age” in the history of Kosovo. There was a semblance of equality among all citizens, and a nascent spirit of fraternity showed that Albanians and Serbs could indeed live together. After years of nationalist contestation, the two communities began to work together for a common good. Economically, however, Kosovo made little progress and this, in the long run, proved to be its downfall. Despite its rich mineral resources, it remained by far the poorest and most underdeveloped region of Yugoslavia. In 1979, it had an average per capita income of US$ 795, as compared to the Yugoslav average of $2,635 and to $5,315 in Slovenia. The initially peaceful protests of March and April 1981 and the brutality of their suppression by the Belgrade authorities brought this “golden age” to a definitive close. What began as student demonstrations at the University of Prishtina, to protest against miserable living and studying conditions, soon transformed themselves into a political movement for republic status and absolute equality with the other parts of the Yugoslav federation. Kosovo had always been denied the status of a republic because this would have given it the legal right to secede from the federation, something to which the Serbs 5

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Kosovo, A Documentary History were fanatically opposed. Belgrade dubbed the unrest “counter-revolutionary” and imposed a state of siege. The troubles, which spread throughout Kosovo as an uprising against Serb rule, were swiftly and brutally squashed when the federal police and the army were brought in from Serbia and elsewhere. Thousands of Albanians, apprehended in mainly peaceful demonstrations, were sentenced to long years of prison for counter-revolutionary and separatist activity. The people of Kosovo were in shock. So was Yugoslavia. The year 1981 marked the beginning of the gradual Serb takeover of Kosovo. The situation for the Kosovo Albanians got worse every year throughout the 1980s. The population grew sullen and angry, and tried its best simply to ignore the Serb state. The people knew that they were powerless to oppose the might of Belgrade. In the autumn of 1988, after several years of silence and withdrawal, there were once again major demonstrations against Serb rule, this time when ­Slobodan Milošević dismissed Albanian political leaders without the ­endorsement of the local communist party. On 18 November, factory ­workers, students and children joined the miners of Trepça in a 100,000-strong ­peaceful march on Prishtina. In February of the following year, the miners went on a widely publicised hunger strike that shook the population to its core. The protest movement was again put down by force, and thousands of people were arrested. In April, in Ferizaj alone, over 1,000 workers were put on trial. Belgrade showed no intention or interest in settling Kosovar grievances. On the contrary, the Serb leadership decided to resolve the Kosovo ­question by openly depriving the Albanians of their economic existence, that is, by starving them out and forcing them to emigrate. A process of “differentiation” was introduced, by which tens of thousands of Albanians lost their jobs and livelihood. Virtually all Albanians were fired from management and government positions under the pretence that they were not loyal to the Serb state, and indeed, they were not. Deprived of their jobs, many of them had no choice but to flee abroad in search of work in Germany and Switzerland. ­Belgrade had reverted to the strategy it had used successfully in the 1930s: ethnic cleansing – though in the 1980s still in a discreet form. With hundreds of thousands of Kosovo Albanians seeking refuge abroad, the international community now began to take note of the Kosovo question for the first time. On 28 March 1989, the parliament in Belgrade for all practical purposes rescinded the autonomy status of Kosovo. The population was once again in shock. By June, when Slobodan Milošević fuelled the nationalist sentiments of the Serb minority with his speech at Gazimestan near Prishtina to commemorate the 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo, the country was on the verge of civil war. Events of 1990 made it evident to everyone that there was no turning back from the brink. In March of that year, the Serb parliament invoked the ­infamous “Programme for the Attainment of Peace, Freedom and Prosperity 6

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Introduction in the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo”, which provided financial assistance to Kosovo Serbs and forced even more Kosovo Albanians to leave the country. The screws were turned and the pressure mounted. In April and May 1990, thousands of Albanian school children were taken to hospital suffering from stomach pains, headaches and nausea. The Serb authorities spoke of mass hysteria, whereas the Albanian population suspected poisoning. Indeed, subsequent analyses carried out by a United Nations (UN) expert on toxicology revealed the presence in the children’s blood and urine samples of the toxic substances Sarin and Tabun, which were being manufactured and utilised by the Yugoslav army at the time for chemical weapons. In May 1990, an amendment to the Serb law on universities made the use of “minority languages”, i.e., Albanian, illegal at institutions of higher education in Kosovo. On 26 June, most provincial competencies were then taken over “temporarily” by Serb government and administrative authorities by virtue of a new law on the “Activities of the Institutions of the Republic under Exceptional Circumstances”. Finally, in July 1990, Serb forces intervened physically by breaking up and abolishing the parliament and the government of Kosovo. They also shut down all Albanian-language media. There was no more semblance of representative government, no more radio, no more television, not even a daily newspaper. In the autumn of that year, the authorities then closed down virtually all Albanian-language schools and educational institutions, firing ­ teachers and professors. Some 1,835 doctors and nurses were also expelled from hospitals and medical facilities, many of them forcibly. The Kosovo Albanians were aware that they were outnumbered, and outgunned. There could be no course of action but passive resistance, a political strategy propagated from the start by their leader Ibrahim Rugova. With time, under the Democratic League of Kosovo, they created their own parallel state structures, including a government (in exile), a state president, a parliament, schools and a modicum of social assistance for the population, supported primarily by the 3 per cent tax paid by Kosovo Albanian workers abroad. On 2 July 1990, 114 of the 123 members of the parliament of Kosovo, meeting in the street outside their locked assembly building, declared Kosovo to be an “equal and independent entity within the framework of the Yugoslav federation”, that is, a Yugoslav “Republic of Kosovo”. On 7 September of that year, at a secret assembly in Kaçanik, they promulgated a new constitution for the Republic of Kosovo. Kosovo was to be a sovereign state among the other nations of Yugoslavia. A year later, on 22 September 1991, this parliament proclaimed the independence of the “Republic of Kosovo”. In a national referendum held on the issue on 26–30 September 1991, 99.86 per cent of voters (with an 87.01 per cent turnout) approved the move. An official government in exile was set up in Germany under Prime Minister Bujar Bukoshi and, in May 1992, Ibrahim Rugova, still living in Prishtina, was elected president of the unrecognised and thus essentially fictive state. 7

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Kosovo, A Documentary History In the following years, international mediators pleaded with the Kosovo Albanians to avoid any further escalation of the conflict, and promised to address their grievances as soon as the Bosnia conflict was under control. However, Kosovo was excluded from the Dayton Agreement of November 1995, and no international mediators returned to Prishtina to fulfil their promises. Between 1993 and 1998, the level of oppression exerted on the Kosovo Albanians was unprecedented in Europe since the Nazi period. With no solution in sight, it was only a matter of time before organised armed resistance became a reality. The population realised increasingly that the long years of passive resistance under Ibrahim Rugova had led them nowhere. In April 1996, the underground Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), founded in ­December 1993, began carrying out coordinated attacks on persons representing and collaborating with the Serb state. It made its first public appearance at a funeral in Drenica on 28 November 1997 and soon enjoyed massive support. The Kosovo War broke out in the early months of 1998, when Serb troops began a major offensive in the Drenica region, attacking the villages of Çirez and Likoshana. Soon thereafter, the Kosovo Liberation Army issued a communiqué calling on all Albanians to join the fight against the Serb regime. By the end of May, one-quarter of the territory of Kosovo was a war zone, and much of it was under KLA control. Militarily, the KLA and the local population initially did quite well in combating Serb forces. In the summer of 1998, however, a new Serb offensive reversed the Albanian gains of the spring, and by October, the KLA was in disarray and agreed to a cease-fire. Despite this, fighting continued and intensified throughout the winter. Kosovo first received major international attention in January 1999 with the discovery, by a delegation of the Organization for Security and ­Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) under William Walker, of the bodies of 45  Albanian civilians in Reçak (BCS Račak) massacred by the Serb police. Last-minute peace talks were held in France in February and March, but to no avail. The Serb side refused to sign the peace accord, thus making intervention by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) inevitable. NATO forces began their bombing campaign over Yugoslavia on 24 March 1999. In revenge, the Belgrade authorities launched a well-prepared and well-orchestrated campaign to “cleanse” Kosovo of all of its Albanian population. Over half a million people were put to flight, most of them being expelled or taking refuge in Albania and Macedonia. The NATO bombing campaign lasted until mid-June 1999 when the parliament in Belgrade finally agreed to withdraw Serb forces from Kosovo. Serb rule had come to an end. Kosovo under United Nations Administration In early July 1999, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe set up a mission in Kosovo that would be known as the United Nations 8

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Introduction Interim Administrative Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), and French politician Bernard Kouchner was appointed as Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General to oversee the new administration. By August, 850,000 ­ Albanian refugees had returned to Kosovo, and about half of the Kosovo Serb population, some 100,000 people, had fled to Serbia. A transitional council of representatives of all ethnic communities, including the remaining Serbs, was called together in August. By the autumn of 1999, political parties had been formed, and an Interim Administrative Council began to function in early 2000. On 28 October 2000, local elections were held, the first free elections in Kosovo’s history. The majority of the populace voted for the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) under Ibrahim Rugova. Parliamentary elections ­followed a year later, on 17 November 2001, with the LDK once again the leading party, but without an absolute majority. Parliamentary life thus resumed on 10 December 2001 with the first ­session of the new Kosovo Assembly. On 28 February 2002, Bajram Rexhepi was elected prime minister, and Ibrahim Rugova subsequently assumed the title of head of state. A new multi-ethnic Kosovo Police service was created, and the KLA was demobilised and transformed into the Kosovo Protection Corps. Thereafter, UNMIK gradually began transferring most of its administrative competencies in Kosovo to the elected government authorities. A sudden outbreak of ethnic rioting and anti-Serb violence occurred in mid-March 2004, the worst since the Kosovo War. The events, sparked by a series of relatively minor incidents and inaccurate media reporting, ­subsided almost as quickly as they arose, but they left in their wake shock and much destruction, in particular of Serb homes and churches. The initially unchecked rioting proved just how fragile the reconciliation progress was, and how ineffective KFOR was in ensuring public order. The parliamentary elections of October 2004 were held under the supervision of the new central electoral commission. They resulted in a coalition between the LDK and the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK), making Ramush Haradinaj prime minister. Haradinaj, a former hard-line KLA leader, did much for the Serb community and promoted reconciliation, but he was forced to resign in March 2005 when he was indicted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in The Hague. After a lengthy trial, he was acquitted of all charges. Haradinaj was followed in office by Bajram Kosumi of the AAK who resigned the following year, in March 2006, and was replaced by another former KLA commander, Agim Çeku. The year 2006 also marked the death of President Ibrahim Rugova, who was succeeded as head of state by Fatmir Sejdiu. The Road to Independence The burning question for most people in Kosovo during the years of international administration was the country’s final status. United Nations Security 9

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Council Resolution 1244, adopted on 10 June 1999 at the end of the Kosovo War to provide for a legal international presence in the country after the ­withdrawal of Serb forces, set forth that there would be a political process to determine Kosovo’s final status, taking into account the Rambouillet accords. The United Nations and the international community had long not been willing or able to come to terms with the issue of final status and endeavoured to postpone any discussion of it as much as possible. In April 2002, Special Representative Michael Steiner launched the slogan “Standards before ­Status” to try to convince the population of Kosovo that there was no sense in addressing the status issue until certain standards had been achieved. Steiner’s objective was both to postpone a thorny discussion of Kosovo’s status and, at the same time, to prepare Kosovo as a functioning democracy with respect for minority rights and an operating market economy to meet future requirements for independence and/or for membership in the European Union (EU). In 2005, Norwegian envoy Kai Eide reported to the United Nations that there was no advantage to be gained by stalling the status process. In ­November of that year, when a Contact Group (France, Germany, Italy, ­Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States) had set forth the “­ guiding principles” of status resolution, that is, that there would be no return to the situation before 1999 and that there would be no change in Kosovo’s ­borders, i.e., no partition of Kosovo or union with a neighbouring state, and had agreed that any future status would have to be acceptable to the people of Kosovo, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan appointed the former president of Finland, Martti Ahtisaari, as his special representative to lead the status process. Ahtisaari brought Prishtina and Belgrade together for further negotiations on practical issues and on the status question, and then drafted a comprehensive proposal for status resolution. The so-called Ahtisaari Plan recommended independence, subject to a period of international supervision under an International Civilian Office (ICO). Prishtina accepted the proposal, but Belgrade rejected it. On 3 April 2007, Martti Ahtisaari submitted his plan to the United Nations Security Council for approval. Due to Russian opposition, however, the ­Security Council was not able to reach agreement on it, and yet further negotiations were recommended, this time under the auspices of a “Troika” (EU, Russia, US) which was to report to the secretary-general in December 2007. After intense negotiations held in Baden, near Vienna, the Troika reported the obvious, that it was not possible to find a mutually acceptable agreement. Meanwhile, parliamentary elections had been held once again in ­November 2007 and resulted in a victory for the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) under the new prime minister, Hashim Thaçi. The Serb minority largely boycotted these elections. On 17 February 2008, Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia and, at the same time, committed itself to respecting its obligations under the ­Ahtisaari Plan, to embracing multi-ethnicity as a fundamental principle 10

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Introduction of good governance, and to welcoming a period of international supervision. Most Western countries and most members of the European Union recognised Kosovo shortly after the declaration, and the Dutch diplomat Pieter Feith was appointed as the first International Civilian Representative (ICR) and European Union Special Representative (EUSR) to Kosovo. The EU also agreed upon a European Union Rule of Law Mission (EULEX) to oversee police work and judicial affairs. In line with the Ahtisaari Plan, the government of Kosovo enacted laws on minority protection, decentralisation, special protection zones for Serb cultural and religious sites, local self-government and new municipal boundaries. Parliament also approved a new constitution which entered into force on 15 June 2008, having been certified by the ICR as a modern constitution that “provides comprehensive rights for members of communities as well as effective guarantees for the protection of the national, linguistic and religious identity of all communities”. In December 2008, EULEX reached its initial operative capacity with the deployment of over 1,000 international police officers, judges, prosecutors and customs officers. At the same time, UNMIK substantially scaled back its presence. It was initially foreseen that UNMIK would withdraw from Kosovo upon the arrival of EULEX, but Russia opposed this. By April 2009, EULEX had achieved full operational capacity. In June 2009, Kosovo joined the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, a step that finally enabled it to acquire much-needed external capital in the form of grants, emergency financing and project funding. Quo Vadis, Kosovo? After almost nine decades of misrule under Serbia and almost a decade of United Nations administration and unclarified status, Kosovo is now the newest country in Europe. According to surveys taken in the year of independence, it had the youngest and most optimistic population on the continent. The declaration of independence in February 2008 was a moment of pride and joy for the Kosovo Albanians and most other ethnic communities, although it was, admittedly, also one of great apprehension for the Kosovo Serb minority. Reconciliation will take time, and independence is only one step in an arduous process of nation-building. The new Republic of Kosovo still faces substantial challenges and will need to rely to a large extent on the support of the European Union and the international community for many years to come. Among the major problems Kosovo is confronted with is the economy. As one of the poorest countries in Europe (only Moldova is poorer), Kosovo imports great quantities of goods and services but exports by ­comparison very little. Its catastrophic balance of payments is only kept on an even keel by i­nternational support and financial remittances from Kosovars living 11

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Kosovo, A Documentary History abroad. About 35 per cent of its citizens live below the poverty line and about 15 per cent live in extreme poverty. The Kosovo Serbs, who make up only 5 or 6 per cent of the population but who are still very influential, do not identify with the new State in which they live and continue to look to Serbia as their only country. The result of this stance is that the government of Kosovo does not have effective control over all of its territory. The much-lauded and unquestionably needed Ahtisaari Plan in fact only served to reinforce the division of the country. Another major problem is Kosovo’s tenuous relations with the neighbouring, and much larger, Republic of Serbia. Although it accepted the independence of Montenegro with little opposition, Serbia has not taken ­ kindly to the independence of Kosovo. The Belgrade government bitterly opposed the ­“unilateral” declaration, but had no alternative to propose that would have been acceptable to the people of Kosovo. Emotionally, most Serbs still regarded Kosovo as theirs and theirs alone, and there was a­ nti-Western rioting in Belgrade when leading Western countries recognised Kosovo’s ­ ­independence. The declaration was controversial on the international scene as well. Most Western countries recognised Kosovo within a couple of months of the act, but some countries, such as Russia, threw their support behind ­Serbia. Even within the European Union there was no unanimity, and a few EU member states – with minority problems of their own – withheld ­recognition. Finally, Kosovo also has a substantial image problem. Its name has conjured up images of ethnic conflict, eternal political crisis and organised crime. It has been decried, primarily by Belgrade but also in some international reports, as a mafia state and as a haven for drug traffickers and criminals. While it is undeniable that crime and corruption exist in Kosovo, as they do in most countries with a similar level of economic development, the rampant human trafficking and unchecked organised crime that flourished in the early years of the UNMIK administration have been largely dampened. Kosovo is, in fact, a very safe country to visit. According to a report of the Kosovo Stability Initiative, the murder rate is about the same as in Sweden and there are more police officers per capita than in Singapore. By comparison, Northern Ireland has 960 per cent more violent crimes and there are almost four times more firearms per capita in Finland than in Kosovo. Despite this, much remains to be done to consolidate structures and to improve the country’s image. At the time of her surreptitious journey to Ottoman Kosovo in 1908, the intrepid English traveller Edith Durham wrote: “There is a joy that never palls – the first glimpse into the unknown land. On the other side of the pass, a magnificent valley lay below us, thickly wooded with beech, and beyond were the lands which two rival races each claim as their birthright – one of the least-known corners of Europe”. Kosovo has long been the meeting place between the two “rival races”, the interface between Albanian and Serbian 12

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Introduction worlds, and this confrontation has indeed often – though not always – been a source of irritation. The country’s dual identity is now being overlaid by a strong European dimension. If Kosovo and the other countries of southeastern Europe can be swiftly assisted towards integration and membership in the European Union, sovereignty and border issues will fade and soon become irrelevant. The former president of Germany, Roman Herzog, once said on a visit to the southern Balkans, “Let us keep the borders where they are, but let us stamp them into the ground so that no one can see them”. The day will soon dawn, it is to be hoped, when the political and emotional ­borders that separate Albania, Kosovo and Serbia will be no more significant than those between France, Belgium and the Netherlands. The often sombre past will be nothing more than … the past. Robert Elsie Berlin

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Documents (1912–45)

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Kosovo, A Documentary History [FO 195/2406] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 10 March 1912, on the visit of the Turkish Minister of the Interior to Kosovo. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 10 March 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica

Sir, I have the honour to report that the itinerary of the Minister of the Interior detailed in my despatch No. 12 of Feb. 29 has so far been adhered to. The Minister left Prishtina on the 3rd inst., Mitrovitza on the 5th, Ipek [Peja] on the 8th, and is now at Jakova [Gjakova]. His reception everywhere has been cold, indeed the Ipek Albanians sent him a message to Mitrovitza telling him not to visit Ipek at all, but there has apparently been no attempt at violence. At Prishtina, the original plan of holding the Mevlud service on Kossovo Polye was abandoned, as it was evident that the Albanians would not turn out for it. No one came to receive his sweets except the local Committee of sympathisers and a few Albanians of no position or importance. In spite of all this, the Minister telegraphed to the Porte from Ipek that he had had an excellent reception. A number of rumours of disturbance have been current here, one even that the Minister had been forced to abandon Jakova and travel from Ipek to Prisrend via Mitrovitza and Ferisovich [Ferizaj], though groundless they are interesting as showing what is considered possible. While in Uscub the Minister offered a bakhshish of £T 5 to each of the Medressé teachers, some refused, other incurred some unpopularity by accepting. The only reforms I have as yet heard of are an exchange of Kaimakams between Kyoprulu [Veles] and Prishtina and the dismissal of a high police officer in Uscub. The prevailing impression is that the object of the tour is not reforms but Committee propaganda. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul 16

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Documents [FO 195/2406] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 20 March 1912, with further information on the visit of the Turkish Minister of the Interior to Kosovo. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 20 March 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, With reference to the Reform Tour of the Minister of the Interior, and in continuation of my despatch No. 15 of Mar. 10, I have the honour to report that there are no details to add to the account of the attack on the Minister between Dyakova and Prisrend, which I reported to H.  M. Embassy in my telegram No. 3 of the 11th inst. The Minister before leaving Prisrend made arrangements with the Lyuma tribe who inhabit the north slopes of the Shar Planina to escort him as far as the boundary of Scutari [Shkodra] vilayet. His reception at Prisrend was no more enthusiastic than at other places in the province. With the exception of some party propaganda and the reforms mentioned in my despatch No. 15, I have been unable to find that he has done anything in this province partaking of the nature of performance as opposed to promise. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2406] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 22 March 1912, on an ambush of the Turkish Minister of the Interior. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 22 March 1912 17

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Kosovo, A Documentary History to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, As I had the honour to report to H. M. Embassy in my telegram No. 4 of to-day, the Minister of the Interior and his party were ambushed by Albanians in three places near Vezir Kyöprü [The Vizier’s Bridge] while on their way from Prisrend to Scutari [Shkodra]. Of the Albanians, one was killed and four wounded, of the Minister’s escort four soldiers were killed and six wounded, also Halid Bey, acting Kaimmakam of Lyuma, and Mehmed Efendi, hoja of Sirot, were slightly wounded, and Ali Efendi, commandant of gendarmerie in Lyuma, had his horse shot under him. The aggressors are unknown, but are not improbably of the Lyuma clan, who have either broken the “bessa” made by their chiefs with the Minister, or more probably do not consider it binding on them. The authorities are somewhat reticent about these regrettable incidents, and it is only to-day that the news of the affray reached me. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2406] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 24 April 1912, on Krasniqja rebels in Gjakova and Ura e Fshajt in Kosovo. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 24 April 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, In confirmation of my telegram No. 5 of the 20th inst. to H. M. Embassy, I have the honour to report that some five hundred Albanians of the ­Granichi [Krasniqja] clans have subverted what little exists of Turkish authority in 18

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Documents Djakova [Gjakova]. Two battalions of infantry and two batteries of artillery were sent against them from Prisrend, but were repulsed at Ura Fshayt [Ura e Fshajt]. The Prisrend troops were subsequently reinforced by a battalion from Uscub, but have done nothing further, and I hear that the reinforcing battalion has been sent to Lyuma. The bulk of the Albanians are waiting the results of the elections, which have not yet finished in this province. It appears that the loyalty of the local troops is not entirely to be depended on, if called out to quell a rising in Albania. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2406] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British C ­ onsul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 28 April 1912, on an interview with Hasan bey Prishtina concerning an Albanian uprising. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 28 April 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, In confirmation of my telegram No. 7 of to-day’s date to H. M. Embassy, I have the honour to report that I had an interview this morning with H ­ assan Bey, whose re-election as deputy for Prishtina the Turkish Government is opposing by every means, legitimate or otherwise. Hassan Bey assured me that the whole of Albania was sick of the present government, which he described as barbarous and brainless, and intended to revolt. The immediate intention was, he said, to demand the annulment of the recent Parliamentary elections throughout Turkey and the appointment of a non-party Cabinet under Kyamil Pasha, containing men like Tevfik Pasha and Nuradugian Efendi, to hold new elections which shall really express the will of the people. Failing this, they will demand autonomy for Albania. I enquired what form this would take. He aspired to complete fiscal and military separation and to an Albanian republic whose connection with the Porte should be merely nominal, but did not appear to have a cut-and-dried 19

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Kosovo, A Documentary History programme of the minimum which would be accepted. He cited the parallel of Bulgaria and the growth in Bulgarian population since the Treaty of Berlin. The suzerainty of the Porte would be accepted. I pointed out that the Albanian clans had not on previous occasions shown much national cohesion, and instanced the Malissor outbreak of last year, but he assured me that there was now a complete organization from Skodra to Yannina, though he offered no proof except possibly the agreement with Greece hereafter mentioned. There has, I believe, been a growth of ­nationalist spirit in Albania latterly, and I have heard of a general organization from other sources. Passing to the military side, he told me that the Dyakova outbreak reported in my despatch No. 29 would be the kernel of the movement, that the ­Malissor and other Gheg clans would concentrate on Tuzi and that the movement would rapidly spread south and embrace the Tosks. Uscub would have fallen within a week of the first move and they would be in Salonica in a month. I remarked that I could well believe that there was an adequate supply of small arms in Albania, but what were they going to do about artillery? He replied that they had none at present, but relied on capturing Turkish, which plenty of Albanians knew how to work, the same applied to the Engineer arm. They had money in hand for a month’s campaign, if not more, and relied on outside financial support if the matter was not settled by then. They did not count much on the support of the Macedonian Bulgars or their method of harrying the country with bands, but were willing to join hands with them and extend their demand to autonomy for Rumelia, in which not merely the Three Vilayets but also Skodra and Yannina should be included. I pointed out that any disturbance in Turkey reacted on ­ neighbouring states, and cited the rumours of the Austrian move on Tashlija (see my ­despatch no. 12, postscript), also the effect on Greece of the East ­Roumelian revolution of 1885. He admitted this, but stated that they had come to an understanding with the Greek Government and the Greek Macedonian ­Committee, and also with the Bulgarian Macedonian Committee, but not with the Bulgarian Government. Montenegro was negligible, the Malissia being an Albanian stronghold. Bulgaria and Servia would be held in check by Austria, and Austria herself would, he hoped, abstain from interference, realizing that this was a purely internal matter, and would leave the Ottoman peoples to fight it out among themselves, but at worst Austrian rule would be preferable to Turkish, though the most desirable of all would be British. What he asked for was the political support of the British Government, and if need be their financial support later on. I gather that he has not approached any other Consul here, and hopes that the British Government will take the lead in any concerted action necessary. I assured him that I would at once communicate his request to my superior authorities and let him know the result. 20

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Documents I asked him what they were waiting for before they revolted. He replied, nothing but the answer of H.M. Government. At the same time, an unfavourable reply would not avert the revolt. Throughout the interview Hassan Bey manifested considerable optimism, this was, I think, the optimism of a man who feels that things cannot be worse, and may well be improved by strong measures. I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2406] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 14 May 1912, on Ottoman troop movements towards Gjakova. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 14 May 1912 to H. H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, With reference to the Embassy telegram No. 4 of yesterday, I have the ­honour to report that after spending some time in fruitless negotiations with the Albanian insurgents at Dyakova [Gjakova], mentioned in my ­despatch No. 29 of the 24th ult, the Ottoman authorities appear to have decided on energetic action and the following troops have been despatched from Uscub: — the 19th Nishanji battallion, 1 machine gun company, 2 mountain (gun companies) batteries, 1 transport company, a small number of cavalry (20 men) and 2 companies of field artillery (8 guns). One infantry battallion (56/1) has been sent from Kumanova and one, whose number I have been unable to get, from Prisrend. The total strength of these reinforcements is given as 1,200 men. The Commandant of the VII Army Corps, Ismail Fazil Pasha, has himself left for the scene of operations, and Dyakova is, I hear, almost completely surrounded. The general revolt prophecied by Hassan Bey of Prishtina, as reported in my despatch No. 31 of April 28 has shown no signs of coming into ­existence, though I have lately heard of disorders at Ipek [Peja] and Gossinye [Gucia/Gusinje], where 3,000 Albanians are said to be in revolt. 21

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Kosovo, A Documentary History With reference to the second paragraph of above-mentioned telegram, I have the honour to report that I have no news of Ihtiats being moved up here since my despatch No. 21 of Mar. 27, but I have just heard that a Redif ­Battalion has arrived from Smyrna. I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble servant /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2406] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British C ­ onsul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 29 May 1912, on signs of an antiOttoman Albanian uprising in Kosovo. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 29 May 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, I have the honour to transmit herewith Dislocation List of the VII Kol Ordu. The Nishanji Battalion of the 1st Nizam Division, some 500 strong, passed through here on the 26th inst. The Albanian chiefs are reported to be at Volnyak [Volljaka], near the ­confluence of the Beli Drin and the Mirusha (Banyes). Negotiations with the Government are proceeding, but I have no trustworthy information as to their nature, nor have I yet received any copy of Ismail Kemal Bey’s manifesto. (see my despatch No. 36 of the 24th inst.). An incident reported to-day from Ferisovich [Ferizaj] may, if true, be of some importance for the conduct of these negotiations. Nine battalions, most, if not all, belonging to the 1st Nizam Division, were ordered to Prisrend. Hereon one Hassan Chaoush of Brusa [Bursa] made a speech to the soldiers saying that though prepared to go anywhere or fight anything they would not bear arms against their Albanian compatriots. This sentiment met with the approval of the soldiery, who delegated Hassan Chaoush to convey their views to their officers. This story, the sequel to which I have not heard, tends to confirm what I have already had some reason to believe, namely the change in the old 22

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Documents habit of unquestioning obedience produced by the admission of non-Turkish ­soldiers into the army. Another confirmation is the frequency of desertions to the Albanian side. An Albanian notable of Gilan informs me that the Albanians east of the Uscub-Mitrovitza line will rise as soon as the revolt becomes general in Ipek [Peja], Dyakova and Prisrend, but not before. He also states that the present negotiations are being prolonged by the Albanians to gain time to get arms, not more than forty per cent of them being properly armed at present. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2406] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 7 June 1912, on more signs of an antiOttoman Albanian uprising in Kosovo. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 7 June 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, I have the honour to report that an encounter took place on the 3rd and 4th inst. between the Albanian insurgents, said to have numbered seven ­thousand, and two divisions (firka) of the Ottoman troops in the neighbourhood of Yünik [Junik], which however the Albanian chiefs had already left. The Turkish troops were successful and the Albanians retired to Belaye (Bare in the direction of Gussinye?). The Ipek [Peja] Albanians have passed the somewhat ill-defined line which separated unrest from rebellion, and are reported to have burned the Konak in Ipek. On the 3rd inst. some 1,500 Ihtiats from Ishtib and Radovishta passed through here to fill up gaps in the forces in Albania. The rumour of the fall of Dyakova [Gjakova] town reported in my ­despatch No. 38 of the 3rd inst. is untrue. 23

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Kosovo, A Documentary History I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2406] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 29 June 1912, containing an Albanian manifesto against the Young Turk authorities. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] June 29, 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, In confirmation of my telegram No. 11 of today to H. M. Embassy, I have the honour to transmit herewith translation of an Albanian manifesto which has been sent to a local newspaper for publication. The publication of this document, which does not even demand the fall of the party which it execrates, is probably due to the desire of the Albanians to secure the co-operation of the Army officers here, some eighty per cent of whom are said to be hostile to the Committee, but probably unwilling to help a professedly separatist movement. The Albanians all along have protested that the accession of the Opposition to power would completely satisfy their demands. A recent Army Order published here enjoining abstention from political action met with little response save a curt comment that it should have been published at election time. I have, so far, no news of any desertions here similar to those reported from Monastir, but it appears that a great deal of sedition is being talked both among the officers and the rank and file. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul Enclosure in Vice Consul Peckham’s No. 43 of June 29, 1912 24

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Documents

Memorandum The whole civilised world and particularly the Ottoman world knows the services rendered by the Albanians for the establishment of the Ottoman Constitution. The Albanians are, and always will be, firmly attached to the Caliphate and the Ottoman Fatherland with a fidelity which nothing can shake. If they have raised the flag of revolt it is not simply in the interests of Albania, but to save the Fatherland from the fearful pit into which it has fallen. Let no ­Ottoman entertain any doubt of this. The Albanians have taken up arms because they see that the Young Turk Government and the accursed and execrable policy which it follows will end sooner or later in a hostile invasion of the virgin soil of the Fatherland, because they see that a few ignorant upstarts are sending the great ­Ottoman Empire along the road to ruin with the speed of lightning, because they know that where there is no reason and no instruction, logic and persuasion are incapable of getting right done, because finally they realise the absolute necessity of certain laws in accordance with local needs. Everyone knows that the present government tramples underfoot the laws of our sacred Constitution and arrogates to itself the right to interfere in the most illegal and incredible manner in the Parliamentary elections which are one of the most sacred rights of the nations. The deputies in consequence are not to-day the representatives of the nation, but functionaries whose business it is to execute the unjust orders of the Government. We have acted in the way that we have because we interpret the actions of the Government during the last four years against our sacred Constitution as so many attacks on the rights of the nation, as so many reactionary measures, because we feel that this government’s line of action impels this poor country to ruin, and in order to defend the interests of all the Ottomans and assure the establishment of the Constitution. We do not wish our action to be interpreted otherwise, and we protest against and reject any other interpretation with all our might. (signed) Riza Hassan Bairam Curr Yahya Zeyn-Ullah Mehmed Jemal Ebu Bekir Musa Isa Boletin

Ahmed Aziz Yashar Rifat Usseyn Ferad Rejep Muharrem Prizrenli Shani Prishtinali Abdur-Rrahman Murad 25

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Kosovo, A Documentary History [FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 9 July 1912, summarising the situation in Kosovo. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 9 July 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, I have the honour to submit herewith an attempt I have made to ­summarize the Albanian situation as it exists at present. Unfortunately, rumour and opinion enter into this far more largely than is desirable, owing to the incurable optimism of the Albanians and the impossibility of getting official news here. I shall give references to previous despatches by date and number in the margin. The province south of the Shar and the Kara Dag (Tsrna Gora), i.e. the Sanjak of Uscub and the Kaza of Kalkandelen [Tetovo], appears unaffected. I am unable to trace any connection between the Albanian insurgents and the Macedonian Komitajis. Hassan Bey’s agreement with the Macedonian Organization appears to have done him no good so far. I have no news from the Sanjaks of Senitza [Sjenica] and Tashlija [Pljevlja]. The Sanjak of Ipek [Peja] appears still to be the centre of disturbance in this province, the Dyakova Albanians have been continuously in revolt since April, and for the last month at least reports of guerrilla warfare from the neighbourhood of Dyakova have been coming in from time to time. The Albanians of Ipek, always turbulent, and irritated during the last six  months by the indiscreetly Chauvinistic rule of Jaffer Tayyar Bey, have joined the movement heart and soul. Prisrend Sanjak is not officially in revolt, but doubtless a number of ­Prisrend Albanians have joined the insurgents. The Sultan’s writ never runs in Lyuma Kaza, the Kaimmakam of Lyuma normally residing at Prisrend as a sort of governor in partibus infidelium, and the Minister of the Interior himself had to make a “bessa” with the Lyuma chiefs in order to pass through. As the Lyuma have virtual autonomy it is doubtful how far they will bestir themselves to help other clans in a revolt against a government which is nominal in their case.

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Documents The future of the movement depends largely on the attitude of the Albanians of the Sanjak of Prishtina. On the whole they are more law-abiding than the Western clans, the railway having brought them some material prosperity, while facilitating movements of troops to overawe the discontented. A month ago I was assured that they would not rise till the whole west of the province was in revolt, but since then there have been indications that the revolt is spreading to Mitrovitza and Vuchitrn, and even as far as Preshevo, though the latter seems to have been an isolated raid. It should be remembered that several of the leaders are East-Albanians. Hassan Bey is identified with Vuchitrn and Prishtina, Isa Boletin’s village is close to Mitrovitza, while of the nineteen signatories of the ­Albanian manifesto no less than twelve are from Prishtina Sanjak. The main ­ grievances against the Government – the schools question and the action of the G ­ overnment during elections – are common to both sides of the province, and if Jaffer Tayyar Bey has not made his baleful influence felt in Prishtina Sanjak there is the local grievance of the hair of the Prophet’s beard. A rising in Prishtina Sanjak would probably isolate the Turkish troops at Mitrovitza by cutting the railway above Kachanik, and might even succeed in capturing that pass or turning it by way of Preshevo and Kumanovo. (There is rumour current here that the Kumanovo battalion, 56/I, is to be sent back from Albania for this very reason.) Hassan Bey’s boasted Albanian organization has not proved very effective in this province. It has failed to bridle the enthusiasts of Dyakova till their slower and worse armed brethren in the East were ready. I have repeatedly asked “If the Albanians mean a general revolt, why do they wait while the Turks bring up troops to crush the partial revolt existing?” The answer has almost invariably been “They are not yet sufficiently armed.” The ­unsuccessful attack on Ipek at the beginning of June doubtless had the magazine for its objective. (Unfortunately I took it for granted that there was an adequate supply of small arms in Albania when Hassan Bey expounded his schemes to me). For this reason I tend to note with particular care ­captures of arms and desertions of men with arms. I have recently seen a letter of Hassan Bey’s in which he states that, up to date, they have captured eight hundred and sixty-eight rifles and two cannons (this includes Skodra Vilayet). The Turkish authorities, at any rate till the recent desertion at Monastir, seem to have taken a confident view of the situation. They deliberately preferred that Hassan Bey should denounce the Committee from Yünik ­ [Junik] rather than from the Opposition benches of the Chamber, and their masterful handling of the elections has provided leaders and a war-cry for a people only too inclined to take to the hills as soon as the snow has melted enough.

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Kosovo, A Documentary History On the military side, their movements have been calculated and deliberate, they raised their regiments here to full strength before the revolt had assumed more than insignificant proportions, and were evidently confident that they had the revolt well in hand, since till the last few days I have had no occasion to report the passage to troops since the beginning of June. They seem even to have ignored the pacific demonstrations of Hassan Caoush of Brousa [Bursa], nor have I heard that his discourse has produced any practical results. Two things have recently tended to modify this view of the situation: the desertions in Monastir and Salonica vilayets, and the Albanian manifesto. The zeal with which they have suppressed the latter, and their previous forged manifesto demanding autonomy make it probable that they wish to ­confuse hostility with the Committee with hostility to the Ottoman Empire, and recalls similar ingenious adaptations of the truth which the Committee itself exposed four years ago. The new law against officers taking part in politics points in the same direction. The parallel between 1908 and 1912 which has doubtless not escaped your notice, is of course frequently drawn here, and is suggested by the ­opening phrase of the Albanian manifesto. I would not for a moment venture to ­predict the fall of the Committee, as I am ignorant to what precise degree ­hostility to it has permeated the Army, but the parallel probably convinces some of the trimmers who love to worship the rising sun. The language of the Albanian manifesto was well chosen, it in its turn was designed to allure the waverers. That the Turks are conscious of their weakness in this matter is confirmed by the fact that they have just transferred the proceedings against the editor of Mujahede-i-Millié to Salonica. To my mind the most important recent event is the transfer of the wives and families of several of the Albanian notables to Uscub, about which I hope to report more fully shortly. It is a high-handed action which would shock public opinion in any country, and here it is repugnant both to the religious feelings of the Moslems and the national customs of the Albanians. Had the Turks wished to provoke a general Albanian rising in Kossovo they could not have chosen a better method, as they must have had unmistakeable proofs that their troops were not all to be depended on. It seems to me to be a last desperate attempt to quell the rebellion by fair means or foul. I do not think it will succeed. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul

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Documents [FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British C ­ onsul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 12 July 1912, on the deportation of women in Kosovo. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 12 July 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, I have delayed making a full report on the deportation of the wives and families of the Albanian leaders mentioned in my telegrams Nos. 14 and 17 of the 6th and 9th inst. in the hopes of getting some first-hand information. A week ago the Government published a notice in the principle towns of Albania calling on the leaders of the revolt (of whom a list was given) to ­submit within three days and threatening them, if they did not comply, with the exile of their wives to Anatolia and the sequestration of their property. It is worth while re-stating this from the Albanian point of view: “The Turks who are unsuccessful in fighting against the men are now making prisoners of their women and stealing their property”. Now an Albanian regards a woman as so strictly outside warfare that he will not fire on his blood enemy if the latter is accompanying a woman, and he regards theft as a greater crime than murder or, to be more exact, he regards theft as a crime and murder as an ordinary incident of life. It can thus be imagined what a storm of indignation would be raised when the Government sent to Uscub the families of Ahmed Bey, Riza Bey and Husni Sur of Dyakova, of Yahya Bey, Sadik Efendi and Shani Efendi of Prisrend, and of Mahmud Zaim of Ipek. Riza Bey’s wife is reported to have gone to the ­window and told the soldiers sent to take her, to go away and fight her ­husband and not make war upon women, and the whole ­population of Prishtina swore to die sooner than allow the wife of Jemal Bey to leave the town. The Government has now modified the terms of the threat and delays exiling the ladies till the summons to trial has been duly served on the ­ ­leaders, i.e. has practically cancelled it. I cannot believe that the Government was so ill-informed as not to be aware of the effect of such a move on the Albanian population, and can only suppose that it was adopted as a counsel of despair.

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Kosovo, A Documentary History I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 15 July 1912, on military movements and fighting in Kosovo. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 15 July 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, I have the honour to report that the Albanians have captured ten officers and three hundred men out of the four battalions which they had isolated at Kruma, as reported in my despatch No. 48 of July 8. They stripped the men to their shirts and let them go. Besides small arms they captured two Maxims and two mountain guns. Two battalions posted at Vezir Kyöprü [The Vizier’s Bridge], slightly higher up the river have deserted their post and gone to Lyuma. I do not know if the motive for this is political or merely panic terror. The Prisrend Albanians are growing restive, they have expelled the ­gendarmes from the country villages and threaten to murder the Mutessarif. Two battalions and four machine guns have been moved from Dyakova to Prisrend to cope with this southward spread of the revolt, to which I have ­little doubt the deportations of the wives of the Prisrend Beys and the capture of arms at Kruma both contribute in their way. From the east I have little news except that some fighting is reported from the immediate neighbourhood of Prishtina, and that the bazar there has been closed in protest against the Government’s action in the matter of the ­Albanian women. Three companies of the troops employed at Prishtina refused to fight. A desire to be sent home in time for harvest may have as much to do with this as sympathy with the Albanians or detestation of the Committee. The Mektubji has been relieved of the charge of the Konak here, at his own request. I do not believe that this is due to the capitulation difficulty reported 30

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Documents in my despatch No. 45 of the 3rd inst., but rather to lack of sympathy with the Administration. The post of Acting Vali was offered successively to the ­Defterdar, to Said Bey, the officer commanding the Nineteenth Division and acting military commandant here in the absence of Ismail Fazil, and to the Kaimmakam of Uscub Kaza. These all refused and the present acting Vali is the Chief of Police, a Cretan Moslem. This difficulty confirms what I had already heard, that the Executive here is at its wits’ end, the Mektubji having previously admitted that orders received from the Vali were often contradictory or obscure. I am informed that the Serbs of this Vilayet, who were supporting the ­Government in the spring, have now veered round and are in whole-hearted support of the Albanians. I presume that this means that according to Serb opinion the fall of the Committee is probable. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 18 July 1912, on the spread of the revolt in Kosovo. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 18 July 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, In confirmation of my telegram No. 20 of to-day to H. M. Embassy, I have the honour to report that the officers of two of the divisions in Albania, the first and the twenty-first, have made common cause with the Albanians. I have on several previous occasions pointed out that the loyalty of the Turkish troops in Albania was a doubtful quality, see my despatch 37 of May 29 (with reference to the first division), No. 47 of July 5 (distribution of Albanian manifesto), and No. 53 of July 16 (conversion of officers by Hassan Bey). It is reported that Hassan Bey and other Albanian leaders are walking the streets of Dyakova free and unmolested. 31

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Kosovo, A Documentary History I understand that the officers are prepared to grant all Albanian demands short of autonomy, this presumably includes military service in Albania, the right to carry arms and the all-important alphabet. One result of the accord has been that a telegram has been sent to the ­Sultan, signed by the officers of the two divisions, Hassan Bey, Riza Bey and Bairam Zur, demanding the resignation of the Cabinet, the dissolution of ­Parliament and new elections. I understand that His Majesty conferred with the Acting War Minister, who sent a telegram to Said Bey, the acting Commandant in Uscub, instructing him to find out the feeling of the Uscub Division. Uscub itself has been nearly emptied of troops, but Said Bey called together the officers who are here and asked them their opinion of the action of their comrades. There appear to have been a few pro-Committee officers, but these from motives of prudence kept quiet, and the expressed opinion of the meeting was one of vague sympathy with the first and twenty-first divisions, and a fixed determination not to fight against them. The situation was complicated by the presence of a band. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 19 July 1912, on troop movements and the spread of the revolt in Kosovo. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 19 July 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, I have the honour to report that the Albanian notables have invited four notables of Uscub, including Salih Zekki Efendi, editor of the anti-­ Committee “Mujahede-i-Millié” to attend a Congress at Prishtina. Owing, however, to the news of the resignation of the Ministry, their departure has been postponed. 32

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Documents The attitude of the Albanians is one of expectancy. Men like Hassan Bey must be perfectly well aware that the mere resignation of the Cabinet is ­valueless, and the fact that they have got their way in this matter will encourage them to insist on the dissolution of the present Chamber. The Albanian movement continues to gain arms. On the 16th inst., the bairakdar of the Ostrozup clan attacked two companies of infantry near ­Tsernolyeva [Caraleva] on the Ferisovich-Prisrend road and captured them. The men were sent back to Ferisovich, their rifles and twenty-seven waggons of munition were retained by the Albanians. The Ostrozup clan, of whose ­restiveness I had previously heard reports, is presumably one of the clans whose revolt is reported in my despatch No. 52 of the 15th inst. The first battalion of the 31st regiment passed through here from ­Dedeagach [Alexandroupoli] to Ferisovich. Later the 1st battalion of the 33rd, equally from Dedeagach, was sent to Kachanik. I have heard lately that there was only one battalion at Kachanik. This reinforcement argues fears for the safety of Uscub, though it is probable that if the Albanians move south of the Shar and Kara Dags they will come by Gilan and Preshevo rather than by Kachanik. The second battalion of the 33rd has just passed, and the third is expected shortly, but I have not yet ascertained their destinations. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 22 July 1912, on Turkish troop movements and the spread of the revolt from Kosovo into Macedonia. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 22 July 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, I have the honour to report the full circumstances of the flight of Hassan Tossun Bey, Mutessarif of Prisrend, which I reported to H. M. Embassy in my telegram No. 22 of to-day. 33

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Kosovo, A Documentary History The success of the Ostrozup in capturing the convoy, reported in my ­ espatch No. 55 of the 19th inst., seems to have convinced him that there d was no remedy but flight. He therefore put on Albanian dress and by pecuniary considerations induced some gendarmes to escort him over the Shar Dag to Kalkandelen [Tetovo]. But no sooner had he arrived at a han there than the news of his arrival was known and a crowd collected. Mehmed Pasha, a Kalkandelen notable, entered the han and after some searching found him cowering in the water-closet. He took him out and locked him up in his own konak for the night and on the next day sent him to Uscub. Hassan Tossun with some difficulty persuaded his escort to allow him to stop in a house on the outskirts of the town, from whence he sent for clothes more suitable for his entry than the white cap, Albanian trousers and sandals that he was ­wearing at the time. The whole upper Vardar valley is in revolt, and the Kaimmakams of Kalkandelen and Gostivar have taken refuge in Uscub. Troops continue to arrive, the whole of the 31st, 32nd and 33rd regiments have passed through here. The 32nd is for Ferisovich [Ferizaj], but I have no new information about the destination of the others. They are not likely to prove more trustworthy than the troops already here, as one battalion (I am unable to find out which) of the eleventh division has already been returned here from Albania. Every effort appears to be made to keep them from the contaminating influence of the local men, and from a conversation overheard by my cavass at the station, it appears that they had been told at Dedeagach [Alexandroupoli] that they were to be sent to the Greek frontier. I hear that a Kol Agassi has been hung in the Hass country for beating ­soldiers who refused to fire on the Albanians. Several Uscub notables have left to join the insurgents. This is of ­double importance, as showing the southward spread of the revolt and because the men in question are nominally Turks, though doubtless they have much ­Albanian blood in their veins. The Albanians have burned the kulé and farm buildings of Zeynullah Bey, the Deputy (?) for Ipek [Peja]. The Albanian chiefs have assembled at Prishtina to meet the Government commission. There was a bomb explosion yesterday at Ajalar, on the line between here and Kumanovo, but traffic has not been interrupted. The authors are unknown. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul 34

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Documents [FO 371/1482 & FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 24 July 1912, on Turkish military movements and Albanian demands. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 24 July 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, In confirmation of my telegram No. 23 of yesterday to H. M. Embassy, I have the honour to report that on the evening of the 22nd inst. the Albanian insurgents caused the station master at Prishtina to telegraph to the station master at Uscub and to the “Direction” of the Oriental Railways at Salonica threatening that if the railway transported more troops it would be wrecked. The company was, however, given twenty-four hours’ law, which expired last night. I hear that the railway will meet the wishes of the Albanians. This is not surprising, as the latter could probably in a short time wreck every bridge and culvert between Kachanik and Mitrovitza, while raids on the ­Uscub-Salonica line are not impossible. The train service, even through the revolted districts, has so far been ­normal, or only delayed by troop trains, and I was told recently that the ­Ferisovich-Prisrend road, though closed to soldiers, was open to the ordinary civilian traveller. Previous to the embargo on military traffic, the following troops had passed up: the 11th Nishanji battalion, completing the 1lth division, a ­battalion from Serres (48/II), and one from Kozhane (64/III). The latter, I am told, has been sounded and is considered perfectly trustworthy. It has, however, been thought advisable to administer a special oath to a large part of the 11th division that they would fight against the Albanians. The 7/II Nishanjis have returned here. The weakness of the Uscub garrison is given as the reason for this, and may quite well be the true one, though I have no doubt that the whole of the VIIth Army Corps is under some s­ uspicion. Three hundred and sixty-four men of the 61/I regiment have been brought here from Albania, unarmed and guarded. They are charged with refusal of duty in face of the enemy, and I hear that they had given the Albanians their rifles. I believe that my remarks on the arms question in my despatch No. 49 of the 9th instant no longer apply, captures and desertions having provided an adequate supply of arms. 35

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Kosovo, A Documentary History The Albanian leaders are at present awaiting the arrival of the Commission and the decision of the Cabinet as to the Chamber. Their demands to the Commission will be, as I am informed: . Dissolution of the Chamber and new and fair elections. 1 2. A general amnesty. 3. The Albanian language and alphabet in schools. 4. The right to carry arms. 5. An immediate start on public works. 6. Military service in Albania. Should their negotiations with the Commission resolve themselves into a ­haggle, the condition which they will most readily abandon is the last, only stipulating that Albanians shall not be sent to one or two particularly unpopular places, such as the Yemen. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 371/1482 & FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 24 July 1912, on the fall of Prishtina to the insurgents. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] 24 July 1912 to H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, I have the honour to report the circumstances under which the town of Prishtina fell into the hands of the insurgents, which formed the subject of my telegram No. 24 of to-day to His Majesty’s Embassy. As I have already reported in my despatch No. 57 of to-day, the insurgents had at least temporary control of Prishtina Station, which is some 10 kilom. from the town, on the evening of the 22nd. About this time they notified the mutessarif that they were coming into the town, and gave him his choice between a peaceful and a warlike entry. The ­mutessarif 36

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Documents ­referred to resist, but was thwarted in his endeavours by Bimbashi p ­Husseyn, commandant of g­ endarmerie, who persuaded the gendarmes that resistance to their fellow-countrymen was a sin. The gendarmes hereon seized the arms store, opened the gaol, armed the 460 prisoners whom they found there, and c­ ompelled the military garrison to yield. They then sent to the Albanians, who entered the town yesterday and took possession of the artillery. The mutessarif, after suffering some indignities, escaped to Ismail Fazil Pasha at Ferisovitch. An officer who reprimanded three of his men for giving their rifles to the Albanians narrowly escaped hanging. I am told that the garrison at Kachanik is surrounded, partly by Albanians from Gilan and partly by insurgents from this side of the Shar Dag [Sharr Mountains]. In my telegram No. 25 of to-day I had the honour to request the sanction of His Majesty’s Embassy to my visiting Prishtina. British prestige with the Albanians is very high, largely owing to a persistent rumour that the exile to Anatolia of the wives and families of the insurgent leaders (see my ­despatch No. 51 of the 12th instant) was averted by my representations, and I apprehend no danger in the journey; the only difficulty I am likely to meet with will come from the Turkish authorities here. I venture to think that it is ­desirable to gain first-hand information as to the intentions of the ­Albanian leaders, and that the present lull in the revolt—for I do not expect that a forward policy will be adopted till the intentions of the Cabinet become known—coupled with the ease and speed with which Prishtina can be reached, renders this an excellent opportunity of doing so. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul P.S.—A battalion of Drama Redifs has arrived here to-day, i.e. after the expiry of the delay granted by the Albanians. It was originally intended to send them up the line, but the authorities are now in doubt what to do with them. W.D.P. [FO 195/2407] Abridged translation of an article in the Turkish-language Salonica newspaper “Yeni Asır”, transmitted on 27 July 1912 by British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica to the British Ambassador in Constantinople, Sir Gerard Lowther, about the entry of Albanian insurgents into Prishtina on the night of 22 July 1912. 37

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Kosovo, A Documentary History

Entry of the Albanians into Prishtina The Albanians under the command of Hassan and Riza Beys and Bairam Tzour, their presence being no longer necessary at Djakovo after the understanding arrived at between their leaders and the garrison of that place, descended gradually into the Kossovo Plain by way of the hills of Drenitsa. Their chiefs took up their quarters in the village of Halilaitch [Halilaç] on the foot-hills of the Golesh Planina, with them being three officers representing respectively the First and Twenty-first Infantry Divisions and the Artillery of the Djakovo garrison. Their force, amounting to several thousand, quartered itself in the neighbouring villages of the plain and foot-hills. In the mean time the delegates from the Kazas of Djakovo, Ipek, Prisrend and the various mountain clans began to collect in Prishtina. The Commandant Fadil Pasha had received instructions direct from the Sultan, ordering him not to engage in combat without necessity, whilst the Albanian chiefs had decided to present themselves at Prishtina as the representatives of the entire nation and discuss their demands and requirements with the authorities. For one or two days past, therefore, the population of Prishtina had been expecting to see the chiefs make their entry into the town without opposition. Yesterday, however, the 9/22nd July, early in the morning, a strange rumour began to circulate to the effect that the authorities intended to prevent their entrance into the town. On investigation, I found that orders had indeed been received by the Mutesarrif from the Vali of Kossovo not to allow the Albanians to come in. Everybody was thrown into a state of bewilderment, saying: “They are going to prevent the entrance of the Albanians! Very good, but by what means? Where is the force which they are going to employ? How are the four or five Battalions of troops here going to protect the town against the Albanian contingents which are concentrating on it from Lap, Kossovo, Gholak and Ghilan and which certainly cannot number less than 30,000 men?” The townspeople were in a state of the greatest despondency, anticipating a sanguinary and destructive encounter in their midst. The principal notables of the town went out to meet the Albanian chiefs and begged them to postpone their advance, but they encountered a positive refusal. Returning to the town, they reported their ill-success to the ­Commandant, who rejoined that he had no choice but to resist the entry of the Albanians into the town. The Artillery was brought out and placed in position, while the troops began to throw up earthworks. The only point which gave any encouragement to the population was that the Mutesarrif was known to be energetically opposing the idea of offering any resistance to the entry of the Albanians, declaring that if it were persisted in, he would at once resign. The Vali, however, repeated his previous instructions and informed the Mutesarrif that in case of his resignation he had despatched Djellal Bey, the former Kaimmakam of Ghilan, to act in his place. This official 38

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Documents in fact arrived by the afternoon train. Thereupon, the Mutesarrif, who clearly perceived the ­gravity of the situation, setting aside all hierarchical subordination, proceeded to the telegraph office to enter into direct correspondence with Constantinople. The Uscub delegates, together with those of the entire sanjak, also assembled there, and later on Djellal Bey and the Commandant joined them. Both the Uscub authorities and those of Constantinople continued to give all sorts of directions for opposing the entrance of the Albanians into the town, appearing to attach no importance to the excitement caused amongst the population which was crowding in thousands round the telegraph office. Finally the categoric order came: “If the Albanians attempt to enter the town, you will employ artillery.” At this point a different turn was given to the affair by the Gendarmerie Commandant who shouted out: “If that is the case, I and all my men declare for the insurgents. Do you imagine that two and a half soldiers are going to impose their will upon the town by merely showing themselves? Even if you want to stop them, it is quite impossible and our duty is to save the town.” Finally the Commandant abandoned the idea of resistance, and the entire population was restored to tranquillity and rejoiced that the danger of a bloody conflict was thereby obviated. The people now began to pour out along the station-road to meet the in-coming Albanians, but there was no sign of them. The chiefs, on learning that the troops were preparing to resist their entrance, had dispersed their forces and were making their dispositions for an advance along the entire front from Gratchanitza to Globoderitza, and before they could collect them again, some considerable time necessarily elapsed. In the ­ mean time the sky clouded over and it began to rain, which caused a large ­ portion of the ­ people to disperse. Nevertheless a considerable crowd remained, moving about on the hill-side and awaiting the entry of their compatriots. It was only towards 9 o’clock in the evening that the Albanians, singing national songs, began to enter the town. The population hung out lanterns on both sides of the road along which they passed. The Albanians poured along the street like a spring torrent, but yet with a certain orderliness, the Bairaktars and mounted men marching at the head of each Bairak. This human stream took over half an hour to pass and I ­calculate that there cannot have been less than ten ­thousand men. ­Thirteen or fourteen mosques, as many schools and all the khans, as well as the guest-rooms of many private houses, were crowded to overflowing. In addition to these, between two and three thousand men came in with the Lap and Gholak contingent under Djemal Bey. Hassan and Zeinoullah Beys have not yet come in, and there are as yet very few men from Mitrovitza, Vutchitrn or Ghilan, whilst those from the ­Prisrend Kaza have not yet entered the town but are quartered in the surrounding ­villages. Those in the town therefore are the people from Ipek, Djakovo, 39

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Lap and Gholak, but even of these it is said that a considerable number have remained outside in the villages. The composition of the new Cabinet enjoys general approval, but even this Cabinet cannot win the confidence of the people so long as the Chamber has not been dissolved. [FO 195/2407] Translation of a letter published in the Turkish-language Salonica newspaper “Yeni Asır”, dated 27 July 1912 and transmitted on 31 July 1912 by British Consul ­General Harry Lamb in Salonica to the British Ambassador in Constantinople, Sir Gerard Lowther, about the situation in Kosovo.

Translation of a Letter from the Special ­Correspondent of the “Yeni Asr” in Prishtina, Dated July 27th The members of the Commission of Enquiry were received here with the utmost possible demonstrations of respect. Their Excellencies Ali Danish Bey and Suleiman Hakki Pasha arrived by special train yesterday-afternoon at half-past four, and by noon to-day, thanks to the sensible and effectual measures which they at once adopted, the Bazars throughout the districts of Prishtina and Katchanik were re-opened. The chiefs of other districts assembled in Prishtina, also telegraphed to their respective Kazas for the immediate re-opening of the Bazars. It is however clearly understood that, in case the Government should show the slightest hesitation in carrying out their just demands, they are decided to close again the Bazars throughout the whole of the Kossovo Vilayet and march direct on Uscub. The first and most urgent of these demands is the dissolution of the ­Chamber and the holding of fresh elections in conformity with the Law. I may say that every Albanian between the ages of seven and seventy firmly insists on this. The other demands, of an administrative, economic and judicial character, will be discussed after the dissolution of the Chamber. Amongst them is the question of instruction in the language of the country. As the Commission has full powers with regard to such of them as are susceptible of ­immediate application, there ought in my opinion to be no necessity for lengthy ­ ­correspondence; but if there is any delay in dissolving the Chamber I fear that the matter will again assume a critical character. For there are now around 40

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Documents Prishtina something like 40,000 Albanians, armed or unarmed, and their number tends to increase rather than decrease. Issa Bolatin is expected here tomorrow from Vutchitrn with a t­housand men. Said Bey, the late member for Uscub, arrived yesterday from the Katchanik Pass. The Ghilan people are still awaiting instructions as to whether they should come in or not. A meeting of the Chiefs is being held to-day at Kadikeui, near Prishtina, to discuss this. To-day after the opening of the Bazar about 4,000 of the Albanians, on a signal from their chiefs, were marched quietly and in perfect order out of the town with their Bairaktars at their head. To-morrow I believe that chosen delegates will be sent to discuss the ­general demands of the nation with the Commission. [FO 195/2407 & FO 371/1482] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 27 July 1912, with an overview of the Albanian uprising in Kosovo. Sir, Much water has flowed under the bridges since I last, in my despatch No. 49 of the 9th instant, had the honour to submit a general summary of the position of the Albanian revolt, and the present moment, when the rebels have acquired sufficient importance to treat with the Central Government, seems a favourable one for a fresh survey. In the north of the province the agitation has penetrated as far as ­Novi-Bazar, where the bazaar has been closed for some time, while I hear that Isa Boletin has gone north to the neighbourhood of that town to raise the country. Novi-Bazar and Belopolye are the northernmost Albanian outposts, and I have no news of disturbances among the Serb population of the extreme north of the province. With a few trifling exceptions, the whole of the sanjaks of Ipek [Peja], Prisrend, and Prishtina are in revolt. (The kaza of Preshovo [Preshevo] is quiet, and the revolt has only just spread to Ghilan.) This includes not merely the hill country, but even the towns. In Ipek, it is true, Jaffer Tayyar Bey, with eight battalions, maintains the authority of the Ottoman Government, and, more important, prevents the arms store from falling into the hands of the insurgents. But Djakovo since the conversion of the 1st and 21st divisions, and Prisrend since the flight of the mutessarif, are in rebel hands. I have already reported the fall of Prishtina, and I hear that Mitrovitza, Vuchitrn, and even Ferisovitch [Ferizaj] are equally in rebel hands. In a few cases officials who are Albanians, or who have been popular with the population, remain, but the bulk of the Ottoman functionaries from the revolted districts have had to take refuge in Uskub. 41

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Kosovo, A Documentary History By all accounts public order has not been unnecessarily disturbed by the revolt. I hear that Prishtina streets are as orderly as those of Uskub; the inhabitants of Prisrend elected the military commandant as civil governor on the flight of their legitimate mutessarif, and the train service between here and Mitrovitza is normal. The south of this province, which is mainly Slav, is divided from the ­centre, which is Albanian, by a mountain wall, known on the western side as the Shar Planina and on the east as the Tserna Gora or Kara Dag. The main road into Albania, which traverses the centre of this, is the pass of Kachanik, through which, the Mitrovitza Railway runs. But it is also possible to turn it on the east by way of Ghilan, Preshovo, and Kumanovo, while on the west a path, practicable for pack animals at this time of the year, leads from ­Prisrend to Kalkandelen [Tetovo]. It will thus be seen that the revolt of the Upper Vardar valley gives the insurgents an outpost to the south of the mountain line, and renders possible an attack on Uskub, in which mountain artillery could be used, even without the need of forcing Kachanik. While I cannot venture to predict which road would be taken, I cannot deny that an attack on Uskub is possible, and even probable. The present garrison, besides some thousand recruits, consists of three infantry battalions (one of which, at least, is almost certainly untrustworthy) and a battalion of engineers. But recent events have shown that no calculations based on numbers are of any avail. Redif battalions, whatever they might think of a foreign war, resent being called out at harvest-time to fight fellow-Moslems, whatever their views (if they have any) of the relative merits of Ittihadji and Itilafji. And there is a strong anti-committee even among the nizam battalions, which the Albanians have lately utilised most successfully, even if the extreme nationalists have had to make a temporary sacrifice of part of their programme to gain army support. The effect of the conversion of the 1st and 21st divisions has been enormous. However brave and determined the insurgents may have been before then, they were largely unarmed, and could show no striking success to encourage waverers. Hassan Bey’s eloquence resulted in the capture of a town and a consequent large accession of arms. More, it was an outward manifesto of the union, for this province at any rate, of two bodies of malcontents, the Albanians and the anti-committee section of the army. One minor effect of these repeated desertions, mutinies, and refusals to serve should not be lost sight of: no officer henceforth can feel that he can entirely trust his men; at a critical moment they may refuse to fire, or may make a half-hearted resistance to save appearances, and then joyously surrender rifles and ammunition to the insurgents. Sedition is evidently considered contagious, and the imported troops are as far as possible kept away from the local men. But such measures can never be really effective, and I fancy that even an Anatolian Turk must realise sooner or later that Kossovo 42

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Documents is not a neighbour of Thessaly, and that a Gheg is not a Greek; but a fellow-Moslem. Albanian tactics are naturally the reverse of this. There is a tendency to treat courteously the first prisoners taken from any battalion; and to send them back with friendly messages to their comrades in the hope that the whole battalion may be gained over. Ismail Fazil Pasha recently complained to one of my colleagues that it was impossible to treat with Albanians, because no two formulated the same demands. This may well be true of the rank and file, whose feelings are rather those of hostility to the Government than desire for any particular reforms; but it is suspicious as coming from one of a body of men who are perfectly ready to misrepresent the Albanian movement. I have no certain information of what the leaders’ demands will be; the list I have already given is probably as correct as any of the various conjectures in circulation. One point the Albanians must feel that they have already gained. Whatever may be the truth, whatever may be the official reasons for the resignation of Said Pasha’s Cabinet, the insurgents must be convinced that it was at the blast of their trumpet that the walls of Jericho fell. So, far from putting an end to the revolt, this tends to encourage it. I have Hassan Bey’s own authority for saying that the dissolution of the Chamber will be required, and I have no doubt that unless this point is granted, the revolt will continue. Other demands, even the all-important alphabet, are subordinate. (I am informed that there is no great enthusiasm for the alphabet in Prishtina Sanjak). It is, I presume, in the interests of the Government to protract the negotiations, it is equally in the interests of the Albanians to hurry them. A conservative estimate puts the number of the insurgents in the neighbourhood of Prishtina at from twenty to twenty-five thousand, and the commissariat of the revolt cannot stand the strain of feeding this body for long. There is also the harvest to be reaped. I infer, therefore, that unless the insurgents can come to terms quickly, they will break off negotiations and march on Uskub. I am told that there is some divergence of views among the leaders, Hassan Bey being inclined to treat with the Government, while Riza Bey is for a forward movement and a march on Salonica. My informant, a notable of Ghilan, hinted that Riza Bey’s idea was to restore Abdul Hamid, but I have been assured in other quarters that, although there is some discontent with the present Sultan, who is looked on as a tool of the committee, there is no idea of replacing him by Abdul Hamid, but rather by Yussuf Izzeddin. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul 43

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Kosovo, A Documentary History [FO 195/2407?] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 5 August 1912, on the convergence of Albanian insurgents in Ferizaj. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] August 5, 1912 to H. H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, In confirmation of my telegram No. 30 of today to H. M. Embassy, I have the honour to report that to-day Hassan Bey, Mehmed Pasha of Kalkandelen, Isa Bolatin and other Albanian leaders arrived at Ferisovich [Ferizaj], whither Riza Bey, Bairam Zur and Idris Sefer had already preceded them. There are some two thousand to two thousand five hundred Albanians at Ferisovich who are armed with rifles, though some of these are only single-loading Martinis or Sniders; there are also at least twice that number either totally unarmed or only armed with revolvers. Out of a total of sixty-seven battalions in Kossovo, thirty-eight have joined the insurgents, but none of these men have yet come to Ferisovich. I infer that the intention of the Albanians is to attack Kachanik (where there are now five battalions with many sick), and that the soldiers who have joined the insurgents are somewhat unwilling to fight their loyal comrades. Jaffer Tayyar Bey, Mutessatif of Ipek, has been replaced by his ­predecessor Hayreddin Bey, who was lately leader of the Entente party in Uscub. ­Hayreddin Bey left Uscub yesterday for Prishtina, where he was to receive orders from Ibrahim Pasha, who is in temporary charge of the province. I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British C ­ onsul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 8 August 1912, on the dissolution of ­Parliament and negotiations with Albanian leaders. 44

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Documents British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] August 8, 1912 to H. H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, In confirmation of my telegram No. 32 of today to H. M. Embassy, I have the honour to report that five of the Albanian leaders, Hassan Bey, Mehmed Pasha of Kalkandelen, Riza Bey, Isa Bolatin and Yahya Aga returned to Prishtina yesterday to negotiate with Ibrahim Pasha. I hear that the Beys had drawn up a “mazbata” of demands at Ferisovich [Ferizaj], but am unable to give any certain information as to its contents, or even of the number of articles it contains. I now hear that Ibrahim Pasha has persuaded them to adjourn their demands till the new Chamber meets. The news of the dissolution of Parliament has been taken calmly here, presumably because it has been looked on as almost inevitable for some time. The Union and Progress Head office at Constantinople telegraphed here urging that meetings should be got up and telegrams sent to the Sultan protesting at the dissolution of Parliament. This telegram has been sent on to Ibrahim Pasha, and I do not think that it will produce any perceptible result in Kossovo. Niazi Bey has telegraphed to Riza Bey protesting at his action, and ­threatening to take to the hills again. Riza Bey answered: “We are working for Constitutionalism; come and see our programme and then if you want absolutism, take to the hills if you like.” In my despatch No. 12 of Feb. 29, I had the honour to report that “the Vilayet of Kossovo will not return a single pro-Committee deputy.” Though this prediction was not justified by the last election results, I venture to repeat it. Whatever may happen elsewhere, I think that the Government will hardly dare to interfere with the freedom of the elections in Kossovo again. Bulgars and Albanians are staunchly anti-Committee, and whatever Serb politics may be, I think it not unlikely that the Albanians, though posing as the champions of free elections, will put pressure on neighbouring Serb villages (as they did this spring) if the latter show any tendency to vote for the Committee. Ibrahim Pasha has been appointed Commandant of the VII Kol Ordu. I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul 45

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Kosovo, A Documentary History [FO 195/2407 & FM 371/1482] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 10 August 1912, on Albanian demands of the Ottoman authorities. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] August 10, 1912 to H. H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, In my despatch No. 65 of the 8th instant, I had the honour to report that “Ibrahim Pasha has persuaded” the Albanians “to adjourn their demands till the new Chamber meets.” As I have to-day reported to His Majesty’s Embassy (telegram No. 33), this statement, though made on generally reliable authority, is inaccurate, and negotiations are continuing. The Albanian demands are as follows: 1. The national alphabets are to be used for the national languages in the four vilayets. 2. A lycée (“mektep-i-Sultani”) is to be provided in every sanjak. 3. The mother-tongue of the pupils is to be the language of instruction in all ­elementary (“idadie”) schools. 4. Except in exceptional cases, Albanians are to do military service in European Turkey. 5. The Government is to provide the inhabitants of the frontier districts with arms. 6.  Government officials must be able to speak Albanian, and must be acquainted with local manners and customs. 7. A general and unconditional amnesty for all crimes since the beginning of the revolt. 8. The impeachment of Sayyid Pasha’s Cabinet. 9. Road and railways to be constructed as soon as possible. 10. Judicial proceedings to be taken against officials who have acted irregularly. 11. The traditional Albanian law is to be applied in certain localities. 12. New nahiés are to be formed. 13. Exploitation of mines and forests. 14. Reduction of sheep tax (“aghnam”). It is worth noting that some of these demands are phrased so as to include the Serbs. 46

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Documents With regard to No. 4, I have always heard that there was never an idea of demanding purely “regional” service, e.g. there was no objection to an Ipek Albanian doing his service in Janina. I imagine that the objection to distant service is partly climatic and partly linguistic. No. 10 is presumably aimed against men like Jaffer Tayyar Bey. I have heard that the Albanians have been examining Government archives for proof of the interference of the administrative authorities in the elections, and it is not impossible that the archives at Dyakova, Prisrend and Prishtina have given them enough material to convict half of the administrative staff of the province. The insurgents have not apparently abandoned all idea of marching on Uskub. For the last week, armed Albanians have been arriving here in driblets, some carrying their rifles openly, some bringing them in their luggage. It is of course quite impossible to get a trustworthy estimate of their numbers in Uskub; the local estimate is 300, but I have no doubt that this is exaggerated. The insurgents gained Ferisovich by much the same tactics. Provision is being made, with no particular attempt at concealment, for the billeting of large numbers of Albanians here. I hear that various Moslem inhabitants are being instructed by the moukhtars of their quarters to receive some ten, some fifteen Albanians when they arrive. The beys are credited with a desire to continue negotiations in Uskub, “where the foreign consuls would be a guarantee that their actions would not be misrepresented.” I doubt the motive, as there would be no difficulty in sending us information from Prishtina. Ghalib Bey, the new Vali of Kossovo, has arrived. He comes to us with a reputation for strict impartiality in his administration, and I believe that his appointment has created a favourable impression. I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 12 August 1912, on hundreds of Albanian fighters arriving in Skopje and on three divergent political directions among the Kosovo Albanian leaders. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] August 12, 1912 to H. H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica 47

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Sir, As I have already had the honour to report telegraphically (No. 34 of ­yesterday) to H. M. Embassy, a number of armed Albanians, estimated at from a hundred to a hundred and twenty came into Uscub by yesterday’s train. They walked about the streets of Uscub yesterday afternoon, no many saying them nay. None came in by road last night, but to-day’s train brought in a great number more, which I have heard estimated at four hundred and fifty. ­ My own opinion is that this is an exaggeration, but probably at least two ­hundred arrived to-day. None of the leaders have yet come, and the Albanians state that their object is to secure the town against possible ­Committee violence. Since sending my despatch No. 66 of August 10, I find that there are at least two other versions of the Albanian terms in circulation here, each claiming to be the authentic one. Both lay stress on the alphabet and schools, one demands an Inspector-General for the four vilayets, to be elected by the ­people, while the other attaches particular importance to the Sheriat. It has been suggested to me that these represent differing policies among the Albanian chiefs. (I have already reported some divergence of view between Hassan and Riza Beys). Three policies are traceable: I. The Ententist (Hassan Bey) which has gained its main object in the fall of the Committee, and is now seeking little more than guarantees that Albanian shall not be treated in the future as it has been in the past. The terms given in my despatch No. 66 of the 10th inst., probably reflect this policy. II. The Autonomist (Riza Bey). This party aims at ultimate, if not immediate autonomy, the popularly elected Governor General is the thin end of their wedge. III. The Reactionary (Isa Boletin). It should be remembered that the wilder clansmen have, since the proclamation of “Liberty” lost the only liberty which they u ­ nderstand, the liberty to kill or be killed according to the chances of the ­vendetta. I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2407 & FO 371/1482] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 15 August 1912, on the occupation of Skopje by 16,000 Albanian fighters. 48

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Documents British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] August 15, 1912 to H. H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, Since last reporting, I have had the honour to address four telegrams (Nos 35–38) to His Majesty’s Embassy. Yesterday evening a large body of Albanians, armed and unarmed, entered Uscub by road, besides others who came in by train. With the former were about two battalions of pro-Albanian soldiers, but I understand that these units have been so broken up as to be almost unidentifiable. The total number of Albanians in Uscub and the surrounding villages is estimated on good authority at 16,000, of whom seventy per cent are armed. During the last forty-eight hours, Riza Bey, Issa Bolatin, Bairam Sur and Idris Sefer have come into Uscub. I hear that Hassan Bey, Yahya Aga of ­Prisrend, and Mehmet Pasha of Kalandelen are still at Prishtina conducting negotiations. These appear to be progressing very favourably for the Albanians; the Vali has already received instructions as to the general amnesty, and I hear that the Porte has already conceded every point except that concerning the right to bear arms. I imagine that several motives have induced the Albanians to come to Uscub. For the rank and file, I have no doubt the feeling often is: “We have come so far, we may as well see Uscub while we are about it.” Uscub, of course, for a Lyuma clansman is a wonderful metropolis. As I reported to-day to His Majesty’s Embassy (telegram No. 38), a certain number of armed men have gone to Kyöprülü [Veles]. Their own explanation, that they have gone to see friends, may quite well be the true one. As to their rifles, an Albanian, when he can, carries a rifle as a European carries an umbrella—as part of his normal equipment. Unless the move on Kyöprülü continues, I attribute no importance to it. The Beys here represent, in the main, what I have called the autonomist section, and I suspect that one of their motives in coming into Uscub is to, so to speak, peg out a claim here. I need hardly point out that, if it ever becomes necessary to delimit Albania politically, the question of the inclusion of Uscub, commanding, as it does, the Mitrovitza, the Belgrade, and ultimately the Sophia railways, will be one of the utmost importance. Probably, too, the southward movement exercises some pressure on the Central Government, and so facilitates negotiations for the Albanians; and, indeed, it began in consequence of a belief that the Government was not 49

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Kosovo, A Documentary History sincere in conducting negotiations. If, as is generally supposed here, the Kochana bomb outrage was due to the Committee, the presence of this large force acts as a guarantee against a similar incident here. The general gaol delivery, without which no large movement in Turkey is complete, took place yesterday evening. It was, I am told, not the work of the Albanians at all; the chiefs, so far from desiring it, had even offered to put an extra guard on the prison. But this offer was ignored, and some friends of the prisoners, dressing themselves like Albanians, went up to the prison and opened the doors, meeting no resistance from the gendarmes on duty, who seem to have shared the paralysis which overtakes an Ottoman functionary when he sees the white cap and trousers of an Albanian. Some 50 out of the 800 prisoners were serving hard-labour sentences, but I do not expect any immediate evil results from this sudden increase of the criminal population at large. I hear that the Albanians have themselves opened the prison at Kumanova, where many persons were confined on various charges made at election time. Husni Bey, the President of the Union and Progress Club there, was roughly handled, and had some difficulty in getting away from Kumanova. Public order here has been good, the Albanians have even, with rare exceptions, refrained from their favourite amusement of firing their rifles in the air. I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica to the ­British Ambassador in Constantinople, Sir Gerard Lowther, dated 19 August 1912, ­concerning a memorandum of the thirteen demands of the southern Albanian chiefs and notables, dated 10/23 July 1913, followed by two enclosures: (1) the original memorandum of demands, and (2) a second nine-point memorandum said to be from the Gheg Albanians of Kosovo. His Britannic Majesty’s Consulate General Salonica to His Excellency Rt. Hon. Sir Gerard A. Lowther, G.C.M.G, C.B., etc., etc., etc. H.B.M Ambassador Extraordinary Constantinople 19 August 1912 50

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Documents Sir, I have the honour to enclose herewith copy of a document which has been forwarded to me by the Acting British Vice-Consul at Janina and which ­contains a recapitulation of the demands formulated at a meeting of Southern Albanian Chiefs and Notables held on the Signa Mountain (a locality which I fail to identify but which is probably somewhere between Berat and Avlona) on the 23rd Ultimo. The document was transmitted to him from Avlona, and he informs me that the substance of it was telegraphed from that place on the 26th Ultimo to the Grand Vizier, who replied that the Imperial Government would examine in a conciliatory spirit the demands therein set forth. This answer not having been regarded as satisfactory, the Committee at Avlona addressed on the 4th Instant another long Memorandum to His Highness and also the Sultan, the Sheikh-ul-Islam and the President of the Senate, recapitulating their complaints and accusations against the Committee Government and concluding in the following terms: “We demand with the least possible delay, the promulgation of an Irade by His Majesty the Sultan acceding to the 13 articles which constitute a recapitulation of the demands of all Albania, and we also demand the acceptance of the other claims which form the essential basis of these and we look with impatience for a reply.” An examination of the 13 Articles in question shows that, while they include nearly all that is of practical value in the similar list of demands ­formulated by the Gheg leaders at Prishtina, as set forth in Mr. ­Vice-Consul Peckham’s despatch No. 66 of the 10th Instant, excepting the general amnesty for past offences and the impeachment of Said Pasha’s Cabinet, they are ­considerably more far-reaching in the direction of decentralisation and the recognition of Albania as a separate national entity. Whilst not going quite so far as was predicted by the Monastir informant, whom Mr. Vice-Consul Greig has quoted in his despatch No. 33 of the 1st Instant, and formulating a demand for a European Governor-General, the Memorandum demands the appointment of an Inspector-General for a fixed term. The names of several of the signatories will be found amongst those of the leaders of the ­anti-Committee movement enumerated by Mr. Greig in his despatch No. 30 of the 21st Ultimo, whilst others are members of such well-known families as the Vrioni, Frashari and Zalosha. The scheme shows signs of having been more carefully thought out than that of Prishtina, as might be expected in view of the higher i­ntellectual level of the Southern as compared with the Northern Albanian. The ­difference between the two sections appears to be that while the former have a more clearly developed idea of what they desire to obtain, they are c­ onsiderable less favourably situated for the purpose of securing their desires. The Tosk is superior in natural intelligence to the Gheg and has attained a higher degree of education, but he is proportionately less warlike, his ­ country is more open to attack and military occupation and he has considerably more to lose from an unsuccessful rising against the Turks. The aim of the ­Southern 51

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Kosovo, A Documentary History leaders therefore seems to have been to get their programme adopted by the ­Northerners in order that it might have a chance of being c­arried through by the force of their arms, they themselves being ready to afford their moral ­ support without involving themselves in open hostilities with the ­Ottoman Government. The Ghegs however hardly appear to me to be ripe for the ­adoption of such a programme and have contented themselves with ­simpler and more concrete demands. It is however somewhat curious that by the same post, I received from Mr. Summa a translation of yet another ­Memorandum (Inclosure No. 2) which he states was being circulated in ­Scutari as having been drawn up in Kossovo and which in some respects goes further even than the Signa document, stipulating for an Albanian National Assembly, independent of the Constantinople Parliament and controlling its own finances and its own territorial forces. As this corresponds with neither of the alternative schemes submitted to Mr. Peckham, it is difficult not to be tempted to ascribe to it an extraneous origin. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient humble servant, /signed/Harry Lamb Consul-General Inclosure No. 1 in Consul-General Lamb’s Despatch No. 109 of 19th August 1912 [translated from the French]

Memorandum On the decision taken by the General Assembly of the Chiefs of Southern Albania on the summit of Mount Signa [Sinja] on 10/23 July 1912. It is well known that for the last 600 years we have preserved the honour of the Ottoman Empire and defended its borders without a mind to the sacrifice of our blood; and when, within a short space of time, Turkey was on the verge of being dismembered and destroyed, it was we Albanians who were in the forefront of the movement to preserve its integrity and grandeur. But we, who were the first and prime supporters of the Constitutional regime, were the first and sole victims of this extravagance. Our loyal service was not recognised and we were mistreated and belittled by sly and incompetent functionaries who had the reins of power in their hands and did not carry out their duties properly and conscientiously. 52

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Documents In view of this injustice, of the severe repression we have suffered and of our extreme despair, we have been obliged to take to the mountains to defend our rights, that have been infringed upon. Despite this, the Government has refused to negotiate with us as it ought to have. Instead, it has resumed procedures as usual, including some things that not even the dethroned ­ ­Sultan would have done: burning and destroying villages, beating and killing innocent people, dishonouring honest and respected citizens, and carrying out all sort of malicious acts against us. Some people have been accused of being in the pay of the Austrian and Italian governments and of carrying out their foreign designs, and have been forcefully imprisoned. Finally, the Ottoman Government has even refused to respect our most basic right to elect our representatives freely, by beating and imprisoning voters who wanted to elect the men they needed. And all the while, the wretched population had hoped to attain freedom by force of the Constitution. We, who sacrificed our blood on orders from the Sultan wherever the honour of our country required it and who never left the field of battle ­ ­without spilling our blood, are now forced to take to the mountains to seek and defend the rights which have been denied to us by functionaries of the Constitutional Government. We are resolved to stay in the mountains until our rights are recognised and guaranteed at present and for the future. Regarding all means of action as justified to attain our goal, we demand the acceptance of the following points: 1. A guarantee against any future repetition or resumption of unconstitutional acts and procedures by the central government and local authorities throughout ­Albania. Respect for all religions, customs and traditions guaranteed by the Constitution and consecrated by laws and customs. 2. Recognition of the Albanians as a nation with the same rights as the other nations of the Empire. 3. Complete freedom, without let or hindrance, for the Albanians to elect their members of parliament, the number of whom should be proportionate to the population. 4. Full and complete liberty for the Albanians to receive an education, to advance in their own language and to establish private and public schools enjoying the same advantages and privileges as State schools. 5. Organisation of an administration for the vilayets inhabited by the Albanians under a decentralised administrative system caring for the needs of the country and the abilities of its inhabitants, in line with the general rules of administration foreseen under the Constitution, with specific practices for certain regions. 6. Selection of valis and other functionaries from among the most distinguished and capable functionaries of state, with preference being given to those who know the language and customs of the Albanian regions. Nomination of qualified p ­ eople of Albanian origin to other positions as civil 53

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Kosovo, A Documentary History servants, financiers and judges. ­Gendarmes and police officers as well as electoral employees must be chosen from among the most capable inhabitants of the place in question. 7. Nomination of an Inspector General, as a representative of the Sultan, for a certain number of years who will supervise respect for the law, who will ensure that the valis and other functionaries carry out their duties properly, and who will m ­ aintain order and harmony among the various ethnic groups living in one and the same vilayet. 8. Use of the local language, in addition to Turkish which is and remains the official language of the Government, for communications between the population and local administrators and for debates and proceedings in local courts. 9. Compulsory military service for all Albanians to be done regionally in peacetime, with a special organisation for the inhabitants of regions bordering on the Balkan States to enable them to do their military service in the region and, at the same time, to watch over and defend the country’s borders. Recruits are to enjoy the free exercise of their religion and of their customs and habits. 10. The utilization of all revenue, with the exception of customs, post and telegraph, tobacco and spirits, etc. earmarked for special purposes, to finance local services. The portion of the above-mentioned revenue that is left over and all the road and supplementary taxes are to be used for public education and for the building of roads and railways of local interest, and for the maintenance of public schools. 11. The General Counsels are to have the right to decide on the use of the vilayet ­budget and to control expenditures. 12. Use of requisite revenue to ensure sufficient funding for the rebuilding of houses and other buildings that were burned down and for the setting up of a mixed independent commission to provide shelter for the population that suffered ­damage and for the rebuilding of the destroyed houses. 13. Restitution of confiscated weapons under the provision that their owners respect the regulations in force. /signed/ Zija bey Berati Kiani Bey, Korytza [Korça] Kahraman bey Vrioni Bektash bey Tsakrani Elias bey Vrioni Kemal bey Vrioni Ferid Suman Berati Fettah bey Peshtani 54

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Documents Izzet bey Zavaliani, Monastir Mahmoud bey Zalosha Hussein bey Desnica Codel Issa Youssouf Djezairi Mustapha Ömer Kapinova Tefik Ali Lil Pon Shekishte Selfo Kahramani Shefik bey Shefket bey Zalosha Suleiman Mustapha Seifullah Starovieska Abbas Nureddin Pobrati Dervish Emin Kurjani Ali Karafil Bargulasi Nedjib Rakib Tsogani Khaireddin Musa Hekkali Neshat bey Vrioni Rifaat Agha, Hekali Yashar bey Malas Riza bey Pobrati Ali Salih Hodja Kiamil Agha Kukiari Kost Prifti Marina Arslan bey, prosecutor of Scrapari [Skrapar] Yacoub bey, Korytza Fuad bey Lambi Bimbli Skender bey Pojani Kiamil Panariti, Korytza Pandeli Tzale Ferid bey Frashari Riza Versesa Murto Malas Husni Toska Ferhad Ahmed Bistravitza Abbas bey Pobrati Mehmed Reshid Tsatsi Griza Tashi Jano Nako The original signatures are kept at the telegraph office in Vlora. 55

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Inclosure No. 2 in Consul-General Lamb’s Despatch No. 109 of 19th August 1912 [translated from the French]

Memorandum Circulated at Scutari [Shkodra] as representing the demands formulated by the leaders of the Gheg Albanians in Kossovo. 1. Albania is an integral part of the Ottoman Empire. Albania consists of the four Vilayets of Monastir [Bitola], Kossovo, Janina and Scutari in their present territorial composition, including the adjacent sea. 2. The Sultan in Constantinople is the true and natural sovereign of Albania. 3.  Albania shall be governed by its own government and by a National Assembly directly subordinate to the Imperial rule of the Sultan and entirely independent of the government and of the parliament in Constantinople. Albania’s international interests shall be handled and represented by the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Constantinople. 4. The Sultan shall have the same constitution rights and duties towards the government and the Albanian National Assembly that he has towards the government and parliament in Constantinople. 5. The Sultan is the supreme commander of the army. A law on enlistment and the system of military service shall be set forth by the Albanian National Assembly. 6. In view of the contribution that Albania has made for several centuries to the ­government of Constantinople, the latter shall contribute to the maintenance of the national government with a sum that remains to be set forth. 7. The Albanian Nation shall contribute to the Sultan’s civil list. 8. Regular Albanian troops shall be financed by the imperial government in ­Constantinople. 9. The official language of all the branches of the administration shall be Albanian, with the exception of the army which may use Turkish. [FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 20 August 1912, on the withdrawal of Albanian fighters from Skopje. 56

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Documents British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] August 20, 1912

to H. H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica

Sir, In confirmation of my telegram No. 41 of to-day, I have the honour to report that the whole body of Albanians, including all the leaders except ­Hassan Bey and one or two others whose homes are in Uscub, left here by train this morning. The conduct of this large body of men, who had Uscub practically at their mercy, has on the whole been very good, I have heard of one or two cases of rifle stealing, and some Albanians appear to have demanded prostitutes in respectable houses, but I have heard of no cases of rape, murder or serious crimes, and the leaders have shown themselves ready to punish exemplarily any irregularity. Still it cannot be denied that Uscub is heartily glad to be rid of its uninvited guests. The Government has granted all the Albanian terms. I am told that H ­ assan Bey’s section do not consider these as of any great importance; an enlightened government, such as they now expect to have, would proceed with the economic development of the country and the establishment of schools ­without being forced to it at the bayonet’s point. The object of this section was gained when the Chamber was dissolved and they insisted on their other conditions rather to impress their own followers than from distrust of their future Cabinet. On the other hand, as I have already reported, there is r­ eason to believe that the extremists, headed by Riza Bey, are already contemplating a fresh movement to secure extended privileges. Two of my colleagues have already expressed their private opinion that there will be a fresh revolt next year. The influence of the Bairakdars has been great enough to get their men away from Uscub without a general distribution of arms. Neither the Government nor the leaders contemplate a promiscuous distribution of rifles for use in every village or family vendetta, and its seems likely that there will be some discontent in Albania when it is found out that the depot system is to be adopted. The general opinion here is that the recent incidents on the Montenegrin frontier were simply a device to distract the attention of the Albanians, and are put down to the malign influence of Jaffer Tayyar Bey, who was Military Commandant as well as Civil Governor of Ipek [Peja]. 57

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Kosovo, A Documentary History I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 23 August 1912, on the appointment of Albanian-speaking officials to the local Ottoman administration. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] August 23, 1912 to H. H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, I have the honour to report that a beginning has been made in the m ­ atter of appointing Albanian-speaking officials, two Albanians having been appointed Chief of Police and Commandant of Gendarmerie respectively. The Government is also taking steps to find out who among existing functionaries can speak Albanian. These appointments have created a favourable impression here, and it is supposed that, this time, the Government is going to keep its word. I understand that the Montenegrin advance on Berane has been checked, but I hear that the XIth Division has, as a measure of precaution, been sent to Mitrovitza, and another division, of whose composition I have as yet no ­certain information, to Ipek [Peja]. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 371/1482, FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 15 September 1912, on the Turkish reply to the fourteen Albanian demands, together with the actual reply of the Sublime Porte to the Albanian demands, dated 19 August 1912. 58

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Documents British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] September 15, 1912 to H. H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, I have the honour to transmit herewith a translation of the formal reply of the Government to the fourteen Albanian demands. I originally enumerated these demands in my despatch No. 66 of the 10th ultimo, but believe that a more accurate list has subsequently been published by the “Yeni Asr.” I note the following points: 1. The impeachment of the two last Cabinets is definitely refused, as extra vires, this cannot come as a surprise to any of the leaders who have the faintest idea of c­ onstitutional law. 2. I have been unable to check the accuracy of this translation, but suspect a ­mistranslation in article 2. As it stands, it appears to mean that all R ­ oumelian recruits shall be enlisted in the cavalry and artillery of the Roumelian army corps and divisions. I suppose the true meaning to be that recruits chosen for c­ avalry and artillery shall do their service in ­Roumelia, the infantry and other arms being left to the ordinary hazards of distribution. The reception accorded to this arrangement will depend largely on its administration; it is not likely to produce discontent unless Albanians are sent to parts of the Empire where climatic conditions differ widely from those which they have been accustomed to. 3. It is to be noted that the Albanians demanded a grant of arms, while the ­present answer appears merely to contemplate storage arrangements for arms already owned. I have already noted (No. 69 of the 20th August) that the adoption of the depôt system is likely to produce some discontent with the rank and file, though recognised by the leaders as inevitable. 4. The Albanians demanded that officials should speak Albanian, distrusting either the capacity or the honesty of interpreters. This is not formally granted though several recent appointments have been of Albanianspeaking officials. 5. The Albanians demanded that the mother tongue of the pupils should be the l­anguage of instruction; in the Government reply it appears to be contemplated simply as an extra subject of study. Hassan Bey, whom I met lately, assured me that, though local disorders were possible, there would be no general recrudescence of the revolt. (I have not heard Riza Bey’s opinion on this subject). He also assured me that 59

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Kosovo, A Documentary History the rumours current as to Isa Bolatin’s arbitrary actions were unfounded, and that perfect order prevailed in Albania. The Serb authorities have a very ­different tale to tell, and quote a number of instances of robbery, ­cattle-lifting, and ­violence, of which the Albanians are said to be guilty. As another of ­Hassan Bey’s statements to me was almost certainly untrue, I suspect that his conception of order leaves the Serb inhabitants of the province out of its reckoning. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul Enclosure 2 in No. 1

Reply of the Sublime Porte to the Albanian Demands [translation from the French] 19 August 1328 (1912) We wish to make known the following report of the Sublime Porte, which was sanctioned by the Imperial Irade of 18 August 1328 (1912): Following an examination of the two despatches transmitted by I­brahim Pasha, president of the Albanian commission of inquiry, concerning the ­fourteen-point petition signed by some fifty Albanian chiefs, and the conclusions of the said president about the petition, the Sublime Porte has reached the following decisions: 1. The Ministry of Justice shall prepare a bill for submission to the ­Chamber at its next session for those regions where the judicial organisation in force is not satisfactory (has not proven useful). 2. Since the recruits of the vilayets of Roumelia who are called up each year are insufficient to fulfil the needs of the cavalry and artillery of the seven army corps and three independent divisions stationed in Roumelia, the missing forces must be made up by recruits from Anatolia. It has been decided, in peacetime, to keep the Roumelian recruits to do their military service in the cavalry and artillery of the seven army corps and three independent divisions, except in case of war or unusual incidents in the interior, and to extend this measure to places in Albania where military service is not yet functioning. 60

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Documents 3. The rifles previously confiscated in Albania that were used for decorative ­purposes, such as old rifles, pistols and sabres etc., shall be sent back to the sites where they were confiscated and returned to their owners. As to new and prohibited rifles, they shall be stored in depots that are to be constructed at sites designated by the commission of inquiry that will place on every rifle a tag with the first and last name and place of residence of the owner. The military authorities will appoint special gunsmiths to maintain these rifles in good condition. 4. Lists of functionaries who do not know the customs and needs of the country shall be prepared and transmitted to the Ministries in question so that these functionaries can be replaced by other ones. 5. The idadiye schools in the capitals of the vilayets of Kosovo, Scutari [Shkodra], Monastir and Janina shall be transformed into sultaniye schools. New sultaniye and agricultural schools shall be set up in the capitals of the sanjaks with a population of over 300,000. Teaching in these schools shall be permitted in the local language. 6. Funding is to be provided to the budget of the Ministry of Evkafs [vakufs] to maintain existing medresas and to set up new medresas in settlements where they are needed. They will be maintained by funds from the budget of the Ministry of Evkafs. Requisite studies shall be carried out to this end to gather the information needed and communicate it to the Ministry of Evkafs with regard to the further loans needed to maintain the existing medresas and to ascertain where new ones must be set up. 7. Since freedom of private education has been granted under the constitution and in the law on public education, any licences applied for shall be approved unhindered within the scope of the law. 8. Primary and junior secondary schools shall be allowed to teach in the language of the region. 9. Since the spread and promotion of public works, commerce, agriculture and the construction of roads and railways are part of the government’s programme, studies shall be made and submitted to the Ministry of Public Works to ascertain which routes in these regions are the most important and most urgently needed. 10. By virtue of the law on nahiye organisation, the General Councils of the vilayets of Roumelia shall, this year, set forth where new nahiyes are to be set up and shall prepare lists with the names of villages for new nahiyes, the number of inhabitants, the names of places chosen as capitals for the nahiyes, and the distance of each village from the capital of the nahiye in question, and communicate these lists to the Ministry of the Interior. 11. The public should be aware that the Government has always shown great interest in the preservation of Muslim customs and traditions. Since the success of this endeavour depends on the spread of teaching in lay and ­religious schools, the public is to be informed that this constitutes a special part of the government’s programme. 61

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 12. According to the constitution, it is the National Assembly that has the sole right to bring Hakki Pasha and Said Pasha before the High Court of the Ministries. The Council of Ministers can itself do nothing in this connection and must wait for the new Chamber to be constituted. 13. An Imperial Irade is to be published to confirm the provisional law on the amnesty granted to citizens, members of the military, and functionaries in the gendarmerie and elsewhere who took part in the recent events. 14. Since the issue of indemnity for the destroyed houses has already been settled, requisite measures shall be taken and implemented pursuant to the list to be drafted by the commission of inquiry. The competent minister and the aforementioned Ibrahim Pasha shall be informed hereof in good time. Together with the above, we wish to draw your attention to the fact that, since the provisional law on amnesty has already been approved by an ­Imperial Irade and has already been applied, everything else will be carried out strictly in line with the aforementioned Imperial Irade. [FO 195/2407/FO 371/1482] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British C ­ onsul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 17 September 1912, together with a memorandum on the conditions of the Serbian inhabitants of Kosovo and ­Macedonia, communicated by the Serbian consul in Skopje and forwarded to the British vice-consulate, and a further note by Vice-Consul Peckham on this subject, dated 24 September 1912. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] September 17, 1912 to H. H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, I have the honour to transmit herewith a memorandum furnished me by my Serbian colleague of recent outrages suffered by Kossovo Serbs at the hands of Albanians. This is in direct contradiction to the local Albanian assertions that order reigns in Kossovo. Of the two I am inclined to believe the Serb account; on the one hand it is possible that the Serbs might invent outrages to act as a counterbalance to the Bulgarian atrocities at Kochana, but on the other it is 62

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Documents eminently probable that the Albanians, armed and encouraged by the ­success of their easy entry into Uscub, should more than ordinarily oppress their neighbours. I would also draw attention to the fact that the time when the greatest number of Albanians was out coincided with the harvest, which ­presumably suffered from lack of labour. (The same cause, to my knowledge, has affected the local price of firewood, which comes from Albania). Apart, therefore, from the general tendency for the party dominant at the moment to oppress the others, and the more than ordinarily forcible methods of ­Albanian propaganda, there is the actual need of the Albanians to recoup ­themselves for their half-garnered harvest. When I called on Hassan Bey at Bairam, I raised this point. Hassan Bey assured me that a sufficient number had remained in Albania to gather in the harvest, and then proceeded to make his own veracity very questionable by asserting that there were never more than twelve or fourteen thousand Albanians in Uscub, whereas it is well known, from the reckoning of the Municipality, who had the feeding of the visitors, that at the end there were eighteen to twenty thousand. His object, I presume, was to minimize the motive for crime among the Albanians. In support of this view, I would point out that, save the first three, all crimes appear to have been committed by civilians, that the prime motive in the majority of cases is robbery or ransom and that the cases of simple ­murder reported may have had robbery as their motive. All these cases are from the Sanjak of Uscub or the Kazas of K ­ alkandelen [Tetovo] and Gostivar (the Skopska Tzerna Gora or Black Mountains of Uscub is a group of Serb villages to the north of, and quite close by, Uscub itself), but the Servian consul tells me that a similar state of affairs prevails north of the Shar and Kara Dags. I presume that accounts, probably exaggerated, are being sent to the Belgrade Press. By the irony of fate, it is probable that many of the rifles now used to oppress the Serbs of Kossovo were originally supplied to the Albanians, gratis, by the Servian Government. I am having enquiries made as to the truth of the statements of this memorandum, and will report again later. My Russian colleague informs me, on the authority of the Russian consul at Prisrend, that a deputation of Albanian Catholics, principally from Ipek [Peja] and Dyakova [Gjakova], who left recently for the Eucharistic Congress in Vienna were also charged with a political mission to the Austrian Government. I am unaware of its nature. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul Enclosure in Vice Consul Peckham’s No. 74 of September 17, 1912 63

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Kosovo, A Documentary History

Memorandum on Conditions of Serb ­Inhabitants of Kossovo, Communicated by the ­Servian ­Consul at Uscub [translated from the French] A non-commissioned officer at the police station in the village of Bajlovce (Kumanovo), Destan Chaush, and the policeman Ramadan are extorting money from villagers by threatening them and by trying to beat them up. On 16 August they began to mistreat and beat up the mayor of the village of Bajlovce, Petrush Stankovich, whom they only released when he promised to give them 16 Turkish lira. A week before that, on 9 August, the said Destan and Ramadan took the following inhabitants of the village of Alince (Kumanovo) into custody at the police station: Stojmen Michich, Mladen Jachimovich, Rade Spasich and ­Stojan Kiprianovich. The next day, they arrested the kmet (mayor of the ­village) and demanded that he hand over 15 Turkish lira for their release. The poor villagers were forced to give them all the money they had. On 29 August, three armed Albanians were laying in wait on the Kumanovo road near the village of Staro Nagoričane for the villagers ­coming back from Kumanovo market and robbed them. They stole five Turkish lira in gold and 120 piastres in coins from Stanojko Petkovich, and four louis, a pound and several piastres from Zlatan Georgevich. The latter two are from the village of Surlica (kaza of Preshevo). They also robbed the villagers of Lesnica of a dozen pounds. The villagers who refused to hand over their money voluntarily were beaten with rifle butts. On the first of this month, an Albanian called Kurco shot and wounded Arso Trajkovich in the village of Četirce. The villagers are faced with small bands of four or five armed Albanians around their villages and do not dare to leave their homes. All the Christian villages are being terrorised in the kazas of Gostivar and Kalkandelen [Tetovo]. The villagers are even being attacked in their own homes by Albanian bands. On 13 August, unidentified criminals stole 15 goats from Krsta Janchevich in the village of Staro Selo (Kalkandelen). In the village of Tudence, kaza of Kalkandelen, an Albanian called Shaban who came from Kaçanik and settled in that village, forced the villagers to work for him for free. They are forced to transport building material for the house he is constructing in the village. Two of the villagers who resisted were tied up by the said Shaban and beaten with his rifle butt in front of all the other villagers and were forced to pull a waggon full of material.

64

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Documents On the first of this month, four armed Albanians from the village of ­Miletino (Kalkandelen) attacked the house of Jovan Cetkovich of the same village with the aim of kidnapping his grandson for ransom. Since the ­grandson was not at home at the time, they killed Jovan in the presence of his terrified family. These Albanians originating from the same village walk about openly and threaten to exterminate anyone who dared to lodge a complaint. In the village of Vratnica, the Albanians boast that the killing of Andre Petrovich and Dime Krstich was only the beginning. The teacher of the ­Serbian school and the priest of the same village remain shut up in their homes and fear for their lives if they go out. The whole village of Vratnica is living in terror. The villagers do not dare to leave their homes to take in the harvest. On 16 August, the Albanian Dilip Loka and his two sons, Jahja Zibir and Zejmel, from the village of Orchushe [Orkushe] (Gostivar) beat up a villager called Stavra Neofitovich from the village of Duf (Gostivar) because he tried to stop flocks from crossing his field before the hay had been brought in. On 23 August, an Albanian known as Abaz Polici arrived in the village of Bogët/Bogdevo (Upper Reka) and put the village to ransom for 10 Turkish lira, 10 pairs of sandals and five oka of tobacco. Aware that he was a criminal, the villagers fulfilled his demands. On 24 August, the kaçak Zuber, a well known Albanian of the village of Tërnica/Trnica (Upper Reka), and his companions attacked the village of ­Vërbjan/Vrbjani and stole 420 lambs from the villagers. On 26 August, Nikolas Manojlovich of the village of Vrutok (Gostivar) was robbed of 10 lambs and a goat, all his property. The lambs and goat were found out to have been stolen by Ragip, an Albanian of the same village. There is no security in the kaza of Köprülü [Veles] either. On 24 August, the Albanians of the village of Omorane killed Maca, the wife of Nikolas Georgevich of the said village. She was slain by an axe while she was in her sleep. On 25 August, four criminals attacked Ando Kotevich of the village of Bogumila (Köprülü) in his mill. Ando was tied up and taken up the ­mountain. A shepherd was sent to tell Ando’s son to bring 500 Turkish lira as a ransom. The kaza of Preshevo: at midnight on 29 August, unknown Albanians broke down the door of the church bell-tower in the village of Levosoje ­(Preshevo) and rang the bell with a view to drawing the villagers out of their homes to rob the houses. The villagers noticed what was going on and locked themselves in their houses. The villages of Skopska Crna Gora near Skopje are pillaged on a regular basis. The villages come across small bands of Albanians prowling around their villages. On the first of this month, the Albanians Qazim and his brother ­Mustafa, Ramadan Rrusha and another fellow of the village of Bllace turned up 65

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Kosovo, A Documentary History in the village of Gluvo where they carried off Neda, the wife of Toche ­Kukunchevich, after beating up the latter. On 3 September, five armed Albanians turned up in the village of Pobožje and demanded of the village field guard a number of cattle, goats, buffalos and sheep from each household. Having been told that the village was very poor, they withdrew and laid in wait for the villagers returning from Skopje market. When the villagers arrived, they were attacked and robbed of their possessions. For instance, they stole one Turkish lira from the mother of Paul Perovich, the baker at the military bakery at Skopje, six medjidie from Jordu Stojlievich, and a ducat of Peter Nikolich. The villagers of the village of Ljubance suffered the same fate. All of their money was stolen. On the ninth of this month, a woman called Dimko of the village of Lianik (Kumanovo) was wounded by Albanians on the Kumanovo road. She was hit by five gun bullets. On the 11th of the month, the Albanians killed the sixty-year-old Gele ­Trajkanovich, mayor of the village of Otlja (Kumanovo). On the same day in the village of Maresh (Kumanovo), the Albanians killed the fifteen-year-old Maxim Pechich of the same village. On the 12th of the present month, the superior of the Beljakovce monastery, the priest Dimitrije Trajkovich, was almost killed in Kumanovo. He escaped the assassination attempt by hiding in a shop. Thirty-four mayors of the various Serbian villages of the kaza of Kumanovo gathered in Kumanovo on the 11th of this month and paid a visit to the kaymakam to inform him about the attacks, robberies, pillaging and murders that their villages were undergoing every day from small bands of Albanians. They submitted a written petition to the kaymakam requesting protection of the authorities because it was no longer possible to live in their villages. Vice-Consul Peckham to Consul-General Lamb Uskub September 24, 1912 Sir, I have the honour to transmit herewith notes on certain of the “atrocities” mentioned in the memorandum transmitted in my despatch No. 74 on the 17th instant. I have not thought it worth while to examine the earlier cases, dating from the time when even the Ottoman authorities admitted that the vilayet was in a state of revolt, nor some cases of cattle-lifting, a crime endemic in Albania. It will be seen that some of the cases reported were untrue, and in others it has been assumed that Albanians were the authors, while in others, such as that of Neda Kukunchevich, the responsibility rests with Serbs. But when all 66

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Documents is said and done, there is, I fear, no doubt that the Christian population of the province is suffering the results of the Albanian revolt. The fact appears to be that the Government has not re-established its authority in the province, and that the Albanians, for reasons given in my ­despatch No. 74 of the 17th instant, are indulging in general robbery and ­violence. The sufferers are not merely Serbs; Albanians are robbing other Albanians and also Bulgars. As a recent instance of the high hand with which the Albanians are acting, I may mention that on the night of the 22nd instant, a party of Albanians in the town of Kalkandelen itself forced a Bulgar ­wedding party to stop its music and put out its lights, and was with difficulty ­prevented from entering the house where the party was going on. I am assured that the import of arms from Servia continues, particularly in the kaza of Chilan [Gjilan]. The Servian consul here explains that his Government has no power to stop this traffic, but I think it more likely that it is pursuing the favourite Balkan policy of encouraging outrages in order to secure European intervention or provide a casus belli. I have, &c. W.D. Peckham [FO 195/2407] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to British Consul General Harry Lamb in Salonica, dated 19 September 1912, on a conversation with Riza Bey of Gjakova. British Vice Consulate Uscub [Skopje] September 19, 1912 to H. H. Lamb Esq. C.M.G. &c., &c., &c. H.B.M. Consul General Salonica Sir, I have the honour to report that to-day Riza Bey of Dyakova [Gjakova], who has been in Uscub for about a week, called on me. I was unable to extract from him any detailed expression of opinion as to the present or future of Albania, but the following may be of interest: He denies that any formal answer to the Albanian demands has been given. As I have no reason to distrust the source from which I drew the materials for my despatch No. 73 of the 15th inst., I can only conclude that he is anxious to keep the terms of this answer quiet, either from personal mortification or from fear of the effect of the publication of them in Albania. 67

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Riza Bey loses no opportunity of asserting that Uscub is part of Albania. On this occasion I asked for his delimitation of that country. The nearest to a direct reply that I could extract from him was that “the four vilayets of ­Skodra, Kossovo, Monastir and Salonica would never be separated from the Ottoman Empire.” I suggested that he meant Yannina instead of Salonica, but he refused to vary his list, saying that Yannina was “different”. As Riza Bey is locally known to be an autonomist, his delimitation is of more interest than his protestation of loyalty. Questioned as to the truth of the Serb “outrages” reported in my despatch No. 74 of the 17th inst., he admitted that some robbery was going on, “not what you would call robbery in England, but only of a cow or a goat or two” (I am uncertain if a compliment to English morality or the reverse is intended). He also stated that it was between Albanians. I infer that he denies the existence of the Serb element in Kossovo. He asserted that the equality of a constitutional country required a distribution of arms to the Moslems, as the Christians of the north of the province had been armed by Servia and Montenegro. He also confirmed what I have heard from other sources, that the Servian Government distributed arms to the Albanians. He does not appear altogether to have given up the idea of visiting ­London, though I told him that I could give him no assurance that he would be received at the Foreign Office, and did my best to discourage the scheme. I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul Memorandum by Hasan bey Prishtina, published as “Nji shkurtim kujtimesh mbi kryengritjen shqiptare të vjetit 1921” (Shkodra, 1921), in which describes the ­circumstances of the 1912 Kosovo uprising that he headed against Ottoman rule. [translated from the Albanian]

Brief Memoir on the Albanian Uprising of 1912 I  The Reasons for the Uprising There are many varied reasons, but let us assemble them in the following themes: 68

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Documents . the chauvinism of the Young Turk committee, 1 2. the incompatibility of Turkish freedom with Albanian customs and traditions, in particular with those of the Ghegs, 3. pan-Islamic intrigues in the government administration, 4. the interference of the army in politics, 5. Turkish atrocities in 1910, 6. the evolution of national awareness in Albania, 7. the barbaric and illegal system implemented by the Young Turk government in the elections of 1912. II  Before the Armed Uprising An Historic Day in the Ottoman Parliament Unbridled terror held sway in Albania at the end of Turgut Pasha’s ­operation (in 1910) which ended to the full satisfaction of the Turks. There were no more clubs, committees or schools in Albania. The Bashkim ­people (as the Turks called the Albanian nationalists) were scattered and nothing was left of the national organisation. The 1911 movement in the ­Highlands, the activities of the Bulgarian committee in regions of Macedonia, the ­confusion that arose among the Ottoman factions after the founding of the Freedom Agreement, and the Italo-Turkish war that broke out over the ­Tripoli issue all brought about something of a positive turn to this desperate situation. Towards the end of 1911, inspired by anger at Turkish outrages, the opposition party asked a question about the situation in Albania and forced Hakki Pasha to account for it in parliament. Most of the deputies from Albania requested that I react to the explanations of the Turkish vizier on the basis of the documents they had gathered on these acts of cruelty. The discussion began and was heated from the very start. And there was no end to it. We were strong in logic and had witnesses at hand. I also took the floor. I severely criticized the shameful policy being carried out in ­Albania. I gave reasons for my fierce criticism and in the end, gathering all my energy, I concluded with the following sentence: “If the Government does not change its policies and administration in Albania, if the Albanians do not receive the political rights that are incumbent upon them, it is inevitable that there will be an explosion, and grave and bloody incidents will be the ­consequence.” An Arab deputy responded as follows: “What do you mean by ‘grave and bloody incidents’?” I replied: “I mean that if the ‘Young Turks’ continue pursuing these cruel domestic policies, I myself will be among the first to raise the banner of ­rebellion.” This statement, made before over two hundred deputies, the Turkish cabinet and my listeners, exploded like a bomb. 69

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Hakki Pasha rose and declared: “If Hasan Bey had used this expression for the good of the country, if would have been of great service. But the aim of Hasan Bey is to set the whole empire alight.” I countered: “Pasha, I have only spoken the truth. If true freedom should ever take hold in this country, your country, you and your colleagues will no longer be here but before the divan ali (high court).” When we left parliament, the Albanian deputies and the Albanians of Istanbul gave expression to their boundless joy and congratulated me with particular warmth. Ismail Kemal Bey also congratulated me warmly and proposed that we meet for dinner at my house to have an opportunity to discuss the current situation at length. Thus ended the historic day that brought to a head the disagreement between Albania and the committee of the Young Turks. III  The Decision As he promised, Ismail Kemal Bey arrived at my house for dinner and we spent the whole night there talking. We discussed the fate of Albania at length and finally decided to put an end to Turkish outrages with an uprising. The conversation ended with these words: Ismail Kemal Bey: “Hasan Bey, I am thoroughly convinced of your character. This conviction has led me to inscribe in my heart the words that you used in parliament when you said ‘I myself will be among the first to raise the banner of rebellion’.” I replied: “Ismail Bey, before I speak, I reflect carefully on what I am going to say and then I speak out. But I can assure you that I am accustomed to adhering to whatever I say. You, too, may feel that an uprising is necessary, but our decision alone will not suffice to put the matter into practice. I think we will need to have four or five other men with us who give their support to the decision.” Ismail Kemal Bey replied: “Yes, I quite agree.” He then proposed that we meet on the next day at the Pera Palace Hotel to continue discussions on the matter. IV At the Pera Palace Hotel The next day, Ismail Kemal and I talked for over three hours and then decided to hold a meeting with the following men: Mufid Bey Libohova, Essad Pasha Toptani, Aziz Pasha Vrioni and Syreja Bey Vlora. Ismail Bey talked to some of them, and I to others. When we realised that they held the same views as we did, we decided to hold a meeting at the home of Syreja Bey, in Taksim. V  The Taksim Meeting The meeting was chaired by Ismail Kemal. In view of the gravity of the ­matter before us, I proposed that we all swear an oath before beginning. 70

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Documents This ­proposal was accepted and we all swore to one another that we would not tell anyone what was discussed and decided upon at the meeting. The discussions began after the taking of oaths. All the outrages committed by the Young Turks in Albania were listed and mentioned, as were their increasingly harsh policies on schooling and publications. As to political or administrative gains, one could not reach any agreement with them, not even talk to them about such things. The meeting did not last long and everyone agreed on this point: “To put an end to Turkish policies affecting our national culture and to ensure some political gains for Albania, there was no other way out than a general ­uprising.” It was thus decided to organise an uprising and the conversation turned avidly to this second topic. How was this uprising to be organised and when was it to begin? Kosovo was to play a central role in the matter. For this reason, it was decided to find and send fifteen thousand Mauser rifles into Kosovo, through Montenegro, as well as ten thousand gold Napoleons to be kept awaiting my order. Ismail Kemal, who was optimistic that he could achieve this, took the implementation of this decision upon himself. I assured the others that I could organise the uprising throughout Kosovo and that it would take place as soon as I received the weapons and the money. However, in order to act as quickly and effectively as possible, we considered that a limited uprising in Kosovo would not suffice. As such, we also resolved that Toskeria and Central Albania should also take part in the uprising several days after Kosovo. In reply, Essad Pasha assured us that he could manage things in Central Albania and Mirdita. As to Mufid Bey, Aziz Pasha and Syreja Bey, they promised to lead the armed bands of the south themselves. Ismail Kemal was given the task of staying in Europe to help gather weapons and money and to win over European public opinion to the cause of the uprising. Such was the gist of the meeting before we left the house of Syreja Bey. Turning to my companions, I said: “I am convinced that you are all men of honour, but I wish to state here that, whatever way things evolve, I will be up in the mountains when the rebellion breaks out. I have given you my word of honour about this. I beg you not to leave me alone, for you have given your words of honour, too.” All answered: “You can be sure that we will also carry out our obligations.” This was the end of the meeting and the Taksim plot. VI  While Waiting for an Audience with the Sultan It was not only the Albanians who opposed the Young Turks, but ethnic groups throughout the Ottoman Empire, even some of the Turkish population. This gave us courage while we were making our preparations and ensured us that, in the days before the uprising, we had the sympathies of people from throughout the empire. 71

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Kosovo, A Documentary History As such, in order to invigorate the anti-Young Turk movement somewhat, the Albanian faction took the initiative to form a deputation consisting of five members (Albanian, Arab, Turk, Kurd and Armenian) to present the concerns of the opposition to the Sultan. I was a member of this deputation. Nafi Pasha, representative of the Arab faction, criticised the policies of the Young Turk Party harshly, adding that sooner or later, these policies would destroy the foundations of the Empire. When Nafi Pasha was finished, I took the floor and said to the Sultan: “Majesty, if an end is not put immediately to the misguided policies being carried out by the Young Turk Party throughout the empire, much blood is likely to be spilt in this country and we will be hurtling towards destruction. The only means of salvation to overcome this peril is to remove the Young Turk Party.” My words impressed the Sultan to such an extent that he had tears in his eyes. The audience ended well, but the gain was purely moral because the Sultan did not have enough power to put an end to the rule of the Young Turks. We realised this the next day when Tanin, the party newspaper of the Young Turks, came out with a vicious article against me, bearing the following title “Hasan Bey of Vulçitirni [Vushtrria], deputy for Prishtina, has begun to threaten us in the presence of the Sultan.” VII Challenge to a Duel This article, to which I was forced to reply, launched a rabid polemic exchange in the Istanbul press that resulted in a challenge to a duel that I sent to Hüsein Cahid, the editor of Tanin. The Sheikh-Islam published a fatwah forbidding the duel, insisting that it was against the provisions of Imperial and Sharia law. Not only did it ban the duel, but it forced us to end the quarrel. We made up, and Hüsein Cahid and Tanin stopped publishing articles against me and against the Albanians. VIII  The “Freedom and Conciliation” Party and the Albanian Uprising Based on the actions of the movement that the Taksim conspirators had initiated at that time in the conflict between the Freedom and Conciliation Party and the Union and Progress Party, many people later claimed that the 1912 uprising was organised with the knowledge and support of the Freedom and Conciliation Party. This claim is in complete contradiction to the truth because we were not crazy enough to inform the Turks about our Albanian plot, nor would the Turks have allowed the Albanians to take up arms against their army. The conspirators profited from the antagonism between the political parties, 72

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Documents but without infringing in any manner on the purely national character of the plot. The Freedom and Conciliation Party was unable to learn anything more about it than the ruling Young Turk Party. The role of the conspirators at this time was as follows: To stir up antagonism between the two main parties in Ottoman politics in every possible way. IX  The Dissolution of the Ottoman Parliament The opposition party was gaining ground day by day. The antagonism had reached such a point that the Young Turk Party had no alternative but to dissolve parliament. This step was certainly a last resort that any political party would try in order to prove or attempt to prove its case in a losing battle. The Young Turk Party made use of its courageous, revolutionary reputation and used this “last resort” card to its advantage. Parliament was thus dissolved, which resulted in unparalleled dismay in opposition circles. On this occasion, I said to the Arab and Kurd deputies that the Cemiyetci [Young Turk Party] people would try to win the coming elections using illegal and perhaps terrorist means, so there was nothing else we could do but take to arms to win our political rights. My aim with this propaganda was to give them courage and push them in joining the uprising. X  The Bulgarian Committee in Macedonia and the 1912 Uprising When the Ottoman Parliament was dissolved, Ismail Kemal Bey set off for Europe and I for Kosovo. We agreed to keep in contact through the British Consulate in Skopje. When I arrived in Skopje, the first thing I had to do was to take a real step towards an agreement between the Albanians and Macedonians. I went to meet Mr Pavlof, one-time deputy for Skopje in Turkish times and later ­Bulgarian ambassador to Prince Wied in 1914. This is the gist of what I told him: “Since the 1908 Constitution, the Turks have been and are committing massacres in Albania and Macedonia. They have never shown any respect for the rights of the Albanians and Bulgarians. The terror that they are exerting is getting worse and worse and they are pursuing exclusively pan-Turkish policies. I believe that the time has come to throw off this cruel yoke by means of a joint uprising with a view to creating an autonomous Albanian-Macedonian state. I think it is really important that we not lose this opportunity and I am sure that we will come out victorious if you agree to take part in the uprising, even if only when you see that the Albanians are winning.” Mr Pavlof replied as follows: “Your proposal is of such importance that I cannot give you an answer without my sending an envoy to Sofia and ­without orders from our Committee headquarters. The branch in Skopje has 73

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Kosovo, A Documentary History no authority to take decisions on such an important issue. Please give me time until my representative gets back.” XI Endeavours with the English Consul in Skopje While waiting for the reply of Mr Pavlof, I went to see the British Consul in Skopje and informed him of the following: “In order to put an end to Turkish massacres in Albania and to overcome impediments in the alphabet question and issues of our national culture, we Albanians have decided that the only way out is an armed uprising against Turkish rule. In this perilous situation, we are in great need of England’s support. I would therefore ask you to inform the Foreign Secretary about this statement of mine.” The consul was a very liberal gentleman. He replied that he would communicate this at once to his government that would certainly spare no pains in providing strong support for an Albania taking up arms for the cause of freedom. “Nonetheless,” added the British Consul, “I can only give you a definitive reply when I receive a response from London.”1 XII  The Leaders of Kosovo In Kosovo, there reigned a muffled rage at the Young Turk Committee. As such, everyone to whom I mentioned the need for an armed revolt reacted positively. I spoke with many people from the local leadership about an ­uprising, but in private and with great reserve. The issue was of the utmost importance and the strategy for its implementation required secrecy and skill more than any other. Thus, those who were informed of the uprising were not able to communicate with one another, but had to go through me. As some of these men are still living in Kosovo, where Slav atrocities are now a common occurrence, I cannot mention them by name, only those who have died and cannot be harmed anymore by the barbaric rule of Serbia. Riza Bey Kryeziu of Gjakova, Zejnullah Bey, my cousin from Vushtrria, Isa Boletini, Xhemal Bey Prishtina, Halim Bey Deralla and Ahmed Bey Gjakova, swore with me, one by one, that they would go right to the end. The leaders of Llap and Drenica also gave me their word. The uprising was to begin the day that I would be in Drenica, i.e. the highlands of Vushtrria and Mitrovica, and would be wearing opinga [traditional moccasins]. All of those who had sworn the pact with me would take to the hills with me. XIII  Ismail Kemal The moment for the uprising was swiftly approaching. I wrote to Ismail Kemal, reminding him to fulfil his promise. He stalled and sent me nothing but empty promises. I was now so deeply involved in the undertaking that

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Documents I could not lose a minute for fear that those who had given me their word would despair and grow weary of the matter. This is what happened, for example, with Nexhip Bey Draga. He had given me his word, as did the others. One day Selim Fanda came by and told me: “I met Nexhip Bey at the Stone Bridge and he said ‘You see, Selim Aga, the police are already after me!’ Do you think he knows about the planned uprising?” “No,” I answered, “he knows nothing.” “If you were a policeman,” Selim Fanda replied, “you would be able to get anything out of him, given the fear I saw in his eyes.” My blood ran cold when I heard this, and I realised that I had to do something to calm down Nexhip Bey. I met him at Izzet’s Café, from where we walked to the Turat Café. There, after a conversation about insignificant ­matters, I broached the subject, saying: “I told you that we were going to organize a general uprising, but now I have come to realise that it is not realistic. It can only be done in a couple of years’ time, and I have given up the plan that I had.” With this trick, I overcame Nexhip Bey’s panic. In addition to this, as we needed money and arms, I began to put pressure more seriously on Ismail Kemal Bey. In the most critical days of our preparations, Mr Pavlof came to see me at my place and informed me that the Bulgarians would not, on any account, take part in the uprising. I was surprised and could not fathom why the Macedonians were refusing to join us when, not long ago, they were faced with great opposition from us in their movement to liberate Macedonia.2 This reply, together with the apathy that Ismail Kemal Bey evinced in ­fulfilling his promises, created an atmosphere of despair. We had very little money and the work I began was overwhelming. I needed to come up with funds right away! There was only one way out: to sell the warehouses I had in Skopje and begin the uprising with this ­capital. So I sold the warehouses and, pretending that I had election business to attend to, I set off for Vushtrria with Nexhip Bey Draga who was on his way to Mitrovica. From Vushtrria I sent people around to inform the conspirators that the time for action had arrived. XIV  The Drenica-Junik Uprising On 5 May 1912, I was in Drenica with Zejnullah Bey, a fellow known for his loyalty, patriotism and generosity. From Drenica, I wrote two letters, one to the sub-prefecture of Vushtrria and the other to Nexhip bey Draga in Mitrovica. The first letter can be summarized as follows: “Convinced that Young Turk policies are continuing to do great damage to Albania, as I stated in parliament, I am raising the banner of rebellion against Turk rule today.”

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Kosovo, A Documentary History The essence of the other letter was as follows: “All Kosovars and I have raised the banner of rebellion against the Young Turks. This man will bring you to me and my companions, unless you wish to be separated from the people of Kosovo.” The following words were exchanged between Nexhip bey Draga and Ahmet Prekazi, the messenger: “Where is Hasan bey?” “I don’t know. I do not have much time to talk and listen. If you intend to go, I am ready to take you there.” “I am ill. I cannot go,” replied Nexhep bey. I sent the letter of Nexhip bey so that he would not later criticise me, claiming that I had not duly informed him and that this was why he did not take part in the uprising. We spent the first night in Balinca and the next day we set off for Prekaz with two hundred armed men, to the house of Ahmet Delia where the leaders of Drenica had gathered and were asked to repeat the oath they had sworn. The oath was sworn as follows: “We swear and promise as men that we will make whatever sacrifice is ­necessary and, if needs be, will even sacrifice our families and children.” When we reached Gjyrgjevik (near Peja) at the house of Sadik Rama, the oath was repeated. From this area we continued on to Pozhar in the region of Gjakova. The number of our men increased as we advanced and by the time we were there, we were in a position to raise a large rebel army. We thus arrived at Junik, the historic place where Peja and Gjakova always met and swore oaths to resist Turkey. XV  The League of Junik The people of Junik welcomed us with great hospitality. When we got there, I sent a letter to Riza bey Gjakova that can be summarized as follows: “My companions and I have arrived in Junik to attain our objective. We are waiting for you and the leaders of Gjakova.” The next day, Riza bey was in Junik. Ahmed bey, the son of Myrteza Pasha, had come to Junik with us. Soon thereafter, Hassan Feri arrived with the ­leaders of Plava and Gucia. At that time, there was unrest in the highlands of Gjakova. Using the election issue as a pretext and instigated by Ahmet bey, the highlanders had begun to threaten Gjakova town. They were demanding that their national language be taught in public schools. Zeqir Halili, one of the major leaders of the Krasniqja tribe, was at the head of this movement. In the uprising of 1912, Zeqir Halili carried out all of the instructions he had received and fulfilled his patriotic duties completely. All of those who claimed to represent the people of Kosovo were now ­gathered for a few days in Junik. 76

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Documents Among them was Bajram bey Curri who arrived and was upset because I had not informed him while we were in Skopje. Learning how angry Bajram bey was, I call him over and said in a joking manner: “What was I supposed to do when I saw that you were on good terms with the Cemiyetci?” “I am an Albanian,” he replied, “I have never had any ideas except those in support of the Albanian cause, and time will prove this to you.” “Bajram bey, we have embarked on this endeavour. We have pledged to secure a number of privileges for Albania. If we cannot attain our objectives, we will be reduced to a state of oppression like the Turks of the plain of Haymana,3 proving right what Talaat bey, the head of the Young Turks, stated.” Bajram bey quickly understood the importance of the situation, and our conversion continued as follows: “To fight a whole empire and defeat it, you will need a lot of equipment, in particular many weapons, much ammunition and a lot of money,” stated Bajram bey. I replied: “Ismail Kemal bey promised to send us 15,000 rifles and 10,000  Napoleons, but I don’t think we are going to get them. He has not even sent us any money as yet. But, Bajram bey, we do not really need all these things. If we are not able to rise without the rifles and money, we will just have to learn to live like the Turks of Haymana.” “Yes,” responded Bajram bey, “you are right. It is a sacred obligation for us to repel all enemies, even without arms. War has imposed this obligation on us. We must achieve our rights and save ourselves from slavery.” Most of the leaders of Kosovo were gathered in Junik. We did not have much confidence in the leaders of Peja, but we invited them to Junik, too. Zejnel bey, Sejfeddin bey and Jashar Pasha arrived and we explained to them why we had gathered. Not only did these gentlemen not show good will, they began to campaign secretly to torpedo our objective. To a certain extent, they had even convinced Riza bey Gjakova. We could have embarked on the endeavour without the support of the leaders of Peja, but we preferred to be united to have an easier time of it. We had to take a courageous step and confront the leaders of Peja and Riza bey Gjakova with a fait accompli. I made an agreement with Ahmet bey and Myrteza Pasha to order the men of Berisha to open fire on the Turkish army in the vicinity of Peja. Early the next morning, before sunrise, fire was opened on the Turks and there was no more room for diplomacy. We sent a fellow to Riza bey who pretended that he had come from Gjakova that day to inform him that the Turks had sentenced Riza bey ­ to death and if he were to return to Gjakova, they would capture and ­execute him. 77

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Kosovo, A Documentary History There was no more time for talk. There was fierce fighting and all of the leaders set off for Strellc, a village near Peja, which became the centre of the uprising. The population began to flock to this centre. XVI  The Siege of Peja The uprising evolved rapidly and bitterly around Peja. The villages around the town were taken, the encirclement grew narrower and assaults on the hills fortified with cannons got more intense on all sides. Xhafer Tajari, the commander of the region, accomplished wonders in putting up resistance so as not to lose the hills of Janina and Karagaç to us. The fury of the rebels was such that even Xhafer Tajari was convinced that resistance was the council of despair. The firing of cannons and whizzing of bullets did not let up for a minute for a full three days and three nights. The rebels outnumbered the Turkish soldiers by far, but the Albanians only had one rifle for every ten men, and little ammunition. The Turkish army was entrenched in the ditches and strategic sites with all the destructive arms of twentieth-century technology. The fighting continued to be fierce and, while the strongholds were putting up their final resistance, the 21st Turkish Regiment of Gjakova and the 1st Regiment of Istanbul broke through the lines and forced our men to take to the hills in the direction of Rugova and Plava. Thus, the initial onslaught of the rebellion was broken before Peja. But the morale of the Albanians was not broken at all, and the desire for revenge seethed in their hearts. XVII  The Treachery of the Leaders of Peja After this defeat, there were only two places we could go to gather and c­ ontinue the uprising: the Rugova hills behind Peja and the highlands of G ­ jakova. We preferred Rugova on the insistence of Zejnel bey of Peja and his two companions. Although Rugova welcomed us with open arms, they nonetheless supported their leaders in Peja, who had come to an understanding with Xhafer Tajari before arriving in Junik with the leaders of Rugova, with the exception of Qerim Bey. We had no alternative or way of avoiding falling into the traitors’ trap than to abandon Rugova. The centre of the uprising gravitated towards Krasniqja from where we wanted to lead a movement that would spread throughout Kosovo, more resolutely than anywhere else in Mitrovica, under the leadership of Isa ­ ­Boletini, and in the vicinity of Prishtina. 78

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Documents XVIII A Proclamation At the most critical moment of the uprising, when we had no idea who would win the day, the Albanians or the Turks, we decided it would be a good idea to issue a communiqué to the Ottoman people to explain the uprising and attract the sympathy of all of the regions of the Empire to our cause. We had no way of winning the war without instigating dissent within the ranks of the Turkish army. This communiqué was printed in all the newspapers and may be summarized as follows: “The aim of our raising the banners of rebellion is to put an end to the barbaric rule of the Young Turks who, while pretending to bring freedom, have committed all manner of hideous crimes in our country, which make the crimes of the tyranny of Sultan Hamid pale in comparison. Those who cherish their homeland and their honour have given their material and moral support to our uprising that was initiated with this objective. Let those who do not wish to see the Ottomans end up in a sorry state gather around our banner of rebellion. Our country calls on us to be united. The day and the time have come to save ourselves from the evil deeds of the Young Turks. Salvation or death!” XIX  The Battle at Prush Pass We had no time to lose. We had to win a battle to raise the morale of the ­people around Peja and Gjakova. Here, Bajram Curri gathered his Krasniqja tribe and headed for Prush Pass in Has. The Turks had left a garrison of four battalions in Has. The bloody battle ensued under the command of Bajram Curri, in which Has, Gashi and Bityçi took part. The siege of Prush Pass, at which they attacked and counter-attacked, resulted in the flight of the four battalions. The Turks were badly defeated, leaving us with great quantities of ammunition, arms, machine-guns and cannons. There were hundreds of ­ dead, wounded and prisoners of war. Our victory was so complete that it gave heart to the whole people. The military prisoners of war were disarmed and released. We deceived them by telling them that the uprising had no other objective than to free Albanian and Anatolian peasants from cruel domination. They were quite ­surprised and believed what we were telling them, and when they returned to Gjakova, they demoralized virtually the whole garrison of the town. XX  Infiltration of the Ottoman Army in Gjakova This relatively important victory in battle served to demoralise the army in Gjakova to a certain extent and encouraged those officers of the opposing side to express their dissatisfaction with the Young Turk regime and their sympathies with the Albanian rebels. 79

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Kosovo, A Documentary History This rather unexpected turn of events gave us an opportunity not to lose time around Gjakova and to concentrate our national energies courageously on the plain of Kosovo. XXI  The Occupation of Prishtina Within the space of a few days, over 12,000 rebels appeared outside of Prishtina, all swearing that they would take the town in war or peace. Among them, the rebel forces of the regions of Gjilan, Kaçanik, Prizren and Tetovo had taken the gorges of Kaçanik and Cërnoleva [Caraleva], and the Albanians of the district of Prishtina, led by Isa Boletini and Xhemal bey Prishtina and Beqir aga Vulçitirni [Vushtrria] had defeated the Turks in Llap and Gollak, and those in Drenica under the command of Zejnullah bey, occupied Vushtrria. The commander of the Prishtina garrison wanted to do as Xhafer Tajari had done around Peja and took all military measures required to defend the town from any attack. But a couple of courageous men from Prishtina overcame the risk of bloody fighting by shoving a pistol into the local commander’s mouth at the telegraph office and forcing him to sign an order forbidding the Turkish army in the trenches from putting up any opposition if the Albanian rebels should attempt to take the town. The population of the town welcomed us with enthusiasm unparalleled in the annals of the national movement and everyone, large and small, joined us. Now, the centre of the rebellion was Prishtina and the number of rebels had reached 30,000. The correspondents of the foreign press such as The Times, Neue Freie Presse and Novoye Vremya were surprised in particular by two things: (a)  how the Albanians had been able to beat a Turkish army of over 60,000 men; (b) the great discipline that reigned among the rebels. Here, I would like to summarize an interview I gave in Prishtina to the St Petersburg newspaper Novoye Vremya: “What force is it that has ensured such discipline among the rebellious population? How is it that a standing army in wartime was not able to show such a level of discipline, in particular when one considers that the rebels are uneducated?” “You are quite right,” I replied. “You cannot say that the Albanians are particularly well educated, but they possess a native intelligence that ­distinguishes them from other peoples. The Albanians can behave in wartime

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Documents like a disciplined army, as they have now, if their leaders understand how they think and react, and make use of this knowledge.” “Indeed,” replied the Russian correspondent, “I am now convinced that the Albanians are the cleverest people in the Balkans. They will certainly enjoy a glorious future.” XXII  The Fall of the Young Turk Cabinet The fall of Prishtina put the whole vilayet of Kosovo in our hands. Panic spread in Istanbul and brought about the resignation of Sait Pasha, the prime minister of the Young Turk cabinet. In his stead, Kamil Pasha formed a new Turkish cabinet. We knew him to be the greatest enemy of the C ­ emiyetci. Kamil Pasha informed us by telegram that he had decided to send an official mission to Prishtina, led by the former government official and ­ ­commander of Tripoli, Ibrahim Pasha, who was to be accompanied by the minister of internal affairs, Ali Danish Prishtina, and by Senator Sylejman Pasha Kolonja. The objective of the mission was to negotiate with the Albanians and put an end to the uprising. My objective focussed on the following crucial points: ( a) that the borders of Albania be officially recognised; (b) that civilian and military officials be of Albanian nationality; (c) that the Albanian army serve in Albania and be commanded by Albanian officers; (d) that official business in Albania be carried out in the Albanian language. Ibrahim Pasha regarded these points as exceptionally difficult, saying that they constituted the first steps towards secession from the Ottoman Empire. He thus begged me to tone down these points, stating that such demands were inappropriate for Albania because its population was Muslim. “Pasha,” I retorted, “religion has nothing to do with nationality. Your Excellency is from Monastir [Bitola], that means, you are an Albanian, just as I am. You should regard these points as easy to solve. This would leave you with a good reputation in Albanian history. I would have expected Your Excellency to advise me to make more serious demands. You are more ­experienced in such dealings than I am. Nonetheless,” I continued, “I take no responsibility if these points are not accepted and we are forced to go all the way to Istanbul and negotiate there with the Turks. Believe me, this would not be too difficult for us.” Ibrahim Pasha chided me gently once again, saying that my conduct was anti-Islamic, and we did not part on good terms. At the same time, Ibrahim Pasha began to sweet-talk the other leaders who went to visit him and used all his powers of persuasion to cause division among us. In particular, he took skilful advantage of the ignorance of Riza bey Gjakova and his religious fanaticism, and even Isa Boletini began to say:

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Kosovo, A Documentary History “We do not want autonomy; we cannot split from the Ottomans.” In addition to this, the Serb consul in Prishtina got involved. The consul apparently told them that he would give them arms because, later, they actually did get lots of rifles from Serbia. The situation was getting worse and worse every day. Before I left Prishtina, I endeavoured to find out what would be required for our demands to be fulfilled, because it was easier to attain our objectives in Prishtina. But Ibrahim Pasha and the Serbian consul had succeeded in sowing the seeds of division among us with their surreptitious propaganda. When we left Prishtina for Ferizaj, the time had come to write down the demands made of the government and present them categorically. In the end, after numerous difficulties and many speeches, Ibrahim Pasha was officially requested to respect our 14 points and the request was accepted by the government of Kamil Pasha. It must be mentioned at this juncture that Bajram bey Curri put much work into this endeavour. (When we were in Ferizaj, all the leaders of southern Albania had made me their representative and given me full authorisation. In the book in which I intend to write more extensively about the uprising of 1912, I will also describe the events that took place in southern and central Albania). The demands were: 1. that trained officials be employed in Albania who know the language and the c­ ustoms of the country; 2. that military service be carried out only in Albania and Macedonia, except in wartime; 3. that laws be passed and implemented based on the “law of the mountains” (djibal) for those regions where it has been shown by fact that judicial organs will never be productive; 4.  that the Albanians be given enough modern arms. The modality of ­distribution will be left to the government. Arms depots will be ­constructed in sensitive regions from which the Albanians can get weapons, if needed; 5. that elementary schools be founded and opened in all towns of the prefectures of Kosovo, Monastir, Shkodra and Janina where there is a population of over 300,000 people; that agricultural schools be opened such as the one in Salonika since the country is essentially agricultural; and that the curriculum be taught in the l­anguage of the country; 6. that modern theological schools be opened where they are needed; 7. that private schools be allowed to be founded and opened in Albania; 8. that the language of the country be taught in elementary and secondary schools; 9.  that particular attention be paid to commerce, agriculture and public works, and that railroads be constructed. 10. that regional organisations be set up;4 11. that more attention be paid than earlier to preserving national traditions and ­customs;

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Documents 12 that an amnesty be declared without distinction of class or race, for all Ottomans who took part in the uprising, for commanders, officers, public servants and soldiers who fled from the army and their homes, and for those freed or having escaped from prison during the uprising; 13. that the Turkish government give compensation, based on real value, for all the houses that were destroyed earlier and for which the owners did not receive c­ ompensation, and for those that were damaged and destroy this time; 14. that the members of the cabinet of Haki and Said Pasha be taken to the high court and tried. Who could deny that these demands constituted decisive steps towards our independence? The Balkan War was the only reason why Vlora was to gain the laurels, and not Kosovo, and why a Lesser and not a Greater Albania resulted. We left Ferizaj for Skopje. We only had twenty percent of the force we had had in Prishtina. The reason for the force reduction was the following. Riza Gjakova and Isa Boletini were intent on saving Sultan Hamid who was being held prisoner in Salonika. As they were moving with a large force, we were not able to figure out who the followers of Riza bey and Isa Boletini were and were afraid that their followers would set off on their own after the two of them to save Sultan Hamid and, as such, we decided that it would be good to spread out our force in case something happened. When we got to ­Skopje, the intentions of Riza bey and Isa Boletini with regard to Sultan Hamid became clearer. For this reason we separated, and not on friendly terms. I was convinced that it was necessary to disperse our forces in ­Skopje as soon as possible so that we would not be taken by surprise. For this ­reason, I was in more frequent contact with Ibrahim Pasha. He, too, was terrified by the issue of Sultan Hamid. Believing that the Albanians had few men, I­ brahim Pasha sent out a platoon to catch Riza Bey, Isa Boletini and the ­Turkish ­soldiers, and told me about this. Ibrahim Pasha thought that I would agree to this because he was aware that I was in conflict with Riza bey and Isa Boletini. I was resolutely against this and told him that he should rather send his men out against me than against them. In the end, I was able to dissuade Ibrahim Pasha from this adventure. My decision to defend Riza bey and Isa Boletini was so as not to damage the reputation of the Albanians. The two of them had nothing else on mind at that time than getting Sultan Hamid out of prison. You could not talk to them about independence, not even say ­anything about autonomy. This was a red flag for Riza bey and Isa Boletini. I held the view that, although the two of them ought to have been punished, they should be punished by the Albanians and not with the ­ involvement of others. However, the uprising taught us many a bitter truth and gave us much experience. As representatives of central Albania, Abdi bey Toptani, Mustafa Kruja and Marka Gjoni, the Captain of Mirdita, arrived in Skopje. They were

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Kosovo, A Documentary History shocked when they learned of the level of religious fanaticism of Riza bey, Isa Boletini and their companions. They, too, realised that it was not possible to raise the flag of independence at that time. I told the honoured gentlemen that we would organise another uprising in three or four months’ time and would then declare independence. In addition, I added that in those three to four months, we would consolidate our organisation and, for the sake of Albanian interests, would get rid of several individuals who might prove to be an obstacle in the attainment of our sacred goals. On this issue, we reached an understanding with the above-mentioned gentlemen. Indeed we had begun organising more thoroughly, but there was nothing to be done because the Balkan War soon broke out, which destroyed all of our plans. […] [FO 424/235] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 2 November 1912, on the surrender of Skopje to Serbian forces. Uskub [Skopje] November 2, 1912 Sir, I have the honour to submit to your Excellency a short report of the circumstances under which the town of Uskub was occupied by Servian troops. The news of Kumanovo, which I had the honour to report to His ­Majesty’s Embassy at Constantinople in my telegram No. 58 of the 24th October, reached me at about 3 p.m. that day. At 4:30 the first refugees came in to my consulate. They continued to arrive all that evening and night and during the 25th. On the night of the 25th–26th, my consulate, which consists of seven rooms and four attics, was packed full, including the cellars, stable, and wood-shed; there were even refugees camped in the garden. I reserved only the bath-room for my own use. The refugees were almost without exception Mussulmans, the majority being women and children. Among them were the defterdar (chief finance officer of the vilayet), Hassan Bey, of Vuchitrn, Nejib Bey Draga, Shaban Pasha, and two army officers in mufti. I disarmed all who came bearing arms. My colleagues also received refugees. At 10 p.m. on the 24th I attended a meeting at the Russian consulate (“décanat”). Besides the consular corps (representatives of A ­ ustria-Hungary, France, Great Britain, and Russia), the vali and four Mussulman notables of Uskub were present. The notables, in an evident panic, as witnessed their frequent appeals to “humanity,” were prepared to guarantee the safety of the Christian population if the consuls would guarantee the life, ­honour, and property of the Moslem population against the Christian inhabitants 84

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Documents of the town and the Servian army. The Russian consul-general stated that he had already come to an agreement with the Patriarchist and Exarchist ­Metropolitans on this subject, and that the consuls would give the necessary guarantees, except in the case of franc-tireurs and of private property, which was liable to military requisitions. The question of defending the town was also raised, the notables ­wishing the military authorities to abandon it at all costs. They approached Fethi Pasha, who had just returned to Uskub, on the subject, but without ­success, Fethi Pasha’s orders leaving him no choice. They even proposed that the ­consuls should approach Fethi Pasha on the subject. This the consuls absolutely refused to do, as contrary to their neutrality. Finally, about midnight, the notables left for the telegraph office to communicate direct with the Grand Vizier, and the consuls went home. On Friday (25th), about 10 a.m., while walking in the streets with my French colleague, I met the wreck of the army of Kumanovo. It was not a defeat, it was a rout – the rout of an empire; even at Uskub, 30  kilom. from Kumanovo, I saw very few attempts on the part of the o ­ fficers and non-commissioned officers to re-form ranks and restore ­ ­ discipline. Though neutral, and though remembering every day since Kossovo Polye, I could not but be deeply moved by the sight of the downcast faces and the haggard eyes which had for three days beheld the hell-fire of Servian shell. About noon an Albanian soldier shot at the vali, mistaking him for Fethi Pasha. He missed him, but killed his secretary and wounded the coachman who was driving them. The vali took refuge in the Russian consulate, and left for Salonica about 11 that evening. The shot fired at the vali produced more disorder. Someone, who did not know its origin shouted “The giaours are coming.” A panic resulted, and some artillerymen cut the traces of their guns and fled on the horses, abandoning their guns in the streets of the town. It was not till some hours afterwards that an officer came to remove the breech-blocks. This night (25th–26th), there being no longer any order in the town, the consuls posted their own sentries for the defence of their houses. Fortunately no untoward incident happened. On Saturday (26th), about 8 a.m., a Turkish army doctor came and asked me to give an order on the military contractors to supply food for the wounded, who had nothing to eat. In view of the urgency of the situation, the four consuls had no hesitation in giving the required order, which was obeyed. I enclose herewith copy. At dawn that morning the last troops left for Kyöprülü, and with their departure looting, principally of flour and rifles, began. For a moment I had a glimpse of the station, which reminded me of an ant-heap. Men were running in order to be in time to plunder; others were staggering under the weight of large sacks of flour; others, more greedy, were loading their booty on 85

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Kosovo, A Documentary History hand-carts; while small boys, their faces beaming with pleasure, were carrying off rifles and bayonets and occasionally firing in the air. The bulk of the looting was done by Christians and gypsies (the latter are Moslems in name only); the gypsies even began to sack the Red Crescent ­hospital. I have only a dim idea of what passed in the bazar, which lies at some distance from the consulates. The consuls having left Uskub to surrender the town, the dragomans and cavasses made an attempt to stop the pillage, and were to a certain extent successful. I would note particularly M. Dobrovolski, dragoman of the French consulate, who, with a tricolour cockade in his hat and a rifle in his hands, with the help of some French citizens, recovered a certain amount of plunder. That night there were some 200 rifles in the French consulate. M. Dobrovolski also put out the fire which had been started by the Turkish officers before leaving in a depôt of munitions close to the consulates; had this exploded, it might have killed hundreds of refugees. My dragoman lives at some distance, and had 200 refugees in his house; he was therefore unable to help. I have only two cavasses (my colleagues all have three or four), and one of these was ill. Their duty was to save the lives of my refugees rather than to s­ alvage property; nevertheless, they were able to collect some twenty rifles from passers-by. Meanwhile, on the reiterated desire of the inhabitants, who refused to act without them, the consuls left Uskub at about 9 a.m. to surrender the town to the Servians. We were in uniform and carried rifles—a strange combination— and were accompanied by the mayor. There was a certain risk that some Moslem might shout “Those are the infidels who are betraying Uskub,” and fire on us (hence our rifles); but luckily we were able to leave without incident. About an hour out of the town we were overtaken by an Orthodox priest, sent by the Servian Metropolitan to meet the array, and about two hours out, as we advanced along the Kumanovo road, white flag and bugler in front, we met our first Servian patrol. We left our carriages, were disarmed, blindfolded, and led on foot to headquarters, where we surrendered the town to the Crown Prince. The army advanced and reached the outskirts of Uskub at about 5 p.m. I noted among the people who came out to meet us some Ottoman Christian soldiers who had set white crosses on their fezes; this seemed to be symbolic of the triumph of Cross over Crescent. Among the shouts of the population I noticed “Vive la Serbie!” “Vive 1’Entente b­ alkanique!” “A bas la Turquie!” A squadron of cavalry sent in to reconnoitre the town returned with caps, accoutrements, and bridles covered with flowers. It was impossible to realise that I was present at the entry of a hostile army into a conquered town; it was rather the entry of an army of liberators into a town which had for long been occupied by the enemy. I have, &c. W.D. Peckham 86

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Documents [FO 424/235] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 11 November 1912, on events in Skopje and Kosovo after the fall of Kumanovo. Uskub [Skopje] November 11, 1912 Sir, I have the honour to submit herewith comment and criticism on the downfall of Ottoman power in Kossovo. I would premise that, while I shall in general speak of the element dominant here till the day of Kumanovo as “the Turks,” I consider it improbable that there is much true Turkish blood in this province, the great bulk of the Moslem population here being doubtless of Slavonic or Albanian blood. The Turks in this crisis have displayed, in my opinion, all the faults which lose, and none of the virtues which maintain, an empire. H ­ umanity and ­ toleration I hardly looked for, procrastination will continue in the death-throes of the Ottoman Empire, but looked at least for some degree of ­sang-froid and improvisation. This charge is so grave that, at the risk of being tedious, I propose to relate some well-authenticated instances to support it. A person connected with the Red Crescent here (himself a Jew, and therefore unlikely to be biassed by religious sentiment) informed me, while the battle of Kumanovo was in progress, that the Turkish ­stretcher-bearers picked up Moslem wounded only, passing over not merely the wounded of the enemy, but even Ottoman Christian soldiers. On their side, the ­Servians state that they were forced to arm their stretcher-bearers, because the wounded Albanians attacked them when they came to transport them to the ­field-hospitals. It has been suggested to me that the Turks were under the impression that the Servians carried off the enemy wounded to murder them. If this be so, it only proves how far removed the Turk is from the “humanity” he is so fond of talking about in crises. On one of the Ottoman soldiers who took refuge in the French consulate a quantity of dum-dum bullets were found. My French colleague gave me  a charger full, which I showed to the Moslem refugees in my house. They at once replied that these had been taken from the Servians, that the ­Servians habitually used them, while the Ottomans never did, and pointed out that they were of a smaller calibre than the Turkish Mauser. Questioned, the soldiers in sanctuary, Greek Ottomans, stated with a formal asseveration ( μà τòν Θєόν) that the cartridges had been issued to them by the Government at Monastir. On examining them I found that the bulk of them were marked “E.H.Σ. 1907.” No official alphabet but that of Greece uses the sigma (from its shape and position I am certain that it is not an M). On these facts, and on 87

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Kosovo, A Documentary History the assumption that the soldiers were speaking the truth, I base the following hypothesis: The cartridges were deliberately issued by the Turks at Monastir, who presumably expected that the men to whom they were issued would be sent to the Greek frontier. If the cartridges were discovered there they would be primâ facie evidence that the Greeks were using dum-dums, the difference of bore acquitting the Turks. Unfortunately for the scheme, the men were sent north instead of south. If the cartridges were deliberately issued to Greek rayah soldiers, this would complete the Machiavellian cunning of the scheme, making them incriminate their own kin. I have been assured, and find it credible, that the chetniks used to use dum-dums, this would account for the Monastir authorities having cartridges which did not fit the Ottoman Mauser. It is but just, however, to insist that this is only a hypothesis. At 4 o’clock on the morning of the 25th, just six hours after the Uskub notables had made their eloquent appeals to the consuls “in the name of humanity,” a passenger train left for Salonica. There was a crowd of women, Jewish, Christian, and Moslem, who wished to leave. A Turkish officer, revolver in hand, prevented the Jewish and Christian women from b ­ oarding the train, reserving it for Moslemahs. The French dragoman was an e­ ye-witness of this. I  believe, however, that subsequently some Moslem c­ivilians intervened and succeeded in getting some non-Moslem women on to the train. With the blood almost dry on the field of Kumanovo the Turks still procrastinated. When, on the night of the 24th, the notables had decided to telegraph to the Grand Vizier, we had almost to push them out of the Russian consulate to go to the telegraph office, otherwise they would have finished their cigarettes in comfort. Even at that crisis it was hard to make them realise that every moment was valuable. (It may also be noted that even then they took thought, not merely for the lives and honour of the Moslem population, but also for the grain on their farms.) Yunus Bey, of Ipek [Peja], my first refugee, on the 26th expressed a wish to be enrolled at once as a British subject. I explained the impossibility of this, and added, “besides, such an act would be cowardice, your duty is to your country, loyally to support whatever administration may hereafter be established in Turkey in Europe.” Hereon the defterdar (chief finance officer of the vilayet), who had also taken refuge with me, asked what I considered his duty to be. I replied that so long as an acre of Kossovo was under Turkish administration his duty was to work for that administration, Hereon the following conversation ensued: “What should I do at present?” — “Go to the Konak.” “But there is nothing for me to do.” — “Something may turn up.” “Then they can send for me; they know where I am.” — “That would waste about an hour. Cannot you understand how precious an hour is?”

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Documents “ But my wife and family here?” — “Of course, they stay here, and you yourself go or stay entirely at your own will.”

He left the room to speak to his wife. Instead of simply telling her that his duty called him to the Konak, he asked her advice. It is needless to say what it was. He returned to my sitting-room: “My wife begs me to stay here, I shall do so.” As he settled down into one of my basket chairs he added: “After all, it is Friday” (the weekly day of rest at the Konak). I find it hard to judge the defterdar severely; he is an old man, but Hassan Bey is a young man. At the beginning of the war he talked valiantly of shooting Servians, and wished to buy my field-glasses to use in the war. Utterly crushed by the news of Kumanovo, he took refuge with me on the 25th. On that night, when I had decided to set sentinels, I asked for volunteers from among the beys. Though this was to protect a house full of Mahommedan women, not one of them offered himself. My cavasses had no difficulty in finding enough men from among the common folk. Subsequently I asked Hassan Bey why no one had volunteered. “We were waiting your order.” It is not with such stuff that a dying Empire is held up. There were, I believe, exceptions to this general state of cowardice and collapse, and I would mention with all honour the name of the vali, G ­ halib Bey, himself an émigré from South Servia. Till his life was attempted by an ­Ottoman soldier in the very streets of Uskub he showed no lack of personal courage. I do not for an instant blame him for taking sanctuary after that event, and from the Russian consulate he continued to strive to administer his dwindling vilayet. My Russian colleague, who speaks English well, and who was in close contact with him during the crisis, expressed his opinion, in which I entirely concur, by saying, “Ghalib Bey is a gentleman.” I would also except from the general accusation, Said Hoja, ex-deputy for Uskub. He, with M. Karavevof, a Bulgar gentleman, organised a certain amount of police on the 26th and prevented the sack of the Konak and of the bazar. The latter was intact when the Servians entered Uskub, but was in part pillaged that night. It is instructive to notice that the Turks, who in time of peace struggle to limit the activities of consuls to as small a sphere as possible, international law and treaties notwithstanding, turn naturally in times of crisis to these same consuls and expect from them things which are clearly outside their sphere of duty. Thus, at the beginning of the panic, it was to the consuls that the Moslems turned to guarantee them against the Christians. Before leaving Uskub the Turks deposited the key of the powder magazine with the French consul, on the morning of the 26th, although there was still an acting vali and a mayor in the town; it was from the consuls that the military doctors asked the orders to supply food for the wounded, and no one would leave Uskub to surrender the town unless the consuls came with them.

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Gratitude is not a virtue of the Oriental. Out of a house full of refugees two only, up to date have thanked me for receiving them, and one of these was not a Moslem. The impression is, I suppose, that His Majesty’s Government maintains a consulate here to act as a sanctuary for the inhabitants in time of stress. Certainly there is a deep-rooted belief that it is a consul’s duty to protect the subject against the Government. Several Moslem deputations since the Servian occupation have assured me: “Our trust is first in God, then in you.” (This may account for the extraordinary hesitation, not to say impoliteness, shown by the Servian authorities in the matter of recognising us officially.) If it be true, as I have heard, that the original Turkish plan of campaign contemplated the offensive at one point only, along the Uskub-Vranya-Nish railway, then the battle of Kumanovo may ranks as one of the decisive battles of the war, and my personal impressions of the reasons for the utter collapse of the Turks may be of some interest. If the Turks have belied their reputation as fighting men, that is in part because that reputation has been too high, dating in part from the middle ages, when Turkey was a very different country and war a very different matter. Even since Plevna and Domokò both war and the Turk have changed. I was most unfavourably impressed by what I saw of the Turkish mobilisation. I am convinced that in no European country would men in full marching order be seen straying about the streets in twos and threes, nor do I believe that the wives and families of reservists and the general public would be allowed into the station of what is practically a frontier town, during a big mobilisation. I believe that no unit went up to the front complete. Discipline I knew to be bad, a sentry in the streets of Uskub having gratuitously insulted me a few days before the outbreak of the war with Servia. But I did not dare to draw any inference from all this. I reflected that ­Turkish military arrangements, like Turkish finance, could not be judged by European standards, the Turkish genius for “muddling through” might cover a multitude of sins, and a soldier who insulted a Giaour in the streets of Uskub might well become a pattern of discipline when fighting against the Giaours at Kumanovo. Some of this muddle I suspect to have been due to over-confidence. “Why put ourselves out over trifles, we shall get to Belgrade and Sophia anyway” was probably the thought. The parallel of 1870 recurs to me, and I heard of one case of an officer who promised to telegraph to his friends as soon as he got to Belgrade, while others licked their lips at the thought of the ­cafés-chantants of Sophia. Just as many Turks thought that the mere possession of a paper constitution was an amulet against foreign intervention and for good administration, so they seem to have thought that the possession of good war matériel ensured victory. In neither case was it necessary to learn to use the thing intelligently. There was, I believe, only one rifle-range close to Uskub. This was by a path over which I walked many times in the earlier part of the 90

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Documents summer. Only once did I see the range in use. There were then two targets up, and men were firing from not more than 200 metres distance. There was, I believe, no artillery range. The Servians tell me that the Turkish guns at Kumanovo were admirably laid, but that the shell failed to explode because the gunners had forgotten to set the fuzes. I take a particular interest (dating from my volunteer days) in machine guns, and on the 26th I asked the Servians how the Turkish Maxims had acquitted themselves. “They began well, but we think our shrapnel must have found them out, as they were all silenced soon.” With all deference to military opinion, I suggest another possible reason. A Maxim is a complicated piece of mechanism, and I suspect that, in many cases, there was no one among the machine-gun squads capable of setting failures right on the battle-field. There seems to have been a pitiable confusion in the ammunition supply. I hear of cases supposed to contain cartridges which, when opened on the b ­ attle-field, proved to be full of soap or other objects equally useless on a campaign, and an English war correspondent tells me that he himself saw many boxes of blank ammunition at Kumanovo. I conclude that either ball-cartridge boxes were not marked with distinctive marks (necessary in so illiterate an army as the Turkish) or that these marks had not been sufficiently impressed on the minds of the men who had to handle them. I learn from the Servians that they have found several railway bridges intact, but with dynamite charges under them, these had not exploded owing to a fault in the caps. The failure to blow up the railway bridge over the Vardar here was a capital mistake on the part of the Turks. The Turk shows the Oriental trait of unintelligent imitation. The ­Turkish service uniform is almost exactly the same shade as the British, a shade much too green to match a bare dry Macedonian hillside. (The Servian grey matches it perfectly.) And though the footgear of all peasants on this side of the ­Danube seems to be sandals, the Turk tends to thrust the feet of his ­infantrymen into unaccustomed ammunition boots, while the great mass of the Servian infantry, so far as I have seen, wear the thick socks and sandals that the men are accustomed to in civil life. Whatever opinions may be as to the relative merits of the man and the machine, the man counts heavily, and in my opinion the Turks have failed in personnel as well as in matériel. The men of Kumanovo are not those of Plevna or even Domokò (and with regard to the latter I was once assured that in the Greco-Turkish war it was an open question which side ran first. I did not believe it at the time, but find it more credible now). I know from ­personal experience (in April, 1909), that the favorite statement that “the Turkish soldier has no nerves” is untrue. I have reason to believe that the taste of cheap cognac is not unknown in the Moslem villages of Anatolia, and I have heard stories of drunken redifs in the days when the army was entirely Moslem. And, whatever may have been the tradition earlier, 1908 set a fatal example of disobedience. 91

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Among the conflicting accounts of what befell at Kumanovo one thing seems reasonably certain, that the first men to break and flee were a K ­ ossovo redif regiment, In the light of this, certain of my reports on the Albanian revolt of this summer, particularly my despatch No. 57 of the 27th July, take a fuller meaning. One of the vices of Islam is that it confuses State and Church; Ottoman patriotism exists only in newspaper leaders, and Ottoman subjects are sharply divided along religious lines. The Serb rayah looks to Belgrade, not to ­Constantinople, and pride of race and religion replace patriotism in the Turk. The Turks were virtually fighting in an enemy country, and when the Servians entered Uskub I noticed local guides accompanying many units. Under the circumstances, it was a blunder to have admitted Christian soldiers into the army. I have reason to believe that they played a considerable part in corrupting the Albanian Field Force this summer, and I hear that at the outbreak of war with Montenegro several regiments on that frontier, which were largely Christian, went over almost bodily to the enemy. I do not know, however, that Christian soldiers were in any way directly responsible for the débâcle of Kumanovo. An ex-sergeant-major (Bash Chaoush) of the Turco-Greek war, one of my refugees, asked me on the night of the 25th–26th about the Bulgarian army. I told him that it was said that the only country in the Balkans where an ­officer was never seen in a café before sunset was Bulgaria. “Ah!” he said, “ours are not like that, they pass all their time in cafés and brothels.” Such condemnation leaves little more to be said. I doubt whether a precedent existed in international law for officers in uniform taking refuge in consulates. It exists now. Two officers took refuge in the Austrian consulate. The consul explained to them: “You are free to enter if you like, but if the Servians demand you when they come in, I may have to surrender you as prisoners of war, and if you are exchanged later you may be tried by court-martial and shot.” One of them, a lieutenant, decided at once to place himself under the orders of Fethi Pasha; the other, a major, stayed, though I believe that, he too, later, left to try and restore discipline. One officer took refuge in the French consulate, and subsequently took thought for his wife and family. He suggested that a cavass should be sent for them, but learned that a cavass could not be spared. Finally, he put on the cavass’s uniform, and went, trembling, to find them himself. On the afternoon of the 25th an officer came to see me. He asked for the British flag and British passports to protect his family. I replied that this was impossible, but that my doors were open to refugees. He asked for a separate room for them. I replied that I could promise nothing except to separate the sexes. Finally, finding him inclined to gossip in my entrance hall, I cut him short: “You have my answer; your clear duty is to go and bring the women here at once, and then to try and restore discipline in the army.” I forget his 92

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Documents answer, but it expressed the most utter hopelessness of ever again introducing discipline among his men, and remembering as I do his war-stained uniform, his unshaven chin, and, above all, the look of defeat and disaster in his eyes, I find it hard to judge him. One of my two refugee officers told me that he was ill at the beginning of the war. I asked the other why he had not used his revolver, if need be, to get his men to fight. “I did my best,” he said, “I spent hours pulling men out of water-closets.” If Turkish discipline has been bad, Albanian has been worse, if the Turks imitated St. Mark’s young man with the linencloth, the Albanians have taken Judas as their model. Isa Bolatin’s objection to “cooping reservists up in barracks” (my despatch No. 78 of the 3rd October to Salonica), expressed ­Albanian feeling. The Lap redifs, when ordered to assemble for mobilisation, refused to leave their villages whereon the Government (finding that the mountain would not come to Mahomed) sent out arms and ammunition to the villages. It is not surprising to hear that such men broke and fled at the first reverse. I heard that after the fall of Prishtina Kossovo Polye was covered with rifles thrown away by runaways. During the Servian advance on Prishtina an Albanian bairaktar advanced under a white flag. A Servian officer of high rank advanced to meet him. When they met, the bairaktar put one arm round the officer’s neck, and, while kissing him, with his other hand lunged a dagger into his abdomen. Colonel Clisic, of the Servian army, was likewise treacherously murdered under the white flag at Kumanovo. It is but just to state that I have only Servian authority for these two stories, but they strike me as credible. And I have, comparatively speaking, independent authority for the events of the fall of Parisovich [Ferizaj]. On the approach of the Servian cavalry that town hoisted the white flag and welcomed the Servians. The men had piled arms, off-saddled, and were grooming when a sudden rifle fire broke out from various houses, killing thirty-eight men. The remainder escaped, but returned later with reinforcements and took a revenge, which I cannot condemn under the circumstances, putting to death, according to one account, about a thousand of the inhabitants. I fear, however, that the innocent suffered for the guilty, as the treachery appears to have been the work of men from the neighbouring villages. As usual, in such crises the cry of “We are betrayed” was raised. I have heard several versions. The Albanians complain that they were betrayed by the Turks, and the Turks that they were betrayed by the Albanians. (If, as one story goes, the first to flee from Kumanovo were the Gilan redifs who left to protect their own villages as soon as they heard that they were being burned by the Serbs, there is some foundation for this complaint.) I have also been assured that Turkey was betrayed by Germany, which had sold her rotten war matériel, and by the Union and Progress party, which, on leaving office, had, out of spite, tampered with the mechanism of the guns. And behind all 93

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Kosovo, A Documentary History there seems to be a strong tendency to cast the whole responsibility on the Constantinople Government, and I think it is questionable if, were the impossible to happen and the administration of the Sublime Porte were reestablished here, it would be welcomed by the local Turks. To the Kossovo Moslem, r­ emedy and disease have alike become intolerable. I cannot close this despatch, in general so unfavourable to Moslems, without mention of the fidelity of my two cavasses, Naim and Zulfikvar, A ­ lbanians from the province of Yannina. I have throughout felt entire confidence in their loyalty and trustworthiness, and this has not been misplaced. Naim’s conduct is all the more creditable, as he was in bad health at the beginning, and on the night of the 25th went on the sick list, having, I believe, worked till he dropped. On the morning of the 26th, while changing into uniform before leaving to surrender the town, I gave Zulfikvar last directions in case I was shot in Uskub or on the Kumanovo road. Promptly came his objection: “If you are going into danger, why am I not coming with you?” I have, &c. W.D. Peckham [FO 424/236] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British A ­ mbassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 16 November 1912, with his reflections on the future of the Albanians following the defeat of Ottoman forces in Kosovo and Skopje. Uskub [Skopje] November 16, 1912 Sir, I have the honour to submit to your Excellency certain opinions of mine as to the future of Albania. These, naturally, suffer from the disadvantages of the almost mediaeval seclusion in which I have lived since Kumanovo (I saw my first regular London newspaper three days ago) and from ignorance of the intentions of the Powers, but have the advantage that I am to a certain extent in touch with Albanian feeling. Another important limitation to be borne in mind is that I can only speak for the province of Kossovo. Whether the word Albania figures on the new map of the Balkans or not, the Moslem Albanians will, I take it, live in future under what they will describe as a Christian Government, that is, a Government which will assign to the Moslem element at most only that position to which its importance entitles it. It is therefore to be expected that there will be an appreciable Moslem emigration, as has happened every time that the Crescent has given way to the Cross. (I believe that very often the émigrés are the “mauvais sujets” who hope for impunity under a Moslem Government for offences 94

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Documents which an impartial Government would punish. A Boshnak émigré quarter in Uskub is notorious for lawlessness). But this time a new element enters into the question. It was one thing for Islamised Europeans to move from Bosnia to Kossovo, emigration from Europe to Asia is another. It is also significant that the local Moslems tend to blame the Turkish Government for this ­débâcle. I have heard wishes expressed to emigrate to Egypt or India, as I ­naturally would, but I know of no case of local Moslems wishing to return to the administration of the Sublime Porte in Anatolia. The very men who three months ago objected to spending a few years of military service out of Europe are now talking of settling permanently in the climate of Egypt, which would probably be more trying to them than to an Englishman. Should the partition scheme of the allies be carried out, and the name of Albania blotted out from the map of Europe, even more effectually than it was under Turkish rule, nevertheless the Albanian question will continue for some time. However good the intentions of the Central Government may be, the local government will inevitably show an anti-Moslem bias, and I have already heard of cases of forcible unveiling of Moslem women. If the high-handed action of the Ottoman Government this summer in arresting the wives of several of the revolted beys fanned the flames of the revolt, much more will such acts provoke disturbance. And there are two circumstances which tend to embitter the Servians against the Albanians.

1. The money and arms poured into Albania this summer were intended (the Servians themselves admit it) as a bribe to induce the Albanians to join the allies against Turkey. Instead of which the rifles were often used against Ottoman Serbs, and I know of no case in this province of a single Albanian joining the allies before their victory was certain. 2. The Albanians have been guilty, during the war, of several most disgusting pieces of treachery, generally under cover of the white flag. Human nature being what it is, it is hardly to be expected that men who have seen such things, and maybe have even lost relations by them, should at once settle down into impartial administrators. It is also to be expected that the Servians will make every attempt to denationalise the Albanians, and will most certainly proscribe the famous Latin alphabet. Albanian nationalism is at present but a spark, but the wind of ­persecution may fan it into a flame. On the other side there are two important considerations. An Albanian is probably infinitely easier to denationalise than a Greek or a Slav. He has no national culture of his own, and Skanderbeg is a very poor substitute for Pericles or Stevan Dushan. Besides many so-called “Albanians,” even in mid-Kossovo, are really Albanised Slavs, and there are soi-disant Albanians whose mother-tongue is good Yugo-Slav. 95

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Kosovo, A Documentary History And the present war has, to use a colloquial expression, put the fear of God into the Albanians. Till 1908 they were petted or left to themselves; during the four stormy years of the constitution they have made and unmade the committee (single-handed, in their own estimation) and, as this summer has proved, as a last resort they could talk over Moslem troops. But no appeal to “humanity,” “liberty,” or “the brotherhood of Islam,” has been, or will be, of any avail against Servian artillery. The basic theory of the Rumelian Moslem was that the Moslem was ­everything and the Slav, whether a subject of the Sultan or of King Peter, mere “cattle” to use their own expression. The guns of Kumanovo brought their universe crashing about their ears. (I myself noticed how utterly dazed my own Moslem servants were, and I have more than once seen tears, such as those of Boabdil, in Moslem eyes). With few arms, no hope of talking soldiery into revolt, and a Government remorselessly determined to penetrate everywhere, their only courage will be the courage of despair. If Servian administration of Albania presents difficulties, autonomy is not without them. The mass of the population of mid-Kossovo, from ­Mitrovitza to Kachanik, is Albanian, and there are Albanian villages up to the ­Servian frontier. But sprinkled among the Albanian villages is an appreciable Serb population, whose woes formed one of the Servian occasions for war (as I suggested they might in my despatch No. 76 of the 24th September to ­Salonica), and it would be difficult to abandon these while taking over villages south of the Sar Planina, which are undoubtedly Bulgar in sympathies, whatever they may be racially. Servian public opinion here – and all Servia is in Rumelia these days – is clearly against an autonomous Albania. And an autonomous Albania would be hard to form. Of the Albanian, leaders, some, like Isa Bolatin and Idris Sefer, are mere brigands; neither Riza Bey, of Dyakova, Mohammed Pasha, of Kalkandelen [Tetovo], late mutessarif of Prisrend, can read or write, while men of culture and political experience, like Hassan Bey, of Vuchitrn, aad Nejib Bey Draga, have, by their own confession, lost all influence. Probably, the Kossovo Albanian least unfit to help in the work of government is Hassan Bey, with whom circumstances brought me into some contact, and I am convinced that if an autonomous Albania under such leadership were left to its own devices, its neighbours would very soon be forced to annex it in self defence. Crete has shown itself turbulent, but Hassan Bey is not to be mentioned in the same breath with Venizelos or ­Sfakianakis. There is no more material for an autonomous Albania than there was for an autonomous Bulgaria when the Treaty of Berlin was signed, and the task of maintaining order and educating the people politically would probably be harder among the outlaws of Kossovo than among the cultivators of the vilayet of Danube, not to mention the complications produced by differences of religion. But these latter may easily be overestimated. While a partial Servian administration would probably produce extensive Moslem emigration – a 96

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Documents serious factor in the economic situation – and Moslem revolts, I am assured by a man who knows the Albanians well, and the theory is in accordance with my own independent judgement, that if a strong and impartial administration were established in Albania, Islam would disappear. Nor is the reason far to seek. With the apparent exception of the Bosniacs (in their case Bogomilism had prepared the way for Islam) no European people has taken kindly to Mahommedanism, and those Europeans who have, like the Albanians embraced it, have gravitated to the Bektashi sect, whose orthodoxy, in spite of the secrecy of its tenets, is more than questionable. No religion has a strong hold on the Albanian. (I heard of a recent case where a Catholic flock boycotted its spiritual pastors, abandoned the church and attended mosque till the priest they objected to had been removed. And I had occasion last spring in my despatch No. 16 of the 11th March to ­Salonica to report the Moslem boycott of the mosque which contained the hair of the prophet’s beard.) The consideration that Moslems only were allowed the right to carry arms would have been enough to decide them in favour of Mohammed and against Christ. I therefore expect wholesale reconversions to Christianity, produced by no political pressure but solely by the desire of the Albanians to be on the winning side. Nor should I be at all surprised to find whole villages which, like the Gromlis of Trebizond, or the Linovamvaki of Cyprus, have preserved their ancient Christianity under a mask of Islam through the centuries of Moslem domination. But to set an autonomous Albania going, it is absolutely necessary that for about a generation there should be foreign administration and foreign military occupation, and I am assured that the Albanians would prefer this to be in British hands. I consider this to be something more than mere ­Oriental politeness for the following reasons: In April of this year Hassan Bey confided to me alone of the foreign consuls his schemes of revolt. In July, I, and I believe, I alone, was invited to visit the rebels at Prishtina. And in the panic which succeeded the news of Kumanovo, I believe that the greatest number of Moslems who took sanctuary, took it under the British flag, either in my house or in my dragoman’s. No other Power would enjoy their confidence to the same degree. Austria is always under suspicion; Russia would be distrusted as Slav; and Germany and Italy as Austria’s allies; and I have no doubt that Albania would prefer Great Britain to France and has never heard the names of Switzerland or ­Belgium. To sum up, I expect that Moslem emigration will take place in any case, its size will be in inverse ratio to the impartiality of the new administration. I have reason to fear that Servian administration would be partial, but consider that it would probably be efficient enough to keep the Albanians in order, and might succeed in denationalising them. An autonomous ­Albania would need foreign control at first, there being no materials for a native 97

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Government. Under an impartial administration the bulk of Albania would become Christian. The Albanians would prefer above all things British ­occupation and administration. I have, &c. W.D. Peckham [FO 424/236] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 25 November 1912, with further reflections on the future of the Albanians following the defeat of Ottoman forces in Kosovo and Skopje. Uskub [Skopje] November 25, 1912 Sir, In continuation of my despatch No. 8 of the 16th instant concerning the future of Albania, I have the honour to submit certain further considerations herewith. It appears that many Moslem Albanians are already declaring themselves Christian, or at least using the sign of the Cross in this hope of saving their lives. I have also been assured that Idris Sefer has always been a Catholic in secret, and it is to be expected that all the Gheg crypto-Christians will prove Catholics. Hayreddin Bey, late Mutessarif of Ipek [Peja] (see in my despatch No. 62 of the 5th August to Salonica) is now in Uskub, and I took the opportunity of discussing the future of Albania with him, promising that the fact that I discussed autonomy in no way pledged His Majesty’s Government, and that any views expressed were simply my personal views. Hayreddin Bey does not agree with my view that there will be Moslem emigration after the war. “Where are we to go to?” I still, however, adhere to my view, though I believe that such emigration will not be extensive. He confirms my opinion: that Albania has no wish to see the authority of Sublime Porte ­re-established. I remarked that no religion but the cult of the Mauser had any hold on the Albanian. “Yes,” he said, “I knew of a case where the father was Moslem and the son Catholic” (and here he made the Oriental gesture for money). He is positive that no administration but British will produce order in Albania, and asserted that even the wildest clansmen knew of the justice of England, while neither French nor international administration would engender anything but revolts, and Austrian or Italian would be worse still. It is with some diffidence that I approach the broader question of the possibility of ever forming an independent Albanian State, to which the ­autonomous Albania would be a stepping-stone. However, though I do not venture to offer my views on questions of high policy, such as the exceeding 98

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Documents c­ lumsiness of international administration, I venture to think that this question comes within the range of my consular duties. The Albanians, like the Poles, only in a greater degree, seem to lack some quality necessary for the making of a State. An Albanian once quoted me the names of the four great Albanians in history — Alexander the Great, Byrrhus [Pyrrhus], Skanderbeg, and Ali Tepelenti of Yannina. Admitting this catalogue, it will be noticed that Byrrhus and Skanderbeg were soldiers pure and simple, and in every case the death of the individual caused a collapse in the structure which he had reared. I am in complete accord with Sir Charles Eliot’s opinion of the Albanians, “as individuals … brave and capable, but with little political instinct or power of combination” (“Turkey in Europe,” p. 22), and think it very doubtful if they will ever win to a political existence of their own. Like the Dersim and Sfakia, neither Montenegro nor the Mirditia were ever conquered by the Turks, and although the Catholic Mirdites had more claim for the help of their Italian neighbours than the Orthodox Montenegrins, Montenegro is to-day a conquering State, and Mirditia was yesterday an Ottoman kaza. And the Gheg, at any rate (I cannot speak for the Tosk) has always resisted both conquest and civilisation. Even the Romans appear to have failed in civilising him, and I think that even in the twentieth century it may only be possible at the expense of a disproportionate amount of blood and treasure. It is a grave thing to weigh human lives in the scales, but I am tempted to say that all Albania is not worth the lives of men like Colin Scott-Moncrieff. As will some day happen with the Kurds in Anatolia, the State which undertakes the pacification of Albania may find that the only way is to cut the Gordian knot and exterminate the Albanians (solitudinem faciunt...). But a case may be made out on the other side. The tendency of recent years to develop national, as opposed to political, feeling has not left Albania untouched. I believe that a survey of the various revolts in Albania from 1908 to this last summer will show a steady growth in national consciousness. And, just as the establishment of the Exarchate and of Bulgarian schools, and the consequent revival of the Cyrillic alphabet (see “Turkey in Europe,” p. 252), was the forerunner of Bulgaria, so the Congress of Monastir and the Latin alphabet may be the foundation of a national union such as Albania has never hitherto attained to. And it is but fair to the Gheg to state that he is not invariably a savage, while Konak officials here have assured me that there was a genuine demand for education in Albania. Moreover it is to be noted that, however the Albanians at home resists civilisation, out of his native mountains he seems to settle down into a hard-working peaceable subject. In Salonica, in Constantinople, and, I believe, in America, he shows himself perfectly civilisable, even if he is only there to earn enough blood money to compensate for a murder which he has committed. When the Albanians came into Uskub this summer their conduct was surprisingly good (see my despatch No. 69 of the 20th August to 99

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Kosovo, A Documentary History ­Salonica), although more than half were armed, and they had the town practically at their mercy. I am continually reminded, both in small matters and in great, of the parallel between the Highland clans of the ’15 and the ’45 and the Gheg of to-day. There is, therefore, some chance that if civilization is brought to the Ghegs they may avail themselves of it. But it is at least possible that by the time that a congress has assembled there will be no Kossovo Albanians left to receive the boon of ­autonomy. I have heard from two or three sources of massacres of Albanians. The first version represented this as a systematic clearing of the ground for Serb ­ immigrants. I am a little slow to believe this, I have previously heard many ­stories of grave irregularities committed by Servian soldiers, but on examination the bulk of these appear to be exaggerated or devoid of foundation. I have recently met a Servian officer from Parisovich [Ferizaj] who told me that he had heard that the Lyuma Albanians had been exterminated. The Lyuma Albanians had a bad reputation, even for Albania, and I am informed that their extermination will cause general rejoicings in Albania. According to his version this was in revenge for acts of gross treachery after surrender. I have already had occasion to report some instances of Albanian treachery (see my despatch No. 7 of the 11th instant) and this officer tells me that they are continuing, and I have very little doubt are being avenged terribly. Two things make me inclined to believe his account, it is in accordance with the Albanian character (see “Turkey in. Europe,” p. 357) and both General Bourke and I have been extremely prepossessed in favour of my informant. (I venture to request that the source, at least, of this information be treated as ­confidential.) I soon hope to come by more information on this subject, but my present impression is that at any rate the Albanians east of the Mitrovitza rail are being massacred, as a just reward for their treacherous conduct. There are two further points to note. The Montenegrin troops, who are absolutely irregulars, have penetrated as far as Dyakova. Probably, therefore, the sanjak of Ipek has suffered more than the south; and unlike Paraguay, it is unlikely that many women will be left to carry on the race, with some outside male assistance, as the Albanian women seem as treacherous as the men. According to one version, women played some part in the treachery of Parisovich, and my officer informant told me that Albanian women were given to secreting revolvers in the more intimate parts of their dress. I have, &c. W.D. Peckham [FO 424/236] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 14 December 1912, with yet 100

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Documents f­urther reflections on the future of the Albanians following the defeat of Ottoman forces in Kosovo and Skopje. Uskub [Skopje] December 14, 1912 Sir, In continuation of my despatch No. 9 of the 25th November, I have the honour to submit herewith further opinions on the future of Albania. In all previous cases where a state has been carved out of the ruin of the Ottoman Empire the great bulk of the Christian inhabitants have belonged to the same “millet.” And in most cases there has been some sort of common religious organisation to accustom the people to the idea of national unity (I would cite particularly the Prince-Bishops of Montenegro and the ­Exarchate). It is important to note that in Albania this is not so. Even supposing that the Moslem element disappears with autonomy, the Gheg will almost certainly become Catholic and the Tosk Orthodox. But this will only militate against union in a negative way, religious intolerance not being an Albanian failing. It is hard to say to what extent the idea of national unity exists to-day in a positive form. I have been assured that the old feuds are practically things of the past, because the leaders have realised the need for union, and have sufficient influence over their followers to impose their views on them. On the one hand, there is no doubt that the influence of the leaders this summer was very great (see my despatch No. 69 of the 20th August to Salonica); on the other, I should myself imagine that Hassan Bey had lost all influence; but Albanian psychology is incalculable, and it may be that no importance is attached to his cowardice after Prishtina. In any case, there are men like Isa Bolatin and Mehmed Pasha of Kalkandelen who, while useless as statesmen, may promote the cause of union. I hear that both are making for Avlona; and that every Albanian part of Kossovo is sending delegates there. Whether the positive feeling of union be great or small, it should not be forgotten that there is at least a fixed determination among the Albanians to work for their own policy and not for that of anyone else. The Albanian is an Albanian first: Catholic, Orthodox, or Moslem afterwards – Austrophil or Italophil never. He will take subsidies from anyone, but they will not affect his actions. I hear that in Isa Bey’s “kule” (stronghold) at Bolatin, papers were found which proved that he was accepting subsidies from Turkey, Austria, Serbia, and Montenegro. I cannot judge of the general truth of this, though there is nothing inherently improbable in it. But I have no doubt that it is true that this summer’s insurrection was fomented with Servian arms and Servian gold with a view enlisting the Albanians on the side of the allies. Yet they have fought hard, in their own undisciplined, nay, savage way against the hated Slav, and only by accident on the side of the not less hated Turk, Whatever might be 101

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Kosovo, A Documentary History the faults of an autonomous Albania, it would never willingly be a pawn in the politics of Austria, or Italy. Although the Albanian manifesto sent me at the beginning of the war (see my despatch No. 80 of the 21st October to Salonica) seems to have expressed Albanian sentiment exactly, the fact that it was drawn up under Austrian auspices deterred Albanians of position from signing, and probably nothing but the dollars induced any Albanian to sign at all. I gather from the press that the allies contemplate a small Albanian State with frontiers approximately from Durazzo [Durrës] to Ochrida [Ohrid], Kortiza [Korça] and Chimara [Himara]. This, in my humble opinion, would be a half-measure of questionable profit for the future peace of the Balkans. One of two things would probably happen if it were formed: either there would be an enormous immigration of Ghegs from New Servia who would carry with them, in a greater degree, the hatred of the Slav caused thirty years ago by the “expropriation” of the Albanians of South Servia; the result of this would be that the infant Government would be confronted with an economic problem of the first magnitude which might well crush it; or the free ­Albania would become a foyer of irredentist ideas which would aim at the greater Albania from Scutari [Shkodra] to Yanina. I am assured that, just as Bulgar band action will begin again on an enormous scale in South Kossovo, so ­Albanian bands will continually harry mid-Kossovo if it passes into Servian hands. Previous attempts to impose frontiers which ignore the ethnic distribution of the Balkan peoples have not proved ultimately successful, and the Albanian has a much better title to mid-Kossovo than the Serb. I have, &c. W.D. Peckham Newspaper report by the Russian revolutionary, Leon Trotsky (1879–1940), then working as a war correspondent in the Balkans, and published in the Kiev ­newspaper “Kievskaya Misl”, No. 355, on 23 December 1912, concerning atrocities committed on the Albanians of Macedonia and Kosovo in the wake of the Serbian invasion of October 1912. The text was republished in “Balkany i balkanskaya voyna”, in Leo Trotsky, “Sočinenia”, vol. 6 (Moscow & Leningrad 1926) and reprinted in German in Leo Trotzki, “Die Balkankriege 1912–13” (Essen 1996), pp. 297–303. [translated from the German]

Behind the Curtains of the Balkan Wars This is what one of my Serbian friends told me. I wrote it down almost word for word. 102

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Documents ‘During the war, I had an opportunity – whether it was a good one or a bad one is hard to say – to visit Skopje (Üsküb) a few days after the ­Battle of Kumanovo. In view of the nervousness caused in Belgrade by my request for a laissez-passer and the artificial obstacles put in my way at the War Ministry, I began to suspect that those in charge of military events did not have a clear conscience and that things were probably happening down there that were hardly in keeping with the official truths released in government communiqués. This impression, or rather foreboding, grew when I happened to meet an officer in a train in Niš, who was travelling to ­Skopje with orders for the General Staff. This officer was a good and honest fellow whom I had known for some time. The moment he learned that I was destined for ­Skopje and had received permission to go there, he reacted with open hostility, claiming that there was no reason for anyone to go to Skopje who had no business there and that authorities in Belgrade had no idea what harm they were doing by allowing unauthorized persons to travel there, etc., etc. In Vranje, on the Serbian border, realizing that I did not intend to be dissuaded by him, he changed his tone and began to prepare me in great detail for what I would see in Skopje. “It is all terribly unpleasant, but is unavoidable.” And of course in his description of the events, my friend did not forget to mention the government policies behind them. I must admit that it made me all the more suspicious. I mean that the atrocities, a vague echo of which had seeped through to Belgrade, could be no coincidence, isolated cases or exceptions, if a high-ranking officer was explaining them as part of “government policies.” There was obviously intention involved. But whose intention? The military authorities? Or the government? I soon received an answer to this question when I arrived in Skopje. The atrocities began as soon as we crossed the old Serbian border. We were approaching Kumanovo at about five P.M. The sun had just set and it was growing dark. But the darker it became, the stronger was the contrast with the terrible blazes that illuminated the sky. There were fires everywhere. Whole Albanian villages had been transformed into columns of flames – in the distance, nearby, and even right along the railway line. This was my first, real, authentic view of war, of the merciless mutual slaughter of human beings. Homes were burning. People’s possessions handed down to them by their fathers, grandfathers and great-grandfathers were going up in smoke. The bonfires repeated themselves monotonously all the way to Skopje. We arrived at ten at night. I clambered out of the cattle car I had been travelling in. The whole town was deathly silent. There was not a soul out on the streets. Right in front of the train station, there was a group of soldiers making drunken noises. All those who had arrived by train disappeared in the dark and I soon found myself alone at the station. Four soldiers held their bayonets in readiness and in their midst stood two young Albanians with their white felt caps on their heads. A drunken sergeant – a komitadji – was 103

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Kosovo, A Documentary History holding a kama (a Macedonian dagger) in one hand and a bottle of cognac in the other. The sergeant ordered: “On your knees!” (The petrified Albanians fell to their knees. “To your feet!” They stood up. This was repeated several times. Then the sergeant, threatening and cursing, put the dagger to the necks and chests of his victims and forced them to drink some cognac, and then … he kissed them. Drunk with power, cognac and blood, he was having fun, playing with them as a cat would with mice. The same gestures and the same psychology behind them. The other three soldiers, who were not drunk, stood by and took care that the Albanians did not escape or try to resist, so that the sergeant could enjoy his moment of rapture. “They’re Albanians,” said one of the soldiers to me dispassionately. “He’ll soon put them out of their misery.” Terrified, I fled from the group. It would have been to no avail, had I tried to protect the Albanians. It would have been enough for the soldiers and the sergeant to confiscate the Albanians’ weapons … And all this was h ­ appening right in front of the train station where my train had just arrived. I was ­horrified and ran away so that I would not have to hear the screams of pain or help … A deathly silence reigned in the town, or more exactly, on the streets. All the gates and entrances were always closed at six P.M. But the ­komitadjis began their work the moment it grew dark. They broke into Turkish and Albanian homes and did the same thing, time and again: stole and slaughtered. Skopje has 60,000 inhabitants, half of whom are Albanians and Turks. Some of them had fled, but most of there were still there. And they were now victims to the nightly bloodbaths. One morning, two days before my arrival in Skopje, the inhabitants caught sight of headless corpses of Albanians piled up under the main bridge over the Vardar, right in the centre of town. Some said they were local Albanians slain by the komitadjis. Others said the bodies had been carried down the river. At any rate, the headless victims had not died in battle … Skopje is one vast military encampment. The inhabitants, the Muslims in particular, have gone into hiding. There are only soldiers to be seen on the streets. Mixed among the masses of soldiers are Serbian peasants who have come here from all over Serbia. On the pretext of meeting their sons and brothers, they swarmed over Kosovo Polje and plundered. I talked to three of these marauding peasants. They had walked from Šumadija in ­ central Serbia to Kosovo Polje. The youngest of them, a little spunk, bragged that he had shot two Albanians at Kosovo Polje with an automatic weapon. “Actually there were four of them, but two got away.” His companions, older and more mature farmers, confirmed what he said. “There’s one problem though,” they complained, “we did not bring enough money with us. You can get a lot of oxen and horses here. If you pay a soldier two dinars (76  kopeks), he will go over to the closest Albanian village and bring you back a good horse. You can get a span of oxen, good ones at that, from the soldiers for 20 dinars.” 104

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Documents Masses of people from the Vranje region have forced their way into the Albanian ­villages and taken whatever they could find. The farm women even carry doors and windows from Albanian houses back on their shoulders. Two soldiers approached me. They were cavalrymen from a unit that had disarmed the Albanians in the villages. One of the soldiers asked where he could sell a gold lira. I asked to see it because I had never seen any Turkish coins. The soldier looked around apprehensively and then took the lira out of his purse, but the way he did it made it obvious that he had more coins in the purse and did not want the others to know. And, as you know, a Turkish lira is worth 23 francs. Three soldiers passed by. I heard their conversation. “I’ve killed loads of Albanians,” one said, “but I haven’t found a single penny on anyone of them. But when I killed a bula (young Turkish peasant woman), I found ten gold liras on her.” And they talk about such things here quite openly, calmly and equivocally. It has become something quite normal. The people don’t notice the huge inner changes they underwent in the first few days of the war. How people depend on circumstances! In an atmosphere of organised brutality, people become brutes themselves without even noticing it. A column of soldiers is marching down the main street. One drunken and obviously mentally handicapped Turk curses them from behind. The soldiers stop, drag the Turk over to the nearest house and shoot him on the spot. Then they continue down the street, and the crowds go their way. The matter is resolved. At the hotel in the evening, I meet a corporal whom I know. His unit is situated near Ferizović [Ferizaj], the centre of the Albanians in Old ­Serbia. The corporal and his soldiers had just hauled a heavy siege cannon over the Kačanik Pass to Skopje, from where it was to be sent on to Odrin [­ Adrianople/Edirne]. “And what are you now doing in Ferizović among the Albanians?” I ask. “We are roasting chickens and slaughtering Albanians. But we’ve had enough of it,” he added with a yawn and a gesture of weariness and indifference. “Yet there are some very rich people among them. Near Ferizović we came across a village, a wealthy village, with houses like fortresses. So we went into one of the houses. The owner was a wealthy old man, who had three sons. So there were four of them, and lots of women, too. We drove them all out of the house, stood the women up in a line and slaughtered the men folk before their eyes. Nothing happened. The women did not break into tears. It almost looked as if they were indifferent. They only asked to be able to go back into the house to get their personal belongings. We let them. When they came out, they brought each of us expensive gifts. Then we set the whole place on fire.” “But, how could you behave in such a bestial manner?” I asked in shock. “That’s just the way it is; you get used to it. There were moments I felt queasy when I had to kill some old man or an innocent young boy. But we 105

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Kosovo, A Documentary History are at war, and you know yourself, when your commander gives an order, you have to obey. A lot of things have taken place recently. When we were hauling the cannon to Skopje, we came across a wagon with four farmers lying in it, covered up to their waists. I could smell Iodoform. It was very suspicious. I stopped the wagon and asked who they were and where they were going. They kept silent and acted as if they did not understand Serbian. But there was a driver with them, a gypsy, who replied that the four of them were Albanians who had taken part in the Battle of Merdar, had been wounded in the legs and were returning home. It was all clear. ‘Get out,’ I ordered. They understood what was going to happen, and refused. What else could I do? I took my bayonet and finished all four of them off, in the wagon …” I met another fellow. He was a waiter in Kragujevac, a young man of no particular talents, and by no means a fighter. Just a waiter, like you find everywhere. He had been in the waiters’ union for a time and had even been secretary of the union for a while, but then he resigned … and now you could see what two or three weeks of war had done to him. “You people have turned into real bandits! You murder and steal from everyone!” I cried, shrinking away from him in physical disgust. The corporal was embarrassed. Events were obviously coming back to him and he was reflecting. Then, full of conviction, as if to justify himself, he said something that cast an even worse light on everything I had seen and heard. “No! We are regular armed forces protecting our borders and don’t kill anyone under the age of twelve. I don’t know anything about the komitadjis, it is probably different with them. But I can vouch for the army.” The corporal did not want to vouch for the komitadjis. And they were certainly not protecting any borders. Most of them were good-for-nothings, bandits, depraved elements of the Lumpenproletariat recruited from the dregs of society. They transformed murder, theft and violence into a savage sport. Their deeds spoke so obviously against them that even the military authorities were nervous about the bloody Bacchanals into which the chetnik fighting had degenerated, and took drastic measures. Without waiting for the end of the war, they disarmed the komitadjis and sent them back home. I had no strength to endure the atmosphere any longer; I couldn’t breathe. My political interest and enormous moral curiosity to see what was going on was gone, vanished. All that remained was the wish to get away as fast as possible. And so I found myself once again in a cattle car. I stared out at the endless plain of Skopje. Such an expanse, and so beautiful, what a nice place it could be to live. But what am I telling you? You have had such nightmares yourself, but I have had them ten times stronger since I have been here. ­Fifteen minutes after the train left the station, I saw a body lying two hundred paces from the railway tracks. It was wearing a fez. The body was lying with its face to the ground and with its arms stretched out. Fifty paces closer to the tracks were two Serbian militiamen belonging to a unit responsible for 106

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Documents protecting the tracks. They were talking and laughing, one of them pointing to the corpse. It was obviously of their doing. I want only to get away! Not far from Kumanovo, on a meadow beside the tracks, soldiers were digging huge ditches in the earth. I asked them what they were doing. They replied that the ditches were for rotten meat from the 15 to 20 train cars waiting on a side track. Apparently, the soldiers were not reporting to get their meat rations. Everything they needed, and more, they got directly out of Albanian houses: milk, cheese, honey. “In the last little while, I have eaten more honey in Albanian houses than in my whole life,” boasted a soldier I knew. Every day, the soldiers slaughtered oxen, sheep, pigs and chickens, eating what they could and throwing the remainder away. “We don’t need any meat at all,” said a supplies officer, “what we need is bread. We have written to ­Belgrade hundreds of times, telling them not to send us any more meat, but they don’t react.” So, that is the situation seen from the ground. The flesh is rotting, both that of the oxen and of people. Villages have transformed themselves into columns of smoke. People not “under the age of twelve” are exterminating one another. They have all turned into savages and lost their humanity. The moment you lift even the corner of the curtain on these military exploits, the war reveals itself more than anything as an abomination.’ [FO 371/1769] Article in the German-language Sarajevo newspaper Bosnische Post, dated 26 December 1912, containing an appeal to the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Leopold Berchtold, from 319 Albanian refugees who fled there. [translated from the German]

For the Freedom of Albania an Appeal by Albanian Refugees to Count Berchtold Sarajevo, 26 December 1912 In a rally held by Albanian refugees in Sarajevo on Christmas day, they decided to send an appeal to the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, Count Berchtold, with a request that he use his good offices to support the interests of Albania. Despatches were also sent to His Majesty, the Emperor Franz Josef, and to the English Secretary of State, Grey. 107

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Here is the text of the appeal to Count Berchtold: Your Excellency, At a time when the foe has risen to arms to destroy the homeland of our fathers and exterminate a people that has managed to preserve its national character over the centuries, we, the Undersigned, gathered in Sarajevo on the 25th of December, have resolved to appeal to Your Excellency, submitting the following request to you. The Albanian people constitute a substantial part of the population of the Balkan Peninsula and are to be found in the Vilayets of Scutari [Shkodra], Kosovo, Monastir [Bitola] and Janina [Ioannina]. They use the Albanian language exclusively. Now that there is more danger than ever that this long-suffering people will be annihilated as the foe sets out with fire and sword to destroy our homeland and all those who think and feel as Albanians, we appeal to Your Excellency to use all of your influence and position to preserve the i­ntegrity and full freedom of Albania – a freedom for which the Albanians have always longed. May the children of the eagle spread their wings and, with the help and protection of the illustrious House of Hapsburg, fly up to join the civilised peoples of Europe. For centuries we have languished in darkness and ignorance. Light for us the torch of culture, give us what we have always longed for – the blossoming of a new spring, a spring of joy, culture and f­ reedom for all of Albania. Recent news has informed us that Albania’s independence has been guaranteed, but that its borders have not yet been fixed. As these reports appear in the newspapers, starving Shkodra languishes under the siege of the ­Montenegrins and people throughout the region are terrified. Our families in Gjakova and the surrounding area live in constant fear since their ­leaders have all gone abroad to implore aid and assistance, and to appeal for ­justice in which we put so much hope. The whole population of the occupied ­territories is with us today in spirit, but they cannot raise their voices since a Damocles Sword hangs over their heads and they cannot even flee. Some of the Undersigned have been witnesses to the deeds. Suffering has forced them to leave their homeland, their ancestral town of Gjakova, and they are now here as refugees, waiting for better days. It is possible that voices from our homeland have been heard that claim to be satisfied with the present situation, but these are forced statements. If these people were free to express what they really thought, they would all say the same thing as we do, and would support our appeal as an appeal from all of Albania. There is a real danger now that the Vilayets of Scutari and Kosovo, that have always raised their voices to defend their homeland in the face of certain death, may be cut off from the rest of the nation and handed over to the mercy, or lack thereof, of the Serbs and Montenegrins. It would be better for us to pay any price than to fall into their hands. But this would not solve the 108

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Documents Balkan Question. Under such conditions, who can guarantee the future of the much-plagued Albanians? Convinced of the validity and righteousness of our cause, we put ourselves in Your Excellency’s hands, hoping that you will be disposed to take into consideration our modest and just wishes. May our besa, that has always united the Albanians, be a pledge of the gratitude and devotion of the long-suffering Albanian people. Appendixed are 319 signatures. Newspaper report that appeared in The New York Times on 31 December 1912 on the situation in Kosovo, two months after the Serbian invasion.

Servian Army Left a Trail of Blood Thousands of men, women, and children massacred in march to sea, say ­Hungarian reports. Executions a daily sport. Terrible atrocities the result of deliberate policy to exterminate Moslems. Special cable to The New York Times. London, Tuesday, December 31 [1912] A Budapest dispatch to the Daily Telegraph gives details of atrocities in Albania and elsewhere, as contained in reports gathered for the ­Austro-Hungarian authorities. The correspondent says: “On the march through Albania to the sea the Servians did not only treacherously murder and execute armed Albanians, but their beast-like cruelty did not stop at falling upon unarmed and defenseless persons, old men and women, children and infants at the breast. The Servian officers, intoxicated by their victory, declared that the most effectual pacification of Albania would be the total extermination of the Mohammedan Albanians. This mot d’ordre was quickly adopted by the Servian Army of occupation and put into practice. Between Kumanova and Uskub [Skopje] some 3,000 persons were done to death. Near Pristina [Prishtina] 5,000, exclusively Arnauts [Albanians], fell beneath the hands of the Serbs, not in honorable fight, but by unjustifiable murder. To carry out these crimes the maddened soldiers even invented new methods of cruelty to satisfy their lust for blood. In many villages all the houses were set afire, and as the unfortunate inhabitants fled before the flames they were shot in the sight of their wives and children, and afterward the helpless women were forced to watch their children literally carved to pieces with bayonets. Executions were the daily diversion of the Servian soldiers. In every house in which arms were found all the inhabitants were killed, being shot or hanged. On single days as many as thirty-six executions took place. 109

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Kosovo, A Documentary History The former Secretary of Premier Pasitch, Herr Tomiatch, says that during a journey from Prisrend [Prizren] to Ipek [Peja] he saw nothing, but ­villages burned to the ground. The wayside was lined with gallows, from which the bodies of Albanians hung. The road to Diakowitza [Gjakova] was a ‘gallows alley’.” But the tale of the atrocities which were perpetrated in Albania was by no means exhausted. The deeds done in Prilep, Kosovo, Weschitza, it is said, exceed everything which the Albanians had to suffer under Turkish rule. An Albanian of note, who fled from Prisrend to Graz, in Styria, and who studied in Austria as a youth, relates the following story: “Whoever denounced an Albanian to the Servians was sure the man would be shot. It happened repeatedly that persons who owed money to Albanian Mohammedans informed on them, designating them as traitors. They were invariably hanged and the debtor was enabled to purchase the house and farm of the victim at an absurdly low price. In Uskub unarmed Albanians were simply shot down by the Serbian officers in the street and if only a hunting knife was found in a house the owner was shot, no mercy being shown.” At Verisovitch [Ferizaj] the Servian Commander invited the fugitives to return and lay down their arms. After they had done this 400 persons were cut down. In the whole of Verisovitch only half a dozen Mohammedan families were left alive. At Pana the Serbs killed their prisoners, while at Varos and Pristina the population was slaughtered. The Servian officers themselves say they hunted out the Albanians, and one officer boasted that he shot down nine Albanians in one day. Even outside the boundaries of Albania the Servian soldiers perpetrated all kinds of atrocities. In the fortress of Nish, where many Turkish prisoners were brought, tragic scenes occurred. A man was trampled to death there for ­insubordination. A doctor of the Red Cross says: “Wherever the Albanians were found they were slain without mercy. Women, children and old men were not spared. I saw villages in flames in old Servia every day. Near Kratovo Gen. Stefanovitch placed hundreds of prisoners in two rows and had them shot down with machine guns. Gen. Zivkovitch had 930 Albanian and Turkish notables killed near Sienitza because they opposed ­ his progress.” [FO doc.] Despatch from the British representative in Sarajevo to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, dated 16 January 1913, concerning the protest ­ meeting of the Albanian refugees in Sarajevo, as reported in the Bosnische Post on 26 December 1912. 110

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Documents The Right Honourable Sir E. Grey, Bart. K.G. &c., &c., &c., Foreign Office Sarajevo January 16th, 1913 Sir, The Bosnische Post and the Sarajevoer Tagblatt have given much prominence lately to the utterances of Albanian residents and refugees in ­Bosnia-Herzegovina on the subject of the proposed autonomy of Albania. The telegram sent to you by a number of Albanians at Sarajevo was first mentioned in the Bosnische Post of December 30. It appears to have been despatched, as was also one addressed to the Emperor of Austria, in accordance with a resolution passed at a meeting of Albanians held at Sarajevo on December 25. In the same issue, the Bosnische Post gives the text of a long address sent to Count Berchtold, dated December 26, and bearing 319 signatures, in which His Excellency is begged to use his influence for the attainment of the freedom and integrity of Albania, and the hope is expressed that “the eagle of Albania may spread his wings and, under the protection and with the help of the illustrious House of Hapsburg, fly into the company of the civilized nations of Europe.” Stress is laid on the ­danger of the vilayets of Scutari and Kossovo being handed over to the Serbs and the Montenegrins, “the hereditary enemies of Albania.” The address adds that some of the signatories are refugees from the territory occupied by the enemy, but, as appears from a statement published in the Bosnische Post of January 2, the initiative in the matter was taken by Catholic and ­Moslem Albanians resident here. I have the honour to include a copy of the address herewith. In an interview with a representative of the Bosnische Post, “the ­well-known leader” Rejeb Daklani, states that it would be the greatest misfortune for Albania to be left to the Albanians, seeing that different aspirations prevail in all its four vilayets. A Great Power must clear the country of ­brigands, establish a good and honest administration, and take in hand its “cultural” and economic regeneration. There is only one Great Power in a position to do this, only one that would be welcomed and trusted, and that is Austria-Hungary. It would be the greatest blessing for Albania to be occupied by Austria-Hungary. An interview with Asif Bey, a notable of Jakova [Gjakova], and ­others who have “fled from the Servian soldateska,” is also reported. Mr. Karl ­Steinmetz, the director of a Government technical school, who is said to have a good knowledge of Albanian, acted as interpreter at this interview. The Albanians said they had left their country, not from fear of ill-­treatment, but simply out of pride and unwillingness to live under Servian rule. 111

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Austria-Hungary had shown herself their only sincere friend. On setting out from Jakova there were about 200 of them, including some of the wealthiest inhabitants. They had felt no anxiety in leaving their wives and children behind, and seen no cruelties committed by the Serbs. Others joined them, till they were about 1,000 in all, and after much wandering they reached Durazzo and came by steamer to Gravosa [Gruž/Dubrovnik]. ­Twenty-four decided to settle down at Sarajevo, while some went farther north. Yahya Aga, a former kaimakam of Jakova, stated that, in answer to a message received from the Servian commander-in-chief guaranteeing their lives and property, they had declared that so long as the Serbs ruled at Jakova they would not set foot in it again. They had not heard how their families had been treated, and so could not make any charges against the Serbs. For their misfortunes they could only blame the Turks, who deprived them of their arms and then left them unprotected. The refugees spoke with gratitude of the hospitality of the Austrian authorities. In spite of their trust in Austria they had not expected it. Asif Bey expressed the personal opinion that a Turkish prince would be the best regent for Albania, but added that they would accept whatever arrangement the Powers might make for them. So long, however, as the Serbs remained in Albania, the refugees would not return there. If ever they should go back, it would be owing to the friendship of Austria. The Albanians resident at Mostar are reported to have held a meeting on ­January 2 and to have sent a memorial bearing 30 signatures to Count Berchtold asserting that they are in complete agreement with the terms of the Sarajevo address. The meeting also telegraphed to the Imperial Chancery as follows:  ather of the oppressed, turn thine eyes towards Scutari and free it from the claws F of the enemy. By thy Imperial power unite the town with free Albania.

Dervish Hima, who is described as a well-known Albanian leader and as manager of the Albanian newspaper Shkipetari, is reported to have arrived here from Trieste on January 11 and to have made a statement to the following effect. There were about 300 Albanian refugees in Bosnia-Herzegovina, including a number of notables. He had come here to organize a deputation from among these notables, who would visit the European capitals and make known the true state of things in Albania and demand the rights belonging to the Albanians. The future autonomous Albania must include all the territory which is inhabited by Albanians only, or in which they form the ­majority of the population. Scutari, for instance, was inhabited almost exclusively by Albanians; in the district of Jakova, there were no Serbs, and in that of Ipek [Peja] only a few; in those of Kossovo, Dibra and Okhrida [Ohrid] there was a large majority of Albanians. A European commission could ascertain on the spot how far the claims of the Albanians were justified. The protest of the Orthodox Albanians against the proposed autonomy of Albania, and their 112

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Documents demand for union with Servia, which had been communicated to the Tsar by telegram, was only a Belgrade intrigue. There was complete harmony among Mohammedan, Catholic and Orthodox Albanians in the desire for freedom and independence. It was ridiculous to assert that the steps taken by the Albanians, especially by the refugees in ­Bosnia-Herzegovina, were due to the instigation of the Austro-Hungarian Government. The Albanians were grateful for the hospitality afforded to the refugees, and for the support of the Austro-Hungarian Government in their demand for autonomy. But what they had done, they had done on their own initiative. It is impossible to avoid the impression that to some extent the Albanians here are subject to Austro-Hungarian influence, and that they meet with no discouragement in seeking the protection of Austria-Hungary – such absence of discouragement amounting in effect to actual encouragement. According to my Turkish colleague, a Moslem Albanian, there are about 1,800 Ottoman Albanians resident in Bosnia-Herzegovina, or, with their families, 5,000 or 6,000 in all. Of 800 refugees that have arrived, only about 100 have remained. So far as I have heard, the resident Albanians are small tradesmen and craftsmen who go quietly on their way undisturbing and undisturbed. About half are Mussulmans and half Catholics, and there are no Orthodox. It is thus only natural that they should be attracted by Austria-Hungary rather than by Servia. But it is at least worthy of note that Dervish Hima should come here from Trieste to organize an Albanian deputation. While, as I have said above, his estimate of the number of refugees here is as much as 300, my Turkish colleague puts them at only 100. […] [FO 371/1782] Front-page article in the morning edition of the Vienna newspaper Reichspost, No. 27, Friday, 17 January, 1913, on Serbian atrocities committed against ­Albanians in and around Skopje, based on statements of the Catholic parish priest of Skopje. [translated from the German]

Serbian Bloodguilt in Albania Vienna, 16 January We have received a file from a person whose name and high-ranking ­position is proof enough for any serious newspaper of the authenticity of the following report. It concerns the dreadful atrocities committed by Serbian bands and regular troops in Albania. In view of the situation in the regions of Albania presently occupied, it is evident that we cannot reveal the name of the person and his sources in 113

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Kosovo, A Documentary History the various parts of Albania so as not to expose him to the vengeance of the ­conquerors who are laden with guilt. We must leave it to those newspapers who feel called upon to deny the existence of these atrocities to check the authenticity of these reports as they may. However, we do appeal to the unprejudiced, civilised world in Europe to add these new reports of the terrible events going on in Albania to those that have already been brought forth by others, and to draw its own conclusions in a spirit of humanity and justice, for the future of Albania. The file records the following: The following deeds were reported by the author and by reliable citizens. We appeal to the conscience of Europe. Since the early times in European ­history, there have never been reports of such inhumanity and cruelty and such a disgrace to mankind as in the story of Serbia’s occupation of ­Albania. We have not forgotten Turkish misdeeds in Albania, but they have now been surpassed. Never has so much blood, innocent blood, flowed since the beginning of time in Albania. What must be reported here is so revolting that I would not be surprised if people here and there doubt as to whether such things could actually have taken place in the twentieth century. We ­therefore do not insist that everything reported here be believed at face value, but Europe should believe its own eyes and convince itself of what has taken place by seconding a European Commission to check on the great injustice that has been committed in Albania. It will then be in a position to confirm this report and complement it with other details. The town of Üsküb [Skopje] and its surroundings have been witness to recent acts of inhumanity committed against the Albanians. I myself ­witnessed Albanians being hunted down for days by Serbian armed bands and regular forces. For three nights on end, the heavens glowed crimson with the flames of burning villages. After these horrifying events, three villages in the immediate vicinity of Üsküb lay in ruins and almost all of their inhabitants were slaughtered, although the Albanians in the surrounding of Üsküb put up no armed resistance to the invading Serbs. There is a ravine behind the fortress of Üsküb that is now filled with the bodies of over 100 victims of the persecution. In addition, the bodies of 80 Albanians lie in the ravine of Bistala Boda near Üsküb. Shortly after the invasion, a confident of mine with whom I spoke myself, visited the hospital of Üsküb and came across 132 wounded Albanians on his first visit there. On the next day there were only 80 and on the day after that there were only 30 of them. The treatment meted out to the wounded Albanians makes a mockery of humanity. They are refused food and drink such that, according to witnesses in the hospital, some of the wounded die of starvation. Many bodies and, as was said in the population, many of the wounded who were still alive, were thrown into the Vardar River where twenty to thirty bodies washed ashore every day at a site below the town. There were several Serbian komitadjis staying at my hotel in Üsküb who boasted openly of robbing and hunting down men, in particular when wine had loosened their 114

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Documents tongues. One evening on a street in Üsküb, they shot and killed two Albanians in the open who were unarmed and were simply going their own way. The two murderers who turned up at the hotel right after the deed and got drunk were not even questioned by the military authorities although everyone in town knew that they were the perpetrators. There was a particularly bloody scene at the Vardar Bridge in town. Three Albanians coming into town to go to market were attacked there by Serbian soldiers and were simply slain without being questioned or tried. Since the soldiers seemed to have difficulty digging graves because the earth was frozen, they threw many of those killed into cisterns. It was reported that there were 38 cisterns in and around Üsküb that were filled with the bodies of Albanians. This ethnic cleansing was also linked to banditry. I myself saw a Serbian soldier who showed me two watches and 150 Turkish pounds that he had stolen when he happened to pass by a welldressed ­Albanian. With a hint of regret in his voice, he sighed that: “It is such a shame there are so many of them. Otherwise I would have spent a bullet on him.” Albanians are considered beasts of prey and are not protected by laws and courts. Many of the excesses take place in a state of intoxication and the bands of drunken soldiers wandering about and breaking into homes are the worst. [FO 371/1782] Despatch from the British Ambassador to Austria-Hungary, Sir Fairfax Cartwright, to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, dated 17 January 1913, on Serbian atrocities in and around Skopje, as reported in the Vienna newspaper Reichspost, on the same date. Vienna January 17th, 1913 Sir, I have the honour to report that this morning’s issue of the Reichspost, which never misses an opportunity of attacking Servia, publishes a lengthy indictment from the pen of an anonymous Albanian of a series of atrocities alleged to have been committed by the Servian troops against the Albanian population of the occupied territory. The writer, who claims to be an eye-witness of many of these barbarities, declares that the outrages committed by the Servians far exceed any of those perpetrated in Albania by the Turks. Uskub, Kalkandele [Tetovo], Ferisovic [Ferizaj], Gillane [Gjilan], Prishtina and Prizrend have, he asserts, all been the scene of ruthless massacres of Albanians, 25,000 of whom have been killed in the Vilayet of Kossovo. Whole villages are said to have been burnt and pillaged and their inhabitants massacred, and the writer states that the ravines and rivers in the neighbourhood of Uskub are full of the corpses of murdered Albanians. He describes the Servian soldiers as looking upon the Albanians as wild beasts who may be legitimately shot down at will, and as 115

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Kosovo, A Documentary History boasting openly of their exploits in this direction; while the Servian military authorities are said to have done nothing to check this savagery. I have the honour to transmit herewith a copy of the original article, which gives full details, with figures, of the various cases alleged. The writer demands that a European Commission should be sent to enquire into these facts – a demand which is supported by the Reichspost itself in an appeal on behalf of the Albanian nation to the humanity and justice of civilized Europe. I have transmitted a copy of this despatch and of the newspaper article to His Majesty’s Minister at Belgrade, who is better able than I to judge how much credence is to be attached to these reports. I have the honour to be, with the highest respect, Sir, Your most obedient, humble Servant, /signed) Fairfax Cartwright [FO 371/1782] Memorandum of the Serbian Government in reply to allegations of atrocities committed by its forces against the Albanians, dated 21 January 1913, communicated to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade and forwarded to the ­British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, on 22 January 1913. The Royal Servian Government thanks His Britannic Majesty’s Government for the friendly note, by which they were good enough to call their attention to the rumours respecting outrages committed against the Mussulman population in the territory occupied by Servia. These rumours, unfortunately, were first started at the time when the creation of an autonomous Albania was first deemed necessary. All such rumours, which were spread in the foreign press, were contradicted at the time both by the Servian Government and by the foreign correspondents who accompanied the Servian army. Nevertheless, later on, as soon as it was thought that the question of delimitation of Albania would be decided by the Ambassadors’ conference, such rumours became more numerous. It is difficult for the Royal Government to fight against all such tendencious rumours, diametrically opposed as they are to actual facts. It has been affirmed that on its way from Egri-Palanka to Istib and Veles, the Servian army killed hundreds of Albanians with machine guns, notwithstanding that there are no Albanians in these districts; it has been affirmed that the road from Ferizovitch to Djakova and Ipek is marked out by a line of gallows; it has been affirmed that in the neighbourhood of Prizrend all the 3,000 inhabitants of a village were killed — the name of the village was, however, omitted; lastly, it has been affirmed that the Servian and Bulgarian armies killed half a million Turks and Albanians. It is evident that it is difficult to combat such rumours which, on being contradicted, are merely replaced by others, equally fantastic, accusing the Servian army of most horrible crimes. 116

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Documents Servia embarked in war with the object of liberating her co-­nationals in Turkey; but this war was in no sense a religious war, and her troops paid most scrupulous attention to the rights of humanity, as consecrated by international law and usage. Albanians and bashi-bouzouks fought together with the Turkish army as irregular troops. The Servian army, however, did not take advantage of their right to punish them as francs-tireurs, but treated those made prisoners in the same manner as the regular Turkish soldiers, and their wounded were accorded the same treatment as Servian soldiers. These facts alone are sufficient to prove the falseness of the serious accusations levelled against the Servian army. If any isolated cases did occur when soldiers in the excitement of battle committed a crime — an occurrence which ­cannot be avoided in any war — the offenders have always been punished to the full extent of the military laws, in the same manner as all offences committed by the members of scattered indigenous comitaji bands, which could not be controlled by the military authorities. Furthermore, the Servian authorities severely punished all attempts at personal revenge among the inhabitants of the occupied districts, and extended both material and monetary aid to the Mussulman families victims of this war. The accusations in question fall all the more heavily on the Royal Government because they are untrue, and because such rumours may alienate from Servia the sympathies of the European Powers. The Servian Government beg His Britannic Majesty’s Government to be so good as to take into consideration the full extent of the difficulties of their situation, and not to deprive them of their goodwill because of unjust accusations intentionally made against Servia and her army. Report by the Catholic Archbishop of Skopje, Lazer Mjeda (1869–1935), known in Italian as Lazzaro Miedia, to the Vatican, dated 24 January 1913, on the Serbian invasion of Kosovo and Macedonia. It is preserved in the Archivio della Sacra Congregazione di Propaganda Fide, Rome, APF, Nuova Serie, Rub. 109 (Vienna, 1913), pp. 176–82. Mjeda’s information served Leo Freundlich in the latter’s book Albania’s Golgotha. [translated from the Italian]

Report on the Serb Invasion of Kosovo and Macedonia Vienna, 24 January 1913 Most Eminent Lord, I trust that I am assisting Your Eminence by presenting you with a summary of the report that the priests, Don Giuseppe Ramaj, parish priest of 117

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Üsküb [Skopje], and Dom Pasquale Krasniqi, my collaborator in Prizren, sent me on the ill treatment meted out by the Serbs to the Albanians of my archdiocese, while stressing that the facts brought forth here are but a small portion of the many atrocities perpetrated, in particular in those regions where foreign eyes have not managed to penetrate. It was difficult for the priests to acquire all the information because communication between one parishand another is forbidden and it is extremely dangerous to speak of such matters. What is presented here is taken from authentic statements by those who witnessed such events or heard about them from a number of other people worthy of being believed. In Kumanovo, a Serb soldier revealed in the parish office how an Albanian village was attacked: “Those who had not fled before our arrival, hid in the attics of their homes. The houses were set on fire and when the flames rose to the roofs, those inside emerged from their hiding places. We,” continued the soldier, “were positioned at the doorway and when they came out, we killed them. When there were children, we were not supposed to waste our ammunition on them and used our bayonets instead. All this happened,” ­concluded the soldier, “because someone shot at us from one of the houses where a white flag had been raised.” In Skopje, as is now known, the Serbs entered the town without meeting any resistance. For fifteen days in a row, they threw twenty to thirty Albanians into the river Vardar every night. What is more, behind the town fortress, there is a large ditch that the Serbs intended to fill with bodies of Albanians and, in fact, more than one hundred bodies were seen there! Another ravine situated in Kisela Voda not far from the town of Skopje served as the grave for another eighty Albanian corpses. Wounded Albanians at the hospital were left to starve to death, and many of them vanished into the waves of the Vardar. One eye witness told me that of the 130 wounded men he had seen one day, only80 were there the next day, and after that, only 30, without anyone knowing where they ended up. One evening, two Albanians were slain while they were walking peacefully down the main street. They were shot by some komitadjis who were merrily drinking at a hotel. The Serb engineer corps then decided to lay a dead horse on the spot, that was brought in by a military vehicle. Three Albanians were stabbed to death with bayonets near the Vardar Bridge simply because they dared to use a public thoroughfare. And wells were also used by the Serbs to exterminate the Albanians. About forty good wells were filled with their corpses. The mind boggles when describing the thefts, plundering and raping of women in the most barbaric manner. Husbands were even forced to hold the lamp and watch their wives being raped, and fathers were forced to hold lanterns as their daughters were ravaged, even girls of twelve years of age! One young Serb, who was so tired he could hardly stand on his feet, told me: “I am exhausted. I have not eaten or drunk or slept in the last twenty-hour hours because I have been busy hunting down Albanians in their houses.” 118

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Documents A Serb soldier holding two watches he had taken from the Albanians and 150 Turkish lira (about 3,444 golden francs), saw an old Albanian passing by and exclaimed: “What a pity there are so many of them, because I would have to use up all of my ammunition.” To make things worse, the Serbs of Skopje offered drink to the soldiers so that, when drunk, they would break into the homes of the Albanians and commit all manner of evil deeds. Five villages near Skopje were torched to cleanse the region of Albanians, the flames and smoke could be seen from the town for three full days. And yet, in Skopje itself there was no fighting and no misuse of the white flag. There was no lack of victims in Morava. In Tertenik [Tërstenik] 60 persons were slain, in Goshica [Gurishta?] 10, in Siniza [Sinica?] 32, in Verban 20, in Liubishda [Lupishta] 19, and in Kamenoglava, a village of 50 families, all the men were slain in the attack. When the Serb army passed by, it made all of the men come out of the village to greet the army and then the poor villagers were tied up and butchered without mercy. Those who had been hit unskilfully and might have survived, were finished off with bayonets. In Kalkandele [Tetovo], 85 Albanians, who were found in their houses, were slain on some pretext or other. Pillaging and other evil deeds were the same as in Skopje. In Gostivar, the Serb commander demanded 200 Turkish lira of the town and when this sum was handed over to him, the town survived well, relatively speaking – only six Albanians were slaughtered there. Nothing is known of the fate of the villages around these two towns. But from what happened elsewhere, one can make a good guess. In Mitroviza [Mitrovica] and surroundings we have no particular report, though rumours spread that there was a terrible massacre of Albanians there. In Ferizović [Ferizaj], only three Muslim Albanians of fifteen years and over survived. There was savage fighting there for a twenty-four-hour period and many Serbs fell, too. An Albanian woman, seeing her husband killed, seized a rifle and shot five Serbs. One Serb told me that 1,200 Albanians were slain there, assembled in advance from the surrounding villages to be killed in one spot. The same things happened to the Albanians in Ghilane [Gjilan], although no resistance was shown to the invaders. Pillaging and massacres took place there, too. In Prishtina, the number of Albanians slain is estimated at 5,000. But it would seem here that the Albanians, under the direction of Turkish officers, misused the white flag and treacherously murdered numerous Serb officers and many soldiers. The exact number is not known. In Leshkobare [Lleshkobara], a village near Ferizaj, eight Catholics were killed as they were walking down the street, and carrying no arms or compromising objects. They were shot on the spot simply because they were Albanians. Prizrend [Prizren]. The town surrendered without a fight, but this did not stop a repetition of the horrors committed against the Albanians everywhere 119

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Kosovo, A Documentary History else, with the possible exception of Prishtina. The town and its surroundings are full of Serb komitadjis and gangs conducting summary trials. They do not even ask any questions. It is enough for them to catch sight of an Albanian to kill him immediately. The town has become the Kingdom of Death. They knock at the doors of Albanian homes, take the men out and shoot them right away, simply because they are Albanians. For several days, authorization was not even given to bury the dead. One could hear the firing of rifles throughout the town every night. Within a few days, the number of those slain had risen to 400. No need to speak in particular of theft, plundering, and the rape of women. The word of the day is: “Anything goes with the Albanians,” not only goes, but is desirable and done by order. Despite such horrors, the military commander, B. Janković, with a revolver in his hand, forced the leaders of the town to send a telegram of congratulations to King Peter. The Muslim feast of Kurban Bayram arrived, and 800 sheep were sent to market to be slaughtered. And what did the Serbs do? They came immediately with armed officers and confiscated the sheep for their soldiers, forbidding the Muslims to celebrate Bayram. The commander needed supplies for his soldiers marching against Luma, but he lacked horses. So what did he do? He called 200 young Albanians, loaded each one of them with 40 oka (about 50 kilos) of food and sent them off in the night, through the deep mud, on a journey of seven hours. When they arrived at the camp, the very same commander came up with the original idea of exclaiming: “How curious indeed!” A Catholic woman from Fan, called Dila, from the village of Shgjini [Shën Gjin], had come to Prizren with her son, a relative and two fellows from the village of Gjugja to buy clothes and other supplies needed for the marriage of her daughter and two other girls. Having done their shopping, they went to Commander Janković for a letter of recommendation so that they would not be harassed by any soldiers they might encounter on their journey home. The commander gave them the letter and they set off. When they arrived in Zhur, four hours from Prizren, they came upon some Serb soldiers. They immediately showed the letter to a non-commissioned officer, but he ignored it. The soldiers went through their baggage thoroughly and, although nothing compromising was to be found, the four men were tied up together and the woman’s hands were tied behind her back. Thus bound, the men were beaten with rifle butts, marched forward a few steps until they reached the edge of a ditch, shot and kicked into it, one falling upon the other. A signal was given, and all the corpses were shot again. The wretched mother let out a terrifying scream, called for her son, and when she saw the corpse, begged the soldiers to kill her, too, and let her join her son, but they denied her request. She was left there to wait. Two of the thugs tied her to a tree. In the meantime, one of the soldiers took a loaf of bread out of the bag that the victims had bought in Prizren for their journey, and stuffed two Mauser bullets into it. 120

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Documents Hearing the shooting, several officers and the commander arrived on the scene. They asked why there had been shooting, and the soldiers told them that they had killed four Albanians who had been trying to steal ammunition from the camp, as proven by the loaf of bread, and they showed them the loaf with the bullets in it. The commander did not question this explanation, worthy as he was of such soldiers. All the while, no one gave a thought to the poor women tied to the tree. She was left there, that great Albanian rebel, Monday afternoon, the following night, all of Tuesday and until Wednesday morning. When untied, the wretched woman fell to the ground, more dead than alive. They gave her sustenance, some water and a bit of the bread which had contained the bullets. She was then taken on foot back to Prizren, with her hands still tied behind her back. It was nightfall by the time they got to Prizren, and they locked her in a Serb school, in an unlit room where she spent a terrible night with her hands still tied. The next day, they brought her to Commander Janković and there, in front of him, many officers and four citizens, she was accused of rebellion. The poor woman, in her tears, sobbing, and almost fainting, told them what had happened to her, as narrated above. But the general dismissed her explanation and locked her in the Serb diocese. The next day she was released and given to the care of some Catholics who took her to their church. They asked the officers how four persons could have been slain for two bullets found in a loaf of bread, insisting that a proper investigation be carried out and that the baker be condemned, not the innocent buyer. They could not accuse the soldiers directly, because at that time of war, there was no hope of a trial, and the soldiers were not even obeying their own leaders. But the question arises as to how could it have been possible for a small loaf of bread to be baked in an oven with two bullets in it and for the bullets not to have exploded. The answer given was that this had just been proven and was thus possible. In Prizren, a baker called Gjoni, son of Prek Pali, was shot without reason, as will be explained below. He was preparing his daily bread for a certain number of soldiers. It happened that day that an officer who had the task of supervising the distribution of bread, left his Mauser rifle for a moment leaning against the wall of poor Gjon’s shop and went out. In the meantime, a patrol of soldiers came by, caught sight of the Mauser, confiscated it and arrested the baker. He explained the matter to them, and gave them the name of the officer who had forgotten his Mauser, but they would not listen to him and sent him to court to be sentenced to death. After Gjon was arrested, his brother Gjin hastened to find the officer and came back to the police station with him. The officer testified that he had left his Mauser for a moment leaning against the wall of the baker’s shop and told them its number. Despite all the explanation he gave, he was beaten up. Nothing was known initially of the fate of poor Gjon. Ten days later, his poor mother who had gone to the police day after day inquiring about her son, discovered the body about a quarter of an hour outside the town. She passionately begged the Serb 121

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Kosovo, A Documentary History a­ uthorities to allow her son to be given a religious burial, but they ignored her. She went to the Catholic priest and told him what had happened. The priest then went to the authorities and asked for permission in the name of religious freedom, but they threw him out. Finally, after much trial and tribulation, authorisation was given to his father to bury the young man where he was killed, but not for the Catholic priest to bestow a final blessing on the body. My collaborator in Prizren informed me of the following: “One day, I went to the Serb konak on personal business, i.e. to the department of justice, and a soldier came by requesting a pair of shoes from the director. He was told that there were no shoes. He then requested that he at least be given a pair of ­sandals, and was told once again that there were none. At that moment, an officer entered. I do not know what rank he held, but I noticed that his colleagues treated him with great respect. Having heard what they were talking about, he turned to the soldier and said: ‘Why do you humiliate yourself in front of the director for a pair of shoes? Go out and get a pair of good shoes off the first Albanian you see. Simply kill him and take them. That is what I did. The boots I am wearing came from an Albanian I killed just to get them. You must understand that our plan is to destroy the Albanians.’ ” You can imagine what the area around Prizren suffered. Many villages were torched and the poor peasants were mercilessly slaughtered. Catholic Albanians were targeted in particular because it was said that they were on the Austrian side and were enemies of the Serbs. For this reason, three villages were burnt down and thirty Catholic village leaders were slain. Among the recent barbarian acts was this one: Serb soldiers broke into the homes of Catholic villagers and, having eaten and drunk to their fill (because they found wine there), they forced the women out of the houses, tied them up to one another and forced them to dance. Then they amused themselves by shooting at them with their Mausers, and were overjoyed when they saw them fall to the ground. There were other “interesting” incidents of the sort, too. General Janković was informed that the Luma tribe would not allow Serb troops to pass through without a fight. He therefore proclaimed them to be a lowly race of people and stated that all of them ought to be killed. The troops gathered them all up, men, women and children, sparing no one, intent on annihilating them all and setting their villages on fire. And indeed they destroyed 27 villages in this region, and massacred the men and women. Children were seized from their mothers’ breasts, wrapped in straw and burnt alive. They evenslit the bellies of pregnant women with their bayonets and stabbed at the unborn babies. It is unimaginable, but it is true! Four hundred men of Luma surrendered on condition that they be left unharmed, but they were sent to prison in Prizren and slaughtered, forty to sixty of them every day. One eye witness stated that about 1,500 bodies of Albanians were seen round about Prizren those days. This is perhaps the reason why foreign journalists were not allowed into Prizren. 122

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Documents Of Ipek [Peja] and the surrounding region we know nothing, but it is to be assumed that it suffered a fate similar to that of other Albanian regions. The case of Gjakova is unusual and even more macabre. Soldiers were given free hand to do whatever they wanted with the women and children and to steal anything they desired. Initially, it was the Montenegrins who entered the region, followed by their Serb brethren. The parish priest of Skopje stated that a Serb had told him the Montenegrins had brought their women with them and that the latter were seen in Gjakova bearing weapons and slaughtering the local women and children. One Serb soldier, believing me to be his compatriot, told me with great enthusiasm that very few of the villages in the regions of Tetovo, Skopje, Kumanovo, Preshevo, Gjilan, Ferizaj, Prizren, Gjakova and Peja had remained standing. They had set them all on fire. This was the way one had to deal with the Albanians, he concluded. One Serb officer asserted that 75% of the Albanians ought to be killed. In the Vilayet of Serb-occupied Kosovo alone, the number of dead up to now can, without any exaggeration, be estimated at 25,000. The Serbs and their allies began this war, as they stated, to “free the Christiansfrom Muslim barbarity.” It would certainly be more accurate to call it a “crusade for Orthodoxy and for exterminating the Albanians.” It must be noted that, following the initial furor of the war, Serb wrath was directed in particular against the Catholics. I have received letters stating that many of them are being persecuted, arrested and thrown into prison for no reason whatsoever. I believe they are doing so to frighten the Muslims and stop them from embracing Catholicism, because there have been numerous conversions. Lazzaro Miedia Archbishop of Skopje [H.H.St., Vienna, P.A. XII, K. 416, Türkei, Klasse XLV/5] Despatch from the Austro-Hungarian consul in Prizren, von Heimroth, to the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Leopold von Berchtold in Vienna, ­ dated 9 February 1913, to inform the latter of the situation in Skopje and Kosovo ­following the Serbian invasion. The despatch comments, in good part, on the account of Archbishop Lazer Mjeda (Lazzaro Miedia). [translated from the German] Consul von Heimroth to Count Berchtold Üsküb [Skopje], 9 February 1913 Top secret 123

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Kosovo, A Documentary History With reference to the ordinance of 23 January 1913, No. 392, I have the honour to submit the following report: I, too, received word of the atrocities referred to in paragraph three of the letter of Mons. Miedia. The parish priest of Skopje, Don Ramaj, reported that he heard a Serb soldier talk about this to a Serb merchant called Cicarić, who was staying at the priest’s home. News was also received in Skopje, soon after the Battle of Kumanovo, that the Serbs had massacred numerous Turkish refugees, mostly women and children who had taken refuge in empty railway carriages in the latter town. My Bulgarian informant, who was in Kumanovo at the time, could not confirm this information, although he was himself very anti-Serb. However, he admitted that he was hiding at home and did not dare to go out. I regard the information referred to in the fourth paragraph of the said letter, that every day, 20–30 bodies were being thrown into the Vardar River as very likely. There is hardly any objective observer in Skopje who would not support this view. Two very reliable sources, both Austrian citizens and ­teachers at the railway school we support financially, saw many corpses of Muslims floating in the Vardar. My mother, too, who at the time was out in her carriage with the wife of the secretary of the Austro-Hungarian consulate, Viezzoli, saw the body of a man dressed in Turkish clothes in the Vardar. Herr Schaffer, an engineer of the Orientbahn (Oriental Railroad), who is an Austrian citizen, saw bodies of Turks tied together on the bank of the Vardar. Komitadjis used sticks to push the corpses back into the river. The estimation of 20–30 bodies per day would seem increasingly likely since foreign residents hardly left their homes on the first days of the Serb invasion and the Muslim victims were probably thrown into the Vardar at night. This is at any rate the generally held beliefs, at least of most of the Europeans living here. Just how convincing these convictions have become can be seen in the fact that people believe the story told that two human ears were found in the belly of a catfish caught in the Vardar River. I must note in this connection that most people, including myself, have lost their appetite for Vardar fish. I must leave to the Archbishop or to his source the responsibility for the claim that bodies of 100 Albanians were found in a moat behind the fortress (the source is a local Albanian Catholic called Luigi Nerazzi who did not see the bodies himself, but just heard of them). A personal recollection of mine could have a connection here. A few days after the Serb invasion, when I was paying a visit to the Russian consul general, I heard much shooting of firearms at irregular intervals but lasting for a long time, coming from the fortress across from the Russian consulate general. I remember saying to Herr Kalmikoff at the time with regard to the shooting: “I believe they are firing rifles,” and he replied, “It is possible.” 124

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Documents It is said commonly that many Albanians were shot near Kisela Voda. Many Albanians also probably died of hunger. The misery of the Muslim population is undescribable even now. The Skopje delegate of the London-based Macedonian Relief Fund, Mr Louis Cahen, told me that the Serbs were only giving the Muslims one loaf of bread every seven days and had interrupted even this meagre ration – not enough to stay alive – when they heard that a Muslim Relief Committee had been set up and that the Muslims were being supported by the English. Mr Cahen then hastened to Belgrade to meet Mr Pašić to protest against the Serb mayor of ­Skopje, Spiro Ristić, and managed to have the distribution of bread to the Muslims restored. One observation I was able to make myself is more than sufficient to demonstrate the suffering better than any long description for all those in the know about the situation in Skopje, where the Muslim population is very fanatic. I saw a seemingly young, veiled Turkish woman strolling in midday and talking loudly to a Serb man on the banks of the Vardar. In normal times this unheard-of event would have caused a popular uprising and led perhaps to a lynching. The Turks who witnessed this, however, did not dare to ­protest and it was only in the sorrowful expression on the face of my Muslim kavass that I realised how taken he was by the scene. “What do you expect, my lord?” he said to me when he noticed my surprise, “they are all like this now because they have nothing to eat.” As to the other information contained in the fourth paragraph of the letter of Mons. Miedia, Sisters Bartolomea and Nepomucena of the local order of the Zagreb Sisters of Mercy stated that of the 130 wounded Albanians they had come across while nursing at a hospital of the “Red Crescent,” only 80 were still there on the following day, and only 30 on the next. When they asked about their whereabouts, they were told that they had been taken away in the night. It is not known where. Concerning the event that took place on the main street of Skopje in front of a hotel where the cadaver of a horse was placed to cover up the slaying of an Albanian, the priest states that he saw the pool of blood lying on the road and the komitadjis in a nearby restaurant. He learned the other details from two Albanian Catholics of Skopje who did not see the murder itself, but simply the horse cadaver being brought there early in the morning by a military vehicle. The priest also stated that a Bulgarian he did not know told him that three Albanians had been stabbed to death by bayonets near the Vardar Bridge. That same night, five Bulgarians who were caught pillaging, were apparently stabbed to death by soldiers with bayonets. It is commonly held that many bodies have been thrown into wells. Herr Arnold Morten, an Austrian citizen, has given us a sworn statement to this effect. The events described in the next, fifth, paragraph of Mons. Miedia’s letter concerning the rape of Muslim women and girls, also stem from the local 125

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Kosovo, A Documentary History priest, who however was not able to give names or relevant details. I heard of one case where a Muslim father was forced to watch his daughter being raped and “a tenere il lume” (hold the lamp), as the Archbishop notes. I do not know the name of the misfortunate father. Some Bosnian woman are said to have suffered the same fate, and there are rumours of rapes in Mitrovica, in Kosovo Polje and in Prizren, etc. It is evident that such incidents are kept quiet by the victims not only out of fear of the Serbs, but also out of shame, and I do not believe that any Muslim woman would admit to their occurrence. As witnesses to the two next allegations made in the same paragraph, the local priest names the brother of the aforementioned Serb merchant Cicarić and himself. Anyone who wandered through the streets of Skopje at the time can confirm that, after their invasion of Skopje, the Serb soldiers were not only elated by their victory, but frequently by a liberal consumption of schnaps. No need to prove that such elated behaviour on the part of armed soldiers can lead to excesses. In the sixth paragraph of Mons. Miedia’s letter, he refers to the torching of several Albanian villages in Karadagh. All of Skopje witnessed the villages burning. I do not know who set them on fire, whether they were soldiers, komitadjis or the inhabitants of neighbouring Serb villages. One could also see the dairy farm of a Muslim notable from the Bulgarian village of Gorna Vodna burning in the Karšjak Mountains. I remember the Russian consul g­ eneral, viewing the fire from the window of my office, shaking his head in ­disapproval and stating the Serbs were wrong to have allowed this to take place. I beg in this connection to refer to my humble report of 18 November last, No. 126, in which I described my impressions of the situation after the Serb takeover. In the ninth paragraph of his letter, Archbishop Miedia provides some statistics. I have no means of knowing how many Albanians were slain in the various villages and why this happened. Each individual case should be investigated in detail, if this is still possible, in order to reach a conclusion. There is no doubt, however, that thousands and thousands of Muslim voices are calling out for help against the attackers, for a saviour in time of need. In addition to the information provided by Mons. Miedia, are the statistics on the Albanians slain in Kamenoglava, Topličan and Bojan, taken from my humble report of 29 January 1913, No. 14 (Belgrade 6). Our clergymen have little to report because they and the population are still in a state of shock. Many people fled into the mountains or further away, and only gradually would they provide a more or less clear picture of the situation, if they had the strength to check everything. In some places the Serbs encountered resistance. The white flag [of ­surrender] is said to have been misused. In such cases, the Serbs committed real bloodbaths. The former Serb consul in Skopje, Mr Gavrilović, told me himself that 1,200 Albanians were killed in fighting that broke out in such a case in Verisović [Ferizaj]. The Archbishop is, however, of the view that the 126

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Documents white flag was not misused by the Albanians, who do not know what it signifies, but by Turkish officers. A reaction of “catch them and string them up” is only to be expected. The allegations made in the tenth and eleventh paragraphs (Kalkandelen [Tetovo] and Gostivar) are based on the tales of an Albanian Catholic from Gostivar called Ghega Shoshi. He was the one who informed the Skopje priest, Don Ramaj. As to Mitrovica, I have only the statement of the station master there, Herr Furrer, who saw the corpses of many Turks and Albanians lying along the rail line and in Liplian [Lypjan] during his trip from Mitrovica to Skopje on 17 November 1913. In this connection, Vice-Consul von Tahy, who arrived here from Mitrovica at the time in question, will no doubt be able to provide more detailed ­information. The information provided in the fifteenth paragraph (Gilan) is based on tales the local priest heard from a certain Mitad Aga of Gilan [Gjilan] and from an unnamed farmer. I do not have any direct knowledge of the situation in Prizren or of the massacres committed there, and believe that Consul Prochaska could provide information. I have no way of confirming the allegation made on page six of Mons. ­Miedia’s letter, in the paragraph on “Djakova,” that 25,000 Albanian have been slain in the Vilayet of Kosovo. Probably not even the Serbs know how many Albanians were killed, since soldiers, komitadjis and the Serb population seem to have gone wild, united in fury after five centuries of subjugation. I have no way of making an estimation and cannot even guess whether the figure of 25,000 is too high or too low. I doubt if we will ever get any precise data. As you will have noted, my information is only rarely based on personal observations, and almost exclusively on the reports of others. With the Serbs, it would have been impossible to see for oneself, and the smallest attempt would inevitably have led to clashes. It is difficult enough to set up commissions to investigate war damage, and all the more difficult for a foreign official to reach places he has no right to be in. In the first weeks following the Serb takeover, the consulates in Skopje were flooded with people lodging protests and appeals. I sent the material I received on to Consul General Rappaport. I was unable to check on the complaints for the above-mentioned reasons and because of the sheer numbers of them, and only at the beginning and in the most extreme cases was I able, in a friendly manner and with the help of the Russian consul general, to draw the attention of the Serb military authorities to the plight of the population. In addition, I have received information and notes of protest both from the local population and from members of the Austro-Hungarian, German and Swiss communities here, that I recorded as official documents. 127

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Kosovo, A Documentary History If one includes the complaints of our clergymen that you will remember from my earlier reports (I refer here in particular to my confidential report of 29 January last, No. 15, Belgrade 7, on the events in Letnica), I believe I have informed Your Excellency completely of everything I learned of this material. Nonetheless, I venture to add to my humble report a few remarks of a general nature. The cruelty of the Serb committees is a general rule, its prevalence in the Balkan War a generally recognized fact. They seem in Skopje, where all the rabble donned the Serb national cap after the invasion and paraded around armed, to have overdone it to such an extent that it was even too extreme for the Serbs and they then abolished the komitadjis here, even though post ­festum. Some have been disarmed, other sent to the provinces where they could still be used. Some of the komitadjis preceded the army, others, as I learned from credible sources, followed it. The use of such irregular troops is permitted under international law in some restricted circumstances. It would, however, be impossible to ascertain whether conditions for their use had always been fulfilled in the chaos of the Balkan War and in a semi-savage population. Unwanted observers, military attachés and journalists etc. were carefully kept out of the picture and only let in when there was nothing more to be seen. There are such widespread accusations that the Serb population very often took advantage of the komitadjis to carry out acts of private vengeance by killing, robbing, plundering and burning, that only a bench of opportunistically one-sided judges could unanimously find them innocent. Many Muslim shops in the bazaar were pillaged right after the Serb takeover in Skopje. Who was to blame: the soldiers, the komitadjis or the Serb population? Public opinion condemns all three of them. For the distant observer, these three categories seem to merge into one, and whenever one interviews the victims, one gets the reply: “It was the komitadjis together with the soldiers and Serb farmers.” The liberated Serb population seems to have joined their liberators to attack the Muslims they so hated, mostly Muslim Albanians. No one would deny that the Turks are also to blame to a good extent. In investigating the claims of Archbishop Miedia, even a neutral judge would have great difficulty restricting himself to the concrete cases at hand. He would also wonder whether the Serbs had been capable of such atrocities. The history of Serbia offers ample proof such that there is no need for further comment in this connection. Please accept, etc., etc. [FO 424/242] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 18 February 1913, with reflections on a territorial division between Albania and Serbia. 128

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Documents Uskub [Skopje] February 18, 1913 Sir, Since the three occasions last year (No. 8 of the 16th November, No. 9 of the 25th November, and No. 15 of the 14th December) on which I had the honour to express to you my opinions on the future of Albania, two new factors have caused me to modify to a certain extent my views as expressed therein, and I would now express my considered judgment on the matter. First, we in Kossovo understand that the Powers are agreed in p ­ rinciple that there is to be an Albanian State. I would point out that this modifies the application of such statements of mine as “an Albanian is p ­ robably infinitely easier to denationalise than a Greek or a Slav.” If Albania has no past, it at least now has some sort of future to look forward to. Just as the ­Macedonian Greek or Bulgar has had a Greece and a Bulgaria to look to as a foyer of national ideas, so in future the Albanian left out from the new principality will have his foyer of irredentist ideas. I would quote but two points: 1. There has always been a certain doubt as to how Albanian should be written, admitting that the alphabet is to be a Latin one, there are four or five variations of the Latin character in use. When the new State has fixed its official alphabet it is to be expected that this will become the alphabet of all Albanians, redeemed and unredeemed. Past experience in Macedonia shows what a rallying-point an alphabet can be. (See my despatch No. 9 of the 25th November, 1912.) 2. The national flag of Albania will no more be a thing of mildly historic interest, it will be admitted into the company of the flags of the nations. If Skodra passes into Montenegrin hands it will not be forgotten that the Albanian flag floated over it during the siege. Second, we have seen enough of Servian methods of administration to gain a more accurate idea of how the non-Serb in Servia will be treated. ­Chauvinism and racial and religious intolerance are bad foundations for the reconciliation of a conquered people. I have already (No. 6 of the 3rd February) quoted some instances of how Islam has been treated in Uskub, though I have no information on the subject I have little doubt that the same sort of thing has been going on in Prisrend and Prishtina. Towards the Catholic the ­Servian attitude is at least as severe. Local Albanian Catholics have told me that the Servians insist on regarding them as “Shvabs” (Austrians). I had already ­predicted (No. 8 of the 16th November, 1912) that crypto-Christian villages would declare themselves, and noted the beginning of the process (No. 9 of the 25th November). This has, I believe, stopped, owing to Servian intolerance— “If you want to become Christian, you must become Orthodox.” This has actually happened to a group of five or six villages in Istukla karié, kaza of Gilan [Gjilan], which about twenty years ago, in Hafiz Pasha’s time, 129

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Kosovo, A Documentary History became nominally Moslem, and now rashly assumed that under a Christian Government they might safely declare themselves Catholic, again. It also appears that the sign of the Cross, made Latin fashion, excites the fury of the Orthodox Serb. A Catholic of my acquaintance expressed the opinion that it was better to be a Moslem than a Catholic under the Servians. I heard of one case where a Catholic Albanian of Gilan wished to join the Orthodox Church. The priest, from ignorance or bigotry, insisted on ­re-baptising him, as though he was not a Christian already. I have already said (No. 8 of the 16th November, 1912) that Albanian nationalism is at present but a spark, but the wind of persecution may fan it into a flame. That wind has already begun to blow. The creation of a State from the seemingly unpromising materials to hand is an experiment; to give it a chance of success the experiment should be made on a reasonably large scale. I assume that the Powers having decided on the creation of an Albania, are prepared to provide for the occupation and administration of the country, and to secure a settled and orderly Government till such time as the Albanian is capable of managing his own affairs. If they are not, it would be much better to partition Albania among the victorious States. On ethnic grounds, the claim of the Albanian Provisional Government to Uskub and Kyöprülü [Veles] seems to me as weak as the claim of Servia to Prisrend, the Albanian south of the Shar being in a very distinct minority. The other Albanian ground for claim is that “the Albanians came here last summer” (in my despatch No. 68 of the 15th August, 1912, I suggested that the object of the Albanian occupation was to peg out a claim). The south Kossovo Albanians are the advance guard of the Albanian movement, and are either recent immigrants or “made” Albanians, i.e., Albanised Turks or Albanised Islamised Slavs, as under the Ottoman Government it paid a ­Moslem in this part of the world better to call himself an Albanian rather than a Turk. The political importance of these people in the future, if Servia annexes Uskub, will be due rather to the possibility of the local Albanian and the local Bulgar combining against the Servian Government, a combination which I have some reason to believe is being negotiated (see my despatch No. 3, Confidential, of the 28th January). On the one hand, Hassan Bey, in April of last year, assured me (my despatch No. 31 of the 28th April to Salonica) that the Albanians had come to an understanding with the Bulgar revolutionary committees; on the other, I know that feeling ran very high between Albanian and Slav (including Bulgar) in the Kalkandelen [Tetovo] valley last September (see my despatch No. 76 of the 24th September to Salonica). My own opinion is that hatred of the Serb will dominate all other motives and that the events of September last will be forgotten, if not forgiven. In this context I would note the existence of a group of Orthodox Albanian villages near the head waters of the Vardar, immigrants from Dibra way. Up to the war these villages insisted that they were Albanian, in spite of energetic Serb propaganda. 130

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Documents It remains to be seen whether they will make common cause with the Exarchist and the Albanian Moslem against the Serb, or whether the advantages of making their peace with the dominant element will be too much for their attachment to their national traditions. The Albanian of mid-Kossovo, as I have already noted (my despatch No. 49 of the 9th July, 1912, to Salonica) falls into two divisions, the east and the west. Of these, the east is either naturally more tranquil or is more easily overawed owing to greater facilities for transport of troops. Also ethnically it has been Albanised later than the west. I used to infer from the absence of clan names on the map east of the Adriatic watershed that the people were Albanised Serbs, but have been assured that the bulk of them are colonies from farther west, and still preserve the name of the parent clan. Mixed among them are doubtless many “made” Albanians. There are beyond doubt villages of Catholic Serbs or even Croats which have described themselves as Albanian for precisely the same reason as the Turk in south Kossovo, because it paid them to do so. The West Albanian, on the other hand, has been at home on the ­Adriatic slope for very much longer, and if he has in the course of time absorbed Slav elements, the process of digestion has been much more complete. The clan organisation exists on that side, and the tribesmen are in closer contact with the unmixed Albanian vilayet of Skodra. The foyer of last year’s revolt was Dyakova. The Ipek Albanians have proved themselves turbulent under the Turk, and are likely to prove even more turbulent under the Serb or the Montenegrin. (Recently an Albanian of my acquaintance remarked to me, “If only it was summer there would be 100 bands out in Kossovo.” “And when the snow melts?” I asked. “Then a rifle will be worth £T 50.” The Servians disarmed Albania pretty thoroughly, but I hear that rifles are already beginning to come in from Austria.) My object in quoting ethnology is not the same as that of the Serb apologist; the argument of the latter is “These people were Serbs and ought to be Serbs, therefore they shall be Serbs,” ignoring the important fact that, however much their facial angle or their Slavas prove them Serb by race, so long as their national feeling unites them to Albania, they are for practical purposes Albanians and their strength goes to support the Albanian cause. I quote the cases of “made” Albanians rather because I consider that they will perhaps be easier to denationalise than the Albanian pur sang, whereas the Serb appears to consider that they have never really been Albanised. I would also note another case of what strikes me as lack of clear thinking on the part of the Serb. There are, I take it, two theories of nationality current. The old, a survival from the days of absolutist government, looks on a given territory as the State, and the inhabitants as a sort of accessory. The newer looks on the people as the principal and the territory they inhabit as the accessory. This theory, besides producing Home Rule questions in various 131

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Kosovo, A Documentary History countries, is responsible for causes of political friction like Schleswig-Holstein and Alsace-Lorraine. It is the theory which called Italy into being, and it is the theory which the Servians themselves invoked in the Bosnian crisis four years ago. But the two theories are somewhat incompatible, “Bosnia should be ours because the ­Bosnians are Yugo-Slavs” does not quite square with “We do not care if these misguided people do call themselves Albanians, we have conquered Prisrend, we will annex Prisrend, and these people have got to be Serbs.” Ideally, I have no doubt that the frontiers of Albania should include Prishtina and Vuchitrn. The frontier I would suggest is a compromise which, while giving Albanians a reasonably large part of the country ­ inhabited by Albanians, does not altogether leave out of the reckoning the dead of Kumanovo and Mardaré. I would assign to Albania that part of the province of Kossovo which drains into the Adriatic, including the towns of Ipek, Dyakova, and Prisrend. I need hardly insist on the advantages of such a frontier from the geographical, economic, and military points of view. It is easy to delimit, easy to police, is the least likely to produce incidents between frontier guards, and puts the heaviest handicap on smuggling. It leaves to Servia the historic battlefield of Kossovo Polye, the monastery of Gradnitza [Gračanica], the more civilised part of the Kossovo Albanians, and the railway. It leaves to Albania the four kazas of Ipek, Dyakova, ­Prisrend, and Lyuma, with an Albanian population in an overwhelming majority. I have, at times, expressed to Servians my opinion that it is not in the interests of Servia to annex large masses of population which is not only non-Serb but bitterly anti-Serb. The general answer I have had to this is that Stevan Dushan had Prisrend, which seems to me of about the same political importance as the fact that William the Conqueror was born at Falaise. It is also, in my opinion, in the commercial interest of the Powers to make Albania as large as reasonably may be. I assume that the Capitulations will, for the present, at least, be maintained in Albania. I am certain that if they are not formally abolished in the provinces annexed to Servia they will meet with such systematic obstruction as will render them nugatory. Now, when the Capitulations go, the foreign business man is inevitably edged out of the market, by fair means or foul, witness Thessaly. It seems to me, therefore, in the interest of the Powers to keep under the Capitulations, as large an area as possible out of the wreck of European Turkey. One objection to this frontier remains, the existence of a certain number of Serb villages on the Adriatic slope. The remedy I propose for this may seem bizarre, suggesting the days of the great and notable A ­ snapper rather than the twentieth century. Half the difficulty of the Balkan question consists in the fact that the ethnographical map does not consist of broad masses of colour, but is a patchwork, or rather a mosaic (see ­“Turkey in Europe,” pp. 15 and 16). I would provide that the Servian and 132

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Documents ­ lbanian Governments shall conclude a convention for the exchange, under A ­European ­supervision, of n ­ on-homogene population at the expense of the two Governments, all the Serb population being removed from Albania, and an equal quantity of A ­ lbanians from new Servia. The population of Albania has suffered much from war and reprisals, and there might well be room in the new Albania for the great bulk of the east Albanians (no hindrance being put in the way of any n ­ on-homogene emigration from Servia). This would leave Prishtina ­sanjak comparatively empty, but the natural fertility of the Slav peoples would soon remedy that, and in the long run Servia would have a thoroughly Serb province instead of an irredentist one, not to mention the gain to Europe in general from measures tending to secure the peace of the Balkans. I have, &c. W.D. Peckham [FO 371/1782] Memorandum from the Austrian legation, dated 20 February 1913, communicated to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade and forwarded to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, on 24 January 1913, concerning atrocities committed by Serbian soldiers in Karadag (Skopska Crna Gora). Uskub (Skopje) February 20, 1913 Refugees from the Karadag report the following atrocities committed some ten days ago by Servian soldiers (another version says komitadjis). In the villages of Ljubiste [Lubishte], Gjulekar [Gjylekar], Cabashi [Kabash], and Topetza [Tërpeza] the whole of the Albanian population were massacred–even all the women and children were killed. In Gjulekar alone 100 families were slaughtered, and in Cabashi 60. In Gjulekar a woman is said to have been ripped open and the fruit of her womb torn out of her. In Ljubiste, moreover, women and children were outraged. Also in Binka [Binça] and Vitina [Vitia] murders took place. [FO 371/1782] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British ­Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, dated 28 February 1913, on reports of massacres of Albanians in Kosovo and Skopje, together with a memorandum on the massacres, drafted by a Catholic priest in Skopje. Uskub [Skopje] February 28, 1913 133

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Sir, Yesterday, in answer to a telegram (No. 1 of the 24th February) from the Foreign Office, I had the honour to address to His Majesty’s Principal ­Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs a telegram in the following sense: “Recently about sixty Albanian Mahommedans have been put to death at the village of Lyubishta [Lubishta], in the district of Gilan [Gjilan]. This was done, it appears, at least in part, by Servian regulars. Massacres have also taken place in other villages in the neighbourhood, including those of Terpes [Tërpeza] and Julekar [Gjylekar]. It is locally supposed that the Servians wish to adjust the population to conform with their claim to have a majority in the district.” The above in answer to your telegram No. 1. The above information is based on various accounts which, while conflicting on details, agree in the main points of the story. At Lyubishta it appears that an Albanian had murdered a Serb, and in consequence a number of the villagers were sent for on the 25th February to come to Gilan. As soon as they were out of the village they were shot down, either by soldiers only or by a mixed body of soldiers and komitajis, and the village was burned. The number of killed is variously reported as from sixty to eighty. At Julekar (Gelekar?) twenty-four were massacred about the same date, and a pregnant woman was ripped up. This was done by soldiers in the presence of officers. At Terpes from ten to twelve were massacred, and others (numbers unknown) at Kabashi, and also, I am informed, at other villages. I note one discrepancy. These massacres are said to have taken place on the 25th February, whereas the Foreign Office telegram is dated the 24th ­February. Two explanations are possible: either my dates are incorrect or, more probable, other massacres had already taken place in the district some days earlier. A rumour has been current here that the Powers intend to assign to Albania all districts where the Albanians have a 75 per cent. majority, and it is supposed that these massacres are taking place for statistical purposes. Yesterday I was called on by the Catholic curé of Uskub (the Archbishop, though taking his title from Uskub, resides at Prisrend), accompanied by the curé of Ferisovich [Ferizaj]. Besides giving me one account of the foregoing, they supplied me with a mass of information about earlier anti-Albanian action, a digest of which I have the honour to enclose herewith. Admitting the truth of all these statements — and both priests are not only Catholics but Albanians and have therefore a double motive for exaggeration to the detriment of the Orthodox Serb — this list is quite evidently a piece of special pleading. For instance, the bare statement that 1,200 Albanians were killed at Ferisovich is a half-truth; I have already, in my despatch No. 7 of the 11th of November, 1912, given the full account. Similarly, I have little doubt that many of the villages burned had provoked reprisals, and, indeed, something of the sort is admitted in the report from the Dibra district. But, if it be true, I can imagine no justification for the deliberate throwing of ­Albanian 134

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Documents wounded into the Vardar. On this subject I hope later to come by more information. There is no doubt that immediately after the Servian occupation a number of corpses were found in the Vardar; at the time I believed that they had floated down from higher up, and reflected that it was unreasonable to expect an immediate pacification of all the countryside of a country virtually in a state of civil war, but facts which I have recently heard of tend directly to implicate the Servian military authorities at Uskub. A statement which I heard at the time, that “the Albanian wounded are healing with remarkable rapidity,” takes, in the light of this story, a new and sinister significance. I have up to now made no accusations against the Servians of massacre as opposed to provoked reprisals, and I do not believe that any massacres have taken place among the non-Albanian Moslems. But, apart from the recent Gilan affairs, I am beginning to suspect that much of the Albanian population is being murdered in cold blood. A primâ facie case seems to me to have been made out for the affair of throwing the wounded into the Vardar. General Tankovich has, I believe, an exceedingly bad reputation, and a remark I heard some time ago from a Servian throws light on the mental attitude of the Serb to the Albanian. This gentleman, a person of some education, who spoke fluent French, arranged the first steps of the ladder of life, as: first, man; second, gorilla; third, Albanian. A peasant would probably put the Albanian lower down, along with the insect pests. I have, &c. W. P. Peckham

Memorandum on Massacres of Albanians: Statements of Catholic Curé of Uskub [Vice-consul’s comments in square brackets.] Uskub district. — Immediately after the Servian occupation of Uskub some Catholic nursing sisters went to the military hospital to dress wounds. The first day there were 132 wounded Albanians, the next 80, the next 30, the next 20. The services of the sisters were soon dispensed with. The men removed from hospital were taken and thrown into the Vardar. About the 27th October three Albanians were bayoneted near one of the Vardar bridges. About the 6th November the priest passed along the street leading to the station at 10 p.m., and noticed much blood which had not been there at 8:30  p.m. Early next morning a dead horse was brought in a motor to account 135

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Kosovo, A Documentary History for the blood. The truth was that Komitajis in the Hotel London had shot an Albanian in the street. [The proprietor of the Hotel London, where Mr. Cahen at one time stayed, avowed himself to be a chetnik, and on one occasion told Mr. Cahen that he was just back from four weeks in the Lyuma country.] Some eighty corpses of Albanians were found at Kisela voda [close to Uskub], and many more behind the citadel. At the beginning of the occupation soldiers entered the house of Albanian in Uskub, violated his wife, beat him till he told where his two daughters (aged 14 and 16) were, and then violated them. One Chicherich, a chetnik, remarked to a friend in the hearing of a priest, “We have not eaten or drunk for 48 hours, we have been busy looking for Albanians to kill.” [In Uskub town, it appears.] In a village near Kumanovo, Servian soldiers fired the houses to drive out the inhabitants who were hidden in the roofs. As the women came out, they were shot; to save powder the children were bayoneted. A Servian soldier recounted this in the presence of the priest, not knowing who he was. Kalkandelen – On the first day of the occupation soldiers, chetniks, and local Serbs killed eighty-five Albanians in house-to-house raids. Gostivar – Six Albanians were killed, and the town paid a ransom of £T.200. Dibra – Some 120 soldiers who had gone out to loot were killed by the Albanians; to avenge this the Servians burned twenty-four villages. The number of Albanian dead is unknown. Ferisovich – M. Gavrilovich, ex-Servian consul at Uskub, states that 1,200 Albanians were killed on the 24th October. The Servian soldiery met a ­Catholic, Zefi Paletonit, in the streets and ordered him to cross himself in Orthodox fashion. Being somewhat drunk he was unable to do so, and was shot. An Albanian woman took her dead husband’s Mauser and killed five soldiers. Even now, three, four, or five Albanians are being killed every night in Ferisovich; men are enticed into houses with the promise of food and are there beaten. Soldiers and officers rob the peasants of their money as they come back from market. [The Servians made precisely the same complaint against the Albanians in September last (see my despatch No. 74 of the 17th September to Salonica).] Parties of Albanians who go out to collect fuel are surrounded by soldiers in the woods and shot down. In Ferisovich and in Prisrend men are put in prison for speaking to the Catholic priest. At Terstenik 30 Albanians were killed; at Smira, 32; at Verban, 20; at Kamenoglava, a village of 50 families, all the men were killed. In these cases the men were forced to come out to greet the Servian troops, and were then tied together and shot. Their bodies were buried shallow and subsequently eaten by dogs. Prishtina – On or about the 23rd October, on the admission of a Servian military doctor, some 5,000 Albanians were killed. They were tied together 136

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Documents and mowed down by machine-gun fire. [I have heard confirmation of extensive Albanian massacres at Prishtina from the Albanian army doctor mentioned in my despatch No. 17 of the 28th February. He stated that Albanians were placed between hurdles and machine-guns turned on them.] In the village of Shala, of fifty families, all the men were killed, two of them being hung to trees by the arm till they died. Prisrend – Four hundred Albanians were killed in the first three days of the occupation. Their bodies were not allowed to be buried. By the New Year 2,000 had been killed in the town alone. Nashets – with the exception of two or three houses, the village has been destroyed and the men massacred. At Lutoglava the soldiers entered a house and would violate a woman, her husband killed them, and was promptly killed himself. Three families were massacred. At Gilansa four families were exterminated. In Prisrend district, thirty Catholic muhtars (head men of villages) were tied together and shot. General Yankovich forced the head men of villages to address a letter of thanks to King Peter. Lyuma. — Four hundred Lyuma Albanians surrendered and were brought to Prisrend, where they were put to death at the rate of about fifty a-day. On the authority of a man who was with the Servians, thirty-two villages were razed, and their inhabitants — men, women, and children — shot. The ­Servians lost eight battalions in Lyuma. W.D. Peckham [FO 371/1782?] Despatch from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje to the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade, and forwarded by the latter to the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey on 10 March 1913, concerning massacres committed by Serbian forces in the Gjilan region of Kosovo.

Atrocities Reported to Have Been Committed by Servian Troops On the 14/27 February all the male inhabitants of the purely Catholic village “Schare” [Shasharja] (inhabited by 100 families) were sent away while all the women and girls were raped by Servian soldiers. On the same day 10 families in “Letnitza” [Letnica] met with the same fate. Two sisters-in-law of the servant of the French Consul, Carlier, at Uscub [Skopje] were likewise raped. 137

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Kosovo, A Documentary History In 29 villages of the “Kara-Dag” 230 Mussulman houses were burnt and all the men murdered. Sixty men were murdered in “Trstenik”, 36 in “Senitza”, 20 in “Vrban” [Vërban], 104 in “Ljubiste” [Lubishta], 24 in “Gjulekar” [Gjylekar]. In “Sefer”, an old woman (the mother of Kosum, a prisoner in Belgrade) was burnt alive together with her Catholic servant Kol Marini. Ninety houses were burnt in “Presta” [Brest]. The landlord of the family Bahija, an old woman Metusi, and two children Emin were burnt at “Ljubiste.” At “Gjulekar”, a woman in the family way had her abdomen cut open and the child torn out. The French Consul at Uscub has lodged a protest. Front-page editorial in the German newspaper, Frankfurter Zeitung, 14 March 1913, pp. 1–2, on the extermination of the Albanians in Serbian-held Macedonia and Kosovo. [translated from the German]

The Balkan War the Extermination of the Albanians In our third morning edition, our private correspondent in Üsküb [Skopje] brought us the shocking news that 300 Albanians have been shot by the Serbs, once again without trial. The report will of course be denied, as have all of the proven crimes and atrocities committed by the military leadership of that Balkan country. No objective observer in Europe attaches any value to such denials. With regard to the theatre of war in Albania, no one can accept the excuse that the crimes were committed by irresponsible bands called comitadjis over whom the Serbian army command had no control. In this particular case, regular Serbian soldiers seem to be behind the bloodbath, but even in cases where terrible massacres were committed by irregular auxiliary troops, there is no doubt that they occurred with the tacit permission and will of the Serbian authorities. At the beginning of the war, the Serbian authorities told us quite openly: “We are going to exterminate the Albanians.” We feel it is our duty to expose the intentions of the leadership in Belgrade since this policy of systematic extermination is being carried out unabated, despite all European protests. The gentlemen will deny everything, being confident that journalistic tact will prevent us from naming names, and it is evident that we would not do such a thing if we were not absolutely sure of our sources. 138

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Documents The facts speak louder than any open admission of guilt ever could. Since Serbian troops crossed the border last autumn and occupied territory inhabited by the Albanians, there has been one bloodbath ­ after the other. In some individual cases, it may be that in order to defend themselves, the conquerors were forced to respond with military rigor to shots fired insidiously at their troops from Albanian villages. But no laws of war or claims of self-defence justify the razing to the ground of hundreds of villages and the slaughter of tens of thousands of men, women and children who were not taking part in the fighting. This has taken place out of fear of future revenge, from an awareness that they are seizing a country to which they have no national right, and from the fact that they are conquering a people who will fight to the death for their freedom. In most of the conquered regions, Serbs are to be found only in the towns and, as in Üsküb, they are everywhere a small minority. In the countryside, the population is mostly Albanian, the same Albanians that the Ottoman Empire was unable to get control of. It is obvious that the government in Belgrade will not manage to get control of them either. What Serbia wants is not new subjects, but more land, and what could be better than unclaimed property? ... It was for this reason that they decided from the start to go for Albanian land, as much as they could get, to declare it abandoned and, amidst these endeavours, subtly spread the word to “exterminate the Albanians.” The sources for the terrible reports on the appalling military conduct of the Serbs in Albania are not Turkish. Nor do these reports stem from Germans and Austrians who might be accused of being friendly to the Turks, but rather from representatives of the Triple Entente, in particular English reporters. In addition to this, it is no secret that the consular reports of most of the European countries confirm these happenings. Recently things were somewhat quieter, but now, all of a sudden, comes this report that 300 tribesmen of Luma, caught unarmed, were shot in Prizren. Luma is a district with a town of the same name that is located west of Kalkandelen [Tetovo], but on the right bank of the Drin, i.e. just over the border in that part of Albania accorded to Serbia by the Ambassadors’ Conference. They seem to want to make a clean sweep of things. What does Europe have to say about the slaughter of a people who have already been subjected? […] What is certain is that the rulers in Belgrade know exactly what is going on in Albania. But they also know that they are dependent upon the goodwill of Europe for their control of Albania and for many other matters. It is high time that the Great Powers make it clear to them that a state ruled by barbaric instinct will be treated differently by them than a civilized country. Is our sense of humanity not strong enough for Europe to exert influence on its diplomats? It seems to us that, for political reasons, the leaders of the Triple Entente should take the lead here because they would be less suspected of self-interest than Albania’s neighbours, 139

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Austria and Italy, and Germany that is allied to the latter countries. If there is but a spark of the spirit of Gladstone in the present liberal government of England, it will take the lead and put an end to these barbaric doings in the Balkans. [FO 371/1782] Despatch from the British Ambassador Sir Ralph Paget in Belgrade to the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey, dated 15 March 1913, containing a private letter from British Vice-Consul W.D. Peckham in Skopje, dated 13 March 1913, reporting on Serbian outrages in Skopje. Belgrade March 15, 1913 Sir, With reference to my despatch No. 50 of the 10th instant, enclosing copy of statements handed to me by the Austrian Minister with regard to outrages alleged to have been perpetrated by Servian soldiery or komitajis, I have the honour to transmit herewith extracts from a private letter which I have received from Mr. Vice-Consul Peckham. Mr. Louis Cahen, who has been working at Uskub [Skopje] for some four months on the Macedonian Relief Fund, and who brought me the above letter, is anxious I should enter a protest here concerning the massacres which are said to be taking place, and concerning which he says reports are daily arriving at Uskub. He also suggests an international commission of enquiry. I have informed him that I already protested some time ago, but the reports are denied by the Servian authorities, who merely put them down to malice, and that, unless I can be furnished with unimpeachable evidence concerning the facts complained of, it is difficult to make any effective representations. From the point of view of eliciting the truth, I do not think that an international commission would be found of much value, as, in the first place, the Servians would do their best to prevent its hearing any witnesses able to incriminate them; and, secondly, any witnesses that the commission might succeed in securing independently would probably be afraid to give evidence for fear of the consequences. On the other hand, however, there is no doubt that an international commission would be useful in this respect, namely, that its presence in the country would check the perpetration of further ­outrages. I have, &c. Ralph Paget

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Extracts from Vice-Consul Peckham’s Private Letter, Dated Uskub, March 13, 1913 I have been making enquiries about that Albanian who was thrown into the Vardar, and find that there were two of them. One has got a scare that the Servians knew of his existence, and has fled the country; I am trying to find out where he has gone to. The other is living here in the utmost seclusion, also in fear of the Servians. I am trying to get in touch with him. If I do find him, I shall probably have some difficulty in getting him to talk, and think I am much more likely to be able to do so if I can offer to get him out of the c­ountry. This I could do by entering his name as a cavass (if need be, an assumed name), and taking him down to Salonica with me, if I go, as I should rather like to, for a few days at Easter … My dragoman has seen a man who, he says, is quite trustworthy, who had talked with the Albanian No. 1 but there was no mention of No. 2. This strikes me as little inconsistent, but not necessarily destroying the truth of the story, as neither of them would be likely to want to admit the existence of the other, from fear of the Servians. According to No. 1’s story, they were wounded at Kumanovo, taken to an improvised hospital in the Servian school here, and on the Monday (28th October) were taken out and thrown into the Vardar. No. 2, from details I have gathered as second or third hands, adds that their hands were tied, that he bit his bonds off and then freed No. 1 and that they swam some way down before landing. I have not sifted this information yet, but propose to do so as soon as possible. Mr. Cahen, who brings this up, has somewhat modified his views of the Servians since he originally came out here; he is now as anti-Servian as he was pro-Servian when he arrived. I think his opinions need a little moderating; he is inclined to believe all the stories told him without too much considering probabilities or consistencies. Thus, when he came here, he was sure that Prohaska had fired on the Servian troops from his own consulate, and now he is inclined to believe all massacres of the Albanians which Catholics recount here. [FO 371/1782] Despatch from the British Ambassador to Austria-Hungary, Sir Fairfax Cartwright, to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, dated 19 March 1913, on Serbian and Montenegrin atrocities in Albania, as reported in the Vienna ­newspaper Reichspost.

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Vienna March 19th, 1913 Sir, The Clerical journal the Reichspost publishes to-day, without giving the sources of its information, reports of Servian and Montenegrin atrocities in Albania and of the inhumanity shown by the Allies in Skutari [Shkodra] and other places. In giving a summary of these reports, which are not to my knowledge confirmed from any other source, I would point out that the attitude of this journal is always extremely pro-Albanian and anti-Servian. In spite of the continued demands of the Representatives of the ­Powers that those parts of the town lying outside the fortresses should be spared, the besiegers of Skutari (says the Reichspost) are bombarding the houses, including the quarter of the foreign Consulates, and directing their fire upon the civil population, who are not allowed to evacuate the town. The  ­ Austro-Hungarian Consulate has been hit several times; and the Catholic Cathedral, in which a large number of the Catholic population have taken refuge, has been fired at, though its sacred character is clearly visible. Eight Italian Sisters, tending the sick, have been wounded; and the number of non-combatants killed by the bombardment is large. In a village near D ­ jakova three hundred Catholic Albanians were, on pain of death, forced by the Montenegrin troops to embrace the Orthodox faith. Their priest resisted and was almost beaten to death before the eyes of the Montenegrin officers, and finally slaughtered by a Comitaji. In the Sappa district the Servians and Montenegrins have plundered in all directions, the worst offenders being the Montenegrins, who are quite undisciplined. The Servians, especially the ­officers, are fairly friendly and their troops are more disciplined, but they have no pity for those who declare themselves patriotic Albanians and confess a sympathy for Austria. Between Kroja [Kruja] and Tirana they hanged fifty-four innocent persons. One woman’s feet were roasted. In Arsti in the Mirdite district the old and sick who could not escape were killed: and one woman was killed with a bayonet and her two-year-old grandchild strangled. Commenting on these reports the Reichspost says that the protectorate of Austria-Hungary has not been able to save Albanian Catholics from cruel ­persecution; the patience and calmness of the Monarchy has not prevented serious detriment to her prestige; nor has the agreement of Europe to an independent Albania prevented Montenegro and Servia from treading under foot all the laws of humanity in the prosecution of their war against Albania. Enough long-suffering has been shown, and if such things are still seen in silence, it will soon be believed that Austria-Hungary is weak enough to tolerate anything. The same paper says the “Albanian Correspondence” is informed from Durazzo that Servian troops continue to destroy villages and to massacre the inhabitants; that Rogozina [Rrogozhina], Attanasio [Thanasaj], Gengeleu [Çengelaj], Cirtej, Fiungi and Cernia have been burned and the population 142

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Documents killed with the exception of a few persons who escaped to the hills, where ­terrible distress prevails. I have the honour to be, with the highest respect, Sir, Your most obedient, humble Servant, /signed) Fairfax Cartwright Translation of a small book published in German under the title Albaniens Golgatha: Anklageakten gegen die Vernichter des Albanervolkes (Vienna, 1913), by the Jewish publisher, Leo Freundlich (1875–1953), containing a rare compilation of news reports that seeped out of Kosovo at the time of the Balkan Wars. [translated from the German]

Albania’s Golgotha: Indictment of the Exterminators of the Albanian People On the eastern banks of the Adriatic, a mere three days’ journey from Vienna, live an autochthonous people who for centuries have been fighting for their freedom and independence against enemies and oppressors of all types. This nation has clung steadfast to its roots through countless wars and the cataclysms of history. Neither the great migrations nor wars with the Serbs, the Turks and other invaders have hindered the Albanians from maintaining their nationality, their language, and the purity and originality of their customs. The history of this nation is an unbroken chain of bloody battles against violent oppressors, but not even the most unspeakable of atrocities have managed to annihilate this people. Intellectual life has flourished among the ­Albanians even though their oppressors endeavoured to cut off all cultural development at the root. This nation produced great generals and men of state for the Ottoman Empire. Albanians were among the best judges in Turkey and among the greatest authors of Turkish literature. Almost all the merchants of Montenegro were Albanian, as were many fine businessmen in the major cities of Romania. The Albanians played an important role in Italy, too. Crispi was one of them. Greece’s bravest soldiers were of Albanian blood. In the wake of the cataclysms wrought by the Balkan War, the ancient dream of freedom and independence for this people is now becoming a reality. The Great Powers of Europe have decided to grant Albania its national a­ utonomy. But the Serbian thirst for conquest has now found a means of destroying the fair dream of this courageous and freedom-loving people before it can be realized. Serbian troops have invaded Albania with fire and sword. And if 143

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Albania cannot be conquered, then at least the Albanian people can be exterminated. This is the solution they propose. *** On 18 October 1912, King Peter of Serbia issued a declaration “To the Serbian People”, proclaiming: “ The Turkish governments showed no interest in their duties towards their c­ itizens and turned a deaf ear to all complaints and suggestions. Things got so far out of hand that no one was satisfied with the situation in Turkey in Europe. It became unbearable for the Serbs, the Greeks and for the Albanians, too. By the grace of God, I have therefore ordered my brave army to join in the Holy War to free our brethren and to ensure a better future. In Old Serbia, my army will meet not only upon Christian Serbs, but also upon Moslem Serbs, who are equally dear to us, and in addition to them, upon ­Christian and Moslem Albanians with whom our people have shared joy and sorrow for thirteen centuries now. To all of them we bring freedom, brotherhood and equality.”

How have the Serbs understood the declaration of their monarch, which is not even half a year old? The thousands and thousands of men, women, children and old people who have been slain or tortured to death, the villages pillaged and burnt to the ground, the women and young girls who have been raped, and the countryside plundered, ravaged and swimming in blood can give no answer to this question. The Serbs came to Albania not as liberators but as exterminators of the Albanian people. The Ambassadors’ Conference in London proposed drawing the borders of Albania according to ethnic and religious statistics to be gathered on site by a commission. The Serbs have hastened to prepare the statistics for them with machine guns, rifles and bayonets. They have committed unspeakable atrocities. The shock and outrage produced by these crimes are outdone only by the sense of sorrow that such vile deeds could be committed in Europe, not far from the great centres of western culture, in this twentieth century. Our sorrow is made all the heavier by the fact that, despite the reports which have been cabled home for months now by the journalists of many nations, and despite the impassioned indictment launched to the world by Pierre Loti, nothing has been done to put an end to the killings. A courageous people full of character is being crucified before the eyes of the world and Europe, civilized Christian Europe, remains silent! Tens of thousands of defenceless people are being massacred, women are being raped, old people and children strangled, hundreds of villages burnt to the ground, priests slaughtered. And Europe remains silent! Serbia and Montenegro have set out to conquer a foreign country. But in that land live a freedom-loving, brave people who despite centuries of 144

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Documents s­ervitude have not yet become accustomed to bearing a foreign yoke. The solution is obvious. The Albanians must be exterminated! A crazed and savage soldateska has turned this solution into a gruesome reality. Countless villages have been razed to the ground, countless individuals have been butchered. Where once the humble cottages of poor Albanians stood, there is nothing left but smoke and ashes. A whole people is perishing on Calvary cross, and Europe remains silent! *** The aim of this work is to rouse the conscience of European public opinion. The reports gathered here are but a small portion of the material available. More than what they contain is already known by the governments of Europe from official consular and press reports. Up to now, however, the governments have chosen to remain silent. Now, any further silence means complicity. The Great Powers must tell the crazed barbarians once and for all to keep their “Hands off!” This wave of extermination must be ended with all possible rapidity. An international commission must be set up to investigate accusations made against the Serbian government. Most important of all, Serbian and Montenegrin troops must withdraw from Albanian territory at once and the Greek blockade, which has cut the country off from all food supplies, must be lifted. I call upon the governments of the Great Powers, I call upon European public opinion in the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in the name of the wretched Albanian people. I turn to the British public, to the nation which raised its voice so virtuously to protest against the Armenian massacres. I direct my appeal to the French public which has shown so often that it will defend humanity and human rights. A poor nation, suffering a horrible fate, appeals from the cross for help. Will Europe hear its call? Leo Freundlich Vienna, Easter Sunday 1913

The Albanians Must Be Exterminated! In connection with the news report that 300 unarmed Albanians of the Luma tribe were executed in Prizren without trial, the Frankfurter Zeitung writes: 145

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Kosovo, A Documentary History In the case in question, it seems to have been regular Serbian troops who ­committed the massacre. But there is no doubt whatsoever that even the heinous massacres committed by irregulars were carried out with the tacit approval and in full compliance with the will of the Serbian authorities. At the beginning of the war we ourselves were told quite openly by a Serbian official: “We are going to wipe out the Albanians.” Despite European protests, this systematic policy of extermination is continuing unhindered. As a result, we regard it as our duty to expose the intentions of the Serbian rulers. The gentlemen in Belgrade will then indignantly deny everything, knowing full well that journalistic propriety prevents us from mentioning names. It is evident that we would not make such a report if we were not fully convinced of its truth. In the case in question, the facts speak louder than any full confession could do. One massacre after another has been committed since Serbian troops crossed the border last autumn and occupied the land inhabited by the Albanians.

A War of Extermination Professor Schiemann published an article in Kreuzzeitung, writing: “Despite the rigorous censorship of Balkan allies and the pressure exerted upon war correspondents, private letters which have managed to reach us from the region in which the Serbs and Greeks are conducting their war offer an exceptionally sorry picture.” The Serbs, as the article notes, are conducting a war of extermination against the Albanian nation which, if they could, they would eradicate completely. The Daily Chronicle reported on 12 November 1912 that it was true that thousands of Arnauts (Albanians) had been massacred by the Serbs. 2,000 Moslem Arnauts were slaughtered near Skopje and a further 5,000 near Prizren. Many villages have been set on fire and their inhabitants slaughtered. Albanian householders were simply slain during house to house searches for arms, even when no weapons were found. The Serbs declared quite openly that the Moslem Albanians were to be exterminated because this was the only way of pacifying the country. The war correspondent of the Messaggero of Rome reported heinous ­Serbian massacres of Albanians in the vilayet of Kosovo. After A ­ lbanian resistance, the towns of Ferizaj, Negotin, Lipjan, Babush and others were ­completely destroyed and most of the inhabitants slaughtered. A ­Catholic priest reported that fierce fighting around Ferizaj had lasted for three days. After the town was taken, the Serbian commander ordered its fl ­ eeing inhabitants to return peacefully and lay down their arms. When they ­ 146

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Documents returned, three or four hundred people were massacred. There remained only half a dozen Moslem families in all of Ferizaj. Destitute Serbian families hastened to take possession of the homes of the wealthy families. The Humanité of Paris published an official report submitted to a consulate in Salonika. The report described the activities of the Serbs in ­Albania: plundering, destruction, massacres. The number of Albanian villages totally or partially but systematically destroyed by the Serbs was estimated at ­thirty-one. The Kristos of Kumanovo, the Siro Diljovs of Skopje, the Alexandrovos of Štip and other leading guerrilla bands looted all the villages in the districts of Kratovo and Kočani, set them on fire and killed all the ­Moslem inhabitants. All the Moslems of Žujovo and Mešeli were slaughtered, as were a further two hundred people in Vetreni. In Bogdanci, sixty Turks were locked in a mosque. They were then let out and slain, one by one. Thirty-four of the ninety-eight villages in the district of Kavadarci have been destroyed. The Turks, some of whom had made payoffs to one guerrilla band hoping to save their lives, were then butchered by another band of guerrillas. All the inhabitants of Drenovo were put to death. Between this village and Palikura, a number of graves were found with the heads sticking out of the earth. These are the graves of wretched individuals who were buried alive!

Manhunts Fritz Magnussen, war correspondent for the Danish newspaper Riget, who is generally known for his pro-Serbian sympathies, described the crimes committed by the Serbs against the Arnaut population in a telegram that he had to send by special courier from Skopje to Zemun to avoid the rigorous censorship: Serbian military activities in Macedonia have taken on the character of an extermination of the Arnaut population. The army is conducting an unspeakable war of atrocities. According to officers and soldiers, 3,000 Arnauts were slaughtered in the region between Kumanovo and Skopje and 5,000 near Prishtina. The Arnaut villages were surrounded and set on fire. The inhabitants were then chased from their homes and shot like rats. The Serbian soldiers delighted in telling me of the manhunts they had conducted. The situation in Skopje is equally appalling. Rigorous searches of Arnaut homes are carried out and if anything vaguely resembling a weapon is discovered, the inhabitants are shot on the spot. It is very dangerous to travel the roads because of the constant shooting in and out of the houses. Yesterday, 36 Arnauts were sentenced to death by a military tribunal and shot on the spot. No day passes without Arnauts being put to death in the most barbarous manner. The river upstream is full of corpses. Hunting expeditions take place every day in the surrounding villages. Yesterday, a Serbian officer invited me to take part

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Kosovo, A Documentary History in such a hunt and boasted that he had put nine Arnauts to death the previous day with his own hands!

The Reichspost received a dossier about the massacres committed by Serbian guerrilla bands and regular troops in Albania from a person whose name and high rank is guarantee enough of the authenticity of the reports it contains. In the dossier we find the following information: The city of Skopje and the surrounding district have been witness to inhuman crimes committed against the Albanians. For days on end, I saw manhunts conducted by armed Serbian bands and regular troops. For three days I could see the flames of burning villages in the sky. When the horrors were over, five villages in the direct vicinity of Skopje lay in ruins and their ­inhabitants were almost all slain, even though the Albanians offered no armed resistance to the invading Serbs. Behind the fortress of Skopje is a ravine which is still filled with the corpses of over one hundred victims of   this campaign. Eighty Albanian bodies are also to be found in the ravine of Vistala Voda near Skopje. Shortly after the invasion, a reliable informant of mine, whom I spoke to myself, visited the hospital in Skopje and ­encountered during this first visit 132 Albanians patients. The next day he could find only 80 and a few days later a mere 30 of them. The treatment meted out to these wounded Albanians is beyond imagination. They were refused food and drink, such that, according to witnesses, some of them died of starvation. Many of the patients, it is alleged, were still alive when they were thrown into the Vardar. The river flows through the town and is carrying with it twenty to thirty corpses a day. There were a number of Serbian volunteers quartered in my hotel in Skopje who boasted quite candidly of their marauding and manhunts, in particular when the wine got their tongues. One evening, they went out onto the street and shot a couple of unarmed Albanians who were simply passing by and minding their own business. The two murderers, who thereafter returned to the hotel and got drunk, were not bothered by the military authorities at all, even though everyone in town knew that they were guilty of the crime. A bloody scene also occurred in town at the Vardar Bridge. Three Albanians who tried to cross into town to go to market were attacked by Serbian soldiers and simply murdered without trial. Digging graves seemed to be a problem for the soldiers, in particular since the earth is frozen over, so bodies have been thrown into wells. An informant counted 38 wells around Skopje which have been filled with Albanian corpses. Bandits play an important role in the pogroms, too. I myself was witness to a Serbian soldier who was showing off the two watches and 150 Turkish pounds he had taken as booty. When he saw a well-dressed Albanian pass by, he shouted in an almost genuine show of sympathy, “Pity there are so many of them. Otherwise, I would gladly spend a bullet on him.” The Albanians are considered fair game and are protected by no law or court. Many of the excesses are, however, committed under the influence of drink. The most outrageous crimes were, indeed, committed by bands of drunken soldiers breaking into homes.

As I speak Serbian fluently, many Serbian officers and soldiers regarded me as one of theirs. And so it was that a Serbian soldier boasted to me of their attack on an Albanian village near Kumanovo. “Many of the villagers who were not 148

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Documents able to flee, hid in their attics. We smoked them out, and when their houses were in flames, they came out of their hiding places like moles, screaming, cursing and begging for mercy. We shot them at the doorways, sparing our bullets only with the children on whom we used our bayonets. We destroyed the whole village because shots had been fired out of one of the houses bearing a white flag.” The military authorities did nothing to hinder these bloodbaths and many officers took part in the atrocities themselves. There was no Serb to be found who had not acted in the full conviction that, with these atrocities, he was doing his country a great service, and one which his superiors wanted of him. *** Eighty-five Albanians were slain in their homes in Tetovo and the town was looted without sign of an armed uprising beforehand. The heinous deeds committed against the women and girls, including twelve-year-old children, are indescribable. To top off such horrors, the fathers and husbands of the victims were forced by revolver to hold candles and be witness themselves to the outrages committed against their daughters and wives in their own homes. The town of Gostivar was only saved by paying off the Serbian commander with a sum of 200 Turkish pounds. Here only six Albanians were shot. In Ferizaj, as opposed to the above-mentioned towns, the Albanians offered organized armed resistance. Fighting continued here for twenty-four hours, during which a woman whose husband had been slain seized a rifle and shot five Serbs before she was killed herself. Over 1,200 Albanians fell victim to the carnage in Ferizaj. The town is almost devoid of inhabitants now. There are only three Moslem Albanians over the age of fifteen left. In Gjilan, too, where the Albanians put up no defence, almost all the inhabitants were killed by fire and sword. A very small number of fugitives survived the carnage. Now only ruins are left as witness to the destruction of Gjilan. The Serbian occupation of Prishtina was even bloodier. The Albanians ­estimate the number of their dead at 5,000. In all fairness, it must be noted that the flag on the parliament building was severely misused. After the white flag had been hoisted, Turkish officers suddenly opened fire on Serbian troops, apparently with the intention of thwarting the latters’ cease-fire negotiations with the Albanians. Hundreds of Albanian families, even babies in their cradles, paid for this deed with their lives. In Leskovac near Ferizaj, eight unarmed Albanians were stopped by Serbian soldiers and shot on the spot. *** The town of Prizren offered no resistance to Serb forces, but this did not avert a bloodbath there. After Prishtina, Prizren was the hardest hit of the Albanian towns. The local population call it the “Kingdom of Death”. Here the Serbian 149

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Kosovo, A Documentary History bands did their worst. They forced their way into homes and beat up anyone and everyone in their way, irrespective of age or sex. Corpses lined the streets for days while the Serbian victors were busy with other atrocities, and the native population which had survived did not dare to venture out of their homes. The attacks continued night after night throughout the town and region. Up to 400 people perished in the first few days of the Serbian occupation. Despite this, the commander, General Janković, with rifle in hand, forced notables and local tribal leaders to sign a declaration of gratitude to King Peter for their “liberation by the Serbian army.” As Serbian troops were about to set off westwards, they could not find any horses to transport their equipment. They therefore requisitioned 200 Albanians, forcing them to carry goods weighing up to 50–60 kilos for seven hours during the night along bad roads in the direction of Luma. Seeing that the wretched group of bearers had managed to reach their goal, though most of them collapsed under the inhumane treatment they had suffered, the Serbian commander expressed his satisfaction and approval of the action. A Fani woman called Dila took the road to Prizren with her sons, another relative and two men from the village of Gjugja in order to buy goods for her daughter’s dowry. Before reaching Prizren, she applied for a laissez-passer for herself and her companions from the command post of General Janković in order to proceed unimpeded. She was given the passes. When the group of five arrived in Suni, about four hours from Prizren, they were robbed of their possessions and the four men were tied up and thrown into a pit. Soldiers then shot the men from the edge of the pit. The mother, who had witnessed this scene, called out in desperation to her son. Seeing that he was no longer alive, she threw herself to the feet of the soldiers, begging them to kill her, too. They had tied her to a tree by the time some officers came by, having heard the shooting. The soldiers showed the officers a loaf of bread they had seized from the women, in which they had pressed two Mauser bullets as proof that the men had been trying to smuggle ammunition. The officers thereupon ordered the soldiers to go their way. The poor woman remained tied to the tree at the edge of the pit, in full view of her slain son, from Monday afternoon until Wednesday. On Wednesday, starving and exhausted by the chill of the late autumn nights, she was taken to Prizren. She was locked up that night and presented to the commander the next day. Although General Janković must have known that the poor woman standing before him was innocent, she was still not released. Instead, she was taken to the residence of the Serbian bishop where she remained in custody until the following day when she was given over to the Catholics, taken to a church and tended to. In Prizren, there lived a baker named Gjoni i Prek Palit who supplied the Serbian troops with food. One day, a sergeant came by to order bread for the troops and happened to leave his rifle in the bakery. When soldiers later entered the bakery and saw the rifle, they arrested the baker for violating the weapons ban. He was taken to a military tribunal and executed. When Gini, 150

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Documents the baker’s brother, heard of the arrest, he ran to the sergeant and took him to the military police where the latter admitted the rifle was his and that he had only left it in the bakery for a short time. He knew the number of the rifle and recognized it immediately. Gini and his Serbian witness were then beaten up and chased away. Gini learned nothing of the fate of his arrested brother. Ten days later, the mother of the dead baker, who had been searching day and night for her son, came upon the body outside of town. She requested to be given the corpse so that she could give her son a Christian burial. This request was refused. A Catholic priest then hastened to the commander and in the name of religious freedom requested that the body be buried in the Catholic cemetery. He, too, was refused, and they were obliged to bury the body on the spot where they found it. Officers also took part in the atrocities. It is said in Prizren that a soldier asked his officer for shoes or sandals. The officer replied he should confiscate the sandals from the next Albanian who happened to pass by. “Why else do you carry a rifle?” asked the officer, pointing to his own sandals. *** Three Albanian villages in the vicinity of Prizren were totally destroyed and thirty local officials slain. They were accused of being pro-Austrian. In one of these villages, the soldiers forced the womenfolk out of their homes, tied them to one another and forced them to dance in a circle. They then opened fire and amused themselves by watching one victim after another fall to the ground in a pool of blood. When it was reported to General Janković that the Luma tribe was ­preventing Serbian troops from advancing westwards towards the Adriatic, he ordered his men to proceed with extreme severity. All in all, twenty-seven ­villages on Luma territory were burnt to the ground and their inhabitants slain, even the children. It is here that one of the most appalling atrocities of the Serbian war of annihilation was committed against the Albanians. Women and children were tied to bundles of hay and set on fire before the eyes of their husbands and fathers. The women were then barbarously cut to pieces and the children bayoneted. My informant, a respected and thoroughly reliable man, added in his report: “It is all so inconceivable, and yet it is true!” 400 men from Luma who gave themselves up voluntarily were taken to Prizren and executed day after day in groups of forty to sixty. Similar executions are still being carried out there. Hundreds of bodies still lie unburied in the Prizren region. Gjakova is also in ruins and its population decimated. Sixty Albanians were slain in Tërstenik, thirty-two in Smira, twenty in Vërban, nineteen in Ljubishta and all the males in Kamogllava, which is home to fifty families. In the latter village, the men were forced to appear for roll call and to salute. They were then tied up and executed without trial. Not very many survived in Preševo either. 151

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Kosovo, A Documentary History The total number of Albanians slain in the vilayet of Kosovo is estimated at 25,000, a figure which is by no means exaggerated. *** On 20 March 1913, the Albanische Korrespondenz published this item: We have received the following report from reliable Albanian sources in Skopje. Serbian troops and volunteers are committing unspeakable atrocities in the vicinity of Skopje against the population of the territories they have occupied. European circles have been particularly outraged by the following events which were reliably recorded. The Serbian army took the village of Shashare at the end of February. Having removed all men and boys from the village, the soldiers then proceeded to rape the women and girls. Serbian soldiers committed the same heinous crimes in the village of Letnica. It must be stressed that both ­Shashare and Letnica have an exclusively Slavic and Catholic population. Serbian troops, thus, do not even stop at committing such degenerate acts against their own Christian people. Shashare is a settlement of over one hundred families. These savage troops have committed even worse crimes in other areas. Two hundred eighty farms belonging to Albanian Moslems were set on fire in twenty-nine villages in the Karadag (Black) mountains and all the male inhabitants who had not flown fell under a hail of bullets and under the bayonets of the soldiers. The Serbs plundered like the Huns from ­village to village. Other such pogroms have been carried out in the villages of ­Tërstenik, Senica, Vërban, Ljubishta and Gjylekar. Two hundred thirty-eight men were pitilessly slaughtered here. In Sefer, an old woman was burnt alive together with her Catholic servant. The suffering of the population knows no limits. In the village of Ljubishta, the atrocities have reached such a point that Moslem ­Albanian women have sold themselves to surviving ­Moslem men to serve them more or less as slaves. The Serbs took a man, an old woman and two children captive and burnt them alive in this ­village. In Gjylekar a pregnant women had her belly slit open with a bayonet and the offspring wrenched out of her body. In Prespa, an Albanian woman whose husband had been taken away shot five Serbian soldiers. The Serbs then set the whole settlement aflame, ninety farms in all, and let it burn to the ground. The Serbs are laying waste to whole regions and slaughtering their inhabitants. Their fury is directed against both the Moslems and the Catholics. The survivors remain behind in unspeakable misery and despair. In a report published on 19 February 1913 by the Deutsches Volksblatt, we read: Few towns and villages (in the occupied areas) have escaped the attention of the Serbs completely and there are many Albanians who now press to take vengeance for the deaths of their wives and children. When the order was issued in the towns for the immediate surrender of all 152

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Documents weapons, only very few people complied. Most of them hid their weapons at home or fled with them, for it is easier to separate an Albanian from his whole farm than from his rifle. In order to enforce the order, patrols were sent out to search homes. A gruesome fate awaited those caught with weapons. The military tribunal came to its findings within a matter of hours. One spectacular case took place in Tirana. Serbian soldiers went to the shop of a local merchant to buy goods. As they had no money with them, one of them left the merchant his rifle as security. Petrified at his own deed, the soldier subsequently went to his commander and brought charges against the merchant for stealing the rifle. A patrol was sent out in search of the Albanian and found him with the rifle in question. He was taken to a military tribunal and, despite his protestations that the rifle had only been left as security, was shot. An Albanian from the village of Zalla, west of Kruja, shot a Serb who had broken into his home and was assaulting his wife, and took to flight. When the Serbs subsequently arrived at the scene of the crime and could not find the culprit, – such is the sad truth – they slaughtered all the inhabitants, over one hundred persons including women and children, and set the village on fire. ***

The Serbian Thirst for Blood The special correspondent of the Daily Telegraph reported the following: All the horrors of history have been outdone by the atrocious conduct of the troops of General Janković. On their march through Albania, the Serbs have treacherously slaughtered not only armed Albanians, but in their savagery even unarmed individuals – old people, women, children and babies at their mother’s breasts. Drunk with victory, Serbian officers have proclaimed that the only way of pacifying Albania is to exterminate the Albanians. They slaughtered 3,000 people in the region between Kumanovo and Skopje alone. 5,000 Albanians were murdered by the Serbs in the Prishtina area. These people did not die with honour on the battlefield, but were slain in a series of gruesome raids. The Serbian soldiers have found new methods of butchery to satisfy their thirst for blood. Houses were set on fire in several villages and the inhabitants slaughtered like rats when they tried to flee the flames. The men were slain before the eyes of their wives and children. The wretched women were then forced to look on as their children were literally hacked to pieces. 153

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Executions were a daily entertainment for the Serbian soldiers. All inhabitants who had been found with weapons in their homes were executed. They were either shot or hanged. Up to thirty-six executions took place a day. How strange it is that the Serbian nationalists living in Hungary should complain about massacres in Albania. Mr Tomić, the former secretary to the Serbian Prime Minister Pašić, reported on his trip from Prizren to Peja that on both sides of the road he saw nothing but the remnants of burnt-out villages which had been razed to the ground. The roads were lined with gallows from which the bodies of Albanians were hanging. The road to Gjakova had become a Boulevard of Gibbets. The Belgrade newspapers reported quite without shame on the heinous atrocities of the Serbs. When Colonel Osbić’s regiment took Prizren, he ­commanded his compatriots, “Kill!” When his order was heard, so the Belgrade papers report, “the Serbian soldiers stormed into homes and slaughtered every human being they could lay their hands on.” The Daily Telegraph then gives the authentic statement of an Albanian notable: Anyone who denounces an Albanian to the Serbs can be sure that the Albanian will be executed. There were people who owed money to Moslem ­Albanians. They went and denounced them to the Serbs as traitors. The wretched Albanians were immediately hanged and the informers later found ways of acquiring the home and land of their victims for a ridiculously low price. In Skopje, unarmed Albanians were simply shot and killed by Serbian officers. If even a hunting knife was found in a home, its owner was executed. In Ferizaj, the Serbian commander invited Albanian fugitives to return to their home and surrender their weapons. When over four hundred of them did return, they were slaughtered. There were no more than a dozen Moslem families left alive in Ferizaj. The war correspondent of the Messaggero has confirmed this report. In Pana, the Serbs killed their prisoners, in Varosh and Prishtina the population was literally decimated. Serbian officers admitted themselves that they were on the “hunt” for Albanians, and one of them boasted having killed nine Albanians in one day with his own hands. A doctor working for the Red Cross reported, according to the same source: The Serbs have been massacring throughout Albania with no sign of mercy. Neither women nor children nor old people have been spared. I have seen villages burning in Old Serbia every day. Near Kratovo, General Stefanović had hundreds of prisoners lined up in two rows and machine gunned down. General Živković had 850 Albanian notables put to death in Senica because they had offered resistance. The Albanische Korrespondenz reported from Trieste on 12 March: A letter from Kruja near Durrës (Durazzo) dated 27 February of this year was read out at the Albanian congress here. It read: All the buildings as well as the villas of Mashar Bey and Fuad Bey (n.b. who were taking part in the congress at the time) have been burnt to the ground. Ali Lam Osmani’s brother was 154

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Documents caught by the Serbs in Vinjoll near Kruja, buried to his thighs in the earth, and then shot. The letter concludes with the words: We shall never see one another again. Farewell until we meet in the other world!

The Marauding Serbs! Ahmed Djevad, secretary of the Comité de Publication D.A.C.B. reports, according to several witnesses: The most incredible amounts of valuables have been robbed and stolen by the Serbs in Strumica. Major Ivan Gribić, commander of the fourth battalion of the fourteenth Serbian line regiment alone had eighty wagons filled with furniture and carpets transported back to Serbia. All the young women and girls of Strumica have been raped and forcibly baptized. The rest of the wretched Moslem population is dying of starvation, destitution and disease ... The Albanische Korrespondenz reported from Trieste on 21 March 1913: The suffering in Albania has reached an unspeakable zenith. The Serbian troops who took Durrës were immediately ordered to proceed into the countryside although no provision had been made for their food and drink. They were therefore forced to rely on food they confiscated from the population, which they did with exception cruelty. They took nine-tenths of all the stocks available, and refused to give written receipts for the goods they requisitioned. The Serbian troops not only confiscated goods for their own usage. They seized or destroyed all the food that fell into their hands. Ancient olive trees which had been planted in the Venetian period and had provided sustenance to generations were cut down by the Serbs. Farm animals were slain. No sheep, no chickens, no corn which the Serbs could get their hands on remained untouched. They conducted extensive raids and looted wherever they could. In Durrës, the Serbs loaded ships with carpets and other stolen goods for transportation to Salonika whence the cargo was transferred back to Belgrade. Even antique benches from the government offices in Durrës were confiscated and loaded onto the booty ships. Fazil Toptani Pasha, to whom we showed this report for confirmation, stated: Everything written in this report is true. These facts are but a small portion of the outrages committed in our country by these barbarians. They flooded into Albania slaughtering, looting and burning, and have caused more destruction than anyone could possibly imagine. Dervish Hima told us: Tell the public that a good proportion of the Albanian people is on the verge of starvation. Spring has come, the time to sow the land, and the Serbs have stolen all the seed. Even if the Albanians had seed, they would not sow it, for they now have a saying: “Even if s­ omething manages to grow, the Serbs will destroy it.” Such is the fear of the Serbs among our people! 155

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Kosovo, A Documentary History

Wholesale Murder A Romanian doctor, Dr Leonte, reported in the Bucharest newspaper Adevărul on 6 January 1913 that the horrors he saw committed by the Serbian army far outdid his worst fears. That hundreds of Moslem captives were forced to march a hundred kilometres was the least of what these wretches were to suffer. Whenever any of these poor individuals collapsed of hunger and exhaustion at the roadside, they were simply bayoneted by the first soldier passing, and the corpses were left to rot. The fields were still strewn with the bodies of slaughtered men and women, young and old, even children. When Serbian troops marched into Monastir [Bitola], all Turkish patients being treated in the hospitals were slain in order to make room for wounded Serbs. The soldiers stole whatever they could get their hands on. Even banks were robbed. A Bulgarian professor who made himself unpopular by proposing a toast to King Ferdinand has disappeared without a trace since the evening of the toast. Dr Leonte gives other reports of atrocities similar to those committed in Kumanovo, Prizren etc. *** The well-known war correspondent Hermenegild Wagner reported from Zemun on 20 November 1912: During my three-day stay in Nish, I heard shocking details of the inhumane acts committed by Serbian troops. I wish to note in this connection that I have respected witnesses for all details referred to. In the fortress of Nish was a fifty-year-old Albanian woman being held on suspicion of having thrown bombs at Serbian troops marching into Ferizaj. Instead of bringing the accused before a military tribunal, she was given over to Serbian soldiers who literally shattered her skull with the butts of their rifles. A Turkish lieutenant named Abdul Kadri Bey was beaten to death in the fortress of Nish. The autopsy showed a broken nose and a traumatized liver. The victim was kicked to death. An Albanian who attempted to escape was bayoneted to death. The body was dreadfully battered about by the soldiers even while it was being taken to the morgue. In the hospital of Nish, a number of Serbs entered a ward where Turkish patients were being treated. One of the Serbs called out, making a joke, “That’s the one who wounded me!” Thereupon, a whole group of Serbs attacked the helpless patient and kicked him to death. A Red Cross doctor told me with horror that the prisoners and injured patients one encountered in Nish and Belgrade were only there for show. “The Serbs,” he added, “know no mercy. All Albanians caught, whether armed or not, are butchered on the spot. Women, children, old people. Dreadful things are happening down there (in Old Serbia). I don’t know how many villages 156

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Documents have been razed to the ground by Serbian troops. I saw them burning day after day ... Near Kratovo, General Stefanović had hundreds of Albanian prisoners lined up in two rows and mowed down with machine guns. The general then declared: This brood must be exterminated so that Austria will never find her beloved Albanians again. General Živković massacred 950 Albanian and Turkish notables near ­Senica when ten thousand Albanians slowed down the advance of Serbian troops. The Serbs took very few of the wounded prisoner after the Battle of Kumanovo. King Peter himself visited the field hospital in Nish. One of the injured Serbs complained that the Albanians were firing upon the Serbs with rifles stolen from the Serbs themselves, and that he, too, had been wounded in this manner, to which King Peter replied: “The swine will pay for it!” Serbian witnesses who were present at the battle told me with smiles on their faces how after the battle, all of the dead and injured Turks and Albanians were hurled into a shallow grave. The battlefield looked frightful after a heavy rainfall because the Turkish mass grave collapsed, leaving the hands, feet and skulls of distorted bodies sticking out of the mud.

Devastated Villages In Skopje, a returning Serbian officer explained quite seriously to me the justice of burning down eighty villages in Luma territory. On 14 February, the Deutsches Volksblatt published a report from southern Hungary, warning: The Serbian government must come to realize that their official denials only serve to destroy Serbian credibility even further. We saw examples of such rallies following the murder of the king. At that time, the government solemnly and officially denied that King Alexander and Queen Draga had been murdered by the perjured officers, insisting instead that they had been quarrelling and had killed one another... With regard to the Albanian massacres, it is extremely sad to note that the description of events which has filtered through to the public is indeed in full accord with the facts and has only one shortcoming, that it is incomplete. Many Serbs have confirmed the events themselves, often with great pride. Let it suffice for us to quote a statement made by someone who himself took part in the first stages of the war and who, though a Serb from the Kingdom, prefers to exercise his profession in southern Hungary for the moment, under Austrian “oppression”, in order to avoid as far as possible the “cultural and religious liberality” reigning in his native land. This classic witness took obvious satisfaction in declaring that Serbian soldiers had ruthlessly mowed down whole groups of Albanian farmers, whose only “crime” was that weapons had been found in their homes. When I expressed my astonishment at his statement, he replied placidly, “Should we have wasted our time 157

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Kosovo, A Documentary History e­ scorting these people to some distant garrison town? It was much less work this way. We were then free and could go for a drink!” This pragmatic attitude seems to be extremely widespread among Serbian soldiers. An injured patient at a Belgrade hospital told a visitor, “We left the Turks alone but slaughtered the Albanian dogs wherever we could get our hands on them.” Another indication is to be seen in the letter by a Serbian officer, published in the journal Magyarorszag, whose Balkan correspondent was Ivan Ivanović, Austrian deserter and former head of the Royal Serbian Press Office. In this letter, the officer declares that, after the occupation of Monastir, he had with his own eyes seen his soldiers seize ten Turkish men, women and children each and burn them alive. Such statements can be heard from all the Serbs returning from the war. To their misfortune, they have not read the official Serbian denials published in the foreign press ... *** An Albanian from near Skopje reported: “When we saw the Serbian soldiers approaching our village, everyone ran back home. I myself was not afraid and, wanting to get a look at the strangers, came out in front of the house. There they were already. I offered one of the soldiers a small coin. He struck me on the head and I fell to the ground, where the soldiers left me. Storming into the house, they murdered my mother and father, set the house on fire, and proceeded to slaughter everyone else. When I finally got back up on my feet, everything was in flames.” In Sefer in the region of Gjilan, the Serbs set fire to a cottage and hurled its two elderly owners, who had not had time to flee, alive into the conflagration. They tied the hands of one man together, told him to run away, and then shot him as he ran off. Varying explanations were given this month for the burning down of the following towns and villages: Limbishte, Koliq, Tërpeza and Gjylekar. In the last three villages, everyone was slaughtered, including women and children. In the village of Bobaj in the district of Gjakova, four Serbian soldiers who had been caught trying to rape the women, were beaten up. This was enough for a punitive expedition to be sent in and Bobaj was put to the torch. All the inhabitants were slaughtered. When they had finished their work, the soldateska came upon seventy Catholic Albanians from Nikaj, who were going to market. Here, too, the soldiers carried out their bloody handwork. In Peja, Serbian soldiers carried off three women. The Montenegrins also carried off three girls. In Luma territory, thirty-two communities were burnt to the ground, and anyone who was captured there was slain. In Dibra, too, Serbian soldiers committed dreadful atrocities. They stole whatever they could get their hands on. Then fresh troops arrived and set twenty-four villages on fire, killing all the inhabitants ... 158

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Documents In Prizren, the Catholic priest was not allowed to administer communion to the dying. Whoever approached the parish priest was brought before a military tribunal. *** The following report was received from Durrës on 6 March: Serbian troops have burnt the following villages to the ground: Zeza, Larushk, Monikla, Sheh and Gromni. In Zeza, twenty women and girls were locked in their homes and burnt alive. The inhabitants of the village of Kruja-Kurbin have taken to the mountains, in order to save their lives, leaving behind all their possessions. *** On 12 March, the Albanische Korrespondenz reported from Trieste: Letters from Tirana inform us that Serbian troops have recently been committing atrocities in the vicinity. The inhabitants of Kaza Tirana had offered accommodation to a unit of Albanian volunteers and given them food and drink. When the Serbian military commander got word of this, he had his troops encircle the village, whereupon all the houses, including the estate belonging to Fuad Toptani Bey, were burnt to the ground. Seventeen people died in the fire. Ten men and two women were executed.

The Serbs Are Also Murdering Christians On 20 March, the Reichspost published a letter from Albania, reading as ­follows: The parish priest of the sanctuary of Cernagora or Setnica, Don Tommaso, was robbed by Serbian soldiers of all the funds belonging to the church. The soldiers drew their bayonets, forced him to open the safe and took out all the money belonging to the pilgrimage site. The parish priest of Gjakova was threatened with death. He was told, “Either you give up your links with the Austrian protectorate or we will roast your brains!” The courageous reaction of the priest blew the wind out of their sails, however. For three months now, the Serbs have been hindering the parish priest of Ferizaj in his freedom to exercise his office. They have been jailing anyone who talks to him or who goes to mass or confession. The same thing has happened to two priests from Prizren. All imaginable pressure has been exerted against the Catholics of Janjeva (four hundred families, almost all of whom are ethnic Slavs) to convert to the schismatic church.

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Kosovo, A Documentary History For hundreds of years now, about 8,000 Catholics, so-called Laramans or secret Catholics, have been living in this archdiocese. Because of Turkish persecution, they did not profess their faith openly. When the Serbs arrived, several hundred of these Laramans wanted to declare openly that they were Catholic. When a ­representative of the new government got word of this, they were ordered, “Either Moslem or Orthodox. Not Catholic!” Near the sanctuary of Letnica is the village of Shashare (ninety families, all of them Catholic). Serbian soldiers took the village, assembled the men on a field and tied them up with ropes. They then looted the homes and brutally raped the women and girls. Countless Albanian Catholics have been murdered. In Ponoshec, for instance, thirty men were slaughtered one day while they were going about their business in the village. Their only crime was to admit that they were Albanian Catholics. Near Zhur, entire families of innocent Catholic tribesmen who had come down to Prizren to purchase salt, oil, sugar etc. were treacherously murdered on their way. The same thing happened near Gjakova where a further seventy Catholics from the parish of Nikaj were slaughtered. The Catholics are persecuted, whereas the native Orthodox are left alone. In the vicinity of Dibra and Monastir, as well as in Kosovo, many villages have now been burnt to the ground. The looting is unspeakable. It is sufficient to note that sheep are now being sold at a price of two francs each because nobody knows what to do with them all. So many have been stolen from the Albanians by the Serbs and Montenegrins. They are now trying to stop us from speaking Albanian. A number of schools teaching Albanian have already been closed down.

The letter ends with the words, “May God have mercy upon us, and may Europe come and save us. Otherwise we are lost!” ***

In its issue of 21 March, the Neue Freie Presse reports: We have been told by informed sources that, according to recent reports, Catholics and Moslems are being persecuted both in the district of Gjakova and in the district of Dibra [Debar]. Many deaths occur every day. The population has fled, l­ eaving behind all their possessions. It is not only the Albanians who

are the object of such persecution, but also Catholic and Moslem Slavs.

Slaughtered Priests On 20 March, the Neue Freie Presse reported: On 7 March, the soldateska joined fanatic Orthodox priests in and around Gjakova to forcefully ­convert 160

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Documents the Catholic population to the Orthodox faith. About 300 persons, men, women and children, among whom Pater Angelus Palić, were bound with ropes and forced under threat of death to convert. An Orthodox priest pointed to the soldiers standing by with their rifles in hand and said, “Either you sign the declaration that you have converted to the one true faith or these soldiers of God will send your souls to hell.” All the prisoners then signed the forms prepared for them which contained a declaration of conversion to the Orthodox faith. Pater Angelus was the last. He was the only one of them who had the strength, in a calm and dignified manner, to refuse to give up his faith. Pater Angelus stood by his word, even when ordered three times to convert and even when entreated by the other forcefully converted Catholics. The result was one of the most appalling scenes imaginable in twentieth-century Europe. After a sign from the Orthodox priest, the soldiers fell upon the Franciscan, ripped off his tunic and began beating him with the butts of their rifles. Pater Angelus collapsed after several of his bones and ribs had been fractured. At this moment, the Orthodox priest stopped the ­soldiers and asked him if he was now willing to convert. Again he shook his head and said placidly, “No, I will not abandon my faith and break my oath.” Pater Angelus was beaten with the rifle butts again until one of the ­soldiers plunged a bayonet through the priest’s lungs and put an end to his suffering.

A Serbian Decree for More Bloodshed A decree was issued to the local authorities in the district of Kruja in western Albania, reading: “If anything occurs in the future or if but one Serbian soldier is killed in the town, in a village or in the vicinity, the town will be razed to the ground and all men over the age of fifteen will be bayoneted.” The decree was signed: Kruja, 5 January 1913. Commanding officer: A. ­Petrović, Captain, first class. Kruja is the birthplace of Scanderbeg, the national hero, whose castle still stands in the town. It is a place venerated by all Albanians!

Serbian Voices The Deutsches Volksblatt reported on 8 February: The Serbian Minister of ­Culture and Education, Ljuba Jovanović, has published a declaration in a Slav newspaper, stating: “The Moslems will of course be treated the same as 161

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Kosovo, A Documentary History e­ veryone else with regard to their rights as citizens. As to their religious affairs, the Vakuf properties (belonging to religious foundations) will remain under Moslem jurisdiction and their monasteries will be held in the same respect as are the Christian ones. With the exception of the regular troops, the Moslems have not put up any resistance to Serbian occupation and, as a result, were not harmed by Serbian forces. The Albanians, for their part, have resisted the Serbian occupation and even shot at soldiers after having surrendered. Such shootings have taken place not only outdoors but also from within houses in occupied villages. This has led to what happens everywhere when non-­ combatants oppose a victorious army” (i.e. the massacre of the Albanians). The Belgrade newspaper Piemont, which serves as the mouthpiece of radical circles within the army, dealt in its issue of 20 March with the problem of Shkodra (Scutari) and declared that Shkodra must fall to Montenegro. “If this does not happen,” continued the newspaper, “the town must be razed to the ground.”

Serbian Officers Boast of their Vile Deeds The Albanische Korrespondenz reports from Durrës: The carnage perpetrated by the Serbs in Albania is outrageous. Serbian officers boast openly of their deeds. Serbian troops have acted infamously in Kosovo in particular. A Serbian officer reported here: “The womenfolk often hid their jewellery and were not willing to hand it over. In such cases, we shot one member of the family and, right away, were given all the valuables.” Particularly shocking was the behaviour of the Serbs on Luma territory. The men were burnt alive. Old people, women and children were slaughtered. In Kruja, the birthplace of Scanderbeg, a good number of men and women were simply shot to death and many houses set on fire. The Serbian commander, Captain Petrović, published an ukaz officially announcing the evil deeds. In Tirana, several Albanians were sentenced to corporal punishment. The Serbs thrashed the wretched individuals until they died. In Kavaja and Elbasan, people were also officially beaten to death by the soldiers. A well-known, respected and wealthy gentleman, son of a Turkish officer, was shot in Durrës. The Serbian command later made his sentence known by wall posters on which they wrote that he had been accused of theft and sentenced to death. The Serbs have destroyed Catholic churches, saying that they are Austrian constructions and must disappear from the face of the earth. Serbian soldiers and officers harass the population day and night. A Serbian soldier was recently found murdered. The Serbian commander ordered the immediate arrest of five Albanians who had nothing to do with the murder and had them shot. 162

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Documents

A Bloodbath in Shkodra (Scutari) The Albanische Korrespondenz reports from Podgorica: After the battle of Brdica, which resulted in a sound defeat for the Serbs, Serbian forces entered the village of Barbullush on their retreat. The terrified inhabitants came out of their homes with crucifixes in their hands and begged for mercy, but to no avail. The crazed troops attacked the unarmed villagers and slaughtered men, women, old people and children. The maimed body of an eight-year-old child was found to contain no less than six bayonet wounds.

The Serbian Denials In recent times, the Serbian government has countered most reports of atrocities with official denials. Such disavowals have always been issued promptly, but all too often they lacked any semblance of credibility. Such grave and detailed accusations cannot be repudiated by a simple statement that the events in question did not occur. The present and by no means complete selection of reports from various sources, not only Austrian, but also Italian, German, Danish, French and Russian, should have more weight in any court of human justice than all the formal denials issued by the Royal Serbian Press Office. In an official denial dated 8 February, the Serbian Press Office declared that, “Such atrocities alleged to have been perpetrated by the Serbian army are simply unthinkable today on the part of a people who are exceptionally religious and tolerant.” We can only answer: An army whose officers assault their king and queen in the middle of the night, murder them, maim their corpses with fifty-eight sabre cuts and then throw them out the window is quite capable of such atrocities, in particular since the leader of the bloodbath which took place in the konak of Belgrade was none other than Colonel Popović, one of the leaders of the Serbian attack on Albania and currently commander of Serbian occupation forces in Durrës. Vienna 1913 Excerpt from the book The Struggle for Scutari: Turk, Slav and Albanian ­(London, 1914) by the English traveller and war correspondent Edith Durham on the situation in northern Albania and Kosovo under Serbian and Montenegrin occupation in 1912–13. 163

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Kosovo, A Documentary History The Servian army, when ordered to evacuate [northern Albania], avenged itself most cruelly upon some of the unhappy districts through which it passed. Puka especially suffered. At Flet-Puka the people, when the Serbs arrived in November, 1912, offered resistance and lost nine men. The Serbs forced a way through, and burnt twenty houses, but otherwise did no damage. But in April, when they returned and the men of the village were away in the mountains, the soldiers fell on the helpless inhabitants, killed fifty-two persons, of whom the majority were women and children, and burnt and plundered the rest of the houses. Miserable people from Arzi [Arst] told of even worse things there. When passing through the village in November the Serbs had merely disarmed the people, who had not resisted. But when the troops returned in April, they amused themselves by bleeding some of their defenceless victims to death. “Not quickly, as you do sheep, but slowly. They made little cuts on the wrists and the elbows and on the necks so that they should be a long time dying.” Some women, with hideous and vivid pantomime, described the manner of the cuts and how the Serbs had danced round the dying victims and imitated their last shudders. Told, too, how an entire family had been massacred, except one girl, who was hidden under the bodies of the others, and emerged, blood-soaked. The four women who told this were Moslem widows, whose husbands had been killed. I fear that it was all true, for the details were corroborated by others from the same district. A Catholic boy, for example, told with horror of the slaughter. We asked, “Did the Serbs put the people in a row and shoot them?” “No, no. Far worse than that. They cut them here and here” He pointed to the spots and gave the same account of bleeding. Nor were the Serbs themselves ashamed of their exploits, for a Serb officer told a doctor I know, that he had helped to bury people alive in Kosovo vilayet. And the terror which the people had of the Serbs told a tale too. Though ordered by the Powers to evacuate, the Serbs kept a considerable force in Mirdita, and several guns aimed towards the Abbot’s house for about five months after they had declared officially that they had withdrawn. Nor did they take any notice of Vice-Admiral Burney’s order to go. They were connected by outposts and by telegraph with Prizren, so were in a position to pour in troops at any moment, which caused the greatest anxiety among the villagers. Other victims came, survivors of Montenegrin persecution in the Gusinje and Djakova districts. In August I rode close up to this frontier, and heard from refugees, accounts which abundantly confirmed those which the Gusinje men in April in fear confided to the Moslem shopmen of Podgoritza. One man can lie; three or four can arrange to tell the same tale. But when widely scattered people are met and questioned quite separately, at different times and in different places, and their accounts agree, there can be no reasonable doubt that the tale contains a large proportion of truth, even when the exaggerations caused by terror are allowed for. 164

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Documents Briefly, so soon as the Powers drew that most unfortunate frontier in March “without considering the ethnographical question,” the Montenegrins began to rearrange that question to suit themselves. When the officer Veshovitch came to Gusinje with the Montenegrin soldiers, he said: “Do not be afraid. We have come to set you free. We shall not hurt you.” And until he left in about a month’s time all was quiet. Then there came two Brigadiers, and an Orthodox of Gusinje was made Kapetan. He began a search for arms. Those who had none — and many were unarmed — said so in vain, and were flogged most terribly. This began about St. Nikola (in December). And the Montenegrins began shooting people, and robbing them, and stealing their cattle. But we still hoped things would be better, and did not wish to lose our lands; and there was deep snow on the passes, so that it was impossible to go with a large family of children. Then the Montenegrins began to go against our religion. This was in March. Four battalions came and surrounded the whole Gusinje district. They first took the hodjas and asked, “Will you be baptized?” and when a man said “No,” dan-dan he was shot dead. Nearly all were shot. Then they took Bairam Zechir, a headman, and 150 others — all Moslems of Gusinje, Martinovitch, and Plava, and the neighbouring villages — and took them away as prisoners, and on the way shot them all in Chafa Previsit (a pass). They shut all our mosques, and put guards at the doors, and forbade anyone to pray as we Moslems do; and if anyone was seen praying through a window, he was shot. It is impossible to tell the misery that has fallen on us. They forbade our women to go veiled, and tore the veils off them, and insulted them. Bairam Zechir and his comrades were the first headmen shot for religion. But then they took men here or there, twenty or fifty at a time, and shot all who refused baptism.” The number of persons thus shot was variously estimated. The lowest figure given was 500, the highest about 600. It should be noted that the man who gave 500 had succeeded in flying from the district before those who gave a higher estimate. A considerable number, when they saw how things were going, managed, in spite of the snow, to escape to the mountains of Gashi and Krasnichi. But few who had large families could do so. Some men left their wives and children — “for war is not made on women” — but these were driven to church “like sheep” and baptized. The remaining population, seeing it was a case of death or baptism, gave way on the advice of a hodja, who told them that their hearts would remain Moslem, and that God would pardon them. An old man who steadfastly refused baptism was seized by the soldiers, who forced a lump of pork in his mouth, and bound it so fast with a handkerchief that the man was suffocated. A number of women were outraged. “But of this,” said one man, “it is hard for us to speak. It is such a disgrace.” “At Cherem, a Moslem village, very bad things were done. Three men from this village had turned ‘komit,’ had fled to the mountains, and one day fired on some Montenegrin soldiers. They did not try to capture the assailants, but went to the village and captured twenty-seven innocent persons, and shot 165

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Kosovo, A Documentary History them all. In two houses every male was killed. The women were then told they must be baptized. They said: ‘You have killed our men; leave us our religion.’ The soldiers outraged all, both girls and women, and afterwards they were all forcibly baptized. In four other houses the women were all burnt in the houses after the men were shot. This was all in revenge for the three men who had fired on the soldiers. All these people were innocent.” Persons were also killed slowly, as were those at Arzi by the Serbs, not by cuts, but by a multitude of small bayonet thrusts all over, till they died of loss of blood. In the neighbourhood of Ipek and Berani the former revolutionary leader Avro Tsemovitch, the half-drunk hero I had seen at Andriyevitza, was reported to have instigated and committed horrible atrocities. The Albanian mountains were full of these unhappy Moslems, and the tribes of Gashi and Krasnichi were giving them food and shelter. I could do but little to aid them, as my fund was almost exhausted. As for Montenegrin intolerance of Catholicism, an eyewitness described to me the plundering of the church of Mazreku. The order was given by one of the Royal Family of Petrovitch. In spite of the priest’s remonstrances, Montenegrins, both men and women, struggled to get a bit of something out of the church. The crucifix and tabernacle were taken, the missal destroyed, and private houses were entered and robbed of their pictures and images of saints. Not satisfied with their attack on the Moslems in March, the Montenegrins, while I was still in the mountains in August, fell on the Moslem village of Vuthaj [Vusinje]. I was woken early on the 21st by a man just in, with the news that the soldiers had attacked the village before dawn, broken in the doors, seized the sleeping inmates, and driven out many with bayonets, and either shot or bayoneted them on the road. He himself had seen eight bodies, full of bayonet wounds, and had fled to save his life. Most of the survivors fled to the Albanian mountains. Their property was some of the most fertile land in the district, and for this reason they were raided. Among Balkan subjects, Ferdinand of Bulgaria was the only one who spoke the truth in his proclamation of war. It was, he said, to be a war of Cross against Crescent. The massacres of Adana and the resultant misery pale, before the scarlet horrors committed wholesale in cold blood by the so-called followers of Christ. The Orthodox Church, with her Jewish pogroms in ­Russia and her Balkan exploits, now holds the world’s record for religious savagery. The Montenegrins, I learnt later, had pursued a similar policy after the war of 1877. The Moslems were then forcibly expelled from Podgoritza, and their houses in the old town burnt, as well as the bazar. When riding round on relief work, I came across a district, Buza Ujit, entirely peopled by refugees, who had then fled from Podgoritza, and their descendants. The Catholic Maltsors, their neighbours, had, however, come at the beginning of the war, and occupied their houses for them, so they told me, and had cried to “i biri Kralit” (the King’s son) to spare them. As Montenegro then still wished to be 166

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Documents on good terms with the Maltsors, the Buza Ujit people were thus saved from a second time experiencing Montenegrin methods. When I had heard the horrors of the Gusinje district, I found that there were about a thousand refugees from the Djakova district, where similar ­horrors were being enacted. Great misery, too, was and is caused by the ­frontier-line, drawn “without considering the ethnographic question.” It has been drawn between large districts and their only market-town, the learned frontier-drawers having, it appears, forgotten that a town and its surroundings necessarily form an organic whole, and are interdependent. By giving ­Djakova to the Montenegrins, the whole of the Nikaj, Merturi, Gashi, Krasnichi, Tropopoja tribes, and parts of Puka, are deprived of any place where they can either buy or sell. Djakova was founded by emigrants from Merturi and ­Berisha, and never was a Serb town. The luckless mountain men, when war was over, tried to go as usual to market. Some were flogged, and others shot. A four or five days’ tramp to Scutari is their only alternative. The Serbs were supposed by Europe to have performed an heroic feat when they marched over these same mountains in the winter. The Powers have condemned the unhappy peasants to make a similar march whenever they wish to buy some maize or lamp-oil. [FO 371/1782] Despatch from the British Ambassador to Montenegro, Count John de Salis, to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, dated 11 April 1913, on the murder of the Catholic priest Luigi Palic by Montenegrin forces in March 1913. Cettinjé [Cetinje], April 11, 1913 Sir, In my telegram No. 29 of the 24th March last I reported to you that, according to information received by the Austrian authorities, a Franciscan monk, Luigi Palic, had been arrested by the Montenegrin authorities at Ipek [Peja] and taken to Djakova [Gjakova], where he was murdered. In bringing these circumstances to the notice of the Montenegrin Government, the ­Austrian Chargé d’Affaires was instructed to state that, in view of the information received respecting the proceedings of the troops in the districts in question, his Government had decided on the journey to Djakova of the Archbishop of Prisrend, accompanied by the vice-consul at Prisrend as representative of the Monarchy. The Montenegrin Government replied at length that Father Palic had been arrested with some fifty-five others on an accusation of rebellion against the Montenegrin authorities, and was shot down, in accordance with the Montenegrin military code, for attempting to escape from the soldiers who were escorting him to Ipek. They refused to accept the Austrian proposal for an 167

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Kosovo, A Documentary History enquiry, on the ground that the territory in question was in the occupation of their armies, and that, in the exercise of the full civil and military power to which they were consequently entitled, they had put into force there all the laws of the Montenegrin State. Moreover, it was by application of its legislation that a State affirmed its sovereignty, whether the latter were based on the right of occupation or derived from a treaty or some other legal source. As regards the question of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, they considered that the Archbishop of Antivari, as the chief Catholic authority in Montenegro, was entitled to deal with the matter, though for certain reasons they had admitted an enquiry on the part of the Archbishop of Prisrend. They could not, however, allow the Austrian consul to accompany him. The claims put forward by the Montenegrin Government with regard to the exercise of sovereignty without reference to existing rights would appear to be wider than those maintained by European Powers, such as the United Kingdom and France, which have occupied portions of the Ottoman Empire. Nor would it, presumably, be easy to find the support of precedent for the contention that, by the fact of mere military occupation by the Montenegrin troops, the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Prisrend had been ipso facto transferred to the Archbishop of Antivari. The Austrian ­Government must have felt that their position was sufficiently strong to allow them to dispense with a discussion in detail on the subject. The Montenegrin note was returned with an intimation that the explanations respecting the murder were insufficient; with a protest that the Austrian right of protection over the ­Albanian Catholics had been violated. At the same time the Montenegrin Government were informed that the Archbishop of Prisrend, accompanied by the consul, would enquire into the circumstances in which a number of ­Catholics had been taken on the 15th March by a Montenegrin military escort to the Orthodox church at Djakova, as well as into other forced conversions for which the Montenegrin Government would be held responsible. It was ultimately arranged that a mixed enquiry should take place into all the questions at issue, the Austrian Government refusing to accept the proposal that a representative of some other Power should also take part in it, but offering to agree to the presence at it of any properly authorise person. I enclose herewith copies of the correspondence referred to in this ­despatch. I have, &c. J. de Salis [FO 371/1782] Letter from General P. Bojović, commander of Serbian forces in Albania, to British Vice-Admiral Cecil Burney, dated 22 April 1913 and forwarded to the Admiralty and the British Foreign Office on 28 April 1913, concerning the withdrawal of Serbian forces and the said gratitude of the Albanian population. 168

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Documents San Giovanni di Medua [Shëngjin] April 22, 1913 Admiral, I think it my duty to bring to your notice the following facts: I have received from those in command of our troops in Albania who have retired to Durazzo reports saying that the evacuation has been effected in perfect order, and that the Albanian population has expressed its gratitude and its thanks to our troops for the justice and order which they have ­re-established in those places where they have been camped. The greater part of the population, without regard to religious or race differences, is deeply affected by the departure of our troops, because they believe that, when they have gone, justice and order will no longer exist. Already they complain of violence and murder occurring in certain places immediately after the departure of our troops. At present it is the Christians that are suffering. For instance, at Pécune [Peqin], two Christians have been killed; at Kavala [Kavaja], a Christian chemist has been pillaged; at Tirana, two other ­Christians have been assassinated. Most of the population, Christians and Mussulmen alike, though mostly Christians, openly express their agony at the thought of the massacres that will be caused by the Mussulman Beys as soon as our troops have left Durazzo [Durrës], and they are not content at the fate which Europe has reserved for them, because they assert that this state of affairs will not benefit the people, only the Mussulman Beys, which latter have been for long past the paid servants of interested foreigners, and they further state that the people will be happier under Servian authorities. In bringing to your knowledge these facts, I would beg of you to bring them to the notice of those that can deal with them, so that violence and massacres may be avoided in those territories that the Servian army has left or is about to leave. Will you accept, Admiral, the assurance of my high consideration. P. Boiovitch [FO 421/243 & FO371/1831] Despatch from British Vice-Consul, W.D. Peckham, in Skopje to the British Ambassador, Sir Ralph Paget, in Belgrade, dated 19 August 1913, concerning a massacre of Albanians in Vuchitrn [Vushtrria] in Kosovo. Uskub [Skopje] August 19, 1913 Sir, I have the honour to report a massacre of Albanians at Vuchitrn. 169

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Kosovo, A Documentary History About a fortnight or three weeks ago two Albanians arrived there from Valona. Vuchitrn is the home of Hassan Bey, ex-deputy for Prishtina Sanjak, and these men were at once suspected of being emissaries of his to stir up revolt. In consequence the Servian authorities collected fifteen Albanian notables from the district, seven from the town, including the Mufti, and the two Valona Albanians, took them out of the town to a place where a grave had already been dug, and there put them all to death without the formality of any sort of trial, nor, so far as I can gather, from any other motive than that of pure suspicion. Two Vuchitrn Albanians subsequently came here and complained to the Vrhovna Komanda, which does not appear to have denied the complaint. “What do you expect? This sort of thing always happens during a war.” My informant, who has no love for the Servians, insisted that there was no motive but bare suspicion for this “incident”, possibly the Servian Government might have another tale to tell. I have not had any opportunity lately of ascertaining Albanian feeling north of the Shar, but I noted last year (my despatch No. 49, of the 9th July, 1912, to Salonica), that the east Albanians of Prishtina Sanjak, were in general quieter and more law-abiding than their brethren further west. It seems to me that, even if such energetic measures were absolutely necessary — and morally the burden of proof is on the Servian Government — they will have a deplorable effect on future Serbo-Albanian relations. In their fixed conviction that they themselves are completely civilized and that the Albanians are all utter savages, the Servians seem to lose sight of the fact that the new Albania will be a neighbour State which it might be as well to conciliate in case of an Austro-Servian war. I have, &c. W.D. Peckham [FO 421/243] Telegram from British Vice-Consul, W.D. Peckham, in Skopje to Dayrell Crackanthorpe at the British Embassy in Belgrade, dated 25 August 1913, concerning an attack on Serbian forces near Gjakova by the Albanian forces of Isa Boletini. Uskub [Skopje] August 25, 1913 Sir, It is rumored that Isa Bolatin with an Albanian force some 1,000 strong is attacking the Servians in the neighbourhood of Djakova. I do not know on which side of frontier. This is probably caused by a Servian attempt some three weeks ago to levy taxes in Albanian territory. W.D. Peckham 170

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Documents [FO 421/243] Despatch from British Vice-Consul, W.D. Peckham, in Skopje to the British Ambassador, Sir Ralph Paget, in Belgrade, dated 28 August 1913, on Isa Boletini and Albanian unrest under Serbian rule in Kosovo. Uskub [Skopje] August 28, 1913 Sir, With reference to my telegrams Nos. 34 of the 25th instant and yours of the 26th, No. 17, I have the honour to report that, so far as I can ascertain, the rumour with regard to the forward movement of Isa Bolatin was correct. Mgr. Dochi, mitred Abbot of the Mirdites is at Oroshi, and I have no doubt that his great influence has been used in the cause of peace. I think, therefore, that the Servian statement that their relations with the Mirdites are good, is probably correct. But your telegram suggests the possibility that the Servian Government are under the impression that the Gegs divide into three, Malissores, Mirdites, and Mati (and this would be of a piece with the amazing ignorance of this country which the Servians have shown throughout). Even if the Mirditia is quiet, it by no means follows that other “fis” (tribal groups) such as the Nikaj-Merturi or the Shala-Shoshi, who recognise neither the spiritual authority of Abbot Dochi nor the temporal authority of Prenk Bib Doda, will not be hostile. M. Gavrilovich, formerly Servian consul here, who has been delegate of the Foreign Ministry at Prisrend, and whom I met about a fortnight ago, told me that there had been a good deal of unrest among the northern “fis,” such as the Nikaj-Merturi, but that it had been largely quieted by the International Administration at Scutari. He ascribed it to Austrian intrigue; while not denying the extreme probability that it had been encouraged from Vienna, I cannot believe that it was solely due to this cause. On the one hand a Servian would be capable of attributing any difficulty, including a destructive earthquake, to the machinations of the “Shvab,” on the other the Albanians have some ground for unrest. A year ago “Albania” included Prisrend, Ipek [Peja], Prishtina, and even Uskub [Skopje] (see my despatches No. 68 of the 15th August and No.  75 of the 19th September, 1912 to Salonica), now it is delimited in such a way as to leave populous Albanian districts and the best land outside. And there are other motives for unrest far more cogent than disappointed ambition. The monastery of Dechan has produced a charter of one of the old Servian Kings enumerating a long list of the villages granted to it, and this title has been considered good, in spite of any changes under the Ottoman Government, the owners of land are in future to pay rent to the monastery, and also to pay four years’ arrears. It is true that this ignoring 171

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Kosovo, A Documentary History of prescriptive rights is not so flagrant an injustice as it would seem, as by Mahommedan law prescription does not begin to run, while the usurper is so strong that the claimant is afraid to sue. (Article 1663 of the Mejellé is as follows: “La prescription n’est valablement acquise que dans le cas où il n’y a aucune cause valable qui l’empèche de courir. On n’a point égard au temps qui s’écoule pendant que le demandeur… est dans un pays éloigné de dix-huit heures de son adversaire ou si celui-ci a une puissance telle à faire craindre le procès.”) But it must raise an uneasy suspicion among the Albanians that possibly the new Government will recognise no title-deeds subsequent to the Ottoman conquest. The Vuchitrn massacre (my despatch No. 41 of the 19th instant) seems to show that even life is by no means safe. I have been unable to ascertain the composition of the Albanian force. It may possibly be composed of refugees from mid-Kossovo, of whom many thousands are known to be in the hill country west of the new frontier. But the presence of Isa Bolatin suggests rather that it is the militia organised by the Valona Government, though that Government has so far pursued a thoroughly quietist policy. Isa Boletin himself, I would point out, is little more than a brigand pure and simple — between him and the Servians there is bound to be a standing feud. On the one hand he was in Servian pay before the war and failed to fulfil his engagements, hence the Servians wanted his blood last ­November; on the other, his village, Bolatin, near Mitrovitza, is in Servian hands, and he probably considers that there is “gjak” (blood-feud) between himself and the whole Servian army, and naturally shares the general Albanian indignation at seeing their country partitioned out among the other Balkan States. Isa Boletin’s forward movement has been arrested, I am told that this is due to action taken by the International Government in Scutari. I would point out that it is, in my opinion, undesirable that Servian occupation of Albanian territory should continue a day longer than necessary. And I consider that any attempts to organise a temporary Servian administration or to collect taxes should cease at once. The mountain clans can quite well carry on with their own tribal system of Government, and, whatever they may think of paying taxes to an Albanian Government, the demand of them by the Servians or the Montenegrins is certain to cause disorders. I have, &c. W.D. Peckham [FO 421/243] Despatch from Dayrell Crackanthorpe at the British Embassy in Belgrade to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, dated 11 September 1913, on a possible partitioning of Albania. 172

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Documents Belgrade September 11, 1913 Sir, With reference to my immediately preceding despatch, it has come to my knowledge from a source which I have reason to consider as trustworthy, that an agreement in regard to future Greek and Servian spheres of interest in Albania was discussed between M. Pashitch and M. Venizelos at their recent meeting at Uskub, and finally consigned to writing at Bucharest. The agreement is to the effect that, should circumstances arise under which Albania should lose her independence, or which might call for the intervention of Greece and Servia, the dividing line between the respective spheres of interests of the two countries shall be the River Skumbi [Shkumbin]. I have, &c. Dayrell Crackanthorpe [FO 421/243] Telegram from Dayrell Crackanthorpe at the British Embassy in Belgrade to the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, dated 14 September 1913, on a possible Austrian occupation of Albania. Belgrade September 14, 1913 Sir, It is feared here lest withdrawal of Servian troops from Albania might be followed by Austrian occupation (see my despatch No. 162, sent by bag). I believe this view to be that of the Crown Prince and the army. In view of this, it is doubtful whether further joint representations on previous lines will bear much weight with Servian Government, which ­ already imagines that the Powers are not quite in accord. Failure of further representations might create serious tension between Austria and Servia. I venture to suggest, as a purely personal opinion, that it might be useful to add to representations words to the effect that any policing of North Albania which may be necessary pending organisation of gendarmerie will be effected by international force. Dayrell Crackanthorpe [FO294/49 and FO294/7] Appeal of the Kosovo Committee to the Great Powers, dated 21 September 1913, highlighting crimes committed by Serbian and Montenegrin forces in early ­September 1913. 173

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Kosovo, A Documentary History [translated from the French] To Their Excellencies, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Germany, Austria-Hungary, France, Great Britain, Italy and Russia Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 21 September 1913 Excellencies, On behalf of the population of Jakova [Gjakova], Ipek [Peja], Plava, Gussinie [Gucia] and all of the former Vilayet of Kosovo, we, the undersigned, gathered in Shkutari in Albania, have the honour of bringing the following to the attention of Your Excellencies. From the first day they set foot on Albanian territory, regular Serbian and Montenegrin troops have done all they could to oppress the Albanian people and to ensure that the inhabitants lose their original nationality. Homes and whole villages have been burned down; unarmed, innocent people have been slain en masse; and unparalleled violence, pillaging and brutalities of all sorts have been committed. Such are the means that the ­Serbian and Montenegrin soldateska have been using and are still using to transform the entire ethnic composition of regions exclusively inhabited by Albanians. Such excesses, worthy of the most savage barbarians, could to an extent be explained, though never justified, in times of war, but they are now simply atrocious crimes committed with brutal spite and insatiable hatred against a population that has struggled against Turkish tyranny for four centuries. Indeed it was the continuous uprisings of this population that made it possible for the Balkan states to gain victory over Turkey recently. In order that this protest not seem gratuitous, we, the undersigned, venture to submit to Your Excellencies a brief overview of the cruel acts committed solely in the first two weeks of September of this year (we leave aside the daily extortions committed by the brute force of signatures in fraudulent statements in favour of Serbia and Montenegro). In Jakova: the following persons were murdered by the Serbs: 1) Selim and Riza, sons of Sulejman Zyberi; 2) Ndu Kola and his brother, jewellers; 3) Ali, son of Husen Uka; 4) Adem Milikuqi; 5) Idriz Asllani (native of Deva); 6) Lah Regja, son of Asman Goranzi; 7) Hamza, son of Zanun Luze; 8) Mehmet, son of Beqir Kuqi; 9) Ed’hem Axhemi and his son called Hussein; 10) Ndu Kola and his brother, brothers of Zefi i Vogël. In Ujzi [Ujë i zi]: 1) the whole family of Abdyl Zeka, consisting of twenty members, among whom were numerous women and children, were annihilated in their own home by grenades; 2) a son of Abdyl Zeka escaped from 174

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Documents his burning house, was mortally wounded and died in Dobrun; 3) Ali Tafa and all of his family, consisting of nine persons, were burned alive in their home; 4) Ed’hem, son of the former, was gravely wounded and found mutilated in an indecent manner; 5) Halil Sadiki and all of his family, consisting of six persons, were burned alive in their home; 6) three women, among whom the wife of Tund Çeta, were burned alive; 8) two shepherds from Glava were shot for no reason at all. In addition, twelve houses were burned down in Ujzi, fifteen in Fshaj and four in Smaki. In the surroundings of Jakova (crimes committed by the Serbs and Montenegrins): in Shipshaj, the following persons were murdered: 1) Musa Dervishi;  2) Ajdin Kanieri; 3) Isuf Selmani; 4) Syl Muslia; 5) Rexhep Zymer Fazlia; 6) Ismail Dervishi; 7) Abdi Salihi; 8) Sadri. The house of Abas Isufi was also destroyed by cannon fire; in Popoz, the house of Isuf Beka was set on fire; in Potok, the three sons of Duç Ymeri were slain; in Muliç [Muliq], the village hodja was murdered as were two shepherds, one of whom was from Brevina [Brovina]; near Prizren, a certain Lazzaro was decapitated because they thought he was an Albanian patriot. The Montenegrin Government told the villagers of Junik (district of Jakova) that they had to hand over 500 rifles and 1,000 young men. For what sinister purpose we do not know. The Montenegrins pillaged and set fire to the villages of Masnik [Maznik], Jablanitza [Jablanica], Jabel [Zhabel] and Novosela Deyol (in the district of Ipek). The entire population was murdered. It is evident from the above deeds (which, as previously stated, are only for the first two weeks of September, because thousands of other such crimes were committed by the Serbs and Montenegrins in the preceding months), that the Serbs and Montenegrins are following a preconceived plan for the swift and total annihilation of the Albanians of Kosovo in order to take over their property and establish colonies there. It is clear that this barbaric programme is not easy to achieve immediately and that hundreds of thousands of Albanians still in Kosovo will not allow themselves to be slaughtered like sheep, although they lack rifles, ammunition and food. But before such grave events come to pass that could undermine peace in the Balkans for a long time, the undersigned feel obliged to call upon the protection of civilised Europe and request guarantees for their people, their lives and their property. They still have faith in the Great Powers and hope that their calls of distress will be heard. 175

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Kosovo, A Documentary History signed for: Galib Beg Ipek Ahmet Beg Gjakova Hysni Curr Djakova Selim Aga Batusha Ymer Zenel Rukova Mustafa Boletini Bajram Doklani Jakova Beshir Qemal Gjakova Rami Z. Remzi [FO 421/287] Despatch from British Vice-Consul, W.D. Peckham, in Skopje to Dayrell Crackanthorpe at the British Embassy in Belgrade, dated 22 September 1913, concerning the former’s trip to Prizren and Peja in September 1913. Uscub [Skopje] September 22, 1913 Sir, I have the honour to summarise herewith the results of my recent trip to Prisrend and Ipek [Peja], from which I returned on the 20th. Itinerary and Sources of Information In the train between here and Ferisovich [Ferizaj], I met Mahmud Zaim of Berane, one of the wilder of the Kossovo Geg chiefs. He was the first to revolt in this province last year (see my despatch No. 11 of the 22nd F ­ ebruary, 1912, to Salonica), and recounted to me with some gusto how he had ambushed the Minister of the Interior last year. At Prisrend I had an introduction to one of the principal Catholic tradesmen of the town. I also called on the Latin bishop and on a Moslem religious dignitary. At Djakova, for various reasons, I was only able to present one of my introductions, and the limited knowledge of Turkish of the individual in ­ question put the talking of politics out of the question. I was able, however, to discuss Albanian affairs with the superior of the Bektashi Tekké, whose guest I was. At Dechani I was the guest of the Russian monks of that convent, but had no chance to get an impression of local feeling. At Ipek the two leading Albanians to whom I had introductions had left. I was again, however, enabled to get some account of Albanian feeling from my host, the superior of the Mevlevi (dancing dervish) Tekké. I also chanced to meet a Montenegrin official who talked French. 176

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Documents Besides these, I called on the local authorities in each of the three towns, including the Montenegrin General Vyeshovich at Ipek, though as the latter’s French was almost as limited as my Servian, I was not able to discuss matters with him much. The New Régime Everywhere I saw signs of Government activity. The municipalities are engaged in the necessary, if elementary, work of paving the streets, naming them, and numbering the houses; and there are signs of considerable activity in road making in the Servian sphere, but not in the Montenegrin. The ­Ferisovich-Prisrend road had been made by the Turks, who had also begun work on the Ipek-Mitrovitza. The Servians were carrying on work on the latter, and also on the Prisrend-Djakova road. A certain ­ number of natives, including Albanians, have been enrolled as gendarmes and “gardes champêtres.” Serb-Montenegrin Relations Each of the two Governments has a civil prefect at Djakova, exercising authority over half the town; only the municipality is common. I did not learn that this arrangement produced any friction between the two ­Governments. I asked the Montenegrin official I met at Ipek his views on union between the two countries. He seemed to consider that the question could not be approached till the frontier had been settled. Montenegro claimed territory east of the White Drin, on the ground that its economic relations were with Ipek, but claimed more than Servia seemed prepared to give. He expected that in future Montenegro would look to Servia rather than to Russia for financial support. The Massacre at Fshâj It was perhaps characteristic that the first thing I saw on crossing the ­Albanian frontier at Ura Fshâjt was the still smoking ruins of the Catholic Albanian village of Fshâj (Servian Sivan). It is also, I fear, characteristic that it had been burned in revenge for an act of treachery. The Albanian account is as follows:—About the 7th instant a Catholic Albanian of Fshâj murdered a gendarme. In revenge, Servian regular troops burned the three villages of Fshâj, Uj-i-zi (Servian Uviz), and Smaçi, in some cases shutting the inhabitants into their houses and leaving them to perish in the flames, in others, throwing children into the air to catch them on the points of their bayonets. The Servians stated that two gendarmes had been killed; the Albanian having treacherously invited them into his house to eat, and killing them there. The Albanians stated that the other two villages had given no provocation, nor did 177

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Kosovo, A Documentary History the Servians tell me of any. I myself visited the ruins of Fshâj, and saw those of Uj-i-zi in the distance, but have no ocular evidence as to Smaçi. I would observe that in the case of the two latter villages, Servian action appears to me absolutely unjustifiable on any account; even in the heat of war it strikes me as unnecessarily barbarous to extend the principle of solidarity beyond the unit of the village. In the case of Fshâj the provocation was ­certainly great, but it ill accords with Servian protestations of good intentions towards the Albanians, or with their frequent boasts of the liberty and justice of Servian administration, to burn a whole village and massacre its inhabitants for the offence, however heinous, of one man, in a time of peace and in a nominally pacified country. The Unrest in the Hill Country of Djakova (See my despatch No. 42 of the 28th August.) I was informed that, besides Isa Bolatin, Bairam Tsur, Riza Bey of Djakova, Ahmed Bey of Djakova, Yahya Aga, late kaimakam of Djakova, Akif Effendi, and Murad Voksh were assembled somewhere (exact place unknown) in the Malcia Gjakovës (mountain country west of Djakova). Mahmud Zaim was travelling to Prisrend in the hope of getting leave to join them. (I think it exceedingly improbable that he will get it.) This means that practically all the wilder spirits of the Kossovo Gegs are assembled there (although the latest rumour at Djakova was that they had gone off to Scutari). I was unable to get much in the way of details about Servian tax-collecting across the border, but was told that, while taxes were not being collected in Lyuma, forced labour was frequently exacted. I myself overtook in the Tsernolyeva [Caraleva] pass about 200 ox-wagons, and was told that this was forced labour. The Russian consul at Prisrend told me that the Servians had saved Lyuma from famine this year, and forced labour may seem a not unreasonable way of taking payment, but given the feeling between the two peoples and the mentality of the average Servian official, it is almost certain to produce friction and give rise to abuses. The Future of Albanians under Servian Rule I found a unanimous opinion among all the Albanians I talked to, that while some of the wealthier Albanians would emigrate, the bulk would willy-nilly remain. It is not easy for the average cultivator to move, and, as one Albanian remarked to me, the new Albania could not support a large population. The bishop at Prisrend was frankly irredentist, and told me that he would use all his influence to prevent emigration, in the hope that if the Albanians waited long enough Albania would come to them. I also enquired as to the probability of the Albanians who stayed becoming denationalised, or rather losing their mother tongue (the precise idea of denationalisation is hard to convey to a man used only to the welter of 178

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Documents c­ommunities in Turkey and who, in general, regards religion and nationality as the same thing). Here again, opinion was almost unanimous that they would not. The only opinion to the contrary that I heard was that of the ­Bektashi Sheykh at Djakova, and he considered that denationalisation would take at least a generation. Apart from my tour, I have lately made the same enquiries from Albanians of Prishtina, Kalkandelen [Tetovo], and Gostivar, and have got the same replies from all. I think it may be taken as the general opinion of the intelligent Albanian. But one or two made an important reserve; they suggested the possibility that the Albanians might be so persecuted that they would have no alternative but to leave, and I have lately heard the Servians roundly accused of massacres and other vigorous action, particularly in the Kalkandelen Valley, “to gain a majority.” Somewhat to my surprise I found a general opinion that Montenegrin rule was superior to Servian, the Albanian finding the Montenegrin temperament more empathetic than the Servian. The only exceptions to this opinion were the bishop at Prisrend, who refused to distinguish between two so great evils, and Mahmud Zaim, who stated that the Albanians would transfer their families to Prisrend if Djakova was annexed to Montenegro. The Montenegrins have, it seems, a habit of taking hostages from the more important Albanian families. I conclude that Mahmud Zaim’s opinions are based rather on a desire to raise trouble than on a calm comparison of the two administrations. The Grasnichi [Krasniqja] appear to have just remembered an ancient (and probably mythical) relationship with a Montenegrin clan. I have heard conflicting accounts as to whether the Albanians of Podgoritza, Antivari [Bar], and Dulciguo [Ulqin/Ulcinj] have been denationalised by thirty years of Montenegrin rule, but would suggest that their present condition would serve as a guide to that of the Albanians now to be annexed to Montenegro, always bearing in mind that, for reasons given in my despatch No. 11 of the 18th February, denationalisation will be harder in the future than in the past. If Podgoritza is still Albanian in spirit nothing but the massacre or expulsion of the inhabitants will make Djakova Serb. The Catholics at Prisrend informed me (and the Moslems elsewhere bore it out) that there has been a great improvement in relations between the Catholic and Moslem Albanians since the war. In old days the hojas tended to be Turcophile; since the collapse of the armies of the Caliphate a year ago they have somewhat changed their tune; that same collapse has also lost them a great deal of their influence. While open conversions from Islam to Catholicism, or open professions of crypto-Catholics are not to be looked for under Servian rule, it may well be that the bishop at Prisrend may become a sort of head centre of Albanian irredentism, both Catholic and Moslem. All that I have seen confirms absolutely my opinion, given in my despatch No. 1 of the 14th March to the Foreign Office, that the Albanians have no 179

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Kosovo, A Documentary History confidence in the Servian and Montenegrin Governments. I was repeatedly requested to keep the most simple expressions of opinion confidential, and my host at Ipek, though knowing who I was, originally only approached me through my Albanian cavass. But the most striking instance was my host at Djakova. Before the mayor (ex-Serb schoolmaster) and the Montenegrin prefect, he appeared open and quite friendly to the Government, but I shall not lightly forget the eagerness with which, the first moment we were alone together, he asked me for news of Albania, the air of secrecy and intrigue he managed to weave about the translating of a Times article of last March specifying the northern frontiers, or the pathetic insistence of the several times repeated question whether there was no hope that Djakova would be included in the new State. The Frontier of Albania (It should be borne in mind that I am only speaking of that part of the eastern frontier which falls within the old vilayet of Kossovo. I very much suspect that similar criticisms apply to other parts, but have no special knowledge). To my intense surprise the Servian prefect of Djakova was utterly ignorant of the decision of the Powers of last March. I cannot think he was lying, as there seemed no motive for doing so, and the eagerness with which he examined my small scale map, cut from the Times, and asked if I could spare him a copy make me believe that it was really news to him. It had not occurred to me at Prisrend that the Government officials might be ignorant of it, and General Vyeshovich at Ipek was acquainted with it. In this context, I would note that a fortnight ago I was in the Inspectorate of Police here and noticed a copy of the Servian General Staff map on the wall, with what were presumably the new administrative divisions marked on it. I was not able to examine it, but the western frontier of Servia was certainly not that fixed by the Powers, as it ran considerably to the west of Lake Ochrida. What I have heard and what I have seen for myself has deepened and confirmed my conviction that the frontier settled at London, so far from proving a settlement, will be a perpetual source of friction. General Vyeshovich showed a hankering after the Drin frontier, and quoted various objections, from an economic point of view, to the ­London frontier. These have doubtless been most eloquently put before His­ Majesty’s Government. I would only quote one remark. Tapping Scutari on the map with his paper-knife, he remarked: “Without that Montenegro cannot live.” I cannot judge the frontier from a strategic point of view, but it runs absolutely counter to both ethnic and economic lines of division. It was the latter that impressed me particularly on my journey. The Albanians will have a much more cogent and lasting cause for discontent than any unsatisfied nationalist sentiment. 180

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Documents 1. Great numbers of hill Albanians will be cut off from their market towns. I understand that the Powers propose to make certain special stipulations as to marketing in the three towns. I think it doubtful whether the Servian Government will carry out any obligations it assumes, and more than doubtful whether the minor customs and gendarmerie officials, on whose loyal co-operation the scheme will depend, will deal fairly with the Albanians. 2. The frontier has the air of having been drawn expressly to leave all the good agricultural land outside Albania. Between Djakova and Prisrend the frontier Albanians will have the irritation of actually looking across to the good country from which they had been originally driven by Slav invasions, and which they had recolonised. It is also impossible to expect them to settle down as orderly citizens when their country is so sterile as to leave them no alternative profession but raiding across the border. From such scanty news as I have been able to obtain, the Provisional Government at Valona has shown a surprising and unexpected capacity for keeping the peace. I would point out, however, that it has so far only administered Tosk, and therefore comparatively quiet districts, or Geg districts, such as the Zadrima, far removed from the frontier, and that it has not approached what will be its hardest task, that of policing the Geg frontier. If there has been so much unrest already, while Djakova still seems to cherish hopes of being part of Albania, much more so will there be when the frontier has been delimited and its injustice, from the Albanian point of view, is apparent. I am convinced that there is no middle way for the future of Albania. Either it will perish, and that soon, perhaps by partition between Austria and Italy, perhaps in some fresh Armageddon of the Balkans, or it will become a civilised and, so far as its resources will permit, prosperous State. In the latter case it will strain every nerve to gain at least the Tsernolveya frontier (see my despatch No. 11 of the 18th February). The latest news, the grant of a railway concession, obviously dictated principally by strategic considerations, is to my mind significant. I am not so ill-informed as not to be well aware that the Powers in drawing up the Albanian frontier were influenced by considerations lying mainly, if not wholly, outside the Balkan Peninsula. If I criticise the action of the ­Concert it is because I consider it my duty to put before His Majesty’s Government, for what it is worth, the purely local point of view. I have, &c. W.D. Peckham [FO 421/287 & FO 371/1846] Despatch from British Vice-Consul, W.D. Peckham, in Skopje to Dayrell Crackanthorpe at the British Embassy in Belgrade, dated 22 September 1913, concerning rumours of autonomy in Montenegrin and Serbian-occupied Kosovo. 181

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Uscub [Skopje] September 22, 1913 Sir, I have the honour to report that, so far as I can judge, considerable, if suppressed, excitement prevails here, and the old hope of “autonomy,” which has never been dead, is renewing its force. There is a twofold motive for this excitement at this moment. First, the formal proclamation of annexation tends to irritate the people, who have had quite enough of Serbian administration, and would speed the parting guest with even more enthusiasm than they welcomed a year ago (see my despatch No. 2 of the 2nd November, 1912); and second, the annexation has been the signal for a fresh orgie of Servian taxation. The Customs are applying the Servian tariff to goods which had arrived, but had not been cleared before the annexation. This shocks the feelings of the inhabitants, and the various business men are perfectly well aware that the customs duties are part of the Capitulations, and that the Powers have not yet abandoned their rights. I am also informed that the Servians are remorselessly collecting arrears of Turkish taxation, even when these had been formally remitted by the ­Ottoman Government. I am not informed as to the state of Servian finance, but it seems, and has always seemed, to me to be a grave blunder to apply the Servian fiscal system at one fell swoop to a country used to a lighter taxation, and incapable, owing to the disorder of the last year, of paying even that. Recently a local tradesman remarked to me: “They are driving away even Turks who want to stay. Recently they sent for Salih Bey” (a Moslem notable, formerly mayor, and one of the local landowners) “and demanded so much money for tithe. Salih Bey replied that he had been unable to cultivate his farm, and had not as many paras as they demanded pounds. Nevertheless, he had to sign a formal acknowledgment of the debt.” I presume that the Servian tax is a land tax, whereas the Turkish is a crop tax, and automatically adjusts itself to good and bad harvests. (At least they have nominally left Salih Bey his land. I hear that at Ipek, apart from the Dechan lands question (see my despatch No. 42 of the 28th August), the Montenegrin Government is simply ejecting the Moslem landholders.) All through this summer I have heard opinions expressed – the wish is father to the thought – that the country would receive autonomy. I have always replied by asking who was going to turn out the Servians, who obviously do not wish it. Now I am getting an answer: “An alliance ­ between Turkey, Bulgaria, and Albania.” The Turkish troops are said to be at ­Strumnitza, Bulgaria is said to have turned loose in Macedonia two battalions disguised as chetniks, and my telegrams Nos. 37 and 38 of the 24th and 27th instant have, I hope, made it clear that the Albanian movement is something more than a brigand raid. It is clear to me that the Albanians, in spite 182

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Documents of the searching disarmaments of a year ago, have rearmed themselves (see my ­despatch No. 11 of the 18th February), and I hear that lately rifles were being sold in Durazzo [Durrës] for a shilling apiece. The Albanians are credited locally with having something more than rifles. I have heard stories of Maxims mounted on motors with their army, and it seems that at Dibra they took ten or twelve cannon and two Maxims. I have little doubt that they have men capable of using them. This Albanian attack seems to have exasperated the Servians, who are said to have expressed their intentions of exterminating the whole ­people. The mayor here seems to have openly stated that two truck-loads of dynamite recently brought here was for that purpose. I would myself have thought that cordite was cheaper, more discriminating, and quite as effective; but this does not alter the effect of the statement on the ­Albanians. The Servians seem to have forgotten their own history of a century ago, which is one of the proofs of how dangerous a people may be when they have their backs against the wall. If Servian regulars are more efficient than janissaries, Albanian irregulars are also more efficient than Kara George’s levies. I am sometimes tempted to quote Quem deus vult perdere prius ­dementat, and the latest move of the Servian Government is either a piece of incredible lunacy or a deliberate attempt to goad every Albanian in the province into revolt for the excuse of massacring them. I refer to the ­ threat to imprison the wives of Hassan Bey, Isa Bolatin, and others, if their ­husbands do not surrender themselves (see my telegram No. 39 of the 28th instant. In Hassan Bey’s case the action is particularly scandalous, as he left Servian territory with the leave of the Servian Government, and is, I believe, peacefully employed at Vallona [Vlora]). The Turks tried the same manoeuvre a year ago; for my comment on it see my despatch No.  49 of the 9th July to Salonica. Mr. Lamb fully endorsed my opinion in a d ­ espatch to Constantinople of which I cannot, unfortunately, give the ­reference. A year ago I ascribed the move to policy (and subsequently learned that it was dictated by ignorance); this time I believe it to be sheer ignorance. Yet I have little doubt that if the Servian Foreign Office would turn up M. Gavrilovich’s reports of July 1912 they would see whither the same policy led a year ago. I have, &c. W.D. Peckham [FO 320/4] Letter from Hasan Prishtina, written in Vlora on 25 October 1913, with a table containing the statistics of killings in the villages of western Macedonia and Kosovo. 183

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Kosovo, A Documentary History [translated from the French] Vallona [Vlora], 25 October 1913 Excellency, Despite the perilous subjection of Kosovo and Monastir, displays of despair on the part of the village population in these two regions occupied by the Serbs and Montenegrins remain unspeakable. The cruelty of Serbian and Montenegrin tyranny forces me to ­submit to Your Excellency at least a short survey of what has happened at ­various times recently. As I do not have the information at my disposal, I will refrain from mentioning the savage acts carried out in Ferisovik ­[Ferizaj], Gylan [Gjilan], Prishtina, Vultchitrin [Vushtrria] and Mitrovicha [Mitrovica], etc. I will conclude this complaint by adding two or three incidents that took place in and around Uskub [Skopje]. I hope that, in accordance with civil and humanitarian rights, God Almighty will put an end to the suffering of this people he created and who are today being wiped out by the Serbs. I thus have the honour to bring the following details to the attention of Your Excellency. At Uskub, near Tash-Kubru [the Stone Bridge] there is a house that belongs to a Muslim barber called Durmish [text missing]… is still being used to kill Albanians frequently and throw their bodies into the canal that flows in front of that house. The water in the canal comes from the Hadji Ibrahim Bey factory and it flows into the large Vardar River. Every day, the people of Uskub see body parts floating in the Vardar. It is enough to have a look at the Haydar Baba cemetery situated in the outskirts of Uskub to see how innocent Albanians are being killed today. One can even see the tragic scene of bodies, bones and clothing being torn away and dragged around by dogs. The crimes and misdeeds committed in the villages around Kumanova, Presheva and Uskub are unspeakable. It is common for the Serbs to strangle and poison people, and to rape young girls and married women. In the vicinity of Ipek [Peja] and Jakova [Gjakova], Muslim and Catholic Albanians are being taken to churches by force by Serbian and Montenegrin soldiers and are being forced to change their religion. These are but a few details of the barbarity still going on to bring about a complete transformation of the ethnic makeup of these regions exclusively inhabited by Albanians. /signed/Hassan Prishtina 184

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Villages of Kalkandelen [Tetovo] People slain Merkad 50 Petrushin 45 Nehardje 30 Dobreshna 60 Gelina 32 Kamioan 20 Kalkandelen 150 Other villages 250 (the bodies were buried behind the ­former konak of Kalkandelen) Villages of Gostivar Vertok 100 Bechane 300 Orguishe 50 Isdunia 100 Shmenicha 70 Villages of Jakova [Gjakova] Uise 32 Fshai 7 Smach 5 (in these three villages, the poor families of Abdul Zeka, Ali Tafa, Sadik Halili and their children escaped from the fires set by the Serbian soldiers, but all of them, fathers, sons, mothers, were thrown back into the flames) Jakova 16 Popoch 8 Potok 3 Muliche 4 Shipchai 5 Gelbak 4 Jablanicha 9 Mazerik 4 Glava 5 Villages of Ipek [Peja] High Strellcha 9 Novosel Drin 7 Villages of Prisren Chiplik 4 Kabash 105 Lishane 45 Babaufcha 23 /illegible/ 17 Trenica 8

Houses burned down 5 15 10

24 100 20 40 20 15 12 4

15 12 4 5 8 17 11 3

13

(Continued)

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Villages of Kalkandelen [Tetovo] Prisren Gevur (most of the wretched people of these Prizren villages ­escaped, but were later forced to dig their own graves and were murdered) Villages of Dibra Kesnie Dardha Kalis Sohodo [Sohodoll] Mehor [Muhurr] Ratkai Rech Dubiak Ballaman Izlova (the people of these villages were murdered before the recent events and we can give their names, villages, ­professions and dates of death) Villages of Ohrida [Ohrid] Faudshishta Velegoshda Meslodezda Pesochan Veleshta Jahum (it was in the recent event that their farms were burned down and all their ­possessions lost) near Struga (these people, accompanied by Hamit Aga, were killed by the sons of Thelephon before the event) Total

People slain 11 31

Houses burned down

15 7 5 6 3 4 7 4 3 2

23 19 29 18 7 17

19

1,820

362

Report in the Italian daily newspaper Corriere delle Puglie, Bari, XXVI, 354, of 21 December 1913, as reprinted in: M.D. Skopansky “Les atrocités serbes d’après les témoignages américains, anglais, français, italiens, russes, serbes, suisses, etc. etc.” (Lausanne, 1919), pp. 148–61, concerning massacres in the Dibra region committed by Serb forces. [translated from the French]

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Documents

Official Report on Dibra, Submitted to the Great Powers (December 1913) We are the first in Europe to be able to publish the full list of atrocities committed by the Serb Army in the Districts of Dibra, Lower Dibra and Luma in northern Albania after the amnesty accorded last October by the government in Belgrade, following the revolt of the Albanian malisors ­ ­(mountain people). It is a document of extraordinary importance and has just been handed over to the government of one of the Great Powers by its own plenipotentiary delegate, who personally compiled the notes and names at the sites of the atrocities and terror. Here is the full version of the official report.

District of Dibra In Klos, Serb gangs bayoneted Ahmet Aliu and his brother, as well as Nezir Sulejmani and Mehmet Salihu. The whole village was ransacked. In Valikardha, in middle of the day and in the presence of all the inhabitants, Ymer Halili, Osman Qira, Qerim Zejneli, Ismail Alushi and Sul Hoxha (Muslim priest) were slain by bayonet and were reduced to unrecognisable corpses. Their houses were burnt down after having been pillaged. In Peladhia, house-to-house inspections were carried out under the pretext of searching for weapons caches. Many houses were plundered. That of Hasan Pata was burnt down and its owner had his throat slit in the presence of his elderly mother, his wife and his children. In Krajka, the house of Muharrem Dervishi was torched after having been pillaged. In Zerqen, all the houses were pillaged and burnt down. In Sopot, the village was completely ravaged and plundered. Many of the houses were burnt down. All the animals were stolen, and the following persons: Ali Kamberi, his servant, Hamza Disha and Salih Selimi, were ­bayoneted. In Dibra (town), several hours before the malissor attack, the local prefect and the military commander arrested eighteen leading townsmen, who were executed without benefit of trial, among them were: Ramiz Karanfili, Sheh Husejni, Numan Hasani and Safet Bey. The others only survived thanks to the malisors who by that time had entered the town that the Serb Army had to evacuate hastily. 187

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Kosovo, A Documentary History On their return to Dibra, the Serbs pillaged the whole town and carried off over a million Turkish lira of booty. Many houses were put to the torch, in particular those of Ali Bey. Rakip Qatibi and Kurtish Aga. With incomparable cruelty, the Serbs also massacred many other people, among whom were those minding their own business at home who had not taken part in the insurrection. Among those massacred were: Kurtish Aga, Behxhet Efendi, Haxhi Syreja Efendi, Reshid Efendi Kusari and Sadullah Shtrazimiri. At the present time, the town of Dibra is virtually deserted because the inhabitants have fled into the mountains. In the town itself, there are only two or three hundred individuals left of both sexes. In Gjorica, the day after a visit by an officer delegated by the Austrian Government, who was passing through to verify the Serb evacuation of the region, the Serbs re-appeared in the village and killed a woman and a fiveyear-old child. They also wounded another woman. In Homesh, only three of the 150 houses originally standing in the village remained. All the others were torched after having been pillaged. After they surrendered, the Serbs killed: Musa Ismajli, Shemsedin Bajrami and Halit Sulejmani who had returned to the village after the amnesty. The first time, they took 1,000 head of sheep, 150 head of cattle and 40 horses. The second time, they took 50 head of sheep, nine head of cattle and nine horses. In Shupenza, after robbing the houses and taking all the valuables and supplies, the Serbs massacred: Alis Myslimi and his brother Abdi, Hasan Abazi and Dalip Elmazi. In Okshatina, only one house remains intact of the original 74. They were all pillaged and torched. Two men called Ferhat and Nazif were bayoneted. All the animals were carried off. In Topojan, a village of 68 homes, there was general plundering and burning. A man called Abdullah Xhaferri had his throat slit as he was not able to come up with the sum of five Turkish lira (115 Italian lira), the ransom demanded by the Serb officer commanding the detachment. The Serb soldiers carried off all the animals. At Kovashica, Malik Bajrami, Aziz Haxhi, Ahmet Ramadani, Leka, Destan Jashari, Sejfedin Elezi, and Sulejman Ramadani were massacred. 150 head of sheep, 41 head of cattle and 13 horses were stolen. A man called Rashid Rexhepi was only spared for a sum of 150 Turkish lira (about 3,450 francs) paid as ransom to the commander of the Serb detachment. In Gjurica (a hamlet near Topojan), 14 men were massacred, among whom the village syndic. Two women were also killed: Naile Seferi and Zemane ­Ibrahimi, as well as an eight-year-old boy called Ismail Mehmedi, a ten-yearold called Bajram Elezi, a seven-year-old called Rrahman, two twelve-yearolds called Hasan Ali and Elias, and the daughter of Husein Çoka. In Golevishta, the whole village was ransacked. 74 houses were torched and two men called Halil Numani and Nuredin Mustafa had their throats slit. As to the animals, the Serbs took 1,000 head of sheep, 30 head of cattle and 188

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Documents 35 horses the first time, and 23 horses, 40 head of cattle and 500 head of sheep the second time. In Kërçisht, the only two Muslim homes in the village were torched. In addition, 60 head of sheep, two bulls and four cows were stolen. In Bllata, the Serbs torched 75 houses and massacred Rexhep Lleshi with his brother Abdi and the latter’s son Bajram, as well as the wife of Islam Kuarana. The village was completely pillaged and the remaining animals, being 90 head of sheep and 50 head of cattle, were carried off. In Zogjaj, the villages was looted. All valuables, winter supplies and ­animals were carried off. The Serbs torched 124 houses and, while the fire was reducing everything to ashes, they threw the following people into the flames alive: a woman called Rihane, two girls called Fazile and Myslime, and a seven-year-old lad called Bajram. They also bayoneted Haxhi Myslimi, Nezir Azizi, Halil Numani and Zejnel Hasani. Returning to Zogjaj for a second time, the Serbs massacred: Mustafa Myslimi, Aziz Jusufi, Adem Shabani and Edin Nurka. They also stole seven cows and six sheep that had escaped the first looting. In Maqellara, 10 houses were pillaged and torched. In addition, the Serbs bayoneted: Elmaz Selmani and his son Selman, Malik Rexhepi and his son Murat, Hasan Sulejmani, Abdullah Qehaja, Hajredin Hasani and his three sons Ymer, Ramiz and Tevfik, his brother Rakip, his father Hasan, Rrustem Mehmeti, Numan Shemsedini, Ramadan Bajrami and Ejup Edhemi. The other inhabitants of the village were forced to hand over 50 head of cattle, two cows and 113 goats in order not to be slaughtered. In Poçest, the Serbs murdered Muharrem Muharremi and his son Behxhet. They carried off 100 head of sheep and nine head of cattle, as well as a sum of 150 Turkish lira (about 3,450 francs) which they discovered in the pockets of the villagers. In Kërçisht i Poshtëm, the Serbs looted the home of Mehmet Ejupi after having slit the throat of the owner in front of his family. In Çerenec, they torched 23 houses and massacred Hasan Abazi and his wife, Ramadan Salihu and Rrustem Sulejmani. They pillaged the whole village and carried off all valuables, supplies and animals. In Bllaca, the village was completely burnt down after having been ­pillaged. The inhabitants were all put to the sword, quite without cause, so there was no opportunity to compile a list of victims. On their return to Bllaca, the Serbs discovered 250 head of sheep, 37 cows and 28 horses which they carried off, having slain the shepherds. In Spas, they pillaged all the houses and torched ten of them. They carried off all the animals they could catch, being 150 head of sheep, four horses and 13 head of cattle. In Klobuçishta, after looting all the homes, they set fire to them. Thirty houses were reduced to ashes. In addition, in the presence of the villagers, they murdered: Adil Bilhali, Ahmed Abazi, Mustafa Murteza, Xhelaledin 189

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Kosovo, A Documentary History ­ estani and his brother Musa, Hajredin Maksuti, Lutfi Fejzullahu, Reshid D Murteza and his son Fetah, Gazanfer Zejneli and others. The Serbs also stole 150 sheep and goats, 11 head of cattle and one donkey. In Pulçishte [Poçest?], the Serbs carried off 103 head of sheep, 15 head of cattle, 14 horses, seven donkeys and 65 Turkish lira in gold (about 1,500 francs). Returning a second time, they caught and carried off five head of sheep, 10 head of cattle and one horse. In Obok, the whole village was looted and the village leader, R ­ amadan Bajrami, had his throat slit. While passing through the first time, the Serbs carried off a herd of 120 sheep and, the second time, they took away 25 sheep, two bulls, one horse and two donkeys. In Pesjaka, they burnt down or destroyed all the houses. Of the inhabitants, they murdered the following: Jahja Ismajli, Malik, Mahmut, ­Sejfullah, Abaz and Vehbi Sulejmani. The Serbs also carried off 14 head of cattle, 50 sheep and one donkey. In Erebara, the whole village was looted and the following persons were massacred: Ibrahim Osmani, Junus Kurtishi, Xhafer Demiri and Destan Ishaku. They also carried off three horses, one donkey and eight head of sheep. The Serbs also took a herd of 150 sheep belonging to Shukri Bey from a pasture near the village. In Vojnika, the Serbs looted and torched all the 51 houses and, while the flames were devastating the village, Serb soldiers bayoneted everyone they could find. Among the victims were Sinan Ibrahimi, Nazif Numani, Ali Selimi and Idriz Shabani. In addition, a woman called Shame was ­tortured and had her throat slit in the presence of her children. All the ­animals, being 100 head of sheep, eight head of cattle and nine horses, were carried off. In Allajbegia, the Serbs pillaged the whole village and torched 65 houses. They massacred the following persons: Ibrahim, Zejnel Dalipi, Salih Ahmeti, Ali Selimi, Hajdar Shabani and his brother Hajredin, Hajredin Muça, Ali Osmani, Numan Elmazi, Sejfedin Selimi, Zejnel Saipi, Salih Sulejmani, Fazli Abazi, and the women Shame, Qamile, Alie, Nimetallah, Hibe, Zaide, Fatime and a five-year-old girl. All the animals in the village and on the surrounding pastures were carried off. In Avalan, the village was pillaged and four houses put to the torch. The head villager Ismajl Ismajli has his throat slit, and the animals, being 90 head of sheep, 6 horses and 1 donkey, were carried off. In Çanka, after the village was looted, nine houses were put to the torch. Of the inhabitants of the village, the Serbs bayoneted the following: Beqir Rrustemi, Husejn Abazi, Shahin Numani and Zejnullah. They also carried off 13 animals. In Kovaçica, the whole village was plundered and 32 houses were torched. Massacred were: Elias Dauti, Nuredin Nurçe, Salih Osmani and Zejnel Troza. The Serbs carried off two bulls, 30 head of sheep and nine cows. 190

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Documents In Bllata e Epërme, the whole village was plundered and 18 houses were torched. Abdul Azizi and Abdurrahman were the only victims of the Serbs. In addition, 42 head of sheep and two horses were carried off. In Bllata e Poshtme, after being looted, 25 homes were reduced to ashes by the fire. A man called Ali Bllata and his two sons died in the flames. The Serbs also carried off 30 head of sheep, four cows and three horses. In Lishan, after being looted, the whole village was put to the torch and all the animals found in the stables and out grazing were carried off.

District of Lower Dibra In Rabdisht, the village was looted and completely devastated. Thirty-eight houses and about 30 stables were torched. Sixty-five men were massacred, as usual by ­bayonet. In addition to them was a six-year-old boy, the son of a local leader, who was thrown alive into the flames. The Serbs also carried off 400 head of sheep, 150 goats, 60 cows and 22 horses. A search of the pockets of the inhabitants who were spared death produced the sum of 20 Turkish lira (about 450 francs) which the Serbs confiscated. In Zimur, the Serbs pillaged and torched seven houses. They bayoneted: Ahmet Shabani, Mulajm Elmazi, Sulejman Zeqiri, Veisel Riza and Salih Shabani. The animals they carried off consisted of 245 head of sheep and 12 bulls. In Staravec, the whole village was pillaged and 42 houses were reduced to ashes. The victims here were: Husejn Muça, Reshid Rrahmani and a woman called Zobejda. The Serbs caught and carried off 300 sheep and goats, 30 head of cattle and four horses. In Bahutaj, the Serbs forced Ramadan Mehmeti and his companions to perform balancing acts and then cut their throats. They carried off 10 horses. In Tomin, the village was pillaged and two houses, a dervish lodge and a mosque were torched. Mazllum Jusufi and a boy of ten were slain. All the animals found were carried off. In Dohoshisht, after the sacking of the village, 55 houses were torched. Among the victims who were horribly massacred, one could recognize the bodies of: Malik Bajrami, Ramadan Ahmeti, Ymer Sadiku, Zejnullah Hasani, Halil Junuzi, Musa Bajrami, and Shaban Halili. The Serbs carried off 400 head of sheep and 200 horses. In Zagrad, the soldiers torched eight houses and stole three horses. In Bellova, the Serbs pillaged the whole village and carried off everything they could transport. In Grazhdan, 22 houses were ransacked and torched. Aziz ­Shemsedini, Hasan Zekiria, Xhafer Jusufi, Emrullah Mahmuti, Mont, Beqir, Hasan 191

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Kosovo, A Documentary History ­ urmishi, Rrustem Hasani and his brother Zekiria, Bexhet Nuri and his wife, D Ismail Xhelili and his son Elias, Elez Hasani, Emrullah Demiri, Sinan Xhaferi, Aziz Kurtishi, Maksut Numani and Ferhat were bayoneted in the presence of their families. The Serbs also carried off all the animals. In Muhurr, they looted all the homes and set 14 of them on fire. When they passed through the first time, they took 200 head of sheep, 100 lambs, 30 cows and 15 horses, as well as over 300 Turkish lira (about 7,000 francs) they discovered in the pockets of the inhabitants. The second time they passed through the village, Serb troops stole 10 sheep, 10 lambs and one horse. They also bayoneted 11 village leaders. In Luznia, all private homes were looted. The Serbs then torched five of the main homes. They carried off all the animals they could find in the stables, over 1,500 sheep and goats, and 200 head of cattle. The human casualties, all bayoneted to death, amounted to 45 persons, whose names were carefully verified and recorded. In Çetush, four houses were torched and the following persons: Asma Hasani, Zejnel Shabani and Osman Numani were massacred. Three horses were stolen. In Brezhdan, the Serbs pillaged and torched 17 houses. They massacred the following persons: Abedin Osmani, Shahin Mehmeti and Salih Kadri. They also carried off 25 horses. In Ushtelenca, the whole village was ransacked and thirteen houses were reduced to ashes. The following persons, Numan Rrustemi, Muslim Zeki and Mehmet Gota were massacred. The animals carried off amounted to 17 horses and six bulls. In Deshat, the Serbs torched 15 houses and threw a ten-year-old boy, a ­seven-year-old boy and two women alive into the flames. They stole 50 head of cattle and 500 head of sheep. In Sohodoll, they set three houses on fire and massacred four men: ­Abdullah Abedini, Tusun Dalipi, Sulejman Bahtiari and Dalip Ismajli, as well as a woman called Belure and her six-year-old son called Mazllum. They also stole 200 sheep and 30 horses. In Borovjan, the Serbs torched two houses and slit the throat of Rrustem Muharremi in the presence of his family. They also carried off 27 head of cattle, 119 sheep and 5 horses. In Rashnopoja, they pillaged all of the houses thoroughly, but were not able to burn any of them down. They bayoneted six leading villagers: Bajram Mehmeti, Malik Rakipi, Selman Rakipi, Behxhet Behluli, Osman Azani, ­Hajredin Maliku, and stole 20 bulls. In Cerjan, the Serbs torched the houses and killed three men: Fazli Sulejmani, Jashar Hejbati and Bektash Arsllani, and one woman Zobejda. They carried off 14 horses and 60 head of sheep. In Pilaf, all the houses were looted and five of them were torched. The Serbs bayoneted Dalip Ramadani in the presence of his elderly mother. 192

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Documents In Pilaf-Mahalla, they ransacked all the houses and torched eight of them. They murdered Hasan Fetahu, Salih Jusufi and his six-year-old daughter Fatime. In addition the Serb soldateska hurled a five-year-old boy called Shukri and a four-year-old called Hasan, into the flames. 100 head of cattle, 200 head of sheep and eight horses were carried off. In Pollozhan, the village was completely ransacked and three houses were torched. There were 11 victims: Hajredin Vehta and his brother Aziz, Jusuf Uka, Hajredin Shkurti, Husejn Zejneli, Hajredin Halili, Said Pasha, Emin Shahini, Elez Numani and his brother Osman and the latter’s son. As to the animals, they carried off 50 head of sheep, 12 bulls and four horses. In Gliçes [Blliçja?], all the houses were pillaged and five of them were torched. The Serbs cut the throats of three men (Xhafer Rrustemi, Destan Hasani and Xhemal Salihu) and of one woman (Ajshe). They carried off 250 head of sheep and 30 horses. In Limjan, the whole village was ransacked. Among the inhabitants who were slain by bayonets were Hasan Shahini, Sejfullah Ibrahimi, Abdurrahman Fetahu, Qerim Sadiku and Bajram Xhelili. Also carried off were 200 head of sheep, 20 cows and 10 horses. In Peshkopia, after all the houses in the village were pillaged, 57 of them, among which the most important houses, were torched. Massacred were: Xhelaledin Abazi, Ali Ymeri, Xhelman Selmani, Hasan Arsllani, Hajredin Shabani and Murat Demiri. 180 head of cattle, 450 sheep and goats, 15 mules and 20 horses were carried off. In Trepça, the village was looted and Zejnullah Ahmeti had his throat slit savagely in the presence of his family. Two horses and 57 head of sheep were carried off. In Çidhna, thirty houses were reduced to ashes. Three men were among the victims: Kitan Keloshi, Hasani Hani and Arsllan Sadiku. 500 sheep and goats, 200 head of cattle, 13 horses and 3 donkeys were carried off. In Renz, the Serbs torched five houses, slit the throat of Zejnel Ahmeti on his doorstep, and carried off 100 sheep and goats, 12 cows and 5 beasts of burden. The tale of the massacres carries on and as does the horrifying list revealing the martyrdom of the young Albanian people. Details have also been furnished of the atrocities committed in other parts of the District of Lower Dibra in northern Albania, such as. In Dipjaka, general pillage, murder of a man called Beqir Sulejmani and a ransom of 45 Turkish lira paid by the inhabitants to the Serb commander to stop the massacre. All the animals were carried off. In Venisht, pillage and torching. The throats of Beqir Asimi and Idriz Tahiri were slit, and the animals carried off. In Sllatina, 30 houses were torched. Bahtial Idrizi was burnt alive and 1,365 head of cattle were carried off. In Trojak and Velesha, 41 houses were reduced to ashes. The following men: Zaim Idrizi, Abas Huseini and Salih Kadri were murdered. 660 animals were carried off. 193

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Kosovo, A Documentary History In Kalla, 30 houses were torched. A woman called Daveshe was cast alive into the flames. Bajram Rrustemi had his throat slit on the doorstep of his home. 576 animals were carried off. In Sllova, there were no victims since the population, not trusting the Serb amnesty, fled into the mountains. The village was completely ransacked, 32 houses were reduced to ashes and 319 animals, caught while grazing, were carried off. In Dardha, general pillaging. Two victims: Nuredin Sulejmani and ­Ramadan Sinani. 380 animals were carried off. In Reç, general pillaging and the carrying off of 600 animals. In Shumbat Palaman, pillaging, torching of eight houses. Three women, Rihane, Selvie and Ajshe, and three men, Jusuf, Bajram and Bajram, were murdered. Over 1,340 animals were carried off.

District of Luma No less terrifying were the horrors perpetrated in the District of Luma, in ­particular: In Shullan, general pillaging, torching. All the population had their throats slit, with the exception of three persons who, hearing the screaming and trepidation of the women and children, understood what was going on and took flight into the forest. In Dodaj and Kiushtan, the houses were pillaged and torched. There were 13 victims. In Tropojan, the houses were reduced to ashes and the population of over 500 souls was exterminated. In Çerem, everything was pillaged. Over 350 animals were carried off. There were 23 victims, among whom were seven religious leaders. In Krusheva, on the orders of Loglop, secretary of the Serb Government in Prizren, the family of Haxhi Ibrahimi, composed of eight members, among whom were three women and a one-year-old baby, two four-year-old girls and one six-year-old girl, were killed in cold blood by the soldateska. In Bushtrica and Bilush, pillaging and torching of everything. The population, irrespective of gender and age, was put to the sword or burned alive. The animals, caught while grazing, were carried off after the shepherds were slaughtered. In Çaja and Matranxh, general plundering. About 600 animals were carried off. In Vasiaj, Palush, Gjabrec and Draç, general plundering. All supplies and all objects having any value whatsoever were stolen. Over 800 animals were carried off. 194

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Documents In Gjinaj, Lusna, Kalis and Vila, in addition to looting, 71 houses were torched, 123 people killed – men, women and children – and 2,121 animals were carried off. In Ujmisht, plundering and torching of 21 houses. 15 victims, among whom a woman, a three-month-old baby, a little boy of four, one of five, and two of eight. 480 animals were carried off. In Xhaferraj, Brekija, Nimça, Lojmja, Përbreg, all the houses were raised to the ground. The population encircled by the Serbs was ruthlessly massacred. Several were hanged from the branches of trees, most of them had their throats slit. Some were cast into the flames and other suffered even worse torture before perishing. In Brekije alone, a large village of over 150 houses, there were over 1,300 victims – men, women and children. In Përbreg, the number of victims probably exceeds 400. Of the whole population of these five villages, only two inhabitants of Xhaferraj and five of Nimça managed to escape extermination. Other scenes of savagery and carnage took place in Surroj where 130 houses were torched and 55 men and 2 women were slain. In Bardhovca and Novoseja, these two villages were burnt to the ground. The population fled up into the mountains, except for the wife of Islam Hanxhi and her four small children and the family of Ramadan Jusufi, who were burnt alive. The 1,620 animals caught while grazing, among which 320 large ones, were carried off. In Sula e Fushës and Arrëza, 34 houses were torched. There were 11 ­victims and all the animals, 610 of them, were carried off. Extract from the “Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars” of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (Washington, 1914), pp. 149–51, containing material on the Serbian invasion of Kosovo in the autumn of 1912.

Report on the Serbian Invasion of Kosovo During the First Balkan War The orders given to the Slav armies were perhaps a trifle less barbarous [than  to the Ottoman army]. It does not, however, follow that there was no intention of conquering the territory without maintaining an alien population there. “Orders of extermination” were not given, orders to ­ the contrary were indeed given (see below). But in private conversations the same idea is constantly met. What proves that it was not a mere mode of speaking, is the fact that the Turkish population suffered at the hands of the Bulgarians, and the Albanian population at the hands of the Servians as 195

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Kosovo, A Documentary History well. As regards the Bulgarians, this is proved by the villages in which all the Turkish quarters were burned, and which were visited by the member of the Commission in Thrace. As to the Servians, we possess authentic evidence in the shape of a letter from a member of the Servian army, published in the Servian Socialist paper Radnitchke Novine, of October 9/22. The contents of this letter resemble only too closely the letters of the Greek soldiers. True, the reference here is to an expedition made to repress a revolt. “My dear Friend,” writes the soldier, “I have no time to write to you at length, but I can tell you that appalling things are going on here. I am terrified by them, and constantly ask myself how men can be so barbarous as to commit such cruelties. It is horrible. I dare not (even if I had time, which I have not) tell you more, but I may say that Liouma (an Albanian region along the river of the same name), no longer exists. There is ­nothing but corpses, dust and ashes. There are villages of 100, 150, 200 houses, where there is no longer a single man, literally not one. We collect them in bodies of forty to fifty, and then we pierced them with our bayonets to the last man. Pillage is going on everywhere. The officers told the soldiers to go to Prisrend and sell the things they had stolen.” The paper which published this letter adds: “Our friend tells us of things even more appalling than this (!); but they are so horrible and so heartrending that we prefer not to publish them.” The object of the Albanian expedition, referred to by the correspondent of the Radnitchke Novine, is known to have been the repression of the plans of the Albanians who had at this period revolted against the Servians. The Albanian revolt was represented by the Servians as the result of the activities of the Albanians in autonomous Albania, and at the same time of ­Bulgarian conspiracies. These two reasons are probable enough, but they do not exclude a third,— the state of mind of the Albanian ­population in subjection to ­Servia. This population had its own reasons for complaining of the Servian administration. The event is explained in a letter from Elbassan, published by a Bulgarian paper, (L’ Echo de B ­ ulgarie, September 28/October 11), and alleged to come “from a very reliable source.” The Commission was not able to verify these statements, but there are no reasons for doubting them, in view of all that has been seen and heard: On September 20 last (new style), the Servian army carried off all the cattle of the Malesia of Dibra. The herdsmen were compelled to defend themselves, and to struggle, but they were all killed. The Servians also killed the two chieftains of the Liouma clan, Mehmed Edem and Djafer Eleuz, and then began pillaging and burning all the villages on their way: Pechkapia, Pletza and Dochichti, in lower Dibra; Alai, Beg, Machi, Para, Oboku, Klobotchichta, and Solokitzi, in upper Dibra. In all these villages the Servians committed acts of horrible massacre and outrage on women, children and old people. In the town of Dibra itself the authorities published an order to the effect that the bazaar was not to be opened on Sunday or the inhabitants to come out of their houses on that day. Forty-eight notables were arrested. When the Servians saw that the inhabitants of the pillaged villages, of

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Documents which a list has been given above, had come to reclaim their cattle and were surrounding the town, they had the notables brought out of prison and killed them in the most shameless way. Henceforth terror and despair reigned among the ­Albanians of Dibra and the neighborhood, and they rose in revolt. They attacked the Servians with arms, or with hatchets, stones and sticks; they killed some of them and drove the rest out of the town. Nearly all of the men who were killed were Servian officials; the soldiers who remained alive fled to the other side of the Radika River.

After this story, the truth of the general description published by the same paper on October 3/16 need not be doubted: The following villages, with a mixed Albanian and Bulgarian population, were pillaged and burnt - Lochnani, Lissitchani, Gitoche, Dibrichta, Harlichte, Dessovo, Gradechnitsa, Ptchelopek. Many Moslem families from these villages, including women and children, were pitilessly massacred. On entering the village of ­Portchassie, the regular Servian army led all the husbands outside the village, and then brought the wives thither to exact money from them in the shape of ransom, if they wanted their husbands set at liberty. After the ransom had been paid, however, the wretched men were shut up in the mosque, which was then blown up with four shells. In the village of Sulp, seventy-three Albanians suffered a horrible death, and forty-seven others from the village of Ptchelopek were basely ­assassinated. Was it not the Prefect of Krouchevo, when the Servian army returned from the Albanian frontier, who openly told them to burn all the villages situated between Krouchevo and Okhrida?

Thus the Albanian petitioners, who on September 21 addressed themselves to the Great Powers in the name of the populations of Djakova, Ipek, Plava, Goussinie and the ex-vilayet of Kossovo, did not exaggerate when they stated, as regards this other theater of the revolt, that “the Servian and Montenegrin regular troops undertook and did everything, from the first day on which they invaded the Albanian territory, either to compel the inhabitants to lose their nationality, or brutally to suppress the Shkiptar race.” Houses and whole villages reduced to ashes, unarmed and innocent ­populations massacred en masse, incredible acts of violence, pillage and brutality of every kind – such were the means which were employed and are still being employed by the Serbo-Montenegrin soldiery, with a view to the entire transformation of the ethnic character of regions inhabited exclusively by Albanians. [H.H. St, Vienna, PA XXXVIII 405] Despatch from the Austro-Hungarian Vice-Consul Rudolf Kohlruss in Prizren to the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, Count Leopold Berchtold, in Vienna, dated 27 January 1914, reporting on conditions in Prizren, a year after the ­Serbian conquest of the town on 3 November 1912.

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Kosovo, A Documentary History [translated from the German] Vice-Consul Kohlruss, Austro-Hungarian Consulate, Prizren to His Excellency, the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, Count Leopold Berchtold 27 January 1914 Confidential

The Situation When the Serbs took Prizren over a year ago, they announced to the “liberated” population of the region that there would be full equality for all ­nationalities and religions. Peace, order and justice would reign from then on in the newly conquered country. They have kept none of these promises. The Muslims are discriminated against everywhere. Of the 32 mosques in Prizren, only two have received permission to hold religious functions. The rest of them are being used as stables, haylofts, barracks and warehouses. The Muslims are sometimes not even able to carry out their religious ceremonies in these two mosques. On occasion, they have to evacuate them in the middle of prayer to make way for Serbian soldiers who are billeted in them when there is a lack of accommodation ­elsewhere. The muezzins no longer dare call the faithful to prayer from the minarets because their calls provoke scorn from the Serbian soldiers and passers-by. It is also rumoured that the many of the minarets in town are soon to be demolished. The Catholics can only visit their churches and priests unimpeded thanks to the protection of the Protecting Power [Austria-Hungary]. The corruption of officials, who have in good part been recruited from the ranks of the one-time comitadjis (e.g. the former district secretary Studić, now načalnik of Mitrovica, was the head of the political organizations of New Serbia before the Balkan Wars) and the custom of giving baksheesh by far ­surpass anything that took place under Turkish rule. The following case is typical of the greed of even high-ranking officials, and of the necessity of providing them with baksheesh. When the municipal secretary of Gjonaj was murdered and the investigation set up by the Serbs revealed in no uncertain terms that the murder was committed by some of the inhabitants of the village, the military authorities decided to burn the village down. A few days earlier, under similar 198

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Documents circumstances, the villages of Ujzi and Fshaj were also burned down by the troops. The 200 Turkish pounds that the villagers of Fshaj offered as a gift to the district prefect sufficed to save Gjonaj. As a result of military requisitioning during the war, the impoverished Muslim population of the town and of the countryside is being forced to pay taxes that it cannot afford to pay. Some of this money goes into the government treasury, but most of it ends up in the pockets of government officials. The tragic situation in which the Muslims of this region find themselves has led to them thinking about emigrating to Asia Minor, Albania or Bosnia. However, most of the Albanian Muslims still firmly believe that the Serbs will not stay in the region for long. They regard Serbian rule as a temporary conquest, like the expedition of Torghut Pasha, and believe that it will soon pass. When this hope fades, there will no doubt be a mass emigration of the nonSerb population. This would be to the political detriment of the Albanians but also, and no less so, to the economic disadvantage of the Serbs because the latter probably do not have enough people to recolonize the region. What is more, one hears talk of dissatisfaction with the new regime even from the local Serbs. They had been expecting an economic recovery in town and material advantage from the political change. Instead of this, the ­Orthodox have also been subjected to higher taxes and contributions, even though not as high as those paid by the Muslims and Catholics. In addition, much of Prizren’s market, now in Montenegro and Albania, has been lost. There, the population has turned to the ­markets of Skutari [Shkodra] and Antivari [Bar] which, though farther away, are cheaper. The Serbs are also terrified at the thought of an attack from near-by ­Albania. The border (the Drin River) is in some places only about an hour’s march from the town and, in order to calm the frightened Serbs, the government has often been spreading rumours that the Great Powers have decided to push the Albanian border back to the Vizier’s Bridge. Copy of this report sub No. 11 to Belgrade. [FO 424/244] Despatch from British Vice-Consul, W.D. Peckham, in Skopje to Dayrell ­Crackanthorpe at the British Embassy in Belgrade, dated 8 May 1914, with various reports from Kosovo and Macedonia. Uskub [Skopje] May 8, 1914 Sir, I have the honour to report that several indications point to the probability of trouble on the Albanian frontier in the near future. 199

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Kosovo, A Documentary History In my despatch No. 13 conf of April 4, I quoted Prisrend opinion of the likelihood of an attack from Lyuma, under certain circumstances, about this time. I now hear, though I can give no guarantee of the truth of the rumour, that some twelve thousand Albanians have collected on the other side of the frontier, ready for a descent. Albanian émigrés passing through here declare, I was told, that they are leaving, not merely because of the badness of Servian administration and its general policy of massacring them, but also because they are convinced that an Albanian attack is imminent and they do not wish to be the corn between the upper and the nether millstones. There is a considerable movement of troops up the Mitrovitza line and also a certain indication which would seem to point to military activity either in the Kalkandelen [Tetovo] valley or at Dibra. From the latter town I hear that a certain Arif Hikmet Bey, described to me (by a pro-Albanian) as a man destitute of morals, who is in Servian pay, is trying to stir up the Albanians against a Christian prince. He is said to be at Leshan in the Dibra district with a tail of three hundred followers, but wants more men, and consequently more Servian gold, before making difficulties for the Prince. Recently Servian gendarmes appear to have attacked some Lap Albanians who were returning (armed) from a visit to Albania. One of the A ­ lbanians is in hospital, the others are missing, probably dead. The Servians burned the village of Lavsha [Llausha] (close to the old frontier, due N. of Prishtina), but I do not know if it was guilty of any crime. Except for the case of Kabash (my despatch No. 67 of November 17) where the band appears to have been the product of Servian imagination, this is one of the first pieces of news that has reached me of arms among the Albanians east of the ­Adriatic watershed. From Radovishta comes the news of another big encounter with Bulgar irregulars, but details are completely lacking. The old belief that the Servians will be turned out of Macedonia, either by the Great Powers or by the Turco-Bulgaro-Albanian combination, seems as strong as ever. I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, /signed/W.D. Peckham Vice Consul [FO 371/3570] Appeal of the Kosovo Committee to the King of England, dated 20 November 1918, requesting the annexation of Kosovo to independent Albania. 200

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Documents [translated from the French] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 20 November 1918 To His Majesty, the King of England, London With reference to the principles of freedom and justice that have been duly proclaimed by the Great Powers, we wish to draw your attention to the following. The Serbs annexed the Albanian regions of the former Turkish Vilayet of Kosovo in 1913 and dominated them tyrannically until 1915 and then reoccupied them in 1918, doing so in reality solely on the basis of the right of conquest. We protest primarily against the unjust annexation of 1913 and also against the restoration of the Serbian regime. The reoccupied regions constitute Albanian land on which we have an overwhelming numerical majority of 85% and a superiority in economic terms of 95%. The massacres committed by the Serbs and Montenegrins in 1912–1915, the extermination of 50,000 Albanians by the Bulgarians in 1915–1918, and emigration caused by these terrorist regimes in the Albanian regions of Uskub [Skopje], Comanovo [Kumanova], Prechevo [Presheva], Tetovo, ­Gostivar, Guilan [Gjilan], Prishtina, Mitrovitza, Ipek [Peja], Djacovo [Gjakova], ­Prizrend, Ferizoviq [Ferizaj] and Cachanik [Kaçanik] have only succeeded in reducing our pre-Balkan War majority of 92% by 7%. Consequently, the present ethnographic and economic reality in the said regions is proof enough of the validity of our cause. Not one of the peoples demanding their freedom from the Turkish yoke has more undeniable and numerous rights than the Kosovo Albanians. The Czechs of Bohemia, the Romanians of Transylvania and the French of Alsace-Lorraine do not have the same ethnographic and economic rights as the Albanians in the aforementioned regions. The Serbian and Bulgarian population scattered here and there in the said regions are simply foreigners who settled in the country during the period of Slavic domination from 1159–1384. The Albanian regions sacrificed in 1913 for purely political reasons ­constituted and constitute an unprecedented injustice. Any solution that does not involve their annexation to independent Albania would be even more unjust. Finally, the population of the said regions that rose for freedom 54 times in bloody battle against the Turkish yoke and against those of their own faith, will never allow themselves to be exterminated by the chauvinism of the Serbs. The civilized world will be witness to even bloodier battles should it abandon them to Serbian domination. 201

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Consequently, we beg you to support the just cause of a people denied all protection and, in your statements of principle, to ensure that the said regions be annexed to independent Albania. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri bey Dr. Hodja Kadri /signatures of other members, including Mahmout Begoli, Hysni Curri, A. Shekfet, major of the general staff, H. Gostivari/ [FO 371/3570] Appeal of the Kosovo Committee to the King of England, dated 20 November 1918, calling for military and political intervention in Kosovo. [translated from the French] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 20 November 1918 To His Majesty, the King of England London We, the undersigned, have the honour of drawing the distinguished attention of Your Majesty to the fact that, after having had the pleasure of ­returning to their country and reoccupying the Albanian regions of Kosovo thanks to the victorious Allies armies, the Serbs have made unrealistic proposals to the Albanians of Podgur (district of Ipek [Peja]) and forced them to rise to defend their very existence. Using this successful trap and since there are no Allied troops in the region, the Serbs will begin massacring the Albanian population. Consequently, we beg you, in the name of humanity, not to allow the Serbs to carry out their well-known criminal intentions and to intervene militarily and politically. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri bey Dr. Hodja Kadri /signatures of other members, including Mahmout Begoli, Hysni Curri, A. Shekfet, major, H. Gostivari, Ragip bey Kaja Begali, Mula Sadik Peçani/ 202

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Documents [FO 371/3565] Appeal of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 20 December 1918, for Kosovo to be put under provisional international administration. [translated from the French] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 20 December 1918 To the Honorable Ministry of Foreign Affairs, London We have the honour to draw the esteemed and kind attention of Your Excellency to the fact that the Serbian Government, encouraged by the ­triumph of its plan of vengeance and extermination in the region of Podgour [Podgur] and under the assumption that the benevolent protection of the Allied Powers will keep the conscience of the civilised world quiet, continues to destroy, massacre and pillage in the region of Reka (which extends from Ipek [Peja] to Djacovo [Gjakova]) and in that of Lap and Golap (district of Prishtina), that are exclusively inhabited by Albanians. Convinced that solely a decisive measure will succeed in stopping the complete destruction of Kosovo, we give voice to our protest at the savagery of the Serbs, the successors of Attila and Genghis, and appeal, one last time, for the prompt military and diplomatic intervention of the Allied Great P ­ owers to bring about the re-establishment, as quickly as possible, of the provisional international administration of all the regions of Kosovo. In the firm hope of obtaining a favourable and definitive response, we would ask Your Excellency to accept the expression of our highest c­ onsideration. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, Secretary Representatives of the Executive Professor Bedri Beg Peja Hysni beg Curri S. Shabani Adush Kastrati [FO 688/47] Letter from British Brigadier General George Fraser Phillips, head of the International Military Mission in Shkodra, to the D.M.I., dated 23 January 1919, on the veracity of Albanian documents and reports received by the mission. 203

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Scutari [Shkodra], 23 January 1919 To the D. M. I. In accordance with my telegram No. 15 of the 19th January I beg to forward the details mentioned therein. The enclosed documents have been given me by Albanians of influence and standing. They represent in detail the continual stream of reports furnished by inhabitants of these districts. The reports are signed by Hodja Kadri of Pristina who represents the committee formed by the leading Albanians of Kosova, Goussina, Plava, Ipek, Gjakova and Prisren. I have impressed on them to the utmost of my ability the absolute necessity of the truth without exaggeration. Men have been sent to verify the statements and have returned, and I fear that in the main they must be believed. At Rosjhi [Rožaje] there seems to be no doubt the Albanian population are being very hardly handled. Accusations of actual massacres made in the enclosed reports have been supported by a large number of refugees flying from the terror which has taken hold of the people beyond and on the frontiers, but I cannot/illegible/the full extent of/illegible/as the runners have not returned from Rosjhi. The districts of Goussina and Plava although ceded to Montenegro some time ago have never been entered. The tribes are very well armed and united and the country is a most difficult one, the head Chief of the tribes has himself been to see me and there can be little doubt that an entry is now being undertaken by the Slavs in order to be able to say that these districts are really Montenegrin at the Peace Conference. G. F. Phillips Bdg. Genl. Head of the Military Mission in Albania [FO 688/47] Appeal of the Kosovo Committee to the King of England, dated 26 January 1919, for an end to the massacres and to the Serbian regime in Kosovo, with an appendix containing statistics on the inhabitants of the districts of Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje], now in southeastern Montenegro. [translated from the French]

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Documents Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 26 January 1919 To His Majesty The King of Great Britain, London The Serbs and Montenegrins, who have murdered 200,000 Albanians since the Balkan War, are continuing their destructive campaign against our people. We have submitted numerous reports to the Great Powers over the last three months concerning the criminal conduct of the Serbian regime in the Albanian regions of Kosovo, but without receiving any favourable response to our protests. Encouraged by the silence of the Great Powers, the above-mentioned assassins are massacring our people (including women, children and the elderly). They are destroying and pillaging the country, converting the ­Albanians to Orthodoxy and taking them to church by force. The Slavs are unwavering in their will to exterminate the/Albanian/­element in Kosovo. Suffocated by emotion, we appeal to the humane sentiments of His ­Majesty and beg him to intervene for an immediate internationalisation of the regions of Kosovo and to put an end to the abominable cruelty of the Serbian regime. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, Secretary President Professor Bedri beg Peja Hodja Kadri H. Gostivari Q. bey Mahmud Begolli Hysni Curri

Statistics on the Inhabitants of the Districts of Plava and Gussigna [Gucia] No. Names of towns and villages 1 Gussigna [Gucia] 2 Vuthaj [Vusanje]

Number Number Number Number Total Remarks of Albanian of Serbian of Albanian of Serbian number of families families inhabitants inhabitants inhabitants 540 31 6,180 324 6,804 240

3,012

3,012 (continued)

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No. Names of Number Number Number Number Total Remarks towns and of Albanian of Serbian of Albanian of Serbian number of villages families families inhabitants inhabitants inhabitants 3 Martinovich 79 1,500 1,500 [Martinaj] 4 Llaze [Lazi] 40 634 634 5 Sherchan 22 4 254 49 313 6 Troxan 5 74 74 7 Kolina 52 857 857 [Kolenovići] 8 Krushova 38 641 641 [Kruševo] 9 Vishnjava 30 504 504 [Višnjevo] 10 Budovica 18 153 153 11 Zabodishta 3 48 48 12 Zagradja 11 156 156 [Zagrade] 13 Dubudja 22 195 195 14 Duli 9 124 124 15 Plava 104 3,420 3,420 16 Djurich 15 156 156 17 Hot 42 525 525 18 Babina 10 123 123 19 Yara 25 297 297 20 Komarasha 32 488 488 [Komarača] 21 Salmehaj 36 4 642 55 697 22 Pernevor 43 366 366 23 Brezovica 50 32 264 295 560 24 Nakshich 52 975 975 [Nokšići] 25 Pepaj 25 213 213 26 Rrjanica 42 554 245 699 27 Hakaj 37 370 238 608 28 Begajcha 25 346 346 29 Kofilacha 11 79 79 30 Zabeli 8 57 57 31 Trokusi 5 43 43 32 Jasenica 13 112 112 33 Temjaki 7 51 51 34 Valemica 9 72 72 TOTAL 1,670 114 23,595 911 24,406

On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri Beg Peja H. Kadri

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Documents [FO 608/46] Document compiled for the Kosovo Committee by two priests and sent to B ­ ritish Brigadier General George Fraser Phillips, head of the British Military Control Commission in Albania and Montenegro, in Shkodra, in the second half of 1919, and subsequently transmitted to the Great Powers and the League of Nations, providing detailed statistics of the massacre committed by Serbian and ­Montenegrin forces in the Rugova highlands in western Kosovo on or around 16 February 1919.5 [translated from the French]

Statistics of Serbian Massacres Committed in the Region of Rugova (District of Peja [Ipek]) Number First and last name of victim 1 Shaban Halili 2 Mehmet Shabi 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

Loke Mehmeti Raza Shabi Hyka Jusufi Duda Shabi Alia Shabi Zejnel Jusufi Halil Shabi Mysrev Sadria Din Salini Xhem Sadrija Shato Hajdari Nava Hajdari Xheva Hajdari Shekere Bajrami Tahir Idrizi Shaban Tahiri Ram Tahiri Noce Tahirja Zarife Daudi Shaban Sadria

Age 87 60 40 30 20 12 7 6 5 19 45 25 59 10 16 7 61 7 20 55 31 45

Name of village

Observations

Shtupeci i vogël murdered in his home Shtupeci i vogël shot after being wounded Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël murdered Shtupeci i vogël murdered Shtupeci i vogël murdered Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël blown up Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël burned alive Shtupeci i vogël murdered (continued)

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Number First and last name of victim 23 Zek Shabani 24 Zade Shabani 25 Raza Sadri 26 Xhemile Jusufi 27 Rusha Jusufi 28 Haka Shuku 29 Begia Shuku 30 Xheva Shuku 31 Derana Shuku 32 Muse Xhemi 33 Syl Arifi 34 Elez Arifi 35 Hysein Arifi 36 Beg Sahiti 37 Rukije Arifi 38 Cuca Saiti 39 Bika Zeka 40 Shaban Haxhija 41 Hava Haxhiu 42 Zejnel Jusufi 43 Abdi Jusufi 44 Lipja Jusufi

Age

Name of village

Observations

10 40 90 50 25 31 8 10 8 19 31 16 10 6 53 23 62 9 32 16 12 60

Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël

burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered after having been raped burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered while sick in bed murdered murdered murdered murdered after having been raped murdered murdered while sick in bed murdered murdered burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered deaf-mute, murdered murdered

45 46 47 48

Xheva Jusufi Shkurte Ademi Idriz Ademi Ismajl Ahmeti

13 25 6 51

Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël

49 50 51 52

Ali Ismajli Shaban Ismajli Bali Ismajli the daughter of Ismajl

9 6 4 13

Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël

53 54

Shak Ismajli Zek Zymeri

42 21

Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël

55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63

Duda Zymeri Raba Zymeri Rusha Zymeri Fata Jusufi Ali Hyseini Xhevrije Aliu Raba/Aliu?/ Syl Rustemi Hasan Syla

10 8 63 32 90 50 75 30 70

Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël

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Number First and last name of victim 64 Xhevrije Hasani 65 Gala Barlleci 66 Xheva Barlleci 67 Tan Barlleci 68 Çake Barlleci 69 Halil Mehmeti 70 the daughter of Mehmet 71 Xhevrija Mehmeti 72 Xhevrije Shabani 73 the daughter of Shaban 74 Rexh Ibrahimi 75 Xhevo Ibrahimi 76 Ali Kameri 77 Ahmet Kameri 78 the daughter of Kamer 79 Xhevrije Kameri 80 Vaka Mysrevi 81 Rustem Jana 82 Bali Jana 83 Islam Jana 84 Xhevo Jaka 85 Hysen Ismajli 86 Avdi Ismajli 87 the daughter of Ismajl 88 the daughter of Ismajl 89 Xhevo Ismajli 90 Halil Abdullahi 91 the wife of Halil 92 Shaban Halili 93 Vejsel Halili 94 Rustem Halili 95 Bajram Syla 96 the wife of Bajram 97 Adem Bajrami 98 the daughter of Bajram 99 Faza Zejneli 100 the wife of Kacubi 101 the daughter of Kacubi 102 Duda Osmani 103 the wife of Jusuf 104 Hava Musliu 105 the wife of Meli 106 the daughter of Meli 107

the son of Meli

Age 59 31 22 9 11 23 14 45 25 5 12 34 14 6 16 45 62 30 13 9 50 13 6 12 7 45 60 47 12 8 5 46 35 10 7 77 29 8 30 21 63 40 12 2

Name of village

Observations

Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered killed by a grenade burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered killed by a grenade killed by a grenade killed by a grenade murdered burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered after having been raped Shtupeci i vogël murdered (continued)

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Number First and last name of victim 108 Shaban Ismajli 109 the wife of Shaban 110 Ujk Shabani 111 Beg Shabani 112 Ram Elezi 113 the son of Elezi 114 the daughter of Elezi

Age

Name of village

Observations

70 56 15 11 12 12 24

Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël

burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered after having been raped murdered in his home murdered while sick in bed murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered killed by a grenade murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered after having been raped burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive killed in bed while sick

115 116

the father of Mehmet Hysejn Mehmeti

60 25

Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël

117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143

the daughter of Mehmet the wife of Rexho the daughter of Rexho Ibrahim Ibishi Duda Ademi Jakup Ademi Ibish Ademi Zade Ademi the daughter of Adem the wife of Idriz the wife of Ismajl Mustafa Vejseli Salih Veseli Rexh Syku Mehmet Rexha Adem Ibrahimi the daughter of Ibrahim the daughter of Ibrahim the wife of Ibrahim the wife of Bek Hyseni his daughter his daughter the son of Vejsel the wife of Hasan the son of Demo the son of Demo the daughter of Demo

15 20 3 60 40 15 10 20 15 20 22 30 24 60 38 11 13 6 35 40 13 9 7 60 12 6 15

Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël

144 145 146 147 148

the wife of Sylo the son of Sylo the son of Sylo the daughter of Sylo Sadik Faslia

35 13 10 8 30

Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël

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Number First and last name of victim 149 Ujkan Faslia 150 the wife of Tahir 151 Mus Salimi 152 the wife of Bektesh 153 the daughter of Bektesh 154 the son of Bektesh 155 the son of Bektesh 156 the son of Bektesh 157 the daughter of Bektesh 158 the wife of Adem 159 the daughter of Ademi 160 Duda Ademi 161 the daughter of Adem

Age

Name of village

Observations

14 27 29 30 18 13 9 7 5 25 5 40 20

Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered after having been raped murdered after having been raped murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered burned alive murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire

162

the daughter of Adem

14

Shtupeci i vogël

163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186

the daughter of Adem the wife of Adem the son of Hajdar the daughter of Hajdar Mustafa Alia his wife his daughter the wife of Shaban his son his daughter the wife of Rustem the son of Met the daughter of Met the daughter of Bek the daughter of Bek Bal Ismajli Zymer Bali Malo Bali the wife of Bal Shaban Arifi Bika Arifi Zylfia Arifi Abas Bajrami Bal Arifi

10 20 14 9 70 66 20 25 7 5 50 12 6 15 11 60 33 13 51 8 10 15 65 23

Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Shtupeci i vogël Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj

187

Shaban Sadiku

15

Drelaj

188

Ismajl Abazi

11

Drelaj

(continued)

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 211

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Number First and last name of victim 189 Jusuf Sadiku

Age

Name of village

Observations

5

Drelaj

murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire murdered and thrown in the fire burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered

190

the wife of Selman

20

Drelaj

191

the wife of Aras

40

Drelaj

192

the daughter of Aras

2

Drelaj

193

the son of Aras

4

Drelaj

194

the wife of Sadik

22

Drelaj

195

the wife of Mustafa

20

Drelaj

196

Hoxha Mustafa

20

Drelaj

197

the wife of Tahir

21

Drelaj

198

the son of Tahir

3

Drelaj

199

Zyka Sadiku

17

Drelaj

200

the daughter of Sadik

13

Drelaj

201

Ali Meta

80

Drelaj

202

the wife of Alia

65

Drelaj

203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219

the daughter of Asllan the daughter of Asllan the wife of Fetan the daughter of Fetan the daughter of Fetan the daughter of Fetan the son of Fetan the daughter of Fetan the wife of Dem Meta Tahir Haziri Haxhi Tahiri Haxhi Sejdia Osman Tafili Rexh Abdyli Gjyka Abdyli Ismajl Haxhia Syl Sadria

7 4 45 14 14 17 8 2 62 80 79 73 42 23 45 21 24

Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 212

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Number First and last name of victim 220 Rustem Sadria 221 the wife of Sadik 222 the wife of Rustem 223 the wife of Rexha 224 Adem Muça

Age

Name of village

Observations

36 50 27 3 45

Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj Drelaj

10

Drelaj

7

Drelaj

36

Drelaj

murdered murdered murdered murdered killed by a machine-gun killed by a machine-gun killed by a machine-gun killed by a machine-gun killed by a machine-gun killed by a machine-gun killed by a machine-gun killed by a machine-gun killed by a machine-gun killed by a machine-gun killed by a machine-gun burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered

225

Zenun Ademi

226

Ali Ademi

227

the wife of Adem

228

the daughter of Adem

9

Drelaj

229

the daughter of Adem

5

Drelaj

230

the daughter of Adem

3

Drelaj

231

Daud Ibrahimi

55

Drelaj

232

the wife of Daud

35

Drelaj

233

the son of Daud

6

Drelaj

234

Hazir Syla

31

Drelaj

235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253

the wife of Halil the mother of Halil Zef Ibrahimi the daughter of Ibrahim Dem Ahmeti the wife of Dem the mother of Dem Sadri Meta Nysrev Sadria Kaçel Sadria Zymer Halili Brahim Zymeri Ysa Mysrevi Niman Sejdia the wife of Myftar Fatime Ibishi Hysen Asllani Adem Asllani Adem Zeka

21 70 20 7 45 30 71 100 54 47 78 47 25 50 80 42 46 34 50

Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta

(continued)

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 213

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Number First and last name of victim 254 Tahir Abdia 255 Brahim Zymeri 256 Nysrev Zymeri 257 the wife of Zymeri 258 Nysrev Sabria 259 the wife of Nysrev 260 Dranda Zhuja 261 the wife of Sula 262 Gjyla Lami 263 the daughter of Lam 264 Sheko Diku 265 Safie Sadiku 266 the daughter of Salih 267 the daughter of Salih 268 Rexh Mustafa

Age 42 36 19 70 90 79 99 3 50 17 69 55 10 8 50

269

Jusuf Mustafa

18

270

Vesel Tahiri

15

271

Istref Tahiri

10

272

the wife of Ismajl

70

273

the wife of Mustafa

50

274

The wife of Tahir

40

275

the wife of Zejnel

60

276

the wife of Ahmet

30

277

the wife of Mehmet

40

278

the son of Ahmet

2

289

the wife of Shaban

20

280

the son of Shaban

1

281

the daughter of Mustafa

10

282

Bajro Omeri

40

283

Mustafa Omeri

20

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 214

Name of village

Observations

Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Kuqishta Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered

18-12-2017 14:08:38

Number First and last name of victim 284 Rustem Omeri

Age 15

285

the wife of Omer

56

286

the wife of Barleci

23

287

the son of Barleci

5

288

the wife of Bajro

30

289

the son of Bajro

10

290

the son of Bajro

5

291

the wife of Haxhi

292

the daughter of Haxhi

1

293

the daughter of Omer

16

294

the daughter of Omer

8

295

Musli Abdullahi

60

296

Sadri Abdullahi

50

297

Selman Abdullahi

42

298

Shaban Sadria

25

299

Xhem Sadria

21

300

Ram Muslia

32

301

the wife of Sadri

50

302

the wife of Musli

41

303

the wife of Selman

31

304

the son of Selman

10

305

the son of Selman

8

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 215

22

Name of village

Observations

Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh

murdered

Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered while defending herself with an axe in her hand burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive (continued)

18-12-2017 14:08:38

Number First and last name of victim 306 the daughter of Selman

Age 6

307

the wife of Rustem

62

308

the son of Rustem

43

309

Beg Tahiri

13

310

Vejsel Tahiri

12

311

the wife of Tahir

34

312

Abdyl Rustemi

83

313

Arif Abdyli

25

314

Mal Abduli

21

315

Hysrev Abdyli

17

316

the wife of Abdyl

46

317

the daughter of Abdyl

15

318

Rexhep Smaka

71

319

Beg Rexhepi

42

320

Zejnel Beka

23

321

Musli Beka

18

322

Ram Beka

15

323

the daughter of Beka

11

324

the wife of Rexhep

63

325

Mehmet Smaka

42

326

the wife of Mehmet

25

327

Ahmet Smaka

50

328

Halil Ahmeti

14

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 216

Name of village

Observations

Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh

burned alive burned alive murdered burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered

18-12-2017 14:08:38

Number First and last name of victim 329 the wife of Ahmet

Age 45

330

Zymer Hyseni

40

331

Halil Zymeri

16

332

the son of Zymer

2

333

the wife of Zymer

35

334

Rustem Bajri

67

335

the wife of Rustem

52

336

the daughter of Rustem

18

337

the daughter of Rustem

14

338

Dak Sadiku

17

339

Kamer Sadiku

15

340

the wife of Sadik

49

341

Mehmet Alia

47

342

Shaban Alia

25

343

Jusuf Alia

27

344

Osman Shabani

16

345

Ali Shabani

18

346

the daughter of Shaban

13

347

Osman Shabani

49

348

the wife of Mehmet

25

349

the daughter of Ali

12

350

Fasli Sylejmani

81

351

Ibrahim Sylejmani

57

Name of village

Observations

Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered after having been raped murdered after having been raped murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered (continued)

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 217

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Number First and last name of victim 352 Beg Faslia

Age 40

353

the wife of Beka

35

354

the wife of Fasli

44

355

Kamer Sadiku

18

356

Ismajl Beka

15

357

the daughter of Beka

13

358

Brahim Rexha

25

359

Jusuf Rexha

21

360

the wife of Rexha

50

361

the daughter of Rexha

14

362

the wife of Bajram

21

363

the wife of Ali

79

364

Sahit Dema

70

365

the wife of Sahit

62

366

the daughter of Sahit

14

367

the wife of Ibish

44

368

the daughter of Ibish

18

369

Adem Bajrami

70

370

Selman Bajrami

65

371

Hasan Elezi

22

372

Ram Çaushi

15

373

Halil Ademi

13

374

the wife of Adem

40

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 218

Name of village

Observations

Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive killed by a grenade murdered murdered murdered burned alive burned alive

18-12-2017 14:08:38

Number First and last name of victim 375 the wife of Elez

Age 72

376

the daughter of Elez

13

377

Ibish Abdyli

23

378

the wife of Abdyl

70

379

Dem Ahmeti

12

380

Rexh Ahmeti

6

381

the wife of Ahmet

37

382

the wife of Hajredin

42

383

the daughter of Hajredin

18

384

the daughter of Hajredin

15

385

the daughter of Hajredin

13

386

the daughter of Hajredin

11

387

the daughter of Hajredin

8

388

the son of Hajredin

9

389

the wife of Adem

40

390

the daughter of Adem

15

391

the wife of Shaban

32

392

the wife of Mustafa

25

393

the daughter of Ramo

18

394

Dem Rustemi

90

395

his daughter

37

396

the wife of Demo

64

397

Idriz Ademi

82

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 219

Name of village

Observations

Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh

burned alive burned alive murdered burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive (continued)

18-12-2017 14:08:38

Number First and last name of victim 398 his daughter

Age 16

399

his daughter

19

400

his wife

55

401

Rustem Faslia

15

402

Alim Faslia

11

403

the son of Fasli

1

404

the wife of Fasli

32

405

the wife of Ibish

101

406

the wife of Muço

60

407

the wife of Bajram

25

408

the wife of Omer

31

409

the son of Omer

6

410

Jusuf Zymeri

16

411

the wife of Ibrahim

25

412

the daughter of Zymer

12

413

Bajram Çyti

18

414

the wife of Çyt

42

415

the wife of Rexhep

26

416

Hysrev Zejneli

25

417

the wife of Zejnel

40

418

the daughter of Zejnel

419

Ram Jusufi

81

420

the daughter of Ramo

17

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 220

2

Name of village

Observations

Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh

burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered killed by a bayonet killed by a bayonet murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered burned alive murdered burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered burned alive burned alive murdered

18-12-2017 14:08:39

Number First and last name of victim 421 the daughter of Ramo

Age 15

422

the wife of Ramo

50

423

Sokol Syla

20

424

Asllan Xhuxha

14

425

Hysrev Xhuxha

8

426

the daughter of Xhuxha

18

427

the daughter of Xhuxha

15

428

the daughter of Xhuxha

13

429

the daughter of Xhuxha

10

430

the wife of Beka

25

431

the daughter of Beka

7

432

the daughter of Beka

5

433

the daughter of Beka

2

434 435 436

Raza Sadria Ram Sadria Hyzem Ibishi

75 2 25

437

Grisha Ibishi

47

438

Colja Ibishi

20

439

Met Haxhia

50

440

Kuça Meti

41

441

Razia Shabani

25

442

Zoga Shabani

4

443

Mustafa Jusufi

8

444

the wife of Jusuf

35

Name of village

Observations

Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Shtupeci i madh Kuqishta Kuqishta Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva)

burned alive burned alive murdered burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered (continued)

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 221

18-12-2017 14:08:39

Number First and last name of victim 445 the daughter of Jusuf

Age 12

446

Zhuja Jusufi

447

Hava Arifi

55

448

Riza Ademi

25

449

Xhul Demia

27

450

Shkurta Demo

3

451

Vaka Demo

1

452

Huk Alia

37

453

Shkurta Alia

15

454

Sorra Alia

17

455

Sadik Rama

13

456

the daughter of Rama

457

Shpend Ujkani

20

458

the wife of Ujkan

29

459

Hysen Ibishi

13

460

the wife of Niman

27

461

Buta Ujkani

7

462

the daughter of Ujkan

1

463

Ahmet Ibrahimi

30

464

Mehmet Ibrahimi

32

465

Tahir Ahmeti

7

466

Hala Ahmeti

14

467

Xhemile Ahmeti

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 222

7

4

8

Name of village

Observations

Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva)

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered killed with a bayonet killed with a bayonet murdered murdered killed with a bayonet killed with a bayonet killed with a bayonet killed with a bayonet murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered

18-12-2017 14:08:39

Number First and last name of victim 468 Shaban Mehi

Age

Name of village

Observations

9

murdered

469

Loshe Dema

30

470

Jakup Dema

9

471

Butosh Dema

7

472

Haxhi Mustafa

25

473

Ram Myrseli

30

474

Ram Ajdini

25

475

the wife of Haxho

26

476

Mustafa Haxha

477

Zylfi Mustafa

18

478

Bajram Alia

20

479

Syl Alia

18

480

the wife of Ali

70

481 482

Zymer Ismajli Syka Mehmeti

27 50

Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Dugaiva (Duganieva) Bogët (Bogve)) Bogët (Bogve)

483

the daughter of Mehmet

17

Bogët (Bogve)

484

the daughter of Mehmet

11

Bogët (Bogve)

485

Cuza Mehmeti

13

Bogët (Bogve)

486 487 488 489 490

the wife of Rexho Zade Rexho Hava Rexho Bute Vejseli Çake Sokoli

30 5 6 32 50

Bogët (Bogve) Bogët (Bogve) Bogët (Bogve) Bogët (Bogve) Bogët (Bogve)

491

Xhemile Sokoli

14

Bogët (Bogve)

492

Shkurta Cufi

27

Bogët (Bogve)

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 223

4

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered killed in the village of Vishnova killed in the village of Vishnova killed in the village of Vishnova killed in the village of Vishnova murdered murdered murdered murdered killed in the village of Kuqishta killed in the village of Kuqishta killed in the village of Kuqishta (continued)

18-12-2017 14:08:39

Number First and last name of victim 493 the son of Cufi

Age

Name of village

Observations

6

Bogët (Bogve)

2

Bogët (Bogve)

30

Bogët (Bogve)

killed in the village of Kuqishta killed in the village of Kuqishta killed in the village of Kuqishta killed in the village of Kuqishta killed in the village of Kuqishta killed in the village of Kuqishta killed in the village of Kuqishta killed in the village of Kuqishta killed in the village of Kuqishta killed in the village of Kuqishta murdered, they stole 1,300 of his lambs murdered murdered murdered

494

the son of Cufi

495

Horlia Barlli

496

the son of Barlli

4

Bogët (Bogve)

497

Muhtar Kadria

50

Bogët (Bogve)

498

the wife of Muhtar

31

Bogët (Bogve)

499

the daughter of Muhtar

3

Bogët (Bogve)

500

the daughter of Vejsel

12

Bogët (Bogve)

501

the wife of Ismajl

26

Bogët (Bogve)

502

the son of Ismajl

4

Bogët (Bogve)

503

Bajram Rustemi

32

Drelaj

504 505 506

Myrsel Salihi Ali Zeça Ram Asllani

43 20 25

507

the wife of Asllan

51

508

Ibish Bajrami

37

509

Mehmet Ismajli

31

510

Berush Bajrami

59

511

the wife of Berush

34

512

the son of Berush

10

513

the son of Berush

1

514

the daughter of Berush

7

515

the wife of Ibro

61

516

the wife of Bajram

70

Bukeli Bukeli Koshutan (Kuçatani) Koshutan (Kuçatani) Koshutan (Kuçatani) Koshutan (Kuçatani) Koshutan (Kuçatani) Koshutan (Kuçatani) Koshutan (Kuçatani) Koshutan (Kuçatani) Koshutan (Kuçatani) Koshutan (Kuçatani) Koshutan (Kuçatani)

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 224

killed in Plava murdered murdered killed on the road to Peja (Ipek) killed on the road to Peja (Ipek) killed on the road to Peja (Ipek) killed on the road to Peja (Ipek) killed on the road to Peja (Ipek) murdered murdered

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Number First and last name of victim 517 the wife of Sadik

Age 57

518

Abdyl Haziri

25

519

Fatime Rrushi

15

520

Jan Jusufi

76

521

Akçe Ibro

102

522

Shake Elezi

37

523

the daughter of Elez

13

524

the daughter of Elez

7

525

the daughter of Elez

3

526

the daughter of Elez

10

527

the wife of Abdi

43

528

Hata Hyso

65

529

the wife of Barleci

24

530

the son of Barleci

3

531

the wife of Kasem

27

532

the son of Kasem

2

533

the wife of Ibro

21

534

the wife of Hasan

40

535

the son of Hasan

15

536

the daughter of Hasan

11

537

the wife of Ibish

45

538

Drando Muça

70

539

the son of Muça

35

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 225

Name of village

Observations

Koshutan (Kuçatani) Koshutan (Kuçatani) Koshutan (Kuçatani) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj) Haxhaj (Hashaj)

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava (continued)

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Number First and last name of victim 540 Shaban Bajrami 541 Hajredin Feku 542 Ismajl Hajredini 543 the mother of Shaban 544 the daughter of Shaban

Age

Name of village

Observations

20 97 31 82 11

Shkreli Shkreli Shkreli Shkreli Shkreli

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered and his body burned murdered and his body burned murdered and his body burned murdered murdered murdered killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered, he was blind murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered burned alive burned alive burned alive

545

the daughter of Shaban

7

Shkreli

546

the daughter of Shaban

5

Shkreli

547 548 549 550 551 552 553 554 555 556 557 558 559 560 561 562 563 564 565 566 567 568 569 570 571

Syl Abazi his son his daughter Isa Dema his wife his daughter the wife of Tahir the daughter of Tahir the daughter of Tahir Zade Ibrahimi Rustem Nimani Ram Ibri Luçe Adia Tafil Sheroki Tahir Ibra the wife of Cani his son his daughter his son Ajdin Myrseli Bek Myrseli the daughter of Beka the son of Beka the son of Beka the daughter of Beka

51 8 5 93 75 15 40 16 3 72 30 15 50 50 30 25 4 1 8 85 75 61 12 8 5

Shkreli Shkreli Shkreli Shkreli Shkreli Shkreli Shkreli Shkreli Shkreli Shkreli Shkreli Shkreli Haxhaj Haxhaj Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova

572 573 574 575 576 577 578 579 580 581

Ali Tahiri the wife of Ali the son of Ali Ali Sejdi his son his wife his daughter Rexh Mehi his son his son

100 78 19 70 20 61 8 50 15 13

Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 226

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Number First and last name of victim 582 his son 583 his sister 584 Ismajl Ahmeti 585 Ibish Ahmeti 586 Tafil Ahmeti 587 the wife of Ismajl 588 his son 589 his son 590 his son 591 Klos Alia 592 Ali Klosi 593 the wife of Klos 594 his daughter 595 Drando Haxhi 596 the son of Çeli 597 the daughter of Çeli 598 the son of Sadik 599 Abdyl Sejdi 600 his mother 601 the wife of Jusuf 602 the son of Jusuf 603 the daughter of Jusuf 604 the mother of Mehmet Nuçi 605 his daughter 606 his daughter 607 his daughter 608 Abdi Ismajli 609 610 611 612 613 614 615 616 617 618 619 620 621 622 623 624 625

his wife Ibish Shabani his wife his son Syl Ibrahimi Xhemal Ibrahimi the wife of Sylo the son of Sylo the son of Sylo the daughter of Sylo Shyt Ahmeti Sharr Ahmeti the wife of Sharr his son his daughter Ibro Hysejni the mother of Ibro

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 227

Age

Name of village

Observations

8 27 35 50 25 35 8 5 3 50 10 30 12 60 10 5 3 34 70 40 11 7 87

Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Bodiova Stakaj Stakaj Stakaj Stakaj Stakaj Stakaj Stakaj Stakaj Stakaj Stakaj Stakaj Stakaj Stakaj Stakaj

burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered

15 10 5 44

Stakaj Stakaj Stakaj Pepaj (Pepich)

42 41 30 5 45 55 25 6 4 1 45 50 35 5 4 35 60

Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich)

murdered murdered murdered murdered near the mosque murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered burned alive (continued)

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Number First and last name of victim 626 the wife of Ibro 627 the daughter of Ibro 628 Ram Faslia 629 his daughter 630 his daughter 631 his daughter 632 his son 633 Rexhep Elezi 634 his wife 635 his son 636 his son 637 his daughter 638 his daughter 639 Abdyl Omeri 640 Din Omeri 641 Çik Omeri 642 Sokol Syla 643 Tahi Selimi 644 the wife of Zenel 645 his son 646 his son 647 Ibro Hysejni 648 Zek Alia 649 Nush Syla 650 Sokol Ismajli 651 Keço Ismajli 652 the mother of Zeko 653 the mother of Nusho 654 the wife of Zeko 655 the wife of Nusho 656 the mother of Ismajl 657 the daughter of Zeko 658 Halil Mustafa 659 Iber Mustafa 660 Bajram Hysejni 661 Rustem Beka 662 the mother of Bajram 663 the mother of Halil 664 Qerim Zymeri 665 his son 666 his son 667 his son 668 Xhem Barlleci 669 Junuz Hysejni 670 his wife

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 228

Age

Name of village

Observations

31 4 40 16 13 11 7 50 40 20 15 10 7 11 4 2 25 70 25 5 2 35 43 26 12 9 65 51 28 22 75 6 16 13 8 4 37 40 32 10 7 5 30 39 27

Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Pepaj (Pepich) Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Koshutan Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës

burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava killed in Plava murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered

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Number First and last name of victim 671 his son 672 his son 673 his daughter 674 Abdyl Salihi 675 his wife 676 his son 677 his son 678 his son 679 his daughter 680 the son of Qerim Zymeri 681 Jakup Ademi 682 Mustafa Ademi 683 Syl Jakupi 684 the son of Jakup 685 the daughter of Jakup 686 Osman Tahiri 687 Ismajl Tahiri 688 Zejnel Tahiri 689 the wife of Jakup 690 the wife of Tahir 691 the wife of Mustafa 692 the mother of Jakup 693 the wife of Rustem 694 Shaban Banushi 695 the brother of Cen 696 the brother of Cen 697 his mother 698 his grandmother 699 his sister 700 Istref Salihi 701 his sister 702 his mother 703 Haxhi Bajrami 704 his sister 705 the daughter of Bajram 706 the wife of Bajram 707 the wife of Haxhi 708 Selim Hajdari 709 Cen Hajdari 710 Met Hajdari 711 Arif Hajdari 712 the wife of Selim 713 the wife of Hajdar 714 Adem Ajdini

Age

Name of village

Observations

7 4 2 82 71 25 21 19 15 2

Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Malaj

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered

45 27 11 7 2 12 8 3 32 36 26 75 70 25 8 3 49 79 15 8 10 35 13 4 12 45 32 23 18 11 7 28 45 23

Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj

murdered murdered burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive (continued)

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Number First and last name of victim 715 the son of Mula 716 the son of Mula 717 the daughter of Ajdin 718 the wife of Mula 719 the wife of Ajdin 720 the wife of Sadik 721 the daughter of Sadik 722 the daughter of Sadik 723 the daughter of Sadik 724 the daughter of Sadik 725 Mus Sejdina 726 the daughter of Sejdi 727 the daughter of Sejdi 728 the wife of Sejdi 729 Elez Alia 730 the wife of Elez 731 the son of Elez 732 the wife of Sabri 733 the son of Sabri 734 the wife of Zeka 735 the daughter of Zeka 736 the daughter of Zeka 737 the son of Zeka 738 the wife of Dino 739 the son of Dino 740 the wife of Ali 741 the daughter of Ali 742 the daughter of Ali 743 Can Lusha 744 his mother 745 his sister 746 his brother 747 Tahir Shabani 748 the wife of Hako 749 his daughter 750 his daughter 751 his daughter 752 Beg Mahmuti 753 his mother 754 Deli Faslia 755 his wife 756 his daughter 757 Bajram Adili 758 his wife 759 his daughter

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 230

Age

Name of village

Observations

2 1 8 25 40 40 9 7 5 3 12 3 6 35 64 52 23 29 2 40 19 18 21 28 2 45 15 11 20 71 15 11 30 27 8 7 5 30 37 51 34 11 52 42 17

Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Malaj Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës

burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered

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Number First and last name of victim 760 Rexh Adili 761 Ibrahim Rexha 762 the wife of Ibrahim 763 the son of Ibrahim 764 Ismajl Faslia 765 Bek Sokoli 766 Rexhep Sokoli 767 Kadri Sokoli 768 Musli Bajrami 769 the wife of Musli 770 the daughter of Musli 771 Halil Balia 772 his wife 773 his sister 774 his mother 775 Selman Ahmeti 776 his mother 777 Ram Asllani 778 Salih Keqi 779 Mustafa Keqi 780 the wife of Keq 781 the wife of Ibrahim 782 the mother-in-law of Ibrahim 783 Syl Muslia 784 Hasan Syla 785 the wife of Syla 786 the daughter of Syla 787 the wife of Selim 788 Bek Brahimi 789 Jusuf Ahmeti 790 his wife 791 the wife of Shaban 792 the wife of Selman 793 the son of Selman 794 the wife of Kasem 795 the daughter of Kasem 796 the son of Kasem 797 the wife of Hysen Ali 798 Hysen Ali 799 his mother 800 the daughter of Beka 801 the son of Beka 802 the son of Xhemal 803 the son of Xhemal

Age

Name of village

Observations

60 40 35 6 42 25 15 35 25 7 31 31 22 7 55 13 37 20 30 13 54 24 61

Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered

65 20 60 15 21 25 60 47 24 25 3 34 13 11 27 40 73 8 5 10 7

Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered (continued)

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 231

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Number First and last name of victim 804 the son of Daud 805 the son of Daud 806 the daughter of Daud 807 the daughter of Elez 808 the daughter of Elez 809 Kadri Meta 810 his mother 811 Halil Ibishi 812 his mother 813 Itush Rama 814 his wife 815 his son 816 his son 817 his daughter 818 his daughter 819 Sadik Duli 820 Zejnel Duli 821 the mother of Sadik 822 the wife of Mustafa 823 the wife of Beka 824 the son of Beka 825 the daughter of Beka 826 Sharr Hasani 827 Haxhi Sharri 828 the son of Sharr 829 the son of Sharr 830 the wife of Sharr 831 the wife of Met Zymeri 832 the mother of Met Zymeri 833 the wife of Smal Sadri 834 the son of Smal Sadri 835 the daughter of Smal Sadri 836 the daughter of Smal Sadri 837 the wife of Hajredin 838 Keq Hajredini 839 the wife of Keq 840 the wife of Salih Rama 841 the son of Sali Rama 842 Zenel Beka

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 232

Age

Name of village

Observations

8 5 27 15 10 25 50 15 51 60 52 15 10 18 7 20 18 49 21 39 13 10 60 25 15 11 53 21 59

Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered

52 15 10

Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës

murdered murdered murdered

7

Rieka e Allagës

murdered

65 18 22 70 31 35

Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës Rieka e Allagës

murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered murdered

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Documents [FO 371/3580] Letter from some prominent figures of Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje], dated 19 February 1919, to the Kosovo Committee, with brief information on the Serbian attack. [translated from the French] Translation of the letter received by the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, dated 19 February 1919, from some prominent figures of Plava and Gussigna [Gucia]. Very urgent To the honourable President of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo Scutari in Albania [Shkodra] The Montenegrins continue concentrating their forces within the borders of our districts. They are preparing to attack us. We have also been informed that they have been complaining about us, inventing a multitude of lies and slander. We can give you all the assurance you wish that we have undertaken no action contravening the wishes of the Allied Great Powers. Should the Allied Great Powers not be convince of our innocence, we would ask you to send an international commission of inquiry which, from the moment it arrives here, would understand the criminal ­intentions of the Serbs and Montenegrins. Europe has noted that the Slavs are nothing but slanderers and liars. We would ask you to take action against the ­slanderous plan of the Montenegrins which is aimed at influencing the opinion of the civilised world to excuse the aggression that they have been preparing for a long time now. We believe that we will succeed in thwarting this criminal project for the massacre of our districts by prompt and serious action that our Committee will undertake with the Allied Great Powers. signed: Hasa Aga Ferri Shaban Bey Shakir Halili Shakir Musli Adem Aga Ismajl Huseini Sejdi Suka 233

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Kosovo, A Documentary History [FO 371/3580] List of weapons and military equipment used and of Albanians slain during the Serbian attack on Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje] from 17 to 21 February 1919. [Translated from the French]

Weapons Used by Serbian Troops in Fighting around Plava and Gussigne [Gucia] from 17 to 21 February 1919 . Six field guns, 1 2. Five mountain guns, 3. Sixteen machine guns, 4. Eighty light machine guns. This equipment was initially deployed on Qafa e Diellit Pass where they opened fire on Meteh and Komarash [Komarača] and, having destroyed these two villages, they deployed it at Komarash and aimed at Plava and Gussigna. There were 160 Albanians killed at Meteh, Komarash, Brezovica [Brezojevica], Nokshich [Nokšići], at the Lim Bridge and at Sekich. In another deployment, 18 people were killed. . Six machine guns, 1 2. Eighteen light machine guns, 3. 120 soldiers with twelve bombs apiece. Under the command of the Serbian detachment that has been at Plava for over a month, they opened fire on the population of Plava as soon as the fighting began and, without preliminary warning. Over 200 women, children and old people were killed. At Martinovich [Martinaj]: Abdi Rami and three other men were burned alive, Adem Islami and two other men were burned alive, Bajram Sadiku and his son were burned alive, Vel Kasimi and his son and daughter were burned alive, Abdul Sejdi and his two sons and brother were burned alive, Smajl Muradi and two other people were burned alive. 234

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Documents After the surrender of Plava, the following people were shot and killed: . Shaban bey, notable, 1 2. Gulsume, his wife, 3. Abdi bey, notable, 4. the wife of Ago Ferri, 5. the wife of Jusuf Rajko 6. the wife of Elmaz Ferri, 7. Xhemile, the wife of Ismajl Aga At Martinovich, the following people were shot and killed: . Dush Sejdia, aged 80, 1 2. Smajl Murati, aged 80, 3. Avdi Avrami, aged 65, 4. the son of Mehmet Brahimi, aged 12, 5. Selim Alia, aged forty and ailing. At Vishnjevo, the following people were shot and killed: . Mrik Marka, woman aged 40, 1 2. Jakup Rami, her manservant, 3. Jup Smajli, aged 50. At Vermosh, the following people were shot and killed: . the wife of Gjergj Cufi, 1 2. the wife of Prenk Ujk Moikon. In the town of Gussigna, the following people were shot and killed: . Mehmet Rama, aged 90, 1 2. Jusuf Xhema, aged 100, 3. Mon Mashi, aged 75, 4. Halil Agani, aged 65, 5. Dem Muslia, aged 60, 6. Redjep Suli, aged 65, 7. Husen Haxhia, ailing, 8. Shaban Haxhia, ailing, 9. Salih Ymeri, ailing. Signed in Turkish characters by Ismail Effendi, chief and mayor of Gusinje [Gucia]. /signature/ Signed R. H. Brodie, Capt. British Military Mission to Albania Scutari, 28 February 1919 235

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Kosovo, A Documentary History [FO 371/3580] Letter from the President of the Kosovo Committee, Hodja Kadri, dated 22 ­February 1919, to the British Foreign Office, calling for international troops to help against the invasion of Serbian and Montenegrin forces in Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje]. [translated from the French] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 22 February 1919 to the Honourable Foreign Office London Serbian and Montenegrin troops have been shelling Plava and Gussigna [Gucia] for four days. The inhabitants are protesting and calling for the immediate sending of international troops to counter the impending massacres, destruction and pillaging. The region of Rugova near Ipek [Peja] has been completely destroyed. The inhabitants have been massacred and/their homes/plundered. Forty-five girls of leading families from Akova/Gjakova?/have been carried off and raped. Eight hundred Albanians have been killed. Incomplete statistics of the victims in Rozhaj, detailed reports and documents will follow to your Excellency’s address. The President of the Kosovo Committee H. Kadri [FO 371/3580] Letter from the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 22  ­February 1919, together with statistics on crimes committed in and around Rozhaj [Rožaje], now in eastern Montenegro. [translated from the French] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 22 February 1919 to the Honourable Foreign Office, London Your Excellency, We have the honour to present herewith to the esteemed and kind ­attention of Your Excellency three letters from Gussigna [Gucia] together 236

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Documents with incomplete statistics on the atrocities committed by the Serbs and ­Montenegrins in the district of Rozhaj [Rožaje], and venture to add the ­following. In the various reports that we have had the honour to submit to the esteemed and kind attention of Your Excellency over the last three and a half months, we have endeavoured to draw attention to a good number of truths about the actual situation in our country and inform the Allied Great Powers, in advance, of the criminal deeds planned by the Serbs and ­Montenegrins. The dramatic events of Podgur, Rozhaj, Ipek [Peja], d’Akova [Gjakova] and Rugovo, the massacres committed in other regions of Kosovo, and the pillaging that would put even the Bolsheviks to shame, have confirmed and justified our insight. We have often appealed to the sentiments of justice and humanity of the civilised Great Powers, but our cries have remained unheard up to the present day. Having spread their ephemeral and mediaeval reign over an obvious reality and over concrete and positive rights, the Serbs profited by the political blindness of the Conference of London in 1913 and annexed Kosovo (an integral part of the Albanian fatherland since ancient times) and, enraptured by boundless chauvinism, exterminated over 100,000 Albanians during their first period of domination in 1913–1915. The conscience and civilisation of the twentieth century are dumbfounded in the face of such a slaughter of human beings. Yet the Great Powers of Europe have pretended not to notice. Highly encouraged by these shameful events in the history of civilisation in our century, and claiming to have the benevolent protection of the Allied Great Powers, the Serbs have continued to profit from their never-ending occupation to carry through with their destructive deeds and unimpeded pillaging since 1912. The enclosed letters cast light on dramas that will not fail to move the most insensitive observers, with evidence of villages engulfed by fire, of the inhabitants massacred and of whole districts pillaged. We wish to draw the esteemed and kind attention of Your Excellency to the following drama in particular. In the little town of d’Akova [Gjakova], forty-five girls, apparently stemming from leading families, were carried off by the barbarians. Six of them were returned to their families after being raped and the others have already been transported into the interior to places unknown. For a religious people very much attached to their traditions of honour, this constitutes a crime about which even the pen dares not write. Yet it is this unparalleled crime that gives you a precise indication of the level of bestiality of the Serbs and Montenegrins. In addition, the moment their regime was restored, the Serbs massacred 300 of our compatriots in Gjakova. As to Rozhaj, the number of victims has 237

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Kosovo, A Documentary History now risen to 700. On top of this, they have delivered the whole region of Podgur and Rugovo (district of Ipek) to the flames. Throughout Kosovo, they have created a world of ruins, misery, desolation and shame. Despite their unparalleled criminal behaviour, they have received no reprimand from civilised Europe, no word of cautioning indignation to hold them back. Encouraged by this deathly silence, they have become all the more extreme, lunging at the wretched population like wild beasts. Despite the order given by His Excellency, General Franchet d’Esperay, commander in chief of the allied Army of the Orient, the barbarians have continued to shell the little district of Plava and Gussigna over the last four days. The brave inhabitants have been staunchly defending their ancient land, and the honour of their wives and their country. However, as soon as the barbarians win, they will raze these two little districts to the ground and no more will be heard but the cry of the owl. Consequently, we have the honour of begging Your Excellency to intervene in order to put an end to these crimes and to the enormous destruction caused by this growing Bolshevism, and to save the rest of our people in the regions of Kosovo once and for all. In the firm hope of receiving a favourable response, we wish to take advantage of this opportunity to assure Your Excellency of our highest ­ ­consideration. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri Beg Peja Hodja Kadri

No. Name of Village 1 Rozhaj

2

Rozhaj

3

Rozhaj

4

Rozhaj

Victims pillaged

Iljaz Efendi (major) Mustafa Aga

Victims killed

Victims wounded

Remarks the town was ransomed with a sum of 10,000 crowns in the first days after the restoration of the Serbian regime all the members of the municipality were ransomed with 2,000 crowns each to Captain Zaria Jaksinovich the Serbs stole 80 of his sheep 130 sheep

238

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No. Name of Victims Village pillaged 5 Rozhaj Adem Aga Toka 6 Rozhaj

Victims killed

Rozhaj

Abdi Aga Nushi

8

Rozhaj

Salih Aga

9

Rozhaj

Mujo Aga

10

Rozhaj

Omer Aga

11

Rozhaj

Hysejn Aga Kurti

12

Rozhaj

Salih Aga

13

Rozhaj

Sylejman Aga

14 15 16

Rozhaj Rozhaj Rozhaj

Halit Aga Shukri Aga Mujo Aga

17 18 19

Rozhaj Rozhaj Rozhaj

20 21

Rozhaj Rozhaj

Sait Aga Jashar Aga Mustafa Aga Iljaz Cana Bahti Aga

22 23

Rozhaj Rozhaj

Ali Zenaj Sadik

24 25

Rozhaj Rozhaj

26

Bodjof

Hadji Abdyl Bejtullah Fetahi Salih Basha

27

Bodjof

28

Bodjof

Ali Seidi

29

Bodjof

30

Bodjof

Ajdin Murseli Hasan Mehmedi

Remarks he was ransomed with 5,000 crowns shot by Captain Zaria Jaksinovich shot by Captain Zaria Jaksinovich shot by Captain Zaria Jaksinovich shot by Captain Zaria Jaksinovich shot by Captain Zaria Jaksinovich shot by Captain Zaria Jaksinovich 6 cows and 2,000 crowns 6 cows and 2,000 crowns

Abdurrahman Aga

7

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Victims wounded

130 sheep 4,000 crowns 1,000 crowns, 150 sheep and 19 cows 2,000 crowns 2,000 crowns 50 kg. of butter

Muja

2,000 crowns 100 kg. of butter and 10 kg. of wax 1,000 crowns 25 kg. of butter and 500 kg. of wheat 4,000 crowns 2,000 crowns, 2 cows and 5,000 kg. of wheat 1,000 crowns, house destroyed gravely wounded by soldiers 150 sheep, 2 cows and 30 goats 7 cows, 1 horse, house destroyed 3 cows, house destroyed (Continued)

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No. Name of Victims Village pillaged 31 Bodjof Ismajl Ahmeti 32 Bodjof Rexhep Mehmedi 33 Kalaçaj

Hakki

34

Kalaçaj

Raghip

35

Kalaçaj

Mujka

36

Kalaçaj

Nasif

37

Kalaçaj

Zeko

38

Kalaçaj

2 killed

39

Luçica

Mujo Abdyli

40

Pauçina

Ibrahim ­Kelmendi

41

Pauçina

son of former

42

Pauçina

Nureddin

43

Pauçina

son of former

44

Pauçina

Ismail Noli

45

Luçica and Pauçina

46

Bisheva

47

Vuçaj

48 49 50

Vuçaj Vuçaj Bukli

51

Bukli

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 240

Victims killed

Ethem Hoxha Mursel Salihi Jash Salihi Bajram Rustemi Daud Zekiri

Victims wounded

Remarks 60 sheep, 2 steers, 1 cow, house destroyed 6 cows, 1 horse, house destroyed killed by Serbian soldiers killed by Serbian soldiers killed by Serbian soldiers killed by Serbian soldiers killed by Serbian soldiers names of victims unknown killed by Serbian soldiers killed by Serbian soldiers killed by Serbian soldiers killed by Serbian soldiers killed by Serbian soldiers killed by Serbian soldiers in addition to the ­murders in these two villages, 17 houses were pillaged and destroyed, 100 cows and 300 sheep were stolen 12 houses were pillaged and destroyed in this village killed by Serbian ­soldiers, Muslim priest by Serbian soldiers 150 sheep 213 sheep after they took 30 of his sheep

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Documents No. Name of Victims Village pillaged 52 Bukli Ajdin Murseli 53 Bukli Ali Tahiri 54 Dacaj

Victims killed his shepherd his 2 shepherds Vejsel Halili

55

Klanca

Salih Selimi

56

Klanca

Victims wounded

Fejzi ­Hysejni

57

Remarks 80 sheep 140 sheep and 12 cows after they took 1 horse and 1,400 crowns after they took 22 of his cows 170 sheep and 32 cows All the villages around Kalaçaj and Kalena were pillaged

On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri Beg Peja Hodja Kadri [FO 371/3580] Letter from Beshir Qemal Vokshi of Gjakova to the Kosovo Committee, dated 27 February 1919, about the Serbian occupation of the Gjakova Highlands, with an appeal for information. [translated from the French] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 5 March 1919 Translation of a letter received by the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo on 5 March 1919 from the Gjakova Highlands. Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 27 February 1919 To the Honourable Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo Following the fall of Plava and Goussigna [Gucia], thousands of refugees have arrived in the Gjakova Highlands. In such a situation and after having stated that he was going to organise deployments of military detachments in four different places in the Gjakova Highlands, the Serbian commander of Hassi [Has], accompanied by a military force, advanced to Butuqi [Bytyqi] and ordered all the chiefs of the Highlands to come and negotiate with him. 241

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Since it is evident that the military forces of the Highlands are not in a position to resist the military forces of Serbia, six men from the Highlands, all supporters of Essad Pasha, were sent to Belgrade, at the request of the Serbian Government. These men have no mandate to speak for their families. We would ask you to take action by declaring to whom it may concern that Serbia has no right to enter the Gjakova Highlands by force of rifles and cannons against the wishes of the inhabitants. It would seem very likely that the Serbs intend to establish a Serbian administration in the Highlands in the next couple of days. All the chiefs of the Highlands will abandon their homes the moment Serbia occupies them. I have arrived in Krasniqja on my way to Scutari [Shkodra]. But, in view of the current situation, I prefer to stay where I am for the moment. I would ask you to inform me in detail about the situation. signed Beshir Qemal Vokshi of Gjakova [FO371/3580] Letter of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 5 March 1919, about the Serbian attack on Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje] in February 1919. [translated from the French] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 5 March 1919 To the Honourable Foreign Office, London Your Excellency, Having been informed by a reliable source that the Serbian Government is endeavouring to escape its responsibility for the catastrophe in Plava and Gussigna [Gucia] by claiming that it was the Albanians who initiated the hostilities, we urgently submit to the esteemed and kind attention of Your Excellency the following evidence, from both before and after the hostilities, that gives proof to the contrary. 1.  For over three months now, we have had the honour to present ­numerous well-documented reports to the Great Powers, in which we informed them that the Serbs and Montenegrins were concentrating their forces around Plava and Gussigna to attack, pillage and destroy the districts. 242

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Documents 2. On the evening of 30 January 1919, we gave precise explanations to H. E. General Franchet d’Esperay, Commander-in-chief of the Allied Army of the Orient, about the aggressive intentions of the Serbs. Having consulted Ismail Effendi, the Mayor of Gussigna, he cabled the Serbian command in Tzetgnie [Cetinje] and ordered them not to send troops against the ­districts in question. In order to escape their responsibility for having ignored the ­above-mentioned order, the Serbs endeavoured, even before the outbreak of hostilities, to harass the Albanians of Plava and Gussigna by carrying out various assassinations in the villages of the said districts, as well as shameful massacres in the surrounding districts. Nonetheless, the inhabitants of Plava and Gussigna have continued to complain to the Allied Great Powers through our Committee. 3. The pillaging of Ipek [Peja] market in the very presence of a detachment of French cavalry (4th Squadron of the Chasseurs d’Afrique), the massacres that took place in Podgur (on 15 November 1919), in Rozhaj and Gjakova, the numerous murders and pillaging throughout Kosovo, the occupation of Hassi [Has], Luma, (Lower) Dibra and Peshkopia, etc. and the rampant schemes and plots of the Serbs in the territory of political Albania constitute numerous explicit precedents in favour of the Albanians of Plava and Gussigna. 4.  When His Highness, Prince Alexander, heir presumptive of Serbia, returned from Paris to Nish [Niš], he issued official orders to all Serbian commanders in Montenegro, instructing them to use all possible means to take Plava and Gussigna, adding that the situation in the two districts was jeopardising Serbian political interests (this was revealed to Ismail Effendi, the mayor of Gussigna, by Vukashin Grashich, the brother of the Montenegrin Colonel Urosh Grashich; by the Montenegrin Captain Lutsi Trbshi in Grabom on 16–17 February 1919; and by some Orthodox women in Gussigna on 20 February 1919). 5. Seven days before the hostilities broke out, the Serbian Captain Plavsha Djurkovich, commander of the Serbian detachment in Plava, stated in the presence of the leaders Hasan Aga Ferri, Shaqir Musliu, Jusuf Ramo and Mehmet Ferri that all the Montenegrins had received orders to attack and destroy Plava and Gussigna with their axes if cannons and bombs should not be enough. 6. Well before the hostilities broke out, Serbian and Montenegrin troops occupied the strategic points above the two districts, including the most distant villages: Qafa e Diellit, Mount Gechi. 7. A caravan of thirty horses left for Ipek [Peja] well before the hostilities broke out, with the authorisation of the Serbian captain in Plava. Its mission (according to the said captain) was to transport all requisite provisions for French troops arriving in Peja on their way to ­Andrijevica. It was stopped at Bieluha on its way back from Ipek at the g­ endarmerie 243

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Kosovo, A Documentary History post in that village. Although they were accompanied by Serbian soldiers, the tack of six horses in the caravan was taken away from the Albanians. Following this, the said Serbian captain at Plava organised an Albanian detachment accompanied by six Serbian soldiers with written orders to send the Bieluha detachment back. 8. The Albanians have a strict custom of removing their families from danger the moment they decide to begin hostilities. In the said districts, the families only moved so far as to get out of the enemy’s line of fire. 9. Serbian forces concentrated around Plava and Gussigna were composed of 3,000 Serbs and of 7,000 Montenegrins armed with eight rapid-firing cannons, four mountain guns, 30 machine-guns and 120 automatic rifles, as well as a large number of grenades. The Albanians, on the other hand, had armed forces consisting of 1,200 fighters armed with Mauser, Mannlicher and Martini rifles and all sorts of other old weapons, with ten to 200 cartridges each. The weaker side cannot attack the stronger side. On 19 February 1919, on the morning of the third day of the hostilities, a parliamentary commission composed of a captain, two lieutenants and a non-commissioned officer arrived in Plava and asked Hasan Aga Ferri for a ceasefire. The latter replied that he would immediately invite his comrades to gather. At this, the commission withdrew and returned at seven o’clock in the evening, accompanied by Ponish, Rashich and Maksim. The latter two presented themselves as political officials. They announced to the Albanian leaders that they had come on orders from Belgrade following an exchange of cables between Paris and ­Belgrade. The leaders asked them for their documents. In reaction, the said parliamentarians showed the leaders a letter written in French which the Albanians did not understand since none of them knew that language. On the letter, they noticed two official seals and agreed to negotiate with the said commission wearing Serbian military uniforms. The said parliamentary commission asked the Albanian leaders to repair the telephone lines so that they could give orders to Serbian and Montenegrin troops to return to Ipek and Andrijevica and asked the leaders to order the Albanians to withdraw from their positions in Meteh and return to Plava or Gussigna. The Albanian leaders sent 25 men to repair the telephone lines and ordered the Albanians who were defending their positions in Meteh to withdraw. The said parliamentary commission then managed to send communications by telephone, but in French. At the break of dawn, Serbian troops then occupied the positions in Meteh, in violation of the agreement, and at 9:30 began bombarding Plava and Gussigna and attacked with 244

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Documents machine-gun fire. At the same time, Plavsha Djurkovich, the commander of the Serbian detachment at Plava, opened fire with his machine-guns on the population and inhabitants of Plava. It was this cowardly trick, more than anything else, that led to the defeat of the Albanians and prevented them from defending themselves for the next five days at least. 10. The enclosed letter received today from the Gjakova Highlands is yet more proof that it is always the Serbs who begin hostilities against the Albanians. We wish to take advantage of this opportunity to assure Your Excellency of our highest consideration. For the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri Beg Peja Hodja Kadri [FO 371/3570] Letter of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 8 March 1919, appealing for humanitarian assistance for the Albanian refugees from Plava [Plav], Gucia [Gusinje] and Rugova. [translated from the French] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 8 March 1919 To the Honourable Foreign Office, London Your Excellency, We have the honour of drawing the esteemed and kind attention of Your Excellency to the fact that, following the catastrophe of Plava, Gussigna [Gucia] and Rugova, the inhabitants who managed to escape Serbian cruelty by fleeing to Scutari in Albania and to the Gjakova Highlands, being at least 15,000 people, have been deprived of everything. In view of the extremely difficult economic situation in our country, we do not have the means to care for these refugees for very long, as their numbers are increasing day by day in proportion to the barbaric behaviour of Serbian troops in Kosovo. As a consequence, we appeal to the generosity of Your Government, begging you to assist our wretched compatriots and not let them perish in misery or fall victim to the weather. 245

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Kosovo, A Documentary History In the firm hope of receiving a favourable response, we wish to take advantage of this opportunity to assure Your Excellency of our highest consideration. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri Beg Peja Hodja Kadri [FO 371/3570, FO 608/29] Letter of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 9 March 1919, containing a letter from the chiefs of the Gjakova Highlands, dated 6–7 March 1919, about the imminent Serbian invasion of their territory. [translated from the French] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 9 March 1919 To the Honourable Foreign Office, London Your Excellency, We have the honour of drawing the esteemed and kind attention of Your Excellency to the enclosed letter received from the chiefs of the Gjakova highlanders. This letter is clear enough to prove, once again, the wanton intentions of the Serbs who are venturing to trample upon the provisions of international treaties. From the said letter, it is apparent that the whole population of the Gjakova Highlands, being 2,000 families, intends to withdraw into the interior immediately after the Serbian invasion. We beg to draw the esteemed and kind attention of Your Excellency, in particular, to the source of this wanton aggression on the part of the Serbian Government. In the meanwhile, we have the honour of assuring Your Excellency of our highest consideration. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri Beg Peja Hodja Kadri 246

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Documents Translation of the letter received by the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo from the chiefs of the Gjakova Highlands on 9 March 1919. Krasniqja, 6–7 March 1919 To the Honourable Kosovo Committee Scutari in Albania We informed you earlier and we are informing you once again that ­Serbia intends to invade our territory. On numerous occasions, it has invited us to negotiate/with it/to serve as guides for its invasion of the Highlands (Gjakova Mountains). None of us has accepted, with the exception of a few agents of Essad who went to Salonica and Belgrade at the expense of Serbia as so-called delegates of the Highlands. We wish to inform you that the highlanders have not appointed these men as their delegates. They departed of their own will, having been taken in by the propaganda of Serbia and Essad. As a consequence, we would ask you to tell us if it is indeed on the order of Europe that Serbia should install itself in our territory or if this is simply the fallacious propaganda of some agents. We beg you earnestly to inform us about this because no one will remain here if Serbia takes over. In the hope that you can present our situation to the Powers in Scutari, we impatiently await your response. Best wishes. signed: Salih Bajraktari Abdyl Qerimi Bajram Haziri Maxhun Nimoni Ymer Hoxha Shaqir Curri Jusuf Binaku Arif Demushi Bajram Tahiri [FO 371/3570] Anonymous letter from Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje], dated 23 March 1919, on the desperate plight of the Albanians there. [translated from the French version] 247

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 23 March 1919 It is with tears in my eyes that I am writing and sending you this letter via Djevahir Hatun of Vojnoselo. Crimes such as have been committed by the Serbs and Montenegrins are unparalleled in the history of any nation. With bayonets they have slit the bellies of 25 pregnant women and killed the foetuses, and this, right in the streets and gardens of the town. The number of women, children and men killed has reached 500. With my own eyes, I saw women being kidnapped, taken to Brezovica [Brezojevica] and returned to their homes after being raped. Now the barbarians are shouting in the streets and in the market: “Long live France that ordered us to carry out all these insults to the Albanians of Plava and Gussigna [Gucia]. We received orders from France to burn them alive, kill them, murder the Albanians. Could we have dared to do all that we have done without authorisation from the Europeans, without an order from them?” Even our women refuse to believe such statements, since Europe and France are civilised powers and cannot have ordered the Serbs and Montenegrins to commit such horrendous crimes. The families of Plava and Gussigna that survived the catastrophe now risk dying of hunger. They have no clothes, no beds or blankets. There are families who have had nothing to eat for six days. Up to today, nine women and 25 children have died of hunger. I would ask you to contact the Kosovo Committee and, with it, appeal to the Great Powers of the Entente and to the French general, the Governor of Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], to help the families of Plava and Gussigna and, should this not be possible, to request the evacuation of these families to Albania. The chiefs of Plava and Gussigna who accompanied the English officer who visited Kamarsh [Komarača] were received by a hail of bullets from a Montenegrin ambush. Djemajl Dushi, the muhtar (village mayor) of Martinovich [Martinaj] was gravely wounded and was cut to pieces by bayonets in the town mosque when he arrived in Plava. The rest of the group was put in prison. Milosh Popovic, Stanisha Turkovic and their men, with three secretaries, have begun compiling statistics about the Serbs killed by the Albanians over the last five months. But these are falsified statistics because they include the names of men who were interned by the Austrian government and who died in Hungary. /a signature/ [FO 371/3570] Letter of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 25 March 1919, with statistics on a massacre of Albanians in Plava [Plav] and Gucia [Gusinje] from 17–23 February 1919, carried out by Serbian troops and ­Montenegrin bandits. 248

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Documents [translated from the French version] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 25 March 1919 To the Honourable Foreign Office, London We have the honour of presenting herewith, for the esteemed and kind attention of Your Excellency, an incomplete list with statistics of the victims of the catastrophe that befell Plava and Gussigna [Gucia]. Included here are only those who were incapable to offering armed resistance to the Serbian troops and Montenegrin bandits from 17–23 February 1919. These people were murdered simply because they were Albanians. As to the victims of the massacre of Rugova (district of Ipek [Peja]), our Committee will send you the statistics in the coming days. In the meanwhile, we wish to take advantage of this opportunity to assure Your Excellency of our highest consideration. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri beg Pejani H. Kadri Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 22 March 1919

Incomplete Statistics of the Victims of the Massacre Committed by Serbian Troops in the Districts of Plava, Gussigna [Gucia] and in the Region of Rugova (District of Ipek [Peja]) from 17 February 1919 to 25 February 1919 Name of town or village Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj]

Name of the victim

Remarks

1 son and 1 daughter of Suk Barlli Gala, wife of Rud Hasi

burned alive

Hajrije, wife of Hysrev Zymeri

burned alive

burned alive

(continued)

249

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Name of town or village Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj] Martinovich [Martinaj]

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 250

Name of the victim

Remarks

Luta, wife of Beg Zymeri

burned alive

Elez Kasemi

small infant, killed

daughter and wife of Omer Kadriu daughter of Rexhep Meta

burned alive

Ram Abdyli

killed

Xhuxha, wife of Ram Rexhepi

burned alive

daughter of Ram Rexhepi

aged 9, burned alive

Hajrije, mother of Ali Bajrami

aged 100, burned alive

wife of Met Hysejni

burned alive

Adem Islami

killed

mother of Mon Miçolli

aged 70, burned alive

mother of Ram Mustafa

aged 80, burned alive

Ismail Murati

killed

daughter of Hajrije

aged 10, burned alive

sister of Haxhi Osmani

aged 12, burned alive

daughter of Shaban Abdyli

aged 6, burned alive

Shelko Hako

killed

nephew of Halil Haxhi

aged 14, killed

Abdi Ramadani

aged 15, killed

Mustafa Arifi

burned alive

Ethem Nuri

killed

Bajram Sadiku

aged 80, burned alive

wife and mother of Ramadan Ademi

mother aged 70, both burned alive

aged 8, burned alive

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Name of town or village /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ /illegible/ Pepich Pepich Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje]

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 251

Name of the victim wife of Rexheb Nuri father of Selman Ibishi Nezir Zejneli Vejsel Zejneli Saifie, mother of Bekir Musliu Man Idrizi daughter of Man Idrizi mother of Man Idrizi Demo, father of Ahmed Ismajl Ibro Abide, wife of Mustafa Barlli daughter of Sul Mehmedi Hajdar Hysejni Selim Hajdari Abdullah Arifi daughter of Adem Halili daughter of Ujk Ahmedi Dudo, wife of Man Dishi

Remarks

Haxhi Ademi son of Arsllan Osmani Ujko sister-in-law of Mustafa Haxhi

killed aged 67, burned alive killed killed burned alive killed burned alive burned alive killed aged 70, burned alive burned alive aged 6, killed aged 70, killed aged 40, killed aged 70, killed aged 12, burned alive aged 8, burned alive burned alive after having been wounded. pregnant aged 70, killed aged 11, burned alive aged 70, killed pregnant, killed

mother of Ali Osmani

aged 80, killed

wife of Ujk Ismajli

aged 30, burned alive

father of Muhtar Kadriu

aged 95, killed

Qerim Sadiku

aged 80, killed

father of Islam Kameri

aged 62, killed

mother of Ramadan Reko

aged 50, burned alive

son of Ramadan Reko

aged 3, burned alive

Sadri Shabani

aged 40, killed

mother of Adem Muhtari

aged 55, killed

Hasan Gylli

aged 90, burned alive

Ramadan Beqiri

aged 75, killed (continued)

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Name of town or village Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Plava Plava Plava Plava

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 252

Name of the victim

Remarks

Arif, uncle of Bajram Tahiri

aged/?5/, killed

brother of Ali Nimani

aged 12, burned alive

mother of Hysejn Deliu

aged 52, burned alive

son of Ali Muko

aged 7, killed

mother of Adem Ibrahimi

aged 82, burned alive

Hizir, uncle of Ali Rexhepi

aged 60, killed

son of Zeqir Bekteshi

aged 5, burned alive

son of Zeqir Bekteshi

aged 2, burned alive

father of Rexhep Mehmedi

aged 80, assassinated

son of Sadik Fazliu

aged 15, burned alive

daughter of Sadik Fazliu

aged 17, burned alive

brother of Zejnel Mehmedi

aged 8, burned alive

mother of Kadri Meta

aged 92, burned alive

sister of Kadri Meta

aged 28, burned alive

another of his sisters

burned alive

Sadri Salihi

killed

brother of Muhtar Zeka

killed

mother of Syl Ibishi

burned alive

brother of Syl Ibishi

burned alive

Idriz Halili

burned alive

Mustafa Arifi

killed

Sokol Hoti Mehmed Rama Rexho Rama Arsllan Nishoku

aged 76, killed by bayonet aged 68, killed aged 55, burned alive aged 76, killed

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Name of town or village Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava

Name of the victim Çane, mother of Haço Qorri Duçko Alush Hoti Gjyle, wife of Hasan Ferri wife of Shaban bey Ruva, wife of Hasan Ferri Shaban Shako wife of Hasan Jusufi wife of Bahtiar Omer bey 3 sons of Bahtiar Omer bey son of Melko Goti son of Melko Goti wife of Bahtiar Ademi son of Bahtiar Ademi son of Sulejman Arifi wife of the family of Sulejman Arifi Molla Ahmeti wife of the former wife of Ramadan Sulejman Deshi son of the former son of Ismail Haxhi Muradi daughter of Mehmed Elmaz Medonaj wife of Jusuf Sulejmani son of former wife of Halid Adem Omeri daughter of former daughter of Agan Hamsa daughter of Malik Bey Hamza Bey second daughter of Malik Bey Hamza Bey daughter of Hysejn Basho son of Nasif Ejup bey Molla Jusufi Hasan Shaboviku son of Kapllan Hasani second son of Kapllan Hasani mother of Elmaz Hasani daughter of Elmaz Hasani Rexhep Medonaj brother of former daughter of Shaban Rexhep Medonja wife of Osman Haxhi Ademi

Remarks aged 54, burned alive burned alive killed by machine-gun killed by machine-gun killed by machine-gun aged 12, killed by machine-gun killed killed killed aged 11, killed aged 8, killed killed aged 13, killed aged 12, killed killed Muslim priest, killed killed killed aged 4, killed aged 7, killed aged 8, killed killed aged 2, killed killed aged 5, killed aged 15, killed aged 17, killed aged 13, killed aged 15, killed aged 8, burned alive Muslim priest, killed aged 80, killed aged 6, killed aged 4, killed aged 80, burned alive aged 5, killed killed killed aged 14, killed killed (continued)

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Name of town or village Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 254

Name of the victim sister of Osman Haxhi Ademi daughter of former second daughter of former Fazli Hoti wife of former Rustem Shurlla Omer Nimani daughter of former son of Omer Nimani wife of Sheko Maso Rexhepi Rexhep Medo Ahmed Medo Ibrahim Shabani Jako Salihi Zeko Salihi Omer Bejto Salih Bejto Emro Rexho father of Emin Haltiku mother of Emin Haltiku brother of Emin Haltiku second brother of Emin Haltiku mother of Isa Çerikoj Bajram Ahmed Mollaj Ibrahim Bajrami Hajrullah Ahmedi wife of Sejdi Rexhepi son of former sister of Salih Mehmedi mother-in-law of former son of Ahmed Halili son of Halil Mehmed Rexhaj second son of Halil Mehmed Rexhaj son of Shaban Kopaj other of Haso Tasha wife of former wife of Shaqir Jusuf Gjeshaj son of Shaqir Jusufi son of Shaqir Jusufi son of Shaqir Jusufi son of Shaqir Jusufi daughter of Shaqir Jusufi daughter of Shaqir Jusufi brother of Shaqir Jusufi

Remarks killed aged 19, killed aged 9, killed aged 72, burned alive aged 65, burned alive killed killed aged 5, burned alive aged 3, burned alive burned alive killed killed killed aged 70, burned alive aged 65, killed killed killed killed burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive aged 65, burned alive aged 72, killed killed aged 73, killed killed aged 2, killed killed killed aged 11, killed aged 16, killed aged 13, killed aged 12, killed aged 70, killed killed killed killed killed killed killed killed killed killed

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Name of town or village Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Hakaj [Hakanje] Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava

Name of the victim

Remarks

Haso Hysejni Ramadan Hysejni Abdullah Hysejni Emine Selmani wife of Kadri Jakupi brother of Shaban Dulka mother of Bektesh Hajro Medo Tahiri mother of Medo Tahiri Jonuz Basha Bedri Agani Demo Medunaj son of Deli Hysejni son of Deli Hysejni Mehmed Rexhep Agaj Ali Mehmed Agaj father of Hajro Ferri Haxhi Medo Medunaj son of Rexhep Nuso son of Rexhep Nuso wife of Rexhep Nuso sister of Ejup Omeri daughter of Molla Mehmedi son of Molla Mehmedi Hasan Sejfedini

aged 54, killed killed killed killed burned alive burned alive killed killed killed aged 12, killed killed aged 70, killed aged 9, burned alive aged 11, burned alive killed killed aged 70, killed aged 70, killed burned alive burned alive burned alive killed aged 5, killed aged 5, killed killed

Selman Zeqja mother of Mehmed wife of Shaban Ahmedi daughter of Shaban Ahmedi Ramadan Sharknaj mother of Abdi Bajram Gotaj Osman Hasani his son his second son Mahmud Fejzullah Gotaj Jusuf Gali his wife Ehrje Rexhep Adem Shahma Emin Shaqir Beg Elmaz Nimani Selman Mehmed Sheho Molla Alo Salih Ali Bey Ali Bey Beqir Bey

killed burned alive killed aged 8, killed aged 80, burned alive burned alive killed aged 10, killed aged 8, killed killed killed killed killed killed killed killed aged 60 killed killed (continued)

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Name of town or village Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Plava Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 256

Name of the victim Ferhat Hasi Zeqir Ali Doçaj his wife Bahte Shaqir Syl Docaj his daughter Hasan Gavasi his brother Osman their mother Zade the wife of Shaban Gavasi Hanja, daughter of Hasan Gavasi Mehmed Gavasi Ismajl Tafili Adem Ibrahimi Ramadan Koja his wife Bahte Jakup Ramadani his son Ahmed his mother Pasho, wife of Mehmed Bajrami Basho, son of Rexhep Fejzo Bejtullah Sylejmani Elmaz Noçi his wife Arsllan Fata Mehmed Hajrullahu Raba, wife of Medo Ajna, mother of Kapllan Zeqiri Niman, son of Halit Hoti Mahmud Lusho Gotaj Lusho Gotaj Mliku, son of former Shelko, son of Sejdi Kadriu Bali Bajram Shaloni Agan Mehmedi Abdul Hajrullahu Zejnep, daughter of Bajram Selmani Ramadan Selmani his wife his daughter his second daughter Ethem Murati Ferhat Zeqiri Ali Hamza Junuz Ibrahimi

Remarks aged 80, killed killed killed aged 35, killed killed killed killed killed killed aged 18, killed killed aged 40, killed aged 70, killed killed killed killed killed killed killed aged 18, killed aged 50, killed aged 60, killed killed killed killed burned alive burned alive aged 10, burned alive burned alive burned alive burned alive aged 10, burned alive aged 35, killed aged 40, killed aged 13, killed killed killed killed killed killed aged 15, killed aged 20, killed aged 12, killed aged 10, killed

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Name of town or village Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Gotich Plava Metaj Metaj Bogaj [Bogajići] Bogaj [Bogajići] Bogaj [Bogajići] Vuthaj [Vusanje] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia]

Name of the victim Ismajl Nimani Emine, mother of Hamz Zeqiri Beqir Sulejmani Gylim, wife of Shaqir Mustafa Halil Zejneli son of Elmaz Ahmeti son of Elmaz Ahmeti Ali Osmani Omer Basho Hanif, wife of Ibrahim Basho Humo, wife of Halid Rekiri Halim, his son Salih, son of Ibrahim Numani Rexhep Halili

Remarks aged 40, burned alive killed killed killed killed aged 7, killed aged 5, killed aged 25, burned alive after having his belly slit open by a bayonet aged 28, killed killed by an axe killed by bayonet aged 8, killed by bayonet and burned killed

Basho Selman Çekaj

burned alive in his house after being wounded by a bayonet killed

daughter of former

aged 8, burned alive

Prel Marku

killed

Jakup Ramadani

killed

Haxhi Ejupi

killed

Sadik Jonuzi

burned alive

his son

aged 1, burned alive

his daughter Seve

burned alive

daughter of Bajram Aliu

aged 2, burned alive

Ferhat Çeka

killed

mother of Ujkan Çupo

aged 70, burned alive

brother of Hajredin

aged 30, killed by bayonet while sick in bed killed

Adem Aga

(continued)

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Name of town or village Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia]

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 258

Name of the victim

Remarks

Ramko Lashej

killed

Sait Basha

killed

/mother?/of Abdyl Hajro

killed

son of Salih Ahmet Toska

aged 6, burned alive

son of Salih Ahmet Toska

aged 4, burned alive

Malike, daughter of Ajdin

aged 11, burned alive

Emrullah Kolina

burned alive

his son Shaban

burned alive

his niece

burned alive

Halil Kolina

killed

Ismajl Kujo Kastrati

killed

daughter of Sylo Shato

aged 8, burned alive

Ramadan Bekteshi

killed

Ibrahim Hasani

aged 10, burned alive

son of Zeqirja Galibi

aged 3, burned alive

Shaqir Elmazi

killed

Fatime, wife of Salih Omeri

burned alive

Mehmed Seferi

killed

daughter of Mustafa Ismajli

aged 2, burned alive

daughter of Ferhat Meho

aged 15, burned alive

Abdullah Baliku

killed

Ibrahim Galo

killed

Reçko, /?/of Elmaz Selmani

killed

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Name of town or village Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia]

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 259

Name of the victim

Remarks

daughter of Omer Mehmedi

aged 8, burned alive

Ramadan Tahiri

killed

Ismajl Mujko

killed

mother of Medo Halili

killed

Humo, mother of Baço Ajdin Kolina Emrullah Kolina

aged 50, burned alive

Selman Çukanaj

killed

his wife Qamile

killed

his brother Fejzo

killed

Qamile, daughter of Molla Mus Zharra Medo Hoxha

aged 9, killed

Abdullah Elezi

killed

Ramadan Mehmedi

killed

Muho Salihu

killed

killed

killed

Grisha, wife of Mehmed Xhemali killed after having been raped Alo Sinani

killed

Abdo Nelko

killed

Shaqir Hysejn Jula

killed

Fato, wife of Salih Omeri Jusuf Meho Hoti

burned alive after having her belly slit open by a bayonet burned alive

Elmaz Hyso

aged 30, killed

Ethem, son of Rustem

burned alive

Ahmet Hysejni

wounded by bayonet and burned alive (continued)

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Name of town or village Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia] Gussigna [Gucia]

Name of the victim

Remarks

Fatime, his wife

aged 18, killed

Ahmed, his father

aged 120, killed

Bajram Aliu of Murat Aga

burned alive

Shaqir Selmani of Jakup Aga

killed by bayonet

Medo Ujk Kolina

killed

Shaqir, his brother

killed

Selvie, wife of Hako Ibrahimi

killed after having been raped

Qamile, wife of Muço Emrullahu aged 25, killed by bayonet his son Ejup Ismajli

aged 2, killed by bayonet at his mother’s breast aged 40, killed

Muharrem Halili

killed

Agan Abdyl Kolina

burned alive in his mill

Emrullah Jakupi

aged 50, killed

Murad Rexho Hoti

aged 35, killed

Adem Feku

aged 25, killed

On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri beg Pejani H. Kadri [FO 371/3570] Letter of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 1 April 1919, drawing attention to crimes committed in Kosovo. [translated from the French version] 260

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Documents Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 1 April 1919 To the Honourable Ministry of Foreign Affairs, London Your Excellency, We have the honour of presenting herewith a letter we have received as an eyewitness report. The original has been shown as proof /to your representatives/, but the place and signature have been removed here to counter any evil-doings. It concerns the fate of the population that survived the catastrophe of 17–22 February 1919. Your Excellency, All the civilised countries in the world have vowed, in international treaties and in a purely humanitarian objective, to respect the three following conventions: (a) All subjects of an enemy state are to remain unharmed if they are not armed and are not taking an active part in hostilities; (b) Private property may not be pillaged; (c) The system of pillaging and confiscation has been entirely outlawed. Not only have these international conventions been trampled underfoot, but the conduct of Serbian and Montenegrin troops has shown itself to be extremely barbaric and entirely incompatible with the nature and mission of man. Your Excellency, The Russian Bolsheviks have merely spread the surplus property of some to other people in their country. The Serbian and Montenegrin Bolsheviks, on the other hand, have carried out massacres and have pillaged and raped the survivors of both sexes in a shameful manner. The wretched victims are now on the verge of certain death from famine. We urgently draw the esteemed and kind attention of Your Excellency, in particular, to the last paragraph of the letter and reject the statistics compiled by the Serbs about their losses. In the meanwhile, we wish to take advantage of this opportunity to assure Your Excellency of our highest consideration. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident H. Gostivari H. Kadri [FO 371/3571] Statistics compiled by the Kosovo Committee, undated (probably from 29 April 1919), on crimes committed by Serbian and Montenegrin forces in the Peja and Gjakova regions of Kosovo in December 1918 and February 1919. 261

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Kosovo, A Documentary History [translated from the French]

Statistics of Pillaging, Murders and Other Types of Harassment Committed by Serbian and Montenegrin Troops in the Months of December 1918 and February 1919 in the Regions of Ipek [Peja] and Djacova [Gjakova], Based on Reports Received from within Kosovo No. 1

Town or village Muzhevina

Name of victim Omer Beka

Date 5 Dec. 1918

2 3 4 5 6 7

Muzhevina Muzhevina Lubozhda Pochesta[Poqesta] Pochesta[Poqesta] Lubenich [Lybeniq]

Kamer Lelesi Daud Zeka Smajl Rexha Zek Halili son of Zek Halili Adem Omeri

5 Dec. 1918 5 Dec. 1918 8 Dec. 1918 15 Dec./1918/ 15 Dec./1918/ 15 Dec./1918/

8

Lubozhda

Bajram Rama

16 Dec. 1918

9 10

Muzhevina Muzhevina

Mahmud Alia Taf Zymeri

16 Dec. 1918 16 Dec. 1918

11 12 13

Muzhevina Muzhevina Lukaftza [Llukafc]

Uk Musa Murad Bajrami Daud Hyseni

16 Dec. 1918 16 Dec. 1918 16 Dec. 1918

Remarks robbed of 2 steers, 3 goats, 12 cows and 12,000 kg. of maize, and of all of his ­family’s personal effects robbed of everything robbed of everything robbed of everything aged 80, killed aged 12, killed robbed of everything. A Serbian officer and a Serbian priest took part in the looting taken from his home in the night and drowned in the river. His family was robbed of everything. robbed of everything all of his family was beaten and robbed of everything. The women and girls were raped. robbed of everything robbed of everything robbed of everything

262

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Documents No. 14 15

17 18 19 20 21

Town or village Muzhevina Lukaftza [Llukafc] Lukaftza [Llukafc] Rudica Rudica Rudica Rudica Junik

22 23 24

Tomotzi [Tomoc] Junuz Halili Vrella Ali Shabani Shtrelltza [Strellc] Bajrush Rama

25 26

Voksh Gjakova

Met Mehmeti 24 Dec. 1918 Mehmet Ali Ruti 28 Dec. 1918

27 28

Voksh Ipek [Peja]

31 Dec. 1918 3 Feb. 1919

29 30 31 32

4 Feb. 1919 4 Feb. 1919 5 Feb. 1919 5 Feb. 1919

killed killed killed by bayonet killed

33 34

Llozhan Llozhan Strelltza [Strellc] Raushich [Raushiq] Isniq Voksh

— nephew of Xhem Sylajmani Ali Hasani Ibrahim Rexhepi Brahim Kameri Arif Plava

robbed of everything shot robbed of everything robbed of everything this village of 300 families was shelled and completely looted for no reason. 12 were killed, including women. shot robbed and then shot house blown up after being looted robbed his shop was ­completely looted robbed of everything killed

5 Feb. 1919 5 Feb. 1919

killed by bayonet killed

35 36 37

Voksh Voksh Voksh

Arif Zymeri the two sons of Met Batusha Sejfi Hula Tahir Ahmeti Sokol Beka

31 Dec. 1918 31 Dec. 1918 31 Dec. 1918

robbed of everything robbed of everything robbed of everything

16

Name of victim Rexhep Nika Ibish Musha

Date 17 Dec. 1918 17 Dec. 1918

Remarks robbed of everything robbed of everything

Shaban Rustemi

17 Dec. 1918

robbed of everything

Bajram Meta son of Uk Meta Nezir Salihi Kamer Osa —

18 Dec. 1918 18 Dec. 1918 18 Dec. 1918 18 Dec. 1918 20 Dec. 1918

22 Dec. 1918 22 Dec. 1918 23 Dec. 1918

General Remarks In addition to the misdeeds registered in these statistics, all of the villages in this region were robbed of their livestock and food in the form of an official requisition. At the same time, Serbian terrorism went to the extreme. All the Serbian detachments were supplied with food for free 263

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Kosovo, A Documentary History by the villagers. The Serbian administration is becoming more and more intolerable. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri Beg Peja Hodja Kadri [FO 371/3571] Statistics compiled by the Kosovo Committee, dated 29 April 1919, on crimes committed by Serbian forces in the Peja and Gjakova regions of Kosovo in January 1919. [translated from the French] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 29 April 1919

Statistics of Pillaging and Harassment ­Committed by Serbian Troops from 8 to 26 ­January 1919 in the Regions of Ipek [Peja] and Djacova [Gjakova], Based on Reports ­Received from within Kosovo No. Town or village 1 Lukaftza [Llukafc]

Name of victim Ram Ibishi

Date 8 Jan. 1919

2

Muzhevina

Brahim Haliti

8 Jan. 1919

3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Lubenichi [Lybeniq] Lubenichi [Lybeniq] Shtrelltza [Strellc] Kovraga Lubenichi [Lybeniq] Grozhdevci Lodja [Loxha]

Sadri Bushati Halil Bushati Tahir Bushati Ali Musliu Sulejman Ali Rugova Haxhi Rexha

8 Jan. 1919 9 Jan. 1919 9 Jan. 1919 9 Jan. 1919 9 Jan. 1919 9 Jan. 1919 11 Jan. 1919

Remarks robbed of everything (180,000 crowns) everything stolen from his family, including 60 sheep (120,000 crowns) killed killed killed killed killed killed 16 sheep, 1 buffalo and 20 goats

264

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No. Town or village 10 Shtrelltza [Strellc]

Name of victim Barllosh Rama

11

Shtrelltza [Strellc]

Taf Bonata

12

Shtrelltza [Strellc]

Jusuf Zeka

13

Istog

14 15 16

Brigoda [Prigoda] Brigoda [Prigoda] Brigoda [Prigoda]

17

Brigoda [Prigoda]

brother of Ram Aliu Mehmet Dema son of former daughter of former wife of former

18

Tomotzi [Tomoc]

30

Shaban Lubeniqi Lukaftza [Llukafc] Sadri Zeka Lukaftza [Llukafc] Niman Nimani Lukaftza [Llukafc] Sali Ferizi Muzhevina Uk Jaha Muzhevina his brother Muzhevina Dem Rugofci Muzhevina his brother Sllapeki Ali Mehmeti Tomotzi [Tomoc] Tahir Selmani Dragolec son of Ali Zeqiri Dragolec three sons of Seidi Çaku Cernaluka [Caralluka] —

31

Baica

—

32

Kashica

—

33

Ipek [Peja]

Rushit ­Çuadarolli

34

Tomotzi [Tomoc]

son of Selman Shabani

19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

02_Documents (1912–1945).indd 265

Date Remarks 12 Jan. 1919 beaten and robbed of 5,000 crowns 13 Jan. 1919 beaten and robbed of 4,000 crowns 14 Jan. 1919 beaten and robbed of 1,500 crowns and a watch 14 Jan. 1919 killed 15 Jan. 1919 killed 15 Jan. 1919 killed 15 Jan. 1919 killed 15 Jan. 1919 killed. Only one 11-year-old child survived in this family 15 Jan. 1919 shot 16 Jan. 1919 16 Jan. 1919 16 Jan. 1919 17 Jan. 1919 17 Jan. 1919 18 Jan. 1919 18 Jan. 1919 19 Jan. 1919 19 Jan. 1919 19 Jan. 1919 20 Jan. 1919

shot shot shot killed by bayonet killed by bayonet killed by bayonet killed by bayonet killed by bayonet shot shot killed

21 Jan. 1919 ransomed with 5,000 crowns, the sum demanded by the officer 21 Jan. 1919 ransomed with 5,000 crowns 21 Jan. 1919 ransomed with 5,000 crowns 21 Jan. 1919 imprisoned and ­ransomed with 3,000 crowns 21 Jan. 1919 gravely wounded while leaving the mosque

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Kosovo, A Documentary History

General Remarks The people who were killed, wounded and beaten did nothing to justify such punishment. Most of them were thrown out of their homes at night, taken into the forest and shot with no further ado. Hundreds of people have been imprisoned for no reason other than to extort considerable sums of money out of them. Serbian officers are at the head of this bandit movement. Almost universal pillaging and persecution. Outside of this 26 day period, 20 other unnamed villagers were shot. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri Beg Peja Hodja Kadri [FO 371/3571] Information from the Kosovo Committee sent to the British Foreign Office, dated 22 May 1919, on the situation in the various part of Kosovo from 1 April to 18 May 1919. [translated from the French]

Information Received by the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, dated 22 May 1919, on the Situation in the Country from 1 April to 18 May 1919 I  In the District of Uskub [Skopje] 1. Near Uskub, a Muslim priest was interned by the Serbian Government on the pretext that he was a propagandist of the Albanian cause. 2. Serbian spies have been swarming throughout the district, charged with the duty of accusing the Albanians of whatever they can. 3. The town market is being pillaged every night by Serbian soldiers. People are being robbed in broad daylight in the very streets of the town by soldiers and police officers. 4. Every night, several persons are being taken from their homes and murdered in the dark. 266

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Documents 5. A murder that took place recently gave rise to a hostile demonstration during which people shouted: “Down with the Serbian Government! No war! Down with the millionaires and militarism of Belgrade!” Numerous letters and posters in favour of Bolshevism were put up calling on people to fight the Serbs. II In the Districts of Ferizoviq [Ferizaj], Kachanik [Kaçanik] and Guilan [Gjilan] 1. Forced conscription, unrest and agitation, numerous arrests and persecution. The situation is not normal at all, and it is feared that serious troubles are in store. III  In the District of Prishtina 1. The town leaders have refused to send delegates to the Skupchina (Serbian Parliament), stating that they belong to the Albanian nationality and have nothing to do with Belgrade and Serbia. Numerous arrests and persecution. 2. Forced conscription. Most of the conscripts have been taken to Salonica. 3. Bloody and ruthless battles in the regions of Lap and Golak between the barbaric Serbian troops and the Albanian population. Complete ruin. Women children, the sick and wounded, and old people have been massacred by the Serbs. 4. The fight continues and is spreading. IV In the District of Demitrovitza and Vulchitrie [­ Vushtrria] 1. Bloody battles are raging in the Drenica region between Serbian troops and the Albanian population. 2. The revolt is being led by the Albanian chief, Azem Galica, who commanded the Albanian uprising against Austro-Bulgarian domination and who, under orders and instructions of the commander-in-chief of the Allied Army of the Orient, occupied Ipek [Peja] on 15 October 1918 and captured the Austro-Hungarian barracks (4,000 soldiers and 70 officers). V  In the District of Ipek [Peja] 1. On 29 April 1919 there was a bloody confrontation near Rudnik between Serbian troops and the band of Azem Galica. The Serbs were forced to withdraw from the town of Ipek, having left 29 dead behind. 2. Fighting continues throughout the region of Ipek. The roar of Serbian cannons can be heard incessantly. The Ipek-Mitrovica road is closed. 267

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 3. The inhabitants of Ipek and the surrounding villages that are under the attack of Serbian bayonets are suffering terribly. Arrests, murders and persecution of all sorts. 4.  In the region of Lugu i Leshanit, Zllakuqan [Zllokuçan] (Albanian Catholics), merciless fighting is continuing against the Albanian troops. Destruction of plundering of several Albanian villages. A considerable number of women and children have been murdered. 5.  In the regions of Lugu i Trestenikut [Tërstenik], of Prekurupa and Podgur the fighting has become terrible. Entire villages have been reduced to ashes. Massacres as usual by Serbian troops. VI  In the District of Prizrend [Prizren] 1. The ceasefire collapsed that the local authorities tried to renew with the chiefs of the districts in question and with those of Luma, since the chiefs of Luma were unsuccessful in their demand for the release of all political prisoners. 2. Fifty educated Albanians are languishing in the prisons of Prizrend for so-called political reasons. 3. Abdyl Hasani, a 65-year-old baker, was beaten to death. 4. The population of the town has been conscripted by force. 5.  In the region of Podrima, there have been very bloody encounters between the Albanian population and Serbian troops. Half of the region has been devastated by cannon-fire and grenades. The fighting continues. VII  In the District of Djacova [Gjakova] 1. The 17-year-old grocer, Ragip Vranica, was murdered in front of his shop by Serbian gendarmes while trying to prevent them from plundering his shop. This happened at 3 o’clock in the afternoon of 21 April 1919. Exasperated by such dastardly acts, the inhabitants closed the market and began protesting in front of the municipality building, handing a harsh statement of protest to the mayor of the town. 2. There is relatively satisfactory public order in the regions around Djacova. 3. On 6 May 1919, the Serbian commander of Djacova invited the town leaders to him and made the following threatening statement: “According to the orders I have received, I wish to inform you that the town is surrounded by bombs that will suffocate you.” 4. The oppressive Serbian regime is trying to start new trouble in this region in order to carry out its criminal plan to devastate it. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri beg Peja Hodja Kadri 268

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Documents [FO 371/3571] Letter from the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 24 May 1919, portraying the situation in Kosovo since the restoration of Serbian rule. [translated from the French] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 24 May 1919 To the Honourable Foreign Office, London Your Excellency, We have the honour to present herewith to the esteemed and kind attention of Your Excellency two lists with information that we believe will be clear enough to give you an idea of the disastrous consequences of the Serbian administration in our wretched country. Nonetheless, with a view to better elucidating the unusual situation that continues to cause ruin in our native country, we venture to add the following explanations. (a)  From the moment the Serbian regime was restored in Kosovo, there have been massacres in Podgur, Rozhaj [Rožaje], Peshter, d’Akova [Gjakova], Plava, Gussigna [Gucia/Gusinje], Rugova, Lap and Golak, the number of victims being estimated at between 30,000 and 40,000 Albanians. (b) There have been pillaging, many kidnappings, rapes and murders and much persecution, and the enclosed list constitutes an expressive sampling of this. (c) Forced military service in complete contradiction to the convictions of our national conscience. (d) Albanian elementary schools have been replaced by Serbian schools. The public use of the Albanian language has been strictly forbidden. (e) Our compatriots have been forced to send deputies to the Serbian parliament in Belgrade, in clear contradiction to the political and national aspirations of the country. (f) An immediate solution to the agrarian question using the principles of Bolshevism, which means the economic ruin to Albanian farmers, who are the real owners and labourers of the land. (g) The Belgrade Government is continuing to take advantage of the silence of the Allied Great Powers and is cynically carrying out its long premeditated, criminal plan for the extermination of the population. Our Committee has warned the Allied Great Powers of the Entente about what has taken place and about what is currently taking place, and has revealed the murderous plans of the Belgrade Government. As a consequent, 269

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Kosovo, A Documentary History we state once again that this government is solely responsible for everything that has happened, for everything that is happening and for everything that will happen in the regions of Kosovo. Convinced that the conscience of the civilised world will provide sufficient support to the cause of a people who are defenceless and exposed to perpetual and infamous killings, we wish to take advantage of this opportunity to assure Your Excellency of our highest consideration. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri Beg Peja Hodja Kadri [FO 608/46] Letter from the Albanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference to David Lloyd George, head of the British delegation, dated 3 June 1919, calling for an ­American occupation of Kosovo and drawing attention to the suffering of the population there. [translated from the French] Albanian Delegation to the Peace Conference, 239, rue Saint Honoré to His Excellency, Mr Lloyd George, First Delegate of Great Britain to the Peace Conference Paris, 3 June 1919 Your Excellency, On 11 March 1919, the Albanian Delegation sent a letter of protest to the Conference about the massacres being perpetrated by the Yugo-Slavs on the Albanian population of the districts of Ipek [Peja], Djakova [Gjakova], Plava and Gussigne [Gucia/Gusinje]. It noted that the terrified population has fled from these regions en masse to Albania and is living in deplorable conditions. Alas, these massacres have not ceased, indeed they are continuing with greater intensity. Our Delegation has the honour of sending Your Excellency, under this cover, an initial list of the victims from the region of Rugova (­ district of Ipek). With a view to impeding the massacres to which it refers and with a view to a plebiscite, our Delegation called for an American occupation of the said regions. It wishes to repeat this request once again and notes that, if its request is not taken into serious consideration and if the regions of ­northern 270

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Documents Albania which we claim continue to remain under Serbian rule, all the ­Albanian population will soon be exterminated. The Albanian Delegation wishes, once more, to draw the serious attention of Your Excellency to this desperate issue, and appeals to the humane sentiments of the Allied Great Powers and their associates to bring an end to the systematic massacres from which our people are suffering. We wish to take advantage of this opportunity to assure Your Excellency of our highest consideration. The President of the Albanian Delegation /a signature/ Article taken from the short-lived political periodical, “Bulletin Albanais”, on 15 July 1919[?], describing Serbian atrocities in Kosovo. [translated from the French]

Serbian Atrocities in Northern Albania After much delay in its transmission, we have received the following letter that one of our friends wrote us from Albania and that gives information on the manner in which the Serbs are conducting themselves. “In Ipeck [Peja], Rashid bey was wounded by three shots by the Serbs who robbed him of 1,800 Turkish pounds and 21 boxes containing women’s ­clothing. The house of Nazif bey was looted. Jup Aga, a merchant from Ipek [Peja], was murdered in broad daylight. The commissar, Vuksan Gojkovic broke into the home of Mak Duhanxhi with the intention of murdering him, but Mak managed to escape and the said Vuksan stole all the valuables and furniture he could find. The Serbian police killed the brothers Mehmed and Ahmed Muhaxhir and looted their homes. The same police robbed Abdullah and Haxhi Karaman Zaimi of 20,000 crowns and wounded them horribly. In the night, the Serbs broke into the house of Hajreddin Hoti and took 20 Turkish pounds and his watch. All the villages of Plava, Gusine [Gucia/Gusinje] and Vunthaj [Vuthaj/ Vusanje] have been destroyed by regular Serbian armed forces and robbed of everything. There were numerous victims killed and burned alive. The little town of Radishefca [Radisheva] near Mitrovica was entirely pillaged and burned down. Many little children were thrown into the fire and the Serbs said: “Eto kakose satire arnautsko seme” (This is how you get rid of the Albanian race). 271

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Thirty villages in Drenica have been reduced to ashes. The following villages near Ipek were sacked and razed to the ground by the Serbian army: Rodofci [Radafc], Zlokukan [Zllokuqan], Shushica [Sushica], Istok [Istog], Jablanika [Jablanica]. In Istok, Serbian soldiers killed 160 people in one day and left the bodies to rot on the ground. In Jablanika they murdered the imam of the mosque, Mullah Halil Jara, and two old men. The said village of Zlokukan and 30 other hamlets in the surroundings were inhabited by Catholic Albanians and were all robbed and looted. Many people were killed and a large number of children were thrown into the fire. The following villages of Rugova suffered particularly from the Serbian atrocities: Shtupci Siper and Poshter [Shtupeq i madh/Shtupeq i vogël], Drelaj, Kushutani [Koshutan], Reka and Sakes, Rugova, Duganjava [Dugaiva], Shkreli, Vrelja, Velika, Shekullari, Haxhaje [Haxhaj], and Kuçishta [Kuqishta]. Here are the names of the Serbian officials who distinguished themselves zealously in their hatred of the Albanians: Luka Vuksanovic, prefect, Gavra Protic, commissar, Milija Dimitrijevic, deputy, Josa Joksic, military commander, Miro Protic, police commissioner, the Slazovic brothers, Jovan Gjeric, Cila Shantic, Gala Magras, the Stojkovic brothers, Risto Jimotij, Gjoka Gjurcic, Sinovi Sterkevic, Mila Sajcic, major. [taken from Bulletin Albanais (undated possibly 15 July 1919)] [FO 371/3571] Appeal of the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 15 August 1919, protesting at the pillaging of Gjakova on 13 June 1919 and of Prizren on 1 July 1919 by Serbian forces. [translated from the French] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 15 August 1919 To the Honourable Ministry of Foreign Affairs, London We have the honour to draw the esteemed and kind attention of Your Excellency to the fact that, following the restoration of the Serbian regime in Djacova [Gjakova] and Prizrend [Prizren], the military authorities have now 272

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Documents concluded a ceasefire with the population and have made the following statements to them. “Your country is Albanian and will be annexed to Albania. It is the Peace Conference that will decide on your fate and on ours. There is consequently no more need for us to slit one another’s throats. From now on, the honour, lives and well-being of all Albanians will be guaranteed by our Government. For your part, you have the duty to ensure public order by yourselves, according to the customs of your country. We must thus wait for the definitive peace agreement.” Despite these statements and the conclusion of a ceasefire following them, when Serbian troops returned from their punitive expedition in Batusha (district of Djacova) and refused to march on Luma (in political Albania) without receiving their wages, they were given permission on 13 June 1919 to pillage the town of Djacova. Similarly, on 1 July 1919, the town of Prizrend was subjected to general pillaging, during which regular Serbian soldiers, in addition to other forms of oppression, raped the women and mishandled them in a way such as to put the century of the Great Invasion to shame. All this was done under the pretext that a policeman was killed by a young Albanian who refused to hand over his weapons. The civilised world – in order to better enroot humanitarian ideas in the minds of men – has set up associations everywhere and in great numbers with no other purpose than the protection of animals. This same world cannot remain silent in the face of the constant destruction and martyrdom that the Slavs have brought upon our wretched country since 1912–1913. Our dreadfully oppressed compatriots are, more than anything else, part of the family of mankind and we are sure that the conscience of the Allied Great Powers will save them from such hideous subjection. It is with this conviction that we protest energetically at the conduct of the Belgrade Government in Kosovo. In the firm hope of obtaining a favourable result, we would ask Your Excellency to accept the expression of our highest consideration. For the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Professor Bedri beg Peja Dr. H. Kadri [FO 371/3571] Letter from Hasan Prishtina to the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, dated 7 April 1920, requesting his support for the Kosovo Albanians. [translated from the French] 273

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Kosovo, A Documentary History To His Excellency, the President of the Council of Ministers of His Majesty, the King of England, etc. etc. Tirana, 7 April 1920 Mr President, About fourteen months ago, I ventured, on behalf of the Albanian people, to send Your Excellency a telegram concerning the independence of Albania and, in particular, the salvation of the province of Kosovo that is currently under Serbian rule. That wretched province, suffering under the Serbian yoke and of which ninety percent of the population is Albanian, wishes nothing more than unification with the motherland. Thousands of Albanians, among  whom are fourteen-year-old boys, are in prison there. Their crime is being Albanian. Seven of my relatives were imprisoned for this same reason, three of whom died as a consequence of ill-treatment. Prime Minister, you always offered your protection to the Armenians exposed to Turkish massacres and you recognise everyone’s right to live in independence. As such, I hope you will not forget the Albanians who are being cruelly treated to the point of being systematically oppressed by the Serbs. Your Excellency is our only hope. I wish to take advantage of this opportunity to assure Your Excellency of my highest consideration. On behalf of the population of Kosovo, Hasan bey Prishtina former Minister of Justice [FO 371/5725] Letter from Hasan Prishtina to the British Foreign Secretary, David Lloyd George, dated 1 January 1921, calling attention to Serbian atrocities in Kosovo and Dibra, and appealing for British intervention with the Yugoslav government. [translated from the French] To the Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs of Great Britain London Scutari [Shkodra], 1 January 1921 274

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Documents We have the honour of informing you of the atrocities committed by the Serbian Army upon the wretched Albanian population of Kosovo, Dibra and Kalis. Here are the facts we have learned of. From 1918, following the re-occupation of Kosovo by the Serbs, the latter have not ceased to commit atrocities against the Albanian population living in these regions. Since that time, they have killed over 20,000 men and 1,500 women and children. In the 168 villages that were burned down, there were 4,769 homes that were destroyed. Most of the unfortunate inhabitants was forced to emigrate elsewhere, whereas many of those who stayed behind are still in prison, under a very severe regime. On 28, 28 and 30 August 1920, in the region of Lower Dibra and Kalis (Luma), 7,800 houses were burned down and 250 people were shot dead, including women, children and the ailing. At the beginning of last December in the district of Vucitrn [Vushtrria] in Kosovo, 250 homes were set on fire and 120 persons were shot dead. The number of Albanians who fall victim is growing by the day, and their property is being pillaged. We have just learned that the Yugoslav Government intends to bring in Cossacks, men left over from the Wrangel Army, to settle the region of Drenica and other regions of Kosovo inhabited entirely by Albanians. On behalf of these suffering people and of humanity, the Kosovo and Dibra Committee implores you to intervene earnestly with the Yugoslav Government to put an end to these savage doings which are aimed entirely at the extermination of the Albanian people in the above-mentioned regions occupied by the Serbs. The arrival of left-over Cossacks would only increase the enmity between Albanians and Slavs and would push the Albanians into committing acts of hostility to protect their property and national rights. This would only complicate the situation in the Balkans. The President of the Kosovo and Dibra Committee /signed/Hassan Prishtina [FO 371/5725] Letter from Rexhep Mitrovica and Bedri Pejani to Count de Salis in Rome, dated 4 April 1921, requesting support for the Albanian cause, in particular with regard to the inclusion in Yugoslavia of the Albanian regions earlier annexed by Montenegro. The letter was forwarded by Count de Salis to Earl Curzon of Kedleston at the British Foreign Office on 14 April 1921. 275

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Kosovo, A Documentary History [translated from the French] to His Excellency, Count de Salis Tirana, 4 April 1921 Your Excellency, With confidence in the good will that you have shown us on all occasions concerning our wretched cause, we venture to present to you, as we would to a member of our families, a summary of the exasperating situation in Kosovo. (a) The system of extermination by the Serbian regime that ravaged our native land in 1913, 1914, 1918, 1919 and 1920 is continuing unabated. (b) Profiting from impediments of all kinds that the Albanians have encountered in their struggle for the reconstitution of independent Albania (1920), the Serbs have redoubled their audaciously criminal efforts to exterminate our brethren and replace them by Kosovo Montenegrin colonists. For example, the following Albanian regions have been colonised within the last six months. Podgur (district of Ipek [Peja]), Drenica (district of Vulchitren [Vushtrria]) and all along the Mitrovica-Uskub [Skopje] railway. The colonisation continues feverously to the ethnic and economic detriment of the Albanians. (c)  In the double aim of better organising emigration and extermination on the one hand, and of promoting the colonisation on the other, the Belgrade Government has just issued an armistice proclamation that stipulates, among other things, the following: “All Albanian outlaws and rebels who were involved in events before the application of the constitution in the conquered and annexed territories (1919) shall be amnestied if they give themselves up by 10 March 1921. The families of those who have not given themselves up by the above-mentioned deadline will be interned, their homes destroyed and their property confiscated.” This amnesty seems ridiculous when one considers that all the uprisings in Kosovo took place after the application of the constitution. The Serbs cynically annexed the former Kingdom of Montenegro without even dealing with the following issue. For purely diplomatic reasons, the Montenegrins enlarged their state to the territorial detriment of the Albanians in 1878 and in 1913. The said kingdom thus includes the purely Albanian regions of Dulcigno [Ulqin/Ulcinj], Antivari [Bar], Tuzi, Hoti, Gruda, Plava, Gussigne [Gucia/Gusinje], Rozhaj [Rožaje], Ipek [Peja] and Djakova [Gjakova]. Who should get these regions unjustly detached from the motherland if the Serbian annexation should prove definitive and if it should be 276

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Documents s­ anctioned by the Allies and their associates? What future could Albania have if the menacing and trouble-making Serbian border is drawn at the very edge of Scutari [Shkodra]? (d) This annexation gave advantage solely to panslavism in the Balkans. It brought about the almost total destruction of Plava, Gussigna, Hoti and Gruda in 1919 and of Kastrati, Shkreli, Dibra and Mati (Albanian-Serb armed conflict in 1920). Can such a solution to the Montenegrin question, that has had such ruinous repercussions for the Albanian people and even for independent Albania since the beginning, be calmly accepted by the Albanians and by those who support the Albanian cause? In the firm hope that our destiny will soon improve with the precious support of our friends, we wish to take advantage of this opportunity to assure Your Excellency of our highest consideration. On behalf of the Kosovar colony in central Albania, Rexhep Mitrovica Professor Bedri Pejani former deputy of the Gjakova Highlands Manager of the newspaper Populli [FO 371/5726] Letter from the Kosovo Committee to the British Foreign Office, dated 10 April 1921, protesting against the internment of Kosovo Albanian families along the Hungarian border and containing statistics, dated 31 March 1921, on atrocities committed by Serbian forces in Kosovo, specifically in the eastern region between Podujeva and Gjilan. [translated from the French] Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 10 April 1921 To the Right Honourable Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Great Britain, London Your Excellency, According to the latest news that we have received, we have learned that the families of those among the Albanian inhabitants of Kosovo who were forced to seek refuge in Albania or in the mountains to escape persecution and harassment by the Serbian civilian and military authorities, have been banned and interned by the Belgrade Government in the region along the Hungarian border. 277

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Kosovo, A Documentary History We raise our voice in virulent protest against all of these criminal acts and measures of harassment which the Belgrade Government is carrying out against innocent women and children and which, in their cruelty, surpass the most savage terrorism known in ancient times. To give you an idea of the oppression and inflictions carried out by the Serbs in the province of Kosovo that, against all sense of justice, was attributed to them in 1913, we have the honour of sending you herewith statistics containing the murders committed in the month of January of ­ this year by the Serbian gendarmes and armed forces in the district of Prishtina alone. The purpose of these measures is evident to everyone. By issuing orders to kill over 3,800 persons within a short period of two weeks, the Serbian authorities are carrying out their well-determined objective of exterminating the Albanian people who constitute the overwhelming majority of the population throughout the province of Kosovo. The enslavement of women and children perpetrated by the Serbian authorities in the middle of Europe and the massacres committed by them of thousands of innocent people is a disgrace to twentieth-century civilisation. In this connection, we have the honour of appealing one last time to the sense of justice and humanity of the Great Powers and of begging them to intervene with the Belgrade Government to put an end to these horrors and to save the poor Albanian population of Kosovo from certain extinction. We wish to take advantage of this opportunity to assure Your Excellency of our highest consideration. On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, Secretary President Dr Fahri H. Kadri /signature and seal/

List of Kosovo Albanians Massacred by the Gendarmerie and Serbian Disciplinary Forces, Who Have Not Ceased to Act in a ­Barbaric Manner Against the Albanians Extract from the Slavic journal Pravda, No. 259, dated 24 February 1921. In the region of Prishtina 278

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Documents . In the village of Sharban. 1 Persons called Rexhep Seferi, aged 11, Qazim Seferi, aged eight, and their mother, aged 50, were killed. Bahtiar Beluli, aged 24, his mother Mihane, aged 60, his wife Hasime and their two little children were burned to death. Mustafa Ramadani, aged 50, Zylfie Kasemi, aged 54, Zarife, the wife of Arlan, aged 50, his daughters Hava and Naibe, one aged 15 and the other aged 10, Sherif Jashari, aged 63, Abdurrahman Mehmeti, aged 50, his nephews Selim, aged four, and Bajram, aged two, his niece Rabie, aged six, his wife Hurshahé, aged 58, his daughter Guilishahe, aged 14, Adile, the sister of Ramadan, aged 51, the wife of Tahir, Asenine, aged 30, her son Rexhep, aged one, her mother Zenepe, aged 64, Abdurrahman Shaqiri, aged seven, and his mother Rabishe, aged 29 (the latter, being pregnant, had her belly slit with a bayonet such that she soon died and her unborn child fell out onto the ground). All the others were either shot or bayonetted. One inhabitant of this village who was strangled by the Serbs before the Great War left behind a wife, aged 40, and two daughters, one aged 16 and the other aged 18. This time, after they raped the two girls, the Serbian gendarmes killed them and their mother. Rahman Mahmuti and his family composed of nine persons were killed and burned. Twenty-eight houses of this village were pillaged and reduced to ashes. All the livestock of the village was taken away by the Serbs. A small number of men managed to escape by taking flight up into the hills. 2. In the village of Belopoje [Bellopoja] Musli Shahini, aged 12, Fasile, the mother of Ibush, aged 65, Fatime, the wife of Ibush, aged 38, his sons Rifat, aged 12, and Xhemal, aged two, his daughter Feride, aged four, Emine, the wife of Ramadan, aged 20, Qamile, the mother of Sinan, aged 50, Fasile, the wife of Sinan, aged 28, his daughters Hyrishahe, aged 10, and Mihane, aged 12, Nafise, the daughter of Dibrani, aged 22, his sons Asllan, aged 20, and Mustafa, aged 12, Hatixhe, the wife  of Shaqir, aged 15, and the girls Rabishe, aged 18, and Hanife, aged 20 (the Serbs killed Rabishe by slitting her belly with a bayonet and using it to gauge out the unborn baby). Mahmut Ejupi, aged 15, Ramadan Mehmeti, aged four, all of them were shot and killed, or slain by the sword. The son of Mehmet Hashia, aged three months, was stabbed by a bayonet and thrown into the fire, thereby falling victim to the flames. Ajvazi Mehmeti, aged 20, his wife Rabishe, aged 19, and his mother, Asise, aged 44, Abdullah ­Ibrahimi, aged 55, Abdurrahman Sadiku, aged 40, all from Prishtina but residing in Belopoje for business reasons, the wife of Jashar Dinoi, aged 38. All these unfortunate people were repeatedly stabbed by bayonets and then burned to death. Hatixhe, the wife of Niman, aged 43, Emin Ademi, aged 42, and Bajram Salihu aged 62, were either shot or bayoneted to death. 279

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Hafife, aged 50, married in the village of Tërnava [Ternova], recently returned to Bellopoja to see her brothers. The Serb gendarmes arrested her and threw her into the fire where she died. Xhemal Matora and his entire nine-member family were all shot to death. Among these unfortunate people was a two-month-old baby who was stabbed to death by a sword. In this village, 25 houses were burned down and 32 were pillaged. 3. In the village of Keqi-Koll [Keçekolla]  Imam Adem Efendi, aged 80, and his sons Muharrem and Mustafa, mayor of Kolci [Koliq], and his entire family of 10 persons were killed. The Serbs pillaged the houses and then burned them to the ground. Kajtaz Abdullahu and his wife and six children were killed. In the Sinanaj neighbourhood of the same village, five houses were burned down, in which there were 69 people. None of them survived. In the Qevozi neighbourhood, consisting of 40 houses, all the buildings were burned down and all the inhabitants were massacred, with the exception of Selim Rama and his wife who managed to escape, a total of 490 ­people! 4. In the village of Prapashtica They massacred Ibrahim Gverri and his seven-member family, Qerim and his nine-member family, and five persons from the family of a certain Musa Jahja who, accompanied by his three sons, managed to escape and survive. In this village, 80 houses were completely pillaged and reduced to ashes, and the inhabitants, consisting of 1,020 people, were all exterminated, with the exception of nine persons who were out grazing their animals and managed to survive. While the Serbian gendarmes were busy massacring the entire family of a certain Musa, a little girl, aged eight, managed to hide in a flour bin and was not noticed for seven hours. Later on, she fled into the forest where she wandered around aimlessly until she was found by a man called Beqir Makofci to whom she stated that the reason for her flight was that the Serbs had killed her father, her mother and her brothers, that the family consisting of 13 members had been slain in its entirely, and that she had hidden for seven hours in a flour bin and had thus managed to survive. This village was totally pillaged and devastated. 5. In the village of Nishefca [Nishec] They murdered Selim Beqiri and Mymin Rexhepi, took their livestock, and pillaged and then burned down their houses. 6. In the village of Orlan [Orllan] The Serbs tried to force Halid Selimi and Hamid Selimi and their families to change their religion and convert to Orthodoxy, but, despite the threats, they refused to do so. These men, and their wives and children were therefore murdered. Rahman Dibrani, his wife and his six sons and 280

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Documents three daughters were also murdered. Another old man whose name we do not know, was killed with his wife and niece. 7. In the village of Kushavich [Krushevica] Sherif Uka and his entire family were murdered. Another old woman, whose husband was away, was burned to death with her nine sons and nephews. 8. In the village of Repa The village elder, Seid Fetahu, his mother, his wife and his two children, Ali Osmani, Uka Bahtiari, Seid Beqiri, Asllan Trunku, his two daughters, Ibish Mehmeti, and Brahimi and his son were all murdered. Their property was pillaged and the buildings burnt down. 9. In the village of Popova Massacred were: Nuh Osmani, his wife Fatie, his mother Zylfie, his son Adem, and his three-year-old daughter Medhie. The latter was stabbed by the Serbs with bayonets. They crushed her skull and spattered the brains all over the ground. Murat Halili, aged 70, Maliq Ibrahimi, aged 23, Sherif Arifi, aged 59, Osman Hazizi, aged five, Azem Hamidi, aged 22, Bajram Amiri, aged 72, Abid Agushi, aged 42, Sherife, aged 80, Said, aged 63, and his wife ­Sherife, aged 55, Mihane, the wife of Shako, aged 59, Zylehaja, the wife of Hussein, aged 30, Riza Sadiku, aged 56, Hazir Hasani, aged 15, Muharrem Hasani, aged eight, Azem Hasani aged five, Hasan, aged 46, his daughter Afife, aged 21, Hasan Haxhi, aged 55, Zenel Muslia, aged 58, Laho Sadiku, aged 65, Meriem, the mother of Tahir, aged 70, Guilichahe, aged 38, and her son Hamid, aged three. In this village there were buildings consisting of 55 houses that were completely destroyed by cannon fire. The inhabitants, consisting of 645 people, were exterminated, being either shot or stabbed to death with bayonets. Some of them were set on fire and burnt alive. Only 72 people managed to escape and take flight. For the moment, we do not know the names of the victims in the village, but we hope to make them known soon. 10. In the village of Velikareka The houses of Mehmet Sadiku and Abdullah Hamidi were pillaged and burned down. We still do not know the number of victims in this village. 11. In the village of Guerdofci [Gërdoc] Bahtiar Hyseini and Veli Gova and their families, consisting of 25 souls were all murdered. Their animals were stolen and their houses were reduced to ashes. 12. In the village of Varosh An unnamed man and his entire family were exterminated. His house was pillaged and then set on fire. A certain number of poor people succumbed to severe beatings, and the survivors are mutilated for life. 281

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 13. In the village of Shtime Half of the said village was Muslim and the other half Orthodox. The Muslims, consisting of 30 families, were all bayoneted to death without any reason. It is, however, said that some were killed and others were wounded. 14. In the village of Lubci [Lubishta] In the family of Azem Menxhixhi, they killed four women, two boys and four servants. All the belongings and livestock of this family were pillaged. Refike, the daughter of Rustem, was dismembered and then ­ ­disembowelled. This woman was sent to the hospital of the American Red Cross where she died as a result of the wounds inflicted upon her by the Serbs. 15. In the village of Beguci [Begunca] (sub-prefecture of Guilani [Gjilan]) Milirad Petrović, the secretary of the prefecture, and his men caught a man called Selman Kamberi, tied up his hands and feet, and took him to a near-by forest where they bayoneted him to death. Sylejman Seidi was also murdered. Sylejman Hamdi and Salih were bayoneted to death. Another Salih was injured in the foot. The sons of Hasan Hajdari and Qerim were also whipped. They mangled Qerim’s arm. When the Serbs entered the home of Hajdar Reshidi, they raped the women and then pillaged everything there was. Jusuf Abedini, Fazli Iljazi and Nevzat Bajrami were bayoneted to death, their houses were pillaged. (The other crimes will be published soon) Scutari in Albania [Shkodra], 31 March 1921 On behalf of the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, SecretaryPresident Dr. Fahri H. Kadri /seal: Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo/ [FO 371/9961] List forwarded to the British Foreign Office of the names and ages of the victims of a massacre that took place in Vushtrria [Vuçitrn] in early March 1924. Enclosure No. 2 in Mr Eyres’ Despatch, No. 22, of March 15th, 1924 [translated from the French] 282

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Documents

Names and Ages of the Victims of the Massacre of Vuçitrn Number 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

Name Muslah Hajdari Hasime (wife of former) Rasim (son of former) Hashin (son of former) Hamide (daughter of former) Meleq Ajdini Ali (his son) Seherë (wife of Said) Latif (son of Said) Halid (son of Said) Zehra (daughter of Said) Saliha (wife of Beqir) Husein (son of Beqir) Lemanë (daughter of Beqir) Rexhep Arifi Ajet Zefa Rabia (wife of Zeka) Zarife (wife of Oko) Azemijnë (wife of Murat) Saliha (wife of Abaz) Ahmed (son of Oko) Nebie (daughter of Abdullah) Zeqo (son of Abdullah)

Age 62 52 15 8 12 55 15 35 8 2 4 40 4 6 50 53 51 43 25 33 1 30 3

Village Dumnica Dumnica Dumnica Dumnica Dumnica Dumnica Dumnica Dumnica Dumnica Dumnica Dumnica Upper Dumnica Upper Dumnica Upper Dumnica Upper Dumnica Cecelija (Çeçelbija) Cecelija (Çeçelbija) Cecelija (Çeçelbija) Cecelija (Çeçelbija) Cecelija (Çeçelbija) Cecelija (Çeçelbija) Cecelija (Çeçelbija) Cecelija (Çeçelbija)

[The latter from another village (Cecelija) were at the home of Muslah ­Hajdari to ask for his poor daughter in marriage.] [FO 371/9961] Memorandum of the so-called United Committees of Albanian Irredentists, ­represented by Bajram Curri, Hasan Prishtina and Bedri Pejani, presented as a minorities complaint to the head of the Council of the League of Nations in Geneva, dated 26 September 1924, on the situation of the Albanians in Kosovo, with five documents in annex. [translated from the French] To His Excellency M. Paul Hymans, President of the Council of the League of Nations, Geneva 283

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Geneva, 26 September 1924 Mr President, Our Committees appealed to the Peace Conference, to the Ambassadors’ Conference, to the League of Nations and to public opinion in the civilized world from the very first days of the restoration of Serbian rule in Kosovo, Macedonia and Montenegro (15–30 October 1918) to protest about the regime and the fact that the Serbian, Croatian and Slovene State does not respected minority rights, but even denies the Albanians their right to life. Here is a summary of the conduct of the Serbs towards the Albanians in the above-mentioned regions, based on the documents in annex. . Organisation of Armed Bands 1 Under the name of national organisations, the Serbian, Croatian and Slovene State has set up armed bands that have been terrorising the ­Albanian regions and massacring the villagers after plundering and setting fire to their villages (see Annex No. 1). 2. Organisation of Periodical Massacres Under the pretext of suppressing the kachaks (deserters), the regular Serbian armed forces have destroyed numerous villages in the districts of Prishtina, Vulchitrin [Vushtrria], Mitrovitza and Ipek [Peja] and have massacred thousands of villagers, without even sparing the women, children and old people (see Annex No. 2). 3. Colonisation of Destroyed Villages and Abandoned Homes Each move to destroy Albanian property is followed by an ­operation to install Russian, Montenegrin and Serbian colonists. These ­colonists systematically terrorise the neighbouring villages and force the inhabitants to leave their homes and fields, that are then immediately ­confiscated and colonised. Some of the victims of this tragic m ­ anoeuvre are the men that prowl around their one-time homesteads and are called kachaks. 4. Legalised Plundering Kosovo, an exclusively agricultural country that was well off under the Turkish regime, is now suffering from appalling poverty. The villagers and townspeople of Albanian nationality, who are mostly farmers, have been thrown off their property under the pretext of applying the agrarian reform law (see Annex No. 3). 5. Mass Emigration of Albanians from Kosovo This regime of beatings, burnings and plundering is the main reason for the mass emigration of the Albanian population to Turkey, a movement that is taking place under terrible conditions and costing the lives of hundreds of families, condemning the rest to a life of misery without any hope of salvation (see Annex No. 4). 284

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Documents 6. Constitutional Freedom For the Albanians of Kosovo, Macedonia and Montenegro, the ­Serbian Constitution has no more value in beguiling public opinion in the civilised world than the golden letters in which it is written. It is the same for the Albanians as the 1908–1918 Constitution of the Young Turks was for the Armenians (see Annex No. 5). 7. Serbian Justice To get a clear idea who what Serbian justice means, it is sufficient to know that no one has yet been prosecuted in court for the thousands of crimes committed in broad daylight. It is the only country in the world where you can kill people in the presence of judges who keep silent (see Annex No. 5). Everything we have stated above is in clear contradiction to the stipulations of Articles 1 to 8 of the first chapter of the Treaty on the rights of ethnic minorities, signed at Saint Germain en Laye on 10 September 1919 between the main Allied Powers and the representatives of the Serbian, Croatian and Slovene State. In the hope that the League of Nations will intervene with the Belgrade Government to ensure application of the said Treaty, we would ask you to accept the expression of our highest consideration. Representatives of the United Committees of Irredentist Albanians /signed/ Bairam Tsuri [Bajram Curri], retired colonel, Hassan Prishtina, former prime minister, B. Pejani, former deputy Annex No. 1 A Serbian Admission Preamble of a circular from the Minister of the Interior of the Pasich Government: “We have been informed that some members of the national organisations have, on several occasions, openly attacked (1) our subjects belonging to minority nationalities.” A Statement by Ferhad Bey [Draga] in the Yugoslav Parliament: “Two characters have appeared recently in the vicinity of Ipek [Peja] who claim to belong to the national organisations. One is called Milich and the other Kerstich. These two gentlemen, who are on no official mission, have armed bands under their command that are slitting the throats of peasants in mid-day after having plundered and destroyed their homes. Having committed dreadful crimes in the vicinity of Ipek, they have now arrived in the district of Novi Bazar [Novi Pazar] where they are continuing to terrorise the inhabitants. 285

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Kosovo, A Documentary History What is most surprising is that everything is taking place under the very eyes of the authorities […]” Annex No. 2 An Official Admission from the Davidovich Government In August 1924, the Minister of the Interior of the Davidovich Government presented the following statement to Parliament in Belgrade: “Since we arrived in power, we have noticed that public security in Southern Serbia leaves much to be desired. We have decided to pursue the kachaks, but without massacring the population and without destroying villages.” A List of Massacres. Extracts from the newspaper Hak, No. 730 of 20 ­February 1924, published in Uskib [Skopje] List of Victims in Vulchitrin [Vushtrria] Number 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

First and last name of victim Musli Hajdari Hazime (his wife) Rasim (his son) Hashim (his son) Hamide (his daughter) Malik Ajdini Ali (his son) Sehar (his wife) Halid (his son) Larif (his son) Zehra (his daughter) Saliha (woman) Husein (her son) Umehan (her daughter) Rexhep Arifi Ajet Zeka Rabia (his wife) Zarife (woman) Azemine (woman) Saliha (woman) Ahmed Nie (woman) Zeko (her son)

Age 62 52 15 8 12 55 15 35 2 18 4 40 4 6 50 53 51 43 25 33 1 30 3

Village Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Domenitza Zagor Chichelia Chichelia Chichelia Chichelia Chichelia Chichelia Chichelia Chichelia

Annex No. 3 Legalised Plundering Excerpts from a Speech Made by Mr Akif [Akif Hadji Ahmed], Deputy for Novi Pazar in the Belgrade Parliament, on 23 December 1923. 286

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Documents “It is astounding that none of the deputies, be they from the Radicals or from the Opposition, made any objection and all of them were obliged to agree with the truth of my statements when, in the first session of the Finance Commission, I criticised the illegal application of the agrarian reform law in Southern Serbia and the Sanjak and described the misery caused to the Albanians by its application and all the injustice committed under the pretext thereof. In the second plenary session of the said Commission, my statements gave rise to protest on our behalf from the opposition members and furious attacks against the government when, while speaking of public security in Southern Serbia, I proved that justice did not exist and criminals were not even being apprehended, and that the Albanians did not enjoy the right to live. Since we introduced the sum of thirty million dinars into the budget as compensation, we have been subjected to unjust attacks by the Opposition in parliament and all sorts of calumny in the Belgrade press to turn public opinion against us. But, gentlemen, it is shameful to rage so violently against an innocent people that is dying of hunger. In our region, there are no properties that can be confiscated from their owners under the agrarian reform law. Gentlemen, the application of the agrarian reform law in Southern Serbia has caused only the Albanians to die of hunger. No Serb has ever lost an inch of his land. Not even one hectare of land was left to the Albanians. They are now the poorest and most miserable part of the population and most of the one-time landowners are living off aid. Just cast a glance at the streets of Southern Serbia (Kosovo and Macedonia) and you will see the children of Albanian landowners crying in distress for a bit of bread. All they have as nourishment are their tears. Those who once lived in wealth have now become manual labourers and beggars. It is not true that it is only from the beys and notables that land was taken. Fields were taken from the farmers living in towns, fallow land, ploughed and unploughed fields belonging to Albanian peasants, and the land was given to the rich, to Serbian public servants and lawyers. I do not wish to bore you with long explanations to prove what I am stating. Let our adversaries set up a commission of inquiry to carry out an on-site investigation. We will accept their judgement.” Annex No. 4 A Tragic Tale of Emigration Last year, several hundred Albanian families from the regions of Prishtina and Guilan [Gjilan] left for Turkey. They were stuck in the streets of Sofia for three months and on boats for several weeks because Turkey refused to take them in. Yugoslavia would not let them return to their homes and Albania was not able to accommodate them. The League of Nations was informed about the suffering of these poor people on a regular basis. 287

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Kosovo, A Documentary History About forty of these families who settled recently in Kavaja (Albania) tell appalling tales when people ask the reasons why they were forced to abandon their ancient homes. Annex No. 5 Extracts of a Speech Given to Parliament in Belgrade by Mr Ferhad Draga, Member for Mitrovitza On the Municipal Elections in Mitrovica “The next day, when I returned to Mitrovica, I found a letter waiting for me in my office with the following contents: ‘If you get involved in the municipal election, you will pay for it with your life.’ I asked around and found out that eight other people, including the mufti, had received the same letter. The mufti gave his to the deputy prefect and I sent the contents of mine by telegraph to the Minister of the Interior, explaining to him everything that had taken place in Prishtina. In this cable, I also informed him that attempts were going to be made on our lives. And what happened? On Saturday, we witnessed the arrival of about twenty Orianosh (Serbian fascists) who had come to take part in the attack that took place on election day. I immediately informed the deputy prefect of the town, drawing his attention to the arrival of these Orianosh and asked him if he was able to protect us or not. I added that, if not, we would be compelled, as in Prishtina, to boycott the elections. Around midnight, the deputy prefect called me on the telephone to say that he had received instructions from the Ministry of the Interior to prevent any attack, that troops were ready for any occurrence and that the said minister would hold him responsible for any incidents. The next morning, relying on the assurances given to us, we went to the polling station to exercise our constitutional right. Everything went well until ten o’clock in the morning. At that time, the Orianosh, with those from Prishtina at their head, turned up in the streets and cursed the Albanians. At one o’clock in the afternoon, our voters were fired on with rifles. I was on the balcony of my house when the first shot was fired, because the attack occurred right in front of the polling station that was across from my house. When the second shot was fired, we saw that it came from Mr Protich, assistant for agrarian affairs. At that moment a police patrol arrived on the scene and fired several shots in the air. Five minutes later, a second patrol of three officers arrived and came upon a young barber who was unarmed but had a cane in his hand. The police officers killed him and he collapsed on the threshold of my doorway. After this, I heard an order given to the police, ‘Go on, kill the Albanians wherever you find them!’ A seventy-year-old man was killed in the courtyard of the third polling station and another sixty-year-old was killed sixty metres north of my house. 288

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Documents A graduate in law – I am ashamed to mention his name – with a crowd of fanatics behind him broke down the door of the mill and killed a seventyyear-old man and another one who was eighty. One police officer went to a neighbourhood situated about twenty minutes from the polling station, entered a widow’s house and killed a seventy-year-old merchant. And now, gentlemen, comes the most sombre and tragic phase of the tragedy: the dead slept, the wounded were groaning, but the elections c­ ontinued! For four hours, gentlemen, we were unable to collect the bodies of the dead or help the wounded. Yet this is what I heard the next day: The heads of the electoral commissions for the three polling stations, all members of the tribunal and civilised men, now working as lawyers, decided that the elections had been held in good order and according to law! The truth of the matter is that six of our people were killed and twenty injured. Among them was a five-year-old girl who was killed in her mother’s arms.” [FO 371/9961] Motion presented in parliament in Belgrade to the Serbian Minister of the Interior, by Akif Hadji Ahmed, deputy for Novi Pazar, as published in the Skopje newspaper Hak, No. 914, on 18 October 1924. [translated from the French] Minister, You will be aware that the Albanians of Tergovishta were tragically massacred. The number of those killed is 21, all old people, women and children, and about a hundred people were savagely beaten. You will also be aware that these crimes were committed on the orders of the deputy prefect of Berane and carried out by the Vassovich, his armed men. Despite my request that these bloodthirsty bandits, these cowardly robbers and perpetrators of the bloody crimes, be taken to court, a request supported by a petition from the Albanians of Tergovishta and the families whose chiefs were murdered, the Minister received my protest in sluggish silence, gave it no consideration, and at least in part gave his tacit approval to all the crimes. His sole reaction was to send about one hundred soldiers to the village of Tergovishta, who were to be sheltered and fed at the expense of the villagers, thus making those who were the victims pay the price for the crime. It is tragic to hear the claim that these soldiers were seconded pursuant to Article 4 of the Law on national defence and to learn that they have endeavoured to turn the peaceful peasants of Tegovishta into the culprits and kachaks. If the above-mentioned Article is to be applied, it ought logically and legally to be applied to the Vassovich and their leader, the deputy prefect of 289

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Berane. That is to say, should the soldiers not have been seconded to the communities where the robbers and criminals who committed the crimes live and kept there until they returned the stolen goods? You can see very well that, instead of being assisted, the poor, innocent families of Tergovishta are being punished and that, instead of being punished, the bandits acting under the orders of the deputy prefect remain free and can pursue their bloody work. In view of this situation, Minister, I would ask you to respond in writing to the following questions: 1. Were you informed about the massacre that the Albanians of the district of Tergovishta suffered? 2. If you were, did you imprison the perpetrators and who are they? 3. Is it you, Minister, who gave order for the soldiers to be billeted in the ­villages of the families who were plundered and who must now shelter and feed them, and why? 4. Do you intend to withdraw the soldiers whom you billeted in the said ­villages? Please accept the assurance of my esteemed regard. Signed Akif Hadji Ahmed, Member of Parliament [FO 371/9961] Response of the Yugoslav Government to the minorities complaint to the League of Nations submitted in the form of a Memorandum by the so-called United Committees of Irredentist Albanians on 26 September 1924, dated 29 November 1924, with three documents in annex: Annex No. 1 on the death of the Kosovo A ­ lbanian rebel Azem Bejta, also known as Azem Galica, on 25 July 1924; Annex No. 2 on a shoot-out with the bands of Mehmed Konjuh and the Bajçinovci brothers on 10 February 1924; and Annex No. 3 on Albanian emigration. [translated from the French]

Yugoslav Government Response The Government of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes has the honour to receive from the Secretary General of the League of Nations the complaint lodged by the representatives of the United Committees of 290

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Documents I­rredentist Albanians concerning the Albanian minorities in the Kingdom, which the said representatives addressed to the League of Nations and which the latter forwarded to the Royal Government. The Royal Government has the honour to make the following observations in this regard.

Observations about the Plaintiffs 1. Hassan Beg Prishtina, subject of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, organised bands of Albanians during the retreat of the Serbian armies, and these bands attacked the latter from behind and caused great losses. During the enemy occupation of the country, he gathered volunteers that he put under his service. Hassan Beg Prishtina aided and abetted the enemy in the terror waged against the country and for this reason was praised by the German and Austrian authorities. The court system of this country sentenced him to 80 years of hard labour for the crime of conspiring with the enemy, pursuant to Articles 85, 85a and 85b of the Criminal Code and for four violations of Article 155 of the Criminal Code. 2. To escape punishment, Hassan Beg Prishtina fled to Albania. From there, together with Bajram Cur [Bajram Curri], he is organising and promoting the activities of the kachaks, i.e. criminals and plunderers on our territory near the Albanian border, with the aim of sapping the population’s ­confidence in the strength and stability of the State and of preventing the State from implementing the provisions of the Peace Treaty. 3. The avowed and manifest objective of the United Committees of Irredentist Albanians, as the name indicates, is to annex part of the territory of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes to Albania. For these Committees, as opposed to the aims of the Royal Government and of the League of Nations, minority provisions are not a means of consolidating and satisfying minorities, one of the elements in support of peace. Instead, they consider these provisions to be a means to enable them to foment revolt among the minorities with irredentist activity, to the detriment of peace. In view of the above the Royal Government does not considered it worthwhile to respond to the accusations made by a body such as the United Committees of Irredentist Albanians. The League of Nations would probably have refused to accept the complaint if it had been aware of the above-mentioned facts. In addition to this, these Committees are neither qualified nor called upon to speak on behalf of the Albanian minorities in 291

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Kosovo, A Documentary History the Kingdom. The Albanian minorities have their representatives in the Skupshtina (parliament) in the persons of 14 deputies who form the ­Djemiyet parliamentary faction. This faction was part of the government majority of Mr Pashich, and later of Mr Davidovich. The Djemiyet faction, though most qualified to do so, has itself addressed no complaints to the League of Nations on the issue of the Albanian minorities in the Kingdom. The Royal Government, for its part, wishes to make it clear to the League of Nations that the above-mentioned complaint of these Committees is completely lacking in substance.

Observations about the Complaint General Remarks According to the complaint, it is alleged that the existence, material security and cultural activities of a peaceful and civilised Albanian population have been infringed upon by the activities of the Royal Government. However, this population is neither peaceful nor civilised. At the time of liberation, it was at a very low level of civilisation. These people lived divided into tribes, without laws or any sense of authority and without any understanding of law and order. The only law and sanctions they recognised were the savage customs of their blood-feuding that only complicated and furthered the state of criminal anarchy that reined in this primitive environment. The normal way of acquiring things here is to pillage and steal them. They are a people without any national traditions. They hold high only their heroes of the recent past, whose memory will be forgotten by the next generation. They lack identity as a nation and are only willing and able to take on mercenary work as condottieri. To understand the Albanians, and the way they kill and pillage, it is enough to consult scholarly works written about them, for example those of Karl Steinmetz, who was, indeed, quite well disposed towards them, in particular his work Eine Reise durch die Hochländergaue Nordalbaniens [Travels through the Highlands of Northern Albania], or the work of Paul Siebertz, Albanien und die Albanesen [Albania and the Albanians]. The Turkish regime intentionally kept the Albanians in this state for centuries because it wanted to make use of them, and did so in order to terrorise the neighbouring Slavic population, just as it used the Kurds to rule over the Armenian people. In both cases, there were tendencies to exterminate the unprotected Christian population. The more atrocious their hatred of everything Serb and the worse their evil doings became, the more honour the Turks conferred upon them. Over the last fifty years, the Albanians, who earlier 292

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Documents lived along the coast, have begun to take over land throughout Old Serbia (Southern Serbia) from the Serbs who have fallen prey to them. Then came Austrian propaganda which regarded the Albanians the best support for their advance towards Salonica. This is why they, too, kept the Albanian population in a primitive state of civilisation. It is under such circumstances after the liberation that the Royal ­Government was obliged to spread its civilising activities. Both for humanitarian reasons and to consolidate the situation created by the Peace Treaty, the Royal Government undertook to bring about a civilising rebirth of the Albanian people. Opening schools, sending the Albanians to civilised regions of the country to do their military service, building roads and routes of ­communication, colonising land belonging to the State with more cultured peoples, and making its influence felt for a more reasonable use of agricultural land and better economic order in general. With its work and propaganda for order and peace, the Royal Government has made great strides since the end of the war. Blood-feuding has been curtailed more and more, and the number of kachaks has been reduced. Savage instincts have been inhibited and the primitive side of human nature has disappeared. This has given rise to a great difference between the Albanians in our country and those in Albania. In our country, the Albanians have understood the advantages of living in a civilised State and the concern this State has shown for all of its subjects. This is why the Albanian population is itself encouraging the authorities to find and seize the kachaks and to establish order and security. If there still are a number of kachaks at large, this is because of certain chauvinistic circles in Albania that give them hospitality in winter and ­whenever they are being pursued by our authorities. They stay in Albania in the winter for as long as they want and are taking into State service as policemen, officers and civil servants. Most of the time, they work near the border which enables them to cross over into our country and attack our border services. The worst deeds are done by Albanian pillagers who are subjects of ­Albania, and who cross over onto our territory en masse in the summer. They rob and steal from travellers on the roads, attack guard posts, and steal cattle. Last year, they attacked a passenger train at Gostivar, robbed all the passengers and fled to Albania. They took some poor individuals with them into the mountains to hold them for ransom and to kill them if the ransom was not paid. The terrified population sometimes pays the ransom before even turning to the authorities. Albanian robbers attack villages and kill anyone who opposes them. One night they set fire to the village of Tajmishte, after having plundered it, and would not let anyone put the fire out. As such, the whole village was reduced to ashes. One of the most notorious chiefs of these bands was a certain Kalos Zajasi, a kachak from the region of Bitolj [Bitola]. He spent a whole year on 293

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Kosovo, A Documentary History our territory with a band of robbers assembled in Albania, including Albanian subjects, and committed murder and robbery in the regions of Bitolj, Skoplje [Skopje] and Tetovo. The Ministry of the Interior was informed in October of this year that Kalos had seized and massacred six of our subjects, people he had taken prisoner and held to ransom in the region of Prilep. The kachaks even attack the organs of government. For example, on ­September 18th, 18 kachaks attacked the deputy prefect of Djakovica ­[Gjakova], Mr Munich, on the Djakovica-Dechani road. He was accompanied by his successor Mr Popovich, by the teacher Petrovich, and by a gendarme. The kachaks took them, with the exception of the teacher, up into the mountains and sent for the ransom, fixed at 350,000 dinars, which was to be paid within three days. If not paid, they threatened to kill the deputy prefect. The kachaks held them prisoner for nine days and only released them when the ransom was paid by the inhabitants. It is evident from the above that it is not the Royal Government that is preventing the cultural advancement of the peaceful Albanian population, but rather circles of Albanian chauvinists, in particular the United Committees of Irredentist Albanians who are placing obstacles in the way of the civilising work of the Royal Government in their primitive Albanian environment. The Albanian authorities tolerate the activities of these kachaks and robbers. It is organised on Albanian territory and jeopardises public security in the border regions. We are forced to maintain a very large contingent of gendarmes there and to call troops in quite often, which means a substantial financial sacrifice. Albanian chauvinistic circles are also supporting the activities of the Bulgarian komitadjis that penetrate the Ochrid [Ohrid] region from Albanian territory. Due to the activities of the kachaks, the robbers and the komitadjis, the Council of Ministers recently decided to increase troops on this side of the border, which has increased budget expenses substantially. These exceptional expenses for the army, border troops and local guard posts simply to protect the country from incursions from Albanian territory have reached several hundreds of millions annually.

Responses to Specific Accusations 1. The accusation concerning the organisation of armed bands is not exact. The Serbian population and the greater part of the Albanian population have taken spontaneously to arms to assist the authorities in putting an end to the activities of the kachaks and, as such, this constitutes legitimate defence. 294

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Documents 2. The accusation that our side has organised massacres from time to time is an infamous lie. The doings of the kachaks often take the form of a veritable war with major fighting, during which there are sometimes innocent victims. For more details, see annexes 1 and 2. 3.  and 4. The accusations about the colonisation by Serbs of destroyed ­Albanian villages, about Albanians abandoning their homes and villages, and about the confiscation of land from Albanians do not correspond to the truth. It is a question, rather, of an agrarian reform that has affected all large properties without distinction of ethnicity, Albanian or otherwise, throughout the Kingdom. The agrarian reform does not apply to small holdings. For expropriated properties, the Albanian landowners have received 30 million dinars in compensation. The expropriated lands have been distributed to those who have no property and want to work on the land. 5. As to the emigration of Muslims in general and of Albanians in particular, this has not been brought about directly or indirectly by the Royal Government. There are, however, some Muslims who cannot accept the idea of the “Christian dogs” being equal to them and who emigrate to Turkey. These are rare cases. Such emigration should not be confused with temporary emigration with the intention of return, that is quite common (see annex 3). 6. The accusation that the Constitution of the Kingdom is a dead letter is completely wrong. The Muslims of Southern Serbia have 14 deputies, most of whom are Albanians. The latter form a very influential faction on which the government majority depends. The opposition accuses the government of privileging the Albanians. 7. As to the tribunals, the same legislation with the same modern procedures and same composition of independent, impartial and illuminated judges is in force in the Albanian regions as in the rest of the country, which is proud of this fact. Annex No. 1

The Fight with the Band of Azem Bejta Azem Bejta committed numerous murders with his band of fighters. He was declared a hajduk (insubordinate) in 1920 and a price was put on his head. Since he did not cease to commit murders and crimes, the amount of the reward rose from the initial sum of 30,000 to 50,000 and then finally to 100,000 dinars. Last winter, Azem Bejta offered to give himself up. The prefect of the region was authorised to accept his surrender. Azem Bejta did not need to fear 295

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Kosovo, A Documentary History for his life but was to answer in court for the crimes he committed. He agreed to this but asked that he not be arrested right away in order to give himself time to take care of his family. On his own authority, the deputy prefect gave him a few days and Bejta went off freely to repair his house and gather provisions for it. Having done this, he then refused to surrender to the court and instead gathered a group of some twenty well-armed men around him, whom he kept in and in the vicinity of his kulla (tower, type of small fortress). When the measures and appeals of the authorities to get him to appear in court prove to be in vain, and in view of the fact that Bejta and his band continued to commit crimes, the authorities decided to besiege the kulla and take him by force. As such, the authorities had the gendarmerie and troops surround Azem Bejta and his band last July 15th. A messenger was sent to let him know that he was surrounded and to invite him, once again, to surrender as he had promised. In response to this request, he and his men opened fire. Two gendarmes and three soldiers were killed straightaway. Since the tower was made of stone, one metre thick, a canon was needed to destroy it. In order to escape, Azem Bejta had to make his way through the rifle fire of the gendarmes. He managed to do this, but was gravely wounded. He died later of his wounds. During the fight, eleven of the men in Azem Bejta’s band were killed. The gendarmes and soldiers were also attacked by kachaks and villagers who were hiding in neighbouring houses. Fighting also continued there. The villagers, whose number is not known, were killed during the fighting and their bodies were removed and secretly buried. The rest of the band of Azem Bejta fled to Albania, including two of the women. Annex No. 2

The Fight with the Bands of Mehmed Konjuh and of the Bajçinovci Brothers Last February 10, when the authorities learned that the notorious kachaks, the Bajçinovci brothers and Mehmed Konjuh, with prices on their heads, were with their bands around the village of Zagorje (district of Vuchitrn [Vushtrria]), they sent a detachment of the gendarmerie to surround them and invite them to surrender. When they got to the village, the gendarmes were received by a volley of rifle fire originating from the houses of the Konjuh brothers. Two gendarmes were killed on the spot and two others were gravely wounded and died soon thereafter. A battle ensued during which the gendarmes were forced to use grenades that set the houses on fire. 296

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Documents With the Konjuh brothers in the houses were their families and inevitably they fell victim during the fighting because the grenades set fire to the houses. This is the fault of the Konjuh brothers and their men because they were the ones who first opened fire when they were called upon to surrender. During the fighting, the Bajçinovci brothers also began to shoot at the gendarmes, from their houses. Their cohorts did the same. The authorities were then obliged to bring in artillery and shell the kullas, a type of fortress, of the Bajçinovci brothers. The shelling caused the kullas to catch fire. During the fighting between the kachaks and their cohorts on the one hand, and the authorities on the other, 23 people on the kachak side and five on the other side were killed, and one man was seriously wounded. We are the first to regret the inevitable innocent victims, and it is in this sense that one must interpret the statement of the Minister of the Interior referred to in annex 2 of the complaint. Annex No. 3

Albanian Emigration Muslim emigration to Turkey, particularly that of the Albanians, is very rare. One must distinguish between two types of emigration. The first is temporary emigration in the hope of return. It is the custom of these people to go and make a living elsewhere, often abroad. The second is definitive emigration, which has been extremely rare. The prefecture of Novi-Bazar [Novi Pazar], for example, only issued four passports for Turkey in 1922. In that same year, the prefectures of Metohija and Ohrid issued no passports at all for emigration. Last year, a certain number of people, at their own request, were given passports for Turkey. As to temporary emigration, the Albanian populations do this quite frequently. As to the case in question in Annex 4 of the complaint, this is what happened. The Albanian emigrants who chose to go to Turkey under the provisions of the Treaty of 1913 were forced to interrupt their journey in Sofia because the Turkish authorities refused to let them across the border. As they had chosen to emigrate to Turkey, they were by then considered Turkish subjects and could not return to the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The Albanian Government intervened with the Royal Government to allow the emigrants to transit through the Kingdom to get to Albania and this permission was granted. 297

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Kosovo, A Documentary History [FO 371/9961] Record of a conversation between the British diplomatic representative, Mr Selby, and Bedri Pejani, dated 10 December 1924, followed by comments thereon from the British Foreign Office, dated 17 December 1924.

Record of a Conversation between Mr. Selby and M. Bedri Pejani on Wednesday, December 10, 1924 M. Bedri Pajani [Pejani], representative of the United Committees of Albanian “Irredemés” called to see me tonight on the subject of the serious situation of Albanians in Yugo-Slavia. He said that the Council of the League of Nations had addressed enquiries some three months ago to Belgrade, while the Y ­ ugo-Slav Government were required to answer within three months, so that the question of the precarious situation of the Albanian population might be considered by the Council at its present meeting. The Government of Yugo-Slavia had deferred their reply until three days ago with the result that it would not be possible for the present Council meeting to take the question into consideration. The effect of this postponement would be quite disastrous. The Pasitch coup d’état at Belgrade had disposed of all hope of any improvement of the treatment of the Albanian population of Cossovo and Yugo-Slavia. M. Pajani said that he and his nationals had been pressing for three years, at the Peace Conference and with the League, for the recognition of the minority rights claimed by Albanians. Up to the present their appeals had been in vain. The Albanian population were now sunk in despair since the Pasitch regime passed all conception in its cruelty. If England and the League did not forthwith take some measures to protect the Albanians, the Government of Belgrade would take advantage of the delay before the Council meeting in March to exterminate the Albanians in their territory, and thus effect a fait accompli when the question came before the League. As to proof of the action of the Serbians, the League has already been placed in possession of full information, but there were details which had been omitted. Mr. Pajani said that not content with massacring the men and women, children were thrown into the midst of burning houses. M. Pasitch’s attitude was based on the fact that he claimed to constitute himself a barrier against advancing Bolshevism in the Balkans. This claim was a perfectly fatuous one since the Balkan populations were agriculturalists in their occupation and were not favourable ground for the reception of Bolshevist doctrines. 298

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Documents M. Pasitch would attempt to crush the Croats, Bulgars and other nationals within Serbian territory, and as the Albanians stood between him and the Croats there was little doubt what their fate would be. M. Pajani requested me urgently to place the matter before the Secretary of State with a request that the case he was urging might be discussed as soon as possible by the League, and that the necessary measures might be taken to prevent a catastrophe for his people. He could not, he said, impress on me too emphatically that if M. Pasitch were unrestrained for another three months it would be too late. I thanked M. Pajani for his communication and said that I would record what he had said for the information of the Secretary of State. M. Passitch [sic] left with me a memorandum he had addressed to the President of the Council of the League on September 26th last, together with certain other documents relating to the subject. /initialed/ 10 December 1924

Foreign Office Comments on the Above Conversation It is unfortunate for the Albanians that they almost invariably overstate their case and alienate sympathy for their cause. Moreover they were not helped by the “opera-bouffe” attitude adopted by M. Fan Noli at the last Assembly of the League. M. Pajani’s statement, however, appears to be more restrained and there are at least two recent occurrences that seem to bear on the truth of it: (i) The murder of a number of Albanians in Vultchetrin [Vushtrria] early in the year; (ii) The recent attacks made by Serbian military and Montenegrins on villages containing a majority population of Albanians, as a reprisal for the murder of the Serbian prefect of Bielopolje by katchaks (Serbian deserters). The Albanian causalities were about a hundred, but here it was stated that the Albanians opened fire on the first Serb contingent and the latter were obliged to bring up reinforcements. On the other hand, we know that the Davidovic Government granted an amnesty to all katchaks and it is hoped that this will have a pacifying effect. The return of Pasic naturally fills the Albanians with alarm and as, apparently, the League are now in possession of the Serb report, they are anxious that the League should take action soon. 299

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Perhaps it would be advisable to send a copy of this to Mr. Colban/?/and ask him what is happening. /a signature/ 17 December 1924 [FO 371/9961] Statement to the Belgrade press by Marko Tzemovich, Deputy Minister of the Interior, undated but received by the British Foreign Ministry on 5 January 1925, on the situation in Kosovo and Macedonia. [translated from the French] To ensure the submission of Kosovo by wise means, it is undeniable that we need good public servants. In these regions, the small towns are full of public servants who are so involved in party politics that the Democrats are convinced that the whole kachak movement is being run by the Radicals who are organising and commanding Albanian bandits themselves. You can get a good indication of extent of the infighting between the parties from the following. In the middle of the street and in public, a secondary school teacher stated that the kachaks were not brigands at all but were, on the contrary, perfectly honest and courageous men who ought to be given support against the corruption of so-and-so. Such is the Bolshevist statement of a secondary school teacher inspired by political passions! Down there, everything is measure by the measuring stick of party politics and because of this, we will never have an honest administration. As to Macedonia, there is only one national minority and a handful of Turkish colonists living in our country. There are no other national minorities since the Serbs of Macedonia are just as Serbian as the Serbs of Serbia. [FO 371/13711] Petition from Hasan Prishtina received by the Secretariat of the League of Nations on 2 March 1929, protesting against the oppression of Albanian minority in Y ­ ugoslavia, and the response of J. Shumenkovich, Permanent Delegate of the ­Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, dated 11 July 1929, rejecting the said petition. [translated from the French] Hasan Prishtina Former Albanian Council President Hintere Zollamtstrasse 3, Vienna III 300

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Documents to the President of the League of Nations, Geneva In my letter of 15 March 1927, I ventured to set forth to the League of Nations several complaints from the Albanians living in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and to draw its attention to the deplorable fact that the Albanians in the above-mentioned State, although one million in number, and therefore more numerous than the inhabitants of independent Albania, are being deprived of all the rights accorded to national minorities under international conventions and in line with the principles of humanity. The Secretary General of the League of Nations, Sir Eric Drummond, informed me in his reply of 15 April (41/58664/11379) that the general nature of the statements made in my letter did not enable the League of Nations to ascertain whether the procedure set forth by the Council for a minorities complaint was applicable. I should therefore like to explain once again, in a more concrete manner, the complaints made about the treatment inflicted upon my Albanian compatriots in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The Albanian minority is being oppressed in the S.H.S State. The most obvious evidence of this is that there are one million Albanians living in that country without Albanian-language schools. This bears witness, more than anything else, to the fact that the Government of the S.H.S. State is aiming at the annihilation of the Albanian people in that country. Since young Albanians are not permitted to get an education in their own language, they are faced with two options: either give up their nationality or to renounce all possibilities of education. Both of these options are painful and destructive for the future of our people with the border dividing it as it does, and are unworthy of Europe. It is thus to the highest-­ ranking officials of Europe that the Albanians, through me, address their painful cries. In all spheres of public and national life, the Government of the S.H.S. State is acting along the same principle - the open pursuit of the annihilation of our people. The Albanians of Kosovo and of the other territories they inhabit in the S.H.S. State are, in their great majority, farmers who hand their trade down from father to son. They cultivate the land that they have inherited from their ancestors capably and assiduously, as all foreign scholars have noted, and they are passionately attached to this land and their homes on it. Using different forms of violence and treading upon human and national rights, the Government of the S.H.S. State is treating the Albanian people deeply entrenched in their native soil as subjected and 301

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Kosovo, A Documentary History conquered peoples were treated in ancient times. The Albanians are being driven from their land, the soil of their a­ ncestors that they so love, a soil that has been drenched in their blood and sweat. They are being forced to abandon it and to emigrate to Albania, to ­Turkey or to other countries on this continent to live in miserable conditions, without home and country, deprived of all their possessions, while the Government of the S.H.S. State divides their property up among the Serbs, ­Montenegrins and Russian immigrants. It is here in our beloved country, on the soil that our forefathers cultivated, on the soil to which our young people have devoted their energy, and which we have defended over the centuries from our enemies that the tragic fate of our poor people is being played out in this century of progress and humanity, the fate of our poor people who appeal to the League of Nations for aid and assistance. What it cannot achieve by force, the Government of the S.H.S. State is accomplishing with its administration by having its authorities and organs systematically oppress the Albanian people. By the simple fact that it refuses to recognise the right to Albanian-­ language education, the Government of the S.H.S. State has done wrong to the indigenous population and brought about fatal consequences. The administration is a silent instrument in the hands of the dominant Serbs in their fight against the Albanian nation. It is impossible for an Albanian to demand his rights before a Serbian tribunal. The Government gets rid of Albanian politicians it does not want by sentencing them, though innocent, to long years in prison. Acts of terror and violence, even the killing of Albanians, are not prosecuted, even when the courts know who the perpetrators are. For instance, the Albanian Nazim Gafuri, a former deputy of the Skupshtina, was wounded in an ambush in Belgrade and was then killed in Prishtina, and another Albanian member of parliament for the municipality of the same town, Jusuf Ahmeti, was murdered, too. The murderers were not prosecuted although their names were known to the authorities. All the authorities and their organs, in particular the omnipotent police, are playing an active role in the inexorable war of extermination against our people. Both secretly and openly they give active support to the bands of Serbian criminals who attack Albanian villages and farmsteads, plundering and murdering while they do so. The tax administration is equally partial. Albanians are arbitrarily forced to pay the heaviest taxes in order to ruin them economically and reduce formerly well-off people to begging in the streets. There is no freedom of the press, the basic symbol of human rights, for the Albanians in the S.H.S. State. Albanian newspapers are forbidden and the poor people are not even allowed to groan and complain about it. There is no freedom of assembly for Albanians in the S.H.S. State. 302

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Documents During the last elections, the Yugoslav Government destroyed the Albanian electoral movement with truly barbaric methods. All the authorities, the gendarmes and the most dangerous bandits attacked Albanian voters. The consequence of the terrorism exerted during the elections was that there were only six deputies to represent one million Albanians in the Skupshtina. The situation of the Albanians in the S.H.S. State cannot be compared with that of any other national minority in Europe. In all the other countries, individuals are at least allowed to live. There are laws that provide for both duties and rights. The Albanians in the S.H.S. State have been made outlaws. They suffer under arbitrary tyranny that is aimed at exterminating them and their nation. Even the fist of a gendarme is above the law. In their struggle for their rights, for justice for their language, for their future, for their jeopardised lives, for the fields of their forefathers and for their existence as a people, fate has condemned the Albanians to live under the Serb yoke. They turn to the League of Nations as a personification of European civilisation and appeal to it as follows: We would ask the League of Nations to carry out an on-site investigation, by an impartial commission, of the situation of the Albanians who live in the S.H.S. State and take the requisite steps to ensure that this oppressed and persecuted people be able to enjoy the rights recognised to minorities. On behalf of my wretched compatriots living in the S.H.S. State, I submit this request to the League of Nations and hope that this appeal for help for my wretched compatriots will not be in vain. Mr President, the cause that I am presenting here is of the utmost importance, for the League of Nations, too. It is the cause of humanity and peace for the prevention of wars which are the scourge of humanity. With it, the League of Nations will show that it is not simply a front but that it is a­ cting in the service of civilisation and culture. If the League of Nations wishes to overcome war, it must ensure that oppressed peoples receive their rights. This is the only means of preventing the Balkans from remaining the dangerous volcano it is. The non-accomplishment of this task would make the League of Nations an accomplice, responsible for the sombre and menacing future. Mr President, it is to you and your illustrious colleagues that I turn. Do not forget that the issue of minorities is the most important problem of our age. Do not forget that a favourable solution to this problem can ensure peace in Europe and, at the same time, drape the flag of the League of Nations in glory. I would like to take this opportunity to express my utmost consideration to the League of Nations. (signed) Hassan Prishtina 303

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Letter of the Serbian–Croatian–Slovene Government Permanent Delegation of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes at the League of Nations to Sir James Eric Drummond, Secretary General of the League of Nations, Geneva Geneva, 11 July 1929 Mr Secretary General, In your letter sent from Madrid on 17 June this year, you were kind enough, pursuant the procedures in force, to transmit to me for the Government of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the petition dated 5 April 1929 and signed by Hassan Bey Prishtina for possible observations on the Government’s part. I have the honour to transmit to you herewith a response from my Government on the aforementioned submission. 1. The petitioner, Hassan Bey Prishtina, is the main promoter and direct agent of irredentist and revolutionary activity aimed at interrupting the political ties between the Albanian minority and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. In addition to this, his political activity as far as the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes is concerned, constitutes a series of acts of treason. Having admitted himself that his attitude towards the Serbian Army during its retreat in 1915 and towards the Serbian population of Kosovo during the enemy occupation of the region was clearly hostile – because of which he was accorded special honours by the occupation troops – he fled abroad without waiting for the return of the liberating Serbian Army. Once he was abroad, he organised a two-fold activity against our country. Firstly, he worked to stir up trouble among certain elements of our Muslim population in Southern Serbia with a view to causing them to rise against the security and integrity of the Serbian, Croatian and Slovene State. It should be noted, however, that the activities of Hassan Bey Prishtina did not receive support from the Albanian masses, who do not agree with this political beliefs and who harbour feelings of loyalty towards the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. It must also be 304

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Documents mentioned that he has collaborated closely with foreign revolutionary organisations hostile to the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, in particular with the Macedonian Committee and the Kosovo Albanian Committee. Secondly, he has also been active on the international scene endeavouring to sway international public opinion against the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. This activity is evident more than anywhere else in a Vienna newspaper called Ora e Shkipinize. It is enough to read through this newspaper to understand the defamatory nature of the activities of Hassan Bey Prishtina against our country. 2. There is no doubt that Hassan Bey Prishtina has submitted his petitions to the League of Nations in this same spirit. Misusing the right of ­petition, he wishes to create the impression that he enjoys the august protection of the League of Nations. It is more than apparent that his ­objectives in appealing to the League of Nations and his political activities are in ­flagrant violation of the ideals upon which the League of Nations was founded and of the essence of the regime for the protection of minorities. It is also clear that the petition in question, though it may have been drafted so as to fulfill the formal criteria set forth by the Council Resolution of 5 September 1923, is contrary to the principles set forth under item (b) of this Resolution due to the aim it pursues. It is therefore normal, faced with the petition of Hassan Bey Prishtina, that the Serbian-Croatian-Slovene Government should highlight the dangers that this type of petition entails. Such petitions, as we saw ­ during the great debate held in Madrid on the minority issue, caused Mr Briand to express legitimate fears not only for the governments and minorities concerned, but also, and primarily for the League of Nations itself. Under such conditions, it is understandable that the Serbian-­CroatianSlovene Government has been placed in a delicate situation. Firstly, it has an overriding duty to protect its own interests and those of the Albanian minority and, as such, must reject the petition of Hassan Bey Prishtina. Secondly, it is conscious of the great respect it has and has always shown for the Council. For this reason, the Serbian-Croatian-Slovene Government, while considering the petition of Hassan Bey Prishtina null and void, intends, out of courtesy and respect for the members of the Council, to provide you, in good time, with a memorandum on the current situation of the Albanian minority in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Mr Secretary General, please accept the assurance of my highest consideration. (signed) J. Shumenkovich 305

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Memorandum of the Permanent Yugoslav Delegate to the League of Nations on the treatment of the Albanian population in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, dated 21 August 1929. [translated from the French] I The Albanians in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes live primarily in the territories in the southwest of the country within a line running from Debar-Kicevo [Dibra-Kërçova] to Vela-Kumanovo, then following the former Serbian-Turkish border to Mitrovica and, from there, to the present Albanian border, passing through Pec [Peja]. According to the 1921 census, there were about 441,740 Albanians in this region, distributed in the following departments (provinces): Kosovo, 125,000; Skoplje [Skopje] 90,276; Zeta [Montenegro], 88,008; Vranje, 59,845; Raska, 44,005; and Bitolj [Bitola], 30,973. II In the above-mentioned departments, there are 130 Albanian teachers in all. The greatest number of them is in the Department of Kosovo: 43 of a total of 383 teachers, followed by Zeta with 41 of a total of 727 teachers. Religious instruction is given by the same teachers if they belong to the religious community of the pupils in question. Otherwise, a special teachers takes over, who must be either Muslim, Catholic or Orthodox, according to the religion of the pupils. From 1919 to 1929, 487 school buildings were built in all in the above-mentioned departments, of which 105 are located in areas inhabited by Albanians. That is to say that 21.75% of new school buildings were built for the Albanians. As a result of a recent decision taken by the Royal Government to provide substantial funding for the establishment of new schools in Southern Serbia, despite the fact that, pursuant to the Education Law, it is the responsibility of the municipalities, this percentage will no doubt increase substantially. In the said departments there are 1,401 elementary schools in all and 2,609 classes, of which 261 schools and 545 classes are attended by Albanian children. The fact that this percentage does not appear high enough is a result of Albanian living conditions. The Albanians live mostly in small villages up in the mountains that are difficult to reach. They have no understanding for the importance of schooling, and this is confirmed by the fact that the communities run by Albanians are not interested in the construction of school buildings, despite the Education Law. 306

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Documents At the end of the 1927–1928 school year, there were 7,565 Albanian pupils attending elementary schools (7,333 boys and 232 girls). At first glance, these statistics would seem insufficient, but they can be explained by certain phenomena characteristic of compulsory education in these isolated Albanian villages. For people without an education, elementary teaching is looked ­ upon as something that is forced upon them, and they do everything they can to get around it. They prefer to keep their children at home for economic reasons, and have them work rather than be sent to school. In addition to this, throughout their past, they never had schools of their own. This was true under Turkish rule when only elementary education was compulsory. In the fiscal year 1928–1929, a sum of 86,415,870 dinars was earmarked for the maintenance of elementary schools in the said departments. The portion of this sum devoted to schools attended by Albanian children has risen to 12,858,626 dinars. It should be noted that expenditures for the building and maintenance of these schools supported by the autonomous local authorities are not included in the figure, although they represent at least 40% of State expenditures. A closer look at trends in elementary education in the department where the number of Albanians is the highest, shows how important education should be to them. In the amount of 22,127,463 dinars spent annually by the State for the maintenance of elementary schools in the Department of Zeta, 6,130,122 dinars are reserved for schools attended by Albanian children. For the Department of Kosovo, it is 3,821,169 dinars of a total budget of 8,565,197 dinars. In Skoplje, there is also a special college, the Grand Medresa, in which Muslim young people, i.e. Turkish and Albanian children, are taught in their mother tongue. This is equivalent to normal secondary education and gives them access to university studies. III As to Albanian emigration from the aforementioned territories, it should be noted that this was custom long before the Serbian-Croatian-Slovene administration was installed there. It also existed at the time of the ­Turkish administration, but it has never occurred on a large scale, either in the past or in the present. The following numbers of Muslim families were registered as having left the country last year: 500 to Turkey and 40 to Albania. It should be noted that this number encompasses not only ­Albanian emigrants but aslo quite a number of Turkish emigrants. For 1929, about 36 passports for Turkey and 14 passports for Albania were issued for emigration purposes. The Serbian-­Croatian-Slovene authorities place no obstacles in the way of this emigration, nor do they encourage it. As with the majority population, the Albanians are free to emigrate if they so wish, once they have fulfilled their obligations towards the State and everything is in order. 307

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Kosovo, A Documentary History To assert that the local authorities are trying to encourage the Muslims to emigrate and are forcing them to sell their land to the Christians is in complete contradiction to the evidence because less than 1% of Muslim emigrants sell or have ever sold their land to Christians. In 99% of cases, the land is sold to other Muslims not leaving the country. There are no cases in which the authorities have ever persecuted and forced a Muslim family to emigrate. Most emigrants are from poor families and leave for Turkey because they have been promised large plots of land for free. Religious fanaticism also makes some people leave. There have, however, been numerous cases in recent years of families having emigrated to Turkey who have returned to the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and regained their former residences, either owning the land or working on it as labourers. If the local authorities had exerted any terror, it is obvious that these people would not have returned to the country. Colonisation is a measure that has been carried out throughout Southern Serbia, not only in the regions inhabited by Albanians. It never affects the property of Muslim emigrants because their land is not ­ subject to the Agrarian Reform law. Colonisation only affects the large properties (latifundiae) of former times and always with compensation equivalent to the real value of the property in question. There has never been any colonisation on the part of Russian refugees on such property. Proof of this is the fact that there have never been any Russian refugees in any region inhabited by Albanians. None  of them have ever received any such land. When the High Commission for Refugees suggested privately to the Serbian-Croatian-Slovene Government that it settle some of the Russian ­refugees in the Department of Kosovo, a region inhabited by a large number of ­Albanians, the Royal Government cast his proposal aside as it did not have sufficient funds to buy the land needed for such colonisation. This is the best illustration of agrarian policies carried out by the Serbian-Croatian-Slovene Government towards the Albanians. Should the Royal Government have been inclined to persecution, it would have agreed to the request and would have been backed up by the authority of the High Commission. If it had wanted to steal the property of the Muslim emigrants, the Royal Government would have taken up the suggestion of the High Commission despite the lack of money to buy the land. IV As to the provision of legal protection enjoyed by citizens in the defence of their rights, there has never been a single case in which tribunals have ­differentiated in civil or penal courts between Christians and Muslims. Those who are within their rights according to law, are defended by the tribunals. 308

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Documents Those who are not, lose their cases or are punished according to law without regard for their race or religion. There has never been any political persecution of the Albanians. They have never created a special political party for themselves. Those of them who wish to take part in politics join the existing political parties in line with their opinions and interests. Beyond and above the administrative authorities who could, theoretically, take action against individuals for political reasons, there are the judicial authorities who sentence the guilty and free the innocent, and have never differentiated between Muslim and Christian politicians. Albanians who do not know the official language are free to use their own language in the courts and in their relations with the administrative authorities. This is more than the rights they have under paragraph 4 of Article 7 of the Treaty of St Germain. VI As to the murder of Nazim Gafuri and Jusuf Ahmedi, the police did all they could to find and arrest the culprits. It is unacceptable to claim that the authorities knew who the culprits were and did nothing to capture them, in particular since the victims had many relatives who could insist that the authorities initiate an inquiry according to law to find the culprits and bring them to justice. From the statements taken from the relatives of the victims at the time, the authorities responsible for the case were unable to draw any conclusions as to the authors of the crime. It can be assumed that this was one of those cases of blood-feuding (vendetta), common among the A ­ lbanians. VII Taxation imposed upon the population is carried out scrupulously in line with the provisions of the law. This law is the same for everyone and makes no distinction for race or religion. There are tax committees composed of notables and municipal councillors in all municipalities. Their function is to establish and present to the tax authorities the level of taxes to be paid by the inhabitants of the municipality in question who own land subject to taxation. They base their estimates on personal conviction and on the information they receive about the real situation of the taxpayer. This process is then made definitive by a tax scale set up by law. It is thus impossible for the taxation authorities to impose taxes arbitrarily. Complaints are exceedingly rare thanks to this liberal and democratic taxation system. VIII The situation of the press is regulated by law. Newspapers and magazines can be published freely within the provisions of the law, not only in the official 309

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Kosovo, A Documentary History language but in any other language. Newspapers published abroad in any language, including Albanian, may be imported if they do not endanger the interests of the Kingdom or the authority of the head of State. At the present time, several Albanian newspapers are legally on sale in the country, and these newspapers can be distributed without restriction throughout the regions inhabited by the Albanians.

XI As to political freedoms, the Albanians in the Kingdom have the same rights as the people of the majority community. In Albanian villages, the m ­ unicipal authorities are almost always in the hands of the Albanians. In most cases it is an Albanian who heads the municipality as mayor. There are no separate legal provisions for Albanian municipalities. All legal freedoms enjoyed by the majority population in Southern Serbia are equally enjoyed by the ­Albanians. Letter from Hasan Prishtina in Vienna to the President of the Committee of Three of the League of Nations for the Study of National Minorities in Geneva, dated 15  March 1930, in response to a Yugoslav memorandum on the rights of the ­Albanian minority in Yugoslavia. [translated from the French] Hassan Prishtina Former Albanian Prime Minister Vienna IV Schaumburgergasse 18/5 to His Excellency President of the Committee of Three of the League of Nations for the Study of the Issue of National Minorities Geneva 15 March 1930 Your Excellency, With reference to my memorandum submitted to the League of Nations on 15 March 1927 (J.Z.41/58664/11379), I have the honour to make the following statement as a representative of the Albanians living within the borders of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and on their behalf: The Royal Government of Yugoslavia stated that our complaints were baseless because the Albanians in Yugoslavia enjoyed full freedom, had schools 310

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Documents and exercised political rights. These statements do not correspond to the truth in any way. The truth is, rather, that there are no Albanian schools anywhere in Yugoslavia, that the Albanians are being oppression everywhere in the said country and that the Albanians there have even been deprived of their property, which has been distributed to Serbs, Montenegrins and Russians. We Albanians of the province of Kosovo would also ask the esteemed Committee to convince itself of the truth of our complaints by sending a neutral and impartial commission of inquiry to the country in question. A minority of one million people is begging for help in the fight for its very ethnic survival. Should it act, the esteemed Committee would enjoy the fervent gratitude of a minority whose existence is under threat. Please accept the expression of my highest devotion. (signed) Hassan Prishtina Memorandum, published in French as “La Situation de la minorité albanaise en Yougoslavie” (Geneva, 1930), addressed to the League of Nations on 5 May 1930 by three Albanian Catholic priests, Gjon Bisaku, Shtjefën Kurti, Luigj Gashi, who had been working in Kosovo in the 1920s on behalf of the Sacred Congregation of the Propaganda Fide in Rome. [translated from the French]

The Situation of the Albanian Minority in Yugoslavia. Memorandum Presented to the League of Nations to His Excellency Mr Eric Drummond, Secretary General of the League of Nations, Geneva Excellency, We, the under-signed, Dom Gjon Bisaku of Prizren, until recently priest in the parish of Bec, ­District of Gjakova, Yugoslavia; 311

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Dom Shtjefën Kurti of Prizren, until recently priest in the parish of Novosella, District of Gjakova, Yugoslavia; Dom Luigj Gashi of Skopje, until recently priest in the parish of Smaç, District of Gjakova, Yugoslavia; all three of us being missionaries of the ­ Sacred Congregation of the Propaganda Fide, and Yugoslav citizens of ­Albanian nationality, have the honour to submit to you, on behalf of the Albanian population of Yugoslavia, this petition on the state of this ethnic minority and beg Your Excellency to bring it to the attention of the Members of the League of Nations. Mr Secretary General, we are not the first envoys of the Albanian population living in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia to have addressed the League of Nations concerning the lamentable state of this minority, created by Serb rule, and we will certainly not be the last to protest before this high institution of international law unless the political course taken by the rulers in Belgrade towards their Albanian subjects alters its bases and procedures. This political course, which is already replete with excesses and misfortune, can be summed up in one phrase: To change the ethnic structure of the regions inhabited by Albanians at all costs. The strategies used to this end are as follows: a ) various forms of persecution in order to force the population to emigrate; b) the use of violence to forcefully denationalize a defenceless population; c) forced exile or extermination of all people who refuse to leave the country or to submit peacefully to Serbification. These three strategies correspond to three categories of oppression. The victims of the first category are the over one hundred forty thousand Albanians who have been forced to leave their homes and belongings and to emigrate to Turkey, Albania and other neighbouring countries, anywhere they can find shelter, a bit of food and a little more human kindness. The second category includes the population of 800,000 to 1,000,000 Albanians, Muslims for the most part, who live in compact settlements along the border to the Kingdom of Albania up to a line including Podgorica, Berane and Novi Pazar in the north, the tributaries of the Morava River in the northwest and the course of the Vardar River in the south. The last category includes the ever increasing number of Albanian figures in Yugoslavia who have been banned from the country because of their patriotic sentiments and the long list of obituaries of those who have paid with their lives for their opposition to denationalization, the most recent v­ ictim of which is our brother in Jesus Christ, the reverend Franciscan Father Shtjefën Gjeçovi, trapped by the gendarmes in an ambush and assassinated on 14 October last. 312

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Documents Excellency, In order to be spared the fate of our esteemed advisor and friend Gjeçovi, we have been forced to abandon our homes and our sacred ministry on behalf of our grieving and wretched compatriots. Our main concern is to make known to the League of Nations and to the civilized world the suffering of our brethren living under Yugoslav oppression. Condemned by misfortune to pass from one yoke to another, this part of the Albanian nation, no less important in numbers than that in the independent state of Albania, has not, for one single moment over the past centuries, known the benefits of liberty. The right to self-determination, proclaimed by the founder of the League of Nations, an apostle of international peace, remains our sacred aspiration. Indeed the League of Nations, which has set as its basic goal the elimination of the grounds of conflict between states, has also endeavoured, by means of Treaties on Minorities, to prevent the causes of misunderstanding between states and their subjects belonging to other races, language groups and religions. The stipulations of these Treaties, solemnly agreed to by the Governments, have allayed many fears and, in particular, given rise to many expectations for peoples who are obliged to live under foreign rule. One of the most numerous of these peoples is, without a doubt, the A ­ lbanian minority in Yugoslavia. It  finds itself in the sad situation of having to realize, more than many other similarly ruled populations, just how deceitful Governments can be, which, on the one hand collaborate in the work of the League of Nations, but on the other hand, do everything they can to avoid applying the conventions concerning them to which they have ­voluntarily adhered. This is precisely the case of the stipulations ­concerning ­minorities contained in the Treaty of Saint Germainen-Laye, signed by the Serb-­Croat-Slovene (SHS) State on 10 ­September 1919. None of the benefits stipulated in the Treaty has been accorded to the Albanian minority in this country, from the protection of life and property to freedom of movement, as will be demonstrated in the appendices to follow. These stipulations have remained a dead letter, in particular those by which the Treaty, inspired by the loftiest of intentions for peace and humanity, has endeavoured to provide minorities with rights to resist forced denationalization. Eager to avail itself of the property deeds of the inhabitants of these ­ethnically Albanian regions, the Yugoslav Government makes nothing of the rights which the League of Nations has endeavoured to give our minority, and, what is more, shows no scruples whatsoever in its choice of means to attain its objective. Excellency, We come to protest, not out of animosity towards Yugoslav rule or towards any unjust treaties to which we have been forced to submit, but because of persecution deriving precisely from the violation of just treaties. Convinced that the League of Nations will not tolerate the systematic violation of the Treaty, the implementation of which it guarantees, the ­Albanian population of 313

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Yugoslavia, Muslims and Christians together, submit to the League their complaints in the profound conviction that they enjoy its ­protection. Convinced that the esteemed League of Nations will willingly take our complaints into consideration, we also venture to draw its attention to measures conducive to alleviating the situation, which is becoming more and more intolerable every day and about which the Albanian minority raises its voice in protest. In our humble estimation, it would be very useful to send a commission of inquiry to check up from time to time on compliance with the Treaty on Minorities. Much more effective for ensuring its application, however, would be the setting up by the League of Nations of a Commission or the seconding of a Permanent Commissioner to reside in one of the towns in the minority region. An uninterrupted control would force the pledges taken to be respected, and would have a twofold advantage. Firstly, its vigilance would put an end to the ambiguous reports prepared by governments which refute the complaints made by the minorities and present a totally d ­ ifferent situation to the League of Nations than that really existing. This is the case, for example, in the most recent Y ­ ugoslav document about the Albanian minority (No. C. 370 of 26 August 1929) in which it is stated that there are “schools” in our region and that the Committee charged with investigating the matter is satisfied, believing these to be schools in which Albanian is taught. In reality, eight thousand Albanians do not have a single elementary school, just as they do not occupy a single post of importance in public administration. Secondly, the zeal with which the denationalization campaign is being waged would be moderated by the presence of the said Commissioner, and the various acts of violence and persecution could be eliminated to a large extent. In short, the watchful eye of the League of Nations would lead to an effective implementation of the treaties and to a normalization of relations between the rulers and the ruled. Please be assured, Mr Secretary General, of our unshakable faith in the mission of the League of Nations and of the high esteem in which we hold Your Excellency. Geneva, 5 May 1930 /signed/ Dom Jean Bisak Dom Etienne Kurti Dom Louis Gashi

List of Appendices – Documentation In the following appendices, we have endeavoured to demonstrate with precise facts the truth of the claims we have had the honour to include in this 314

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Documents ­ emorandum. The events referred to are given as examples only and have m been chosen at random from a multitude of similar cases. To be as clear as possible, we have made reference to the provisions of the Treaty on Minorities signed by the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and followed them by the facts which prove that these provisions have not been applied with regard to the Albanian minority. The facts speak for themselves. Their authenticity cannot be denied, even in the knowledge that an official inquiry is impossible. APPENDIX 1 – PROTECTION OF LIFE I The beginning of Serb rule Our calvary began in 1912. Inquiry of the Carnegie Endowment. References II Mass extermination 1.  Localities of grief 2. The Dubnica massacre 3.  A village wiped out for an offence of which it was innocent III Crimes attributed to the agents of the authorities Ten crimes in six months in one sub-prefecture alone IV The assassination of the Franciscan Father Gjeçovi  A forerunner of Father Gjeçovi. The figure of Father Gjeçovi. A valued ethnographer. He was active in Yugoslavia as a missionary and as a scholar. Summoned to appear before the authorities, he was waylaid and murdered. Numerous witnesses but no testimony. A derailed inquiry APPENDIX 2 – PROTECTION OF LIBERTY I The case of the authors of this memorandum 1. Chauvinist absurdities. “There is no room for Albanians in Yugoslavia.” Refugees for life 2. Letter addressed to H.E. the Apostolic Nuncio in Belgrade. The assassination of Father Gjeçovi is “only the beginning”. Reports on sermons. Personae non gratae in our own country. Why we were forced to abandon our country and our belongings II Forced emigration

1. Emigration is due to persecution 2. The means used to encourage emigration 3. Emigration to Albania 4. Emigration to Turkey 5.  Plundering of the emigrants 6.  Albanians are forced to emigrate in order that Montenegrins and Bosnians can settle their land 315

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Kosovo, A Documentary History I II

Various restrictions on personal freedom 1.  Imprisonment, searches, requisitions 2. Censured clothing 3.  Freedom of movement 4.  Forced labour

APPENDIX 3 – RIGHT TO PROPERTY 1.  Forms of seizures 2. Confiscations and expropriations 3. Confiscation of public property 4. The agrarian reform 5. Compensation APPENDIX 4 – CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS 1.  Being of Albanian origin is an impediment 2. The Albanians have been excluded from municipal functions 3.  Justice is not impartial 4.  Arbitrary taxation 5.  Political rights are non-existent APPENDIX 5 – USE OF THE NATIONAL LANGUAGE 1. The Albanian language has been persecuted more than any other in the Balkans 2.  Restrictions continue for Albanians in Yugoslavia APPENDIX 6 – SCHOOLS AND PRIVATE CHARITIES 1. The Yugoslav Government has banned Albanian private schools 2.  Albanians are permitted no intellectual activity 3. Even religion may not be taught in Albanian APPENDIX 7 – PUBLIC EDUCATION 1. The view of the committee set up by the League of Nations to examine the issue of minority education 2. The Albanians are not oblivious to the benefits of schooling 3. Teaching staff APPENDIX 8 – PRIVATE PIOUS FOUNDATIONS 1. The Yugoslav Government confiscates the property of pious and charitable foundations 316

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2. The pious foundations of Albanian Christians have been plundered, too 3. Not even cemeteries have been exempted 4.  Difficulties involving burials

APPENDIX 1 PROTECTION OF LIFE “The SHS State pledges to accord full and complete protection of life and ­liberty to all inhabitants irrespective of birth, nationality, language, race or religion.” (Treaty on Minorities, Article 2) I  The Beginning of Serb Rule With regard to the protection of the life and liberty of the Albanian population living within the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, one could write volumes on end if one were to refer to all the instances in which this protection has been intentionally withheld. The calvary of our people begins with the arrival of the “liberating” Serb armies in 1912 in regions inhabited by an Albanian majority. The consequences of the conquest of this country were noted as follows in the appalling conclusions reached by the Commission of Inquiry set up by the Carnegie Endowment: Houses and whole villages reduced to ashes, unarmed and innocent populations massacred en masse, incredible acts of violence, pillage and brutality of every kind—such were the means which were employed and are still being employed by the Serbo-Montenegrin soldiery, with a view to the entire transformation of the ethnic character of regions inhabited exclusively by Albanians.

Nonetheless, it is not our intention to chronicle the events which took place before the signature of the Treaty on Minorities. Those wishing to know more about them may consult the press of the period in question as well as specialized publications in which they will find a record of many of the atrocities committed, including names, dates and places.6 II Mass Extermination 1. Localities of Grief Prishtina, Mitrovica, Junik, Shtima and Vrella are names of localities calling to memory bloody events, mass murders committed for no 317

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Kosovo, A Documentary History purpose against an innocent population whose only crime was to be of Albanian nationality. 2. The Dubnica Massacre On 10 February 1924, in Dubnica, District of Vuçitërna, the village was encircled and then set on fire on the orders of the prefect Lukić and of the commander Petrović so that all the inhabitants would be burnt alive. Their crime had been the following: The gendarmes wanted to c­apture a bandit called Mehmet Konjuhi but had not succeeded. The bandit ­having escaped, the authorities laid the blame not only on the relatives of ­Mehmet Konjuhi, who were all massacred, but on the entire village. Twenty-five persons, including ten women, eight children under the age of eight, and six men over the age of fifty, died in the fire. No one was punished for this crime. 3. A Village Wiped Out for an Offence of Which it Was Innocent Bandits killed a gendarme in the region of Rugova. Colonel Radovan Radovanović was sent to investigate the case. Not being able to find the culprit, the colonel encircled the village closest to the place where the gendarme had been slain and set it on fire. We do not know how many people died. III Crimes and Offences Attributed to the Agents of the Authorities The number of crimes committed sporadically by those supposed to protect and guarantee the lives of citizens is much higher than that resulting from the mass murders. In order to convey an idea of the numbers involved, we provide the following table for one sub-prefecture alone, that of Reka, District of Dibra, for a period of six months.

Names and locality of the victims 1. I slam Zuli of Zhuzhna

Name and office of the perpetrator Corp. Čedomir of the Tanush police

Date of the crime

Observations

November 1928

The victim was summoned on the pretext of a job and was slain on his way

2. Mexhid Bekiri of Bogda

Corp. Marković of the police in Jerodović 2nd police Lieut. Rada Terzić Popović and Marković of the Ternić police

November 1928

3. V  eli Boga of Bogda 4. I smaili and Lazimi, both of Orguci

November 1928

Slain on pretext of cowardice 10 December 1928 Slain on their way to market in Gostivar

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Documents Names and locality of the victims 5. Musli Bajrami, mayor of Senca 6. J akup Ibrahimi of Nivishta

7. Z  eqir Ismaili of Presenica 8. Z  urap Fazlia of Niçpur 9. R  akip Muhtari of Grek

Name and office of the perpetrator Corp. Marković of the Ternić police Officer Niko Milanović and a companion of the Tanush police Serg. Kaprivić of the Reka police Serg. Lazović of the Mishrova police An agent of the subprefecture

Date of the crime

Observations

June 1929

Slain in front of his house

5 July 1929

Slain in the presence of his brother on his way back from Gostivar market

15 July 1929

One-time mayor

15 July 1929

Slain in front of his house

18 July 1929

Released by the police after two days of arrest and slain near the church in Beka

IV  The Assassination of the Franciscan Father Gjeçovi The Franciscan Father Shtjefën Gjeçovi Kryeziu was assassinated on 14  ­October 1929 under circumstances which leave little doubt as to the motives of the crime. Father Shtjefën Gjeçovi is unfortunately not the first Albanian Franciscan to have fallen as a martyr for his patriotic sentiments and his faith. The first was Father Luigj Palici who was summoned by soldiers under the command of a bandit dressed as an Orthodox priest and was ordered to renounce his Catholic faith publicly in favour of the Eastern Orthodox faith. He refused energetically and was maimed with the butt-ends of the soldiers’ rifles and then stabbed to death with a bayonet. This took place in Gjakova on 7 March 1913. Father Shtjefën Gjeçovi, for his part, was slain because of his stance as a good Christian and as a man devoted to justice and knowledge. Born in 1874 in Janjeva in the District of Prishtina, now part of Yugoslavia, Father Shtjefën Gjeçovi opted for Albanian nationality despite the inconveniences this caused him during his stay on Yugoslav territory. After having finished his studies in philosophy and theology, he carried out his mission in Albania for many years and was held in high esteem by all those who came to know him. Devoted to the study of ethnography, he was the first person to bring to light a very important work on Albanian customary law, the Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini. He was much praised for this publication and received the title of doctor honoris causa from the University of Leipzig. As a great admirer of the chivalrous customs of his people, he had long since begun an in-depth study on Albanian folklore, for which he had 319

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Kosovo, A Documentary History t­ ravelled widely throughout Albania. He had recently taken up duties, in continuation of his spiritual mission, in the village of Zym amongst the Albanians of Yugoslavia. Zym, in the District of Prizren, Yugoslavia, is an Albanian village of one hundred twenty houses, of which one hundred houses are inhabited by Catholics and twenty by Muslims. In view of the nationality of the inhabitants, the Government only set up a school in this locality in 1926. One must not suppose, however, that teaching in Albanian, the mother tongue of the ­inhabitants, was permitted. The Government nominated to the post of teacher a Serb who, being Orthodox, trod on the religious sentiments of the pupils. Father Gjeçovi, of his own will, taught the children the catechism in Albanian and for this reason was not on good speaking terms with the Serb teacher who called him an “Albanian nationalist”. What is more, the Serb chauvinists regarded his research in the field of folklore as political propaganda. This was enough to bring about his downfall. Father Gjeçovi had on many occasions sensed the hostility of the Yugoslav authorities and of the members of the chauvinist association Narodna Odbrana [National Defence], which terrorized the Albanian population throughout Yugoslavia quite openly. But he could not imagine that they would go so far as to take his life because of his views. Realizing that no favourable circumstances were at hand to do away with him without causing suspicion, their hired assassins resorted to the following infallible method. Two gendarmes, probably attached to the police station near the village of Zym, approached Father Shtjefën Gjeçovi on 13 October last to notify him that he had been summoned by the subprefect of Prizren and was to appear before him as soon as possible. Surprised by this order, Father Gjeçovi suspected something was afoot and was unwilling to depart alone. He therefore took with him a school employee and a guard from the municipal hall. On his arrival in Prizren, he first paid a visit to the Bishop, to inform the latter that he had been summoned by the subprefect. He then reported to the subprefect, who expressed his astonishment and declared that he had not issued any order to summon the priest. Father Gjeçovi’s original suspicions had now become more concrete. He returned to the Bishop to inform the latter of what had taken place during his talk with the subprefect and set off for home, still accompanied by the two gentlemen. At a point along the road, not far from the village, they noticed two armed men approaching, who, after cursing the Reverend Father, fired on him. Gjeçovi was felled by the first shot. The bandits, to make sure of their deed, then advanced and riddled him with bullets. It must be noted that on the road, in the immediate vicinity of the crime, there were numerous workers carrying out road-repairs. Also present were the two companions of the victim. The police station was not far off either. Despite all the witnesses, the assassins got away with their crime and departed in no hurry, like individuals who had finished their work and had nothing to fear. And they indeed had nothing to fear. The inquiry produced 320

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Documents no results and never will produce any results, because this does not seem to be its purpose. On the contrary, attempts have been made to use the inquiry in order to stain the reputation of the victim and to step up the persecution of the Albanians. Despite all the evidence, they are endeavouring to camouflage the political character of the crime, which is nonetheless conclusive, given the history and circumstances of the crime and the satisfaction the assassination caused in Serbian nationalist circles. One of these people, a police officer, mocking the profound grief which the loss caused to the authors of this ­petition, alluded menacingly that Father Gjeçovi had received his just deserts and that the same fate awaited all of us with him.

APPENDIX 2 PROTECTION OF LIBERTY (Concluded after the treaty on the protection of minorities had been signed.) (Treaty on Minorities, Article 2 et seq.) I  The Case of the Authors of this Memorandum (The priests Gjon Bisaku, Shtjefën Kurti and Luigj Gashi) 1. Chauvinist Absurdities We have been obliged to abandon our country because of ever-­growing restrictions to our freedom of speech, of movement and of access to our parishioners, etc. All our movements and all our actions were ­suspect to the authorities simply because we refused to become Serb “patriots” and serve the goals of the terrorist organization Narodna Odbrana, i.e. preaching to our compatriots the absurd idea of the Serb chauvinists that we should consider ourselves Albanicized Serbs and c­ onsequently should not pray to God in Albanian or teach our children their mother tongue. Our disobedience, considered a grave menace to the interests of the state, was not to be forgotten or pardoned. No longer able to tolerate the accusations and threats, we abandoned our parishes last December to seek the aid and protection of the central authorities in Belgrade. The Ministry of the Interior gave us the standard formal assurances, but did not regard our complaints as important. On the contrary, it would seem that our complaints, instead of calming relations, made the hostility of the authorities even more acute. As soon as we arrived in Skopje, we were informed that the police were looking for us and wanted to arrest us. We were reminded of the threat of one of the police officers who had told us, “There is no room for Albanians in Yugoslavia. The Gjeçovi affair is only 321

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Kosovo, A Documentary History the beginning – your turn will come.” It was at this point that we decided to leave everything behind to save our lives and our honour. As there was no question of us obtaining passports to get to Rome to the Sacred Congregation of the Propaganda Fide under whose orders we were working as missionaries, we were forced to leave for the Albanian border, confronting all the dangers inherent in such a crossing, in the hope of saving our lives in exchange for leaving behind everything: our country, our families and our possessions. 2. Letter Addressed to H.E. the Apostolic Nuncio in Belgrade before our Departure Most Illustrious and Reverend Excellency, It is with profound grief that we have abandoned our families and friends and, most of all, our wretched people who enjoyed some small consolation from the fact that we had remained with them and shared their sufferings. We would like to submit to Your Excellency a summary of the reasons for our departure. Our situation and our stay in the District of G ­ jakova has become futile and impossible over the last few years. The situation is becoming worse from year to year, and now the worst has happened – the assassination of Father Shtjefën Gjeçovi on 14 October 1929. Why? Who killed him? We leave it to others to judge, since Your Excellency is in possession of precise documents. What worries us most are the rumours and the statements made by police officers, such as the captain of the gendarmes in Prizren, who said, “This is only the beginning.” The commander of the gendarmes in Peja, Popović said to one of us sneeringly, “Your turn will come!” Another officer, Zarko Andjelković boasted, “We killed Father Gjeçovi and now we are going to kill the priest in Peja.” The Serbs we know warned us to be on our guard. Why? What had we done? They even ask us to submit summaries of our church sermons, etc. One of us was accused of being a member of the Kosovo Committee of Shkodra, and another was accused of having built a church with foreign money, etc. In short, we have become “personae non gratae” and are no longer welcome. The fact that we are “personae non gratae” in the eyes of the government was confirmed Wednesday evening by our bishop at a meeting with the two deaneries of Peja and Gjakova when, talking to Father Ljubomir Galić, the latter told him it was true, adding that no priests could be found for these parishes. Under such circumstances, what else could we do? It would seem futile for us to remain there to be killed, not for our religion but because of base allegations such as those made against the late Father Gjeçovi, all the more so since we put no store in acts of blind heroism. Whether we remained or departed, our parishes would have been deprived of their priests in any case. We informed the bishop as much on several occasions. In order to save our lives, we now find ourselves compelled, against our 322

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Documents will, to abandon our diocese, our parishes and our wretched but beloved people, not to mention our possessions. We beg Your Most Illustrious and Reverend Excellency to contact the Sacred Congregation of the Propaganda Fide, whose servants we are, to request another mission in which we will be able to carry on with our sacrosanct ministries as priests, and to arrange that we be sent back to the Sacred Congregation to which we shall expose our trials and tribulations and our needs and to which we offer unconditional obedience. We would beg you to do this as quickly as possible since we have lost everything, are in the midst of our journey and are apprehensive that we may be followed and arrested. In the hope that Your Excellency will have the kindness to take the above into consideration and to come to our assistance, we remain your very humble and devoted sons, /signed/ Dom Gjon Bisaku, Dom Luigj Gashi, Dom Shtjefën Kurti Belgrade, 14 December 1929 II Forced Emigration 1. Emigration is Due to Persecution Before the Serbian occupation, emigration was unknown among the Albanian population living in the regions now under Yugoslav rule. It is true that workers went abroad temporarily to neighbouring countries, but never with their families. The mass emigration which has occurred since 1912 is due without a doubt to the various kinds of persecution which make life impossible for the poor people and force them to abandon their homes. 2. The Means Used to Encourage Emigration The means used by the Yugoslav authorities to force the Albanian population to leave the country are numerous. Death threats, restrictions on their freedoms in all areas of life, expropriation without compensation, house searches and frequent raids and arrests for no plausible reason, as well as a ban on teaching their national language and on expressing patriotic sentiments other than those desired by Serb nationalists. These means are utilized on a daily basis. These oppressive measures are carried out in good part by chauvinist associations such as the Narodna Odbrana. 3. Emigration to Albania At the present, there are about ten thousand refugees pretty well throughout Albania and they are in a miserable state. The Albanian Government seems to have made a laudable effort to shelter these refugees, but there can be no doubt that its good will alone will not be enough to receive and take care of all those still wishing to come. Consequently, it has been 323

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Kosovo, A Documentary History obliged to refuse entry visas for most of them. They have therefore taken refuge further afield, principally in Turkey. 4. Emigration to Turkey The number of emigrants in Turkey surpasses the figure of 130,000. The Turkish Government has taken advantage of these people to populate regions in Anatolia which are more or less deserted, but where a good number of them have perished because of the climate and deprivation. This exodus does not seem likely to end unless the persecution which has given rise to it is brought to an end. Two hundred Albanian families have recently left for Turkey. But the matter does not stop here. In its desire to get rid of the Albanians, the Government in Belgrade has initiated talks with the Government in Ankara on the transfer to Turkey of three to four hundred thousand Albanian Muslims from Kosovo. If nothing has yet come of the project, it is no doubt due to the influence of the League of Nations and to world public opinion which would have raised an outcry. 5. Plundering of the emigrants To encourage emigration to Turkey, the Yugoslav authorities provide certain favourable conditions such as the following. A young man of ­Albanian origin doing his military service is discharged early so as to be able to accompany his parents forced into emigration. Emigration to Albania is not well looked upon. The Yugoslav Government has every interest in ensuring that these persecuted and dispossessed refugees settle farther away from its borders. As such, a thousand obstacles are put in the way of the wretched individuals wanting to be reunited with their families in Albania. A host of public employees and lawyers are only waiting for a chance to put the final touches on the misery of these poor people. To obtain passports, they are harassed and plagued until they agree to pay exorbitant sums, four or five thousand dinars, which often amount to their total savings. The following are the most recent cases of inhuman exploitation we learned about before our departure: a) A Muslim Albanian peasant from the village of Leshan in the District of Peja was forced to pay 6,000 dinars to the Serb lawyer Zonić in Peja as a passport tax. b) The Serb lawyer Ljuba Vuksanović of Peja demanded 8,000 dinars of another Albanian peasant to obtain a passport for him because the “procedure was extremely difficult.” c) A Catholic Albanian from Skopje by the name of Geg Mata who had emigrated to Albania could only obtain a passport for his wife and son after five months of harassment and the payment of 2,000 dinars in bribes. It must be noted in this connection that the normal passport tax is no more than fifty dinars. 6. Albanians are forced to emigrate in order that Montenegrins and Bosnians can settle their land. 324

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Documents Montenegrins and Bosnians from Syrmia and the Banat are invited to settle in the villages and live in the expropriated and confiscated homes of the Albanian refugees with the obvious purpose of changing the ethnic structure of the region. Such resettlements of people have occurred pretty well everywhere and the campaign is continuing with an ever-increasing intensity. We refer, as examples, to the following localities: a) In the District of Gjakova: the villages of Lugbunari, Piskota, Dubrava, Mali i Ereçit, Dashinoci, Mali i Vogël, Fusha Tyrbes, Beteshet e Marmullit, Neci etc., etc. b) In the District of Peja: Fusha e Isniqit, Turjaka, Fusha e Krushecit, Malet e Leshanit, Krusheva, Vitomirica, etc., etc. c)  In the District of Prizren: Fshaj, Gradisha, Xërxa, Lapova etc., etc. It has also happened that inhabitants of Albanian origin who left their homes temporarily returned to find Serbs living in them who had been granted absolute title to them by the authorities. III  Various Restrictions on Personal Freedom 1. Imprisonment, Searches, Requisitions Reference must be made first and foremost to the arrests and imprisonments which, in addition to house searches and various requisitions, constitute the most effective means utilized by the government authorities to harass the Albanian population. Any charge made against an ­Albanian leads to his immediate arrest, whether or not the accusation is true and the source is reliable. Charges usually arise from quarrels between ­individuals. They are often instigated by provocateurs and sometimes invented by government officials. An innocent allegation is often sufficient to turn the general climate of suspicion against the Albanian ­population into one of certainty that crimes have been committed, thus setting off a series of harsh measures against innocent individuals. There are numerous cases. They happen almost every day. Let us confine ourselves to a few recent examples:



a) Hafëz Hilmi and Shukri Dogani, who until recently were mayors of localities in the Kaçanik area of the District of Skopje, were not on good speaking terms with the local authorities and were accused of collaboration in a “Kosovo Committee” which exists only in the troubled imagination of Serb chauvinists. The above-mentioned men were imprisoned on the basis of this supposition. b) The merchant Mulla Rifati, born in the same region, was arrested on a similar charge. c) Sherif Gjinovci, a person well-known to the Albanian community in Yugoslavia, was arrested six months ago and accused of intervening in a feud between two feuding Albanian families. 325

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 2. Clothing In its violent actions aimed at the “ethnic unification” of the state, the Belgrade Government also does its utmost to eliminate differences in ­ clothing that give an indication of nationality in this part of the kingdom. In some places, such as Reka, where Orthodox Albanians live together with Slavs of the same religion and with Muslim Albanians, the differences are limited to various types of headgear. The Albanians wear the kësula whereas the Serbs wear the čajkač. To do away with this shocking distinction, Mr Sokolović, the subprefect, issued an order to all police stations in his region last May forbidding Albanian peasants from wearing the kësula. They are now forced to don the Serb cap. The police were only waiting for a pretext to tear up the Albanian caps. 3. Freedom of Movement Another form of persecution is limiting freedom of movement. In many regions, the Albanians are not allowed to leave their villages without notifying the authorities beforehand. In order to visit a relative from another village, to go to a fair to sell produce or to travel to market to go shopping, i.e. any circumstances involving a departure from one’s native village, one must notify the chief of police. This form of persecution increased substantially last year in the District of Dibra. It goes without saying that the authorities do not provide any prompt or satisfactory services unless the peasant accompanies his request with a bribe. 4. Forced Labour Serbs and Albanians of the region in question are employed in the construction and repair of national and local roads and in other public works. As to their treatment, a distinction is made. The Serbs are regularly paid as labourers whereas the Albanians are quite often not paid at all, or receive very little. In addition, they are obliged to provide their own tools and workhorses or oxen without recompense.

APPENDIX 3 THE RIGHT TO PROPERTY “Persons having chosen another nationality will be at liberty to keep their unmovables in the territory of the SHS State. They will be free to bring their goods and chattels of all kind with them.” (Treaty on Minorities, Article 3) It is true that this article is more specifically aimed at those who choose Austrian, Hungarian or Bulgarian nationality, but in view of the general ­character of the treaty which is designed to protect all minorities, one can

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Documents conclude that the regulations regarding the right to property, which conform, by the way, to common law existing in most countries, are also applicable to Albanians who have become nationals of the State of Albania, of another country or who have remained Yugoslav subjects. . Forms of Seizures 1 In reality, quite different measures are applied to the Albanians. Pure and simple expropriation without any compensation is one of the most common and efficient means of forcing the Albanians into exile. Confiscation of property is practised against our people on a vast scale. In addition to this is the agrarian reform, a package of government measures which was never passed by parliament, but which the authorities nonetheless utilize in their own fashion, depending on the persons in question. . Confiscations and Expropriations 2 The confiscation of property is carried out against persons who are absent and against all Albanians inhabitants whose Serbian patriotism is considered doubtful. As to formal charges, there is no need for them whatsoever. Any accusation by a Serb against an Albanian is tantamount to condemnation. Should there be need of further witnesses, members of the Narodna Odbrana and the Bela Ruka (White Hand) are always ready to serve the nation. It would be impossible here to list all the cases of unjust confiscations we are aware of. We do wish, however, to cite a few examples in one specific region. a) The following persons from the District of Peja had their property confiscated without explanation: Jusuf Arifi of the village of Bec, Grosh Halili of the village of Turjaka, Tahir Bala of the village of Papiq, Bajram Sula of the village of Krestovec, and Memdu Bey, whose property was estimated at over 2,000 hectares. b) Most rich Albanian families have had their property confiscated to demoralize them, deprive them of political influence and oblige them to submit to the Yugoslav yoke without protesting. Here are a few examples from the District of Gjakova alone: Asllan and Kurt bey Berisha, Ibrahim Bey, Ismet bey Kryeziu, Ahmet bey Berisha, Poloska, Halit Bakalli, Muhamet Pula, Prenk Gjoka, Mark Nikoll Biba of Brekoc, Muftar Dema of Zhub, Bek Hyseni of Zhub, Gjon Marku of Guska, Gjon Doda of Pllangçora. . Confiscation of public property 3 Confiscations and expropriations have affected not only individuals but also collective groups. Albanian villages have been dispossessed of their farm and pasture land pretty well everywhere. Here are a few e­ xamples: a) In the District of Gjakova: Marmull, Rezina, Brodesana, Doblibarja, Meçeja, Cërmjan, Kryelan, Bardhaniq, Dashinoc, Lumëbardha, Lluga, Qerim, Lugbunar, Trakaniq, Novosella, Bec, Palabardh, Gergoc, 327

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Dobrigja, Firaja, Gramoçel, Fusha e Kronit të Plakës (Piskota), Babajt e Lloçit, Deçan, Lloçan, Voksh, Kallavaja e Junikut, Batusha, Rracaj, Pacaj, Pllangçora, Dujaka, Hereç, Ponashec, Brovina, Nec, Babajt e Bokës, Koronica, Mejeja, Guska, Fusha e Tyrbes, Brekoc, Vogova, Zhub, Firza, Moglica, Rraç, Pjetërshan, Kusar, Dol, Kushavec. b) Other examples from the District of Peja: Isniq, Strellc, Fusha, Pishtan, Baran, Leshan and all the pasture land down to the Drin River and from there to Gjurakovc, Rakosh, Ujmirë, and Rudnik.



The situation is similar in other regions inhabited by Albanians. . The Agrarian Reform 4  Far more numerous are the victims of the so-called agrarian reform, which was applied with extreme rigour to the Albanian population. Under the reform, citizens having completed their military service are entitled to 5 hectares of arable land per person. Albanian families, which still maintain a patriarchal structure and include six to ten adult males, would accordingly have the right to thirty to fifty hectares of land. At the present moment, there is not a single farming family in all of Yugoslavia owning such a spread of land. Even properties of one hectare have been ­expropriated. Here are a few examples which prove that the agrarian reform is nothing more than a pretext for plundering and inhumanity:



a) Mark Vorfi, from the village of Fshaj in the District of Prizren, and his four brothers together owned ten hectares of land. The expropriation took everything away from them. b) Aleksandër Shaupi of the same village owned fifteen hectares of land. He has five brothers and, according to the law, would normally have a right to at least thirty hectares. At the present moment, they do not have a single hectare left. c) Jup Pozhegu of Gjakova owned eight hectares of land in the village of Bishtazhin (District of Prizren). All he has left at the moment is one square metre. d) In the autumn of 1929, twenty-six Albanian families from Rugova, District of Peja, were expelled from their homes and deprived of their possessions, and were forced to seek refuge with friends. They were forced to go begging in order to survive.

5. Compensation  For two years, a compensation of 5% of the value of the property ­expropriated was offered in some regions to the dispossessed, but only to those persons well regarded by the authorities. Aside from this initial compensation, expropriated Albanian landowners have received nothing at all. 328

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Documents

APPENDIX 4 CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS “Complete equality (for all minorities) to enjoy civil and political rights, notably to accept public office, functions and honours.” (Treaty on Minorities, Article 7) . Being of Albanian Origin is an Impediment 1 This stipulation in the Treaty has not been applied at all with regard to the Albanian population in Yugoslavia. Albanians, in particular those who have studied at universities abroad, no longer even try to obtain functions or jobs in the public service since they are aware from the start that the main condition for employment is not the qualification of the applicant, but rather nationality. This condition is of course not legally binding, but is strictly respected by those who are authorized to apply it. This explains the startling fact that a population of eight hundred thousand people is not represented in the public service by one single official of any importance, i.e. a prefect or subprefect. If some minor employees have been given jobs, they got them most certainly by being servile or sycophantic, whether because of their abject poverty or because they were lacking in morals. 2. The Albanians Have Been Excluded from Municipal Functions The same condition exists for employment in the municipal administration, even though the local authorities were elected by the public. The Albanians are excluded from public office. Mayors who were formerly elected are now appointed directly by the Government. Municipal offices are organized in such a way as to keep representatives of the Albanian majority out of the administration. In more populated localities which have a municipal administration of their own and in which a Serb population also exists, albeit as a minority, municipal councils are still composed for the most part of Serbs. In grouping together small villages to form a municipality, great care is taken to include one Serb village with the four or five Albanian villages, with the sole purpose of keeping the Albanians out of the administration. Where such measures cannot be implemented, a Serb adviser is appointed to work with the mayor in question and, in actual fact, becomes head of the municipality himself. Here are a few examples of the foregoing:



a) In Peja, where the vast majority of the population is Albanian, the former mayor Nexhi Basha, an Albanian, was replaced by a Montenegrin called Maja who is hardly known at all to the population. b) The former mayor of Gjakova, Qazim Curri, who is of Albanian origin, found himself with a Serbian office administrator who took over all the decision-making. 329

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Kosovo, A Documentary History



c) In Prizren, where there is also a large Albanian majority, there has not been one single Albanian mayor of a town or municipality since the Serb occupation of the country began. d) In Vogova, District of Gjakova, the mayor was an Albanian called Marc Ndou. He was replaced by a Montenegrin, Milan Popović, a bandit and thief who was subsequently convicted for his crimes. In subsequent elections, Ndre Bib Doda was voted in as major, but was nonetheless ousted and replaced by Radovan Popović, cousin of the above Milan Popović, who was no less notorious than his cousin as an implacable enemy of the Albanian population.

The same can be said of the municipalities of Ponashec, Deçan, and Irziniq etc., all in the riding of Gjakova. The situation is no different in other regions. . Justice is Not Impartial 3 As to justice, the Albanian population is poorly served since it has no legal recourse against a Serb. Thousands of examples have proven to the Albanians that they have no chance whatsoever of winning a case in court. They can only repeat the popular wisdom that laws made and applied by a ruler are not to the advantage of his subjects. With this in mind, Albanians in Yugoslavia rarely go to court, not wishing to add more financial loss to the injustice they have incurred. Here are a few examples: a) Myftar Dema, of the village of Vogova in the District of Gjakova, accused the mayor, Milan Popović, of embezzling 20,000 dinars belonging to the municipal authorities. The latter was indeed tried and imprisoned. But after one month in prison, he was released and given free rein to torment his accuser. b)  A Serb called Krstić, together with his accomplices, killed sixty Muslim Albanians from Jabllanica (District of Gjakova) in one day, among whom was the influential Osman Aga Rashkovi. The family of the latter had the culprit brought to trial. In order to save him, despite the overwhelming evidence of his guilt, the authorities declared him to be deceased, even though Krstić is still alive and well and now living in Istog in the District of Peja. c) In the midst of an interrogation in the subprefecture of Gjakova, an Albanian, Lazër Dreni, was struck down with the butt of a fire arm by an employee of the subprefecture, Jovan Milić, in the presence of the secretary Djulaković. Milić was imprisoned for several hours for form’s sake and then released. 4. Arbitrary Taxation Arbitrary taxation measures are quite often applied to the Albanians. The taxpayer is not in a position to know exactly how much he will have to pay in taxes in a given year. He is normally at the mercy of tax officials who make him pay double or triple of what he is legally bound to pay. 330

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Documents Before the beginning of the dictatorship, over half the seats on the ­ thirty-six-member tax commissions in Kosovo were occupied by Albanians. At present, their representation has been reduced to two. The other thirty-four members are Serbs. 5. Political Rights are Non-Existent As is evident from the above, the political rights of citizens of Albanian origin simply do not exist. The Albanians hoped for one moment in ­1925–1926 that they would be as free as the other citizens of Yugoslavia to occupy political positions in the country. They were soon disappointed, however. The political party formed under the leadership of Mr Ferhat bey Draga was to take part in the elections with a list of fourteen candidates for the Chamber. But on the day of the elections, the candidates were prevented by various means from taking part in the elections. Some were placed under house arrest in their own homes. When they protested, the authorities replied that the measure had been taken in their own interests, since otherwise their lives would have been in danger. The attempt was not without consequences for these courageous individuals. Most of them were sentenced to jail, under various pretexts. The party chairman Ferhat bey Draga was sentenced to four years in prison. Nazim Gafuri was wounded and subsequently slain in front of a police station in Prishtina. Ramadan Fejzullahu was convicted and several candidates had their possessions confiscated. All of them suffered. Under such conditions, it is evident that the Albanians could no longer even think of entering the political ring, even as a national minority.

APPENDIX 5 USE OF THE NATIONAL LANGUAGE “There shall be no restrictions on the use of the national language in the field of religion, in the press or in publications of any kind.” (Treaty on Minorities, Article 7) 1. The Albanian Language Has Been Persecuted More Than Any Other in the Balkans Rightfully considered the fundamental characteristic of nationality in the Balkans, language has always been the main object of contention between the conservative spirit of peoples and the efforts of governments to enforce national unity in the country by more or less forcible means. In this respect, the Albanian people have suffered more than all the other Balkan peoples. Under Ottoman rule, the Albanians were not allowed to use their language freely. Education, press and publications 331

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Kosovo, A Documentary History in Albanian were luxuries enjoyed only by Albanians living in foreign countries. Even correspondence in Albanian addressed to friends or relatives abroad could result in the imprisonment of the author. The Turks used these methods to combat the national awakening of the Albanians, whereas Greek and Slav propaganda, acting as the due heir to the Ottoman Empire, did its utmost to denationalize the Albanian Orthodox population through church and schools. 2. Restrictions continue for Albanians in Yugoslavia This situation continues for the half of the Albanian people living under foreign rule. A few examples will suffice to illustrate the truth of this assertion. a) In the Albanian regions of Yugoslavia, there are signs on the town halls saying that the usage of any language other than Serbian is forbidden. b) No newspaper, magazine or other publication in Albanian exists for the eight hundred thousand Albanians in Yugoslavia. The Belgrade Government may claim that intellectual activity is not prohibited under the law, but those who implement the law, the police and their officers, do their utmost to impede any such activity. If an Albanian were to venture to apply for authorization to publish a newspaper in Albanian, to hold an innocent public lecture in Albanian or to open a school to teach Albanian, he would not of course be punished for such an application, but would immediately be hounded by the police and the gendarmes on all sorts of charges, arrested and, in many cases, imprisoned or dispossessed. c) One of the undersigned, Dom Shtjefën Kurti, until recently priest in the parish of Novosella, District of Gjakova, was forbidden by the principal of the Serbian school, Radovan Milutinović, from using the Albanian language to teach village children the catechism. d) When Albanian children from the village of Skivjan, District of Gjakova, brought Albanian spellers to the Serbian school they attended, the Serb principal, Mr Zonić, confiscated the books immediately and punished the children for “daring to learn a language other than that of the state.” e) Albanians are often reprimanded by telephone operators who order them to speak Serbian. If they do not comply, their calls are cut off.

APPENDIX 6 SCHOOLS AND PRIVATE CHARITIES “They (the minority) shall have, in addition, the right to found, manage and control at their own expense charitable, religious and social institutions, as 332

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Documents well as schools and other educational facilities, with the right to make free use of their own language and to exercise their religion freely.” (Treaty on Minorities, Article 8) . The Yugoslav Government has Banned Albanian Private Schools 1 We have already seen what Albanian-language education was like under Ottoman rule. It may be noted in this connection that at the end of this rule, before the Balkan War, it was the Kosovo Albanians who rose in revolt against the Turkish regime to obtain freedom for national education. The policies of the Turkish administration in this field were continued under the Serb occupation. As the ban was not effectively enforced during the Great War, the Albanians in Yugoslavia hastened to open ­private schools for the teaching of their mother tongue (see below the list of such schools). Once the Yugoslav Government was freed from the burdens of the war in 1919, one of its first actions was to close down Albanian schools. The school in Skopje was not closed until 1929, probably as a consequence of an Albanian complaint to the League of Nations about Yugoslav oppression. 2. Albanians are Permitted no Intellectual Activity At the same time as private schools, the Yugoslav authorities banned all social activity of an Albanian character. Intellectual, cultural and musical societies have been dissolved in Gjakova, Peja, Prizren, Skopje and other important towns. 3. Not All Religions May be Taught in Albanian There can be no question of the free use of the Albanian language in the teaching of religion either. Orthodox Albanians from the Reka region, where they are in the majority, have been banned from using their language in church. Catholic Albanian priests from the regions of Gjakova, Prizren and Skopje etc. are considered agents of political propaganda if they so much as teach the catechism in Albanian. As to Muslim Albanians, they have no medresa where their religion can be taught in Albanian. Schools have also been closed which had operated in the following towns: Plava with 50 pupils, Gucia with 60, Bec 45, Brodosana 50, Brovina 40, Lloçan 46, Irziniq 40, Novosella 48, Junik 40, Ponashec 45, Cërmjan 50, Zhub 48, Budisallc 70, Rakosh 80, Prizren 40, Skopje 73, etc. The number of these schools and the number of pupils is not large. These are schools which were opened spontaneously in localities where an initial community organization already existed or in which the municipal administration, on top of its various obligations from the war, was able to maintain an Albanian-language school. If the regulations of the Treaty on Minorities were fully applied, the number of Albanian pupils in Yugoslavia would be no less that in Albania, given that half the Albanian population lives in Yugoslavia. 333

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 4. Table of Albanian Private Schools Closed Down by Order of the Yugoslav Government. Locality Ferizaj Zym Gjakova Mitrovica Prishtina Vuçitërna Peja

Instructors Catholic priest Pal Lumezi Jusuf Puka, Sali Morina, Niman Ferizi, Ferid Imani, Ibrahim Kolçiu, Ibrahim Felmi, Lush Ndoca Catholic priest

Haxhi Tafili Murat Jakova, Hajdar Sheh Dula, Abdurrahman Çavolli, Mulla Resh Meta Peja Halit Kastrati, Shaqir Çavolli, Sadi Pejani Peja Shaban Kelmendi, Pal Lumezi etc. Peja Zef Maroviqi, Pal Lumezi etc. Gjurakovc Mr Plakçori Baran Xhevet Kelmendi Zllokuqan Ndue Vorfi Strellc Adem Nexhipi Istog Osman Taraku Prizren Lazër Lumezi

No. of pupils 50 40 840 160 90 60 256 125 232 257 221 176 186 175 285 76

APPENDIX 7 PUBLIC EDUCATION “For localities in which considerable numbers of a minority population live, the Government shall accord appropriate facilities to ensure that in elementary schools, instruction is given to the children of the minority in their own language.” (Treaty on Minorities, Article 9) 1. The View of the Committee Set Up by the League of Nations to Examine the Issue of Minority Education In pursuing its policies of denationalization, the Yugoslav Government, having closed down the Albanian schools, replaced them with Serbian schools. In its most recent document addressed to the League of Nations, the Government stated that there were 1,401 schools in the regions inhabited by Albanians, out of which 261 schools with 545 classes were attended especially by Albanian pupils. The committee set up under a council resolution dated 25 October 1920 to examine the issue, “believed it was in a position to interpret the phrasing in the Yugoslav document as meaning that the schools in question were schools for the minority per se, in which teaching was carried out in the Albanian language, or were 334

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Documents schools having classes fulfilling this condition. Based on this interpretation, the Committee considered the information provided in the report by the Yugoslav Government to be satisfactory.” The Committee was either misled by an ambiguous phrase or had learnt the truth and preferred to issue a warning in this form. Whatever the case may be, we must insist that there is not a single school or a single class among the 545 referred to by the Yugoslav Government in which teaching is conducted in Albanian, just as not one of the 7,565 Albanian pupils attending school is being taught in his own language. 2. The Albanians Are Not Oblivious to the Benefits of Schooling The number of these pupils, notes the Yugoslav Government, is very low due to the particular living conditions of the Albanians who inhabit small settlements in isolated mountain regions and show no understanding of the benefits of schooling. We have no intention of arguing with the Yugoslav Government, but cannot pass over such an accusation without demonstrating how baseless it is. Not even one third of the Albanians in Yugoslavia live in “isolated” mountain regions. This might be stated more reasonably of the Albanians in the Kingdom of Albania. Despite communications difficulties and the smaller amount of funds earmarked for public education in Albania, the percentage of pupils is not less there than it is in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. This goes to show that the Albanians are by no means oblivious to the benefits of schooling, but only, of course, in places where schools provide real educational benefits and do not simply promulgate hatred towards the nationality and the mother tongue of the pupils. The schools in question are more like workshops for denationalization. This is why the Albanians are leery of sending their children to attend them. 3. Teaching Staff As to the teaching staff, it must be mentioned that teachers of Albanian nationality are extremely rare. Those who do exist are not employed to teach Albanian or to teach in Albanian. Even hodjas teaching religion to Muslim pupils are obliged to teach in Serbian.

APPENDIX 8 PRIVATE PIOUS FOUNDATIONS “The Yugoslav State pledges to provide full protection to Muslim mosques. All assistance and authorizations will be accorded to pious foundations (vakufs) and to existing Muslim religious and charitable institutions, and the SHS Government shall accord all necessary assistance for the creation of new religious or charitable institutions such as is guaranteed to other private institutions of this nature.” 335

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Kosovo, A Documentary History (Treaty on Minorities, Article 10) 1. The Yugoslav Government Confiscates Property of Pious and Charitable Foundations Not only has the Yugoslav Government not assisted in the creation of new Muslim pious institutions, it has even confiscated the property of many existing charitable institutions (vakufs). Let us refer to a number of cases: a) The Grand Mosque of Burmalli in the city of Skopje was expropriated without the consent of the community and without compensation. An officers’ club was built on the site. It is possible that consent was obtained subsequently by threats from General Terzić who had already made his opinion known: either a million dinar or two bombs to blow up the mosque. b) The Mosque of Gazi Mustafa Pasha in the city of Skopje maintained a first-rate charitable institution. It held full title to thirteen villages, among them Kreshova, Bullaçana, Rashtak and Novosella. The executor of this property, Shevket Bey, son of Haxhi Mustafa Bey, had all this property confiscated by the Government. This foundation used to distribute 200 loaves of bread to the poor of the city every day. c) The Fevri Mosque in the town of Tetovo was set on fire in broad daylight and surrounded by the police so that people who had arrived on the scene could not put the fire out. It was the fifth time it had been set on fire. The mosque had been saved four times by the swift reaction of the population. d) In Tetovo again, the foundation or vakuf of the Harabati teke ­(Muslim order), had its property, consisting of about one thousand hectares of farmland, confiscated. Montenegrins were then settled on this land. Deprived of its revenues, the monastery was itself dissolved. 2. The Pious Foundations of Albanian Christians Have Been Plundered, Too Such torment is not confined to the religious institutions of Muslim Albanians. It also affects the foundations of Christian Albanians. For example: a) In Gjakova the property of the Catholic Church was confiscated and, despite protests from priests and followers, Orthodox Montenegrins were brought in to settle the land. b)  In the village of Novosella, inhabited exclusively by Catholic Albanians, the church was in possession of a çiflik (property) called “Mali i Vogël”. It was dispossessed of this property which was settled by Montenegrins brought in expressly for this purpose. 3. Not Even Cemeteries Have Been Exempted Such unjust measures have also been taken against Christian and Muslim Albanian cemeteries. Here are a few examples: a) The old Catholic cemetery of Peja was confiscated and the land was given to a Montenegrin who turned it into a vineyard. The Albanian 336

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Documents priest won his case, but the new owner was not expelled, probably for “political reasons”, and continues to grow grapes on the land. b) The Muslim cemetery in Tetovo, which also belonged to a vakuf, suffered the same fate. Part of the land was given to the authorities to serve as a nursery. The rest was distributed free of charge to ­Orthodox Serbs from the region, and not to the Muslim community (it being Albanian). The tombstones, many of which were of great value due to their artistry, were not handed over to the Muslim community, but were used as construction material for the railway station. Even today, one can see inscriptions from tombstones on the facade of the said building. 4. Difficulties Involving Burials The saddest thing of all in this matter is that the authorities, simply to create a nuisance, have long been postponing the decision as to a new site for a cemetery. In the meantime, the poor people do not know where to bury their dead because the authorities send them from one place to another. Their intentions are obvious: to make the population so desperate, finding justice nowhere, that they will be willing to emigrate. This is but one element. This problem has occurred in many other localities, for example in Peja, Gjakova and Skopje where the vakufs were deprived of their cemeteries without any compensation. *** In conclusion, we have the honour to stress that these are but a few examples among thousands of others. Political Memorandum (Serbian “Iseljavanje Arnauta”) written and presented in Belgrade on 7 March 1937 by the Bosnian Serb scholar and political figure Vaso Čubrilović, who was professor at the Faculty of Arts in Belgrade and a leading member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Art. [retranslated from the Serbian on the basis of an existing English version]

The Expulsion of the Albanians: Memorandum Presented in Belgrade The Expulsion of the Albanians The problem of the Albanians in the life of our country and people did not arise yesterday. It played a major role in our life in the Middle Ages, but its 337

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Kosovo, A Documentary History importance only became decisive towards the end of the seventeenth century, at a time when the masses of the Serbian people were displaced northwards out of their former ancestral territory of Rashka/Raška, supplanted by Albanian highlanders. Gradually, the latter came down from their mountains to the fertile plains of Metohija and Kosovo. Spreading northwards, they continued in the direction of southern and western Morava and, crossing the Sharr Mountains, descended into Polog and, from there, towards the Vardar. Thus, by the nineteenth century was formed the Albanian triangle, a wedge which, with its Debar-Rogozna axis in the rear, penetrated as far into our territories as Nish/Niš and separated our ancient land of Rashka from Macedonia and the Vardar Valley. In the nineteenth century, this wedge, inhabited by wild Albanian elements, prevented the maintenance of any strong cultural, educational and economic links between our northern and southern territories. This was also the main reason why, until 1878, Serbia was unable to establish and maintain continuous links with Macedonia through Vranja and the Black Mountain of Skopje and thus to exercise its cultural and political influence on the Vardar Valley, to the extent that one would have expected in view of conducive geographical factors and historical traditions in these regions. Although the Bulgarians began their life as a nation later than the Serbs, they had greater success initially. This explains why there are permanent settlements of southern Slavs from Vidin in the north to Ohrid in the south. Serbia began to slice off pieces of this Albanian wedge as early as the first uprising, by expelling the northernmost Albanian settlers from Jagodina. Thanks to the wide-ranging national plans of Jovan Ristić, Serbia sliced off another piece of this wedge with the annexation of Toplica and Kosanica. At that time, the regions between Jastrebac and southern Morava were radically cleared of Albanians. From 1918 onwards, it was the task of our present state to suppress what remained of the Albanian triangle, but it did not succeed. Though there are a number of reasons for this, we shall examine only the most important of them. 1. The fundamental mistake made by the authorities in charge at that time was that, forgetting where they were, they wanted to solve all the major ethnic problems of the troubled and bloody Balkans by Western methods. Turkey brought to the Balkans the customs of the Sheriat, according to which victory in war and the occupation of a country conferred the right on the victor to dispose of the lives and property of the subjected inhabitants. Even the Balkan Christians learned from the Turks that not only state power and domination, but also home and property could be won and lost by the sword. This concept of land ownership in the B ­ alkans was to be softened somewhat by laws, ordinances and international agreements brought about under pressure from Europe, but it has, to a good extent, remained a primary instrument of leverage for Turkey and 338

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Documents the Balkan states up to this very day. We need not evoke the distant past. It is sufficient to refer to a few cases which have taken place in recent times: the transfer of Greeks from Asia Minor to Greece and of Turks from Greece to Asia Minor, or the recent expulsion of Turks from Bulgaria and Romania to Turkey. While all the Balkan states, since 1912, have solved or are on the point of solving their problems with national minorities through mass population transfers, we have stuck to the slow and cumbersome strategy of gradual colonization. The result has been negative, as evident from the statistics of the eighteen districts which make up the Albanian triangle. These figures show that the natural growth of the Albanian population in these regions is still greater than the total increase in our population from both natural growth and new settlers (from 1921 to 1931, the Albanian population increased by 68,060, while the Serbs showed an increase of 58,745, i.e. a difference of 9,315 in favour of the Albanians). Taking into account the intractable character of the Albanians, the pronounced increase in their numbers and the ever-increasing difficulties of colonization will eventually put in question even those few successes we have achieved in our colonization from 1918 onwards. 2. Even the strategy of gradual colonization was not properly applied. Worse still in a matter of such importance, there was no specific state plan for every government and regime to adhere to and implement. Work was intermittent, in fits and starts, with each new minister undoing what his predecessor had done and himself creating nothing solid. Laws and ­regulations were amended but, weak as they were, were never implemented. Some individuals, especially deputies from other regions, who could not manage to secure a mandate at home, would go down south and butter up the non-national elements to gain a mandate there, thus sacrificing major national and state interests. The colonization apparatus was extremely costly, inflated and loaded with people who were not only incompetent, but were also frequently without scruples. Their activities are indeed a topic in itself. Finally, one need only total up the huge sums this state has invested in colonization and divide them by the number of families settled to prove how costly every new household established since the war has been, regardless of whether or not this expenditure was met by the settlers themselves or by the state. Likewise, it would be interesting to compare the amounts paid out for personal expenditures and those for materials needed for colonization. In the past, Serbia went about this matter quite differently. Karageorge, during the first uprising, as well as Miloš, Mihajlo and Jovan Ristić had no special ministry of land reform, no general land inspectors, or costly apparatus, and still, they managed to purge Serbia of foreign elements and populate it with our own people who felled the endless forests of Shumadia (Šumadija), transforming them from the wild state they were once in to the fertile Shumadia we know today. 339

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 3. Even those few thousand families who were settled after the war did not remain where they were originally located. There was more success in Kosovo, especially in the Lab/Llap valley, where the Toplicans penetrated of their own accord from north to south. Our oldest and most stable settlements there were established with elements from various Serbian regions. In Drenica and Metohija we had no success at all. Colonization should never be carried out with Montenegrins alone. We do not think that they are suitable as colonists because of their pastoral indolence. This applies to the first generation only. The second generation is quite different, more active and more practical. The village of Petrovo in Miroć north of the Danube, the most advanced village in Krajina, is inhabited exclusively by Montenegrins. In Serbia today, there are thousands of other flourishing towns, especially in Toplica and Kosanica, which were established by Montenegrins of the first generation who mixed with more advanced elements. The foregoing consideration, nonetheless, still applies in Metohija where, since the settlers are on their own ancestral lands, old customs still abound. A visit to any coffee-house in Peja/Peć is sufficient proof. This is why our colonization has had so little success throughout Metohija. It must be admitted, on the other hand, that these colonies were poorly situated on barren, scrub-covered land, and were almost totally lacking in basic agricultural equipment. These people should have been given more assistance than other colonists because they were among the poorest Montenegrin elements. 4. Without doubt, the main cause for the lack of success in our colonization of these regions was that the best land remained in the hands of the Albanians. The only possible means for our mass colonization of these regions to succeed is for us to take the land away from them. This could have been achieved easily during the rebellion after the war, when the insurgents were active, by expelling part of the Albanian population to Albania, by refusing to legalize their usurpations and by buying up their pasture land. Here, we must refer once again to the gross error committed in our post-war strategy, that of the right to own land. Instead of taking advantage of the strategy used by the Albanians themselves for ownership of the land they usurped (scarcely any of them had deeds issued by the Turks, and those who did, got them only for land purchased), we not only legalized all these usurpations to the detriment of our state and nation, but worse still, we accustomed the Albanians to western European attitudes to private property. Prior to that, they could never have understood such concepts. In this way, we ourselves handed them a weapon with which to defend themselves, keeping the best land for themselves and rendering impossible the nationalization of a region of supreme importance to us. It is apparent from the above that our colonization strategy in the south has not yielded the results which ought to have been achieved and which now 340

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Documents impose themselves upon us as a major necessity of state. We are not criticizing this strategy merely for the sake of criticism, but so that, on the basis of our past experience, we can find the right way to solve this problem. The Problem of Colonization of the Southern Regions Reading the first part of this paper and comprehending the problem of colonization of the south, one realizes immediately that the primary issue at stake are the regions north and south of the Sharr Mountains. This is no coincidence. The wedge of Albanians on both sides of the Sharr range is of great national and strategic significance to our state. We have already mentioned the way the population structure came into existence there and the importance of these regions for links to the lands of the Vardar Valley, which are firmly within the limits of our ancient territories. The strength of Serbian expansion ever since the foundation of the first Serbian state in the ninth century has lain in the continuity both of this expansion and of the expansion of ancient Rashka/Raška in all directions, including southwards. But this continuity has been interrupted by the Albanians, and until the ancient link between Serbia and Montenegro on the one hand, and Macedonia on the other, is re-established along the whole line from the River Drin to southern Morava, we will not be secure in the possession of our territories. From an ethnic point of view, the Macedonians will only unite with us, if they receive true ethnic support from their Serbian motherland, something which they have lacked to this day. This can only be achieved through the destruction of the Albanian wedge. From a military and strategic point of view, the Albanian wedge occupies one of the most vital points in our country, the starting point from which major Balkan rivers flow to the Adriatic Sea, to the Black Sea and to the Aegean. Possession of this strategic point determines, to a large degree, the fate of the central Balkans, and in particular, the fate of the main line of Balkan communications from the Morava to the Vardar. It is no coincidence that many battles of decisive importance to the destiny of the Balkans were fought here (Nemanja against the Greeks, the Serbs against the Turks in 1389, Hunyadi against the Turks in 1446). In the twentieth century, only a country inhabited by its own people can be confident of its security. It is therefore imperative that we not allow such points of strategic importance to be held by hostile and alien elements. This is all the more true in this case in that the element in question has the support of a nation state of the same race. Today this state is powerless, but even as such, it has become a base for Italian imperialism which aims to use the country as a means of penetrating into the heart of our nation. Our people, who are willing and able to defend their land and country, are the most reliable element in the fight against such penetration. With the exception of this block of eighteen districts, the Albanians and other national minorities in other parts of the south are scattered and, 341

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Kosovo, A Documentary History t­herefore, constitute less of a threat to the life of our nation and state. ­Nationalizing the regions around the Sharr Mountains would mean that we can stifle irredentism once and for all, and ensure our control over these territories forever. Colonization from the north should be kept to a minimum in the regions inhabited by the Macedonians. Here land is scarce and for this reason, the Macedonians would resist an influx of settlers from the north, all the more so because they would regard this influx as a sign of mistrust on our part. As such, even such a minimal colonization would do us more harm than good. If we do send people down there, to the region south of the Black Mountain of Skopje, they should be people from Vranje and Leskovac, who are closer in mentality and culture to the Macedonians. By no means should we send people from the Dinaric region because their irritable and uncontrolled temperaments would only arouse the hostility of the local population. We repeat that this problem will only be solved when our colonies advancing from the north through Kosovo and Metohija in the direction of the Sharr Mountains and Polog have reached Macedonian settlements. The problem of the Sandjak of Novi Pazar is solving itself and no longer plays the role it did in the life of our country before 1912. Let it suffice to mention that with the elimination of the Albanians, the last link between our Moslems in Bosnia and Novi Pazar and the rest of the Moslem world will have been cut. They are becoming a religious minority, the only Moslem minority in the Balkans, and this fact will accelerate their assimilation. Montenegro has become a serious problem recently. This barren land cannot sustain the population which, despite resettlement, increased by 16% from 1912 to 1931. This impulsive, pastoral people has contributed many essential characteristics to our race over the centuries. Channelled in the right direction, their energy will not be destructive, and could, if directed towards the southeast, be employed for the common good of the country. Summing Up The Albanians cannot be dispelled by means of gradual colonization alone. They are the only people who, over the last millennium, managed not only to resist the nucleus of our state, Rashka and Zeta, but also to harm us by pushing our ethnic borders northwards and eastwards. When in the last millennium our ethnic borders were shifted up to Subotica in the north and to the Kupa River in the northwest, the Albanians drove us out of the Shkodra (Scutari) region, out of the former capital of Bodin, and out of Metohija and Kosovo. The only way and only means to cope with them is through the brute force of an organized state, in which we have always been superior to them. If since 1912 we have had no success in the struggle against them, we have only ourselves to blame since we have not used this force as we should have. There is no possibility for us to assimilate the Albanians. On the contrary, because 342

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Documents their roots are in Albania, their national awareness has been awakened, and if we do not settle the score with them once and for all, within 20–30 years we shall have to cope with a terrible irredentism, the signs of which are already apparent and will inevitably put all our southern territories in jeopardy. The International Problems of Colonization If we proceed on the assumption that the gradual displacement of the Albanians by means of gradual colonization is ineffective, we are then left with only one course – that of mass resettlement. In this connection, we must consider two countries: Albania and Turkey. With its sparse population, its many undrained swamps and uncultivated valleys, Albania would have no difficulty admitting some hundred thousand Albanians from our country. With its vast and uninhabited frontiers in Asia Minor and Kurdistan, modern Turkey, for its part, offers seemingly unlimited opportunities for internal colonization. Despite efforts on the part of Kemal Atatürk, the Turks have not yet been able to fill the vacuum created by the evacuation of the Greeks from Asia Minor to Greece and of some of the Kurds to Persia. Hence, the greatest possibilities lie in sending the bulk of our displaced Albanians there. Firstly, I stress that we must not limit ourselves to diplomatic démarches with the Ankara government, but must employ all means available to convince Tirana to accept some of our displaced people, too. I believe that we will come up against difficulties in Tirana because Italy will try to hinder the process. Be this as it may, money plays an important role in Tirana. In negotiations on the issue, the Albanian government should be informed that we will stop at nothing to achieve the final solution to this question. At the same time, we should tell them about colonization subsidies available, stressing that no controls will be exercised over them. Eventually, notables in Tirana will see the material gains involved and be persuaded through secret channels not to raise any objections to the whole business. We have heard that Turkey has agreed, initially, to accept about 200,000 of our displaced persons on condition that they are Albanians, something which is most advantageous to us. We must comply with Turkey’s wish immediately and sign a convention for the resettlement of the Albanian population as soon as possible. Concerning the resettlement of this Albanian population, we must study conventions which Turkey signed recently with Greece, ­Romania and Bulgaria, paying particular attention to two aspects: Turkey should accept the largest possible contingent and should be given maximum assistance from a financial point of view, in particular for the swift organization of transportation facilities. As is inevitable in such cases, this problem will no doubt give rise to some international concern. Over the last hundred years, whenever such actions have been carried out in the Balkans, there has always been some power which has protested because the action did not conform to 343

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Kosovo, A Documentary History its interests. In the present case, Albania and Italy may make some protest. We have already pointed out that attempts should be made to conclude an agreement with Albania on this matter and, failing this, we should at least secure its silence on the evacuation of the Albanians to Turkey. We repeat that skilful action and money properly used in Tirana may be decisive in this matter. World opinion, especially that financed by Italy, will be upset a little. Nevertheless, the world today has grown used to things much worse than this and is so preoccupied with its day-to-day problems that this issue should not be a cause for concern. At a time when Germany can expel tens of thousands of Jews and Russia can shift millions of people from one part of the continent to another, the evacuation of a few hundred thousand Albanians will not set off a world war. Be this as it may, decision-makers should know ahead of time what they want and unfalteringly pursue those goals, regardless of possible international repercussions. Italy, no doubt, will raise more difficulties, but at present the country is extremely preoccupied by problems of its own in Abyssinia. Austria, for its part, will not dare to go very far in its opposition. To tell the truth, the greatest danger lies in the possibility that our great allies, France and Britain, may interfere. These two countries must be given the calm and resolute reply that the security of the Morava-Vardar line is in their interests. That this is so was confirmed during the last Great War and that line can only be made more secure, for them and for us, if in ethnic terms, we completely dominate the region around the Sharr Mountains and Kosovo. The Mode of Evacuation As we have already stressed, the mass evacuation of the Albanians from their triangle is the only effective course we can take. In order to relocate a whole people, the first prerequisite is the creation of a suitable psychosis. This can be done in various ways. It is well known that the Moslem masses are generally readily influenced by religion and are prone to superstition and fanaticism. Therefore, we must first of all win over the clergy and men of influence through money and threats in order for them to give their support to the evacuation of the Albanians. Agitators, especially from Turkey, must be found as quickly as possible to promote the evacuation, if Turkey will provide them for us. They must laud the beauties of the new territories in Turkey and the easy and pleasant life to be had there, and must kindle religious fanaticism among the masses and awaken pride in the Turkish state. Our press can be of colossal assistance by describing how gently the evacuation of the Turks from Dobruja took place and how easily they settled in their new regions. Such information would create the requisite predisposition for the masses of Albanians to be willing to leave. Another means would be coercion by the state apparatus. The law must be enforced to the letter so as to make staying intolerable for the Albanians: 344

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Documents fines, imprisonment, the ruthless application of all police regulations, such as the prohibition of smuggling, cutting forests, damaging agriculture, leaving dogs unchained, compulsory labour and any other measure that an experienced police force can contrive. From the economic aspect, this should include the refusal to recognize old land deeds. The work of the land registry should be accompanied from the start by the ruthless collection of taxes and the payment of all private and public debts, the requisitioning of all public and municipal pasture land, the cancellation of concessions, the withdrawal of permits to exercise an occupation, dismissal from government, private and municipal offices etc., all of which will speed up the process of evacuation. Health measures should include the harsh application of all regulations, even within homes, the pulling down of encircling walls and high hedges around private houses, and the rigorous implementation of veterinary measures which will result in a ban on selling livestock on the market, etc. All these measures can be applied in a practical and effective way. The Albanians are very touchy when it comes to religion. They must therefore be harassed on this score, too. This can be achieved through the ill-treatment of their clergy, the demolition of their cemeteries, the prohibition of polygamy, and especially the inflexible application of the regulation compelling girls to attend elementary school, wherever they are. Private initiative, too, can assist greatly in this direction. We should distribute weapons to our colonists, as need be. The old form of Chetnik action should be organized and secretly assisted. In particular, a mass migration of Montenegrins should be launched from the mountain pastures in order to create a large-scale conflict with the Albanians in Metohija. This conflict should be prepared and encouraged by people we can trust. This can be easily achieved since the Albanians have, indeed, revolted. The whole affair can be presented as a conflict between clans and, if need be, can be ascribed to economic reasons. Finally, local riots can be incited. These will be bloodily suppressed by the most effective means, though by colonists from the Montenegrin clans and the Chetniks, rather than by means of the army. There remains one more method Serbia employed with great practical effect after 1878, that is, secretly razing Albanian villages and urban settlements to the ground. The Organization of the Evacuation From the attached map,7 it is apparent what regions must be cleared. They are: Upper Dibra/Debar, Lower Polog, Upper Polog, the Sharr Mountains, Drenica, Peja/Peć, Istog/Istok, Vuçitërna/Vučitrn, Stavica, Llap/Lab, ­Graçanica/ Gračanica, Nerodimja/Nerodimje, Gjakova/Djakovica, Podgor, Gora (Dragash), Lugu i Drinit/Podrimje, Gjilan/Gnjilane and Kaçanik/Kačanik. Of these regions, which together form the Albanian wedge, the most important for us at the moment are: Peja/Peć, Gjakova/Djakovica, Lugu i Drinit/Podrimje, 345

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Gora (Dragash), Podgor, Shar, Istog/Istok and Drenica, all to the north of the Sharr Mountains, Upper Dibra/Debar and the two Pologs to the south, and the Sharr Mountains themselves. These are border regions that must be cleared of Albanians at any cost. The internal regions such as Kaçanik/ Kačanik, Gjilan/Gnjilane, Nerodimja/Nerodimje, Graçanica/Gračanica, Llap/ Lab, and Vuçitërna/Vučitrn etc. must be weakened if possible, particularly Kaçanik/Kačanik and Llap/Lab, while the others should be gradually and systematically colonized over a period of decades. The above-mentioned methods should be used primarily in the border regions, if we wish to clear them of Albanians. During resettlement, the following must be kept in mind. In the first place, resettlement should begin in the villages and then move to the towns. The villages are the more dangerous, being more compact. Then, the mistake of removing only the poor should be avoided. The middle and wealthy classes make up the backbone of every nation. They, too, must therefore be persecuted and driven out. Lacking the support which their economically independent compatriots have, the poor will then submit more quickly. This question is of great importance, and I emphasize this, because one of the main causes for the failure of our colonization in the south has been that the poor were expelled while the rich remained. We were, thus, no better off because we gained very little land for the settlement of our colonists. To create a proper psychosis for resettlement, everything possible must be done to evacuate whole villages, or at least whole families. It must be prevented at all costs that part of a family is transferred while other members remain behind. Our state is willing to spend millions not to make life easier for the Albanians, but to get rid of as many of them as possible. For this reason, those who remain behind must be barred absolutely from purchasing property from those evacuated. This should be taken into consideration in the evacuation of individuals and of whole villages if we want to make things as easy as possible for them during the process of relocation. Once they agree to move, they should be given all the assistance they require. Administrative formalities should be simplified, their property paid for on the spot, travel documents issued without the least formality, and they should be assisted in getting to the nearest railway station. Trains should be made available for them as far as Salonika, and from there, they should be transported immediately by ship to Asia. It is very important that the journey be easy, comfortable and cheap. Train travel should perhaps be made free of charge and displaced persons should be assisted with food because, whether or not large masses of people can be evacuated or not depends largely on conditions of transport. Fear of difficulties en route is a major factor in keeping people from departing. This fear must be overcome by solving all the ­problems connected with the journey quickly and energetically. Particular care must therefore be taken to ensure that these people have the fewest ­possible difficulties en route. Simple people often have trouble finding 346

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Documents their way, so it would be advisable to have major travel enterprises study transportation systems and adapt them accordingly. The displaced person must pass from hand to hand without feeling that his movement is a burden. Only in this way will it be possible to create a proper flow of Albanian evacuees and empty the south of them. Depopulating and Repopulating Regions The problem of the establishment of colonies in the depopulated regions is no less important than the expulsion of the Albanians. The first question to arise is: Who is to be settled here? The most natural thing would be to populate these regions with elements of our people from destitute areas: Montenegrins in the first place, but also Hercegovinians, Ličanas and Krajšniks. The Montenegrins are the most appropriate for several reasons, and Metohija, Drenica and Kosovo are the most natural places for them to descend into from their impoverished mountain homelands. The increase of population in Montenegro has caused much poverty there which, in recent times, has given rise to continual social and political unrest. This is unfavourable for our control of the country and is very dangerous for the maintenance of law and order in the future. Giving them maize and pensions is useless. The only solution is to send them down into the fertile regions of Metohija, Drenica and Kosovo. The Montenegrins will prove to be excellent instruments to overcome the Albanians since they are akin to them in mentality and temperament. They must be settled initially in the regions north of the Sharr Mountains. Along with them, however, people from Ličan, Krajšnica, Serbia, Čačak, Užice and Toplica should be brought in as colonists as well. This is necessary in order to create improved working habits and organization among the Montenegrins, and to break down the nomadic group mentality, the spirit of collectivity which characterizes the highlanders, by mixing and by intermarriage with people from various Dinaric regions. In this way, a new type of Montenegrin can be created with a less local and more broad-minded, Serbian outlook. Suitable conditions should be created for southern Serbian emigrants living in the regions south of the Sharr Mountains so that they can take possession of the fertile lands. They are honest, hardworking people who would be grateful to the state all their lives if better living conditions could be created for them in rural areas. The rural southern Serbs have a right to expect more care and attention than we are giving them today. Settling these poor people in Polog (Upper and Lower) and Dibra/Debar and allocating pasture land to them instead of to the Albanians will give them a sense of belonging to the state and they will be more willing, accordingly, to defend its borders. Colonization south of the Sharr Mountains and the Black Mountain of Skopje can also be achieved with Serbs from Vranje, Leskovac, Pirot and Vlasenica, especially those from destitute mountain villages. We repeat that 347

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Kosovo, A Documentary History the Dinarics should not be allowed to expand south of the line formed by the Black Mountain of Skopje and the Sharr Mountain range. It is essential to avoid bureaucracy and petty formalities in the settlement of villages cleared of Albanians. The first and immediate step is to give the colonists deeds to the land they are settling. One of the main reasons for the failure of our colonization so far has been that settlers did not feel secure on their land because they did not receive a title to it and were thus left to the mercy of unscrupulous petty officials and local politicians. The peasant only feels secure if he knows that no one can take his land away from him. Such a guarantee should therefore be provided from the start. On the other hand, it is dangerous to give colonists the full and unrestricted ownership to land. In principle, homesteaders are carrying out a mission on behalf of the state and the nation, and must carry through with their mission if they are to keep their homesteads. They should not, therefore, have full and unrestricted ownership of the property in question. Because there are so many different types of people among them, from village workers who have lost their inner attachment to land to herdsmen who will have to adapt themselves to agriculture, their attachment to the land must have force of law. This will ensure that they begin to love their new home and region, and if they do not succeed in this, their children at least will. For this reason, colonists should be prevented by law from obtaining full ownership of the land for any period of less than thirty years, even though the deeds are handed out at the start. According to the laws of our country, women do not enjoy the right to inherit property. In order to avoid fragmentation of property into tiny parcels, women must be excluded from inheriting such homesteads except in cases where the colonist has no male descendant and plans to bring a bridegroom into the household. The properties which have been given to the colonists up to now have been small. Bearing in mind intensive farming methods here, the fall in prices for farm products, and the large size of families among the colonists, 5–10 hectares of land is insufficient to ensure the economic survival of the settlers. It is better to settle a region with a smaller number of colonists, giving them better conditions for development, than with a large number of rural semi-proletarians. This is another cause of failure in our colonization of the south and of the north up to now. Individuals suitable for settling land under very difficult conditions are rare among other nations. Those few successes we have achieved in our colonization strategy have been the result of the aptitude of our race for colonization. It is only our peasants who are able to survive when shifted from one environment to another and put up against scrubland which has never been used for agriculture. Think of how they would flourish if the state were to carry out its duties and provide them with everything they needed. On 10 February 1865, the government of Prince Mihajlo passed a law on the “Settlement of Foreigners in Serbia”. Under this law, the Serbian 348

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Documents government granted poor colonists from neighbouring regions 1.8 hectares of arable land, 1.8 hectares of non-arable land, a house, a yoke of oxen, a cart, two goats or sheep, a sow, necessary tools and 120 grosh in cash. In addition to this, they were of course given maize for food to last them until the first harvest. One plough was provided for every two families. These fixed and movable assets were granted to the settlers for a term of fifteen years, without the right to sell them. At the end of this period, the assets became their property. For the first five years, the settlers were exempt from all kinds of government taxes. For ten years they were also exempt from universal compulsory service in the regular army and for five years from service in the people’s militia. The response from all sides was such that within a few months all homesteads were taken and we were immediately able to colonize more land than we have been able to do for several years since the war. Had the government granted such favourable conditions for settlers after 1918, our situation in the Vojvodina and in southern Serbia would be much different. This is how we must act in the future, if we want to achieve success. There are also lessons to be learned from the colonization of Toplica and Kosanica after 1878 when the Albanians were expelled from this region. The method of colonization here was laid down in the law of 3 January 1880. On 3 February of the same year, the People’s Council approved an amendment to the law on agrarian relations under the motto “land for the peasants.” Without hesitation, Serbia applied for its first foreign loan in order to pay Turkey for the lands taken. It did not set up any ministry of agrarian reform or costly apparatus to deal with the problem of colonization. Everything was managed in a simple and practical manner. The police distributed land to all those who were willing to work it. People came from Montenegro, Sjenica, Vranje, Kosovo, Peja/Peć etc. and, in a matter of thirty years, Toplica and Kosanica, once Albanian regions of ill-repute, gave Serbia the finest regiment of the 1912–1918 wars, the Second Iron Regiment. During that period, Toplica and Kosanica paid and repaid, with the blood of their sons, for the millions of dinars which Serbia had spent to settle these regions. It is only by following this example and understanding what is required, sparing neither money nor blood, that our nation can create a new Toplica out of Kosovo and Metohija. Hence, if we want the colonists to remain where they are, we must assure them of all necessary means of livelihood within the first few years and severely prohibit any speculation with the houses and property of the displaced Albanians. The government must reserve itself the unlimited right to dispose of the fixed and movable assets of the Albanians and must settle its own colonists there as soon as the Albanians have departed. This is important because it rarely happens that a whole village departs at once. The first to be settled in these villages should be the Montenegrins who, with their arrogant, irascible and merciless behaviour, will drive the remaining Albanians away. Then colonists from other regions can be brought in. 349

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Kosovo, A Documentary History This paper deals with the colonization of southern Serbia only. The problem of the Vojvodina, in particular with the Hungarian triangle in Bačka, i.e. Senta – Kula – Bačka Topola, is however no less important to us. Destroying this triangle in the Vojvodina is indeed just as essential as eradicating the Albanian wedge around the Sharr Mountains. Tens of thousands of Hungarian farmhands have been left behind since the break-up of the big estates in the Vojvodina and constitute a great burden for the Serbian and German farm owners in the region. Some of these Hungarian and even German farm labourers and small proprietors could be sent to the south because in Bačka, on the border with Hungary, they constitute a real threat, all the more so since the Serbs in Bačka represent only 25% of the population. In southern Serbia, they would become good citizens by defending their property against ­Albania and would integrate well into our people. What is more important, since they are more progressive and of a higher cultural level than our peasants, they would provide a good example of advanced farming methods. We stress, however, that Serbs from the Vojvodina should not be sent to the south for colonization. There is still much land to be colonized in the Vojvodina so that they should be given homesteads there instead. It must be noted that in the 1928–1929 period, there was a widespread movement among Hungarians and Germans from the Vojvodina to move to southern Serbia. Not understanding the problem, our authorities were against such a movement and nipped it in the bud. Any such reaction on the part of the government today must be countered, and the public must be instructed to encourage the movement of Hungarians and Germans from the Vojvodina, especially those from Bačka, to the south. The Colonization Apparatus Of particular importance for the solution of the question under discussion is the existence of a proper apparatus to direct the whole business. The poor work done by the apparatus implementing our colonization strategy in the past was in good part responsible for its failures. To avoid the same mistakes in the future, we must carry out a reorganization. No other question demands such continuity of implementation as our colonization strategy. We have pointed out that one of the main reasons for the failure of our colonies both in the north and in the south has been the inconsistent work and the vacillations on policy implemented after each change of government. If this is to be avoided in the future, our colonization strategy must be entrusted to the General Staff of the army. Why? Simply for reasons of defence. Our army is intent on settling our people along the borders, especially in the most delicate sectors. To this end, it will do its utmost to secure these borders with the firmest possible settlements. The General Staff, as the prime institution for the defence of our national interests, can contribute a great deal to our colonization strategy as a whole. It will know very well 350

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Documents how to protect the colonization strategy from the private interference of those who want to use it for their own personal interests, and from external influence. Another important fact is that it would be easier for the General Staff to convince the responsible bodies of the importance of the issue and to force them to take effective action. The People’s Council would have more faith in it and would grant the necessary credits to it more readily than to others. The General Staff would guide all the work via a government Commission for Colonization. This Commission would be quite independent, though under the direct supervision of the Chief of General Staff, and would have under its control all bodies involved in our colonization strategy. Representatives of various interested ministries, national associations, technical organizations and scholarly institutions would also be made to take part in this Commission. The greatest mistake of our colonization strategy in the past lay in the fact that the untrained and incompetent bureaucrats had the main say, and dealt with problems only superficially and in a piecemeal manner. We need only recall the settlement campaign carried out by volunteers from Hungary in Ovce Polje and Kadrifikovo, or the emigrants from Istria and Gorica who settled around Demir Kapija. The matter requires close collaboration between the government, private initiative and scholarly institutions. Private ­initiative can operate in many directions. The People’s Defence, the Sokolašas, the Chetnik Associations etc. could take action against the Albanians which would be inappropriate for the state. Associations of agronomists, doctors, engineers and cooperatives etc. could provide valuable assistance with their technical advisors in solving the many problems which will arise during the colonization campaign. Cultural associations, such as Prosveta in Sarajevo, Matica Srbska in Novi Sad, the St. Sava Associations in Belgrade etc. have their role to play, too. Undoubtedly, our institutions of higher learning have begun to lose the prestige they once had. The main reason for this is that the university and the Academy of Sciences are becoming increasingly estranged from real life and are neglecting their main duty in a relatively backward country such as ours: i.e. paving the way for the application of the scientific achievements of the twentieth century. Many billions would have been saved in this country, many mistakes would have been avoided in our government policy, including our colonization policy, had the problems been studied seriously and objectively in advance by competent scholars before they were taken up for solution. Our policy of colonization, likewise, would have acquired a more serious approach, greater continuity and effective application, had the opinions of experts and scholars been sought in advance. To start with, the Royal Serbian Academy of Sciences and the University of Belgrade ought to take the initiative to organize scientific studies of the whole problem of colonization in our country. This would be feasible for many reasons. At the university we have 351

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Kosovo, A Documentary History experts on every aspect of colonization. Teachers and academicians at the university are independent scholars, less subject to external political influence. They already have good experience in such fields and their scholarly work is a guarantee of objectivity. They should, therefore, take the initiative of setting up a colonization institute, the task of which would be to pursue colonization studies. The government, for its part, should detach from the ministries all the institutions which have been engaged with this problem so far, and create a special institution, “The Colonization Inspection Office” The Colonization Inspection Office would be headed by an Inspector General, appointed by decree on the recommendation of the Minister of War, the Chief of General Staff and the Prime Minister. All the work in the colonization institute and in the Colonization Inspection Office would be carried out on orders from and under the supervision of the government Commission for Colonization, while the Inspector General would be answerable to the Chief of General Staff. The colonization institute would be divided into the following sections: 1) organization, 2) education and culture, 3) finance, 4) agriculture, 5) construction, 6) hygiene, etc. In agreement with scientific, cultural and educational associations and institutions, and with national associations, the ­various sections would study problems of colonization and prepare directives, thus supplying our colonization policy with solid, scientifically elaborated material on the basis of which decisions could be taken. Managing this institute would be people from the Commission for Colonization, including representatives of the above-mentioned ministries, the university, the Academy of Sciences and private, national, education and cultural organizations who would be elected or appointed to this body. In this case, care must be taken not to bring in people just for honour’s sake, but only men who love and are dedicated to this great work. The heads and employees of the institute should be selected by competition. The institute would then supply the Colonization Inspection Office with scientifically elaborated material for the implementation of our colonization strategy. Should differences of opinion arise between the Colonization Inspection Office and the institute over some fundamental question, the Chief of General Staff would have the final say. The Colonization Inspection Office must have its executive headquarters in the territory and be made up of people selected for their enthusiasm and readiness for this work, whether or not they are employed by the government. They should, if possible, be selected by means of competition and should be appointed upon the proposal of the Chief of General Staff. Compromised or incompetent cadres must be dismissed. During its work, the Colonization Inspection Office and its organs must avoid bureaucracy as much as possible, while keeping in mind one thing only - the expulsion of the ­Albanians as quickly as possible and resettlement by our colonists. 352

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Documents The police apparatus will play a very important role in this action. It is, therefore, essential to select and second the most energetic and honest officers. Their transfer should be made with the approval of the Chief of General Staff, and for such a difficult job they should be paid from secret loans. Stern measures must be taken against anyone who commits the slightest infraction. A special commissar, who would execute the orders of the state colonization inspector, must be appointed for the whole of the eighteen districts mentioned. The prefects of the districts must be given special, wide-ranging powers for their work, as well as appropriate instructions. Our political parties should be told curtly that rivalry among them during ­elections in these districts is strictly prohibited, and that any interference by deputies in favour of the Albanians is categorically forbidden. The government institute and the Colonization Inspection Office would elaborate the technical details for organizing the evacuation of the Albanians and the relocation of our settlers. It would not be bad, perhaps, if another p ­ rivate organization were to be created, in addition to these two official institutions. This private organization would be created out of existing ­associations and have the task of assisting in the implementation of our colonization strategy through private initiative. It would be best if the federation of our cultural and education associations could take over this job. Its main task would be to coordinate and assist in the promotion of links between them and the colonization institute. Funding Whenever our colonization strategy has been criticized for its lack of success, its defenders have always excused themselves with the inadequacy of funds the government has allocated to this work. We do not deny that this has been the case up to a point. It must be said, however, that more has been spent in our country on the maintenance of this apparatus and its irrational activities than on the work of colonization itself. Nevertheless, even though the government has not provided as much as it should have, it must be understood that every country has its own primary and secondary interests to look after. Among a country’s primary interests, without doubt, is the maintenance of its rule in regions of national insecurity by colonizing such regions with its own people. All other commitments are of an importance secondary to this. Funds can and must be found to deal with this problem. We have already mentioned the colonization of Toplica and Kosanica and the benefits derived from this. Given that the small Kingdom of Serbia did not hesitate to make great financial sacrifices, indeed did not even hesitate as a free and independent kingdom to seek its first loan for colonization, is it possible that our present-day Yugoslavia would be unable to do the same? It can and must. That it lacks the means to do so, is simply not true.

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Let us calculate approximately how much it would cost our country to expel 200,000 Albanians and settle the region with as great a number of our people. The resettlement of 40,000 Albanian families, taking an average family as having five members and an average of 15,000 dinars for each family, would cost a total of 600 million dinars. The colonization apparatus for the settling of 40,000 Serbian families might reach a total of 200 million dinars. In any case, the whole operation would not cost more than 800 million dinars. This is because: 1. The evacuated Albanians would leave behind not only land, but also their houses and implements. Thus, not only would the overwhelming ­majority of our colonists be settled in the homes of the Albanians but, with a little assistance in food and livestock, they would soon recover economically and become independent. We stress in this connection that absolutely no private speculation with the possessions left behind by the Albanians would be tolerated. The government must be the one to take control of these possessions and distribute them to the settlers. 2. Military forces should be employed, where required, during the setting up of new colonies, as was the case with the construction of Sremska Rača and the reconstruction of the villages destroyed by the 1931 earthquake. To this end, the army should be given the right and possibility to set up a kind of compulsory labour service for public projects, just as Stambolisky created the Trudova pronist in Bulgaria and Hitler the Arbeitsdienst in Germany, that is, by calling up reservists or extending the term of ­military service. It would be an especially good idea for our young people, after finishing their training and after graduating from university, to be entrusted with such work. Were this to be the case, many of them, by taking part in constructive activities in the public interest, would become more conscious and look at things from a more realistic perspective. Such a scheme could be carried out easily by giving priority in public service employment to those young people who have spent a specific period of time working on behalf of our colonization strategy. This would also help reduce unemployment among our young intelligentsia, which is an increasingly acute social problem in our country. 3.  In collaboration with specialized organizations and associations, we must find the cheapest means of clearing the land of scrub, of irrigating farms, of draining swamps, etc. as well as of constructing homes. Private ­companies should be informed that, since the government assists them with reduced customs and railway tariffs, loans and other means for the procurement of supplies and material necessary for their work, it also has the right, considering the importance of this action, to insist that such supplies and material be made available at the lowest possible price. 354

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Documents Supplies and material should be procured by means of cartels, in agreement with which, the government would specify the quantity, quality and price of the material in question without fictitious deals being involved. Government enterprises, the railways and, in particular, forestry enterprises such as Šipad etc. should be placed at the unrestricted disposal of the government Commission for Colonization. 4. During colonization, the government may grant settlers property on credit or for cash. Many of the settlers will purchase land in the new regions by selling their original property in their place of birth. This will enable the government to recuperate a good portion of the money it has laid out. However, we stress that land must only be sold to persons who give proof that they will settle on it permanently and work it. Land given on credit must not be too expensive. The interest rate must be minimal and repayment should be deferred for several years to give the settlers time to get established, i.e. repayment should only begin when the settlers have sufficient economic strength. Taking this as a basis, the government, which must cover all administrative expenses for these activities from its normal revenues, can procure funds from two sources. One would be the pruning of unnecessary expenditures and expenditures earmarked for other less urgent sectors. The other possible source of funds would be loans, which would be provided by state banks, alone or with private capital on the basis of a compulsory domestic credit line. This would be backed up by securities issued by the government as well as by contributions from the settlers themselves when they become ­independent. It might not be a bad idea if the financing and purchasing of land were to be arranged by agricultural banks working in collaboration with co-operatives under the direct supervision and direction of the government Commission for Colonization. However, it is still too early to make any definitive pronouncement on this matter because the conditions under which Turkey will accept the population displaced from our territories are not yet known. Taken altogether, the sum of a few hundred million dinars is no great expense for the government when compared to the real benefits gained from such an action. By securing the most sensitive regions in the south of our country for our own people, we could save the lives of several divisions in case of war. Giving land to several tens of thousands of families from economically weaker regions, Montenegro in particular, would, on the one hand, help ease the appalling economic suffering of such regions and, on the other hand, create many new jobs during the process of colonization. It would be possible to find employment for 10,000 workers, thus giving a boost to our sluggish economy. In view of the supreme national, military, strategic and economic significance of this action, it is clearly the duty of the government to sacrifice a 355

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Kosovo, A Documentary History few hundred million dinars. At a time when the government can spend one billion dinars on the construction of an international highway from Subotica to Čaribrod, the possible benefits of which we shall only enjoy at some time in the distant future, it can and must be in a position to come up with a few hundred million dinars to give us back possession of the cradle of our nation. Conclusions In view of all that has been said, it is no coincidence that in our examination of colonization in the south, we hold the view that the only effective means of solving this problem is the mass expulsion of the Albanians. Gradual colonization has had no success in our country, nor in other countries for that matter. If the state wishes to intervene in favour of its own people in the struggle for land, it can only be successful by acting brutally. Otherwise, the native, who has his roots in his place of birth and is at home there, will always be stronger than the colonist. In our case, we must keep this fact very much in mind, because we have to do with a hardy, resistant and prolific race which the late Cvijić described as being the most expansive in the Balkans. From 1870 to 1914, Germany spent billions of marks on the gradual colonization of its eastern territories by purchasing land from the Poles, but the fecundity of Polish women defeated German organization and money. Thus, Poland regained its Poznań in 1918. Our above-mentioned statistics of the 1921–1931 period show that it was the fecundity of Albanian women which defeated our colonization policy, too. We must draw our conclusions from this, and we must do so quickly while there is still time to correct matters. All of Europe is in a state of turmoil. We do not know what each new day and night will bring. Albanian nationalism is on the rise in our territories, too. Should a global conflict or social revolution occur, both of which are ­possible in the near future, leaving the situation as it is would jeopardize all our territories in the south. The purpose of this paper is to avert such an occurrence. /signed/ Dr Vaso Čubrilović [R 2507] Letter from Sir Andrew Ryan, British Minister in Albania, to the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, dated 1 April 1937, on the proposed resettlement of Muslim “Kossovaris” in Albania. British Legation Durazzo [Durrës] 356

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Documents to The Right Honourable Anthony Eden, P.C., M.C. etc., etc., etc. 1st April 1937 Sir, In paragraph 6 of my despatch No. 124 of November 28th I described a ­passage in a conversation with King Zog some days earlier relative to the Moslems in Southern Yugoslavia. I have now the honour to record a conversation on the same subject on March 29th with the Yugoslav Chargé ­d’Affaires at Tirana, Monsieur Smiljaniç. You will remember that the question of the ­Moslem Kossovaris was dealt with in a despatch from here, No. 67 of June 26th, last, and another from Belgrade, No. 184, of July 22nd. Monsieur Smiljaniç told me that, so far as he knew, no further progress had been made with the negotiations for the transfer to Turkey of the Moslems of Turkish race in Kossovo. He gave as a reason that the Turkish Government were busy with a similar transfer of Moslems from the Dobrudja. Incidentally he put the number of Turkish Moslems in Kossovo at 100,000, a much lower figure than that given to Mr. Balfour by his Turkish colleague in Belgrade. Monsieur Smiljaniç added, however, that there were many Moslems of Albanian race who wished to emigrate to Turkey. As regards the proposal that some 50,000 Albanian Moslems should be moved from Kossovo to Albania, Monsieur Smiljaniç appeared to confirm the Albanian statement that the proposal originated with the Yugoslav ­Government. This conflicts with the information given to Mr. Balfour last July by the Secretary-General of the Yugoslav Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The contradiction may be explained away by supposing that the Yugoslavs led up to the matter in such a way as to elicit an Albanian proposal, but, be this as it may, the explanations given by my Yugoslav colleague suggest that it is in fact the Yugoslav Government who are most interested in the success of the proposal. He told me in effect that his Government aimed at killing several birds with one stone. They wanted land on which to settle part of their ­“population passive”, i.e. the miserably poor inhabitants in the mountainous districts inland from the Adriatic. They would be helping Albania to settle the immigrants from Kossovo by compensating the latter for their previous holdings in Yugoslavia. They hoped to see the immigrants settled in the coastal region south from Durazzo, notably the Muzakia [Myzeqeja] area, and thus to reduce the chances of Italians being allowed to colonize that region. In reply to a q ­ uestion as to whether it would not be a costly business to make the area in question fit for cultivation, Monsieur Smiljaniç gave me to understand that the Yugoslav Government would be able to provide material for this purpose. 357

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Monsieur Smiljaniç spoke of the proposed operation as one which would have to be spread over several years. The difficulty was to extract an answer from the Albanian Government, who would not come down to details, although the King had more than once expressed agreement in principle. He gave various reasons for the reluctance of the Albanian Government. These were partly on the lines of paragraph 4 of my predecessor’s despatch No. 67 of June 29th, 1936, which deals more fully with the difficulties on the Albanian side. My Yugoslav colleague stressed particularly the fact that Kossovari Moslems are neither welcome to the Moslems in Albania, as they are too fanatical, nor to the influential Catholic and Orthodox element in governing circles, for the reason given by Sir R. Hodgson, viz. that they have no wish to see an increase in the Moslem population. My own opinion is that the settling of 50,000 Kossovari immigrants in any satisfactory conditions would over-tax the present financial and administrative capacity of the Albanian Government, while it would touch only the fringe of the problem of the hundreds of thousands of Albanian Moslems in Yugoslavia. I see no reason to anticipate any important developments in the near future, but I have thought it advisable to bring the subject up to date, so far as I can, in view of the interest of its political as well as its economic aspects. I am sending a copy of this despatch to His Majesty’s Representative in Belgrade. I have the honour to be, Sir, With the highest respect, Your most obedient, humble Servant, /signed/Andrew Ryan [R 2560/G] Letter from the British Embassy in Belgrade to Philip Nichols at the British ­Foreign Office, dated 12 April 1937, on the resettlement of “Kossovaris” in Turkey. Most Secret. to Philip Nichols Esq., M. C., Foreign Office 12th April, 1937 Dear Phil, Like the Ambassador and Morgan at Angora [Ankara], the Minister and I were somewhat puzzled by the Department’s Most Secret letter R 1243/13/9 of 23rd February last about the “Kossovari”. 358

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Documents I have, however, made some most discreet enquiries here about the ­ rogress of the Turco-Yugoslav negotiations alluded to in our despatch No. p 184 of July 22nd, 1936. (I was unable to say to both the Albanian chargé d’affaires and an official at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs to whom I spoke on the subject, that I had lately come across a minute by Jock Balfour recording conversations with them last year, and that I wondered, out of pure curiosity, whether they could give me any fresh information). M. Djadjouli, the Albanian, (who is shortly going to Skoplje as Consul-General) at once launch out into a discourse on the subject of the maltreatment by the Yugoslav authorities of the “Kossovari”, of whom, he said there were 800,000 of Albanian origin in Yugoslav territory. (This, as I think I mentioned in the paragraph on this question in our Annual Report for 1936, is the figure which King Zog gave to Sir A. Ryan last year; on the other hand, the Turkish Minister here told Jock that there were 200,000 Turks in the Kossovo region and some 600,000 Albanian Moslems). The question of this minority, continued Djadjouli, was one of the most serious of its kind in Europe. He did not believe that the Turco-Yugoslav negotiations were ­making much progress, as he thought the Turks had their hands full with the settlement in Turkey of Moslems transplanted from the Dobrudja and that they would not be willing, for another three years, to receive the 100,000 “Kossovari” whom the Yugoslavs wished to send to Turkey. He also said he thought most of the T ­urkish “Kossovari” had already returned to Turkey, from which I gathered that if a large number of the present inhabitants of the Kossovo region were removed to Turkey as part of a definitive scheme, the Albanians would probably consider that their countrymen and not Turks were being transplanted. As Morgan said in his Most Secret letter of March 13th, it seems doubtful whether there is any means of distinguishing the Turkish from the Albanian ­“Kossovari”. From the Yugoslav official, I also gained the impression that the Turco-­ Yugoslav negotiations had made little or no progress, - at all events he seemed sure that no agreement had been or was about to be signed. He went on to tell me, in confidence, that the Yugoslav Government were a little perturbed, on the other hand, at signs of renewed Turkish “penetration” in the Balkan c­ ountries. Neither of my informants gave me to understand that any progress was being made with Yugoslav-Albanian negotiations on the subject of the ­“Kossovari”. I am sending a copy of this letter to Morgan at Angora. Yours ever, /a signature/ [FO 371/22305] Letter from Sir Andrew Ryan, British Minister in Albania, to the British Foreign Secretary, Viscount Halifax, dated 27 June 1938, on the proposed resettlement of Muslim “Kossovaris” in Turkey and Albania. 359

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Kosovo, A Documentary History British Legation Durazzo [Durrës] to The Right Honourable Viscount Halifax, K.G., G.C.I.E. etc., etc., etc. 27 June 1938 My Lord, In my despatch No. 144 of December 24th last relative to the relations between Albania and her neighbours, I had the honour to describe briefly the attitude of the Albanian Government as defined by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in regard to those inhabitants of southern Yugoslavia who are of Albanian race. The matter is now once more the subject of much discussion here with special reference to one aspect of it, which was more prominent in 1936 than in 1937, namely the possibility of a large-scale emigration of ­Moslems from Kossovo to Turkey by arrangement between the Yugoslav and Turkish Governments. So far as I can ascertain, the proposal, which was mooted in 1936, for the transfer to Albania of some 50,000 Kossovaris has remained in abeyance and I think it is probably dead. What has excited interest and some alarm here is the report that a definite agreement has been reached between the Yugoslav and Turkish Governments regarding the acceptance by the latter of so large a number of Moslem immigrants from Kossovo that, according to the Albanian view, persons of Albanian race cannot fail to be included. My Turkish colleague told me a few days ago that he had given assurances to the Minister for Foreign Affairs that only Turks would be accepted but such assurances carry little conviction in Albanian circles, where the view prevails that practically all the Moslems of Kosovo are Albanian and that the number of them who are of Slav or Turkish race is very small. Among the persons with whom I have had conversation on this subject is a certain Monsieur Nicola Ivanaj, whom I met personally for the first time at his request on June 22nd. The Foreign Office may have some knowledge of him, as he told me at our first meeting that he had asked Sir Edward Boyle to bring various papers of his, described as “38 exposés, septembre 1933 – octobre 1936” to the notice of His Majesty’s Government. He is an elderly Albanian of advanced democratic ideas, with a passion for the highest politics and for political prophesy. His interest in the present connexion lies not so much in his views about the Kossovaris, which are similar to those of other Albanians, but in his relations with King Zog. They were associated in old days of revolution but Monsieur Ivanaj’s republican sentiments drove him into exile when the King assumed the crown and he lived much in Paris until last year, when 360

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Documents he returned and made his peace more or less with the King, who gave him some money and has now given him a pension. Monsieur Ivanaj had a long conversation with the King on June 19th. Two days later he visited the French Minister to whom he represented himself as being His Majesty’s confidant and as having been charged by him to enlist British and French interest in the Kossovaris. He did not go so far as this in his conversation with me next day but he began with an account of how kindly the King had received him and it became evident later that the main object of his visit was to induce me to urge His Majesty’s Government to join with France (and I think he suggested the United States) in using influence to prevent the removal of persons of Albanian race from Kossovo to Turkey. It is quite possible that he was set on by the King but was less ready to say so to me than to my French colleague. He was accompanied by another Albanian, a fellow freemason, I believe, who is known to me, but this gentleman said little except for a passing reference to minorities treaties. I asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs on June 24th to tell me what was behind all the talk I had been hearing. He spoke generally of the Turkish policy of importing Moslems from Roumania and Yugoslavia, a subject of which I had some knowledge from the earlier papers in this correspondence, from Sir Percy Loraine’s despatch to Mr. Eden, No. 758 of December 28th last and from a passage in the Balkan Herald of which I enclose my only spare copy. Monsieur Libohova said that the matter was broached at the Balkan Entente meeting at Angora [Ankara] in February, that an agreement had been reached between Turkey and Yugoslavia in May, that a committee had been set up with Roumanian participation and that this committee had met in Istanbul at the end of May. He did not profess to have full information regarding the agreement but believed that it provided for the transfer to Turkey of between 250,000 and 300,000 persons. (This exceeds the 200,000 who were spoken of in earlier papers but falls short of the 480,000 mentioned in the Balkan Herald of June). Monsieur Libohova expressed a hope that His Majesty’s Government would do something in Ankara to oppose the removal to Turkey of so many persons. He said that he had made representations both in Belgrade and Ankara and that he had been assured by both that the migration would affect only persons of Turkish race. He developed the case against the transfer on the usual lines but stressed one or two points that were not familiar to me. He admitted that many Albanians in the towns spoke Turkish as well as Albanian, that in some areas Turkish predominated and that the hardships suffered by the Kossovari Moslems were so great that some might be willing to go to Turkey as a way of escape. He suggested, however, that their fate in Turkey would be miserable. Even the attraction of going into a Moslem milieu was illusory; so much so that religious leaders in Roumania and Yugoslavia were now opposed to migration to Turkey owing to their reprobation of the religious policy of that country. I discouraged both Monsieur Ivanaj and the Minister for Foreign Affairs from hoping that His Majesty’s Government would concern themselves in the 361

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Kosovo, A Documentary History matter, though I promised the latter to bring his request for support to Your Lordship’s notice. For the rest, I contributed enough to the two conversations to elicit the views of my interlocutors and to draw out on the question of the real character of the population affected. Herein lies the crux of the whole matter. The Albanians put the number of persons of Albanian race at 800,000 or more. Others put it at 600,000 or rather less. My own impression is that there must be a large margin of people who may be of Albanian race but who have assimilated in the past Turkish traditions and to whom the Turkish language is at least as familiar as Albanian. My Turkish colleague suggests airily that it is quite easy to distinguish between Turks and Albanians, but I have on record a statement by one of his predecessors to Mr. Weld-Forester in 1935 in which my own idea is expressed so definitely that I quote part of Mr. Forester’s minute: – “Karamanoglou (the then ­Minister) said the Turks had no wish to have Albanians immigrating into Turkey nor did they wish this question to be a cause of embitterment to the Albanian Government. But, he said, it was difficult to know who were Albanians and who were Turks in Kossovo. Many of the Kossovaris only spoke Turkish, had grown up under Turkish rule and traditions and considered themselves Turks”. The fact is that the Albanians are between the devil and the deep sea. They cannot hope to accommodate any large number of Kossovaris in what is now Albania, nor do those who are already here fit in particularly well into the social structure of the country. They do not want any great number of people, whom they claim as Albanian, to disappear into Turkey, whether willingly or unwillingly. They make the most of the oppression practised, they declare, by the Yugoslav Government, and they are doubtless sincere. But what they really want most of all is to see a solid block of Albanians maintained intact in Kossovo against the time when the national ideal of a larger Albania may come within the realm of practical politics, instead of being, as at present, an irredentist dream. I am sending copies of this despatch, without the enclosure, to His Majesty’s Representatives in Ankara and Belgrade. I have the honour to be, Sir, with the highest respect, Your Lordship’s most obedient, humble Servant, /signed/Andrew Ryan Convention concluded between Turkey and Yugoslavia on 11 July 1938, for Turkey to take 40,000 families and receive as compensation from Yugoslavia 500 Turkish pounds per family. This agreement formalised the ongoing expulsion of Kosovo Albanian families to Turkey. [translated from the French] 362

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Documents

Convention Regulating the Emigration of the Turkish Population from the Region of Southern Serbia in Yugoslavia The Government of the Turkish Republic and the Government of His­ Majesty, the King of Yugoslavia, noting the tendency shown by certain elements of the Turkish Muslim population to emigrate from the region of southern Serbia, and noting that the said population, which has not failed to appreciate the liberal and generous treatment it has always enjoyed in Yugoslavia, is solemnly resolved to leave the territory of the Kingdom out of its legitimate desire for reunification with its natural ethnic motherland, have decided to conclude a Convention in order to regulate, in a spirit of profound friendship, the conditions for the said emigration and have to this effect designated their respective plenipotentiaries, i.e. for His Majesty, the King of Yugoslavia: Mr … for His Excellency, the President of the Turkish Republic: Mr … who, having communicated to one another proof of their full power and authority, accepted as being in proper form, reached agreement on the following provisions: Article 1 Subject to the benefits of the present Convention shall be Yugoslav Muslim subjects of Turkish origin and language and of Turkish culture. Not subject to the benefits of the present Convention shall be persons banned from entering Turkey under Turkish laws and regulations presently in force, nomads and Gypsies. Article 2 The regions designated for emigration under the present Convention shall be the following: ) the districts of the Banovina of Vardar, i.e.: 1 The Shar mountains (Prizren), Gora (Dragash/Dragaš), Podgora (Suhareka/Suva Reka), Nerodimja/Nerodimlje (Ferijaz/Uroševac) Lower Polog (Tetova/Tetovo), Upper Polog (Gostivar), Galic (Rostusa), Dibra/ Debar, Struga, Graçanica/Gračanica (Prishtina), Kaçanik/Kačanik, Gjilan/ Gnjilane, Presheva/Preševo, Prespa (Resen), Ohrid, Kërçova/Kičevo, Kruševo, Poreč (Južni Brod), Prilep, Marihovo, Bitola, Kavadare, Negotino na Vardaru, Skopje (Skopje), Kumanova/Kumanovo, Veles, Ovče Pole (Sveti Nikole), Štip, Kočani, Radoviš, Strumica, Dojran (Valandovo), Gevgelija, Kriva Palanka, Kratovo, Carevo Selo, Maleš (Berovo); 363

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Kosovo, A Documentary History ) the districts of the Banovina of Zeta, i.e.: 2 Peja/Peć, Istog/Istok, Mitrovica e Kosovës/Kosovska Mitrovica, Gjakova/ Djakovica, Lugu i Drinit/Podrima (Rahovec/Orahovac); 3) the districts of the Banovina of Morava, i.e.:  Llap/Lab (Podujeva/Podujevo), Vushtrria/Vučitrn, Drenica (Skenderaj/ Srbica). The Yugoslav Government shall decide in which regions emigration will begin. Article 3 The number of families which the Turkish Government will accept from the regions specified under Article 2 and in accordance with the conditions of the present Convention shall be 40,000. The term “family” shall be understood to mean persons of the same lineage and their children who, at the time of signature of this Convention, were living on an undivided common rural estate and under one roof. Article 4 The return of these 40,000 families to their motherland shall be completed within six years, in the following quotas: ) 1 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

in 1939: 4,000 families in 1940: 6,000 families in 1941: 7,000 families in 1942: 7,000 families in 1943: 8,000 families in 1944: 8,000 families

If these annual quotas cannot be realized as a result of circumstances, the two parties shall agree, through their respective legations, on the number of ­emigrants to be deported by the one side and to be accepted by the other, three months before the start of the period of emigration. It is understood, however, that any alterations in the annual number of emigrants shall not extend the six-year period of emigration for more than one year. The periods of annual emigration shall last from the beginning of the month of May until the 15th of October, with the exception of the contingent of emigrants for the first year, who shall only start to be evacuated by the beginning of the month of July 1939. Article 5 This Convention on emigration applies only to the rural population of the above-mentioned regions.

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Documents As to Turkish Muslims of the urban population of the above-mentioned regions, their persons and belongings shall not be subject to the provisions of the present Convention. Should they wish to emigrate to Turkey, they may do so as free emigrants in accordance with the emigration law in Turkey. In such cases, they shall be free to liquidate their rural and urban assets. They shall be accorded all requisite assistance from the Yugoslav Government for the transfer to Turkey of monies deriving from the liquidation of their assets and from the Turkish Government for their definitive entry permits into Turkey. Article 6 Under the present Convention, the ownership of all rural fixed assets belonging to prospective emigrants shall be transferred to the Yugoslav state at the moment the Yugoslav Government presents the annual list of emigrants to the representatives of Turkey in Yugoslavia. As to urban fixed assets, they shall remain at the free disposal of their ­owners. It is understood that the Yugoslav Government shall only take possession of the above-mentioned rural fixed assets when the emigrants already specified on the list have left their domiciles for the port of embarkation. The Yugoslav Government gives its assurance under the present Convention that the present owners shall enjoy the full possession of their property until transfer of ownership to the Yugoslav Government. Once the above-mention property has transferred ownership, the Yugoslav Government shall dispose of it freely in accordance with the provisions of the law currently in force on the colonization of the regions of southern Serbia. Article 7 Under this agreement, the Yugoslav Government shall pay to the Turkish Government the sum of 500 Turkish pounds per family, equivalent to a total sum of 20,000,000 Turkish pounds for all 40,000 families, irrespective of the number of members in each family. With the payment of this total sum, ownership of all the rural fixed assets of the emigrants shall be transferred, pursuant to Article 6, to the Yugoslav Government. With regard to rural movables and fixed assets belonging to the Muslim Community or vakufs, it is understood that this Convention shall have no bearing on the provisions of existing laws which regulate such assets. Article 8 On the first of April and the first of October of each year, the Yugoslav Government shall pay a semi-annual instalment proportionate to the number 365

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Kosovo, A Documentary History of emigrating families to have been deported that year, a sum which may be decreased or increased according to their numbers. The payment of the amount indicated in the previous article shall thus be made in twelve instalments over a period of six years. Article 9 The Yugoslav Government shall pay each instalment in the following manner: 30% in foreign currency which shall be put at the disposal of the Government of the Turkish Republic via the National Bank of Yugoslavia; 70% in dinars deposited at the National Bank of Yugoslavia in a current account credited to the Government of the Turkish Republic. The National Bank of Yugoslavia shall notify the Turkish Legation in Belgrade of each deposit as soon as it has been made and transferred to the said current account. Article 10 The National Bank of Yugoslavia and the Central Bank of the Turkish ­Republic shall, in joint accord, stipulate the exchange rate from dinars to Turkish pounds for each day of payment. Article 11 Funds deposited in the National Bank of Yugoslavia shall be utilized by the Government of the Turkish Republic for all types of expenditures and ­payments made in Yugoslavia for the purchase of all kinds of Yugoslav merchandise aside from goods presently unauthorized for export except by payment of foreign currency, i.e. copper, wool, hides, walnut wood, oil-seed fruits, olives, wheat and maize. The purchase of all these goods shall be made for export to Turkey. These goods shall be exempt from all taxes, duties and other export charges. It is also understood that such exports shall not be subject to regulations of any trade agreements signed or to be signed, but rather wholly to the provisions of the present Convention. Article 12 Persons to be deported within the emigration period and who form part of the current annual quota shall be obliged to sign a written declaration in the presence of the Yugoslav authorities, pursuant to Article 55 of the current Yugoslav Citizenship Law, renouncing their Yugoslav citizenship. Such persons shall have the right to be considered immigrants under Turkish law from the moment the appointed representatives of Turkey have added their names to the annual list for emigration to Turkey. 366

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Documents Article 13 Emigrants shall be free to liquidate and to take with them all of the movable property belonging to them, such as personal effects, livestock or farm animals, equipment, machinery etc. for agricultural or industrial use or for the exercise of any profession. The Yugoslav Government shall, however, only cover transportation costs to the port of embarkation in Salonika for the emigrants, their movables, their used agricultural equipment and, for each family, four head of large livestock and ten head of small livestock, excluding their recently born young. For the transportation of additional livestock, the emigrants shall benefit from reduced tariffs in force. It is to be understood, however, that additional livestock may not surpass six head of large livestock and twenty head of small livestock, excluding their recently born young. The export of livestock shall be carried out in line with the provisions of existing veterinary conventions, and veterinary certificates shall be issued to the emigrants free of charge. The emigrants shall also be free to import their personal jewellery, including necklaces of brazen gold and silver pieces worn by the womenfolk, each female emigrant being able to take one such necklace with her. In addition, each head of family shall be free to take with him, on his departure from Yugoslavia, a sum of 2,000 dinars in cash as well as foreign currency to an exchange-rate value of 4,000 dinars. Article 14 With the dinars left over from the sale of their urban movables and fixed assets, emigrants shall be permitted to buy, on the domestic market, such merchandise as need not be purchased for export with foreign currency, such merchandise as is not prohibited in Yugoslavia and such merchandise as is not banned from import to Turkey. All such merchandise shall be exempt from taxes, duties and other export charges. Article 15 The National Bank of Yugoslavia shall open a special current account at the Central Bank of the Turkish Republic in the name of the Government of the Turkish Republic in which all emigrants shall be free to deposit all or part of the monies in their possession in order to ensure their transfer by the purchase of merchandise in Yugoslavia. The National Bank of Yugoslavia shall give notice to the Legation of Turkey in Belgrade of each deposit, together with details about the depositor. The monies transferred to Turkey by the purchase of merchandise in Yugoslavia, shall be reimbursed to the persons in question by the Central Bank of the Turkish Republic. 367

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Article 16 Funds, real estate and all other valuables belonging to minors or other persons under the care of a guardian or of a competent Yugoslav court shall be transferred and given over to the Government of the Turkish Republic which from that moment shall assume the responsibility for and the protection of such persons until they reach the age of majority or the end of guardianship in accordance with Turkish legislation. Article 17 All Turkish Muslim youths whose families are registered in the annual lists for emigration and who are serving in the Yugoslav army, shall be released from military service immediately and shall be evacuated at the same time as their families. Similarly, Turkish Muslim youths living in a region in which the population has been designated for emigration within the current year shall not be conscripted. Article 18 A special Commission shall be set up by the Yugoslav Government to ­prepare the detailed annual lists of emigrants with all necessary information on climate and on the trades and professions of the emigrants. These lists shall be submitted to the representatives of the Turkish Government and, once approved by them, shall serve as a basis for the issuing of Turkish passports and for calculating the number of emigrating families. This Yugoslav Commission shall be in constant contact with the Turkish delegates and, on their request, shall provide them with all the information they should require. Article 19 The departure and embarkation of the emigrants shall be realized on the basis of collective Turkish passports which shall be issued to them by the consular authorities of the Government of the Turkish Republic in Yugoslavia. These collective Turkish passports, all necessary documents issued in advance by the Yugoslav authorities for the preparation of the lists, and the exit visas for the passports shall be absolutely free of charge. Article 20 A Turkish-Yugoslav joint Commission shall be set up in the Yugoslav free zone in Salonika, composed of representatives appointed by the two Governments, who, in joint accord, shall take all measures necessitated by circumstance for the arrival, assistance and embarkation of the emigrants.

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Documents Article 21 This Convention shall enter into force on the date of its ratification by the two Governments. In testimony whereof, the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the present Convention and affixed to it their seals. Done in French in two original copies in the year nineteen thirty-eight. M. R. V. M.

H. S. Dr C. A.

Political Memorandum (Serbian: “Elaborat o Albaniji”) written in 1939 by the Bosnian Serb novelist and Nobel-Prize winner Ivo Andrić and published in the Croatian periodical “Časopis za suvremenu povijest”, Zagreb, 9 (1977), 2, pp. 7789, by Bogdan Krizman, proposing the partition of Albania between Italy and Yugoslavia and the deportation of Muslim Albanians to Turkey. [retranslated from the Serbian, on the basis of an existing English version]

Draft on Albania I  The Balkan War and Albania Access to the Adriatic for the Serbian army According to a secret appendix to the treaty of alliance between ­Bulgaria and Serbia, dated 29 February 1912, Serbia was granted a right to the ­territories to the north and west of the Sharr Mountains previously held by Turkey. In connection with this provision, Serbian troops, in order to provide their country with an access to the sea, advanced on Lezha on 15 November 1912 and ­gradually took possession of the whole of northern Albania right down to Tirana and Durrës. On 25 November 1912, Pašić published a statement in the London Times indicating that Serbia claimed Durrës with a considerable hinterland. The Establishment of an Autonomous Albania On 20 December 1912, however, the Conference of Ambassadors in London resolved to set up an autonomous Albania, giving Serbia only the right to a trading outlet on the Adriatic Sea. On 20 March 1913, the same conference resolved to cede Shkodra to Albania. Montenegro refused to accept the decision of the Great Powers and was supported in this regard by Serbia, which sent troops to reinforce the siege of Shkodra. The Great Powers countered

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Kosovo, A Documentary History (on 21 March) with a naval demonstration, only Russia abstaining. AustroHungarian, English, French, German and Italian destroyers gathered in the vicinity of Bari and forced Serbian troops to retreat from their positions in the Shkodra region. The Blockade of the Montenegrin Coast On 12 April, the Great Powers announced a blockade of the Montenegrin coastline. The Montenegrin government, however, persisted in its siege of Shkodra, which finally capitulated on 20 April. King Nikolla of ­Montenegro was, nonetheless, force to yield, and on 4 May, in a telegram sent to Sir Edward Grey, he ceded Shkodra to the Great Powers. The international ­occupation of Shkodra was to last from 5 May 1913 to the beginning of the World War. II Serbia and Greece Divide their Spheres of Influence in Albania Though under pressure from the Great Powers, primarily from Austria, Serbia did not give up hope, despite the fact that it had been forced to retreat from the Adriatic and northern Albania. The spheres of influence of Greece and Serbia in the newly established autonomous Albania were laid down in a declaration which formed a secret appendix to the treaty of alliance, dated 19 May 1913, between Greece and Serbia. The territory north of the Seman River from the sea up to the mouth of the Devoll River, and north of the Devoll River up to Mount Komjan was to be within the Serbian sphere of influence. The regions of Albania south of this line were to belong to the Greek sphere of influence. In case of riots in ­Albania, the two countries were to reach an agreement on the position they would adopt. These are the maximum demands which we presented to Albania in a written document. III  The London Agreement and Albania The London Agreement, signed on 26 April 1915 between France, Great ­Britain, Russia and Italy, contained the following provisions with regard to Albania: 1. The note to Article 5 states: “The following Adriatic territory shall be assigned by the four Allied Powers to Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro ... And, in the Lower Adriatic (in the region interesting Serbia and ­Montenegro) the whole coast from Cape Planka as far as the River Drin, with the important harbours of Spalato, Ragusa, Cattaro, Antivari, ­Dulcigno and St. Jean de Medua ... The port of Durazzo to be assigned to the independent Muslim State of Albania.” 370

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Documents 2. Article 6 reads as follows: “Italy shall receive full sovereignty over Valona, the island of Saseno and surrounding territory of sufficient extent to assure defence of these points (from the Voïussa to the north and east, approximately to the northern boundary of the district of Chimara on the south).” 3. Article 7 reads as follows ... “and if the central portion of Albania is reserved for the establishment of a small autonomous neutralised State, Italy shall not oppose the division of Northern and Southern Albania between Montenegro, Serbia and Greece, should France, Great Britain and Russia so desire ... Italy shall be charged with the representation of the State of Albania in its relations with foreign Powers.” As early as 1915, therefore, the Great Powers had adopted the principle of a partition of Albania and conceded that Italy, Serbia and Greece had vested interests in Albania. The two Balkan countries were granted the right to revise borders, whereas Italy was granted Vlora as well as a protectorate over rump Albania.

IV Albania at the Peace Conference The Standpoint of the Great Powers At the peace conference, allied forces (France, Great Britain and the United States of America) initially proposed for Albania the southern and eastern borders which had been established at the London Conference of 1913. The allied forces recognized Italy’s full sovereignty over Vlora and the requisite hinterland, giving Italy, in addition, a mandate to administer the independent state of Albania under the control of the League of Nations (Memorandum of 9 December 1919). Our Standpoint (Against the mandate of Italy. In favour of an independent Albania. Arguments for the revision of borders and for our acquisition of Shkodra and northern Albania). In our reply of 8 January 1920, we rejected the proposal for giving Italy a mandate over Albania, pointing out that this would be a repeat of the Bosnia-Hercegovina issue. “This resolution,” we said in our reply, “would create an offensive border in Italy’s favour against our country which, for its part, would be deprived of protection. This would mean an offensive advantage to one side and a strategic disadvantage to the other.” For economic and strategic reasons, we asked for a revision of the border in our favour (the middle of the Drin and Buna rivers, as well as Kelmendi and Kastrati), as foreseen at the London Conference of 1913. In addition to this revision, our delegation declared that the best solution for Albania would 371

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Kosovo, A Documentary History be the establishment of an independent state within the borders of 1913 and of an autonomous administration. If this solution were not to be adopted, or if the southern part of Albania were to belong to other countries, our delegation would asked for the northern part of Albania down to the Drin River. “Our country has ancient claims on these areas, as our memorandum states. Shkodra is the one-time capital of Serbian rulers. Our nation has shed much blood for Shkodra, in particular during the 1913 war which cost Serbia the lives of several thousand soldiers and cost Montenegro one-third of its army. In order to comply with the wish of the Great Powers, Serbian and Montenegrin troops withdrew from ­Shkodra and the northern part of Albania in 1913. Austria had mobilized its forces and threatened war. Shkodra could have belonged to Montenegro, had Montenegro agreed to cede Lovcen to Austria or have it neutralized. But, Montenegro refused to cede this position of strategic importance to Austria.” “The Drin valley, together with Shkodra, forms a geographical and economic entity with Montenegro and borderland areas of Serbia. For central Serbia and for Montenegro, the Drin valley is the only direct and indeed the shortest natural outlet to the Adriatic. The vital Danube-Adriatic railway should pass through the Drin valley. The Conference of Ambassadors, held in London in 1913, recognized Serbia’s right of access to the sea.” “Shkodra is also intimately linked to the Buna River which provides ­Montenegrin trade with a natural outlet to the sea. From as early as the Treaty of Berlin, Montenegro has enjoyed the right of free navigation down the Buna River. Most of Lake Shkodra belongs to Montenegro. Due to Turkish ­negligence, the best Montenegrin lands are still flooded by the waters of Lake Shkodra. Our country is, therefore, most interested in regulating the Buna and Drin rivers, not only for navigation down the Buna, but also because 12,000 to 20,000 hectares of very fertile land could thereby be drained and an equal area could be ameliorated. Two-thirds of this land belongs to ­Montenegro.” The Italian Standpoint (According to the memorandum of 10 January 1920) 1. Italy requests of the League of Nations a mandate to administer the independent state of Albania. 2. The northern and eastern borders of Albania will be those drawn at the Conference of London. The southern border will be a matter of further examination. 3. Italy will be granted sovereignty over the city of Vlora, with enough hinterland for its protection and economic development. The Allies Agree that Shkodra and Northern Albania be A ­ nnexed by ­Yugoslavia. Proposing a comprehensive solution to the Adriatic question, Clemenceau, who was chairing the Peace Conference, said to Pašić and Trumbić on 13 ­January 1920, with regard to the cession of Rijeka to Italy: “The SHS state (i.e. the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) will thus ascend to the 372

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Documents zenith of its power, even without the acquisition of Shkodra, the Drin and San Giovanni di Medua (Shëngjin).” We did not agree to this, in view of the fact that Italy retained Vlora and got its mandate over Albania. Our Final Reply at the Peace Conference In our final reply at the Peace Conference, on 14 January 1920, we stated that we still held the view that the best solution would be that the administration of Albania, within the borders drawn in 1913, be conferred to a local, autonomous government with no authority being held over it by any foreign power. If this solution, however, was not accepted and parts of Albanian territory were to be ceded to other countries, our delegation would then lay claim to part of northern Albania (a map with delineated borders was submitted), for which it promised an autonomous regime. The Standpoint of the Late Pašić When it seemed certain that the Allies would allow Italy to consolidate its hold over central Albania, the chairman of our delegation, Pašić, informed the government in Belgrade at the end of 1919 that the moment had come for us, “compelled by circumstance, to change our policy towards Albania.” This letter reads as follows: “Given that, because of Italian encroachment and of the support which Italy receives from the Powers, we cannot return to the situation which existed in Albania prior to the evacuation of our army and prior to the regime of Essad Pasha, and given that the Albania we favour will not come to be because the Allies have agreed to cede Vlora and its hinterland to Italy and to give Italy a protectorate over certain parts of Albania, we must, under such circumstances, stake our claims to different and better borders with the part of Albanian territory to come under the Italian protectorate.” “The ‘minimum’ we will accept from the Allies is: the border along the Black Drin River down to the confluence of the White Drin River and from there along the Great Drin River down to the sea.” “We should also claim a ‘maximum’, so that Italy receives as little territory as possible. The maximum of our claims should be: the Mat River to its source, and hence directly eastwards to the Black Drin River. The Mat and Drin rivers would thus constitute our borders with the Italian protectorate.” V  The Italian Occupation of Albania in the Aftermath of War and its Definitive Withdrawal after Failure in Vlora Once the war was over, Italian troops, on the basis of an Allied military resolution, occupied the entire territory of Albania including the northern part 373

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Kosovo, A Documentary History which had been accorded to us under the London Agreement. Shkodra alone was under the joint occupation of French and Italian troops. In view of the hostile attitude taken by Italy towards the SHS state (the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) at the time, we considered Italy’s military occupation of Albania a grave threat to our existence. A bitter struggle was waged between the Italians and us on Albanian territory. The Italians hence raised the issues of Montenegro and Macedonia, as well as the idea of a Greater Albania extending right to Kaçaniku/Kačaniku. We took action against them, at times secretly and at times overtly, by bribing Albanian leaders and by countering with the idea of an “independent Albania” and of the “Balkans for the Balkan peoples.” The dissatisfaction of the Albanian population, which we supported, compelled the Italians to pull their troops out of inland Albania at the beginning of 1920 and to concentrate them in the vicinity of Valona (Vlora), from which region they were forced to withdraw in June of that year after an accord had been reached with the Tirana government for the evacuation of all Albanian territory, including the island of Sazan. The evacuation of Albania was accomplished as a result of organized resistance on the part of the Albanians, though one should not forget the fact that Italy was politically and militarily very weak at the time. Even at the present day, there are Albanians who think they could drive the Italians out of ­Albania whenever they liked. This self-confidence will prove fatal to them because they do not realize that the fascist regime in Italy is not the same as the Italy of 1920 under the parliamentary governments of Nitti, Giolitti and Facto. VI Albania before the Conference of Ambassadors As the evacuation of Italian troops from Albania clarified the situation on the ground, the Conference of Ambassadors was in a position by November 1921 to take a decision on the recognition of Albania as an independent and sovereign state. In contrast to earlier promises, i.e. for Vlora and for a mandate over Albania, the Great Powers recognized only Italy’s special interest in the maintenance of Albanian independence. Albania became a member of the League of Nations, hoping that this would help ensure and sustain its independence. Before the Conference of Ambassadors met, we endeavoured once again, though in vain, to have the borders revised and moved down towards Shkodra and the Drin River, citing historical reasons for Shkodra and economic and communications reasons for the Drin. The French expert at the Conference, Larochue, consoled us with these words: “The royal government made a mistake by not adopting the French proposal at the time for the partition of Albania. Pašić had agreed to the idea, but the government in Belgrade rejected it.” In order to get the Italians out of Vlora, we had to abandon Shkodra and the border extending down to the Drin River. 374

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Documents Since we had permanently endorsed the indivisibility of Albanian territory, as set forth in 1913, and Albanian independence, it could be assumed that the solution proposed by the Conference of Ambassadors was satisfactory to us. This has not been the case, however. We have been running into difficulties in our relations with Albania and in our relations with Italy over Albania, even though Albania has been proclaimed an independent country and has been granted membership in the League of Nations. The Republic of Mirdita Since the Conference of Ambassadors had taken a decision on the borders of Albania and on the conditions for its independence, we signed a co-operation agreement with the leaders of Mirdita in the middle of 1921. This agreement envisaged the setting up of an independent Mirdita Republic which would be protected by the armed forces of the SHS state (the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) and whose interests abroad would be represented by the Belgrade government. The Tirana government suppressed this movement and we were subsequently accused and condemned before the League of Nations. VII  The Rome Pact, Pašić, Mussolini and Albania In spirit, the Rome pact of January 1924 stipulated that both Rome and Belgrade respect the independence of Albania and the principle of non-­ interference in the country’s internal affairs, and that they exchange information about developments in Albania. This did not, however, hinder the ­Italian government from backing Fan Noli in June 1924 in his rebellion against Ahmet Zogu, nor did it hinder our government from making it possible for Ahmet Zogu to launch an attack on Albania in December of the same year from our territory, and to seize power. Neither Rome nor Belgrade could resist intrigues and appeals from their Albanian “friends” who requested support to exercise or assume power, promising loyalty and co-operation in return, and who then changed their minds at the first opportunity. VIII  The Tirana Pact and its Implications Giving instructions to our representatives in Albania, the late Pašić used to say to them: “We want an independent, but a weak and unstable Albania.” Time has shown that such a wish was impossible. A weak and unstable Albania had to ask for support and protection wherever it could find it. A regime which was threatened by Italy would turn to us, whereas a regime which we wanted to overthrow would turn to Italy for protection. In 1926, a weak and unstable Albania requested the protection and support of Italy. Having received initial guarantees for his regime, Ahmet Zogu later, in 1927, consented to the conclusion of a twenty-year military alliance and 375

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Kosovo, A Documentary History received hundreds of millions of lire for public works. Both economically and financially, he thoroughly subordinated Albania to Italy and took on many Italian advisors. A situation was thus created which much resembled the kind of protectorate we had opposed at the Peace Conference. The greatest threat to us from Albania in recent years has been the military buildup, as well as fortifications and irredentist activities. We saw a threat in all Italian activities and in the “offensive border” which we had opposed in Paris when the Allies proposed that Italy be granted a mandate over Albania. It is of interest to note here that we protested and opposed the Italian penetration of Albania and the Balkans, but none of the other Balkan countries supported us on this issue. The two Mediterranean naval powers, France and England, did not oppose the blockade of the Adriatic Sea. Indeed, Sir Austen Chamberlain consented to the Tirana pact at his meeting with Mussolini in Leghorn (Livorno) in 1926. French representatives in Tirana constantly advised King Zogu to avoid conflict with the Italians. IX  The Italian-Yugoslav Friendship Pact of 25 March 1937 As long as they maintain friendly relations towards one another, Italy and Yugoslavia can agree on Albania, based on the following: Italy has a vested interest in Vlora and we should not threaten this part of the Albanian coast. We should acknowledge and respect Italy’s interest. It is in Yugoslavia’s vital interest that we not be threatened on our own borders in southern Serbia, both in Kosovo (inhabited by Albanians) and in the Shkodra/Montenegro region. This was no doubt taken into consideration in the secret protocol supplementing the friendship pact, which also envisaged a stop to further fortifications in the Librazhd and Milot regions. As far as financial and economic interests in Albania are concerned, we do not have, nor do we intend to invest any considerable funds there. Our side thus offers no competition or ­objections to the Italians, provided of course that they comply with the second secret obligation towards us which they undertook two years ago, i.e. that they seek no special privileges in their political, economic and financial activities which would directly or indirectly compromise the independence of the Albanian state. The friendship pact of 25 March 1937 has thus created a tolerable “modus vivendi” for us and for Italy on Albanian soil, where in the past we have so often been involved in conflicts and mutual suspicions. A quite different question is whether this truce in Albania will pass the test of time in view of the much more tense and complex situation in the Mediterranean and in the Balkans. X Maintaining or Changing the Status Quo The Independence of Albania Has Been Weakened but Not Destroyed 376

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Documents The independence of a country is a concept which constantly changes in meaning for its neighbours. This independence can be either complete or reduced, depending on circumstances. As to present-day Albania, one cannot say that its domestic and foreign policies are independent of Italy. Yet, Albania is considered an independent state by the international community. According to international law, the Albanian coastline is not Italian, but rather under the sovereignty of that Balkan country. Italy has not yet encroached upon the Balkans. Italy possesses sovereign territory in Zadar, but this does not offer any possibility for further expansion. Italy also exerts influence in Albania, but it has no freedom of action there compared to that in its own country. The Albanians are still showing opposition to Italian penetration by putting obstacles in its way and slowing it down. “The Balkans for the Balkan peoples” The traditional policy of Serbia has been “The Balkans for the Balkan peoples.” This principle was applied earlier in the struggle against the Ottoman Empire and against the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Yugoslavia made efficient use of it in its struggle against the provisions of the London Agreement which allowed Italy to advance into Dalmatia and Albania. This principle, in our view, has always constituted the best guarantee for peace in the Balkans, for co-operation between the Balkan nations and for their unimpeded development. The presence of any of the Great Powers in the Balkans means opening the floodgates to intrigue and invasion. Italian Expansion Is it conceivable that Italy, having made itself lord of southern and central Albania, will confine itself to that narrow strip of coastline? We did not believe this would be the case twenty years ago when the Great Powers offered Vlora and its hinterland to Italy. It is even harder to believe it now that Italy is showing much more swagger and bravado in its foreign policy. A Dangerous Precedent When a non-Balkan Great Power seizes a part of Balkan territory on which it has no ethnic claims whatsoever, this constitutes a dangerous precedent for us and for all the peoples of the Balkans. Other Great Powers could come up with similar claims from other directions. The case of Italy in Albania is a particular threat to us because the London Agreement first recognized not only Italy’s claims to southern Albania, but also to ­Dalmatia. The revival of the provisions of the London Agreement in one part of the Balkans creates a dangerous precedent for the revival of other provisions, too.

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Kosovo, A Documentary History The Partition of Albania In dealing with this issue in a comprehensive manner, it should be stressed that we must avoid an open or covert conflict with Italy at all costs. We must also avoid allowing Italy to occupy all of Albania, which would pose a threat to us in sensitive areas such as the Bay of Kotor and Kosovo. Taking the above into consideration, we regard the partition of Albania as a necessary and inevitable evil and as a great disadvantage to us, but one from which we must nonetheless endeavour to derive as much benefit as possible, i.e. we must take advantage of the lesser of two evils. Our Compensations These compensations are registered in documents which were prepared twenty years ago when the question of a partition of Albania was being discussed. The maximum we set and asked for at that time was the border along the Mat and Black Drin rivers to ensure the strategic security of Montenegro and Kosovo. We would also have to ensure the basins of Lakes Ohrid and Prespa by annexing Pogradec as well as the Slav villages of Mali i Thatë/Golo Brdo and those between Prespa and Korça. Taking possession of Shkodra could, in this case, be of great moral and economic significance. It would enable us to carry out major waterworks activities and to recuperate fertile land needed to feed Montenegro. The presence of northern Albania within the framework of Yugoslavia would facilitate the existence of new communications links between northern and southern Serbia and the Adriatic. After the partition of Albania, Kosovo would lose its attraction as a centre for the Albanian minority which, under the new situation, could be more ­easily assimilated. We would eventually gain 200,000 to 300,000 Albanians, but these are mostly Catholics whose relations with the Muslim Albanians have never been good. The deportation of Muslim Albanians to Turkey could then be carried out since, under the new circumstances, there would be no major impediment to such a move. [FO 371/23713] Letter and memorandum from Bedri Pejani, former member of parliament and former president of the Popular Party, to the British Prime Minister, Nevil Chamberlain, dated 29 March 1939, on “Unredeemed Albania” (i.e., Kosovo and the other Albanian-inhabited territories occupied by Yugoslavia and Greece), followed by a note from Jasper Rootham of the Prime Minister’s Department in Downing Street to Harold A. Caccia of the British Foreign Office, dated 5 April 1939, advising not to reply to the letter. 378

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Documents [translated from the French] to His Excellency Mr N. Chamberlain, Prime Minister of Great Britain, London, England Paris, 29 March 1939 Your Excellency, I have the honour to submit for the kind and esteemed attention of Your Excellency the enclosed, very specific exposé on the essence of the Albanian problem. In this exposé Your Excellency will, in particular, find very clear responses to the following questions: “Why have the Albanians encountered such difficulty in consolidating their independence and why do they continue to do so?”; “Despite their natural intelligence, their proverbial bravery and their fighting capacity, why have they been unable, from 1912 to the present day, to rise to the challenge of creating a prosperous State with viable perspectives and a reassuring situation?” and finally, “Why has Mussolini’s Italy found sufficient energy, once again, to embark upon an imperialist course in the Adriatic and in Albania?” There can be no doubt whatsoever, Your Excellency, that Mussolini’s ­present thunderous and triumphant advance down the Balkan coast would never have succeeded if in 1920 the diplomats at Versailles had appreciated the true importance of an autonomous Albania in its ethnic borders. In the present international situation, such an Albania could have constituted an impregnable fortress on the Adriatic to promote peace and, at the same time, a solid factor in uniting the Balkans to block the advance of the totalitarian powers along the routes “Berlin – Baghdad – Persian Gulf” and “Rome – Suez – Aden – India”. In view of the lamentable situation at the moment, the responsibility for which rests in good part with the former leaders of Great Britain, France and the United States, I should like to add in conclusion that the Albanian people on both sides of the political border – and I am acutely aware of their true sentiments – continue to hope that Great Britain, returning to its ancient traditions, will take up their cause seriously as soon as the first opportunity arises and will repair the injustices committed in the past. In the meanwhile, Your Excellency, please accept the expression of my highest consideration. /signed/Bedri Pejani, former president of the Popular Party, former member of the Albanian Parliament 379

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Kosovo, A Documentary History

Unredeemed Albania Its Borders Unredeemed Albania stretches beyond the Albanian-Yugoslav and AlbanianGreek borders. It includes: 1. Kosovo: the three sanjaks of Ipek [Peja], Prizren and Prishtina of the one-time Vilayet of Kosovo, including the former district of Kaçanik and without the former kazas of Berane, Rožaje and Yeni-Pazar [Novi Pazar]; 2.  Albanian Macedonia: Uskub [Skopje], Tetovo, Kumanovo, Preshevo, Gostivar, Kerchovo [Kërçova/Kičevo], Dibra, Struga, Ohrid, Resna and Prespa; 3.  Albanian Montenegro: Dulcigno [Ulqin/Ulcinj], Kraja, Tuzi, Hoti and Gruda (annexed to the Montenegrin State in 1878 and 1913); 4. Chameria: the sanjak of Chamlik in the one-time Vilayet of Janina. Ethnic Composition Unredeemed Albania is inhabited by 80% to 98% by Albanians. Its population is a quarter of a million larger than that of independent Albania. Unparalleled Domination Although political and diplomatic circles have been wont since 1919 to view Unredeemed Albania as a minorities’ problem, the issue, in view of the various political aspects involved, goes far beyond the limitations of the minorities’ problems with which it has been associated. If one were to view Unredeemed Albania from a strictly objective and realistic perspective, one would have no difficulty realising that it is the very essence of the national problem of Albania – a small country horribly mutilated by successive dismemberments and a small nation, over half of which is living under the rule of other small nations. The two-fold conclusion is in itself enough to reveal the true nature of the problem. There is no Albanian minority question in Yugoslavia. No, it is simply unparalleled foreign domination, tragic and ridiculous, that was forced upon the majority of the Albanian people in the middle of the twentieth century by unjust and unjustifiable treaties. An Unjustifiable Tragedy There is no objective reason for this domination. 1. There are no common ties between the dominators and the dominated. They are two completely distinct ethnic groups with two completely 380

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Documents distinct social structures, more or less opposing characteristics, and centuries of mutual antagonism behind them. 2. There is no geographical necessity. Mountain ranges rise between the Slavic peoples of Yugoslavia and ethnic Albania which would constitute an ideal border. 3. There is no economic necessity. The Slavic peoples of Yugoslavia have been largely favoured by their natural surroundings. They possess vast regions known for their fertility and natural resources. Even rocky Montenegro has among the best forests in the world. The proper exploitation of such resources would normally ensure these Slavic countries exceptional and enviable economic prosperity. 4. Finally, there is no raison d’état in international politics. The spirit which once guided the activities of the Concert of Europe and brought misfortune to the Albanian people in 1878 and 1913 was destroyed in the Great Butchery of 1914–1918, and the spirit of Versailles that replaced it and dismembered Albania in 1921 was destroyed definitively by the events of September 1938. According to Versailles, a Serbia substantially enlarged by simply changing its name would automatically take on a two-fold mission: firstly, that of a shining beacon on Balkan soil that would defend the strategic interests of France and Great Britain by stemming attempts to revive any Drang nach Osten policies; and secondly, that of an unwanted, pretentious and rowdy neighbour that would  create a lot of problems in the Adriatic for the Italy of Nitti and the Giolitti and would prevent the latter from carrying through with any activities jeopardising the interests of France and Great Britain in the Mediterranean, Africa and Asia. Yugoslavia failed pitifully to accomplish its two-fold mission. Instead, it has created a lot of problems for its creators for over the last 18 years. As an Albanian proverb puts it: “The mountain gave birth to a mouse,” and the strategy devised in Versailles collapsed. At the present moment, the world is faced with a strategy that is evolving in the very opposite direction. Here, briefly, are its two main results: 1. Yugoslavia, despite its intentions, is rapidly evolving in the other d ­ irection as a German protectorate, more or less disguised like Czechoslovakia, or rather as an Italo-German protectorate like Hungary. It will soon be obliged to play the role of a devoted and formidable vanguard for the thunderous and triumphant advance of Drang nach Osten, in full resurrection. 2. Fascist Italy is now definitively installed on both banks of the Adriatic and is sufficiently strong on the Balkan side to use all its might to strengthen its position in the Mediterranean and Africa. The revival of the Roman Empire in a modern, idealised form by Mussolini can no longer be considered a simple utopia. It has become a reality. 381

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Kosovo, A Documentary History A Whole People Up Against the Wall 1. In Unredeemed Albania A series of documented reports from various national and international political organisations since 1912–1913 has revealed, in irrefutable facts and figures, the main characteristics of the regime that now holds sway in Unredeemed Albania. Here are the main aspects. (a) Unredeemed Albania is one huge political prison in which one million two hundred thousand Albanians are languishing. To travel from one village to the next in Unredeemed Albania, people have to have a laissez-passer in good order. (b) Unredeemed Albania is one large colony in the middle of twentieth century Europe where the colonists are free to pillage and confiscate the property of the native population by means of several very arbitrary regulations. Belgrade is using all the means at its disposal, including terror, to change the ethnic makeup of Unredeemed Albania. (c) Up to the present, Yugoslav publishing houses and presses have not been allowed to publish any works in Albanian. No Albanian-language newspaper has appeared in Yugoslavia, no Albanian-language school has been founded, and no national institution, even of a philanthropic character, has been allowed. Unredeemed Albania is thus condemned to linger in the same cultural limbo as the countries of Black Africa, as the nomads of Chinese Turkistan or as the tribes of the Arabian desert. (d) Finally, when Yugoslavia organised massacres and burned down villages and yet failed in its repeated attempts to destroy the ethnic makeup of Unredeemed Albania, it turned, starting in 1926–1927, to economic and fiscal oppression. Although, with much hard work over the centuries, Unredeemed Albania succeeded in creating farmland that was just as rich and fertile as in the best farmland in Europe, despite the complete indifference of the Ottoman administration earlier and the oppressive methods of the Yugoslav administration later, the vast majority of the people continue to live in appalling misery.

Independent Albania The Ambassadors’ Conference held in London in 1913 was forced to accept the existence, in principle, of an autonomous Albania. However, it was faced with virtually insurmountable difficulties when came to defining its borders. From the beginning, discussions on this subject were concentrated on one point: “How to harmonise the wishes of Tsarist Russia, supported openly by 382

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Documents France and more or less directly by Great Britain, with the wishes of Austria and Italy, supported in part by Germany?” For the Conference, it was important, more than anything, to conform strictly to the spirit of the Concert of Europe, i.e. to reduce antagonisms by re-establishing the political balance in Europe that had been shaken by the change in the political map of the Balkans. As to the vital interests of the Albanian people and the genuine interests of the Serbs, Montenegrins, Greeks and Bulgarians, they were not worthy, at any moment in the discussions, of being taken seriously into consideration. Very little was spoken about them and then only to provide some information to the world press. The border line between Albania and Yugoslavia that now divides ethnic Albania into two is simply the result of this sickly spirit, of the degenerate mentality that held sway in high diplomatic circles in Europe on the eve of the Great Butchery of 1914–1918. One argument is quite sufficient to show the absurdity of such a borderline. In independent Albania, just this side of the line in question, there are four hundred thousand mountain people who have been struggling for the last quarter of a century in appalling misery. There is but one reason for this tragic situation. In 1913, all of a sudden, these four hundred thousand people lost their century-old trading markets. As such, a whole people, on both sides of the political border, are up against the wall. It must not be forgotten that these mountain people, deprived of everything, even their daily bread for six months of each year, constitute 40% of the population of Albania as it is today, while 60% of the overwhelmed population live in extreme economic hardship for the same ­ reason. The   estruction of the territorial integrity of Albania in 1913 and 1921 brought about the irrevocable destruction of the economic unity of independent ­Albania. Conclusion There is only one perspective to save the Albanian people from such an appalling situation. Here it is very briefly: Those who rule over Unredeemed Albania should go back home! And there is only one peaceful means of attaining this sole hope of survival: allow the people of Unredeemed Albania to hold a free plebiscite and give them the practical opportunity to decide on their fate with their own votes. Any other solution can only be artificial, nothing more than palliative care. Prime Minister [i.e. Prime Minister’s Department] 10, Downing Street, Whitehall 383

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Kosovo, A Documentary History to H. A. Caccia, Esq. Foreign Office 5th April 1939 Dear Caccia, I should not propose, unless you advise to the contrary, to reply to the enclosed letter and memorandum about Albania from one Bedri Pejani, who purports to be a former President of the Popular Party in Albania. If the Italians decide to back Albania’s irredentist claims – and they may – we shall be treated to a flood of propaganda on these lines. It has some foundation in fact, but is distorted and exaggerated by the propagandist. There are Albanian minorities in Greece and Yugoslavia and there is reason to believe that, at least in Yugoslavia, they are not very well treated, but the figure of 1,200,000 given here is certainly exaggerated and it must be remembered that it is almost impossible to say who is and is not an Albanian in the Balkan melting pot. Yours sincerely, Jasper Rootham Notes on the Albanians of Kosovo, given to British writer and military figure Vandeleur Robinson by the British writer Edith Durham on 4 February 1943.

On the Albanians of Kossovo I asked Miss Edith Durham: “What parts just across the prewar frontier of Jugoslavia are really solidly Albanian and a continuation of the tribal districts on the Albanian side of the frontier?” The following are extracts from her reply. She recounts a journey she made in the district in 1908, having visited other parts of it in 1903. 1. Hoti and Gruda: “Two gallant tribes, Hoti and Gruda, were most unjustly handed over to Montenegro. There was not a single Serb within their tribal lands. The leading tribesmen came to me and, weeping, implored me to save them.” 2. Djakova [Gjakova]: “The whole district around the town of Djakova was, when I visited it in 1908, almost wholly Albanian, inhabited by offshoots of the Mirdita and other tribes.” 384

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Documents “Djakova was founded by the Albanians over 400 years ago. It was Catholic – named after St. Giacomo – but had soon turned Moslem. Sixty villages in the neighbourhood were Catholic and were served by two priests and a Franciscan. These villages are offshoots of the Berisha, Shala, Mirdita and other tribes. There was a small Catholic school in Djakova. No exact census had been taken, but of the 2,000 odd houses, only 100 were Serb, and these were completely segregated on the opposite side of the town. There were no Serb villages near Djakova. Djakova was the market-town for a number of Albanian tribes. By giving it to the ­Montenegrins, an act of the grossest injustice and cruelty was committed. The tribes formerly trading with it have now no trading place nearer than Scutari, a long three or four days march.” The story is that Stefan Dushan drove out the Catholic Albanians from this district and settled it with Serbs, reducing the remaining ­Catholic Albanians to the occupation of shepherds. After the Turks arrived, many of the Serbs fled or were killed, but Albanian inhabitants drifted back and reoccupied their former homelands. “When the Patriarch of Peć [Peja], Arsenius, finally evacuated the district with his flock and fled to ­Hungarian lands offered him by the Emperor, the Serbs in fact lost all hold on and right to Kossovo.” 3. Peć: “Peć is almost entirely Moslem, the Serbs and Catholics forming only a small minority. But the villages around Peć are largely Serb, and formed a Serb island in an otherwise Albanian land.” 4. Berani [Berane]: “Berani is Serb, forming part of the Montenegrin tribe of Vasojević.” 5. Prizren: “Here the Serbs were a mere drop in the ocean. The census just made (1908) under the Constitution have the following, by houses: ­Moslems (mostly Albanian, but including some genuine Turks): 3,500, Serb: 950, Catholic Albanians: 180, Vlach: 180. The one thing Prizren was determined about was that it should not fall into Serb hands. Many of the students at the Serb theological college were imported from Montenegro and Serbia to strengthen Serb claims. Of the former Serb occupation, nothing whatever remained but some ruins of Dushan’s castle on the hill-top.” 6. Grachanitza: “The only considerable Serb settlement I came across.” 7. Prishtina: “The bulk of the inhabitants were Moslem, mostly Albanian, but possibly some Serb. Of the 2,500 houses, about one-quarter are Orthodox, but many of these are Vlach and not Serb.” 8. Vuchitrn [Vushtrria]: (on the Prishtina-Mitrovica line) “Reported to be mainly Serb.” 9. Mitrovica: “Mitrovica, on the very edge of the Kossovo plain, had a Moslem majority. As at Peć and Djakova, they had refused to make a census. There were 10 Catholic families in the town and one priest; ­ I failed to learn how many Orthodox.” 385

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 10. General: “Except for the land from Berani (part of the Vasojević tribe of Montenegrins) and for certain villages around Peć, which might fairly be given to Jugoslavia, the Serbs have no right to the Metoja [Metohija] or Kossovo. Were it not for the support given from the outside, the scattered Serb populations in other districts would by now have been absorbed. I found that the Albanians were almost entirely monoglot Albanophone, whereas the scattered Serbs spoke both languages and even spoke Albanian between themselves. The Albanian holds the fixed belief that the land has been his from all time: the Serb conquered him and ruled for a few centuries (?) and was driven out in 1389. Kossovo plain is Albanian; its borders are largely Serb. From ­Mitrovica to the then Serbian frontier, the population is mainly Serb. The town and environs of Novibazar [Novi Pazar] are largely Albanian; the Sanjak of Novibazar beyond the town is wholly and entirely Serb. East of Prishtina, the land is more and more Slavonic. Of the vile treachery by which the Serbs obtained Kossovo, I will tell you later.” Extract from the Resolution of the Founding Conference of the National Liberation Council of Kosovo and Metohia in the village of Bujan in the Gjakova Highlands on 31 December 1943 and 1 and 2 January 1944, published in Këshilli Populluer i Krahinës Autonome të Kosovës-Metohis, 1943–1955 (Prishtina, 1955), p. 10. [translated from the Albanian]

The Resolution of Bujan Kosovo and the Dukagjin Plateau [Metohia] is a region inhabited by an Albanian majority which has always wanted to be united with Albania, as it does today. We therefore feel it is our duty to show the right way that the Albanian people must take to realise its aspirations. The only way for the Albanian people of Kosovo and the Dukagjin Plateau to be united with Albania is the common war with the other peoples of Yugoslavia against the blood-thirsty Nazi occupiers and their mercenaries. This is the only way to gain freedom  – a freedom in which all the peoples, including the ­Albanian people, will be able to decide on their own fate with the right to self-­determination, and even secession. The guarantors of this are the National Liberation Army of Yugoslavia and the National Liberation Army of Albania with which the former is closely linked. Aside from them, this will be guaranteed by our great allies: The Soviet Union, England and America (The Atlantic Charter, the Conference of Moscow and the ­Conference of ­Tehran). 386

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Documents Executive: Mehmet Hoxha, Pavle Jovićević, Rifat Berisha, Xhevdet Doda, Fadil Hoxha, Hajdar Dushi, Zekeria Rexha. Members of the Council: Ismail Gjinali, Tefik Çanga, Qamil Luzha, Xheladin Hana, Halil Haxhija, Ismet Shaqiri, Adem Miftari, Ismail Isufi, Sabrije Vokshi, Veliša Mičković, Lubomir Canić, Abdyl Kerim Ibrahim, Spira Velković, Xhevat Tahiri, Ymer Pula, Et-hem Zurnaxhiu, Ing. Nexhat Basha, Ajdin Bajraktari, Bejto ­Šahmanović, Milan A. Mičković, Zymer Halili, Mehmet Dermani, Qamil Brovina, Gani S. Çavdarbasha, Sul B. Alaj, Shaban Kajtazi, Ferid Perolli, Haxhi Morina, Xhavid Sh. Nimani, Reshat Isa, Mehmet Bajraktari, Veli Niman Doçi, Rasim Cokli, Sadik Bekteshi, Jaho Bajraktari, Shaban Haxhija, Alush Gashi, Beqir Ndou, Xhafer Vokshi, Sima H. Vasilević, Enver Dajçi, Maxhun Doçi Nimani. [Deutsches Bundesarchiv, NS19/2071] Letter from Bedri Pejani to German Reichsführer SS, Heinrich Himmler, dated 29 March 1944, with an attachment dated 19 March 1944, in which Pejani appeals for support to set up an Albanian army to protect Kosovo from the advancing communist partisans. Nothing came of the project. [translated from the German] Prizren, 29 March 1944 The President of the Central Committee of the Second League of Prizren for the Defence of Kosovo Your Excellency! The Central Committee of the Second Albanian League of Prizren has asked me to submit the following for Your Excellency’s kind attention. I. Mobilisation of Kosovo and the liberated Albanian regions under German leadership. In view of the nerve-racking phase in which the Albanian problem finds itself due to the current military situation, the Central Committee of the Second Albanian League of Prizren, in agreement with the government and the population, has decided to call for the general mobilisation of Kosovo and all Albanian regions that were annexed to Albania as a result of the armed intervention of the German Army in 1941, in order to ensure the definitive liberation of the Albanian people, side by side with the ­German Reich, in the current fighting. 387

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Kosovo, A Documentary History The aim of this mobilisation is to set up an army of 120,000–150,000 volunteers capable of opposing and successfully defeating the Serbo-­ Montenegrin partisans for as long as the current war lasts and, under all circumstances, of defending Albanian national interests after the war in any difficult or perilous situations that might arise. II. The three basic conditions for such a mobilisation are: 1. Modern military weaponry and a modest amount of other modern ­equipment. 2. The provision of a number of commissioned and non-commissioned officers to organise, instruct and command the various components of this army. 3.  A rectification of the current Albanian borders with Montenegro and ­Serbia for strategic reasons. Neither the Albanian State nor the Albanian people are in a position to provide the support needed to enable the Albanian League to fulfil these three conditions because Albania has no arms industry at all and the Albanian State is too poor to finance the equipment and uniforms of its own accord. The Second Albanian League of Prizren is aware that plans were made to begin setting up an SS Division with Albanian fighters in April of this year, but these would only make up a small proportion of the 120,000–150,000 able men needed in Kosovo. With regard to the provisional border with Montenegro and Serbia, as agreed in 1941 between the German Reich and Italy, it is disadvantageous for Kosovo not only from a purely strategic perspective but also for demographic and historical reasons. With the border as it is, it would be very difficult for Kosovo and Albania to defend themselves from a Serbo-Montenegrin attack either during this war or thereafter. Excellency! The Central Committee of the Second Albanian League of Prizren has asked me to appeal to you since only Your Excellency is in a position to raise an army, with the Second League of Prizren, that could provide comprehensive defence for the borders of Kosovo and the liberated regions. In the hope of attaining a satisfactory solution from Your Excellency both for the German Reich and for Albania, I would ask Your Excellency to accept the expression of my profound respect. /signed/Bedri Pejani

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Documents

Attachment Prizren, 19 March 1944 The President of the Central Committee of the Second League of Prizren for the Defence of Kosovo 1. The First Albanian League of Prizren was active in 1878–1881; its objective was to oppose the provisions of the treaties of San Stefano and Congress of Berlin. It defeated the Montenegrin army near Plava such that neither the Serbian nor the Greek army dared to intervene militarily and they were unable to divide Albanian up. The Great Powers then decided to put down the First Albanian League, which they did at the three-day battle of Oroshevats [Ferizaj]. 2. The Second Albanian League of Prizren was founded on 16 September 1943 and remains faithful under all circumstances to the traditions of its predecessor. /signed/Bedri Pejani Political Memorandum by the Bosnian Serb scholar and political figure Vaso Čubrilović on “The Minority Problem in the New Yugoslavia” (Serbian: “Manjinski problem u novoj Jugoslaviji”), presented in Belgrade on 3 November 1944, concerning the place of the Albanians (and other minorities) in Yugoslavia. [retranslated from the Serbian on the basis of an existing English version]

The Minority Problem in the New Yugoslavia Memorandum Reasons Why the Minority Problem in Yugoslavia Must Be Solved Quite aside from the disloyalty of the minorities, there are other important interests of state which compel us to take advantage of the current war to solve the problem of minorities by expelling them. Our minorities, as we have previously stressed, do not constitute a danger to us because of their numbers but rather because of their geopolitical position and the ties which they maintain with the neighbouring peoples to whom they are related. It is because of such ties that the neighbouring peoples have been able to use them to

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Kosovo, A Documentary History wage war against us. At present, the minorities are nothing more than stumbling-blocks in our relations with these neighbouring states. The democratic federation of Yugoslavia will only achieve peace and ensure its development if it can be made ethnically pure and if, by solving its minority problems, it can remove the causes of friction with neighbouring states once and for all. Taking a look at the relevant charts and maps, it can been seen that our minorities occupy very important positions in our country, both from an economic and from a strategical point of view. The Vojvodina on the banks of the Danube, for instance, is Central Europe’s gateway to the Balkans. In geopolitical terms, it is the strategic key to the peninsula. Without it, the nations of Yugoslavia, i.e. Serbia and Croatia, would lose their control over the Drava, Sava, Danube and Morava rivers and would once again become the backwater of a new Austria or of a new Turkey. The Vojvodina is the breadbasket of all of Yugoslavia and, even if not a single Serb or Croat lived there, we would still have to fight to keep it in order to feed millions of our citizens in the poorer regions to the south of the Sava and Danube. Devising a plan for the economic future of Yugoslavia would be senseless without the Vojvodina and its grain reserves. The regions to the south of the Sava and Danube with their mineral resources, forest reserves and hydroelectric potential provide all the prerequisites for modern industry, but this industry can only be set up if the plains of the Vojvodina provide the working masses in these new industries with food. We Serbs and Croats, however, make up only a relative majority of the population in the Vojvodina. It could happen, as a result of the war, that the Hungarians take over Bačka and the Germans, with their people in the Banat, set up a miniature Reich there. The situation is similar in the area around the Sharr Mountains, inhabited now by an overwhelming majority of Albanians. This region is the watershed of major Balkan rivers which flow into three seas. Because of this, Kosovo and Metohija have always been considered a strategic area in the Balkans. By occupying the central part of the Balkans, Kosovo and Metohija separate ­Serbia from Montenegro and these two, in turn, from Macedonia. The countries of the Yugoslav federation will never be strongly attached to one another so long as they have no direct ethnic border with one another. This matter is of particular concern for Macedonia. The upper reaches of the Vardar River are held by the Albanians whereas the lower reaches of the river are in the hands of the Greeks. We southern Slavs hold only the middle portion. Our position is too weak not to be challenged, as Italy did when it ceded to Albania not only Kosovo and Metohija but also Dibra/Debar, Kërçova/Kičevo, Gostivar and Tetova/Tetovo. We must have no illusions about what the future of Europe may bring. This horrendous war will certainly not be the last. We will find ourselves at the crossroads again and will once more be exposed to attack in some new war. It is therefore the duty of those who hold the destiny of this country in their hands to be prepared for all eventualities and to ensure that events we have lived through in this war never occur again. The statesmen of 390

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Documents the old Yugoslavia never considered this in 1918 when they agreed to incorporate the national minorities within the borders of the newly-created state. For political reasons, they even gave their support to the minorities, and we are the ones who have had to pay the price, sacrificing tens of thousands of lives. Such a calamity must never be repeated. The fertile valleys of Polog, Kosovo and Metohija are important in economic terms. Surrounding them are our wretched lands: Montenegro, the Sandjak of Novi Pazar, the areas to the north of the Sharr Mountains and the destitute Macedonian settlements to the south of the Shar. These people rightfully demand that the lands from which they have been driven by the Albanians over the last 150 years be returned to them. I have given deliberate priority to the Vojvodina and to Old Serbia (Kosovo), considering that these two regions represent the crux of our minority problem. In endeavouring to solve this problem, we must not, however, be guided by a desire to avenge the violence perpetrated against our peoples. Our policy on this issue must be guided simply by reasons of state. There are minorities scattered in other regions of the country, too. In view of the atrocious crimes committed by the German Reich on Slavic lands with the help of local ethnic Germans, we have every right to demand that these regions be cleansed of this group. The new political border between our country and Austria must also constitute the ethnic border between Slavs and Germans. The problem of these tens of thousands of Germans does remain, but it can be dealt with by the Slavs themselves without major complications. The German and ­Hungarian minorities in Croatia, Slavonia, Bosnia and Hercegovina are but scattered islands in an ethnic sea of southern Slavic peoples and can either be expelled or assimilated without great resistance. The biggest problem we are facing is how to break up the blocks of minorities inhabiting strategic geopolitical positions. The federal government must bring all the power of the state to bear in solving this problem. After examining why the cleansing of minorities is necessary, let us now see what options are available for carrying out the task. In actual fact, ­conditions for implementation are quite favourable. In 1918, Europe held the view that the minority problem could be solved by giving privileges to such groups. The experience of this war has proven to all of Europe that this approach was wrong. The unscrupulous exploitation of German minorities by the Third Reich has made it obvious that the only just solution to the problem is the deportation of the minorities. The Third Reich itself has carried out a brutal policy of colonization, transferring millions of people from one corner of Europe to the other. At the same time, it had plans for the expulsion of entire nations, endeavouring to maintain its rule in eastern and southeastern Europe by means of an elaborate settlement policy. Had it won the war, we southern Slavs, the Serbs in particular, would have been wiped off the face of the earth. Germany’s allies, Italy and Hungary, took the same approach to solving the minority problem. It is therefore understandable that our Allies have taken the stand during this war that the minority problem ought to be solved through 391

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Kosovo, A Documentary History evacuation and resettlement. The fraternal Soviet Union took advantage of this method even before the war. It long ago resettled the Karelians from the Finnish border. Koreans and Chinese were transferred from coastal regions in the Far East to as far as Turkistan. When the Soviet Union occupied Bessarabia in 1940, it expelled 150,000 Bessarabian Germans from the region. An entire camp of barracks was constructed that year by the G ­ ermans on the plain of Zemun, at the point where the Sava flows into the Danube. We, the inhabitants of Belgrade, had an opportunity to watch the Germans at the time being transported to the camp, before they were transferred back to the Reich. Even at the present time, the Soviet Union has resumed the population transfers it initiated before the war, resettling Poles from the Ukraine and Byelorussia to the other side of the Polish-Soviet border, and at the same time, bringing Ukrainians and Byelorussians back to the Soviet Union. With these examples in mind, we, too, have a right to demand of our Allies that our problem with minorities be solved in the same manner, i.e. by expulsion. We should have more right than any other country in Europe to demand of our Allies that they approve the evacuation of our minorities. No country on this continent has suffered so much as we have at the hands of nations ethnically related to our minorities. Over one million people, including women and children, have perished here in this appalling war, three times as many as were slain on the front with rifle in hand. Much responsibility for these killings can be laid at the door of the minorities in our country. This we have told to our Allies and have proven it to them. I am deeply convinced that they will appreciate the problem and support our intentions. I have faith in the fraternal Soviet Union, in particular. We were the only nation overrun by the Germans to rise in arms from behind the lines in the summer of 1941 when Hitler was leading his Nazi hordes onwards to Leningrad, Moscow and Stalingrad. For three years, we fought against all odds in our national liberation movements. We have a right to hope, therefore, that the fraternal Soviet Union will help us solve our minority problem here, as they have solved theirs there. It is easiest to resolve the minority question through expulsions in times of war such as this. The countries concerned have been our adversaries in the present war. They attacked us, we did not attack them. They laid waste to our land and selfishly exploited their minorities here to wage war against us. We have no territorial claims against them, with the exception of our claims against Italy to Istria, Gorica (Gorizia) and Gradiska (Gradisca). Therefore, with all the more right as victors, we are justified in asking them to take their minorities back. With its mass displacement of persons, this war has created a climate for resettlement. Our minorities are aware of their deeds and will therefore not put up much resistance when expelled. All in all, considering the abovementioned factors, there has never been a more favourable moment than the present for the solution of the minority question. A just resolution of the problem, however, depends on the attitude, level of awareness and energy of the people to decide on the fate of the ethnic groups in this country. I am 392

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Documents deeply convinced that the people appreciate the importance of the issue and will know how to proceed. It is for this reason that I am writing these lines. How to Solve the Minority Problem in the New Yugoslavia If we take the stand, as we do, that the only just solution to the minority problem is expulsion, we are faced with a number of issues which have to be dealt with. Should all minorities be expelled or only certain ethnic groups? From which regions should ethnic minorities be expelled first? And what is more important, how are we to resettle the deserted towns and villages? I have a few suggestions to make in this connection. As to priorities for expulsion, I hold the opinion that we should consider the following order: the Germans, the Hungarians, the Albanians, the Italians and the Romanians. We have already referred to the actions of the Germans, Hungarians and Albanians during the war here. In principle, they all deserve to lose their right of citizenship in this country. In view of the atrocities committed by the Germans, both in our country and throughout Europe, they have lost all rights and must be persecuted ruthlessly. The Hungarians here and in Hungary still deserve some consideration, despite the Bačka massacre and their service under the Germans as militiamen in Russia. Not all the measures to be carried out against the Germans should be applied to them. The same goes for the Albanians in Old Serbia (Kosovo) and Macedonia. Nonetheless, if we wish to solve the minority problem, we will have to take over Bačka, Kosovo and Metohija in ethnic terms and drive out hundreds of thousands of Hungarians and Albanians. The fascist regime in Italy treated our people in Istria, Gorica (Gorizia) and Gradiska (Gradisca) dreadfully. When we regain these territories, we will have to reoccupy them ethnically by m ­ oving out all the Italians who settled there after 1 December 1918. Only with the Romanians will matters be easier. Several hundred thousand Romanians live on our side of the Banat, while a smaller number of our ­people live on the Romanian side. We should have no difficulty in bringing about an exchange of population on the basis of a political agreement with the government in Bucharest. The second important question to be answered is which regions should be cleansed of minorities first. I have already stressed that our main c­ onsideration is not how many people we expel, but which regions to expel them from. Minorities scattered about as individual families and small communities pose no danger to us. The greatest threat is from large blocks of minorities in border regions of strategic and economic importance. These ethnic groups pose a ­particular danger if living on the border across from a country of the same nationality. Accordingly, it is essential for us to cleanse the Germans and ­Hungarians from the Vojvodina and the Albanians from Old Serbia (Kosovo) and Macedonia. Germans should also be expelled from Kočevje, Maribor and other border regions in Slovenia. We shall return to this problem later. 393

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Let us begin with the Vojvodina. If we take a look at the ethnic map of this country of ours, we see a colourful mosaic, much like a beautiful carpet from Pirot. The careful observer will soon be able to distinguish certain ethnic blocks that make up the major patches on the carpet. He will notice, for instance, the mass of Hungarian settlements situated in northeastern and central Bačka. Here is the main block of ethnic Hungarians in our country, from Horgoš in the north, through to Senta, Bačka Topola, Kula and Odžaci. Of the approximately half a million Hungarians living in Yugoslavia in 1941, almost 300,000 lived in Bačka. The remaining 200,000 are scattered about in the Banat, in Syrmia (Srem), Croatia and Slavonia where significant groups are to be found. Driving 200,000 Hungarians out of Bačka would bring about a solution to the Hungarian problem in our country. The German problem is not so simple. Germans are spread around the entire country, though most of them live on the fertile plains of Bačka, in the Banat and in Syrmia (Srem). They are present not only in central and northeastern Bačka, but also in the southwest, in the regions of Apatin, Novi Vrbas, Odžaci, Stara Palanka, and, to a considerable extent, in Novi Sad and Sombor. If we want to create an absolute majority for our people in Bačka, we must clean out the Germans. Bačka is also the key to our hold over the Vojvodina. The half a million or so Hungarians and Germans there compare to a little over 300,000 Slavs (Serbs, Croats and Slovenes taken together). Therefore, particular attention must be focussed on this region in solving the minority problem. The situation in the Banat is much better. This region was not depopulated in the war to the extent Bačka was. Here we have an absolute majority and the only minority of any great significance are the Germans. They are settled in the following areas: Pančevo, Bela Crkva, Vršac and Beckerek, and should be expelled from this region. In Syrmia (Srem), the Germans are settled in: Zemun, Stara Pazova, Ruma and Šid. Here they possess the best land and must be evacuated, too. In Slovenia, the areas around Kočevje and Maribor must be freed of Germans. If possible, we should destroy and eradicate ­German and Hungarian settlements in the rest of the provinces, too, in order to ensure their complete disappearance from the region. If we were s­ uccessful in expelling five to six hundred thousand Germans and Hungarians from Bačka, the Banat and Syrmia and in settling our people there instead, the Vojvodina would be ours forever. We must be more straightforward and practical in dealing with the ­Albanians in Old Serbia (Kosovo) and Macedonia in order to conquer Kosovo and Metohija ethnically and, at the same time, avoid a conflict with the neighbouring people in Albania. We must also take great care in considering the areas from which Albanians should be expelled and resettled so as not to affect a single Albanian village, indeed a single Albanian home more than necessary. If we are to reach our goal of linking Montenegro, Serbia and ­Macedonia, we must bring about a complete change in the ethnic structure 394

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Documents of Kosovo and Metohija. Most important of all, we must cleanse Metohija. As the border region to neighbouring Montenegro, it will be most suitable for Montenegrin colonization. After all, the Metohija and Drenica Albanians are at present the most loyal servants of the Germans, as they were a few years ago of the Italians. Dreadful atrocities were committed by the Albanians in the Macedonian villages of the upper Vardar valley. The Macedonians, therefore, rightfully demand their expulsion. A detailed plan must be elaborated to specify with accuracy which villages and areas of Old Serbia (Kosovo) and Macedonia are to be cleansed, and the plan must be implemented accordingly. In principle, we would have nothing against the evacuation of all minorities from our country. This is something we can still consider. The above-mentioned points in the Vojvodina, Slovenia, Old Serbia (Kosovo) and Macedonia constitute simply a minimum if we want to ensure future possession of these regions. If we agree in principle that the minority problem can only be solved through expulsion, and that expulsions should be carried out as proposed above, we are then faced with the problem of how this is to be accomplished. The first thing I would like to mention in this connection is that wars are most suitable for solving such problems. Like storms, they blow through countries, uprooting and blotting out peoples. What takes decades and centuries to accomplish in peaceful times, can be accomplished within a matter of months and years in a war. Let us not delude ourselves. If we wish to solve this problem, we will only be able to do so during the war. The leaders of old Yugoslavia thought after 1918 that they could break down the major e­ thnic blocks in the country by colonization. We have wasted billions of dinars on settling volunteers and other colonists throughout the Vojvodina, Kosovo and Metohija. In the Vojvodina over a twenty year period, we managed to change the ethnic balance in our favour by a few percentage points, but the German and Hungarian minorities still remain in Bačka. From 1918 to 1938, the Albanians increased their numbers in Kosovo and Metohija more by natural growth than we were able to do by bringing in settlers. Driving our colonists out of Bačka, Kosovo and Metohija, the Hungarians and Albanians were thus able to cancel out the few results we obtained. In order to prevent this from happening again, the army must be brought in, even during the war, to cleanse the regions we wish to settle with our own people, doing so in a wellplanned but ruthless manner. I do not yet wish to discuss details as to how this should be accomplished but, should this project be approved in principle, I would be more than willing to make my knowledge and experience available to the Supreme Command, to the National Liberation Army and to the partisan units in order to work out a more detailed plan. For the moment, I wish only to stress that the Germans and Hungarians must be expelled unconditionally from their lands in the Vojvodina, and the Albanians must be driven out of Metohija, Kosovo and Polog. 395

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Aside from ethnic cleansing during military operations, other methods must be applied to force the national minorities out. In view of their behaviour during the war, they must be stripped of all minority rights. All members of national minorities who were in any way of service to the occupants should be brought before military tribunals and shown no mercy. Concentration camps should be set up for them, their property confiscated, their families placed likewise in concentrations camps and, at the first opportunity, they should be expelled to their national states. The fraternal Soviet Army could be of enormous assistance in this question in dealing with the Hungarians and Germans. In expelling minorities, particular attention should be devoted to the intelligentsia and to the wealthiest strata of society. These are the people who behaved the worst towards us, serving the occupants loyally, and these are the elements who will be the most dangerous if they are allowed to remain in their native regions. The poor workers and peasants were not particularly sympathetic to German and Hungarian fascism and should not be persecuted. The same applies to Albanian beys and the Albanian bourgeoisie. Those same people who served the regimes loyally in old Yugoslavia and made money by doing the dirty work are the ones who committed the most murders after 1941. If the expulsion of minorities is agreed upon, there are other questions which will have to be dealt with, but we will come to them later. Colonizing Abandoned Lands Resettling abandoned towns and villages with our people is of paramount importance for the following reason. Interests of state require that lands abandoned by minorities be settled as quickly as possible so that the minorities and all of Europe can be confronted with a fait accompli. Economic interests dictate that this population transfer be accomplished with the least possible damage to the economic life of the country. Abandoned land must therefore not be left uncultivated, factories must go on working and the workshops of craftsmen must not be closed down. This is not as easy to accomplish as one might think. No matter how much thought and preparation go into the organization and implementation of expelling minorities, we cannot avoid temporary setbacks in the economy. We must not let this discourage us from our main objective and must ensure that such setbacks are kept to an absolute minimum. The matter is all the more pressing because the national minorities are presently settled on the most fertile land in the Vojvodina, Slavonia, Old Serbia (Kosovo) and Macedonia. The Germans are in control of crops used for manufacturing. If we want to hold on to our sugar and linen industries, we will have to find quick replacements for the expelled German farmers. The same goes for craftsmen and manufacturers. Over 80% of all craftsmen in the Vojvodina are Germans, as are a substantial, though lower percentage in Croatia and Slovenia. Germans run the mills, the breweries and the linen 396

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Documents industry in the Vojvodina and the Hungarians control the sugar industry. These facts must be taken into consideration and a strategy must be worked out accordingly so that all these sectors can be taken over and can continue to function after the departure of the Germans and Hungarians. We must settle our people at once on the land vacated by the minorities. After 1918, volunteers and native settlers were at the forefront of the colonization campaign. They were given five hectares of land each, some tools, and houses on occasion. The colonies progressed slowly though, because the plots were too small, the tools insufficient and the cattle lacking. P ­ roblems were also compounded by the fact that, in many cases, highlanders from Montenegro, the Krajina and Lika were the ones settled on the plains of the Vojvodina, and they had great difficulty adapting to the new climate and way of life there. Many of them therefore began selling their property and, up to 1941, the government was forced to intervene and purchase much land to stop it from falling back into the hands of the ethnic minorities. This time, colonization activities must be carried out with much more foresight and seriousness of purpose, and must be run along more scientific lines. The national liberation movement will have the same duty in c­ olonization which the government of old Yugoslavia did after 1918. The best ­fighters in the movement have been recruited from the destitute regions south of the Sava and Danube, as well as from poor families north of these rivers. ­Thousands of peasant families will be demanding compensation for their destroyed property in villages razed to the ground in Bosnia and Hercegovina, Montenegro, Dalmatia, Lika, Banja, Croatia and Serbia and they will have to be compensated. The best possible reward for them would be land abandoned by the Germans, Hungarians and Albanians. But the mistakes which were made after 1918 must not be allowed to occur again. Property left behind by ethnic minorities must, first and foremost, be given to partisan fighters and to members of the national liberation movement in general. In this connection, we should adhere to the maxim that land be given only to those ­willing to work it. Land is, after all, a commodity and should not be speculated with. There is no room in the new Yugoslavia for spahi-type landowners. In old Yugoslavia, it often happened that volunteers would rent out their land instead of working it themselves. In settling the Vojvodina, Kosovo and Metohija, we must adhere to a certain premise. The problem of the rural proletariat in Yugoslavia cannot be solved by giving everyone tiny plots of land. What we need more is rapid industrialization. The plains of the Vojvodina must not serve simply at the settling grounds for hundreds of thousands of hungry Montenegrin, Hercegovinian and Krajšnik peasants, but rather as an agricultural base for feeding the entire nation and for its industrialization. With this in mind, there are two approaches we could take in order to create a food surplus for the rest of the country: 1) We could set up larger entities in colonized villages, comprising 5 hectares. A good portion of their production could then be brought to 397

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Kosovo, A Documentary History market. 2) The government could retain for itself a considerable part of the land abandoned by the minorities and use it according to its own needs. The best would be a combination of these two approaches. I cannot underscore the importance of this issue enough. Lack of space prevents me from going into further detail. Manufacturing and trades are just as important as agriculture, but they are problems which are much easier to solve. Manufacturing in the agricultural sector in the Vojvodina must be nationalized, as must all large companies which are hostile to the state. With trades, the situation is somewhat more difficult, but they must be nationalized too. Support can be given to native craftsmen and apprentices by allowing them to take over abandoned ­workshops. Of paramount importance is that the colonization of land abandoned by national minorities be carried out in conformity with all international regulations and practices. We should therefore seek the approval of our Allies and endeavour right away to obtain a legal right to confiscate the property of hostile minorities. The government Commission on War Criminals should publicize material showing to the outside world and to our Allies what crimes the national minorities committed throughout our country. I made this proposal previously, but omitted it, and am introducing it again. Organization of Activities We have already stressed the importance of the ethnic cleansing of minorities in times of war. Accordingly, the role of the army takes on major significance in such activities. It is the armed forces who have the duty to expel minorities from our country. It is therefore essential that military ­commanders in the regions inhabited by the Hungarians receive precise instructions as to what is to be done and how it is to be done. It would be desirable for the Supreme Command of the National Liberation Army and partisan units to create a ­special department within their ranks whose duty it would be to carry out ethnic cleansing during wartime. This department should assemble a small number of experts and specialists in minority affairs from ­various regions. These people would provide the Supreme Command with requisite know-how and would prepare detailed proposals for dealing with the various minorities in our country during the war. After expelling the minorities, the armed forces would then have to guard abandoned facilities before the installment of a civilian authority. They could also ensure that the land be cultivated. This can only be accomplished if a special department is created, through which the work can be implemented. This department should remain within the purview of the armed forces even when the duties are later transferred to a ministry or given into trusteeship. The complexity of activities involved in the expulsion of several million people and the resettlement of hundreds of thousands of our people in 398

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Documents abandoned towns and villages requires the setting up of one further institution to supervise the whole campaign, and such an institution, ministry or commission, should be set up as soon as possible. After 1918, we had a ministry of agrarian reform whose duty it was to carry out reforms and thereby quench the thirst of our peasants for land. All in all, the ministry was not too badly organized. That it did not manage to fulfil its duties was due to the fact that too much bureaucracy was involved and that our nationally-minded political leaders were incompetent. I have had the opportunity since 1919 to follow up on the work accomplished by the staff of that ministry. They soon became corrupt and bureaucratic. The ministry continued to exist for years, but not to assist the colonists. It was simply there to sustain its employees. Experts have estimated that of the one billion dinars which old Yugoslavia earmarked for agrarian reform, only two hundred million were ever spent on the colonists. Eight hundred million dinars were swallowed up by government salaries. This waste must be avoided if we set up a new ministry for colonization. The job must not be entrusted to the current officials of the department for agrarian reform in the ministry of agriculture. New people must be hired who understand what is at stake and who will be ready and willing to devote all their time and energy to this enormous task. Once the ministry has been set up, and it will be a temporary institution by the way, officials from public offices and private companies should be appointed by means of special order. They should be given good salaries and promoted accordingly. No mercy should be shown to anyone involved in corruption. The risk of corruption has always been present and will continue to be present in affairs of this nature, especially where property belonging to millions of people is involved. A thorough presentation of the organization of this ministry would take us  beyond the scope of this report. For the time being, I only wish to stress that public employees should be selected with great care and national liberation committees should supervise the ministry’s work closely. These ­ committees could be of great assistance in determining how the national minorities can best be expelled and how colonists can best be brought in. In any case, the federal government will have to transfer a great part of its work in certain regions to the national liberation committees. We should take this fact into consideration now, at a time when we are just beginning to elaborate our colonization policy. The scope of each institution’s activities must be fixed in advance. Continuation of this work is easily hindered by infighting over jurisdiction. For the moment, the most important institution on site, aside from the army, will be the national liberation committees. The enormous bitterness felt towards the national minorities by our people because of the atrocities they committed against us is being expressed throughout the country by an uncontrollable rage towards them. This hostility and the irrevocable wish of the masses of our people for the minorities to disappear must be utilized in a constructive manner. We must not let ourselves slip 399

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Kosovo, A Documentary History into anarchy and ­plundering. This rage must serve the goals of our nation, as presented above. Precise instructions must therefore be transmitted to all national l­iberation committees as soon as possible to tell them what to do and how they should go about it. These committees will be responsible for ­organizing the expulsions, but they must also take care that farm land continue to be cultivated and that abandoned properties, workshops and factories not be left unguarded. It would perhaps be a good idea for specialized units, from the village to the national level, to be created within such committees. Our people should be taught from the start to know their rights and their duties. So important is this issue, that it would be advisable for Marshal Tito, as  Supreme Commander of the National Liberation Army, to issue instructions of his own to the army and to the national liberation committees in this respect. The matter is urgent, and the setting up of appropriate institutions takes time. The national liberation committees could be just as useful in settling colonists in the abandoned villages as they are in cleansing the countryside of minorities. I have already stressed that one of the reasons for the failure of our colonization strategy from 1918 to 1941 was that land was given to people who had no interest in working it themselves. Such a mistake must not be repeated. We must come up with ways and means of finding the right peasants and homesteaders for colonization. Such people are not particularly mobile, but when they do move to a new locality, they become rooted there very quickly. The national liberation committees in the areas where potential colonists come from must find the right type of settlers for the new ­colonies. They must also take care to replace the shortages in skilled workers and craftsmen left in the Vojvodina by the expulsion of the Germans. They should be assisted in their work by experts, social groups, professional groups, co-operatives and trade unions. With the help of the latter, the job of ­expelling the whole population of a town becomes much easier. I have set down here only the broad outlines of a strategy for the expulsion of national minorities and for the resettlement of the regions in question. There are a good number of other aspects which must be considered, too, but this would involve too much detail for the time being and can be left to a later date. For the moment, I would like to restrict myself to a number of immediate issues. War is still raging over our country as we discuss whether or not to expel the minorities and how to resettle the land. Reports are coming in from those parts of the country where military operations are still underway that our people are ruthlessly advancing upon the national minorities who were against us during the war. The rage of our people must be channelled without delay. What is most urgent for the moment are: 1) sending instructions to the army and to national liberation committees on what to do, 2) taking measures, with the assistance of the fraternal Soviet Army, to get support for the cleansing of the Germans and Hungarians, 3) taking measures to ensure that abandoned land be cultivated as autumn approaches and that factories and 400

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Documents workshops be guarded, and 4) beginning at once with the resettlement of the abandoned towns and villages by our people. All plundering and manipulation of the property of such minorities must be subject to the threat of capital punishment. These are measures which must be taken immediately. The rest of the work should begin as quickly as possible, too. I omitted to mention that it is essential for the property earmarked for colonists in towns and villages to be transferred into their names. Dirty tricks were played on the poor colonists under the old agrarian reform by unscrupulous officials and political opportunists. First, the land was distributed to the colonists and then it was taken away from them. Such things must be avoided at all costs. Property given to the peasants should be transferred into their names, as should houses and workshops. Whether or not the peasants join together and form co-operatives for collective farming is an entirely different matter. In my ­ opinion, this would indeed be the best way to work the land with the help of modern farm machinery. Because of its importance, this issue merits further discussion. I wish only to stress that collective farming is easier to introduce in regions to be colonized. Conclusion This memorandum on the minority problem may have turned out a bit long, but the issue is of such importance to the future of our country that I was, more than anything, concerned about having omitted something. We may never again have such an opportunity to make our country ethnically pure. All other problems our country is currently facing, be they of a national, political, social or economic nature, fade in comparison. If we do not solve the minority problem now, we will never solve it. It is my hope that the leaders of the national liberation movement will assess this issue as I have, and will approach the problem with the same energy and self-sacrifice they exhibited when, in 1941, they plunged into the terrible war of liberation for the creation of a new, democratic and federal Yugoslavia. If this report can contribute even modestly to this lofty objective, its aim will have been fulfilled. Belgrade, 3 November 1944 /signed/Vaso Čubrilović University Professor Despatch from the British diplomat Ralph Skrine Stevenson to the British Foreign Office, dated 21 April 1945, concerning the political situation in Kosovo and western Macedonia in the spring of 1945. Taken from: Bejtullah D. Destani (ed.), Albania & Kosovo: Political and Ethnic Boundaries, 1867–1946. Documents and Map (Slough: Archive Editions, 1999), pp. 939–44. 401

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Kosovo, A Documentary History

Kosovo in the Spring of 1945 Belgrade, 21st April, 1945 1. I have the honour to report that there have recently been a number of indications that in the last few months there has been serious unrest amongst the Albanian population of the Kosovo and Metohija, and the north-western corner of Macedonia. 2. The areas in question have throughout the war been in the main hostile to the Yugoslav Army of National Liberation and it appears that up to the present the partisan movement has found little sympathy or understanding there. This is due to a number of factors, the chief of which was the repression of the Albanian minority by the Yugoslav Government between 1920 and the present war. This encouraged Albanian irredentist feeling in the Kosovo which was fostered by the League of Prizren, subsequently called the Kosovo Committee, formed in 1920 by Albanian landowners and chieftains to work against Serbian domination. When, therefore, the Yugoslav State collapsed and Albanian appetites were satisfied by the inclusion to Albania all the Kosovo, Metohija and north-west Macedonia, the Italians found in the Kossovars ready collaborators. Kossovars were recruited in 1941 into an armed guard, formed by General Prenk Prevezi, which was responsible for the protection of the new frontiers and for policing within them. The Kossovars took the opportunity for revenge on the Serbian colonists, and many of the latter were forced to flee for protection over the frontiers to Serbia and Montenegro where they joined either the Partisans or the Cetniks. The Kosovo forces in their occasional raids over the Serbian frontier behaved with the utmost brutality towards the Serbs who opposed them. With the collapse of the Italians, whose popularity waned with the length of their occupation, the Germans exploited even more successfully the irredentist elements amongst the Kossovars. There was talk of according autonomy to the Kosovo and this was partially realised when the Kosovo was given a semi-autonomous constituent assembly at Prizren in March 1944. The Germans succeeded in expanding the existing units formed in the Kosovo into the S.S. Skanderberg Division of some 7,000 men, officered by Germans. This was formed in March 1944. At the same time, a conference of chiefs at Maqellare and Rogovo decided to set up a military committee for Kosovo and Metohija and undertook recruiting drives throughout the territory. These drives had considerable success. Frontier guards were strengthened, Albanian police units were formed and used to garrison Serbia, and the Kossovars were even despatched to garrison France and the Low Countries. 3.  In the face of this strong opposition, the partisan movement in the Kosovo never reached considerable proportions. From 1941 efforts had 402

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Documents been made to enlist some support amongst the Albanians and in that year, two delegates from Tito, Ali Dusanovic and Miladin Popovic, are believed to have attended a conference of the Albanian Communist party. They were arrested in Albania in 1942 but escaped with the help of Albanian Communists, and apparently continued to maintain contact between the Yugoslav partisans and the Albanian Communist party and to try to build up the partisan movement in the Kosovo and Metohija. Towards the end of 1943, the first was heard of Kosmet, the staff of the Yugoslav Army of National Liberation for the Kosovo and Metohija. This was responsible directly to Tito and consisted half of Serbs and half of Albanians, amongst whom were Mehmet Hoxha and Fadil Hoxha. Kosmet was forced to confine itself to political activity, mainly trying to abate anti-Serb feeling among the Kossovars. Some attempt was made to set up a partisan political organisation in the Kosovo, and a few National Liberation committees were formed. Contact was maintained with the Serbian, Montenegrin and Macedonian partisans, and in 1944 a conference was held at Kolgecaj which the Serbian and Montenegrin partisans attended. 4. Despite the lack of military activity in the Kosovo, Kosovo units fought from an early date with the Yugoslav Army of National Liberation both in Macedonia and Serbia under the command of the headquarters for these areas. In 1942, two Kosovo battalions formed in the hills west of Tetovo and fought with the 1st Macedonian Brigade until transformed into the 1st Kosovo Brigade, about 800 strong, in June 1944. At the start, it was composed mainly of fugitive Serbs, but in June 1944, it was estimated that some 30 per cent. were Albanians. Another Kosovo brigade, some 400 strong, formed probably in the Skopska Crna Gora, was, in the early part of 1944, in the area east of the Nis-Skoplje railway. Part of the ­Kosmet staff were located in Serbian territory south of the Radan, protected by a battalion of about 100 Kossovars. Not until the summer of 1944 did Kosmet start to take on a military character and in August, when it was in the Pec-Djakovica area, it was joined by the 1st Kosovo Brigade from Macedonia. The partisan forces in the Kosovo remained, however, weak, and failed to bring in with them any other resistance movements, of which the most important was built up by Gan Kryeziu, a Kosovo landowner from the Djakovica area. Relations between Kryeziu and ­Kosmet were correct and occasional military operations are thought to have been carried out together, but because of his failure to join them, Kryeziu incurred the dislike of Kosmet, who are believed to have threatened his life. Furthermore, the attempts of the Yugoslav Army of National Liberation to send troops into the Kosovo were not successful. The resistance put up by the K ­ ossovar frontier guards was fanatical, and in May the 2nd Corps, attempting to break through Montenegro, and in July the Serbian forces of Lieutenant-General Popovic advancing from the north on to Gnjiline, were driven back. As a result of their almost complete 403

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Kosovo, A Documentary History failure in the Kosovo and of the brutality of the Kossovars towards the Serbs, the majority of the partisans took a pessimistic view of the possibility of winning over the Kossovars by conciliation. In general, the majority of the partisans, who had much to do with the Albanian minority during the war, such as General Vukmanovic Tempo, often stated that they were unregenerate bandits who must be brought to heel by harsh methods when the country was liberated. The Albanian minority in north-west Macedonia, many of whom belonged to the Bal Kombetar, were particularly regarded as brigands. 5. The fact that Kosmet was able to exist at all in the Kosovo was probably due to the support of the F.N.C. in Albania. So close was the liaison of Kosmet with the F.N.C. that British officers who penetrated the Kosovo at the end of 1943 believed Kosmet to be an offshoot of the F.N.C. The F.N.C. appear, however, to have recognised that Kosmet formed part of the Yugoslav Army of National Liberation rather than of their own forces and, during the summer of 1944, Hoxha publicly recognised Kosmet and recognised Kosovo as belonging to Tito’s sphere of influence. From Macedonia, constant contact was maintained with the F.N.C. by Tempo and in the summer of 1944, joint operations were undertaken by units of the F.N.C. and of the Yugoslav Army of National Liberation against the ­Germans and Bal Kombetar in north-west Macedonia. 6. As the Germans began to withdraw and the power of the F.N.C. in Albania extended, the enemies of the F.N.C. movement were forced into the mountains adjacent to the Yugoslav frontier and many of them probably went over in the Kosovo and north-west Macedonia. F.N.C. forces moved after them towards and over the Yugoslav frontier. 7. From the Yugoslav side, the withdrawal of the Germans gave the ­Yugoslav Army of National Liberation their first opportunity to penetrate the Kosovo. At this time the persistently gloomy attitude of the partisans regarding the possibility of conciliating the Kossovars underwent a sudden change. There were mass desertions from Kosovo quisling units. Two new Partisan Kosovo brigade were formed by the end of October and two more were in formation. The Kossovars and the Albanians in north-west Macedonia were reported to be fighting the Germans as they withdrew. Meanwhile the partisan-Bulgarian assault on the Kosovo forced the Cetniks of the Skopska Crna Gora and to the south of Kopaonik, the latter under Zika Markovic, back into the Kosovo where they fought alongside the Germans and their Kossovar units. In southern Montenegro, partisan was reported to have driven some of the Cetniks of Djurisic to join forces with the Catholic chiefs of northern Albania in the area north of Lake Scutari. By the end of December, the enemy withdrawal, including about half of the Skanderbeg Division, accompanied them. The remainder of the Skanderbeg Division either deserted or were purposely left behind, and it seems probable that at least a part of the Cetniks stayed both in 404

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Documents the mountains of the Kosovo and in the Sandjak. The Skopska Crna Gora was never completely cleared up by the Yugoslav Army of National Liberation and it is probable that about 1,000 Cetniks remain in the area. In the Kosovo and the mountain fringes around it there, therefore, remained a hard core of desperate resistance to the partisans, consisting of the remainder of the Skanderbeg Division and remnants of the southwest Serbian Cetniks of the Kopaonik who had so far compromised themselves as to have no hope of reconciliation with the partisans. In addition there were concentrated in northern Albania all the elements hostile to the F.N.C., and in villages of north-west Macedonia a backward population (unfriendly to the partisans) who had even before the war had a reputation for brigandry. It is also probable that some of the Djurisic Cetniks remained at large round the borders of Montenegro. 8. For some time after the occupation of the Kosovo by the partisans and Bulgarians, there were no reports of unrest. Serbian, Montenegrin and Macedonian garrisons were in many of the towns, and F.N.C. troops passed through the Kosovo on their way to Montenegro to help in the expulsion of the Germans from there. Subsequently there appears to have been a reduction of the garrisons in the area, and in February there were vague rumours of unrest. A circumstantial American report states that in February there was in the Kosovo an organised revolt inspired by the Bal Kombetar and involving 7,000 men, which was only suppressed by the use of six divisions of the Yugoslav Army of National Liberation. Apart  from this one report there is little direct evidence of the revolt or of large movements of Yugoslav Army of National Liberation forces to counter it. In the middle of March, however, Dalmatian troops, together with tanks, were reported from several sources as passing through ­Albania on their way to Macedonia. From north-west Macedonia there were a number of reports of unrest. Early in February, the 49th Division was said to have been engaged in fighting near Kicevo, and on the 28th ­February, a band of Albanian Bal Kombetar irredentists attacked two E.L.A.S. b ­ attalions under the command of Gotsi (Slav-­Macedonians previously operating in Greece) which had recently sought refuge from Greek Macedonia in the Gostivar-Kicevo area, killing 50 Greeks. ­Macedonian troops, together with Gotsi were reported to have taken counter-­ measures and defeated the Bal Kombetar. On the 2nd March, 200 Albanian prisoners were brought to Skoplje from Gostivar. All men between 17 and 30 in the Struga-Gostivar area were mobilised and a later report stated that the local commanders had been given the option of mobilising all men between 35 and 45. From one village in the Radusa area of 125 houses, it was reported that only eight men had been left. The morale of these troops was rather naturally low and a number were reported to have deserted, presumably with a view to joining the Albanian rebels. On the 29th March, bands led by Dzema and Mifail, operating in 405

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Kosovo, A Documentary History the ­Tetovo-Gostivar area, were reported to have moved to the Kosovo and Metohija to join the Cetniks and an Albanian leader called Djafer Bey in operations against the Yugoslav Army of National Liberation. Before leaving, they raided three villages in the Gostivar area and killed all partisan members of the National Liberation Committees. In reprisal for this, Macedonian units burned villages and removed all the men to the prison in Skoplje. 9. In the Kosovo, Miladin Popovic, Tito’s early envoy to the Albanian partisans, was assassinated in Pristina on the 12th March. By the 1st April, Kossovar and Cetnik activity in the Kosovo was reported to be on the increase again and the 12th Macedonian Brigade was sent there from Skoplje to assist, according to the source, four other Macedonian brigades and a number of Serbian brigades already operating in the area. Trouble seems to have continued in north-west Macedonia, and on the 7th April, two O.Z.N.A. (police) brigades appeared in Skoplje in answer to a request from the Macedonian Federal Government for reinforcements. The area, bounded by the Albanian frontier, Sar Mountains, Skoplje, Karabzica Mountains, Brod, Kicevo, and inclusive of Tetovo and Gostivar to Debar, was reported on the 16th April to be a war zone owing to the alarming proportions which the Albanian rising there had assumed. Large forces were engaged, including the 1st Skoplje Cavalry Brigade, the 8th, 9th and 16th Macedonian Brigades, and other unidentified troops from the Bitolj area. In addition E.L.A.S. troops under Gotsi in the Gostivar area were engaged in defensive fighting. 7,000 Albanians were alleged to have been imprisoned in Tetovo and large numbers of Albanians from the Skoplje area to have taken to the woods, 140 having deserted from the ­municipal power station in one day. In Skoplje itself there were continual rumours of Albanian trouble and 12,000 Albanians were stated to have been forcibly deported from the Kumanovo, Gnjiline and Vranje area to the Banat. There is little independent confirmation of these reports, but towards the end of March, there was talk in Belgrade of Albanians being marched northwards through the town under guard, and an American report of cases of typhus among Albanians in the Banat. From Split there were reports between the 5th and 8th April of the arrival of three parties of Kossovars, totalling about 2,000 men and some of them under guard, who were said to have been mobilised in the Kosovo to clear the area of troublesome factions after trouble in the neighbourhood of Pristina. 10.  In recent conversations with members of my staff, General Velebit has confirmed that conditions have been disturbed in the Kosovo and attributed this mainly to the dropping of parachutists by the Germans. These, he said, were mainly drawn from the Skanderbeg Division. He maintained, however, that the trouble is now largely over, due in the main to the co-operation in the suppression of the rising of troops of the Albanian National Liberation Army whose lack of racial differences from 406

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Documents the rebels and obvious sympathy with partisan aims has made a deep impression. The presence of troops of the Albanian National Liberation Army in the area is confirmed by an American report of the 25th March to the effect that the 5th Division of the Albanian National Liberation Army was in the Kosovo with its headquarters at Kosovoska Mitrovica. General Velebit said that in the north-west corner of Macedonia there was a certain amount of brigandage, but this had been the case even before 1941. The Minister for Macedonia made much the same comment. 11. The Skopska Crna Gora which was throughout the war a Cetnik and Albanian stronghold has also been reported to be a focus of trouble. As early as January one Macedonian battalion was reported engaged with Cetniks near Presevo, and there have been continual rumours of armed resistance there. At the beginning of April, the area was reported blockaded, and an eyewitness said that he had seen 200 well-armed Cetniks in a village ten miles from Skoplje. Later a report was received that one group of 4,000 men was at large there. It is believed that the recent rather chauvinistic attitude of the Macedonian Federal Government has caused much ill-feeling amongst the Serbs settled in Macedonia, and the main centre of Serbian resistance to the Macedonian regime is believed to be in the Skopska Crna Gora. 12. In a recent press report of a reception by Marshal Tito given to twentyfive delegates from the Kosovo and Metohija, who had come to attend the recent meeting of the Serbian Skupstina, headed by Mehmet Hoxha, President of the National Liberation Council for the Kosovo and ­Metohija, Marshal Tito made it abundantly clear that conditions in the Kosovo were not satisfactory, while the delegates spent much of their time in apologising for the shortcomings of the population. The Marshal stated that there was still a number of reactionaries and obscurantists not only in the Kosovo and Metohija but also in Albania, and when promising a fair redistribution of land, said that this would not be difficult since so many of the landowners in the Kosovo had worked for the enemy. He also spoke of cliques who had previously been working for the enemy and had now gone over to the enemy again. Contending that the reactionaries were only an active and vocal minority, he said that he was ready to grant an amnesty to those who were genuinely misled. When promising them Albanian schools and other minority rights, he pointed out that they could expect no rights without performing their duties, and stressed the importance of their mobilisation into the Yugoslav army. He urged the Kossovars to wipe out the blot on the reputation of the Kosovo themselves. He pointed out that with many of the dissidents, it would be enough to try to convince them of the rightness of the partisan cause since they had merely come to the Kosovo because they could not be convinced. He said that they must use strong measures to correct this attitude. It seems possible that this was an oblique reference to the move to 407

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Kosovo, A Documentary History the Kosovo of the main anti-F.N.C. elements in Albania, a fact which may be borne out by the movement of F.N.C. troops there. The Albanian delegates did not deny the existence of subversive elements, but pleaded in extenuation that they were largely due to lack of education. 13. The recent arrest of Gani Kryeziu, who throughout the war, except when interned by the Italians, was in active opposition to the enemy, also bears witness to the present regime’s fear of any leader, around whom opposition could centre. 14. That the Albanians of the Kosovo should, after their years of ill treatment at the hands of the Yugoslav Government, welcome incorporation in the Yugoslav State without any resistance, particularly after the clever play which the Germans have made with their irredentist aims, was too much to expect. That there has been serious resistance is clear, though whether the main strength of the armed resistance has been broken is not. It seems probable, however, that large-scale mobilisation and deportation to other parts of the country as well as the arrest of possible leaders such as ­Kryeziu have at least temporarily paralysed it. The announcement of the future adherence of the Kosovo and Metohija to the Serbian federal unit may possibly resuscitate it, but it seems probable that such an announcement would not have been made unless the Government felt that the sting of Albanian resistance had been drawn. 15. In the wild country of north-west Macedonia, it seems that Albanian resistance continues, but the despatch of one of the recently arrived O.Z.N.A. brigades to the Bitolj area may mean that this is on the wane. There is some evidence that Cetnik bands have been operating with the Kosovo rebels near the Albanian frontier, but their main stronghold is probably the Skopska Crna Gora, though a few may be at large in the Kopaonik, where parachutists were recently dropped to them by the Germans. These were reported, however, to have been so easily rounded up that it seems improbable that the resistance forces there are very considerable. 16. In the Sandjak, there has been talk of a resistance movement, presumably Cetnik, called the “White Eagles” (Beli Orli), but confirmation of their existence is so completely lacking as to make it appear probable that they are a mythical force. 17. It is improbable that either the Kosovo, Skopska Crna Gora or even the Kopaonik or Sandjak could be the rallying ground of disaffected elements from other parts of Serbia. With the possible exception of the Sandjak, they are far from the centre of Serbia, and the access of large numbers of men to them from other parts of Serbia would be difficult. The Sandjak, considering the size of its population, has throughout the war played a prominent part in the partisan movement, and it seems unlikely that a resistance movement could exist there. Moreover, to put up effective resistance, the Albanian and Serbian rebels would have to join forces, particularly as it seems probable that the only area where there is a sufficient core of 408

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Documents resistance to allow rebellion any hope of success is the Kosovo and northwest Macedonia. Such is the dislike and scorn with which the average Serb regards the Albanians, that it is scarcely likely that the Serbs would, even if they could consider doing this. It is only those Serbs who have in the course of years of fighting against the partisans so compromised themselves as to make it hopeless for them to seek pardon from the new regime, who have resorted in desperation to this alternative to certain liquidation. 18. I am sending copies of this despatch to the Resident Minister, Central Mediterranean; His Majesty’s Ambassador in Athens; Lieut.-Colonel Clarke, 37 Military Mission, in Bari; and to the British Delegation in Belgrade. I have, &c. Ralph Skrine Stevenson Extract from a report by an unnamed official of the British Embassy in Belgrade on a visit to Kosovo in October 1945. 13th October [1945] Next morning we moved on towards Andrijevica and Prizren where we intended to see the President of the Provincial Council of the Kosovo and Metohija. The roads were good and the weather fine. We could not go through Podgorica which has been almost totally destroyed by bombing, owing to the fact that the bridge over the Zeta has not yet been repaired. Work was, however, proceeding hard, despite the fact that it was Sunday, and it looked likely to be repaired within a few days. The peasants we met on the road gave the impression that the regime was popular, though they all said that the economic position was desperate. They were receiving U.N.H.R.A supplies, but not enough. One returned prisoner of war who was most enthusiastic on seeing us and assured us that on being liberated he had done his best to fight in the American Army, told us that from his village one man had been elected to the County and two men to the District Committee in the recent local elections. He considered that they had been a great success. On the way over the Cako we went into the house of an old peasant. His house had been burned twice under the occupation and he had had continually to flee to the Partisans for refuge from the depredations of the Arnauts. His son had just been demobilised and with his help and what of U.N.H.R.A. he hoped to survive the winter. On the road, apparently owing to the lack of houses, the normal slogans were posted on neat notice boards on trees. Amongst these was one which was new to me, namely “Moscow, Belgrade, Prague, Warsaw and Sofia always together”. This was perhaps the most frequent of all slogans in Montenegro. Just before reaching the Montenegrin frontier we met a wood-cutting party of 24 Division who told us that though there was little armed opposition in the area, it was unsafe to leave their wood without an armed guard. On the 409

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Kosovo, A Documentary History frontier there was a large and friendly frontier post under a young ensign who had completed a political but not a military course. Before arriving at Pec we met large numbers of Arnauts who appeared to be polling, but on enquiring from one of them what was going on, he seemed to think that some sort of an election was in progress but was not sure what. He seemed confident that he would in due course receive the requisite instructions and assured us that the situation was splendid. We arrived in Pec to find that the local elections were fixed for the next day. Here for the first time there was a shortage of bread, and we were only able to obtain maise bread. While we were having lunch a somewhat sheepish procession carrying pictures of Tito and Stalin and headed by the Albanian, Yugoslav and Soviet flags filed self-consciously past, apparently encouraging everyone to turn out for the local elections. We found the regulation that no alcohol must be drunk before the elections firmly adhered to. Leaving Pec we went to the abbey of Decani. The monastery is now being used as a barracks by the Army, and having been shown round by the abbot, an old Russian refugee who had been a Russian court priest before the last war, we were forced to go into his room and eat and drink. He told us that he and the two remaining priests have been left only three rooms by the army and that every action is under supervision. He told us that the Army was living there in the greatest comfort, but on being asked said that he had heard no expression of anti-British feeling from them. Before the war there had been about 150 priests in the monastery but on its outbreak most of them had fled leaving only 4 behind. One of these four had recently been arrested and taken to Pec on an unspecified charge. The abbot told us that most of the land of the monastery was now being worked by local peasants, but that its confiscation from the monastery had not yet been legalised. He was completely out of contact with the Serbian church but hoped for an improvement with the forthcoming arrival of a bishop at Prizren. This bishop was coming from the bishopric at Ruthenia which had now passed from the aegis of the Serbian church to that of the Russian. The bishop was at present in Moscow but was expected to return shortly. I then asked whether the Russian church delegation which was recently in Yugoslavia had visited Decani and was told that they had not, as the mission had no religious but purely a political significance. The abbot expressed the opinion that the Russian Church was playing a most nefarious and important part in the Russian political designs on the Balkans. From another priest I learned that the local Albanians, though reasonably content for the present, were in a state of expectation. They felt that things could not remain as they now were and expected a change shortly. There was a strong hankering for a return to Albania under whom during the war they had enjoyed nothing but privileges. Their behaviour during the war towards the Serbs had been disgusting and the abbey had been continually attacked until the priests had been forced to call in enemy garrisons to protect them 410

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Documents The Serb colonists were now returning, but many of them had as yet been unable to get their houses and land back and were living in Albanian houses. From there we pushed on hurriedly towards Prizren, travelling after dark. We found a hotel there, though an insufficiency of food and again there was no bread, a curious fact in such a rich area. A Serbian soldier who helped to carry our belongings inside expressed regret at having returned to the Kosovo as the Albanians were fully in the saddle and the food situation was very ­serious. 14th October We made an early call on the Provincial Council and found that the president, Fadil Hoxha, was away on an electioneering campaign, but were received by the Commissar (Povjernik) for Finance, together with the Commissar for Health and the Custodian of enemy property. There had been a very serious drought, particularly between Pec and ­Prizren, and crops were about 50 per cent of normal. Transport was very short and until a few days before, there had been only 5 trucks available for ­supplying the whole territory. But this had now been somewhat improved and the Council hoped shortly to get more trucks. They pointed out that as the ­railway Kraljevo-Skoplje was working only from Kacanik to Mitrovica, they were entirely dependent on motor transport. They did not know when the Kacanik-Skoplje and Mitrovica-Kraljevo stretches would be repaired, but  appeared to be unduly optimistic in view of the appalling destruction I have seen on both these lines and the apparent slowness with which they were being repaired. They told us, which I can confirm, that the KursumlijaPristina line which was planned but never completed before the war was being worked on. Their most pressing economic problem was the supply of seed for the coming year. They had made a programme for the sowing of 17 million kilograms, but saw no prospect of getting anything like that quantity. This would mean that even next year their economic position would be fairly desperate. We then spoke of the position of the Albanians before and during the war. They claimed that before the war, the Albanians had been very harshly treated, that their land had been left with only their houses in the middle of Serbian owned land. Many of these Serb landlords had been absentees. As a result some 200,000 Albanians had migrated between the wars to Turkey under an agreement between the Turkish and Yugoslav Governments. They had themselves fled to Albania where they had remained until 1941 – the Commissar for Health could not in fact speak Yugoslav – when they had returned to organise resistance. They claimed that the fact that all Albanians had not left the territory was due to the activities of the Communist party whose propaganda had been strong, particularly in the distribution of pamphlets urging Albanians not to leave the Kosovo. Pamphlets had been regularly placed in the cemeteries on the first day of Bairam. This propaganda 411

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Kosovo, A Documentary History had had a remarkable effect and had checked the emigration that was in full swing. During the war they had been confronted by great difficulties. The Albanians had proved easy material for the enemy to work on due to their harsh treatment before the war, the enormous percentage of illiteracy, and the fact that the territory itself was not suitable for guerilla activity. They had, however, succeeded in establishing near the Montenegrin frontier one brigade and two battalions under the military command of Fadil Hoxha, and these had worked in the closest collaboration with the Montenegrin and Albanian Partisans. The liberation of the territory had been accomplished by themselves and one Albanian division attacking in the east. I enquired as to the representation on local committees of Albanians, Serbs and Montenegrins, and was informed that this was proportional to the population in particular areas. They pointed out, however, that as three-quarters of the population was Albanian and only a quarter Serbian and Montenegrin, the Albanians were naturally in the majority nearly everywhere. In certain districts such as Djakovica the whole committee was Albanian. The Albanians were being given full rights and all orders were printed both in Albanian and Serbo-Croat. Albanian schools were being set up and 4 gymnasia had already been established. The main difficulty here was teachers, but a number were being provided from Albania. The Supreme Court which had been established had been entirely Albania. As regards the return of Serb settlers who had fled during the war, this was proceeding and there was no objection to those Serbs who had good claims returning. None of the colonisation and agrarian reforms between the two wars was, however, considered to be valid, and the land would not be returned to Serbs and Montenegrins who had obtained their land during this period. The large estates which had been owned by Serbs would be divided amongst landless peasants. As regards their degree of independence of the Serbian Government, they explained that while they had to apply the laws of both the Central and ­Serbian Governments, they enjoyed a wide degree of latitude. They were, for instance, carrying out their own agrarian reform, and the Commissar of Finance proudly showed us his budget which he had just completed. They now had their representative in the Serbian Government, Mehmet Hoxha, the new Serb Minister of Mines and ex-President of the Political Council of Kosmet. He was responsible for seeing that the Serb Government took into account the views of the Provincial council of Kosovo and Metohija. In the forthcoming elections there was usually only one candidate in each constituency and these were largely Albanians though their deputies were normally Serbs or Montenegrins. They had, however, tried to achieve proportional representation for the various nationalities in the list for the Chamber of Nationals for which seven Albanians, two Serbs and one Montenegrin were standing. The local elections had produced good results, but there had been some difficulty in interesting the Moslem women in voting. Some armed 412

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Documents resistance still existed, particularly in the Drenica Mountain area west of Pristina, and in the mountains near Mitrovica. These they described as adherents of the 2nd League of Prizren and they were led by ?Uxhedin. The main war criminals from the area, including Djafer Deva and Berolini, who had organised the police, had fled and were now living comfortably in Rome. Djafer Deva had been the sponsor of all quisling activity in the area and had been responsible for a largescale massacre in Albania itself. U.N.H.R.A. supplies had so far been received only in small quantities, due to transport difficulties and had been used for feeding the very poor and returned Serb colonists who had not yet got their land back. All this had been paid for by the Provincial Council. Their relations with Albania were very close and cordial and they regarded themselves as the bridge whereby rapprochement between Albania and ­Yugoslavia was being brought about. They protested that the Albanian people were well disposed towards Great Britain but were disappointed that after their efforts in the war Great Britain had not done more to help them. The Commissar for Health here interjected that feeling in the Kosovo really depended on British policy towards Albania. The general impression was that their eyes looked more towards Tirana than towards Belgrade. Finally we enquired about Gabi [Gani] Beg Kryeziu. They maintained that he had always been the agent of the Yugoslav Government in the Kosovo. He had organised the Albanians to vote for the Zivkovic and Stojadinovic ­Governments, from the latter of which they said he had received 300,000 dinars for his work. Further, he represented the interests of the large landowners, being one himself, and they were naturally opposed to these interests. After his return from internment in Italy, he had collaborated continually and covertly with the enemy. He met the Partisans by day and by night, was in conference with the emissaries of the Prizren League and with the Agas of Pec. The Partisans had been with him many times and had asked him to collaborate with them. He had always put them off with promises, but had stayed inactive when they attacked the enemy. They did not claim, however, that he had attacked them. After the liberation they had received information that he and his following intended to take to the woods in Drenica and had therefore arrested him. There was now a strong popular clamour for his trial to which they thought they would have to accede. They seemed genuinely delighted to see us and talked without restraint. It is clear from what they said that Serbs and Montenegrins will have to take very much of a back seat in the Kosovo. Of the present Provincial Council they said that 10 were Albanian, 4 Serbs and only 2 Montenegrins. Memorandum of the anti-communist “Besa Kombëtare” organisation in Kosovo, written by its head Ymer Berisha and sent to Brigadier General Edward Hodgson, head of the British Military Mission in Albania, in an appeal for help 413

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Kosovo, A Documentary History in their struggle against the advancing communist partisans. Taken from the Archives of the Secretariat of the Interior of Kosovo, File 50, I-0002, with the kind assistance of Uran Butka. [translated from the Albanian] His Excellency Brigadier General Hodgson Head of the British Military Mission in Albania Tirana Excellency, The whole population of Illyrian Dardania wishes to convey this memorandum to Your Excellency with bitterness in their hearts because of the terror and torture they have been subjected to under the partisans. On 15, 16, 17 and 18 November [1944], after the departure of occupation forces, the partisans entered the towns of Kosovo, and some of them entered the villages. The people of Kosovo, who have never been as well armed as they are now, did not oppose the partisans, seeing that they had the political support of the English. They never believed that, as part of the Atlantic alliance, the partisans would dare to perpetrate such acts of terror and to shed the blood of the people, as they did. Indeed, we were of the opinion that, while German forces were occupying the Balkans, any strong resistance to the partisans was detrimental to the Allied armies. This was the reason in the early spring why we let the partisans into Kosovo without any opposition. However, as they gradually took power in collaboration with the Montenegrin, Serbian, Bulgarian and Macedonian partisans, they set about disarming the people here as a whole, making promise after promise that they would give the people full freedom. Unfortunately, once they had collected all the arms, instead of fulfilling their promises to give the people freedom, they began to enslave them, committing acts of terror and violence unseen in human history. In many regions, people were tortured to death because they were asked to give up arms that they did not have. This happened for example in the village of Krajka near Prizren. Once all the weapons were gathered up, the village leaders, bajraktars and well-known figures were all arrested and sent to prison and hard labour where most of them died of hunger. For example, Xhevat Bey of Peja weighed 93 kilos when he was imprisoned and only 36 kilos when he was released 45 days later. Seeing that he was still alive, despite the treatment he had ­undergone, they forced him to drink lime dissolved in water, from which he died. Every evening they would take 10-15 of them out of prison and kill them, while teasing them and playing with them. Often the prisoners would 414

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Documents be tortured, beaten, cut up or hanged. Some of them had their heads bashed in with sledgehammers and other had their fingernails pierced with needles. Some were kicked in the ribs and other had parts of their bodies chopped off while they were still alive. To top these brutal deeds off, the partisans would make fun of their victims, saying they wanted to buy meat. They shouted things like: “Slice a kilo of meat off for me, too.” Burning nails were often driven into their bodies. Under such torture and after such unspeakable deeds, Your Excellency, thousands of innocent Albanians died in Kosovo, an orphaned country. These are types of torture that only the communists could have invented. Heads of families suffered this fate simply because they were men who were good parents and knew how to manage their households well and how to educate over four sons properly. In the village of Muzhevina, in the sub-prefecture of Istog, not only were all the men of the village slaughtered, but also the 13-member family of Rexhep Haliti, including women and children. The reason they were all murdered is that a partisan was killed on the road nearby. All the officers of the people’s army who were in Kosovo were treacherously murdered and thrown into the River Drin. In Drenica, seventy-five well-known persons were slaughtered by having their heads bashed in with ­sledgehammers. They were then thrown into a large ditch. For this reason, the whole population of the region, some 35,000 inhabitants, rose in revolt to the cry “Freedom or death!” Over 6,000 men began a revolt known as the Drenica Uprising because it took place there, carried out by the people of Drenica. It often happened that a father was in the popular uprising while his son was with the partisan army. A father fighting his own son, a son fighting his own father. Brother against brother. An unspeakable tragedy! How many Albanians died! The Drenica Uprising began on 22 January and ended on 18 February 1945. The Albanians were surrounded by 12-15 partisan brigades who, according to prisoners of war, comprised 36,000 to 50,000 soldiers of Albanian, Montenegrin, Serbian, Macedonian and Bulgarian ethnicity. During the twenty-eight days of fighting, about 430 Drenica fighters were killed or wounded. None were taken prisoner. Over 150 homes were looted and burned down. Around 6,000 inhabitants of Drenica, Vushtrria and ­Mitrovica were deprived of food and all their belongings. On the partisan side, 6,000 soldiers were wounded, 2,550 were killed and 850 were taken prisoner. On 18 February 1945, four legendary commanders of the nationalist army for freedom fell on the front. They are Shaban Polluzha, Miftar Bajraktari, Mehmet Gradica and Gani Llaushi. They fell while fighting amidst the ruins created by enemy artillery. They resisted to the very end so as not to fall into the hands of the enemy. The Drenica Uprising ended that day when its heroes fell and all their ammunition was spent. After the Drenica Uprising, terror in Kosovo let up somewhat, until the elections of 5–13 September, when the partisan army began operations, 415

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Kosovo, A Documentary History seeing that those who had fled into the mountains did not return to vote. They carried out savage repression in the villages, killing and burning thousands of innocent people who worked there in the countryside and whose only crime was that they were not wearing a red star on their caps, or that they did not have documents issued by the partisan leadership in their pockets, or that they had secretly brought food to the nationalist army in the mountains at night. For example, in the sub-prefecture of Suhareka near ­Prizren, 160 innocent men were killed within twenty-four hours because they did not vote for the partisans. At that time, the partisans held speeches in the towns and villages, stating that anyone who did not vote for Tito would be killed with all his family. Later, on 12 September 1945, heralds arrived in the towns, calling together all the men, women, girls and boys over the age of eighteen. Anyone who did not vote would have to pay a fine of 5,000 dinars and would be interned with his families for six months. On 13 September, municipal elections were held to choose the mayors. On this occasion, even sick and old people were carted into the polling stations by horse or wicker carriage. The voting took place under the pressure of arms and the “tokens” used for voting were cast into the box that the partisans wanted. All Albanians, from towns and villages, who were suspected of having connections with people hiding in the mountains were denied the right to vote. Only women and girls came out to vote. The partisans caused strife in many families by dividing fathers from their sons and sons from their fathers. Following the Drenica Uprising, they began to mobilize all the boys of the age of 1415 to take them away from their homeland so that they could no longer continue the struggle against the partisans. God knows how many families were torn apart in this manner, and left defenceless and in eternal misery. At the same time, many Montenegrin and Serbian families were forcibly settled in the homes of Albanian families, and were forced to live with them in one compound or house and, on some occasions, in one room. Other measures were taken in the name of the people and of the law. With them, they have taken our Albanian land and we have been forced to pay dearly simply to survive. We live as slaves and now work for them as their servants. This was the liberation accorded to the Albanian people. They took not only the boys, but also the girls to be partisans, placing them in the ranks of the army. For this reason, the Albanians were forced to get their daughters married without a bridegroom, because the boys were already in the army. It had never happened before that a girl would be married without the presence of her husband. Many Albanian partisans were killed or disappeared in fighting in other Balkan states. Most of them were killed by the partisans themselves who c­onsidered them suspicious and unreliable because of the uprising in Kosovo. The exact number of those killed is not known. It is known only that within twenty-four hours 1,670 men were killed in Montenegro, 416

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Documents 5,600 men were killed in Dubrovnik and 700 were killed on the road from Prizren to Shkodra. Up to now, approximately 26,000 people have been killed in the following towns and their surroundings: Prizren, Gjakova, Suhareka, Rahovec, Peja, Istog, Plava, Gucia, Skenderaj, Rozhaj, Tutin, Novi Pazar, Mitrovica, Vushtrria, Podujeva, Prishtina, Gjilan, and Ferizaj. Most of them were innocent ­people whose property was taken away. Their children are now left without any means of support. The inhabitants of Peja were forced to leave their homes and were not allowed to return to them because the partisans suspected that they were feeding the nationalist army in the mountains. Thus, the partisans expelled hundreds of families, leaving them without food or shelter. Heads of families who managed to survive the partisan scourge, are now mobilised in the many bands of the nationalist army in the free mountains of Kosovo where they have been fighting uninterruptedly for eleven months against partisan forces, and suffering from a lack of food and clothing. There are currently about 4,000 soldiers in the mountains and hills. This struggle against the partisans was conducted before and after the Drenica Uprising. 1. Niazi Alishani, Captain Riza Alia and 50 soldiers were surrounded in Dragash by a brigade on 2 July. 2. Deputy Bajram Grobi, subprefect Adem Zdalla, second lieutenant Ramë Alia, second lieutenant Bik Pazari and six other men were surrounded by a battalion in Lipa near Istog. During the fighting, Bajram Grobi, Ramë Alia and his son were killed. 3. Ukë Sadiku battled twice against a group of partisans in April and in August, disarming them once in Garaçevc near Rahovec. 4. Mehmet Aga and Dem Alia in March in Boza near Peja. 5. Zukë Ibrahimi and Riza Zymberi in August and September in Rugova and near Peja. 6. Sali Kama and Bik Pazari in August in Bjeshka near Istog. 7. Amet Selaci and Bislim Bajgora in March in Dumnica in the Shala region of Mitrovica. 8. Bajram Dumnica in July in Dumnica near Lip. 9.  Idriz Hoxha and Lef Luda fought the partisans bitterly in Gjilan and ­Ferizaj, in particular in the first months of their deployment in Kosovo. 10. Qazim Bajraktari of the village of Senik and four of his men were surrounded by a brigade; they killed 26 partisans and withdrew with their men, despite the fact that he and one other man were injured. 11. Alush Smajli and six men were surrounded in a stone tower (kulla) by a battalion in Llozhica near Rahovec. He killed several partisans, but was lucky to escape with his men. 12. Berlac Rogani and seven of his men were surrounded by a battalion on a mountain at Binak near Istog. The battalion was composed of 650 Serbs and Montenegrins. Fighting raged uninterruptedly for 36 hours. He killed 417

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Kosovo, A Documentary History 28 partisans and wounded 12 others. To protect themselves from the bullets, the partisans used women and children as human shields, but he refused to give up. He broke through the encirclement and survived with all of his men, despite the fact that they were all injured. This took place in March. 13. Rexhep Gjeli and his son were surrounded in Çiçavec near Vushtrria and were killed. 14. Ndue Përlleshi battled the partisans three times in April in Novosella and in September in Dezhinga. In addition to the bloody Drenica Uprising, there was another bloody confrontation between Liçeva and Lesnika near Istog on 10 September 1945. During a six-hour battle, 32 Albanians were surrounded by 1,300 Montenegrins of the Boka Kotorska brigade. The latter were armed with rifles, grenades, machine-guns and sub-machine-guns, but the Albanians did not surrender. Of the 32 fighters only four survived, though wounded, when they managed to break through the siege. Among them was a girl who was wounded and who fell into the hands of the partisans. 28 faithful soldiers of the Besa Kombëtare organisation fell for their country’s freedom. The leadership of Besa Kombëtare called this the “Battle of the 32 Heroes.” The legendary commanders of the 32 fighters who fell as heroes were: Shaban Sadiku, Adem Shala and Alush Smajli, the latter having survived, though gravely wounded. Your Excellency, aside from the fact that the families who have fled into the mountains have lost all of their property and possessions, the partisans have caused further difficulties and misfortune to the people. Each day, each partisan eats a kilo of roasted meat. For example, in the sub-prefecture of Rahovec, the population has been forced to provide 1,800 litres of oil, 200,000 kilos of meat, great amounts of beans, cheese, honey, fruit, wool, hides, sandals, socks, peppers and nuts. They are even forced to come up with hazelnuts although they do not have any. All the grain from the earlier harvest was confiscated and now the grain from the new harvest has been confiscated, too. They steal wherever they can – on the street, in homes, all types of theft. The people do not know how long they can survive this. They see only death before them. All the grain seized by the partisans has been sent to Montenegro where, as the partisans state, final resistance to Anglo-American forces will take place. Your Excellency, the much-suffering people of Dardania who have been unable to enjoy freedom for some time now, expect of England, the bearer of freedom in Europe, light and salvation. They have placed all of their hopes and expectations on Anglo-American justice. The whole population of Kosovo, more than 950,000 people, is ready, if a signal is given, to rise and fight the partisans. Both young and old, men and women, will fight with whatever arms they have – rifles, swords, knives, to save themselves from the terrible enslavement that has caused the deaths of so many families. 418

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Documents Your Excellency, the people beg the freedom-loving Anglo-American alliance to intervene where they can to stop the partisan terror in Kosovo and to prevent any solution reached under the pressure of arms because, of the million Kosovars, there are not even 2% who would vote for the partisans. The will of the people is to vote for a free and democratic Albania. We are convinced that the Anglo-American victors will take up our cause, based on the Atlantic alliance. Our army is organised in bands in the mountains and is ready to fight. We all have the will and heart to do so, but we are unfortunately lacking arms and equipment. For this reason, we appeal to your understanding and call for any assistance you can provide to our men who have been fighting uninterruptedly for eleven months now. The Besa Kombëtare Organisation National Assembly Ymer Berisha Head of the Assembly of the Besa Kombëtare Organisation and Head of the Assembly of the Nationalist Army. Members of the leadership present: 1. Mulla Iljaz Broja, 2. Hysen Bajraktari, 3. Ndue Preli, 4. Feriz Boja/Valin Flamuri/, 5. Ndrec Lleshi/Agib Bosatari/, 6. Mehmed Aga/Shpresim Fitimi/, 7. Sokol Dini, 8. Saç Gaca, 9. Zeqir Lutani/Kuptim Vllaznimi/, 10. Barlec Rogani, 11. Jetullah Rezalla, 12. Zef Doda. Done in the free mountains of Dardania on this 22nd day of October 1945

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NOTES

1. Several days later, the British Consul invited me to tea through his dragoman, Mr Hadji Havadis, and told me that his government had reacted to my statement by replying that England had no interest in Balkan issues and, as such, it was neither for nor against an Albanian uprising. 2. The Balkan League that was created at the end of 1912 allows us to uncover the real reason for Mr Pavlof’s refusal. It is difficult to imagine how d ­ ifferent our ­history would have been, had the answer been the opposite of what it was. While I was in Vienna once, I had occasion to talk to a well-known A ­ ustro-Hungarian diplomat about my proposal to the Bulgarians for an agreement on A ­ lbanian-Macedonian autonomy. The Austro-Hungarian diplomat stated that if the Bulgarians had accepted my proposal and if the matter had been carried through with, the Balkan War would never have occurred and the World War would have lasted for a long time. 3. The Haymana Turks were the most oppressed part of the Turkish population in Turkey. 4. These were proposals to establish the borders of Albania tacitly. To have e­ stablished the border of Albania openly would have meant a fight with Riza bey. These demands were designed to spread propaganda more quickly and effectively. In particular, it cannot be denied that the regional administrative organisation was of great advantage. 5. Modern research suggests 432 victims in Rugova that month rather than the 842 given here. Rugova was at any rate ravaged and cleared entirely of its population. The survivors fled into the Gjakova Highlands in Albania. 6. See among others: 1. Enquête dans les Balkans. Rapport de la Commission ­d’Enquête de la Dotation Carnegie pour la Paix Internationale, Paris 1914; 2. Albaniens Golgotha. Anklageakten gegen die Vernichter des Albanervolkes. Gesammelt und herausgegeben von Leo Freundlich, Vienna 1913; 3. Le droits de l’Albanie à ses frontières naturelles. Appel aux nations du monde civilisé, Vlora 1921. Here is the toll in this work summarising Serb atrocities committed in Kosovo against the Albanian population: 12,371 killed, 22,110 imprisoned, 6,050 homes destroyed, 10,525 families looted. 7. The author of the memorandum attaches to the document a detailed map of the region to be cleared [editor’s note].

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I History of Kosovo Before the Twentieth Century II History of Kosovo in the Twentieth and Twenty-first Centuries III Political Discourse IV The Kosovo War and its Aftermath V Modern Kosovo

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V Modern Kosovo Ajvazi, Fehmi. Programet e partive politike shqiptare të Kosovës [The Platforms of the Albanian Political Parties of Kosovo]. Prishtina: Kadare, 2000. 199pp. Bellamy, Alex J. Kosovo and International Society. New York: Palgrave, 2002. 259pp. Bojović, Boško I. Kosovo i zapadni Balkan: pitanje regionalne stabilnosti i evropske bezbednosti [Kosovo and the Western Balkans: Questions of Regional Stability and European Security]. Belgrade: Medija Centar, 2014. Brajović, Rade. Kosovo i Metohija: navikavanje na nezavisnost [Kosovo and Metohija: Getting Used to Independence]. Belgrade: Beogradski forum nga svet ravnopravnih, 2014. Brems Knudsen, Tonny and Carsten Bagge Laustsen. Kosovo between War and Peace: Nationalism, Peacebuilding and International Trusteeship. London: Routledge, 2006. 208pp. Cana, Zekeria. Apeli 215 i intelektualëve shqiptarë [Appeal by 215 Albanian ­Intellectuals]. Prishtina: Rilindja, 2001. 385pp.

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Capussela, Andrea Lorenzo. State-building in Kosovo: Democracy, EU Interests and US Influence in the Balkans. London: I.B.Tauris, 2015. 320pp. CIA and State Department (eds). Kosovo. Country Study. A Brief, Comprehensive Study of Kosovo. Washington: CIA, 2012. 25pp. Di Lellio, Anna. The Case for Kosova: Passage to Independence. London: Anthem Press, 2006. 210pp. Drude, Saskia. Hundert Wochen Kosovo: Alltag in einem unfertigen Land [A Hundred Weeks of Kosovo: Daily Life in an Uncompleted Country]. Aachen: Karin Fischer, 2008. 232pp. Dukić, Ilija. Kosovo: realnost i mit [Kosovo: Reality and Myth]. Belgrade: Helsinki Odbor za Ljudska Prava u Srbiji, 2003. 143pp. Flocon, Yves. Gendarmes français au Kosovo [French Police in Kosovo]. Paris: ­L’Harmattan, 2001. 147pp. Franzinetti, G.M.R., and R. Curtis. The Assembly of Kosovo: One Year On. Camberley: Conflict Studies Research Centre, 2003. 10pp. Gricourt, Sébastien, and Pernet, Gilles (eds). Kosovo: récits sur la construction d’un état [Kosovo: Tales on the Reconstruction of a State]. Introduction de Jacques Rupnik. Paris: Editions Non Lieu, 2014. 340pp. Hasani, Enver. Dissolution of Yugoslavia and the Case of Kosova: Political and Legal Aspects. Tirana: Albanian Institute for International Studies, 2000. 130pp. ———. Shpërbërja e Jugosllavisë dhe Kosova: aspekte politiko-juridike [The Dissolution of Yugoslavia and the Case of Kosovo: Political and Legal Aspects]. Tirana: ISHSN, 2000. 172pp. Hehir, Aidan (ed.). Kosovo: Intervention and Statebuilding. The International Community and the Transition to Independence. London & New York: Routledge, 2010. 202pp. Hiphold, Peter (ed.). Kosovo and International Law: the ICJ Advisory Opinion of 22 July 2010. Leiden: Brill, 2012. 245pp. Huntley, Paula. The Hemingway Book Club of Kosovo. New York: Jeremy P. Tarcher, 2004. 236pp. Ismajli, Rexhep, and Kraja, Mehmet (ed.). Kosova: vështrim monografik [Kosovo: A Monographic Survey]. Prishtina: Akademia e Shkencave dhe e Arteve e Kosovës, 2011. 646pp. ———. Kosova: A Monographic Survey. Prishtina: Kosova Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2013. 508pp. Jakupi, Ali. Dy shtete shqiptare dhe bashkim kombëtar [Two Albanian States and National Unification]. Prishtina: Qendra për Informim e Kosovës, 1995. 308pp. ———. Two Albanian States and National Unification. Translated by Vesel Nuhiu and Jashar Kabashi. Prishtina: Institute of Economics, 1997. 260pp. Jovanović, Miodrag. Kosovo i Metohija: četiri pravno-politička eseja [Kosovo and Metohija: Four Legal and Political Essays]. Belgrade: Pravni Fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu, 2013. Kajtazi, Fazli. Shtyllat bazike të pavarësisë së Kosovës [The Basic Pillars for the Independence of Kosovo]. Prishtina: Koha, 2001–2. 288pp. Kearney, Philip. Under the Blue Flag: My Mission in Kosovo. San Francisco: Phoenix Books, 2010. 350pp. Kellermann, Beate. Das Kosovo zwischen Standard und Status: Vom bewaffneten Konflikt in die unsichere Demokratie [Kosovo between Standards and Status: From Armed Conflict to Uncertain Democracy]. Stuttgart: Ibidem, 2006. 324pp.

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Bibliography Koljević, Bogdana. Kosovo, Evropa, demokratija [Kosovo, Europe, Democracy]. Belgrade: Nova Srpska Politička Misao, 2012. Kott, Marilyn. Catholic Kosovo: A Visitor’s Guide to her People, Churches, Historical Sites and her 1,900 Year Journey. Raleigh: Lulu, 2015. 162pp. Kouchner, Bernard. Les guerriers de la paix: du Kosovo à l’Irak [The Peace Warriors: From Kosovo to Iraq]. Paris: Bernard Grassier, 2004. 494pp. Kraja, Mehmet. Mirupafshim në një luftë tjetër [Farewell until the Next War]. Prishtina: Rozafa, 2003. 379pp. MacShane, Denis. Why Kosovo Still Matters. London: Haus Publishing, 2011. 136pp. Marko, Joseph (ed.). Gordischer Knoten Kosovo/a. Durchschlagen oder entwirren? ­Völkerrechtliche, rechtsvergleichende und politikwissenschaftliche Analysen und ­Perspektiven zum jüngsten Balkankonflikt [The Gordian Knot of Kosovo/a. Cutting It or Unravelling it? International Legal, Comparative and Political ­Analyses and Perspectives of the Recent Conflict in the Balkans]. Schriftenreihe Ethnische Minderheiten und regionale Autonomien, 3. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1999. 281pp. Merkel, Reinhard (ed.). Der Kosovo-Krieg und das Völkerrecht [The Kosovo War and International Law]. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2000. 241pp. Milanović, Marko, and Wood, Michael. The Law and Politics of the Kosovo Advisory Opinion. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. 384pp. Milo, Paskal. Kosova: nga Rambuje në pavarësi, intervista 1997–2008 [Kosovo: from Rambouillet to Independence, Interviews 1997–2008]. Tirana: Toena, 2009. 275pp. Neyrac, Georges. Les larmes du Kosovo [The Tears of Kosovo]. Préface du Général Morillon. Paris: Cerf, 2001. 121pp. Pavle, Bishop of Raška and Prizren. The Trials of Kosovo. Translated by Veselin Kostić. Belgrade: Liber-Press, 2002. 172pp. Perritt, Henry H. The Road to Independence for Kosovo: A Chronicle of the Ahtisaari Plan. New York, Cambridge University Press, 2010. 317pp. Pettifer, James. Concept for a New Reality: Dialogue with Hashim Thaçi. Koncept për realitetin e ri: dialog me Hashim Thaçi. Prishtina: s.e., 2001. 48pp and 48pp. Rauert, Fee. Das Kosovo: eine völkerrechtliche Studie [Kosovo: A Study in International Law]. Ethnos, Bd. 55. Vienna: Wilhelm Braumüller, 1999. 252pp. Rosenblum, Mort, Philip Goldberg, and Gary Knight. Rebuild: Kosovo 6 Years Later. Millbrook, NY: De.MO, 2006. 152pp. Stachonova, Monika. The ICJ Advisory Opinion on Kosovo. The Hague: International Courts Association, 2014. 146pp. Staub, Christian. Kosovo: eine rechtliche Analyse [Kosovo: A Legal Analysis]. Books on Demand, 2009. 328pp. Summers, James (ed.). Kosovo: a Precedent? The Declaration of Independence, the Advisory Opinion and Implications for Statehood, Self-Determination and Minority Rights. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2011. 455pp. Tolmein, Oliver. Welt, Macht, Recht: Konflikte im internationalen System nach dem ­Kosovo-Krieg [World, Power, Justice: Conflicts in the International System since the Kosovo War]. Hamburg: Konkret Literatur 2000. 175pp. Tomuschat, Christian (ed.). Kosovo and the International Community: a Legal Assessment. The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 2002. 354pp. Weller, Marc. Contested Statehood: Kosovo’s Struggle for Independence. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. 321pp.

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Zeko, Elda, and Bill Hampson. Early Shadows: Children’s Images of Kosovo. London: The Epiphany Trust, s.a. [2000]. 71pp. Zygojannis, Philipp A. Die Staatengemeinschaft und das Kosovo: humanitäre Intervention und internationale Übergangsverwaltung unter Berücksichtigung einer Verpflichtung des Intervenienten zur Nachsorge [The International Community and Kosovo: Humanitarian Intervention and the International Interim Administration, with Reference to an Obligation of the Powers Which Intervened to Provide Long-term Assistance].Veröffentlichungen des Walther-Schücking-Institut für Internationales Recht an der Universität Kiel, Bd. 145. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2003. 279pp.

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INDEX

Abdul Hamid, Sultan, 43, 79, 83 Agassi, Kol, 34 Ahmed, Akif Hadji, Deputy for Novi Pazar, 286–7, 289–90 Ahmed Bey, see Gjakova, Ahmed Bey Ahmed Bey of Gjakova, 178 Ahmed Djevad, 155 Ahmedi, Jusuf, 231, 302, 309 Ahtisaari, Martti: Ahtisaari Plan, 10–11, 12 Alexander, King of Serbia, 157, 243 Ali Danish Bey of Prishtina, 40, 81 Ali Efendi, commandant, 18 Andrić, Ivo, 369–78 Annan, Kofi, 10 Arsenius, 385 Asif Bey of Gjakova, 111, 112 Bajçinovci brothers, 290, 296–7 Bajraktari, Miftar, 415 Balfour, Jock, 357, 359 Bedri beg Peja, see Pejani, Bedri Begali, Ragip Bey Kaja, 202 Begoli, Mahmout/Begolli, Mahmud, 202, 205 Bejta, Azem, see Galica, Azem Berchtold, Count Leopold, 107–9, 111, 112, 123, 197, 198 Berisha, Rifat, 387 Berisha, Ymer, 413–19 Bisaku, Gjon, Dom, 311–14, 321–3 Bojović, P., General, 168–9 Boletini, Isa, 74, 78, 80, 81–2, 83, 84, 170, 171 Boyle, Edward, Sir, 360

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Brodie, R.H., Captain, 235 Burney, Cecil, Vice-Admiral, 164, 168 Caccia, Harold A., 378, 384 Cahen, Louis, 125, 136, 140, 141 Cartwright, Fairfax, Sir, 115–16, 141–3 Çeku, Agim, 9 Chamberlain, Sir Austen, 376 Chamberlain, Nevil, 378, 379 Clarke, Lieut.-Colonel, 409 Clemenceau, Georges, 372–3 Crackanthorpe, Dayrell, 172–3, 176, 181, 199 Čubrilović, Vaso, 4, 337–56, 389–401 Curri, Bajram Bey (Zur, Bairam), 32, 44, 77, 79, 82, 283–5, 291 Curri, Hysni Bey, 202, 203, 205 Curri, Qazim, 329 Curzon of Kedleston, Earl, 275 Daklani, Rejeb, 111 Davidovich, 286, 292 De Salis, John, Count, 167–8, 275, 276 Delia, Ahmet, 76 Deralla, Halim Bey, 74 Djurkovich, Plavsha, 243, 245 Dobrovolski, M., 86 Dochi, Mons., 171 Doda, Xhevdet, 387 Draga, Ferhad/Ferhat Bey, 285, 288–9, 331 Draga, Nejib/Nexhip Bey, 75, 76, 84, 96 Draga, Queen of Serbia, 157 Drummond, Eric, Sir, 301, 304, 311

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Durham, Edith, 12, 163–7, 384–6 Dusanovic, Ali, 403 Dushi, Hajdar, 387 Eden, Anthony, 356, 357, 361 Eide, Kai, 10 Fahri, Dr., 278, 282 Fanda, Selim, 75 Fazil, Ismail, Pasha, 21, 31, 37, 43 Feith, Pieter, 11 Fejzullahu, Ramadan, 331 Feri, Hassan/Ferri, Hasan Aga, 233, 243, 244 Ferri, Mehmet, 243 Fethi Pasha, 85, 92 Franchet d’Esperay, Louis, General, 238, 243 Freundlich, Leo, 2, 117, 143–5 Gafuri, Nazim, 302, 309, 331 Galica, Azem (Bejta, Azem), 267, 290, 295–6 Gashi, Luigj, Dom, 311–14, 321–3 Gavrilović/Gavrilovich, Consul, 126, 136, 171, 183 Ghalib Bey, vali of Kossovo, 47, 89 Gjakova, Ahmed Bey, 29, 74, 76, 77 Gjeçovi, Shtjefën, Franciscan Father, 312–13, 315, 319–21, 322 Gjoni, Marka, 83 Gostivari, H., 202, 205, 261 Gradica, Mehmet, 415 Grashich, Urosh, 243 Grashich, Vukashin, 243 Greig, Charles, Vice Consul, 51 Grey, Sir Edward, 107, 110, 111, 115, 116, 133, 137, 140, 141, 167, 172, 173, 370 Gribić, Ivan, Major, 155 Hakki Pasha, 62, 69, 70, 83 Halid Bey, Kaimakam, 18 Halifax, Viscount, 359, 360 Halili, Shakir, 233 Halili, Zeqir, 76 Hamid, Sultan, see Abdul Hamid, Sultan Haradinaj, Ramush, 9

Hassan Bey/Hassan Bey of Vuchitrn, see Prishtina, Hasan Bey Hassan Chaoush, 22 Hassan Tossun Bey, mutessarif of Prizren, 33–4 Hayreddin Bey of Ipek, 44, 98 Heimroth, Consul von, 123–8 Herzog, Roman, 13 Hima, Dervish, 112, 113, 155 Himmler, Heinrich, 387 Hodgson, Edward, 413, 414 Hoxha, Enver, 4, 404 Hoxha, Fadil, 387, 403, 411, 412 Hoxha, Mehmet, 387, 403, 407 Huseini, Ismajl, 233 Husni Bey of Gjakova, 29, 50 Ibrahim Pasha, 44, 45, 46, 60, 62, 81–2, 83 Ismail Kemal Bey, 22, 70, 71, 73, 74–5, 77 Ivanaj, Nicola, Mons., 360, 361 Jaffer Tayyar, Bey of Ipek, 26, 27, 41, 44, 47, 57 Janković, General, 120, 121, 122, 150, 151, 153 Jashar Pasha, 77 Jemal Bey, 29 Jovanović, Ljuba, Minister, 161–2 Jovićević, Pavle, 387 Kadri, Hodja, 202, 204, 205, 206, 236, 238, 241, 245, 246, 249, 260, 261, 264, 266, 268, 270, 273, 278, 282 Kalmikoff, Herr, Consul General, 124 Kamil Pasha, 81, 82 Karamanoglou, Minister, 362 Karavevof, M., 89 Kastrati, Adush, 203 Kohlruss, Rudolf, 197–9 Konjuh, Mehmed, 290, 296–7 Krasniqi, Pasquale, Dom, 118 Krizman, Bogdan, 369 Kruja, Mustafa, 83 Kryeziu, Gani, 403, 408, 413 Kryeziu, Riza Bey (Riza Bey of Gjakova), 29, 32, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 57, 59, 67–8,

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Index 74, 76, 77, 81, 83–4, 96, 178, 463n4 Kurti, Shtjefën, Dom, 311–14, 321–3, 332 Kyamil Pasha 19 Lamb, Harry, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 40, 41, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50–2, 56, 57, 58, 59, 62, 66, 67, 183 Larochue, 374 Libohova, Mufid Bey, 70 Llaushi, Gani, 415 Lloyd George, David, 270, 273, 274 Loraine, Percy, Sir, 361 Lowther, Gerard, Sir, 37, 40, 50 Magnussen, Fritz, 147 Mehmed Pasha of Kalkandelen, 34, 44, 45, 101 Mihajlo, Prince, 339, 348 Mitrovica, Rexhep, 275–7 Mjeda, Lazer/Miedia, Lazzaro, Mons., 117–23 Mohammed Pasha of Kalkandelen, 96 Morten, Arnold, 125 Musli, Shakir/Musliu, Shakir, 233, 243 Mussolini, Benito, 4, 375, 376, 379, 381 Myrteza Pasha, 76, 77 Nafi Pasha, 72 Nerazzi, Luigi, 124 Niazi Bey, 45 Nichols, Philip, 358 Nikolla, King of Montenegro, 370 Nuradugian Efendi, 19 Paget, Ralph, 84, 87, 94, 98, 100, 116, 128, 133, 137, 140, 169, 171 Pajani, see Pejani, Bedri Palic, Luigi, Franciscan Father, 167 Pashitch/Pašić/Pasitch/Passitch, Nikola, 125, 154, 298, 299, 369, 372, 373, 374, 375 Pavlof, Mr., Deputy of Skopje, 73, 74, 75, 463n2 Peace Conference, 204, 270, 273, 284, 298, 371–3, 376

Peçani, Mula Sadik, 202 Peckham, W.D., Vice Consul, 16–24, 26–37, 41–50, 51, 52, 56–60, 62–8, 84–102, 128–38, 140, 141, 169–72, 176–83, 199–200 Pejani, Bedri (Bedri beg Peja), 202, 203, 205, 206, 238, 241, 245, 246, 249, 260, 264, 266, 268, 270, 273, 275–7, 283–5, 298–9, 378–9, 384, 387–8, 389 Peter, King of Serbia, 2, 96, 120, 137, 144, 150, 157 Phillips, George Fraser, 203–4, 207 Polluzha, Shaban, 415 Popović, Lieut.-Colonel, 163, 322 Popovic, Miladin, 403, 406 Prekazi, Ahmet, 76 Prishtina, Hasan/Hassan Bey, 19, 21, 26, 27, 31, 32, 33, 42, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 57, 59, 60, 63, 68–84, 89, 96, 97, 101, 130, 170, 183–4, 273–5, 283–5, 300–3, 304–5, 310–11 Prishtina, Xhemal Bey, 74, 80 Qerim Bey, 78 Radovanović, Radovan, Colonel, 318 Rama, Sadik, 76, 222 Ramaj, Don Giuseppe, 117–18, 124, 127 Ramo, Jusuf, 243 Ranković, Aleksandar, 5 Rappaport, Alfred, Consul General, 127 Rexha, Zekeria, 387 Rexhepi, Bajram, 9 Ristić, Jovan, 338, 339 Riza Bey of Gjakova, see Kryeziu, Riza Bey Robinson, Vandeleur, 384 Rootham, Jasper, 378, 384 Rugova, Ibrahim, 7, 8, 9 Ryan, Andrew, Sir, 356–8, 359–62 Said Hoja of Uskub, 89 Said/Sait/Sayyid Pasha, 43, 46, 51, 62, 81, 83, 193 Salih Zekki Efendi, 32 Schaffer, Herr, 124 Schiemann, Professor, 146 Sefer, Idris, 44, 49, 96, 98

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Kosovo, A Documentary History Sejfeddin Bey, 77 Selby, Walford, British diplomat, 298–9 Shaban Pasha, 84 Shabani, S., 203 Shani Efendi of Prizren, 29 Shefket, A., Major, 202 Shumenkovich, J., 300, 304–5 Siebertz, Paul, 292 Smiljaniç, M., Chargé d’Affaires, 357 Stefanovitch, General, 110 Steiner, Michael, 10 Steinmetz, Karl, 111, 292 Stevenson, Ralph Skrine, 401–9 Stojadinovic, Milan, 413 Suka, Sejdi, 233 Suleiman Hakki Pasha, 40 Sylejman Pasha of Kolonja, 81 Tajari, Xhafer, 78, 80 Tevfik Pasha, 19 Thaçi, Hashim, 10 Tito, Jozip Broz, Marshal, 4, 5, 400, 403, 404, 406, 407, 410, 416 Tomiatch/Tomić, Mr., 110, 154 Toptani, Abdi Bey, 83–4 Toptani, Essad Pasha, 70 Toptani, Fazil Pasha, 155 Trotsky, Leon, 102–7 Trumbić, Ante, 372

Turgut Pasha, 69 Tzemovich, Marko, Deputy Minister, 300 Venizelos, Eleftherios, 96 Vlora, Syreja Bey, 70, 71 Voksh, Murad, 178 Vokshi, Beshir Qemal, 241–2 Vrioni, Aziz Pasha, 70 Vukmanovic Tempo, General, 404 Vyeshovich, General, 177, 180 Wagner, Hermenegild, 156 Weld-Forester, Mr., 362 Xhemal Bey, see Prishtina, Xhemal Bey Yahya Aga, 45, 49, 112, 178 Yahya Bey of Gjakova, 29 Yunus Bey of Ipek, 88 Yussuf Izzeddin, 43 Zaim, Mahmud, 29, 176, 178, 179 Zejnel Bey of Peja, 77, 78 Zeynullah Bey, 34 Živković/Zivkovitch, General, 154, 157 Zog/Zogu, Ahmet, King of the Albanians, 357, 359, 360, 375, 376 Zur, Bairam, see Curri, Bajram Bey

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