Konkani (London Oriental and African Language Library) 9027212597, 9789027212597

Citation preview

   

London Oriental and African Language Library 

Ramesh Vaman Dhongde

Konkani

Konkani

London Oriental and African Language Library (LOALL) issn 1382-3485 The LONDON ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN LANGUAGE LIBRARY aims to make available reliable and up-to-date analyses of the grammatical structure of the major Oriental and African languages, in a form readily accessible to the non-specialist. With this in mind, the language material in each volume is in Roman script, and fully glossed and translated. The series is based at the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London, Europe’s largest institution specializing in the study of the languages and cultures of Africa and Asia. Each volume is written by an acknowledged expert in the field who has carried out original research on the language and has first-hand knowledge of the area in which it is spoken. For an overview of all books published in this series, please see benjamins.com/catalog/loall

Editors Melanie Green

University of Sussex

Masayoshi Shibatani

Kobe University, Japan Rice University, Houston, Texas, USA

Justin Watkins

School of Oriental and African Studies, London

Advisory Board James Bynon

James A. Matisoff

Bernard Comrie

Christopher Shackle

Gilbert Lazard

Andrew Simpson

Christian Lehmann

Volume 21 Konkani by Ramesh Vaman Dhongde

Konkani Ramesh Vaman Dhongde Deccan College

John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam / Philadelphia

8

TM

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences – Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-1984.

doi 10.1075/loall.21 Cataloging-in-Publication Data available from Library of Congress: lccn 2022035896 (print) / 2022035897 (e-book) isbn 978 90 272 1259 7 (Hb) isbn 978 90 272 5732 1 (e-book)

© 2022 – John Benjamins B.V. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. John Benjamins Publishing Company · www.benjamins.com

To Kashi (Wali) We were to work together on Konkani. I missed you a lot working single-handedly.

Table of contents

Acknowledgements

xix

Foreword

xxi

Abbreviations and symbols List of figures List of tables

xxiii xxv xxvii

Chapter 1 Introduction1 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Area and speakers  1 1.3 The dialect-language controversy  3 1.4 Linguistic characteristics  6 1.5 Language and literature  7 1.6 Konkani grammarians  9 1.7 Script 10 1.7.1 Devanagari vowel symbols  10 1.7.2 Devanagari consonant symbols  11 1.7.3 Romanization 12 Chapter 2 Sound system 2.1 Introduction 13 2.2 Vowels and diphthongs  13 2.2.1 Length  13 2.2.2 Variants  14 2.2.3 Distribution of vowels  15 2.2.4 Nasalization of vowels  16 2.3 Consonants 17 2.3.1 Stops 18 2.3.2 Affricates  20 2.3.3 Fricatives  21 2.3.4 Nasals  21 2.3.5 Laterals and flaps  22 2.3.6 Semi-vowels  22

13

viii Konkani

2.4 Phonotactics 24 2.4.1 Word-initial consonant-clusters  24 2.4.2 Word-medial geminates  26 2.4.3 Word-medial non-geminates  27 2.5 Syllable structure  29 2.6 Accent 29 2.7 Phonological processes  30 2.7.1 Assimilation 30 2.7.2 Palatalization 31 2.7.3 De-aspiration 32 2.7.4 Exchange of consonants  32 2.7.5 Metathesis 33 2.7.6 Devoicing  33 2.7.7 Voicing 34 2.7.8 Diphthongization  34 2.7.9 Vowel harmony  34 2.7.10 Vowel raising  35 2.7.11 Deletion and insertion  35 2.7.11.1 Gemination and degemination  35 2.7.11.2 Deletion of an unstressed vowel  36 2.7.11.3 Deletion of [h]  36 2.7.11.4 Deletion of word-initial [h]  37 2.7.11.5 Deletion of final consonant  37 2.7.11.6 Deletion of [b, d, ḍ, g]  37 2.7.11.7 Insertion of /y/ and /w/  37 2.7.11.8 Deletion of the nasal consonant  38 2.7.12 Vowel to semi-vowel  39 2.8 Intonation 40 2.8.1 Rising  40 2.8.2 Falling  41 2.8.3 Level  41 2.8.4 Reversal in use  42 2.8.5 Drawled  43 2.8.6 Rise-fall  44 2.8.7 Fall-rise  45 2.8.8 Pause  45



Chapter 3 Noun and adjective 3.1 Introduction 47 3.2 Nouns 47 3.2.1 Gender 47 3.2.2 Number  50 3.2.3 Case  53 3.2.3.1 Nominative case  56 3.2.3.2 Oblique case  56 3.2.3.3 Vocative case  58 3.3 Pronouns 59 3.3.1 Personal pronouns  60 3.3.1.1 First person  60 3.3.1.2 Second person  61 3.3.1.3 Third person  61 3.3.2 Reflexive pronouns  62 3.3.3 Reciprocal pronoun  63 3.3.4 Demonstrative pronouns  65 3.3.5 Relative and correlative pronouns  65 3.3.6 Interrogative pronouns  66 3.3.7 Indefinite pronouns/quantifiers  68 3.4 Adjectives 69 3.4.1 Inflecting and non-inflecting  70 3.4.2 Adjective types  74 3.4.2.1 Qualifying adjectives  74 3.4.2.2 Quantifying adjectives  75 3.4.2.3 Determining adjectives  81

Table of contents ix

47

Chapter 4 Verb83 4.1 Introduction 83 4.2 Copula 83 4.3 Simple verbs  84 4.3.1 Intransitives  84 4.3.2 Transitives  85 4.3.3 Derived transitives/causatives  86 4.3.4 Dative verbs  86 4.3.5 Impersonal verbs  87

x Konkani

4.4 Compound verbs  88 4.4.1 Quasi-aspectuals (A)  88 4.4.1.1 Iteratives  89 4.4.1.2 Inceptives  90 4.4.1.3 Terminatives  90 4.4.1.4 Duratives  91 4.4.2 Quasi-Aspectuals (B)  91 4.4.3 Quasi-modals  93 4.4.3.1 Obligatives  94 4.4.3.2 Abilitatives  94 4.4.3.3 Inadvertatives  95 4.4.3.4 Permissives  95 4.4.3.5 Desideratives  96 4.5 Phrasal verbs  97 Chapter 5 Tense, aspect and mood 5.1 Introduction 101 5.2 Time and tense  101 5.2.1 Infinitive 101 5.2.2 Non-future  103 5.2.2.1 Referring to present time  103 5.2.2.2 Present habitual  104 5.2.2.3 Referring to past time  106 5.2.3 Future  106 5.2.4 Archaic present  108 5.3 Aspect 109 5.3.1 Imperfective 109 5.3.1.1 Present progressive  111 5.3.1.2 Past progressive (imperfective-perfective)  112 5.3.1.3 Future progressive  114 5.3.2 Past relevant to present  115 5.3.3 Perfective 117 5.3.3.1 Present perfect  117 5.3.3.2 Past perfect  118 5.3.3.3 Future perfect  118 5.3.3.4 Past habitual  119 5.3.4 Second perfective (pluperfect)  119 5.3.5 Prospective 121 5.3.6 Inceptive  124 5.3.7 Completive  125

101



Table of contents xi

5.4 Mood 127 5.4.1 Imperative 127 5.4.2 Hortative129 5.4.3 Desiderative/subjunctive  129 5.4.4 Permissive  131 5.4.5 Conditional  132 5.5 Summary 134 Chapter 6 Other parts of speech 6.1 Introduction 135 6.2 Adverb 135 6.2.1 Basic adverbs  135 6.2.2 Derived adverbs and adverb phrases  136 6.2.2.1 Noun based  136 6.2.2.2 Pronoun based  137 6.2.2.3 Adjective based  137 6.2.2.4 Verb based  139 6.2.3 Semantic classification  139 6.2.3.1 Temporal adverbs  139 6.2.3.2 Locative adverbs  140 6.2.3.3 Manner adverbs  141 6.2.3.4 Frequentative adverbs  142 6.2.3.5 Degree adverbs  142 6.3 Postposition 142 6.3.1 Place of postpositions  143 6.3.2 Postposition types  143 6.3.3 Compound postpositions  151 6.4 Conjunction  151 6.4.1 Coordinating conjunctions  151 6.4.2 Subordinating conjunctions  152 6.4.3 Adsentetials  153 6.5 Particles 154 6.5.1 Assertive particles  154 6.5.2 Other particles  156 6.5.3 Intensifiers  157 6.6 Interjections  158 6.6.1 Interjections of emotions  158 6.6.2 Vocative particles  159

135

xii Konkani

Chapter 7 Word formation 7.1 Introduction 161 7.2 Noun formation  161 7.2.1 Noun prefixation  161 7.2.1.1 Noun prefixation: Sanskrit  162 7.2.1.2 Noun prefixation: Perso-Arabic  164 7.2.2 Noun suffixation  164 7.2.2.1 Noun suffixation: Sanskrit  165 7.2.2.2 Noun suffixation: Perso-Arabic  166 7.2.2.3 Productive noun suffixation  167 7.2.2.4 Nouns derived mainly from nouns and adjectives  171 7.2.2.5 Non-productive noun suffixes  174 7.3 Adjective formation  175 7.3.1 Adjective prefixation  175 7.3.1.1 Adjective prefixation: Sanskrit 175 7.3.1.2 Adjective prefixation: Perso-Arabic 178 7.3.1.3 Some other adjective prefixes 179 7.3.2 Adjective suffixation  179 7.3.2.1 Adjective suffixation: Sanskrit 180 7.3.2.2 Adjective suffixation: Perso-Arabic 184 7.3.2.3 Adjective suffixation: Portuguese 185 7.3.2.4 Konkani-Marathi adjective formations 185 7.3.2.5 Minor adjective suffixes 192 7.4 Verb formation  193 7.4.1 Verb formation processes  193 7.4.1.1 Nouns used as verbs 193 7.4.1.2 Adjectives used as verbs 194 7.4.2 Verb suffixation  194 7.4.2.1 Productive verb suffixation 195 7.4.2.2 Non-productive verb suffixes 196 7.4.3 Causative verbs  196 7.5 Compounds 199 7.5.1 Conjonining 199 7.5.2 Compound nouns  199 7.5.2.1 Noun + noun compounds 200 7.5.2.2 Verb + verb compounds 204 7.5.2.3 Adjective + noun compounds 206 7.5.2.4 Vocative or interjection + noun compounds 207 7.5.2.5 Postposition + verb compounds 207 7.5.2.6 Adverb + noun compounds 208

161



Table of contents xiii

7.5.3 Compound adjectives  208 7.5.3.1 Adjective + adjective compounds 208 7.5.3.2 Noun + adjective compounds 209 7.5.3.3 Noun + verb compounds 209 7.5.4 Compound adverbs  210 7.5.4.1 Noun + noun componds 210 7.6 Reduplication 211 7.6.1 Phonological reduplication  211 7.6.1.1 Identical reduplicand 211 7.6.1.2 Addition of vowel a 216 7.6.1.3 Addition of vowel o 217 7.6.1.4 Change of vowel to i or u 217 7.6.1.5 Replacement or insertion of consonant in the initial position of the reduplicand 217 7.6.1.6 The use of bi 219 7.6.1.7 Reverse reduplication 220 7.6.2 Semantic reduplication  220 7.7 Intensifiers 221 7.7.1 Function 221 7.7.1.1 Adjectives 221 7.7.1.2 Verbs 222 7.8 Diminutives 223 7.9 Cranberry-type morphemes  225 Chapter 8 Subject and agreement 8.1 Introduction 227 8.2 Agreement pattern  227 8.3 Split ergative system and agreement resolution  228 8.3.1 Non-perfective aspect  229 8.3.2 Perfective aspect  230 8.3.3 Obligative-Desiderative/subjunctive  231 8.3.4 Pronominals  231 8.4 Subjects  232 8.4.1 Nominative and ergative subjects  232 8.4.1.1 Grammatical properties 234 8.4.2 Dative subjects  236 8.4.2.1 Grammatical properties 236 8.4.3 Passive subjects  237 8.4.4 Subject hierarchy  239 8.5 Direct objects  239 8.6 Indirect objects  240

227

xiv Konkani

Chapter 9 Simple sentences 9.1 Introduction 243 9.2 Word order  243 9.3 Copular sentences  244 9.4 Declarative sentences  247 9.4.1 Intransitives  247 9.4.2 Transitives  247 9.4.3 Causatives  247 9.4.4 Impersonal sentences  249 9.5 Null subject sentences  249 9.6 Dative sentences  249 9.7 Passive sentences  250 9.8 Modal sentences  251 9.8.1 Imperative sentences  251 9.8.2 Optative sentences  253 9.8.3 Compound modal sentences  253 9.8.3.1 Permissive sentences 253 9.8.3.2 Obligative sentences 254 9.8.3.3 Capability/potential sentences 254 Chapter 10 Complex sentences 10.1 Introduction  257 10.2 Complement clauses  257 10.2.1 Finite complement clauses  257 10.2.1.1 Grammatical status of complements 258 10.2.1.2 Complement schema 258 10.2.2 Small clause complements  263 10.2.3 Non-finite complement clauses  263 10.3 Correlative clauses  265 10.3.1 Adjectival correlatives  265 10.3.1.1 Full correlatives 265 10.3.1.2 Gap relatives 267 10.3.1.3 Free relatives 267 10.3.1.4 Multiple headed relatives  268 10.3.2 Appositive correlatives  270 10.3.3 Non-finite adjectival relative clauses  271

243

257



Table of contents xv

10.3.4 Adverbial correlative clauses  273 10.3.4.1 Temporal clauses 273 10.3.4.2 Manner clauses 275 10.3.4.3 Locative clauses 276 10.3.4.4 Equative clauses 277 10.3.4.5 Conditional clauses 277 10.3.4.6 Concessive clauses 279 10.3.5 Conjunctive adverbial clauses  280 Chapter 11 Compound sentences 11.1 Introduction  283 11.2 Conjunctive coordination  283 11.2.1 Sentence coordination  283 11.2.2 Constituent coordination  285 11.2.3 Coordinate agreement  285 11.2.4 Pronoun coordination  288 11.2.5 Coordination of verbs, adjectives and adverbs  289 11.2.6 Deletion of identical elements  290 11.2.7 Coordination and accompaniment  291 11.3 Disjunctive structures  292 11.3.1 Sentence coordination  292 11.3.2 Constituent coordination  293 11.4 Adversative coordination  294 Chapter 12 Interrogative sentences 12.1 Introduction  295 12.2 Closed interrogatives  296 12.2.1 Neutral questions  296 12.2.2 Alternative questions  299 12.2.3 Leading yes-no questions  300 12.2.4 Rhetorical questions  300 12.3 Open or constituent interrogatives  301 12.3.1 Questions in simple sentences  302 12.4 The scope of question-words  303 12.4.1 Reduplicated question-words  304 12.4.2 Multiple question words  304 12.4.3 Question-words in a non-finite clause  305

283

295

xvi Konkani

Chapter 13 Negation307 13.1 Introduction  307 13.2 Negation markers  307 13.3 Scope vs. focus  308 13.4 Sentential negation  309 13.4.1 Imperatives  311 13.4.2 Desiderative/subjunctive  312 13.4.3 Obligation  313 13.4.4 Possibility  313 13.5 Quantifiers and negation  314 13.5.1 Existential quantifiers  314 13.5.2 Universal quantifiers  315 13.5.3 Aggregates  316 13.5.4 Approximate quantifiers  316 13.5.5 Negation-dependent idioms  316 13.5.6 Negative polarity items  317 13.6 Complex sentences  319 13.7 Constituent negation  320 Chapter 14 Lexical anaphors and pronouns 14.1 Introduction  323 14.2 Reflexives  323 14.2.1 Apuṇ and swəta  323 14.2.2 Emphatic reflexives  328 14.2.3 Voluntary reflexives  328 14.2.4 Reflexives in pragmatic contexts  329 14.3 Reciprocals  329 14.3.1 Mutual reciprocity  330 14.3.2 Reflexive reciprocity  330 14.4 Personal pronouns  331 14.4.1 Personal pronouns with independent reference  332 14.4.2 Pronouns as logophors  334 14.4.3 Pronouns in discourse  334

323



Table of contents xvii

Chapter 15 Sample texts 15.1 Written samples  337 15.1.1 The Holy Bible, Angelus Francis Xavier Maffei (1882)  337 15.1.2 Newspaper  338 15.1.3 Advertisements  339 15.1.4 Narration (Karwar variety)  340 15.2 Spoken samples  341 15.2.1 Conversation between a doctor and a patient  341 15.2.2 Two women in the kitchen  342 15.2.3 In the market  343

337

References345 Index351

Acknowledgements

I gratefully acknowledge the following persons who allowed me to extract Konkani data and who helped me a lot in my field trips: Mohan Gaukar, Pushpa Pai, Geeta Kini, Kelkar, Asha Palankar, Prakash Palankar, Amesh Gaokar, Vishnu Kolagekar, Satyawan Beling, Sajay Beling, Vithoba Vaygaokar, Shenoy, Madhavi Sardesay, Smita Kerkar, Sharat Raykar, Kalika Mehta, Aruna Dubhashi, Pushpa Rajapure-Tapas, Dinashree Mahambare, Ganesh Nayak, Desouza, Mariyan Rodric, Vaman Varde, staff at the International Konkani Kendra (Manglore) and students from Matond who preferred to remain anonymous. Thanks to Madhur Barve and Pratap Naik for giving me beautiful photographs of Goa. I thank Tanvi Suhas for preparing the lay-out and for careful proof-reading. I am grateful to Melanie Green for her patience, accuracy and suggestions in editing this work. Finally, I thank my wife, son, daughter-in-law and two young granddaughters for their help and cooperation.

Foreword

Konkani is the official language of the Indian State of Goa, which was created as recently as 1967, following the end of Portuguese colonial rule. Unlike other State languages, it has not yet developed a standard variety. There are regional differences because, in the 16th to 19th centuries, a forceful Christianisation policy on the part of the Portuguese caused many Goans, both Hindu and Christian, to leave the island, thereby creating a diaspora in neighbouring regions of the mainland. Those settling nearby came to live among speakers of closely related varieties and were exposed, along with those remaining on the island, to Marathi, the dominant language of the region and a close relative of Konkani. Those migrating further south, however, came to live as minorities among Dravidian speaking (non-Indo-Aryan) communities. Although bilingual and employing, say, Kannada to outsiders they retained their cultural, religious and linguistic identity and, being far removed from the influence of Marathi, preserve a more archaic variety of Konkani. The present volume constitutes the first properly ‘modern’ linguistic description of Konkani. The student of European languages will encounter a number of unfamiliar structures here although these are widely shared with other New Indo-Aryan languages. The most salient of these are a split nominative-accusative and ergative-absolutive case system, which raises problems for the notion of syntactic subject, and preposed relative clauses forming a correlative structure with the following main clause (Which horse … that (horse) …). Professor Ramesh Dhongde, a native speaker of Marathi and student of Marathi stylistics and dialectology, is best known outside India for the grammar of Marathi he has jointly written with the late Kashi Wali (John Benjamins 2009). This present work is a detailed descriptive grammar of present-day Konkani in all its variety which will serve as a base line from which to assess any further developments. It will be fascinating to see where the Goan people will turn to fashion their own norms, whether towards Marathi or towards the more archaic Konkani preserved in the south. 

Theodora Bynon

Abbreviations and symbols

1 2 3 abil abl abs acc adj adv agn ana anim arc asp assr aux c caus cf christ cl comp compl compr cond conj contra cor cp dat def dem desi dist do emph eq

first person second person third person abilitative ablative absolute case accusative case adjective adverb agent anaphor animate archaic aspirate assertive auxiliary consonant causative counterfactual Christian dialect clitic complimentizer completive comparative conditional conjuction contrastive Correlative conjunctive particle dative definite demonstrative desiderative distal direct object emphatic equative

erg ergative excl exclusive f feminine fin finite foc focus fpl feminine plural fsg feminine singular fut future gen genitive case impf imperfective inf infinitive inst instrumental intj interjective intsf intensive/intensifier intr intransitive io indirect object loc locative m masculine mang Manglore dialect mp masculine plural msg masculine singular n  neuter/number (represented by numbers) neg negative nom nominative non-fin non-finite npl neuter plural nsg neuter singular obj object obl oblique pass passive past past perf perfective perm permissive phrv phrasal verb pl plural pol polite

xxiv Konkani

poss pp pred pref pres pro prog prox q qot redup refl

possessive postposition predictive prefix present pronoun progressive proximate question particle Quotative reduplication reflexive

rel sbj sg sk sub sufx tag top tr v voc voc(af)

relative subjunctive singular Sanskrit subject suffix question tag topic transitive vowel vocative vocative address form

*

ungrammatical sequence subscripts indicating coreference rising intonation level intonation fall rise intonation abrupt stopping syllable boundary nasalization/alternation palatalization

?

marginal/odd

Ι ↓ ^ Σ • ‘ ‚

showing two parts of a word falling intonation rise fall intonation drawled intonation pause accent secondary accent

i, j, k

↑ → V

# . ͂ j

List of figures

Figure 1.1 Area where Konkani is spoken in Goa Figure 1.2 Additional areas where Konkani is spoken Figure 2.1 Vowels and diphthongs

2 2 13

List of tables

Table 1.1 Devanagari script Table 1.2 Consonants Table 1.3 Roman symbols and the sounds they represent

10 11 12

Table 2.1 Table 2.2 Table 2.3 Table 2.4 Table 2.5 Table 2.6 Table 2.7 Table 2.8 Table 2.9 Table 2.10 Table 2.11 Table 2.12 Table 2.13

17 18 18 19 20 20 20 21 21 22 22 28 29

Consonantal phonemes Distribution of stops Distribution of dental stops Distribution of retroflex stops Distribution of velar stops Distribution of apico-alveolar affricates Distribution of alveo-palatal affricates Distribution of sibilants/fricatives Distribution of voiced nasals Distribution of laterals and flaps Distribution of semi-vowels Word-medial non-geminates Structures of monosyllabic morphemes

Table 3.1 Derivation of i-ending feminine nouns from o–ending masculine nouns Table 3.2 Derivation of i-ending feminine nouns from consonantal-ending masculine or neuter nouns Table 3.3 Derivation of ‑iṇ feminine nouns from masculine nouns Table 3.4 Derivation of o-ending masculine nouns from i-ending feminine nouns Table 3.5 Derivation of ‑ul neuter nouns from consonantal ending masculine or feminine nouns Table 3.6 Plural inflection Table 3.7 Exceptional nouns Table 3.8 Core case paradigm Table 3.9 Oblique case markers Table 3.10 Addressee masculine singular Table 3.11 Addressee feminine singular

48 48 49 49 50 50 52 55 57 58 58

xxviii Konkani

Table 3.12 Table 3.13 Table 3.14 Table 3.15 Table 3.16 Table 3.17 Table 3.18 Table 3.19 Table 3.20 Table 3.21 Table 3.22 Table 3.23 Table 3.24 Table 3.25 Table 3.26 Table 3.27 Table 3.28 Table 3.29

First person pronouns Second person pronouns Distal deictic pronouns (singular) Distal deictic pronouns (plural) Reflexive pronouns Reciprocal Pronouns Demonstrative pronouns Third person relative-correlative pairs Interrogative Pronouns Interrogative pronouns (direct forms) Indefinite pronouns Inflecting adjective forms Qualifying colour adjectives Full declension of a noun with a non-inflecting adjective Cardinal numbers Inflecting quantifier adjectives Inflection of ordinal adjectives Determining adjectives

60 61 61 62 63 64 65 66 66 68 69 70 71 73 75 78 79 81

Table 4.1 Table 4.2 Table 4.3 Table 4.4

Phrasal verb (n + v) Phrasal verb (n + pp + v) Phrasal verb (a + v) Phrasal verb (a + v)

97 99 99 99

Table 5.1 Table 5.2 Table 5.3 Table 5.4 Table 5.5 Table 5.6 Table 5.7 Table 5.8 Table 5.9 Table 5.10 Table 5.11 Table 5.12 Table 5.13 Table 5.14 Table 5.15 Table 5.16

Nominative subject agreement of rig ‘enter’ Nominative object agreement of kha ‘eat’ Nominative object agreement of as ‘be’ Nominative object agreement of sɔb ‘be fit’ and as ‘be’ Imperfective inflection of kha (tr) ‘eat’ Imperfective inflection of rig (intr) ‘enter’ Imperfective inflection of as ‘be’ Nominative subject agreement of rig ‘enter’ Nominative object agreement of as ‘be’ Past relevant to present inflection of rig ‘enter’ Nominative object agreement of kha (tr) ‘éat’ Nominative subject agreement of as ‘be’ Nominative subject agreement of rig ‘enter’ Nominative subject agreement of rig ‘enter’ Nominative subject agreement of as ‘be’ Attributive use of aspectuals

107 107 107 108 110 110 111 113 114 115 116 116 119 121 124 126

List of tables xxix



Table 5.17 Prospective non-finite verb-form Table 5.18 Imperative mood Table 5.19 kər ‘do’: Desiderative/subjunctive

127 128 130

Table 6.1 Forms of postposition ts ‘of ’ Table 6.2 Vocative particles

147 159

Table 7.1 Table 7.2 Table 7.3 Table 7.4 Table 7.5 Table 7.6 Table 7.7 Table 7.8 Table 7.9

198 198 198 221 222 222 222 222 223

Causative u > o Causative ə > a Causative i > a/e Intensifiers with colour terms Intensifiers with taste terms Intensifiers with terms describing human features Intensifiers with other adjectives Intensifier preceding adjective Reduplicatives as adverbs

Table 8.1 Subject hierarchy

239

Table 13.1 Table 13.2 Table 13.3 Table 13.4 Table 13.5 Table 13.6

308 308 317 317 318 318

Negation paradigm for rig ‘enter’ Negation paradign for tap ‘be hot/angry’ NPIs: k-words with particles NPIs: Adverbs and other grammatical items NPIs: Verbs and phrasal verbs NPIs: Idioms

Chapter 1

Introduction

1.1

Introduction

Konkani, which was earlier considered to be a dialect of Marathi, has now gained official language status. In this chapter, I consider the language-dialect controversy of Konkani, the regions where Konkani speakers live, and the linguistic characteristics of Konkani. There are several speech varieties of Konkani identified and labeled by different scholars. I consider primarily the Goan variety which can be considered a standard variety. For illustrating differences between varieties I have selected the Manglore variety, as it is influenced by Kannada and one non-standard variety, Gawdi. The chapter summarizes the earlier traditional work on Konkani grammar and lexicography, the scripts used for Konkani writings and important literary works. 1.2

Area and speakers

Konkani is a modern Indo-Aryan language predominantly spoken in Goa, India. Speakers of Konkani are also found in the western coastal areas such as Mumbai, Thane, and Ratnagiri, in the Maharashtra state; Karwar, Supa, Manglore in the Karnataka state; and Ernakulam in the state of Kerala. The 1961 census of India records 1,371,000 as the total number of Konkani speakers. Out of these, 565,000 were from Goa, 210,000 from Maharashtra, 492,000 from Karnataka, and 17,000 from Kerala. The (2001) census of India shows the total number of Konkani speakers to be nearly 2,500,000. The (2011) census of India records 2,256,502 speakers of Konkani. The census of India 2011 states that in Goa the number of Konkani speaker is 964,305; in Maharashtra 399,255; in Karnataka 788,294; and in Kerala 69,499. That is, out of 2,221,353 Konkani speakers, 1,363,560 (over 61%) are likely to be in contact with Marathi. Malwani, which is considered to be a dialect of Marathi, but which is a transitional speech variety between Marathi and Goan Konkani, has 46,851 speakers.

2 Konkani

Figure 1.1  Area where Konkani is spoken in Goa

Karwar

Manglore

Maharashtra, Goa and Karnataka

Figure 1.2  Additional areas where Konkani is spoken



Chapter 1. Introduction

It is interesting to note that at one time Konkani was known as ‘Canarim’, a neighboring Dravidian language, due to the close proximity of the two languages and lack of accurate classification. Some scholars trace the origin of ‘Canarim’ to the Persian word /kinara/ ‘coast’, suggesting that ‘Canarim’ means ‘a coastal language’. 1.3

The dialect-language controversy

Konkani shares several linguistic features with Marathi, a neighboring Indo-Aryan language mostly spoken in Maharashtra. In fact, at one time Konkani was considered to be a dialect of Marathi. There is therefore some controversy regarding the status of Konkani. Some researchers argue that it is a dialect of Marathi. For example, Priyolkar (1966) holds that Marathi is used in formal writing in Goa and that Marathi is called Konkani. He admits, however, that the spoken variety in Goa, especially the speech variety of ordinary people is different from the Marathi used in writing. The opposing view is that Konkani is an independent language. Giving a particular speech variety the status of a language is always a socio-political decision. For example, Malayalam and Assamese are independent languages now, but earlier they were considered to be dialects of Tamil and Bangla, respectively. Similarly, Maithili and Bhojpuri were considered to be dialects of Hindi until recently, but now they are given the status of independent languages. Konkani was given the status of an independent language after a series of political events. Goa was freed from Portuguese rule and became independent in 1961. Then there was a question regarding its merger with the adjacent state of Maharashtra. On the basis of a referendum, Goa was not merged with Maharashtra but was given statehood in 1967. In 1975 the Central Sahitya Akademi, a literary organization for Indian languages, recognized Konkani as an independent language. In 1987 it became the state language of Goa. Indian constitution contains the eighth schedule which lists 22 languages as scheduled languages. Scheduled languages are used as state’s official languages. Konkani was included in this list in 1992. Goan Konkani is considered to be the standard Konkani at present. Considering the phonology and morphology of Konkani from a comparative historical perspective, Katre (1966) places Konkani in the group of South-West and South dialects of New Indo-Aryan groups. He cites similarities in the following phonological changes in the two languages: (i) Sanskrit /y/ in the initial position changing to /ʤ/; (ii) Sanskrit /kʃ/ changing to /s/; and (iii) Sanskrit /sm/ changing to /m/. Sanskrit /s/ changes to /ʃ/ in the presence of front and palatal vowels in both the languages. A large number of word forms in Konkani, for which modern Marathi has coined other expressions, are preserved in Old Marathi.

3

4 Konkani

Given that Goa is a small island (3,701 square kilometers), how is that Konkani speech varieties are identified in different ways (Bardeshi, Sasashti, Antruji, and Kanakoni)? The reason is geographical separation caused by rivers. Then the speech varieties labeled as Chitpawani, Gawdi, Nawayati, Kadi and Kudumbi are identified according to segregation of speakers on the basis of caste. The labels ‘Christian dialect’ and ‘Hindu dialect’ indicate segregation according to religion. During the period of Portuguese inquisition, which lasted for 252 years (1560–1812), Hindus and even converted Christians migrated to the surrounding parts of India that were under the rule of Britain. As a result, the migrants maintained their variety over a period of time, and this underwent gradual changes through the contact with Marathi, Kannada and Tulu. On the basis of contact languages, Konkani speech varieties are labeled as Karwari, Mangruli, Kasargodi and Kerali. I am not using these labels as there is a lot of overlapping involved and my aim is not a survey of Konkani dialects. When Goa was under the rule of Portugal in the 16th century, the rulers destroyed all the literature written in the local language in order to preach Christianity effectively. In course of time, the missionaries realized that the best way to preach Christianity was persuasion through the local language. The Jesuits learned the local language for preaching. Thomas Stephens’ Arte da Lingoa Canarim (1616) is an indication of the missionaries’ change of attitude towards the local language. Stephens was familiar with the distinction between Marathi and the spoken language of the converted Brahmins of Salcete, a part of south Goa which was included in the Portuguese state and assigned to Jesuit missionaries. Stephens wrote Kristapuran in Marathi, a poetic composition of 10,962 couplets, mixing some words from the local language that was called Canarim, Gomantaki, Goani, Braman or Goechi Bhas. Kulkarni (2007) classifies Konkani into three varieties: (i) a Christian variety developed by those who converted to Christianity, which contains a number of Portuguese word forms, (ii) a variety influenced by Marathi, developed by those who resisted conversion and fled towards the north, and (iii) a variety influenced by Kannada, developed by those who fled to the south. It is interesting to note that Portuguese morphology and syntax have little influence on Konkani, and apart from the inclusion of /f/ in the Konkani sound system, there is hardly any phonological influence either. Konkani has preserved its distinct identity in spite of the Portuguese rule for 450 years. On the other hand, Konkani’s linguistic and cultural relations with Marathi have continued. Grierson (1905) surveyed the varieties spoken in Sawantwadi, a place on the border of Maharashtra and Goa, and in Karwar, which was also a part of Maha­ rashtra earlier. These varieties have similarities with Marathi. This may be the reason why Grierson classified Konkani a dialect of Marathi. Katre (1966) calls Konkani a sister of Marathi. Ghatage’s survey of Marathi dialects devotes eight parts



Chapter 1. Introduction

to Konkani but he does not commit himself to a statement on whether Konkani is a dialect of Marathi or an independent language. There are many similarities and differences in Marathi and Konkani. It is doubtful whether the criteria of mutual intelligibility would help in deciding decisively whether Konkani is a distinct language or not. For example, a Goan Konkani speaker understands Malwani, which is considered to be a dialect of Marathi, quite easily (and vice versa). But a Malwani speaker fails to understand the Manglore variety of Konkani (and vice versa). My purpose is to explain the linguistic characteristics of Konkani, which is now a state language of Goa. I hope the linguistic analysis of the present-day Konkani offered here will help in understanding the similarities and differences between Konkani and Marathi, and in understanding and guiding the process of standardization of Konkani. Linguists have proposed different names and identification criteria for Konkani.1 In this book, I will take Standard Konkani as the base. My description is based on my field trips to Goa. These include five to Panjim, one to Kankon, and three to Mangalore, where I found informants from different parts of the Karnataka area where Konkani is spoken. For the Gawdi dialect I have used the data collected by A. M. Ghatage (1972). I describe variations in Christian speech used by Christian speakers in Goa. I describe the Mangalore and Gawdi speech varieties only when it is felt to be significant and informative. The variations are clearly marked in my illustrations. However, it is not my purpose to fully compare them. In addition to the speech samples, I have used written materials from certain magazines, bulletins, newspapers, and other sources.

1. Grierson (1905) calls Goan Konkani the real dialect of Marathi. Priyolkar (1966) holds that the variety used by the Christian missionaries in Goa in the 17th century was not a regional spoken variety; rather it was the variety used by the Saraswat Brahmins in Goa and cultivated by the missionaries for writing. He argues that there are caste differences in the speech varieties in Goa. Katre (1966) identifies what he calls ‘six dialects’ of Konkani: the speech varieties used by (i) the Kanara or Chitrapur Saraswats; (ii) Gauda Saraswats; (iii) Goa Hindus; (iv) Christians of Manglore and South Kanara; (v) Christians of North Kanara; and (vi) Christians of Goa. Kanara refers to the coastal parts of Karnataka. Almeida (1989) claims that there are six ‘dialects’ using Karnataka, north and south of Goa as regional variables, and Hindu and Christian as religious variables. Kulkarni also uses geographical distance as a variable in labelling six varieties as dialects and caste and social differences in labelling ten varieties as Konkani dialects. However, it is doubtful, whether Malwani, Kudali, and Karwari varieties could be treated as dialects of Konkani. At present, for example, Malwani and Kudali are considered to be Marathi speech varieties and they share more linguistic similarities with Marathi and more linguistic differences with Goan Konkani (see: Survey of Malwani (2014), an unpublished manuscript with the Maharashtra Sahitya and Sanskriti Mandal).

5

6 Konkani

Standard Konkani is the official language, though majority people in Goa speak both Konkani and Marathi.2 In the standardization process the influence of Marathi is dominant. The literacy rate in Goa is nearly 89%, which explains its Konkani-English bilingualism. Konkani is written in the Devanagri script which is also used for Marathi, Sanskrit and some other Indic languages. A modified Roman script established by the missionaries is also used by some Konkani Christians.3 1.4

Linguistic characteristics

Konkani has alveolar affricates /ts/,/dz/ and /dzh/ that contrast with the alveo-palatal affricates /tʃ/,/ʤ/,/tʃh/, /ʤh/ which is also a special feature of Marathi phonology. These distinctions are absent in other related Indic languages. Interestingly, alveolar affricates are also absent in Mangalore Konkani. Konkani has aspirated stops, affricates, nasals, laterals, continuants and trills that are phonemically significant. The rounding, lengthening and raising of the low central vowel /ə/under certain conditions are some special characteristics of Konkani. In Konkani all vowels can be nasalized. Almost all verbal forms in the first person singular have a nasalized vowel ending. Konkani nasalization distinguishes it from Standard Marathi. In the process of standardization, and under the influence of Marathi, nasalization is undergoing weakening. Doubling of consonants is predominant in the MangaloreKonkani variety. The basic word order in Konkani is subject – object – verb (SOV), as is the case in Marathi and most Indic languages. Konkani word order is flexible. The verb agrees in gender, number and person with an unmarked noun, which is not necessarily the subject. Konkani normally uses the relevant personal pronoun as reflexive pronoun. In addition, the pronoun apuṇ, with close resemblance to Marathi /apəṇ/, is used as a reflexive pronoun. Note that unlike Konkani, /apəṇ/ in Marathi is also used as a first person plural inclusive pronoun. In addition standard Konkani uses /swəta/ as a reflexive which is again similar to Marathi. Both adjectives and adverbs encode a correlative system. There are three genders: masculine, feminine and neuter. Konkani verbs follow separate paradigms for past simple and present perfect though the marker /‑l/ is common to both. The imperfective-perfective marker /‑tal/ which is often used for habitual past and the 2. Maffei (1882) was aware of the lack of a standard variety of Konkani when he says that ‘there is no really cultivated language common to all castes’. He also claims that the ‘unmindful’ use of Portuguese and English words by the missionaries distorted the natural form of Konkani. 3. In Karnataka some Konkani speakers use the Kannada script while some others use the De­ va­nagari script.



Chapter 1. Introduction

prospective marker /‑təl/ are distinct. They are not found in Marathi or in any other language in contact with Konkani. In the Mangalore variety, the future tense or the prospective marker /‑təl is hardly ever used. The imperfective marker /‑t/ is used instead to indicate the future.4 Konkani uses the so called heavy-duty verbs such as: (1) a. /kaʠh/ ‘draw’ b. /ghal/ ‘put’ c. /lay/ ‘append’ d. /lag/ ‘come to touch’ e. /ghe/ ‘take’ f. /ʤaw/ ‘happen, become’ g. /di/ ‘give’ h. /dəwər/ ‘hold’ i. /pəʠ/ ‘fall’ j. /mag/ ‘request’ k. /pəḷəy/ ‘see’ l. /mar/ ‘beat’ m. /ye/ ‘come’ n. /haʠ/ ‘bring’ o. /ubar/ ‘lift’ p. /band/ ‘tie’ q. /bəs/ ‘sit’ r. /uʠəy/ ‘throw’

(among others) that produce aspectual and modal meanings and help in forming phrasal verbs that compensate for the paucity of verb-forming processes. Like Marathi, there is a fusion of tense and mood in Konkani morphology. Konkani also has some unique morphemes of its own. All these characteristics are described in later chapters. 1.5

Language and literature

The Konkani language is a descendent of Maharashtri, a Prakrit language based on Sanskrit. There is a view that Konkani was originally a Munda language, but no linguistic evidence is offered in support of this view, nor is there any explanation of how and when Indo-Aryan structure was imposed on present-day Konkani.5 The 4. This might be the result of Kannada influence. Kannada has forms for only past and non-past tense. It does not have a special form for future tense. 5. Itziar Mtz. de Antohana (2015) argues that characteristics of Konkani such as vowel harmony, all vowels having nasal counterparts, copula deletion are Munda characteristics.

7

8 Konkani

distinctive characteristics of Konkani that are pointed out in this book cannot be traced back to Munda languages. Konkani shares a large vocabulary with Marathi. Interestingly, it also retains a number of words from old Marathi, which are absent in modern Marathi. Konkani also has a few words from old Gujarati, not found in the current language. The tradition of written works in Konkani began with the religious books of 17th century Christian missionaries. Since Konkani was their second language, and the main purpose was to preach Christianity, their works do not embody high literary qualities, nor do these works necessarily reflect the Konkani current at that time. Father Stephens wrote Krista Purana (1616) in the variety of Konkani that was used by Goan Brahmins. It is a work that tries to imitate Dnyaneshwari, written by a Marathi saint poet of the 13th century, and uses ample Marathi words and constructions. His grammar also takes into account the variety that mixes Marathi and Konkani, as he wanted to promote this variety for writing in Konkani. Stephens’s Dovtrina Christamem Lingoa Bamana Canarim (1622), a compendium of Christian catechism, is written in the Konkani variety spoken by the converted Brahmins of Saa-shti (North Goa). In 1632 Father Diyogu Ribairu published Kristawace Dovtrinoco Arthu (Meaning of Christ’s Teachings). Other Christian missionaries, who wrote religious works in Konkani, were Father Saldanha, Father Pedrosa, Gaspar de Sam Miguel, Father Archamone and Father Jose. Secular Konkani literature begins to appear in and around the 20th century. For example, in 1905, Bruno de Souza wrote Kristanv Ghorabo ‘Christian Home’. It is a story of a talented and virtuous young man. In the first half of the 20th century, Shanai Goubab adapted Moliere’s plays and wrote stories in Konkani. A little later we find modern Konkani poetry in the works of B. B. Borkar, R. V. Pandit, Ramesh Veluskar, Sankar Ramani, John Baptist Sequeira, Saratchandra Shenoi, Pandurang Bhangui, Madhav Borkar, Prakash Padgavkar, Shivanad Tendulkar, Moridas, Yashvant Kelekar, Vijaya Samalkar, Jess Fernandes, K. S. Naik, Nilaba Khandekar, and many others. Some of the fiction writers include Chandrakant Keni, Damodar Mouzo, Jayanti Nayak, Pundalik Naik, Olivinho Gomes, Meena Kakodkar, Ronald Pereira, Mic Max, and Devidas Kadam, Mahabaleshwar Sail, Shanta Khandeparkar and Jyoti Kumkalkar. Some of the Konkani playwrights are Manohar-rai Sardesai, Pudalik Naik, J. B. Moraes, Nagesh Karmali, Shaileshchandra Raykar, Gokuldas Mulvi, Ashok Bhosle, and Bharat Naik to name just a few.

Chapter 1. Introduction 9



1.6

Konkani grammarians

Father Thomas Stephens’s book Arte da Lingoa Canarim was enlarged and published by one Mr. Diogo Ribeiro in 1640, nearly 21 years after Stephens’s death. The book is written in Portuguese. It is older than any other European grammatical works on an Indian language. It is one of the earliest examples of the application of the Latin grammatical model to an Indian language. The book is divided into three parts: (i) Alphabets and pronunciation; (ii) parts of speech; and (iii) syntax. Stephens represents Konkani sounds in Roman alphabets. The dental consonants are represented by t, th, d, dh, n and the retroflex consonants are represented by geminates such as tt, tth, dd, ddh, nn, ll. This creates a problem in representing Konkani geminated consonants. Similarly, c is used for alveolar affricate /ts/ and ch for the palatal [tʃ], leaving the reader to wonder why ch is not the aspirated c [tsh]. In the nominal paradigms, Stephens describes number and case markers but leaves out details about gender and the morphological changes in the stems when marked with a case. In 1626, Riberio produced a Konkani-Portuguese dictionary with about 14,000 lexical entries. His dictionary contains many Kannada words that are no longer used in Modern Konkani. Gaspar de S. Miguel wrote a Konkani grammar in Portuguese and added Konkani-Portuguese and Portuguese-Konkani dictionaries. During the Portuguese inquisition period (1560 to 1812), there was hardly any work published on Konkani in Goa as writing in local variety was prohibited and many people migrated to Karnataka and Kerala. Father Angelo Maffei worked among the Mangalore Christians. In 1883 he produced an English-Konkani dictionary and in 1885 a Konkani-English dictionary. Maffei writes his grammar on the Latin model and often expresses his surprise where the peculiarities of Konkani do not fit into that model. For example, he imposes superlative and comparative degree on Konkani adjectives, tries to find passive voice, and imposes gerunds. He classifies Konkani substantive declension into five sections. He discusses Konkani tense and mood under syntax. He treats compound verbs separately. This is all at the word level and the sentence structure is hardly mentioned. Goybab Shenoy (1930) and Cunha Rivara (1857) were the first to argue that Konkani is an independent language and not a dialect of Marathi. Katre (1966) also treats Konkani as a distinct language, while Ghatage (1963, 1972) and Priyolkar (1966) treat it as a dialect of Marathi. Katre (1966) gives a historical and comparative account of six dialects of Konkani. In his survey of Marathi, Ghatage has described two dialects of Marathi: Gawdi and Konkani of the South Karnataka state. His analysis is based on the field-work and field techniques used at the time. Miranda (1971) combines diachronic and synchronic approaches in his analyses

10 Konkani

of the phonology of six Konkani dialects. More recently, Mathew Almeida (1989) gives a transformational generative account of the Goa Christian Konkani, which happens to be his native language. He is the first author to deal with Konkani syntax. 1.7

Script6

Konkani is written in Devanagari; the same script is used for Sanskrit and some other Indo-Aryan languages like Marathi and Hindi. There are 10 letters for vowels, and 33 for consonants. In addition, there is one retroflex symbol that represents in traditional Sanskrit grammar a vowel, which is a syllabic /r/ and which in Marathi represents /ru/. Then there is a nasalized vowel symbol representing the sequence /əm/. The mark /:/, called wisarga, represents a voiceless sibilant [ḥ] in Sanskrit, while in Marathi it stands for the gemination of the consonant following this mark. Three consonant clusters are represented by special symbols: /kš/, /tr/ and /dny/.7 1.7.1 Devanagari vowel symbols In the Devanagari script the 10 vowels have separate symbols when used by themselves, while there are different orthographic symbols for them when they occur with consonants. The consonants are always represented in the chart with /ə/, for example, क is /k/ and /ə/: Table 1.1  Devanagari script IPA

ə

a

i

i:

u

u:

e

əy

o

əw

Vowel symbol

अ

आ

इ

ई

उ

ऊ

ए/अे

ऐ/अै

ओ

औ

Vowel symbol

 

|

kə

ka

ी ki:

ू

Example: IPA

ि ki

ु ku

ku:

े ke

ै kəy

ो ko

ौ kəw

Example: Devanagari

क

का

कि

की

कु

कू

के

कै

को

कौ

6. In Goa the official script is Devanagari. It is the same script that is used for Sanskrit and some other Indo-Aryan languages. However, which script to use is a controversial issue. Some Christian speakers insist on using the Roman script with the Portuguese spelling conventions used by the early missionary. In Mangalore, there is some material written in Kannada script, and in Kerala in Malayalam. Priyolkar (1966) shows that Father Stephen wanted to publish Krista Purana in the Devanagri script, but the church authorities did not permit him to do so. 7. There are ten letters to represent the vowels. These include eight original Konkani vowels and two borrowed from Portuguese or English: /æ/ and /ɔ/. The vowels [i] and [u] have two separate symbols for shortness and length. In Roman script, however, no separate symbol is used for length.

Chapter 1. Introduction 11



In addition, a mark for nasal is used on a consonant letter preceding the nasal अं as in कं /kəm/ in कंपू /kəmpu/ ‘gang’. The vowel /æ/ in borrowed words such as black is represented by the vowel-letter अॅ and the mark ॅ as in बॅट /bæt/. The vowel /ɔ/ in borrowed words such as doctor is represented by the vowel-letter ऑ and the mark ॉ as in डॉक्टर /ʠɔkʈər/. 1.7.2 Devanagari consonant symbols The following consonant-letters represent the consonant sounds given with an inherent following schwa /ə/. Transcription is provided in slashes, and transliteration in parentheses. Table 1.2  Consonants क [kə] (k) च [tʃə] (c) ट [ʈə] (ṭ) त [tə] (t) प [pə] (p) य [yə] (y) श/ष [ʃə] (ś) क्ष [kʃə] (kś)

ख [khə] (kh) छ [tʃhə] (ch) ठ [ʈhə] (ṭh) थ [thə] (th) फ [phə] (ph) र [rə] (r) स [sə] (s) ज्ञ [dnyə] (dny)

ग [gə] (g) ज [ʤə] (j) ड [ʠə] (ḍ) द [də] (dh) ब [bə] (b) ल [lə] (l) ह [hə] (h)  

घ [ghə] (gh) झ [ʤhə] (jh) ढ [ʠhə] (ḍh) ध [dhə] (dh) भ [bhə] (bh) व [wə] (v) ळ [ḷə] (ḷ)  

ङ् [ŋ][ṅ]   ण [ṇ][ṇ] न [nə] (n) म [mə] (m)      

Consonants in the initial position of a cluster are represented either by reduced forms of the letters involved (for example in क्वचित /kwətʃit/ ‘rarely’) or by diacritic marks (for example in कर्ता /kərta/ ‘subject / doer’. A number of observations on the Devanagari script are in order here: – The consonant /r/ is represented by a single letter when it is followed by a vowel or when it is in the word final position. However when it is conjoined to another consonant letter six different marks are used for it. The four nasals could be represented by one single mark (anuswar). – There are some problems with the Devanagari script. The word final consonant is written as if it is followed by /ə/. For example in गवप /gəwəp/ ‘singer’, the first two letters are pronounced with /ə/ but not the last one. – There are single symbols for the following pairs of sounds:/ts/ and /tʃ/; /dz/and /ʤ/; and /dzh/ and /ʤh/. – The difference maintained in the writing between /u/ and /u:/and between /i/ and /i:/ is not maintained in speech.

12 Konkani

1.7.3 Romanization Portuguese missionaries used the Roman script for Konkani. Maffei (1882) proposed a modified version. Almeida (2007) proposed some more changes. Following the Roman alphabet order we get some idea about the convention (corresponding IPA symbols are provided in slashes): Table 1.3  Roman symbols and the sounds they represent Roman symbol

IPA

Roman symbol

IPA

a b bh ch chh d dh dd ddh e f g gh h i j jh jn k kh kx l lh ll

/a/ /b/ /bh/ /ts /, /tʃ/ /tʃh/ /d/ /dh/ /ʠ/ /ʠh/ /e/ /f/ /g/ /gh/ /h/ /i/ /ʤ/ /ʤh/ /dny/ /k/ /kh/ /kʃ/ /l/ /lh/ /ḷ/

m

/m/

mh n nn o ov oy p r rh s t th tt tth u v vh x xr y z zh

/ ̃/ for nasalised vowel /n/ /ṇ/ for nasalised vowel /o/, /ə/, /ɔ/ /əw/ /əy/ /p/ /r/ /rh/ /s/ /t/ /th/ /ʈ/ /ʈh/ /u/ /w/ /wh/ /ʃ/ /ʃr/ /y/ /dz/ /dzh/

Notice that letters q and w are not used as orthographic symbols whereas o and ch represent more than one sound. In this book I have used all the orthographic symbols very rarely. They are used only in representing proper nouns.

Chapter 2

Sound system

2.1

Introduction

Standard modern Konkani has a sound system of ten vowels and forty-one consonants. In this chapter the phonemes in Konkani, their combinations and restrictions on the combinations, the syllabic structure of words, and accent are considered. The kinds of phonological processes at work in Konkani and intonation patterns are discussed extensively. 2.2

Vowels and diphthongs

The following chart shows the vowels and diphthongs of Konkani:   High Mid Low-mid Low

Front i e æ, əy  

Central     ə a

Back u o ɔ, əw  

Figure 2.1  Vowels and diphthongs

2.2.1 Length Length of the vowels /i/ and /u/ is determined by their position and some other factors. For example, in monosyllabic words and in disyllabic words they tend to be long in final syllables when followed by ø or C: (1) a. /dhu:/ ‘daughter’ b. /brigader/ ‘brigadier’ c. /ku:ʠ/ ‘room’ d. /u:ʈ/ ‘get up’ e. /dzu:/ ‘yoke’ f. /ti:/ ‘she’ g. /ʃaṇi:/ ‘wise’ h. /pəyli:/ ‘first’

14 Konkani

In polysyllabic words, /i/ and /u/ tend to be shorter than their normal length: /uʈʈalo/ ‘(he) has got up’, /dzuwa/ ‘yokes’. A few educated speakers tend to keep the sound long following the orthographic long-short convention in pronouncing isolated words. For the majority of Konkani speakers, length is not distinctive. Konkani follows the principle of temporal compensation.1 Following this principle, units of speech tend to undergo quantitative adjustment so as to approach equal duration in a given environment, although they might vary in terms of number of syllables as well as number of segments. The result is that relatively short units stretch and relatively long units contract. 2.2.2 Variants In some varieties of Konkani, the front-mid /e/ vowel is distinguished from a front lower mid vowel /ɛ/ when the following syllable is a low vowel. Therefore the /e/ in the word /ek/ ‘one’ becomes /ɛ/ in the word /ɛkak/ ‘to one’. Monosyllabic words, especially when the syllable is a closed syllable, tend to favour /ɛ/: /dɛr/’ brother-inlaw’. In the initial position /e/ tends to show a /y/ glide. Gawdi does not allow /e/ in the word final position; it uses /ɛ/ instead. In Standard Konkani the masculine plural marker is /ɛ/ but the feminine plural is often pronounced as /e/. The low-mid vowel /æ/ occurs in words borrowed from English though in borrowed words from English that are integrated in Konkani, /æ/ is replaced by /a/ or /ə/ as in /kathlik/ ‘Catholic’, /ədãm/ ‘Adam’. /ɔ/ also occurs in words borrowed from English, although in borrowed words from English that are phonologically integrated into Konkani, /ɔ/ is replaced by /o/ or /a/as in /dotor/ ‘doctor’, /ofəs/ ‘office’, /aspətri/ ‘hospital’. /o/ is a mid-back rounded vowel. In closed monosyllabic words /o/ tends to be /ɔ/ as in tɔr/ ‘a green mango’. The word final /o/ in masculine nouns and pronouns tends to be /ɔ/ as in /tɔ/ ‘he’, /pɔ/ ‘face powder’, /piʠɔ/ ‘stalk of coconut leaf ’. In feminine nouns it tends to be /o/. In feminine adjectives and verb forms /ə/ is raised to /o/ especially in Gawdi: /nowi/ ‘new’, /bosloli/ ‘seated’. The low-mid central vowel /ə/ is a more rounded vowel than the Marathi /ə/. It is often used in monosyllabic words. Many grammarians assign it length /ɜ:/, some assign it raising /ɨ/. It occurs in monosyllabic words and in disyllabic words that have CVC structure for the second syllable: /kɜ:r/ ‘tax; do’, /əʠtsɜ:ṇ/ ‘difficulty’, /udɜ:k/ ‘water’, /pənɜ:s/ ‘jackfruit’. As in Marathi, a monosyllabic word with the structure CVC containing the low-mid-central vowel /ə/ gets lengthened because of the accent as in /tɜ:ʠ/ ‘bank of a river’, /ghɜ:r/ ‘house’, /mɜ:n/ ‘mind’. It occurs 1. Miranda Rocky V. (2003) holds that Konkani is a good example of this principle.



Chapter 2.  Sound system 15

in the second syllable if the first one contains a short vowel as in /gəwɜ:r/ ‘a poor woman’, /dhərɜ:ṇ/ ‘dam’, /səʠɜ:k/ ‘road’, /kusɜ:ʠ/ ‘of malicious nature’, /kinɜ:ʈ/ ‘gadfly’. The low-mid back vowel /ɔ/ is a variant of /o/ and it always occurs in monosyllabic words instead of /o/. The low central vowel /a/ is more common initially than /ə/. In a closed syllable they vary freely as in /dəkʃiṇ ˜ dakʃiṇ/ ‘south’, /paus ˜ pəus/ ‘rain’. /a/ is the most frequent initial vowel. Unlike Marathi, the word final cluster in Konkani is never followed by /ə/: (2) a. /ərth/ ‘meaning’ b. /bhəkt/ ‘devotee’ c. /ərd/ ‘half ’ d. /wərʃ/ ‘year’ e. /mest/ ‘cook’ f. /kəʃʈ/ ‘hard work’ g. /atapəryənt/ ‘until now’ h. /təst/ ‘wash basin’

The two diphthongs in Konkani are /əw/ and /əy/. Very few words in Konkani begin with a vowel. /a/ is the most frequent in the initial position. 2.2.3 Distribution of vowels All vowels occur in the initial position: (3) a. /igərʤ/ ‘church’ b. /uklas/ ‘offering’ c. /eḷṇi/ ‘cover plate’ d. /əgəʠ/ ‘deep’ e. /owi/ ‘a composition of four lines’ f. /apar/ ‘rib’ (Portuguese)

All vowels occur in the medial and final position: (4) a. /kuʃik/ ‘beside’ b. /apʈi/ ‘defeat’ c. /ãŋkur/ ‘a type of vegetable’ d. /aʃaḷu/ ‘greedy’ e. /uṇepəṇ/ ‘defect’ f. /itlẽ/ ‘so much’ g. /ake/ ‘this side’

16 Konkani

h. /aydən/ ‘utensil’ i. /niʤʤə/ ‘lower jaw’ j. /begobeg/ ‘immediately’ k. /beʠo/ ‘betelnut’ l. /umaw/ ‘kiss’ m. /awaḷũ/ ‘blood clot’

The vowels /æ/ and /ɔ/ which are borrowed from English follow the distribution in English. In terms of dialect variation, Standard Konkani does not allow word final ə. But Manglore variety often has words that have gemination at the end of the word and these words allow ə after the geminated consonant. 2.2.4 Nasalization of vowels All vowels in Konkani have nasal counterparts. Their occurrence depends predominantly on grammatical conditions. They are used in the following contexts: a. b. c. d. e.

all oblique cases of plural nouns nominative plural forms of neuter nouns nominative singular forms of neuter nouns, ending especially in /ẽ/ nominative singular neuter forms of adjectives all verb forms in neuter gender ending in a vowel and in the first person singular and plural of any gender. f. In the Manglore variety /ə/ and /ɜ/ are more commonly nasalized in the word-final position. This makes Konkani perceptibly a nasal language. Nasality can spread from a nasal consonant or a nasal vowel through regressive assimilation. A word final vowel is nasalized when preceded by a nasal consonant as in: /sun/ ‘daughter-in-law’ > /sunõ/ ‘daughters-in-law’. In the Manglore variety, when a final nasalized vowel is dropped, the vowel in the preceding syllable is nasalized unless the interlude between the two syllables contains a stop consonant. For example, (5) may be realized as (6): (5) hawə̃ məgəl ghər-ã-tũ assə I my house-obl-loc be-impf ‘I am in my house.’ (6) hãw məgəl ghər-ã-t assə I my house-obl-pp be ‘I am in my house.’

Chapter 2.  Sound system 17



In Gawdi, on the other hand, the vowel loses its nasalization when it is immediately preceded or followed by a nasal consonant except /m/. For example, /toklyãni/ may become /toklyani/ ‘by the heads’. Nasalization in standard Konkani seems to be in decline, perhaps because of the contact with standard Marathi. However, nasalization is still contrastive in Konkani as in instances like /tak/ ‘buttermilk’ vs. /tãk/ ‘strength’, /kay/ ‘or’ vs. /kãy/ ‘few; some’, although the contrast between /pedo/ ‘peon’ /pẽdo/ ‘crab section’, /pət/ ‘ diet’ and /pə̃ t/ ‘bet’, /guʠ/ ‘nest’ and /gũʠ/ ‘deep’ (among others) is not found in standard Konkani. The oscillation between nasalised vowels and non-nasalized vowels is reflected in writing systems of Konkani. 2.3

Consonants

Table 2.1 sets out the place and manner of articulation of consonants in Konkani. An elaborate description of them and their distribution in the language follows.

Labio-dental

Dental

Alveolar

Retroflex

Alveo-palatal

Velar

Glottal

Stops: VL Stops: ASP Stops: VD Stops: ASP Nasals: VD Nasals: ASP Flap: VD Flap: ASP Laterals: VD Laterals: ASP Affricates: VL Affricates: ASP Affricates: VD Affricates: ASP Fricatives: VL Semi-vowels: VD Semi-vowels: ASP

Labial

 

Table 2.1  Consonantal phonemes

p (ph) b bh m mh                   w wh

                            f    

t th d dh n nh                      

                l lh ts   dz dzh s    

ʈ ʈh ʠ ʠh ṇ ṇh     ḷ                

            r rh     tʃ tʃh ʤ ʤh ʃ y  

k kh g gh (ŋ)                        

                            h    

18 Konkani

2.3.1 Stops [p] is a voiceless unaspirated bilabial stop. [b] is a voiced unaspirated bilabial stop. [bh] is a voiced aspirated stop. The three contrast in different positions. Examples of their distribution are given in the table below. Table 2.2  Distribution of stops Initial

Medial

Final

/par/ ‘platform built around a tree /bar/ ‘bar’ /bhar/ ‘ burden’ /pi/ ‘drink’ /bi/ ‘a seed’ /bhi/ ‘be afraid’

/səpur/ ‘narrow, thin’ /səbur/ ‘patient’        

/kop/ ‘anger’ /kob/ ‘cabbage’        

/t/ is a voiceless unaspirated dental stop. /th/ is a voiceless aspirated dental stop. /d/ is a voiced unaspirated dental stop. /dh/ is a voiced aspirated dental stop. Examples of their distribution are given in the table below. Table 2.3  Distribution of dental stops Initial

Medial

Final

/tar/ ‘a ferry for crossing a river’ /thar/ ‘rest’ /dar/ ‘a door’ /dhar/ ‘a sharp edge’

/mati/ ‘soil, mud’ /madi/ ‘a female’ /wati/ ‘wicks; candles’ /wadi/ ‘tube; disputant’

/pət/ ‘status’ /pəd/ ‘a song’ /mət/ ‘opinion; vote’ /məd/ ‘excessive pride’

/ʈ/ is a voiceless unaspirated retroflex stop.2 /ʈh/ is a voiceless aspirated retroflex stop /ʠ/ is a voiced unaspirated retroflex stop /ʠh/ is a voiced aspirated retroflex stop

2. [ʈ] is pronounced as a plosive as well as a flap. This applies to [ʠ] and [r] also.

Chapter 2.  Sound system 19



Examples of their distribution are given in the table below. Table 2.4  Distribution of retroflex stops3 Initial

Medial

Final

/ʈay/ ‘a neck-tie’ /ʈhay/ ‘with; to’ /ʈaḷ/ ‘cymbal’ /ʠaḷ/ ‘split pulses’ /ʠhaḷ/ ‘diarrhoea’

/səʈək/ ‘to give a slip’ /səʠək/ ‘road’      

/kaʈ/ ‘a set of hundred leaf ’ /kaʠ/ ‘unnecessary strain’ /paʈ/ ‘a canal’ /paʠ/ ‘bring down’3  

/k/ is a voiceless unaspirated velar stop. /kh/ is a voiceless aspirated velar stop. /g/ is a voiced unaspirated velar stop. /gh/ is a voiced aspirated velar stop. Examples of their distribution are given in the table below.

3. Konkani normally avoids the use of retroflex stops in the word-initial position. They are retained only in careful speech by Marathi-Konkani bilingual speakers, and are represented as retroflex sounds in writing of some words. The following are some examples where the Marathi retroflex sounds are replaced by corresponding dental sounds in normal speech and also in writing; the first word in the pair is Marathi, the second in Konkani: (i) a. /ʈaʈa/ > /tata/ ‘goodbye’ b. /ʈaḷu/ > /talu/ ‘upper palate’ c. /ʈaḷe/ > /taḷe/ ‘lock’ d. /ʈikli/ > /tikli/ ‘a dot of vermillion on the forehead’ e. /ʈyub/ > /tub/ ‘tube’ f. /ʈek/ > /tẽk/ ‘recline’ g. /ʈ ok/ > /tõk/ ‘peak, end’ h. /ʈots/ > /tots/ ‘prick’ i. /ʈop/ > /top/ ‘cooking pot’ j. /ṭhaw/ > /thaw/ ‘bottom’ k. /ʠag/ > /dag/ ‘stain’ l. /ʠhaŋg/ > /daŋg/ ‘stride’ m. /ʠaw/ > /daw/ ‘stride’ n. /ʠaḷ/ > /daḷ/ ‘split pulses’ o. /ʠikhḷi/ > /dikhḷi/ ‘lump of cooked food’ p. /ʠoŋgər/ > /doŋgər/ ‘mountain’ q. /ʠoḷe/ > /doḷe/ ‘eyes’ r. /ʠhol/ > /dhol/ ‘drum’

20 Konkani

Table 2.5  Distribution of velar stops Initial

Medial

Final

/kəʈ/ ‘conspiracy’ /khəʈ/ ‘obstinate’ /gəʈ/ ‘group’ /ghəʈ/ ‘tough, hard’

/bhurke/ ‘noisy sips’ /bhurgẽ/ ‘a child’ /bekari/ ‘unemployment’ /begari/ ‘labourer’

/bãk/ ‘bench’ /bag/ ‘a garden’ /wak/ ‘speech’ /wag/ ‘tiger’

2.3.2 Affricates /ts/ is a voiceless unaspirated apico-alveolar affricate. /dz/ is a voiced unaspirated apico-alveolar affricate. /dzh/ is a voiced aspirated apico-alveolar affricate. Examples of their distribution are given in the table below. Table 2.6  Distribution of apico-alveolar affricates Initial

Medial

Final

/tsaʠ/ ‘care’ /dzaʠ/ ‘thick’ /tsar/‘a type of small wild fruit’ /dzar/ ‘á paramour /dzhar/ ‘poison’

/patsər/ ‘a wedge’ /padzhər/ ‘oozing’ /watsta/ ‘reads’ /wadzta/ ‘sounds’  

/ãts/ ‘clear mud after dredging’ /dzhaʠ/ ‘a tree’ /adz/ ‘today’    

/tʃ/ is a voiceless unaspirated alveo-palatal affricate. /tʃh/ is a voiceless aspirated alveo-palatal affricate. /ʤ/ is a voiced unaspirated alveop-palatal affricate. /ʤh/ is a voiced aspirated alveo-palatal affricate. Examples of their distribution are given in the table below. Table 2.7  Distribution of alveo-palatal affricates Initial

Medial

/tʃeʠo/ ‘a boy, a son’ /tʃheʠo/ ‘a type of golden chain’ /tʃheʠũ ya/ ‘Let’s play (musical instrument)’ /tʃhap/ ‘print’ /ʤap/ ‘ a reply’ /ʤhãp/ ‘scold’ /tʃar/ ‘four’ /tsar/ ‘grass’

/pãtʃi/ ‘five times’ /pãtʃi/ ‘five times’            

Chapter 2.  Sound system 21



2.3.3 Fricatives /f/ is a voiceless labio-dental sibilant / fricative. /s/ is a voiceless alveolar sibilant / fricative. /ʃ/ is a voiceless alveo-palatal sibilant / fricative. /h/ is a voiced glottal fricative. Examples of their distribution are given in the table below. Table 2.8  Distribution of sibilants/fricatives Initial

Medial

Final

/fal/ ‘veneer’ /sal/ ‘skin’ /ʃal/ ‘shawl’ /hal/ ‘plight’ /ʃur/ ‘brave’ /ful/ ‘a flower’

/məsalo/ ‘spices’ /məʃal/ ‘torch’ /məhal/ ‘a palace’ /aʃa/ ‘hope’    

/kəf/ ‘phlegm’ /kəs/ ‘a test’        

2.3.4 Nasals /m/ is a bilabial voiced unaspirated nasal. /mh/ is a bilabial voiced aspirated nasal. /n/ is an apico-dental voiced unaspirated nasal. /nh/ is an apico-dental voiced aspirated nasal. /ṇ/ is a retroflex voiced unaspirated. /ṇh/ is a retroflex voiced aspirated nasal.4 Examples of their distribution are given in the table below. Table 2.9  Distribution of voiced nasals Initial

Medial

Final

/mit/ ‘limit’ (Christ.) /nəw/ ‘new’ /ṇəw/ ‘nine’ /nhaṇi/ ‘bathroom’

/ami/ ‘we’ /ani/ ‘and’ /kəṇi/ ‘granule’  

/kam/ ‘work’ /kan/ ‘ear’ /khaṇ/ ‘food’  

4. /ŋ/ contrasts with other nasals only in the word-final position. It never occurs word-initially. Word medially it occurs only before velar plosives. It has a limited distribution as in Marathi. I call it a marginal phoneme and therefore in the chart it is put in brackets.

22 Konkani

Consider the following minimal pairs: /mal/ ‘bad’ (Portugese), /mhal/ ‘taluka’ (an administrative part of land’; /maḷ/ ‘garland’, /mhaḷ/ ‘a ritual performed for the dead’). 2.3.5 Laterals and flaps /l/ is a voiced alveolar or apico-dental unaspirated lateral. /lh/ is a voiced alveolar or apico-dental aspirated lateral. /ḷ/ is a voiced retroflex unaspirated lateral. /r/ is a voiced alveo-palatal unaspirated flap or short trill. /rh/ is a voiced alveo-palatal aspirated flap or short trill. Examples of their distribution are given in the table below. Table 2.10  Distribution of laterals and flaps Initial

Medial

Final

/lew/ ‘mild, faint’ /lhew/ ‘lick /ras/ ‘heap, pile’ /rhas/ ‘ruin’  

/wəlẽ/ ‘wet’ /wəḷẽ/ ‘half of a coconut’ /wəlhẽ/ ‘oar’

/wal/ ‘creeper’ /war/ ‘day’ /waḷ/ ‘kind of vegetable’ /gar/ ‘iguana, cold’ /gal/ ‘cheek’

 

2.3.6 Semi-vowels /w/ is a voiced bilabial unaspirated glide. /wh/ is a voiced bilabial aspirated glide. /y/ is a voiced palatal glide. Examples of their distribution are given in the table below. Table 2.11  Distribution of semi-vowels Initial

Medial

Final

/waḷ/ ‘kind of vegetable’ /whaḷ/ ‘creek’ /wan/ ‘muller’ /wəḍ/ ‘banyan tree’, /whəḍ/ ‘big’

/bawəl/ ‘wild cat’ /bayəl/ ‘woman’      

/paw/ ‘bread’ /pay/ ‘father’ /kaw/ ‘red ochre’ /kay/ ‘or’  

A number of observations are in order here:



Chapter 2.  Sound system 23

– Konkani bilinguals, who use both Marathi and Konkani, use /ph/ instead of /f/. The speech of many Goan and Mangalore speakers shows free variation between /ph/ and /f/.5 – Aspirated stops do not occur in word final position and are not frequent in the word medial position either. /ʠ/ occurs in word medial and also in final position when preceded by a nasal vowel, as in /ghe~ʠo/ ‘rhinoceros’, /tɔ̃ṇḍ/ ‘mouth’. In the word final position, not preceded by a nasal vowel and in the intervocalic position /ʠ/ varies with an alveolar flap, as in /moṛ/ ‘storm’, /səṛək/ ‘road’. – In Konkani retroflex stops do not occur in the word initial position. – /ts/ does not have an aspirated counterpart. – /s/ rarely occurs when followed by /i/ or /e/. /ʃ/ is favored in that context. /ʃ/ may have a retroflex sibilant variant /ṣ/ when it occurs before a retroflex sound. – Konkani uses /ṇ/ initially only in numbers: /ṇəw/ ‘nine’, /ṇəwwəd/ ‘ninety’, /ṇəwaṇo/ ‘ninety-nine’. In modern Konkani however, under the influence of Marathi, this initial /ṇ/ is often replaced by /n/. /ŋ/ occurs only in word final and medial positions. – In some varieties /w/ has a variant which is a labio-dental voiced fricative /v/. – In Manglore variety apico-alveolar affricates do not occur; only the alveo-palatal affricates occur.

5. Katre (1966) recognizes six dialects of Konkani. Out of these, three are Hindu dialects: (i) Kanara or Chitrapur Saraswat; (ii) Gauda Saraswat, and (iii) Goa Hindu, while three are Christian dialects: (iv) Manglore and South Christian; (v) North Kanara Christian; (vi) Goa Christian. He states that all Christian dialects have /f/ instead of /ph/, which is reflected in the Roman writing of Konkani. The written symbol used is ‘f ’. Almeida (1989) states that /ph/ and /f/ are in free variation, but in careful speech of the educated (perhaps he means ‘Christians), /f/ is used consistently. Almeida identifies two dialects of north Goa and two of south Goa based on religion: North Goa Hindu, North Goa Christian, South Goa Hindu and South Goa Christian. He identifies two dialects for Karnataka and Kerala based again on religious differences: Kanara Hindu and Kanara Christian. Miranda (1971) identifies six dialects on the basis of religion. In Goa he identifies four dialects: Bardes Hindu, Bardes Christian, Sashti Hindu and Sashti Christian. For Manglore, he recognizes two dialects: Manglore Hindu and Manglore Christian. For Miranda, /f/ is used by Sashti Christians. Ghatge (1963) shows that /ph/ occurs in the Manglore variety which he calls the South Kanara dialect. However, Ghtage (1971) finds the occurrence of /f/ in place of /ph/ in Gawdi, which is spoken in central Goa. It is not the case, however, that the Hindus and Christians in Goa consistently retain the variety distinction based on religion. For example, Gawdi Hindus and Gawdi Christians both use /f/. The same is true of the caste dialects identified by Katre and Miranda (1971). In modern Konkani, the regional variations are still operative because of the different dominant languages around: Marathi in Goa, Kannada in Manglore and Malayalam in Cochin. Some variants ascribed to the Christian community are still found, although most of them are disappearing. I have put /ph/ in brackets to indicate its variation with /f/.

24 Konkani

2.4

Phonotactics

All consonants except the aspirated plosives and alveo-palatal affricates occur word-finally. All consonants except /ḷ/ occur word-initially. /ṇ/ optionally appears word-initially in numerals. The occurrence of /ṇ/ word-initially has its origin in old Shauraseni, which had some influence on Konkani. 2.4.1 Word-initial consonant-clusters Konkani tends to avoid consonant-clusters in word-initial position. Words borrowed from other languages and assimilated into Konkani show cluster simplification. In the speech of Konkani bilinguals who speak both Konkani and Marathi cluster simplification alternates with non-simplification. The same is true in the case of English-Konkani bilingualism. In the following illustrations, the words transcribed on the left hand side are words from the source language. The forms transcribed on the right hand side are their Konkani counterparts. The Konkani forms show the phonetic tendencies. (6) a. /pray/ ͂ /piray/ ‘age’ b. /dnyan/ ͂ /ginyan/ ‘knowledge’ c. /grahək/ ͂ /girayək/ ‘customer’ d. /brahməṇ/ ͂ /baməṇ/ ‘brahmin’ e. /swad/ ͂ /suwad/ ‘taste’ f. /swəpnə/ ͂ /səpən/ ‘dream’ g. /sthəḷ/ ͂ /thəḷ/ ‘place’ h. /ʃruŋgar/ ͂ /ʃiṇgar ˜ ʃirəŋgar/ ‘make-up’ i. /skul/ ͂ /iʃkul/ ‘school’

In the speech of educated Konkani speakers the following initial clusters are used: a. Cr: 13 clusters in which C is one of the nine stop-consonants: /p/, /b/, /bh/, /t/, /d/, /ʈ/, /ʠ/, /k/, /g/ or /m/, /n/, /s/ /ʃ/. Examples follow: (7) a. /prarthəna/ ‘prayer’ b. /brigader/ ‘brigadier’ c. /brid/ ‘motto’ d. /bhrəʃʈ/ ‘corrupt’ e. /tras/ ‘harassment’ f. /drəw/ ‘liquid’ g. /ʈren/ ‘train’



Chapter 2.  Sound system 25

h. /ʠraiŋ/ ‘drawing’ i. /kriya/ ‘act’ j. /gram/ ‘village’ k. /mrut/ ‘dead’ l. /nruttyə/ ‘dance’ m. /sraw/ ‘secretion’ n. /ʃrəwəṇ ‘hearing’

b. Cy: 8 clusters in which C is one of the five stop consonants: /p/, /b/, /t/, /dh/, /kh/, or /m/, /n/, /w/. Examples follow: (8) a. /pyar/ ‘love’ b. /byad/ ‘nuisance’ c. /tyag/ ‘sacrifice’ d. /dhyas/ ‘craving’ e. /khyati/ ‘fame’ f. /myan/ ‘scabbard’ g. /nyay/ ‘justice’ h. /wyəkti/ ‘individual’

Unlike Marathi, Konkani does not have clusters /bhy/, /ly/, and /dy/, but a cluster of three consonants also occurs: /dnyan/ ‘knowledge’. c. Cw: 3 clusters in which C is /d/, /k/ or /ʃ/. Examples: /dweʃ/ ‘hatred, /kwətʃit/ ‘rarely’, /swas/ ‘breath’. d. Cl: 2 clusters in which C is /k/ or /ʃ/. Examples: /kleʃ/ ‘affliction’, /ʃlok/ ‘a type of verse’. e. Cp: 1 cluster in which C is /s/ as in /spəndən/ ‘throbbing’. f. Cf: 1 cluster in which C is /s/ as in /sfɔṭ ˜ sphɔṭ ˜ spɔṭ/ ‘explosion’. g. Cth: 1 cluster in which C is /s/ as in /sthan-ik/ ‘local’. h. Ck: 1 cluster in which C is /s/ as in /skənd/ ‘shoulder’.6 Unlike Marathi, Konkani allows word-final clusters. In Sanskrit and Marathi word-final clusters invariably take [ə] after them. But in Konkani, especially in the Christian (Christ.) variety, this schwa is not used:

6. It is interesting to note that with the exception of Cy all other clusters occur in words borrowed from Sanskrit, Portuguese and English. The Cy cluster words are common for Marathi and Konkani.

26 Konkani

(9) a. /mest/ ‘cook’ b. /paʃṭ/ ‘roof; worse’ c. /wiʃw/ ‘universe’ d. /tʃitr/ ‘picture’ e. /drakʃ/ ‘grape’ f. /ərt/ ‘meaning’ g. /wəst/ ‘item, thing’ h. /rag-iʃṭ/ ‘hot tempered’ i. /khəṇḍ/ ‘part’ j. /ʃastr/ ‘science’

Words borrowed from English or Portuguese, which have clusters in the final position, also show the same tendency: (10) a. /lisʈ/ ‘list’ b. /kɔrʈ/ ‘court’ c. /skərʈ/ ‘skirt’ d. /khɔrn/ ‘oven’ e. /ark/ ‘arch’

In the Christian variety, word-final clusters are often simplified by dropping the second consonant: (11) a. /əstənt/ > /əstən/ ‘west’ b. /ratr/ > /rat/ ‘pound’ (a unit of weight) c. /aspətr/ > /aspət/ ‘hospital’ d. /səmpətti/ > /səmpət/ ‘wealth’

2.4.2 Word-medial geminates All non-aspirated consonants can occur duplicated (geminated) word-medially. A single word-medial non-aspirated consonant of standard Konkani often gets geminated in intervocalic position in Manglore (Mang.) variety. Gawdi has words that have gemination of non-aspirated consonants word-medially. Some Southern dialects also show this type of gemination. (12) a. /bapuy/ ˜ /bappus/ ‘father’ b. /gəbbər/ ‘very rich’ c. /sətta/ ‘power’ d. /muddam/ ‘purposely’ e. /pəʈʈo/ ‘belt’ f. /pəʠʠo/ ‘curtain’



Chapter 2.  Sound system 27

g. /tʃikol/ ˜ /tʃikkol/ ‘mud’ h. /tukka/ ‘to you’  i. /atstsu/ ‘mould’ j. /kajjulo/ ‘glow-worm’ k. /patʃtʃi/ ‘mother’s sister; father’s younger brother’s wife’  l. /aʤi/ ˜ /aʤʤi/ ‘grandmother’ m. /bammuṇu/ ‘husband’ n. /ammi/ ‘we’  o. /kumbar/ ˜ /kummar/ ‘potter’ p. /ʃinni/ ‘small piece of coconut given as ‘prasad’’ q. /kuṇṇi/ ‘utensil’  r. /fallẽ/ ‘dawn’ s. /kurroy/ ‘post-office’  t. /hoḷḷi/ ‘elder wife’ u. /piso/ ˜ /pisso/ ‘mad’ v. /maʃʃẽ/ ‘a little’  w. /nhəyo/ ˜ /nhəyyo/ ‘river’ x. /əwwəl/ ‘best, pure’ y. /səwwa/ ‘one and a quarter’ z. /nissim/ ‘limitless’ aa. /kulli/ ‘crab’ ab. /bəggi/ ‘horse carriage’ ac. /uggi/ ‘early’  ad. /yewwo/ ‘(May he) come’  ae. /niʤʤə/ ‘spine’ 

(Mang.)

(Christ.)

(Mang.)

(Gawdi) (Gawdi)

(Gawdi)

(Mang.) (Mang.) (Mang.)

2.4.3 Word-medial non-geminates What are called word-medial non-geminates never occur in the same syllable.7 They are open to phonological processes in the same way as other consonant sequences. They are not restricted in number; about 160 clusters are possible in 7. One must consider whether the word-medial clusters are retained in the syllabic division of the word or are distributed in two consecutive syllables. As in Marathi, the two consonants are always distributed in two syllables in Konkani: [sət·ri] ‘umbrella’, [tig·la] ‘entered’,[mar·gar] ‘en route’. Word-medial geminates are also split like other clusters. Word-medial clusters of three consonants have the division C·CC as in [lək·ʃmi] ‘Goddess of wealth’. The word-medial clusters /ts/ or /tʃ/ +/ y/ and /dz/ or /ʤ/ + y are always realized phonetically as /tʃ/ and /ʤ/ respectively. In Chapter 3 (Morphology) I transcribe them /tʃy/ and /ʤy/ to show the oblique marker wherever necessary. Word-medial geminates are result of phonological processes; the non-geminates are CC sequences prone to phonological changes under certain conditions.

28 Konkani

Konkani. In the following table, the first set (column 1) gives single words in transcription in which clusters are represented in Devanagari script as clustered letters or ‘jodakshara’. The second set (column 2) also contains transcribed single words but no clustered letters are used in their writing in Devanagari, as one can always optionally insert the vowel [ə] between them. The morphemic boundaries are shown by the symbol (−). The third set (column 3) contains word-medial consonant sequences that are written as separate words in Devanagari, Roman or Kannada script. In speech the two words make a single unit. In all the examples there are instances of CC occurrences. The table below contains instances of a sequence of two consonants (clusters) that occur within a word which is a single morpheme, then at the boundaries of two morphemes or the boundary of a single morpheme in a morphemic sequence which make a single word, and then between two words that closely follow each other in fast speech. Table 2.12  Word-medial non-geminates 1

2

3

/tətwan/ ‘by principle’ /hat-wat/ ‘a type of lamp’

/pət waʈaw/ ‘Take care’

/əlpəbətʃət/ ‘small savings’

/bal-pəṇ/ ‘childhood’

/gol pəṇəs/ ‘round jackfruit’

/khatri/ ‘guarantee’

/utrə-ṇ/ ‘slope’

/ghərat raw/ ‘Live in the house’

/bəstan/ ‘grip, hold’

/bəs-ta/ ‘(he) sits’

/ghas təri ghe/ ‘Take at least a morsel’

/purəskar/ ‘award’

/tormas-kar/ ‘one from Tormas – a surname’

/bhes kər/ ‘Put on the dress’

/aʃrəm/ ‘monastery’

/keʃr-a-co was/ ‘smell of saffron’

/yəʃ reʈʈa/ ‘Yash pushes’

/ulka/ ‘meteor’

/dholk-ẽ/ ‘drum’

/tel kaʠ/ ‘Extract oil’

/wərʃaw/ ‘shower’

/barʃ-a-k/ ‘at the time of naming ceremony

/dər ʃənwar/ ‘every Saturday’

/kərməʈ/ ‘orthodox’

/kər-mukt/ ‘tax-free’

/hatatʃer mas/ ‘flesh of hand’

/pərwət/ ‘mountain’

/khər-wət/ ‘saw’

/tʃar wərã/ ‘four hours’

Chapter 2.  Sound system 29



2.5

Syllable structure

In monosyllabic morphemes, syllables have the structure shown in the table below: Table 2.13  Structures of monosyllabic morphemes Syllable structure

Examples

V VV CV

[ã] ‘okay, yes’ /ai/ ‘exclamation of surprise’ /tͻ/ ‘he’

VC

‘/ũts/ ‘tall’

VCC CCV CCCV CVC CVVC CCVC CVCC

/iʃʈ/ ‘friend’ /ʃri/ ‘Mr’ /stri/ ‘woman’ /dew/ ‘God’ /wəiʤ/ ‘doctor’ /trat/ ‘closeness’ (Portuguese) /pinʤ/ ‘tear’

[i] ‘this’; [e] ‘come’ (Gawdi) /ui˜uw/ ‘louse’ /sɔ/ ‘six’ (Gawdi); /gho/ ‘husband’ (Mang.) /at/ ‘hand’ (Gawdi); /ol/ ‘bed cover’ (Mang.) /idr/ ‘glass’ (Gawdi)     /maʠ/ ‘roof ’ (Mang.) /tʃəil/ ‘cloth’ (Mang.)   /ʠõŋg/ ‘swelling’ (Mang.); /fɔsk/ ‘match-box’ (Gawdi)

2.6 Accent As in Marathi, accent is not distinctive in Konkani. Katre (1966) and Ghatage (1963, 1972) do not mention accent in Konkani. Maffei (1882) and Almeida (1989) consider word-accent in Konkani. For Almeida, a slight rise in pitch and extra energy in articulation are characteristics of accent. Length, pitch and sonority play an important role in determining the loudest accent. The syllable that has an accent is the tonic syllable. A general rule for accent in Konkani is that usually it falls on the final syllable of the word.8 (13) a. /ug’ʠas/ ‘memory’ b. /pəs’ro/ ‘horse pea; shop’ c. /səmul’khar/ ‘arsenic salt’ d. /baʃa’rel/ ‘high degree-holder’ e. /naturwa’lẽ/ ‘having grandchildren’ 8. These rules show certain tendencies; they are not strict rules, as accent is not distinctive in Konkani. There are variants in accent placement. Phonologically, accent leads to the lengthening of a vowel.

30 Konkani

f. /dhaʠəw’ṇi/ ‘pounding’ g. /thulthu’lit/ ‘very fat’ h. /tsõpəʃĩ’ṇi/ ‘all around’ i. /gədzgə’ʤit/ ‘dense’ j. /kum’ḷẽ/ ‘landlord’s rent’ k. /kə’ra/ ‘angry face’ l. /ru’tu/ ‘season’ m. /u’tsək/ ‘remember’ n. /uts’kaw/ ‘remind’ o. /mhuṇa’sər/ ‘until’  p. /suʠsu’ʠay/ ‘agility’  q. /eli’sãw/ ‘election’  r. /munu’ment/ ‘grave’  s. /sənʤes’ta/ ‘evening’  t. /pəsər’kar/ ‘shopkeeper’ u. /bəʠo’ṇi/ ‘thrashing of corn’

(Christ.) (Christ.) (Christ.) (Gawdi) (Gawdi)

There are some exceptions. For example, in numerals 11 to 18 accent is not on the final syllable. Words such as /’mənis/ ‘man’ /’wəṇət/ ‘wall’ are originally words with a final cluster. In such words, the original accent is retained even after cluster simplification. In words that have more than two syllables, or in some compound words, though the accent is shifted from the final position, the final syllable retains a secondary accent as in /’pərməḷ‚ ta/ ‘smells sweet’. 2.7

Phonological processes

Changes in sounds within a word and between two words are discussed by grammarians like Katre (1966); Miranda (1971), Ghatge (1963, 1972) and Almeida (1989). Katre gives a historical account of some of these processes. 2.7.1 Assimilation Progressive assimilation in the intervocalic position is found in Konkani. The morphemic boundaries are indicated by (−) in the transcribed examples: (14) a. /meḷ-l-o/ > /meḷ-ḷ-o/ ˜ /miḷ-ḷ-o/ ‘(I) met’ b. /pəḷ-t-a/ > /pəḷ-ʈa/ ‘(he) runs’ c. /tʃerʠũ/ > /tʃerrũ/ ‘child’  d. /dzhəʈ-t-a/ > /dzhəʈ-ʈ-a/ ‘(he) tries hard’ e. /khəṇ-tal-ẽ/ > /khəṇ-ʈal-ẽ/ ‘(he) was digging’ f. /kheḷ+təl-o/ > /kheḷ-ʈəl-o/ ‘(he) is going to play’

(Mang.)



Chapter 2.  Sound system 31

In Gawdi /r/ is assimilated to the following consonant: (15) a. /kor-t-a/ > /kot-t-a/ ‘(he) does’ b. /mar-l-o/ > /mal-l-o/ ‘killed’ c. /kor-ʃ-i/ > /koʃ-ʃ-i/ ‘(you) will do’ d. /kor-ts-o/> /kots-ts-o/ ‘should do’

The following examples show regressive assimilation: (16) a. [dhər-lyar] > [dhəl-lyar] ‘if held’ b. ([pəʠ-t-a]>) [pəʠ-ʈ-a] > [pəʈ-ʈ-a] ‘(he) falls’ c. [sod-t-a] > [sot-t-a] ‘(he) searches’ d. /uʈh-ʈ-a/ > /uʈ-ʈ-a/ ‘(he) gets up’

Often regressive and progressive assimilative processes fuse together: (17) a. /soʠ-lyar/ > /soḷ-ḷyar/ ‘if freed’ b. /pɔʠ-na/ > /pəṇ-ṇa/ ‘(he) does not fall’  c. /soʠ-l-o/ > /soḷ-ḷ-o/ ‘(he) left’  d. /dɔr-t-a/ > /dəʈ-ʈ-a/ ‘(he) catches’ 

(Gawdi) (Gawdi) (Gawdi)

In Gawdi when a non-retroflex consonant follows a retroflex consonant, it is assimilated to the retroflex consonant but assigns its manner of articulation to both: (18) a. /piḷ-t-a/ > /piʈ-ʈ-a/ ‘(he) squeezes’ b. /soʠ-l-ẽ/ > /soḷ-ḷ-ẽ/ ‘left’ c. /tsoʠ-l-o/ > /tsoḷ-ḷ-o/ ‘(he) climbed’

However ʈ and l do not assimilate: /uṭ-l-o/ ‘(he) got up’. 2.7.2 Palatalization In Konkani /s, ts, dzj/ occur before back vowels such as /u/ and /o/. In the final syllable, they are palatalized before front vowels such as /i/ and /e/. In the transcribed examples below, the mark (−) shows morphemic boundaries: (19) a. /səso/ ‘rabbit’ : /səʃ-e/ ‘rabbits’ b. /ras/ ‘heap’ : /raʃ-i/ ‘heaps’ c. /tats-o/ ‘his, its’ : /tatʃ-i/ ‘her’ d. /mhədz-o/ ‘my’ (m) : /mhəʤ-ẽ/ ‘my’ (n) e. /pis-o/ ‘crazy’ (m) : /piʃ-ẽ/ ‘mad’ (n) f. /teka ˜ tjeka/ ‘him’ g. /tel ˜ tjel/ ‘oil’ h. /iskul ˜ iʃkul/ ‘school’

32 Konkani

In the Manglore variety, when a word-final /i/ is dropped, the preceding /l/, /m/ and /n/ are palatalized. For example, /tugəli ghərã/ > /tugəljghərã/ ‘your houses’,/ammi fayi wətle/ > /ammj fayi wətle/ ‘We will go tomorrow’, /tɔ kali aylo ani wəʤ gelo/ > /tɔ kaljaylo anjwəʤgelo/ ‘He came yesterday and went away’. 2.7.3 De-aspiration In standard Konkani, aspirated sounds are retained only in the initial position. In the mid and final position they are de-aspirated. Almaida (1995) argues that as one moves from north Goa towards the south (Manglore), the tendency to aspirate the sounds decreases.9 In the following examples the mark (−) shows morphemic boundaries: (20) a. /uʈh-t-a/ > /uʈ-ʈ-a/ ‘(he) gets up’ b. /biʤhi/ > /biʤi/ ‘busy’ c. /wəḷəkh-tat/ > /wəḷək-tat/ ‘(they) recognize’ d. /tokhnay/ > /toknay/ ‘praise’ e. /əwghəʠ/ > /əwgəʠ/ ‘difficult’ f. /mhə-ḷyar/ > /mə-ḷyar/ ‘namely’ g. /səndhi/ > /sənd/ ‘opportunity’ h. /gho/ > /gow/ ‘husband’ 

(Gawdi)

2.7.4 Exchange of consonants The exchange of /n/ for /l/ is seen in some caste-dialects: (21) a. /limbu/ ˜ /nimbu/ ‘lemon’ b. /loṇtsẽ/ ˜ /noṇtsẽ/ ‘pickles’ c. /ləgn/ ͂ /nəgn/ ‘wedding’ d. /laʠu/ ͂ /naʠu/ ‘a type of sweet in round shape’

In Gawdi the /l/ of Standard Konkani is replaced by /n/: (22) a. /limp/ > /nimp/ ‘clean’ b. /lisãw/ > /nisãw/ ‘lesson’ 9. Many Marathi words that have word-final aspiration lose their aspiration when used in Konkani: I286 

(i) a. /bandh/ > /band/ ‘embankment’ b. /tsəʠh/ > /cəʠ/ ‘climb’ c. /ubha/ > /ubo/ ‘standing’ d. /wagh/ > /wag/ ‘tiger’ e. /tərhetərhetʃi/ > /təratəratʃi/ ‘of different types’



Chapter 2.  Sound system 33

c. /lɔk/ > /nɔk/ ‘people’ d. /layṇ/ > /nayṇ/ ‘live’ e. /lap/ > /nap/ ‘pencil’ f. /lan/ > /nan/ ‘small’ g. /nuksaṇ/ > /luksaṇ/ ‘damage’ (23) a. /tʃ/ > /ʤ/: /tãtʃĩ/ > /tãʤĩ/ ‘their’ b. /ts/ > /s/: /wəts/ > /wəs/ ‘go’  (Mang.) c. /əw/ > /o/: /dəwər/ > /doər/ ‘keep’  (Mang.) d. /w/ > /y/: /wiṇi/ > /yiṇi/ ‘plait of hair’  (Christ.) wik/ > /yik/ ‘poison’  (Christ.) e. /f/ > /h/: /fõpʈi/ > /hõpʈi/ ‘hut’, /fub/ > /hub/ ‘much’, /fũy/ > /hũy/ ‘where’  (only in Gawdi)

2.7.5 Metathesis Metathesis is transposition of sounds in a word. It is a process in which two sounds in usually two consecutive syllables in a word exchange their positions due to the natural movement of sound organs. In the following examples, the transposed sounds are in bold type; the mark (−) indicates morphemic boundary: (24) a. /urpãʈẽ/ > /upãʈẽ ˜ upparʈẽ/ (Mang.) ‘contrary, opposite’ b. /bədl-ũk/ > /bəld-ũk/ ‘change+ desid’ c. /baldi/ > /badly/ ‘pail’ d. kərun/ > /kərnu/ ‘after doing’ e. /tʃikəʈ/ > /tʃiʈək/ ‘glue, stick’ f. /tsəmtsəmit/ > /mətsmətʃit/ ‘spicy and tasty’

2.7.6 Devoicing Devoicing is partial assimilation. A voiced stop or affricate followed by a voiceless stop optionally loses its voicing. Morphemic boundaries are shown in the following transcribed words by (−): (25) a. /kaʠ-ta/ ͂ /kaʈ-ʈa/ ‘(he) takes’ b. /nhid-ta/ ͂ /nhit-ta/ ‘(he) sleeps’ c. /sod-tat/ ͂ /sot-tat/ ‘(they) search’ d. /ubta/ ͂ /upta/ ‘(it) floats’ e. /gid-pay/ > /git-pay/ ‘feet of a vulture’ f. /whoʠ-piʃi/ > /whoʈ-piʃi/ ‘big bag’ g. /bag-kam/ > /bak-kam/ ‘gardening’

34 Konkani

2.7.7 Voicing Optional voicing of voiceless stops when followed by voiced stops is found in assimilation: (26) a. /sobit bail/ ͂ /sobid bail/ ‘pretty woman’ b. /pik-daṇi/ ͂ /pig-daṇi/ ‘spittoon’ c. /tsak-deg/ ͂ /tsag-deg/ ‘edge of a wheel’ d. /ek-da/ ͂ /eg-da/ ‘once’ e. /əpril/ ͂ /əbyril/ ‘April’ f. /sətt-ya-tʃi/ ͂ /sədd-ya-tʃi/ ‘of truth’

2.7.8 Diphthongization Diphthongization occurs when there are two vowel sequences. Instead of a sequence of two vowels, there is a glide from one to the other and the glide functions as a single phonemic unit. The vowel sequences /a+i/, /e+i/ optionally change into /əi/. (27) a. /ail na/ > /əilna/ ‘didn’t come’ b. /yeile/ > /yəile/ ‘came’

The vowel sequences /ə+w/ and /au/ optionally change into /əw/. In /ə.u.ər/ there are three syllables, but when /ə/ and /u/ become a glide one gets /əw.sər/ ‘time’. Similarly /ə.wə. san/ becomes /əw.san /‘courage’. 2.7.9 Vowel harmony Vowel harmony is a type of assimilation two vowels share a specific feature such as height of tongue, front or back articulation, palatality, labiality etc. In Konkani, cluster simplifications such as /wərs/ ‘year’ becoming /wərəs/ or /fikr/ becoming /fikir/ ‘care’ could be regarded as cases of the vowel harmony rule. The same rule may be at work in the repetition of the vowel of the reduplicator in the reduplicand, as in: (28) a. /kəlkəl/ ‘jarring noise’ b. /kutskuts/ ‘prick’ c. /bhərbərã/ ‘quickly’ d. /aʈewiʈe/ ‘agony’ e. /dhaʠdaʠ/ ‘sound of a running train’ f. /piʈpiʈ/ ‘jump in joy’ g. /pərpərət/ ‘often’ h. /pəṇəsbiṇəs/ ‘jackfruit and other fruit’ i. /tsəṇebiṇe/ ‘peas and other pulses’ j. /pərətəpərtẽ/ ‘again and again’



Chapter 2.  Sound system 35

In Gawdi the plural form of /doŋgor/ ‘mountain’ is /doŋɔr/ but for the sake of vowel harmony the or in the first syllable changes and we get [dɔŋgɔr] ‘mountains’. Similarly the plural form of /moʠod/ ‘washerman’ is /mɔʠɔr/ ‘washermen’. 2.7.10  Vowel raising In some inflected words, the low central vowel /a/ is raised to the high-mid front position and the high-mid front vowel /e/ is raised to the high front position, that is, to /i/. Examples: (29) a. /taka ˜ tyeka/ ‘to him’ b. /tatʃẽ ˜ tetʃẽ/ ‘its’ c. /aʃelli ˜ aʃilli/ ‘was’

The vowel in the syllable of the reduplicator is, in some cases, raised in the syllable of the reduplicand. For example /a/ is raised to /i/ in /kaḷokiʈʈ/ ‘pitch-black’. Other examples: (30) a. /wakʠotikʠo/ ‘not straight’ b. /faʈĩfuʠẽ/ ‘sometime or the other’ c. /fəḷfəḷit/ ‘free; loose’ d. /pəṇəsbiṇəs/ ‘jackfruit and other fruit’

The high-mid central vowel /ə/ in the open syllable is slightly raised and rounded when the following syllable contains a high rounded back vowel /u/ or a mid-high back vowel /o/ as in: /kərũ/ ‘(shall I) do?’, /kəro/ ‘a special vessel used in a marriage ceremony’, /bhəro/ ‘bundle of firewood’. Words such as /pəṇəs/ ‘jackfruit’ have the same form in plural; but in the speech of standard Konkani speakers /ə/ in the plural form is slightly raised and rounded.10 2.7.11  Deletion and insertion In this section, various processes that involve deletion and insertion of sounds are described. 2.7.11.1 Gemination and degemination As in Marathi, gemination in Konkani is always intervocalic. In Manglore variety the perfective marker l is geminated:

10. Some grammarians treat this rounded /ə/ as a variant of /ə/.

36 Konkani

(31) a. /ilo/ > /illo/ ‘came’ b. /gheile/ > /ghille/ ‘bought’ c. /dəilo/ > /dəillo/ ‘ran’.

In fast speech however, the ‑ss- gemination is degeminated: /əssəti ˜ əsəti ˜ əsti/ ‘are’, /aššilo˜ ašilo/ ‘was’. Other examples of degemination: (32) a. /bukkal ˜ bukal/ ‘pen cover’ b. /wiṭṭhəl ˜ wiṭhəl/ ‘Witthal’ c. /səddam ˜ sədam/ ‘Saddam’

However, /səʤʤən/ ‘gentleman’ does not become /səʤən/. 2.7.11.2 Deletion of an unstressed vowel In rapid speech the unstressed vowel between two consonants is often deleted and it results in a cluster of two consonants. (33) a. /yetə-l-i />/yet-l-i/ ‘(she) will come’ b. /gelə-l-ẽ /> /ge-llẽ /‘(it) has gone’ c. /tugəl payu/ ͂ /tuglo payu/ ‘your feet’ d. /tũ kẽnna wətta/ ͂ /tũkẽnnwətta/ ‘ When are you going?’

In Manglore variety, final vowels of words in a group other than the last word are deleted in fast speech except when they occur in monosyllabic words: (34) a. /hẽ ekə suṇẽ/ > /hẽ eksuṇẽ/ ‘This is a dog’ b. /ye-t-a mhoṇ/ > /yet mhəṇ/ ‘that (he) comes’ c. /ge-l-o to/ > /ge-l-t-o/ ‘the one who went’ d. /mhədzo put/ > /mhədz put/ ‘my son’

2.7.11.3 Deletion of [h] Word-medial [h] is optionally deleted: (35) a. /səhit ˜ səit/ ‘with’ b. /ʃəhər ˜ ʃar/ ‘city’ c. /raʤeʃahi ˜ raʤeʃay/ ‘monarchy’ d. /pehraw ˜ peraw/ ‘dress’ e. /sahʤik ˜ saʤik/ ‘obviously’

If the intervocalic /h/ comes immediately after an initial stop or nasal, /h/ is deleted and the initial stop is aspirated optionally:



Chapter 2.  Sound system 37

(36) a. /məhatma ˜ mhatma/ ‘great soul’ b. /bəhuman ˜ bhəwman/ ‘great honour’ c. /məharaʤ ˜ mharaʤ/ ‘king’ d. /wəhan / wahən ˜ whan/ ‘vehicle’ e. /moh ˜ mho/ ‘temptation’ f. /məhətw ˜ mhətw/ ‘importance’ g. /ləhər ˜ lhar/ ‘wave’ h. /baher/ (Marathi) > /bhayər/ i. /dəha/ (Marathi) > /dha/ ‘ten’

2.7.11.4 Deletion of word-initial [h] The initial [h] of some words is optionally deleted: (37) a. /hãw ˜ ãw/ ‘I’ b. /haʠã ˜ aʠã/ ‘bones’ c. /huʠʠəmethi ˜ uʠʠəmethi/ ‘a kind of curry made from pulses’ d. /humaṇẽ ˜ umaṇẽ/ ‘puzzle, problem’ e. /howi/ > /owi/ ‘a verse form’

2.7.11.5 Deletion of final consonant The k of the inceptive marker ‑ũk is optionally deleted in the permissive mood: (38) a. /asũk di ˜ asũ di/ ‘let it be’ b. /khaũk di˜ khaũ di/ ‘let (him) eat’.

2.7.11.6 Deletion of [b, d, ʠ, g] The voiced unaspirated stops in the word-final position are deleted when affixes are added provided that the stops are preceded by a nasal consonant: (39) a. /saŋg + ta/ > /saŋta/ ‘(he) tells’ b. /siŋg + ã/ > /siŋã/ ‘horns’ c. /koṇʠ + lẽ/ > /koṇlẽ/ ‘was confined’

2.7.11.7 Insertion of /y/ and /w/ /y/ is inserted between /i/ and /o/ in nouns ending in /i / before inflectional markers, and /i]/ and /o/ are weakened: (40) a. /raṇi + o/ > /raṇəyo/ ‘queens’ b. /bəʠi + o/ > /bəʠəyo/ ‘sticks’ c. /təḷi +o/ > /təḷyo/ ‘small lakes’ d. /bi/ > /biyã/ ‘seeds’

38 Konkani

In verb inflections of some irregular verbs also /y/ is inserted: (41) a. /wəts/ ‘go ’: /wəytalo / wəyta / wəytəlo/ b. /ye/ ‘come ’: /aylo / ayillo / yeyla /yeylo/ c. /pəḷ/ ‘run’: /pəḷəytale/ d. /dza/ ‘go’: /dzayət/

In words beginning with /i/ or /e/, /y/ is optionally inserted before the vowel. In words beginning with high back vowels /u/ or /e/ or the central vowel /ə/, /w/ is optionally inserted. This insertion however is lexically conditioned: (42) a. /ilo ˜ illo/ > /yilo ˜ yillo/ ‘a little’ b. /ilo/ > /wilo/ ‘disposal’ c. /ek/ > /yek/ ‘one’ d. /edo/ > /yedo/ ‘that big’ e. /ulo/ > /wulo/ ‘call, signal’ f. /oʠi/ > /woʠi/ ‘pangs of hunger’  g. /əkəd/ > /wəkəd/ ‘medicine’

(Christ.)

When the infinitive marker /-əp/ is added to a verb base in a vowel, /w/ is inserted between the two vowels: (43) a. /ye/ ‘come’ > /ye-wəp/ ‘to come’ b. /di/ ‘give’ > /di-wəp/ ‘to give’ c. /ghe/ ‘take’ > /ghe-wəp/ ‘to take’ d. /tewe/ ‘oil film’ > /tewe-wəp/ ‘be oily’ e. /kha/ ‘eat’ > /kha-wəp/ ‘eat’

This intervocalic insertion of/w/is found elsewhere as well: /duʠu/ ‘money’+ /‑ḷu/ > duʠuwaḷu ‘rich’. In the following examples also /w/ is inserted: (44) a. /ga+ũk/ > /gawək/ ‘sing+desid’ b. /thamb+un/ > /thambwən/ ‘stop+compl’ c. /kha+ tso/ > /khawtso/ ‘used to eat’ d. /di+əy/’ > /diwəy/ ‘give+caus’.

Reduplication is a kind of insertion especially when the reduplicand is simply a repetition of the reduplicator. For phonological reduplication see § 7.5.1. 2.7.11.8 Deletion of the nasal consonant Sometimes a word-medial nasal consonant is deleted triggering other phonological changes (see § 2.1.4, § 2.3.1)



Chapter 2.  Sound system 39

(45) a. /əmrut/ > /ə~brut/ ‘nectar’ b. /bimbəl/ > /bĩbəl/ ‘type of sour fruit’ c. /amus/ > /ãbus/ ‘sour’ d. /wanər/ > /wãdər/ ‘ape’ e. /dzundz/ > /dzũdz/ ‘battle, fighting’ f. /guṇʠ/ > /gũʠ/ ‘hooligan’ g. /soṇʠ/ > /sõʠ/ ‘trunk of an elephant’ h. /iŋk/ > /ĩk/ ‘ink’ 

(Christ.)

A number of observations can be made relating to deletion and insertion: – Konkani avoids consonant clusters in the onset of the syllable with the exception of words borrowed from Sanskrit. Even there when the word is nativised the rule applies. For example, swar becomes səwar ‘a horse rider’, swad becomes suwad ‘taste’. – In the coda, clusters are permitted in the non-final syllables. – In the coda, clusters are permitted in the final syllables. In most cases this is because schwa is not permitted word-finally. Schwa deletion rule overrides the cluster simplification rule. – Geminates do not constitute consonant clusters within the syllable and parallel in this regard with word-medial non-geminates. – Cluster simplification is brought about through prosthesis, as in /dnyan/ becoming /ginyan/ ‘knowledge’ or through epenthesis, as in [skul] becoming [iʃkul] ‘school’. In epenthesis, the sonority hierarchy is respected. 2.7.12  Vowel to semi-vowel The semi-vowels /w/ and /y/ often replace vowels. /i, o, e/ are replaced by /y/ and /u/ is replaced by /w/ when followed by a vowel: (46) a. /həti/ > /hətyak/ ‘to the elephant’ b. /paʠeli/ > /paʠelyak/ ‘to the person who plucks coconuts’ c. /kolo + k/ > /kolyak/ ‘to the fox’ d. /ʃipʈẽ/ >/ʃipʈyãk/ ‘to the bunch of beetlenuts’ e. /khoru/ > /khorwo/ ‘small fish’ (pl) f. /natu + k/ > /natwak/ ‘to grandson’ g. /khəru + o/ > /khərwo/ ‘a type of fresh water fish’ (pl) h. /dzũ + ã/ > /dzuwã/ ‘yokes’ i. /mharu + n/ > /mharwan/ ‘by the devil’ j. /taru + ã/ > /tarwã/ ‘boats’ k. /gorũ + ã/ > /gorwã/ ‘cattle’

40 Konkani

2.8

Intonation

As in Marathi, there are five main intonation patterns in Konkani. 2.8.1 Rising Rising intonation is used in yes/no or polarity questions. There is a gradual rise in pitch and normally the final word takes the high level of pitch. The word that takes the high pitch is indicated by boldface. (47) tu-ka bedzar ye-na sarki ʈiwi pəḷe-t bəs-ũk ↑ you-dat phrv:bored come-neg continuously tv watch-impf v2-desid ‘Don’t you feel bored by continuously watching the tv?’ tɔ ge-l nĩ ↑(female speaker) / nəy ↑ (male speaker) he go-perf qtag ‘Did he go?’   b. tɔ gel-o gi↑(female speaker) / gel-ẽ ne ↑ (male) he go-perf qtag ‘Did he go?’ 

(Christ.)

(49) tudzo kaydo Kelãyn gi ↑ your Duty do-perf qtag ‘Did you do your duty?’ 

(Christ.)

(48) a.

(50) wepar bəro kər-ta↑ business phrv: good do-impf ‘Is your business doing well?’ (51) tin / teni na mhəḷ-ḷẽ / muḷẽ she-erg neg say-perf ‘Did she say ‘no’?’

(Mang.)↑

(52) daʤiba raṇetʃe kẽs kap-ak tũ wə-ta nhəy ↑ Dajiba king-poss hair cut-desid you go-impf qtag ‘Dajiba (a respectful term for an elderly person), (tell me) you go to cut the king’s hair, don’t you?’ (53) ta-ka wənwas-a-k dhaʠ-ũn ti-ka dukhowə~ ↑ he-dat residing in a forest-obl-dat send-compl she-dat hurt-imp ‘Should I hurt her by sending him to live in a forest?’ (54) marku-tʃẽ ʤewəṇ təyar dzha-lã mu ↑11 Marku-poss meal ready become-perf qtag ‘Is Marku’s meal ready?’11 11. /ne/ and/ ni/ are optional. Once they are removed there is no syntactic difference between a statement and a yes-no question, except for intonation.

Chapter 2.  Sound system 41



2.8.2 Falling Falling intonation is used in statements, imperatives and wh- or lacunal questions. The pitch level gradually falls as the utterance comes to an end. The word where the fall begins is in bold face. (55) marku-tʃẽ ʤewəṇ təyar dzha-lã ↓ Marku-poss meal ready become-perf ‘Marku’s meal is ready.’ (56) ti gay təṇ kha-ta↓ that.f cow grass eat-impf ‘That cow is eating grass.’ (57) ti gay təṇ kha-ta↓ that.f cow grass eat-impf ‘It is that cow that is eating grass.’ (58) tuʤi gaʠi kenna ye-ta↓ your train when come-impf ‘When does your train come?’ (59) hindustan Pakistan donu-y deʃã mədzgət-tʃa India Pakistan two also country-obl(pl) core-poss kiʤil-ãn-tʃẽ karəṇ kitẽ ↓ conflict-obl(pl)-poss cause what ‘What is the cause of the conflict between both India and Pakistan?’ (60) dar bə ̃d kər↓ door phrv: closed do.imp ‘Close the door.’ hoʠʠan uləw-u naka ↓ loudly speak-imp neg ‘Don’t speak loudly.’   b. whoʠlyan ul-ẽn naka ↓ speak-imp neg loudly ‘Don’t speak loudly.’ (61) a.

(Mang.)

2.8.3 Level Level intonation is used with different purposes. In level intonation, the pitch level is sustained; it does not fall or rise. In statements, level intonation signifies that the speaker has not yet finished. Its use is common in story-telling:

42 Konkani

(62) suruwer dẽw-ã-n sərg ani sə ̃ wsar rəts-lo Ani create-perf And in the beginning God-obl-erg heaven and earth dew-ã-n mo-ḷẽ udzwaʠ dzãw-ũ di ani udzwaʠ dzã-lo↓ God-obl-erg say-perf light become-perm and Light become-perf ‘In the beginning God created heaven and earth. And God said ‘Let there be light.’ And there was light.’

In the imperative it shows the speaker’s annoyance: (63) tu-ka dzay tẽ kɔr→ you-dat want that do.imp ‘Do whatever you want.’

In yes/no questions it is used to indicate politeness, persuasiveness, gentleness etc.: (64) tũ na aylyar ˜ aylo-na jalyar ˜ yegina jalyar kəʃẽ you neg come-cond   come-neg cond   come-neg cond how dza-tlẽ→ (Mang.) become-pros ‘How would it do if you don’t come? (= It won’t do if you don’t come.)’ (65) gay-na dza-ll-ya-k bəkʃis kəʃẽ → meḷ-təlẽ sing-neg become-perf-obl-dat prize.3n.sg how get-pros.n.sg ‘How can one who doesn’t sing get a prize? (Obviously he won’t.)’

In imperatives it shows the speaker’s annoyance: (66) sõp-əy begin khəbr-i mar-ət bəs-a naka (Mang.) wegĩwegĩ mugdi ulon-ũs mar-ət bəs-a naka finish-imp2sg phrv: news- f.pl hit-impf sit-impf neg ‘Finish up quickly, don’t sit gossiping.’

2.8.4 Reversal in use Reversing the use of rising and falling intonations has an emotive function. There is a difference in presuppositions as well: (67) tũ-wẽ tu-gelẽ kam ardẽ kər-nu kittyak soḷ-ḷã↑ you-erg you-poss Work.n.sg half.n do-comp what for give up-prp ‘Why have you given up your work half done?’



Chapter 2.  Sound system 43

In (67), the speaker expresses his surprise. The speaker presupposes that the addressee would complete his work. There is a steep rise which distinguishes it from the ordinary wh-question. (68) ta-ka rig-ũ di re↑ he-dat enter-perm voc ‘Let him enter!’

In (68), the speaker is persuading the addressee, not commanding him to do something. (69) tatso mama mumbəi-k ge-lo ↑ his uncle-3m.sg Mumbai-dat go-perf ‘Did his uncle really go to Mumbai?’

In (69), the speaker is surprised by the possibility of the statement being true. (70) ami kidyak mumbai-k wəts-ũ ↑ we what.for Mumbai-dat go-imp ‘Why should we go to Mumbai?’

In (70), the speaker objects to ami (we) going to Mumbai. The implication may be ‘Let anyone who wants to go, go; we are not interested in going’. 2.8.5 Drawled In drawled intonation, there is a high pitch and the tonic syllable increases in length and intensity. This intonation, usually used in statements, emphasizes a particular word in order to convey a special meaning. Compare the following pairs. The syllable that receives the drawled intonation is in bold face.12 (71) əgoΣ ʃila ye↓ voc Sheela come-imp ‘Oh Sheela! Come.’ (72) əgoΣ kəʃ-i asa ↑ voc how-f be-prp ‘Ooooh! How are you?’

12. In writing, the drawled intonation is shown by a slanted [s] – single or double – as in: (i) əgo s ʃila kəʃi əsa intj   Sheela how be-pres ‘Oh Sheela how are you?’

44 Konkani

(73) tũ ʃaḷ-e-t kəs-o yey-l-o ↓ you school-obl-loc how-f come-perf-msg ‘How did you come to school?’

Compare (73) with (74) below. (74) tũ ʃaΣḷ-e-t kitkãn e-l-o ↓ you school-obl-loc how come-perf-2sg ‘How did you come to school? (You should have gone to Banglore today)’

The opposite of drawled intonation is an abruptly terminated or truncated intonation, which results in increase in length and intensity of the tonic syllable. The pitch does not fall or rise; it is abruptly stopped. (75) hãw kitkãn e-l-õ # I how come-perf-1m.sg ‘How did I come!’

In (75), the speaker is surprised that the addressee asked him the question under (74). He therefore repeats the question by replacing tũ by hãw. 2.8.6 Rise-fall The rise-fall intonation is not very frequent in Konkani. In statements, it is used to express a certain amount of certainty: (76) bhərət kəykəy-tso put ^ Bharat Kaikai-poss son ‘Bharat was Kaikai’s son.’

In (76), the speaker is certain that Bharat is the son of Kaikai, dismissing any doubt about it. In imperatives, the rise-fall intonation indicates quickness and abruptness of the command as in (77): (77) dar bɔ̃d kɔr ^ door phrv:.closed do.imp ‘Close the door.’

It can also indicate politeness of request, as in (78): (78) dar bɔ̃d kərat / kəra  door phr.v:closed v: do-imp ‘Please close the door.’

(Christ.) ^



Chapter 2.  Sound system 45

It is used especially when talking to children in a teasing or playful way: (79) ma-ka dud miḷ-ḷ-ã ^ I-dat milk(3nsg) get-prp-3n.sg ‘I have got milk (but you haven’t!)’

2.8.7 Fall-rise The fall-rise intonation in statements expresses the speaker’s doubt: (80) ti-ka hẽ dzəm-wət / jəm-ta  she-dat this3n.sg be.able-fut3n.sg ‘She would be able to do this.’ (= Are you sure?)

V

(Mang.)

This intonation is used in tag-questions with two tag particles that give a negative meaning: (81) tu-dzo poti yew-na whəy  you-poss husband come-tag.part tag.part ‘Your husband came, didn’t he?’

V

(Christ.)

It is used in interjections to express surprise in a loud way. This encodes an element of censure. For example, an orthodox mother-in-law, when she sees her daughter-in-law in a non-conventional dress, may say: (82) əgobaye! V ‘Oooh!’

In (82), the speaker disapproves of the dress simply through the interjection. Or when the speaker protests strongly when dirty water is offered as in (83) (83) tʃhi! V ma-ka naka əslẽ həḷʃik udək intj I-dat neg such.n filthy water.n ‘I don’t want such dirty water.’ 

(Expressing disgust)

2.8.8 Pause The symbol • indicates pause. Pause is used to remove possible ambiguity in understanding the utterance. In the following examples, /ʃẽ/ could be joined either to the preceding word or to the following word giving two different meanings. In order to indicate the intended meaning, a pause is used to separate the words.

46 Konkani

(84) natu • kəʃẽ haʠ ũ ? grandson how bring-imp ‘How should I bring my grandson?’ (85) natuk • ʃẽ haʠ-ũ ? owl.n.sg hundred bring-imp ‘Shall I bring hundred owls?’ (86) raʤnath-a-k • apoy Rajnath-obl-dat   call-imp ‘Call Rajnath.’ (87) raʤ • nath-a-k apoy Raj-voc Nath-obl-dat call-imp ‘Raj, call Nath.’ (88) guruʤi-tso • dew asa teacher-poss.m deity be-prp ‘The idol belongs to the teacher.’ (89) guru • ʤǰi-tso dew asa… teacher whose god be-prp ‘…whose teacher has been an idol… ’

Chapter 3

Noun and adjective

3.1

Introduction

In this chapter, Konkani nouns, pronouns and adjectives are discussed. Konkani has a three-gender system of nouns. Suffixes mark the plural form in most cases. Nouns take an oblique case before case markers or postpositions are attached to them. The pronominal system of Konkani follows the same pattern. The chapter sets out the types of pronouns in Konkani: reflexive, demonstrative, relative and correlative, interrogative and indefinite. Finally, Konkani adjective types are discussed. 3.2

Nouns

A noun serves several syntactic functions. It may occur as the sentential subject, the direct or indirect object, the modifier of a noun in a compound noun, and as a constituent of a phrasal verb. It occurs with various determiners, adjectives and postpositions. It is the head of a noun phrase. Morphologically nouns inflect for gender, number, and case. These elements determine its agreement with the verb. 3.2.1 Gender As in Marathi, nouns in Konkani are inherently masculine, feminine or neuter. Animacy and natural gender are irrelevant for the grammatical gender of nouns. For example, the animate noun mor ‘peacock’ is masculine, pal ‘house lizard’ is feminine, and tʃitəḷ ‘antelope’ is neuter. Many nouns that are common to Marathi and Konkani have the same gender. But the gender of some Konkani nouns differs from the corresponding gender in Marathi. For example, Marathi pur ‘flood’ is masculine but Konkani (Christ.) awr ‘flood’ is neuter. Marathi ʠambər ‘tar’ is neuter but Konkani ʠambər is masculine. Marathi dhəg ‘heat’ is feminine but Konkani dhəg is masculine. The English loanword in Marathi, fisʈ ‘feast’ is feminine but Konkani fesʈ is neuter. Marathi kəp ‘cup’ is masculine but Konkani kɔp is neuter. Human nouns are generally the exception to this lack of systemacity, but again the word for

48 Konkani

‘daughter’ tʃəli is feminine or neuter, while another word for it tʃeʠũ is masculine.1 bhurgẽ ‘child’ is neuter in gender. With respect to the derivation of nouns, many feminine nouns are derived from masculine nouns. If an inherently masculine noun ends in /o/, the corresponding feminine form ends in /i/ with certain exceptions.2 (1) a. kolo ‘fox’ > koli ‘vixen’ b. boggo ‘male dog’ > boggi ‘bitch’ 

(Mang.)

In some cases, the feminine /i/ form is diminutive or affectionate. Table 3.1  Derivation of i-ending feminine nouns from o–ending masculine nouns M

F

guḷo ‘ball’ faʈo ‘branch’ nəḷ ‘large pipe’ dor ‘rope’ kəḷso ‘big pitcher’ harso ‘mirror’ ʃewṭo ‘big mullet’ taḷo ‘branch of a tree’ poʈlo ‘big parcel’ dewuḷ ‘temple’

guḷi ‘pill’ faʈi ‘twig’ nəḷi ‘tube’ dori ‘thin rope/string’ kəḷʃi ‘small pitcher’ harʃi ‘small mirror’ ʃewṭali ‘small mullet’ taḷi ‘small branch’ poʈli ‘small parcel’ dewḷi ‘small temple’

If the inherently masculine or neuter noun ends in a consonant, the corresponding feminine form may end in -i: Table 3.2  Derivation of i-ending feminine nouns from consonantal-ending masculine or neuter nouns M

F

dew ‘god’ das ‘servant’ nəd ‘big river’

dewi ‘goddess’ dasi ‘maid’ nədi ‘river’

N

F

dzaḷ ‘large net’

dzaḷi ‘fine net’

1. tsəli with the meaning ‘girl’ is always feminine, but when it means ‘daughter’, it can be used either as a feminine noun or a neuter noun. The neuter use shows endearment and/or intimacy and this goes well with the use of neuter pronoun tẽ for daughter. 2. For example, parwo ‘pigeon’ does not form a feminine form.

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 49



Some inherently masculine nouns ending in a consonant take ‑iṇ instead of ‑i to make a feminine form: Table 3.3  Derivation of ‑iṇ feminine nouns from masculine nouns M

F

wag ‘tiger’ ʃetikar ‘farmer’ wəyʤ ‘doctor pəti ‘husband’ dukər ‘pig’ rãndpi ‘male cook’ mest ‘carpenter; blacksmith’ ghərkar ‘husband’

wagiṇ ‘tigress’ ʃetikariṇ ‘farmer’s wife wəyʤiṇ ‘female doctor’ pətiṇ ‘wife’ (Mang.)3 dukəriṇ ‘sow’ rãndpiṇ ‘female cook’ mestiṇ ‘carpenter’s/blacksmith’s wife’ ghərkariṇ ‘wife’

A few observations are in order here. Firstly, in the Mangalore variety, the feminine marker is -ṇi: (2) a. randpo ‘male cook > ranpiṇi ‘female cook’ b. gurkar ‘farmer’ > gurkarṇi ‘female farmer’ c. mastəru ‘teacher’ > mastərṇi ‘female teacher’ d. wagu ‘tiger’ > wagiṇi ‘tigress’

Secondly, the word ʈitʃər ‘teacher’ is used both for a male and a female teacher, but the word mastərə ‘teacher’ is used only for a male teacher and unlike Marathi, iṇ is not used to derive a female form. If the inherently feminine noun ends in /i/, the corresponding masculine form may end in /o/, showing largeness: Table 3.4  Derivation of o-ending masculine nouns from i-ending feminine nouns F

M

pəḷi ‘ladle’ rõpi ‘sapling’ aḷʈi ‘white ant’ katli ‘piece of fresh coconut’

pəḷo ‘big ladle’ rõpo ‘big sapling’ aḷʈo ‘big white ant’ katlo ‘big piece of fresh coconut’

In the case of some masculine and feminine nouns ending in a consonant, ‑ul is used to derive corresponding neuter nouns showing small size:

50 Konkani

Table 3.5  Derivation of ‑ul neuter nouns from consonantal ending masculine or feminine nouns M

N

pəṇəs ‘jackfruit’ fɔṇ ‘bunch of bananas’

pəṇəsul ‘small jackfruit’ foṇul ‘bunch of tender bananas’

F

N

peʈ ‘box’ pal ‘house lizard’

peʈul ‘small box’ palul ‘small house lizard’

3.2.2 Number Nouns show a distinction between singular and plural number. Number marking is obligatory. A singular noun in its base form is inflected to derive the plural form. The inflection is sensitive to the gender and the stem-final phoneme. Proper nouns such as Sunil, Linda, Bina, abstract nouns such as goʠsaṇ ‘sweetness’, dzaṇway ‘understanding’, piʃẽpəṇ ‘madness’, and adar ‘help’ do not have plural forms due to their semantics. However, there are some exceptions. (3) a. ʤhem ‘slumber’ (sg) > ʤhemo (pl) b. as ‘greed’ (sg) > aso (pl) Table 3.6  Plural inflection Stem-final Masculine C

Feminine

Neuter

Ø rəth > rəth ‘chariot’ > ‘chariots’

i, o wat > wati ‘wick’ > ‘wicks’

ã kəṇəs >kəṇsã ‘ear of corn’ > ‘ears of corn’

tʃer > tʃer ‘perfume’ > ‘perfumes’

pal > pali ‘lizard’ > ‘lizards’

dzhaʠ > dzhaʠã ‘tree’ > ‘trees’

put > put ‘son’ > ‘sons’

par > pari ‘mango-stone’ > ‘mango-stones’

wərs > wərsã ‘year’ > ‘years’

ruk > ruk (Gawdi) ‘tree’ > ‘trees’

rat > rati ‘night’ > ‘nights’

ʃet > ʃetã ‘farm’ > ‘farms’

 

muʈh > muʈhi ‘fist’ > ‘fists’

 

 

gay > gayo; gay > gayi (Mang.)   ‘cow’ > ‘cows’

 

maḷ > maḽo ‘garland’ > ‘garlands’

 

 

wiʈ > wiʈ ‘brick’ > ‘bricks’

 

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 51



Table 3.6  (continued) Stem-final Masculine

Feminine

Neuter

a

Ø

Ø

 

radza ~ raʤa > radza~raʤa ‘king’ > ‘kings’

kəlpəna > kəlpəna ‘idea’ > ‘ideas’

 

dərya > dərya ‘sea’ > ‘seas’

pərikʃa > pərikʃa ‘examination’ > ‘examinations’

 

 

təra > təra ‘type’ > ‘types’

 

 

ittiga > ittiga (Mang.) ‘brick’ > ‘bricks’

 

Ø

yo

yã

həti > həti ‘elephant’ > ‘elephants’

təḷi > təḷyo ‘lake’ > ‘lakes’

moti > motyã ‘pearl’ > ‘pearls’

həsti > həsti (Mang.) ‘elephant’ > ‘elephants’

 

tattĩ > tattĩyo ‘egg’ > ‘eggs’

rogi > rogi ‘patient’ > ‘patients’

raṇi > raṇiyo ~ raṇyo ‘queen’ > ‘queens’

tãtĩ > tãtyã ‘egg’ > ‘eggs’

padri > padri ‘priest’ > ‘priest’

guḷi > guḷyo ‘pill’ > ‘pills’

bĩ > bĩyã ‘seed’ > ‘seeds’

 

muyi > muyyo ‘ant’ > ‘ants’

 

 

bəʠ / bəʠiyo ˜ bəḍyo ‘stick’ > ‘sticks’

 

Ø

ø, o

ø, ã

kadzu > kadzu ‘cashew’ > ‘cashews’

baʤu > baʤu ‘side’ > ‘sides’

təʈʈu > təʈʈu ‘pony’ > ‘ponies’

tʃembu > tʃembu ‘metal vessel’ >‘metal vessels’

wəstu > wəstu ‘object’ > ‘objects’

sukaṇu > sukaṇu ‘rudder’ > ‘rudders’

guru > guru ‘teacher’ > ‘teachers’

dzəḷu > dzəḷwo ‘leech’ > ‘leeches’

dzũ > dzũwã ‘yoke’ > ‘yokes’

 

kuru > kurwo ‘sign’ > ‘signs’

wasrũ > wasrã ‘calf ’ > ‘calves’

 

u > uwo ‘louse’ > ‘lice’

tʃeḍũ > tʃeḍwã ‘girl’ > ‘girls’

 

tʃeʠu > tʃeʠwa (Mang.) ‘maid servant’ > ‘maid servants’

kalũ > kalwã ‘oyster’ > ‘oysters’

i

u

(continued)

52 Konkani

Table 3.6  (continued) Stem-final Masculine

Feminine

Neuter

o

e

 

 

wəʠo > wəḍe ‘puri’ > ‘puries’

 

 

thəmbiyo > thəmbie   (Mang.) ‘water pot’ > ‘water pots’

 

ambo > ambe ‘mango’ > ‘mangoes’

 

 

bhurgo > bhurge ‘boy’ > ‘boys’

 

 

 

 

ĩ

 

 

bhurgẽ> bhrgĩ ‘child’ > ‘children’

 

 

keḷẽ > keḷĩ ‘banana’ > ‘bananas’

 

 

fəḷẽ > fəḷĩ ‘plank’ > ‘planks’

 

 

suṇẽ > suṇĩ ‘dog’ > ‘dogs’

 

 

məʈʈẽ > məʈʈĩ ( Mang.) ‘egg’ > ‘eggs’

ẽ

Table 3.7  Exceptional nouns Stem-Final

Masculine

Feminine

Neuter

a  

   

   

i  

   

C

 

o kəwḷiga > kəwḷligo (Mang.) ‘pot’ > ‘pots’ Ø wyəkti >wyəkti ‘individual’ > ‘individuals’  

    kəʃʈ > kəʃʈ ‘pain’ > ‘pains’

A few observations can be made in relation to number: In Konkani, only masculine singular nouns end in -o and only neuter plural nouns end in -ã. – Some masculine nouns have the same form in singular and plural. – The word igərdz (f.sg) ‘church’ has two plural forms : igərdzo which is regular, and igərʤe which is old fashioned.



Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 53

– In the Manglore variety, many masculine nouns that have a consonantal ending in the standard variety end in u and they take a ø marker in pluralisation: hatu (m) ‘hand’ > hatu ‘hands’, ruku (n) ‘tree’> ruku ‘trees’, etc. Finally, in the Manglore variety, neuter nouns that have a consonantal ending take ‑ə as a plural marker: (4) a. tɔṇʠ ‘face’ > toṇʠə ‘faces’ b. bɔʈ ‘finger’ > boʈʈə ‘fingers’ c. nəŋkuʈ ‘nail’ > nəŋkuʈʈə ‘nails’ d. pɔʈ ‘stomach’ > poʈʈə ‘stomachs’

3.2.3 Case3 As in Marathi, case marking in Konkani is not sensitive to any particular grammatical role such as subject or object. Morphologically a case may be realized by a zero marker as in the nominative case (5), or by a case-marker as in (6): (5) ʃewṇî uʈʈat birds.n.pl fly.impf ‘Birds fly’. (6) ram-a-k kɔfi awɝʈʈa Ram-obl-dat coffee like-impf.pres ‘Ram likes coffee’.

In this example, Ram is followed by the oblique marker ‑a plus the dative case marker ‑k. The suffixes ‑a, -i, -e preceding the case-markers vary according to gender, number and stem-final element of the governing noun. I classify these suffixes as realizations of an oblique case, contrasting this oblique case with the morphologically unmarked nominative, which some grammarians call direct case. Following these grammarians, one can say that Konkani has only a direct and an oblique case. The case-markers in Konkani are similar to postpositions. Postpositions too are preceded by the oblique suffix ‑a. There is, however, a difference between postpositions and case-markers. The set of case markers mark only the arguments of the verb. They essentially refer to thematic roles such as agent, experiencer, recipient, andinstrument (among others). Secondly, true 3. Case identifies syntactic relations between words. In Sanskrit, cases were labelled by numbers i.e., Prathama, Dwitiya, Tritiya (First case, Second case, Third case), etc. These correlate with the Latin Nominative, Accusative, Instrumental, etc. The first Konkani grammarian Thomas Stephens (1640) and then A. F. X. Maffei (1882) adopted the Latin model. Konkani grammarians who were bilinguals – speakers of Konkani and Marathi – used the Sanskrit model following the Marathi traditional grammarians.

54 Konkani

postpositions are separable entities. A clitic may intervene between a postposition and the governing noun as in (8). The case-markers, on the other hand, are not separable from the noun (7). (7) ram-a-k/ *ram-atʃya-k tʃiʈ-di Ram-obl-dat/Ram-obl-clitic-dat letter give-imp ‘Give the letter to Ram.’

In (7), ‑tʃ is a case-marker. (8) ram-a-pasun/ram-a-tʃya-pasun tʃIʈ ghe Ram-obl-pp/Ram-obl-clitic-pp letter take.imp ‘Take the letter from Ram.’

In (8), ‑pasun is a bound postposition. (9) ram-a-lagi/səkun/thawun pətr ghe (Mang.) Ram-obl-pp/Ram-obl-clitic-pp letter take.imp ‘Take the letter from Ram.’

In this book, I treat case-markers as representing various cases such as nominative, dative and possessive, which correspond to the traditional analysis. In a nominative-accusative system the subject of both the transitive (11) and the intransitive verb (10a) and (10b) is in the nominative case and the verb agrees with it. In a split–ergative system the subject is marked ergative and the inanimate object of a transitive verb is in the nominative and the verb agrees with it, as in (12). The split ergative works under certain circumstances (see § 8.2). Konkani shares the split-ergative construction with Marathi. ʤɔn ghər-ã John.3m.sg home-loc ‘John went home.’   b. ʤɔn ghər-kəʠẽ John.3m.sg home-loc ‘John went home.’ (10) a.

ge-l-o go-perf-3msg ge-l-o (Mang.) go-perf-3m.sg

(11) lok tsuk kər-tat people-pl mistake-sg make-impf ‘People make mistakes.’

Konkani also has an ergative-absolute system, in which the verb agrees with the object, illustrated by (12): (12) sərp-a-n bebki kha-l-i snake-obl-erg female.frog.do.f.sg eat-perf-3f.sg ‘The snake ate a frog.’

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 55



The following table summarizes the core case paradigm. Table 3.8  Core case paradigm Case

Singular

Plural

Nominative

Ø

Ø

Accusative

‑k

‑k

Ergative

‑n/‑ṇ

‑ni/-ṇi

Dative

‑k/-ku ~ ‑kəs (Mang.)

‑k

Ablative

‑pəsun/səun~ ‑tʃan (Mang.)

‑pəsun

Possessive/Genitive

‑tso/-tʃi/-tʃẽ

‑tʃe/-tʃa/-tʃĩ

Locative

t, -tʃer ~ ger, -ã

‑t, -tʃer

A number of observations can be made in relation to case marking: – It is worth making explicit that the accusative and dative have the same suffix, ‑k, which is glossed here as dat unless it is necessary to show acc. The unmarked case, that is, the zero nominative case, is not glossed. – In traditional grammar, the ergative is called instrumental or trutiya wibhəkti. It is glossed here as erg. – The possessive/genitive suffixes inflect for gender and number. Possessive genitive markers have different variants. In the Manglore variety, there is a single variant ‑tʃ. Some speakers use ‑so instead of ‑tso, as in rəʤeso ‘of a day on which one is on leave’, and ‑li instead of ‑tʃi, as in bhəyṇilĩ bhurgĩ ‘sister’s children’. – The ablative pəsun and the locative tʃer are postpositions. They are glossed as pp. pəsun is not a commonly used marker. It is to be noted that some Konkani grammarians do not see the necessity of assuming an ablative case for Konkani. – Case variants are used under certain conditions: abl: sun, thavan, than, sakun, thakun; poss/gen: dzo/ʤi/ʤẽ, lo/ li/lẽ (singular); ʤe/ʤa/ʤĩ, le/lya/lĩ, gele/gely/ gelĩ (plural). These variants are commonly used in the Manglore variety. – In the Manglore variety, the dative case marker for pronouns ‑ka is used only when the pronominal stem ends in a nasal, as in amka ‘to us’. Elsewhere it is ‑kka as in tukka ‘to you’. – Finally, the locative marker ‑tʃer ˜ ‑r ˜ -ru is used only when the noun has an oblique case marker. That is, it functions as a pp. (13) tʃeʠ – ya – tʃer boy-obl-loc ‘on the boy’

56 Konkani

3.2.3.1 Nominative case The nominative or the direct case is unmarked and the verb agrees with the nominative noun. The relation between the direct case and subject, object status and verb agreement etc. are discussed in Chapter 8. 3.2.3.2 Oblique case The nominative is unmarked and has no oblique marker. The ergative, dative, possessive and others are preceded by an oblique marker. Nouns also take an oblique marker before a postposition. In both, the choice of the oblique marker is conditioned by the stem-final consonant or vowel of the noun and by its gender. The following table indicates the structure of nouns with the oblique marker followed by the dative ‑k and the postposition kəʠen ‘towards’. The singular form of the noun with the inherent gender marker is taken as the base. All the plural forms add the suffix ‑n before their respective case suffix or pp, as in ghər-ã-n-kəʠen ( house-obl-pl-pp) ‘towards the houses’. This ‑n nasalizes the preceding vowel: həpt-ãn-t (week-obl-pl-loc) ‘in the weeks’ (Mang.). These forms are provided in Table 3.9 A number of observations can be made in relation to oblique case markers: – For ‑i ending feminine nouns, Mangalore variety has an alternant ‑ø. For example, bokkəʠi-ø-k ‘to the goat’. – In standard Konkani, gayek has a variant gayək. – In ‑i ending feminine nouns recently borrowed from Marathi, the oblique marker is -ø, not ‑ye: wyəkti-ø-k ‘to the individual’, ʃəkti-ø-k ‘to power’. – Similarly, in recently borrowed ‑u ending nouns from Marathi, instead of the oblique marker ‑wa, a zero marker is used: guru-ø-k ‘to the teacher’, sadu-ø-k ‘to the ascetic’. – In Gawdi, if the noun ends in y, the oblique is zero: gay-ø-k ‘to the cow’. – In standard Konkani also bapuy (msg) ‘father’ becomes bapay~bapa-ø-k ‘to father’. – The oblique in the case of proper nouns is rarely elided: nayk-a-tʃi kətha ‘the story of Nayak’, nəndkumar kamt-in-tʃa mətt-a-n ‘according to Nandakumar Kamat’s opinion’, ʤe ʤe skul ɔf arṭ-a-tso ḍiploma ‘the diploma of J. J. School of Art’, sɔmærseṭ mɔm-a-n ‘by Somerset Maugham’, spen-a-tʃa raʤ-a-n ‘by the king of Spain’, ‘iskɔn’-tʃe prəbhupad ‘Prabhupad of ‘Escon’, pəṇʤ-e ʈurisʈ hɔsʈel-a thawən ‘from Panjim tourist hostel’. – In the above regard, Konkani differs from Marathi. In Marathi, proper nouns follow the rules of oblique markers for nouns; that is Marathi does not elide the oblique marker. On the other hand, like Marathi, the oblique marker is

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 57



Table 3.9  Oblique case markers Base ending

Masculine

Feminine

Neuter

C

‑a put-a-k ‘to the son’ putt-a-k (Mang.)

‑i, -e pal-i-k ‘to the lizard’

‑a pan-a-k ‘to the leaf ’

undr-a-k ‘to the mouse’

waʈ-e-k ‘to the way’

ghər-a-k ‘to the house

brut-a-k ‘to a fool’

gay-e-k ‘to the cow’ ga-i-k (Mang.)

kogḷ-a-k ‘to the cuckoo’

sərəp-a-k ‘to the snake’

 

 

a

i

u

o

ẽ

‑ø

‑e

 

raʤa-ø-k ‘to the king’

prəʤ-e-k ‘to the ‘people’

 

mama-ø-k ‘to the maternal uncle’

ʃaḷ-e-k ‘to school’

 

‑ya

‑ye

‑yẽ

hət-ya-k ‘to the elephant’

tsəl-ye-k ‘to the girl’

mot-yẽ-k ‘to the pearl’

randp-ya-k ‘to the cook’

raṇ-ye-k ‘to the queen’

bĩ-yẽ-k ‘to the seed’

dud-ya-k ‘to the white pumpkin’

bəʠ-ye-k ‘to the stick/ cane’

 

‑wa

‑ø, -we

‑wa, -a

kadz-wa-k ‘to the cashew nut’

badzu-ø-k ‘to the side’

wasr-a-k ‘to the calf ’

nat-wa-k ‘to the grandson’

dzəḷ-we-k ‘to the leech’

sukaṇ-a-k ‘to the rudder’

 

taḷ-we-k ‘to the palate’

tʃeʠ-wa-k ‘to the girl’

‑ya

 

 

amb-ya-k ‘to the mango’

 

 

ghoʠ-ya-k ‘to the horse’

 

 

 

 

‑yã

 

 

 

 

bhurg-yã-k ‘to the child’ təḷ-yã-k ‘to the lake’

 

 

keḷ-yã-k ‘to the banana’

elided (or it is ‑ø) for words borrowed from English, Sanskrit and Marathi. This applies to adjectives as well (§ 3.3). Adjectives borrowed from English, Sanskrit or modern Marathi tend to be non-inflectional. – Eliding the oblique marker sometimes changes the meaning as in Marathi:

58 Konkani

(14) ghər-a-tʃẽ kam house-obl-poss work ‘the work of building a house’ (15) ghər-tʃẽ kam house-poss work ‘household/domestic work’

In the Manglore variety for the second variant kəʠtʃẽ is used instead of tʃe: (16) ghər-kəʠ-tʃe wawər house-pp-poss work ‘household work’

For examples of oblique case followed by postpositions, see Chapter 6. 3.2.3.3 Vocative case The vocative case is marked by ‑a /-o (m.sg), ‑e (f.sg), and ‑o (pl). It is used for addressing, calling, or drawing someone’s attention. It is preceded by words that are used according to the gender and status of the addresse. These words and the vocative markers are shown in the tables below. Table 3.10  Addressee masculine singular Equal or junior

Elderly or stranger

ar-e r-e  

ag-a g-a hɔ (Mang.)

Table 3.11  Addressee feminine singular Equal or junior

Elderly or stranger

ag-o g-ɔ

ag-e g-e

In addition to these there are some special forms used in address: məge~məgẽ is used as an emphatic form of age and məgo~ məgõ is used as an emphatic form of ago. In the Christian dialect of Goa, əḷe and woi are added to ga, ge, re, and go. The following examples illustrate these forms: (17) are ʃaṇya voc clever (in sarcasm) ‘O you silly!’

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 59



(18) ago bay ! voc girl ‘O girl!’ (19) aga mama voc uncle ‘O uncle!’ (20) age bhaʈkanni voc landlord ‘O landlord!’ (21) wəygo əmma (Mang.) voc mother ‘O mother!’  (showing respect) (22) hɔ anna (Mang.) voc father ‘O Dad!’  (showing respect) mũ/wẽ (23) rama ʃiwa hãw saŋ-ta tẽ tum-ka kəḷʈa tell-impf that you-to understand-impf q Ram-voc Shiv-voc I ‘Ram, Shiv, do you understand what I am saying?’ (Mang.)? (24) are nagraʤ-a, tu-ka rumatʃi kəsli gərədz? voc(af) Nagraj-voc you-dat room-poss what.kind.of need ‘O Nagaraj, why do you require a room?’ (25) are bab-o, haŋga yɔ, saŋta təri voc man-voc here come-imp tell-impf part ‘O you guy, come here, I will tell you’. ge. ʃantabay-e sss yɔ ge dhaw-ən (26) ãyo ss yo ge. melẽ voc voc (I am)dead voc(af) Shantabai-voc come-imp voc run-comp ‘God! I am almost dead. Shantabai, come running’. (27) patra-o bəysa tʃi (Mang.) boss-voc sit-imp part ‘O boss! Please be seated’.

3.3

Pronouns

There are six major types of pronoun: (i) personal pronouns; (ii) reflexive pronouns; (iii) reciprocals; (iv) demonstratives; (v) interrogatives; (vi) relatives and correlatives; and (vii) indefinites. All pronouns are inflected for gender, number, and case. Like nouns, they take oblique forms before case-markers and postpositions.

60 Konkani

3.3.1 Personal pronouns There are six major types of pronouns: personal pronouns, reflexive pronouns, reciprocal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns, interrogative pronouns, relative and correlative pronouns and indefinite pronouns. The first and second person pronouns in Konkani do not show a gender distinction. A gender distinction appears, however, in the verbal forms as shown in § 5.1.2. Unlike Marathi, all pronouns in their ergative form have a distinct case-marker. Third person pronouns duplicate as deictic forms. 3.3.1.1 First person The following table illustrates the forms of first person pronouns. Table 3.12  First person pronouns Case

Singular

Plural

nom

hãw

ami

acc

maka~mhaka

amkã

erg

hãwẽ, hãyən~hãyye (Mang.)

ami

dat

maka

amkã

abl

məʤẽtʃan~mhəʤetʃan/ məʤʤan (Mang.)

amtʃetʃan~amtʃan

poss

məjo~mhəjo/ məgelo~ mhəgelo /muʤo (Mang.)

amtʃe, amgəl~amgil~amgel (Mang.)

loc

məʤer~mhəʤer~mhəger~ mhəʤat/məʤʤeri (Mang.)

amtʃãt

A number of observations can be made in relation to first person pronouns: – The ergative hãw+n is always realized as hãwẽ. In Gawdi, the initial h is deleted: ãw ‘I’, ãwẽ ‘by me’. – In the Manglore variety, geminated forms makka, maǰǰo, ammi are used. – In the Manglore variety, the possessive form məgel~məgəl is often used without any inflection: məgəl/məgəli tʃəlli ‘my daughter’. – Gawdi uses ãyẽ instead of ãwẽ ‘by me’ and has u in place of a in the first syllable of the dative and possessive forms: muko~mukog ‘to me’, mudzo~ muʤlo~muʤa ‘my’.

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 61



3.3.1.2 Second person The following table gives the forms of second person pronouns. Note that the second person plural tumi has an honorific use as well. Table 3.13  Second person pronouns Case

Singular

Plural

nom

tũ

tumi

acc

taka/ təkka (Mang.)

tumkã

erg

tũwẽ

tumi

dat

taka/ tuʤelagi (Mang.)

tumkã/ tumgelani (Mang.)

abl

tuʤčan

tumtʃetʃan/ tumtʃan (Mang.)

poss

tudzo ~ tugelo/tədzo (Christ.)

tumtʃe/ tuge (Mang.)

loc

tuʤer~ tuger,tuʤyat (Mang)

tumtʃer~ tumger, tumtʃyat (Mang)

A few observations can be made in relation to second person pronouns: – In the Manglore variety, geminated forms tukka, tummi are used. – In the Manglore variety, possessive variants such as tugəlo (sg), tugilo and tumgelo (pl) are also used. – Gawdi tǔyẽ is a variant in ergative singular. 3.3.1.3 Third person The following table gives singular forms of distal deictic: Table 3.14  Distal deictic pronouns (singular) Case

Masculine

Feminine

Neuter

nom

tɔ

ti

tẽ

acc

taka

tika

taka

erg

taṇẽ

tiṇẽ

taṇẽ

dat

taka~ tyaka/təkəy (Mang.)

tika

taka/ telo (Mang.)

abl

taetʃan/ tagelagi (Mang.)

titʃetʃan

tatʃetʃan

poss

tatso/ tagelo (Mang.)

titso/tigelo, tiso~tige~tege (Mang.)

tatso

loc

tatʃer~tager~tatʃãt

titʃer~tiger~titʃãt

tatʃer~tager~tatʃãt

62 Konkani

A few observations can be made in relation to these forms: – Manglore variety has gemination in the following: tannẽ, tinnẽ (erg), təkka, tikka (dat), taʤʤẽ, tiʤʤẽ (poss). – Gawdi has the following forms: teṇi (m, n), tiṇi (f) (erg), teka~teko (m, n) (dat, acc), tetʃo (m, n) (poss), teʤer (m, n), tiʤer (f) (loc). – taso ‘his’ and tiso ‘her/its’ are archaic forms. The following table gives plural forms of distal deictic: Table 3.15  Distal deictic pronouns (plural) Case

Masculine

Feminine

Neuter

nom

te

tya

tĩ

acc

tãŋkã/ tĩŋkã~tyõŋkã (Mang.)

tãŋkã

taŋkã

erg

tãṇṇĩ

tãṇṇĩ

tãṇṇĩ

dat

tãŋkã

tãŋkã

tãŋkã

abl

tãntʃan

tãntʃan

tãntʃan

poss

tãntso/taŋgilo~taŋgelo tãŋgəlo (Mang.)

tãntso/tãŋgilo~ taŋgelo tãŋgəlo (Mang.)

tãntso/taŋgilo~taŋgelo tãŋgəlo (Mang.)

loc

tãntʃer~taŋer~tantʃant

tãntʃer~tãŋer~tãntʃãnt

tãntʃer~tãŋer~tãntʃãnt

A few observations can be made in relation to these forms: – The third person plural te (m) and tya (f) have an honorific use as well. – Except for the nominative there is no gender distinction. – In Gawdi, the masculine form te is retained in all case markers: teŋka (acc, dat), teyani (erg), tentso (poss), and tentʃer (loc). The form ti is used both in feminine and neuter and for all case markers. For example, tiŋka, tiyani, etc. 3.3.2 Reflexive pronouns There are two reflexive forms: apəṇ and swəta. Both forms inflect for case and postpositions. They do not vary for number and gender. Konkani is like Marathi in this regard, but differs from Marathi in having ergative forms of reflexives. The following table gives forms of reflexive pronouns:

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 63



Table 3.16  Reflexive pronouns Case

Masculine/Feminine Singular/Plural

Masculine/Feminine Singular/Plural

nom

apuṇ

swəta

acc

apṇak~ aplyak

swətak

erg

apṇẽ

swəta

dat

apṇak~ aplyak

swətak

abl

apṇatʃan, aplyatʃan

swətatʃan

poss

apṇatso, aplyatso

swətatso

loc

apṇatʃer~ apṇager,apṇãt/ aplyatʃer~aplyager,aplyãt (Mang)

swətatʃer

A few observations can be made in relation to reflexive pronouns: – The possessive form apuṇso in Manglore is from the archaic form apṇso. – The accusative variant aplyak is from aplo which is usually used with overt case markers and postpositions. – The forms follow a preferential scale: (with hãw as the antecedent) swətak – maka – aplyak – apṇak ‘myself ’. The Manglore variety normally uses the second one: (28) ʃəŋkər apṇ-akə bhari dhəyryəwan mhəṇonu ghettə-l-o v2-perf-3msg Shankar self-dat very courageous calling ‘Shankar called himself very courageous’. 

(Mang.)

(29) ya-khatir hãw swəta-k/ma-ka doʃ di-t-ã this-pp I refl/I-dat/ i-dat blame give-impf-1sg ‘I blame myself for this.’ (30) ta-ṇẽ ta-kka-tʃi həbəḷs-ũn ghet-lẽ (Mang.) he-erg he-dat-part v1:praise-comp v2-perf ‘He praised himself alone’.

3.3.3 Reciprocal pronoun There are two types of reciprocals: mutual and reflexive. The forms of the mutual reciprocals are ekmek and pərəspər. The forms of the reflexive reciprocals are: apaplo and taŋk taŋka. All reciprocals require plural antecedents and use only the plural forms. They never occur in the nominative case. The following table shows these forms.

64 Konkani

Table 3.17  Reciprocal Pronouns Case

Mutual

Reflexive

acc erg dat abl poss loc

ekmekãŋk ekmekãṇṇi ekmekãŋk ekmekantʃan ekmekantʃẽ ekmekantʃer

apaplyaŋk apaplyanni apaplyãŋk apaplyantʃan apaplyantʃẽ apaplyantʃer

A few observations can be made in relation to these forms: – There is a tendency to drop the plural nasal sound. – In the Manglore variety the use of reciprocal pronouns is rare. Some examples follow: tãṇṇĩ ekmek-ãn-tʃe top-yo ghal-l-yo they-erg each.other-oblpl-poss cap-f.pl wear-perf-3f.pl ‘They wore each other’s caps.’   b. te ekmek-ãn-tʃo top-yo ghal-t-at they-Ø each.other-obl.pl-poss cap-f.pl wear-impf-3pl ‘They wear each other’s caps.’ (31) a.

(32) tã-ṇṇĩ apapl-e kəpʠ-e gha-ll-e they-erg themselves-m.pl clothes-m.pl wear-perf-3m.pl ‘They wore their own clothes.’ (33) te ekmek-ãn-t/apsa-t jhəgʠ-ət raw-t-a they each.other-obl.pl-loc/themselves-loc quarrel-impf v2-impf-3m.pl ‘They keep on quarrelling with each other/among themselves.’ (34) ʤɔn ani piʈər ekmek-a-kəʠe ule-t sudda na John and Peter each.other-obl-pp to.talk-fut even neg ‘John and Peter will not even talk to each other.’ (35) taṇṇi taŋtaŋgele auŋgəle gha-ll-e they-erg their-their clothes wear-2perf-pl ‘They wore their own clothes.’

Notice that in Example (33), the mutual reciprocal has the reciprocal reflexive as an alternant.

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 65



3.3.4 Demonstrative pronouns Third person pronouns are used as demonstrative pronouns. The table below shows the demonstrative pronouns in Konkani: Table 3.18  Demonstrative pronouns   Singular

Plural

Masculine

Feminine

Neuter

Oblique with dative

Distal

tɔ

ti

tẽ

taka/tika ‘to that’

Proximal

hɔ

hi

hẽ

haka/hika ‘to this’

Distal

te

tyɔ

tĩ

tãkã, tɔŋkã (Mang.) ‘to those’

Proximal

he

hyɔ

hĩ

hãkã, hɔŋkã (Mang.) ‘to these’

(36) i kaṇi bəri (Gawdi)/tʃaŋ (Mang.) this(f) story good ‘This story is good.’ (Mang.) (37) ti tʃəlli   sukʠi assə that(f) girl l ean be-perf ‘That girl is lean.’ gəʤal səgl-yãŋ-k falya səkaḷ-i sãŋ-təl-õ (38) hãw hi I this(f) thing all-obl.pl-dat tomorrow morning-loc tell-fut-1sg ‘I will tell this thing to all tomorrow morning.’ (39) hɔ hãw ay-l-õ this I come-perf-1m.sg ‘Look here, I’ve come.’

3.3.5 Relative and correlative pronouns In Konkani, as in Marathi, the main clause in the relative construction is marked by a correlative pronoun. The first member of the pair (for example, dzɔ) is called relative and the second member (for example, tɔ) is called correlative as it correlates the noun following tɔ with the noun following dzɔ. The relative and correlative pronouns agree in gender and number with their respective heads. The pronouns show oblique forms if the head nouns are present and case-marked. They are casemarked in the absence of head nouns. The following table shows third person relative-correlative pairs along with their oblique forms in dative case. The oblique

66 Konkani

is followed by a dative case marker. Note that ʤɔ + a is phonetically realized as ǰa and tɔ/tẽ + a is phonetically realized as ta. Table 3.19  Third person relative-correlative pairs  

Nominative

Oblique

Singular

m f n

dzɔ/tɔ ‘who/that’ ʤi/ti ‘who/that’ ʤẽ/tẽ ‘which/that’

ʤ-a-ka/t-a-ka ʤi-ka/ti-ka ʤ-ã-kã/t-ã-kã

Plural

m f n

ʤe/te ʤyɔ/tyɔ ʤĩ/tĩ

ʤ-ãŋ-kã/t-ãŋ-kã ʤ-ãŋ-kã/t-ãŋ-kã ʤ-ãŋ-kã/t-ãŋ-kã

The following examples illustrate these forms: (40) dzɔ bhurgo mukhar ye-tl-o t-a-ka hẽ who-m.sg boy-m.sg ahead come-pros-3m.sg corr-.obl-dat this.n pustək meḷ-təl-ẽ book.n get-pros-3n.sg ‘The boy who comes forward will get this book’. (41) dzɔ mukhar ye-tl-o taka hẽ pustək who ahead come-pros-3m.sg corr.obl.dat this.n book meḷ-təl-o get-pros-3n.sg ‘Whoever comes forward will get this book’.

3.3.6 Interrogative pronouns Interrogative pronouns are not marked for gender, number or person. The forms for animate and inanimate objects are different. They decline for case and postpositions and take oblique markers. Table 3.20  Interrogative Pronouns Case

‘Who’ (animate)

‘What’ (inanimate)

nom acc erg dat abl poss loc

kɔṇ ‘who’ koṇ-a-k ‘whom’ koṇ-ẽ ‘by whom’ koṇ-a-k ‘to whom’ koṇ-a-tʃan ‘from whom’ koṇ-a-tso ‘whose’ koṇ-a-tʃer~koṇ-a-ger ‘in whom’

kitẽ~kidẽ ‘what’ kitẽ~kidẽ ‘what’ kit-ya-n ‘by what’ kit-ya-k ‘to what’ kit-ya-tʃan ‘from what’ kit-ya-tso ‘of what’ kit-ya-r~kit-ya-tʃer~kit-yãn-t ‘in what’



Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 67

A few observations are in order here. – The ablative kityatʃan and the locative kityager are not used. The forms are given for paradigmatic tidiness only. – The Manglore variety uses kəllẽ~kəslẽ instead of kitẽ (‘what’). Some examples follow: (42) tẽ kitẽ that what ‘What’s that’? (43) tɔ kidẽ kər-təl-o he what do-pros-3m.sg ‘What will he do?’ kɔṇ meḷ-ḷẽ (44) tyaka~taka mumbəi-t he-dat Mumbai-loc who meet-perf-3n.sg ‘Who did he meet in Mumbai? (45) attə ay-l-e te lokə kɔṇ ? now come-perf-3pl those people who ‘Who are those guys who came just now?’ (46) hé kitẽ ke-l-ẽ tuwẽ mhuṇ tiṇẽ mhaka witʃar-l-ẽ this what do-perf-n.sg you-erg conj she-erg I-erg ask-perf-3n.sg dzalyar kitẽ dzap di-təl-õ hãw tika she-dat then what answer give-pros-1sg I ‘If she asked me ‘What have you done?’, what answer am I going to give her?’ (47) tẽ kəslẽ (Mang.) that what.kind ‘What is that?’ (48) tũ e-ka kittẽ di-tl-o (Gawdi) you this-dat what give-pros-2sg ‘What will you give for this?’

The following table provides the direct forms, that is, non-oblique forms of interrogative pronouns:

68 Konkani

Table 3.21  Interrogative pronouns (direct forms) Gender

Singular

Plural

m f n

koṇtso khambo ‘which pillar’ koṇtʃi nhaṇi ‘which bathroom’ koṇtʃẽ fəḷẽ ‘which board’

koṇtʃe khambe ‘which pillars’ koṇtsa nhaṇiyo ‘which bathrooms’ koṇtʃĩ fəḷĩ ‘which boards’

 

Oblique form (singular or plural)

m f n

koṇ-tʃ-a khamb-ya-t ‘in which pillar’ koṇ-tʃ-a nhaṇ-ye-t ‘in which bathroom’ koṇ-tʃ-a fəḷ-ye-lagi ‘in which school’

The oblique form of kitẽ is kəso or kito which is used before all postpositions. (49) tũ ʃaḷ-ẽ-t kəs-o ay-l-o you school-obl-loc how-inst.m.sg come-perf-2sg ‘By what means of transport/how did you come to school’?

The postposition is a vowel o. If the instrumental postposition ‑n is added, the result is shown in the following example: (50) tũ ʃaḷ-ẽ-t kity-a-n ay-l-o you school-obl-loc what-obl-inst come-perf-2sg ‘By what means of transport/how did you come to school?’

This kəso is different from the adverbial kəso ‘how’ in the following example, which is an adverb: (51) sruʤənʃəkt kəlakar-a-k kəso dzəpaʈ-un uʠəy-ta… creativity artist-obl-dat how haunt-compl v2-impf ‘How creativity haunts an artist…’

The manner adverb kəso modifies all sorts of verbs, whereas the interrogative pronoun kəso has a limited distribution. 3.3.7 Indefinite pronouns/quantifiers What are called indefinite pronouns can also function as quantifiers, which some grammarians put under the category ‘determiner’. The following table gives the forms of indefinite pronouns.

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 69



Table 3.22  Indefinite pronouns Case

Animate m/f/n sg

pl

nom acc dat abl poss loc

kɔṇ/koṇpuṇ/koṇup koṇak koṇak koṇatʃan koņṇatso koṇatʃer

kãy kãyk kãyk kãytʃan kãytso kãytʃer

 

Inanimate sg

pl

 

kãy

kãy

Note that indefinite animate pronouns such as ‘some/someone’ are also expressed by words such as ek, eklo-li-lẽ, amko (‘certain one proximal’), təmko (‘certain one distal’), all using the numeral ‘one’. The inanimate form is kayak. The following examples illustrate these forms: koṇẽ-ek ay-l-ẽ kãy ? any.3n.sg-one come-perf-3n.sg q ‘Did anyone come?’   b. kãy ay-l-e kãy ay-l-e-na some.pl come-perf-pl some come-perf-3pl-neg ‘Some came some didn’t.’ (52) a.

Gender and number are not overtly marked in indefinite pronouns. These forms are third person, which are not overtly marked. Indefinite pronouns can be used as modifiers of nouns and other pronouns, as shown in the following examples. (53) koṇek mənis ay-l-o some person come-perf-3m.sg ‘Some person has come.’ (54) kãy hĩ ani kãy tĩ əʃe ghew-uya some these and some those in.this.way take-hort ‘Let’s take some of these and some of those.’

3.4

Adjectives

This section describes the morphology of adjectives in Konkani. A discussion of various types of adjectives follows.

70 Konkani

3.4.1 Inflecting and non-inflecting Morphologically, adjectives divide into two groups: inflecting and non-inflecting. Inflecting adjectives end in ‑o. They inflect for the gender, number and case of the noun they qualify. With the exception of feminine singular nouns, all nouns take the suffix ‑ya when followed by a case adposition or a postposition. The feminine singular of the adjective ends in ‑ye: The following table shows gender and number markers of inflecting adjectives, together with modified nouns. Table 3.23  Inflecting adjective forms  

MSG

FSG

NSG

Direct

bəro dadlo ‘good husband’ bərya dadlyak ‘to a good husband’

bəri gay ‘good cow’ bəre gayek ‘ to a good cow’

bərẽ ghər ‘good house’ bərya ghərak ‘to a good house’

 

MPL

FPL

NPL

Direct

piʃe lɔk ‘mad people’ piʃa lokani ‘by stupid persons’

bəryo gayo ‘good cows’ bərya gayãŋk ‘to good cows’

bərĩ ghərã ‘good houses’ bəryã ghərãŋk ‘to good houses’

Oblique

Oblique

Adjectives carry these inflections in both premodifier (attributive) as well as predicative positions. The citation form is the masculine singular. Adjectives borrowed from other languages tend to be non-inflecting as shown in the following examples, where loan adjectives are in bold. (55) muttəde (Kannad.) maye-k husband alive mother’s.brother’s.wife-dat ‘to mother’s brother’s wife whose husband is alive’ (56) ḍæpyuṭi ɔfisər-či nemṇuk deputy officer-poss appointment ‘appointment of a deputy officer’ (57) faynanʃyəl əriʃʈa-tʃẽ financial disaster-poss.n ‘of financial disaster’

Derived adjectives are discussed in Chapter 4. The following table illustrates qualifying colour adjectives:

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 71



Table 3.24  Qualifying colour adjectives  

Nominative

‘red’ ‘yellow’ ‘green’ ‘blue’ ‘white’

  Oblique

msg

fsg

nsg

tambʠo həḷduwo patswo niḷo dhəwo

tambʠi həḷduwi patswi niḷi dhəwi

tambʠẽ həḷduwẽ patswẽ niḷẽ dhəwẽ

m/f/n sg/pl   tambʠya həḷduwya patswya niḷya dhəwya

In the following examples, (58) illustrates nominative forms, and (59) oblique forms. whəʠ həti big.m.sg elephant.m.sg ‘a big elephant’   b. əstənti sənskrutay western.f.sg civilization.f.sg ‘western civilization’   c. nəwẽ kãkəṇ new.n.sg bangle.n.sg ‘a new bangle’   d. patswe popəʈ green.m.pl parrots.m.pl ‘green parrots’   e. tambʠyo muyyo red.f.pl ants.f.pl ‘red ants’   f. bərĩ bərĩ səpənã sweet.n.pl sweet.n.pl dreams.n.pl ‘sweet dreams’ (58) a.

whəʠ-ya hət-ya-k big-obl elephant.m-obl-dat ‘to a big elephant’   b. əsənt-e sənskrutay-e-k western-obl civilization.f-obl-dat ‘to the western civilization’   c. pəṇʤ-e ʈurisʈ hɔsʈel-a thawən Panjim-obl tourist hotel.n-obl from ‘from Panjim tourist hostel’ (59) a.

72 Konkani

d. nəw-ya kãkəṇ-ã-k new-obl bangle.n-obl-dat ‘to a new bangle’   e. khubʃ-a bhurg-yãn-tʃẽ wərtən many-obl boy.m-obl.pl-poss.n.sg behaviour ‘the behaviour of many boys’   f. tərṇ-ya bayl-ã-pərəs young-obl woman.f-obl.pl-than ‘than young women’   g. ghum-yẽ soyr-yẽ-k non.communicative-obl relatives.n-obl.pl-dat ‘to non-communicative relatives’  

Notice that the feminine singular oblique has ‑e instead of ‑ye.4 Non-inflecting adjectives end in a consonant or ‑i or ‑u. For example: ʈəwʈəwit mogreʈi kəḷi fresh jasmine bud ‘a fresh bud of jasmine’   b. umedi praṇi jovial being ‘jovial being’   c. wiʃwasu mənis trusted human.being ‘trusted man’   d. ʃaʃwət mullyãn-tʃe gəʤali khatir permanent values-of things for ‘for the sake of permanent values’   e. kəʠu toṇḍ bitter mouth.n.sg ‘with a bitter taste in mouth’   f. əḷʃi suṇẽ lazy dog.n.sg ‘a lazy dog’ (60) a.

Table 3.25 shows the full declension of a noun with non-inflecting adjective modifiers or predicative complements of nouns, except those that refer to kinship relations. 4. There are some adjectives that have irregular inflection. For example, pritiwə̃t ˜ pritiwənt ‘loving’ does not take ‑o for msg. Its feminine form is pritiwə̃ti ˜ pritiwənti and the oblique form for all genders and numbers is pritiwə̃t-a ˜ pritiwənt-a. Adjectives such as dəyaḷ ‘kind’, wayʈ ‘bad, wicked’ have the same form for all genders and numbers. Their oblique forms are dəyaḷ-a, wayṭ-a for singular and dəyaḷ-ã and wayṭ-ã for plural.

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 73



Table 3.25  Full declension of a noun with a non-inflecting adjective nom sg nom pl obl sg     obl pl    

gɔʠ ambo (m)/popay (f)/keḷẽ (n) ‘a sweet mango/papaya/banana’ gɔʠ ambe (m)/popayo(f)/keḷĩ (n) ‘a sweet mango/papaya/banana’ gɔʠ ambya (m)‑t (loc) ‘of a sweet mango/papaya/banana’ goʠ popəya (f)‑t (loc) ‘of a sweet papaya’ gɔʠ keḷya (n)‑t (loc) ‘of a sweet banana’ gɔʠ ambyãn(m)‑tso(poss) ‘of sweet mangoes’ gɔʠ popəyãn (f)‑tso(poss) ‘of sweet papayas’ gɔʠ keḷyãn(n)-tso (poss) ‘of sweet bananas’

Kinship relation adjectives are used only as pre-modifiers as in: culət bhaw related through father’s brother brother ‘father’s brother’s son’   b. səkki bhəyṇ related through one’s own parents sister ‘sister related through blood’ (61) a.

The following construction is ungrammatical: (62) *lila mhəǰi səkki Leela my related through one’s own parents in the sense ‘Leela is my close sister’.

In poetry, pre-modifiers may follow the head noun: (63) məḷəb niḷẽ niḷẽ sky blue blue ‘The sky is deep blue’ (64) tʃũik tʃũik ʃewṇẽ ʃewṇẽ ʃaṇẽ ʃaṇẽ chirping chirping bird bird wise wise ‘The bird is chirping. The bird is wise.’

In the following examples, adjectives are in boldface. They illustrate how they occur in both attributive and predicative positions:

74 Konkani

(65) səyberiya-tl-ya eka gãw-ã-t mæk mhəḷya naw-a-tso ek Siberia-in-obl one-obl village-obl-loc Mac called name-obl-poss one gərib mənis raw-tal-o poor man live-pred-3m.sg ‘There used to live a poor man named Mac in a village in Siberia.’ (66) tagelẽ ek san khopuʈ aʃʃi-ll-ẽ his.n one small hut.n be-2perf-3n.sg ‘He had a small hut.’ (67) tũ tər moʈ-o bəḷiʃʈ/ghəʈmuʈ you part big-m.sg strong ‘You are a very strong man.’

(Mang.)

(68) nila lam Neela tall ‘Neela is tall.’

3.4.2 Adjective types Adjectives may be divided into three semantic categories: a. Qualifying: Adjectives that encode quality or characteristics of nouns. b. Quantifying: Adjectives that encode the quantity of nouns. c. Determining: Adjectives that indicate specificity, definiteness. Each of these categories is described below. 3.4.2.1 Qualifying adjectives Qualifying adjectives such as ũnts/lamb/us (Mang.) ‘tall’, whəʠ/moʈo ‘big’, wiŋgəʠ/ wegḷo ‘different’, ubo ‘erect’, girest ‘rich’, moʈwo ‘short sighted’, mharəg ‘costly’, udzu ‘moral’, khəʠpi ‘rocky’, sobit ‘nice, smart’, əbudz ‘confused’(Portuguese), larg ‘big-hearted’ (Portuguese), babʠo ‘credulous’, ərwəḷ ‘idiot, silly’ are utilized in comparative and superlative constructions. The comparative degree is expressed by optionally using ədik, tsəʠ and anik. (69) madəw nitin-pərəs/nitin-wərni (Mang.) (ədik) ũnts (asa) Madhav Nitin-pp (more) tall (be-perf) ‘Madhav is taller than Nitin.’ (70) ænʈəni pərəs pedru ədik bəro Antony pp Peter more good ‘Antony is better than Peter’.

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 75



The superlative is expressed by using words such as səgl-ya-t (all-obl-loc) ʤast (more) ‘most’ as in: hãw səglyat lamb all-obl-adp tall I ‘I am the tallest of all.’   b. hãw səglyat məst us/digi (Mang.) all-obl-adp very.much tall I ‘I am the tallest of all.’ (71) a.

(72) æntəni səktã bhurg-yan bitʚr uʃar Antony all child-obl pp.in clever ‘Antony is the cleverest boy of all.’

3.4.2.2 Quantifying adjectives Quantifying adjectives include cardinal and ordinal numbers and various quantifiers. Quantifying adjectives are used predominantly attributively though their use as predicative complements is not ruled out. Cardinals form a major subclass of quantifying adjectives. The following table shows the variants of cardinal numbers. Table 3.26  Cardinal numbers Cardinal number

Variant

Examples

1 ek/yek ‘one’

ək ˜ ik

əkra/ikra ‘eleven’

2 dɔn ˜ dɔg ‘two’              

ba     bawe bə be bya  

ba-ra ‘twelve’ ba-wis ‘twenty-two’ ba-wən ‘fifty-two’ bawe-tʃaḷis ‘forty-two’ bə-ttis ‘thirty-two’ be-səʃʈ ‘sixty-two’ bya-stər ‘seventy-two’ byã-yʃi ‘eighty-two’

3 tin ‘three’                

te     tre   try     tewe

te-ra ‘thirteen’ te-wis ‘twenty-three’ te-tis ‘thirty-three’ tre-pən ‘fifty-three’ tre-səʃʈ ‘sixty-three’ try-astər ‘seventy-three’ tr-yãyʃi ‘eighty-three’ try-aṇṇəw ‘ninety-three’ tewe-tʃaḷis ‘forty-three’

(continued)

76 Konkani

Table 3.26  (continued) Cardinal number

Variant

Examples

4 tʃar/sɔg (Mang.)‘four’                

tsəw-da ‘fourteen’ tsəw-tis ‘thirty-four’ tsəw-pən ‘fifty-four’ tsəw-səʃʈ ‘sixty-four’ tsəwe-tʃaḷis ‘forty-four’ tsəwe-stər ‘seventy-four’ tso-wis ‘twenty-four’ tsəwr-aṇəy ‘ninety-four’ tsəwr-ãyʃi ‘eighty-four’

5 pãts ‘five’                

tsəw       tsəwe   tso tsəwr   pə̃d pə̃ts   pə̃tse   pə̃tsa pə̃tʃ    

6 sə ‘six’          

so səw     sa səwe

so-ḷa ‘sixteen’ səw-pən ‘fifty-six’ səw-səʃʈ ‘sixty-six’ səw-əṇṇəy ‘ninety-six’ sa-stər ‘seventy-six’ səwe- tʃaḷis ‘forty-six’

7 sat ‘seven’      

sət-ra ‘seventeen’ sa-stər ‘seventy-six’ səwe-tʃaḷis ‘forty-six’ səw-ə̃ṇṇəy ‘ninety-six’

8 aʈ ‘eight’              

sət sa səw   əṭ   əʈa     əʈe aʈy  

10 dha ‘ten’      

ra      

əkra/ikra ‘eleven’ ba-ra ‘twelve’ te-ra ‘thirteen’ pə̃nd-ra ‘fifteen’

pə̃d-ra ‘fifteen’ pə̃ts-wis ‘twenty-five’ pə̃ts-tis ‘thirty-five’ pə̃tʃaḷis ‘forty-five’ pə̃tʃe-stər ‘seventy-five’ pə̃ntsa-wən ‘fifty-five’ pə̃tʃ-aʃi ‘eighty-five’ pə̃tʃ-ãṇṇəw ‘ninety-five’ pã in pã-səʃʈ ‘sixty-five’

əʈ-ra ‘eighteen’ əʈ‑ʈis ‘thirty-eight’ əʈa-wis ‘twenty-eight’ əʈa-wən ‘fifty-eight’ aʈa- stər ‘seventy-eight’ əʈe-tʃalis forty-eight’ aʈy-ãyʃi ‘eighty-eight’ aʈy- ə̃ṇṇəy ‘ninety-eight’

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 77



Table 3.26  (continued) Cardinal number

Variant

Examples

       

    ḷa dha/da/la

sət-ra ‘seventeen’ əʈ-ra éighteen’ so- ḷa ‘sixteen’ tsəw-da ‘fourteen’

20 wis ‘twenty’ 30 tis ‘thirty’

– –

   

40 tʃaḷis ‘forty’

–

 

50 pənnas ‘fifty’

wən

eka-wən ‘fifty-one’

             

        pən    

ba- wən ‘fifty-two’ pəntsa-wən ‘fifty-five’ sata- wən ‘fifty-seven’ əʈa- wən ‘fifty-eight’ tre-pən ‘fifty-three’ tsəw- pən ‘fifty-four’ səw- pən ‘fifty-six’

60 saʈ ‘sixty’

səšʈ

ek- səʃʈ ‘sixty-one’ to aʈ-səʃʈ ‘sixty-eight’ (səʃʈ becomes səʈ in fast speech)

70 səttər ‘seventy’

astər

ek- astər ‘seventy-one’ (with some optional phonetic changes)

80 ayʃi ‘eighty’

 

 

 

ek- ãyʃi ‘eighty-one’ (with some optional phonetic changes) tsəwr- ayʃi ‘eighty-four’ (with some optional phonetic changes)

90 ṇəwəd ˜ nəwəd ‘ninety’

ṇəw

byaṇəw ‘ninety-two’

60 saʈhə ‘sixty’ (Mang.)

saʈhi (used of age)

ek- səʃʈhə ‘sixty-one’

70 səttəre ‘seventy’ (Mang.)

səttəri (used of age)

ek- astəre ‘seventy-one’

ṇəw ‘nine’ is never added to a number to make a new number. It is expressed by being called ‘ten minus one’ as in ek-uṇ-is (one-minus-twenty) ‘nineteen’. There is considerable similarity between Marathi and Konkani numerals, despite some phonetic differences. All the numbers above hundred are formed by cardinal number ekʃe + for example, ekuṇis-ʃẽ tewe tʃaḷis ‘nineteen hundred forty-three’. The numerical ʃəmbər ‘one hundred’ has a colloquial alternant ʃekʠo. The other higher numerals are as follows:

78 Konkani

(73) a. hədzar ‘one thousand’ b. lak ‘a hundred thousand’ c. kəroʠ/koʈi ‘ten million’ d. əbʤ ‘a thousand million or one billion’ e. khərw ‘ten thousand million’

All the numerals discussed so far, with the sole exception of ʃekʠo are non-inflecting adjectives. Among the fractionals, only the ‑o ending ones are inflected: (74) a. ərdo (m), ərdi (f), ərdẽ (n) ‘half ’ b. kaldo (m), kaldi (f), kaldẽ (n) ‘quarter’

(Christ.)

It is interesting to note that in the Manglore variety, deʠ ‘one and a half ’ is inflected: deʠu(m), deʠi (F), deʠẽ (n). However, in standard Konkani, deʠ, əʠedz ‘two and a half ’, paw ‘quarter’ and pauṇ ‘three quarters’ are non-inflecting adjectives. In the following table, quantifying word-stems indicating a group of entities end in consonants for masculine, end in ‑i for feminine and end in ‑ã for neuter: Table 3.27  Inflecting quantifier adjectives Masculine

Feminine

Neuter

Oblique

dɔg ‘two’ teg ˜ tig ‘three’

dogi/dog (Mang.) tegi

dogã tegã

dogã tegã

(75) ek gãw-ã-t tin iʃʈ aʃi-ll-e. te teg one village-obl-pp.loc three friends be-2perf-3m.sg they three ekmek-ãŋ-k soʠ-ũn kenna-ts raw each.other-obl-dat leave-compl at.no.time-part live n-aʃ-ill-e neg-be-2perf-3m.pl ‘There were three friends in a village. The three had never lived apart from each other.’ (76) bhau ani bhəyṇ dogã səŋtẽ/saŋata ge-l-ĩ go-perf-3n.pl brother and sister two.n.pl together ‘Brother and sister both went together.’ (77) kumbar-a-l ghər bajar-a-thanu dur aʃi-ll-ẽ potter-obl-poss house market-abl-from far be-perf-3n.sg ‘The potter’s house was far away from the market.’ (78) temiti te doggə səkaḷ-i bhayrsər-l-e (Mang.) therefore they two morning-loc phrv: go out-perf-3m.pl ‘Therefore they two left in the morning.’

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 79



(79) ek-i-k lay one-f-dat feed ‘Feed one.’

Gender marking is preserved in the absence of the head noun as in (79). Turning to ordinals, these invariably end in ‑o: (80) a. pəylo ‘first’ b. dusro ‘second’ c. tisro ‘third’ d. tsəwto ‘fourth’ e. pãtswo ‘fifth’ f. səwo ‘sixth’ g. satwo ‘seventh’ h. aṭwo ‘eighth’ i. ṇəwo ‘nineth’ j. dhawo ‘tenth’ k. wisawo ‘twetieth’ l. šembərawo ‘hundredth’

Ordinals are inflected for gender and number and follow the same rule as the cardinals. The table below gives examples of the use of ordinals: Table 3.28  Inflection of ordinal adjectives Adjetive+Noun Singular

Plural

pəyl-o put (m.sg) ‘first/eldest son’ pəyl-i naḷ (f.sg) ‘first cannon’ pəyl-ẽ wərs (n.sg) ‘first year’

‘pəyl-e put (m.pl) ‘first sons’ pəyl-o naḷi (f.pl) ‘first cannons’ pəyl-ĩ wərsã (n.pl) ‘first years’

(81) hãw-ẽ ty-ãn-tʃa pəyl-a prəsid dza-ll-ya I-erg he-hon.pl-poss first-obl phr.v: published become-2perf-obl kəwita səŋgrəh-a-tʃi ek pərət dhaʠ-ũn di-l-i poetry collection-obl-poss.f one copy(f) send-compl v2-perf-3f.sg ‘I sent him a copy of his first published collection of poems.’ (82) pəyl-o kawyəsəŋgrəh ani dusr-o kawyəsəŋgrəh first-m collection.of.poems and second-m collection.of.poems hã-tʃ-e mədĩ pəndra wərs-ãn-tʃi gæp as-a these-poss-obl between fifteen year-obl.pl-poss.f.sg gap be-perf ‘There is a gap of fifteen years between the first poetry collection and the second collection.’

80 Konkani

Ordinals borrowed from Sanskrit are also used in some registers of Konkani. Some examples follow: (83) a. prətəm ˜ prəthəm wərs ‘first year’ b. ekadəs ‘eleventh day of the Hindu lunar month’ c. ʃətabdi ‘centenary’

With respect to fractionals, the following forms are used: (84) a. paw/kaldo (Christ.) ‘a quarter’ b. ərdo ‘half ’, pauṇ/pawṇe ek ‘three fourths or a quarter to one’ c. səway ‘one and a quarter’ d. pawṇe don/tin, etc. ‘a quarter to two/three’, etc. e. səway don/tin, etc. ‘two/three, etc. ad a quarter’ f. əḍedz ‘two and a half ’ g. saḍe tin/tʃar, etc. ‘three/four, etc. and a half ’

All fractions except kaldo ‘quarter’ and ərdo ‘half ’ are non-inflecting attributive adjectives.5 Muliplicators are formed by suffixing ‑pəʈ to the numeral: (85) a. duppəʈ˜ dupeʈ (Mang.) ˜ doʠo (Christ.) ‘double’ b. tippəʈ ˜ tibrad ˜ tidoʠo (Christ.) ‘three times’ c. tsəwpəʈ ‘four times’ d. pãtspəʈ ‘five times’ e. dəspəʈ ‘ten times’

Aggregatives are formed by suffixing ‑uy to the numerals: (86) a. donuy/dogay (Christ.) ‘both’ b. tinuy˜ tini/tigay (Christ.) ‘all three’

The suffix ‘‑o’ is used to indicate a large amount, often higher than the numeral used, and is therefore used with decimal numerals from one hundred and above: ʃekʠ-o ‘in hundreds’, hədzar-o ‘in thousands’. For example, ʃekʠ-o lok ayle ‘Hundreds of people came’. In speech the preference is for the addition of the ergative marker ‑ni in place of ‑o as in ʃekʠ-ya-ni ‘in hundreds’, hədzar-a-ni ‘in thousands’. For example, ʃekʠ-ya-ni lok ayle ‘Hundreds of people came’. Aggregatives do not show any gender. Other quantifiers include universal quantifiers such as:

5. The word mukal ‘three fourth’ is archaic. The word kaldo ‘quarter’ is used with reference to time and money in the Christian dialect.

Chapter 3.  Noun and adjective 81



(87) a. illo˜ ilo ‘a little’ b. əkkho˜ akko˜ akho ‘whole’ c. səgḷo/sərw/səmpurṇ/səgəʈ/səkkəʠ/həggə ˜ həgəʈi ˜ temam (Mang.) ‘all’ d. dər/dəreklo/dərek/prətyek/hər ‘every’

Konkani also has a number of indefinite quantifiers such as: (88) a. khub/kəyk ‘many’ b. dzaito ‘much’ c. titlo ‘that much’ d. thoʠo ‘a few’ e. tsəʠ ‘more’ f. tsəʠso ‘much’ g. səbar (Mang.) ‘too many’ h. kãi ˜ kãy ‘some’ i. baki ‘remaining’ j. itlo ‘so much’

Examples of approximatives include sumar/ədmaʃe/əndaʤe ‘roughly or approximately’, while measure expressions include ʃer/kilo ‘kilogram’, wẽt-bhər ‘of the length from the thumb to the little finger extended’, pɔʈ-bhər ‘stomachfull’, and collectives such as dzoʠo/par ‘pair’, etc. 3.4.2.3 Determining adjectives Determining adjectives are derived from various pronouns such as proximate, distal, relative, correlative and interrogative. They all inflect for gender and number since all of them end in o, a mark of inflecting adjectives. The following table gives in the singular form: Table 3.29  Determining adjectives Gloss ‘like this’ ‘like that’ ‘the type which’ ‘how’ ‘this much/many’ ‘that much/many’ ‘as much’ ‘how much’ ‘what type’ ‘this type’

nom

 

M

F

N

əso təso jəso kəso itlo titlo ǰito kitlo kəslo əslo

əʃi təʃi dzəʃi kəʃi itli titli ʤilti kitli kəsli əsli

əʃẽ təʃẽ dzəʃẽ kəʃẽ itlẽ titlẽ ʤitlẽ kitlẽ kəslẽ əslẽ

obl M

  əʃa təʃa dzəʃa kəʃa itlya titlya ʤitlya kitlya kəslya əslya

F

N

əʃe təʃe dzjəʃe kəʃe itle title ʤitle kitle kəsle əsle

əʃẽ təʃẽ dzəʃẽ kəʃẽ itlẽ titlẽ ʤitlẽ kitlẽ kəslẽ əslẽ

82 Konkani

Some examples follow: (89) mhən-i awəʠ-na əs-o mənis na Proverb-pl like-neg like this-m.sg man neg ‘There isn’t any person (like this) who does not like proverbs.’ (90) əʃ-a hy-a tʃəmətkarik sə̃wsar-a-t of such type-obl this-obl strange world-obl-pp ‘in such a strange world as this’ (91) hãw tiʤi itli sewa ghər-a-tə-ts kər-təl-õ I her this.much service home-obl.n.sg-pp-part do-pros-1sg ‘I will take this much care of her at home.’ (92) itl-e bunyad-i-tʃer koŋkṇi ʃikʃəṇ-a-tso this.much-obl.f.sg foundationf.sg-obl-pp Konkani education-obl-poss witʃar dza-wəŋk lag-lo thought become-incep v2-perf ‘On this basis the issue of Konkani education happened to be considered.’ (93) əʃ-e tər-ẽ-n tãŋkã kəsl-ẽ kam of.such.a.type-n.sg manner.f.sg-obl-inst to.them what.type-n.sg work diw-patʃe hatʃi təyari kər-tal-e give-infin of.this phr.v:preparation do-pred-pl ‘In this way they would get ready (to decide) what type of work they are to be given.’ (94) ʃikʃəṇprəṇali ʤitl-i untʃel-ya pawʠ-ya-r as-t-a education.system.f rel.adj-f high-obl level-obl-loc be-impf-3fsg titl-ya untʃel-ya pawʠ-ya-r səmaʤ paw-əŋk correl.adj-obl high-obl level.msg-obl-loc society.msg reach-desid ʃək-t-a can-impf-3m.sg ‘A society can reach that higher level at which (its) educational system is.’

Chapter 4

Verb

4.1

Introduction

Konkani verb types are discussed in this chapter. Verb forms may be simple or compound, and Konkani also has phrasal verbs. Simple verbs are intransitive, transitive, dative, causative, abilitative or impersonal. Konkani also has a set of compound verbs in which two verbs together function as a single unit. In this chapter the aspectual meanings and modal meanings of compound verbs are discussed. There is also a small set of auxiliaries in Konkani. Just as compound verbs function as single units, phrasal verbs also function as single units. A compound verb is a combination of two verbs: V1+V2, while a phrasal verb is a combination of verb and a noun, adjective or adverb. Various types of phrasal verbs are described in this chapter. 4.2

Copula

The copula as ‘be’ is not as regularly used in Konkani as in Marathi. It functions as copula, and when absent (1), the sentence is interpreted as referring to present time. (1) ta-ka sɔg soʠ-wa (Mang.) he-dat four son-pl ‘He has four sons.’ (2) hãw tya-tso bapuy (asa) I he-poss father (be.perf) ‘I am his father.’ (3) ma-ka ata klas (asa) I-dat now class (be.perf) ‘I have a class now.’ (4) tu khɔʈ ule-t-a you untrue speak-impf-sg ‘You are telling a lie.’

In Examples (2) and (3), as functions as a copula and is optional. In (4) the verb phrase has imperfective marker in the main verb; the present tense is indicated by the auxiliary /asta/ which is deleted. That is, it is tu khɔʈ ule-t-a as-t-a Even if the main verb takes other aspect markers, the auxiliary is deletable.

84 Konkani

4.3

Simple verbs

Simple verbs are divided into intransitive, transitive, causative and dative verbs. Transitives may be basic or derived from intransitives. For example, kheḷ ‘play’ is an intransitive verb in Example (5): (5) tɔ kheḷ-t-a he play-impf-3sg ‘He plays/is playing.’

And one can derive a transitive verb from it, as in (6): (6) tɔ bhurg-ya-k kheḷ-əy-t-a he child-obl-dat play-caus-impf-3sg ‘He makes the child play.’

4.3.1 Intransitives The following set of examples illustrates some intransitive verbs in Konkani. (7) a. tig ‘sustain, last’ b. tap ‘heat’ c. wəts ‘go’ d. ye ‘come’ e. mər ‘die’ f. buʠʠə ‘sink’ g. dhaw/pəḷ ‘run’ h. uʤwaʠ ‘dawn’ i. dzag ‘remain awake’ j. faʈ ‘get torn’ k. tsəl ‘walk’ l. paw ‘reach’ m. raw ‘stay, live’ n. pəʠ ‘fall’ o. khəp ‘be sold’ p. nha ‘bathe’ q. sər ‘enter’ r. paləw ‘extinguish’ s. hal ‘fluctuate’ t. sol ‘peel’ u. ʤiye ‘live’ v. moʠ ‘be broken’ w. kirlo ‘sprout’

(Christ)



Chapter 4. Verb 85

x. ʃeṇ ‘get lost’ y. khõŋk ‘cough’

4.3.2 Transitives The following set of examples illustrates some transitive verbs in Konkani. Out of these verbs, dhaʠ ‘send’, uləy ‘tell’, saŋg ‘tell’, bərəy ‘write, compose’ are ditransitive verbs, while the remainder are monotransitive. (8) a. apəy ‘call’ b. bhər ‘fill’ c. tʃep ‘crush’ d. awəʠ ‘like’ e. ghe ‘take’ f. wats ‘read’ g. uləy ‘tell’ h. sõpəy/sərəy(Mang) ‘finish’ i. ʤik ‘win’ j. dəwər ‘keep, put’ k. pəḷow ‘look, watch’ l. uləy ‘speak, utter’ m. mag ‘ask, request’ n. bədəl ‘change’ o. ʃik ‘learn’ p. kər ‘do’ q. sɔd ‘search’ r. dhər ‘catch’ s. fusləy ‘persuade’ t. ɔʠ ‘pull’ u. saŋg ‘tell’ v. ghəʠ ‘happen’ w. ayək ‘hear’ x. mɔʠ ‘break’ y. hup ‘cross’ z. səmədz ‘understand’ aa. ugəʠ ‘open’ bb. bərəy ‘write, compose’ cc. meḷ ‘get, receive’ dd. dhaʠ ‘send’ ee. band ‘tie’ ff. gunth ‘string, weave’

(Christ)

86 Konkani

4.3.3 Derived transitives/causatives A causative derived from an intransitive verb becomes a transitive. This is achieved by internal vowel change as in the following examples: (9) a. mər(intr) ‘die’> mar (tr, caus) ‘kill’ b. tuʈ (intr) ‘break’ > tɔḍ (tr, caus) ‘cause to break’ c. fuʈ (intr) ‘break’ > fɔḍ (tr, caus) ‘cause to break’ d. tər (intr) ‘float; be saved’ > tar (tr, caus) ‘save e. lag (tr) ‘come to touch’ > law (tr, caus) ‘append, stick’

The most productive causative suffix is ‑əy: (10) a. kha (tr) ‘eat’ > khawəy (tr, caus) ‘feed’ b. thamb (intr) ‘stop’ > thambəy (tr, caus) ‘cause to stop’ c. rig (intr) ‘ enter’ > rigəy (tr, caus) ‘pass’ d. dhãw (intr) ‘run’> dhãwəy ~ dhawnəy (tr, caus) ‘cause to run’ e. ful (intr) ‘blossom’ > fuləy ~ fulwəy (tr, caus) ‘cause to open’ f. ʤir (intr) ‘absorb’> ʤirəy (tr, caus) ‘cause to absorb’ g. tsəʠ (intr) ‘climb’ > tsəʠəy (tr, caus) ‘elevate’ h. waʠ (intr) ‘increase’ > waʠəy (tr, caus) ‘increase’ i. bəs (intr) ‘sit’ > bəsəy (tr, caus) ‘install, place’ j. ful (intr) ‘blossom’ > fuləy (tr, caus) ‘spread’ k. ʃik (intr) ‘learn’ > ʃikəy (tr, caus) ‘teach’ l. ‘teach’, uʠ (intr) ‘fly’ > uʠəy (tr, caus) ‘cause to fly, throw’ m. uʈh (intr) ‘wake up’ > uʈhəy (tr, caus) ‘awaken’ n. raw (intr) ‘remain’> rawəy (tr, caus) ‘cause to remain’ o. sõp (intr) > sõpəy (tr, caus) ‘finish’ p. dekh (TRA) ‘see’> dakhəy (tr, caus) ‘show’

A few verbs take ‑ʠay as the causative marker: (11) a. dhãw (intr) ‘run’ > dhãwʠay (tr, caus) ‘make run’(christ) b. ghũw (intr) ‘turn’ > ghũwʠay (tr, caus) ‘cause to turn’ c. ghusp (intr)‘be confused’ > ghuspəʠay (tr, caus) ‘confuse’ d. bhõw (intr) ‘go around’ > bhõwʠay (tr, caus) ‘take somebody around’

4.3.4 Dative verbs Dative verbs, which are called psychological predicates, refer to physical or psychological notions such as feelings, likings etc. The subject of these verbs, which encodes the experiencer, is in the dative. The theme, if any, is in the nominative. The verb agrees with the theme:

Chapter 4. Verb 87



(12) a. meḷ ‘get’ b. saŋ ‘tell’ c. apəy ‘call’ d. dis ‘think, appear’ e. hər ‘defeat’ f. dhaʠ ‘send’ g. awəʠ ‘like’ h. bhi bhiye ‘fear’ i. sãpəʠ ‘find’ j. bheʈ ‘meet’ k. fəʈəy ‘cheat’ l. ʈaḷ ‘avoid’ m. ye ‘be able’ n. di ‘give’ o. mhəṇ ‘say; ask’

It is interesting to note that Konkani does not form abilitative or capability verbs in the way they are formed in Marathi. For example, kheỊ ‘play’ is a common verb in Konkani and Marathi. In Marathi if ‑əw is added to it, the form is kheỊ-əw which has a causative meaning ‘cause to play’ as well as an abilitative meaning ‘be able to play’. In Konkani, Marathi ‑əw becomes əy. But kheỊ-əy in Konkani means ‘cause to play’. It does not have the abilitative meaning. For more details, see Dhongde and Wali (2009). 4.3.5 Impersonal verbs Impersonal verbs mostly refer to the weather. They show that the subject is not an obligatory constituent of a sentence with an impersonal verb. Note that these subjectless sentences are distinct from the second person imperatives in which a second person subject is understood. The verb form here is third person neutral. uʤəḷ-ḷ-ẽ become.light-perf-3nsg   b. uʤwaʠ-lẽ (Mang.) become.light-perf-3nsg ‘It is morning/It has become light.’ (13) a.

88 Konkani

4.4 Compound verbs1 A compound verb is a sequence of two verbs V1 + V2. The primary verb V1 is non-finite while V2 is finite. V2 is a kind of auxiliary verb. The V1 retains its lexical meaning. The semantic nuances encoded in V2 are completely at odds with its literal meaning. These V1–V2 compound entities can be grouped into two classes: quasi-aspectuals with two sub-groups and quasi-modals. I call forms such as ‑ət raw,-pak lag ‘keep on V-ing or ‘begin to V’ quasi-aspectuals and ‑u ʃək,’can’, ‑un tsal ‘be proper’, -ta ye ‘can’ as quasi-modals because they do not follow the restrictions followed by the regular modal verbs or the regular aspect markers, as they do, for example, in English. Quasi-aspectuals are grouped below into two groups, (A) and (B). The first group (A) contains quasi-aspectual verbs that modify the various phases and aspects of the action or process indicated by V1. The second group (B) contains quasi-aspectual verbs that modify the intensity of the action. 4.4.1 Quasi-aspectuals (A) Quasi-aspectuals (A) express meanings such as completion, termination, continuation, and duration. The participles that mark V1 encode lexical meaning. The literal meanings of V2 are at odds with their roles as auxiliaries. The group (of V2s) consists of: (14) Iteratives/Continuatives: a. raw ‘live’ b. bəs ‘sit’ c. pəʠ ‘fall’ d. wəs ‘dwell’ e. as ‘happen, take place’ f. ye ‘come’ (15) Inceptives a. ghal ‘pour, put’ b. lag ‘come to touch’ c. suʈ ‘get loose, leave’ d. ye ‘come’ 1. Many terms such as explicator compound verbs, serial compound verbs, and complex predicates have been currently used to describe this set of aspectuals. I am using the terms quasi-aspectuals and quasi-modals to denote a wider class (See Dhongde (1984); Dhongde and Wali (2009). Borkar (2012) does not mention compound verbs. Katre (1966) calls them verbal compounds. Maffei (1882) is the first Konkani grammarian to notice this phenomenon, which is amusing for a European grammarian.

Chapter 4. Verb 89



(16) Terminatives a. haʠ ‘bring’ b. ye ‘come’ c. paw ‘reach’ (17) Durative lag ‘come to touch’

The distribution of these verbs in compound constructions are illustrated below. Note that the various aspectual markers used here are discussed in detail in Chapter 5 under Section 3. 4.4.1.1 Iteratives Iteratives are marked in V1 with the present participle ending in ‑t or the completive ending in ‑un. Iteratives express that the action or process is repeated with high frequency. tɔ rəʠ-ət raw-l-o ˜ bəs-l-o he cry-impf v2-perf-3msg   b. tɔ rəʠ-on raw-l-o ˜ bəs-l-o (Mang.) he cry-comp V2-perf-3msg ‘He kept crying,’ (18) a.

(19) tɔ bəs-ũn raw-l-o he sit-comp v2-perf-3msg ‘He continued sitting.’ (20) tsəl-ũn wəs (Christ.) walk-comp v2-imp   tʃəmk-ũn wəs (Mang.) walk-comp v2-imp ‘Keep walking.’ (21) dɔr kuj-ət pəʠ-l-o rope rot-impf v2-perf-3msg ‘The rope was left rotting.’ (22) dnyan-ã-t eksarki waʠ dza-yət as-ta knowledge-obl-adp constantly increase(f) happen-impf be-impf(3fsg) ‘Knowledge keeps on growing.’ (23) hi pərəmpəra tsəl-ət ay-l-i this tradition(f) continue-impf v2-perf-3fsg ‘This practice continued.’

90 Konkani

4.4.1.2 Inceptives Inceptives are marked in V1 with ‑u, and in the completive by ‑un. Inceptives show that the action or process indicated by the verb has started. (24) awəy-e-n bhurg-ya-k nhaw-ũ ghal-l-e mother-obl-erg child-obl-dat bathe-incp v2-perf-3nsg ‘Mother gave the child a bath.’ tɔ rəʠ-ũ ˜ rəʠ-ũk lag-l-o v2-perf-3msg he cry-incp   b. tɔ rəʠ-pak lag-l-o he cry-desid v2-perf-3msg ‘He began to cry/began crying.’ (25) a.

(26) gõy-a-t ʃikʃəṇ-a-tʃer tʃərtʃa dzaw-ək lag-l-i Goa-obl-pp education-obl-loc discussion(f) take.place-desi v2-perf-3fsg ‘Education began to be discussed in Goa.’ (27) amtʃ-ya sahity-a-tʃi tʃərtʃa atã raʃʈriy pãwʠ-ya-r our-obl literature-obl-poss discussion-pl now national level-obl-loc dzaw-pak lag-l-ya happen-desi v2-perf-3fpl ‘Discussions of our literature have now begun to take place at the national level.’ tɔ həs-ɚt suʈ-l-o he laugh-impf v2-perf-3msg   b. tɔ həs-aŋk lag-l-o (Christ.) he laugh-desi v2-perf-3msg ‘He burst out and kept on laughing.’ (28) a.

(29) tɔ rəʠ-pak e-l-o ˜ ay-l-o he cry-desi v2-perf-3msg ‘He was on the point of weeping.’

4.4.1.3 Terminatives Terminatives are marked in V1 with the completive ‑un. Terminatives show that the action or process is heading towards the end but it has not reached it. (30) ghay bhər-un ay-la wound(msg) heal-impf v2-perf-3msg ‘The wound came close to healing.’ (31) pəṇʈi bhitəle tel ˜ tyẽl sõpãŋ-k yei-l-ẽ ˜ ay-l-ẽ earthen.lamp inside oil(n) finish-desi v2-perf-3nsg ‘The oil in the earthen lamp started to run out.’



Chapter 4. Verb 91

(32) ta-ṇe kam sõpəy-ət haʠ-l-ẽ he-erg work(k) finish-impf v2-perf-3nsg ‘He brought the work to a finish.’ (33) tɔ mər-ũk paw-l-o he die-desi v2-perf-3msg ‘He reached the state of being dead (= He died).’

4.4.1.4 Duratives Duratives are marked in V1 with the infinitive ‑u or the desiderative ‑uk. Duratives show that the action or process expressed is spread over a period of time. (34) tsəl-ũk ˜ tsal-ũ lag walk-desi ˜ walk-inf v2-imp ‘Get out!’

4.4.2 Quasi-Aspectuals (B) Quasi-aspectuals (B), also called explicators, encode the intensity of an action, its extremity/utmost degree, suddenness, or benefaction. They are quasi-aspectuals expressing attitudes. All these mark V1 by means of the completive marker ‑ũn. The list of verbs used as V2 includes as ‘be’, tsəl ‘walk’, de ‘give’, uʠoy ‘throw’, and soʠ ‘release, leave’(Mang.). Their literal meanings are lost in their roles as auxiliaries: (35) hãw taka wəḷk-ũn asa I him know-compl be.perf ‘I know him well (= I am well aware of the havoc he may cause).’ (36) falya tɔ ye-təl-o əʃẽ hãw dhər-ũn tsəl-l-ã tomorrow he come-pros that I assume-compl v2-prp-1msg ‘I have assumed that he will come tomorrow.’ (37) pra mala hã-ṇṇi wawər wãṇʈ-ũn di-l-o Prof Mala these (hon.pl)-erg work (m) distribute-com v2-perf-3msg ‘Prof Mala distributed the work.’ (38) kəwi-n mha-ka ek prət dhaʠ-ũn di-l-i poet-erg I-dat one copy send-compl v2-perf-3fsg ‘The poet sent me one copy.

92 Konkani

(39) ʠotər-a-n bayl-e-k dhukl-ũn uʠəy-l-o doctor-obl-erg wife-obl-dat push-compl v2-perf-3msg ‘The doctor pushed over his wife.’ tekka tigel-ẽ pustək di-ũn uʠ-e him his-nsg book(nsg) give-compl v2-imp   b. tekka tigel-ẽ pustək di-ũn sɔʠ (Mang.) him his-nsg book(nsg) give-compl v2-imp ‘Give him his book (and be done with it).’ (40) a.

(41) ti-ṇẽ wəkhə pi-ũn uʠe-l-ẽ ti-ṇẽ she-erg medicine(n) drink-compl v2-perf-3nsg she-erg wəkhə pi-ũn soʠ-l-ẽ (Mang.) medicine(n) drink-compl v2-perf-3nsg ‘She gulped the medicine.’ (42) ta-ṇẽ hãso əʠ-wũn dhər-l-o he-erg laughter(msg) stop-compl v2-perf-3msg ‘He held back his laughter.’ (43) tũ bəs-l-a meren hãw pustək wats-ũn ghe-t-a I book read-compl v2-impf-1sg you sit-prp-2msg till ‘I will manage to read a book till you have sat down.’ (44) ta-tʃẽ kam kər-ũn dza-l-ẽ he-poss(n) work(nsg) do-compl v2-perf-3nsg ‘He finished doing his work.’ (45) mastər-a-n taka phoʠ-ũn kaʠ-l-o teacher-obl-erg him thrash-compl v2-perf-3msg ‘The teacher thrashed him thoroughly.’ (46) tʃini səinik-ãŋ-k bharəti səiny-ã-n dhawʠ-ũn Chinese soldier-obl.pl-acc Indian army-obl-erg make.run-compl ghal-l-ẽ v2-perf-3nsg ‘The Indian army made the Chinese soldiers take to their heels.’ am-tʃẽ kam aʠ-ũn pəʠ-l-ã we-poss work(nsg) block-compl v2-prp-3nsg   b. am-tʃẽ kam həb-ur pəʠ-l-ã (Mang.) we-poss work(nsg) block-compl v2-prp-3nsg ‘Our work ended up being blocked.’ (47) a.

uḍəy-l-o (48) ta-ṇẽ ma-ka bhi-ũn he-erg I-dat frighten-compl v2-perf-3msg ‘He frightened me.’

Chapter 4. Verb 93



(49) ta-ka pəyʃe di-ũn uʠ-əy he-dat money give-compl v2-imp ‘Give him money and be done with him.’

In the Manglore variety, soḍ ‘release’ is used in place of uʠəy ‘throw’.2 4.4.3 Quasi-modals In the quasi-modals V1 retains its lexical meaning but V2 receives a modal meaning. These are called complex quasi-modals because they are not fully-fledged modals. The choice of V2 restricts the choice of V1, though the number of V1 is quite large. Although V1 + V2 is the unmarked order, this could change into V2 + V1 for stylistic effects. Modal verbs are divided into five categories: (1) Obligatives, (2) Abilitatives, (3) Inadvertatives, (4) Permissives, and (5) Desideratives. The following is a list of verbs along with their literal meanings, used as V2. The literal meanings are lost in their roles as auxiliaries. Some of these verbs occur as V2 in quasi-aspectuals discussed above. But there are some new verbs as well. The choice of V2 restricts the choice of V1 though the number of V1 is relatively quite large. V1 + V2 is the unmarked order but it could be changed into V2 + V1 at times. For example, Sentence (50a) can be realised as (50b): əʃẽ bəs-ũn tsəl-patʃẽ na neg like.this sit-compl v2-inf ‘It wouldn’t do sitting (idly) like this ‘’   b. na əʃẽ bəs-ũn tsəl-patʃẽ neg like.this sit-compl v2-inf ‘It wouldn’t do sitting (idly) like this ‘ (50) a.

The list of V2s includes as ‘be’ pəʠ ‘fall’, jay ‘want’, tsəl ‘walk’, ʃək ‘can’, ye ‘come’, ja ‘go’ and de ‘give’. 2. The similarity in the use of quasi-aspectuals in Marathi and Konkani is striking. Konkani differs in V2s. Marathi t-aṇ ‘ perf-bring’ becomes t-haʠ impf-bring’, un-de ‘compl-give’ becomes un-uʠəw compl-throw’ , un-law ‘compl-direct’ becomes un-ghal ‘compl-put in’ and un-ʈak ‘compl-throw’ becomes un-uʠəw ‘compl-throw’ in Konkani. The Marathi V1 in the inceptive (‑u) is replaced by the desiderative form (‑pak) in Konkani. The influence of Marathi is seen even in quasi-aspectuals. For example in Marathi one gets ‑un ʈhew ‘place’ as a quasi-aspectual. In Konkani, a parallel to this, though rare, is ‑un dəwər ‘place’: (i) ʤəya-n bapayə-k saŋg-ũn dəwəl-ẽ ki … Jaya-erg father-dat tell-compl v2: place-3nsg comp ‘Jaya told her father once and for all that…’

94 Konkani

4.4.3.1 Obligatives In obligatives V1 is marked by the infinitive marker ‑əp / wəp or the desiderative ‑pak. Obligatives express compulsion or desirability. ta-ka dzago he-dat residential.place(m)   b. ta-ka dzago he-dat residential.place(m) ‘He needs to rent a place.’ (51) a.

bhaʠ-yã-n diwu-patso as-a rent-obl-pp give-inf(m) v2-prp bhaʠ-yã-n diw-tʃak as-a (Mang.) rent-obl-pp give-desid v2-prp

hya weḷ-a-r ta-ṇẽ wətʃ-patso as-a this time-obl-pp he-erg go-inf(m) v2-prp   b. hya weḷ-a-r tɔ wətʃ-patso as-a this time-obl-pp he go-inf(m) v2-prp ‘This time he has/is to go.’ (52) a.

(53) ta-ka mumbəi-k wətʃ-tʃẽ he-dat Mumbai-dat go-inf ‘He has to go to Mumbai.’

pəʠ-ta ˜ pəʈ-ʈa v2-impf

(54) suʈi-na mhəḷyar kam kər-tʃẽ pəḷ-ḷ-ẽ holiday-neg that.means work(n) do-inf v2-perf-3nsg ‘No holiday means one has to work.’ ta-ka sədãc/sədã pəṇʤi wətʃ-tʃẽ he-dat every.day Panajim go-inf   b. ta-ka sədãc/sədã pəṇʤi wəts-pak he-dat every.day Panajim go-desi ‘He has to go to Panaji every day.’ (55) a.

pəʈ-ʈ-a v2-impf-3sg pəʈ-ʈ-a v2-impf-3sg

ma-ka tɔ-ts haŋga yew-pak dzay8 I-dat he-part here come-desi v2.imp haŋga yew-ka ʤatta (Mang.)   b. ma-ka tɔ-ts I-dat he-part here come-desi v2.imp ‘I require him alone to come here.’ (56) a.

əʃẽ bəs-ũn tsəl-patʃẽ na neg like.this sit-compl v2-inf   b. əʃẽ bəs-ũn tsəl-tʃẽ na like.this sit-compl v2-inf neg ‘It wouldn’t do sitting (idly) like this.’ (57) a.

(58) tũ dhir soʠ-ũn kəʃẽ tsəl-təl-ẽ you phr.v dishearten-comp how v2-pros-3nsg ‘Would it be wise for you to be disheartened?’

4.4.3.2 Abilitatives The verb ʃək ‘can, be able’ alone encodes ability. All abilitative verbs, that is ʃək, ye and pəʠ take desiderative ‑pak in V1.

Chapter 4. Verb 95



(59) ta-ka ʃewʈ-a-k ekda-tʃẽ wətʃ-tʃẽ pəʠ-l-ẽ he-dat end-obl-dat once-poss(n) go-inf v2-perf-nsg ‘Finally once and for all he could manage to go. (60) tuḷʃi welyan whãw-ət ayi-ll-o waro ghe-t raw-l-ya-r basil over blow-impf come-2ndperf wind take-impf v2-perf-obl-conj kʃəy ani əsthəma-sarke rog-ãn-tso prəsar tuberculosis and asthma-like disease-obl.pl-poss infection dzaw-pak ʃək-na happen-desi v2-neg ‘If you stand in the blowing wind that comes from over the basil plant, you cannot be infected with diseases such as tuberculosis and asthma.’ (61) ta-ka gaw-pak˜ gaw-ũk e-t-a he-dat sing-desi v2-impf-sg ‘He can sing.’ (62) bəḷ-a-n dzayte prəsn suṭawe kər-ũ ye-t-a strength-obl-inst many problem(pl) solved do-incp v2-impf-pl ‘The strength (of unity) can solve many problems.’

4.4.3.3 Inadvertatives The inadvertative quasi-modal V2 dza ‘go’ marks V1 with the completive ‑un The quasi-modal expresses the lack of intention or motive on the part of the agent. (63) to nə-kəḷ-t-a ulo-wũn ge-l-a he neg-know-impf-non.fin speak-compl v2-perf-3sg ‘He ended up speaking inadvertently.’

4.4.3.4 Permissives The permissive de ‘give’ marks V1 with the inceptive marker ‑ũ or optionally with desiderative ‑pak marker. to wəts-ũ di-φ he go-incep v2-imp   b. ta-ka wəts-pak di-φ he-dat go-desi v2-imp   c. to wəs-o di-φ (Mang.) he go-incep v2-imp   d. ta-ka wətʃ-an di-φ (Mang.) he-dat go-desi v2-imp ‘Let him go.’ (64) a.

ami ata krikeʈ kheḷ-ũ-ya we now cricket play-incep-v2.imp   b. ami ata krikeʈ keḷ-i-ya ˜ kheḷ-yã (Mang.) we now cricket play-incep-v2.imp ‘Let’s play cricket now.’ (65) a.

96 Konkani

to ulo-ũ di he speak-incep v2.imp   b. ta-ka ulo-pak di he-dat speak-desi v2-imp ‘Let him speak.’ (66) a.

(67) paus pəʠ-pak di rain fall-desi v2-imp ‘May it rain.’

4.4.3.5 Desideratives Most desideratives mark V1 with the desiderative marker pak ˜ tʃak (Mang.) ˜ ũk. Desideratives express a wish, a desire, etc. The verb ǰay, which has an invariable form, is commonly used as V2:9 ti-ka wəts-pak she-dat go-desi   b. ti-ka wətʃ-tʃak she-dat go-desi ‘She wants to go.’ (68) a.

dzay v2 dzay (Mang.) v2

One way of negating dzəy is by using naka without V2: ti wəts-pak naka she speak-desi neg naka (Mang.)   b. ti wətʃtʃi she speak-desi neg ‘She doesn’t want to speak.’ (69) a.

Another way of negating it is by using dzayna with a mandatory meaning: ti-ṇe wəts-pak dzayna she-erg go-desi v2-neg   b. ti-ṇe wətʃ-tʃa dzayna (Mang.) she-erg go-desi v2-neg ‘She should not go.’3 (70) a.

Constructions such as saŋg-ũk sod ‘try to tell’ also belong to this class.

3. dzay is a special modal verb in Konkani with the meaning ‘want, require’. It is a dative verb as it takes a dative marked subject and an unmarked theme. It does not show any agreement as it is a frozen form like the Marathi pahiʤe.’want’.

Chapter 4. Verb 97



4.5

Phrasal verbs

Phrasal verbs are verbs that combine with nouns, adjectives or adverbs to generate various semantic nuances. They are also called conjunct verbs and light verb constructions. The verb denotes a general concept of action, state or process. The nouns, adjectives and adverbs contain the semantic content of the complex. The verbs used form a comparatively limited set. The noun + verb combination forms the largest group as in Marathi, and kər ‘do’ is the most frequently used verb. In some cases, the word preceding the verb, especially when it is a borrowed item, is not used independently. For example, in the phrasal verb sair (adv) + ja ‘exit, go out’ sair is an adverb borrowed from Portuguese and is not used independently. Konkani is as productive in forming phrasal verbs as Marathi. In the following tables, phrasal verbs are organized according to the category of the combining element. The literal gloss is given first, followed by the meaning: Table 4.1  Phrasal verb (n + v) tʃərtʃa kər mədzət kər prəyətn kər mog kər təpas kər dzap kər nõnd kər ugʠas kər (Mang.) təp kər tsuk kər (Mang.) uktawəṇ kər randəp kər fawər kər pəsiyəns kər awiyar kər uʠgasu kər (Mang.) pəḷ kaʠ dhar kaʠ umʈi kaʠ sɔrt kaʠ dubaw kaʠ mɔh ˜ mhɔ ghal kuḷyo ghal bowaḷ ghal (Gawdi.) kəpʠe ghal tʃhilko ghal (Mang.)

‘discussion do = argue’ ‘help do = help’ ‘effort do = try’ ‘love do = love’ ‘search do = search’ ‘inquiry do = meet (in order to inquire)’ ‘note do = note’ ‘memory do = remember’ ‘penance do = pious mortification of the body do = go for religious mortification’ ‘mistake do = make a mistake’ ‘inauguration do = inaugurate’ ‘cooking do = cook’ ‘favour do = do a favour’ ‘patience do = be patient’ ‘completion of a law suit do = complete a case in a law court’ ‘mention do = mention’ ‘fleeing draw = flee’ ‘flow draw = milk’ ‘loud cry draw = cry loudly’ ‘lottery draw = draw a lottery’ ‘doubt draw = doubt, distrust’ ‘charm put’ = ‘charm, tempt’ ‘shout put = call by shouting loudly’ ‘din put = make hue and cry’ ‘clothes put = dress’ ‘bolt put = lock, fasten the bolt’

(continued)

98 Konkani

Table 4.1  (continued) dzhaʠ lay dzhəgʠẽ lay dɔʃ lay maya lay piʃẽ lay gərədz lag nhῖd lag piʃẽ lag thar ghe suḍ ghe umo ghe gunyãw ja əpgat dza kasar dza (Gawdi.) pərbi di ˜ de dzap di˜ de tras di˜ de tʃətray di ˜ de man di ˜ de urbay di wišwas dəwər olis dəwər pəyso pəʠ kiʠe pəḍ dukəḷ pəʠ awadz pəʠ waʈ pəḷəy kʃəma mag tsuk mag tiʠək mar ghas mar khõʈ mar pasey mar foṇṇ mar khərəs mar weŋg mar wadz ye was ye rag ye ubgəṇ haʠ bhar ubar peŋgəṭ band ubgəṇ ye gomṭi uʠəy awipar (Portuguese) kər

‘tree append, stick = plant a tree’ ‘quarrel append = fuel a fight’ ‘blame append = blame’ ‘love, kindness append = shower kindness’ ‘madness append = charm’ ‘need come to touch = need’ ‘sleep come to touch = sleep’ ‘madness come to touch = become mad’ ‘rest take = take rest’ ‘revenge take = take revenge’ ‘kiss take = kiss’ ‘crime happen = be a crime’ ‘accident happen = have an accident’ ‘pant happen = pant, gasp’ ‘felicitations give = felicitate’ ‘answer give = answer’ ‘trouble give = trouble’ ‘attention give = pay attention’ ‘honour give = respect’ ‘stimulus give = inspire’ ‘faith hold = trust’ ‘hostage hold = keep as a hostage’ ‘money fall = have to pay as price’ ‘worms fall = rot’ ‘drought fall = have drought’ ‘voice fall = have a sore throat’ ‘way see = wait’ ‘pardon request = ask forgiveness’ ‘mistake request = admit mistake’ ‘anger beat = be irritated’ ‘morsel beat = bite’ ‘heel beat = kick’ ‘walk beat = stroll’ ‘hot oil with spices beat = add spices to a dish’ ‘pant beat = pant’ ‘hug beat = embrace’ ‘boredom come = get bored’ ‘smell come = smell’ ‘anger come = be angry’ ‘boredom bring = bore, bother’ ‘burden lift = accept responsibility’ ‘waist tie = be ready for work’ ‘disgust come = be disgusted’ ‘neck throw = cut off head’ ‘complete a case in the law-court; say good bye’

Chapter 4. Verb 99



Table 4.2  Phrasal verb (n + pp + v) pay-ã pəʠ kəʠ-e-k pəʠ mən-ã-t ye kəʠ-e-k kaʠ math-ya-r bəs mən-ã-t haʠ mən-a-k kha udəy-a-k ye uʤwaʠ-ã ye nad-a-k law mog-a-t pəʠ

feet + pp + fall side-obl+ pp + fall mind-obl + pp+ come side-obl + pp + draw head-obl+ pp + sit mind-obl + pp + bring mind-obl-pp + eat rise-obl-pp + come light-pp come bad habit-obl-pp + append love-obl-pp fall

‘touch somebody’s feet to show respect’ ‘be kept aside’ ‘have a wish’ ‘keep aside’ ‘dominate’ ‘decide’ ‘repent’ ‘rise, come up’ ‘be published’ ‘make somebody an addict’ ‘fall in love’

Table 4.3  Phrasal verb (a + v) lagu pəʠ suru kər kabar kər sidd kər piker dza ʤiwənt dza kabar ja peʠʠer dza uʤar kər (Gawdi.) uṇẽ dza umthẽ uʠəy ubənt pəʠ

‘effective fall = be effective’ ‘in progress do = start, begin’ ‘finished do = finish’ ‘proved do = prove’ ‘disturbed happen = be disturbed’ ‘live become = come to life’ ‘finished become = be ruined’ ‘spoiled happen = get spoiled’ ‘sharp do = sharpen’ ‘less become = decrease’ ‘face down throw = overthrow’ ‘shelterless fall = to be orphaned’

Table 4.4  Phrasal verb (a + pp) bhayər ghal bhayər mar wəyər kaḍ wəyər wəts faʈi uʠəy faʈi oʠ faʈifuʠẽ ja faʈifuʠẽ pəḷəy wəyər sər

‘outside put = expel’ ‘outside beat = reject’ ‘up draw = lift’ ‘up go = rise’ ‘behind throw = surpass, overtake’ ‘at the back pull = discourage’ ‘back and forth go = hesitate’ ‘back and forth see = think and act carefully’ ‘up move’ = ‘grow’

Chapter 5

Tense, aspect and mood

5.1

Introduction

Tense expresses time relations between events. Aspect expresses event-internal time and the phases of an event. Mood indicates whether the verb expresses a fact, a command, a question, a condition or a wish. In Konkani, as in Marathi, aspect and tense marking are often integrated so that it is not possible to draw clear-cut morphological distinctions between tense and aspect. Furthermore, Konkani is an aspect-prominent language, as explained below. 5.2

Time and tense

Tense and tense markers are grammatical categories whereas time is a notional category. The time of speech is equivalent to present time for the speaker and hearer, while events that take place prior to the moment of speech are in past time, and events that have not yet taken place at the time of speech are in future time. If these temporal concepts are marked grammatically on the verb complex, a language can be said to have tense. As mentioned above, the only true tense categories in Konkani (setting aside the infinitive) are the future tense and the archaic present tense. In order to refer to present time and past time, aspectual categories are used. 5.2.1 Infinitive The infinitive in Konkani is marked by ‑əp or ‑wəp depending on the shape of the stem. It is customary to quote a verb in the infinitive form in dictionaries and grammar books. Its use as a finite verb is very rare and is used in elliptical constructions: (1) ran-a-tʃẽ səwrəkʃəṇ kəʃẽ kər-əp? forest-obl-poss(n) protection(n) how(n) do-inf ‘How to protect forests?’

102 Konkani

(2) dzawə̃ khuʃwənt siŋga-k əslẽts bərow-ə̃k yeta come-impf let.it.be.so Khushwant Singh-dat this.type writing mhəṇ-p-a-tʃẽ say-inf-obl-poss ‘Let it be so, we have to say – this is how Khushwant Singh writes.’

The infinitive is mainly used to form a nominal-verb form:1 (3) nyayaləy ani ʃəha kəmiʃən hã-n-tsa wegwegḷ-ya law.court and Shaha commission these-obl.pl-poss different-obl prəsn-ãŋ-k dzap-o di-wəp khəṇ-i səmbənd-i-tʃĩ question-obl.pl-dat reply-fpl give-inf mine-fpl relation-obl-poss(n) səgḷ-ĩ andolən-ã hataḷ-əp, bekaydeʃir khəṇ˜ khaṇ all-npl agitation-npl handle-inf illegal mine wewhar-ã-t gunti-ll-yã-tʃer karway kər-əp activity-obl.pl-loc involve-2nd perf-obl.pl-pp phrv: action do-inf hã-tũtə-ts am-tʃi puray ʃəkti khərtʃi these-loc-part we-poss total strength (f.sg) phrv:expenditure pəʠ-l-I fall-perf-3fsg ‘We spent all our energy in answering queries made by the court and Shah commission, all mining agitations and taking action against all the illegal mining activities.’

The infinitive is also used as an attributive to a noun: (4) bhoʤənsəmaʤ-a-tʃẽ raʤkarəṇ kər-p-i common.people-obl-poss(n.sg) politics do-inf-sufx raʤkarṇ-yãn-tʃẽ faw-t-a politician-obl.pl-poss(nsg) get.advantage-impf-3n.sg ‘Politicians get advantage in politicising the issues of common people.’ (5) səmaʤsew-e-tʃẽ wrət apṇa-wəp-i ʠɔkʈər ʃiroʠkər social.work-obl-poss (nsg) creed embrace-inf-sufx doctor Shirodkar ‘Shirodkar, the doctor (who) takes the creed of social work.’

1. Sometimes one finds the use of the Marathi infinitive marker ṇe in Konkani: (i) ti-tʃ-ẽ mhəṇ-ṇẽ aʃi-ll-ẽ mənʃ-a-n kəslẽ-y she-poss-n.sg say-inf be-2nd perf-n.sg man-obl-erg any.n.sg-emph.part kam kər-tʃ-ẽ work.nsg do-desi-n.sg ‘It was her view that a man should do any work whatsoever.’

Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 103



5.2.2 Non-future As explained above, Konkani does not mark present and past tense. Thus, the form that lacks tense affixes may be called the non-future tense form. This non-future is marked by a zero-morpheme. These forms are described in the present section. In Konkani, the verb stem undergoes morphophonemic changes before being inflected for tense, aspect and mood. Such verbs are listed along with their stems in the respective sections. The verb stem is inflected for gender, number and person. For example, in tũ rig-t-a ‘you enter’, the verb stem is rig- ‘eat’, ‑t is the imperfective aspect marker, and ‑a is the inflectional marker for second person singular. Unlike Marathi, Konkani verbs are not marked twice.2 5.2.2.1 Referring to present time The imperfective marker ‑t (§ 5.3.1) is often used to refer to present time, as is shown in the following examples. (6) kõkṇi tsəḷwəḷ-in joʠi-ll-e ʤəit kõkṇi Konkani movement-erg acquire-2nd perf-n.sg victory-n.sg Konkani tsəḷwəḷi-ʈʃya yəʃ-a-ʈʃ-i gəway di-t-a movement-poss-obl success-obl-poss-fsg phrv:witness give-impf-3sg ‘The victory that Konkani movement achieved gives evidence for its success.’ (7) atã pəṇʠhəri koṇ he tum-ka saŋ-t-ã now Pandhari who this.n.sg you-dat tell-impf-1sg ‘Now I tell you who Pandhari is.’

When as ‘be’ is used as an auxiliary with some other verb, it marks the continuity of the action as in the following example from a car-race commentary: moʈargaʠiyo dhãw-ət as-at motorcars. run-impf be-impf(pl) ‘Cars are moving.’   b. moʈargaʠiyo dhãw-t-as-ə (Mang.) motorcars run-impf-be-pl ‘Cars are moving.’ (8) a.

2. Compare Marathi (1) tu khatos ‘You eat’ with Konkani (2) tũ khata. In the Marathi, form kha- is the stem, t is the imperfective aspect marker, o is the inflectional marker for masculine singular and s marks second person singular. This s is optional.

104 Konkani

5.2.2.2 Present habitual The imperfective marker ‑t (§ 5.3.1) is also used to show habitual actions or recurring events at the present time, as shown by the following examples. (9) he tsɔr əʃẽ-ts as-t-at. səkaḷ-ts these thieves(pl) of.this.kind-part be-impf-3mpl morning-poss weḷ-a-r suṇ-ãŋ-k khaw-pak ghal-t-at ani time-obl-pp dog-obl(pl)-dat v1.eat-desid v2-impf-3pl and t-an-tʃi wəḷək kər-un ghe-t-at. magir they-obl-poss(f) phr.v:introduction v1.do-compl v2-impf-pl. adv:then tĩ rat-i bhõk-n-at. they(n) night-pp bark-neg-impf(pl) ‘These thieves are of this kind. In the morning they feed the dogs and get friendly with them. Then the dogs do not bark at them at night.’ səwṇ-ĩ u ʈ-ʈ-at bird-pl fly-impf-pl ‘Birds fly’   b. səwṇ-ĩ hub-t-əy (Mang.) bird-pl fly-impf-pl ‘Birds fly’   c. sukṇ-ĩ ub-t-at (Christ.) bird-pl fly-impf-pl ‘Birds fly’ (10) a.

The imperfective marker is also used to state a general law: (11) pruthwi sury-a-bhõwtəṇi ghũw-t-a earth sun-obl-pp (around) revolve-impf-3sg ‘The earth revolves around the sun.’ suryo sat wəratʃer buʈ-ʈ-a sun seven.o’clock hour-obl-dat set-impf-3sg ‘The sun sets at seven.’   b. suryo sat ghəṇʈ-ya-k buʈ-ʈ-a sun seven.o’clock hour-obl-dat set-impf-3sg ‘The sun sets at seven.’   c. suryo sat ghəṇʈ-a-y (Mang) buʈ-ʈ-a set-impf-3sg sun seven.o’clock hour-obl-dat ‘The sun sets at seven.’ (12) a.

Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 105



The imperfective marker is also used with performatives: tu-ka pəyʃe di-təl-õ əʃẽ hãw tu-ka utər you-dat money give-pros-1m.sg conj I you-dat promise di-t-ã give-impf-1m.sg ‘I promise that I shall give you money.’   b. tuka pəyʃe di-tta moṇu (Mang.) hãw tu-ka utər you-dat money give-impf conj I you-dat promise di-t-ã give-impf- 1m.sg ‘I promise that I shall give you money.’ (13) a.

(14) hãw moʈh-ya əbhiman-a-n sãŋg-ũk sot-t-a ki ami lokpriy I great-obl pride-obl-pp tell-desid v2-impf-1sg conj we popular yewʤəṇ-yo tsal-ik law-əŋk yəʃəswi dza-l-e scheme-pl start-desid v2-desid phrv:be successful-perf-1pl ‘I am saying this with great pride that we were successful in starting popular schemes.’

The imperfective marker is sometimes also used to narrate events in the past (sometimes called the historic present): yek.pawʈi ray-a-n birbəl-a-k prikʃa kər-tʃak king-obl-erg Birbal-obl-dat phrv:test do-desi once nirnəy kər-t-a decision do-impf-3sg ‘Once the king decides to test Birbal’s cleverness.’   b. to sat məʠk-yo haʈ-ʈ-a. he seven pot(f)-pl bring-impf-3sg ‘He brings seven pots.’   c. pərtyek məʠk-ẽn-t khəʠi-ye-tʃi ekek each pot-obl-loc precious.stone-obl-poss one.each mudi dəwər-t-a. ring put-impf-3sg ‘In each pot he puts one precious ring.’   d. tya məʠk-ẽn-tʃẽ toṇʠã dhãp-t-a those pots-obl-poss mouth-pl cover-impf-3sg ‘He covers the tops of the pots.’   e. magẽ birbəl-a-k khəbər dhaʈ-ʈ-a (Mang.) then Birbal-obl-dat message send-impf-3sg ‘He then sends a message to Birbal.’ (15) a.

106 Konkani

5.2.2.3 Referring to past time Past time is indicated by perfective aspect ‑l (§ 5.3.3), as shown in the following examples: (16) hãw kal tʃa pi-l-õ yesterday tea drink-perf-1m.sg I ‘I took tea yesterday.’ hãw adĩ-ts tʃa pi-l-õ (17) ma-ka atã tʃa naka; already-part tea drink-perf-1fsg I-dat now tea want.neg I ‘I don’t want tea now; I’ve already taken it.’ (18) bhaw bhayṇ ay-l-ĩ ˜ ei-l-e brother(m) sister(f) come-perf-3npl ˜ come-perf-3mpl ‘Brother and sister came.’ (19) tɔ ani hãw saŋgta ay-l-yaw (Christ.) he and I together come-perf-2pl ‘He and I came together.’ (20) tɔməs stiwən h-ya dhərməguru-n kõkṇi-tʃẽ pəylẽ wyakrəṇ Thomas Stephens this-obl priest-erg Konkani-poss first grammar rəts-l-ẽ compose-perf-3n.sg ‘Thomas Stephen, the missionary, wrote the first grammar of Konkani.’ “hɔ guruʤi prəsadbabu” babuʃa-n wəḷək this teacher Prasadbabu Babusha introduction(f.sg) kər-ũn di-l-i do-comp v2-perf-3fsg “This is the teacher – Prasadbabu” Babusha introduced him.’   b. “hã hã” guruʤ-ya-n hãst-ya mukh-a-n man yes yes teacher-obl-erg smiling-obl face-obl-erg neck(f) hal-əy-l-i move-caus-perf-3fsg “Oh yes” the teacher nodded with a smiling face.’ (21) a.

5.2.3 Future The basic future tense form is ‑t with a suppletive ‑ʃ, -u or ‑n. Konkani grammarians call this tense marker ‘indefinite future’ as opposed to ‘definite future’. I call it simply ‘future’ (tense) and the other one ‘prospective’ (aspect) (see § 5.3). The Konkani future does not have any aspectual sense. It suggests the probability of an occurrence as in ‘John will be an engineer next year’. The verb agrees with the direct cased subject and is inflected for number and person.

Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 107



Table 5.1  Nominative subject agreement of rig ‘enter’  

Singular

Plural

1

hãw rig-ən I enter-fut.1sg ‘I will enter’

ami rig-ũ we enter-fut.2pl ‘We will enter’

2

tũ rig-ši you enter-fut.2sg ‘You will enter’

tumi rig-šat you enter-fut.2pl ‘You will enter’

3

to/ti/tẽ rig-ət he/she/it enter-fut.3sg ‘He/she/it will enter’

te/tyo/tĩ rig-tit they.m/f/n enter-fut.3pl ‘They will enter’

Table 5.2  Nominative object agreement of kha ‘eat’  

Singular

Plural

1

kha-en ˜ kha-yən ‘ eat-fut.i sg ‘will eat’

kha-ũ eat-fut.1 pl ‘will eat’

2

khaw-ši eat-fut.1 sg ‘will eat’

khaw-šat eat-fut.2 pl ‘will eat’

3

khay-ət eat-3 sg ‘will eat’

kha-tit eat-fut.3 pl ‘will eat’

Table 5.3  Nominative object agreement of as ‘be’  

Singular

Plural

1

as-ən be-1sg ‘will be’

as-ũ be-1pl ‘will be’

2

aʃ-ʃi ˜ aʃ-ʃit be-2 sg ‘will be’

3

as-ət be-3 sg ‘will be’

(Mang)

aʃ-ʃat be-2 pl ‘will be’ as-tit be-3 pl ‘will be’

The following examples illustrate the future tense. (22) ami tum-kã falyã apəw-ũ ˜ ap-ũ we you-pl-dat tomorrow call-fut.2pl ‘We will call you tomorrow.’

108 Konkani

(23) mæʠəm tũ ek dis yew-ʃit˜ ʃi amtʃa bhurg-yãŋ-k madam you one day come-fut.2sg our child-obl.pl-dat læktʃər diw-pak? lecture give-desi ‘Madam, would you come one day to give a lecture to our children?’

The future is also used to state a general law: (24) udək-a-tʃer lãkuʠ ufew-ət water-obl-on(pp) wood(n) float-fut.3sg ‘Wood will float on water.’

The future is also used in the apodosis when the protasis expresses a non factive condition: (25) pedru ay-lyar pawlu wəts-ət ˜ wəs-ət (Christ.) Peter come-cond Paul go-fut.3sg ‘If Peter comes Paul will go.’

Finally, the future is used to state an action or a happening that may or may not occur; that is, it expresses uncertainty: (26) falyã tɔ aʃ-ʃit wa na aʃ-ʃit tomorrow he be-fut.3sg or neg be-fut.3sg ‘Tomorrow he may be alive or may not be.’

5.2.4 Archaic present The archaic present tense marker is used only in poetry. The inflectional markers are the same as they are in Marathi. The verb is inflected for number. Table 5.4  Nominative object agreement of sɔb ‘be fit’ and as ‘be’ Singular

Plural

sɔb-e become-Archaic present.sg ‘becomes/ become’ hɔy be.Archaic present.sg/pl

sob-əti become-Archaic present.pl ‘become (=be suitable)  

Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 109



kruʃṇa goda tʃərəṇ kʃaḷi-ti Krishna Godavari feet wash-arc.pres.3pl ‘The rivers Krishna and Godavari wash (His) feet.’   b. ʃəŋkhə tʃəkrə gəda pədmə sob-ti conch wheel mace lotus befit-arc.pres.3pl ‘The conch, wheel, mace, lotus befit (Him)’ (27) a.

(28) tʃin, rəʃiya, ʤəpan hya deʃ-ã-ni aplo wikas China, Russia, Japan these country-obl-erg refl.pron development iŋgrəʤi-tʃa adar-a-n ke-l-a hɔy? English-poss.obl help-obl-inst make-perf-m.sg be-arch.pres.3sg ‘Have the countries China, Russia, Japan made their progress with the help of English?’ (29) udək-a feṇ-a səman amə-tʃẽ ʤiwən ge-ll-ẽ pass-2nd perf-3n.sg water-obl foam- obl like we-poss(n) life mhəṇə-t-ati say-arch.pres-3pl ‘They say that our life passed like the foam of water.’

5.3

Aspect

There are six aspect markers in Konkani. They represent the grammatical aspect in contrast to the lexical aspect mentioned earlier (§ 4.4.1 § 4.4.2) as quasi-aspectuals. Grammatical aspect markers can occur in all tenses. 5.3.1 Imperfective We have already seen the imperfective aspect marker ‑t used for referring to present time (§ 5.2.2.1). Imperfective aspect expressing a progressive or continuous state is found in all tenses. As Konkani does not use an auxiliary for carrying the tense, the imperfective is obligatorily marked for number and person. In the following paradigms, the imperfective is exemplified with a transitive verb kha ‘eat’ and an intransitive verb rig ‘enter’. Variants of Manglore dialect, Christian dialect and Gawdi are given where necessary and where significant. Traditional grammarians add ‑p or ‑wəp to the stem and call it a root. In fact, ‑p or ‑wəp are infinitive markers. Here, the second person singular imperative form is taken as the root form. In the present tense the verb agrees with the subject, which is in nominative/direct case.

110 Konkani

Table 5.5  Imperfective inflection of kha (tr) ‘eat’  

Singular

Plural

1

(hãw) kha-t-ã I eat-impf-1sg ‘I eat/am eating’

(ami) kha-t-ãt (ami) kha-t-ãw (Christ.) (ami) kha-t-ãy/ã (Mang.) we eat-impf-1pl ‘We eat/are eating’

2

(tũ) kha-t-a (tũ) kha-t-ay (Christ.) you eat-impf-2sg ‘You eat/are eating’

(tumi) kha-t-at ˜ (tumi) kha-t-a (Mang) you eat-impf-2pl ‘You eat/are eating’

3

(tᴐ) kha-t-a he eat-impf-3sg (ti) kha-t-a she eat-impf-3sg (tẽ) kha-t-a kha-a-at it eat-impf-3sg ‘He/She/It eats/is eating’

(te) kha-a-at (tyo) kha-a-at (tĩ) kha-a-at they eat-impf-3pl ‘They eat/are eating’

Table 5.6  Imperfective inflection of rig (intr) ‘enter’  

Singular

Plural

1

(hãw) rig-t-ã I enter-impf-isg ‘I enter/am entering.’

(ami) rig-t-ã (ami) rig-t-ãw (Christ.)˜ (ami) rig-t-ãy/-ã (Mang.) we enter-impf-2pl ‘We enter/are entering.’

2

(tũ) rig-t-a (tũ) rig-t-ay (Christ.) you enter-impf-2sg ‘You enter/are entering.’

(tumi) rig-t-at (tumi) rig-t-a (Mang.) you enter ‘You enter/are entering.’

3

(tɔ) rig-t-a he enter-impf-3sg (ti) rig-t-a she enter-impf-3sg (tẽ) rig-t-a it enter-impf-3sg ‘He/she/ it enters/is entering.’

(te) rig-t-at (tyo) rig-t-at (tĩ) rig-t-at they enter-impf-3pl ‘They enter/are entering.’

Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 111



Table 5.7  Imperfective inflection of as ‘be’  

Singular

Plural

1

as-t-ã be-impf-1sg

as-t-at be-impf-1pl

2

as-t-a be-impf-2sg

as-t-at be-impf-2pl

3

as-t-a be-impf-3sg

as-t-at be-impf-3pl

5.3.1.1 Present progressive The imperfective is used to express the present progressive, as illustrated by the following examples: tũ fəʈ uləy-t-a you lie tell-impf-2sg ‘You are telling a lie (now).   b. tũ fəʈ uləy-ət as-t-a you lie tell-impf be-impf-2sg ‘You are always telling lies.’ (30) a.

ek patr (31) kəthəkəli nrutyə naʈy-a-t Kathakali dance drama-obl-loc one character ərthbodh kər-ət as-t-a ani gayək phr v: explanation of meaning do-impf be-impf-3sg and singers kəthanək mukar whər-t-at forward carry-impf-3pl story ‘In Kathakali, one character goes on explaining the meaning and the singers carry on the story.’

Notice that the as (be) alternant, which is an imperfective auxiliary form, is not commonly used. It is normally deleted. (32) tũ sədac leʈ e-t-a you always late come-impf-2sg ‘You always come late’

112 Konkani

5.3.1.2 Past progressive (imperfective-perfective)3 The past progressive is expressed by the morpheme ‑tal, which is described as the imperfective-perfective marker because the perfective marker ‑l in ‑tal is for the past and the imperfective marker t- at the beginning is for the progressive action or process: (33) ʤɔn mədət-i-khatir bob mar-tal-o ʤɔn kumk-e-khatir bob mar-tal-o John help-obl-pp phrv: putting of the fist on the lips hit-impfperf-3msg ‘John was shouting for help,’ (Mang.)

The imperfective-perfective also marks past habitual as in the following example: (34) lhanpəṇ-ĩ tɔ begin uʈ-ʈal-o (Mang.) lhanpəṇ-ĩ tɔ wəggi uʈ-ʈal-o childhood-pp he early get.up-impfperf-3msg ‘He used to get up early in his childhood.’

The imperfective-perfective is also used to make a prediction about a future event or action: 3. Imperfective-perfective has three functions. It expresses past continuous as in the following example: (i) ʤenna bel waʤ-l-i tenna ʤɔn nhaw-tal-o when bell.f.sg ring-perf-3f.sg that.time John take.bath-impfperf-3m.sg ‘John was taking bath when the bell rang.’ It also marks past habitual as in the following example: (ii) ek as-l-o kawlo khub khub səbḷo nha-wən dhu-wən one be-perf-3m.sg crow.m.sg very very simple take.bath-compl wash-compl ew-tal-o dew-a-lagi mag-tal-o eat-impfperf-3m.sg God-obl-with Ask.for-impfperf-3m.sg ‘There was a crow that was very simple. He would wash and clean himself and then eat and request God…’ Thirdly, it makes a prediction about a specific future event or action. In this function it indicates maximum likelihood, as in the following example: (iii) t-ya-tso kay bhərəwsa na adz ‘həy’ mhəṇ-lyar falya ‘na’ he-obl-poss.m.sg any guarantee neg today ‘yes’ say-cond tomorrow ‘no’ mhəṇ-tal-o say-impfperf-3m.sg ‘There is no guarantee about him. He would say ‘yes’ today but ‘no’ tomorrow.’

Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 113



(35) tyatso kay bhərwəso-na, adz ‘həy’ mhəṇ-iyar falya ‘na’ his any guarantee-neg today yes say-cond tomorrow no mhəṇ-tal-o say-impfperf-3msg ‘There is no guarantee with him. He would say ‘yes’ today but ‘no’ tomorrow.’

The intransitive verb agrees with the subject and the transitive verb agrees with the unmarked object: Table 5.8  Nominative subject agreement of rig ‘enter’   1

m

 

f

 

n

2

m

 

f

 

n

3

m

 

f

 

n

Singular

Plural

hãw rig-tal-õ I enter-impfperf-1m.sg ‘I was entering.’ hãw rig-tal-ĩ I enter-impfperf-1f.sg ‘I was entering.’ hãw rig-tal-ẽ I enter-impfperf-in.sg ‘I was entering.’

ami rig-tal-e we enter-impfperf-im.sg ‘We were entering.’ ami rig-tal-yo we enter-impfperf-im.sg ‘We were entering.’ ami rig-tal-ĩ we enter-impfperf-1n.pl ‘We were entering.’

tũ rig-tal-o tũ rig-tal-əy (Christ.) you enter-impfperf-2m.sg ‘You were entering.’ tũ rig-tal-I you enter-impfperf-2f.sg ‘You were entering.’ tũ rig-tal-ẽ ˜ ẽy you enter-impfperf-2m.sg ‘You were entering.’

tumi rig-tal-e you enter-impfperf-2m.pl ‘You were entering.’

tɔ rig-tal-o he enter-impfperf-3m.sg ‘He was entering.’ ti rig-tal-I she enter-impfperf-3f.sg ‘She was entering.’ tẽ rig-tal-ẽ it enter-impfperf-3n.sg ‘It was entering.’

te rig-tal-e they enter-impfperf-3m.pl ‘They were entering.’ tyo rig-tal-yo they enter-impfperf-3f.pl ‘They were entering.’ tĩ rig-tal-ĩ they enter-impfperf-3n.pl ‘They were entering.’

tumi rig-tal-yo you enter-impfperf-2f.pl ‘You were entering.’ tumi rig-tal-I you enter-impfperf-2m.pl ‘You were entering.’

114 Konkani

Table 5.9  Nominative object agreement of as ‘be’   1

m

 

f

 

n

2

m

 

f

 

n

3

m

 

f

 

n

Singular

Plural

as-tal-õ be-impfperf-1m.sg as-tal-ĩ be-impfperf-1f.sg as-tal-ẽ be-impfperf-1n.sg

as-tal-e be-impfperf-1m.pl as-tal-yo be-impfperf-1f.pl as-tal-ĩ be-impfperf-1n.pl

as-tal-o be-impfperf-2m.sg as-tal-I be-impfperf-2f.sg as-tal-ẽ be-impfperf-2n.sg

as-tal-e be-impfperf-2m.pl as-tal-yo be-impfperf-2f.pl as-tal-ĩ be-impfperf-2n.pl

as-tal-o be-impfperf-3m.sg as-tal-I be-impfperf-3f.sg as-tal-ẽ be-impfperf-3n.sg

as-tal-e be-impfperf-3m.pl as-tal-yo be-impfperf-3f.pl as-tal-ĩ be-impfperf-3n.pl

(36) awəi gai-tal-i tya weḷ-ã dhuw kheḷ-tal-i mother sing-impfperf-3fsg that time-loc daughter play-impfperf-3fsg ‘Mother was singing (and) at that time daughter was playing.’ (Mang.)

The imperfective-perfective is used to show an ongoing action or event in the past against the background of another action or event that has a longer duration or to show two simultaneous actions in the past: (37) ʤenna bel waj-l-i tenna ʤɔn nhaw-tal-o when bell ring-perf-3f.sg then John take.bath-impfperf-3msg ‘John was taking a bath when the bell rang.’

5.3.1.3 Future progressive There is no separate tense-marker or aspect marker for expressing what is called in English the future progressive tense. This is expressed by using the future tense form of the auxiliary as together with the imperfective aspect marker on the main verb, as in the following example: (38) tɔ rig-ət as-ət he enter-impf be-fut(3m.sg) ‘He will be entering.’

Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 115



5.3.2 Past relevant to present When the action, process, event etc. that occurred in past time has reference and relevance to the present time, Konkani uses the marker ‑l but with different inflectional markers. Some grammarians call this the present perfect, while some call it the perfective present. Here, it is described as past relevant to present (prp). It is not incompatible with the perfective. It is used when the relevance to present time is to be highlighted. The intransitive verb agrees with the nominative subject and the transitive verb agrees with the unmarked object. Compare the paradigm given for rig ‘enter’ under perfective aspect (§ 5.3.3) with the one given below: Table 5.10  Past relevant to present inflection of rig ‘enter’   1

m

 

f

 

n

2

m

 

f

 

n

3

m

 

f

 

n

Singular

Plural

hãw rig-l-ã I enter-prp-1m.sg ‘I have entered’ hãw rig-l-yã I enter-prp-1f.sg ‘I have entered’ hãw rig-l-ã I enter-prp-1n.sg ‘I have entered’

ami rig-l-at we enter-prp-1m.pl ‘We have entered’ ami rig-l-yat we enter-prp-1f.pl ‘We have entered’ ami rig-l-yãt we enter-prp-1n.pl ‘We have entered’

tũ rig-l-a you enter-prp-2m.sg ‘You have entered’ tũ rig-l-ya you enter-prp-2f.sg ‘You have entered’ tũ rig-l-ã you enter-prp-2n.sg ‘You have entered’

tumi rig-l-yat you enter-prp-2m.pl ‘You have entered’ tumi rig-l-yat you enter-prp-2f.pl ‘You have entered’ tumi rig-l-yãt you enter-prp-2n.pl ‘You have entered’

tɔ rig-l-a he enter-prp-3m.sg ‘He has entered’ ti rig-l-ya she enter-prp-3f.sg ‘She has entered’ tẽ rig-l-ã it enter-prp-3n.sg ‘It has entered’

te rig-l-yat they enter-prp-3m.pl ‘They have entered’ tyo rig-l-yat they enter-prp-3f.pl ‘They have entered’ tĩ rig-l-yãt they enter-prp-3n.pl ‘They have entered’

116 Konkani

Table 5.11  Nominative object agreement of kha (tr) ‘éat’  

Singular

Plural

m

winəy-a-n amo Vinay-obl-erg mango.3m.sg kha-l-a eat-prp-3msg ‘Vinay has eaten a mango.’ winəy-a-n popəy Vinay-obl-erg papaya.3f.sg kha-l-yo eat-prpf-3fsg ‘Vinay has eaten a papaya.’

winəy-a-n am-e kha-l-yat Vinay-obl-erg mango-3m.pl eat-prp-3msg ‘Vinay has eaten mangoes.’

 

n

winəy-a-n keḷ-ẽ Vinay-obl-erg banana.3n.sg kha-l-ã eat-prp-3nsg ‘Vinay has eaten a banana.’

winəy-a-n popəy-o kha-l-yat Vinay-obl-erg papaya-3f.pl eat-prp-3fsg ‘Vinay has eaten papayas.’

winəy-a-n keḷ-ĩ kha-l-yãt Vinay-obl-erg banana.3n.sg) eat-prp-3nsg ‘Vinay has eaten bananas.’

Table 5.12  Nominative subject agreement of as ‘be’  

Singular

Plural

1 2/3

asã asa

asat asat

The following examples further illustrate the use of this form: (39) ma-ka tẽ naʈək pəḷəy-tʃe na, hãw-ẽ tẽ ge-l-ya səptək-ã-t I-dat that play.n see-inf neg I-erg that past-obl week-obl-loc pəḷəy-lã ˜ pəḷəy-l-ẽ see-prp.3n.sg   see-perf-3n.sg ‘I don’t want to see that play again, I have already seen it’ (40) te khup huʃar as-at they very clever be-prp.3pl ‘They have been (=are) very clever.’ (41) ʃikʃək hãŋga moʈ-ya umed-i-n dzəml-yat teacher.pl here great-obl expectation-obl-erg gather- prp.3pl ‘The teachers have assembled here with great expectations.’ (42) A: “kitẽ diy-ʃi ” how.much give-fut.2sg “How much will you take / charge?”

Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 117



B: “tis rupəya” thirty rupees “Thirty rupees.”   A: “tis rupəya? piʃẽ lag-l-ã kãy kitẽ?” thirty rupees phrv be.mad-prp-3n.sg what some “Thirty rupees ? Are you crazy?”  

5.3.3 Perfective The perfective marker is ‑l. We have seen above (§ 5.2.2.3) that this form is used for referring to past time, where it expresses a meaning equivalent to the simple past. 5.3.3.1 Present perfect The perfective marker can also be used to express the present perfect with an optional as ‘be’ auxiliary. This paradigm is used to stress the relevance of the past or completed event to the present time. Apart from the fact that perf ‑l has a set of inflectional markers that is different from the set of prp markers, there is a significant distinction between the two. perf allows interpretation of the verb form as past or present perfect. But prp unambiguously gives only the present perfect interpretation. As said in 5.3.2 prp highlights the relevance meaning. (43) ami (kal) tɔ piktʃər pəḷəy-l-o ami (kal) We.erg (yesterday) that movie.m.sg see-perf-3m.sg we.erg (yesterday) tẽ pintur.n.sg dek-l-ẽ (Mang.) see-perf-3nsg that film ‘We saw/have seen that movie yesterday.’ (44) ami piktʃər adits pəḷəy-l-a we.erg movie3m.sg already see-perf-3m.sg ‘We have already seen the movie.’ ami pəyle meḷ-ḷ-yat (45) ma-ka dis-t-a I-dat think-impf-3sg we before meet-perf-2pl ‘I think we have met before.’ ǰɔn-a-n take kam John-obl-erg his work.m.sg ‘John has finished his work.’   b. ʤɔn-a-n tege wawər John-obl-erg his work.m.sg ‘John has finished his work.’ (46) a.

sõmpəy-l-ẽ finish-perf-3msg mugdi-l-o finish-perf-3msg

(47) ami həggə duʠʠu beŋk-a-t dəwər-l-e we.erg all money.m.pl bank-obl-loc keep-perf-3m.pl ‘We have kept all our money in a bank.’

(Mang.)

118 Konkani

5.3.3.2 Past perfect The perfective marker ‑l is also used to express the past perfective as in the following example: ʤɔn steʃn-a-ku ei-l-ẽ tenna relu wətʃ-an John station-obl-dat come-perf-3n.sg then train go-comp ge-ll-i v2-perf-3f.sg ‘The train had already left when John came to the station.’   b. ʤɔn steʃn-a-ku ei-l-ẽ tenna relu wətʃ-an John station-obl-dat come-perf-3n.sg then train go-comp ʤa-l-i (Mang.) v2-perf-3f.sg ‘The train had already left when John came to the station.’ (48) a.

(49) ami məʠgãw paw-t-a pəryənt meri pəṇʤi-t paw-l-i Mary Punjim-loc reach-perf-3f.sg we Madgao reach-impf-obl upto ‘By the time we reached Madgao, Mary had reached Punjim.’

5.3.3.3 Future perfect In situations in which English has a future perfective verb phrase, Konkani uses either the prospective marker ‑təl on the main verb (§ 5.3.5), as in Example (50), or the auxiliary as inflected for future tense (51). (50) tũ phalyã agra paw-ta-sər mohən dilli paw-təl-o ʈʃ you tomorrow Agra reach-impf-pp:till Mohan Delhi reach-pros-3m.sg ‘Tomorrow by the time you reach Agra, Mohan would have reached Delhi.’ kumar nhind-ũn pəʠ-l-a as-ət (51) ma-ka dis-t-a I-dat think-impf-sg Kumar sleep-comp v2-prp-3m.sg be-fut ‘I think Kumar will have already slept.’ (52) phuʠlya wərsa maya mhəy-ny-at ə ʃila-tso meʠikəl-tso next year Maya month-obl-pp:in Sheela-poss.m.sg medical-poss.m.sg kors sop-təl-o course-m.sg finish-pros-3m.sg ‘Next year in May, Sheela will have completed her medical course.’ (53) 2030 meren inʠiya-tʃi loksəŋkhya ek-se ʈʃaḷs koṭi-tʃer India-poss population-f.sg one-hundred forty crore-pp:on 2030 till paw-təl-i reach-pros-3f.sg ‘By 2030 India’s population will have reached 140 crore.’

Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 119



5.3.3.4 Past habitual The past habitual is expressed by using the imperfective-perfective marker. (54) mədzo/meʤʤo (Mang.) mama am-tʃẽ kəʠen my maternal.uncle .our-poss at pəʠi-ll-o as-tal-o stay.lazily-2nd perf-3msg be-impfperf-3msg ‘My mother’s brother used to stay lazily at our place.’

5.3.4 Second perfective (pluperfect) Gemination of two perfect markers, that is, ‑ll, makes the second perfective. In the Christian variety ə is inserted between the two, giving the marker ‑ləl. The second perfective is used for past perfective/pluperfect. It follows the same paradigm as that of the perfective. In the following table, the second alternant is from the Christian variety: Table 5.13  Nominative subject agreement of rig ‘enter’   1

m

 

f

 

n

2

m

 

f

 

n

Singular

Plural

hãw rigi-ll-õ (Christ.) hãw rig-ləl-õ I enter-2nd perf-1m.sg ‘I had entered.’ hãw rigi-ll-ĩ (Christ) hãw rig-ləl-ĩ I enter-2nd perf-1f.sg ‘I had entered.’ hãw rigi-ll-ẽ (Christ.) hãw rig-ləl-ẽ I enter-2nd perf-1n.sg ‘I had entered.’

ami rigi-ll-e ami rig-ləl-yâw we enter-2nd perf-1m.pl ‘We had entered.’ ami rigi-ll-yo ami rig-ləl-yâw we enter-2nd perf-1f.pl ‘We had entered.’ ami rigi-ll-ĩ ami rig-ləl-yâw we enter-2nd perf-1n.pl ‘We had entered.’

tũ rigi-ll-o (Christ.) tũ rig-ll-õ you enter-2nd perf-2m.sg ‘You had entered.’ tũ rigi-ll-i (Christ.) tũ rig-ləl-iy you enter-2nd perf-2f.sg ‘You had entered.’ tũ rigi-ll-ẽ (Christ.) tũ rig-ləl-ẽy you enter-2nd perf-2n.sg ‘You had entered.’

tumi rigi-ll-e tumi rig-ləl-yat you enter-2nd perf-2m.pl ‘You had entered.’ tumi rigi-ll-yo tumi rig-ləl-yat you enter-2nd perf-2f.pl ‘You had entered.’ tumi rii-ll-ĩ tumi rig-ləl-yât you enter-2nd perf-2n.pl ‘You had entered.’

(continued)

120 Konkani

Table 5.13  (continued)   3

m

 

f

 

n

Singular

Plural

tɔ rigi-ll-o (Christ) tɔ rig-ləl-o he enter-2nd perf-3m.sg ‘He had entered.’ ti rigi-ll-I (Christ) ti rig-ləl-i she enter-2nd perf-3f.sg ‘She had entered.’ tẽ rigi-ll-ẽ (Christ) tẽ rig-ləl-ẽ it enter-2nd perf-3n.sg ‘It had entered.’

te rigi-ll-e te rig-ləl-e they enter-2nd perf-3n.pl ‘They had entered.’ tyɔ rigi-ll-yo tyɔ rig-ləl-yo they enter-2nd perf-3f.pl ‘They had entered.’ tĩ rigi-ll-ĩ tĩ rig-ləl-ĩ they enter-2nd perf-3n.pl ‘They had entered.’

In past perfective, the second perfective marker shows an action prior to another action in the past or a past event. (55) dusrya məhayudd-ã-t nəwin ləʃkər-ã-t bhərti second world.war-obl-loc Navin army-obl-loc phrv joining dza-ll-o ˜ ʤa-ll-o become-2nd perf-3msg ‘Navin had joined the army in World War II.’ (56) wəyni, rətna meḷi-ll-ẽ ge adz Sister.in.law.voc Ratna meet-2nd perf-3n.sg voc today ‘Oh sister-in-law, (I) had met Ratna today.’ (57) nərendrənath-a-k pɔʈdukhitʃẽ duyẽs dza-l-ẽ. Narendranath-obl-dat stomach-ache illness.n.sg happen-perf-3nsg bərots kaḷ duyet pəʠi-ll-yan tɔ samko əʃəktuy long time phrv: ill fall-2nd perf-pp he completely weak dza-ll-o. t-ya sumar-a-k become-2nd perf-3m.sg that-obl approximate.time-obl-dat wiʃwənathbabu raypur nãw-a-tʃ-a eka ʃar-a-t raw-pak Vishvanathbabu Raypur name-poss-obl one city-obl-loc live-desi ge-ll-o. go-2nd perf-3msg ‘Narendranath suffered from stomach-ache. Since he had suffered for a long time, he had become very feeble. During that time Vishvanathbabu had gone to settle in a city called Raypur.’

Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 121



(58) khaṇ wewəsay-a-tʃer adharit aʃi-ll-e lok-ãn-tʃe mine occupation-obl- on dependent be-2nd perf-pl people-obl-pl-poss dhənd-e bənd dza-l-yat occupation-pl closed become-prp-3pl ‘The occupations of people who have been dependant on the mining industry have come to a standstill.’ (59) rəʤ-e-so dis mhəṇ ma-ka kəḷit na hə-ll-ẽ holiday-obl-poss day conj I-dat adj:informed neg be-2nd perf-nsg ‘I had not been informed that it was a holiday.’

Notice that the second perfective form is often used as non-finite, especially as an adjective; for example aʃi-ll-e in sentence (58) above. 5.3.5 Prospective4 The prospective aspect is marked with ‑təl. Konkani grammarians call this form the ‘definite future’. The main verb can be followed by a zero present or by the auxiliary as ‘be’. The prospective often shows more certainty or speaker’s intention than future. The intransitive verb agrees with the direct subject and the transitive verb agrees with the unmarked object in gender, number and person. Table 5.14  Nominative subject agreement of rig ‘enter’  

Singular

Plural ami rig-təl-e (Christ.) ami rig-təl-yãw we enter-pros-1m.pl ‘We are going to enter’ ami rig-təl-yo (Christ) ami rig-təl-yãw we enter-pros-1f.pl ‘We are going to enter’

1

m

hãw rig-təl-õ I enter-pros-1m.sg ‘I am going to enter’

 

f

hãw rig-təl-ĩ I enter-pros-1f.sg ‘I am going to enter’

2

m

tũ rig-təl-o you enter-pros-2m.sg ‘You are going to enter’

tumi rig-təl-e (Christ) tumi rig-təl-yãw you enter-pros-2m.pl ‘You are going to enter’

(continued) 4. Traditional grammarians make a difference between simple future and prospective. What we have termed as future is for them indefinite future and what we have called prospective is for them definite future. However, the distinction between certainty and uncertainty is not maintained in their use.

122 Konkani

Table 5.14  (continued)  

Singular

Plural tumi rig-təl-yo (Christ) tumi rig-təl-yãw you enter-pros-2f.pl ‘You are going to enter’ tumi rig-təl-ĩ (Christ) tumi rig-təl yãw you enter-pros-2n.pl ‘You are going to enter’

 

f

tũ rig-təl-I you enter-pros-2f.sg ‘You are going to enter’

 

n

tũ rig-təl-ẽ you enter-pros-2n.sg ‘You are going to enter’

3

m

tɔ rig-təl-o he enter-pros-3m.sg ‘He is going to enter’

te rig-təl-e they enter-pros-3m.pl ‘They are going to enter’

 

f

ti rig-təl-I she enter-pros-3f.sg ‘She is going to enter’

tyɔ rig-təl-yo you enter-pros-3f.pl ‘They are going to enter’

 

n

tẽ rig-təl-ẽ it enter-pros-3n.sg ‘It is going to enter’

tĩ rig-təl-ĩ they enter-pros-3n.pl ‘They are going to enter’

Two observations can be made about the prospective aspect: – In the Manglore variety, the final vowel in the first person masculine and feminine is not nasalized, and this tendency is found in the speech of young generations using standard Konkani. – In the Manglore variety, all plurals have only one form: rig-təl-i. The following examples illustrate this form. (60) khadzgi wewəsthapən-ã-k sərkar-a-n ritsər pərwangi private establishment-obl.pl-dat government-obl-erg formal permission di-l-ya uprãnu-ts ho ədhikar wapər-pak meḷ-təl-o give-perf-obl after-part this right.3m.sg use-desi get-pros-3m.sg ‘Private establishments will get this right only after the government gives them formal permission.’ (61) puṇ tũ nokəri kər-təl-ẽ apl-ya pãy-a-r ubẽ but you job do-pros-2n.sg your-obl foot-obl-loc phr.v raw-təl-ẽ əʃẽ hãw ta-tʃ-a mən-a-t it-poss-obl mind-obl-loc stand.independently-pros-2n.sg like.this I ʈhəsəy-tal-ẽ impress-impfperf-3n.sg But I would try to impress upon her mind that if she got a job, she would be on her own.’



Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 123

(62) tenna-ts bhas wəyər sərə-təl-i ani then-part language phrv:up move-pros-3f.sg and true-obl khər-ya ərth-a-n waʈ-ʈəl-i meaning-inst-pp: by grow-pros-3f.sg Then alone will language rise up and grow. (63) bænʠeǰ kər-pak, inʤekʃən diw-pak bi haŋg-tʃi ek phrv bandage-desi phr.v: injection give -desi also here-poss one nərs ye-təl-i nurse come-pros-3f.sg ‘One nurse from here will come for dressing and giving injection.’ hãw sərw-ãŋ-k (64) falya səkaḷ-i hi gəʤal muʤʤhẽ ghər-ã tomorrow morning-loc this thing my.n home-loc I all-obl.pl-dat saŋ-təl-õ (Mang.) tell-pros-1m.sg ‘Tomorrow morning this piece of news I am going to tell all at my home.’ (65) ərdzədar-ãŋ-k tenna-ts fɔrm upləbd kər-ũn applicant-obl.pl-dat then-part form.pl phrv: upload do- comp di-təl-e ʤenna t-ãn-tʃe kəʠen patrətay-e-tso v2-pros-pl when they-obl-poss pp:to eligibility-obl-poss.m.sg purawo as-təl-o evidence.3m.sg be-pros-3m.sg ‘Forms will be made available to applicants only when they have evidence for eligibility.’

The prospective is also used in the apodosasis of conditionals: (66) atã rəʠ-p-a-tʃe bənd na dzalyr tu-ka hãw kol-ya-k now cry-inf-obl-poss stopped neg then you-dat I fox-obl-dat di-wən soʠ-təl-õ give-coml v2-pros-1m.sg ‘If your crying does not stop, I am going to give you to a fox.’

The following table provides a comparison of future forms with the prospective forms:

124 Konkani

Table 5.15  Nominative subject agreement of as ‘be’   1   2     3    

Singular m f m f n m f n

Future

Prospective

asən asən aʃʃi aʃʃi Ašši asət asət asət

astəlõ astəlĩ astəlo astəli astəlẽ astəlo astəli astəlẽ

 

Plural Future

  asũ asũ aʃʃat aʃʃat aʃʃat astit astit astit

Prospective astəle astəlyo astəle astəlyo astəlĩ astəlo astəlyo astəlĩ

5.3.6 Inceptive The inceptive aspect is formed by adding ‑ũ to V1, which is followed by lag as V2, forming a quasi-aspectual (67a). The inceptive may also be expressed by adding the desiderative marker pak ˜ ũk ˜ čak to V1 followed by lag or law (67b). In both cases, the subject is in the nominative. The following examples illustrate these possibilities. gopal rəʠ-ũ lag-lo Gopal cry-incp v2.perf-3m.sg ‘Gopal began to cry.’   b. gopal rəʠ-pak lag-lo Gopal cry-desi v2.perf-3m.sg ‘Gopal began to cry.’ (67) a.

The phrasal verb suruwat or suru kər preceded by a noun or a verb in the desiderative is also used for expressing the inceptive. The phrasal verb is transitive and the subject is marked ergative in the perfective. The use of desiderative forms is not possible in the Manglore variety. taṇẽ kam sur- ũ ke-l-ẽ he.erg phrv begin- incp do- perf-3nsg ‘He began working / doing work.’   b. taṇẽ kam suru-pak ke-l-ẽ he.erg work-3n.sg begin- desi do- perf-3nsg ‘He began working / doing work.’ (68) a.

(69) rənʤu nənhənd-e-tʃe guṇ ga-wək lag-l-ẽ Ranju.n sister.in.law-obl-poss quality.pl sing-desi v2-perf-3n.sg ‘Ranju began praising the qualities of her sister-in–law.’

Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 125



(70) mars mhəin-ã thãwn ubaḷ-a-tʃẽ dis suru dza-t-at March month-loc from summer-obl-poss day.pl phrv begin-impf-pl ‘Hot summer days start from the month of March.’ (71) khasa yewʤəṇ yha wərs-ã sərkar-a-n tsal-ik lay-l-i special scheme this year government-obl-erg start-desi v2-perf-3f.sg ‘The government has launched a new scheme this year.’

Unlike Marathi, the inceptive in Konkani is used as an alternant to desiderative for expressing a strong prediction, desire or wish, intention, blessing, etc.5 adz pawəs pəʠ-ũ dzay today rain fall-incp want ‘It should rain today.’   b. adz pawəs pəʠ-ũk dzay today rain fall-desi want ‘It should rain today.’   c. adz pawəs pəʠ-ək dzay (Christ.) today rain fall-desi want ‘It should rain today.’ (72) a.

5.3.7 Completive The completive aspect is marked by ũn ˜ ən ˜ n to indicate that the action is complete. Notice that the perfective aspect ‑l refers to the occurrence of the event in the past time in a finite verb form. The completive aspect simply shows the completion of the action indicated by the verb. The verb is in the non-fin form; as such, the completive does not function as a past tense marker. It is used in quasi-aspectuals with V1 which again does not carry the tense. (§ 3.4.2.2). The following examples illustrate this form.

5. I have already noted that the ‑uk form shows a relation between desiderative and inceptive. For the expression in (ia), the Christian variety allows the alternant in (ib). In the permissive mood, the same alternant occurs. (i) a.   b.

adz pawəs pəʠ-ũk dzay today rain fall-desi v2.perf ‘It should rain today’ adz pawəs pəʠ-ũ dzay (Christ.) today rain fall-inf v2.perf ‘It should rain today.’

126 Konkani

(73) tũ ga-wũn ma-ka tras di-t-a you sing-compl i-dat phr.v disturb-impf-2sg ‘You are disturbing me by singing.’ (74) məhəsul waʠ-i-če nəw-e marg sod-ũn wiŋgəʠ wiŋgəʠ revenue increase-obl-poss new-pl way.pl find-compl different different dzag-ya-r dzaw-pi məhəsul gəḷti thambo-wən,   place-obl-loc happen-inf revenue leakage stop-compl previous-f thəki-ll-i wəsuli kər-ũn ani remain-perf-f phrv: recovery do- compl and administrative expenses prəʃaskiy khərts uṇo kər-ũn ami hẽ phrv: recovery do-compl and phrv: less/minus do-compl we this : kər-ũk paw-l-yat v1-do-desi v2-perf-2pl ‘By finding new ways for revenue, stopping the leakage in revenue collection at various places, collecting the dues and by curtailing administrative expenditure, we managed to achieve this.’ (75) na-dzalyar gho bayəl as-ũn fukəṭ neg-then husband woman be-compl vain ‘Without a husband being a woman is futile.’

The following table illustrates the attributive use of aspectual forms. Table 5.16  Attributive use of aspectuals hatak meḷ-ət tĩ pustək-ã hand-dat obtain-impf those book-pl

‘whichever books (he) gets’

ye-t-o – we-t-o mənis come-impf-3msg-redup-impf-3msg man

‘every passing person’

Perfective

me-l-o mənis die-perf-3msg man

‘dead person’

 

as-l-o nəs-l-o mal exist-perf-3msg neg-exist-perf-3msg goods

‘goods that are available or unavailable’

Prospective

tsal-təl-ya gaʠ-ier move-prosp-obl train-loc

‘in a moving train’

 

wats-təl-o kosko (Mang)

‘a boy who is reading’

Imperfective  

ge-ll-ya pan-ãn-tso rutu 2nd Perfective dzhəʠun v1fall-compl v2:go2nd perf leaf-obl-poss season

‘the season of fallen leaves’

 

ghudãt dhãp-lel-o kombo shed-pp shut-2nd perf-3msg cock

‘a cock shut in a shed’

 

ayi-ll-ya əriʃʈ-a-tʃi kəlpəna come-2nd perf-3sg calamity-obl-poss.f idea-fsg

‘idea of the calamity that had come’

Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 127



Table 5.16  (continued) Infinitive*

bhəyṇi-lĩ bhurgĩ mar-pi kəũs sister-obl-poss child-npl kill-inf Kaus

‘Kaus who kills the children of his sister’

 

arthik bəḷ purow-pa-tʃi wewəstha financial strength supply-inf-poss.f system.fsg

‘system of providing financial strength’

* Where Konkani uses the infinitive ‑әp form as attributive, Marathi uses the prospective ‑ṇar form.

These forms are inflected for gender and number. The following table shows the prospective non-finite verb forms for illustration Table 5.17  Prospective non-finite verb-form  

Singular

Plural

m

has-təl-o kosk-o laugh-pros-msg boy-msg ‘laughing boy’

has-təl-e kosk-e laugh-pros-pl boy-pl ‘laughing boys’

f

has-təl-i kosk-i laugh-pros-fsg girl-fsg ‘laughing girl’

has-təl-yo kosk-yo laugh-pros-fpl girl-fpl ‘laughing girls’

n

has-təl-ẽ bhurg-ẽ laugh-pros-nsg child-nsg ‘laughing child’

has-təl-ĩ bhurg-ĩ laugh-pros-npl child-npl ‘laughing children’

5.4

Mood

Konkani verbs distinguish five moods: the imperative, the hortative, the desiderative, the permissive, and the conditional. 5.4.1 Imperative The imperative pervades all three persons. The basic imperative morpheme is ‑ũ, with certain morphological variations. In the first person, it is used to ask permission. In the third person, it expresses a wish, a situation that would produce the desired thing. The true imperative in the sense of an order, command or request is is confined to second person only. In the singular it uses the bare verbal stem. In the plural the verb is marked by ‑at, incurring certain morphological changes in the verbal stem as noted below. The verb is inflected for number and person.

128 Konkani

Table 5.18  Imperative mood   bəs ‘sit’

kər ‘do’

kha ‘eat’

law ‘stick, smear’

wats ‘read’

1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3

Singular

Plural

bəs-ũ bəs˜ bəʃ-i (Mang) bəs-ũ kər-ũ kər ˜ kər-i (Mang) kər-ũ kha-wũ / kha-wə kha kha-wũ / kha-wə law-ũ / law-ə lay law-ũ / law-ə wats-ũ wats˜ watʃi (Mang) wats-ũ

bəs-ũ ˜ bəʃ-ã (Christ.) bəs-at ˜ bəs-ati (Mang.) ˜ bəs-a (Christ.) bəs-ũ kər-ũ kər-at ˜ kər-ati (Mang.) ˜ kər-a (Christ.) kər-ũ kha-wũ / kha-wə khay-at / kha-ya (Christ.) kha-wũ / kha-wə law-ũ / law-ə lay-at ˜ lay-ati (Mang.) ˜ lay-a (Christ.) law-ũ / law-ə wats-ũ wats-at ˜ wats-ati (Mang.) ˜ wats-a (Christ.) wats=ũ

The following observations can be made about the imperative mood: – In the second person singular of law, y replaces w and it occurs in the plural when the verb ends in a vowel. – In the Manglore variety, verbs ending in a consonant optionally take i at the end in the second person. The following examples illustrate the use of the imperative mood. (76) polis-a-k apəy police-obl-dat call.imp.2sg ‘Call the police.’ (77) ʃedzar-ya-k mədət kər-a neighbour-obl-dat phrv: help do-imp.2pl ‘ Help your neighbour.’ (78) atã wəts naka; mhəʤe bərobər yo (Mang.) now go-imp.2sg neg; me.poss with come.imp.2sg ‘Don’t go now; come with me.’ (79) bhayər wəts piʃ-ẽ embor-a  out go.imp.2sg fool-voc go.away-imp ‘Get out you fool!’

(Portugese borrowing)



Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 129

(80) hãw kha-ũ (Mang.) hãw kha-ũwẽ eat-imp.1sg I ‘Shall I eat?’ (81) nəw-i kranti ghəʠ-ũ new-fsg revolution.f.sg happen-imp.3sg ‘Let there be a new revolution.’

5.4.2 Hortative6 The hortative mood is used to ask permission to do something. Unlike Marathi, Konkani does not have a distinct first person inclusive pronoun that is used as subject; instead it uses the first person plural pronoun ami ‘we’. The hortative expresses the sense of a plea, that is, ‘let us’. The verb is marked by the suffix ‑ũ followed by ‑ya. The following examples illustrate the hortative: (82) ami kam kər-ũya we work do-hort ‘Let’s do some work.’ (83) ami t-aŋ-ger tʃar dis raw-ũya we that-obl-loc four day.pl stay-hort ‘Let’s stay on those for four days.’ (84) ami amb-e kha-wũya (Mang.) ami amb-e kha-wũyet we mango-pl eat-hort ‘Let’s eat mangoes.’

5.4.3 Desiderative/subjunctive The desiderative, also called subjunctive in traditional grammar, is marked by ‑tʃ. The transitive verb may take a nominative or an ergative subject, although with a certain semantic difference. The nominative subject indicates the optative sense. The ergative has an epistemic value. The transitive verb always agrees with the subject whether in the nominative case or in the ergative case. The subject of the intransitive verb is in the nominative case and the verb agrees with it. The verb is inflected for gender, number and person. The following table shows the desiderative/subjunctive paradigm for the verb kər ‘do’. 6. In Marathi hortative form of a verb is formed by adding the inceptive marker ‑ũ to the verb, which is followed by the imperative form of ye ‘come’, which is ya. This does not hold for Konkani as ya is not the normal imperative form of Konkani ya ‘come’.

130 Konkani

Table 5.19  kər ‘do’: Desiderative/subjunctive 1     2     3    

m f n m f n m f n

kər-ts-õ kər-tʃ-ĩ kər-tʃ-ẽ kər-ts-o kər-tʃ-i kər-tʃ-ẽ kər-ts-o kər-tʃ-i kər-tʃ-ẽ

kər-tʃ-e kər-tʃ-i kər-tʃ-ĩ kər-tʃ-e kər-tʃ-i kər-tʃ-ĩ kər-tʃ-e kər-tʃ-i kər-tʃ-ĩ

If we set aside nasalization, the desiderative/subjunctive has only three forms: kərtso, kərtʃi and kərtʃe. The inflectional markers are the same as they are for the perfective aspect. The desiderative/subjunctive brings about morphological changes in some verbs, for example kha ‘eat’> khatso; mag ‘request’ > magtso, but in the third person singular magpatʃẽ or magtʃelẽ. magtso implies urging but magpatʃẽ implies that though the request is binding, it is not desirable. The following examples illustrate the use of the desiderative/subjunctive: (85) budda-tʃ-e spout: hãw fəʈiŋgpəṇã kər-ts-õ na; hãw Buddha-poss-m.pl oath.pl I fraud do-desi-1m.sg neg I praṇghat kər-ts-õ na killing do-desi-1msg neg ‘Buddha’s oaths: I will not commit fraud; I will not resort to killing.’ (86) kõŋkṇi ʃikʃək hi ek kõŋkṇi-tʃi bəḷiʃʈ ʃəkt ˜ ʃəkti Konkani teachers this.f one Konkani-poss strong force dzaw-tʃ-i become-desi-3fsg ‘May the organisation ‘Konkani Shikshak’ be a strong force of Konkani.’ (87) gaʠi weḷ-a-r paw-tʃ-i əʃi aʃa-sa train.f.sg time-obl-loc reach-desi-fsg this.kind.f.sg hope.be-perf(3sg) ‘Hope the train would reach on time.’ (88) ʃik-ət as-təna ta-ṇẽ khub kəwita wats-ts-o learn-impf be-impf he-erg many poem.f.pl read-desi-3m.sg ‘He should read lots of poems while he is taking education.’ (89) a.

aibap-a-k man di-ũk mother.father-obl-dat respect.m.sg give-desid ‘Parents are to be respected.’

Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 131



b. aibap-a-k man mother.father-obl-dat respect.m.sg   c. aibap-a-k man mother.father-obl-dat respect.m.sg ‘Parents are to be respected.’  

diw-pak give-desid diw-ts-o give-desi-3m.sg

The non-finite form of the desiderative takes the marker pak ˜ tʃak ˜ ũk.7 Usually it is used in a v1+v2 construction in which v2 is dzaw ‘become; happen’. The desiderative in this non-finite form expresses a prediction, a wish, etc. (90) adz pawəs pəʠ-ũk adz pawəs pəʠ-pak adz pawəs pəʠ-tʃak today rain fall-desi ‘It should rain today.’

ʤay (Mang.) ʤay ʤay v2perf

(91) tuḷəs ghər-a-samkar as-pak dzay basil house-obl-pp be-desi v2-perf ‘There should be a basil plant in front of the house.’ (92) tumi ərdz kər-ũk ʃək-t-at you application do-desi v2-impf-2pl ‘You can apply.’

5.4.4 Permissive The permissive mood is confined to first and third person. It employs the inceptive suffix ‑ũ and is followed by di ‘give’ in the sense of ‘let’ (93a). An alternant to this is the addition of the desiderative marker pak after the ũ (93b). te-ka bhitər ye-w di he-dat inside come-perm give.imp ‘Let him come in.’   b. te-ka bhitər ye-w-pak di he-dat inside come-perm-desi give. imp ‘Let him come in.’   c. te-ka bhitər ye-w-ni (Christ) he-dat inside come-perm- give. imp ‘Let him come in.’ (93) a.

7. Desiderative ‑ũk is closely related to the inceptive ‑ũ. It is significant that in many quasi-aspectuals and quasi-modals they are interchangeable. Katre (1966) considers the desiderative ‑uk marker a combination of the inceptive (for him the infinitive) ‑u and the and the dative marker ‑k. No other Konkani grammarian has discussed the emergence of desiderative markers ‑pak, -tʃak or ‑ũk. I335 

I41 

132 Konkani

tũ ma-ka dilli raũ-di you I-dat Delhi stay-perm ‘Allow me to stay in Delhi.’ (Mang.)   b. tũ ma-ka dilli wəs-ũ-de you I-dat Delhi stay-perm- give.imp ‘Allow me to stay in Delhi.’ (94) a.

kəmitkəmi hẽ tʃeʠũ dzəg-u-di. this.n.sg girl.n.sg live-incp-perm at least ‘At least (O God) let this girl survive!’   b. kɚməskəm hẽ tʃəʠwə ʤi-ũ disa (Mang.) this.n.sg girl.n.sg be.alive-perm give.imp at.least ‘At least (O God) let this girl survive! (95) a.

5.4.5 Conditional The conditional mood marker is ‑lyar, which is not inflected for gender or number. It is often used with dza ‘happen’. The dzalyar form makes the protasis: (96) tũ ata rəʠ-p-a-tʃẽ bənd nə dzalyar tu-ka hãw you now cry-inf-obl-poss phrv: closed neg cond you-dat I kol-ya-k diw-ən soʠ-təl-õ fox-obl-dat v1give-compl v2-pros-1m.sg ‘If you don’t stop crying now I am going to give you to a fox.’ (97) kha-iʃi dza-ler ti-a-ts dis-ã mər-təl-oy eat-fut.2sg happen-cond that-obl-part day-loc die-pros-2msg ‘If you will eat (it) then on that day itself you will die.’ (98) ta-ṇẽ kam ke-l-ẽ dza-lyar ta-ṇẽ kam he-erg work.n.sg do-perf-3n.sg happen-cond he-erg work.n.sg ke-l-ẽ ke-lyar ta-ka duʠu meḷ-təl-o do-perf-3n.sg do-cond he-dat money.m get-pros-3m.sg ‘If he completes the work he will get money.’ (99) dhəl-lyar caw-ta soḷ-ḷyar pəḷ-ʈas catch-cond bite-impf.3sg set.free-cond run.away-impf.3sg ‘If (you) catch (it) it bites, if (you) set it free (it) runs away.’

The 2nd Perfective is commonly used when the conditional is counter-factive, as in the following example:



Chapter 5.  Tense, aspect and mood 133

(100) mhədzo awəy-bapuy əndʃrədd-e-k bəḷi My.m mother-father.pl blind.faith-onl-dat phr.v:victim pəʠi-ll-o dza-lyar amtʃ-a kuʈumb-a-k thirta-y fall-2nd perf- pl happen-cond our-obl family-obl-dat stability.f-part kenna-ts meḷ-tʃ-i n-as-l-i at.no.time get-desi-f neg-be-perf-f ‘If my parents had fallen pray to blind faith, our family would never have achieved stability.’

Using the pair of subordinating conjunctions dzər… tər ‘if … then’ is another way of expressing the conditional: (101) awəy-bapay-k dzər hãw-ẽ wirod kər-ũk mother-father-obl.dat if I-erg phrv:opposition do-desi n-aʃi-ll-õ tər mhəʤẽ kuʈumb ayədz ubənt neg-be-2nd perf-1msg then my.n family.n today phrv: shelterless pəʈ-ʈəl-ẽ aʃi-ll-ẽ fall-pros-3n.sg be-pros-3n.sg ‘If I had not opposed my parents (that time), then my family would have been on the street today.’

The desiderative forms of dza ‘happen; become’ and mhəṇ ‘say, call’ are grammaticalized as conditionals: (102) dza-lyar, ghər-tʃi ek təri tsəli madri dzawt-ʃi become-cond household-poss one at.least girl nun become-desi əso ek nem this.type one rule ‘And then there was a rule that at least one girl from each household should be a nun.’ (103) səttyəwəti-tso bapuy ‘dhiwər’ mhə-ḷyar kharwi Sattyavati-poss father ‘dhivar’ mean-cond fisherman ‘Sattyavati’s father (was) a diwar, which means ‘a fisherman.’ ’

134 Konkani

5.5

Summary

The following observations can be made about tense and aspect in Konkani: – There is little clear-cut morphological distinction between tense and aspect. Finite verbs containing only the imperfective aspect marker ‑t or the perfective aspect marker ‑l leads to the postulation of a Ø (zero) tense-marker. Considering that future tense has an explicit marker (‑t with a suppletive ‑ʃ, -u, or ‑n), one can argue for a future/non-future system for Konkani. Another way of looking at it is to treat the future as a mood. Then Konkani will have only aspect markers and mood markers and no tense. A third way is to to consider the anteriority, simultaneity or posteriority of the act to the speech momet and name ‑t aspect marker SIMUL, ‑l ANT and the future marker POST. – The ‘past relevant to present’, which is a distinctive characteristic of Konkani, is also marked by ‑l like the perfective. The same is true of the past progressive marker tal (impfperf) which is a combination of the imperfective ‑t and the perfective ‑l. Semantically the combination is convincing. ‑t is a marker in future tense and the second perfective aspect is ‑ll. The prospective, which is a type of future, is marked by təl. All these things point to the morphological integration of aspect and tense. – Like Marathi (Dhongde 1984), tense and mood are integrated in Konkani. (For example the prospective indicates future time as well as the modal notion of intention.) It has a complex structure of the Aux. This complex structure compensates for the absence of a modal verb. Dhongde (1984) argues that tensemode is the only obligatory element in the Aux-Fin (finite verb form) in Marathi; that applies to Konkani too. The Aux-Non-Fin (non finite verb form) does not contain tensemode. The term ‘tensemode’ in Dhongde (1984) indicates this notional integration. For example, in Konkani all quasi-modals contain an aspectual marker. The prospective təl expresses the temporal notion of future time and the modal notion of intention.

Chapter 6

Other parts of speech

6.1

Introduction

In previous chapters, Konkani nouns, adjectives and verbs have been presented. This chapter focuses on the other parts of speech in Konkani: adverbs (basic and derived, as well as their semantic classification), postpositions (including position, subtypes and compound postpositions), conjunctions (coordinating, subordinating and adsentential), assertive and intensifying particles, interjections and vocative particles. 6.2 Adverb Adverbs in Konkani modify verbs, adjectives, other adverbs and sentences. Basic adverbs are few in number, but adverbs derived from nouns, pronouns, adjectives, verbs and other adverbs form a large class. There are different types of postpositions (abbreviated here as pp) in Konkani, from case-markers to free forms. These are discussed with examples. At the end of the chapter, conjunctions, particles and interjections are presented. 6.2.1 Basic adverbs These adverbs are neither derived nor inflected. Some of them function as intensifiers when they modify adjectives. Normally adverbs, especially temporal and manner adverbs, occur before the verb and temporal adverbs occur at the beginning of a sentence. But adverbs can be moved to different positions depending on the focus and topic of the sentence as well as on pragmatic considerations. Some examples follow. (1) a. tsəʠ, khub ‘very’ b. thərt ‘very much’ c. həḷu, sawkas, lhəw, lhəwu ‘slow, slowly’ d. ʤust ‘exactly’ e. ekdəm ‘all of a sudden, altogether’ f. pəyəs ‘aside, away’

136 Konkani

g. wəyər ‘up, atop’ h. sədã ‘always’ i. adz / ayədz ˜ aʤi (Mang.) ‘today’ j. kal ˜ kali (Mang.) ‘yesterday’ k. ʃekĩ ‘finally’ l. ədzun ‘till now’ m. mukhar ‘in front, ahead’ n. hərʃi ‘usually’ o. sərəḷ / fida (Christ.) ‘straight’ p. fəkət ‘only’ q. sumar ‘approximately’ r. legit ‘also, too’ s. mədzgəti ‘at the core’ t. nimṇaṇẽ ‘finally’ u. begin ˜ uksar (Gawdi) ‘early’ v. əwdũ (Christ.) ‘this year’ w. amger ‘at our place’ x. wəyletsarak ‘ostensibly’ y. tsõywəʃin ’around’ z. mudzrət ‘purposely’ aa. mhəryãt ˜ bəgol, bore ‘(Gawdi) ‘near’ ab. nikhaləs ‘surely’ ac. pərti ˜ pərtẽ ‘again’ ad. aʃikuʃik ‘in the surroundings, here and there’ ae. kəʠek ‘aside’ af. pelyan ‘beyond’

6.2.2 Derived adverbs and adverb phrases As in Marathi, many adjectives can be used as adverbs in Konkani as well. This is a characteristic of Indo-Aryan languages. In Chapter 5 (§ 5.3.7 Table 5.16), the use of a non-finite verb form with aspect markers as an adjective is discussed. This form is also used as an adverb, which is again a typical Indo-Aryan characteristic. Nouns with locative case-markers and compound nouns can also form adverbs in Konkani. 6.2.2.1 Noun based By adding affixes to nouns or by compounding nouns, adverbs are derived. (2) a. rat ‘night’, dis ’day’ > ratdis ‘day and night’ b. adz ‘today’, kal ’yesterday’ > adzəykal ‘these days’ c. aram ‘ comfort, ease’ > aramʃir ‘at ease, comfortably’)



Chapter 6.  Other parts of speech 137

Often, these employ an affix or a postposition. When a postposition is added, the noun takes an oblique marker followed by the postposition. The postpositions are in bold type. (3) a. sə̃wʃəy ‘doubt’> ni-sə̃wʃəy ‘undoubtedly’ b. kaḷ ‘time’ > ə-kaḷi ‘untimely’ c. khəṇʠ ‘part’ > ə-khəṇʠ ‘incessantly’ d. wərs ‘year’ > wərs-war ‘every year’ e. fantyapar ‘break of day’ > fanty-ar ‘at the break of day’ f. səkaḷ ‘morning’ > səkaḷ-ĩ ‘in the morning’ g. ghər ‘house’ > ghər-aw-ʃi ‘near the house’ h. neʈ ‘force’ > neʈ-a-n ‘with force, forcefully’ i. kəʠ ‘side, edge’ > kəʠ-e-k ‘aside’.

6.2.2.2 Pronoun based In some cases, pronouns such as tẽ ‘that’, ʤẽ ‘what / which’, hẽ ‘this’ undergo phonological changes to form adverbs (e.g. ʤẽ ‘which’ > ʤenna ‘when’). In other cases, pronouns are followed by nouns (as in karṇ-a-n : reason-obl-erg ‘for the reason / because’). In the first case the adverbs are single words. In the second, they are phrases. (4) a. hatʃẽ karṇan ‘because of this’ b. ʤenna ‘where’ c. tenna ‘then’ d. ʤennadər ‘since the time’ e. təʃẽ ‘like that’ f. kəʃẽ ‘in what way’ g. hewʈen tewʈen ‘this way or that way’

6.2.2.3 Adjective based Adjectives may function as adverbs in their original forms, as shown by the examples in (5). (5) a. bərẽ ‘well’ (also qualifying adj. ‘good’) b. haʤir ‘present’ (also qualifying adj.) c. mattso˜ matʃẽ ‘a little’ (also quantifying adj.) d. təyar ‘ready’ (also qualifying adj.) e. sobit ‘beautifully’ (also qualifying adj. ‘beautiful’) f. kəmi ‘less’ (also quantifying adj.) g. sumar ‘approximately’ (also quantifying adj. ‘approximate’) h. cəʠ ‘more, very much’ (also a quantifying adj.’ extra’) i. sundər ‘beautifully’ (also a qualifying adj. ‘beautiful’) j. uləʈ ‘back/contrary’ (also a qualifying adj. ‘opposite) k. sarke ‘alright’ (also qualifying adj. ‘similar’)

138 Konkani

Adjectives may also employ a postposition (or a case marker) to form an adverbial. They are also formed by using various suffixes (see 7.3.2.1) (6) a.   b.   c.   d.   e.

moʈhy-a-n loud-obl-with ‘with loudness, loudly’ tsəʠ-ʃẽ more-with ‘mostly’ ek-dã one-sufx ‘once’ dusre-kəʠ-e-n other-side-obl-towards ‘elsewhere’ dhaʠs-a-n courage-obl-with ‘courageously’

Members of the inflected class of adjectives keep their inflected form in their adverbial function, e.g. bəro, bəri, bərẽ ‘good m/f/n’. The agreement is with the morphologically unmarked noun: (7) hɔ nibənd bər-o meḷ-ḷ-o this.m essay.m good-m find-perf-3sg ‘Good that/ Fortunately this essay was found.’ (8) hi kadəmbəri bər-i meḷ-ḷ-i good-f find- perf-3sg this.f novel.f ‘Good that his novel was found.’1 1. Notice the following sentences and the use of bərẽ in them: (i) ma-ka ek bər-o pustək di i-dat a/one good-msg book.msg give.imp ‘Give me a good book.’ In this sentence bəro is a qualifying adjective of pustək ‘book’. (ii) ayədz tᴐ̃ bər-o as-a today he well-3sg be-3sg ‘He is well today.’ In this sentence bərẽ is used as a predicative adjective. (iii) ayədz tᴐ̃ bərẽ gawtʃ-o today he well sing-desi-3msg ‘May he sing well today!’ Here bərẽ is an adverb.



Chapter 6.  Other parts of speech 139

(9) hẽ pustək bər-ẽ meḷ-ḷ- ẽ This.n book.n good- n find- perf-3sg ‘Good that this book was found.’

6.2.2.4 Verb based Adverbs derived from verbs employ various aspectual forms of verbs, but do not take any inflectional markers. (10) rig-tana˜ rig-tã ˜ rig-t-as-tana enter-impf(non-fin)   enter-impf-be-impf(non-fin) ‘while entering’ (11) rig-ũn enter-compl ‘having entered’ (12) rig-ət enter- impf ‘entering’.

6.2.3 Semantic classification2 Adverbs can be classified on the basis of the notions they express. The following classification of adverbs in Konkani is a semantic classification. In principle, a finer-grained set of categories that what is provided here would be possible. For example, adverbs such as phəʈaphəʈ ‘very fast’, lhəwũ, hagurə (Mang.)‘slowly’ could be called adverbs of speed and adverbs such as dukkhan ‘in sorrow’ could be classified as adverbs of reason. 6.2.3.1 Temporal adverbs Some examples of temporal adverbs follow in (13). (13) a. adz ˜ ayədz ‘today’ b. kal ˜ kali (Mang.) ‘yesterday’ c. fay, atã ˜ attã (Mang.)‘now’ d. porũ ‘last year’ e. falya ˜ fawsəy (Mang.) ‘tomorrow’ f. halĩts ‘lately’ 2. A fuller description would result in a more fine-grained classification of adverbs. One can talk about adverbs of reason, adverbs of speed, instrumental adverbs, destination adverbs, and so on. Adverbs such as fəkət, mat ‘only’, khərẽc ‘yes, certainly, indeed’ may belong to more than one class.

140 Konkani

g. əndũ ‘this year’ h. pəyər ‘day before yesterday’ i. pərwã ˜ pərã (Mang.) ‘day after tomorrow’ j. porũ ‘last year’ k. magir ˜ maʤir (Gawdi), kəḷawan, uprãnt ‘later, afterwards’ l. rokəʠʠẽ ‘immediately’ m. hedoḷ, whəʠəḷ ‘some time back’ n. keʠoḷ ‘how long’ o. kodek, ʃekĩ ‘finally’ p. fuʠã ‘in the future’ q. niktẽ ‘just now’ r. begin ˜ beʤin (Gawdi), wegĩ ˜ uksar (Gawdi) ‘early, soon’ s. ədzun ‘till now’ t. kenna ˜ ketta (Mang.) ‘when’, u. kennay ‘any time’ v. tenna, tədĩ ˜ tetta (Mang.) ‘then’ w. halĩ ‘recently, now-a-days’ x. halĩsərak ‘nowadays, these days’ y. begobeg ‘at once’ z. tʃikẽ ‘for a moment’ aa. purwĩ ‘in the past, formerly’ ab. sasṇak ‘for eternity’ ac. oʠoʠ (Gawdi) ‘a short while ago’ ad. dənpara ˜ donpara ‘at noon’ ae. səddã, neman ˜ nityəyi (Mang.) ‘always’ af. tard ‘late’(Portuguese).

6.2.3.2 Locative adverbs Some examples of locative adverbs follow in (14). (14) a. aylya, aro ‘on this side’ b. khə̃y, khũy, khəʠẽ (Mang.) ‘where’ c. thə̃y ˜ thyə̃ysər, thiŋga (Gawdi) thəyi (Mang.) ‘there’ d. pəyəs ˜ e (Gawdi) ‘away’ e. mədĩ ˜ mədẽ/intumodẽ (Gawdi)‘in,into’ f. hə̃y, hə̃ysər, hiŋga, hiŋgasər, haŋga, haŋgə, haŋgasər, hiṇyã, iŋgẽ (Gawdi) ‘here’ g. bhayər ‘outside’ h. bhitər ‘inside’ i. wãŋgʠa ‘together’ j. faʈĩ ‘behind; aback’ k. mukhar, idrari (Mang.) ‘in front of ’



Chapter 6.  Other parts of speech 141

l. wodzago, islo (Mang.) ‘at this place’ m. todzago, tislo (Mang.) ‘at that place’ n. thə̃y ˜ thə̃ysər ‘there’ o. səgḷyan ‘everywhere’ p. hikʠe ˜ hewʃĩ, yewʃĩ (Mang.) ‘on this side’ q. tikʠe ˜ tewʃĩ on that side’ r. fuʠẽ ‘ahead, forward’ s. tsoywəʃin ‘on all four sides’ t. bhõwtəṇi ‘around’

6.2.3.3 Manner adverbs Some examples of manner adverbs follow in (15). (15) a. nəkki, šert (Christ.) ‘certainly’ b. muddəm, muʤrət ‘purposely’ c. ʤust ‘exactly’ d. kəʃẽ ‘how’ e. əʃẽ, eʃẽ (Gawdi) ‘in this way’ f. lhəwũ, hagurə (Mang.)‘slowly’ g. beʈhẽ, beʃʈẽ ‘merely, simply’ h. somtẽ ‘directly’ i. samkẽ ‘completely’ j. tərarã, dzhəpdzhəp ‘quickly’ k. ghəʈaghəʈ, ghəʈaghəʈa, guʈuguʈu ‘(gulp) in haste’ l. paʠẽ ‘badly’ m. wiŋgəʠwiŋgəʠ ‘variously, differently’ n. əʃẽ ‘in this manner’ o. tsorəyã ‘stealthily’ p. turtak ‘for the moment’ q. kəʃẽbəʃẽ ‘with great difficulty, somehow’ r. apʃĩ, apoap ‘of one’s own’ s. apsuk ‘naturally, easily’ t. phəʈaphəʈ ‘very fast’ u. əthəkpəṇan ‘without being tired’ v. rəʠkuryã ‘almost crying’ w. hərʃĩ ‘casually’ x. bərẽ ‘well’ y. ghəsghəʃit ‘(raining) heavily’ z. lagĩ lagĩ ‘almost’ aa. sãŋgatãn, ekʈãy (Gawdi) ‘together’ ab. sarko ‘properly’ ac. ətʃəkit ‘suddenly’

142 Konkani

6.2.3.4 Frequentative adverbs Some examples of frequentative adverbs follow in (16). (16) a. pərətpərət, bəgər bəgər ‘again and again’ b. ekdã, idus (Gawdi) ‘once’ c. dondã, dupeʈ, dobral (Gawdi) ‘twice’ d. tibrad (Gawdi) ‘thrice’ e. ədĩmədĩ, kennakenna, kednay (Christ.) ‘sometimes’ f. khub fawʈĩ ‘often, many times’ g. həptyhəptyãn ‘in instalments’ h. hərgəʠi ‘every moment’ i. prətiwərs, dərek wərs ’every year’ j. tsəʠ kərun ‘mostly’ k. diswəʠ, prətidin ‘every day’ l. sədãnt,/tsəʠ kərun ‘usually’

6.2.3.5 Degree adverbs Some examples of degree adverbs follow in (17). (17) a. uṇyãt uṇẽ, kiman ‘at least’ b. ətiʃəy, khub ‘very much’ c. puroʃẽ ‘enough’ d. dzay titkẽ ‘as much as is required’ e. gərdzepurtẽ ‘sufficient’ f. matʃẽ ‘a little, partly’ g. illẽ ‘little’ h. thərt ‘very much’ i. dzhərətmərət, rəkʠət ‘somehow or other, slowly, at a snail’s pace’ j. dzəwəḷdzəwəḷ ‘almost’

6.3

Postposition

Postpositions encode grammatical relations. They also encode typical spatial, locational, circumstantial and other functions. They follow nouns and pronouns. Postpositions indicating grammatical relations indirectly affect verb agreement function and affect adjectives and other elements that precede the nominals. All case markers are bound forms. Most postpositions assign an oblique marker to their nominal stem. (See table of oblique markers under § 3.2.3.2. Table 3.9) However, some postpositions obviate the need for oblique markers and are attached directly. Most postpositions are indeclinable. A few of them decline for some feature of the nominal stem. The following classification indicates the properties of each group.

Chapter 6.  Other parts of speech 143



Note that some postpositions are used as adjectives or adverbs in their free form. 6.3.1 Place of postpositions Postpositions follow the gender number markers of both nouns and pronouns and impose an oblique form (including ø) on them. The oblique form does not change with number and gender. (For an array of oblique forms see § 3.2.3.2.) Though postpositions are attached to the nominal elements only, they induce an oblique form on almost all the elements in the noun phrase as exemplified in below. Compare the following pairs of examples: am-tso səgḷ-yo lokupegi yewʤṇ-yo we-poss.pl all-pl public.oriented plan-pl ‘all our public-oriented plans’   b. am-tʃ-ya səgḷ-ya lokupegi yewʤəṇ-yãn-tʃer we-poss-obl all-obl.pl public.oriented plan-obl.pl-loc.pp ‘on’ ‘on all our public-oriented plans’ (18) a.

nəwẽ lamb pell-ya-tʃe arogy dhorəṇ new long term-obl-poss.n health policy.n ‘long-term health policy’   b. nəw-ya lamb pəll-ya-tʃ-ya arogy dhorṇ-a-khatir new-obl long term-obl-poss-obl health policy-obl-pp ‘for’ ‘for the new long-term health policy’ (19) a.

6.3.2 Postposition types Konkani has a complex system of postpositions that consists of eight types. These are listed below, followed by the description of each set in turn. i. Case-marking postpositions such as ‑n, -k, -t, – tʃer, -r ii. Non-case-marking postpositions iii. Bound declinable postpositions with regular oblique markers: ‑ts iv. Bound indeclinable postpositions without oblique markers v. Bound declinable postpositions without oblique markers; ‑ts vi. Free indeclinable postpositions with oblique markers vii. Free declinable postpositions with oblique markers viii. Free indeclinable postpositions without oblique markers The postpositions in sets (vi), (vii) and (viii) also occur as free forms. For example those in (vi) are used as adverbs and those in (vii) function as adjectives.

144 Konkani

The first set of postpositions assign theta roles such as agent, recipient, locative and possessive (see § 3.2.3). In this grammar, agent is often marked ergative and recipient is marked dative. These postpositions serve as case markers. This set of postpositions includes bound indeclinable postpositions ‑n (sg) and ‑ni (pl) that follow regular oblique markers. These ergative-marking postpositions indicate the roles agent / instrument.3 (20) h-a naʈk-ã-n ma-ka anənd di-l-o this-obl play-obl-erg I-dat happiness.m give-perf-3m.sg ‘This play gave me joy.’ mhəʤẽ ʤiwit səmrud-ke-l-ẽ (21) naʈk-ãn-ni play-obl.pl-erg.pl my life.n phr.v:prosperous-make-perf-3n.sg ‘These plays made my life prosperous.’

The dative postposition ‑k indicates the role recipient: (22) ami tu-m-ka pəiʃ-a-tʃi mədət kər-ũ we you-obl.pl-dat money-obl-poss.f help.f do-imp.pl ‘We will give you monetary aid.’ (23) hya ʃikʃək-ãŋ-k ʃiko-wəp-a-tʃi wewəstha hãw-ẽ-ts these teacher-obl.pl-dat teach-inf-obl-poss.f provision.f I-obl-part ke-ll-i do-perf-3f.sg ‘It is me who made the provision for training these teachers.’ (24) apl-ya mən-ã-t kay n-as-t-a go our-obl mind-obl-loc some neg-be-impf-3sg voc ‘There isn’t anything in our mind, dear.’ (25) dha wərs-ãn-tʃe piray-e-r-uts ləgn ten year-obl(pl)-poss age-obl-loc-part marriage ‘Marriage at the age of ten only’

The second set of postpositions includes pəsun, thawən, sawən, tʃan ‘from’, and ‑kəʠen ‘towards’ have no case value. A special feature of these postpositions is that 3. When these bound postpositions are added to the pronouns there are morphophonemic changes: (i) a.

 

b.

hãw ‘I’ > mha-ka ˜ ma-ka ‘to me’   mhə-ʤe ˜ mə-ʤe, mhə-gele ‘my’   mhə- ʤer ˜ mhə-ger ‘on me’ to ‘he’ > ta-ka ‘him’   ta-ṇẽ ‘by him’

We thus treat mhə, mə, mha, ma, ta (and so on) as allomorphs.



Chapter 6.  Other parts of speech 145

they do not distinguish between singular and plural and optionally allow a marker tʃ after the oblique. This insertion of tʃ is not possible with postpositions in the first set which relate to proper grammatical case markings. (26) ta-ṇẽ nəyna-ø‑kəʠen hãs-ũn pəḷəy-l-ẽ he-erg Nayana-obl.pp.towards smile-comp see-perf-3n.sg ‘He looked at Nayana with a smile.’ (27) ʈurisʈ bəs pəṇʤ-e ʈurisṭ hosʈel-a thawən suʈ-ʈ-a tourist bus Panjim-obl tourist hostel-obl pp.from start-impf-3sg ‘Tourist bus starts from Panjim Tourist Hostel.’ (28) muʈhbhər ann-a pasət food-obl pp.for fistful ‘for the sake of a fistful of food’ (29) muʈhbər ənn-a-tʃẽ pasət fistful food-obl-obl pp.for ‘for the sake of a fistful of food’

Further examples follow: (30) nərendrənath ʤəlm-a-sawən sukh-ã-t ani laʠ-ã-t Narendranath birth-obl-pp.from comfort-obl-loc and fondness-obl-loc waḍi-ll-o grow-2ndperf-3m.sg ‘Narendranath grew in comfort and fondness since his birth.’ (31) ek-a soyr-yã-n t-ãn-tʃ-a aʠ nyayaləy-a-t one-obl relative-obl-erg they-obl(pl)- tʃ-obl pp.against court-obl-loc firyad-gha-l-i phr.v:suit-put-perf-3fsg ‘One relative filed a suit against them in the law court.’ (32) t-a-ṇẽ khər-i gədzal nyayaləy-a-mukhar dəwər-l-i he-obl-erg thing-f story.f court-obl-pp.before place-perf-3f.sg ‘He placed the true story before the court.’ (33) suwaḷo rat-i-tʃ-a dha meren tsal-ũ ur-l-o celebration(m) night-obl‑tʃ-obl ten pp.till continue-incp v2-perf-3m.sg ‘The celebration went on till ten o’clock at night.’ (34) t-ãn-tʃ-a khatir wiŋgəʠ wiŋgəʠ yewʤəṇyo sərkar they-obl.pl-poss-obl pp.for different different plan.f.pl government.n.sg tsal-ik lay-təl-ẽ implement-desi v2-pros-3n.sg ‘Government is going to implement different projects for them.’

146 Konkani

(35) ʤewṇ-a adĩ nhid-naka lunch-obl pp.before sleep-neg.imp ‘Don’t sleep before lunch.’ (36) tũ ruk-a paʃĩ dzaw you tree-obl pp.near go-imp ‘Go near the tree.’ (37) pənʠəri-tʃ-a toṇʠ-a-kəʠen tɔ pəḷəy-ət raw-l-o Pandhari-poss-obl face-obl-pp.at he see-impf v2-perf-3m.sg ‘He kept on looking at Pandhari’s face.’ posʈ-ã-t ghal-tʃ-ẽ bədlat (38) puṇun karʠ postcard postbox-obl-pp.in put-desi-nsg pp.instead.of but mhəʤe-ts kəʠen dəwər-l-ẽ my-part(emph) pp.with keep-perf-3n.sg ‘But instead of dropping the postcard into the postbox, (I) kept it with me.’ (39) tʃikl-a-pəsun əlipt mud-obl-pp.from detached ‘not smeared by mud’ (40) kərtubi gõyə̃ŋkar ghəʠo-wəp-a-tʃẽ kam kõŋkni capable Goans make-inf-obl-poss.n work Konkani ʃikʃək-ãn-kəʠlyan əpekʃit as-a teacher-obl.pl-pp.from expected be-prp.3sg ‘The work of producing capable Goans is expected from Konkani teachers.’ (41) wəyər di-ll-ya karṇ-ã-k lagun gõy-ã-t above give-2ndperf-obl reason-obl.pl pp.because.of Goa-obl-loc kõŋkni bhas səkti-tʃ-i dzaw-ə̃k dzay Konkani language.f compulsion-poss-f.sg happen-desi required ‘For reasons given above it is required that Konkani be made compulsory in Goa.’ (42) raṇe-tʃ-a ʃedzara kaḷnath radz raʤy kər-tal-o Rane-poss-obl pp.near Kalnath king phr.v:kingdom do-impfperf-3msg ‘King Kalnath was ruling in the region nearby to king Rane’s kingdom.

Other postpositions of this type include wərəwi ‘through, via’ and dwara ‘through’. Some postpositions such as pasət ‘for’, adĩ ‘before’, khatir ‘for the sake of ’ pərəs ‘than’, and bədla ‘instead of ’ have extended uses. They can be attached to the infinitive ‑əp or the second perfective ‑ll as in khawp khatir, khawpatʃe khatir ‘in order to eat’, or khallya khatir ‘for having eaten’. The third set of postpositions in Konkani are bound declinable postpositions with regular oblique markers. The postposition ts with its alternants denotes a possessive relation. It is akin to a case marker but takes the gender and number of the possessed noun. Note that some nouns take a -ø oblique marker (see § 3.2.3.2 Table 3.9). I484 

I522 

Chapter 6.  Other parts of speech 147



Table 6.1  Forms of postposition ts ‘of ’4  

Singular

Plural

m f n

tso tʃi tʃẽ

tʃe tsa tʃi

(43) aḷsay-e-tso pəriṇam laziness-obl-pp.m.sg consequence-m.sg ‘the consequence of laziness’ (44) rəgt-a-tʃi dhar blood-obl-pp.f.sg stream-f.sg ‘stream of blood’ (45) bhãŋgr-a-tʃẽ səpən gold-obl-pp.n.sg dream-nsg dream of gold’ (46) mənʃ-a-tʃe hal man-obl-pp.m.pl suffering-mpl ‘the sufferings of mankind’

In a chain of possessive noun phrases, the possessive on the last noun phrase causes the earlier possessives to be oblique. This is illustrated by the following example. (47) ʤiwit-a-tʃ-a səgḷ-ya aŋg-ãn-ts-o witʃar life-obl-poss-obl all-obl aspect-obl.pl-poss-3m.sg thinking ‘consideration of all aspects of life’

The rule is obviated if the pre-modifiers are independent. That is, without modifying each other, they directly and independently modify the head noun, as in (52). (48) gandhi-n-tʃ-ẽ ‘arogyəki kũnʤi’ naw-a-tʃ-ẽ Gandhi-obl.hon.pl-poss-3n.sg ‘Key to Health’ name-obl-poss-3n.sg pustək book.n.sg ‘Gandhi’s book named ‘Key to Health’’ 4. An inflectional postposition is a rare thing in European languages, but it is a characteristic of Indo-Aryan languages such as Marathi, Hindi and Konkani. Katre (1966) traces Konkani tʃ to Marathi c, which he traces back to Prakrit and Sanskrit. According to Katre, the alternants ‑gelo, geli and gelẽ are derived from Sanskrit gətə with the extension əllə.This particle can occur after a verb as well: (i) to wag ye-tə-kts tumi kityak pəḷ-ḷ-e that tiger come-impf-part.emph you.mpl why run-perf-2mpl ‘Why did you run away when the tiger came?’

148 Konkani

Compare (48) with (49). (49) gandhi-n-tʃ-a arogy-a-tʃ-ẽ pustək Gandhi-obl.hon.pl-poss-obl health-obl-poss-3n.sg book.3n.sg ‘a book about Gandhi’s health’

In this example, gandhin-tʃ-a a modifies arogy and arogya-tʃ-ẽ modifies pustək. Konkani also has a set of bound indeclinable postpositions that occur without oblique markers. This is the fourth set. These are illustrated below. (50) am-tʃ-a səyr-yãn-saŋgəta hãw bəsṭænḍ-pəryan ge-l-õ we-poss-obl relative-obl.pl-with I bus.stand-pp.till go-perf-1m.sg ‘I accompanied my guests till (we reached) the bus-stand.’ (51) bhurg-yã khatir te ayuʃ-bhər dhəʠpəʠ-l-yat child-obl.pl pp.for he.hon.pl life-pp.whole struggle-prp-3pl ‘He has struggled for children all his life.’ (52) iŋgrəʤi bəgər tsəl-p-a-tʃẽ na English pp.without do-inf-obl-poss.n.sg neg ‘It won’t do without English.’ (53) tin tʃar wərsã meren three four year.n.pl pp.up.to ‘up to three or four years’

Konkani also has a set of bound, declinable postpositions that occurs without oblique marker which is tʃ (belonging to): tso (m.sg), tʃi (f.sg), tʃẽ (n.sg). This is the fifth set. The marker ts discussed above takes an oblique marker. In contrast, this ts does not take an oblique marker and has a slightly different meaning: (54) ghər-tʃ-ẽ kam house-pp.of-3n.sg work.3n.sg ‘household work’

Compare (55) with (57) and (56) with (58): (55) tu-ka ghər-tʃ-ẽ kam kər-ũk ləʤ kidyak dis-t-a? you-dat house-pp.of-3n.sg work do-desi shame why think-impf-3sg ‘Why do you think doing household work is a shameful thing?’ (56) terras band-əp hẽ ghər-a-tʃ-ẽ kam as-a terrace build-inf this.n house-obl-pp.of-3n.sg work be-prp.3n.sg ‘Construction of a terrace is (a part of) the work of building a house.’ (57) tɔ ya ghər-a-ts-o adar as-a he this house-obl-pp.of-3m.sg support be-prp.3n.sg ‘He is a support of his family.’



Chapter 6.  Other parts of speech 149

(58) ti-ka ʃik-ũk ghər-ts-o adar as-l-o she-dat learn-desi house-pp.of-3m.sg support be-perf-3m.sg ‘She had support of her family for education.’

In (55) and (57) the nouns kam and adar indicate an integral part of ghər. The postposition links the two nouns. The compound noun ghərkam ‘household work’ indicates this linking. The case marker ts and the postposition ts are thus different. On the other hand, in (56) and (58) the nouns kam and adar indicate something external that belongs to ghər. For example, construction of a terrace is an extension of the work of building a house. The sixth set of postpositions in Konkani consists of free, indeclinable postpositions with oblique markers. This set forms a large group. Below are noted some of the major and frequently used postpositions in this set. They are attached to both singular and plural nouns. They can optionally be preceded by the marker tʃ. (59) ghər-a-tʃ-a/ghər-a fuʠẽ porsũ as-a house-obl-pp.of-obl/house-obl pp.in.front.of garden be-prp.3n.sg ‘There is a garden in front of the house.’ mhəʤ-e bhəʃen sobit ani tum-tʃ-e (60) tẽ bhurgẽ that child.n.sg my-obl pp.like handsome and you.hon.pl-poss-obl bhəʃen budwənt dza-təl-ẽ pp.like intelligent become-pros-3n.sg ‘That child will be handsome like me and intelligent like you.’

Other postpositions of this type are listed in (61). (61) a. pəltəʠi ‘across’ b. ponda ‘down, beneath’ c. samkar ‘in front of ’ d. pelyan ‘beyond, yonder’ e. pəylĩ ‘before’ f. bhitər ‘inside’ g. bhayr ‘outside’ h. bhõwarĩ, bhõwtaṇĩ ‘around’ i. lagĩ ‘near, beside’ j. mədẽ ‘among, in the middle’ k. phaʈlyan˜ paʈlyan (Christ.) ‘at the back, behind’ l. saŋgata ‘with, together’ m. səkəyəl ‘down, below’ n. uprant ‘after’ o. wəyər ‘above’ p. bədla ‘instead of ’

150 Konkani

q. ʃewʈak ‘at the end’ r. dekət ‘before one’s eyes’ s. nimity ‘on the occasion of ’ t. ʃedzəra ‘near’

The seventh set of postpositions in Konkani is made of free, declinable postpositions that occur with oblique markers. The three declinable postposition are ts, tʃ, and sarko; they are very few in number. We have already seen that even in the fifth set the absence of the oblique marker is restricted to a few nouns and there is a slight semantic difference when the oblique marker is not used. This possibility does not exist for sarko. However, if proper nouns are used, it is possible to delete the oblique marker, e.g. madhəwi sarko ‘like Madhavi’, pərrikər sarko ‘like Parrikar’. These postpositions may follow either a singular or a plural noun. They are inflected for gender and number of the head noun. They are like the postpositions in the sixth set. (62) sədãts əs-o-ts mənʃ-a sarko wag-ət raw always-part like.this-m.sg-part man-obl like-msg behave-impf v2-imp re put-a voc son-voc ‘Oh son, keep behaving like a man like this all the time!’ (63) indərghoņw-a sark-ya bhũwə-yã rainbow-obl pp.like-obl.f.pl eyebrow-fpl ‘rainbow like (arched) eyebrows’

The eighth and final set of postpositions in Konkani consists of free, indeclinable postpositions that occur without oblique marker. Certain nouns do not take oblique markers before these postpositions. These nouns are mostly loan words that are abstract nouns referring to an institution or a profession. (64) sərkar-sarka prətʃar government-pp.like-msg propaganda ‘propaganda like the government’ (65) profesər-sarka peʃa professor-pp:like- msg profession- msg ‘the profession of professor’

The final logical possibility would be a set of free, declinable postpositions that occur without oblique markers. No example of this type is found in Konkani. There is a gap in the pattern. In Marathi there is also no postposition of this type.



Chapter 6.  Other parts of speech 151

6.3.3 Compound postpositions There are a few compound postpositions: (karṇ-a)‑k+lagun ((reason-obl)-pp+pp)’ because of ’, ãnt-la (pp:in + pp:towards) ‘belonging to’, bhittari (pp:inside) thãwnu (pp:from) (Mang.) ‘from within’. (66) t-ya karṇ-a-k lagun that reason-obl-pp: for pp.because.of ‘because of that reason’

6.4 Conjunction Konkani has both coordinating and subordinating conjunctions. In addition, there are adsententials that relate a sentence to a discourse. 6.4.1 Coordinating conjunctions The major coordinator is the additive /conjunctive coordinator ani, anik ‘and’. It is used to join two words, two phrases, two clauses or two sentences: (67) meʤ ani kədel table and chair ‘table and chair’

The alternative/disjunctive coordinator is kĩwwa ˜ wa ˜ wo ˜ kĩ, ya, əthwa ‘or’. The form ki is mostly used to connect two words. The form kĩwwa shows the influence of Marathi. (68) koṇ-ẽ mhə-ḷḷ-ẽ ta-ṇẽ kĩ ti-ṇẽ? who-erg say-2nd perf-3n.sg he-erg or she-erg ‘Who said it, he or she?’ wo tumi wə-tat thə̃y (69) tum-tʃ-a ghər-ãt you-poss-obl house-pp.in or tumi.pl go-impf.2pl there plasʈik-a-tʃ-ẽ kitẽ as-a tẽ pəḷə-yat plastic-obl-poss-n.sg what be-prp that see-imp.2pl ‘See what is made of plastic in your house or where you go.’ (70) te-ṇṇẽ kaĩ di-u na tʃa ʤaõ udak he-erg some give-incp neg tea or water ‘Tea or water, he was not to be given anything.’ 

(Mang.)

152 Konkani

(71) dzər ekadi tʃəli ta-ka meḷi-ll-e pəyʃ-e wewəsay-a-khatir if some girl she-dat get-2ndperf-3pl money-pl business-obl-pp.for kĩwwa ʃikšəṇ-a-k wapr-ũk sod-t-a tər… education-obl-dat use-desi v2-impf-3f.sg then… or ‘If a girl wants to use the money she has got for a business or for her education then…’

The adversative coordinator is puṇ ˜ pəṇ ˜ puṇi ˜ puṇun ˜ pərənt ‘but’. The alternant təthapi is formal. (72) ta-ka tin tʃeʠ -e pəṇ ek tʃeʠũ (Mang.) he-dat three boy-pl but one girl ‘He has three boys but one girl.’ (73) hya deʃ-a-n ram-a-k əwtar man-l-o this country-obl-erg Ram-obl-dat incarnation.3m.sg believe-perf-3m.sg khəro. puṇun puʤa-bhəkti ‘sitaram-a’-tʃ-i-ts true. but worshiping-devotion.3f.pl Sitaram-obl-poss-f.pl-part ke-l-ya do-prp-3pl ‘This country sincerely believed Ram to be an incarnation of God. But it devotionally worshipped ‘Sita-Ram.’

Other causal conjunctions are dekhun ‘for that reason’, and mhəṇun ‘therefore’. (74) ‘guṇdhərm’ yh-a utər-a-khatir ‘dhərm’ yh-a utər-a-tso ‘characteristic’ this-obl word-obl-pp.for ‘dharma’ this-obl word-obl-poss wapər dza-t-a dekhun ‘dhərm’ yh-a utər-a babt-ĩt phr.v.use do-perf-3sg therefore ‘dharma’ this-obl word-obl fact-loc golmal ke-ll-o dis-t-a phr.v.bungling do-2ndperf-3msg appear-impr-3sg ‘The word ‘dharma’ is used for ‘characteristic’. Therefore it appears that there is some bungling in its use.’

6.4.2 Subordinating conjunctions Subordinating conjunctions connect a modifying subordinate clause to a main clause. Konkani uses the following subordinating conjunctions: (75) a. karəṇ kĩ ‘for that reason’ b. dzər … tər ‘if … then’ c. itlo … titlo, ‘so much … that’



Chapter 6.  Other parts of speech 153

d. bəgər ‘unless’ e. mhəṇ ˜ mhuṇ ˜ moṇun (Mang.) ‘in order that’ f. kityak ‘because’ g. ekuts … natər ‘if … or else’ h. tərikuy ‘still, even then’

The following examples illustrate the use of these forms. (76) to ge-ll-ya bəgər / te-tʃẽ bəgər pedru ye-na he go-2ndperf-obl conj: unless / that-poss conj:unless Peter come-neg ‘Peter won’t come unless he goes.’ (Christ.) (77) mala usratse ay-l-i karəṇ kĩ ti come-perf-3fsg for.the.reason comp:that she Mala.f late kam-a-t aʃi-ll-i work-obl-pp:in be-2nd perf-3fsg ‘Mala came late because she was busy.’ aʃi-ll-I mhəṇun ti usratse (78) mala kam-a-t Mala work-obl-pp:in be-2nd perf-3fsg conj:so that she late wəts-ət go-3sg fut. 3fsg ‘Mala is busy, so she will go late.’

The subordinators in the above examples act like complementisers. Other subordinators are discussed in Chapter 7. 6.4.3 Adsentetials Adsententials relate a sentence to the discourse. Sometimes they signal a new turn in the discourse. Some of the adsententials used in Konkani are illustrated below. (79) magir, am-tʃ-i bharətiy sə̃nskrutay mhan aʃi-ll-i subsequently we-poss-f.sg Indian culture.f great be-2ndperf-3fsg əʃẽ y-ãn-kəʠen kãyə-ts mudd-e nã-t? adv.in.this.manner one.who.tells-obl.pl-towards any-part points neg-pl ‘Subsequently, don’t those who say that our Indian culture is great have a point?’ (80) dhəruya nyayadhiʃ-a-n khyast fərmay-l-i supposing judge-obl-erg punishment.f.sg pronounce-perf- f.sg ‘Supposing the judge pronounced his judgement…’

154 Konkani

Some common adsententials are listed in (81). (81) a. khərẽ mhəḷyar ‘to tell the truth’ b. nimṇẽ ‘finally’ c. upərãnt ‘subsequently’ d. ani ‘in addition’ e. mhəḷyar ‘this means’ f. tsəʠ kərũn ‘probably’ g. samke ʃəkyətayen ‘possibly’ h. niʃtʃitpəṇ ‘certainly’ i. sudəywan, nəʃibansar ‘fortunately’ j. dubawwirəyət ‘undoubtedly’ k. ogits ‘for no reason’ l. nadzalyar, ənyəta ‘otherwise’ m. dekh diwtʃẽ jalyar ‘for example’ n. ukətepəṇan ‘obviously’ o. əʃẽ təren ‘in this way’ p. haʤẽ wəylyan ‘from this evidence’ q. atã ‘now’ r. təri asətna ‘even if it is so’ s. əkherek ‘at the end’ t. dhərũya ‘suppose, supposing’ u. dzawə~ ‘let it be so’ v. itlẽy asũn ‘in spite of this’

6.5

Particles

Particles are indeclinable entities. They can be added to any word to enhance its significance or stress its importance. They are called ‘pure postpositions’ in traditional grammars of some modern Indo-Aryan languages. 6.5.1 Assertive particles Assertive particles give emphasis on the word they are attached to. Therefore, they are also called emphatic particles. They are used mostly in speech. The following examples illustrate the use of the emphatic particles for assertion: (82) ata mha-ka kəsli-ts kaḷʤi na now I-dat of.anything.f.sg-part worry f.sg neg ‘Now I don’t have any worries at all.’ (Mang.)‘



Chapter 6.  Other parts of speech 155

(83) bhɔʤ raʤa, tũ dzər itl-o udar ani pərakərmi this.much-m.sg generous and brave Bhoj king you if dza-lyar-ts h-ya ʃĩwasən-a-tʃer bəs-p-a-tso become-cond-part this-obl throne-obl-loc sit-inf-poss-msg witʃar kər phrv:thought do.imp ‘King Bhoj, think of occupying this throne, if and only if you become generous and brave to this degree.’ (84) dha wərs-ãn-tʃe pirayu-ts mhəʤ-ẽ ləgn ten year-obl.pl-poss age-part:y I-poss phrv:marriage.3nsg dza-l-ẽ happen-perf-3nsg ‘I was hardly ten when I got married.’

The following examples illustrate the particles y, i (Mang.), bi ‘also’. (85) put dator sun-əy dator son doctor daughter.in.law-part:also doctor ‘His son is a doctor and his daughter-in-law is also a doctor.’ (86) rəgət ek sə̃nskar ek| ani itihas to-y ek blood one teaching one| and history that-part:also one ‘(We have) the same blood, the same moral teaching. And (our) history, that too is the same.’ (87) tũ te pəyʃ-e mha-ka di-na tər bi you those money.pl I-dat give.impf-neg then part: also tsəl-t-a walk-impf-3sg ‘If you don’t give me that money, (then) it’s alright / it will do,’

The following example illustrates the particle mat ‘somehow or other, as for’. (88) mha-ka h-ya səgḷ-yãn-wiʃĩ adər as-a əbiman I-dat this-obl.pl all-obl.pl-about respect be-prp pride mat na part:as for neg ‘I have respect for all these, but as for pride, I don’t have any.’

The following example illustrates the particle legit ‘also’. (89) khə̃y kam meḷ-p-a-tʃ-i legit aʃa na where work get-inf-obl-poss-f.sg part:also hope neg ‘No hope of getting work anywhere also.’

156 Konkani

It is worth observing here that in the Manglore variety, the particle ʤə is added to the verb for emphasis. 6.5.2 Other particles Apart from assertion, particles perform other functions such as expressing surprise or asking a question for confirmation, and so on. The following examples illustrate the particles həy, whəy ‘yes’, which functions as a positive answer to a question. (90) A: tũ t-ya bay-e-ge tʃeḍũ nhũ go? you that-obl woman-obl-poss girl.n tag.part voc.f ‘Aren’t you the daughter of that woman?’ B: həy ge, hãw-uts tẽ part:yes voc.f I-part:indeed that.n ‘Oh yes, I am.’ (91) həy hãw ek ghəʈəsfoʈit bayəl part:yes I one divorced woman ‘Yes. I am a divorcee.’

The following example illustrates the particle bhər ‘whole’, which is used only after a singular noun. (92) atã tʃirmul-yo wərs-əy bhər badzar-ãt meḷ-ṭat now flattened.rice-fpl year-part.assr part.whole market-loc get-impf.pl ‘Nowadays flattened rice is available in the market throughout the year.’

The following example illustrates the particles bərẽ, hã, which expresses endorsement. This is used after a verb to inform the addressee in a pleasant way. (93) “ayək hã” mhəʤ-a gəḷ-yã-t hat ghal-ũn tẽ Listen.imp part:assr my-obl neck-obl-loc arms put-compl she.nsg watʃ -pak lag-l-ẽ read-desi v2.begin-perf-3nsg ‘“Listen please,” putting her arms around my neck, she began to read.’

The following examples illustrate the particles nhũ, nhĩ, nĩ, gi (Christ.), which seek the agreement of the hearer. They are called tag particles. (94) ani tũ sədã-ts ma-ka thomṇe mar-t-a nhĩ? and you always-part.emph I-dat phr.v:taunt hit-impf-3sg part ‘And you always taunt me, don’t you?’ (95) are, tu-ka saŋg-l-ẽ nhũ? voc.m you-dat tell-perf-3nsg part ‘I told you, didn’t I?’

Chapter 6.  Other parts of speech 157



Finally, the following example illustrates the particle tər, which indicates that the speaker does not endorse what he/she is told. (96) A: “əsl-ẽ kəsl-ẽ nãw dəwər-l-ẽ tər?” this.type-nsg what.type-nsg name.nsg keep-perf-3nsg part “What a name you have chosen!” B: “am-tʃ-a dew-a-tʃ-ẽ naw tẽ.” we-poss-obl deity-obl-poss-n.sg name.n.sg that.nsg “It is the name of our family deity.”

6.5.3 Intensifiers Some basic adverbs act as intensifiers. These are used before an adjective. The following examples illustrate the intensifier tsəʠ ‘very much’. (97) weḷ duʠ-wa pərəs tsəʠ moladik as-ta time money-pl pp.than intsf:a lot valuable be-impf.3sg ‘Time is much more valuable than money.’ (98) wayəʈ dis-l-ẽ, tsəʠ wayəʈ dis-l-ẽ bad look-perf-3nsg intsf.a lot bad look-perf-3nsg ‘That looked bad, very bad.’

The following example illustrates the particle khub, khubbə (Mang.) ‘very much’. (99) pənnas wərs-ã faʈlo-ts kaḷ ghe-t-lo fifty year-obl.pl back.m-part.emph time.m take-impf-3m.sg dza-lyar kõkni-tʃ-i gõy-ã-ntl-i pəristiti khub happen-cond Konkani-poss-f.sg Goa-obl-pp:in.f.sg condition intsf.very wegḷ-i aʃi-ll-i different-fsg be-2ndperf-3fsg ‘If the period of last fifty years is considered, the state of Konkani was quite different.’

The following example illustrates the particle samkẽ ‘totally’. (100) təʃẽ samkẽ-ts wayəʈ nhə̃y tẽ toṇʠ-ã-t like.that intsf.totally-part.emph bad neg she.nsg mouth-obl-loc iŋgḷ-e puṇ mən-a-tʃ-ẽ dubḷ-ẽ ember-pl but mind-obl-poss-nsg weak-nsg ‘She is not totally bad; she pours out fire but is weak at heart.’

Other intensifiers include sado ‘simply, quite’, par completely’, and kewəl ‘mere, alone’.

158 Konkani

6.6 Interjections Interjections known in Konkani grammars as umaḷi əwyəyã (exclamatory invariables), udgardərʃi əwyəyã (exclamatory invariables) or kewəlprəyogi əwyəyã (exclusive-use invariables) are items used solely as particles. Words that are used to call or catch attention of people make a sub-class of interjections. They are discussed under vocative particles. 6.6.1 Interjections of emotions These interjections are sudden or spontaneous expressions of the speaker’s various emotions. For that reason, they are classified notionally. Some of the interjections are listed in (101). (101) a. wa: interjection of happiness b. abba, ã: interjection of surprise, wonder, awe; ‘ouch’ c. bərẽ, ʈhik: interjections of endorsement, agreement d. ʃabas: interjection of admiration e. ʃe, tʃe tʃe, ẽ, tʃhəʈ: interjections of contempt f. ayəs, ayya: interjections of shyness g. ʃu: interjection of rebuke h. ʃi, thut, paʠpəʠũ: interjection of anger or embarrassment i. arere, tsə tsə, awəyəs, are dewa, ə̃yo, aiss gess: interjections of sorrow. ‘alas’ j. hass hass: interjection of sarcasm

The following examples illustrate the use of these interjections. (102) ‘Revenge: A Story of Hope’ əbba! suʠ-uy bi ani aʃe-tʃe ‘Revenge: A Story of Hope’ intj revenge-part.assr also and hope-poss kirəṇ-uy bi? ray-part.assr also ‘Revenge: A story of Hope’ Wow! There is revenge and a ray of hope as well?’ puṇ udari mag-u naka (103) tʃe! tʃe! tũ mhəʤe rəgət mag blood ask.for.imp but credit ask.for-imp.2pl neg intj you my ‘No! No! You can ask for my blood but don’t ask for to buy it on credit.’

Chapter 6.  Other parts of speech 159



6.6.2 Vocative particles In Konkani a number of words are used as vocative particles. They change according to the number and gender of the addressees. They are listed in the following table: Table 6.2  Vocative particles  

Singular

Plural

m/n

are/ re aga (hon) wəyre əḷere (Christ.)

aga

ago/gɔ age (hon) wəygo əḷego (Christ.)

age

f

wəyga əḷega (Christ.)

wəḷege əḷege (Christ)

As the table shows, the plural forms are also used as honorific singular forms. The following examples illustrate the use of these honorific particles. (104) A: are anik kitẽ tʃinta? həy mhəṇ. voc additional what worry? yes say.imp Oh! What else do you have to worry about? Say ‘yes’. B: naka re baba t-an-tʃe waʈ-e-k wəts-pak naka neg voc man they-obl-poss way-obl-dat go-desi neg No, friend! we shouldn’t be in their way. (105) ago h-i ja-l-i məraʈhi mhəṇ. voc this-f happen-perf-3fsg Marathi proverb.f “Friend, this was a Marathi proverb.”

Chapter 7

Word formation

7.1

Introduction

Word formation is a highly productive process in Konkani. Word-forming derivational affixes precede inflectional affixes. Sanskrit and Perso-Arabic affixes are used mostly with nouns. There are very few verb-forming derivational affixes. Konkani was in contact with Portuguese for about four hundred and fifty years but beyond word borrowing there is hardly any influence of Portuguese on Konkani. No derivational affixes, for example, were borrowed from Portuguese. Words may be formed by prefixation, suffixation, or reduplication. All these are derivational processes. They employ affixes from Sanskrit, Perso-Arabic or simply native formatives. These processes may lead to a category change. They will be described below. The affixes are separated from the head components. In order to see the relation between Marathi and Konkani words which are derived and used only in Konkani are marked with (#) at the beginning. It includes change of meaning as well; that is, if a word form is found in both the languages but the meaning is different it will be marked as Konkani even if that usage is found in old Marathi literature. The rest of the vocabulary is obviously common vocabulary for Marathi and Konkani. 7.2

Noun formation

This section presents nouns in Konkani formed by using prefixes and suffixes. 7.2.1 Noun prefixation Many Sanskrit words that are derived in Sanskrit by prefixation are borrowed into Konkani. That does not mean that their formation process is Konkani. The following nouns are some examples. In these examples, the prefixes are underlined: (1) a. əntərbhaw ˜ əntərbaw ‘inclusion’ b. ədhibhar ˜ ədibar ‘surcharge’ c. əwəman ‘insult’

162 Konkani

d. əbhinəw ˜ əbinəw ‘novel’ e. ayoʤən ‘organisation’ f. unmad ‘frenzy’ g. durdəyw ‘misfortune’ h. nigrəh ‘resoluteness’ i. pərakaʤʈha ‘the utmost’ j. pəribhas ‘terminology’ k. prətibha ‘imagery’ l. wisərʤən ‘immersion’ m. sə̃wad ‘dialogue’

Similarly, Perso-Arabic words that are derived in Persian or Arabic are borrowed into Konkani. They do not share any word-formation process of Konkani. Some examples: (2) a. bərabər ‘correct’ b. #sərəray ‘hospitality’ c. latʃar ‘having no self-respect’

Below we consider prefixation processes that are productive in Konkani. Where the roots are used only in Sanskrit or Persian-Arabic, the origins are marked. However, if there is a derivative process such as v>adj>n the full derivation in the source language is not provided, and if the source language root is assimilated into Konkani, its origin is not traced here. 7.2.1.1 Noun prefixation: Sanskrit The following prefixes from Sanskrit (sk) are productively used in forming nouns in Konkani: (words borrowed from Sanskrit without any change in form or meaning are marked as (sk) a. ə-: ‘absence, lack or negation’ #ə-nit ‘sin’ b. ən-: ‘not, un-, without’ əṇ-adər ‘disrespect c. əntər-: ‘inside, in’ (5) a. əntər-bhaw ‘inclusion’  b. əntər-mən ‘inner mind, sub-conscience’

(sk)

d. əti-: ‘excessive’ (6) a. əti-rek ‘excessiveness’  b. əti-reki ‘extremist’ c. əti-rənʤit ‘painted in bright colours; loud’ d. əti-ʃaṇepəṇ ‘over-smartness’

(sk)



Chapter 7.  Word formation 163

e. əp- : ‘bad, ill’ (7) a. əp-man (sk) ˜ ək-man (Mang) ‘insult’ b. əp-ʃəkun ‘ill omen’  c. #əp-ʤəy ‘failure’ d. əp-tʃar ‘crime’ e. əp-kar ‘ingratitude’  f. əp-prətʃər ‘bad propaganda’

(sk)

(Mang)

f. əw-: ‘bad, of lesser quality’ (8) a. əw- guṇ ‘vice’  b. #əw- kuḷi ‘ill-famed family’ c. əw- dəʃa ‘poverty; abject state’ d. əw-kəḷa ‘bad condition’

(sk)

g. upə-: ‘subordinate, next in rank’ (9) a. upə-kətha ‘a story within a story’ b. upə-raʤʤəpal ‘lieutnant governor’ c. upə-giro ‘satellite’ d. #upə-bhas ‘dialect’

h. ku- : ‘bad, ill’ (10) a. ku-rup ‘ugly’  b. ku-tʃeʃṭa ‘ridicule’

(sk)

i. tʃir- : ‘lasting for a long time’ (11) a. tʃir-ənʤiw ‘son’ 

(sk)

j. su- ‘good, well’ (12) a. su-dəyw ‘good fortune’  b. #su-murt ‘caution’

k. nir- / nis- ‘without, opposite’ (13) a. nir-wasit ‘refugee’

l. pəʠ-: (sk prati-) ‘second, inferior’ (14) a. pəʠ-sad ‘echo’ b. #pəʠ-hat ‘substitute’ c. #pəʠ-bimb ‘reflection’ d. #pəʠ-sawḷi ‘shadow’

m. prə-: ‘higher, superior’ (15) a. prəʃulk ‘collected tax’

n. prəti-: ‘opposite’

(sk)

164 Konkani

(16) a. prəti-kar (sk) resistance b. #prəti-ḍaw ‘counter attack’ c. prəti-wadi ‘respondent, defendant’ d. #prəti-wətʃən ‘retort, rejoinder’

o. sə-: ‘with’ (17) a. sə- ʤiw (sk) ‘living being’

p. səhə-: ‘with’ (18) a. səhə-bhag ‘participation’ b. səhə-məti ‘concurrence’ c. səhə-lekhək ‘co-author d. səhə-ʃikʃəṇ ‘co-education’

q. sət-: ‘good, true’ (19) a. sət-guru ‘true guide’  b. sət-phəḷ ‘nutritious fruit’

(sk)

There is a striking similarity between Marathi derivations and Konkani derivations. 7.2.1.2 Noun prefixation: Perso-Arabic The following examples illustrate Perso-Arabic (p-a) noun prefixes. Words borrowed from Sanskrit without any change in form or meaning are marked as sk, while words borrowed from Perso-Arabic without any change in form or meaning are marked as p-a. a. bəd- ‘bad, dis-’ (20) a. bəd- ‘rogue’  b. bəd-fəyli ‘debauch’  c. bəd-nami ‘disrepute’

(p-a) (p-a)

b. be- ‘without, less’ (21) a. be-iʤʤət ‘defamation’  b. be-ədbi ‘insult’  c. be-gər ‘homeless’

(p-a) (p-a)

7.2.2 Noun suffixation In the examples below, there are words that are derived in Sanskrit but simply borrowed in Konkani (labeled as sk) and there are words that are derived in Konkani by using the Sanskrit suffixes.

Chapter 7.  Word formation 165



7.2.2.1 Noun suffixation: Sanskrit a. ‑ək ‘actor / doer’ v>n (22) a. ga ‘sing’ > gay-ək ‘singer’ b. ni ‘lead’(sk) > nay-ək ‘hero; chief ’ c. likhə ‘write’(sk) > lekh- ək ‘writer’ d. ut-dhru ‘uplift’(sk) > udder-ək ‘one who uplifts, saviour’ e. rəkʃ ‘guard’(sk) > rəkʃ-ək ‘guard, security man’ f. tʃhid ‘divide, pierce’(sk) > tʃhed-ək ‘division’

b. ‑əntər ‘between’ n>n (23) a. deʃ -antər (sk) ‘migration’ b. weʃ-antər (sk) ‘disguise’ c. rup-antər ‘adaptation’

c. ‑ərthi ‘one who earns’ n>n (24) a. widya-ərthi (sk)’student’ b. poṭ-ərthi ‘one who works for money’

d. ‑kar ‘one who does / makes; one who comes from’1 n >n (25) a. bhaʃʃə-kar ‘literary critic’ b. pətrə-kar ’journalist’ c. kəla-kar ‘artist’ d. #bhaʈ-kar ‘land holder’ e. #bhaʈi-kar ‘manufacturer of medicinal chemicals’ f. gõy-kar ‘Goan’ g. #ãŋʠi-kar ‘shopkeeper’ h. #ghər-kar ‘husband, householder’ i. #pəsər-kar ‘tradesman’ j. #bhurgẽ-kar ‘man of family’ k. #gaw-kar ‘one who comes from gaw- a surname’ l. #həy-kar ‘consent, saying ‘yes’ #moče-kar ‘cobbler’ m. n. #dhərṇe-kar ‘demonstrator’ o. #tsam-kar ‘cobbler’ p. #kurroy-kar ‘postman’  (Gawdi) # q. gadi-kar ‘shopkeeper’  (Gawdi) r. #bhurgebaḷ-kar ‘family man’ s. #ghaṇo ‘oil mill’ > ghaṇe-kar ‘person extracting oil in an oil-mill; a surname’ 1. In place of Marathi ‑kər/kəri ‘bringing, doing’, Konkani uses ‑kar. For example, Marathi gowekər ‘Goan’ becomes gõykar in Konkani, and Marathi gawkəri ‘villager’ becomes gawkar in Konkani. I364 

166 Konkani

e. ‑ta : ‘one who does’ (In Konkani ‑ta becomes ‑to.) v>n (26) a. wək-to ‘speaker’  b. ʃro-to ‘listener’ 

(sk) (sk)

f. ‑ti ‘the act of V’ v>n (27) a. kru ‘do’(sk)>kru-ti ‘action’ b. smru ‘remember’(sk) > smruti ‘memory’ c. pərət ‘revert / go back’> pərəti ‘return’

g. ‑twə ‘quality of ’ n>n (28) a. dew > dewət-twə ‘godliness’  b. pərbhu > pərbhu-twə ‘supremacy’ c. mitr > mitrə-twə ‘friendship’  d. nagərik > nagərikə-twə ‘citizenship’ e. gəwṇ > gəwṇə-twə ‘subordination’ (ADJ > N) 

(sk) (sk) (sk)

h. ‑bhaw ‘ quality,feeling’ n>n (29) a. bəndu ‘brother’> bəndu-baw ‘brotherhood’ b. wəyr ‘enmity’> wəyr-bhaw ‘feeling of enmity’  c. apəpər-bhaw ‘discriminating between mine and yours’ 

(sk) (sk)

7.2.2.2 Noun suffixation: Perso-Arabic In the examples below, there are words that are derived in Perso-Arabic but simply borrowed in Konkani (labeled as p-a) and there are words that are derived in Konkani by using the Perso-Arabic suffixes. a. ‑gar ‘doer’ n>n: (30) a. #khun ‘murder’> khuni-gar ‘murderer’ b. #aŋgʠ ‘market’ > aŋgʠi-gar ‘shopkeeper’ c. tʃam ’leather, skin’ > tʃam-gar ‘cobbler’ d. #kəŋgəṇ ‘bangle’> kəŋgəṇ-gar ‘maker of bangles’ e. #ghaḍi ‘magic’> ghaʠi-gar ‘magician’  f. rodz ‘day’ > rodz-gar ‘daily wages’ 

(Mang.) (p-a)

b. ‑dan / daṇi ‘container / vessel’ (31) a. khan ‘nobleman’ > khan-dan ‘noble family’  b. ful ‘flower’> ful-daṇi ‘vase’  c. ‘pik’ spit’ > pik-daṇi ‘spittoon’ d. gulab ‘rose’ > gulab-daṇi ‘vessel to sprinkle rose water’

(p-a) (p-a)

c. ‑giri ‘state, condition’ n>n (32) a. gulam ‘slave’> gulam-giri ‘slavery’  b. tsəmtʃo ‘spoon’> tsəmtʃe-giri ‘flatterer, sycophant’

(p-a)



Chapter 7.  Word formation 167

c. dada ‘bully’> dada-giri ‘bullying’ d. her ’spy’> her-giri ‘spying’ e. diwaṇ ‘king’s chief minister’ > diwaṇ-giri ‘work of a king’s chief minister’

d. ‑khano ‘place’ n>n: (33) a. kar ‘work’(p-a) > kar-kano ’factory’ b. dəwa ‘medicine’(p-a) > dəwa-kano ‘dispensary’ c. diwaṇ ‘prime-minister’(p-a) > diwaṇkano ‘royal room, living room’ d. tʃhap ‘print’ > tʃhap-kano ’printing press’ e. kəsay (p-a) ‘butcher’ > kəsay-kano ‘butchery’

e. ‑namo ‘letter’ n>n: (34) a. ʤahir ‘public’ (adj) > ʤahir-namo ‘manifesto’ b. hukum ‘order’(p-a) > hukum-namo ‘decree’

7.2.2.3 Productive noun suffixation In the following examples, there is no change in the verb stem except that in careful pronunciation of the derived noun, the vowel is lengthened. (35) a. rəʠ ‘cry’ > rəʠ ’crying’ b. fuʈ ‘break’ > fuʈ ‘rift, division’ c. bhul ‘be bewitched, be tempted,’ > bhul ‘hallucination, illusion’ d. #rig ‘enter’ > rig ‘entrance’ e. #buʠ ‘sink’ > buʠ ‘dip, plunge’ f. luʈ ‘plunder’ > luʈ ‘plunder’ g. piḷ ‘twist, wring’ > piḷ ‘twist’ h. #kheʈ ‘jostle’ > kheʈ ‘crowd, throng’ i. gher ‘circumscribe’ > gher ‘circumference’ j. sod ‘search’ > sod ‘search’ k. ibaʠ / bigəʠ ‘spoil’ > ibaʠ /bigəʠ ‘being spoilt or damaged’

In the following examples, the vowel of the verb-stem is lowered in forming a noun. (See chapter 2.2 for vowel level.) (36) a. fir ‘go round’> fer ‘going in a circle’  b. dzhuk ‘slant’ > dzhok ‘slant’ 

(i > e) (u > o)

The nouns that follow are derived from verbs and these derivational suffixes are highly characteristic of Konkani.2

2. Words derived from verbs are called krudəntə in traditional grammar following the Sanskrit model of grammar.

168 Konkani

(37) a. dəb ‘be pressed’ > dəbaw ‘pressure’ b. bhər ‘fill’ > bhəraw ‘land-filling’ c. thər ‘decide, resolve’ > thəraw ‘resolution’

The following nouns are also formed by adding derivational suffixes to the verb-stems: (38) a. weʠh ‘encircle’ > weʠho ‘siege’ b. dzhəgəʠ ‘quarrel’ > dzhəgʠẽ ‘quarrel’

In the following nouns, the object of the verb is included in the derived sense: (39) a. #tʃẽts ‘pound’ > tʃẽtso ‘pounded item’ b. bhər ‘fill, deposit’ > bhəro ‘that which is deposited’

In the following nouns, ‑o is added and there is a change in the vowel of the verb-stem. The meaning of the noun is restricted. (40) a. tuʈ ‘break’ > toʈo ‘loss’ b. meḷ ‘meet’ > meḷo ‘fair’ c. wẽts ‘select, cull’ > wẽtso ‘extract from a book’

In the following examples, the suffix ‑o accompanies a vowel change ə > a: (41) a. ukəʠ ‘swelter’ > ukaʠ-o ‘hot weather’ b. niwəʠ ‘select’ > niwaʠ-o ‘decision of a court’ c. pəsər ‘spread, sprawl’ > pəsar-o ‘things lying here and there’

The following nouns are derived by addition of the suffix ‑ay: (42) a. ləʠ ‘fight’ > ləʠay ‘war’ b. tsəʠ ‘climb up’ > tsəʠ-ay ‘aggression’ c. #tokhey ‘admire, praise’ > tokhṇ-ay ‘flattery, admiration’

The following nouns are derived by addition of the suffix ‑aw: (43) a. tig / ʈik ‘sustain, last’ > ʈik-aw ‘endurance, lasting’ b. uʈh ‘rise up’ > uʈaw ˜ uṭhaw ‘revolt’ c. rig ‘enter’ > rigaw ‘entrance’ d. pəʠow ‘cause to fall’ > paʠ-aw ‘defeat’ e. dzəm ‘come together’ > dzəm-aw ‘gathering of people, crowd’ f. dekh ˜ dek ‘see, look’ > dekh-aw ‘scene, view’ g. gher ‘besiege’(m) > gher-aw ‘the act of besieging’



Chapter 7.  Word formation 169

The suffix ‑i normally derives feminine nouns: (44) a. tsor ‘steal’ > tsori ‘theft’ b. thuk ‘spit’ > thuk-i ‘saliva’ c. buʠ ‘sink’ > buʠi ‘dip’ d. kəʠ ‘melt’ > kəʠi ‘decoction of medicinal herbs’ e. ləlkar ‘blow a bugle’ > ləlkar-i ‘blowing of a bugle’

The following nouns are derived by addition of the suffix ‑u: (45) a. dzhaʠ ‘sweep’ > dzaʠ-u ‘broom’ b. bhiʠ ‘surge, come forward’ > bhiʠ-u ‘partner in a c. utər ‘get down’ > utər-u ’passenger’ game’

The following nouns are derived by addition of the suffix ‑o / ‑ẽ: (46) a. hãs ‘laugh’ > hãs-o ‘laughter’ b. rəʠ ‘cry’ > rəʠ -ẽ ‘crying, wailing’ c. whələy ‘row’ > whəl-o ‘oar’ d. thar ‘rest’ > thar-o ‘rest’ e. bhurəkəy ‘sup noisily’ > bhurk-o ‘noisy sip’

The following nouns are derived by addition of the suffix ‑ṇ /‑n: (47) a. bhaṇʠ ‘quarrel’ > bhaṇʠə-ṇ ‘quarrel’ b. dəḷ ‘grind’ > dəḷə-ṇ ‘corn to be ground’ c. nhes ‘wear’ > nhesə-ṇ ‘dress’ d. nha ‘take bath’ > nha-ṇ ‘bath’ e. #dhãk ‘cover’ > dhãkə-ṇ ‘cover, lid’ f. wəḷ ‘turn’ > wəḷə-ṇ ‘turn, curve’ g. bhəʤ ‘pray’ > bhəʤə-n ‘prayer’ h. loḷ ‘wallow, prostrate’ > loḷ-əṇ ‘prostration’ i. rãnd ‘cook’ > rãndə-n ‘hearth’

The following nouns are derived by addition of the suffix ‑wəḷ ‘payment/charge for’:3 (48) a. kha ‘eat, dine’ > khaṇa- wəḷ ‘charges for meals, board’ b. ghəʠ ‘make, happen’ > ghəʠṇa- wəḷ ‘charges for making’ c. maṇʠ ‘arrange, display’ > maṇʠa-wəḷ ‘arrangement, display’

3. The ṇ in the derivatives is an infinitive marker in Marathi. Words containing ṇ could be considered as borrowings from Marathi. Words such as maṇʠwəḷ are Konkani derivations as they lack ṇ.

170 Konkani

The suffix ‑ṇi forms feminine nouns with diverse meanings. (49) a. kər ‘do’ > kər-ṇi ‘deed; witchcraft’ b. kis ‘grate’ > kis-ṇi ‘grater’ c. phoʠ ‘break’ > phoʠ-ṇi ‘breakage; seasoning with spices’ d. #moʠ ‘break’ > moʠ-ṇi ‘breakage’ e. wãʈ ‘distribute’ > wãʈ-ṇi ‘distribution, division’ f. #tapəy ‘heat; scold’ > tapow-ṇi ‘scolding; lake storing salt water’ g. #lək ‘doze’ > lək-ṇi ‘doze’ h. #bhed ‘penetrərate’ > bhed-ṇi ‘incision, penetration’ i. #tokhew ‘admire, praise’ > tokhewṇi ‘admiration’ j. #rek ‘sketch, draw lines’ > rekh-ṇi / rekh-ni ‘figure, sketch’

The following nouns are derived by addition of the suffix ‑ṇuk: (50) a. #rəts ‘construct, frame’ > rəts‑ṇuk ‘formation, construction’ b. #ghoḷ ‘circulate, revolve’ > ghoḷ-ṇuk ‘routine’ c. #lag ‘be related to, come in contact’ > lag-ṇuk ‘commitment; accountability’ d. #ghəʠ > ghəʠ -ṇuk ‘happening, incident’ e. wag ‘behave’ > wag-ṇuk ‘behaviour’ f. kərəm ‘entertain oneself ’ > kərəm-ṇuk / kərmə-ṇuk ‘entertainment’

The following nouns are derived by addition of the suffix ‑p /‑wəp. This is a productive suffix for deriving infinitive nouns from all verbs. The suffix is also used in citation forms of verbs in dictionaries. As a noun it shows the activity or process indicated by the verb, but it can also have other meanings.4 (51) a. #uləy ‘speak’ > ulo-wəp ‘act of speaking/speech’ b. #ga ’sing’ > ga-wəp ‘singing’ c. #apəy ‘call’ > apo‑wəp ‘calling’ d. #kər ‘do’ > kər-əp ‘doing’ e. #wəts ‘go’ > wəts-əp ‘going’ f. #as ‘be’ > as-əp ‘state of being / existing, being’ g. #dhãw ‘run’ > dhãw-əp ‘running’ h. #bərəy ‘write’ > bəro-wəp ‘writing’ i. #nənd ˜ nand ‘live happily’ > nənd-əp ˜ nand-əp ‘living happily’ 4. Verb plus infinitive ‑əp / wəp is used as a noun which indicates the activity: kər ‘do’ > kər-əp ‘doing, act’ as in bhəwʃik (public) sadhənsuwida (facilities) nirmaṇ kər-əp (phrv:create-inf) mhətwat-ʃe (importance-of) asa (be-prp) ‘Creation of public facilities is important’. The infinitive, however, is not used for related but different meanings, as in Marathi. The Marathi infinitive form is used for that purpose. For example, gaḷ ‘strain, filter’ has the infinitive form gaḷ-əp ‘act of straining’. But for ‘strainer’ the Marathi word gaḷ-ṇẽ, which is an infinitive form in Marathi, is used. Konkani, however, forms an adjective from its infinitive: kər-p-i as in raʤkarəṇ kərpi mənʃãntʃe phawta ‘People who play politics get an opportunity’.



Chapter 7.  Word formation 171

The following nouns are derived by addition of the suffix ‑ti /‑ṭi: (52) a. gəḷ ‘leak’ > gəḷ-ṭi ‘leakage’ b. bhər ‘fill’ > bhər-ti ‘ebb tide’ c. pəḷ ‘run’ > pəḷ-ti ‘one’s turn to run’ d. pərət ‘return’ > pər-ti ‘return, going back’ e. #suk ‘dry up’ > suk-ti ‘low tide’

The following nouns are derived by addition of the suffix ‑pi. This is the most productive suffix for deriving nouns from verbs. Any verb can be turned into a nominal using this suffix. (53) a. #rãnd ‘cook’ > rãnd-pi ‘cook’ b. #tʃhap ‘print‘ > tʃhap-pi ‘printer’ c. #nats ‘dancer’ > nats-pi ‘dancer’ d. #əṇkar ’translate’ > əṇkar-pi ‘translator’ e. #dhũw ‘wash, clean’ > dhũw-pi ‘cleaner’ f. #teḷ ‘watch, inspect’ > teḷ-pi ‘spy’ g. #ʃikəy ‘teacher’ > ʃikow-pi ‘teacher’ h. #tʃələy ‘drive’ > tʃəlow-pi ‘driver’ i. #kheḷ ‘play’ > kheḷ-pi ‘sportsman’ j. #kəs ‘cultivate’ > kəs-pi ‘cultivator’ k. #ghəʠ ‘construct’ > ghəʠ-pi ‘constructor’

7.2.2.4 Nouns derived mainly from nouns and adjectives The suffix ‑ar results in n>n derivation: (54) a. loh ‘iron’ > loh‑ar ‘blacksmith’, b. tʃərmə leather’ (sk) > tʃamar ‘cobbler’

The suffix ‑i results in adj>n derivation in the following examples: (55) a. təyar ‘ready’ > təyar-i ‘readiness’ b. huʃar ‘clever’ > huʃar-i ‘cleverness’ c. əʃəkt ‘weak’ > əʃəkt-i ‘weakness’ d. ləbaʠ ‘cunning’ > ləbaʠ-i ‘cunningness’ e. udar ’on credit’ > udar-i ‘buying on credit’ f. mukhel ‘chief ’ > mukhel-i ‘leadership’ g. məst ‘intoxicated’ > məst-i ‘intoxication’  h. ʃud ‘conscious’ > ʃudd-i ‘consciousness’ i. aməʈ ‘sour’ > amʈ-i ‘a liquid dish made from split- pulses’

(p-a)

172 Konkani

The suffix ‑i results in n>n derivation in the following examples: (56) a. karbar ‘work, administration’ > karbar-i ‘manager, administrator’ b. #kadzar ‘marriage’ > kadzar-i ‘married person’  (Gawdi) c. #həṭəmṭəwaḷ ˜ əʈəmʈəwaḷ ‘vagrant’ > həʈəmʈəwaḷ-i ˜ əʈəmʈəwaḷ- i ‘useless activity’

The suffix ‑ik also derives n>n: (57) a. təntr ‘technique’ > təntr-ik ‘technician’ b. widnyan ‘science’ > widnynik ‘scientist’ c. #tʃitr ‘picture’ > tʃitr-ik ‘painter’

As does the suffix ‑ki ‘profession, job’: (58) a. mənis ‘human being’ maṇus (m) > maṇsu-ki ‘humanity’ b. bhaw ‘brother’ > bhaw-ki ‘brotherhood’ c. dew ‘God’ > dewəs-ki ‘devotion to God’ d. gãw ‘village’ > gãw-ki ‘village affairs, administration etc.’ e. bhawbənd ‘kith and kin’ > bhawbənd-ki ‘family feud’

Similarly, the suffix ‑gir (p-a ‑gər) ‘doer, actor’ results in n>n derivation: (59) a. kar ‘art’(p-a) > kara-gir ‘craftsman’ b. təmaso ‘a folk form of entertainment’ > təmas-gir ‘actor in a ‘tamaso’

The suffix ‑giri ‘act, deed’ participates in adj>n derivation in Examples (60a)–(60c), in n>n derivation in (60d)–(60f), and in v>n derivation in (60g). (60) a. bhõndu ‘hypocritical’ > bhõndu-giri ‘hypocrisy’ b. tsalu ‘cunning’ > tsalu-giri ‘cunningness’ c. lutʃtʃẽ ‘deceitful’ > lutʃtʃẽ-giri ‘deceit’ d. diwaṇ ‘king’s chief minister’ > diwaṇ-giri ‘work of a king’s chief minister’ e. dada ‘bully’ > dada-giri ‘bullying’ f. guṇʠ ‘hooligan’ > guṇʠə-giri ͂ guṇʠ-giri ͂ ‘hooliganism’ g. dəʠəp ‘suppress’ > dəʠəpe-giri ‘suppression’

The suffix ‑dar results in n>n derivation: (61) a. bhagi ‘partnership in a business’ > bhagi-dar ‘business partner’ b. ərdz ‘application’ > ərdz-dar ‘applicant’ c. wətən ‘hereditary estate, office etc.’ > wətən-dar ‘holder of hereditary estate, office etc.’ d. dzəmin ‘land’ > dzəmin-dar ‘landlord’ e. həmi ‘guarantee’ > həmi-dar ‘guarantor’



Chapter 7.  Word formation 173

The suffix ‑pəṇ / ‑saṇ ‘-ness’ is a very productive suffix used for making nouns from adjectives, nouns, adverbs and postpositions. The declinable adjectives take the neuter form as the base. The suffix ‑pəṇ is in Marathi but ‑saṇ is used only in Konkani. In the following examples, these suffixes result in adj>n derivation: (62) a. ʃaṇẽ ‘wise’ > ʃaṇe-pəṇ ‘wisdom’ b. dhərmik ‘religious’ > dhərmik-pəṇ ‘religious-mindedness’ c. #piʃẽ ‘mad’ > piʃẽ-pəṇ ‘madness’ d. #ʃiʈuk ‘sharp, smart’ > ʃiʈuk‑saṇ / ʃiʈuk-pəṇa ‘smartness, shrewdness’ e. #khaltẽ ‘humble, modest’ > khaltẽ-pəṇ ‘humility, modesty’ f. #fəʈiŋ ‘crook, full of lies’ > fəʈiŋ-pəṇ ‘falsity, knavery’ g. #mukhel ‘chief, main’ > mukhel-pəṇ leadership’ h. #tsəktsəkit ‘resplendent, radiant’ > tsəktsək-saṇ ‘radiance’‘radiance’ i. #surbus ‘delicious, savoury’ > surbus-saṇ ’savour’ j. #whəʠ ‘great’, > whəʠ-pəṇ ‘greatness’ k. #niwəḷ ‘clean, pure’ > niwəḷ-pəṇ ‘cleanliness; clarity’ l. həʈi / həʈʈi ‘stubborn, obstinate’ > həʈi-pəṇ / həʈʈi-pəṇ ‘obstinacy, stubbornness’ m. dzaṇʈẽ ‘aged; grown-up’ > dzaṇʈẽ-pəṇ ‘old age; maturity’ n. ʃant ‘quiet’ > ʃant‑pəṇ ‘quietude’ o. #mogaḷ ‘dear, affectionate’ > mogaḷ-pəṇ ‘affability’ p. sənt ‘saint’ > santi-pəṇ ‘saintliness’  (Mang) q. #farik ’paid, returned’ > farik-pəṇ ‘atonement’ r. kərməʈ ‘orthodox’ > kəməʈh-pəṇ ‘orthodoxy’ s. #nadzuk ‘tender’ > nadzuk-pəṇ / najuk-saṇ ‘tenderness’ t. #mhowaḷ ‘sweet as honey’ > mhowaḷ-pəṇ ‘sweetness’ u. soʃik ‘patient’ > soʃik-pəṇ / soʃik-saṇ ‘patience’ v. #mow ‘soft’ > mow-saṇ ‘softness’ w. dəyaḷ ‘kind, full of pity’ > dəyaḷ-pəṇ ‘pity’ x. #koʠu ‘bitter’ > koʠ-saṇ ‘bitterness’ y. #maluk ‘mad’(Portuguese) > malukpəṇ ‘insanity, madness’ z. #apsulad ‘naughty’(Portuguese) > apsuladpəṇ ‘naughtiness’

In the following examples, these suffixes result in n>n derivation: (63) a. bhurgẽ ‘child’ > bhurgẽ-pəṇ ‘childhood’ b. #whəŋkəl ‘bride’ > whəŋkəl-pəṇ ‘being a bride’  c. #dẽwtʃar ‘devil’ > dẽwtʃar-pəṇ ‘work of a devil’ d. #soyrẽ ‘relative, guest’ > soyrẽ-pəṇ ‘duty towards a relative’ e. mənis ‘human being’ > mənis-pəṇ ‘humanity’

(Mang.)

174 Konkani

The suffix ‑ay results in n>n derivation: (64) #dzətən ‘preservation’ > dzətən-ay ‘care, maintenance’

In the following examples, the same suffix participates in adj>n derivation: (65) a. #uʃṇ ‘hot’ > uʃṇə-t-ay ‘heat’ b. #ʃant ‘peaceful’ > ʃantə-t-ay ‘peace’ c. #khol ‘deep’ > khol-ay ‘depth’ d. #daʈ ‘thick’ > daʈ-ay ‘thickness’ e. #lamb ‘long’ > lamb-ay ‘length’ f. #bhəwy ‘grand’ > bhəwyə-t-ay ‘grandeur’ g. #mharəg ‘costly’ > mharəg-ay ‘expensiveness’ h. #sobit ‘beautiful’ > sobit-k-ay ‘beauty’ i. #əskət ‘weak’ > əʃətə-t-ay ‘weakness’  j. #nəməḷ ‘humble’ > nəməḷ-ay ‘humility’ k. #sundər ‘beautiful’ > sundər-tay ‘beauty’ l. #barik ‘small’ > bark-ay ‘detail’ #mədhur ‘sweet’ > mədhur-ay ‘sweetness’ m. n. #əspruʃ ‘untouchable’ > əspruʃ-ət-ay ‘untouchability’ o. #wiʃəm ‘unequal’ > wiʃəm-t-ay ‘unequality’ p. #tʃətur ’deft’ > tʃturay / tʃətur-t-ay ‘deftness’ q. #aḷʃi ‘lazy’ > aḷs-ay ‘laziness’

(Christ)

Finally, the suffix ‑ay can also participate in adv>n derivation: (66) #səwkas ‘quietly, without hurry’ > səwkas-ay ‘peace, quietude’ 

(Christ.)

7.2.2.5 Non-productive noun suffixes There are a few nouns in Konkani that are formed from verbs. But their number is very restricted; one reason for this is that these nouns are borrowed from Marathi as single morphemic words. Nouns derived from verbs below are all from Marathi. With the exception of a few, those derived from nouns also are from Marathi. (67) a. duk ‘sorrow’(n) > duk-əwʈa ‘mourning’(n) b. #dis ‘day’(n) > dis-aḷẽ ‘daily newspaper’ c. pawəs ‘rain’ (n) > pawəs-aḷo ‘rainy season’(n) d. suʈ ‘be freed’(v) > suʈ-ka ‘liberation’(n) e. #mog ‘love’(n) > mog-i-ka ‘sweeetheart’(n) f. meḷ ‘meet, gather’(v) > meḷa-wa ‘gathering’(n) g. hãntər ‘spread a mat’(v) > hãntruṇ ‘bed’(n) h. #fəs ‘be tricked’(v) > fəs-gət / fəs-wəṇ ‘deception’(n) i. purow ‘supply’(v) > purəw-ʈho / purw-əṇ ‘supply, stock’(n)

Chapter 7.  Word formation 175



j. bhər ‘fill, be full’(v) > bhər-tẽ ‘emotional rising’(n) k. dukṇẽ ‘sickness’(n) > dukṇ-ayət ‘sick person’(n) l. #wãʈ ‘distribute, divide’(v) > wãʈp-əṇ ‘bargain’(n) m. udəḷ˜udhəḷ ‘spend prodigally’(v) > udəḷ˜udhəḷ-pəʈʈi ‘excessive spending’(n) n. ʈhok ‘hit’(v) > ʈhok-ər ‘hard-hit’(n) o. mut ‘urinate’(v) > mut-ri / mut-atʃẽ ‘urinal’(n) p. kãp ‘’ tremble’(v) > kãp-rẽ / kãp-ro ’shiver’(n) q. #khõk /khãk ‘cough’(v) > khõk-li ‘cough’(n) r. hag ‘discharge excrement’(v) > hag-wəṇ ‘diarrhoea’(n) s. rus ‘sulk’(v) > rus-wo ‘sulking’(n) t. wəḷ-əṇ’turn’(n) > wəḷ-so ‘a long turn’(n) u. #ʃeḷ ‘wetness’(n) > ʃeḷa-wo ‘cold’(n) v. pis ‘feather’(n) > pisa-ro ‘plumage’ w. ghər ‘house’(n) > ghəra-bo ‘family’(n) x. bhaʤi ‘vegetable’(n) > bhaʤi-walẽ ‘vegetable vendor’(n)  (Marathi) # y. sat ‘seven’(adj) > sato-ḷẽ ‘week’ z. raʤa ‘king’ > raʤ-wəʈ ‘reign’

In Gawdi bərəy ‘write’ is a verb from which bərəy-ṇar writer’ is derived. 7.3

Adjective formation

This section shows how Konkani adjectives are formed by using prefixes and suffixes. 7.3.1 Adjective prefixation In Konkani Prefixes from Sanskrit are found in words borrowed from Sanskrit and sometimes they are used productively to form new words in Konkani. Prefixes from Perso-Arabic are also used in the same way. 7.3.1.1 Adjective prefixation: Sanskrit In the examples below, there are words that are derived in Sanskrit but simply borrowed into Konkani. That is, the base and the prefix both are from Sanskrit. They are marked as sk. Then, there are words that are borrowed from Marathi. In these words the base is Marathi and therefore they are called Marathi derivatives. They are borrowed into Konkani. Finally, there are words that are results of Konkani derivational process as their base is Konkani. In all the examples the prefixes are Sanskrit prefixes.

176 Konkani

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of ə- ‘absence, without, un-’ (68) a. ə-kəlpit ‘unimagined’  b. ə-khəṇʠ ‘whole, undivided’  c. ə-patr ‘unfit’  d. ə-bol ‘speechless, silent’ e. ə-səman ‘unequal’  f. ə-pəritʃəy ‘lack of acquaintance’ g. #ə-borəs ‘orphan’ h. ə-ʠaṇi ‘illiterate’  i. ə-manuʃ ‘inhuman, cruel’  j. ə-tsuk ‘unmistakable’ k. ə-budd ‘foolish’ l. ə-dzaṇ ‘ignorant, innocent’ m. ə-many ‘unacceptable’ n. ə-sabawik ‘unnatural’ o. ə-badr; not good, evil’

(sk) (sk) (sk) (sk)

(Marathi) (Marathi)

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of ən- ‘without’ (69) a. ən-ərt ‘havoc’  b. ən-mol ‘priceless’  c. #ən-gəṇit ‘innumerable’ d. ən-əṇəbhəwi ‘inexperienced’ e. ən-pekshit ‘unexpected’ f. ən-agət ‘absent’ g. ən-awər ‘uncontrolable’ h. ən-uptʃarik ‘informal’ i. ən-wəḷki ‘not known, unfamiliar’ j. əṇ-dzaṇ ‘ignorant’

(sk) (Marathi)

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of əti- ‘excessive’ (70) a. ətyutʃ ‘topmost’  b. əti-sukʃim ‘microscopic’ c. əti-sundər ‘extremely beautiful’ d. əti-sudarillẽ ‘forward, well advanced’ e. əti-sobit ‘well decorated, beautiful’

(sk)

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of ni- ‘without, -less’ (71) a. ni-rəs ‘tasteless’  b. ni-rogi ‘healthy’  c. ni-wəḷ ‘clean’, ni-təḷ ‘clean’

(sk) (Marathi)



Chapter 7.  Word formation 177

d. ni-ḍər ‘dauntless’ e. ni-nãwi ‘nameless’

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of nir- / nis- ‘without, -less’ (72) a. nir-əntər ‘without break, continuous’  b. nis-teʤ ‘not bright, pale’  c. ni-səntan ‘childless’ d. nir-əkʃər ‘illiterate’ e. #nir-əwədi ‘always’ f. #nir-əʃello ‘disconsolate’ g. ni-sətw ‘insipid’

(sk) (sk)

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of prə- ‘more, very’ (73) a. prə-khər ˜ prə-kər ‘very bright’  b. prə-bha ‘radiance, brilliance’  c. prə-bhari ‘in-charge’

(sk) (sk)

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of prəti- ‘opposite, counter, re-’ (74) a. prəti-gami ‘reactionary, regressive’  b. prəti-yogi ‘opposite’ 

(sk) (sk)

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of su- ‘good’ (75) a. su-ʃikʃit ‘well educated and cultured’ b. su-kʃim ‘very small, microscopic’ c. #su-khəṇʠ ‘satisfied’ d. su-ləkhəṇi ‘of good omen’

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of ku- ‘bad’ (76) a. ku-rup ‘ugly’ b. ku-ləkhəṇi ‘of bad omen’

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of nə- ‘not, un-’ (77) a. nə-astik > nastik ‘atheist’  b. nə-gəṇy ‘not worthwhile’ 

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of sə- ‘with’ (78) a. sə-kəs ‘nutritious’ b. sə-guṇ ‘virtuous’ c. sə-teʤ ‘lustrous’

(sk) (sk)

178 Konkani

d. sə-tərk ‘vigilant’ e. sə-dəḷ ‘liberal’ f. sə-dhərmi ‘belonging to the same religion’ g. sə-prem ‘with love’ h. #sə-bhagi ‘lucky’ i. sə-murt ‘concrete’

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of swə- ‘self ’ (79) a. swə-təntr ‘independent’ b. swə-əbhimani > swabhimani ‘self-respecting’ c. swə-bhawik > swabhawik ˜ səbhawik ‘natural’ d. swə-ərthi > swarthy ˜ suwarthi ˜ suwərathi ‘selfish; greedy’ e. swə-əwələmbi ˜ swawələmbi ‘self-reliant’

7.3.1.2 Adjective prefixation: Perso-Arabic There are some Perso-Arabic prefixes found in Konkani words. Goa did not have very close contact with the Mughal rulers and therefore the possibility of convergence is very unlikely. However, it is possible that these words are borrowed from Marathi which had a long contact situation. All the words given below are used in Marathi. The following examples are derived by the prefixation of kəm- ‘inadequate, -less’ (80) a. kəm-dzor (p-a ‘strength’) ’weak’ b. kəm-kuwət (p-a ‘power’) ‘weak’ c. kəm-nəʃibi (p-a nəsib ‘luck’)’unlucky’

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of gəyr- ‘against, opposite’ (81) a. gəyr-hədzər (p-a haʤir ‘present) ‘absent’

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of na- ‘not’ (82) a. na-kəbul (p-a kubul ‘agreed upon’) ‘not agreed upon’ b. na-khuʃ (p-a khuʃ ‘happy, willing’) ‘reluctant’ c. na-pəsənt (p-a pəsənd ‘favourite, approved’) ’disapproved, disliked’ d. na-mərd (p-a’male; brave’)’impotent; cowardly’ e. na-raʤ (p-a raʤi ‘pleased and ready’) ‘upset’

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of bəd- ‘bad, ill’ (83) a. bəd-fəyli (p-a fəyl ‘bad deed’) ‘debauch’ b. bəd-sur ‘discordant’



Chapter 7.  Word formation 179

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of be- ‘without, not, dis-’ (84) a. be- tʃirak (p-a tʃərag ˜ tʃirag ‘lamp’) ‘making the without lamp, that is uninhabited > completely destroyed, burnt down (residence) b. be-tʃəyn ‘without rest or comfort’ c. be-pərwa (p-a pərwah ‘care, concern’) ‘careless, indifferent’ d. be-hoʃ (p-a hoʃ ‘intelligence, consciousness’) ‘delirious’ e. be-kar (p-a kar ‘work) ‘unemployed’ f. be-hisəbi (p-a hisab ‘accounts’) ‘unaccounted’

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of bin- ‘without’ (85) a. bin-dikkət (p-a dikkət ‘difficulty’) ‘without difficulty’ b. bin-kəsbi (p-a kəsb ‘skill’)’unskilled’ c. bin-dhok ‘without any danger’ d. bin-ʃərt (p-a ʃərt ‘condition’)’unconditional’ e. bin-bobaṭ ’quietly, stealthily’

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of bela- ‘without, less-’ (86) a. bela- ʃək ‘without hesitation, without doubt’

7.3.1.3 Some other adjective prefixes There are hardly any native prefixes found in Konkani word formation. The following examples are derived by the prefixation of aʠ- ‘not straight’. These words occur in Marathi as well. (87) a. aʠ- waʈ (‘way’)‑yẽ (sufx) ‘perverse’ b. aʠ-marg (‘way’)‑i (sufx) ‘by bad means’ c. aʠ-muʈẽ ˜ aʠ-muḷẽ ‘adamant’ d. aʠ-wəḷəṇ (‘turn’)‑i (sufx) ‘far off; indirect’

The following examples are derived by the prefixation of bhər- ‘full’, which derives adjectives from nouns (88a), adjectives (88b) and verbs (88c). (88) a. bhər-dzər (‘golden and silver threads’) ‘of golden and silver threads’ b. bhər-bəkkəm (‘strong’) ‘very strong’ c. bhər- dhãw (‘run’) ‘with full speed’

7.3.2 Adjective suffixation Adjectives in Konkani that have Sanskrit suffuxes are dicussed in this section. If the stems are from Sanskrit, they are marked as sk. If they are from Perso-Arabic they are marked as p-a. These formations are found in Marathi as well. Konkani specific words are marked with (#).

180 Konkani

7.3.2.1 Adjective suffixation: Sanskrit The examples below contain words borrowed from Sanskrit and Marathi and words derived in Konkani using Sanskrit suffixes. The following examples are derived by the suffixation of ‑adhin ‘dependent, surrendering’ and -akul ‘full of ’: (89) a. pərə (sk ‘ other’) > pər-adhin ‘dependent on others’ adj>adj adj>adj b. -akul ‘full of ’ ʃok ‘sorrow’ (sk) > ʃok-akul ‘sorrowful’ n>adj

The following examples are derived by the suffixation of ‑i, a very productive suffix that derives adjectives from words of various categories: (90) a. doʃ (sk ‘fault’) > doʃ-i ‘faulty, guilty’ b. #nəkhetr (sk nəkšətrə ‘star’) nəkhetr‑i ‘starry’ c. hikmət (p-a) ‘skill, ingenuity’ > hikmət-i ‘ingenuous’ d. tʃhənd (sk tʃhəndə ‘passion’) > tʃhənd‑i ‘voluptuous’ e. həŋgam (p-a ‘season’) > həŋgam‑i ‘seasonal’ f. raʤəs (sk ‘king’ ) > raʤəs-i ‘royal, of many comforts and luxury’ (Mang.) g. dnyan ‘knowledge’(sk) > dnyan-i ‘knowledgeable, learned’ h. des ‘country’ > deʃ-i ‘native’ i. miʤas (p-a miʤadz ‘vanity’) > miʤaš-i ‘vain’ j. #pəndrəs ‘fortnight’ > pəndrəʃ-i ‘fortnightly’ k. doŋgər ‘hill’ > doŋgər-i ‘hilly’ l. kərar (p-a ‘agreement, bond’) > kərar-i ‘resolute’ m. sukh (sk‘comfort, happiness’) > sukh-i ‘comfortable, happy’ n. #dubaw ‘doubt’ > dubaw-i ‘suspicious’ o. kaḷok ‘darkness’ > kaḷək-i ‘dark’ p. raʤkarəṇ ‘politics’ > raʤarəṇ-i ‘political’ q. #khəʈaro ‘cart’ > khəʈar-i ‘very old, junk’ r. #adar (Marathi adhar ‘help’) > adar-i ‘helping; auxillary’ s. likh ‘write’ (sk) > lekh-i ‘written’ t. #tʃhap ‘print’ > tʃhapi ˜ tʃhappi ‘printed’ u. #suməŋgəl ‘very auspicious’> suməŋgəl-i ‘sth very auspicious’  (Mang.)

The following examples are derived by the suffixation of ‑ik ‘belonging to, of, about’, which derives adjectives from nouns and verbs.5 It is interesting to note that the

5. In Sanskrit the ə in the initial syllable of the stem word becomes a when the suffix ‑ik is added: ərthə ‘finance, money’ > arthic ‘financial, monetary’, dhərmə ‘religion’ > dharmik ‘religious’, səmaʤ ‘society’ > samaʤik ‘social’. In Marathi the Sanskrit a in the derived adjective is retained, but in Konkani there is no change in ə. This could be treated, therefore, as Konkani derivation.



Chapter 7.  Word formation 181

/ə/ in the initial syllable of the stem becomes /a/ in Sanskrit derived form and is retained in Marathi, but not in Konkani (See Examples d, g, h, k below). (91) a. ihə (sk ‘this material world’) > əyh-ik ‘of this world’  (sk) b. nit (sk niti)’moral’ > nəyt-ik ‘moral’  (sk) c. ʃikʃəṇ ‘education’ > ʃəykʃəṇ-ik (sk, Marathi) / ʃikʃəṇ-ik ‘educational’ d. dhərm ‘religion’ > dhərm-ik ‘religious’ e. #rutʃi (sk ‘taste’) > rutʃ-ik ‘tasty’ f. #swad ‘taste’(sk) > swad-ik ‘tasty’  (Mang) g. təntr ‘technique’ > təntr-ik ‘technical’ h. səmaʤ ‘society’ > səmaʤ-ik ‘social’ i. upətʃar ‘formality’ > upətʃar-ik ‘formal’ j. #uddeg (sk uddyog) ‘industry’ > uddeg-ik ‘industrial’ k. tərk ‘logic’(sk) > tərk-ik ‘logical’ l. mol ‘value’(sk) > məwl-ik (sk, Marathi) / molad-ik ‘valuable’ m. əṇbəw (sk ənubhəw‘experience’) > əṇbəw-ik / ənubhəw-ik ‘experienced’ n. #sõsṇi ‘suffering’, sõsṇ-ik ‘long suffering’  (Christ) o. sõs ‘endure’ > sõʃ-ik ‘enduring’ p. khərts ‘spend’ > khərtʃ-ik ‘spending lavishly’

The following examples are derived by the suffixation of ‑it, which derives adjectives from verbs: (92) a. pəʠ ‘fall’ > pəʠ-it ‘dilapidated; ruined’ b. likh (sk v ‘write’) > likit ‘written’ c. dukəy ‘hurt; grieve’ > duk-it ‘hurt; sad’ d. buʠəy ‘sink, drown’ > buʠ-it ‘lost in business’ e. fəḷəy ‘bear fruit’ > fəḷ-it ‘fruitful’ f. bhərəy ‘organise; bring together; fill’ > bhər-it ‘full’ g. tsətsək ‘shine, dazzle’ > tsətsək-it ‘resplendent, dazzling’ h. #gəgər ‘rotate’ > gəgər-it ‘totally round’ i. rek ‘draw lines, give shape’ > rekh-it ‘shaped’

The following examples are derived by the suffixation of ‑in, which derives adjectives from nouns and adjectives: (93) a. kulə ‘high family’ (sk) > kul-in ‘of superior upbringing, well- bred’ b. bhutkal ‘past’ > bhutkal-in ‘of or relating to past’ c. mələ ‘dirt’ (sk) > mələ-in ‘dirty’ d. nəwə ‘new’ (sk) > nəw-in ‘new’

The following examples are derived by the suffixation of ‑iy / -ki ˜ -kiy, which also derives adjectives from nouns and adjectives:

182 Konkani

(94) a. ʃasən ‘government, administration’ > ʃasə-kiy (Marathi) ˜ ʃasə-ki ‘governmental, administrative’ b. raʤ ‘state’ > raʤə-ki ‘political’  (Compare (90)p) c. əntər ‘interval, inner part’ > əntər-iy ‘internal’‘internal’ d. akəʃəṇ ‘attraction’ > akərʃəṇ‑iy ‘attractive’ e. pərə ‘alien, other’ (sk) > pər‑ki ‘odd, strange’

The following examples are derived by the suffixation of ‑k ‘doing, bringing, causing’, which derives adjectives from verbs and nouns: (95) a. tar ‘save, protect’ > tar-ək ‘saviour’  b. mar ‘kill’> mar-ək ‘killer’ c. sar ‘pass on, move aside’ > sar-ək ‘digestive’ d. dhər ‘hold’ > dhar-ək ‘holder’ e. sphoʈ ‘explosion’ > sphoʈ-ək ‘causing explosion’ f. dzats ‘torment’ > dzats-ək ‘tormenting’ g. bhəmp-ək ‘foolish’ h. hĩwsa ‘violence’ > hĩws-ək ‘violent’

(sk)

Note that the stem in (95g) is never used. It is a case of analogy. The following examples are derived by the suffixation of ‑kər / karək ‘giving, causing’, which derives adjectives from nouns: (96) a. hitə ‘benefit’ (sk) > hit-kər / hit-karək ‘beneficial’ b. suk ‘comfort’ > sukhə-kər ˜ suk-kər ‘comfortable’ c. rutʃi ‘taste’ > ruts-kər ‘tasty’  d. hani ‘damage, harm’ > hani- karək ‘harmful’

(Mang)

The following examples are derived by the suffixation of ‑tən, which derives adjectives from adverbs: (97) a. pura ‘in ancient times’ (sk) > pura-tən ‘old’ b. tʃirəm ‘for a long time’ (sk) > tʃirən-tən ‘lasting for a long time’

The following examples are derived by the suffixation of ‑dərʃi ‘seeing’ / dərʃək ‘showing’, which derives adjectives from adverbs and nouns: (98) a. dur ‘far’> dur-dərʃi ‘visionary’ b. parəm ‘further or opposite side’ (sk) > par-dərʃək/parə-dərʃi ‘transparent’ c. tətw ‘truth, principle’ > tətwə-dərʃi ‘philosophical’ d. pəth ‘way’ > pathə- dərʃi ‘showing the way; path finding; indicating’



Chapter 7.  Word formation 183

The following examples are derived by the suffixation of ‑dayək / də / da ‘giving,’ which derives adjectives from nouns: (99) a. dukkhə ‘sorrow’ > dukkhə-dayək / dukkhəd ‘sad’  b. tras ‘trouble’ > tras-dayək ‘causing inconvenience, troublesome’ c. labh ‘gain, profit’ > lab-dayək ‘profitable’ d. sukh ‘ happiness,comfort’ > sukhda ‘comfortable’

(sk)

The suffixes ‑grəstə / ‑piḍit ‘affected or hit by’ derive adjectives from nouns: (100) a. bhəy ˜ bh͂əy ‘fear’ > bh͂əy-grəst ‘terrified’ b. wad ‘controversy, dispute’ > wad-grəst ‘controversial, disputed’

The following examples are derived by the suffixation of ‑man / ‑məntə ‘having’ to nouns: (101) a. ʃri ‘wealth, prosperity’ > (sk šri-mət ‘wealthy, rich’) ʃri-man / ʃri‑mənt ‘rich; title for a rich, powerful person’ b. buddi / budd ‘intelligence’ > buddi-man ‘intelligent’, c. dəydipyə-man ‘brilliant’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑rəhit ‘without’ to nouns: (102) a. ʃok ‘sorrow (sk) > ʃokə-rəhit ‘without sorrow’ b. wat ‘air’ (sk) > wat--rəhit ‘without air’ c. wedəna ‘pain’(sk) > wedəna-rəhit ‘painless’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑spəd ‘full of ’ to nouns: (103) a. ʃəŋka ‘doubt’ > ʃəŋka-spəd ‘doubtful’ b. s͂əwʃəy ‘doubt’> s͂əwʃəya-spəd ‘suspicious’ c. lantʃhən ‘shame; stigma’ (sk) > lantʃhəna-spəd ‘shameful’ d. gəwrəw ‘honour’ > gəwrəwa-spəd ‘of great honour’

The following adjectives are derived from the suffixation of ‑wan (also from Marathi ‑wənt) ‘having’ to nouns: (104) a. bhagyə ‘fortune’ (sk) > bhagyə-wənt / bhagyəwan ‘fortunate’ b. guṇə ‘virtue’(sk) > guṇə-wənt ‘virtuous’ c. #pray ‘age’ > pray-wə~t ‘aged’  d. #tãk ‘strength’ > tãkiwənt ‘able, having the strength’ e. #bud ‘intelligence’ > bud-wəntu ‘wise’ 

(Christ) (Mang)

184 Konkani

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑wi ‘having’ to nouns: (105) a. teʤəs ‘brilliance’ (sk) > teʤəs-wi ‘brilliant’ b. maya ‘deceit, fraud’ (sk) > maya-wi ‘deceitful, false’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑ḷu /-ḷ /-ḷo (from sk ‑lu) ‘full of ’. The ‑ḷo form is inflected for gender and number. This affix attaches to nouns and verbs: (106) a. dəya ‘mercy’ > dəya-ḷu / dəyaḷ ‘merciful’ b. maya ‘affection’ > maya-ḷu / maya-ḷẽ ‘affectionate’ c. swəpnə ‘dream’(sk) > swəpna-ḷu (Marathi) / səpna-ḷo ‘dreamy’ d. laj ‘shyness’ > laja-ḷu ‘shyness’ e. pãy ‘leg’ > pãya-ḷu ‘born with legs foremost’ f. prem ‘love’ > premə-ḷ ‘affectionate’  (Marathi) g. #mog ‘love’ > moga-ḷ ‘affectionate’ h. rəs ‘juice’ > rəsa-ḷ ‘juicy’ i. tõņʠ ‘mouth’ > tõņʠa-ḷ ‘reckless in speech’ j. #dzhəgʠẽ ‘quarrel’> dzhəgʠa-ḷ ‘quarrelsome’ k. #bhãŋgər ‘gold’ > bhãŋgra-ḷo ‘golden’ l. #duʠu ‘money’ > duʠwa-ḷu ‘rich’ m. wisər ‘forget’ > wisra-ḷu ‘forgetful’

7.3.2.2 Adjective suffixation: Perso-Arabic In the examples given below, the suffixes are Perso-Arabic. The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑war ‘according to, by, with’ to nouns and adjectives: (107) a. wərg ‘class’> wərg-war ‘according to the class’ b. krəm ‘order’> krəm-war ‘following the order’ c. səŋgəʈ ‘harmonious’ (sk) > səŋgəʈ-war ‘methodical, following the order’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑khor ‘indulging in, fond of ’ to nouns: (108) a. bhaṇʠəṇ ‘quarrel’ > bhaṇʠ-khor ‘quarrelsome’ b. tsugli ‘slander’ > tsugl-khor ‘slanderous’ c. ʈəwaḷi ‘mockery, gibe’ > ʈəwaḷ-khor ‘jeering’  d. həram ‘bad deed’ > həram-khor ‘wicked, dishonest’ e. bəṇʠ ‘rebellion, revolt’ (p-a) > bəṇʠ-khor ‘rebel’ f. diwaḷẽ ‘bankrupcy’ > diwaḷ-khor ‘bankrupt’

(Marathi)



Chapter 7.  Word formation 185

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑baj ‘indulging in’ to nouns: (109) a. nəʃa ‘intoxication’ (p-a) > nəʃa-baj ‘addicted to liquor’ b. rãṇʠ ‘prostitute’ > rəṇʠi-baj ‘indulging in illegal sexual activities’ c. dəga / dəgəl ‘treachery’ > dəga-baj / dəgəl-baj ‘treacherous’ 

(p-a)

7.3.2.3 Adjective suffixation: Portuguese This section illustratese the influence of Portuguese on Konkani. Konkani has borrowed these formations from Portuguese. The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑rəhit ‘without’ which contains to nouns: (110) a. #mult ‘penalty’> mult-ad ‘fined, charged’ b. #suseg ‘peace’ > suseg-ad ‘peaceful, calm’ c. #tor-ad ‘baked hard’

The following adjective is derived by the suffixation of ‑oz (‑osola Portuguese) to the noun: (111) #perig ‘danger’ > perig-oz ‘dangerous’

7.3.2.4 Konkani-Marathi adjective formations The suffixes in the examples that follow are common to both Marathi and Konkani. Sometimes adjectives are formed on the analogy of the suffix but the stems do not have independent meaning. For example, in (114) paṇ-tsəṭ, paṇ can be traced back to paṇi, which means water and watery food, and therefore can mean ‘tasteless’food which is the meaning of paṇ-tsəṭ; but in kh͂əw-tsəṭ ‘peevish’ and lo-tsəṭ ‘clinging’, kh͂əw and lo are meaningless. In such cases we have given the components without glosses. The following adjectives are derived from verbs by conversion: (112) a. ugəʠ ‘open’ > ugəʠ ‘open’ b. uləʈ ‘turn hostile’> uləʈ ‘opposite’; hostile’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑ək to verbs and phrasal verbs. (113) a. tuʈ ‘break’ > tuʈ-ək ‘broken’ b. bhed ‘penetrate’ > bhed-ək ‘penetrating’ c. pəts ‘digest’ > patʃ-ək ‘digestive’ d. wets ‘select’ > wetʃ-ik ‘selected’ e. dzats ‘oppress’ > dzats-ək ‘oppressive’ f. hani ‘damage’ + kər ‘do’ > hanikar-ək damaging’ g. bədnami ‘disrepute’ + kər ‘do’ > bədnami-karək ‘defaming’

186 Konkani

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑əʈ / -kəʈ / -gəʈ / -tsəʈ / -məʈ ‘with a tinge of, having some characteristic of ’ to adjectives, nouns and verbs: (114) a. bawḷa ‘foolish’ (Marathi) > bawḷ-əʈ ‘foolish’ b. hirwo ‘green’ > hirw-əʈ ‘greenish’ c. ãmb > ãmbəʈ ‘sour’ d. tup ‘ghee’ > tup-kəʈ ‘with a smell of ghee’ e. rog ‘disease’ > rog-əʈ ‘sickly’ f. gham ‘sweat’ > gham-əʈ ‘smelling of sweat, filthy’ g. khar ‘salt’ > khar- əʈ ‘salty’ h. mati ‘soil, clay’ > mat-kəʈ ‘muddy’ i. bəḷ ‘strength’ > bəḷ-kəʈ ‘strong’ j. dəṇ > dəṇ-kəʈ ‘stout, strong’ k. por ‘child’ > por-kəʈ ‘childish’ l. #meṇ ‘wax’ > meṇ-kəʈ ‘waxy’ m. paṇi ‘water’ > paṇ-tsəʈ ‘watery, tasteless’ n. pəsər ‘spread, sprawl’ > pəsrəʈ ‘shallow, stretched’ o. kond ‘suffocate’ (Marathi) > kõnd-əʈ ‘suffocating, stuffy’ p. kh͂əw > ‑tsəṭ ‘peevish’  q. lo > ‑tsəṭ ‘clinging’ 

(Marathi) (Marathi)

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑əs ‘related to’ to nouns and adjectives: (115) a. tsəwkəʃi ‘inquiry’ > tsəwk-əs ‘inquisitive’ b. doḷo ‘eye’ > doḷ-əs ‘inquisitive and careful’ c. raʤa ‘king’ > raʤ-əs ‘kingly; elegant’ d. tirko ‘slanting’ > tirk-əs ‘not straight; crooked’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑o to verbs, phrasal verbs (See e and f below) adverbials (as ing and h) and nouns. All adjectives can be inflected. For example, ləŋgəʠ-o bəyl m (lame bull), but ləŋgəʠ-i gay f (lame cow). (116) a. ləŋgəʠ ‘limp’ > ləŋgəʠ-o ‘lame’ b. ugəʠ ‘open’ > ugʠ-o ‘uncovered’ c. suʈ ‘be loose’ > suʈ-o ‘separate, loose’ d. ʤiw ‘life’ + ghe ‘take’ > ʤiwgheṇo ‘fatal’ e. ghər ‘home, family’ + bu ʠ əy‘sink’+ghərbuʠw-o ‘ruining one’s family’ f. ghər ‘house’ ‑ãt (pp) ‘in’= ‘in the house’ + ghus ‘intrude’ > ghərghuš-a ‘intruding into a family’ g. lagi ‘near’ > lagʃill-o ‘neighbouring, close’ h. mədĩ ‘between’ > mədl-o ‘middle, central’ i. ʃembuʠ ‘mucus’ > ʃemʠ-o ‘snotty’



Chapter 7.  Word formation 187

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑au ‘used for’ to verbs: (117) a. dakhəy ‘show’ > dikh-au ‘showy’ b. ʈikəy ‘last’ > ʈik-au ‘lasting’ c. jəḷ ‘burn’ > jəḷ-au ‘for burning’ d. mənmiḷ-au (Marathi mən ‘mind’(n) miḷ ‘meet’(v)ḅ) ‘social and frank’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑ar ‘doing’to verbs and nouns: (118) a. tsuk ‘miss’ > tsuk-ar ‘shirking’ b. bhik ‘alms’ > bhik-ar ‘bad, poor’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑el /‑il ‘having’ to nouns and postpositions: (119) a. rəg ‘strength’ > rəg-el ‘obstinate’ b. rəŋg ‘colour; happy mood’ > rəŋ-el ‘indulging in pleasure activities’ c. fuʠẽ ‘in front of ’ > fuʠ-il ‘next, following’ d. magir ‘after’> mag-il ‘previous, former’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑iw (It is like a past participle in meaning) to verbs: (120) a. rak ‘reserve’ > rakh-iw ‘reserved’ b. waʠ ‘increase’ > waʠ-iw ‘increased’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑u (It is similar in meaning to that of a prospective marker) to verbs, phrasal verbs and nouns: (121) a. tsəl ‘walk’ > tsal-u ‘cunning’ b. tʃikəṭ ‘stick’ > tʃikəṭ-u ‘sticking, clinging’ c. mathẽ ‘head’ + phir ‘rotate’ > mathephir-u ‘headstrong’ d. kəts kha (idm) ‘retract by fear’ > kətskha-u ‘retracting’ e. gaṇʠ ‘anus’ > gaṇʠ-u ‘illiterate; an abusive term’ f. ghoḷ ‘mess’ > ghoḷ-u ‘messy’ 

(Marathi)

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑elo to adjectives. The derived adjective can be inflected for gender. (122) a. #khəro ‘true, real’ > khər-elo ‘true’ b. #bəro ‘good’ > bər-elo ‘good’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑ko to verbs and adjectives. All the derived adjectives are inflected for gender (as in kusli mətʃhli f ‘rotten fish’)

188 Konkani

(123) a. kus ‘rot’ > kus-ko ‘rotten’ b. nas ‘rot’ > nas-ko ‘rotten’ c. rəʠ ‘cry’ > rəʠ-ko ‘crying’ d. faʈ ‘tear’ > faʈ -ko ‘tattered’ e. pər ‘other, different’ > pər-ko ‘foreign’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑ʈo / -lo to adjectives and nouns. All the derived adjectives are inflected for gender (as in eklo bhurgo m ‘a lonely boy’). (124) a. ek ‘one’ > ek-ʈo / ek-lo ‘lonely, alone’ b. ek ‘one’+ don ‘two’ > ek-ʈoduk-ʈo / ek-loduk-lo ‘almost alone’ c. dhak-ʈo / dhak-lo ‘younger’  d. goro ‘of fair skin’ > gorogom-to ‘of fair skin and handsome’ e. tin ‘three’ > tik-lo ‘in three’ f. nak ‘nose’ > nək-ṭo ‘flat-nose’ g. tsor ‘thief ’ > tsor-ṭo ‘stolen; clandestine’

(Marathi)

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑ʠo to verbs and nouns. This affix conveys a sense of contempt or disapproval. (125) a. wãk/bag ‘bend’ > wãk / bag -ʠo ‘bending’ b. ghəsər ‘slip’ > ghəsər-ʠo ‘slippery’ c. ghaṇ ‘dirt’ > ghaṇ-er(sufx)‑ʠo ‘dirty’ d. bhik ‘alms’ > bhik-ar-ʠo ‘poor, miserable’

In Konkani six aspectual markers are used to form adjectives from verbs (See Table 5.16). The resulting adjectives are inflected for gender and number. These are very productive suffixes: a. Imperfective marker ‑t (126) a. ye ‘coming’ > ye-tẽ (wərs) ‘coming year’ b. ʤiḷmiḷ ‘dawn’ > ʤiḷmiḷ-ṭi səkaḷ > ‘dawning morning’ c. udzəḷ ‘brighten up’ > udzəḷ-ʈ-ya suryaco dekhaw ‘the view of the brightening sun’ d. hãs smile’ > hãs‑tẽ mukhaməḷ ‘smiling face’ e. uʠ ‘fly’ > uʈ-ʈya ʃewṇatʃĩ pakhã ‘feathers of a flying bird’ f. bhəgbhəg ‘dazzle’ > bhəgbhəgi-t uʤo ‘dazzling fire’ g. tsəl-t-i gaʠi ‘moving train’ h. mər-t-o rogi ‘dying patient’

b. Perfective marker ‑l (127) a. muk ‘lose’ > muk-lẽ bols ‘lost pocket’ b. nhid ‘sleep’ > nhid-lo piʠest ‘sleeping patient’



Chapter 7.  Word formation 189

c. ye ‘come’ > mukar yey-lĩ səŋkəʃʈã ‘calamities that have come in front’ d. as ‘be’ + nas ‘neg be’ > as-lo nas-lo mal ‘goods that are availale and not available’

c. Second perfective marker ‑ll (128) a. sustaw ‘become lazy’ > suste-lli prutəwi ‘slothful earth’ b. bhogi-llya yatəna ‘experienced agony’ c. gaḷ ‘shed, drop’ > gaḷi-li yeʃutʃẽ rəgət ‘Jesus’ shed blood’ d. həpap ‘be greedy’ > həpap-lel-o suwart ‘greedy selfishness’ e. pəʠ ‘be thrown’ > tuʤẽ wharyar pəʠ-lelẽ por ‘your deserted child’ f. phulãnni sədzəyə-llya məkhrãt bəsun ‘sitting inside the altar decorated by flowers’ g. magas / faʈas ‘be backward’ > magaʃi-llo / faʈaʃi-llo gãw ‘backward village’ h. wəts ‘go’ > ghaʈar ge-llo kəlləpa ‘Kallapa who had gone to the riverside’ i. khubəḷ ‘enrage’ > khubəḷi-ll-o ‘enraged’ j. me‑ll‑o rogi ‘dead patient’

d. Prospective marker ‑təl (129) a. ye ‘come’ wəts ‘go’ > ye-tlo wə-tlo mənis ‘every passing person, passerby’ b. dhãw ‘run’ > to neʈan dhãw-təl-ya kəlləpatʃe skuʈərik pəḷəytalo ‘He was looking at the speedily running scooter of Kallapa’ c. pəʠ ‘fall, go’ > atã mukar pəʠə-təli pawlã dhira ʃi aslĩ ‘Now the steps being taken would be of courage’ d. tsal-təl-i gaʠi ‘moving train’, mər-təl-o rogi ‘dying patient’, wats-təl-o kosko ‘boy who is reading’.

e. Imperfective-perfective marker ‑tal (130) a. pekh ‘heal’ > pekh-talo ghay ‘wound that was healing’

f. Infinitive marker ‑pi (131) a. samaw ‘include’ > səgḷyãŋk samaw-pi kaḷij ‘heart that includes all’ b. pindzun kaʠ > ‘cut into shreds’ > ʃantətay pinjun kaʠ-pi bhimgərʤəna ‘peace shattering loud cry’ c. raw ‘live’ > amtʃa wəyr raw-pi flæʈãtlo bhurgo ‘the boy who lives in the apartment above’ d. safsəfai kər ‘do cleaning’ > hi safsəfai kər-pi bayəl ‘this house cleaning woman’ e. kukar ghal ‘to make loud cries to call somebody’ > kukare ghal-pi mənis ‘the man who howls’ f. mənatso thaw ghew ‘deeply move the heart’ > mənatso thaw ghew-pi kawy rətʃəna ‘heart rendering poetry’ g. bõts ‘prick’ > bõts-pi ‘prickly’

190 Konkani

In Konkani the head noun can be deleted and all the adjectives derived from the aspect markers can be used as nouns: (132) kəs-ta tyatʃi dzəmin, raw-ta tatʃẽ ghər (one who) till-impf(m) his(f) land(f) live-impf(m) his(n) house(n) ‘The land belongs to him who tills it and the the house belongs to him who lives there.’ (133) gõ-yãn-t prəšasən-ã-t kam kər-təl-yãŋ-k kõkəṇi Goa-obl-loc administration-obl-loc work do-pros-obl-dat Konkani yew-ə~k dzay come-desi v2.imp ‘It is required that those who would be working in Goan administration should know Konkani.’ (134) mhəḷ-ḷelẽ-ts tũ pərət pərət aykə-ta say-2nd perf-part you again again listen-impf ‘You listen again and again to what is said.’ (135) dzaṇʈel-yãŋ-k hãsowəŋk ye-wəp hi ek moʈi kəla elder-obl(pl)-dat phr.v: laughter come-inf this(f) one great(f) art(f) ‘For the elders to be able to laugh is a great art.’

The following adjectives are derived from nouns by the suffixation of ‑dar / ‑ʃir / ‑waik ‘containing, having’: (136) a. daṇo ‘grain’ > daṇe-dar ‘attractive, brilliant’ b. təʠəf ‘courage’ > təʠəf-dar ‘courageous’ c. dəm ‘stamina’ (p-a) > dəm-dar ‘having stamina, having strength’ d. ʤapsat ‘answer’ > ʤapsat-dar ‘answerable, responsible’ e. dhar ‘sharp edge’ > dhar-dar ‘sharp’ f. məʤa ‘fun’ > məʤe-dar ‘funny’ g. həwa ‘air’ > həwe- ʃir ‘airy’ h. khatri (p-a khatir) ‘guarantee’ > khatri-ʃir ‘with guarantee, certain; dependable’ i. wəgət (p-a wəkt ) ‘time’ > wəgət-ʃir ‘punctual’ j. bet ‘design, plot’ > bet-ʃir ‘just, adequate’ k. pəddət ‘method’ > pəddət-ʃir ‘methodical’ l. maslo ‘sample, type’ > masle-waik ‘typical’ m. dhəndo ‘profession, trade’ > dhənde-waik ‘professional, commercial’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑ro to nouns and verbs. The resulting forms are inflected for gender and number. (137) a. ləʤ ‘shame’ > laʤ-ro ‘shy’ b. hãw ‘greed’ > hãw-ro ‘greedy’



Chapter 7.  Word formation 191

c. #poʈ ‘stomach’ > poʈa-ro ‘glutton, of pot-belly’ d. duk ‘ache, pain’ > duk-ro ‘aching, painful’ e. ghabər ‘be scared’ > ghab-ro ‘scared’ f. hãs ‘smile’ > hãs-ro ‘smiling’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑sar ‘a little bit, faint, -ish’ to adjectves. The resulting forms are inflected for gender and number. (138) a. kaḷo ‘black’ > kaḷ-sar ‘blackish’ b. koʠu ‘bitter’ > koʠ-sar ‘slightly bitter’

The following adjective is derived by the suffixation of ‑wəʈi ‘a little bit, -ish’ to the noun. (139) a. ran ’forest’ > ran-wəʈi ‘wild’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑ri to nouns: (140) a. rupẽ ‘silver’ > rupe-ri ‘silver’ b. suwərṇ ‘gold’(sk) > sone-ri ‘golden’  (Marathi) c. puṇẽ ‘Pune – name of a city in Maharashtra’ > puṇe-ri ‘from / of Pune’ d. #poʈ ‘stomach’ > poʈa-ri ‘greedy’  (Christ)

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑lo / ‑tso to nouns, postpositions and adverbs. These suffixes are bound postpositions and are inflected for gender and number. Only ‑tso is added to nouns (after obl) to indicate a possessive adjective. For the non-use of oblique and the meaning change (§ 3.2.3.2). (141) a. hosko ‘worry, anxiety’ > husk-ya-tso (prəsn)(m) ‘matter of worry’ b. bhãŋgər ‘gold’ > bhãŋgr-a- tʃẽ (kãŋkəṇ)(n) ‘golden bangle’ c. bayəl ‘woman’ > bayəl-ãn-tʃya kəwita(fpl) ‘poems by women’ d. namna ’fame’ > namna-tʃe kəlakar ‘reputed artists’ e. kõkəṇi ‘Konkani’ > kõkṇi-tʃi ʤot(fsg) ‘the lamp of Konkani’ f. sãwʃəy ‘doubt’ > sãwəwʃəy-a-tso udzo (msg) ‘fire of suspicion’ g. təra ‘type’ > hẽ tər-e-tʃẽ ʃikʃəṇ(nsg) ‘this type of education’ h. faʈ ‘back’ > faʈ-lo ‘previous, former’ i. barabər ‘with’ > barabər-tʃẽ ‘of the same status’ j. fuʠẽ ‘in front of ’ > fuʠ-lo ‘front, next’ k. magir ‘after’ > mag-tso / mag-lo ‘previous, former’ l. bhayər ‘outside’ > bhay-lo ‘of outside’ m. mədẽ / mədĩ ‘between’ > məd-lo ‘middle’ n. bhitər ‘inside’> bhitər-lo being from inside’ o. hãŋga ‘here’ > hãŋga-tso ‘of here’ p. hãŋgər ‘here’ > hãŋgər-tso ‘of here’

192 Konkani

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑wo /‑awo to adjectives (numerals) and postpositions. The suffix ‑wo is added to cardinal numerals from five onwards to make ordinals (§ 3.3.2.2). To the numerals representing tens ‑awo is added. Both are inflected for gender and number. Ordinals can be used as adjectives. (142) a. pãntʃ ‘five’ > pãntʃ-wo ‘fifth’ b. wis ‘twenty’> wis-awo ‘twentieth’ c. aʠ ‘behind’ > aʠ -wo ‘cross, coming in the way’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑waṇo to adjectives and nouns. The derived adjectives are inflected for gender and number. (143) a. din ‘pitiable’ (sk) > din-waṇo ‘pitiable’ b. ləʤ (Marathi ladz) ‘shame’ > laʤir-waṇo ‘shameful’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑so ‘-ish’ (a reduced form of asa) to adjectives and verbs: (144) a. lhan ‘small’ > lhan-so ‘smallish’ b. moʈo ‘big’ > moʈa-so ‘big’ c. pəʈəy ‘be convinced’ > pəʈəy (fut)‑so ‘convincing’ d. sob ‘become’ > sob (fut)‑so ‘becoming’

The following adjectives are derived by the suffixation of ‑est ‘having, possessing or -full’ to nouns. This is a typical Konkani suffix. It has no parallel in Marathi. It is like Sanskrit ‑iyə which is attached to a verb. (145) a. #guṇ ‘quality, virtue’ > guṇ-est ‘having quality’ b. #rup ‘appearance, form, beauty’ > rup-est ‘handsome, beautiful’ c. #maya ‘affection’ > may-est ‘affectionate’ d. #ləʤ ‘shyness’ > ləʤ-est ‘shy, modest’ e. #bhuk ‘hunger’ > bhuk-est ’hungry’ f. #nhid ‘sleep’ > nhid-est ‘sleepy’ g. #gərb ‘foetus’ > gərb-est ‘pregnant’ h. #maya ‘affection, kindness’ > may-est ‘affectionate, kind’ i. #piʠa (sk) > pid-est ‘patient’  j. #man ‘honour’ > man-est ‘honourable’

(Christ) (Mang)

7.3.2.5 Minor adjective suffixes Quite a few adjectives are formed by using affixes that are no longer used productively in modern Konkani. Some examples follow:

Chapter 7.  Word formation 193



(146) a. #bəḷ ‘strength’ (n) > bəḷ-adik ‘strong’ b. #kheḷ ‘play’ (v) > kheḷ-kuro ‘playful’  c. karuṇy ‘pity’ (n) > karuṇyə-məy ‘full of pity’ d. tsəw ‘taste’ (n) > tsəw-iʃʈ ‘tasty’, swad ‘taste’ (n) > swad-iʃʈ‘tasty’ e. swami ‘master’ (n) > swami-niʃʈ ‘loyal’ f. dhərm ‘religion’ (n) > dhərmə-niʃʈ / dhərma-niʃʈ ‘faithful g. rag ‘anger’ (n) > rag-iʈ‘angry’ h. piʈ ‘flour’ (n) > piʈ-uḷ ‘full of flour’ i. bhə~y ‘fear’ (n) > bhəy-aṇ ‘horrible’ j. #rəŋ ‘colour’ (n) > rəŋg-yaḷo ‘multi-coloured’ k. #rog ‘disease’ (n) > rog-yaḷo ‘sickly’ l. #ghãʈ ‘mountain range’ > ghãʈ-wəḷ ‘coming from the hilly area’ m. kheʠẽ ‘village’ > kheʠ-wəḷ ‘vulgar, uncivilized’ n. #rəʠ ‘cry’ (v) > rəʠ-kuro ‘complaining, annoying’ o. #rəʠ (n) ‘crying’ > rəʠ-kuḷo ‘melancholy’ p. haʠ ‘bone’ (n) > haʠ-kuḷo ‘bony’

7.4

(Christ)

Verb formation

This section describes verbs that are formed from other parts of speech. 7.4.1 Verb formation processes Like Marathi, Konkani is replete with phrasal verbs and therefore verb formation is not a very productive process. Verb derivation excludes prefixation.6 7.4.1.1 Nouns used as verbs The following forms are used both as verbs and as nouns, with glosses provided in that order: 6. V.D.Savarkar (1938) was the first to observe that all modern Indo-Aryan languages are very poor in their stock of verbs. Like Marathi, Konkani uses a few heavy-duty verbs such as kər ‘do’, kaḍ ‘draw’, ghal ‘put’, lay ‘append’, lag ‘come to touch’, ghe ‘take’, ja’happen’, di ˜ de ‘give’, dəwər ‘hold’, pəḍ ‘fall’, mag ‘request’, pəḷəy ‘see’, mar ‘beat’, ye ‘come’, haḍ ‘bring’, ubar ‘lift’, band ‘tie’, and bəs ‘sit’, which are used with nouns or prepositional phrases to form compound verbs (see 4.4). This is very convenient especially in borrowed words, which are usually nouns or adjectives. Consider the following: dzum dza ‘zoom (camera)’, ʃɔʈ ghe ‘take a shot’, asinat (Portuguese) kər ‘sign’, bidzhnes kər ‘do business’, sel lay ‘be on sale’, awort (Portuguese) kər ‘abort’, adipar (Portuguese) kər ‘postpone’.

194 Konkani

(147) a. mar ‘beat – beating, strike – stroke’ b. gham ‘sweat – sweat’ c. wisər ‘forget – forgetting’ d. tsəḷwəḷ ‘move restlessly – agitation’ e. sod ‘search – search’ f. ənubhaw ‘experience – experience’ g. tərk ‘think logically – logic’ h. kheḷ ‘play – game’ i. bheʈ‘meet – meeting’ j. khãk ‘cough – cough k. ʤhãk ‘jabber – jabber’ l. dag ‘stigmatize – stigma’ m. awəʠ ’like – like’ n. tsuk ‘miss – mistake’ o. kap ‘cut – slice’ p. katər ‘scissors – cut’ q. moʠ ‘change (money) – spend (money)’ r. nats ‘dance – dance’ s. nhid/nid (Christ) ‘sleep – sleep’  t. pik ‘crop, harvest – harvest, ripen’ u. sambaḷ ‘care, preservation – take care, preserve’ v. wapər ‘use – use’ w. rəŋg ‘colour – be coloured’

(Christ)

7.4.1.2 Adjectives used as verbs The following forms are used both as adjectives and as verbs, with glosses provided in that order: (148) a. ãkuʠ / ãkəʠ ‘short; shrink’ b. lamb / lamb ‘long; prolong, lengthen’ c. taʈ/ taʈ‘tight, hard; be tight, harden’ d. ləŋgʠo > ləŋgəʠ ‘lame; limp’ e. #ekʈhãy ‘joint’ > ekʈhay ‘bring together’

7.4.2 Verb suffixation Most verbal suffixes are common to Marathi and Konkani and are of native origin. Their number is small. They are added to nouns and adjectives.



Chapter 7.  Word formation 195

7.4.2.1 Productive verb suffixation The suffixes discussed below are added to nouns and adjectives to make verbs. The process is used productively to make new verbs. The following verbs are derived by the suffixation of ‑əy / ‑ay / ‑ey to nouns, adjectives, pronouns and adverbs: (149) a. #khət ‘blot’ > khət-əy ‘blot’ b. #duk ‘pain’ > dukh-əy ‘give pain’ c. #mol ‘value’ > mol-əy’ evaluate’ d. #suk ‘comfort’ > sukh-əy ’make happy’ e. #aʃa ‘hope’ > aʃ-ey ‘crave, hanker’ f. #pano ‘udder’ > pan-ey ‘lactate’ g. #ləʤ ‘shyness’ > ləʤ-ey ‘blush’ h. #loʠ ‘long pillow’ > loʠ-ey ‘recline against a pillow’ i. #fəʈ ‘lie, falsehood’ > fəʈ -əy ‘lie, deceive’ j. #thəpəʠ ‘slap’ > thəpʠ-ay ‘slap’ k. #thir ‘stable’ > thir-ay ‘stabilize’ l. #fatər ‘stone’ > fatr-ay ‘stone(Christ); harden like a stone’ #khuris ‘cross’ > khurs-ay ‘crucify’  m. n. #tan ‘thirst’ > tan-ay ‘be thirsty’ o. #uṇo ‘less’ > uṇ-ay ‘lessen’ p. #piso ‘mad’ > pis-ay ‘make a fool of ’ q. #rund ‘broad’ > rund-ay ‘broaden’ r. #apuṇ ‘oneself ’ > apṇ-ay ‘embrace, assimilate’ s. #khala ‘below’ > khal-ay ‘lower, bring down’ t. #pəyəs ‘apart, away’ > pəys-ay ‘go far’ u. #bhayər ‘out’ > bhayr-ay ‘expel’ v. #dur ‘away’ > dur-ay ‘distance, go away’

(Christ)

(Christ)

The following verbs are derived by the suffixation of ‑aḷ to nouns. The nouns in (151c–d) have lost their meanings: (150) a. piʃẽ ‘madness’ > pis-aḷ ‘fly into a rage’ b. hindəḷo ˜ hindoḷo ‘swing’ > hindk-əḷ ‘jolt’ c. dhuṇʠ ˜ ḍhuṇʠ > dhuṇʠ-aḷ ˜ ḍhuṇʠ-aḷ ‘search’ d. rẽŋg > rẽŋg-aḷ ‘loiter,linger, idle’

The following verbs are derived by the suffixation of ‑ar to nouns, adjectives and postpositions: (151) a. tʃitr ‘drawing, picture’ > tʃitar ‘draw a picture, paint’ b. ubo ‘standing, straight’ > ub-ar-əy ‘erect’ c. fuʠẽ ‘in front’ > fuʠ-ar ‘advance, be progressive’

196 Konkani

7.4.2.2 Non-productive verb suffixes The suffixes used in making verbs given below are not used any more to make new verbs. They are fossilized. (152) a. kaḷo ‘black’ (adj) > kaḷ-wəṇʠ ‘turn black’, become dark’ b. lat ‘kick’(n) > lat-aʠ ‘kick’

7.4.3 Causative verbs Causative verbs employ the suffix ‑əy, as illustrated in the examples below.7 Causativisation increases the valency of the verb, adding one more argument to the argument structure of the verb. Intransitive verbs become bivalent (i.e. transitive), transitive verbs become trivalent (i.e. ditransitive) and benefactive verbs become quadrivalent. (153) a. dhãw ‘run’ > dhãw-əy ‘cause to run’ b. tsəl ‘walk / operate’ > tsəl-əy ‘cause to walk / operate’ c. bəs ‘sit’ > ‘bəs-əy ‘cause to sit, install’ d. hãs ‘smile, laugh’ > hãs-əy ‘cause to laugh’ e. uʈ ˜ uʈh ‘get up‘ > uʈh-əy ˜ uʈ-əy ‘cause to get up’ f. kər ‘do’ > kər-əy ‘cause to do’ g. har ‘lose’ > har-əy ‘cause to lose, defeat’ h. soʠ ‘let loose, free’ > soʠ-əy ‘cause to be free’ i. meḷ ‘earn, get’ > meḷ-əy ‘cause to get, earn’ j. mag ‘ask for’ > mag-əy ‘cause to ask for’ k. haʠ ‘bring’ > haʠ-əy ‘cause to bring’ l. di ‘give’ > diw-əy ‘cause to give’ 7. There are no convincing syntactic or semantic reasons as to why certain verbs do not take the causative form. The number of arguments a verb requires, or the semantic features of a verb such as stative or non-developing, orientation, intention, punctual or iterative do not determine whether it takes ‑əy to form a causative verb. For example, rəʠ ‘cry’ has a causative form, but pẽw ‘swim’ does not, though they are developing verbs. Similarly, hãs ‘laugh’ has a causative form but uləy ‘speak’ does not, although both are punctual verbs. The verbs pəḷəy ‘watch’ and ayək ‘listen’ are intentive verbs, but while ayək has a causative form aykəy, pəḷəy does not have a causative form. Both dzhəṇdzhəṇ ‘reverberate, ring’ and dzhəḷdzhəḷ ‘shine, glitter’ are iterative verbs, and we get dzhəḷdzhəḷay ‘make something shine’as a causative but not *dzhəṇdzhəṇay. The causative suffix ‑əw in Marathi is used to make abilitative verb forms: pəḷ ‘run’ becomes pəḷəw ‘make somebody run / be able to run’, rah ‘live’becomes rahəw ‘be able to live’. Konkani does not have abilitative verbs (see 4.4.3.2, 4.3.4) and therefore there is no abilitative verb formation. The ‑əy suffix in § 7.4.2.1 which is added to nouns and adjectives to form verbs has a causative meaning.

Chapter 7.  Word formation 197



Some sentential examples with causative verbs follow: indira gandi prədanməntripəd-a-r bəs-l-i Indira Gandhi prime.minister.office-obl-loc sit-perf-3fsg (intr) ‘Indira Gandhi assumed office of Prime Minister.’   b. hya deʃ-a-n indira gandi-k this country-obl-erg Indira Gandhi-dat prədanməntripəd-a-r bəs-əy-ll-i prime.minister.office-obl-loc sit-caus-2nd perf-3fsg ‘This country made Indira Gandhi assume office of a Prime Minister.’ (154) a.

rita-n ʃit kha-l-ẽ Rita-erg rice(n) eat-perf-3nsg (tr) ‘Rita ate rice.’   b. rita-n bhurgẽ-k ʃit khaw-əy-l-ẽ Rita-erg child-dat rice(n) eat-caus-perf-3nsg ‘Rita fed rice to the child.’ (155) a.

ta-ṇẽ ti-ka saʠi haʠ-l-i he-erg she-dat saree(fsg) bring-perf-3fsg ‘He bought her a saree.’  (Benefactive)   b. ta-ṇẽ nokr-a-wərwĩ ti-ka saʠi haʠ-əy-l-i he-erg servant-obl-through she-dat saree(fsg) bring-caus-perf-3fsg ‘He got a servant to bring her a saree.’ (156) a.

However, this does not apply to some verbs: ta-ka pəyʃe meḷ-tat he-dat money(pl) get-impf(pl) ‘He gets money.’   b. to pəyʃe meḷ-əy-ta he money earn-caus-impf-3msg ‘He earns money.’ (157) a.

Even if one can add nokri-tlyan ‘through employment’ or awəy-kəʠlyan ‘from mother’ to the sentence with the causative verb, these can be added to the sentence with the non-causative verb as well. In Konkani, as in Marathi, some monosyllabic intransitive verbs (verbs with one argument) can derive a causative form through internal vowel change. The medial vowel u of the intransitive verb becomes o in its causative transitive form. The medial vowel ə becomes a in the causative. Medial i becomes e or a in the causative. This is shown in the tables below.

198 Konkani

Table 7.1  Causative u > o Non-causative

Causative

fuʈ ‘break’ tuʈ ‘break’ suʈ ‘be free’ juʠ ‘unite’

foʠ ‘break toʠ ‘cut’ soʠ ‘set free’ joʠ ‘conjoin’

Table 7.2  Causative ə > a Non-causative

Causative

pəʠ ‘fall’ tər ‘float’ mər ‘die’ gəḷ ‘leak, drip’

paʠ ‘fell’ tar ‘save’ mar ‘kill’ gaḷ ‘strain’

The following monosyllabic verbs are transitives containing vowel i and a. Table 7.3  Causative i > a/e  

Non-causative

Causative

i>a i>e

piye ‘drink’ fiʈ ‘be repaid’

padz ‘make drink’ feʠ‘repay’

The following verbs have irregular causative forms (158) a. lag ‘set, be planted etc.’ > law ‘plant, fix etc.’. b. pərət ‘turn’ > pərəti ‘revert’

A few intransitive verbs in Konkani take ‑wəy / ‑ʠəy as a double causative marker. For example, ful ‘blossom’ becomes ful-əy ‘open’ as a causative and ful-wəy ‘cause to open’ as double causative. Other examples follow: (159) a. rig ‘enter’ > rig-əy ‘pass’ / rig-wəy ‘cause to pass’ b. fəʈəy ‘deceive, cheat’ > fə ʈ-wəy ’cause to deceive’ c. dhãw ‘run’ > dhãw-əy / dhãwḍ-əy ‘make run’ d. tsab ‘bite, nibble’ > tsab-əy ‘make bite’ / tsab-ḍəy ‘cause to bite’ e. dek ‘see’ > dakh-əy ‘show’

These verbs are lexically conditioned. Double causativization is not a productive process in Konkani.

Chapter 7.  Word formation 199



7.5

Compounds

In this section, compounds are discussed. They are called sandhi and samas in Sanskrit. There is no sandhi formation in Konkani. There is, however, samas formation in Konkani. 7.5.1 Conjonining Compounds are formed by joining two words or two free morphemes. Konkani has borrowed many compounds from Sanskrit and Marathi: (160) a. (sk: suryə ‘sun’+ udəy ‘rise’) > suryodəy ‘sun-rise’ b. (sk: ʃirṣə ‘head’+ asən ‘bodily posture’) > ʃirʃasən ‘head-stand’ c. (təpəh ‘ascetic practice’+ nidhi ‘stock’) > təponidi ‘treasure of ascetic practice’ d. (sk: gəṇə ‘group’+ i:ʃ ‘god’) > gəṇeʃ ‘Ganesha-name of a Hindu deity’ e. (sk: iti’thus’+ adi ’beginning with’) > ityadi ‘and so on, etc.’ f. sərwə’all’+udəy ’rise’ > sərwodəy ‘uplifting of all’  (Marathi) g. mən ‘mind’ + rəth ‘chariot’ > mənorəth ‘imaginary fulfilment, strong desire’  (Marathi)

In conjoining two words in Sanskrit, two vowels coalesce to form one long vowel. They are called sandhi in Sanskrit. Such words are borrowed in Konkani as they are. But in fusions which are called samas vowels do not coalesce. For example, the Konkani word ədik ‘more; plus’+ uṇẽ ‘less; minus’ becomes the Konkani compound ədikuṇẽ ‘more or less; plus-minus’. It does not have the expected Sanskrit sandhi form: ədikoṇẽ. Similarly, widyut ‘electricity’ + mənʠəḷ ‘board’ becomes widyutmənʠəḷ ‘electricity board’ not widyudmənʠəḷ following the Sanskrit voiceless + voiced > voiced + voiced rule. Another example is that of tyag.uʤwaʠ ‘light in the form of sacrifice’ in which the first syllable does not join the second one; that is neither tya.guʤ.waʠ nor tya.goʤ.waʠ. The constituents of a compound can be plain stems as in awəy+bapuy ‘mother and father, parents’ or suffixed stems as in wanər-mar-o ‘monkey catcher’ or ran+komb+o ‘wild cock – jungle fowl’. 7.5.2 Compound nouns The following examples illustrate the constituents of compounds and the resultant forms. Compounds borrowed from Sanskrit or Marathi are marked as (sk) or (mar) respectively. Borrowed constituents are indicated where relevant.

200 Konkani

7.5.2.1 Noun + noun compounds The following examples illustrate compound nouns formed from two nouns: (161) a. ram ‘Ram’(sk) + lakʃməṇ (Lakshman) > ramlakʃməṇ ‘Ram and Lakshman’  (sk) b. nityə ‘permanent’+ ə-nityə ‘temporary’(sk) > nityanityə ‘permanent or/ and temporary’  (sk) c. tərk ‘inference’ + witərk ‘illogical inference’ > tərkwitərk ‘good or bad infer‑ ence’  (sk) d. tikəʈ ‘chilli powder’+ miʈ ‘salt’ > tikəʈmiʈ ‘chilli powder and salt’  (mar) e. taḷ ‘discipline’+ təntr ‘system’ > taḷtəntr ‘discipline and system’  (mar) f. goʠi ‘sweetness’+ gulabi ‘tenderness’ > goʠigulabi ‘suavity’  (mar) g. bayəl ‘woman’ + bhurgĩ ‘children’ > bayəlbhurgĩ ‘wife and children, family’ h. pap ‘sin’ + puṇyə ‘ good deed’ > pap.puṇya ‘good and bad deeds’  (mar) i. paṇi ‘water’+ puri ‘a small, round, puffed, fried wheat cake’> paṇipuri ‘a type of pungent Marathi snack’  (mae) j. dhən ‘money’ + dhany ‘food grains’ > dhəndany ‘wealth, riches’ k. paḷã ‘cavity dug around a tree for holding water’ + muḷã ‘roots’ > paḷãmuḷã ‘roots deep down the ground; secrets’ l. baḷ ‘child’+ bud ‘intelligence’ > bal‑bud ‘senility’ m. gorũ ‘cow, ox’ + wasrũ ‘calf ’ > gorũwasrũ ‘cattle’

In Konkani, unlike in Sanskrit, the whole compound may mean something different from what the two words mean independently, as illustrated by the following: (162) udər ‘stomach’ + nirwah ‘subsistence’ > udərnirwah ‘livelihood’

In a sentence the verb agreement is either plural or with the second member of the compound: (163) bhəyṇ-baw ay-l-e sister-brother come- perf-3mpl ‘Sister and brother came.’ (164) bhaw-bəyṇ ay-l-e brother-sister come- perf-3mpl ‘Brother and sister came.’ (165) wəkl, baʈli, pyalo ghet-l-o ani hãw spectacles (3nsg) bottle(3fsg), glass(3msg) take-perf-1msg and I bhaer.suʈ-l-õ phr.v:out.go- perf-1msg ‘I took the spectacles, the bottle, the glass and went out.’



Chapter 7.  Word formation 201

(166) wəkl, pyalo baʈli, ghet-l-i ani hãw spectacles(3nsg), glass(3msg) bottle(3fsg) take-perf-1msg and I bhaer.suʈ-l-õ phr.v:out.go-perf-1msg ‘I took the spectacles, the glass, the bottle and went out’. (167) baʈli, pyalo, wəkl ghet-l-ẽ ani hãw bottle(3fsg) glass(3msg) spectacles(3nsg) take-perf- sg and I bhaer.suʈ-l-õ phr.v:out.go-perf-1msg ‘I took the bottle, the glass, the spectacles and went out.’ (168) ti-ka kuləptʃawi sãpəʠ-l-i she-dat lock(nsg).key(fsg) find-perf-3fsg ‘She found the lock and key.’

When used with a postposition, the oblique marker is added to the second member of the compound. The oblique marker is in boldface in the following examples: (169) awəybap-ay-k aply-a put-a-tso husko.lag-əp mother.father-obl-dat self-obl son-obl-poss phr.v:worried.be-inf sahʤik-əts aʃi-ll-ẽ natural-part be-2 nd perf-3nsg ‘It was natural that the parents were worried about their son.’ (170) nyandew-namdew-a uprant-tʃ-a kaḷ-a-t məraṭi Dnyande-Namdew-obl pp:after-poss-obl time-obl-loc Marathi səmaʤ-a-tʃi pərakaʃṭ-e-tʃi əwənət society-obl-poss(fsg) extreme.degree-obl-poss(f) degradation(f) dza-ll-i happen-perf-3fsg ‘After the time of Dnyanadev and Namadev the Marathi society reached its utmost degradation.’ (171) ramayəṇ-mahabharət-a-n ho deʃ ghəʠ-əy-l-a Ramayan-Mahabharat-obl-erg this(m) nation(m) shape-caus-perf-3msg ‘Ramayan and Mahabharat have given shape to this country.’

But in some cases, the oblique marker is added to both members of the compound: (172) tol-a-mol-a-tʃĩ pustəkã ye-ũk dzay standard-obl-value-obl -poss(npl) books come-desi required ‘Books of comparable level are required.’

202 Konkani

(173) nokr-ã-tsakr-ãn-tʃi dhãwpəḷ tsəl-tal-i servant-obl-peon-obl-poss(fsg) hurry(3fsg) go.on-impfperf-3fsg ‘There used to be hustle and bustle of servants.’ (174) dzo apoṇal-ya aŋg-a-khandy-a-r kheḷi-ll-o, to who one’s.own-obl body-obl-shoulder-obl-loc play-2nd perf-3msg he apṇ-a kəʠle səmbənd kəʃe toʠ-ũk paw-lo self-obl with relations how cut-desi v2perf-3msg ‘How could he, who played on my own shoulders, cut short his relations with me?’

The following examples also illustrate nominal compounds. The use of the compound noun as an adjective is a typical Sanskrit feature. In Konkani it is used both as a noun and as an adjective. The first constituent noun functions as an attributive to the second, unlike the compounds above, where the two have equal status. The compounds in this set therefore behave as singular nouns whereas those above behave as plural nouns. Some examples follow: (175) a. kəmələ ‘lotus’+ nəyənə ‘eyes’ > kəmələnəyənə ‘one who has eyes as beautiful as lotus flowers; Vishnu’  (sk) b. ʈopəṇ ‘cap of a pen’ + nãw ‘name’ > ʈopəṇṇãw ‘nickname’  (Marathi) c. tirth ‘holy water’+ rup ‘form’ > tirthərup ‘one who is sacred as holy water; father’ d. mhal ‘senior’ + gəʠo ‘fellow, mate’ > mhalgəʠo ‘senior person; ancestor’

The following examples also illustrate nominal compounds. In this third group, the first constituent has an underlying postpositional ending that relates it to the second constituent: raʤa-tso waʠo = raʤwaʠo king-pp:of big.house = ‘king’s palace’ b. akaʃ-a-mədĩ wetəlo baṇ = akaʃbaṇ sky-obl-pp pros‘going’ arrow = ‘rocket’ = uʤwaʠbəndi c. uʤwaʠ-a-tʃi bəndi light-obl-poss prohibition = ‘blackout’ d. utər-ãn-tʃẽ kuwaʠ ẽ = utərkuwaʠẽ words-obl-poss puzzle = ‘crossword’ purwəṇ = udəkapurwəṇ e. udək-a-tʃi water-obl-poss supply = ‘water supply’ = udərnirwah f. udər-a-tso nirwah stomach-obl-poss subsistence = ‘livelihood’ = kaydyaʃastri g. kayd-ya-tso ʃastri law-obl-poss learned.man = ‘judge’

(176) a.            

Chapter 7.  Word formation 203



                                         

h. kal-a-tso khəṇʠ = kalkəṇʠ time-obl-poss part = ‘period of time’ = khəbrepətr i. khəbər-e-tʃẽ pətr news-obl-poss bulletin = ‘newspaper’ j. kan-a-tʃi paḷi = kanpaḷi ear-obl-poss lobe = ‘ear lobe’ = tɔṇʠbəḷ k. tɔṇʠ-a-tʃẽ bəḷ mouth-obl-poss strength = ‘art of making friends’ l. tɔṇʠ-a-tso diwo = tɔṇʠdiwo face-obl-poss lamp = ‘beautiful face’ m. ʈɔḷ-ãn-tʃi daʠ = ʈoḷdaʠ locust-obl-poss raid = ‘locust swarm’ = thərpəḷi n. thər-ãn- tʃi phəḷi layers-obl-poss wooden plank = ‘plywood’ o. dew-a-tʃi sutʃowṇi = dewsutʃowṇi God-obl-poss advice = ‘advice by God’ p. gãw-a-k diw-tʃẽ ʤewəṇ = gãwʤewəṇ ‘ ‘village-obl-dat give-desi feast = ‘feast for the village’ = dzəkattsor q. dzəkat tsor octroi one who steals = ‘customs evader’ r. dzoʠi-n gay-tʃẽ git = dzoʠgit pair-erg sing-desi song = ‘duet’ s. tel-a-tʃi bãy = telabãy oil-obl-well well = ‘oilrig’ t. themb uʠəy-tʃi nəḷi nəḷi = themnəḷi drops-drop-desi tube = ‘dropper’ u. dãt-a-tʃi duki = dãtduki tooth-obl-poss pain = ‘toothache’ v. nədər-e-tʃi tsuk = nədərtsuk eye sight-obl-poss mistake = ‘oversight’ w. paṇ-yẽ-t aʃi-llo sorop = paṇsorop water- obl-loc be-2nd perf snake = ‘water snake’ x. bərəp-tʃẽ əkʃəra = bərəp- əkʃər ˜ / bərəpakšər writing-poss letter = ‘literacy’ y. tərəṇ upay = tərəṇopay floating remedy, device = ‘way out, way to survive’(sk) z. kal-a-tso tʃəkr = kaltʃəkr time-obl-poss wheel = ‘wheel of fortune’ aa. khəʠ-ya-sarki sakə = khəʠsakər stone-obl-pp: like sugar = ‘sugar-stones’ = hatsuk ab. hat-a-tʃẽ suk hand-obl-poss comfort = ‘beating, thrashing’

204 Konkani

        8

ac. əḷḷan-tʃi wəy = əḷḷawəy father’s elder brother’s wife’ = ‘father’s elder brother’s wife’(Gawdi) ad. gəḷ-ya-t ghaləp-a-tʃi səri = gəḷsəri neck-obl-loc put in-inf-obl-poss chain   necklace’ ae. pəŋkti-mədĩ bhed = pəŋktibed row (of diners)-pp:between difference = ‘discrimination’ = kuŋkʠəpila af. kuŋkəʠa-tso pilo cock-obl-poss young bird = ‘chicken’(Mang.)8

It is possible to relate the two nouns by using different postpositions, depending on how the speaker interprets the compound noun, as in the following: raʤə-widya = raʤa‑khatir/‑ʃi widya knowledge king-knowldege   King-for/of ‘knowledge to be given to a king’   b. raʤə-widya = raʤa‑n meḷḷilẽ widya king-knowldege   king-agn gained knowledge ‘knowledge gained by the king’   c. raʤə-widya = widya (ʤi) raʤa (asa) king-knowledge   knowledge (which) king (is’) ‘knowledge which is prime like a king’ (177) a.

In pluralization of noun+noun compounds, the plural marker is normally added to the end of the compound: nədərcuk ‘oversight’ (fsg) > nədərtsuk-i ‘oversights’ (fpl), tiwmaso ‘whale’ (msg) > tiwmas-e ‘whales’ (mpl). Compounds like ʈiwl-yo-bawl-yo ‘mocking’ (fpl) are not used in the singular form. Compouds like paʈipensil ‘slate and pencil’ (fsg) have two variants for the plural: paʈipinsil-i or paʈ-yo-pensil-i ‘slates and pencils’ in which both the members of the compound are inflected for number. 7.5.2.2 Verb + verb compounds The following compound nouns are made up by conjoining two verb-stems or two suffixed verb-stems. The resultant forms are singular nouns: oʠ-a taṇ = oʠataṇ pull-sufx stretch = ‘tension, economic paucity’ b. jaḷ poḷ = jaḷpoḷ burn singe = ‘burning and arson’ (Marathi)

(178) a.  

8. In some Konkani noun compounds and adjective compounds, the oblique marker that precedes the underlying postposition is retained as in kayd-ya-ʃastri ‘judge’, tel-a-bãy ‘oil-rig’, khəbr-e-pətr ‘newspaper’, ghər-a-bhaylo ‘outdoor’, gãw-a-bhayro ‘banished’.

Chapter 7.  Word formation 205



 

c.

 

d.

 

e.

 

f.

 

g.

 

h.

 

i.

 

j.

pəʠ dzhəʠ = pəʠdzhəḍ fall fall (leaves) = ‘crumbling’ tsal tsəl-ṇuk = tsaltsəlṇuk walk (Marathi) walk-sufx = ‘behaviour and manners’ (Marathi) adəḷ apəʈ = adəḷapəʈ bang dash = ‘noise made by banging and breaking’ = deṇẽgheṇẽ diwəp/de‑ṇẽ ghewəp/ghe‑ṇẽ give-sufx take-sufx (Marathi) = ‘give and take, business dealings’ #kaʠ-a oʠ = kaʠaoʠ draw, take.out-sufx pull = ‘laborious exertion’ #soʠ doʠ = soʠdoʠ release bend = ‘relaxation’ (Christ.) = uʈbəs uʈ bəs get up sit down = ‘harrassment’ (Christ.) = yeto-weto ye-ta we-to come-sufx go-sufx = ‘every passer-by’

As mentioned above, the resultant noun is singular. When the verb is changed into a noun by adding the infinitive ‑əp/‑wəp, both the constituents get the oblique markers when inflected for a postposition; otherwise, this does not happen: (179) hya mhotshəw-a-t tẽ pəḷo-wəp-a-ayk-əp-a-tʃẽ bhagy this festival-obl-loc that see-inf-obl-listen-inf-obl-poss fortune rəsik-ã-k meḷ-ḷẽ connoisseurs-obl-dat get-perf-3nsg ‘In this festival connoisseurs were fortunate to see and listen to that.’ (180) di-wəp-a-ghe‑wəp-a-tso wewhar give-inf-obl-take-obl-poss business ‘the deal of giving and taking’

The following compound nouns consist of object noun followed by verb. For verb-suffixation (§ 7.4.2). diwe lag = diwe-lagə-ṇ lamps light = ‘the time of lighting lamps; evening’ b. pədəwi dhər = pədwidər degree hold = ‘degree-holder, graduate’ c. nhid mõʠ = nhid-moʠ sleep break = ‘disturbing one’s sleep’ d. pakiʈ mar = pakiʈ -mar wallet snatch = ‘pickpocket’

(181) a.      

206 Konkani

       

waʈ mar = waʈ-mar-i way beat = ‘waylaying’ f. at moḍi-llo = atmoḍo hand break-2nd perf = ’person with broken arm’ (Gawdi) g. dəgəʠ phoʠ = dəgəʠphoʠ stone break = ‘work of breaking stones’ h. mattya duki = mattya-duki head ache = headache’ (Mang.) e.

In the following examples, the order of the constituents is verb followed by object noun: ʤit indriyə ‘sense organ’(sk) = conquered (sk) sense organ = ʤit-endriy ‘one who has conquered his sensual pleasures’(sk) b. ʈip kagəd = ʈipkagəd blot paper = ‘blotting paper’ # rəsto = kaʈrəsto c. kaʈ cut (Marathi) road = ‘bypass road’

(182) a.

   

7.5.2.3 Adjective + noun compounds The following examples illustrate compound nouns formed from adjective followed by noun: (183) a.  

b.

  c.   d.  

e.

 

f.

 

g.

 

h.

wir puruʃ = wirpuruʃ brave man = ‘brave man, hero’ tsulət bhəyṇ = tsulətbhəyṇ related through sister = ‘cousin’ father’s brother #bapol baw = bapolbaw related through brother = ‘cousin’ father atmə tust = atmətust ‘one’s own’(sk) praise = ‘self-praise’ #khər məsti = khərməsti excessive, intense naughtiness = ‘mischief of a child’ gupt her = guptəher secret spy = ‘secret agent, detective’ = guptərog gupt rog secret disease = ‘aids’ = ghoʠtsuk ghoʠ tsuk big like a horse mistake = ‘blunder’

Chapter 7.  Word formation 207



       

          9

i.#tipol may = tipolmay of second cousin mother-in-law = ‘wife of one’s father-in-law’s cousin’ j. nəw ʤiwən = nəwʤiwən = ‘new life’ new life k. pəʈʈ ʃiʃy = pəʈʈəʃiʃy chief, main pupil = ‘most perfect and beloved student’ l. pãts pərtəwəṇ five return, home-coming pãtspərtəwəṇ ‘first official visit to the newly-wed girl’s parental house by her in-laws’ = gənimikawo m. gənim-i kawo enemy’(p-a)-sufx plot(p-a) = ‘guerilla warfare tactic’ = dəʃədiʃa n. dəʃ diʃa ten directions = ‘all sides’ o. aʠ rəsto = aʠrəsto irregular road = ‘bypass road’ kərṇi = aʠkərṇi p. #aʠ against, anti- deed = ‘mischief ’ q. kaḷ miri = kaḷmiri black pepper = ‘black pepper’ (Mang.)9

7.5.2.4 Vocative or interjection + noun compounds The following example illustrates a compound noun formed from interjection or vocative and noun: hã ʤi = hã‑ʤi > hã’ʤi hã ʤi yes sir = yes-sir > ‘flattery’ b. əre ah! = raw-i > ‘arrogance

(184) a.  

7.5.2.5 Postposition + verb compounds The following example illustrates a compound noun formed from postposition plus verb. faʈ-k lag = faʈlaw ˜ paʈlaw back/behind-dat fix/go = ‘chase, pursuit’ b. bəgər tikeʈ without ticket = ‘person without ticket’

(185) a.  

9. Quite a few compound nouns and compound adjectives are common to both Marathi and Konkani. Konkani has borrowed them either from Sanskrit or from Marathi.

208 Konkani

7.5.2.6 Adverb + noun compounds The following example illustrates a compound noun formed from adverb plus noun. pərət again b.#pərət again

(186) a.  

feḍ = pərətfeḍ reparation = ‘repayment’ wəṇ = pərətawəṇ gift = ‘return gift’

7.5.3 Compound adjectives This section shows how compound adjectives are formed in Konkani. 7.5.3.1 Adjective + adjective compounds The following compound adjectives are formed from two constituents. The compositional meaning is obtained by joining the two constituents by ‘and’ or ‘or’. For example, ambəʈgoʠ phəḷ means the fruit is (partly) sour and (partly) sweet. ambəʈ goʠ = ambəʈgoʠ sour sweet = ‘sour and sweet’ b. lamb rund = lambrund long wide = ‘long and wide, spacious’ = lamlətsək c. lamb lətsək long INTSF: very = ‘lengthy’ d. pətit pawən = pətit-pawən fallen purified = ‘absolved’ e. luḷo paŋḷo = luḷo-paŋḷo paralyzed lame = ‘crippled’ f. ek don = ekdon one two = ‘one or two, not many, very few’ g. #faʈlo fuʠlo = faʈlofuʠlo hind frontal = ‘considering all sides’ h. goro gomʈo = gorogomʈo fair pretty = ‘fair and handsome’ # i. kaḷo dhəwelo = kaḷodhəwelo black white = ‘black and white’ nitəḷ = ʃitəḷnitəḷ j. #ʃitəḷ cool, cold clean = ‘cold and clean’

(187) a.                  

Chapter 7.  Word formation 209



7.5.3.2 Noun + adjective compounds The following compound adjectives are formed from nouns followed by adjectives. (188) a. #mog-a-n piʃo = mogpiʃo love-obl-pp:by mad = ‘lovesick, lovelorn’ dubḷo = toṇʠdubḷo   b. #toṇʠ-a-n mouth-obl-pp:by weak = ‘tongue-tied’ ʃindəḷ = toṇʠʃindəḷ   c. #toṇʠ-a-n mouth-obl-pp ‘by immoral, dirty = ‘foul mouthed’ = gətirodək   d. gəti rodək speed preventive = ‘speed breaker’   e. gərb-a-thawən ʃrimənt = gərbʃrimənt foetus-obl-since rich = ‘born rich’   f. kranti karək = krantikarək revolution maker = ‘revolutionary’   g. ʤəg-ã-t prəsidd = ʤəgprəsidd world-obl-loc well known = ‘world famous’   h. tətwə(sk)‑a‑k niʃʈhə(sk) = tətwəniʃʈ principle-obl-dat loyal = ‘principled’   i. dəkəl-a-khatir part = dəkəlpart cognizance-obl-pp:for eligible = ‘cognizable’   j. dil‑a-t khulas = dilkulas mind-obl-loc open = ‘open-minded’ (Marathi)   k. pap bhiru = papəbhiru (Marathi)/ sin fearing   papbiru ‘God fearing’   l. gãw bhayro = gãwbayro village expelled = ‘banished from the village’ bhaylo = ghərãbaylo   m. ghər-ã house-obl outer = ‘outdoor’ bhaylo = darãbaylo   n. #dar-ã door-obl outer = ‘outdoor’   o. doḷe phuʈko = doḷephuʈko eyes broken = ‘blind’

7.5.3.3 Noun + verb compounds The following compound adjectives are formed from noun followed by verb. anənd deṇo = anəndə-deṇo pleasure giving = ‘pleasurable, entertaining’ = kam-tsuk-ar b. kam tsuk-ar work avoid-sufx = ‘shirker’

(189) a.  

210 Konkani

 

c.

 

d.

 

e.

 

f.

 

g.

 

h.

 

i.

kam tʃəl-au = kamtʃəlau work cause to work/walk-sufx = ‘usable for the time being’ (Marathi) = tɔṇʠpaʈ tɔṇʠ-a-n paʈh kər mouth-obl-pp:by learn by rote = ‘learnt by rote’ #tras di-ṇo = trasdiṇo trouble give-sufx = ‘troublesome’ = ʤiwgheṇo ʤiw ghe-ṇo life take-sufx = ‘life threatening, dangerous’ = paʈrako paʈh rakh-o back protect-sufx = ‘giving protection’ #duk diṇo = dukdiṇo sorrow giving = ‘sad, woeful’ gəḷo pɔʠ = elle-pəʠũ throat fall = ‘hanging upon’

7.5.4 Compound adverbs Finally, this section presents compounding of words resulting into adverbs. 7.5.4.1 Noun + noun componds The following compound adverbs are formed from two nouns: (190) a. #pəriṇam swərup = pəriṇamswərup consequence nature = ‘as a result’   b. rat dis = ratdis night day = ‘day and night’ = gãwãgãwãni   c. gãw-ã gãw-ã-ni village-obl village- obl-suffix = ‘from village to village’ = áyədzkal   d. ayədzə kal ‘ today yesterday = ‘these days

The following adverbs are formed by conjoining an adjective with a noun: ek one b. ek one

(191) a.  

ʈhay = ekʈhay place = ‘in one place; together’ dəm = ekdəm breath = ‘all of a sudden’

Chapter 7.  Word formation 211



7.6

Reduplication

Reduplication is a special case of compounding. It is mainly a phonological process, though some reduplicated words have a semantic base. For example, golgol ‘round + round’ = ‘round’ is a reduplication in which the first member, the reduplicator, is repeated as the second member the reduplicand. In pəṇəs-biṇəs ’jackfruit’, the reduplicator’s pə- changes to bi-. In the reduplication pəʠdzhəʠ ‘delapidation’, the reduplicator pəʠ ‘fall’ and the reduplicand dzhəʠ ‘fall’ are independent verbs with different semantic constraints on the choice of subjects. The reduplication is that of the common core of meaning. When the redupicator and the reduplicand have the same meaning but separate form, it is called a semantic reduplication. When the two are phonologically similar, it is called phonological reduplication. Some examples of phonological reduplication follow. 7.6.1 Phonological reduplication There are different types of reduplications in which the phonological form of the reduplicator is repeated or echoed in the reduplicand. They are also called ideophones. 7.6.1.1 Identical reduplicand In such cases, the reduplicator and the reduplicand are identical in form apart from the derivative suffixes in the reduplicatives. In the following examples there are two types: (a) the reduplicative as a whole has meaning but the two constituents are not independent morphemes, and (b) the reduplicator is a free morpheme or a word and the reduplicand is merely a repetition of the reduplicator. This repetition is for emphasis or intensification (§ 6.5.3.) In some cases, the reduplicator undergoes phonological modification: it is reduced or an affix is added to it. The following examples involve nominal reduplication. In (192) the reduplicator and the reduplicand are not independent morphemes. (192) a. kəʠ-kəʠ ‘tremer, creaking sound’ b. kəl-kəl ‘discrdant noise; palpitation’ c. kəl-kəl-aʈ ‘clamour, uproar’ d. dhəʠ-dhəʠ ‘palpitation’ e. khəṇ-khəṇ ‘clattering sound’ f. khəṇ-khəṇ-aʈ ‘loud clang; dearth or lack caused by spending everything’ g. khəʈ-khəʈ ‘sound of knocking’ h. #khəʈ-khəʈ- ẽ ‘sweet made of jaggery and groundnuts, gram’ i. khum-khum-i ‘furious urge, zest’ j. gəʠgəʠ ‘thunder’ k. #ʃik-tʃik ‘slime’

212 Konkani

l. dzəḷ-dzəḷ ‘inflamation’ m. ʈik-ʈik ‘clicking sound’ n. thər- thər ‘shiver’ o. dəg-dəg ‘botheration, tiresome work’ p. dəl-dəl ‘quagmire, marsh’ q. dhəka-dhəki ‘botheration’ r. ghəs-ghəs ‘sound of torrent’ s. ghəs-ghəs-o /dhəb-dhəb-o ‘waterfall’ t. bəʠ-bəʠ ‘chatter’ u. wəʈ-wəʈ ‘blabber’ v. #rum-rum ‘sound of blowing wind’  w. ghəm-ghəm ‘fragrance’10 x. ram ‘Ram’ > ram-ram ‘Ram Ram (used as a greeting) y. #gədz-gədz ‘noise; heat’

(Christ)

The following examples illustrate reduplication of plural nouns. (193) a. #kuʠko ’bit, piece’ > kuʠke‑kuʠke(pl) ‘bits and pieces’ b. #koski ‘girl’ > kaskyo-koskyo (pl) ‘only girls’

The following examples illustrate reduplicated adjectives. The ‑it suffix is an adjective forming suffix (§ 7.3.2.1). The reduplcator and the reduplicand are not independent morphemes. (194) a. dhəʠ-dhəʠ-it ‘obvious, blatant’ b. khəṇ-khəṇ-it ‘hale and hearty’ c. kiʠ-kiʠ-it ‘thin’ d. khəṭ-khəṭ-it ‘dry and hard’ e. khəʠ-khəʠ-it ‘dry and hard’ f. tsək-tsək-it ‘replendent, radiant’ g. #tsəp-tsəp-it ‘drenched, wet’ h. tsəm-tsəm-it/məts-mətʃ-it ‘spicy and tasty’ i. tsəw-tsəw-it/pəts-pətʃ-it ‘watery and tasteless’ j. tsuṇ-tsuṇ-it ‘smart’ k. ṭum-ṭum-it ‘well-fed, fleshy’ l. ʠhəḷ-ʠhəḷ-it ‘clear, obvious’ #dhər- dhər-it ‘semi-solid’ m. n. kəw-kəw-it ‘fresh, bloomy’ o. fəʠ-fəʠ-it ‘rough’ 

(Gawdi)

10. This seems to be a kind of what Halle (1973) calls phonological conditioning for non-phonological rules. The reduplicated bound morpheme cannot end in any aspirated stop or a palatal sound. The final sound preferred is a retroflex sound, a bilabial sound, a nasal sound or /r/, /s/, /l/.



Chapter 7.  Word formation 213

p. səṇ-səṇ-it ‘strong’

The following examples involve adjective reduplication, in which the reduplicator is an adjective and the reduplicand is merely a repetition of the reduplicator. (195) a. tuʈək ‘broken’ > tuʈək-tuʈək ‘broken’ b. wegḷo ‘different’ > wegḷo-wegḷo ‘different’ c. #whəʠlo ‘big’ > whəlʠo-whəʠlo ‘big’ d. #tsəʠ ‘more’ > tsəʠ-tsəʠ ‘more and more’ e. lhan ‘small’ > lhan-lhan ‘very small’ f. #tik ‘pungent’ > tik-tik ‘very pungent’ g. goʠ ‘sweet’ > goʠ-goʠ ‘sweet’ h. hune-hune ‘hot, warm’

The following examples illustrate verb reduplication. In them the reduplicator and the reduplicand are not independent morphemes. (196) a. #kəʠ-kəʠ ‘tremble, shiver’ b. #kəʠ-kəʠ-ay ‘frighten’ c. #kəl-kəl ‘palpitate’ d. dhəʠ-dhəʠ ‘palpitate, throb’ e. khəṇ-khəṇ ‘clatter, clink’ f. #kits-kits ‘itch; trouble’ g. #kits-kits-ay ‘scold, irritate’ h. kiṇ-kiṇ ‘clink, jingle’ i. khəʈ-khəʈ ‘knock’ j. khət-khət ‘boil’ k. gəʠ-gəʠ ‘thunder’ l. tsər-tsər ‘make a slitting sound’ m. ʤhig-ʤhig ‘glow, shine’ n. ʤhir-ʤhir ‘wear out’ o. #təḷ-təḷ ‘drudge, toil’ p. #tir-tir ‘flirt’ q. thər-thər ‘shiver out of cold or fear’ r. #dhər-dhər ‘prosper’ s. lik-lik ‘twinkle’ t. #rũw-rũw ‘itch; circle’ u. #dzig-dzig ‘shine’  v. bhir-bhir ‘hover’ w. gir-gir ‘rotate,whirl’ x. fut-fut ‘mumble, whisper’ y. #kiʈ-kiʈ ‘giggle’ z. #phəʠ-phəʠ ‘gasp for breath’

(Gawdi)

214 Konkani

#tik-tik ‘shine’ aa. #kəts-kəts ‘make a clashing sound’ ab. ac. wəs-wəs ‘be greedy’ ad. həʠ-bəʠ ‘be afraid, fear’ #pir-pir ‘drizzle’  ae. af. #khusur-khusur.kər (PHR V) ‘murmur, mutter’11

(Mang.)

In the following example, the reduplicator is a word (verb) and the reduplicand is merely a repetition of the reduplicator. (197) ləw ‘bend’ > ləw-ləw ‘bend’

The following examples illustrate adverb reduplication. In them the reduplicator and the reduplcand are not independent morphemes. (198) a. dzhəʈ -dzhəʈ ‘quickly, promptly’ b. ṭuku‑ṭuku ‘fixedly’ c. thər-thər-ã ‘shiveringly’ d. dhaʠ-dhaʠ ‘with heavy sound’ e. #wegĩ wegĩ ‘very quickly’  f. #wəg-wəg-i ‘quickly’ 

(Christ.) (Mang)

In the following examples, the reduplicator is a word (Adv) and the reduplicand is merely a repetition of the reduplicator. (199) a. dzəwəḷ ‘near’ > dzəwəḷ- dzəwəḷ ‘almost, approximately’ b. lagĩ ‘with, near’ > lagĩ-lagĩ ‘almost, approximately’ c. dhime / lhəwu ‘slowly’ > dhime-dhime / lhəwu-lhəwu ‘slowly’ d. pərtun / pərthun ‘again’ > pərtun-pərtun / pərthun-pərthun ‘again and again’ e. #begin ‘quickly’ > begi-begin ’quickly’ f. dis ‘day’ > dis-an-dis ‘daily’ g. wərʃ ‘year’ > wərʃan wərš ‘year by year’ h. #khə~y ‘where’ > khə~y-tʃa-khə~y ‘to an unimaginable place or point’ i. mədĩ ‘in’ > mədĩ -mədĩ ‘among, between’ j. ghər-ãŋ-ghər ‘in every house’ k. #kenna-kenna / kettaw-kettaw ‘sometimes’

In the following reduplicatives, the non-finite forms of verbs with completive (‑ũn ˜ -ən ˜ -n), perfective (‑l) and imperfective (‑t) markers are productively used. Many adverbs are formed in this way: 11. Konkani has many reduplicative verbs of this type. Marathi does not have that many. For example, ʈəḷ-ʈəḷ ‘drudge’, ʤhig- ʤhig ‘glow, shine’, kits-kts ‘itch’, gir-gir ‘rotate’, fut-fut ‘whisper’ do not occur in Marathi. Reduplicatives such as tir-mir ‘be unconscious after a stroke’, kuṇ-kuṇ ‘whisper’, or tsəḷ-wəḷ ‘move restlessly’ are verbs in Konkani but nouns in Marathi.



Chapter 7.  Word formation 215

(200) a. khod ‘dig’ > khod-ũn-khod-ũn ‘pointedly and inquisitively’ b. saŋg ‘tell’ > saŋg-ũn-saŋg-ũn ‘by telling again and again’ c. kər ‘do’> kər-ũn-kər-ũn ‘doing repeatedly’ d. rəʠ ‘cry’> rəʠ-ət-rəʠ-ət ‘while crying’ e. hãs ‘laugh’> hãs-ət-hãs-ət ‘while laughing’ f. uʠ ‘fly’> uʠ ‘fly’ > uʠ-ət-uʠ-ət ‘by flying’ g. pəḷəy ‘see’> pəḷəy-ta-pəḷəy-ta ‘while seeing’ h. ye ‘come’> ye ‘come’ > ay-lya-ay-lya ’as soon as one came’ i. bəs ‘sit’> bəs ‘sit’ > bəs-un- bəs-un ‘by sitting so long’ j. kha ‘eat’ > kha ‘eat’ > kha-un-kha-un ‘by eating the same dish, by eating a lot’ k. dhaw ‘run’> dhaw ‘run’ > dha-un-dha-un ‘running without stopping’ l. #khərʃe ‘gasp’> khərʃe ‘gasp’ > khərʃe-tã- khərše-tã ‘while gasping’ #uləy ‘talk’ > uləy ‘speak,talk’ > uləy-tã uləy-tã ‘while talking’ m.

The following examples illustrate some of these forms in sentential contexts. (201) ek səwṇẽ uʠ-ət uʠ-ət ay-l-ẽ one bird(3nsg) fly-impf fly-impf come-perf-3nsg ‘A bird came flying.’ (202) bhaw-a saŋgtan tʃa ghet-ã ghe-tã pəlləwi uləy-tal-ẽ brother-obl pp:with tea take-impf take-impf Pallawi talk-impf-perf ‘While taking tea with her brother Pallawi was talking.’ (203) hantruṇ-a-r pəʠ-l-ya pəʠ-l-ya taka hĩ utər-ã bed-obl-pp:on lie-perf-obl lie-perf-obl he-dat these word-npl yad.ye-tal-ĩ phr.v:remember-impfperf-3npl ‘Lying on his bed he remembered these words.’ (204) waʈ.pəḷow-ən pəḷow-ən magir tũts dzaw-ən phr.v:wait-compl wait-compl afterwards you-part emph go-compl witʃar-t-a kəʃẽ dis-t-ã? ask-impf-2sg how look-impf-1sg ‘Waiting for a long time finally you yourself ask, ‘How do I look?’’

The following examples illustrate reduplicated interrogative adverbs and pronouns: (205) a. #kenna ‘when’ > kenna-kenna ‘occasionally, sometime or the other’ b. koṇ ‘who’ > koṇ-koṇ ‘who’ c. #kitẽ ‘what’ > kitẽ-kitẽ ‘what’ d. #khə~y ‘where’ > khə~y-khə~y ‘where’

216 Konkani

The following examples illustrate reduplicated interjections and particles: (206) a. are ‘hey’(m) > are-are / arere ‘oh God!, Ah! (expressing regret, fear, pity)’ b. #həy / whəy ‘yes’ > həy-həy / whəy-whəy ‘yes, sure’ c. na ‘no’ > na-na ‘not’  (persuasive) d. tʃe ‘no’ > tʃe-tʃe ‘oh, no!’ e. #kəʈa-kəʈa ‘oh!’ f. ʃi ‘ugh’ > ʃi-ʃi ‘ugh’  (expressing strong disapproval) g. wa ‘very good, very well’ > wa-wa ‘very good!’ but wa-re wa (In this wa is an interjection and re is a vocative interjection (§ 6.6.2). It is sarcastic and used to show contempt).

7.6.1.2 Addition of vowel a In many reduplicated forms, a is inserted between the reduplicator and the reduplicand. In most such cases the reduplicator is a free morpheme. The following examples illustrate such forms involving noun reduplication. (207) a. daṇ-a-daṇ ‘rout’ b. dhək-a-dhək-i ‘hardship, exhaustive work’ c. #bhas-a-bhas ‘discussion’

The following examples illustrate such forms involving verb reduplication. (208) a. dhãw ‘run’ > dhãw-a-dhãw ‘running frantically, scurry’ b. dhəwəḷ /ḍhəwəḷ ‘churn’ > dhəwəḷ-a-dhəwəḷ /ʠhəwəḷ-a-ʠhəwəḷ ‘interference’ c. ṭaḷ ‘evade’ > ṭaḷ-a-ṭaḷ ‘evasion’ d. khoʠ ‘efface, rub out’ >khoʠ-a-khoʠ / khoḍ-a-khoḍ-i ‘a lot of rubbing’ e. kap ‘cut, hew’ > kap-a-kap-i ‘slaughter’ f. rəʠ ‘cry’ > rəʠ-a-rəʠ ‘wailing’ g. mar ‘beat’ > mar-a-mar / mar-a-mar-i ‘fight, brawl’ h. tʃẽŋgər ‘get jammed or squeezed’ > tʃẽŋgər-a-tʃẽŋgər-i ‘jamming and squeezing’ i. dzhomb ‘wrestle’ > dzhomb-a-dzhomb-i ‘pulling and pushing, wrestling’ j. dzhomb-a-dzhomb-i ‘tussle, brawl’ k. sãnd ‘join’ > ãand-ã-sãnd ‘repair’

The following examples illustrate such forms involving adjective reduplication. (209) a. ənd-a-dhund ‘indiscriminate, wild’ b. gərəm ‘hot, warm’ > gərəm-a-gərəm ‘quite hot’ c. gham ‘sweat’ > gham-a-ghum ‘sweaty’ d. #ʤust ‘exact, precise’ > ʤust-a-ʤust ˜ ʤust-ak-ʤust ‘exact’ e. bərẽ ‘good, nice’ > bər-a-bər ‘correct, true’



Chapter 7.  Word formation 217

The following examples illustrate such forms involving adverb reduplication. (210) a. dzhəʈ-a-dzhəʈ ’ quickly’ b. dzhər-a-dzhər ‘quickly’ c. pəʈ-a-pəʈ / fəʈ-a-fəʈ ‘speedily, fast’ d. ghəʈ-a-ghəʈ/ gəʈ-a-gəʈ ‘in gulps’ e. səʈ- a-səʈ ‘with great speed’. f. səmor ‘in front’ > səmor-a- səmor ‘face to face’  g. #meʈ ‘step’ > meʈ-a-meʈak ‘at each step’ 

(Marathi) (Christ.)

7.6.1.3 Addition of vowel o In some cases, the vowel o is added to the reduplicator, which is a free morpheme. The following examples illustrate such forms involving adverb reduplication. In these examples, the words are nouns and the resultant reduplicatives are adverbs. (211) a. dar ‘door’ > dar-o-dar ‘from house to house’ b. bərẽ ’ > bər-o-bər ‘together’ c. pəd ‘foot; step’ > pəd-o-pəd-ĩ ‘at every step’

7.6.1.4 Change of vowel to i or u In the examples below there is a vowel change in forming the reduplicand. For example, Noun: (212) a. #ʈãw-ʈĩw ‘ding dong’  b. #saf ‘clean’ > saf-suf-i ‘cleaning’

(Christ.)

Adjective: (213) saf ‘clean’ > saf-suf ‘clean’

7.6.1.5 Replacement or insertion of consonant in the initial position of the reduplicand In some cases, reduplication conditions the insertion or replacement of a consonant in the initial position of the reduplicand. The following examples illustrate this process in the case of noun reduplication. (214) a. #alebhaw-kolebhaw ‘useless friends present on all occasions’ b. thato-mato ‘welcome; amusement’ c. #dhõŋgã-põŋgã (pl) ’contortions; faults’ d. tsək-mək ‘scuffle’ e. tsuḷ‑buḷ ‘moving restlessly’

218 Konkani

f. tʃiri-miri ‘small bribe’ g. tʃendo-mendo ‘state of being crushed’ h. gəʠ-bəʠ ‘commotion’ i. ʈiwlyo-bawlyo ‘mocking and jesting’ j. dhus-fus ‘bickering’ k. təḷ-məḷ ‘mental agitation’ l. təḷ-məḷ ‘mental agony’ #bhaŋər-ʃiŋgar (Christ.)/bhaŋərã-ʃiŋgarã ‘gold ornaments’ m. n. mãdri-ʃĩdri ‘bed and bedding’  o. mar-far ‘beating’ p. #aʈe-wiʈe ‘agony’

(Christ)

In the following examples the reduplicator is a free morpheme: (215) a. upas ‘fasting’ > upas-təpas ‘religious fasting’ b. kiʠuk ‘small being’ > kiʠuk-miʠuk ‘trifling ornaments’ c. thaʈ ‘show’ > thaʈ-maʈ ‘grandeur’ d. dhəkko ‘jolt’ > dhəkka-bukki ‘pushing and pulling, jostling’  e. soyro ‘guest’ > soyre-dayre ‘kith and kin’ f. #dzati ‘caste’ > dzati-kati ‘caste’ g. tsuk ‘miss’ > tsuk-a-muk ‘missing each other’ h. aŋg ‘body’ > aŋg-pãŋ ‘each and every limb, the whole body’ i. #dzãŋg ‘thigh’ > dzãŋgo-pãŋgo (pl) ‘hands and legs’

(Marathi)

The following examples illustrate such forms involving adjective reduplication. (216) a. ayəs-pəyəs ‘spacious’ b. #illẽ-dulẽ ‘some, little’ c. tola-mola-(co) ‘(of) a comparable or same level’ d. dhəʈʈa-kəʈʈa ‘srong and sturdy’ e. #kuḷ-pikuḷ ‘worried, emotionally strung’ (217) a. eklo ‘alone’ > eklo-duklo ‘alone’ b. dhəḍ-dhakəṭ ‘well-built and healthy’ c. #ʃitəḷ ‘cool’ > ʃitəḷ-nitəḷ ‘quite cool’

The following examples illustrate such forms involving verb reduplication. (218) a. ləʈ -pəʈ ‘be unsteady, tremble’ b. təḷ-məḷ ‘roll about in pain’ c. təʠ-fəʠ ‘writhe in pain; intrude’ d. dzəḷ ‘burn’ > dzəḷ-fəḷ ‘burn with anger’



Chapter 7.  Word formation 219

The following examples illustrate such forms involving adverb reduplication. In these examples, both the reduplicator and the reduplicand are not free morphemes and they do not have independent meaning. (219) a. #askəḷ-wiskəḷ ‘haphazard’ b. #dzhərət-mərət ‘with difficulty and obstructions’ c. tsəʈ-pəʈ ‘quickly’ d. ʤhumuk-phumuk ‘with the sound of anklets’

In the following examples, the reduplicator is a free morpheme, (220) a. sədã ‘always’ > sədã-kədã ‘each and every time’ b. #arto ‘on this side’ > arto-pərto ‘on this side and on that side, topsy-turvy’

7.6.1.6 The use of bi As in Marathi, this is the most productive process of forming a reduplicated form of any word in Konkani. The initial consonant and vowel of the word are simply replaced by bi to form a reduplicand. Words beginning with b optionally undergo a replacement by phi. Often, the reduplicative means ‘the thing mentioned along with other things’. Some examples follow: (221) a. khawəp-biwəp ‘eating’ b. dhuwəp-biwəp ‘washing’ c. whãwəp-bĩwəp ‘flowing’ d. tsəṇe-biṇe ‘gram’ e. pəṇəs-biṇəs ‘jackfruit’ f. baʈli-biʈli/baʈli-phiʈli ‘bottle’ g. #oʠ-biʠ ‘attraction’ h. #əbru-bibru ‘reputation’ i. #ake-bike ‘this side’ j. iman-biman ‘loyalty’ k. #uṇʠo-biṇʠo, ũʠɔ-bĩḍɔ ‘loaf ’  l. ek-bik ‘one’ #ord-bird ‘ordinance’ m. n. #ʃiru-biru ‘flea’ o. tʃhawṇi-biwṇi ‘camp’ p. #ʈəko-biko ‘money’ q. ʠəbo-bibo ‘tin’ r. kaʠi-biʠi ‘stick’ s. #udzo-bidzo ‘fire’ t. tap-bip ‘fever’ u. kəpʠe-bipʠe ‘clothes’ v. #gunyãw-binyãw ‘crime’

(Christ.)

220 Konkani

7.6.1.7 Reverse reduplication In a few reduplicatives, the reduplicand is followed by the reduplicator, and the reduplicator lends part of its form to the reduplicand. The following examples illustrate this. (222) a. wegḷẽ ‘different’ > agḷẽ (reduplicand)‑wegḷẽ (reduplicator) ‘unique’ b. bədəl ‘change’ > ədla-bədəl ‘exchange’ c. paḷi ‘turn’ > aḷi-paḷi ‘turn by turn way, shift’ d. wiskəḷ (sk wiskəḷ-it) ‘scattered’ > askəḷ-wiskəḷ ‘spread out, scattered’ e. bhõwtĩ ‘around’ > awtĩ-bhõwtĩ ‘in the surroundings’ f. #don ‘two’ > do-don ‘two’ g. #tin ‘three’ > ti-tin ‘three’ h. #tʃar ‘four’ > tʃa-tʃar ‘four’ i. #wiŋgəɖ ‘various’> wiŋgəɖ-wiŋgəɖ/wiŋg-wiŋgəɖ (Mang) ‘various, different’ j. niraḷo ‘different’ > nir-niraḷo ‘different’ k. əʈəm-ʈəwaḷ ˜ əʈəm-ʈəwaḷ ‘vagabond’

7.6.2 Semantic reduplication Instead of reduplicating a word, or part of the word, two synonyms can be used as reduplicator and reduplicand. The number of words of this type is large. However, this type of reduplication does not result in a form that denotes excess or higher frequency or higher degree. The meaning is the same as that of the single words that underlie the reduplicated expression. In practice the reduplcative is used when the speaker wants to indicate that he is talking about the thing ‘ in general’. Often the use is a matter of informal style. Some examples of semantic reduplication involving nouns are given below. (223) a. ʤewəṇ ‘meal’ + khaṇ ‘eating’ > ʤewəṇ- khaṇ ‘board’ b. bag ‘garden’ + bəgitʃo ‘small garden’ > bag-bəgitʃo ‘garden’ c. khaṇ ‘food’ + ʤewəṇ ‘meal’ > khaṇ-ʤewəṇ ‘snacks, food’ d. dzhaʠ ‘tree’ + dzhuʠup ‘bush’ > dzhaʠ-dzhuʠup ‘plant’ e. məwdz ‘fun’ + məʤa ‘fun’ > məwdz-məʤa ‘fun’ f. saf ‘clean’ + səfai ‘cleaning’ > saf-səfay ‘cleaning’ g. aʠhe (Marathi)’loop’ + weʠo ‘ring’ > aʠe-weʠe ‘hesitation’ h. dzhaʠ ‘sweep’ + loʈ ‘push’ > dzhaʠ-loʈ ‘cleaning’ i. adəḷ ‘hit’ + apəʈ ‘bang’ > adəḷ-apəʈ ‘banging’ j. #duʠu ‘money’ + aʠko ‘a small coin’ > duʠu-aʠko ‘money’ k. #bhurgẽ ‘child’ + baḷ ‘child’ > bhurge-baḷ ‘child’ l. pəʠ ‘fall’ + dzhəʠ ‘shed’ > pəʠ-dzhəʠ ‘falling of leaves, fruits; dilapidation’ m. weḷ ‘time’ + kaḷ ‘time’ > weḷ‑kaḷ ‘time’ n. nəndi ‘bullock’ + bəyl ‘bullock’ > nəndi-bəyl ‘bullock; yes-man’

Chapter 7.  Word formation 221



o. #ghus-əp ‘to be confused’ + gondəḷ ‘confusion’ > ghusp-a-gondəḷ ‘confusion’ p. dzəmin ‘land’ + dzumlo ‘landed property’ > dzəmin-dzumlo ‘landed property’ q. mar ‘beat’ + taʠ/dzhoʠ ‘beat/thrash’ > mar-taʠ/mar-dzhoʠ ‘beating, thrashing’

Some examples of semantic reduplication involving adjectives are provided below. (224) a. ugʠo ‘bare, open’ + nagʠo ‘naked’ > ugʠo-nagʠo ‘uncovered’ b. tuʈko ‘broken’ + fuʈko ‘broken’ > tuʈko- fuʈko ‘broken’ c. sado ‘simple’ + sudo (from sk šuddhə)‘pure’ > sado-sudo ‘very simple, not cunning’ d. niʈ ‘tidy’ + neʈko ‘neat’ > niʈ-neʈko ‘neat’ e. ghənə ‘thick’(sk) + daʈ ‘thick’ > ghən-daʈ‘thick’ f. lamb ‘long’ + lətsək (from ləwtʃik) ’supple’ > lamb-lətsək ‘long’ g. #dhəwo ‘white’ + səfed ‘white’ > dhəwo-səfed ‘white’ h. ʤito ‘live’+ʤiwo ‘live’ > ʤito‑ʤiwo ‘live’ i. tadzo ‘fresh’ + təwano ‘fresh’ > tadzo təwano ‘fresh’ j. bhoḷo ‘credulous’ + babʠo ‘credulous’ > bhoḷo-babʠo ‘credulous’

Some examples of semantic reduplication deriving adverbs are given below. (225) a. ubo ‘standing, straight’ + taʈ ‘erect’ > ubo-taʈ ‘in an upright position’

7.7

Intensifiers

7.7.1 Function Intensifiers are used to heighten the effect of the quality expressed by the word. (For intensifiers that are particles, see § 6.5.3) 7.7.1.1 Adjectives Intensifiers normally co-occur with adjectives. They may precede or follow the adjectives. In the following examples intensifiers follow adjectives: Table 7.4  Intensifiers with colour terms Colour adjective

Adjective + Intensifier

kaḷo ‘black’ dhəwo ‘white’ tmabʠo ‘red’ patswo ‘green’

kaḷo kiʈʈ/ kuḷkuḷit ‘very black’ dhəwo full / səfed ‘very white’ tmabʠo gundz ‘very red’ patswo ar ‘very green’

222 Konkani

Table 7.5  Intensifiers with taste terms Adjective of taste

Adjective + Intensifier

tik ‘pungent, hot’ goʠ ‘sweet’ koʠu ‘bitter’ ambəʈ ‘sour’

tik uʤo ‘very pungent’ goʠ sakər / surbus ‘very sweet like sugar’ koʠu ʤəhər ‘bitter like a poison’ ambəʈ dhõk / kitʃtʃu / huli ‘very sour’

Table 7.6  Intensifiers with terms describing human features Adjectives referring to human features

Intensifier

goro ‘fair, white’(skin) ləmbu ‘tall’ məu ‘soft’ əgəʠ ‘profound’ ugʠo ‘bare’

goro ʃərəṇʈo ‘very white’ ləmbu ʈãŋg ‘very tall’ məu tsuno ‘very soft’ əgəʠ bə̃mb ‘very huge’ ugʠo bə̃mb ‘totally bare’

Table 7.7  Intensifiers with other adjectives nəwo ‘new’ wəlo ‘wet’ hune ‘hot, warm’

# nəwo anas ‘brand new’ wəlo tʃip ‘drenched in water’ # hune kəṇ ‘very hot’

Intesifiers normally follow the adjective. In speech, however, they can be front-shifted. The following intensifiers always precede the adjective. Their position cannot be changed: Table 7.8  Intensifier preceding adjective Intensifier

Intesifier + Adjective

saf / sapp ʠhig Intensifier bhər

sapp khoʈo / fəʈitso ‘completely false’ ʠhig ʃaṇo ‘very wise’ Intensifier +Adverb bhər dhãw ‘with great speed’

7.7.1.2 Verbs To intensify the action expressed by the verb, reduplicatives are used as intensifiers with some verbs. These function like adverbs.12 12. Konkani does not have as many intensifiers of this type as Marathi does. Besides, they are all non-finite forms of verbs. Similarly, there are no instances of intensifiers with nouns. Marathi has some like phəʈ phəʤiʈi ‘total disgrace’.

Chapter 7.  Word formation 223



Table 7.9  Reduplicatives as adverbs Intensifier

Intensifier + Verb

thərthərã khədkhədun

thərthərã kãp ‘shake terribly’ khədkhədun hãs ‘laugh loudly’

Another means is using the reduplicative of the verb-stem before a durative verb: (226) ti rəʠ rəʠ rəʠ-l-i she intsf cry-perf-3fsg ‘She cried profusely.’ (227) tɔ khakha kha-t-a he intsf eat-impf-3sg ‘He eats voraciously.’

7.8

Diminutives

Nouns have diminutive forms that show smallness and/or endearment. The diminutive noun is formed through suffixation. In the following examples both the base noun and its diminutive form are given. The following examples illustrate diminutive nouns formed by the suffixation of ‑i. All diminutive nouns formed in this way are feminine. (228) a. ambo ‘mango tree’ > ambuli ‘small mango plant’ b. kəḷso ‘big pitcher’ > kəḷʃi ‘small pitcher’ c. bãŋʠo ‘a type of sea-fish, mackerel’ > bãŋgʠuli/bãŋgulli ‘small mackerel’ d. harso ‘mirror’ > harʃi ‘small mirror’ e. ʃẽwʈo ‘mullet’ > ʃẽwʈaḷi ‘small mullet’ f. ʠõŋgər /dõŋgər ‘mountain’ > ʠõŋgurli/dõŋgurli ‘hillock’ g. ũṇʠo ‘bread’ > ũṇʠi ‘morsel’ h. kholo ‘leaf ’ > kholi ‘small leaf ’ i. ʃeṇo ‘drop’ > ʃeṇi ‘droplet’  (Christ.) j. waro ‘wind’ > warẽ (n) ‘breeze’ k. dor ‘rope’ > dori ‘string, cord’ l. puʠo ‘packet’ > puʠi ‘very small packet’ m. guḷo ‘lump’ > guḷi ‘tablet, pill’ n. dãṇʠo ‘club, bar’ > dãṇʠi ‘stick’ o. wəʠo ‘a spicy, fried food item’ > wəʠi ‘small flat cake’ p. waʠgo ‘big bowl’, > waʈi ‘small bowl’ q. sup ‘winnowing pan’ > supli ‘small winnowing pan’

224 Konkani

r. ʃẽṇʠo ‘top, crest’ > ʃẽṇʠi ‘small tuft of hair, grass, etc.’ s. wəʈʈe ‘plate’ > waʈʈoḷi ‘small plate’  (Mang.) t. diwwo ‘lamp’ > diwli ‘small lamp’  (Mang.) u. dəwlo ‘big spoon for serving food’ > dəwli ‘small spoon for serving food’  (Mang.)

The following example illustrates a diminutive noun formed by the suffixation of ‑ẽ. (229) buʠkulo ‘earthen pot’ > buʠkulẽ ‘small earthen pot’

The following example illustrates a diminutive noun formed by the suffixation of ‑kẽ. (230) ʠhol ˜ dhol ‘drum’ > ʠholẽ ˜ dholẽ ‘small drum’

The following examples illustrate diminutive nouns formed by the suffixation of ‑kul. (231) a. fõṇʠ ‘pit’ > fõṇʠkul ‘small pit’, b. ghər ‘house’ > ghərkul ‘small house’

The following example illustrates a diminutive noun formed by the suffixation of ‑ʠi. (232) təbək ‘round plate used in worshiping’ > təbəkʠi ‘small plate or disc’

The following examples illustrate diminutive nouns formed by the suffixation of ‑ʠẽ. (233) a. ʈopi ˜ topi ‘cap’ > ʈopʠẽ ˜ topʠẽ ‘small cap for a baby’ b. kat ‘skin’ > katʠẽ ‘leather’ c. ʠəbo ‘tin’ > ʠəbəʠẽ ‘small tin’

Finally, the following examples illustrate diminutive nouns formed by the suffixation of ‑li. (234) a. taʈ ‘big plate’ > taʈli ‘small plate’ b. may ‘mother’ > mauli ‘mother’ 

(term of endearment)

Chapter 7.  Word formation 225



7.9

Cranberry-type morphemes

‘Cranberry’ type words in which ‘cran’ [kræn] is a unique morpheme (in the sense that it does not function as a free morpheme elsewhere) are very rare in languages. It is a phenomenon that deserves attention. Konkani has unique morphemes in verb phrases, idioms and some expressions, though they are not as many as they are in Marathi. In the following examples, the cranberry type morpheme is isolated at the end of the example. It is difficult to state the exact meaning of these forms outside the expression, and they are rarely used on thier own. (235) a. khənpəʈ-i-k lag ‘insist, try persistently to persuade’ (khənpəʈ) b. bittəmbatmi ‘the whole story/news’ (bittəm) c. sãwḷo gõndəḷ ’confusion in business’ (sãwḷo) d. wəʈhṇ-i-r ye / haʠ ‘come back on the right path/bring a person to a state of subjection’ (wəʈhəṇ) e. ʤire ʈop ‘a special type of crown’ (ʤire) f. dawagni ‘fire in the forest’ (dawa) g. tirkəmʈho ‘bow and arrow’ (kəmʈho) h. həʠəp kər ‘grab’ (həʠəp) i. girest ‘rich’ (gir) j. dhərdhərit ‘semi solid’ (dhərdhər)

Chapter 8

Subject and agreement

8.1

Introduction

In this chapter, agreement between subject and verb in Konkani is discussed. A subject with zero nominative marking agrees with the verb in gender, number and person. However, when it has a dative marker or an ergative marker, the verb either prefers an unmarked noun for agreement or opts for a neutral singular form. 8.2

Agreement pattern

In Konkani, case and verb agreement are linked in an intricate fashion. In the traditional nominative-accusative frameworks of European languages, a nominative cased NP is allotted subject status because the verb agrees with it. In Konkani, as in Marathi, the verb obligatorily agrees with the unmarked NP irrespective of its thematic role. That is, given a sentence with two or three nouns with thematic roles, the verb will agree with the morphologically unmarked case noun, setting aside all other case-marked nouns. The unmarked noun may be the nominative subject with a zero marker as in (1) and (2), the direct object as in (3) or the theme NP in a dative-construction as in (4). (1) ram kәtha saᶇ-t-a Ram-msg story.fsg tell-impf-3sg ‘Ram tells a story.’ (2) lili ani kәli kәtha saᶇ-t-at Lili and Kali-pl story tell-impf-pl ‘Lili and Kali tell a story.’ (3) lili-n fatәr haɖ-l-o Lili-dat stone.msg bring-perf-sg ‘Lili brought a stone.’ (4) rama-k kͻfi awәɖ-l-i Ram-dat coffee.fsg like-perf-fsg ‘Ram liked coffee.’

228 Konkani

Verb agreement is cued to the gender, number and person of the unmarked NP as seen in (1)–(4). It becomes neutral in the absence of an unmarked NP as in (5). (5) bhart‑a-n pakistan-a-k hәrәy-l-ẽ India-obl-erg Pakistan-obl-dat defeat-perf-3nsg ‘India defeated Pakistan.’

In short, the verb does not agree with a morphologically marked NP whatever its function may be. 8.3

Split ergative system and agreement resolution

Verb agreement with an object NP, as in (3), creates a challenge in deciding the status of subject in the traditional framework (See 3.1.3). However, the problem is resolved if case in Konkani is properly analyzed within the ergative case model system of Dixon and others (Dixon (1979, 1994; Bobajik 1993 and some others). The distinctive aspect of an ergative system is that it treats the subject of a transitive verb differently from that of an intransitive verb, and aligns the properties of the intransitive subject such as case and agreement with the transitive object. In a nominative-accusative system, the properties of the intransitive subject align with the transitive subject (Spencer, A (2003)). One can argue that in (3) fatәr haɖ-l-o is a compound (It is called a phrasal verb in this book (See 4.5) which renders the verb (haɖ) intransitive and therefore it agrees solely with the unmarked subject fatәr (Spencer calls it absolutive case for intransitive verbs). The nominative-accusative case system and the ergative case system exist side by side in Konkani, Marathi, Hindi, Kashmiri and Indic languages. These languages encode a split ergative system. In Konkani, the ergative features become visible in the agreement system in certain contexts such as: (i) the perfective and the second perfective aspect of the transitive verb, and (ii) the desiderative of both transitive and intransitive verbs. In these constructions, the subject is marked ergative and the inanimate direct object, which is morphologically unmarked for case and thus formally identical with the nominative, controls the agreement.1 The object thus aligns 1. It is interesting to note that in Matond in Goa, in a junior college, we found that students accepted all the three variations: (i) ta-ṇẽ gay bad-l-i he-erg cow-fsg tie-perf-fsg (ii) ta-ṇẽ gai-k bad-l-ẽ he-erg cow-fsg tie-perf-nsg



Chapter 8.  Subject and agreement 229

with the intransitive subject. All other contexts display the nominative-accusative pattern, where the subject of both transitive and intransitive verbs is in the nominative and controls the agreement. The subject is marked ergative in (3) and (5). The distribution of nominative and ergative case is described in the following sections. 8.3.1 Non-perfective aspect In the non-perfective aspect, i.e., imperfective present and future, the subjects of both transitive and intransitive verbs are in the nominative, as shown in (6) and (7). Object marking is cued to animacy. Inanimate direct objects are in the nominative as in (7). In contrast the animate direct object as well as the indirect object is marked by the dative as in (8) and (9). The verb agrees with the nominative subject. It does not agree with the nominative object as seen in (7). These sentences clearly show a nominative-accusative agreement pattern. Agreement is with the subject.

(iii) ta-ṇẽ gai-k bad-l-i he-erg cow-fsg tie-perf-fsg ‘He tied the cow.’ In Manglore, (iii) was considered odd by informants. But in the written material in Manglore we did find the following instance: (iv) tya ratri tenali rama-n dnyani pəṇʠita-k aple ghar-ã that night Tenali Ram-erg learned scholar.msg-dat own house-loc aməntrit ke-l-o phrv: invited do-perf-3msg ‘That night, Tenali Ram invited the learned scholar to his house.’ In (iv), the verb agrees with the dative-marked object. The neuter verb-form rule of the ergative in (iii) is a restricted rule. It is blocked by the unmarked nominative direct object controlling the agreement rule. If the noun which refers to an adult, respectable feminine person the verb is in the feminine singular form as in: (v) lili begin dhawli Lili fast run.perf.3fsg ‘Lili ran fast.’ However, if Lili is considered to be junior, subordinate or younger than the speaker, the verb is in the neutral form: (vi) lili begin dhawlẽ Lili fast run.perf.3nsg ‘Lili ran fast.’ It is a case that shows how agreement participates in marking social deixis.

230 Konkani

(6) sewņ-i uʈ-ʈ-at bird-pl fly-impf-pl ‘Birds fly.’ (7) lili amb-e kha-t-a Lili.sg mango-pl eat-impf-sg ‘Lili eats mangoes.’ (8) nәrendrәnath bapay-k witsar-t-a Narendranath.sg father-dat ask-impf-sg ‘Narendranath asks (his) father.’ (9) radʒa babu-k pəiʃe di-t-a Raja.msg Babu-dat money.pl give-impf-3msg ‘Raja gives money to Babu.’

8.3.2 Perfective aspect In the perfective aspect, intransitive subjects are in the nominative and show agreement with the verb as in (10). Transitive subjects are marked with the ergative suffix n. Object marking is similar to the one in the imperfective, but not the agreement. The verb shows agreement with the unmarked direct object as exemplified in both (11) and (12). If the direct object is in the dative case, the verb shows neutral agreement as in (13). Marked direct objects are mostly animate as noted above. (See 8.3. for the quirkiness of object marking.) (10) lili begin dhaw-l-i Lili.fsg fast run-perf-3fsg ‘Lili ran fast.’ (11) lili-n tẽ kam sopəy-l-ẽ lili-n tẽ kam sərəy-l-ẽ (Mang.) Lili-erg that work-nsg finish-perf-nsg ‘Lili finished that work.’ (12) mhəʤa iʃʈa-n raʤu-k səllo di-l-o friend-erg Raju-dat advice give-perf-3msg my ‘My friend gave advice to Raju.’ (13) propərsi-ya-ṇi widdyarth-yaŋ-k pəḷəi-l-ẽ professor-obl.pl-erg student-obl.pl-dat see-perf-3nsg ‘Professors saw the students.’



Chapter 8.  Subject and agreement 231

8.3.3 Obligative-Desiderative/subjunctive In the obligative-desiderative/subjunctive (§ 4.5.3) the subject is marked ergative with both intransitive and transitive predicates as in (14) and (15).2 Agreement follows the perfective pattern. The verb agrees with the unmarked NP if there is one, as in (16), otherwise it has neutral agreement as in (14) and (15). (14) lili-n dzaṇṭy-ã-k pãyã pəʠ-tʃ-ẽ lili-erg savant-obl-dat phr.v: feet touch-desi-3nsg ‘Lili should touch the feet of the savant.’ (15) lili-n raʤu-kəʠen mag-tʃ-ẽ Lili-erg Raju-to/at request-desi-3nsg ‘Lili should request Raju.’ (16) lili-n kəwatho/kawtho (Christ) row-ts-o plant-desi-3msg Lili-erg coconut.sapling ‘Lili should plant a coconut-sapling.’

8.3.4 Pronominals In Konkani, as in Marathi, the agreement in the non-perfective is with the first and second person pronoun, as in (17), (18), (19) and (20). (17) hãw ʃit ʤew-t-ã I rice eat-impf-1msg ‘I eat rice.’ (18) tũ ʃit ʤew-t-a /ay (Christ.) you rice eat-impf-2sg ‘You eat rice.’ (19) hãw babu-k tras. di-t-ã Babu-dat phrv:trouble give-impf-1sg I ‘I trouble Babu.’ (20) tũ babu-k tras.di-t-a/ay (Christ) you Babu-dat phr.v:trouble-impf-2sg ‘You trouble Babu.’

2. Dixon’s (1994) intransitive subject and transitive object alignment pattern is contradicted in the Konkani obligative-desiderative/subjunctive pattern, in which the subjects of both transitive and intransitive verbs are in the ergative case. In Marathi (See Dhongde and Wali 2009 p. 181–182), Kashmiri (See Wali 2002) and in Konkani, the intransitives divide into unergative and unaccusative. The unergative intransitives often have ergative subjects showing another type of alignment.

232 Konkani

In the perfective and obligative-desiderative/subjunctive, unlike in Marathi, the first and second person pronouns have distinct ergative forms and therefore the verb agrees with the direct object if it is in the nominative, as in (21) and (22), otherwise it shows neutral agreement as in (23) and (24). (21) hãw-ẽ gaʠi ghet-l-i hãw-ẽ gaʠi ghetə-ll-i I-erg car.fsg buy-perf-fsg I-erg car.fsg buy-2ndperf-fsg ‘I bought a car.’ (22) tuw-ẽ gaʠi ghet-l-i / ghetə-ll-i tuw-ẽ gaʠi ghetə-ll-i you-erg car.fsg buy-perf-fsg you-erg car.fsg buy-2ndperf-fsg ‘You bought a car.’ (23) hãw-ẽ praddhyapək-ã-k witʃ ͂ tsar-l-ẽ I-erg professor-obl-dat ask-perf-nsg ‘I asked the professor.’

8.4 Subjects This section describes subjects of different types of verbs and their grammatical properties. 8.4.1 Nominative and ergative subjects Under certain conditions, both intransitive and transitive verbs take nominative subjects. In all intransitive verbs, the subject is marked nominative in all tenses and aspects with the exception of the obligative-desiderative/subjunctive, which may require an ergative subject as exemplified in (14) and (15) above. The subjects of transitive verbs are cued to the animate/inanimate distinction. Transitive verbs do not allow inanimate subjects in any tense or aspect. The postposition n/ karṇan/ lagun ‘due to’ marks intransitive agency/cause in all aspects. The verb is intransitive as in (25) and (26). In non-perfective aspect subjects are marked with the nominative as in (27) and (28), though nominative inanimate subjects are normally avoided. Inanimate direct objects are marked with the nominative as in (28) while the animate direct objects are marked with the dative ‑k as in (29). In both these examples, the verb is transitive.3

3. Konkani, like Marathi, draws a morphological distinction between transitive and intransitive verbs, which is uncommon in English. Verbs like pəʠ ‘fall’, fuʈ ‘break’ and mər ‘die’ are intransitive, but paʠ ‘fell’, foʠ ‘break’ and mar ‘kill’ are transitive. For more examples, see § 4.3.3



Chapter 8.  Subject and agreement 233

(25) paws-a-n rukh pəʈ-ʈ-at rain-obl-erg tree.mpl fall-impf-3mpl ‘Trees fall because of the rain.’ (26) paws-a-n rukh pəʠ-l-e rain-obl-erg tree.mpl fall-perf-3mpl ‘Trees fell because of the rain.’ (27) wadəḷ rukh pəʈ-ʈ-a storm tree.mpl fall-impf-3mpl ‘Trees fall due to the storm.’ (28) lili rukh paʈ-ʈ-a Lili tree.mpl fell-impf-3sg ‘Lili fells trees.’ (29) lili babu-k sãŋ-t-a Lili Babu-dat tell-impf-3sg ‘Lili tells Babu.

The subjects of intransitive verbs are marked nominative as in (30) and (31). (30) ʤͻn məʠgawa-k ge-l-o John.msg Mudgao-dat go-perf-3msg ‘John went to Mudgao.’ (31) ʤͻnə məʠgawa-k raw-l-o John.msg Mudgao-dat live-desi-3nsg ‘John lived in Mudgao.’

The animate subjects of transitive verbs are marked ergative in the perfective as well as obligative-desiderative/subjunctive as in (32) and (33).4 (32) lili-n babu-k saŋ-l-ẽ Lili-3fsg Babu-dat tell-perf-3nsg ‘Lili informed Babu.’ (33) lili-n babu-k saŋ-tʃ-ẽ Lili-3fsg Babu-dat tell-desi-3nsg ‘Lili should tell Babu.’

4. Exceptions to ergative marking include two sets of predicates. The first set allows both nominative and ergative subjects. This set includes predicates such as tʃab ‘bite’, ʤik ‘win’, ʤew ‘eat’ and paŋgər ‘wear’. The second set requires a nominative subject. It is a large set and includes predicates such as səmədz ‘understand’, tʃuk ‘miss’, pi ’drink’, pẽw ‘swim’, mhəṇ ‘say’ and wisər ‘forget’.

234 Konkani

In sum, the ergative marking in the perfective is confined to transitive verbs, with certain exceptions. The ergative has a nominative counterpart in the non-perfective. In obligative-desiderative/subjunctive, the transitive may take nominative case or ergative case. A nominative subject signals an optative sense, as in (34), while the ergative subject signals epistemic sense, as in (35), and the verb agrees with it. (34) gaʠi weḷar paw-tʃ-i train.fsg on.time reach-desi-3fsg ‘May the train reach (its destination) on time.’ (35) ʃikə-t as-tə-na ta-ṇẽ kəwita watʃ-tʃ-o learn-impf be-impf-non.fin he-erg poem.pl read-desi-3msg ‘While taking education, he should read poetry.’

The ergative marked NP is often glossed as an agent in Indian grammar books. But ‘agent’ is not a syntactic notion. The notion agent denotes a theta value. 8.4.1.1 Grammatical properties Ergative subjects behave exactly like nominative subjects with respect to several grammatical rules that control reflexives, passives and some others. However, they differ in the control of the relative participial. With respect to the control of reflexives, Konkani has only two reflexives, swəta and apəṇ. The tendency to use a non-reflexive pronoun with an emphatic particle ts for reflexive meaning is seen in all varieties of Konkani. Both nominative and ergative subjects control these reflexives, as seen in (36), (37) and (38). (36) hẽkhatir hãw swəta-k dotʃ.di-t-a / hẽkhatir hãw maka- ts for.this I self-dat phr.v: blame-impf-sg for.this I I.dat-part dotʃ.di-t-a phr.v: blame-impf-sg ‘For this, I blame myself.’ (37) ti swəta-k harʃa-t pəḷəy-t-a ti aplya-k harʃa-t pəḷəy-t-a she self-dat mirror-loc see-impf-3sg ‘She sees herself in the mirror.’ (38) meri-n ʤͻna-k harʃa-t pəḷəi-l- ẽ ani ʈͻmə-n swəta-k Mary-erg John-dat mirror-loc see-perf-3nsg and Tom-erg self-dat ‘Mary saw John in the mirror and Tom (saw) himself (in the mirror).’

With respect to control in transitive passive verbs, demoted nominative and ergative subjects take the same postposition kəʠen/kərwi and promote the direct object to subject as in (39a) and (39b). Both allow the demoted subject to delete as in (39c).

Chapter 8.  Subject and agreement 235



lili-kəʠlyan babu-k kuʠ-i-t dhər-pak e-t-a Babu-dat room-loc catch-desi come-impf-sg lili-by ‘Babu is caught in the room by Lili.’   b. lili-kəʠen babu-k kuʠ-i-t dhər-əp ay-l-o lili-kəʠen Babu-dat room-loc catch-inf come-perf-msg lili-by lili-by babu-k kuʠ-i-t dhər-əp ay-l-ẽ Babu-dat room-loc catch-inf come-perf- nsg ‘Babu was caught in the room by Lili.’   c. babu-k kuʠ-i-t dhər-əp ay-l-ẽ Babu-dat room-loc catch-inf come-perf-nsg ‘Babu was caught in the room.’ (39) a.

Note that Examples (39a)–(39c) are constructed by the author rather than occurring naturally in the dataset All these constructions are artificial. They are possible, that’s all. In Marathi, the main verb is in the perfective aspect; in Konkani it is in the infinitive. Konkani uses ye ‘come’ as the auxiliary for passivisation; Marathi uses ye ‘come’ when the main verb is in the imperfective aspect and dza ‘go’ when it is in the perfective aspect. With respect to relative participial control, a difference between the nominative and the ergative systems is seen in their subject control of reduced correlative structures with the present and perfect participles. In reduced correlative structures, that is, where the relative dzᴐ and the correlative tᴐ (see § 3.2.5 and § 10.3) both are deleted, if the verb is in the present participle form and is transitive, it allows nominative subject, as in (40). (40) pustək watʃ-təl-o tʃəllo muʤo bhaw (Mang.) brother book read-pros-msg boy-msg my ‘The boy reading a book is my brother.’

In contrast, if the verb is in the perfective participle form, it allows only the zero marked object (that is, object in the nom or absolutive case), as in (41). (41) pustək watʃi-ll-o tʃəllo muʤo bhaw brother book read-2ndperf-msg boy-msg my ‘book read boy/ the boy who read the book is my brother.’

The ergative subject may not head the reduced correlative as in (42). (42) *tʃəllya-n watʃi-ll-ẽ pustək kaṇʈi-t asa boy-erg read-2ndperf-nsg book basket-loc be-pres ‘Boy read book/The book read by the boy is in the basket.’

236 Konkani

The parallel syntactic behavior of nominative and ergative subjects shows that ergativity in Konkani is confined to the morphological level and affects only the agreement. Its syntactic percolation is minor. 8.4.2 Dative subjects Dative subjects are found with psychological predicates such as verbs of knowledge, belief, desire, perception and mental or physical state. Dative subjects are marked with ‑k. It has already been noted above that ‑k denotes direct and indirect objects. Dative subjects may be animate or inanimate. Unlike Marathi, Konkani personal pronouns have a distinct case pattern. Dative subjects, as is the case with the ergative, never show any agreement with the verb. They resemble ergative subjects in this respect. A dative subject construction contains a noun in the nominative that assumes the semantic role of theme. The verb agrees with the theme NP as in (43)–(44). Both dative and theme NPs show some subject properties as noted below. (43) ʤͻna-k kͻfi awəʈ-ʈ-a John-dat coffee-3sg like-impf-3sg ‘John likes coffee.’ (44) ʤͻna-k phəḷ- ã awəʈ-ʈ-at John-dat fruit-pl like-impf-3pl ‘John likes fruits.’

8.4.2.1 Grammatical properties Ergative subjects behave exactly like nominative subjects with respect to several grammatical rules relating to the control of reflexives, passives and some others. However, they differ in the control of the relative participial. With respect to the control of reflexives, a dative subject may not antecede a bare reflexive theme, as in (45), but it may antecede other reflexive case forms, as in (46). (45) *uʃa-k swəta awəʈ-ʈ-a *uʃa-k apəṇ awəʈ-ʈ-a Usha-dat self like-impf-sg ‘Usha likes herself.’ (46) uʃa-k swəta-tʃi bhəin awəʈ-ʈ-a uʃa-k apṇa-tʃi bhəin awəʈ-ʈ-a Usha-dat self-of sister.fsg like-impf-sg ‘Usha likes self ’s sister.’



Chapter 8.  Subject and agreement 237

Similarly, the theme NP may not antecede a dative subject as in (47). It may, however, antecede other reflexive adverbial NPs as in (48). (47) *uʃa swəta-tʃe bhəyəṇi-k awəʈ-ʈ-a *uʃa apṇa-tʃe bhəyəṇi-k awəʈ-ʈ-a Usha self-poss sister-dat like-impf-sg ‘Self ’s sister likes Usha (that is, Usha’s own sister likes Usha).’ (48) uʃa-k raʤu swəta-tʃe ͻfis-ã-t meḷ-ḷ-o uʃa-k raʤu apṇa-tʃe ͻfis-ã-t meḷ-ḷ-o Usha-dat Raju self-poss office-obl-in meet-perf-3msg uʃa-k raʤu taʤa ͻfis-ã-t meḷ-ḷ-o office-obl-in meet-perf-3msg Usha-dat Raju his ‘Usha met Raju in self ’s/his office.’

With respect to participial reduction, both dative subject and theme noun phrase take part in participial reduction. Examples (49) and (50) show present participle reduction with dative subject and the theme noun phrase. (49) kəwita səmədz-əpi bhurgo poem understand-inf boy.msg ‘the boy who understands the poem’ kəwita (50) bhurgya-k səmədz-təl-i boy-dat understand-ptcp-3fsg poem.3fg ‘the poem which the boy understands’

Examples (51) and (52) show the perfective participial reduction. (51) kəwita səməʤi-ll-o bhurgo poem understand-2ndperf-msg boy ‘the boy who understood the poem’ kəwita (52) bhurgya-k səməʤi-ll-i boy-dat understand-2ndperf-fsg poem-fsg ‘the poem which the boy understood.’

8.4.3 Passive subjects As already noted above (§ 8.4.1.1), passive constructions are grammatically possible but pragmatically almost ruled out in Konkani. The passive is formed with the infinitive verb form followed by the auxiliary dza ‘happen’. The original logical subject is marked by the postposition ‑kəʠen/-kərwi ‘by’, showing its demoted status. It may be optionally deleted. There is no change of case for the direct object. The direct

238 Konkani

object keeps its original case, which is zero for inanimates and ‑k for animates. The verb and the auxiliary agree with the unmarked noun if there is one as in (53). In short agreement follows the usual agreement rule. (53) lili-kəʠen maḷ uʠo-wəp dza-t-a lili-by garland-fsg throw-inf happen-impf-fsg ‘A garland is thrown by Lili.’ (54) babu-k lili-kəʠyan kuʠ-i-t dhər-əp dza-l-ẽ Babu-dat Lili-by room-loc catch-inf happen-perf-3nsg ‘Babu was caught by Lili in the room.’

It is worth noting that both the demoted subject and the animate direct object show certain subject properties. For example, the demoted subject, but not the promoted object controls the reflexive apəṇ, as in (55). The promoted direct object, the ‑k marked noun phrase, controls the reflexive swəta as in (56). It also controls the reduced non-perfect and perfect participial as in (57) and (58). These are the same rules that control the dative theme NP as noted above. (55) babu-k lili-kəʠen apṇa-tʃe kuʠ-it dhər-əp dza-l-ẽ Babu-dat Lili-by self-poss room-loc catch-inf happen-perf-3nsg ‘Babu was caught by Lili in self ’s/her room.’ (56) babu-k aple-ts kuʠ-i-t dhər-əp dza-l-ẽ Babu-dat self-part room-loc catch-inf happen-perf-3nsg ‘Babu was caught in self ’s/his own room.’ bhurgo tʃəlak asa (57) ʃaḷe-t dhaʠ-əp yew-pi school-in send-inf come-inf boy smart be-pres ‘The boy who is to be sent to school is smart.’ (58) ʃaḷe-t dhaʠ-əp ai-ll-o bhurgo magir ay-l-o school-in send-inf come-2ndperf-msg boy later come-perf-3msg ‘The boy who was sent to school came afterwards.’

In Konkani, as in Marathi, the dative subject aligns with the demoted passive subject, while the properties of the theme align with the passive promoted subject. Clearly, both dative subject and passive constructions suggest that there are two noun phrases with subject status. Both the noun phrases in both the constructions share subject properties. However, the two subjects are not on a par. In the dative subject construction, the dative subject is intuitively higher on the subject scale than the theme noun phrase. Similarly, in the passive, the promoted subject is higher on the subject property scale than the demoted subject. These subject hierarchies are further explored in the following section.

Chapter 8.  Subject and agreement 239



8.4.4 Subject hierarchy As shown in the following table, a comparison of various subject properties shows that not all subjects are on an equal footing. Nominative has most subject properties and is highest in rank. Ergative subjects closely follow the nominative. Dative and theme are on an equal footing. The table thus allows a measure of subject status. Note that agreement is not a universal criterion of subject status. Table 8.1  Subject hierarchy Subject Nominative Ergative Dative Theme NP Passive ‑k NP Passive ‘by’ NP

8.5

swəta

apəṇ

Non-Perf participle

Perf participle

Passive

+ + + + + −

+ + + + − +

+ + + + + −

+ − + + + −

+ + − −    

Direct objects

Direct objects are marked in the same way across all aspects and moods. Animate objects ore assigned the suffix ‑k/ -kəs (Mang.), while inanimate objects are unmarked.5 These markings are variously termed depending upon the case model one

5. Animacy is important in the choice between the selection of an accusative unmarked object and a dative marked object. Verbs have different meanings when they are used as transitive verbs or dative verbs. For example, the transitive verb mar ‘hit’ takes an accusative unmarked inanimate noun as direct object as in: (i) babu-n tʃendu mar-l-o Babu-erg ball.3msg hit-perf-3msg In the following sentence the mar is used as a dative verb: (ii) babu-n wag-a-k mar-l-ẽ Babu-erg tiger-obl-dat beat/kill-perf-3nsg In this example, the noun wag is animate. That is, mar with a dative marked NP could be ambiguous. When this kind of ambiguity is ruled out, as in the case of band ‘tie’, the choice between dative marking and zero accusative marking creates a different semantic distinction: (iii) babu-n ek bhurgo ghar-ã haʠ-l-o Babu-erg one/a boy.3msg home-loc bring-perf-3msg ‘Babu brought a boy home.’

240 Konkani

adopts. For example, it is assumed that objects with ‑k suffix encode the dative case and zero-marked objects encode the nominative (Almeida 1989). This terminology coheres with the traditional case system in which morphology takes precedence over grammatical relations. (Borkar 2012, following Damle 1911 in Marathi, assigns ‑k two cases: accusative and dative.) This terminology, however, is at odds with the ergative case, which is the unmarked system. In an ergative system, the direct object is assigned the so-called absolutive case, which is unmarked and identical with the nominative. I adopt the generally accepted terminology referring to these objects as dative and absolutive (the absolutive is marked by a zero morpheme). (60) lili raʤu-k ghər- ã haʠ-t-a Lili Raju-dat home-loc bring-impf-3fsg ‘Lili brings Raju home.’ (61) lili-n raʤu-k ghər-ã haʠ-l-ẽ Lili-erg Raju-dat home-loc bring-perf-3nsg ‘Lili brought Raju home.’ (62) lili ghoʠ-o ghər-ã haʠ-t-a Lili-fsg ladder-msg home-loc bring-impf-3fsg ‘Lili brings home a ladder.’ (63) lili-n ghoʠ-o ghər- ã haʠ-l-o Lili-erg ladder-msg home-loc bring-perf-3msg ‘Lili brought home a ladder.’

8.6 Indirect objects Indirect objects in ditransitive verbs are always assigned the dative suffix ‑k. These objects are always animate. The verb never agrees with them. Usually they precede the direct object, as in (64). However they can freely move to other positions, as shown in (65). (64) maruti-n sita-k mudi di-l-i Maruti-erg Sita-dat ring-fsg give-perf-3fsg ‘Maruti gave a ring to Sita.’

(iv) babu-n eka bhurrg-ya-k ghar-ã haʠ-l-ẽ/haʠ-l- ẽ Babu-erg one-obl boy-obl-dat home-loc bring-perf-3nsg ‘Babu brought the boy home. In sentence (iii) the boy referred to is specific and non-definite; in (iv) the referent is specific but definite.

Chapter 8.  Subject and agreement 241



maruti-n mudi sita-k di-l-i Maruti-erg do: ring-fsg io:Sita-dat give-perf-3fsg b. sita-k maruti-n mudi di-l-i io: Sita-dat Maruti-erg do ring-fsg give-perf-3fsg c. mudi sita-k maruti-n di-l-i do: ring-fsg io:Sita-dat Maruti-erg give-perf-3fsg

(65) a.    

Human direct objects are usually assigned a nominative case, as in (66a). However, they may also appear with the dative ‑k, as in (66b). In (66b), the verb agrees with the case-marked object. But it can also occur in the neutral form (66c), as allowed by the rule precluding agreement with a marked subject (see Note 1). aʤi-n tʃəndu-k nat dakhəy-l-i grandmother-erg Chandu-dat granddaughter.fsg show-perf-fsg   b. aʤi-n tʃəndu-k nati-k dakhəy-l-i grandmother-erg Chandu-dat granddaughter-dat show-perf-fsg   c. aʤi-n tʃəndu‑k nati-k dakhəy-l-ẽ grandmother-erg Chandu-dat granddaughter-dat show-perf-nsg ‘Grandmother showed her granddaughter to Chandu.’ (66) a.

Chapter 9

Simple sentences

9.1

Introduction

In Konkani a simple sentence consists of a predicate and one or more arguments. Predicates may be copular, intransitive, transitive, ditransitive, causative and dative-type. There are also some impersonal predicates that do not require any arguments. Verbless sentences are mostly confined to exclamations and elliptic questions. In Konkani, omission of the copula is the norm, especially in speech, and its retention in writing seems to be the result of Konkani’s contact with Marathi. 9.2 Word order1 Konkani is a verb final language with a relatively flexible word order. The unmarked order at clausal level is s (io) do v: subject, indirect object, direct object and verb. Within the noun phrase, adjectives precede the noun and exhibit a sequential order: pronouns / determining adjectives (see § 3.3.2.3) > cardinal > ordinal > qualifying. > noun. The order may change for emphasis and for pragmatic purposes. Notice that in Konkani, as in Marathi, a pronoun may occur along with a noun as in to ʠͻkʈər (he/that doctor). Adjectives can occur before the noun but after the pronoun or determining adjective. (1) tyo pəylyo pats moladik mudiyo that.fpl first.obl.pl five valuable rings ‘those first five valuable rings’

Adverbs usually precede the verb or even the core sentence. Their unmarked order is: temporal > manner > place:

1. Word order variations have not been treated in the traditional grammar. In the Chomskiyan framework they have been treated as a secondary phenomenon (see Grevendorf and Sternefeld (1990)). The scrambling theory throws much light on Move alpha rule. Konkani and Marathi have not been treated in this framework.

244 Konkani

(2) nileʃ aʈ disãn-ni bedzar əwəsth-e-t ghər-ã ay-l-o Nilesh eight day.pl-pp bored state-obl-pp home-loc come-perf-3msg ‘Nilesh came home in a bored state after eight days.’

Temporal adverbs usually precede the sentence. (3) kãy dis-ã-ni hãw pəwənara-k paw-l-õ some day-obl.pl-pp I.msg Pawanar-pp reach-perf-1msg ‘After some days, I reached Pawnar.’

The unmarked order is also maintained in the finite subordinate clause, but elements of the subordinate clause may not be moved into the main clause. The subordinate clause may precede or follow the main clause, as noted in Chapter 7. A non-finite subject clause precedes the main verb. The word order in a non-finite clause is fairly strict. (4) tsuno kəʈ-ʈəl-e adz ge-l-e (Christ.) whitewash melt-pros-pl(non.fin) today go-perf-pl ‘Whitewash-melters went today.’

9.3

Copular sentences

A copula links subject with non-verbal predicate. It does not have an independent meaning of its own. Konkani has two copula verbs: as ‘to be’ and dzay ‘become, happen’. They vary for tense and aspect and inflect for the gender, number and person of their subject. Their subjects are in the nominative. Their complements may be predicate nouns, adjectives or adverbs. In negative context na ‘not be’ replaces as ‘be’. (For as in the PRP declension see § 5.2.1.4 Table 5.9. For more details see Chapter 13.) The following examples illustrate the copula as and its negative counterpart na. (5) hãw mastər (asã) teacher be.pres.1sg I ‘I am a teacher.’ (6) lhan nibənd ho rəwindrəbab-ã-lo awəʈʈ-o short essay.msg this.msg Ravindrabab.hon.pl-obl-poss favoutite-3msg fͻrm form ‘The short essay is Ravindrabab’s favourite form.’



Chapter 9.  Simple sentences 245

(7) nila lam na Neela tall be not.pres.sg ‘Neela is not tall.’ (8) tsəli sundər na wa tsali-n bəri na hẽ girl beautiful be not.pres.sg or behaviour-pp good be not.pres.sg this.nsg ek karəṇ one reason ‘The girl is not beautiful nor is she good-mannered – this is one reason.’

The following examples illustrate the copula dza. (9) to etta ʠͻkʈər dza-ll-o (Mang.) he recently doctor become-2nd perf-msg ‘He has recently become a doctor.’ (10) madhəw-a-ʃiway səgḷe burg-e pas.dza-l-e child-mpl phr.v:pass/happen-perf-mpl Madhav-obl-pp all ‘All the children except Madhav have passed.’ (11) fuḷḷe wərʃ-ã ʈͻm enʤiner dza-təl-o next year-pp Tom engineer become-pros-msg ‘Next year Tom will be an engineer.’ (12) tya rəhəʃa-tʃe akələn adz-meren dza-ll-ẽ become-2ndperf-nsg that mystery-poss comprehension.nsg so-far na not.be.pres.sg ‘So far nobody has understood that mystery.’

Notice that in this sentence the negative ‘be’ copula co-occurs with the ‘become’ copula. (For more details see Chapter 13.) (13) ek as-l-o kolo to raʤa dza-l-o one be-perf-3msg fox he king become-perf-3msg ‘There was a fox. He became a king.’

The copula as is used to express existence, universal truths, definition, identity and also possession.2 2. Universal truths, general laws may also be expressed in the present tense (See 5.2.2.2): (i) bhas kaḷ-a waŋgʠa bədəl-ta language-.sg time-obl pp change-impf.3sg ‘Language changes with time.’ (ii) dzəy bəri mati as-a thə̃y jhaʠ-ã waʈ-ʈ-at (Christ.) where good.f soil.f be-prp there tree-pl grow-impf-pl ‘Trees grow where there is good soil.’

246 Konkani

(14) kãy dzaṇ məna-n əpəŋ as-t-at some people mind-pp disabled be-impf-pl ‘Some people are mentally disabled.’ (15) indrədhənuʃya-t sat rəŋg as-t-at rainbow-loc seven colours be-impf-pl ‘There are seven colours in a rainbow.’ (16) hindustana-t musəlman-ã-tʃa hədzar-ã-ni məʃid-i India-loc Muslim-obl.pl-poss.obl thousand-obl-pp mosque-pl as-a-t be-impf-3fpl ‘In India there are Muslim mosques in thousands.’

The possession may be alienable (17), inalienable (18) or temporary (19). The subject is marked with the dative or with a postposition. The copula agrees with the possessed element, which is the head. The possessor may be animate as in (18) or inanimate as in (20) (17) tu-ka witʃar.kər-uk kai weḷ as-a you-dat phr.v:thought.do-desi some time be-prp ‘You have some time to think.’ (18) ta-ka tin bhurgi as-at he-dat three kid.npl be-impf.3npl ‘He has three kids.’ (19) meri-li miʈiŋ aʃi-ll-i Mary-poss meeting be-2ndperf-fsg ‘Mary had a meeting.’ (20) wərsa-k bara məin-e as-at year-dat twelve month-pl be-impf.3mpl ‘There are twelve months in a year.’

The copula dza is used with certain nouns and adjectives to form phrasal verbs such as ləgn dza ‘to get married’, bərẽ dza ‘to get well’ (See Chapter 7 and 4.5). (21) ʃedzar-tso burgo pas dza-l-o na neighbouring-poss boy-msg phrv:pass happen-perf-3msg not.be.pres.sg ‘The boy next door did not pass (the exam).’

For convenience, henceforward, na is glossed as neg. (22) suṇy-a peʈo mərtukʠ-o dza-l-o (Christ.) suṇy-a-tso peʈo mərtukʠ-o dza-l-o dog-obl-poss pup.3msg lanky-msg become-perf-msg ‘The pup became lanky.’



Chapter 9.  Simple sentences 247

9.4 Declarative sentences A declarative sentence falls into five basic categories on the basis of the classification of verbs: (i) intransitives, (ii) transitives, (iii) impersonals, (iv) datives and (v) causatives. 9.4.1 Intransitives Intransitives have only one argument. The argument is marked nominative except in the obligative-desiderative/subjunctive which marks it in the ergative as noted above (§ 8.3.3). Intransitive verbs inflect for tense, aspect and mood, and agree with the nominative subject in gender number and person. An intransitive sentence may be extended with adverbs, adjectives or postpositional phrases. (23) kokṇi ʃikʃək ekəʈhay ye-t-at Konkani teacher.pl together come-impf-pl ‘Teachers of Konkani come together.’ (24) kokṇi ʃikʃək-ã-ni ekəʈhay ye-wtʃ-e Konkani teacher.pl-obl-erg together come-desi-3mpl ‘Teachers of Konkani should get united.’

9.4.2 Transitives Simple transitive verbs take two arguments while ditransitive verbs take three. The case and agreement marking of these arguments have already been extensively discussed (§ 8.2, § 8.3, § 8.4). 9.4.3 Causatives There is no independent causative verb in Konkani. That is, Konkani has morphological rather than periphrastic causatives. Causative verbs are derived from both intransitive and transitive verbs by the suffix ‑əy as in (26) and (28). Causatives derived from intransitives mark the causee with the dative case ‑k while those derived from transitives mark it with a postposition, as in (28). The distinction is known as direct vs. indirect causation: in (26) Lili performs the act herself; therefore it is a direct causative, whereas in (28) Sita gets it performed through Lili; therefore it is indirect causative.

248 Konkani

(25) babu pəḷ-ḷ-o Babu flee-perf-msg ‘Babu fled’ (26) lili-n babu-k pəḷ-əy-l-ẽ Lili-erg Babu-dat flee-caus-perf-nsg ‘Lili made Babu flee’ (27) sita-n pustək mag-l-ẽ Sita-erg book.nsg ask.for-perf-nsg ‘Sita asked for the book.’ (28) sita-n lili-kəʠlyan pustək mag-əy-l-ẽ Sita-erg Lili-by book ask.for-caus-perf-3nsg ‘Sita had/made Lili ask for the work.’

Affective/ingestive verbs also have causative derivation as in the following: (29) hãw-ẽ lili-k mhow tsaʈ-əy-l-ẽ I-erg Lili-dat honey-nsg lick-caus-perf-3nsg ‘I caused Lili to lick the honey.’

Derived causatives form the basis for extended causatives. In the Christian variety, the causative is extended by attaching the suffix ‑wəy and adding an extra argument with a different postposition. raʤu ghər-ã sər-l-o (Christ.) raʤu ghər-ã rig-l-o Raju house-loc enter-perf-msg ‘Raju entered the house.’   b. sita-n raʤu-k ghər-ã sər-əy-l-ẽ Sita-erg Raju-msg.dat house-loc enter-caus-perf-3nsg/ /sər-əy-l-o /rig-əy-l-ẽ /rig-əy-l-o enter-caus-perf-3msg enter-caus-perf-3nsg/ enter-caus-perf-3msg ‘Sita caused Raju to enter the house.’   c. babu-n sita-kərwi raʤu-k ghər-ã rig-wəy-l-ẽ Babu-erg Sita-through Raju-dat house-loc enter-perf-3nsg ‘Babu got Raju to enter the house through Sita.’ (30) a.

Notice that ‑wəy is an independent suffix. In Marathi, the causative marker ‑əw is repeated twice to form an extended causative. Konkani does not repeat the causative marker ‑əy; it uses ‑wəy instead. (For the alternant neuter and masculine verb-forms in (30b), see note 1 in Chapter 8.)

Chapter 9.  Simple sentences 249



9.4.4 Impersonal sentences A few verbs take an impersonal expletive subject such as əʃẽ ‘so’. Only a few verbs are headed by this expletive subject. The expletive does not add to the sense of the sentence. The Konkani expletive in the sentence below looks like a reporting clause. (31) əʃẽ mhəṇ-ʈ-at ki dzaṇʈepəṇa-t mənis khubʃo gəʤali wisər-t-a so say-impf-pl comp old.age-loc person many things forget-impf-3sg ‘It is said that a person forgets many things in old age.’ (32) dalgat-ãn-tʃa koʃ-ã-t suts-əy-ll-e səgḷe Dalgat-obl pl dictionary-obl-loc suggest-caus-2ndperf-pl all pərryay kõkṇi bhaʃ-e-n ukhl-un alternative.words Konkani language-obl-erg V1:lift-compl dhər-l-ẽ əʃẽ mhəṇ-ʈ-at V2:hold-perf-3nsg so say-impf-pl ‘It is said that Konkani language upheld (= accepted) all the alternative words suggested by Dalgat in his dictionary.’

9.5

Null subject sentences

Null subject sentences are generated by deleting a pronominal subject.3 The pronoun preserves its reference through verbal agreement. Like Marathi, Konkani uses pronominal deletion extensively, as exemplified in (33). The pronoun subject is deleted because it is understood from the grammatical or situational context. (33) tͻ ay-l-o. ubo raw-l-o. he come-perf-msg. erect stay-perf-msg ‘He came. (He) kept standing.’

9.6 Dative sentences Sentences with dative subjects are found with a class of verbs such as inchoative, stative or psycho-verbs. Dative subjects contrast with ergative subjects (§ 8.4.1, § 8.4.2). They are often called experience subjects. Dative sentences also contain a theme NP. 3. Pronoun deletion is not a universal phenomenon. Some languages forbid any deletion at all. Some languages allow only the deletion of subject pronouns.

250 Konkani

(34) ʃam-a-k bhuk lag-t-a Sham-obl-dat hunger come.to.touch-impf-3sg ‘Sham feels/is hungry.‘ (35) amka dzaṇiw dza-ll-i we.dat understanding.fsg happen-2ndperf-3fsg ‘We realized.’ (36) kol-ya-k ek yukti ewdzə-l-i fox-obl-dat one/a idea.fsg think-perf-fsg ‘The fox had an idea.’ (37) taka kolya-tso rag ay-l-o he.dat fox-poss anger.msg come-perf-msg ‘He was angry with the fox.’ (38) tika hat lawa-tso dhir ta-ka n-aʃi-ll-o she.dat hand touch-desi courage-msg he -dat neg-be-2ndperf-msg ‘He didn’t have the courage to touch her.’

Some dative sentences have counterparts with nominative subjects. Compare (39) with (40). (39) taka nhid lag-l-i he.dat sleep.fsg come.to.touch-perf-fsg ‘He fell asleep.’ (40) to nid-l-o he sleep-perf-msg ‘He slept.’

9.7

Passive sentences

It has been already pointed out (§ 8.4.3) that passive constructions are grammatically possible but pragmatically almost impossible in Konkani. Passive is formed by the infinitive form of the verb plus the auxiliary dza (‘happen, become’). The original logical subject is marked by the pp ‑kəʠen /-kərwi (‘by’) and this subject is optionally deleted. The direct object retains its case. If the direct object is inanimate, it is marked by a zero asin (41). If it is animate, It is marked by ‑k as in (42). (41) lili-kəʠen maḷ uʠo-wəp dza-t-a Lili-by garland-fsg throw-inf happen-impf-fsg ‘A garland is thrown by Lili’.



Chapter 9.  Simple sentences 251

(42) lili-kəʠen gai-k haʠ-əp dza-t-a Lili-by cow.fsg brinng-inf happen-impf-fsg ‘A cow is brought by Lili’.

Note that no informant of Konkani ever used such constructions. 9.8 Modal sentences Modality is a notional category closely associated with aspects of reality and its refraction in mind and language. It is related to the validity of a proposition. This validity includes notions such as relationship to intent, presupposition, conditioning, nature of communication, bond and strength of bond and ground – epistemic and mandatory.4 Konkani modal forms are generated by means of suffixation or a compounding process. Imperatives and optatives belong to the first category while permissive, obligative and desiderative modals make up the second modal category. Unlike Marathi, Konkani lacks capability modals. Both modals in the first category are of the deontic type. The compound variety includes epistemic and mandatory modality. 9.8.1 Imperative sentences Traditional grammarians assign the imperative mood to all three persons. However, in the first person, the so-called imperative is actually a hortative or permissive mood. It asks permission to do something. The inflectional marker ‑u is attached to the verb as in (43) and (44) and the expression is in the form of a polar interrogative. The subject hãw ‘I’ is normally deleted. In the first person plural, it also expresses the hortative sense of ‘let us’ and the verbal ‑u form is followed by ye ‘come’ as in (45) and (46). ‑u+ya together marks the hortative. (43) naʈka-k ai-k dhaʠ-u? play-pp mother-dat send-imp ‘Shall I send mother for the play?’ (44) hãw saŋg-u kidẽ dza-l-ã tẽ? I tell-imp what.n happen-prp-nsg that.nsg ‘Shall I tell what happened?’

4. For a full discussion of modality, see Dhongde (1984), Herslund (1989).

252 Konkani

(45) ami kawth-ye law-ũya (Christ.) ami kəwath-e law-ũya we betel-nut/coconut sapling-pl plant-hort ‘Let us plant betel-nut/ coconut saplings.’ (46) atã fuʠlẽ ʤiwən sukha-n dzəg-ũya now ahead life comfort-pp live-hort ‘Let us live happily the life ahead.’

The second person imperative uses the bare verb stem in the singular. In the plural it is marked by at which incurs certain morphological changes in the verb stem. It is a true imperative that issues a strong or a mild command or a request. It takes the form of a forceful plea when addressing a large crowd. (47) tu khəri gədzal saŋg-un uʠ-əy you true thing tell-compl throw-imp.2sg ‘Tell the truth.’ ma-ka wətʃ-ũ.di I-dat go-perm   b. ma-ka wətʃ-ũk.di (Mang.) I-dat go-perm ‘Let me go, please.’ (48) a.

(49) tumi tum-tʃẽ ͂ tum-tsẽ kam kəsl-ẽ tẽ adi saŋg-at you.pl you-poss.nsg work.nsg what-nsg that.nsg first tell-imp.2pl ‘Tell me first what work you have (with me).’

The third person imperative has the sense of what we may call jussive. Its morphological forms are the same as they are for the first person. It is used to express a good wish, a blessing or even a curse. The negative form uses the particle na before the imperative (53). (50) bimba-tso pəriwar waʠ-ət wəts-ũ, bimba-tʃa ʤəita-tʃi guʠi Bimb-poss family grow-impf go-imp.3sg Bimb-poss victory-poss flag.f sə̃wsar-bhər patəḷ-u spread-imp.3sg world-full ‘May the family of ‘Bimb’ magazine keep growing and the flag of its victory spread all over the world.’ (51) trᴂkʈər, ʃəwaḷi, ʈək səgḷi makn-ã moʠ-u tractor, bulldozer, truck all machine-pl break-imp.3pl ‘May tractor, bulldozer, truck – all these machines break!’ (52) dew bərẽ kər-ũ tum-kã God well do-imp.3sg you-acc.pl ‘God bless you.’



Chapter 9.  Simple sentences 253

(53) te na dzəg-ũ they neg live-imp.3pl ‘May they not live!’

9.8.2 Optative sentences The optative consists of an intransitive verb in the desiderative and a nominative subject. It is confined to intransitive verbs. (54) pawəs pəʠ-tso ani tatut natʃtʃ-ẽ rain fall-desi and in.it dance-desi.2pl ‘May it rain and may we dance in the rain!’

9.8.3 Compound modal sentences In compound modals, the first verb is non-finite as it does not carry any tense marker. The non-finite form may be a participle, an infinitive or an inceptive. The lexical items employed as modals are drawn from a vocabulary of modals and certain auxiliary verbs already noted in Chapter 3 (§ 4.4.3). Verbal compounds function like quasi modals (Dhongde 1984). The verbs and lexical items form a complex modal entity. The complex modal forms express the senses of permission, obligation, desideration, capability and adversity. The modal or its equivalent representative, that is V2 in the compound verb structure V1+V2, carries the tense and agreement markers. 9.8.3.1 Permissive sentences The permissive complex is expressed by di ‘give’, which is interpreted as ‘allow/let’s’ when it follows a verb in its inceptive participle form. Thus ‑u di marks the permissive. The construction follows the typical split aspectual pattern with nominative and ergative subject distinctions (§ 8.3) as exemplified in (55) and (56). (55) raʤa pəṇʠit-ak ghər-ã wəts-ũ di-t-a / raʤa pəṇʠit-ak king scholar-dat home-loc go-incep give-impf-3sg king scholar-dat ghər-ã wəts-ũk di-t-a home-loc go-desi give-impf-3sg ‘The king allows the scholar to go home.’ (56) raʤa-n pəṇʠit-ak ambo kha-ũ/ kha-ũk di-l-o king-erg scholar-dat mango eat-incep eat-desi give-perf-msg ‘The king allowed the scholar to eat a mango.’

254 Konkani

(57) maka ghər-ã wəts-ũ/wəts-ũk.di I.dat home-loc go-perm ‘Allow me to go home.’

9.8.3.2 Obligative sentences Obligatives are expressed by a desiderative/subjunctive verb or by quasi-modals. The subjects of desiderative/subjunctive are in the ergative. The verb may be intransitive or transitive as in (58) and (59). The modal ʤay ‘want, require’ and the second verb pəʠ ‘fall’ convey the sense ‘must’. They implicate a stronger obligative sense than the desiderative/subjunctive. The subject of dzay could be in the dative (60) or ergative (61). The second verb of the quasi-modal pəʠ inflects for its respective arguments as in (62), in which the subject is in the dative. (58) sita-n ghər-ã wəts-ũ /wətʃ ‑tʃẽ nəye sita-adp home-loc go-incep /go-desi neg ‘Sita should not go home.’ (59) taṇṇi mhaka mədət kər-tʃi they.adp I.dat help.fsg do-desi.fsg ‘They should help me.’ (60) he təre-tʃi mekḷik hindu-k as-ũk dzay this type-poss.f freedom.fsg Hindu-dat be-desi must ‘Hindus must have this type of freedom.’ (61) ta-ṇe dhərməʃastrə ʃik-ũk dzay he-erg dictums.of.religion learn-desi must ‘He must learn the dictums of religion.’ (62) əsl-e yətnə pil-ã-k kər-tʃe pəʈ-ʈa-le this.type-pl efforts baby.bird-obl.pl-dat V1:do-desi V2-impf-pl ‘The baby birds had to make these types of efforts.’

9.8.3.3 Capability/potential sentences Capability is expressed by the explicator verbs ye ‘come’ and paw ‘reach’, which follow the main verb in its desiderative ‑pak/ -ũk form. The subject is in the dative. The potential is expressed by the modal ʃək ‘be able, can’. It follows the verb in its desiderative ‑ũk form. The subject is in the nominative. The verbs ye, paw and ʃək inflect for tense. (63) he kam fəkət sita-ts kər-ũk paw-təl-i this.nsg work.nsg only Sita.fsg-part do-desi reach-prosp-3fsg ‘Only Sita will be able to do this work.’



Chapter 9.  Simple sentences 255

(64) dadl-yã-k ʤẽ kər-ũk ye-t-a titlẽ-y man-obl.pl-dat rel.pron.nsg do-desi come-impf-sg that.much-part tu-ka kər-ũk ye-təl-ẽ you-dat do-desi come-pros-nsg ‘Whatever men are able to do, that much you will be able to do.’ (65) tͻ sukh-a-n dzəg-ũk ʃək-na he comfort-obl-erg live-desi can-neg ‘He cannot live happily.’ (66) mhəʤi awəybhas khə̃y-tʃi mhə̃ṇ tum-tʃ-e mədẽ My.f mother.tongue.fsg which-poss.fsg conj you-poss-obl pp koṇi-y təri ədmas law-tʃak ʃək-tal-o somebody-part at.least phrv: conjecture append-desi can-impfperf-msg ‘Would there be somebody among you being able to guess what my mother-tongue is?’ (Mang.)

Chapter 10

Complex sentences

10.1 Introduction Complex sentences are either of the complement or the correlative type. In both, there is a certain interdependence between the main and the dependent clause. A complement clause embedded in the main clause may be finite, non-finite or a small clause. Non-finite clauses are derived from infinitives and participles. The correlative pattern cuts across both adjectival and adverbial types. A correlative structure is made up of two clauses containing relative and correlative elements in mutual relationship.1 The protasis containing the relative dz is considered subordinate to the apodosis containing t/lyar. The relative clause usually precedes the correlative clause though other orders are also found. The relative clause may be reduced to a non-finite clause by means of a participle. In that case the resulting clause does not contain relative correlative markers. 10.2 Complement clauses This section deals with complements in Konkani. The principal complementizer in Konkani is kῖ. 10.2.1 Finite complement clauses Konkani uses the complementizer kῖ in all finite clauses. The complementizer kῖ, which is a subordinating conjunction, precedes the complement clause. In addition, the main clause contains words such as əʃẽ/hẽ ‘so/this’ which relate the main clause to the complement clause. Traditional grammarians describe these words as appositives. The choice of these words is semantically cued to the main verb.

1. In traditional Indian grammars, the correlative is known as ‘səmbəndhi’ and ‘ənusəmbəndhi’ relative and its companion. Maffei (1882) explains the Konkani correlative structure following the Latin grammatical model. In Chomskian tradition it is often called an adjoined relative clause. (See Andrews 1995 for cross-language details.)

258 Konkani

With respect to appositive words and predicate alignment, subject complements of intransitive verbs select the appositives hẽ/hi gədzal ‘this, this matter’. The object complements of transitive predicates such as saŋg ‘tell’ take the appositives əʃẽ or mhuṇ ‘so, saying so’. Dative predicates divide into cognitive, emotive and a few other types. Cognitive and emotive predicates such as mahiti as, khed kər ‘know, feel sad’ take the appositives hi gədzali ‘this gossip’. They align with the intransitives. On the other hand, the perception predicates such as dis, mənak dis/ye ‘seem, think’ choose the appositive əʃẽ ‘so’. The cognitive non-cognitive predicate alignment has a semantic tinge. It fits the factive, propositional distinction proposed by Kiparsky (1971) and confirmed by Peterson and Wali (1985). 10.2.1.1  Grammatical status of complements The complements of intransitive verbs are subjects in their own rights. Similarly the complements of transitive verbs have a clear object status. However, the grammatical status of dative complements is not that well defined. We saw in Chapter 5 that in a dative construction, subject status is allotted to the dative noun phrase, and that the nominative noun phrase has theme status. Therefore, the complement of a dative predicate would have a theme status rather than that of a subject. With respect to the alignment of predicates and complements, as stated above, the appositive words dictate the choice of predicates and their complements. They divide the complements into factive and propositional types (with certain exceptions). Both these types further divide into subject and theme clauses with respect to their predicates. Predicates that take subject complements are mostly adjectival intransitives. Predicates that take theme complements have a dative subject. Transitive predicates take object complements. The classification provided here is neither complete nor exhaustive. Rather, the aim is to show that appositive words in Konkani align predicates and their complements along semantic lines. 10.2.1.2  Complement schema a. Complements headed by hi gədzal ‘this thing/matter’. These include: – Subject complements of factive/emotive predicates: mhətwatʃẽ asa ‘it is important’, witʃitrə/ədzpatʃẽ asa ‘it is strange’, khərẽ asa ‘it is true’, fəʈitʃẽ asa ‘it is false’. – Theme complements of propositional predicates: khəbər asa/mahiti asa ‘know’, khed/khənt kər ‘be sad’, witʃitrə dis ‘feel strange’, khoʃi dza ‘feel happy’. b. Complements headed by əʃẽ ‘so’. These include: – Subject complements of propositional predicates: dis ‘seem’. – Theme complements of propositional predicates: dis ‘feel, think’, itstsa asa/ itstsa dhər ‘wish is’, as kər ‘hope’.

Chapter 10.  Complex sentences 259



– Complements of verbs of opinion/judgement: mət asa ‘opinion is’, ədmas/ əndadz asa ‘estimate or conjecture is’. (The subjects of B3 verbs are always in the possessive.) c. Object complements headed by əʃẽ/mhuṇ. These include: – direct and indirect statements, indirect questions and hearsay reports. The complements are embedded mostly under verbs of communication, such as saŋg ‘to tell’, bərəy ‘to write’, kəḷəy ‘to inform’, ʃikəy ‘to teach’, ayək ‘to hear’, pətr dhaʠ ‘to send a letter’, khəbər di ‘to inform’. There follow some pertinent examples and their syntactic variations. The examples illustrate subject complements. hẽ khərẽ as-a kῖ gopaḷ ʤik-l-o this true be-prp comp Gopal win-perf-3msg ‘It is true that Gopal won.’   b. gopaḷ ʤik-l-o hẽ khərẽ as-a Gopal win-perf-3msg this true be-prp ‘It is true that Gopal won.’ (1) a.

tya-weḷ-ar mhaka khəbər naʃi-ll-i kῖ niyəti that-time-loc I.dat knowledge neg.be-2ndperf-fsg comp fate.fsg mhəʤa toṇʠ-atlyan mukawelẽ widilikit my.obl mouth-through following.nsg destiny.nsg wədo-wən ghe-t-a cause.to.speak-compl take-impf-3fsg ‘At that time I had no idea that fate was making me declare the following destiny.’   b. niyəti mhəʤa toṇʠ-atlyan mukhawelẽ widhilikhit fate.3fsg my.obl mouth.through-adj following-nsg destiny.nsg wədo-wən ghe-t-a hi khəbər tyaweḷ-ar cause to speak take-impf-3fsg this.f knowledge.f that.time-loc mhaka naʃi-ll-i I.dat neg.be-2ndperf-3fsg (2) a.

The following examples illustrate verbs of cognition. (3) a.



mhəʤa sərkar-a-k ha-tʃi dzaṇiw as-a my.obl government-obl-dat this-poss phrv: consciousness be-prp kῖ bhəuʃik sadənsuwida nirmaṇ kər-əp khub comp public facilities phrv: creation do-inf very məhətwa-tʃẽ as-a importance-of be-prp ‘My government knows it well that producing material facilities is of great importance.’

260 Konkani

 

 

 

 

b. mhəʤa sərkar-a-k dzaṇiw as-a kῖ my.obl government-obl-dat phr v: consciousness be-prp comp bhəuʃik sadənsuwida nirmaṇ kər-əp khub məhətwa-tʃẽ asa phrv: creation do-inf very importance-of be-prp public facilities c. ha-tʃi mhə-ʤa sərkar-a-k dzaṇiw as-a this-poss.f my.obl government-obl-dat phrv: consciousness be-pr p kῖ bhəuʃik sadənsuwida nirmaṇ kər-əp khub məhətwa-tʃẽ comp public facilities phrv:creation do-inf very importance-of as-a be-prp d. bhəuʃik sadənsuwida nirmaṇ kər-əp khub məhətwa-tʃẽ public facilities phrv: creation do-inf very importance-poss.n as-a ha-tʃi mhə-ʤa sərkar-a-k dzaṇiw be.prp this-poss.f my-obl government-obl-dat phrv: consciousness as-a do-prp e.* kῖ bhəuʃik sadənsuwida nirmaṇ kər-əp khub comp public facilities phrv:creation do-inf very məhətwa-tʃẽ as-a mhə-ʤa sərkar-a-k ha-tʃi importance-poss.n be-prp my.obl.m government-obl-dat this-poss.f dzaṇiw as-a phr.v: consciousness be-prp

The above variations show that hatʃi (hya gədzalitʃi) ‘of this or of this thing’ may delete, or may precede the clause, and secondly, that the complement clause may precede the main clause only if kῖ is deleted as in (3c with kῖ) vs. (3d without kῖ). The complement clause with hatʃi is very similar to the typical complex noun phrase also called the noun clause construction, as in (4). However there is a difference. A true complex noun phrase does not yield this alternative in which the head noun is deleted as seen in (4b). Both constructions allow the same word order variations. ho səmədz kῖ [bhəuʃik sadənsuwida nirmaṇ kər-əp phr.v: creation this belief.msg comp public facilities khub məhətwa-tʃẽ as-a] khəro thər-l-o do-infvery importance-poss be.prp true remain-perf-3msg ‘The belief that producing public facilities is of great importance proved to be true.’   b.*ho kῖ [bhəuʃik sadənsuwida nirmaṇ kər-əp khub phr.v: creation do-inf very this comp public facilities as-a] khəro thər-l-o məhətwa-tʃẽ importance-poss be-prp true remain-perf-3msg (4) a.

Chapter 10.  Complex sentences 261



 

 

bhəuʃik sadənsuwida nirmaṇ kər-əp khub məhətwa-tʃẽ public facilities phr.v: creation do-inf very importance-of asa ho səmədz khəro thər-l-o be-prp this belief.msg true remain-perf-3msg d. ho səmədz khəro thər-l-o kῖ bhəuʃik sadhənsuwida this belief.msg true remain-perf-3msg comp public facilities nirmaṇ kər-əp khub məhətwa-tʃẽ asa phr.v: creation do-inf very importance-of be-prp c.

The following examples illustrate the possible word orders occurring with a verb of perception/belief. mhaka əʃẽ dis-t-a kῖ tumi mədi pəʠ-tʃẽ ani I.dat so think-impf-1sg comp you phr.v:between fall-desi and səgḷẽ dzag-ya-r italic>ghal-tʃẽ phr.v:place-obl-on put-desi all ‘I think that you should intervene and set all things right.’   b. əʃẽ mhaka dis-t-a kῖ tumi mədi pəʠ-tʃẽ ani so I.dat think-impf-1sg comp you phr.v: between fall-desi and səgḷẽ dzag-ya-r ghal-tʃẽ all phrv: place-obl-on put-desi   c. mhaka dis-t-a kῖ tumi mədi pəʠ-tʃẽ ani I.dat think-impf-1sg comp you phrv:between fall -desi and səgḷẽ dzagyar ghal-tʃẽ all phrv: place-obl-on put-desi   d. tumi mədi pəʠ-tʃẽ ani səgḷẽ dzagyar ghal-tʃẽ phrv: place-obl-on put-desi you phrv:between fall-desi and all əʃẽ mha-ka dis-t-a so I.dat think-impf-1sg   e.*kῖ tumi mədi pəʠ-tʃẽ ani səgḷẽ dzag-ya-r comp you phrv: between fall-desi and all phrv: place-obl-on ghal-tʃẽ əʃẽ mha-ka dis-t-a put-desi so I-dat think-impf-1sg (5) a.

The following example illustrates a centre-embedded complement clause: (6) a.



mhaka [hya ewdzəṇ-e-tso faydo ghe-wp-i ʃetkər-yãn-tʃi I.dat this project-obl-poss benefit take-inf-sufx farmer-obl-pl səŋkhya waʠ-l-i] hyatso khoʃi dza-t-a number.fsg increase-perf-fsg this-poss happiness become-impf-sg ‘I am happy that the number of farmers who took benefit of this project has increased.’

262 Konkani

The following examples illustrate the word orders possible with object complements. lili-n bapa-ik sãŋ-l-ẽ kῖ soma ʃet-ã-n Lili-erg father-dat tell-perf-nsg comp Soma farm-obl-loc kam kər-un pͻʈ bhər-t-a phrv:work do-compl idm:stomach fill-impf-3sg ‘Lili told her father that Soma lives by working in a farm.’   b. soma ʃet-ã-n kam kər-un pͻʈ Soma farm-obl-loc phr.v:work do-compl idm:stomach bhər-t-a əʃẽ lili-n bapa-ik sãŋ-l-ẽ fill-impf-3sg so Lili-erg father-dat tell-perf-nsg (7) a.

məhatma gandiʤi-n sãŋ-l-ẽ kῖ tʃaritry-a-bəgər ‘Mahatma Gandhi-erg say-perf-nsg comp character-obl-pp ginyan hẽ widwə̃s-a-kəʠe whər-t-a knowledge.nsg this destruction-obl-towards carry-impf-3nsg ‘Mahatma Ganghiji has said that knowledge without moral character leads to destruction.’   b. tʃaritry-a-bəgər ginyan hẽ widhwə̃s-a-kəʠe character-obl-pp knowledge.nsg this destruction-obl-towards whər-t-a əʃẽ məhatma gandhiʤi-n sãŋ-l-ẽ carry-impf-3nsg so Mahatma Gandhi-erg say-perf-nsg (8) a.

In Konkani, certain verbs of communication optionally employ first and second persons in the complement clause to refer to the subject and the object of the main clause. The expected third person use is suppressed. Clearly these pronouns function as logophones.2These verbs tend to use the so called quotative word mhuṇ ‘saying so’ in place of əʃẽ. These constructions optionally utilize kῖ when the main clause precedes the subordinate clause as in (11b). (9) lili mhəṇ-t-a kῖ hãw thə̃y wet-tʃῖ-nã there go-desi-neg Lili say-impf-sg comp I ‘Lili says she (i.e., Lili) will not go there. tũ thə̃y wet-tʃῖ-nã əʃẽ lili-n minu-k sãŋg-l-ẽ you there go-desi-neg so Lili-erg Minu-dat tell-perf-3nsg Lili told Minu that she (i.e., Minu) would not go.’   b. tũ thə̃y wet-tʃῖ-nã mhuṇ lili-n minu-k sãŋg-l-ẽ you there go-desi-neg qot Lili-erg Minu-dat tell-perf-3nsg (10) a.

2. Logophoric pronouns primarily refer to the subject and object of the main clause. The embedded clause is thus a replica of the direct speech. The expected pronominal reference to the addressor and the addressee of the current speech act is usually suppressed. (See Clements 1984.)

Chapter 10.  Complex sentences 263



hãw thə̃y wet-tʃῖ-nã əʃẽ/mhuṇ minu arʠʠ-tal-i I there go-desi-neg so/qot Minu shout-impfperf-3fsg ‘I (Lili) will not go’, Minu was shouting.   b. minu arʠʠ-tal-i (kῖ) hãw thə̃y wet-tʃῖ-nã (əʃẽ/mhuṇ) there go-desi-neg so/ qot Minu shout-impfperf-3fsg comp I   c. minu arʠʠ-tal-i hãw thə̃y wet-tʃ-ῖnã əʃẽ/mhuṇ there go-pros-neg so/qot Minu shout-impfperf-3fsg I (11) a.

10.2.2  Small clause complements A small clause lies midway between a finite and a non-finite clause. It has an attributive clause embedded under certain predicates such as man (consider), səmədz (understand) or dis (consider, understand, feel or seem). Sentence (12) and (13) contain small clause complements: (12) lili man-t-a/səmədz-t-a kῖ mini sundər as-a Lili consider-impf-sg/understand-impf-sg comp Mini beautiful be-prp ‘Lili considers that Mini is beautiful.’ (13) lili-k dis-t-a kῖ babu murk as-a Lili-dat seem-impf-sg comp Babu stupid be-prp ‘Lili believes that Babu is stupid.’

The subject of the attributive clause in (12) can be raised to become the object of the main clause as in (14): (14) lili-k mini sundər man-t-a Lili-dat Mini beautiful consider-impf-sg ‘Lili considers Mini beautiful.’

In (13) the subject is dative and the embedded attributive clause is a theme. The theme can be raised to the main clause as in (15): (15) lili-k babu murk dis-t-a Lili-dat Babu stupid seem-impf-sg ‘Lili believes Babu to be an idiot.’

10.2.3  Non-finite complement clauses Non-finite complement clauses are derived by means of an infinitive in ‑əp/‑wəp form, the inceptive particle ‑u, the desiderative marker ‑pak ~ -tʃak ~ -ũk, or the past participle ‑l. These clauses are nominal in character and they function as subjects or objects of certain predicates. They function as subjects as in (16) and (17).

264 Konkani

(16) sərkara-n bhəuʃik sadhənsuwida nirmaṇ kər-əp phrv:creation do-inf government-dat public facilities məhətwa-tʃẽ as-a importance-of be-prp ‘It is important for the government to create public facilities.’ (17) bhrəʃʈatʃara-k mattuy tharo diw-əp na hẽ amtʃẽ corruption-dat not.at.all phrv:shelter give-inf neg this our ləkʃ asa aim.nsg be.prp ‘It is our aim not to entertain corruption at all.’

Object complement clauses mark the non-finite verb with the desiderative marker as in (18) or with the infinitive marker as in (19). In both, the subject of the embedded clause is deleted under so-called Equi-NP deletion (Dhongde-Wali 2009). A few verbs like lag ‘come to touch’ take the inceptive marker u as in (20). (18) haw-ẽ hindi ʃik-pak surwat ke-l-i I-erg Hindi learn-desi beginning.fsg do-perf-3fsg ‘I began to learn Hindi.’ (19) hindi-t goʠi nirmaṇ kər-pa-tʃẽ kam Hindi-loc interest phr.v:creation do-inf-poss work.nsg haw-ẽ ke-l-ẽ I-erg do-perf-nsg ‘I did the work of creating interest in Hindi.’ (20) gopaḷ rəʠ-ũ lag-l-o Gopal.msg v1:cry-incp v2:begin-perf-3msg ‘Gopal began to cry.’

Non-finite forms of complex noun phrases employ the perfective participle ‑l followed by the possessive marker. Notice that the perfective marker ‑l is normally used to derive adverbials. The nominal use is confined to constructions of the complex noun phrase type and a few other predicates. (18) kəʈiṇ kam ke-l-ya-tʃ-i khosu-ts tͻ əṇbəw-ũk difficult work do-perf-obl-poss-fsg joy-part he v1:>experience-desi lag-l-a v2: begin-prp-3msg ‘He began to experience the joy of completing difficult work.’

Chapter 10.  Complex sentences 265



10.3 Correlative clauses Correlative structures include adjectival and adverbial clauses. In a correlative structure the relative and the main clause are juxtaposed, forming a relative correlative pair. It is a diptych structure. Each clause carries its own relative and correlative marker. The correlative pattern contains finite clauses. Non-finite clauses employ participles. 10.3.1  Adjectival correlatives Adjectival correlatives are either restrictive or appositive. There are four main patterns of restrictive correlatives: full correlatives, gap relatives, free relatives, and multiple headed relatives. The appositive relatives are a class by themselves. 10.3.1.1  Full correlatives In the full correlative, both the relative pronoun dz and the correlative pronoun t vary with the case, gender and number of their respective head nouns. Normally the relative clause precedes the correlative clause. A noun may follow both the relative and correlative marker as in (19) and (20): (19) gõyã-k ʤi piʠa dza-l-ya ti piʠa na Goa-dat rel trouble.fsg happen-prp-3fsg corel trouble neg dza-wəp-a-tʃi na happen-inf-obl-poss neg ‘The trouble that has affected Goa is not the trouble that cannot be removed.’ mus ʤ-ya mhow-a-tʃi mhayti di-t-a bee-msg rel-obl honey-obl-poss information-fsg give-impf-3fsg tẽ taʤ-ya doḷ-yã pp: mukar n-as-ta corel his-obl eye-oblpl in front neg-be-prp ‘The honey that a bee gives information about, that (honey) is not before its eyes.’   b.*mus ʤ-ya mhow-a-tʃi mhayti di-t-a bee-msg rel-obl honey-obl-poss information.fsg give-impf-3fsg taʤ-ya doḷ-yã pp: mukar n-as-ta his-obl eye-obl.pl   in front neg-be-prp (20) a.

In (20b) the correlative t is absent, which results in ungrammaticality.

266 Konkani

The relative marker dz and the noun may delete creating a gap as in (21) and (22): I118 

I119 

(21) pedru-k dis-l-ẽ tẽ tsandi-tʃẽ ek naṇẽ ta-ṇẽ ladru-k Pedru-dat see-perf-3nsg that silver-poss one coin.nsg he-erg Ladru-dat dakəy-l-ẽ show-perf-3nsg ‘Pedru showed one silver coin to Ladru which he had seen.’ (22) ʃaḷ-ẽ-t ye-t-at tya bhurg-yãn waŋgʠa tũ kheḷ school-obl-loc come-impf-3pl those child-obl.pl pp:with you play-imp ‘You play with the children that come to school.’

The correlative noun may be deleted as in (23) and (24): (23) ʤya bhurg-yãn-tʃya palək-ãn-tʃi wərsuk-i yeṇawəḷ rel child-obl.pl-poss guardian-obl.pl-poss yearly-fsg income.fsg tin lak-ã-pərəs uṇi as-a taŋka ʃiʃyəwrutt-yo di-təl-yo three lac-obl.pl-than less be.prp corel.dat scholarship-pl give-pros-pl ‘We are going to give scholarships to those children, the annual income of whose parents is less than three lacs.’ (24) ho dzo karyəkrəm phaʈl-ya wərs-ã suru this rel program previous-obl year-loc phrv:beginning dza-l-a tͻ purṇətwa-k whər-p-a-tʃi ami become-perf-3sg corel completion-dat carry-inf-obl-poss we təyari ke-l-i as-a readiness.fsg do-perf-fsg be-prp ‘The program that started last year, we have made preparations to complete it in the coming year.’

A postponed relative clause is more acceptable if it is followed by an additional correlative marker as in the following example: (25) tͻ bhurg-o tigelo hat-dhən-n tʃəi-t-a dzͻ səgḷ-ya-t corel boy-msg her hand-hold-compl walk-impf-msg rel all-obl-loc dhakl-o as-a tͻ young-msg be-prp corel ‘The one who is the youngest one, that boy is walking holding her hand.’

In short, in a correlative clause the noun and the relative marker dz may delete but not the correlative marker t.



Chapter 10.  Complex sentences 267

10.3.1.2  Gap relatives As noted above, gap relatives are generated by deleting the relative marker dz along with the noun as in (26). The correlative may be followed by the gapped clause only if it is followed by the correlative marker as in (27). Example (27) expresses a sort of afterthought. (26) kal me-l-o tͻ mənis tʃəʠ girest yesterday die-perf-3msg corel man very rich3msg ‘The man who died yesterday was very rich.’ (27) tͻ mənis tsəʠ girest əʃi-ll-o kal me-l-o tͻ corel man very rich be-2ndperf-3msg yesterday die-perf-3msg corel ‘The man was very rich, the one that died yesterday.’

10.3.1.3  Free relatives Free relatives, also called headless or fused relatives (Huddleston and Pullum 2002) refer to an indefinite antecedent as in (28) and optionally allow interrogative pronouns to follow the relative and correlative pronouns as in (29).3

3. If a relativised noun belongs to the neuter gender, the sentence becomes ambiguous between a free relative and an interrogative. (i) ta-ṇẽ kitẽ ghe-l-ẽ tẽ mha-ka khəbər na he-erg q/rel take-2ndperf-3nsg corel I-dat information neg.be.prp ‘I don’t know what he took’ or ‘What/that which he took I don’t know.’ However, a free relative clause is followed by the appropriate correlative that matches in number and gender of the relative counterpart. (ii) ta-ṇẽ koṇ nəwi ghe-ll-i ti mha-ka khəbər na he-erg rel new.f take-2ndperf-3fsg corel I-dat information neg.be.prp ‘I don’t know which new (female player) he took.’ (free relative) On the other hand, the open interrogative clause is followed by the subordinate neuter tẽ/hẽ as in (iii). (iii) ta-ṇẽ nəwi koṇ ghe-ll-i tẽ mha-ka he-erg new.f sg rel t ake-2ndperf-3fsgcorel I-dat khəbər na information neg.be.prp ‘I don’t know which he took.’ (open interrogative) (iv) ta-ṇẽ ʤi koṇ nəwi ghet-l-i ti mha-ka khəbər na he-erg rel rel new.f take-perf-3fsg corel I-dat information neg.be.prp ‘I don’t know that new (female player) which he took.’

268 Konkani

(28) dzͻ həs-t-a tͻ ʃewʈak rəʈ-ʈ-a rel laugh-impf-3sg corel finally weep-impf-3sg ‘He who laughs weeps at the end.’ dzͻ koṇ thə̃y paw-tal-o tͻ tya buʈ-ã-t hat rel who there reach-impfperf-3msg corel that shoe-obl-loc hand ghal-tal-o put-impfperf-3msg ‘Whoever was reaching there would put his hand into the shoe (shaped postbox).’   b. dzͻ thə̃y paw-tal-o tͻ koṇ tya buʈ-ã-t hat rel there reach-impfperf-3msg corel who that shoe-obl-loc hand ghal-tal-o put-impfperf-3msg (29) a.

10.3.1.4  Multiple headed relatives4 A single noun phrase may be relativized by several relative clauses as in (30): (30) dzͻ apṇal-ya ãŋakãnd-ar kheḷi-ll-o, ʤa-ka apṇẽ rel self-obl body.shoulder-loc play-2nd perf-3msg rel-dat self ʤiw ot-un lhana-ts-o whəʠ ke-ll-o tͻ phrv: life pour-compl small-poss-3msg big do-2ndperf-3msg corel eke tsəliy-e-tʃ-a nad-a-k lag-un apṇa-kəʠ-tʃ-e one girl-obl-poss-obl phrv: lure-obl-dat begin-compl self-pp-poss-3pl səmbəd kəʃe toɖ-u paw-l-o hẽ tsəly-a-tʃa relations how cut-incp v2-perf-3msg this boy-obl-poss awəy-tʃa ləkʃ-a-t ay-l-ẽ na mother-poss.obl phrv:attention-obl-loc come-perf-3nsg neg ‘The boy’s mother failed to understand how he, who grew up playing on her shoulders, whom she had raised from childhood to youth, how he, lured by a girl, could cut all relations with her,’

In multiple-headed relative constructions, several noun phrases are simultaneously relativized. The correlative clause contains a correlative noun phrase corresponding to each relative noun phrase. The relative clause may precede or follow the 4. Multiple-headed relatives are the most complex and least studied constructions in traditional as well as in modern syntactic theories. There is little understanding of their proper syntactic structure and its implications. According to Andrews (1974), multiple correlatives are best explained in terms of logic. For example, his analysis for (31a) would be something like this: For the unique ordered pair where x is a girl and y is a book, and x read y, x liked it. Veena Dayal (1996) analyzes such constructions in Hindi within semantic framework.

Chapter 10.  Complex sentences 269



correlative clause. They need not be paired in any sequence. A multiple-headed relative allows variations but does not allow either a gap or a participial-type relative. For easy processing in English, the example that follows shows a sequence of two relativized NPs with their correlative counterparts. In (31a) the relative clause precedes the correlative clause, while in (31b) the correlative clause precedes the relative clause. ʤya tsəli-n ʤẽ pustək wats-l-ẽ tya tsəliy-e-k tẽ rel girl-erg rel book read-perf-3nsg corel girl-obl-dat corel pustək awəɖ-l-ẽ book like-perf-3nsg b. tya tsəliy-e-k tẽ pustək awəɖ-l-ẽ ʤya tsəli-n ʤẽ corel girl-obl-dat corel book like-perf-3nsg rel girl-erg rel pustək wats-l-ẽ book read-perf-3nsg

(31) a.

 

(31a) and (31b) approximately state: ‘Which girl read which book, that girl liked that book.’ In short, they mean ‘Each girl liked the book she read.’ The meaning becomes more accessible if the correlative nouns are deleted as in (32): (32) ʤya tsəli-n ʤẽ pustək wats-l-ẽ tye-ka tẽ awəɖ-l-ẽ rel girl-erg rel book read-perf-3nsg corel-dat corel like-perf-3nsg ‘Whichever girl read whichever book, she liked it.’

The deletion of nouns in both relative and correlative clauses renders a free relative type meaning, as in (33) and (34): (33) ʤi-ne ʤẽ wats-l-ẽ tye-ka tẽ awəɖ-l-ẽ rel-erg rel read-perf-3nsg corel-dat corel like-perf-3nsg ‘Whatever whoever read, they liked it.’ (34) ʤe-ka ʤəy ʤennã wəts-pa-tʃe ta-ka thəy tenna wəts-udi who-dat where when go-inf-poss he-dat there then go-perm ‘Whoever wherever whenever (wants) to go allow them there then to go.

270 Konkani

10.3.2  Appositive correlatives Appositive correlatives give information that is incidental to the main message. (35) mhəʤya put-a-tʃ-ya barʃ-a-k mhəʤe awəyə-n son-obl-poss-obl naming.ceremony-obl-dat my mother-erg my ek kəpyaḷẽ di-ll-ẽ ʤẽ ti-ṇe itli wərs-ã sambaḷ-un a blanket give-2ndperf-3nsg rel she-erg so.many year-pl keep-compl dəwər-lel-ẽ hold-2ndperf-3nsg ‘My mother gave my son a blanket on the day of his naming ceremony which she had preserved so long.’ (36) tenali rama-n, ʤa-ṇe pəṇʠita-k ratri rutʃik ʤewəṇ Tenali Ram-dat rel-erg scholar-dat night delicious meal di-ll-ẽ, raʤa-k winənti ke-l-i (Mang.) give-2ndperf-3nsg king-dat request.fsg do-perf-3fsg ‘Tenali Ram, who had served delicious dinner to the learned man the previous night, requested the king.’

The appositive relative clause differs from the restrictive relative clause in the following way: a. In a basic appositive correlative, the relative clause follows the head as in (34), while in a basic restrictive correlative it precedes the head as in (35): (37) tsuk ekda-ts dza-t-a, ʤi mhəʤe kəɖlyan pp:from mistake once-part happen-impf-3sg rel my ghəɖ-l-i occur-perf-fsg ‘A mistake is made only once – which I have committed.’ (38) ʤi mhəʤe kəɖlya-n ghəɖ-l-i ti tsuk əkʃəmyə as-a rel my pp:from occur-perf-fsg corel mistake unforgivable be-prp ‘The mistake I made is unforgivable.’

b. In the appositive correlative the relative dz is obligatory while the correlative t is optional as in (37), (38). In a restrictive correlative dz may be deleted but not t as in (39): (39) əɖiəɖtsəṇi saŋg-un apl-ya bapay-kədlyan duʠu obstacles.and.difficulties tell-compl self-obl father-pp:from money pəristhiti whər-tal-e te səgḷe aptə-iʃʈ/soyre take-impfperf-3pl rel.3pl all kin-desirable / relative situation bədəl-l-ya bərabər bədəl-l-e change-perf-obl along change-perf-obl

Chapter 10.  Complex sentences 271



‘Narrating their troubles (those) relatives (who) used to take money from father, they changed as soon as (our financial) situation changed.’

c. In the appositive correlative, but not in the restrictive correlative, the correlative may be replaced by hͻ, hi, hẽ ‘this (m, f, n)’ or əʃẽ ʤẽ ‘such that’ as in (40): (40) hͻ sury dzͻ prəkas di-t-a, ta-ka wəndən kər this sun rel light give-impf-3sg corel-dat salute do.imp ‘Salute this sun that gives light.’

d. An appositive correlative but not a restrictive correlative may be anteceded by qualifiers, proper nouns, and first and second person pronouns, as in (41): (41) hãw, dzͻ tuge mitr as-a, tum-gelani fəʈəi-təl-õ I rel your.pl friend be-prp you-dat.pl cheat-2ndpros-1msg ‘Will I, who is your friend, (ever) cheat you? (Mang.)

An appositive correlative may have the same syntactic form as a restrictive correlative when referring to first and second person pronouns as in (42a). But in (42b) the correlative pronoun is allowed to flank the entire relative clause which is a clear mark of an appositive correlative. ʤi hãw sədda at wər-a kam kər-tal-i ti hãw rel I every.day eight hour-pl work do-impfperf-fsg corel I ayədz don wər-a-tʃer dəm-t-ã today two hour-pl-loc get.tired-impf-1sg ‘I, who used to work eight hours everyday, (that me) now-a-days get tired in two hours.’   b. ti hãw, ʤi hãw sədda at wər-a kam kər-tal-i corel I rel I every.day eight hour-pl work do-impfperf-fsg ti hãw ayədz don wər-a-tʃer dəm-t-ã corel i oday two hour-pl-loc get.tired-impf-1sg (42) a.

10.3.3  Non-finite adjectival relative clauses Non-finite adjectival relative clauses utilize present and past verbal participles. In Konkani, perfective and second perfective markers make the past participle. For the present participle, the imperfective, prospective and infinitival markers are used, although the imperfective marker is not as common as the prospective and infinitival markers. These constructions delete the relative correlative markers, and the final verb or the auxiliary is put in its corresponding participial form. The correlative noun follows the participle. The word order within the participial construction is fixed. The participle shows gender number agreement with the noun it modifies. In

272 Konkani

the examples that follow, the (a) examples indicate full relative forms while those in (b) are their corresponding versions in literal translation.5 ʤi bail nustẽ wik-t-a ti tarle haʈ-ʈ-a rel woman fish.nsg sell-impf-3sg corel sardine bring-impf-3sg ‘The woman who sells fish brings sardine.’ (Christ.)   b. nistẽ wik-təl-i bail tarle haʈ-ʈ-a fish sell-pros-fsg woman sardine bring-impf-3sg ‘The fish-selling woman brings sardine.’ (43) a.

ʤe pəyʃ-e bapay-n di-ll-e te kabar rel money-pl father-erg give-2ndperf-3nsg corel finished dza-l-e become-perf-3mpl ‘That money which father gave is finished.’   b. bapay-n di-ll-e pəyʃ-e kabar dza-l-e father-erg give-2ndperf-3nsg money-pl finished become-perf-3mpl ‘The money given by father finished.’ (44) a.

ʤͻ sun-o nokri kər-un kəmay-t-at tyͻ rel.pl daughter.in.law-pl job do-copmp earn-impf-pl corel.pl sun-o mãy-baw-ãn-tʃi daughter.in.law-pl mother-brother-obl.pl-poss.f kaḷʤi ghe-t-at care.fsg take-impf-pl ‘Daughters-in-law who earn by doing a job take care of their mother and siblings.’   b. nokri kər-un kəmo-p-i sun-o job do-copmp earn-inf-fpl daughter.in.law-pl mãy-baw-ãn-tʃi kaḷʤi ghe-t-at mother-brother-obl.pl-poss care.fsg take-impf-pl ‘Earning-money by-doing-job daughters-in-law take care of their mother and siblings.’ (= Daughters-in-law who earn money by duing jobs take care of their mother and other siblings.) (45) a.

5. Note that the direct object in the context of ergative subject as in (i), does not undergo participle formation. (i) * nustẽ wiki-ll-ẽ aʃi-ll-ʃẽ tsəli fish.nsg sell-2ndperf-3nsg be-2ndperf-3nsg girl-3fsg ‘Fish sold girl, that is, the girl who has sold fish.’

Chapter 10.  Complex sentences 273



ʤẽ ʃasən kaydya-tʃẽ palən kər-t-a rel government.nsg law.nsg-poss phrv:guardianship do-impf-3nsg tẽ ʃasən corel government… ‘the government that abides by the law…’   b. kaydya-tʃẽ palən kər-p-i ʃasən law.nsg-poss phrv:guardianship do-inf-sufx government ‘law abiding government’ (46) a.

ʤe bhurg-e sərkari nokr-e-k part n-aʃi-ll-e rel boy-pl governmental job-obl-dat eligible neg-be-2ndperf-3pl ‘Boys who are not eligible for government jobs…’   b. sərkari nokr-e-k part n-aʃi-ll-e bhurg-e governmental job-obl-dat eligible neg-be-2ndperf-3pl boy-mpl ‘boys not eligible for government jobs…’ (47) a.

10.3.4  Adverbial correlative clauses Adverbial correlative clauses may be finite or non-finite. Most finite adverbial clauses are correlative type. The pair dz…t connects the subordinate and the main clause. Adverbial clauses of cause, purpose and result lack the correlative form. They utilize independent morphemes to mark their onset. The main clause always follows the subordinate clause. The subordinate connective dz may move within the clause but must precede the verb. It may be deleted as well. Word order variation within the clause is possible with certain restrictions. 10.3.4.1  Temporal clauses The following examples illustrate finite temporal clauses. (48) ʤenna səmaʤ-a-t ədərm mat-t-a tenna bhəgwan when society-obl-loc blasphemy grow-impf-3sg then God əwtar ghe-t-a phr.v: incarnation take-impf-3sg ‘When blasphemy grows in society, God is incarnated.’ (49) ʤenna ʤenna hya deʃ-a-t səmaʤ-a-tʃi əwənət when when this country-obl-loc society-obl-poss degradation.fsg suru dza-l-ya tenna tenna nəwya rup-a-n phr.v:beginning happen-prp-3fsg then then new form-obl-erg ramayṇ-a-n ʤəlm ghe-t-a Ramayan-obl-erg birth.msg take-prp-3msg ‘Whenever in this country the degradation of the society started, then (the epic) Ramayan has taken birth in a new form.’

274 Konkani

(50) kenna/kedona/kedaḷa (Christ.) when tenna/tedon ͂ tedaḷa (Christ.) then ‘When the sun rose, it rained.’

suryə sun.msg paus rain.msg

ude-l-o rise-perf-3msg pəɖ-l-o fall-perf-3msg

(51) pedru-n tanka ʠoḷe ugɖ-un pəḷe-l-ẽ (Christ.) Peter-erg them eyes open-compl look-perf-3nsg ‘Opening his eyes Peter looked at them.’

Non-finite temporal clauses utilize present, past and completive participles to express various temporal semantic shades. The present participle in tã expresses action in progress, or simultaneous actions. It also conveys the sense of the conditional: ‘if then, when’ followed by the auxiliary as. The present participle form can be duplicated as in (52) and (53) or it can be attached with təna, as in (53c), or it can be used as a complex form with the auxiliary (V + əstəna), as in (53d). All three indicate the progressive aspect. The subject may precede the adverbial as in (48) and (49), or the main clause as in (49a): (52) hãw portugeʤ ʃik-ta ʃik-ta gõy swətəntr I Portuguese learn-pres.partic learn-pres.partic Goa independent dza-l-ẽ become-perf-3nsg ‘Goa became independent while I was learning Portuguese.’ hãwẽ hẽ səgḷẽ kər-t-a kər-t-a-ts I.erg this.nsg all do-impf-pres.partic do-impf-pres.partic-part səmaʤkaryə-y hat-ã-t ghet-l-ẽ social.work-part hand-obl-loc take-l-3nsg ‘I took up social work also while I was doing all this.’   b. hẽ səgḷẽ kər-t-a kər-t-a-ts hãwẽ this.nsg all do-impf-pres.partic do-impf-pres.partic-part I.erg səmaʤkaryə-y hat-ã-t ghet-l-ẽ social.work-part hand-obl-loc take-l-3nsg   c. hẽ səgḷẽ kər-təna hãwẽ səmaʤkaryə-y hat-ã-t this all do-pres.partic I-erg social.work-part hand-obl-loc ghet-l-ẽ take-l-3nsg   d. hẽ səgḷẽ kərə-t as-tana hãw-ẽ səmaʤkaryə-y this all do-impf be-pres.partic I-erg social.work-part hat-ã-t ghet-l-ẽ hand-obl-loc take-perf-3nsg (53) a.



Chapter 10.  Complex sentences 275

The perfective marker l followed by various postpositions is employed to express sequential or inceptive actions: (54) ᴂlis ge-l-ya-pəsun taka nhid mhuṇ pəɖ-l-i na Alice go-perf-obl-since he.dat sleep.fsg conj fall-perf-fsg neg ‘He didn’t get an iota of sleep since Alice left.’ (55) bhitər ay-l-ya uprant taka bapay-n mani-yer/mandi-yer inside come-perf-obl pp:after he.dat father-erg lap-loc ghe-l-ẽ take-perf-3nsg ‘When he came in, his father made him sit in his lap.’

The completive participle in un expresses sequential events. The event described in the main clause follows the one in the completive as in (56): (56) pedru ãb-e kha-un nats-t-a Peter mango-pl eat-compl dance-impf-3msg ‘Peter dances after eating mangoes.’

10.3.4.2  Manner clauses Finite manner clauses employ the correlative dzəʃẽ/təʃẽ ‘like/like that’. (57) aplya bhurg-ya-k dzəʃẽ waɖəw-tʃẽ təʃẽ tumi hya self ’s child-obl-dat like nourish-desi-3nsg like that you.pl this.obl masik-a-tʃẽ palən kər-at magazine-obl-poss phrv:guardianship do-imp.3pl ‘Just as a person would nourish one’s own baby, you nurture this magazine.’ (58) dzəʃẽ dzəʃẽ ran lagi ye-t-a təʃẽ təʃẽ səim-a-tʃ like like forest near come-impf-3sg like that like that nature-obl-poss ek ek aŋg amtʃe mukar ubẽ raw-t-a one one aspect our in front phrv:standing live-impf-3sg ‘As the forest gets nearer, different aspects of nature stand before us.’

Non-finite manner clauses employ the bare present participle ‑t or the completive ‑un. Both participles are often reduplicated to enhance the effect. Addition of the negative na before the verb + ta indicates ‘without that manner/way’. (59) wiʤəy tzəl-ət tzəl-ət tya dzag-ya kəɖen Vijay walk-pres.partic walk-pres.partic that place-obl pp:towards paw-t-a reach-impf-3sg ‘Vijay reaches that place on foot.’

276 Konkani

(60) hat na pus-tã tã-kã ʤew-pak wad-l-ẽ hand neg wipe-pres.partic they-dat V1:eat-desi v2:serve-perf-3nsg ‘Without wiping my hands, (I) served them food.’ (61) pas n-as-təna tͻ wərg-ã-t ay-l-o passed neg-be-pres.partic he class-obl-loc come-perf-3msg ‘He came into the class even when he had not passed (the exam).’ (62) apuṇ tzuk-l-a əʃẽ səmdz-un sudər-pa-tso self err-perf-3sg like that understand-compl improve-inf-poss yətn kər phrv:attempt do-imp ‘Convincing yourself that you made a mistake, try to improve.’ (63) tͻ dha-un dha-un ay-l-o he run-comp run-comp come-perf-3msg ‘He came running.’

10.3.4.3  Locative clauses Finite locative clauses employ the correlative pair dzə̃y/thə̃y ‘where/there’, or compound lexical pairs such as khə̃ytʃya dzagyakəʠen/thə̃y ‘which place/there’, ʤya waʈharat/tya waʈharat ‘which area/there’. The correlative does not reduce to a non-finite form. The compound lexical forms reduce to non-finite adjectival clause/phrase. These are derived by means of various verbal participles. Compare (67) and (68). (64) dzə̃y kərkrog dzətnay kendr əs-təl-ẽ thə̃y kərkrog sənsta where cancer care centre.ns be-pros-3nsg there cancer institute sthapən kər-təl-ẽ phr.v: establishig do-pros-3nsg ‘Where there is cancer care unit, a cancer institute will be established.’ (65) dzə̃y bəri mati as-a thə̃y dzad-ã wat-t-at where good soil be-prp there tree-pl grow-pl ‘Where there is good soil, trees grow there.’ (66) ʤya watara-t tuḷəs tsəʠ prəman-ə̃-t as-a tya watara-t where area-loc basil more proportion-obl-loc be-prp that area-loc rog dzaw-əp kətiṇ as-t-a disease happen-inf difficult be-impf-3sg ‘In the area where basil grows in abundance, spread of disease on a large scale is difficult.’ (67) khaṇ wewəsay-a-tʃer ʤe lok-ãn-tʃe dhənd-e mining business-obl-loc rel people-obl.pl-poss occupation-pl adarit as-a-t tãn-tʃe dhənd-e bənd dza-l-yat dependent be-prp-pl they-poss occupation-pl closed become-prp-3pl ‘People’s occupations which are dependent on mining activity are closed.’



Chapter 10.  Complex sentences 277

(68) khaṇ wewəsay-a-tʃer adarit aʃi-ll-e lok-ãn-tʃe mining business-obl-loc dependent be-2ndperf-pl people-obl.pl-poss dhənd-e bənd dza-lyat occupation-pl closed become-prp.3pl ‘People’s occupations dependent on the mining activity are closed.’

10.3.4.4  Equative clauses Finite equative clauses use the correlative pattern to express quantity, degree, kind and quality. The correlatives such as ʤitle … titlẽ, dzəs … təs ‘as many/as much, same kind’ are used. Non-finite equatives employ the particles itla … titla ‘as much/ as many’ as in (69) and (70) or sarka ‘similar’ as in (71) and (72). All equative connectors inflect for the gender and number of the noun they qualify. (69) gõyəŋkar-ã-k ʤitlẽ nustẽ dzay-əs-təl-ẽ titlẽ Goanese-obl.pl-dat as.much.n fish.nsg want-be-prosp-3nsg that.much nustẽ fuḷḷya kaḷ-ã-t meḷ-ʈəl-ẽ fish.nsg coming time-obl-loc get-prosp-3nsg ‘In the coming years, Goans will get as much fish as they want.’ (70) ek-a kuwaḷ-ya-t dzər itli mot-yã tər səgḷya one-obl gourd-obl-loc if as.many pearl-pl then all kuwaḷ-ya-t kitli mot-yã gourd-obl-loc how.many pearl-pl ‘If there are so many pearls in one gourd, how many pearls would be there in all gourds?’ (71) tʃin-ãn-tʃyo bayla sarkyots kuʃəḷ bharətiy baylo Chinese-obl-poss women like skillful Indian women… ‘Skilled Indian women, like Chinese women…’ (72) awəy sarki tʃəli mother like daughter ‘The daughter is like her mother.’

10.3.4.5  Conditional clauses Finite conditionals are marked by the pair dzər/tər ‘if/then’. The conditional is made forceful or emphatic by employing the past tense. Depending on the factivity of the proposition in the subordinate clause, conditional clauses could be classified into three types: (i) factive, (ii) non-factive and (iii) counterfactive (Kiparsky and Kiparsky 1970, Dhongde 1984.) The non-factive conditional is the most commonly used conditional. The subordinate clause is in the past tense and the main clause is in the present tense or the future tense as in (73). (73) dzər ti wət-l-i tər hãw ye-təl-õ / ye-tl-õ come-pros-1msg if she go-perf-3fsg then I ‘If she came, I would come.’

278 Konkani

In the factive subordinate conditional clause, the verb is in the present progressive as in (74) and (75): (74) dzər tu witsar-ət as-at tər saŋ-tã if you ask-impf be-impf then tell-impf.1sg ‘If you ask, I shall tell you.’ (75) dzər tumi mumbəy-k wət-t-at tər hãŋga bhaŋgər kityak if you.pl Mumbai-dat go-impf-2pl then here gold why ghe-t-at take-impf-2pl ‘If you are going to Mumbai, why are you buying gold here?’

The counterfactive subordinate clause usually takes the verb in the past perfective form as in (76): (76) dzər tuwẽ əbyas ke-ll-o (aʃi-ll-o) tər tu if you phr.v: study do-2ndperf-3msg (be-2ndperf-3msg) then you napas dzaw-ts-o n-aʃi-ll-o failed become-desi-2sg neg-be-2ndperf-2sg ‘If you had studied, you would not have failed.’

Factivity cannot be bound to the syntactic markers. It depends heavily on contextual elements. In Konkani, the word dza-l-ya-r ‘then’ is commonly used in conditionals, especially when dzər ‘if ’ is deleted.6 The following examples illustrate factive conditionals.

6. Traditional grammarians treat dzalyar as a conjunction. It looks like a grammaticalized item: dza (happen)-lya (perfective+oblique)-r (pp: ‘after’). In Chapter 3 (§ 5.4.5) it is described simply as a conditional marker of the apodosis. In expressions such as (i) and (ii), the meaning of dza is retained. (i) tu rədpatʃẽ bənd nə dza, dzalyar, -r… you cry-inf-poss phrv:stopped neg happen-perf-obl-then… ‘if it didn’t happen that you stopped crying, then…’ (ii) təʃẽ dza-l-ya-rek kam kər ‘ like happen-perf-obl-loc work do-imp ‘Do one thing if that happens’ The reason why dzalyar is a part of apodosis is that it can co-occur with tər as in (iii). (iii) tya uddeʃa-kəʠen dzər tuʤi aʠnədər dza-l-i tər/dzalyar tuʤya that aim-towards if your oversight.fsg happen-perf-fsg then your dzənm-a-k kui-ts ərt ur-tso-na birth-obl-dat any-part meaning remain-desi-neg ‘If you did not pay any attention to that aim then your life would not have any meaning.’



Chapter 10.  Complex sentences 279

(77) tatʃa kaḷdza-k dzər padzhər fu-ʈ-na dzalyar dew dəyaməy kəso? stream flow-impf-neg then God merciful how his heart-dat if ‘How is God full of mercy if His heart does not melt with compassion?’ (78) dzəri ʃəṇẽ gõybab-ã-k kuɖ soɖ-un pənnas even.if Shanay Goybab-hon.obl.pl-dat body leave-compl fifty wərs-ã wəyər dza-wən ge-l-ῖ təri aydzuy amtʃe year-npl above happen-compl go-perf-3npl yet till.now our mədzgəti te wawər kər-it as-a-t at.the.core they.hon.pl phrv:moving do-impf be-prp-3pl ‘(Though) Shanay Goybab left us fifty years back, he is still present among us.’ (79) tumi əʃẽ dhəmk-yo diw-pak lag-l-e dzalyar mhəʤ mukar you.pl like.this threat-fpl give-desi v2-perf-3pl then my before eku-ts marg ur-l-o one-emph way.msg remain-perf-3msg ‘If you begin to threaten me like this, there is only one way left for me.’

The following examples illustrate non-factive conditionals. (80) mədi dzago dza-l-o dzalyar tʃῖw tatʃa in.the.middle phrv: awake become-perf-3msg then nipple his toṇɖ-at ghal mouth-loc put-imp ‘If he awakes in the middle, put the nipple in his mouth.’ (81) tu-ka dzər ti-ka meḷ-p-a-tʃẽ as-ət tər mhəʤe you-dat if she-dat meet-inf-obl-poss be-impf then my bərobər yo come-imp with ‘If you want to meet her, come with me.’

The following examples illustrate counterfactive conditionals. (82) ʤəwahərlal raʤkarṇ-at pəɖ-ũk n-aʃi-l-e dzalyar bəry-atle Jawaharlal politics-loc enter-desi neg-be-2ndperf-3nsg then good-pp bəre lekək dzat-l-e aʃi-ll-e good writer become-perf-hoh.pl be-2ndperf-hon.pl ‘If Jawaharlal had not entered politics, he would have become a very good writer.’

10.3.4.6  Concessive clauses The correlative concessive pair is dzəri/təri ‘even if/even then’. The relative dzəri is often deleted, as in (83). A non-finite concessive indicates an antithetical sense. It employs the auxiliary asən with the emphatic particle y as in (84).

280 Konkani

(83) kaʤar dza-l-ẽ təriy hãw robin-a-k Robin-obl-dat wedding-nsg happen-perf-3nsg even.then I soɖ-tʃẽ-na let.go-desi-neg ‘Even if (I) get married, I won’t let Robin go.’ (84) hya kadəmbəri-t wastəw ʤiwit-a-tʃẽ tʃitrəṇ as-u-i life-obl-poss depiction be-compl-part this.obl novel.f-loc real mha-ka ti awəɖ-na I-dat that.f like.impf-neg ‘Even though there is depiction of real life in this novel, I don’t like it.’

10.3.5  Conjunctive adverbial clauses Adverbial clauses expressing cause, result, intention or reason do not use the correlative pattern. They employ conjunctive particles such as dekhun ‘since/because’, mhuṇ ‘therefore, so’, karṇan ‘because of ’ in their finite version. Non-finite counterparts of these clauses employ desiderative participles. Some examples follow. The following example illustrates an adverbial of cause clause. (85) kam aʃi-ll-ẽ karṇan hãw mumbəy-k ge-l-õ1 work-nsg be-2ndperf-nsg because.of I Mumbai-dat go-perf-neg ‘I did not go to Mumbai as I had work.’

The following examples illustrate adverbial of reason clauses. (86) ti-ka pəḷe-õk mhuṇ ay-l-o she-dat see-incp therefore come-perf-3sg ‘He came in order to see her.’ (87) bhurg-yãn-tʃe doḷ-e ukte dzaw-tʃe mhuṇ sane guruʤi child-obl-poss eye-pl open become-desi therefore Sane Guruji ayuʃyə-bhər dhəɖpəɖ-l-e life-pp:whole struggle-perf-hon.pl ‘Sane Guruji struggled all his life in order that children’s eyes of knowledge be opened.’ (88) mənʃ-a-tʃi ittsa waʠ-ət as-a dekun tͻ suki man-obl-poss wish become-impf be-prp therefore he happy dza-wũk paw-na V1: become-desi V2: reach.impf-neg ‘Man’s wishes keep on increasing therefore he cannot reach happiness.’

Chapter 10.  Complex sentences 281



(89) dzugar kheḷ-pi ye-un bəs-let kitek az feɖəreʃən phr.v: gamble play-inf come-compl sit-prp.3pl because az Federation kəp əkertʃi mᴂtʃ (Christ.) Cup final match ‘Gamblers have already arrived as this is the Az Federation Cup final match.’ (90) ʈest mᴂtʃ əslyar koleʤi-k-wətʃ-na karəṇ mhaka krikeʈ khub test match be-if college.dat-go.impf-neg. because I-dat cricket very awəʈ-ʈa (Christ.) like-impf ‘When there is test match, I skip college because I like cricket very much.’

The following examples illustrate adverbial of result clauses. (91) bapay-n bhurg-ya-k mar gha-l-o dekun tͻ ghər he house father-erg son-obl-dat phr.v: beating put in-perf-3msg so soɖ-un ge-l-o leave-compl go-compl-3msg ‘Father thrashed his son, so he left the house.’ (92) taŋgeli bhas ani widwətta pəḷo-wən hͻl-at bəʃi-ll-e səgḷe language and scholarship see-compl hall-loc sit-2ndperf-pl all his tʃəkasur/əʤap dza-l-e phrv: surprised become-perf-3pl ‘Seeing his language and scholarship, all those in the hall were surprised.’ 7 7. In the set of observations at the end of Chapter 5, it was shown that in Konkani, as in Marathi, it is necessary to set up a category named ‘tensemode’ in the consideration of the finite verb expansion rule, or AUX-FIN expansion rule in the sense of Dhongde (1984). As far as imperative, desiderative, hortative, permissive and future are concerned, temporal notions are inadequate to explain them since they include modal notions as well. Aspect involves notions such as non-specific, multiple, single or null, with regard to occasions, or notions such as developing, non-developing, orientation or iteration, with regard to what is traditionally called ‘the process’. Imperfective, perfective, imperfective-perfective, prospective, past relevant to present (prp) and second perfective are aspect markers that do not need an overt tense marker, and can be considered as having a Ø (zero) past or present tense marker. In Marathi, the auxiliary verb ah is optionally used as a tense-carrier, and in a construction consisting of subject and predicative compliment, this element is obligatory. In Konkani, on the other hand, the auxiliary verb as has all the inflectional forms of a main verb, and Konkani thus has verb + as constructions that are not identical with the verb + zero marker constructions. Konkani normally avoids the use of linking or copula as in constructions consisting of subject and predicative complement. Its increasing use seems to be the influence of Marathi. If we label imperative, desiderative, etc. as tensemode A and the zero present and past markers as tensemode B, the Konkani finite auxiliary could be described schematically in the following way: Aux-Fin → Tensemode A or Aspect-marker → Tensemode B

Chapter 11

Compound sentences

11.1 Introduction There are three major coordinators: conjunctives, disjunctives and adversatives. In this chapter, the coordination of different categories and syntactic constituents is discussed. Coordination of clauses follows certain rules, while disjunctives follow a different pattern. 11.2 Conjunctive coordination The basic conjunctive coordinator is ani with an alternate anik. The expression ani is more common than anik, which is often found in speech. 11.2.1  Sentence coordination Any number of sentences can be coordinated with ani, which is always placed before the last conjunct: (1) ram ran-ãt ge-l-o ani thə̃y tͻ tsəwda wərs-ã Ram forest-loc go-perf-3msg and there he fourteen year-pl raw-l-o live-perf-3msg ‘Ram went to the forest and there he lived for fourteen years.’ (2) meri-n ʤͻn-a-k mudi di-l-i ani ʤͻn-a-n ti Mary-erg John-obl-dat ring.f give-perf-3fsg and John-obl-erg that.f mha-ka di-l-i I-dat give-perf-3fsg ‘Mary gave a ring to John and John gave that to me.’

In a sequence of more than two sentences, all preceding sentences before the last one are simply juxtaposed, as in (3a). Alternatively, coordination may appear simply as a sequence of juxtaposed sentences with complete absence of ani as in (3b).

284 Konkani

digu uʈ-l-o, lili uʈ-l-i Digu get.up-perf-3msg Lili get.up-perf-3fsg dza-l-o become-perf-3msg ‘Digu got up, Lili got up, and Sadu awoke.’   b. digu uʈl-o, lili uʈ-l-i, Digu get.up-perf-3msg Lili get.up-perf-3fsg dza-l-o become-perf-3msg ‘Digu got up, Lili got up, Sadu awoke.’ (3) a.

ani sədu dzago and Sadu phrv:awake

sədu dzago Sadu phrv:awake

Sentence coordination is used to express various semantic nuances, such as contrast, contingence, sequential events, and causal connections. (4) budd dukk-a-n thətərwitər dzaw-tʃi-na ani intelligence-fsg sorrow-obl-erg here.and.there go-desi.fsg-neg and suk-a-n bhullus-un wəts-tʃi-na hatʃi happiness-obl-erg be.charmed-compl go-desi.fsg-neg this-poss dzətnay ghe-wəp phrv: care take-inf ‘To take care that wisdom does not go astray because of sorrow and is not tempted by happiness.’ (5) səgḷ-yat pəyli sun-o bhayər sər-l-yo ani move-perf-3fpl and all-loc first daughter.in.law-pl out tãṇ-ṇ-i wegḷ-yo rãndn-i maṇɖ-ũk ghərabo they-obl.pl-erg separate-obl hearth-fpl put-desi family.msg phoɖ-l-o break-perf-3msg ‘At first the daughters-in-law moved out and in order to have independent hearths (that is, families or homes), they broke the family.’ (6) deʃ swətəntr dza-lo ani country independent become-perf-3msg and ʤwahərlal-ãn-tʃya hat-i səttya ge-l-i Jawaharlal.obl-hon.pl-poss.obl hand-loc power.fsg go-perf-3fsg ‘The country became independent and power went into the hands of Jawaharlal.’ (7) dew portugal-a-tʃer hoʃʃi dza-l-o ani ta-ṇẽ God Portugal-obl-loc phr.v:pleasure become-perf-3msg and he-erg portugal-a-k wər di-l-o Portugal-obl-dat phr.v:blessing give-perf-3msg ‘God was pleased with Portugal and He blessed it.’

Chapter 11.  Compound sentences 285



11.2.2  Constituent coordination Nouns of all categories may be coordinated, provided that they bear the same case. Nouns obey a ‘case constraint’ which prevents a nominative noun form coordinating with an ergative- or a dative-case noun. The verb agreement is always with the direct-cased noun, irrespective of its grammatical status; see Example (10). The following examples illustrate this case constraint. (8) flᴂlʈ-a-t tͻ ani tageli ghərkann dogã-ts aʃi-ll-i apartment-obl-loc he and his wife two-part be-2nd perf-3npl ‘In the apartment he and his wife – only the two – were there.’ (9) ʃiɖ ani yerẽ n-aʃi-ll-ẽ aytʃẽ ʃikʃəṇ sail.nsg and rudder.nsg neg-be-2nd perf-3nsg today’s education.3nsg as-a be-prp.3nsg ‘Today’s education is (aimless like a ship) without sail and rudder.’ (10) mədu ani babu matoṇɖ-a-k ani mhambr-a- k bəʃ-i-n Madhu and Babu Matond-obl-dat and Mhambare-obl-dat bus-obl-erg ani saykəl-i-n wəta-l-e and bicycle-obl-erg go-prf-3mpl Madhu and Babu went to Matond and Mhambre by bus and bicycle.

In Example (10) there are three coordinated noun-pairs. The verb, however, agrees with the unmarked noun-pair. 11.2.3  Coordinate agreement Coordinate agreement is dependent on the conjoining category. Agreement for nouns differs from that for pronouns. Similarly, certain verbs impose a distinct agreement pattern of their own. Agreement rules in coordinate nouns are complex. They divide into three categories: last conjunct agreement rule1 (Examples (11) and (12)); plural agreement 1. In Marathi, the verb may agree in gender with the last conjunct only if the last conjunct is masculine or neuter. If it is feminine, the verb shows a masculine plural pattern. Compare (i),(ii),and (iii) (i) lili aṇi babu phir-ayla ge-le Lili.3fsg and Babu.3msg go for a walk-predictive-3mpl (ii) babu aṇi lili   phir-ayla ge-le Babu.3msg and Lili.3fsg go for a walk-predictive-3mpl Babu and Lili went for a walk.

286 Konkani

rule (Examples (13)–(15)), and neuter agreement rule (Examples (16)–(18)). When nous have different genders, the last conjunct agreement rule applies as in (11) and (12). When nouns have similar genders, the plural agreement rule apples as in (13), (14) and (15). When nouns differ in gender and/or number, the neuter agreement rule applies as in (16), (17) and (18). The complexity is related to the number and gender system. Konkani has two numbers, singular and plural, and three genders, masculine, feminine and neuter (§ 3.1.1, § 3.1.2). Coordinated nouns may belong to different genders and numbers, producing an array of combinations, as shown in the examples below. Unlike in Marathi, when nouns of different numbers and/ or genders are coordinated, Konkani uses the neuter plural form of the verb. In Marathi, gender superiority takes over, but this is not the case in Konkani.2 The following examples illustrate last conjunct agreement: bæg ani pͻket ani kənnəɖək ghet-l-ẽ ani hãw bhair aag.f and wallet.m and specs.n take-perf-nsg and I out sər-l-õ (Mang.) go-perf-1msg ‘(I) took the bag, wallet and specs and went out.’   b. pͻket ani kənnəɖək ani bæg ghet-l-i ani hãw bhair wallet.m and specs.n and bag.f take-perf-fsg and I out sər-l-o go-perf-1msg ‘(I) took the wallet and specs and bag and went out.’ (11) a.

(12) a.



wəklə, baʈli ani pelo ghet-l-o ani hãw phr.v:bhaer specs.n bottle.f and glass.m take-perf-3msg and I out suʈ-l-õ (Mang) escape-perf-1msg ‘(I) took (my) specs, bottle and glass and ran out.’

(iii) anand, tya tʃi bayko aṇi titsa bhau phir-ayla ge-le Anand-3msg, his wife-3fsg and her brother-3msg go for a walk-predictive-3mpl This is a case of gender superiority. Feminine agreement is allowed only if both conjuncts are feminine. (See Dhonge & Wali 2009.) In Konkani, if the last conjunct is a verb, it will show a neuter pattern as in (iv). It should be remembered that the verb in neuter gender is used for feminine nouns to show intimacy or perhaps, female subordination. (iv) lili ani ʃama saŋta ge-l-ῖ ani bəs-l-ῖ Lili and Shama together go-pfrf-3npl and sit-pfrf-3npl ‘Lili and Shama went together and sat.’ 2. Almeida (1989) rules out last conjunct agreement rule. He gives only plural agreement or neuter agreement rules. The last conjunct agreement rule in the speech of Konkani-Marathi bilingual speakers could be a result of influence of Marathi.

Chapter 11.  Compound sentences 287



b. wəklə, pelo ani batli ghet-l-i ani hãw specs.n glass.m and bottle.f take-perf-3fsg and I suʈ-l-õ escape-perf-1msg ‘(I) took (my) specs, glass and bottle and ran out.’   c. pyalo, batli ani wəklə ghet-l- ẽ ani hãw glass.m bottle.f and specs.n take-perf-3nsg and I suʈ-l-õ escape-perf-1msg ‘(I) took (my) glass, bottle and specs and I ran out.’  

phrv:bhaer out

phr.v:bhaer out

(13) ʃərt ani pæṇt tsədəy-l-i shirt-m and trousers.f put.on-perf-fsg ‘(I) put on shirt and trousers.’

The following examples illustrate the plural agreement rule in which conjoined elements make a semantic plural and this is reflected on the verb. verb (14) pedru ani ladru uʈ-l-e Peter.msg and Ladru.msg get.up-perf-3mpl ‘Peter and Ladru got up.’ (15) pedru, ladru ani adru V1:tsəl-ət raw-l-e Peter.msg Ladru.msg and Adru.msg walk-impf V2:keep.on-perf-mpl ‘Pedru, Ladru and Adru kept on walking.’

The following examples illustrate neuter agreement: (16) pedru ani ʃama sãŋta ge-l- ῖ (Christ.) Peter.m and Shama.f together go-perf-3npl ‘Peter and Shama went together.’ (17) æntəni, tatʃi bayəl ani titso bhaw bhow-pak ge-l-e/ Anthony.m his wife.f and her brother.m walk-desi go-perf-3mpl/ bhow-ə̃k ge-l-ῖ (Christ.) walk-desi go-perf-3npl ‘Anthony, his wife and her brother went for a walk.’ (18) tya raʤa-tso bowaḷ ayk-un səgḷe tsakərman-e, that king-poss hue.and.cry hear-compl all servant-mpl dadl-e-bayl-o dhaw-ən ay-l-e (Mang.)/ dha-un man-mpl-woman-fpl run-compl come-perf-mpl run-compl ay-l-ῖ come-perf-npl ‘Hearing the outcry of the king, all servants, men and women came running.’

288 Konkani

(19) hãwũ-ts nokri kər-un ghər ani bhurg-yã-k-əy I-part job.fsg.nom do-compl home and child.nsg-obl-dat-part sãmbaḷ-t-ã look.after-impf-1fsg ‘I do a job and look after the children as well.’

11.2.4  Pronoun coordination Conjoining of any two pronouns conditions the neutral plural form of the verb, as illustrated in the following examples. hãw ani tũ mumbəy-k ge-l-ῖ I and you Mumbai-dat go-perf-3npl ‘I and you went to Mumbai.’   b. tũ ani hãw mumbəy-k ge-l-ῖ you and I Mumbai-dat go-perf-3npl ‘You and I went to Mumbai.’   c. tũ ani tyo mumbəy-k ge-l-o you and she Mumbai-dat go-perf-3fpl ‘You and she went to Mumbai.’   d. tumi ani ti mumbəy-k ge-l-ῖ you.pl and she Mumbai-dat go-perf-3npl ‘You and she went to Mumbai.’   e. tũ ani te mumbəy-k ge-l-ῖ you and they Mumbai-dat go-perf-3npl ‘You and they went to Mumbai.’   f. tumi (doge ) ani tumi dogi mumbəy-k you.2mpl (both-mpl) and you.2fpl (both.2fpl) Mumbai ge-l-ῖ. go- perf-3npl (20) a.

In the imperative, however, hãw (I) + tũ (you) > ami (we), tũ (you)+ ti/tͻ (he/she) > tumi (you plural) as far as the agreement is concerned. The following examples show coordination of pronouns in imperative sentences. (21) tũ ani tͻ bəsa (Christ.) you and he sit-imp.2pl ‘You and he sit down.’ (22) tũ ani hãw ghər-ã wəts-ũ ? you and I home-loc go-imp.1pl ‘Will you and I/Shall we go home?’

Chapter 11.  Compound sentences 289



11.2.5  Coordination of verbs, adjectives and adverbs In the examples below all (b) sentences illustrate coordination of words that are verbs, adjectives or adverbs. The (a) sentences illustrate coordination of NPs, VPs and clauses. Unlike noun-coordination these co-ordinations do not affect the verb form. The following examples illustrate co-ordination of verb phrases: mhəʤ-e ʠəb-e ghet-l-e ani ghər-ã ay-l-õ my-pl box-mpl take-perf-mpl and house-loc come-perf-nsg ‘(I) took my boxes and came home.’   b. lili pellə mok-t-a ani pəkə-ʈ-ʈa Lili ball throw-impf-3sg and catch-impf-3sg ‘Lili throws the ball and catches it.’ (23) a.

The following examples illustrate coordination of adjectives: ɖaywhors dza-i-ya uprant narendr ekl-o phrv: divorce happen-perf-obl after Narendra-msg lonelyani eksur-o dza-l-o msg and single- msg become- perf-3msg ‘After divorce Narendra became alone and aloof.’   b. lili ləʤest ani bhidzuɖ (as-a) Lili shy and cowardly (be-prp) ‘Lili is shy and cowardly.’ (24) a.

The following examples illustrate coordination of adverbials: bayl-ã-ni itkya prəmaṇ-ã-t ani woman-obl-erg.pl so.much proportion-obl.n-loc and itl-ya/itk-ya dhita-ye-n wãʈo gheti-ll-i so.much-obl.f courage-obl-erg share take-2nd perf-fsg kranti revolution.fsg ‘the revolution in which women had taken part on such a large scale and with so much courage’   b. lili goɖ ani lhəwu hãs-t-a Lili sweet and surreptitiously smile-impf-3sg Lili smiles sweetly and surreptitiously. (25) a.

290 Konkani

The following example illustrates noun phrase co-ordination. (26) mãw-a-tso puray pəyso pəlləwi-tʃya father.in.law-obl-poss total money.msg Pallawi-poss.obl ləgn-a-t ani amtʃẽ ghər band-tana marriage-obl-loc and our house build-impf.nonfin sõpi-ll-o finish-2nd perf-3msg ‘All the money of father-in-law finished in Pallavi’s marriage and in building our house.’

11.2.6  Deletion of identical elements Most major syntactic elements such as subjects, objects, adjectives and verbs may be deleted under identity with a preceding element. Some examples follow. (27) dewa-tʃya ani ay-tʃya aʃirwad-a-n as-a bərõ God-poss.obl and mother-poss.obl blessing-obl-erg be-prp well.1msg ‘(I) have been fine because of the blessings of God and mother.’

In (27) the two noun phrases dewa-tʃya aʃirwad-a-n and ay-tʃya aʃirwad-a-n are coordinated. The head noun aʃirwad (blessing) is identical. Therefore, it is deleted in the first noun phrase under coordination. In (28) below two verb phrases are coordinated and the identical subject taṇẽ is deleted from the second noun phrase. (28) taṇẽ bara lak-ãn-tso ek tʃek di-l-o ani he.erg twelve lac-obl-poss.msg one cheque give-perf-3msg and ‘dinwas’. mhə-l-ẽ, say-perf-3nsg thanks ‘He gave a cheque for twelve lacs and said ‘Thanks’.’ (29) ətskit ʤənel-a-tʃer don mankul-ῖ bhurg-ῖ ye-tat ani suddenly window-obl-loc two little-3npl child-3npl come-impf.3npl and bhik mag-tat phrv:begging ask.for-impf-3npl ‘Suddenly two small children come at the window and beg.’

In (29) the identical NP don mankul-ῖ bhurg-ῖ (two small children) is deleted from the second NP. (30) babu-n wiwek-a-k pəḷəy-l-ẽ ani nita-n rada-k babu-erg Vivek-obl-dat see-perf-3nsg and Neeta-erg Radha-dat ‘Babu saw Vivek and Neeta (saw) Radha.’

Chapter 11.  Compound sentences 291



In (31) below, the identical phrasal verb dzəlm dza-l-o is deleted. (31) 1869 wərs-ã nərendrənat-a-tso dzəlm dza-l-o ani 1869 year-loc Narendranath-obl-poss phr.v:birth happen-perf-msg and 1880 wərs-ã bhupendrənat-a-tso 1880 year-loc Bhupendranath-obl-poss ‘Narendranath was born in 1869 and Bhupendranath (was born) in 1880.’

In (32) the identical subject of the imperative (tũ) is deleted. (32) tũ ghər-ãt-li bhayər sər ani pəḷəy/pəy go-imp and see.imp you home-obl-loc out ‘Leave your home and see.’

11.2.7  Coordination and accompaniment Accompaniment is expressed by the postpositions wãŋgɖa, bərabər, or səh ‘with’. Though coordination and accompaniment express similar senses, they are structurally different. Coordination results in a conjoined structure whereas accompaniment can be encoded by a simple structure. Compare the accompaniment example in (33) with the co-ordination examples in (34): In the accompaniment sentence in (33), the verb agrees with the subject mæk and allows the possessive reflexive apuṇ. In coordination, the agreement is plural and the conjunct does not allow the reflexive to have an antecedent in the preceding clause, as shown in (34). (33) mæk aplya/tatʃa tsəli-ye bərabər ran-ã-t ge-l-o daughter-obl with forest-obl-loc go-perf-3msg Mac self.obl ‘Mac went to the forest with his daughter.’ mᴂk ani *aplya/tatʃa tsəli bərabər ran-ã-t Mac and self.poss/his daughter together forest-obl-loc ge-l-e/ ge-l- ῖ (Christ.) go-perf-3mpl/ go-perf-3npl ‘Mac and his daughter went together to the forest.’   b. mᴂk ani tatʃa tsəli ran-ã-t ge-l-e/ Mac and his daughter.fsg forest-obl-loc go-perf-3mpl ge-l- ῖ (Christ.) go-perf-3npl ‘Mac and his daughter went to the forest.’ (34) a.

292 Konkani

11.3 Disjunctive structures Konkani uses several disjunctives such as kῖwa, kῖ, wa, wo, kay all expressing the sense of ‘or’. The expression wa is commonly used in speech. The expressions kῖ and kay are used in interrogatives. The form kῖwa is used in formal language, and wo is favoured in the Christian variety. In both sentence and constituent coordination, wa is placed before the last sentence or sentential constituent. Although wa allows a juxtaposed sequence like ani, the position of wa before the last conjunct is obligatory. Agreement in the disjunctive structure is always with the last element of the disjunctive. 11.3.1  Sentence coordination In the following examples sentences are conjoined by using disjuncts. uʃa e-təl-ẽ wo aʃa e-təl-ẽ (Christ.) Usha come-pros-3nsg or Asha come-pros-3nsg ‘Usha will come or Asha will come.’ wo aʃa e-təl-ẽ   b. uʃa e-təl-ẽ Usha come-pros-3nsg or Asha come-pros-3nsg / e-ll-ẽ (Christ.) come- 2nd perf-3nsg ‘Usha will come or Asha will come.’ (35) a.

(36) sunit wa tatso put ye-təl-o Sunit or his son.msg come-pros-3msg ‘Sunit or his son is going to come.’ (37) ekuts (Christ.)/ektər sunil bəro na wa tͻ khə̃y-təri either Sunil good.neg or he some-where either ge-l-a as-təl-o go-prp-3msg be-pros-3msg ‘Either Sunil is not well or he must have gone somewhere.’ (38) kewin ye-təl-o wo tatʃe waŋdi ye-təl-o (Christ.) Kevin come-pros-3msg or his colleague come-pros-3msg ‘Kevin will come or his colleague will come.’ pərməḷ (39) lok-ãŋ-k ulow-pak wa tuʤe kuɖ-i-tso people-obl.pl-dat talk-desi or your body-obl-poss.msg smell.msg ghew-pak hatʃẽ fuɖẽ sənd diũ-naka take-desi this forward opportunity give-imp-neg ‘Henceforth don’t give an opportunity to people to talk to you or smell your body.’



Chapter 11.  Compound sentences 293

11.3.2  Constituent coordination All sentence constituents employ wa or wo. Notice that subject nouns coordinated by wa or wo do not make a plural subject. So, plural agreement is ruled out. The verb agrees with the gender number and person of the last constituent as in (40). (40) uʃa e-təl-ẽ wo əruṇ e-təl-lo Usha come-pros-3nsg or Arun come-pros-3msg Usha will come or Arun will come.

The following example illustrates disjunctive coordination of nouns: (41) gow wa bayl-o man.pl or woman-pl ‘men or women’

The following example illustrates disjunctive coordination of verbs: (42) tũ yo wa na yo, hãw wə-təl-õ go-pros-1msg you come or neg come, I ‘You come or don’t come, I am going.’

The following examples illustrate disjunctive coordination of adverbs. (43) tũ adz wa phalya wats you today or tomorrow read.imp.2sg ‘Read today or tomorrow.’ kha (44) tũ adz wa phalyã you today or tomorrow eat ‘You eat today or tomorrow.’

The following example illustrates disjunctive coordination of verb phrases: (45) mənis ek ektər wəyl-ya pãwɖ-ya-r tsəɖ-l-a wa nisr-un Man.msg either upper-obl step-obl-loc climb-prp-3msg or slip-compl gəɖgəɖun səkəl pəɖ-l-a tumble-compl down f all-prp-3msg ‘Man either has climbed up a step or has slipped, tumbled down.’

The following example illustrates interrogative disjunction. (46) mha-ka ta-ṇẽ soɖ-l-ã kay hãw ta-ka soɖ-un ay-l-ã he-dat leave-compl come-prp-1msg I-dat he-erg leave-prp-3nsg or I ‘Has he left me or have I left him (behind)?’

294 Konkani

The following example illustrates negative disjunction. (47) ta-ṇẽ whoɖ awadz-a-n raʤ-a-k apəy-l-ẽ puṇ tͻ he-erg big voice-obl-loc king-obl-dat evoke-perf-3nsg but he ay-l-o na ta-ṇẽ dzap-əy di-l-i na come-perf-3msg neg he-erg reply.fsg-part give-perf-3fsg neg ‘He evoked the king in heaven in a loud voice, but the king didn’t come, nor did he give any reply either.’

11.4 Adversative coordination The three adversative coordinators puṇ/puṇun, pərəntu, təthapi ‘but’ are semantically identical but vary in their usage. The last two are not used very often; the first one is very common. Adversative conjunctions encode a contrast with various semantic implications. The identical constituent is deleted. (48) tͻ naʈk-a-k begin ge-ll-o puṇ weḷ-a-r he play-obl-dat immediately go-2nd perf-3msg but time-obl-loc paw-l-o na reach-perf-3msg neg ‘He left for the play immediately but could not reach in time.’ puṇun fuɖe (49) surw-e-k thoɖe tras dza-l-e beginning-obl-dat some phrv:difficulty become-perf-3mpl but ahead don wərs-ã bhitər tã-ṇi ek nəwẽ wrundawən two year-pl within he.hon.pl-erg one new.nsg Wrundawan.nsg ubẽ ke-l- ẽ phrv:erected do-perf-3nsg ‘At the beginning he faced some difficulties but within two years he founded a new ‘Vrundavan.’  (a sacred town) (50) ma-ka bhirbiri mari-ll-i puṇun mhədzo iʃʈ tͻ mhuṇ I-dat phr.v:wrath hit-2nd perf-3fsg but my friend he ogi raw-l-õ so phrv:quiet remain-perf-1msg ‘He made me angry. But he was my friend. So I kept quiet.’

The adversative is absent if the contradiction uses a negative. In this case, the sequence is simply juxtaposed. (51) waʈ-e-r ta-ka wag mel-l-o, tͻ bhiye-l-o na way-obl-loc he-dat tiger meet-perf-3msg he be.afraid-perf-3msg neg ‘On the way he met a tiger, he wasn’t frightened.’

Chapter 12

Interrogative sentences

12.1 Introduction In generative grammars, interrogative structures have been classified into two broad categories known as yes-no questions and wh-questions. This classification, though widely used, is rather English specific. Huddleston and Pullum (2002) classify them as closed and open questions; answers to closed questions form a closed set of two, while answers to open questions form an open set. In comparative sociolinguistics yes-no questions are termed as polarity questions (the answers ‘yes’ and ‘no’ being two poles), and open questions are termed as lacunal questions (the questions indicate a lacuna in information). In typological studies polarity questions are called polar interrogatives and lacunal questions are called constituent interrogatives.1 Konkani uses several yes-no interrogative markers such as mũ/məi, wəy/whəy ‘yes?’, nhəy/nhi ‘not?’, kay, ki, kay kitẽ ‘or what?’ and məgo/məga/məge.2 These are essentially interrogative particles (see 6.5.2) and are devoid of inflection. They obligatorily follow the verb and the negative particle, if any. The rule operates across all word order variations. The open interrogative expressions in Konkani are koņ ‘who’ (pronoun), kitẽ ‘what’(pronoun), kenna ‘when’(adverb), khə̃y ‘where’ (adverb) and kəʃẽ ‘how’(adjective, adverb). They belong to various grammatical categories such as pronouns, adjectives, and adverbs. Normally they occupy the original place of their respective category. Their position is not cued to a verb as is the case with the yes-no markers. They may be placed in various positions in a sentence with certain restrictions as noted in the relevant sections below. Interrogative pronouns inflect for case, for

1. Some grammarians distinguish between interrogative (a term used for grammatical structure) and questions (used for a speech act). Traditional grammarians of Konkani described interrogative structures at the morphological level only. Almeida (1989) uses the deep-structure surface-structure model of early generative grammar, and shows how Konkani interrogatives are derived by applying transformational rules 2. məgo/məga/məge are used only when the addressee is a female, while mũ is used when the addressee is elder to the addressor. All these four words indicate respect. The form məgo is a combination of mũ+go and the same is true for məga and məge. The forms məre and nhu re are used when the addressee is male.

296 Konkani

example: kitẽ ‘what?’ > kit-ya-k (what-obl-dat) ‘for what/why?’, koṇ ‘who’ > koṇ-tso (who-poss) ‘which one?’, kenna ‘when’ > kenna-tʃan (when-poss) ‘since when?’. Adjective question-words show gender and number agreement with the noun they qualify, for example: kit-lo.msg pawəs.msg ‘how much rain?’. 12.2 Closed interrogatives Types of closed interrogatives or polar questions are discussed below. Some questions demand the answer ‘yes’ or ‘no’. Some questions give a limited choice in answering them. 12.2.1  Neutral questions Neutral questions, or yes-no questions, are found with both affirmative and negative verbs, as illustrated below. (1) weḷ as-a mũ? time be-prp.2sg q part ‘Do you have time? (2) sə̃wskrutay-e-t ʃya məḷ-a-r ʤi ner culture-obl-poss field-obl-loc rel weed. fsg mat-l-ya ti kaɖ-un bhayər mar-əp tatʃẽ kam grow.abundantly-prp-3fsg corel remove-compl out destroy-inf his nhəy / asa nhəy / nhũ / nũ (Christ.)? work neg.q ‘Is it not his work to destroy the weed that is grown in the farm of culture?’ (3) A. thə̃y amtso gãw sõp-ta nhəy? there our village.msg end-impf.3nsg neg.q ‘Doesn’t our village end there?’   B. ‘həy’ ‘yes’   A. thə̃y-tʃan to whaḷ whãw-ta nhəy? there-pp that rivulet flow-impf neg.q ‘Doesn’t a rivulet flow there?’   B. həy ‘yes’   A. tya whaḷ-a-k tẽkun kuḷagər as-a nhəy? that rivulet-obl-dat close farm.nsg be-prp.3nsg neg.q ‘Close to that rivulet, isn’t there a rice-field?’   B. ‘həy’ ‘Yes.’

Chapter 12.  Interrogative sentences 297



(4) kãy ittsa bi ur-ũk na mũ/whəi? any wish.fsg also remain-desi neg q part ‘Didn’t he leave with an unfulfilled wish?’ (5) koṇatʃ-ya-y bhitər ʤiw ghuspə-l-o na somebody-obl-part in soul.msg be.involved-perf-3msg neg mũ / nhũ / whəi? q part ‘Didn’t the soul get entangled in anyone?’

In these neutral questions, the interrogator assumes that his/her question has a right or true answer, though he/she does not know whether the answer is positive ‘yes’ or negative ‘no’. The question is in that sense neutral. It is not biased towards any particular answer. Questions with negative verbs appear to carry a bias as in (2), (4) and (5). However, this bias should not be confused with its presupposition. Questions with negative verbs presuppose that only one answer is right. In (3) the conversation cannot continue unless the addressee says ‘həy’. Questions with both affirmative and negative verbs carry the same presupposition: there is only one true or right answer. The sense of neutral question markers described above is expressed by interrogative prosody as well. In other words, a neutral question is marked either by a rising intonation on the verb as in (6)–(8) or by the interrogative particle such as mũ, whəy placed after the verb as in (9)–(10). bhai ʤew-l-o ↑ brother have.meal-perf-3msg ‘Did (my) brother have his meal?’   b. rətna ʤew-l-ẽ ↑ Ratna have.meal-perf-3nsg ‘Did Ratna have her meal?’ (6) a.

(7) tͻ selina-tso put ↑ he Celina-poss son ‘Is he Celina’s son?’ (8) bhurgy-ã-k beŋgḷur-tʃi bhõwʠi awəɖ-l-i ↑ child-oblpl Banglore-poss tour.fsg like-perf-3fsg ‘Did children like the Banglore tour?’ (9) adz bhawoʤi-n mhaka lagun suʈi ghet-l-i məgo ↑ today brother.in.law-dat I-dat for leave.fsg take-perf-3fsg q ‘Today did the brother-in-law take leave for my sake?’

298 Konkani

(10) ghər sambaḷ-pi bayl-ã khərẽ-ts kay əɖaṇi ani house keep-inf woman-npl really-part q ignorant and binmol-a-tʃῖ as-t-at ↑ worthless-obl-poss.npl be-impf-3pl ‘Are women who do house-keeping (= who are housewives) really ignorant and worthless?’

The question-words like mũ and whəy, are placed after the verb in the main clause irrespective of whether the main clause follows or precedes the subordinate clause. The following examples illustrate different word orders. goɖ khaw naka əʃẽ tya bhurg-ya-k gandiʤi-n sweet eat.imp neg comp that boy-obl-dat Gandhiji-dat saŋg-l-ẽ mũ? tell-perf-3nsg q part mũ.kay goɖ   b. gandiʤi-n tya bhurg-ya-k əʃẽ saŋg-l-ẽ Gandhiji-dat that boy-obl-dat comp tell-perf-3nsg q any khaw naka?   sweet eat.imp neg ‘Didn’t Gandhiji tell that boy not to eat sweet food?’ (11) a.

tu-ka khəbər as-a mũ k̴ĩ lili ghər-ã you-dat phr.v:news be-prp q comp Lili.fsg home-loc ge-l-i? go-perf-3fsg   b. lili ghər-ã ge-l-i hẽ tu-ka khəbər Lili.fsg home-loc go-perf-3fsg this you-dat phrv: news as-a mũ/whəy? be-prp.3sg q ‘Do you know that Lili went home?’ (12) a.

mũ/nhəy? haw-ẽ tuka wəts-ũ naka mhun saŋg-l-ẽ I-erg you.dat go-incp neg comp tell-perf-3nsg q   b. haw-ẽ tuka saŋg-l-ẽ mũ/nhəy wəts-ũ naka mhuṇ? go-incp neg comp I-erg you.dat tell-incp-3nsg q ‘Didn’t I tell you that you should not go?’ (13) a.

With respect to word order variations, in a simple affirmative sentence kãy must be placed after the verb as in (14). The combination of verb followed by kãy may be moved within the sentence, as shown in (14b). The movement preserves the interrogative sense.

Chapter 12.  Interrogative sentences 299



ge-l-ya wərs-a gõyã-t khub pawəs pəɖ-l-o kãy go-perf-obl year-loc Goa-loc a.lot rain-msg fall-perf-3msg q   b. khup pawəs pəɖ-l-o kãy ge-l-ya wərs-a gõyã-t? a.lot rain.msg fall-perf-3msg q go-perf-obl year-loc Goa-loc ‘Did it rain very heavily in Goa last year?’ (14) a.

In certain contexts, the particle kãy is used as a parenthetical or a request rather than a question. In the following example, it expresses surprise. (15) A. rətna ayi-ll-ẽ nhi? Ratna come-2nd perf-3nsg q ‘Ratna has come, hasn’t she?’   B. ghər-ã ge-l-ẽ home-loc go-perf-3nsg ‘(She) went home.’   A. əʃẽ kãy?     so q ‘Is that so?’

12.2.2  Alternative questions Alternative questions ask the listener for a choice of answers. The choice is limited to the topics included in the question itself. It is thus a closed type of question and fits into a sub-variety of mũ/ whəy questions. Alternative questions employ the particle kĩ/kãy ‘or’. Minimum alternatives are two but there can be more. Identical elements are deleted in the final clause. The expression kĩ is usually placed before the final clause but it may follow any clause except the final one. In a subordinate clause, kĩ indicates the sense of ‘whether’. (16) tu-ka tʃya dzay kay/kĩ(Mang.) dud? you-dat tea want or milk ‘Do you want tea or milk?’ (17) tu-ka tʃya dzay kay/kĩ(Mang.) dud dzay kay/kĩ kafi? (Mang.) you-dat tea want or milk want or coffee?’ ‘Do you want tea or milk or coffee?’ (18) tu-ka tʃya, dud kĩ kafi? you-dat tea milk or coffee? ‘Do you want tea, milk or coffee?’

300 Konkani

12.2.3  Leading yes-no questions Leading yes-no questions, or tags, usually expect confirmation of the speaker’s belief when they follow a declarative sentence. When they follow an imperative, tags express a persuasive request.3 In Konkani, politeness is expressed by a falling-rising intonation. The speaker’s presupposition is encoded in the declarative portion preceding the tag in both affirmative and negative contexts. Yes-no questions convey a neutral presupposition and are not tinged with politeness. Leading questions in Konkani are made by using whəy/həy followed by nhi/ni. Often whəy/həy is deleted. (19) tudzo pəti ye-ũ-na whəy.nhi? (Christ.) your husband come-incp-neg tag ‘Your husband hasn’t come, has he?’ (20) bhəlayki pəyli, whəy.ni? health first tag ‘Health comes first, doesn’t it?’ (21) amtʃ-ya deʃ-ã-tle lok pustək-ã watʃi-na-t, whəy.ni/nhi? our-obl country-obl-loc people book-npl read-neg-impf.pl tag ‘People in our country do not read books, do they?’ (22) ‘kitli ʃik-lã tũ?’ dəttu uləy-l-o, ‘ṇəwi, nhu.go?’ how.much learn-prp.2nsg you Dattu speak-perf-3msg ninth tag ‘How much have you learnt?’ Dattu intervened, ‘Up to ninth standard, haven’t you Ratna?’ (23) amgelẽ reʃma ʃaḷ-ẽt wə-t-a, həy.məgo reʃma? our.nsg Reshma school-loc go-impf-3sg tag Reshma ‘Our Reshma goes to school, don’t you Reshma?’

12.2.4  Rhetorical questions Rhetorical questions in Konkani are made from statements by inserting whəy if the answer implied is negative and nhəy if the answer implied is affirmative. The questions thus make a statement with opposite polarity. The words whəy and nhəy have a rising intonation.

3. Dhongde (1984) discusses semantic notions involved in different leading questions.



Chapter 12.  Interrogative sentences 301

(24) ghərsə̃wsar tsəlo-tso-ts pəʈ-ʈ-a səgḷy-ã-k. puṇun home.affairs v1:keep.going-desi-part v2:-impf-3sg all-obl-dat but mənis fəkət ghərsə̃wsar tsəlo-p-a khatir dzəlm-a-k birth-obl-dat man only home.affairs keep.going-inf-obl for ay-l-a whəy? come-perf-3msg q ‘All have to keep going home matters, but is man born only for doing domestic duties?’ (25) sə̃wskrutay-e-tʃ-ya məḷa-r ʤi ner mat-l-ya culture-obl-poss-obl field-loc rel weed.fsg grow wildly-prp-3fsg ti kaɖ-un bhayər mar-əp tatʃ-ẽ kam nhəy? corel remove-compl out destroy-inf his-nsg work.nsg q ‘Isn’t his duty to weed the field of culture?’

12.3 Open or constituent interrogatives A universal feature of open interrogatives or lacunal questions is that they ask for a value of an unknown quantity such as x. Presuppositions of an open interrogative are encoded in the question-word itself. For example, the answer to the open-ended question ‘Who left?’ may be ‘Harry’, ‘John’, ‘Sarah’ or a possible set of entities with the appropriate semantic features. Abstracting away, the answer encodes: x left, the value of x being Harry, John, Sarah, etc. In a certain sense, x is a variable. Most question-words in this category encode some type of variable. Konkani question-words in open questions start with the sound /k/. They may be pronouns such as koṇ, kitẽ/ kidẽ ‘who, what’; adjectives such as khə̃ytʃẽ, kəslẽ ‘which, what kind’; or adverbials such as kenna, khə̃y, kityak ‘when, where, wherefore/why’. Pronouns inflect for case. Adjectives agree with the nominal they qualify. Question-words may occupy the position of the original category encoded in them. They are often called in-situ questions since unlike question-words in English they do not necessarily move to the sentence initial position. Their preferred position, however, is the pre-verbal position, which is a characteristic of all modern Indo-Aryan languages. We have shown this preference in (27) below, but that is applicable to all other question-words. Question-words may be optionally moved with certain constraints. For example, they can be moved to the sentence initial position for the sake of emphasis. All the constituents of a sentence may be questioned, as noted below.

302 Konkani

12.3.1  Questions in simple sentences This section discusses how simple sentences in the statement form are changed into question / interrogative form. pedru paul-uk adz bərẽ niste ghər-ãt wik-t-a Peter Paul-dat today good fish home.loc sell-impf-sg ‘Peter sells good fish to Paul today at home.’   b. pedru paul-uk adz bəri masaḷi ghəra-tʃer wik-t-a (Christ.) home-loc sell-impf-sg Peter Paul-dat today good fish (26) a.

The following examples illustrate various interrogatives derived from (26). While (27a) is possible as a subject interrogative, (27b) is preferred. That is, wh-in-situ is preferred over wh-fronting (27) a.  

b.

  c.   d.   e.   f.   g.

kon paul-uk adz bəri masəḷi ghəra-tʃer wik-t-a? who Paul-dat today good fish home-loc sell-impf-sg paul-uk adz bəri masəḷi ghəra-tʃer koṇ wik-t-a? home-loc who sell-impf-sg Paul-dat today good fish ‘Who sells good fish to Paul today at home ? pedru koṇ-ak adz bəri masəḷi ghəra-tʃer wik-t-a? home-loc sell-impf-sg Peter who-dat today good fish ‘Whom does Peter sell good fish today at home?’ (27c) illustrates an indirect object interrogative. pedru paul-uk adz kitẽ ghəra-tʃer wik-t-a? Peter Paul-dat today what home-loc sell-impf-sg ‘What does Peter sell to Paul today at home? (27d) illustrates a direct object interrogative. pedru paul-uk kedala/kenna bəri masəḷi ghəra-tʃer wik-t-a? good fish home-loc sell-impf-sg Peter Paul-dat when ‘When does Peter sell good fish to Paul?’ (27e) illustrates a temporal adverbial interrogative. pedru paul-uk adz bəri masəḷi khə̃y wik-t-a? where sell-impf-sg Peter Paul-dat today good fish ‘Where does Peter sell good fish to Paul?’ (27f) illustrates a locative adverbial interrogative. pedru paul-uk adz bəri masəḷi kidyak/kityak wik-t-a? why sell-impf-sg Peter Paul-dat today good fish ‘Why does Peter sell good fish to Paul? (27g) illustrates an adverbial of reason interrogative.

Chapter 12.  Interrogative sentences 303



12.4 The scope of question-words The scope of question-words in subordinate clauses depends upon the category of the main verb. For example, verbs of knowledge such as khəbər (news) əs (be), that is, (to know’) do not allow embedded question-words to extend their scope to the main clause. These verbs fail to produce direct questions. The scope of the question-word is confined to the embedded clause only producing indirect questions as in (28). babu-k hẽ khəbər as-a kĩ koṇ lili-k pətr Babu-dat this phr.v:news be-prp.3sg comp who Lili-dat letter bərəy-t-a write-impf-3sg ‘Babu knows who writes letters to Lili.’   b.*tuka koṇ khəbər as-a kĩ lili-k pətr you-dat who phr.v: news be-prp.3sg comp Lili-dat letter bərəy-t-a? write-impf-3sg ‘Who do you know that writes letters to Lili?’ (28) a.

hãw tu-ka khə̃y ghe-wən wət-ã hẽ khəbər as-a you-dat where take-compl go-1sg this phr.v: news be-prp.sg I mũ tu-ka q you-dat ‘Do you know where I am taking you?’   b.*khəbər as-a khə̃y tu-ka kĩ hãw tu-ka you-dat phr.v: news be-prp.sg where you-dat comp i ghe-wən wət-ã? take-compl go-1sg (29) a.

Direct questions are obtained only with perception verbs with the condition that the subordinate clause precedes the main clause (30a). If the main clause precedes the subordinate clause as in (31b), one gets an unacceptable sentence. The question word stays in the subordinate clause. lili-k koṇ pətr bərəy-t-a əʃẽ tũ səmədz-t-a? Lili-dat who letter write-impf-3sg that you suppose-impf-2sg ‘Who do you suppose writes letters to Lili?’   b.*tũ əʃẽ səmədz-t-a kĩ lili-k koṇ pətr bərəy-t-a you that suppose-impf-2sg comp Lili-dat who letter write-impf-3sg (30) a.

304 Konkani

12.4.1  Reduplicated question-words Reduplicated question-words encode a distributive sense. For example, a question like (31a) is asking the addressee to tell the number of persons who took leave. The answer will correspond to the one in (31b). This is also exemplified in the pair (32a), (32b). koṇẽ koṇẽ tʃar dis suʈi ghet-l-i? who.erg who-erg four days leave.f take-perf-3fsg ‘Who are the persons that took leave for four days?’   b. lili-n, malu-n ani ʃarda-n tʃar dis suʈi ghet-l-i Lili-erg, Malu-erg and Sharada-erg four days leave.f take-perf-3fsg ‘Lili, Malu and Sharada took leave for four days.’ (31) a.

(32) A. nimaṇe dis-a tumi khə̃y khə̃y bhõw-l-yat? (Christ.) last day-loc you-pl where where go.around-prp-3pl ‘Which places did you go around on the last day?’   B. ami beŋgḷur badzar ani sona mͻl bhõw-l-yat we Banglore market and Sona mall go.around-prp-3pl ‘We went around Banglore bazar and Sona mall.’

12.4.2  Multiple question words A sentence can have multiple question-words. These words need not adhere to any particular sequence as shown below. koṇ khə̃y kenna kityak ay-l- ẽ? who where when for.what come-perf-3nsg   b. khə̃y kenna koṇ kityak ay-l- ẽ? where when who for.what come-perf-3nsg ‘Who came where, when and for what?’ (33) a.

(34) koṇ koṇ-ak kitẽ kedaḷa khə̃y kidyak wik-t-a? who who-dat what when where why sell-impf-sg ‘Who sells what to whom, when, where and why?’



Chapter 12.  Interrogative sentences 305

12.4.3  Question-words in a non-finite clause Question-words in a non-finite clause have scope over the entire sentence, generating direct questions only. (35) koṇa-k mədət kər-pak samkẽ təyar as-a? who-dat help do-desi completely ready Be-prp.sg ‘Whom is (he/she) quite ready to help?’ (36) koṇa-k saŋg-un tũ ay-l-a? who-dat tell-compl you come-perf-2sg ‘Whom did you ask in order to come?’

Question-words in relative and coordinate structures generate ungrammatical sequences: (37)  ‫٭‬lili koṇa-k man-t-a ani hãw ram-a-k? Ram-obl-dat Lili who-dat respect-impf-3sg and I ‘Who does Lili respect and I Ram?’

Chapter 13

Negation

13.1 Introduction Negation is present in all languages. It is a basic element of human thought and therefore it is relevant to ontology, science, mathematics, logic, philosophy, metaphysics, psychology and many other disciplines. In language, it creates a contrast with positive statements. It creates an opposite polarity. This does not mean that all statements are black and white. There are words called quantifiers in between such as some, all, many, few and none, which interact with negation to create different shades of meaning. Though negation is a vast topic, the present description is restricted to sentence negation and constituent negation, focus and scope of negation, quantifiers, negative polarity items, negative structures and their interaction with various moods and quantifiers.1 13.2 Negation markers Negation in Konkani is marked by words (na, nəi, nhəy, naka) in sentences, negative particles such as nhi,gi as well as by prefixes (ə-, ən-, nə-, ni-, ni-r, be-) in lexical items such as ə-kalῖ ‘untimely’, ə-peʃi ‘unsuccessful’, ə-nitik ‘immoral’, nə-kəḷət ‘unknowingly’, nə-kəlami ‘untoward situation’, ni-kamẽ ‘useless’, ni-tʃint ‘without worry’, nir-bud ‘stupid’, be-məryad ‘ungrateful’ and be-kaydeʃir ‘illegal’. Negation is expressed at both sentential and constituent level. Sentential negation is expressed by negative verb forms, some of which act as auxiliaries. These match their affirmative counterparts in tense and mood and inflect for number. Table 13.1 shows the negation paradigm for the intransitive verbs rig ‘enter’ and tap ‘be hot / be angry’ in the third person masculine singular form.

1. Traditional grammarians do not treat the negation of various constituents, quantifiers or negative idioms. Their accounts are confined to negative verb forms. The present chapter aims to present a more detailed account of Konkani negation relevant for current linguistic theories.

308 Konkani

Table 13.1  Negation paradigm for rig ‘enter’ Tense/aspect

Verb form

Negative verb form

Present Past Past relevant to present Future Imperfective-perfective Second perfective Prospective Imperative Hortative Desiderative

rig-ta rig-lo rig-la rig-ət rig-talo rig-illo rig-təlo rig rig-ũ rig-tso

rig-na riglo na rigũk na rig-na-sət rig-na-səlo rigũk n-asəlo rig-tso na rig-ũ naka rig-ũya naka rig-tso-na

Table 13.2  Negation paradign for tap ‘be hot/angry’ Imperfective

tap-ta

tap-na

Perfective Future Past relevant to future Prospective Imperfective-perfective 2nd Perfective Imperative Hortative Desiderative

tap-l-o tap-ət tap-la tap-təl-o tap-tal-a tapi-ll-o tap tap-ũ tap-tso

tap-l-o na tap-na-sət tap-ũk na tap-tʃ-o na tap-na-sl-o / tap-ə-na-tl-o (Christ) tap-ũk na-səlo / tap-ũk na-təlo (Christ) tap-ũ naka tap-ũya naka tap-tso-na

Notice that in the imperfective, perfective, past relevant to present, prospective and desiderative, the negative word follows the main finite verb. In the furture, imperfective-perfective and second perfective, na (neg) + as (be) = nas, that is, a negative with an auxiliary is used. In the hortative and imperative, the negative word naka also follows the main finite verb. 13.3 Scope vs. focus The negation of a sentence in the simplest case states that the positive sentence is false as in (1) vs. (2). (1) am-tʃẽ ruk-a-r hẽ wərs-ã ambe as-a-t we-poss tree-obl-loc this year-loc mangoes.pl be-prp-pl ‘Our tree has borne mangoes this year.’



Chapter 13. Negation 309

(2) am-tʃẽ ruk-a-r hẽ wərs-ã ambe nã-t we-poss tree-obl-loc this year-loc mangoes.pl neg.be-prp.3pl ‘Our tree has not borne mangoes this year.’

Here the negation has scope over the entire sentence. Sentence (2) means ‘It is not the case that our tree has borne mangoes this year.’ However, mere existence of a negative in a sentence does not always license it to have scope over the entire sentence. Its scope can vary and is conditioned both by syntax and semantics. (3) səglẽ-ts aply-ya-k səty holəm-l-ẽ əʃẽ saŋg-pak all-part self-obl-dat truth find-perf-3nsg comp tell-desi ʃək-l-e nã-t be.able-perf-3pl neg.be-prp.3pl ‘Not all could tell that they found the truth.’

Sentence (3) implies the truth of ‘Many people couldn’t claim that they found the truth’, but at the same time it is not false that ‘Many people could claim that they found the truth.’ Both the implications could be true and the scope relations become intricate. Notice that (3) implies ‘Some people could claim that they found the truth’. The concept of focus is different from the concept of scope. Focus points to the information at the center of communication. Focus in negation is closely related to constituent negation, in which the negative is focused or centered on a certain constituent, as in (4). In (4a) the negation is focused on the constituent əņņã-tso. But if one puts a stress on tugelo, the meaning changes, as in (4b). tugelo prəsṇ əṇṇã-tso nhəy deʃ-a-tso as-a your problem Anna-poss neg country-obl-poss be-prp.3sg ‘Your problem is not that of Anna, it’s of the nation.’   b. tugelo prəsṇ əṇṇã-tso nhəy tigelẽ prəsṇ əṇṇã-tso as-a your problem Anna-poss neg her problem Anna-poss be-prp.3sg ‘Your problem is not that of Anna, (but hers is).’ (4) a.

Grammatical devices such as stress, intonation, emphatic particles and position can indicate the focus. 13.4 Sentential negation Sentential negation differs in a finite and a non-finite clause. In a finite clause, negative verbs or auxiliaries occupy the final position. In Yes-no interrogative in (5) the verb precedes the negative question marker nhəy which is fusion of negation

310 Konkani

and auxiliary, like nəka and na(t). They are called negative words in the discussion.2 Similarly, a verb along with the negative marker is called a negative verb. In every case, the negative verb has scope over the entire sentence. (5) mhəʤe sarki ,ʤiṇ dzəg-əp sõpẽ nhəy my like.f life.f live-inf easy neg ‘It is not easy to lead a life like mine.’ (6) taka səmadan na2 he.dat satisfaction neg ‘He has no satisfaction / He is not satisfied.’ (7) hãw aɖa-ũk ge-l-õ puṇ dzəm-l-ẽ nã prevent-desi v2-perf-1msg but succeed-perf-3nsg neg I ‘I tried to prevent (it) but did not succeed.’

The following examples illustrate negation of yes-no interrogatives. tumi mha-ka wəlkə-nã-t you I–dat recognize-neg-impf.pl   b. tũ mha-ka wəlkə-na you I–dat recognize.impf-neg ‘Don’t you recognize me? (8) a.

In (8a) and (8b) the imperfective marker ‑t is deleted in the negation. The ‑t in (8a) at the end is a plural marker of the verb. (9) tum-kã sərkari dzayrati meḷ-t-at kay/kĩ(Mang.) na? you-dat of.government advertisements get-impf-3pl or q.neg ‘Do you get government advertisements or not?’

2. If there is a noun in the predicate position the negative is na but if there is an adjective in the predicate position the negative is nhəy. The negative of the imperative sentence tũ dãw ‘(You) run’ is tũ dãw naka ‘Don’t run.’ The negative of the imperative tumi dãwat ‘You.pl run.’ is tumi dãwũ nakat ‘You.pl do not run.’ In nakat the ‑t is a plural marker which is shifted from the verb. That is why naka is called a fusion of negative and an auxiliary. The negative nəye also is a case of fusion. In Marathi, the negative word is nahi which is a fusion of the negative marker nə and the tense-marking auxiliary ah ‘be’. Marathi əs ‘be, exist’ has a full conjugation but ah has a single form ahe for present tense and hota for past tense. Konkani as also has a full conjugation. There is nothing parallel to Marathi ahe and hota in Konkani. The zero copula in Konkani perhaps, shows this gap. Notice also the difference between na and naka; if sentence (6) is changed to taka səmadan naka, it means ‘He doesn’t want satisfaction.’

Chapter 13. Negation 311



The following examples show negation of open or lacunal interrogatives. (10) gandi-n taka kəslẽ kam di-l-ẽ-na? Gandhi-erg him what.kind work give-perf-3nsg-neg ‘What kind of work didn’t Gandhiji give him?’ (11) sərkar-ã n-aʃi-ll-ῖ dzalyar koṇ ʤew-tso government-pl neg-be-2nd perf-3npl if who eat-desi naʃi-ll-o? neg.be-2nd perf-3msg ‘Who has not eaten (=who has stopped eating) if there are no governments?’ (12) ritepəṇ kəʃẽ bhər-un kaɖ-tʃ-ẽ hẽ koṇ-a-k emptiness how fill-compl v2-desi-3nsg this who-obl-dat səmdzə-na? understand.impf-neg ‘Who does not understand how to fill up emptiness?’

13.4.1  Imperatives In the negation of imperatives, the first person negative hortative naka is placed after the main verb, which is in the imperative form. It may be placed before the verb to enhance the permission or request as in (13b) hãw wats-ũ naka I read-incp neg ‘Shouldn’t I read?’   b. hãw naka wats-ũ? I neg read-incp ‘Don’t you want me to read?’ (13) a.

(14) tumi wats-ũ naka-t you-pl read-incp neg-pl ‘You should not read/Don’t you read?’ moʈʈhan ullo naka loudly speak neg (Mang.)   b. gəʈʈi ullo naka tʃ loudly speak neg part ‘Don’t talk loudly.’ (15) a.

(16) mhaka naka bhie-u I.dat neg frighten-incp ‘Don’t frighten me.’

312 Konkani

(17) lədz na-ʃi-lle-wəri əso ubo raw-ən pəḷ-əy-naka shame neg-be-2nd perf-sufx like.this standing stay-compl look-imp-neg ‘Don’t stare like this as if you have no sense of shame.’

The third person jussive expressed in the optative is used with the negative particle nə to express a wish: (18) puṇ hẽ ʃitikay-e bhitər kitl-o dhoko lip-l-a/dəɖ-l-a tẽ but this calm-obl within how.much-msg danger hide-prp-3msg that tũ nə-kəļ-o3 neg-know-3imp you ‘But may you not understand how much danger is hidden in this calm.’3

13.4.2  Desiderative/subjunctive To express a wish or obligation in the desiderative/ subjunctive, the negative verb nhəy or the negative word na is placed after the desiderative inflected verb form: (19) tuwẽ mha-ka ʃikow-tʃẽ nhəy you.erg I-dat teach-desi.3nsg neg ‘You are not to teach me.’ (20) əsl-e fəʈ-i-tʃ-e aḷ mhəʤ-er ghal-tʃe nhəy put-desi neg this.type-pl lie-obl-poss-pl accusation.pl I-loc ‘You are not to make false accusations of this type against me.’ (21) hat-ut-l-i guḷi tuʤ-er tsəl-tʃi nã hand-in-sufx-fsg bullet.fsg you-loc function-desi.fsg neg ‘(I) don’t want to fire a bullet (from the gun) in (my} hand at you.’ (22) gəʈʈi ullo-tʃa nəʤʤə (Mang.) loudly speak-desi neg ‘It is not desirable that one speaks loudly.’

3. The third person imperative marker ‑o in kəḷo shows the influence of Marathi over Konkani. The third person Konkani imperative marker is ‑ũ.

Chapter 13. Negation 313



13.4.3  Obligation The obligative ʤay is negated by placing nə after it.4 (23) mənʃ-a-n kitẽ kər-ũk dzay-na ani kitẽ kər-ũk dzay tẽ tũ man-obl-erg what do-desi want-neg and what do-desi want that you saŋg-ũ naka tell-incp neg ‘Don’t you tell me what a man should not do and what he should do.’ (24) tũ hẽ wats-ũk dzay nədzo (Christ.) you this read-desi want neg ‘You should not read this.’

13.4.4  Possibility In negating possibility, na is placed after ʤaw (require, need) or ʃək (be able). The negation marker na has scope over the entire sentence including the modal: (25) tãntʃi niʃʈa don des-ã-kəɖen as-ũk-əts ʃək-na their loyalty two country-obl.pl-towards be-desi-part can-neg ‘Their loyalty cannot be towards two nations.’ (26) mhəʤa-n hẽ kam dzaw-tʃ-ẽ na I-erg this work.nsg can-desi-3nsg neg ‘I don’t have the ability to do this work.’ (27) ti-tʃa-n hẽ bərow nə-dzo she.poss-erg this write neg- require ‘It is not required that she writes this (=She doesn’t have the ability to write this).’ (28) maʤa-n wəts-u nə-dzə I-erg go-incp neg-require ‘I don’t have the strength to go.’

As na cannot be moved, there is no scope difference in Konkani, unlike in Marathi. 4. Maffei (1882) gives a set of negative conjugation: Person

Singular

Plural

1 2 3

nə nay na

nəw nat nat

These forms are used after dzay. Notice that ʤay ‘want’ and dzaw ‘become’ are two different verbs.

314 Konkani

13.5 Quantifiers and negation A quantifier may be existential, universal, approximate or a numerical aggregate. Negation interacts with these in various ways. 13.5.1 Existential quantifiers Konkani does not have absolute lexical negators like the English negative indefinite pronouns ‘no one’, ‘nobody’, and ‘nothing’. The presence of a negative in Konkani sentences generates sentential negation in which the quantifier has scope over the negative: (29) wogits nokri soɖ-un ghər-ã bəs-l-ẽ əʃẽ adz mhaka in.vain job leave-compl home-loc sit-perf-3nsg comp today I.erg dis-ũk nã think-desi neg ‘I don’t think now that by leaving the job I sat at home for nothing.’

In contrast, in absolute negation, the negative has scope over the quantifier. This is achieved in Konkani by attaching certain particles to the quantifier itself. These particles create the proper scope difference. Konkani existential quantifiers are homophonous with open interrogative k-words. When they are suffixed with particles such as y, ts, təni, they take exclusive existential meaning: (30) tum-ka koṇe-y sãŋg-l-ẽ-na? you-dat who-part tell-perf-3nsg-neg ‘Didn’t anybody tell you?’ (31) hẽ-ts koņ-e-y dadl-ya-tʃẽ babti-t ghəɖ-tʃẽ this.nsg-part who-obl-part man-obl-poss case-loc happen-desi n-as-l-ẽ neg-be-perf-3nsg ‘This, however, will not occur in the case of any man.’ (32) kal eku-y bhurgo ay-l-o-na yesterday one-part boy.3msg come-perf-3msg-neg ‘Yesterday not a single boy came.’ (33) hãw tatʃya wyakkyan-a-tʃer kai-ts mhə-ḷ-ẽ-nã lecture-obl-loc what-part say-perf-3nsg-neg I his ‘I didn’t say anything about (= didn’t comment on) his lecture.’



Chapter 13. Negation 315

13.5.2  Universal quantifiers Negation of a universal quantifier creates scope ambiguity. In one interpretation, the first given under (34), the quantifier appears to have scope over the negation. This interpretation is very weak and not easily accessible. It becomes more amenable if the quantifier is stressed. In another interpretation, the second given under (34), the negation has scope over the quantifier. This interpretation is stronger and predominant. (34) səgḷe ʃikowəpi ay-l-e nã all teacher.pl come-perf-3mpl neg ‘All teachers did not come.’ (= No teacher came) ‘All teachers did not come.’ (= Not all the teachers came)

In Example (35) the negation has scope over the quantifier, while in (36) the quantifier takes scope over the negation. Example (35) is a preferred expression when one wants the quantifier to have scope over the negation. This scenario holds in English also. (See Huddleston and Pullum 2002.)5 (35) eku-y ʃikowəpi ay-l-o-na one-part teacher.sg come-perf-3msg-neg ‘Not even a single teacher came.’ (36) səgḷe-ts ʃikowəpi ay-l-e nã all-part teacher.pl come-perf-3mpl neg ‘All of the teachers did not come.’

5. Equivalence between wide scope universal quantification and narrow scope existential quantification is a well-known fact in logic. For example, both (i) and (ii) below are semantically equivalent. (i) səgḷyãk khun-ya-tso klu miļũk na all-obl.pl-dat murderer-obl-poss.msg clue.msg get-desi neg ‘All of them didn’t have a clue as to the killer’s identity.’ (ii) koņukuts khunyatso klu milũk na identity murderer-obl-poss.msg clue.msg get-desi neg ‘None of them had a clue as to the killer’s identity.’ In (i) the universal quantifier has a scope over the negative. All of them fall under the scope of negation, leading to the interpretation that they all were devoid of a clue. In (ii) ‘none’ expresses the negation of an existential quantifier (not one of them had a clue). Although (i) and (ii) are equivalent, (ii) is preferred over (i) in most languages. The same is true in Konkani.

316 Konkani

13.5.3  Aggregates Aggregates generate total negation in a negative context. They are formed by means of the particle ‑y which is an assertive particle (§ 6.5.1). (37) tῖ donu-y bhurg-ῖ ay-l-ῖ nã-t those both-part child-npl come-perf-3npl neg-npl ‘Both children failed to come.’

13.5.4  Approximate quantifiers Approximates form a separate group. A few of them require a positive context, as exemplified in (38), which expresses positive polarisation. Positive polarization does not allow any negative element: kwətʃitu-ts is incompatible with khaina. (38) tͻ kwətʃitu-ts kha-t-a/ *khaina he rarely-part eat-impf-3msg/ eat-impf.neg ‘He rarely eats.’

In contrast, Example (39) expresses negative polarisation. Negative polarization does not allow the verb to have any positive element: kenna ge-l-o-ts requires the presence of na. (39) kaytu purtugal-a-k kenna ge-l-o-ts na Kaytu Portugal-obl-dat ever go-perf-3msg-part neg ‘Kaytu never went to Portugal.’

13.5.5  Negation-dependent idioms Certain idioms such as səttepuɖe ʃəhaṇpəņ ‘wisdom before power’, kuskutbər legin ‘even a particle’, koṇatʃya bapayək bhi ‘to be afraid of somebody’s father’ obligatorily require a negative context. Notice the presence of the particle ‑y or adverbials like legit ‘also’, ədzun ‘till now’ in these examples. All the examples below are unacceptable without the negative. (40) koņa-tʃ-ya bapay-k bhiye-nasət ho bhim somebody-poss-obl father-dat fear-fut.neg this Bhim ‘This Bhim will not fear anybody’s father (=Bhim will not be afraid of anybody).’

Chapter 13. Negation 317



(41) sətt-e-fuɖe ʃaṇpəṇ tsəl-na mhəṇ- tat power-obl-before wisdom walk-impf.neg say-impf.3pl ‘It is said that wisdom has no influence on power.’ (42) puṇ əsl-ya kərṇy-ãn-tso masik-a-tʃ-ya but of.this.type-obl deed-obl.pl-poss magazine-obl-poss-obl wawr-a-tʃer kuskuʈ-bhər legit pəriṇam dza-ũk function-obl-loc particle-full also effect happen-desi paw-l-o-na v2-perf-3msg-neg ‘But deeds of this type have no effect whatsoever on the magazine.’

13.5.6  Negative polarity items Linguists make a distinction between affixal negation and verbal negation (Huddleston and Pullum 2012). We have seen that Konkani uses prefixes ə-, ən-, nə-, ni-, nir-, be- etc. for affixal negation (See Chapter 7 for more details and examples.). Affixal negation may or may not have scope over the entire clause. Some words, phrases or idioms prefer negative contexts over positive ones; they are called negatively-oriented polarity-sensitive items or NPIs. Konkani k-words suffixed with particles such as koņu-y/koņe-y, ‘anybody’, eku-y ‘a single’ kãyə-ts ‘something’ are examples of NPIs. Konkani NPIs fall into the categories shown in Tables 13.3–13.6. Table 13.3  NPIs: k-words with particles koṇu-y (also eku-y)

‘anybody’ (‘at least a single one’)

kãyə-ts kəʃẽ-ts kenna-ts

‘something’ ‘whatsoever’ ‘not ever’

Table 13.4  NPIs: Adverbs and other grammatical items sukasuki wer ʤəlmat nikaļəts na…na, əʤibat / bilkul tsukun legit

‘easily’ ‘until’ ‘in life’ ‘certainly’ ‘at all’ ‘by any chance’

318 Konkani

Table 13.5  NPIs: Verbs and phrasal verbs ərt ur meaning remain

‘have meaning’

tartəntr as discipline and system be

‘have consistency’

ʃəkyə-ts as possible be

‘be possible’

ləkʃəṇã bərobər dis signs right see

‘have good signs’

phikir as worry be

‘worry about’

Table 13.6  NPIs: Idioms toṇɖ ugəɖ mouth open

‘to say a word’

khidzgəṇ-it as counting-in be

‘to be counted, be considered’

apl-ya bapay-n dza self-obl father-erg become phaʈlẽ ramayəṇ-məhabarət kad

‘to have the capacity to do, be capable to do’ ‘go back and discuss past things

The use of these NPIs in positive sentences is either ungrammatical or they have a quite different and often bizarre literal meaning.

Chapter 13. Negation 319



13.6 Complex sentences In a finite clause, a negative may be placed in the main clause as well as in the embedded clause, individually or simultaneously. In the context of verbs of ‘knowledge’ the scope of the negative is limited to the clause in which it is placed, as shown in (43) and (44): lili dilli-k ge-ll-i hẽ babu-k khəbər Lili Delhi-dat go-2nd perf-3fsg comp Babu-dat information na be.prp.neg   b. babu-k khəbər na kĩ lili dillik ge-ll-i Babu-dat information neg comp Lili Delhi-dat go-2nd perf-3fsg ‘Babu does not know that Lili has gone to Delhi.’ (43) a.

lili dilli-k wəts-ũk n-asə-l-i hẽ babu-k Lili Delhi-dat go-desi neg-be-perf-3fsg comp Babu-dat khəbər as-a information be-prp   b. babuk khəbər as-a ki lili dillik dza-ũk Babu-dat information be-prp comp Lili Delhi-dat go-desi n-asə-l-i neg-be-perf-3fsg ‘Babu knows that Lili has not gone to Delhi. (44) a.

(45) tͻ khə̃y ge-l-a hãw nə-kəļə neg-know he where go-prp-3sg I ‘I don’t know where he has gone.’

In contrast, with perception verbs, the negative in the main or embedded clause may have scope over the entire complex clause: (46) lili girest as-a əʃẽ ma-ka dis-na Lili rich be-prp comp I-dat think-neg ‘I don’t think Lili is rich.’ (47) lili girest na/as-a-na əʃẽ ma-ka dis-t-a Lili rich neg/be-prp-neg comp I-dat think-impf-isg ‘I think Lili is not rich.’

320 Konkani

For the negation of a non-finite clause, na is placed before the non-finite verb form.6 (48) tãntso wittiy tan na kər-p-a pasət ʃaḷ-e-k dər their financial pressure neg do-inf-obl for.the.sake school-obl-dat every mhəyn-ya-k ru.15000 tʃẽ səhay diw-p-a-tʃẽ ami month-obl-dat Rs.15000 of help give-inf-obl-poss we ʈhərəy-l-a decide-prp-2pl ‘We have decided to give Rs.15,000 to each school in order to reduce financial tension.’ (49) kəsle-ts təre-tʃi wəitʃarik phaʈbũy what.kind-part type-poss reflective background n-aʃi-ll-yãn-tʃi naw-ã neg-be-2nd perf-obl.pl-poss name-npl ‘names of those who have no intellectual background…’

13.7 Constituent negation Negation of a constituent (that is, individual lexical items such as nouns, verbs, adjectives or adverbs) is indicated by rising intonation / accent (§ 2.7.1), and by using the appropriate negative marker n, na, nhəy ‘not’. Constituent negation implies that the constituent is stressed to focus or draw attention to it. In the following examples, the lexical item that is in focus is indicated in bold, as well as the negation marker.

6. It is interesting to note that Konkani does not allow negation of non-finite verb forms by a simple addition of a negative marker as Marathi does. It uses the non-finite form of ‘be’, naʃillẽ. For example, the negation of kellẽ kam ‘work done’ is kərũk naʃillẽ kam ‘work not done’. The infinitive form is used with na in negation: (i) kam na kər-p-i mənis work neg do-inf-sufx man ‘man not doing work’ (ii) kam kərə-n-aʃi-ll-o mənis work do-neg-be-2nd perf-3msg man ‘man not doing work’ As a result, one does not find non-finite negative forms of other types in Konkani. Konkani is strikingly different from Marathi in this respect.



Chapter 13. Negation 321

(50) ghər-ãt kon-a-k weḷ na put ani sun dog-ãy house-loc anybody-obl-dat time neg son and daughter.in.law both-part dis-bər dəwakan-ya-t na dzalyar wiʤiʈ-a-k day-sufx dispensary-obl-loc neg if visit-obl-dat ‘Nobody has any time in the house. Son and daughter-in law both are busy the whole day in the dispensary or in visiting patients.’ (51) itle ərwəḷ ami dzaw-tʃe nã. bhaʃ-e bhayli utər-ã so.much stupid we become-desi neg language-fpl of.outside word-npl ghew-ən waɖə-nat take-comp grow-neg.impf.pl ‘We shouldn’t be so stupid – languages don’t grow by borrowing words from outside.’ (52) prəsṇ deʃ-a-tso, əṇṇ-ãṇ-tso nhəy problem country-obl-poss Anna-obl.pl-poss neg ‘The problem is that of the country, not of Anna.’ (53) hãŋga kam-a-tʃe niyəm nhi tər mən-a-tʃe niyəm here work-obl-poss rules neg conj mind-obl-poss rules paḷ-tʃe pəʈ-ʈat v1:follow-desi V2-impf.pl ‘Here one has to obey the rules of their conscience, not of the work.’

Chapter 14

Lexical anaphors and pronouns

14.1 Introduction The term ‘lexical anaphors’ refers to regular and long-distance reflexives as well as reciprocal pronouns. They require an obligatory antecedent within the same sentence, which may be simple or complex. They contrast with personal pronouns. The antecedents of personal pronouns may but need not be within the same sentence. Anaphors across languages do not have a uniform syntactic profile. Konkani reflexives and pronouns present an interesting spectrum among the languages of the world.1 Konkani has two reflexives, apuņ and swəta, the latter being a recent addition which might be a result of its contact with Marathi.2 The chapter describes their distribution along with personal pronouns and reciprocals. 14.2 Reflexives 14.2.1 apuṇ and swəta The reflexives apuṇ and swəta ͂ sota exhibit typical reflexive qualities. They are devoid of intrinsic reference. The antecedents of apuṇ and swəta are always subjects with certain interesting exceptions in dative and passive constructions noted in (4)–(6).3 They follow their antecedents as in (1) and (2) but they may also be in a preceding position as in (3).

1. Description of anaphors and pronouns in traditional Konkani grammars is confined to lists of various reflexives, personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns, interrogative pronouns, and so on. These grammars describe their declensions and give a brief description if any. 2. I will not consider here composite forms tͻ / ti / tẽ swəta ͂ sota, which are often substituted for swəta. The stress on the pronominal element strengthens the reflexive reading. Since the pronominal element carries the person, number, and gender of its antecedent, these forms are able to co-refer to both the subject and the object. 3. ‘Antecedent’ refers to a term with which a pronominal form is co-indexed. It may precede or follow the pronominal form.

324 Konkani

Beginning with subject antecedents, the following examples illustrate reflexives with nominative and ergative subjects. In (1) the antecedent of apuṇ/swəta is the subject, and in (2) it is the dative object. In (1) and (2) apuṇ/swəta follows its antecedent. It may precede it, as in (3). (1) mini aplya-k/swəta-k pətr bərəy-t-a Mini self-dat/ self-dat letter write-impf-3sg ‘Mini writes a letter to herself.’ (2) mini-n aplya / swəta-tʃa bhawa-k apəy-l ẽ brother-dat invite-perf-3nsg Mini-erg self/self-poss ‘Mini invited self ’s (her own) brother.’ (3) aplya/swəta-tʃa bhawa-k mini-n apəy-l-ẽ brother-dat Mini-erg invite-perf-3nsg self/self-poss ‘Mini invited her own brother.’

Turning to dative subjects, only possessive and postpositional forms of swəta are controlled by dative subjects as in (4) and (5). Note that in Konkani the dative subject can control the unmarked apuņ, as shown in (4), which is not the case in Marathi. Example (4) also shows that apuņ is more like a pronoun than a true reflexive because it functions like a direct object which the true reflexive swata cannot. (4) mini-k apuņ /*swəta awəʈ-ʈ-a Mini-dat self/self like-impf-sg ‘Mini likes herself.’ (5) mini-ki apl-ii / swəta-tʃii bhəyņ awəʈ-ʈ-a Mini-dat self-sufx/self-poss sister like-impf- 3sg ‘Mini likes self ’s (her own) sister.’

In passive constructions, apuņ / swəta may refer to both the promoted subject mini-k as well as the demoted agent rəwi-kəɖlyan as seen in (6). (6) rəwi-kəɖlyani mini-kj apl-yai/j / swəta-tʃai/j kuɖ-i-t Ravi-by Mini-dat self-obl / self-poss-obl room-obl-loc koņ-ũn dəwər-t-a shut-compl v2:keep-impf-3sg ‘Mini is held up in her (Mini’s) / his (Ravi’s) room by Ravi.’

Example (7) illustrates a small clause reflexive construction. (7) mini swəta-k sobit səmədz-t-a Mini self-dat beautiful consider-impf-3sg ‘Mini considers herself beautiful.’

Chapter 14.  Lexical anaphors and pronouns 325



Example (8) illustrates a non-finite embedded clause containing a reflexive In the non-finite clause, apuņ / swəta ambiguously refers to both the subject of the embedded clause and the object of the main clause. (8) mini-ni rəwi-kj aplei /j / swəta-tʃei/ j pustək wats-ũk Mini-ergi Ravi-datJ self.possi / /self-poss book-nsg read-desi di-l-ẽ v2:give-perf-3nsg ‘Minii allowed Ravij to read herI/hisJ book.’ (9) rəgu-ni madəwi-kj aplyai /j / swəta--tʃ-ai/j ghər-ã wəts-ũk Raghu-erg Madhavi-dat self.poss/self-poss-obl house-loc go-desi di-l-ẽ v2:give-perf-3nsg ‘Raghui allowed Madhavij to go to hisi /herj house.’

In the sentences above apuņ/swəta and its antecedent occur in the same clause. An exception is made with verbs of perception in finite clauses. These allow apuņ/swəta in the embedded subject position, as in (10a). If the embedded clause is preposed, apuņ/swəta may precede the main subject as in (10b). minii səmədz-t-a kĩ apuņi /swətai sobit (as-a) beautiful (be-prp.3sg) Mini think-impf-3sg comp self/self as-a əʃẽ minii səmdzə-ta   b. apuņ/swətai sobit beautiful be-prp.3sg so Mini think-impf.3sg self/self ‘Minii thinks that selfi(that is, she herself) is beautiful.’ (10) a.

In Marathi, apəṇ is a reflexive as well as a first person inclusive pronoun. In Konkani, apuņ is a reflexive but not a first person inclusive pronoun. Both apuņ and swəta are devoid of intrinsic reference and require subject antecedents. In a simple sentence both are acceptable as direct object and indirect object, as shown in (11) and (12), although swəta is preferred over apuņ as indirect object (13). Both are allowed in the possessive form. Both are preferred over a personal pronoun (compare (13) with (14)). In the possessive form, aplya is preferred over swətatʃya (see (12) and (13)). Both may precede their antecedents as in (13b) and (14b). The pronoun in (14) may refer to Mini or an outside agency in contrast to (13), which unambiguously refers to Mini. That is, one of the meanings of (14) could be ‘Mini invited Reva’s brother’, if Reva is already mentioned in the speech. (11) minii ?aplya-ki/ swəta-ki pətr bərəy-t-a Mini self-dat/self-dat letter write-impf-3sg ‘Minii writes a letter to herselfi.’

326 Konkani

(12) mini-ki aploi / swata-tsoi bhaw awəʈ-ʈ-a Mini-dat self.poss/self-poss brother like-impf.3sg ‘Minii likes heri brother.’ mini-ni apl-ya/swəta-tʃ-yai bhaw-a-k apəy-l-o Minii- erg brother.msg-obl-dat brother.msg-obl-dat call-perf-3msg ‘Minii invited self ’ si (her own) brother.’   b. apl-ya/swəta-tʃ-yai bhaw-a-k mini-ni self-poss.obl/self-poss-obl brother.msg-obl-dat Mini-erg apəy-l-o call-perf-3msg ‘Minii invited self ’si (her own) brother.’ (13) a.

mini-ni tatʃ-yai /j bhaw-a-k apəy-l-o/apəy-l-ẽ/war-de-o Mini-erg her-obl brother-dat call-perf-3msg ‘Minii invited self ’si (her own) brother.’   b. tatʃ-yai /j bhawa-k mini-ni apəy-l-o/apəy-l-ẽ/war-de-o her-obl brother-dat Mini-erg call-perf-3msg ‘Minii invited heri/j brother.’ (14) a.

The reflexive apuņ has the same distribution as swəta in non-finite clauses as in (15). Example (16) shows that in the finite embedded clause, even pronouns are allowed with main clause subject antecedents, though they are always ambiguous between the main subject and an outside agency. (16) can mean ‘Mini knows that Reva is smart’, if Reva is already mentioned in speech. (15) mini-ni rəwi-kj aplẽ /swəta-tʃẽi pustək wats-ũk Mini-erg Ravi-dat self.poss/self-poss book.3nsg read-desi di-l-ẽ v2:give-perf-3nsg ‘Minii allowed Ravij to read heri book.’ (16) minii dzaṇ-a kĩ apəṇi / tii/j huʃar as-a Mini know.impf comp self/self/she smart be-prp.3sg ‘Minii knows that shei/j is smart’ (17) mini-ki dis-t-a kĩ rəwi-nk aplya/swətatʃ-ya/tatʃyai /j Mini-dat believe-impf-3sg comp Ravi-erg self.poss/self-poss/her bhaw-a-k adar kər-ts-o brother-obl-dat help.msg do-desi-3msg ‘Minii believes that Ravij should offer help to heri/k brother.’

The following examples illustrate quantifier and interrogative pronoun as antecedents. In all the four examples given below, variants (a) are preferred over variants (b). In (20) and (21) the interrogative pronoun antecedents are quantifiers. Their

Chapter 14.  Lexical anaphors and pronouns 327



negation would have scope over the negative unless assertive particles such as ‑y, and ‑ts are attached to them, as in (21). In (19) and (21) the antecedent of the reflexive, koṇa-k, is an interrogative pronoun, whereas in (18) and (20) the antecedents are quantifiers. If (20) is turned into a statement, koṇa-k would be a quantifier. In Examples (19) and (21), the interrogative antecedents are in the subject position. kay/thoɖya tsələ-yã-k/tʃeɖw-ã-ki some/some girl-obl.pl-dat/ girl-obl.pl-dat apuņ/swətai sobit as-a-t beautiful be-prp-3pl self ‘Some girlsi think that theyi are beautiful.’   b. kay/thoɖya tsələ-yã-k/tʃeɖw-ã-ki some/some girl-obl.pl-dat/ girl-obl.pl-dat tyo/tῖi sobit as-a-t they/they beautiful be-prp-3pl ‘Some girlsi think that theyi are beautiful.’ (18) a.

dis-t-a ki think-impf-3sg comp

dis-t-a kĩ think-impf-3sg comp

kona-ki əʃẽ dis-t-a kĩ apuņ huʃar as-a? who-dat so think-impf-3sg comp self smart be-prp kĩ tẽ/tii huʃar as-a?   b. kona-ki əʃẽ dis-t-a who-dat so think-impf-3sg comp she/she smart be-prp ‘Who think that they are very smart?’ (19) a.

əʃẽ dis-ta əs-təl-ẽ kĩ apņa-ʃiwayi hẽ koņa-k-uyi who-dat-assr so think-impf be-pros-3nsg comp self-without this kam aɖ-təlẽ tər tͻ tatsoi bhrəm as-a work hold.up-pros then that his delusion be-prp əʃẽ dis-ta əs-təl-ẽ kĩ tatʃe-ʃiwayi hẽ   b. koņa-k-uyi who-dat-assr so think-impf be-pros-3nsg comp his-without this kam aɖ-təlẽ tər tͻ tatsoi bhrəm as-a work hold.up-pros then that his delusion be-prp ‘If somebodyi thinks that this work will be held up without himi, then hei is living in fool’s paradise.’ (20) a.

koņa-ki aplya-tʃeri / apņa-tʃeri ke-ll-o arop make-2nd perf-3sg accusation who-dat self-locI / self-locI səhən dza-tl-o? phr.v:tolerating become -pros-3msg arop səhən   b. koņa-ki ta-tʃeri ke-ll-o who-dat he-loc make-2nd perf-3sg accusation phr.v:tolerating dza-tl-o? become -pros-3msg ‘Whoi will tolerate an accusation made against himselfi /herselfi?’ (21) a.

328 Konkani

In Marathi, the use of pronouns instead of reflexives is quite common. The preference is always for pronouns. Konkani, on the other hand, prefers apun in all these sentence types. 14.2.2 Emphatic reflexives The basic emphatic reflexive is swəta, with alternatives such as khudd or prəttyəkʃ that are not very common in use. The form apuņ is not used as an emphatic reflexive. The form swəta takes the case-markers of its coreferent as in (23b). In contrast, khudd does not take any case markers. mini swəta ay-l-i Mini herself come-perf-3fsg ‘Mini herself came.’   b. mini-k swəta-k bhurge awəɖə-nã-t Mini-dat self-dat boy-mpl like-neg-impf.pl ‘Mini herself does not like boys’ (22) a.

mini-k bhurg-ĩ dza-l- ĩ Mini-dat child.npl happen-perf-npl ‘Mini had children.’   b. mini-k swəta-k bhurg-ῖ dza-l-ῖ-nã-t Mini-dat self-dat child-npl happen-perf-neg-pl ‘Mini didn’t have children of her own.’ (23) a.

14.2.3 Voluntary reflexives Voluntary reflexives such as apuṇ dzawən, swəta dzawən, and apʃi ‘by itself ’ are used for events happening without external cause. The reflexives apuṇ dzawən and swəta dzawən require an animate antecedent. The reflexive apʃi is preferred when the antecedent in inanimate. mini apuṇ dzawən / swəta dzawən mukar Mini self by/ self by ahead ay-l-i / ay-l-ẽ come-perf-fsg/come-perf-nsg ‘Mini came forward on her own accord.’   b. diwa ap-ʃi-ts səkəyət pəɖ-l-o lamp.msg self-by-assr down fall-perf-3msg ‘The lamp fell down by itself.’ (24) a.

Chapter 14.  Lexical anaphors and pronouns 329



ful-ã apʃi-ts gəḷ-un pəʈʈ-at flower-npl self.by-assr drop-compl v2:fall-impf-3pl ‘Flowers fall down on their own.’   d. gõy-ã-t maɖ ap-ʃi-ts waʈ-ʈ-at Goa-obl-loc coconut.tree.pl self-by-assr grow-impf-3pl ‘In Goa, coconut trees grow by themselves.’  

c.

14.2.4 Reflexives in pragmatic contexts The following examples indicate some pragmatic contexts. In these examples, only swəta is used. The conditions that govern the use of swəta are not clear at present. (25) swətai awəybapay wegḷi / wegḷẽ aʃi-ll-yan minii self parents separate-fsg/separate-nsg be-2nd perf-pp Mini mogaḷ aʃi-ll-i / aʃi-ll-ẽ affectionate be-2nd perf-3fsg/be-2nd perf-3nsg ‘Because shei/k was without parents, Minii was very affectionate.’ (26) ta-kai səkaldənpar wegel pədart khaw-pak he-dat morning-afternoon different-mpl food.item.pl eat-desi kər-təl-ẽ awəʈ-ʈal-e, puņ tya-katir apuņ/swətai kitẽ like-impf.perf-3mpl but that-for self/self something do-pros-3nsg əʃẽ na so neg ‘He loved to eat different foods all day long, but he himself won’t do anything to make that possible.’ (27) tᴐ ʃəkət swəta-purtə-ts / aplya-purtə-ts pələy-ta; heran-tso he only self-about-assr/ self-about-assr worry-impf others-poss witʃar kəri-na phr.v:thought do-impf-neg ‘He worries only about himself; doesn’t care for others.’

14.3 Reciprocals There are two types of reciprocals. One expresses mutual reciprocity and the other expresses reflexive reciprocity. Reciprocals indicate that the action is directed towards the participants themselves.

330 Konkani

14.3.1 Mutual reciprocity The principal mutual reciprocals are ekmek and pərəspər ‘each other’. Antecedents of mutual reciprocals may be both subjects and objects and must be in the same simple or non-finite sentence. (28) tyo tsəl-yo ʈitʃəriŋ-k ekmeka-tso/ekmeka aɖ those girl-pl teacher-dat each.other-poss/each.other against tsugl-yo kər-t-at complaint-pl do-impf-pl ‘Those girls complain to the teacher about each other.’ (29) tya tsələ-yã-ni tya tsəl-yã-k ekmek-a-bəddəl those girl-obl.pl-erg those boy-obl.pl-dat each.other-obl-about khəbər di-l-i information.fsg give-perf-3fsg ‘Those girls gave information to those boys about each other.’

In (29) ‘each other’ refers to both the subject (the girls) and the object (the boys). With respect to the girls, it states that each girl gave information to those boys about the other girl. With respect to the boys, it states that the girls gave information to each boy about the other boy. 14.3.2 Reflexive reciprocity The reflexive-reciprocal ap-ap is derived from the reflexive apuṇ. Its antecedent requirements are similar to the mutual reciprocal. It allows both subject and object antecedents as long as they are in a simple or non-finite sentence. (30) tya tsələ-yã-ni apaple/apleaple ʠres niwəɖ-l-e those girl-obl.pl-erg their.own.pl/ their.own.pl dresses select-perf-npl ‘Those girls each selected their own dresses.’ (31) ʃipay-a-n tya tsələ-yã-k apliapli/apapli dzot-ῖ attendant-obl-erg those girl-obl.pl-dat their.own/ their.own sandal-npl di-l-ῖ give-perf-npl ‘The attendant gave those girls each their own sandals / each of those girls her own sandals.’

Chapter 14.  Lexical anaphors and pronouns 331



(32) rəwi-n tya tsələ-yã-k Ravi-erg those girl-oblpl-dat aplyapl-ya-t/apapl-ya-mədi-ts   their.own-obl-in / their.own-obl-among-assr missing glosses dzhəgəʈ-ʈan pəļəy-l-ẽ quarrel-impf.non-fin see-perf-3nsg ‘Ravi saw those girls quarrelling among themselves.’

14.4 Personal pronouns Personal pronouns distinguish three persons and two numbers. A gender distinction exists only in the third person. In Section 3.2.1, personal pronouns, their case markers and their characteristics are discussed. A pronoun with neuter gender is used also for females that are considered to be junior to the speaker or lower in status. The second and third person plural forms are often used as honorific. Personal pronouns are often dropped in a discourse context. First and second pronouns act as logophors in subordinate clauses. Unlike Marathi Konkani does not have a first person inclusive pronoun. Therefore, apuṇ is never used as a first person inclusive pronoun. In the following sentences the underlined personal pronouns show places where Marathi will use the first person inclusive apəṇ. For example, in (33a) the pronoun is singular; while in (33b) it is plural (honorific plural) as its antecedent is a king (mharadz): hãw baba4/ hãwbai/ adz sinem-a-k wətã/wə-tl-õ I part-m / i part.f/ today movie-obl-pp go.impf.1sg /go-pros-1sg ‘As for me, I am going to a movie today.’4   b. mharadz, tum-tʃ-i kitẽ seva kər-ũ? king.voc you-hon.pl.poss-fsg what service   ‘Oh king, how do I serve you?’   c. hãw aplo thəi-ts ut-l-õ ani niʈʈ ghər-ã emph there-emph get.up-perf-1msg and straight home-loc I ay-l-õ come-perf-imsg ‘I just got up and went straight home.’   d. tya-ṇẽ aplẽ niʈʈ səgḷẽ saŋg-un uɖəy-l-ẽ he-erg emph straight all v1-tell-compl v2-perf-3nsg ‘He just told everything straight away.’ (33) a.

4. The forms baba (msg) and bai (fsg) are address forms. However they are often used with first person hãw ‘I’ to add emphasis, such as ‘as for myself ’.

332 Konkani

 

e.

  f.   g.

ami baba/ami bai5 adz sinem-a-k we.hon.pl part.m/we.hon.pl part.f today movie-obl-pp wətã/wə-tl-e go.impf.1sg /go-pros-1pl ‘As for us (me), we are (I am) going to a movie today.’5 mine, ami falya pənʤ-e wəts-ũya Mini.voc we tomorrow Panji-loc go- HORT ‘Hey Mini, let us go to Panaji tomorrow.’ ami tʃin-ya-k beʃtets bhi-t-at we China-obl-dat for.no.reason fear-impf-1pl ‘We fear China for no reason.’

In (33c) and (33d), apl-o is an expletive. In Marathi it is a possessive form of the first person inclusive pronoun apəṇ (which is not in Konkani). The use of apl-o could be the result of influence of Marathi. In (33e), the first person honorific plural ami expresses the sense of ‘as for myself ’, whereas in (f) it is used as a plural to include the addressee. 14.4.1 Personal pronouns with independent reference Personal pronouns have intrinsic reference. In a simple or non-finite sentence they convey a free or a disjoint reference.6 In Example (34), the pronoun ti may not refer to Lili; it may mean for example, ‘Lili knows that Sheela is sick.’ It must refer to some outside agency. In this case, the reference of ti is disjoint. (34) lili-ki dzaṇ as-a kĩ tij duẽt as-a Lili-dat know be-prp comp she sick be-prp ‘Lili knows that she is sick.’

In finite embedded clauses, personal pronouns are acceptable and their reference may be bound or free: (35) lilii səmədz-t-a kĩ tẽi / j sobit as-a Lili think-impf-3sg comp she beautiful be-prp ‘Lilii thinks that shei/j is beautiful.’

5. Note that first and second person pronouns are obligatorily retained in (33e) and (33f) since they are followed by the emphatic/expletive apuṇ. 6. Pronouns convey a free or disjoint reference. Reflexives are bound to the antecedents within the sentence for their reference. This is the universal property that distinguishes a pronoun from a reflexive. Konkani pronouns and reflexives are consistent with this schema.



Chapter 14.  Lexical anaphors and pronouns 333

Directionality is crucial to personal pronouns with independent reference. Unlike swəta and apuṇ, they fail to co-refer when they precede their antecedent, as in Example (36). (36) tẽ*i sobit as-a əʃẽ lilii səmədz-t-a she beautiful be-prp in this way Lili think-impf-3sg ‘She*i is beautiful, so Lilii thinks.’

The sentence is acceptable if tẽ refers to someone other than Lili. However, if the pragmatic context is clear, co-reference is allowed. For example, Mini and Jani are talking about Lili bragging about her qualities. If Mini says Lili brags about her wealthy family background and Jani refers to Lili’s ordinary looks, Mini may add that Lili has a contrary opinion about her looks by saying (37): (37) tẽi sobit as-a əʃẽ lilii səmədz-t-a she beautiful be-prp so Lili think-impf-3sg ‘Shei is beautiful, so Lilii thinks.’

A few adjunct clauses also sometimes, if not regularly, allow pronouns to precede their antecedents, as in (38): (38) ʤenna tẽi ghər-ã e-ta tenna lilii tʃya pi-t-a when she home-loc come-impf.3sg then Lili tea drink-impf-3sg ‘When shei comes home, Lilii takes tea.’

In the case of non-subjects quantifiers or interrogative antecedents, personal pronouns with independent reference in finite embedded clauses, are freely acceptable as in (39) and (40): (39) lili-n səgḷ-yã sãŋ-l-ẽ kĩ te pas Lili-erg everybody-obl.pl tell-perf-3nsg comp they phr.v:pass dza-tl-e become-pros-3pl ‘Lili told everybody that they will pass.’ (40) lili-n koṇ-a-k sãŋ-l-ẽ kĩ tͻ napas Lili-erg who-obl-dat tell-perf-3nsg comp he phrv:failed dza-tl-o? become-pros-3msg ‘Who did Lili tell that he will fail?’

334 Konkani

14.4.2 Pronouns as logophors7 In indirect or reported speech, first and second person pronouns are used as logophoric pronouns. Their function is to refer back to the subject of the main clause. One can use a third person pronoun as well, but that will fail to capture this explicit reference. (41) lili-ni mhəʈ-l-ẽ kĩ hãwi taka falya meļ-təl-ẽ him tomorrow meet- pros-3nsg Lili-erg say-perf-3nsg comp I ‘Lili told him that she would meet him tomorrow.’ (42) hãwi yew-tsõ-na lili-ni mhəļ-ļ-ẽ come-desi-neg Lili-erg say-perf-3nsg I ‘Lili said that she (Lili) will not come.’ kĩ ty/tui yͻ (43) hãw-ẽ ta-kai mhəļ-ļ-ẽ I-erg he-dat say-perf-3nsg comp you come-imp ‘I said to him that he should come.’ (44) tukai wyakkyan kəḷ-tʃe-na əʃẽ hãw-ẽ ta-kai you-dat lecture-3nsg understand-desi-neg so I-erg he-dat mhəļ-ļ-ẽ say-perf-3nsg ‘I told him that he would not understand the lecture.’

14.4.3 Pronouns in discourse In discourse, null (zero) pronominal forms are used for personal pronouns as in (45–46). Interestingly, the use of swəta is not precluded as seen in (47) (45) ayədz hãw kitlo khuʃi as-a uʈ-l-õ ani ʈiwi mukar today I how.much pleased be-prp get up-perf-1msg and tv in.front bəs-l-õ. aram-a-t tʃya ani naʃta ke-l-õ sit-perf-1msg leisure-obl-loc tea and breakfast do-perf-1msg ‘Today I am very much pleased. (I) got up and sat in front of the tv. (I) I had tea and breakfast in a leisurely way.’

7. For a definition and uses of the term logophor see Note 2 in Chapter 10 on Complex Sentences.



Chapter 14.  Lexical anaphors and pronouns 335

(46) ti-nẽ bhitər wəts-un tʃya ke-l-i. swəta piye-l-i. she-erg in go-compl tea.fsg do-perf-3fsg self drink-perf-3fsg uprant awəy-k di-l-i afterwards mother-dat give-perf-3fsg ‘She went in and made tea. (She) took it for herself. Then (she) gave tea to her mother.’ (47) ta- ṇẽ arady-a-k mukar bəso-wən niʈ kes woḷəy-l-e. titʃa he-erg Arady-obl-dat in.front sit-compl tidy hair comb-perf-mpl her pay-a-k pãypəṇ ghat-l-i, kan-a-k, gəḷ-ya-k foot- obl-dat footwear put-impf-3npl ear- obl-dat neck- obl-dat bhaŋgər ghat-l-e. lipsʈik, sno, pawʠər lay-l-o pol-e gold.nsg put-perf-3nsg lipstick snow powder apply-perf-3msg cheek-mpl tamʠ-e ke-l-e. doḷ-yã-k swəta kadzəḷ red-mpl make-perf-3mpl eye-obl.pl-dat self collyrium.3nsg ghat-l-ẽ. put-perf-3nsg ‘She combed Aradhya’s hair making her sit in front of her. She put shoes on Aradhya’s feet, put ornaments in her ears and neck. (She) applied lipstick ( to Aradhya’s lips), snow and powder (to her face). She painted Aradhya’s cheeks red. She herself put collyrium in Aradhya’s eyes.’

Chapter 15

Sample texts

15.1 Written samples 15.1.1 The Holy Bible, Angelus Francis Xavier Maffei (1882) arəmb Genesis   suruwer dew-a-n sərg ani sə̃ũsar rəts-l- o. in.the.beginning God-obl-erg heaven and earth create-perf-3msg ‘In the beginning God created heaven and earth.’  

puṇ sə̃ũsar-a-k rup ani ʤiwio wəstu n-atə-ll-e.1 but earth-obl-dat appearance and life thing.pl neg-be-perf-3pl ‘But earth did not have things that had appearance or life.’1  

ani kaḷok aso-l-o guṇʠay-e-wer. and darkness.msg be-perf-3msg face-obl-on ‘And darkness was upon the face (of the deep).’  

ani dew-ãn-tʃe spiriʈ udək-ãn-tʃer and God-hon.pl.obl-poss spirit-msg waters-obl-over tsal-tal-o. move-impfperf-3msg ‘And the Spirit of God was moving over the waters.’  

ani dev-a-n mo-ḷẽn, ‘udzwaʠ dzaw-di.’ take.place-perm and God-obl-erg say-perf.nsg light ‘And the Lord said ‘Let there be light.’ ’  

ani udzwaʠ dza-l-o. and light.msg take.place-perf-3msg ‘And there was light.’  

1. The forms n-atə-ll-e (neg-be-perf-3pl) and mo-ḷẽn (say-perf.nsg) are archaic forms.

338 Konkani

15.1.2 Newspaper (i) yeta tya widhansəbha ədhiweʃən-a-t session-obl-loc coming.obl that.obl assembly palik-ãn-tʃa dərek-a wͻrʠ-a-ni siʈidzhən mͻneʈəriŋg monitoring council-obl.pl-poss-obl every-obl ward-obl-loc citizen kəmiʈi as-tʃi he khatir nəw-o kayd-o committee.fsg be-desi.3fsg this for.reason new-3msg law-3msg əʃi mahiti təyar kər-təl-e2 phr.v:ready make-pros-3mpl this.type information.fsg upəmukhyməntri h-ã-ṇi rəwindr bhəwən-a-t rikʃa deputy.chief.minister this-hon.pl-erg Ravindra Bhavan-obl-loc rickshaw waʈəp-a-tʃe karyawəḷ-i-t di-l-i distribution-obl-poss function-obl-loc give-perf-3fsg ‘The deputy chief minister, at a function at Ravindra Bhavan that was arranged for distributing auto-rickshaws, gave the information that, in order that every ward of a city council should have one citizen monitoring committee, a legislation will be passed in the coming session of the state assembly.’2   palik-ã-ni palika məṇʠəḷ-a-tʃẽ bəsk-ẽ-t city.council-obl.pl-erg city.council institute-obl-n.poss meeting-obl-loc nagrik-ã-k aspa-wən ghe-wən tãtʃe witʃar citizen-ob.pl-dat v1:include-compl v2: take-compl their opinions ayk-un ghet-l-e dzalyar palik-ã-tso bəre v1:listen-compl v2-perf-pl if.then city.council-obl.pl-poss good tər-e-n wikas dza-ũ ye-t-a. way-obl-inst development v1:happen-desi v2-impf- 3msg ‘If city councils include citizens in their meetings and listen to their opinions, then cities would develop in a better way.’   te-ts wãŋʠa nəw-ya kayd-ya prəmaṇ that-assr.part with new-obl law-obl according.to nəgərsewək-ã-k apl-i malmətta ʤahir kər-tʃ-i corporator-obl.pl-dat own-fsg wealth.fsg phrv:public make-desi pəʈ-ʈəl-i əʃẽ t-aṇ-ṇi sãŋ-l- ẽ v2-pros-3fsg so he-hon.pl.obl-erg tell-perf- 3nsg ‘Along with that he said that according to the new legislation, council members will have to declare their own property.’

2. The expression kaydo təyar kər-təl-e (‘a legislation will be passed’) in which the subject is singular whereas the verb is in the plural form, seems to be the result of the influence of Marathi, in which the prospective ‑ṇar does not have gender, number or person distinctions in the finite form.



Chapter 15.  Sample texts 339

(ii) gõy-a-t fuʠle don dis ‑u ʈəŋgar-a-tso Goa-obl-loc next two day-pl torrential-obl-poss rain.msg pawəs pəʈ-ʈəl-o əʃi ʃiʈkawṇi pəṇʤ-e-tʃe wedʃaḷ-e-n fall-pros-3msg so warning.fsg Panjim-obl-poss observatory-obl-erg di-l-ya. give-prp-3fsg ‘The observatory at Panjim has warned that there will be torrential rains in Goa in the next two days.’   maharaʃʈr, kõkəṇ kerəḷ, təʃets gõy-a-t fuʠle don dis Maharashtra, Kokan, Keral, as.well Goa-obl-loc next two day.pl sətət pawəs pəʈ-ʈə-lo əʃẽ həwaman continuously rain.msg fall-pros-3msg so weather khat-ya-tʃ-ya əhwal-a-t mhəṇ-l-ã. department-obl-poss-obl report-obl-loc say-prp-3nsg ‘It is said in the statement issued by the weather forecast department that during the next two days it would rain continuously in Maharashtra, Kokan, Keral and Goa too.’   kal waḷpəy ani kaṇkoṇ waʈhar-ã-ni səgḷ-ya-t tsəʠ 7 yesterday Walpay and Konkan region-obl.pl-loc all-obl-loc much 7 seṇʈimiʈər pawəs pəʠ-l-o centimetre rain.msg fall-perf-3msg ‘Yesterday Walpay and Kankon received the highest rainfall of 7 centimeters.’

15.1.3 Advertisements3 (i) (magazine)   ʤeʃʈh swatəntry senani krantiwir mohən ranəʠe h-ãn-tʃi veteran freedom fighter revolutionary Mohan Ranade this-hon.pl-poss.f apəʤiṇ kõkəṇi əṇkar: dilip borkar ekuṇ pan-ã: ४००, mol: autobiography Konkani translation: Dilip Borkar total page.npl 400, price २५० /- səmpərk kər-at: bimb prəkaʃən 250/- phr.v:contact do-imp.2pl Bimb publication ‘Veteran freedom fighter Mohan Ranade, his autobiography. Konkani translation: Dilip Borkar. Total pages: 400. Price: 250/ Contact: Bimb publications’

3. It is interesting to note that a majority of advertisements in Konkani magazines and newspapers are in English.

340 Konkani

15.1.4 Narration (Karwar variety) ramdas səkaḷ-i aramʃir uʈ-l- o. wəṇt-i wəyl-ya Ramdas morning-loc comfortably get.up-perf-3msg wall-obl pp:on-obl ghəʠyaḷ-ã-t pəḷəy-lyar aʈ wər-ã dza-l-yãt. kennay sə clock-obl-loc see-cond eight hour-npl happen-perf-3npl anytime six wər-a-r uʈpa-tso mənis adz gaʠ nhid lagun hour-obl- loc get.up-desi.msg man.msg today deep sleep because.of aʈ wər-a-r uʈi-ll-o, ta-ṇẽ ghər-a-bhitər kitẽ eight hour-obl-loc get.up-2nd perf-3msg he-erg house-obl-pp:in what tsəl-t-a ta-dzo sulus ghet-l-o. put ani function-impf-3nsg that-poss phrv:hint-3msg take-perf-3msg son and sun ͻphis-a-t wətʃp-a-tʃe gəʠbəʠ-ῖ-t dis-l- ῖ. daughter.in.law office-obl-loc go-inf-poss hurry-obl-loc see-perf-3npl kaweri kitʃən-ã-t kam kər-tal-i. tͻṇʠ dhu-wən Kaveri kitchen-obl-loc work do-impfperf- 3fsg mouth wash-compl ay-lyar ti-ṇẽ tʃa-tso kəp ʠayniŋ ʈebl-a-r come-cond she-erg tea-poss.msg cup.msg dining table-obl-loc ha-ṇṇə dəwər-l-a. tͻṇʠ-a-n hũ.ki.tsũ na. musʠo hit-compl place-prp-3msg mouth-obl-by not.a.single.word neg face.msg phugi-ll-o-ts aʃi-ll-o. tʃya pil-yar ta-ka puff-2nd perf-3msg-part be-2nd perf-3msg tea drink-cond it-dat taʤepəṇ-a-tso was na. rəŋg-a-n puṇ freshness-obl-poss.msg smell.msg neg colour-obl-by also kaḷ-o-kaḷ-o asa. mhəḷyar səkaḷ-i-ts black-obl-black-obl.msg be.prp meaning morning-loc-part ke-ll-o tʃya bayl-e-n pərto gərəm kə-nnə make-compl make-2nd perf-3msg tea.msg wife-obl-erg again hot di-ll-o mhuṇ ta-ka kəḷ-ḷ-ẽ. puṇ to kãy give-2nd perf-3msg comp he-dat know-perf-3nsg but he some səkaḷ-i səkaḷ-i-tʃ dzəgʠ-e naka uləy-l-o-na. say-perf-3msg-neg morning-loc morning-loc-part quarrel-pl neg mhuṇ wogi-tʃ raw-l- o. comp quiet-part remain-perf-3msg ‘Ramdas got up late comfortably. He looked at the clock on the wall; it was eight o’clock. He, who would always get up at six, today got up at eight after a deep sleep. He tried to figure out what was happening in the house. He saw that his son and daughter-in-law were busy in preparing for going to the office. Kaveri was working in the kitchen. When he came back after washing his mouth, she put his cup of tea on the dining table with a bang. She didn’t say a word; had puffed cheeks. There was tea to drink but it did not have the smell of fresh tea.  

Chapter 15.  Sample texts 341



It was very dark in colour as well. He understood that his wife simply made it warm and gave it to him; it was prepared quite early in the morning. But he did not say anything; didn’t want the day to begin with a quarrel. He kept quiet.’

15.2 Spoken samples 15.2.1 Conversation between a doctor and a patient kitẽ dza-t-a ləkʃməṇ-bab4 what happen-impf-3sg Lakshman-Mr ‘What’s the matter, Mr.Lakshman?’4 Doctor:

ghũwəḷ ayi-ll-ebhəʃen dis-t-a. aŋg-a-t-li phrv:fainting come-2nd perf like feel-impf-sg body-obl-loc-sufx ʃəkt n-aʃ-i dza-l-ya strength.fsg neg-like-fsg happen-perf-3fsg ‘I feel like I am going to faint. I have no physical strength.’ Patient:

ʤib bhayər kaʠ pəḷowə-ya tongue out pull see-hort ‘Let me see your tongue, put it out.’   ʤib dhəwifull dza-l-ya. tu-ka əʤirṇ ani tongue.f milky-white become-prp-3fsg you-dat indigestion and pint dza-l- ã. bhayri ghe acidity.nsg happen-prp-3nsg laxative.fsg take.imp salamark-a-tʃi Epsom.salt-obl-poss.fsg ‘It is white. You are suffering from indigestion and acidity. Take Epsom-salt laxative.’ Doctor:

puṇ əʤirṇ ani pint dza-l-ẽ kəʃẽ? but indigestion.nsg and acidity.nsg happen-perf-3nsg how.n ‘But how did I get acidity and indigestion?’ Patient:

wiʠə-ye-k lagun tu-ka əʤirṇ ani pint cigar-obl-dat because.of you-dat indigestion and acidity dza-t-a happen-impf-3sg ‘You get indigestion and acidity because you smoke.’

Doctor:

4. Addition of a suffix ‑bab is common practice among Konkani speakers. It shows respect.

342 Konkani

kãy bhə̃y na mũ? some fear neg q ‘Is there anything to worry about / Is it something serious?’ Patient:

bhiwpa-tʃ-ẽ kãyəts na. puṇ tũ wiʠ soʠ. fear-desi-3nsg something.part neg but you cigar give.up.imp ‘Nothing to worry about. But stop smoking.’ Doctor:

15.2.2 Two women in the kitchen sunənd, adz kitẽ rãnd-l-ã? hãw-ẽ kitẽ kər-ũk ʤay Sunand today what cook-prp-3nsg I-erg what do-desi v2.perf ‘Sunand, what did you cook today? What should I do?’ Radha:

Sunand: naka ge, səgḷẽ dza-l-ã. adz birəstar nhəy neg voc everything become-prp-3nsg today Thursday q khətkhətẽ ke-l-ã. mhə̃ṇʈker5 ʤewəṇ ʃiwrak. said(=so) meal vegetarian vegetable.stew.nsg make-prp-3nsg miʠʠo.ros aṇi nir.pəṇs-a-tʃo6 foʠ-i. a.liquid.food.of.pulses and a.type.of.jackfruit-obl-poss slice-npl tya.bhayer əns-a kərm-uy asa. in.addition.to.that pineapple-pl special.Goan.dish-part be-prp ‘Oh don’t do anything. Everything is ready. Today is Thursday, a day of vegetarian food. I made a vegetable stew. Liquid food of pulses and slices of ‘neer’ jackfruit. In addition, there is Goan pineapple ‘karam’.56 əgo kəʠi mat fuʈi asa məgo nadzalyar voc curry.fsg part without.coconut.milk be-prp voc if.not səgḷi soy.soy dza-təl-i. tsəʠ soy-uy all.fsg grated.coconut become-pros-fsg very.much grated.coconut-part bəri nhəy. good.fsg be.neg ‘Oh dear, the curry has to be ‘futi’ curry, otherwise it will all be full of coconut only. A lot of coconut is not good.’ Radha:

5. mhə̃ṇʈkər is a grammaticalized form that contains the verb mhəṇ ‘say’ and a postposition kər ‘after’. 6. The use of aṇi and the singular possessive form could be the result of Marathi influence.

Chapter 15.  Sample texts 343



Sunand: əgge baye! sol-ã bhidz-ət ghal-pa-tʃi-ts voc woman.voc kokum-pl soak-impf v2-inf-poss.fsg-part wisə-ll-ẽ. matʃi fuʈi kəʠi kər-t-a? rokhṇe forget-2nd perf-1nsg a.little ‘futi’ curry make-impf-2sg immediately kər. amsaṇ ye-ũk dzay kəʠi-ye-k ʃəŋkər make-imp sourness come-desi want curry-obl-dat Shiv tʃhap hiŋg ghal-ũk wisər-ũ naka. trade-mark.symbol ‘hing’ (type of spice) put.in-desi forget-imp neg dəwər-l-yat. hərwi mirsaŋ thə̃y paʈul-ya-t unripe chilli there basket-obl-loc keep-perf-3fpl ‘Oh God! I forgot to soak kokum. Are you making some ‘futi’ curry? Make it immediately. Let the curry have some sour taste. Don’t forget to use the spice ‘hing’ that has the trade-mark symbol of Shankar. There are raw chilies in that basket.’ sol-ã kityan bhidzə-t ghal-ũ? kokum-pl in.what soak-impf v2-imp ‘In which container shall I soak the kokum?

Radha:

Sunand: tẽ pəḷəy, tya maṇṇ-er ek dhaklẽ bhəguṇẽ asa. that see-imp that.obl shelf-loc one small pot be.prp tẽ ghe that take.imp ‘Look, there’s a small pot on that shelf. Take that.’

15.2.3 In the market Customer: Shopkeeper: Customer:



əge mawʃ-e, suŋʈ-ã kəʃi di-lῖ? voc aunt-voc prawn-pl how.much give-perf.3npl ‘Oh Aunty, how much for the prawns?’ pãts ʃe rupəy-ã-k ek waʈo. five hundred rupee-obl.pl-dat one heap ‘One heap for five hundred rupees.’ hẽ ge kidẽ mawʃe? tuʤa ekeka waʈ-ya-n pats pats this voc what aunty your single heap-obl-pp five five suŋʈ-ã məge. prawn-pl voc.emph ‘What is this, Aunty? There are only five prawns in each heap.’

344 Konkani

Shopkeeper:

Customer: Shopkeeper: Customer: Shopkeeper: Customer: Shopkeeper: Customer:

aṇi nustẽ kitlẽ mharəg dza-lã tẽ tũ and fish.nsg how.much expensive become-prp that you nəkəḷə̃ tər neg then ‘And how expensive fish has become, you have no idea’ bərẽ suŋʈ-ã soʠ. bãŋgʠ-e kəʃe di-l-e? well prawn-pl let.go.imp mackerel-mpl how.much give-perf-3mpl ‘Well, leave aside the prawns. How much for the mackerel?’ ʃəmbər rupəy-ã-k tin. hundred rupee-obl.pl-dat three ‘One hundred for three.’ hẽ kitẽ. mawʃe, pats təri ghal. this what aunty five at.least put.in-imp ‘Come on Aunty, give at least five.’ ghe tʃar ghe take.imp four take.imp ‘Okay, take four.’ na na anik ek ghal no no more one put.in-imp ‘Oh no! Give me one more.’ bərẽ bay-e ghe. boṇi təri kər well woman-voc take-imp idm: Goddess Bhavani at least do-imp ‘Alright sister, take one more. Let me have a good beginning at least.’ ghal ya poti-ye-t. dew tudzẽ bərẽ kər-ũ put.in-imp this bag-obl-loc God your well do-3imp ‘Put it in this bag. May God bless you.’

References

Abbott, Justin E. 1923. ‘The ‘Arte de Lingoa Canari’, ‘Doutrina Christam’, and the ‘Adi’ and ‘Deva Puran’ of Thomas Stevens’. Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies 3: 159–164. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0041977X00000112 Abbott, Justin E. 1921. ‘The Discovery of the Original Text of the Christian Puran of Thomas Stevens.’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies 2 (4): 679–683. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0041977X00088157 Adams, Maianne. 1985. ‘Government of empty subjects in factive clausal complements’. Linguistic Inquiry 16 (2): 305–313. Almeida, Matthew S. J. 1989. A Description of Konkani. Thomas Stephens Konknni Kendr, Panaji, Goa. Almeida, Matthew S. J. 2005. ‘Bhasvidnyaimafey ani Konkani bhas’ [Linguistic and Konkani language]. Sod: Konkani Research Bulletin 8: 3–21. Almeida, Matthew S. J. 2007 / Reprint 2012. Romi Lipient Konknni Kors [Konkani Course in Roman Script]. Thomas Stephens Konknni Kendr, Alto Porvorim, Goa. Andrews, Avery D. 1974. Studies in the Syntax of Relative and Comparative clauses. Ph. D. Dissertation. Cambridge: MIT. Baker, Mark C., Johnson, Kyle and Roberts, Ian. 1989. ‘Passive arguments raised’. Linguistic Inquiry 20: 219–251. Belletti, Adriana and Luigi Rizzi. 1988. ‘Psych verbs and theta theory’. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 6: 291–352.  https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00133902 Bentari, Diane, Larson, Gary and Lynn MacLeod. (eds). 1988. Papers from the parasession on Agreement in Linguistic theory. Chicago: CLS. Bodaljik, Jonathan D. 1992. ‘Nominally absolutive and absolutely nominative’. Proceedings of WCFFL XI, UCLA: 44–60. Bodaljik, Jonathan D. 1993. ‘Ergativity and ergative unergatives’. In Papers on Case and Agreement II, ed. by Colin Philips, Cambridge: MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 19: 45–88. Borkar, Suresh J. 2012. Konkani Vyakaran [A grammar of Konkani]. Goa: Konkani Bhasha Mandal, Madgao. Cardona, George. 1990. ‘A note on Dative Agents in Sanskrit’. Experiencer Subjects in South Asian Languages, ed. by M. K. Verma and K. P. Mohanan (eds). Stanford CA: Center for the Study of Language and Information. Article 8 (33 pages) Chomsky, Noam. 1981. Lectures on Government and Binding. Dordrecht-Holland: Foris. Chomsky, Noam. 1986. Knowledge of Language, Its Nature, Origin, and Use. New York: Praeger. Chomsky, Noam. and Halle, Morris. 1968. The Sound Pattern of English. New York: Harper and Row. Clements, George N. 1984. Vowel harmony in Akan: a consideration of Stewart’s word structure conditions. Studies in African linguistics 15. 321–337. I17 

346 Konkani

Clements, George N. 1987. ‘The logophoric pronoun in Ewe: its role in discourse.’ Journal of WestAfrican languages 2: 141–177. Cole, Peter. 1976. ‘A note on the grammatical role of the cause in universal grammar’. Proceedings of The Mid-American linguistics Conference. Minnesota: University of Minnesota. Comrie, Bernard. 1976. ‘The syntax of causative constructions: cross-language similarities and divergences.’ In Syntax and Semantics 6, ed. By Shibatani, Masayoshi, 261–312. New York: Academic Press. Comrie, Bernard. 1979. ‘Some remarks on ergativity in South Asian Languages.’ In South Asian Language Analysis, 1 ed. by Braj Kachru, 169–192. Urbana Champaign: University of Illinois. Dasgupta, Probal, Dhongde, Ramesh V. And Rajendran, S. 1981. ‘On Complement Verb parsing in Bangla, Marathi and Tamil’. Indian Linguistics: 42: 39–47. Davison, Alice. 1980. ‘Peculiar passives.’ Language 56: 42–66.  https://doi.org/10.2307/412642 Dhongde, Ramesh Vaman. 1976. ‘Modality in Marathi’. Indian Linguistics 37. 2: 91–101. Dhongde, Ramesh Vaman. 1979. ‘From verbal stem to VP in Marathi’. Indian Linguistics 40.2. Dhongde, Ramesh Vaman. 1984. Tense, Aspect and Mood in English and Marathi. Deccan College, Pune. Dhongde, Ramesh Vaman. 1995/Reprint 2013. Maharashtraca Bhashik Nakasha [Dialect Map of Maharashtra] Rajya Marathi Vikas Sanstha, Mumbai. Dhongde, Ramesh Vaman and Kashi Wali. 2009. Marathi. John Benjamins, Amsterdam. https://doi.org/10.1075/loall.13 Dhongde, Ramesh Vaman, Rajyashree, K. S., Mehta Kalika. 2015. Manglore Dialect Survey. International Konkani Kendra, Manglore. Dhongde, RameshVaman. 2019. Malwani Boliche Wyakaran Section 2. In Malwani Boli: Wyakaran [Grammar of Malwani dialect], Sahitya ani Shabdakosh, ed. by Dhongde, Ramesh Vaman, Rajapur-Tapas Pushpa, Ajgaokar Suryakant, Tendulkar Bharati and Kadam Sandip. 28–68. Shabdaparna Prakashan, Mumbai. Dixon, Robert M. 1979. ‘Ergativity’. Language 55: 59–138.  https://doi.org/10.2307/412519 Dixon, Robert M. 1994. Ergativity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511611896 Fernandes, J. A. 1963. Konkani nad-shastrvo Romiliient borounchirit [Konkani phonetics or the way of writing in Roman script]. Examiner Press, Bombay. Ghatage, A. M. 1971. Dialect of Cochin. (Marathi Dialect Texts, 1.) Poona: Deccan College. Ghatage, A. M. 1972. Gawdi of Goa. The State Board for Literature and Culture, Bombay. Ghatage, A. M. 1963. Konkani of South Kanari. The State Board for Literature and Culture, Bombay. Gomes, Olivinho J. F. 1992. ‘Grammatical Studies in Konkani: A Critical Overview’. South Asian Language Review. Vol. 2: 1. 256–270. Grierson, George A. 1905/Reprint 1967. Linguistic Survey of India. Vol. VII. Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi. Halle, Morris. 1973. Prolegomena to a Theory of Word Formation https://babel.ucsc.edu › mrg. readings › 14. Harris, Alice. 1997. ‘R.M.W.Dixon: Ergativity: Review Article’. Language 73: 359–374. https://doi.org/10.2307/416024 Huddleston, Rodney and Pullum, Geoffrey K. 2002. The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  https://doi.org/10.1017/9781316423530

References 347

Jaegli, Oswaldo. 1986. ‘Passive’. Linguistic Inquiry 17: 587–622. Katre, S. M. 1966. The Formation of Konkani. Deccan College, Pune. Katre, S. M. 1965. ‘Consonantal germination in Konkani’. Indian Linguistics 26: 237–239. Katre, S. M. 1934. ‘Konkani Phonetics.’ Journal of the Department of Letters. Calcutta University. 1–19. Kelekar, Ravindra. 2007. Ashikushik [In the surroundings]. Jag Prakashan, Madgao, Goa. Kiparsky, Paul and Kiparsky, Carol. 1971. ‘Fact’ In Semantics, An Interdisciplinary Reader in Philosophy, Linguistics, and Psychology. D. Steinberg and L. Jakobovits (eds). Cambridge University Press. Klima, Edward S. 1964. ‘Negation in English’. In The Structure of Language, ed. By Jerry Fodor and Jerold Katz (eds). 246–323. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall. Kulkarni, S. B. 2007. Konkani Bhasha: Prakruti ani Parampara [Konkani Language: Constitution and Tradition]. Goa Konkani Akadami, Panjim, Goa. Kuno, Susumu. 1972. ‘Pronominalisation, reflexivization and direct discourse’. Linguistic Inquiry III: 161–195. Latridou, Sabine. 1986. ‘An anaphor not bound in its governing category’. Linguistic Inquiry 17:766–772. Lebeaux, David. 1984. ‘Anaphoric binding and the definition of PRO’. In NELS 14: 253–275. Amherst, MA: GLSA. Levin, Juliette and Massam, Diane. 1985. ‘Surface ergativity: Case / theta relations re- examined. ’Proceedings of NELS 15: 286–301. Madtha, William. 1976. The Christian Konkani of South Kanara. Ph. D dissertation, Karnatak University, Dharwad. Maffei, A. F. X. 1882. A Konkani Grammar. Basel Mission Book and Tract Depository, Manglore. Major, Mehru Manecksha. 1979. Phonology of the Christian Goan Konkani Dialect (as spoken in Nagpur). Nagpur Vidyapeeth Mudranalay, Nagpur. Masica, Collin P. 1991. The Indo-Aryan Languages. New York: Cambridge University Press. Miranda, Rocky V. 2002. ‘Kannada Influence on Old Konkani Lexicon’. Sod: Konkani Research Bulletin 3:81–93. Miranda, Rocky V. 1977. ‘The assimilation of Dravidian to Konkani phonological and morphological patterns. Indo-Iranian Journal 19: 247–265.  https://doi.org/10.1163/000000077790079789 Miranda, Rocky V. 1971. Synchronic and historical phonology of six Konkani dialects. Ph.D dissertation. Cornell University. Nadkarni, M. V. 1970. ‘NP-embedded structures in Kannada and Konkani’. Ph. D. Dissertation. University of California, LA. Nayak, Nittyanand (ed). 1971. Yuvankur [Young sprouts]. Vol 14. Goa University and Goa Konkani Akadami, Goa. Nazareth, G. P. 1980. ‘Konkani Grammar’ In Amchi May Vol 31. Codialbail Press, Manglore. Pai, S. R. 1984. Konkani Bhasheche Vyakaran [Grammar of Konkani]. Deepa Prakashan, Kudcade, Goa. Pandharipande, Rajeshwari. 1881. Syntax and Semantics of the Passive construction in selected South Asian Languages. Ph. D. Dissertation. Urbana: Ill. Pererira, J. 1971. Konkani: A Language. Karnatak University, Dharwad. Pererira, J. 1973. Literary Konkani – A Brief History. Konkani Sahitya Prakashan, Dharwad. Perlmutter, David. 1978. ‘Impersonal passives and the unaccusative hypothesis’. Proccedings of Berkeley Linguistics Society 4: 157–189.  https://doi.org/10.3765/bls.v4i0.2198

348 Konkani

Peterson, Philip and Wali Kashi. 1985. ‘Event’. Linguistic Analysis 15: 1–18. Prabhudesai, V. B. 1963. Sataravya Shatakatil Gomantaki Boli [Goan speech variety in the 17th century]. University of Bombay, Bombay. Priyolkar, A. K. 1966. Granthik Marathi Bhasha ani Konkani Boli [Marathi used in writing literature and Konkani dialect]. University of Poona, Pune. Pullum, K. and Huddleston, R. 2012. ‘Negation’. In The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. Cambridge University Press. Rao, R. K. 1977. Konkani Vyakaran [Grammar of Konkani]. Konkani Bhasha Sansthan, Cochin. Rivara, J. H. Da Cunha Rivera. 1857. Nova-goa. Asian Education Services, New Delhi. Rivara, Cunha, Gerson, J. 1881. The Konkani Language and Literature. Bombay Gazetteer, Bombay. Rivara, Cunha and Heliodoro da Joaquim. 1958. ‘An Historical Essay on the Konkani Language’ (Trans. Lobo, Theophilus) In The Printing Press in India: Its Beginning and Early Development, ed. by Priolkar, A. K., 141–236. Marathi Sanshodhan Mandal, Mumbai. Rodrigues, L. A. 1983. Konkani Bhashece Vyakaran [A Grammar of the Konkani Language]. Central Printing Press, Panjim, Goa. Sar Desai, Manoharraya. 2000. A History of Konkani Literature: From 1500 to 1992. Sahitya Akademi, Delhi. Sardesay, Madhavi. 2012. Manthan [Churning]. Jag Prakashan, Goa. Sardesay, Madhavi. 1993. Bhasabhas [Discussion]. Jag Praka shan, Goa. Savarkar, Vinayak D. 1938. ‘Presidential Address’. In Shatakachi Vichar-Shaili [Thought patterns of the century] by Dhongde Ramesh Vaman. Dilipraj Prakashan, Pune. Sells, Peter. 1987. ‘Aspects of logophoricity’. Linguistic Inquiry 18: 445–479. Shenoy, Goybab. 1930. Konkani bhasheche jait [The Victory of Konkani Language]. Gomantak Press, Bombay. Shibatani, Masayoshi. 1976. ‘Causativisation’. In Syntax and Semantics 5. New York: Academic Press: 239–294. Shibatani, Masayoshi and Pardeshi Prashant. 2002. ‘The Causative continuum.’ In The Grammar of Causation and Interpersonal Manipulation, ed. by M. Shibatani, 85–126. Amsterdam: Benjamins.  https://doi.org/10.1075/tsl.48.07shi Spencer, Andrew. 2001. ‘Morphology’. In The Handbook of Linguistics. Blackwell Publishing. Steinberg, D. and Jakobovits, L. (eds). 1971. Linguistics and Psychology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Stephens, Thomas. 1616–1622 ‘khristapuran’. College of Rachol, Goa. Stephens, Thomas. 1640 / Reprint 2012. Arte da Lingoa Canarim. Cinnamon Teal Publishing, Goa. Stephens, Thomas. 1616. Khristapuran. In The Christian Puran of Father Stephens of the Society of Jesus: A Work of the 17th Century: Reproduced from manuscript copies and edited with a Biographical note, an introduction, an English synopsis of contents and vocabulary, ed. by Saldanha, Joseph L. Simon Alvares, Bolar, Manglore. Verma, Mahindra. (ed). 1976. The Notion of Subject in South Asian Languages. South Asia Program. Madison: Wisconsin. Verma, Mahindra and Mohanan, K. P. (eds). 1990. Experiencer Subjects in South Asian Languages. Stanford: Center for Studies of Language Information. Wali, Kashi. 1980. ‘Oblique cause and passive explanation’. Linguistic Inquiry 11: 258–260. Wali, Kashi. 1981. ‘Cause, causer and cause: A Semantic perspective’. In Journal of Linguistics 17: 289–301.  https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226700007015

References 349

Wali, Kashi. 1982. ‘Marathi correlatives: A conspectus’. South Asian Review 6.3: 78–88. https://doi.org/10.1080/02759527.1982.11933093 Wali, Kashi. 1982. ‘Argument from multiple headed relatives.’ Paper presented at LSA Meeting, San Diego. Wali, Kashi. 2000. ‘Lexical anaphors and pronouns in Marathi’. In Lexical anaphors and pronouns in Selected South Asian Languages: A principled Typology, ed. by Lust, Barbara, Wali Kashi, Subbarao, K. V., 513–574. Berlin and New York: Mouton. Wali, Kashi. 2002. Kashmiri: A Cognitive-Descriptive Grammar. Paperback. Zograph, G. A. 1983. Languages of South Asia. London: Routledge.

Index

A abilitative  83, 87, 94, 196 ablative  55, 67 accent  13–14, 29–30, 320 accompaniment 291 accusative  53–55, 63, 227–229, 239–240 addition of vowel  216–217 adjective  47, 70, 72–74, 83, 121, 136–138, 157, 170, 175, 178–180, 184–185, 187, 191–192, 202, 204, 206, 208–210, 212–213, 216–218, 221–222, 243, 295– 296, 310 adjective reduplication  213, 216, 218 adsentential 135 adverb  68, 83, 97, 135–136, 138, 208, 214, 217, 219, 222, 295 adverb reduplication  214, 217, 219 adversative coordination  294 adversative coordinator  152 agent  53, 95, 144, 206, 234, 324 aggregates 316 agreement  47, 56, 96, 107–108, 113–114, 116, 119, 121, 124, 138, 142, 156, 158, 180, 200, 227–232, 236, 238–239, 241, 247, 249, 253, 271, 285–288, 291–293, 296, 345 agreement pattern  227, 229, 285 alveo-palatal  6, 17, 20–24 anaphors  323, 348 antecedent  63, 267, 291, 323– 325, 327–328, 330–331, 333 anteriority 134 apico-dental 21–22 apico-alveolar  20, 23 apodosis  108, 257, 278 appositive  258, 265, 270–271

appositive correlative  270–271 appositive relative  270 approximates 316 archaic present  101, 108 argument  196–197, 247–248, 348 aspect  83, 88, 101, 103, 106, 109, 114–115, 121–122, 124–125, 130, 134, 136, 147, 190, 228–230, 232, 235, 244, 247, 274–275, 281, 308, 346 aspectual  7, 83, 88–89, 93, 101, 106, 124, 126, 134, 139, 188, 253 aspirated  6, 9, 18–24, 26, 32, 36, 212 assertive particle  316 assimilation  16, 30–31, 33–34, 347 attributive  70, 73, 80, 102, 126–127, 202, 263 auxiliary  83, 88, 103, 109, 111, 114, 117–118, 121, 235, 237–238, 250, 253, 271, 274, 279, 281, 308, 310 B bilabial  18, 21–22, 212 bilingual  19, 286 borrowing  128, 161, 321 borrowed words  11, 14, 193 C cardinal numbers  75 canarim  3–4, 8–9, 348 case  6, 9, 23–24, 47, 49, 53–66, 69–70, 97–98, 109, 129, 135–138, 142–146, 149, 211, 217, 227–231, 234–241, 247, 250, 257, 265, 285–286, 294–295, 301, 308–310, 314, 324, 328, 331–333, 345, 347

case marker  53, 55, 66, 138, 146, 149 case paradigm  55 category change  161 causatives  86, 247–248 causative suffix  86, 196 causative verb  196–197, 247 census 1 clitic 54 cluster  11, 15, 24–25, 30, 34, 36, 39 cluster simplification  24, 30, 39 coda 39 comparative  3, 9, 74, 295, 345 complement  257–258, 260– 264, 281, 346 complement clause  257, 260–262 completion  88, 97, 125, 266 completive aspect  125 compound  9, 30, 47, 83, 88–89, 135–136, 149, 151, 193, 199–202, 204–210, 228, 251, 253, 276, 283 compound adverbs  210 compound modal sentences 253 compound noun  47, 149, 202, 204, 207–208 compound verb  83, 88, 253 conditional  127, 132–133, 274, 277–278 conjoining  199, 204, 210, 285, 288 conjunction  151, 257, 278 conjunctive coordinator  151, 283 consonant  10–11, 16–17, 24, 26–28, 31, 37–39, 48–49, 56, 72, 128, 217, 219 constituent coordination  285, 292–293

352 Konkani

constituent interrogatives  295, 301 continuation 88 control  234–236, 238, 324 conversion  4, 185 copula  7, 83, 243–246, 281, 310 coordinate agreement  285 coordinating conjunctions  151 correlative  6, 47, 60, 65–66, 81, 235, 257, 265–271, 273, 275–277, 279–280 correlative clause  257, 265–266, 268–269 correlative pronoun  65, 265, 271 counter-factive 132 D dative case  53, 55, 65–66, 230, 240, 247 dative subject  236–238, 258, 324 dative verbs  84, 86, 239 de-aspiration 32 declarative sentence  247, 300 declension  9, 72–73, 244 declinable  143, 146, 148, 150, 173 degemination 35–36 degree adverbs  142 deletion  7, 35–39, 249, 264, 269, 290 demonstrative pronouns  60, 65, 323 dental  9, 17–19, 21–23 derivational affixes  161 desiderative  91, 93–96, 124–125, 127, 129–131, 133, 228, 231–234, 247, 251, 253–254, 263–264, 280–281, 308, 312 determining adjectives  81, 243 Devanagari  6, 10–11, 28 dialect  1, 3–5, 9, 16, 23, 58, 80, 109, 163, 346–347 dictionary  9, 249 diphthongization 34 direct object  227–230, 232, 234, 237–240, 243, 250, 272, 302, 324–325 directionality 333

distal deictic pronouns  61–62 distribution  15–22, 68, 89, 170, 229, 323, 326, 338 ditransitive verbs  85, 240, 247 Dravidian  3, 347 drawled intonation  43–44 duration  14, 88, 114 E elliptical 101 emphatic particles  154, 309 emphatic reflexives  328 epistemic  129, 234, 251 equi-np deletion  264 ergative case  129, 228–229, 231, 234, 240 ergative subject  129, 232, 234–235, 253, 272 ergative-absolute system  54 experiencer  53, 86, 345, 348 expletive  249, 332 explicator  88, 254 extended causatives  248 F falling intonation  41 factive condition  108 fall-rise intonation  45 feminine  6, 14, 47–50, 52, 56–58, 61–63, 65, 70, 72, 78, 122, 169–170, 223, 228, 285–286 finite verb  101, 125, 127, 134, 136, 264, 281, 308, 320 first person pronouns  60 flap  17–18, 22–23 focus  135, 307–309, 320 fractionals  78, 80 free variation  23 free morpheme  211, 216–219, 225 frequentative adverbs  142 fricative  21, 23 fusion  7, 309–310 future  7, 101, 103, 106–108, 112, 114, 118, 121, 123–124, 134, 140, 229, 277, 281, 308 future perfect  118 future progressive  114

G Gawdi  1, 4–5, 9, 14, 17, 23, 26–27, 29–33, 35, 50, 56, 60–62, 65, 67, 97–99, 109, 136, 140–142, 165, 172, 175, 204, 206, 212–213, 346 gemination  10, 16, 26, 35–36, 62, 119 gender  6, 9, 16, 47–48, 50, 53, 55–56, 58–60, 62, 65–66, 68–70, 79–81, 103, 121, 127, 129, 132, 143, 146, 150, 159, 184, 187–188, 190–192, 227–228, 244, 247, 265, 267, 271, 277, 285–286, 293, 296, 323, 331, 338 genitive 55 grammar  1, 8–10, 55, 101, 106, 129, 144, 167, 234, 243, 295, 345–348 grammarian  53, 88, 131 H heavy-duty verbs  7, 193 historic present  105 honorific  61–62, 159, 331–332 honorific particles  159 hortative  127, 129, 251, 281, 308, 311 I identical reduplicand  211 imperative  42, 109, 127–129, 251–252, 281, 288, 291, 300, 308, 310–312 imperfective aspect  103, 109, 114, 134, 235 imperfective-perfective marker  6, 112, 119, 189 impersonal sentences  249 impersonal verbs  87 inadvertative 95 inanimate object  54 inceptive aspect  124 indeclinable  142–144, 148–150, 154 indefinite pronouns  60, 68–69, 314 indefinite quantifiers  81 Indic languages  6, 228

Index 353

Indirect object  47, 229, 243, 302, 325 Indo-Aryan  1, 3, 7, 10, 136, 147, 154, 193, 301, 347 Inflection  50, 60, 72, 79, 110–111, 115, 295 Inflectional affixes  161 Insertion  35, 37–39, 145, 217 Instrument  20, 144 intensifiers  135, 157, 221–222 Interjection  45, 158, 207, 216 Internal vowel change  86, 197 Iterative 196 Interrogative particle  297 interrogative pronouns  60, 66–68, 267, 295, 323 intervocalic  23, 26, 30, 35–36, 38 Intonation  13, 40–41, 43–45, 297, 300, 309, 320 Intransitive verbs  84, 196–198, 228–229, 231–233, 247, 253, 258, 307 J jussive  252, 312 L lateral 22 length  10, 13–14, 29, 43–44, 81, 174 lengthening  6, 29 level intonation  41 lexical meaning  88, 93 lexicography 1 light verb  97 literal meaning  88, 318 loan words  150 logophor 334 logophoric pronouns  262, 334 M mandatory meaning  96 manner adverb  68 masculine  6, 14, 47–50, 52–53, 57–58, 61–63, 65, 70, 78, 103, 122, 248, 285–286, 307 metathesis 33 migrants 4 modal verbs  88, 93

modality  251, 346 modifier 47 monosyllabic word  14 mood  7, 9, 37, 101, 103, 125, 127–129, 131–132, 134, 187, 247, 251, 307, 346 morphology  3–4, 7, 27, 69, 240, 348 multiple-headed relative  268–269 mutual reciprocals  63, 330 mutual reciprocity  329–330 N nasal  7, 11, 16–17, 21, 23, 36–38, 55, 64, 212 nasalization  6, 16–17, 130 negation  162, 307–311, 313–317, 320, 327, 347 negative  45, 244–245, 252, 275, 294–297, 300, 307–317, 319–320, 327 negative conjugation  313 negative particle  295, 312 negative polarity items (NIP) 307, 317 neuter  6, 16, 47–50, 52–53, 57, 61–62, 65, 78, 173, 228, 248, 267, 285–287, 331 neutral agreement  230–232 nominal-verb form  102 nominative case  53–56, 63, 129, 234, 241 nominative subject  107, 113, 115–116, 119, 121, 124, 129, 227, 229, 233–235, 247, 253 noun  6, 47–50, 53–56, 65, 70, 72–73, 79, 83, 97, 102, 124, 136–138, 143, 146–147, 149– 150, 156, 161–162, 164–168, 170, 174, 185, 190–191, 200, 202, 204–210, 216–217, 223– 224, 227–228, 236–239, 243, 258, 260, 264–268, 271, 277, 285, 289–290, 296, 310 noun phrase  47, 143, 147, 237–238, 243, 258, 260, 264, 268, 290 number  1, 3–4, 6, 8–9, 11, 14, 22, 27, 39, 47, 50, 52–53, 55–56,

59–60, 62, 65–66, 69–70, 75, 77, 79, 81, 93, 103, 106, 108–109, 121, 127, 129, 132, 135, 143, 146, 150, 159, 174, 184, 188, 190–192, 194, 196, 204, 220, 227–228, 244, 247, 261, 265, 267, 271, 277, 283, 286, 293, 296, 304, 307, 323, 338 numerals  24, 30, 77–78, 80, 192 O object  6, 47, 51, 53–54, 56, 107–108, 113–116, 121, 168, 205–206, 227–232, 234–235, 237–241, 243, 250, 258–259, 262–264, 272, 302, 323–325, 330 obligative  231–234, 247, 251, 254, 313 obligation  253, 312–313 oblique case  47, 53, 55–58 oblique case marker  55 onset  39, 273 ordinals  79–80, 192 P palatal  3, 6, 9, 17, 20–24, 212 palatalization 31 paradigm  55, 115, 117, 119, 129, 307–308 participles  88, 235, 257, 265, 271, 274–276, 280 particle  147, 155–157, 234, 252, 263, 279, 295, 297, 299, 312, 316–317 parts of speech  9, 135, 193 passive voice  9 passivisation 235 past habitual  112, 119 past progressive  112, 134 past tense  7, 103, 125, 277, 310 past time  101, 106, 115, 125 pause 45 perfective aspect  106, 115, 125, 130, 134, 228–230, 232, 235 permissive  37, 95, 125, 127, 131, 251, 253, 281 person  6, 16, 39–40, 60–62, 65–66, 69, 82, 87, 103, 106, 109, 121–122, 126–131, 165, 172,

354 Konkani

175, 183, 189, 202, 206–207, 225, 227–228, 231–232, 244, 247, 249, 251–252, 262, 271, 275, 293, 307, 311–313, 323, 325, 331–332, 334, 338 personal pronouns  59–60, 236, 323, 331–334 phoneme  21, 50 phonological process  211 phonological reduplication  38, 211 phonology  3, 6, 10, 347 phonotactics 24 phrasal verbs  7, 83, 97, 185–187, 193, 246, 318 pitch  29, 35, 40–41, 43–44 plosive 18 pluperfect 119 pluralization 204 polarity  40, 295, 300, 307, 317 Portuguese  3–4, 6, 9–10, 12, 15, 25–26, 29, 74, 97–98, 140, 161, 173, 185, 193, 274 possessive  54–56, 60–61, 63, 144, 146–147, 191, 259, 264, 291, 324–325, 332, 342 possibility  43, 150, 178, 313 posteriority 134 postposition  54, 56, 68, 70, 137–138, 142–144, 146–147, 149–150, 201, 204–205, 207, 232, 234, 237, 246–248, 342 pragmatic  135, 243, 329, 333 pragmatic context  333 predicate  243–244, 258, 310 predicative adjective  138 predicative complements  72, 75 prefix 175 prefixation  161–162, 164, 175–179, 193 present habitual  104 present perfect  6, 115, 117 present progressive  111, 278 present tense  83, 101, 108–109, 245, 277, 281, 310 presupposition  251, 297, 300 productive process  161, 193, 198, 219 proposition  251, 277

prospective  7, 106, 118, 121–124, 126–127, 134, 187, 189, 271, 281, 308, 338 protasis  108, 132, 257 proximal  65, 69 psychological predicates  86, 236 Q quantifiers  68, 75, 80–81, 307, 314–316, 326–327, 333 quasi-aspectuals  88, 91, 93, 109, 125, 131 quasi-modals  88, 93, 131, 134, 254 R raising  6, 14, 35 recipient  53, 144 reciprocals  59, 63, 323, 329–330 reduplicand  34–35, 38, 211–214, 216–217, 219–220 reduplication  38, 161, 211–214, 216–221 reduplicator  34–35, 38, 211, 213–214, 216–220 reflexive pronouns  59–60, 62–63 reflexive reciprocals  63 relatives  59, 72, 265, 267–268, 271, 348 restrictive relative clause  270 retroflex  9–10, 17–19, 21–23, 31, 212 rise-fall intonation  44 rising intonation  40, 297, 300, 320 Romanization 12 root  109, 162 rounded vowel  14 S samas 199 sandhi 199 scope  303, 305, 307–310, 313–315, 317, 319, 327 scope ambiguity  315 script  6, 10–12, 28, 345–346 second perfective  119–121, 134, 146, 189, 228, 271, 281, 308

second person pronouns  60–61, 232, 271, 332, 334 semantic reduplication  211, 220–221 semi-vowel 39 sentence coordination  283–284, 292 sibilant  10, 21, 23 simplification  24, 30, 39 simultaneity 134 small clause  257, 263, 324 sonority  29, 39 standard Konkani  3, 5–6, 14, 16–17, 26, 32, 35, 56, 78, 122 standardization 5–6 standard variety  1, 6, 53 stem  50, 52–53, 55–56, 101, 103, 109, 127, 142, 167–168, 180–182, 223, 252, 346 stop  16, 18–19, 24–25, 33, 36, 38, 86, 92, 123, 126, 132, 212, 342 subject  6, 11, 47, 53–54, 56, 86–87, 96, 106–107, 109, 113, 115–116, 119, 121, 124, 129, 227–229, 231–239, 241, 243–244, 246–247, 249–251, 253–254, 258–259, 262–264, 272, 274, 281, 290–291, 293, 302, 323–327, 330, 334, 338, 348 subject hierarchy  239 subjunctive  129–130, 231–234, 247, 254, 312 subordinating conjunctions 133, 151–152 suffix  53, 55–56, 70, 80, 86, 129, 131, 168–174, 180, 185, 192, 196, 210, 212, 230, 239–240, 247–248, 341 superlative  9, 74–75 suppletive  106, 134 syllable  14–16, 27, 29–31, 35, 39, 43–44, 60, 180–181, 199 syllable structure  29 syntax  4, 9–10, 309, 345–348 T tense  7, 9, 83, 101, 103, 106–109, 114, 118, 125, 134, 232, 244– 245, 247, 253–254, 277, 281, 307–308, 310, 346

Index 355

tensemode  134, 281 termination 88 thematic role  227 theme  86, 96, 227, 236–239, 249, 258, 263 tonic syllable  29, 43–44 topic  135, 307 transitive verb  54, 84, 109, 113, 115, 121, 129, 228, 239 trill 22 U unaspirated  18–22, 37 universal quantifiers  80, 315

unmarked  6, 53, 55–56, 93, 96, 113, 115, 121, 138, 227–228, 230–231, 238–240, 243–244, 285, 324 V validity 251 variable  5, 301 variation  16, 23, 273 variant  15, 23, 35, 55–56, 58, 61, 63, 75 velar  17, 19–21 verb reduplication  213, 216, 218 verbs of cognition  259

verbs of communication  259, 262 vocabulary  8, 161, 253, 348 vocative case  58 voiced  18–23, 33–34, 37, 199 voiceless  10, 18–21, 33–34, 199 voicing 33–34 voluntary reflexives  328 Z zero marker  53, 56, 227, 281 zero morpheme  240 zero nominative marking  227

Add cover photo here (b/w or color, 300 dpi)

Konkani is a modern Indo-Aryan language and a state language of the Indian state Goa. Until recently, it was considered a dialect of Marathi, but it is now considered an independent language. Konkani has several varieties, including the Manglore variety spoken in the south of Goa, the Gawdi variety spoken by the Gawda ethnic group, and the Goan (Panaji) variety. The latter is the focus of this description, and is the variety used in schools, media and state administration. The book provides a descriptive linguistic analysis of Konkani based on spoken and written data collected by the author during extensive fieldwork. The linguistic

features of Konkani phonology, morphology, word-formation and syntax are described in detail, and where significant, compared with the Manglore and Gawdi varieties. Since Konkani is undergoing standardisation, and since it has close contact with Marathi, significant similarities and differences between the two languages are also discussed. Konkani has the honour of being the subject of the oldest European grammatical work on any Indian language: Thomas Stephens’ Arte da Lingoa Canarim published in . This grammar is thus the most recent addition to the long tradition of Konkani grammars.

     

JOH N BE N JA MI NS PU BL ISHI NG C OMPA N Y