Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage and Das Käthchen von Heilbronn 9780773563117

Table of contents :
Contents
Acknowledgments
Introduction
1 The True Princess
2 The False Princess
3 True or False?
4 The Truth Discovered
5 Character Consistency to the End
6 Names in Kathchen von Heilbronn
7 Love across the Class Barrier: Kathchen, Kabale und Liebe, and Agnes Bernauer
Notes
Works Cited
Index
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
N
P
R
S
T
U
V
W
Z

Citation preview

Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage and Das Kathchen von Heilbronn

Although critics agree that Kleist did not intend to provide an accurate portrayal of medieval life in Kathchen von Heilbronn, they disagree about why he portrayed social relationships as he did. For example, is the work in part social criticism or should it be taken simply as a fairy tale? William Reeve shows that critics have failed to take into account the degree to which Kleist was conditioned by his ancestry and upbringing. Influenced to some degree by ideas of the eighteenthcentury middle-class enlightenment, he found it impossible to follow the traditional path of his class in either the military or the civil service. Although he eventually discovered his calling as a writer, a profession inimical to the Prussian noble tradition, he nonetheless remained at heart an aristocrat, bound by the traditions of his class. From the earliest times to the present, the nobility has revered the concepts of lineage and honour and found self-expression in the exercise of power and in military activity - or in the hunt, its peacetime surrogate. When the actions, interactions, and expressions of the characters in Kathchen von Heilbronn are examined from this perspective, it becomes evident not only that Kleist's aristocratic heritage is at the root of this play but that there are, as Reeve demonstrates, parallels in other works as well. Even the names in the drama can be explained by this principle. A concluding chapter provides a comparison with Kabale und Liebe and Agnes Bernauer and shows how the bourgeois authors of these tragedies were conditioned by their class consciousness to portray a similar situation in quite a different manner. WILLIAM c. REEVE is a professor of German at Queen's University.

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Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage and Das Kathchen von Heilbronn WILLIAM C. REEVE

McGill-Queen's University Press Montreal & Kingston • London • Buffalo

© McGill-Queen's University Press 1991 ISBN 0-7735-0869-4 Legal deposit fourth quarter 1991 Bibliotheque nationale du Quebec Printed in Canada on acid-free paper This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Reeve, William C., 1943Kleist's aristocratic heritage and Das Katchen von Heilbronn Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-7735-0869-4 i. Kleist, Heinrich von, 1777-1811. Katchen von Heilbronn. i. Title. PT2378.K4R33 1991 832'.6 091-090322-0

Typeset in Palatine 10/12 by Caractera inc., Quebec City.

For Margaret Boesch counsellor and friend

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Contents

Acknowledgments

ix

Introduction 3 1 The True Princess 20 2 The False Princess 41 3 True or False? 60 4 The Truth Discovered 71 5 Character Consistency to the End 86 6 Names in Kathchen von Heilbronn 107 7 Love across the Class Barrier: Kathchen, Kabale und Liebe, and Agnes Bernauer 123 Notes 157 Works Cited 181 Index 187

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Acknowledgments

Of the many people who have contributed both directly and indirectly to the completion of this monograph, I should like to recognize Mrs Margaret Boesch for the many hours she spent on the computer and her valuable suggestions, Professor G.W. Field for his constructive criticism of the penultimate draft, Diane Pitts for her careful proofreading, the late Professor Ernst Loeb, whose influence will always be with me, and my wife for her continued encouragement ard support. Chapter six, "Names in Kathchen von Heilbronn," is a slightly revised version of an article '"O du - wie nenn ich dich?': Names in Kleist's Kathchen von Heilbronn" German Life and Letters 41 (1988): 83-98, and the Conclusion includes approximately two-and-a-half pages from another article, "Corrections or Confusion? Two Contentious Variants from Kleist's Kathchen von Heilbronn" German Life and Letters 40 (1986): 2-4. The author wishes to thank the editors of German Life and Letters for their permission to reprint this material. A grant awarded by the Advisory Research Committee, Division ii of the School of Graduate Studies and Research, Queen's University, defrayed the cost of preparing the manuscript.

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Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage and Das Kathchen von Heilbronn

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Introduction Aber das Herkommen will, dafi wir ein Haus bilden sollen, und unsere Geburt, daS wir mit Anstand leben sollen - o tiber die ungluckseligen Vorurteile! (Kleist)1 Das Herkommen [bestimmt] unser Tun. (Fontane)2

When Friedrich Hebbel had reread Kleist's Kathchen von Heilbronn, a work whose heroine, "eine echtgeborene Tochter der Poesie," had once captivated and still continued to appeal to the poet, he noted with regret in his diary on 21 February 1845: "[A]ber die Welt, in der du [Kathchen] dich bewegst, und die dich hebt und tragt, will mir nicht mehr wie friiher gefallen, ja nicht einmal ganz mehr ... dein Wetter von [sic] Strahl, der dich erst zu heiraten wagt, nun du eine Kaiserstochter bist."3 In the same entry, Hebbel goes on to specify why he rejects the "world" in which Kathchen has her being: Aber, so viel du auch wagst, so riihrend du dich auch opferst, du hast so wenig das eine als das andere dargetan, denn du siegst nicht durch dich selbst, nicht durch die Magie der Schonheit, nicht durch die hohere des Edelmuts, nicht einmal das Cherubin-Geleite von Oben; du siegst durch eine Pergamentrolle, durch den kaiserlichen Brief, der dich zur Prinzessin von Schwaben erhebt. ... Doch das ist nicht deine Schuld, sondern die Schuld dessen, der dich erzeugte und ein Schicksal iiber dich verhangte, das dich mit dir selbst in Widerspruch setzte.4

Two other critics voiced similar reservations about Kleist's "Ritterschauspiel," the satirist Moritz Gottlieb Saphir and the Marxist literary historian Franz Mehring. The former exclaimed ironically: "Ware Kathchen keine Herzogstochter [in the Viennese staging of 1843, the Emperor was reduced in rank to a duke in order to avoid censorship difficulties], o dann konnte der Zeisig noch heute am Holunderbusch

4 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage zwitschern. ... Herr Wetter von [sic] Strahl wiirde noch immer nach einem Ritterfraulein suchen und das gute Kathchen ... im Stalle logieren!!!"5 Mehring for his part deplored the "junkerlich" trick whereby "der biedere Graf Wetter v. Strahl Kathchen trotz ihrer hingebenden Liebe mit der Peitsche zuriickweist, solange sie als die eheliche Tochter eines ehrsamen Waffenschmieds gilt, aber sie begeistert als 'Prinzessin von Schwaben' zu seinem ehelichen Gemahl erhebt, sobald sich herausstellt, dafi sie die Frucht eines kaiserlichen Ehebruchs ist."6 In the twentieth century, as a response to this criticism, one can generally discern a marked tendency to defend Kathchen and its world on the grounds that Kleist wrote, to quote Karl Federn, "ein dramatisches Marchen, und nur als Marchen darf es beurteilt werden, nur als Marchen ist es zu verstehen."7 In a similar vein, Giinter Blocker has reasoned: "Im Marchen mufi alles sinnfallig sein: wer aus dem feinsten Stoff ist, tra'gt die Krone"8; and Siegfried Streller has categorized the drama as a "Kunstmarchen der Aufklarung im Stile Wielands."9 Taking Hebbel to task for his censure of Kleist, Walter Silz, too, seeks to justify the particular ambience of Kathchen, arguing that its author recreated a fantasy realm: "Hebbel approaches it [Kathchen] with the personal prejudices of his militantly proletarian nature, and scents a problem which was present indeed to the author of Agnes Bernauer, but which Kleist did not have in mind at all, and which does not belong in this miraculous, fairy-tale world."10 And yet, as Hermann Weigand has observed, the play's plot depends upon two basic assumptions: Die erste Voraussetzung ist das Bestehen einer strengen Trennung der Stande bei gegenseitiger Achtung. Sie gilt als selbstverstandlich und gottgewollt. Eine Eheschliefiung zwischen einem Burgerma'dchen kommt als ein Unding nicht in Frage. ... Die zweite Voraussetzung fur den Leidens- und Lauterungsweg des Grafen ist die ihm in der Traumvision gewordene VerheiSung, das Ma'dchen, das bestimmt ist, ihn gliicklich zu machen, sei eine Kaiserstochter. Ohne solche Verheifiung ware eine Losung des Dilemmas Liebe-Ehre, Neigung-Pflicht, Gefuhl-Verantwortungsbewufitsein unmoglich.11 Both assumptions to which the "proletarian" Hebbel objected thus stem from aristocratic convention, which Kleist obviously had in mind when writing his work, although, as Silz indicates, this may not have posed a major problem. Furthermore, aristocratic bias frequently informs and structures the "fairy-tale world."12 Whatever particular literary or political slant commentators have brought to their interpretation of Kathchen, they have noted the total absence of any attempt to reproduce an historically accurate picture

5 Introduction

of the Middle Ages. Whereas Ernst Fischer even goes as far as to claim, "Kein Cherub vermag das Kathchen aus dem stiirzenden Gemauer eines literarisch verfalschten Mittelalters zu retten .. ,"13 Dirk Grathoff adopts a more neutral stance: "Das Schauspiel ist weder um historische Treue bemiiht... noch kann gesagt werden, dafi die gesellschaftlichen Konflikte im Kathchen in irgendeiner spezifisch historischen Auspragung behandelt werden - abgesehen von der allgemeinen mittelalterlichen Einkleidung."14 However, in an earlier article entitled "Beerben oder Enterben? Problem einer gegenwartigen Aneignung von Kleists Kathchen von Heilbronn," Grathoff concluded, "Gerade ein Werk wie das Kathchen gibt Aufschlufi iiber die Widerspriiche, die schon in der Genese der biirgerlichen Kultur und Ideologic [in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries] aufgetreten sind. ..."15 Finding fault with this point of view - "Sowenig es im Mittelalter des Dramas um die historische Realitat des Mittelalters geht, sowenig auch um eine zeitgenossische gesellschaftliche Auseinandersetzung"16 - Fritz Martini locates the action of the drama "in [Kleist's] Imagination. An keine Mimesis von Wirklichkeit gebunden, kann sie sich voile Spielfreiheit erlauben."17 Nevertheless, an author's upbringing within the confines of a particular class would undoubtedly have some bearing on and even curtail any absolute sense of "Spielfreiheit." Adding to the difficulty is the more or less general recognition of a satirical or parodistic distance established between the dramatist and the era depicted. "Mit heiterer Ironic," remarks Siegfried Streller, "steht [Kleist] ... der Ritterwelt gegeniiber"18 - a view shared by Grathoff.19 However, while Streller explains the unfavourable, humorous portrayal partly in terms of Kleist's being caught in the "geschichtlichen Situation des deutschen Burgertums am Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts,"20 Martini denies "eine gezielte Gesellschaftskritik vom biirgerlichen Standpunkt aus" and proposes that the dramatist sought to demonstrate "die einengende Wirkung der Gesellschaft und ihrer Moral, sei sie nun feudal oder burgerlich, auf die Entwicklung des Individuums."21 Since the Hitler period with its embarrassing exploitation of Kleist as a precursor of National Socialism,22 several scholars have attempted either to refute or to soften the Marxist repudiation of Kleist's historical position as representing, to cite Georg Lukacs, "die Mischung von Reaktion und Dekadenz."23 This political rehabilitation has assumed many forms, but basically the argument runs as follows: although an aristocrat by birth, Kleist, really a liberal at heart, attacked the prejudices of his class and experienced the dilemma faced by the bourgeoisie during its growing crisis at the end of the eighteenth century. In the description of the objectives pursued by the Konigsberg Triumvirate, i.e., Neidhardt von Gneisnau, Gerhard von Scharnhorst,

6 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage and Karl Freiherr vom Stein, Richard Samuel emphasizes "die Bildung eines innerlich freien Staates auf der Grundlage parlamentarischer Regierungsform und sozialer Gleichberechtigung"; and as proof of the dramatist's adherence to this concept, he reasons: "Auch bei Kleist legt Hermann nach der Niederwerfung des Feindes die Fiihrung nieder und verlangt die Entscheidung in einer freien Wahl durch den Fiirstenrat, wahrend er in einem seiner Pamphlete sagt: 'Nach Beendigung des Krieges soil ein Reichstag gehalten, und von den Fiirsten des Reiches, nach der Mehrzahl der Stimmen, eine Staatsverfassung festgesetzt werden'."241 have proposed elsewhere that the pamphlet's solution, applicable only to nineteenth-century Germany, is based upon the hereditary class principle, since only the princes, not the people, should decide by majority vote the nature of the constitution.25 Echoing Samuel, Ulrich Vohland maintains, "Darin, dafi Kleist dem Volk der Normanner eine Mitentscheidung iiber die Wahl des Monarchen und weit grofiere Mitsprachemoglichkeiten zuschreibt, als sie das wirkliche Volk, das diese im Verlauf des Mittelalters immer mehr verloren hatte, besafi, spiegelt sich die biirgerliche Hoffnung auf grofieren politischen Einflufi."26 Likewise, Jeffrey Sammons contends: "[The] theme of partnership, of sharing in the responsibility for the welfare of the state, implied by the strategy of Die Hermannsschlacht, is internalized in the action of Prinz Friedrich"27 But both Robert Guiskard and Die Hermannsschlacht exhibit autocratic contempt for the people represented by the army or the hordes,28 while the partnership to which Sammons alludes is largely a matter of political expediency dictated by circumstances.29 Although critics would like to see some evidence of liberalism in the fact that Kleist's totalitarian rulers seek public or aristocratic backing for their reigns, the political pragmatism of // Principe30 has taught that a leader can only hope to retain the reins of power if he enjoys some measure of popular support. Ka'thchen also has its revisionist apologists. Hans Wolff, for example, maintains in his reconstruction of the Urkathchen: "Die Standesunterschiede, die sich zwischen die von Natur fureinander besrimmten Liebenden stellen, ... werden angeklagt"31 - an assertion at odds with all the extant versions of the play. As I noted earlier, Grathoff sees Kleist's political dilemma as that faced by the German middle class during the Napoleonic era, and this is essentially the same position as that expounded by Hans Mayer in 1962: "Worin aber bestand die eigentliche Lebenstragik dieses Kiinstlers? Hier unsere Behauptung [Mayer's emphasis]: weit davon entfernt, den Konflikt eines preufiischen Aristokraten mit seiner adeligen Umwelt oder auch die Zwischensituation zwischen Adel und Burgertum ... auszudriicken, ist die Lebenstragik Heinrich von Kleists nahezu ausschliefilich durch

7 Introduction

die Problematik des deutschen Biirgertums, seiner Lebensanschauungen wie seiner Kunstideale bestimmt."32 Even though critics such as Martini and Streller have attempted to refute this historical analysis as it relates specifically to Kathchen, the one must resort to individual imagination and its creative freedom, while the other underscores the superiority of the individual, "die Uberlegenheit des aus dem natiirlichen Gefuhl erwachsenen Handelns/'33 over the dictates of a restrictive society. But this glorification of individual feeling must surely be seen in the context of the ideas of Rousseau, the philosopher of the European middle class and the French Revolution. Even if we were to accept Mayer's thesis, "Kleist bedeutet eine entscheidende Etappe in der Entwicklung biirgerlichen Denkens in Deutschland,"34 can it really find support in Kathchen, as Grathoff would have us believe, or are we to resort to the usual expedient rationalization: "Aber mufi wirklich entgegnet werden, dafi Kleist kein biirgerliches Trauerspiel, sondern ein Marchen schrieb?" Heilbronn liegt im Kinder- und Marchenland."35 A brief survey of Kleist's roots discloses a pattern on the whole quite typical of the Prussian junker class.36 The family traces its origins back to the twelfth century (1175) to Clest de Densin, a junker, like most, of Slavic descent, and the owner of Gut Raddetz in Pomerania. "Clest" or "Kleist," a Slavic Christian name, actually meant a lance shaft, an instrument of war indicative of the primary occupation of the aristocracy: "The noble was bred for war, trained for war, and passed his life fighting."37 Interestingly enough, the Kleist "Helmzier" consisted of three inverted spears whose points rested on three red roses, an emblem possessing striking symbolic implications and reappearing in modified form in Kathchen.36 Although Slavic names remained common well into the sixteenth century, the family gradually became assimilated through marriage to German knights and by the end of the eighteenth century had contributed no fewer than eighteen generals to the Prussian "Offiziersadel." At the same time the family's material fortunes resembled those of many members of the old, traditional "Landadel." Kleist's grandfather bequeathed his estate Schmentzien to the oldest son, while the second in line, Joachim Friedrich, Kleist's father, received a financial settlement. Having attended university briefly, he abandoned his studies for the army, rising to the rank of major and commander of the second battalion in the Seville Regiment and acquiring a home in Frankfurt-an-der-Oder. "Allerdings gehorte die Familie Kleist zu jenem Teil der preufiischen Junkerschaft, der iiber wenig Besitz verfiigte und daher genotigt war, sich durch Militardienste Einkiinfte zu erwerben, die eine standesgemafie Lebensfuhrung erlaubten."39

8 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

The untypical aspect of the Kleist family is the emergence of an artistic bent, succinctly captured in an entry from the "Familienbuch": "Alle Kleists Dichter'."40 Lessing's friend, the anacreontic poet Ewald Christian von Kleist (1715-59) embodied the first significant manifestation of this strain. Bowing to family pressure he left the university to pursue an unhappy military career which culminated in his death or, in the view of many, his suicide, at the battle of Kunersdorf. One can see a similar pattern in the biography of Franz Alexander von Kleist (1769-97) who took leave of the army to become a scientist and writer, eventually gained notable success as a "Modeschriftsteller," but died prematurely as a consequence of dissolute living. These two kinsmen exemplify both the seemingly inescapable predominance of the military in the family and the high personal price a Kleist had to pay if his individual temperament or inclination led him to resist an aristocratic tradition rendered sacrosanct by some five hundred years of practice. In any comparison of Heinrich von Kleist's life with that of his middle-class contemporaries, Goethe or Schiller, literary history confronts us with a very special case of "le malheur d'etre poete." Throughout Kleist's lifetime the aristocracy ruled Prussia in the form of a closely-knit bureaucracy. As Hans Rosenberg puts it: "In spite of the lessened importance of noble birth and landed property as determinants of political power and high social standing, aristocratic valuations in society, politics and public administration retained their primacy during the eighteenth century. Noble status not only remained a special asset in professional state service; it was also a badge of any position of eminence in the governmental hierarchy."41 In the main work of Romantic political conservatism, Elemente der Staatskunst (1808-9), Kleist's collaborator Adam Miiller glorified the Adel as "die erste und einzige notwendige staatsrechtliche Institution im Staate,"42 while only five years after Kleist's death, Friedrich Leopold Graf Stolberg claimed: "die Idee des Adels [beruht] wie alles, was grofi ist im Menschen, auf Aufopferung des Geringeren, um das Hohere zu ergreifen. Der Adel mufi entsagen jedem kaufmannischen und niedrigen Gewerbe. Drei Bestimmungen werden ihm gegeben; veredelter Landbau...; Staatsverwaltung; Verteidigung des Vaterlandes."43 According to Rudolf Vierhaus, an underlying prevalence of the aristocratic ethos persisted in Germany right into the present century: "Sieht man in rechtlichen und sozialen Vorziigen des Adels das entscheidende Charakteristikum des ancien regime, so miifite man behaupten, dieses habe in Deutschland bis zum Ende des Ersten Weltkrieges angedauert."44 This aristocratic ascendancy, an anachronism in view of political developments in other European states, owes much to Frederick the Great's strongly developed sense of high-born

9 Introduction elitism: he not only regarded the aristocracy as synonymous with the nation, but also adopted a policy that reinforced the domination of the rest of society by that class. The bourgeoisie, because of its base material concerns, could never be motivated to become the ideal servant of the state: "[The aristocrats] alone were capable of cultivating loyalties and ambitions of a lofty kind, of developing a point d'honneur, a longing for glory and the martial virtues and ideals, a disciplined passion for service as conveyors of despotic power from above or below, thus linking the majestic autocrat at the top to the shapeless rabble at the bottom."45 Even though the power of the crown declined in the second half of the eighteenth century, the "formal transformation of monarchical autocracy into a system of bureaucratic-aristocratic authoritarianism"46 served nonetheless to promote the supremacy of aristocratic values and interests. Wishing above all to engender in the nobility an absolute sense of devotion and loyalty to the state, Frederick used the army as a means to cultivate these national virtues. He made it quite clear that he expected his nobles to serve in the armed forces and ostracized those who had the temerity to dissuade their sons from enlisting. Since he encouraged young officers to regard the military as a permanent profession, he did not look fondly upon those who resigned their commissions. During the reign of Frederick's father (Frederick William i), only by permission of his majesty could an officer travel abroad, and the king forbade any of his military leaders to serve in a foreign army, a policy which Kleist was to offend against by his half-hearted effort to join Napoleon's troops and which subsequently branded him a deserter. "To endow the officer class with esprit de corps, [Frederick the Great] turned it into the preserve of the nobility. It is indeed not so much the nobility as the corps of officers which became a caste in eighteenth-century Prussia."47 Frederick even went so far as to engage foreign commanders rather than recruit from the Prussian middle class. Moreover, up to 1807, both on the basis of tradition and official regulations, the nobility found itself excluded from middle-class callings, especially trade and commerce.48 Thus, if a young aristocrat decided not to enter the army, the only option left to him was the civil service where, from Frederick the Great's time onward, preferential treatment guaranteed that almost exclusively those of noble blood would gain access to the highest and most desirable posts. Prussia evolved into a country ruled on the basis of bureaucratic absolutism, essentially a practical alliance between the ruling Hohenzollerns and the junker, intended to ensure aristocratic domination of the government and society in general and to prevent, impede, or weaken any attempts at democratic reform. "Even Wilhelm von Humboldt," notes

io Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage Hans Rosenberg, "came to adopt the view that privileged landed property and old style corporative political representation were particularly appropriate 'safeguards against democracy'."49 In an article entitled "Zur Verteidigung des Adels im deutschen Fruhkonservatismus 1790-1800," Hans-Wolf Ja'ger outlines a "friihkonservative Dramatik" especially noteworthy in the last decade of the eighteenth century. It came into being as a measure to counter the liberal Jacobin propaganda disseminated in some theatres, notably in Mainz, and it led to a series of dramas glorifying absolutism and promoting loyalty to the ruling head, e.g., Karl Friedrich Hensler's play Gute Menschen lieben ihren Fursten or Friedrich Traugott Voigt's Der Ftirst als Mensch: 'Ausnahmslos zeigt sich das regierende Haupt in diesen Stiicken als guter Mensch: ein Liebhaber der Kiinste, ein Vater des Volkes und insbesondere der kleinen Leute, ein Beschiitzer der Familie und sehr oft ein zartlicher Gatte und traulicher Freund. Wo er mafiregelt, tut es der Herrscher mit wundem Herzen - 'unsere Fursten weinen, wo sie strafen,' sagt ein Theaterprolog von 1794. ...'/5° In keeping with this trend, August Wilhelm Iffland, one of the most successful theatre men of his day and one whom Kleist could not ignore, maintained that a good drama should not only avoid criticizing the aristocracy but should even defend it. Another development which affected the aristocracy of the eighteenth century, but which actually began in seventeenth-century Prussia, was the growing absolutism of the ruling princes at the expense of the political power traditionally invested in the landed gentry. When many junkers lost their property and the privileges it conferred, they had no alternative other than going to court to serve as courtiers. Eventually, this "Verhofung des Kriegeradels" led to a feeling of estrangement from one's native roots and a longing to return to a "Landleben" retrospectively idealized as wholesome and innocent: Im Zeitalter des Ubergangs muSten sich Adlige, die noch auf den Giitern ihrer Vater aufgewachsen waren, an das verfeinerte, vielfaltigere, beziehungsreichere, aber darum weit grofiere Selbstkontrolle verlangende Hofleben gewohnen. Schon in diesen Generationen wurde das Landleben, die Landschaft der eigenen Jugend, fur die Manner und Frauen des Hofes vielfach zum Gegenstand wehmiitiger Sehnsucht. Und spa'ter, als die Verhofung des Adels eine vollendete Tatsache war, ... blieb das landliche Leben ... der Gegenstand der Sehnsucht.51 Klaus Peter has made a good case for seeing in Lessing's Emilia Galotti52 or Arnim's Grafin Dolores, with their overt criticism of the court an indictment of the "Entfremdung vom Boden," a protest based in part

ii Introduction

upon the idyllic vision of country life propagated by the conservative aristocracy and supported by its apologists' efforts to portray the junker as a benevolent, ethical patriarch. The history of the Kleists provides ample illustration of this social and political phenomenon, while the family's most celebrated member not only wrote works regretting the lost Eden, but tried at one point to return to the unpretentious life of his ancestors, an ideal which, even in his final drama, Prinz Friedrich von Homburg (1030-6), still retained some of its attraction.53 These attempts to present the aristocracy in the best possible light must be seen in the context of the ever increasing criticism levelled at the ruling class by the progressive forces of the period. The Prussian "Adel" was clearly under attack, and its main detractor was the middle class. As a consequence of Germany's slow but inevitable entry into the modern age of commerce and industry, the bourgeoisie began to emerge as a significant economic and political faction seeking direct participation in the governing of the nation. With its demand for a more egalitarian form of society free of outdated feudal privileges, this rising class found itself unavoidably at odds with an aristocracy bent on preserving its own way of life. "Der Angriff auf den Adel ... wurde somit zu einem Kristallisationspunkt der sich formierenden burgerlichen Klasse in der zweiten Halfte des 18. Jahrhunderts."54 One reason for this attack was the progressive thinking of the "Aufklarung" with its advocacy of enlightened absolutism and its promotion of education. The esteem one enjoyed in society, once attributable solely to the accident of birth, now also depended on the cultivation of one's artistic and intellectual abilities. Whereas in the past the aristocracy had laid claim to a cultural superiority based on heredity, now, for the first time, members of the middle class challenged successfully the intellectual monopoly enjoyed by the "Adel". Moreover, their numbers were swelled by impoverished lesser nobles who, proud of their cultural achievements and talents, saw an opportunity to regain some of their lost power and prestige from the well established, financially secure ruling elite: "Bildung undermined the traditional separation of the classes, but also the ancient practice of equating the aristocracy with the nobility. Inside and outside government service, Bildung became the new bond that tied well-educated nobles and commoners together and established them as a proud and self-reliant aristocratic fraternity, transcending the boundaries of birth, status, profession, and wealth."55 The growing importance of education within the Prussian bureaucracy led, according to Rosenberg, inevitably to an expectation of "greater individual and corporate freedom in professional life; for more authority and responsibility."56 This all sounds quite familiar to anyone

12 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

aware of the emphasis that Kleist placed upon "Bildung" and personal freedom; in fact, he came to associate government service with an unavoidable and hence unacceptable loss of independence: "Ich will kein Amt nehmen. Warum will ich es nicht? ... Ich kann nicht eingreifen in ein Interesse, das ich mit meiner Vernunft nicht priifen darf. Ich soil tun was der Staat von mir verlangt, und doch soil ich nicht untersuchen, ob das, was er von mir verlangt, gut ist. Zu seinen unbekannten Zwecken soil ich ein blofies Werkzeug sein - ich kann es nicht" (2: 584). Yet another goal of the Enlightenment that clearly influenced the thinking of the aristocracy during Kleist's formative years was the attempt to rescue the political absolutist sphere from the taint of Machiavellianism57 by counselling sovereigns to adhere to universal standards of law and morality. The ruler owes his superior social and political position not to advantages conferred by birth, but to the conscientious fulfilment of the duties imposed on one who must act out of concern for the general welfare rather than for personal gain or advantage. As Paul Michael Liitzeler aptly describes it, "Die nichthofischen Schichten sind daran interessiert, den Konig als 'Menschen' zu entlarven, ihm Quasi-Gottlichkeit zu bestreiten, um ihn entweder als Tyrannen angreifen oder als Protektor der Humanitat feiern zu konnen."58 Kleist's closeness to this effort to subordinate politics to ethical considerations founded on "Menschlichkeit" clearly influenced the genesis of his last play where the following exchange sounds as if it were designed as an illustration of the very alternatives Liitzeler describes: NATALIE.

Erst, weil er [Homburg] siegt', ihn kranzen, dann enthaupten, Das fordert die Geschichte nicht von dir; Das ware so erhaben, lieber Onkel, DaS man es fast unmenschlich nennen konnte: Und Gott schuf noch nichts Milder es als dich. DER KURFURST. Mein sufies Kind! Sieh! War ich ein Tyrann, Dein Wort, das fiihl ich lebhaft, hatte mir Das Herz schon in der erznen Brust geschmelzt. Dich aber frag ich selbst: darf ich den Spruch Den das Gericht gefallt, wohl unterdriicken? Was wiirde wohl davon die Folge sein? NATALIE. Fur wen? Fur dich? DER KURFURST. Fur mich; nein! - Was? Fur mich! Kennst du nichts Hohres, Jungfrau, als nur mich? Ist dir ein Heiligtum ganz unbekannt, Das in dem Lager, Vaterland sich nennt? (1107-21)

13 Introduction

However, in Kleist's world, and especially in the realm of power politics, appearances deceive more often than not. Although the quoted passage may seem to verify Grathoffs assessment of Kleist's political position as being dictated by middle-class ideology, I have sought to demonstrate elsewhere59 that this dialogue actually warrants comparison with a similar conversation between Thusnelda and the Machiavellian aristocrat Hermann and that the line separating the Elector from Hermann may be thinner than most commentators have been prepared to concede. For the Cheruscan prince, as the concluding episode of Die Hermannsschlacht makes painfully evident, Thomas Hobbe's basic principle of absolutism: "Auctoritas, non veritas facit legem,"60 i.e., might is right, holds sway: ARISTAN. Jedoch was gait Germanien mir? Der Ftirst bin ich der Ubier, Beherrscher eines freien Staats, In Fug und Recht, mich jedem, wer es sei Und also auch dem Varus zu verbinden! HERMANN. Ich weifi, Aristan. Diese Denkart kenn ich. Du bist imstand und treibst mich in die Enge, Fragst, wo und wann Germanien gewesen? Doch jetzo, ich versichre dich, jetzt wirst du Mich schnell begreifen, wie ich es gemeint: Ftihrt ihn hinweg und werft das Haupt ihm nieder! ARISTAN. erblafit. Wie, du Tyrann! Du scheutest dich so wenig -? MARBOD. halblaut zu Wolf. Die Lektion ist gut. WOLF. Das sag ich auch. FUST. Was gilts, er weiS jetzt, wo Germanien liegt? ARISTAN. Hort mich, ihr Briider -! HERMANN. Fiihret ihn hinweg! (2606-22)

Kleist might well have adopted certain values more commonly associated with "Burgertum," but at the same time, as the first son of a branch of an old-established Prussian family, he could not escape the influence of his heritage anymore than could many of his equally disinherited fellow nobles. "Es ist gar nicht moglich," claims Nietzsche, "dafi ein Mensch nicht [Nietzsche's emphasis] die Eigenschaften und Vorlieben seiner Eltern und Altvordern im Leibe habe; was auch der Augenschein dagegen sagen mag."61 Although Hans Mayer has attempted to demonstrate the dissimilarity between Kleist and his high-born contemporaries, the major contrast he outlines has to do

14 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

primarily with Kleist's rejection of the religious solution embraced by several aristocratic writers: "Kleist war weder ein adlig glaubiger Protestant wie der Freiherr de la Motte Fouque, ... noch ein glaubiger Katholik wie der Freiherr von Eichendorff,"62 Religious conviction constitutes only one trait of some prominent members of the educated upper class and should not even be regarded as typical of aristocratic values as a whole. Indeed, Nietzsche interprets this development as a symptom of decline in "Herrenmoral." Moreover, both Achim von Arnim and Joseph von Eichendorff blamed the excesses of their own class for the outbreak of the French Revolution, wrote to convince aristocrats to adopt the Enlightenment's moral point of view, and thus contributed to the so-called "revolution from above" - the politically progressive position attributed by some commentators (Samuel, Vohland, Sammons) to Kleist. And yet the aristocrat still finds it difficult, if not impossible, to renounce the belief in what Nietzsche would characterize as a congenital sense of "Vornehmheit" typical of a small minority of superior individuals and discernible in all races at all times.63 An excerpt from Eichendorff's essay "Der Adel und die Revolution" (1857) illustrates this view: "[Nur] die vollige Barbarei kann ohne Adel bestehen. In jedem Stadium der Zivilisation wird es, gleichviel unter welchen Namen und Formen, immer wieder Aristokraten geben, das heifit eine bevorzugte Klasse, die sich tiber die Masse erhebt, um sie zu lenken."64 Not only this ideal image, persisting in the aristocrat's mind despite progressive tendencies, but also the de facto political situation, regardless of all propaganda to the contrary, supported the tradition whereby the upper class continued to dominate Prussian politics. As Rosenberg writes: [The Reformers'] melodramatic talk about "revolution from above," "revolution from within" and "democratic principles in a monarchical government" confused the issue. There was no revolution against either absolute government or privilege as such. A streamlined system of political absolutism; a modified pattern of aristocratic privilege and inequity; a redistribution of oligarchical authority among the revitalized segments of the traditional master class; a promotion of personal liberty and freedom of occupation and economic enterprise - these were the principal results of the work of the bureaucratic saviors of Prussia.65

Eichendorff's insistence upon a timeless class distinction, while anticipating a basic tenet of Nietzsche's aristocratic radicalism, has received additional confirmation from recent historical studies depicting the aristocrat as a constantly recurring type in human society. In

15 Introduction

the preamble to his essay "Der deutsche Adelbis zum 18. Jahrhundert," Dietrich Gerhard portrays the nobility as "ein konstitutives Element Alteuropas ... , das sich als solches trotz aller Wandlungen, auch innerhalb des Adels selbst, durch die Jahrhunderte gehalten hat."66 The specific values and pursuits common to the medieval knight or the twentieth-century sheik, what one could call archetypal aristocratic attitudes, have been outlined by John. H. Kautsky in an excellent article, "Funktionen und Werte des Adels,"67 to which in my analysis of Kathchen I shall frequently have recourse. In his conclusion Kautsky argues: "dafi sich diese Probleme [conflicts as a result of the continual presence of aristocratic ideas in the modern age] in der Weltliteratur spiegeln, wird niemand wundernehmen, der sich mit dem Verhaltnis zwischen Poesie und Sozialgeschichte beschaftigt hat, und er wird sie um so besser verstehen, als er imstande ist, die Uberreste des aristokratischen Weltverstandnisses aus seinen geschichtlichen Voraussetzungen zu erklaren."68 Under the latter "geschichtlichen Voraussetzungen" I would include Kleist's attraction to the middle-class ideals of the Enlightenment commonly held by many of his fellow nobles in the Napoleonic era. German middle-class ideology clearly did influence him: "Da dachte ich, weg mit alien Vorurteilen, weg mit dem Adel, weg mit dem Stande gute Menschen [Kleist's emphasis] wollen wir sein und uns mit der Freude begniigen, die die Natur uns schenkt. Lieben [Kleist's emphasis] wollen wir uns, und bilden [Kleist's emphasis], und dazu gehort nicht viel Geld ..." (2: 587); but Kleist addressed this repudiation of his aristocratic past to Wilhelmine von Zenge, a lady from his own class. Moreover, he was to recognize that money, a constant theme throughout his correspondence, could not be treated so lightly, a painful lesson learned by a majority of the Prussian nobility.69 As for "die Uberreste des aristokratischen Weltverstandnisses," Theodor Fontane, the literary expert on Prussian "Junkertum," has a baron proclaim in the second half of the nineteenth century, "Das Herkommen [bestimmt] unser Tun," and he wrote several novels in support of this statement. The high-born Freiherr von Rienacker, despite his genuine love for the low-born Lene Nimpsch, heeds the voice of family custom, here represented by his mother, renounces Lene, and marries a rich cousin, Kathe von Sellenthin. "Wer [dem Herkommen] gehorcht, kann zugrunde gehn, aber er geht besser zugrunde als der, der ihm widerspricht."70 In the same letter in which Kleist repudiates the prejudices of his class, he also inadvertently confirms the validity of Botho von Rienacker's statement: "Aber das Herkommen will, dafi wir [Kleist and Wilhelmine] ein Haus bilden sollen, und unsere Geburt, dafi wir mit Anstand leben sollen - o iiber die ungliickseligen Vorurteile!" (2:

16 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage 587). While seeking to deny this tradition any philosophical bearing upon their future plans, Kleist cannot totally ignore the necessity of meeting those minimum expectations imposed by "Herkommen" and "Geburt" and hence proposes a "Spielraum" of "nur ein paar Jahre, hochstens sechs" in order to find the opportunity "Geld zu erwerben" (2: 588). But how does he plan to earn the required funds to support a wife and family? The same letter intimates for the first time his literary aspirations: "Da stiinde mir nun fur die Zukunft das ganze schriftstellerische Fach offen. Darin fiihle ich, daC ich sehr gern arbeiten wiirde" (2:587); he also suggests what he hopes to acquire by pursuing his career objectives: "Ich bin sehr fest entschlossen, den ganzen Adel von mir abzuwerfen. Viele Manner haben geringfugig angefangen und kdniglich ihre Laufbahn beschlossen. Shakespeare war ein Pferdejunge und jetzt ist er die Bewunderung der Nachwelt. Wenn Dir auch die eine Art von Ehre entgeht, so wird Dir doch vielleicht einst eine andere zuteil werden, die hoher ist - Wilhelmine, warte zehn Jahre und Du wirst mich nicht ohne Stolz umarmen" (2: 589). This passage illustrates that Kleist, however much he may have wished to deny his "Herkommen," remained at heart an aristocrat whose heritage determined not only his basic values, but, not surprisingly, his very thought patterns. Although a mere commoner, Shakespeare concluded his career in a "kingly" fashion, i.e., the mark of true distinction which Kleist derives ironically from his own class consciousness, while seeking to disown it. Clearly, the underlying goal signalled by the choice of the highest standard, Shakespeare, is the pursuit of "Ruhm" Kleist later characterized as "das grofite der Giiter der Erde" (2: 737) and which, I have proposed,71 provided the driving force behind his last two dramas, Die Hermannsschlacht and Prinz Friedrich von Hamburg. Fame, especially when allied with honour, as Kautksy points out, belongs to the aristocratic ethos: "Die Wahrung der Ehre ist eng verbunden mit dem Erwerb von 'Ruhm', einem weiteren Schliisselbegriff adligen Denkens."72 In the same letter, written in October 1803, m which Kleist complains, "Der Himmel versagt [ihm] den Ruhm, das grofite der Giiter der Erde," he announces to his sister Ulrike his intent, "den schonen Tod der Schlachten [zu] sterben" (2: 737). In a moment of despair, occasioned by the Guiskard crisis, his aristocratic upbringing once more dictates his response, for, to quote Kautsky again, "In der Tat ist nichts ruhmreicher und ehrenhafter fur einen Adligen als der Tod auf dem Schlachtfeld."73 This pursuit of "Ehre" and "Ruhm" becomes especially problematic in Kleist's case, since it is further complicated by the tension between the artist and the aristocrat. Traditionally the nobleman sought recognition in war or service to his country, decidedly not in "d[em]

17 Introduction

ganzfen] schriftstellerisch[en] Fach." He patronized the arts, and Domna Stanton has argued that in his desire "to display a capacity for idleness in such immaterial form as 'manner and breeding, polite usage, decorum'," he saw himself as art.74 However, in his disdain for work - "Arbeit gilt als ... unter der Wiirde des Adligen, sie ist ehrlos und erniedrigend"75 - he rejected or looked down upon "the artist who works with materials external to himself - and for this reason is potentially productive or utilitarian."76 The more cultured courtly circles, which Eichendorff characterized as "die Exklusiven, Pratentiosen,"77 espoused this attitude, but from Kleist's own immediate family and its predecessors, "die, von den grofien Stadten abgelegenen kleineren Gutsbesitzer in ihrer fast insularischen Abgeschiedenheit,"78 he met with even less understanding or appreciation. "Sie [the country junker] hatten weder Zeit noch Sinn fur die Schonheit der Natur," Eichendorff observed in 1857, "sie waren selbst noch Naturprodukte. Das bifichen Poesie des Lebens war als nutzloser Luxus lediglich den jungen Tochtern iiberlassen. ,.."79 Hence, to paraphrase Thomas Mann, Kleist may well have been an artist with the bad conscience of an aristocrat. Aside from Kleist's response to the Guiskard crisis, two other incidents in support of this thesis come to mind. Kleist faced one of the most humiliating trials of his life during his audience with Friedrich Wilhelm's Generaladjutant, Karl Leopold von Kockeritz, who reduced his petitioner to tears. Reporting to his sister the list of offences Kockeritz enumerated at the interview, Kleist wrote: "Ich hatte das Militar verlassen, dem Zivil den Riicken gekehrt, das Ausland durchstreift, mich in der Schweiz ankaufen wollen, Versuche [Kleist's emphasis] gemacht (o meine teure Ulrike!), die Landung mitmachen wollen, usw, usw. usw." (2: 738). A high-ranking government official, a junker of the old school, placed the nourishing of literary aspirations on the same level as abandoning the corner-stones of the Prussian aristocratic tradition, the military and the civil service, or even going over to the side of the enemy.80 The most revealing expression of this basic incompatibility between the values of Kleist's class and the means he chose to pursue them occurs in one of the final letters to Marie von Kleist in which he outlines the reasons why "es [ihm] ganz unmoglich [ist,] la'nger zu leben." [So] wenig ich davon gesprochen habe, so gewifi ist es, dafi es einer meiner herzlichsten und innigsten Wiinsche war, ihnen [meinen Geschwistern] einmal, durch meine Arbeiten und Werke, recht viel Freude und Ehre zu machen ... aber der Gedanke, das Verdienst, das ich doch zuletzt, es sei nun groS oder klein, habe, gar nicht anerkannt zu sehn, und mich von ihnen als ein ganz

i8 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage nichtsnutziges died der menschlichen Gesellschaft, das keiner Teilnahme mehr wert sei, betrachtet zu sehn, 1st mir iiberaus schmerzhaft, wahrhaftig, er raubt mir nicht nur die Freuden, die ich von der Zukunft hoffte [Ruhm], sondern es vergiftet mir auch die Vergangenheit (2: 883-4).

Essentially then, Kleist still derived his "herzlichsten und innigsten Wiinsche/' honour and glory, from his noble heritage, but his class could not accept the 'Arbeiten und Werke" by which his talent and temperament sought to achieve them. He had once before tried unsuccessfully to follow the example of his ancestor, Ewald von Kleist, i.e., "den schonen Tod der Schlachten [zu] sterben" (2: 737). However Europe was now experiencing a shaky peace imposed by Napoleon, and suicide therefore seemed to offer the only solution to his dilemma. Wolf Kittler's recent study, Die Geburt des Partisanen aus dem Geist der Poesie has made a convincing argument for seeing Kleist in the context of his Prussian family legacy: "[Kleists] Werk steht nicht quer zur Tradition seiner altadeligen Familie, sondern ist ein Teil von ihr."81 Kittler supports this thesis in part by recourse to Graf Stolberg's categories "Staatsverwaltung," "Verteidigung des Vaterlandes," and "veredelter Landbau": "Schrift, Krieg, oder Ackerbau, das sind die drei Bestimmungen, in denen sich das Schicksal der Kleists erfullt"82; and he too interprets the writer's life in terms of these three professional alternatives: Auch [Kleist] schwankte zwischen den drei Moglichkeiten, unter denen seine Vorvater einstmals in besseren Zeiten warden konnten. Zunachst beginnt er eine militarische Karriere, dann quittiert er den Dienst und ist im Zweifel, ob er ein Beamter oder Wissenschaftler werden soil. Als er auch an diesen beiden Moglichkeiten irre wurde, traumte er, dem kein Grundbesitz als vaterliches Erbe zugefallen war, davon, sich nicht in Pommern, dem Land seiner Vater, aber in der von poetischen Gemutern des 18. Jahrhunderts so sehr geschatzten Schweiz "anzukaufen" und "im eigentlichsten Verstand ein Bauer [Kittler's emphasis]," ein Landmann zu werden.83

Traditionally "Schrift" could not refer to creative writing as a full-time occupation - Brentano wrote in 1817: "es ist auch wirklich ein verdachtiges Ding um einen Dichter von Profession"84 - but rather to the state bureaucracy, i.e., to the "Staatsverwaltung," which amounted to a civilian extension of the military. Kleist's attempt to combine "in seinen Werken den Beruf des Schreibers mit dem des Offiziers" may properly belong to the "Sphare der Familientradition,"85 but the decision to be a "Dichter von Profession" - "Ich will mich jetzt durch meine

19 Introduction dramatischen Arbeiten ernahren" (2: 769) - clearly set Kleist at odds with his aristocratic heritage.86 Although adaptations of Kathchen enjoyed tremendous stage success during the nineteenth century87 and can be largely credited with having kept Kleist's name as a dramatist alive before his rediscovery in our century the critics on the whole have acknowledged its presence in Kleist's ceuvre with only slightly less annoyance than the inclusion of Die Hermannsschlacht. "[Dafi Goethe] Das Kathchen von Heilbronn argerlich ins Feuer warf," declares Ernst Fischer, "scheint mir gerechtfertigt."88 Since Hermann Weigand's article (1958),89 however, one can detect a willingness to reevaluate Kleist's "ritterliches Schauspiel" in terms of its "Hyperbolstil" (Weigand), its indebtedness to the Viennese "Barocktradition" (Schwerte),90 its reflection of social development during Kleist's lifetime (Grathoff), or its possible status as "Heinrich von Kleists drittes Lustspiel" (Martini). Whereas Grathoff's thesis "Gerade ein Werk wie das Kathchen gibt Aufschlufi iiber die Widerspriiche, die schon in der Genese der burgerlichen Kultur und Ideologic aufgetreten sind,"91 - does withstand scrutiny, it may also prove profitable to view Kleist's plays and particularly Kathchen as owing their atmosphere more to the aristocracy, both in its specifically historical manifestation at the turn of the nineteenth century and, more significantly, in those timeless, ubiquitous, amazingly consistent attitudes of class consciousness running through history that Nietzsche, Anthony Ludovici,92 or Kautsky have described as uniquely aristocratic.93 This approach has the added advantage of reconciling three seemingly antagonistic points of view so frequently applied to the play, i.e., the fairy-tale, the pseudo-medieval, or the contemporary socio-political. I thus hope to demonstrate that Kathchen derives its ethos and particularly its poetic imagery from the noble class into which the dramatist was born and from which he acquired certain attitudes and values. Such a perspective also helps to explain what many commentators have perceived to be contradictions in the plot, for closer examination reveals these to be quite consistent with the aristocratic archetype that has remained remarkably unaltered from the earliest times to the present. Subsequently, as an illustration of the extent to which "das Herkommen unser Tun bestimmt," I shall investigate how two middle-class authors, Kleist's predecessor Schiller and Kleist's successor Hebbel, while dealing with essentially the same theme, came up with quite different results in Kabale und Liebe and Agnes Bernauer.

i The True Princess Naturam expellas furca, tamen usque recurret.

Horace, Epist. i, 10, 24

Es 1st aus der Seele eines Menschen nicht wegzuwischen, was seine Vorfahren am liebsten und bestandigsten getan haben. Nietzsche1

In his notes to Kathchen, Dirk Grathoff observes: "[Kleists] Darstellung [des Vehmgerichts] unterscheidet sich in einigen Punkten von den vielen literarischen und trivialliterarischen Verarbeitungen des Femgerichts, die in zeitgenossischen Ritterdramen und -romanen zu finden sind und die durch die Femgerichtsszene in Goethes Gotz ... angeregt wurden."2 Taking a cue from Grathoff, one can immediately note a major distinction: although the court scenes in Kathchen and Gotz unfold in an ominously dark setting, Kleist has removed his tribunal from Goethe's Gewolbe to an "unterirdischen Hohle, mit den Insignien des Vehmgerichts" (p. 431), a staging more in keeping with the general "notion of secret ritual activities carried on within a secluded place"3 and typically practised by the aristocracy from the earliest times. Whereas Goethe's stage directions read succinctly: "Die Richter des heimlichen Gerichts. Alle vermummt"4 and the participants, "Altester," "Rufer," "Klager," and 'Alle/' remain anonymous throughout the scene, Kleist elected to specify either the name or social rank of his judicial functionaries: "Graf Otto von der Fliihe als Vorsitzer, Wenzel von Nachtheim, Hans von Barenklau als Beisassen, mehrere Graf en, Ritter und Herren, samtlich vermummt" (p. 431). "Die Freigerichte" [in their historical context] waren nicht blofi fur den Adel zustandig, sondern fur die Gesamtheit der 'freien' Bevolkerung, insbes. fur 'freie' Bauern. Zudem konnten nicht nur Adlige, sondern auch 'freie' Bauern und Burger Schoffen werden."5 Although Kleist could have opted for the social anonymity of Gotz or the historically justifiable inclusion of delegates from the "Volk," he has ere-

ai True Princess

ated an exclusively aristocratic institution, not even remotely a people's court, to sit in judgment on a member of the upper class accused by a plaintiff from a lower class.6 If one bears in mind Nietzsche's contention, "[Es sind] 'die Guten' selbst gewesen, das heifit die Vornehmen, Machtigen, Hohergestellten und Hochgesinnten, welche sich selbst und ihr Tun als gut, na'mlich als ersten Rang empfangen und ansetzten, im Gegensatz zu allem Niedrigen, Niedrig-Gesinnten, Gemeinen und Pobelhaften,"7 and the chief judge's lofty self-appraisal, "Wir, Richter des hohen, heimlichen Gerichts, ... wir, die irdischen Schergen Gottes, Vorlaufer der geflugelten Heere" (1-3), one can scarcely expect an impartial decision from an assembly so constituted, a suspicion fully substantiated by the subsequent trial proceedings. Under these circumstances one may still be tempted to see a positive, progressive development in that Theobald, "ehrsamer und vielbekannter Waffenschmied aus Heilbronn"(7), claims the right to accuse a count before an aristocratic tribunal, and that the tribunal, in response to a commoner's indictment, convenes to hear his complaint. Two considerations deter one from placing too much emphasis upon this particular line of reasoning. The first has to do with a basic principle adopted partially out of political expediency and captured in the admonition: "'Respect the burden!' This is what all noble and successful rulers have done."8 The benevolent regard for the labouring class on the part of the nobility, an atavistic variation of the protector/vassal model, persisted well into the nineteenth century, as Fontane's novels document,9 and may be said to culminate in the image of a father/child relationship between ruler and people, exploited, for example, in Robert Guiskard: "HELENE [an aristocrat]. Ihr Kinder, Volk des besten Vaters [Guiskard]" (62). The second consideration concerns Kleist's persistently parodistic, humorous portrayal of Theobald: from the outset the audience is indirectly encouraged not to take him or his accusation too seriously.10 As one of the three hypothetical situations which, however unjust, would not have prompted Theobald to seek redress, he declares, "oder ware er [Strahl] vor die Schranken meiner Obrigkeit getreten, und ha'tte meine Ehre, mit der Zunge der Schlangen ... angegriffen: so wahr mir Gott helfe! ich glaube, ich ha'tte nicht vor euch geklagt" (19-24). An aristocrat could never make such an admission, because honour represents a "zentralen Bestandteil adliger Ideologic, der aber fur Nicht-Aristokraten schwer zu verstehen ist."11 There could well be an implication of aristocratic arrogance in attributing this failure to defend one's honour to a member of the working class. "NichtAdlige sind [Aristokraten] unterlegen, da sie nicht ihre adlige

22 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

Anschauung von Pflicht und Dienst, Ruhm und Ehre teilen, da sie verachtenswerte korperliche Arbeit verrichten oder Handel treiben, geizig sind und sparen."12 The dominant class, possessed an inbred sense of superiority,13 regarded the masses as inferior, and thus felt no qualms about exploiting them. Although Theobald's general grievance - 'Teh erlitt, in drei und funfzig Jahren, da ich lebe, so viel Unrecht, dafi meiner Seele Geftihl nun gegen seinen Stachel wie gepanzert ist" (24-6) - reflects this inequity and may therefore contain an element of social criticism, the play as a whole does not in any way address this problem but, consistent with Theobald's statement, seems to portray a level of resignation and inevitability which the exploited have come to accept as a natural state of affairs.14 In point of fact, the armourer's position proves to be particularly ironic: "und wahrend ich Waffen schmiede, fur andere, die die Miicken stechen, sag ich selbst zum Skorpion: fort mit dir! und lafi ihn fahren" (26-8). The necessity of earning a livelihood obliges him to fashion weapons for aristocratic diversion, while he himself, facing a potentially greater danger, cannot defend himself with the products of his own labour. Traditionally only an aristocrat had the right to bear arms in public, a privilege that had evolved out of economic considerations - originally members of the wealthy upper class alone could afford the weapons - but persisted well into modern times.15 In the introduction I noted how Hebbel objected to Kathchen's aristocratic ethos even though he found himself irresistibly drawn to the titular heroine. The nineteenth-century dramatist has a worthy successor in Siegfried Streller. On the basis of the contrast between Kathchen and Kunigunde, he reasons that the "Burgermadchen" embodies the positive, individual values of her "Umgebung, die ihrer natiirlichen Bestimmung als Frau viel mehr entspricht als das Hofleben"16 and that consequently she vindicates the triumph of "Natur" over "Kultur" in line with the Rousseauian criticism of civilization. He further argues: "Die Erhebung Kathchens zur Prinzessin von Schwaben ist ein Willkurakt, der die Parodierung, die ironische Auflosung der Standesvorurteile nicht abschwacht, sondern im Gegenteil verstarkt."17 But what if the very qualities or virtues which a host of critics and theatre-goers have found so appealing may be attributed to the very "Standesvorurteile" that Hebbel or Streller deplore? In obvious indebtedness to the Amphitryon myth, Kathchen proves after all to be the daughter of one of the most exalted and most powerful nobles whom the drama's images, however ironic, associate with the pagan king of the gods, Jupiter. Although this semidivine origin remains hidden from the conscious minds of the play's protagonists until the fourth act, Theobald's depiction of his daughter in the opening scene, together with numerous subse-

23 True Princess

quent allusions, indicates an unmistakable indebtedness to the model of the ideal female aristocrat. When the father characterizes his daughter as someone, "die gewohnt war, auf weichen Kissen zu ruhen, und das Knotlein spiirte, in des Bettuchs Faden, das ihre Hand unachtsam darin eingesponnen hatte" (223-5), ne inadvertently exposes the "verkappte Prinzessin"18 whom one can detect as well in Gottfried's later unwitting confirmation: "und heut bist du [Kathchen] so erschopft, dafi es scheint, als ob alle Betten, in weichen die Kaiserin ruht, dich nicht wieder auf die Beine bringen wiirden" (1422-5).19 These variations on the princess-and-the-pea motif point to Kathchen's aristocratic origin, her noble refinement despite, not because of, her environment. Hans Christian Andersen's version of this celebrated folk tale20 bears some resemblance to Kathchen. "Once upon a time there was a Prince, who wanted to have a Princess of his own, but she must be a proper Princess - he did so long for a real Princess."21 Strahl is also obsessed with discovering a princess worthy of his position: "das Madchen, das fahig ware, ihn zu lieben, sei nicht vorhanden" (1160-1); "Ich [Strahl] will auch nicht, dafi heute noch Hochzeit sei: / -Sie [Kunigunde] ist vom Stamm der alten sachsschen Kaiser" (1377-8). The prince's journey all over the world in search of a real princess matches Strahl's resolve: "Doch wenn ich jemals ein Weib finde, Kathchen, dir gleich: so will ich die Lander durchreisen, und die Sprachen der Welt lernen, und Gott preisen in jeder Zunge, die geredet wird" (7203). Moreover, Theobald informs the court that, had Kathchen been a "Fraulein," "das Morgenland ware aufgebrochen, und hatte Perlen und Edelsteine, von Mohren getragen, zu ihren Fiifien gelegt" (968). Once the prince and his mother (Strahl's mother is also his confidante in such matters, 11/13) have successfully performed the pea experiment, the narrator, in recognition of the distinction conferred by breeding, concludes, "Nobody but a real Princess could have such a tender skin as that. And so the Prince took her to wife, because now he knew that he had a proper princess. And the pea was sent to the museum, where it is still to be seen ..." (A 28). This same tendency to monumentalize an item crucial to the plot can be found in the Count's promise to the heroine, once the Emperor has transformed her into a "real" and "proper" "Kaiserliche Prinzessin von Schwaben" (2668): "Und wo der Zeisig sich das Nest gebaut, / Der zwitschernde, in dem Holunderstrauch, / Soil sich ein Sommersitz dir auferbaun, / In heitern, weitverbreiteten Gemachern, / Mein Kathchen, kehr ich wieder, zu empfangen" (2614-8). To justify the general excellence to which the high-born lay claim, they emphasized congenital differences that centuries of breeding had allegedly promoted and established as distinctly aristocratic.

24 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

Jager quotes an anonymous writer from the year 1799: "Durch Erbgang und generationenlange Erziehung seien gewisse Fahigkeiten zur zweiten Natur geworden, ja, die 'langsame, fortgesetzte, mit MuCe und Anstrengung verbundene Cultur und Unterweisung' habe ... geradezu einen 'erblichen Unterschied der Sta'nde entstehen lassen'."22 Indeed, the belief in distinction and superiority based on heredity has been the most consistent feature of the aristocratic philosophy throughout history underlying, for instance, Ludovici's twentieth-century apology, A Defence of Aristocracy: "For the voice one has and the desires and wants it expresses are not a question of chance or upbringing, they are a question of the body with which one's ancestors have endowed one. All science, all the known laws of heredity, prove this conclusively."23 In Theobald's first reference to Kathchen as "gesund an Leib und Seele, wie die ersten Menschen, die geboren worden sein mogen; ein Kind recht nach der Lust Gottes" (65-6), the dramatist already declares her noble blood line in the divine harmony of body and soul, for, to quote Ludovici, "if bodily beauty is the creation of order lasting over generations, then since the spirit is but the emanation of the body, a beautiful spirit must likewise depend upon the same laws that govern the production of a beautiful body, and the two are inseparable."24 Strahl, while conceding in his first monologue the irresistible force that draws him to the "Biirgerstochter," also inadvertently recognizes her aristocratic preeminence in body and soul, which, he implies, may even be more outstanding than that attributed to the founder of his race: "dich [Winfried, Strahl's ancestor] frag ich, ob die Mutter meines Geschlechts war, wie diese: von jeder frommen Tugend strahlender, makelloser an Leib und Seek, mit jedem Liebreiz geschmiickter, als sie?" (711-4). Although Kleist initially presents Kathchen as a "Kind des Volkes,"25 he also drops several hints which, in view of the drama's conclusion, clearly anticipate the revelation of her aristocratic roots: "Ein Wesen von zarterer, frommerer und lieberer Art miifit ihr euch nicht denken, und ka'mt ihr, auf Fliigeln der Einbildung, zu den lieben, kleinen Engeln, die, mit hellen Augen, aus den Wolken, unter Gottes Ha'nden und Fiifien hervorgucken" (69-73). Her semidivine status in the here-and-now imbues her with such a sacred aura that the whole town cannot but sense her special position: "so lief es fliisternd von alien Fenstern herab: das ist das Kathchen von Heilbronn; das Kathchen von Heilbronn, ihr Herren, als ob der Himmel von Schwaben sie erzeugt, und von seinem Kufi geschwangert, die Stadt, die unter ihm liegt, sie geboren hatte" (7680). The aristocracy, always anxious to secure its more privileged rank, has gone to great lengths to propagate the belief in its divine

25 True Princess right to rule: "Die Rolle der Adligen in der Regierung ist selbstverstandlich die einer herrschenden Klasse par excellence."26 Theobald's conjecture associates the sacred with the heavenly realm of Jupiter (the Emperor), noted for his sexual escapades with mortal women and fittingly putting in an appearance at Kathchen's conception: "der Jupiter ging eben, mit seinem funkelnden Licht, im Osten auf" (2410i), while the city of Heilbronn, "das Burgerliche" (Kathchen's mother), symbolizes the earthly, the female, the one to be subdued and dominated. The fact that a member of the lower class employs this image implies his unconscious acquiescence in an arrangement guaranteeing his own political and social exploitation by an "upper" class that has, unknown to him, abused his wife. Because Kathchen turns out to be the daughter, albeit illegitimate, of the Emperor, God's highest secular representative, and because "noble birth is thought to represent a hidden seed or an inherent luster that enhances every quality and earns immediate esteem,"27 it is thus consistent with aristocratic belief that even distant relatives strive to establish some link with her. Not only must the observer acknowledge her unrivalled virtues, but mere visual or oral contact with her also has the positive effect of encouraging one to follow her example: "Wer sie nur einmal, gesehen und einen Grufi im Voriibergehen von ihr empfangen hatte, schlofi sie acht folgende Tage lang, als ob sie ihn gebessert hatte, in sein Gebet ein" (86-8). Teaching moral values by her mere existence, Kathchen, to cite Eichendorff in a different context, "[erhebt] sich iiber die Masse ..., um sie zu lenken. ... [Der Adel] hat die Aufgabe, alles Grofie, Edle und Schone, wie und wo es auch im Volke auftauchen mag, ritterlich zu wahren, das ewig wandelbare Neue mit dem ewig Bestehenden zu vermitteln und somit erst wirklich lebensfahig zu machen."28 In this same context, one can even claim that her passive attitude reflects aristocratic self-perception for, according to Eichendorff, "das wirklich Vornehme [zeigt] sich durchaus bequem und passiv, ein nariirliches blofies Ablehnen des Gemeinen bei volliger Unbekummertheit um eine hohere Geltung, die sich ja schon von selbst versteht."29 Before the disclosure of Kathchen's true identity, the drama contains numerous additional allusions to her being a product of noble blood, expressed by those who know her well or come in contact with her. Perhaps the most obvious of them is the rose: "da liegt sie mir [Strahl], wie ich erwache, gleich einer Rose, entschlummert zu Fiiflen; als ob sie vom Himmel herabgeschneit ware!" (250-2); "Mir [Strahl], dessen Blick du da liegst, wie die Rose, / Die ihren jungen Kelch dem Licht erschloG?" (470-1). The speaker, while unwittingly confessing his secret desire to dominate her sexually - Kathchen

26 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

occupies a subservient position - also implies her potential divine, i.e., aristocratic status. The conditional "als ob sie vom Himmel herabgeschneit ware!" functions as an echo and reinforcement of Theobald's comparison: "als ob der Himmel von Schwaben sie erzeugt, von seinem Kufi geschwangert, die Stadt, die unter ihm liegt, sie geboren hatte," an overtly sexual image again featuring the prone female. The rose, a constituent part of the Kleist family's helmet emblem, has long been regarded as the noble flower. Theognis of Megara, for Nietzsche the aristocratic philosopher of early Greek civilization, claims, "Never is a slave's head erect, but always bowed, and the neck bent. For neither from the bramble spring roses or hyacinths, nor even from a bond-woman a noble child."30 In the bathing episode, Eleonore exclaims: Ei, Kathchen! Bist du schon im Bad gewesen? Schaut, wie das Madchen funkelt, wie es glanzetl Dem Schwane gleich, der in die Brust geworfen, Aus des Kristallsees blauen Fluten steigt! - Hast du die jungen Glieder dir erfrischt? (2209-13)

Kleist chooses this simile to extol Kathchen's natural perfection and purity in an apotheosis of light - another flattering feature the highborn ascribes to himself - and water and to set up a contrast with her artificial rival. The swan figures prominently in upper-class emblems, frequently wearing a crown, and it can still be found in the moats, rivers, and ponds on royal estates. The same association of a female swan with the aristocratic world occurs in "Die Marquise von O" where the love of a count for a countess is depicted in symbolic language, again suggestive of glorification and purification through fire and water. The Graf recounts: wie er die Vorstellung von ihr [die Marquise], in der Hitze des Wundfiebers, immer mit der Vorstellung eines Schwans verwechselt hatte, den er, als Knabe, auf seines Onkels Giitern [i.e. a noble estate] gesehen; dafi ihm besonders eine Erinnerung riihrend gewesen ware, da er diesen Schwan einst mit Kot beworfen, worauf dieser still untergetaucht, und rein aus der Flut wieder emporgekommen sei; dafi sie immer auf feurigen Fluten umhergeschwommen ware, und er Thinka gerufen hatte, welches der Name jenes Schwans gewesen, dafi er aber nicht im Stande gewesen ware, sie an sich zu locken, indem sie ihre Freude gehabt hatte, blofi am Rudern und In-dieBrust-sich-werfen; versicherte plotzlich, blutrot im Gesicht, dafi er sie aufierordentlich liebe: sah wieder auf seinen Teller nieder, und schwieg (2: 116).

27 True Princess

The parallels that may be drawn between the poetic and the prose portrayal of a proud ("der in die Brust geworfen"; "In-die-Brust-sichwerfend") and noble bird, to which Kleist's Novelle links the highborn titular heroine and into which Jupiter transformed himself in his seduction of Leda, are a further sign of Kathchen's exalted pedigree.31 When one considers the swan's ideographic value in our modernday perception, the popular fairy tale "The Ugly Duckling" immediately comes to mind. Andersen's story tends to ironize a dependency upon the same social conventions that determine the values at the heart of Kleist's drama. The narrator describes, for example, an old duck who was "the most genteel...; she has Spanish blood, that's why she's so plump," the turkey "who was born with spurs and therefore thought himself an emperor," (A 109) and the wild ducks who insist upon preserving the purity of their lineage: "'What a scarecrow you are!' said the wild-ducks, 'but that won't matter to us, as long as you don't marry into our family'" (A no). Because others, applying their self-centred standards, reject the duckling as a deviant - indeed his alleged ugliness resides primarily in his being different - they cannot appreciate him, just as the protagonists in Kleist's play persist in judging Kathchen according to their limited understanding of reality. Like Kathchen, the duckling must undergo much hardship, including numerous rejections and inclement weather, and in the face of this adversity he displays a humble disposition: "I will fly across to them, those royal birds [i.e. swans]! They will peck me to death for daring, ugly as I am, to go near them" (A 114). In this quotation, aside from the resemblance to Kathchen's self-effacing attitude, her willingness to accept physical abuse at the hands of her esteemed lord, one also has a confirmation of the swan's lofty status. Amongst these "beautiful birds, all glittering white with long graceful necks" (A 113), additional signs of excellence, the transformed duckling stands out, - "The new one is the prettiest - so young and handsome!' And the swans bowed before him" (A 115) - just as the court and Strahl show deference to the young princess, Katharina von Schwaben. Finally, the moral of the story succinctly captures the racial prejudice underlying both Andersen's tale and Kathchen: "It doesn't matter about being born in a duckyard, as long as you are hatched from a swan's egg" (A 114). Nature, not nurture, counts. Analysing the relationship between war and sport and their respective goals, Kautsky stresses the importance of the horse in the evolution of the aristocratic ideal: "Andere vom Adel betriebene Spielarten dienen sowohl der Schaustellung wie der Verbesserung der Fahigkeiten und Eigenschaften, die im Krieg hochgeschatzt werden

28 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

und somit auch der Erlangung von Ruhm und der Wahrung der Ehre. Das gilt besonders fur Sportarten, in denen geritten wird, denn im allgemeinen ... besteht ein Zusammenhang zwischen Adel und Reiten. .. ,"32 Because the noble warrior had the means to purchase and maintain a mount, a luxury the lower class could not afford, only the knight fought on horseback. This spatial discrepancy between the mounted, hence more elevated, aristocrat and the foot soldier may partially account for the superiority (superior = Latin for higher) claimed by the upper class, which also manifests itself in the raised throne or the social obligation to bow in the presence of royalty. The words that have come down to us to denote the noble, "Ritter," "chevalier," "cavalier," "caballero," or "eques" further substantiate the central position of the horse in aristocratic thinking, its special place in the noble scale of values: "Der Jagdfalke und der Jagdhund und besonders das Pferd des Adligen sind 'edel'. .. ,"33 The dramatist must have intended something by connecting Kathchen with Strahl's horses: "Bei den Pferden? frag ich [Strahl]. Ich sage: wenns ihr weich genug ist, mich wirds nicht driicken" (271-2); and according to Theobald and in keeping with an aristocratic self-image, they are proud (227) animals. When Strahl makes his grand entry into Heilbronn (152-5), his "Streithengst" contributes substantially to it. Whereas Gottschalk, the servant, leads his mount across the river, Strahl fords it on horseback. Lastly, in Kathchen's vision of Strahl during the "Holunderstrauch" scene, the horse figures prominently in her initial mental image of her beloved lord: "Ich sehe dich ja, wie du zu Pferde sitzest" (2059). The text thus establishes a direct link between Strahl and the noble animal and then between Kathchen and the Count's horses because she insists upon sleeping in his stables. A major portion of Strahl's interrogation of Kathchen before the "Vehmgericht" concerns "Was in dem Stall damals zu Strahl geschehn" (549). The stable, mentioned no less than nine times in this segment of the court sequence, links "Stall", i.e., horses and Kathchen, to Strahl by the alliterative refrain "Stall zu Strahl" (six times) and gives rise to certain expectations in the audience of an illicit act. Subsequent to the disclosures of the semiconscious Kathchen, Strahl gives explicit orders that she be installed in his own "Schlofi" (2169) rather than "in den Stall" (2167), a notable turning point in the drama. In the quotation outlining the animals considered "edel," Kautsky includes the second creature to which the text often compares Kathchen, the "Jagdhund." Hunting, a privilege traditionally enjoyed in Europe only by the aristocracy and strictly denied to the other social classes, gained its prominence with the nobility as a peacetime means of perfecting the martial skills demanded by war. Kleist's

29 True Princess

works furnish ample evidence of their author's familiarity with the hunt and its practices: two of his dramas, Penthesilea and Die Hermannsschlacht,34 draw their unifying and structuring image from this blood sport, while hunting language makes its presence felt in the other plays as well.35 The juxtaposition "Des Kaisers Hunden" (876), Strahl's reference to the third "Reichsritter, den sie [Kunigunde] mir, einem Hund gleich, auf den Hals hetzt, um mir diese Landschaft abzujagen\ Ich glaube, das ganze Reich frifit ihr aus der Hand" (7679), or the information that the bound Kunigunde spoke to the Kohlerjunge "so vernehmlich, wie ein kluger Hund" (93) suggest a positive assessment of the dog. Hence, Kathchen, who "wie ein Jagdhund, immer traumt" (2050) and who pursues her master "einem Hund gleich, durch Feuer und Wasser" (2034) or "wie ein Hund, der von seines Herrn SchweiC gekostet" (221-2), finds herself in the same company as the Emperor, a "Reichsritter," and Kunigunde, the black princess, who, in a variation of the Circe motif, transforms men into obedient hunting dogs. The one quality that distinguished the canine and endeared it to the nobility was its unquestioning loyalty, another fundamental value extolled by the aristocracy: "Im allgemeinen sind die Tugenden, die vom Adligen im Ehrenkodex gefordert werden, milita'risen wie Tapferkeit und Treue."36 Again and again Kathchen demonstrates her total fidelity to her Count which he, at one point caught between the irreconcilable demands of love and duty, curses in his frustration: "Verflucht die hundische Dienstfertigkeit!" (1866). Strahl does exhibit a propensity for treating her as one of his dogs even though he seeks to deny it: "Mit Fiifien? Nein! Das tu ich keinem Hund" (579). On the two occasions where the whip appears in the drama, it is juxtaposed with its usual victim, the dog/Kathchen: KATHCHEN.

Als du [Strahl] die Peitsche, flammenden Gesichts, Herab vom Riegel nahmst, ging ich hinaus. ... DER GRAF VOM STRAHL ergrimmt. Hier aber jagt ich dich mit Hunden weg? (59*-7) DER GRAF VOM STRAHL erblickt die Peitsche. Was macht die Peitsche hier? GOTTSCHALK. Ihr selbst ja nahmt sie -! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Hab ich hier Hunde, die zu schmeiSen sind? (*744-5)

Kathchen as a "Jagdhund" therefore fits into the exclusive hunting ambiance of the genteel world. Friedrich Gundolf may have said more than he realized when he observed: "[Nur] der mannische Junker

3O Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

konnte so die allerweiblichste, die iiberweibliche Hingabe verklaren."37 In this same context, one might also bear in mind that Kathchen, as a young girl motivated primarily by inclination, embodies an ideal noble type. Lessing has perhaps best captured the aristocratic prejudice against the intellectual woman in Gra'fin Orsina's comment from Emilia Galotti: "Ein Frauenzimmer, das denkt, ist ebenso ekel als ein Mann, der sich schminket" (iv/3). However, I would hesitate to go as far as does Gert Ueding in his argument: "Weil fur sie [Kathchen] die Grenze zwischen Traum und Wachen nicht existiert, bewahrt sich ihre Treue zu sich selbst und zum Bilde des Geliebten, das sie seit jener Silvesternacht 'in des Busen stillen Reich' tragt..., Zeichen dafur, dafi sie den Anspruch auf Erfullung ihrer Liebe nicht preisgibt."38 Such a statement posits a greater awareness on her part than the text would seem to justify. Her conscious mind does in fact set up a barrier between "Traum" and "Wachen," for when asked by Strahl: "Was fesselt dich an meine Schritte an?" (459), she responds in all candidness: "Da fragst du mich zu viel" (460); "ich weifi es nicht" (467); and up to the last minute she believes that she is attending Strahl's marriage to Kunigunde. Only in a somnambulistic state of mind is she capable of answering Strahl's questions in complete confidence, whereas in the conscious realm she merely obeys her impulses without in the least comprehending them. When in 1848 a delegation of revolutionaries from the Paulskirche Parliament offered the imperial crown to Friedrich Wilhelm iv, he refused to accept it, declaring he would only rule on the basis of "Gottesgnadentum." This portentous event, occurring thirty-seven years after Kleist's suicide, illustrates the continued insistence upon the divine right of kings as a justification for the aristocrat's central political function as ruler. This conviction of having been chosen by God to reign in His stead on earth underlines Rudolf's prayer from Ein Bruderzwist in Habsburg, written by Grillparzer in part as a reaction to the revolutionary sentiment of the age: Allma'chtger Gott, der du mich eingesetzt, Zu wahrert deiner Ehre und der meinen, Die Doppellast, sie spottet meiner Kraft, Und nicht vermag ich furder sie zu tragen. Ich stelle dir zuruck, was deines Reichs, Bist du der Starke doch, und was du willst Fiihrst du zum Ziel durch unerforschte Wege. Doch, was mein eignes Amt, dafi diese Welt Ein Spiegel sei, ein Abbild deiner Ordnung,

31 True Princess Dafi Fried und Eintracht wohnen briiderlich, Vom Unrecht ungestort und vom Verrat, Das will ich iiben, stehst du, Gott, mir bei.39

Rudolf's perception of his terrestrial function finds ample biblical support in St Paul's Epistle to the Romans: "Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God" (13: i). In defence of Kleist against the charge of "reaktionares Verharren in der hofischen Welt" Streller contends: "Als illegitimer Sprofi des Kaisers bleibt Kathchen trotz ihres Erzeugers nicht standesgemafi. Nach dem Denken der strengen Feudalanschauungen ist die Ehe Strahls mit Kathchen eine Mesalliance. Die Erhebung Kathchens zur Prinzessin von Schwaben ist ein Willkiirakt, der die Parodierung, die ironische Auflosung der Standesvorurteile nicht schwacht, sondern im Gegenteil verstarkt."40 What Streller has failed to take into account is the overriding emphasis upon divine election, a concept that takes precedence and makes its presence felt in Kathchen, "ein Kind recht nach der Lust Gottes" (66). In singing his daughter's praise, Theobald boasts: "Harfenklang mufi nicht lieblicher sein, als ihr Gefiihl; es wiirde Israel hinweggelockt von David und seinen Zungen neue Psalter gelehrt haben" (1399-401). By implication Kathchen surpasses even the poet-king David, but the latter was originally a commoner, a keeper of sheep, whom the Lord selected through his servant Samuel: "And the Lord said, Arise, annoint him [David]: for this is he" (i Samuel 16: 12). The similarity is not limited to their lowly origins. God singled out David, "for the Lord seeth not as man seeth; for man looketh on the outward appearance, but the Lord looketh on the heart" (i Samuel 16: 7). Kleist may also have had in mind the best-known representation of divine self-abasement in Kathchen's choice of Strahl's stables and a bed of straw: "[Kathchen] liegt jetzt... in seinen Stallen, und sinkt, wenn die Nacht kommt, ermiidet auf die Streu nieder" (225-7). God, the king of heaven, humbled Himself through His son by the latter's lowly birth in a manger, but after a period of trial and tribulation Christ returned to the abode of His father, a house of "many mansions" (John 14: 2). The biblical personage with whom the play most obviously associates Kathchen, however, is the Virgin Mary. Long before the "Burgermadchen's" true status is known, her fiance Gottfried intuits her celestial patron: "Ich glaubte, an dem Kreuzweg, wo das Marienbild steht, wiirden zwei Engel kommen, Junglinge, von hoher Gestalt, mit schneeweifien Fittichen an den Schultern, und sagen: Ade, Theobald! Ade, Gottfried! Kehrt zuriick, von wo ihr

32 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage gekommen seid; wir werden das Kathchen jetzt auf seinem Wege zu Gott welter fiihren" (1387-93). His words also imply that he and Theobald inhabit one world, while she belongs to a superior heavenly realm to which they are denied access. Kathchen herself inadvertently aligns herself with Mary in her exclamation: "Gott im hochsten Himmel; du vernichtest mich! Du legst mir deine Worte kreuzweis, wie Messer, in die Brust!" (1488-90), a popular symbolic depiction of the mater dolorosa. Her miraculous rescue by a "Cherub in der Gestalt eines Jiinglings, von Licht umflossen, blondlockig, Fittiche an den Schultern und einen Palmzweig" (p. 497) leaves no doubt as to her chosen station, and the Emperor even identifies, however disparagingly, Kathchen's prophetic vision with the Annunciation: "Solch eines abgeschmackt prophetischen Grufies / Spott ich" (2295-6).41 Mary was also a simple, unpretentious woman, ignorant about what was happening to her but totally obedient to the greater spiritual power that had chosen her: "And Mary said, Behold the handmaid of the Lord; be it unto me according to thy word" (Luke i: 38). Although Mary came from lowly circumstances, God, the supreme ruler, raised her in the eyes of humanity to the highest rank, that of Queen of Heaven, a typical medieval representation of the Madonna,42 just as the ultimate secular authority has the power to convert a "Kathchen" into a "Kaiserliche Prinzessin von Schwaben" (2668). The Emperor himself explains: "Die einen Cherubim zum Freunde hat, / Der kann mit Stolz ein Kaiser Vater sein! / Das Kathchen ist die Erst' itzt vor den Menschen, / Wie sies vor Gott la'ngst war" (2562-5). It is thus singularly appropriate that Strahl, immediately upon hearing of Kathchen's new rank, a promotion removing the social obstacle to his union with the woman he genuinely loves, announces: "Nun mocht ich vor der Hochgebenedeiten / In Staub mich werfen, ihren Fufi ergreifen, / Und mit des Danks glutheifier Trane waschen" (2553-5). In a complete reversal of the male/female roles of the biblical precedent, Mary's anointment of Christ's feet, but in conformity with the drama's thrust, the male would like to humble himself before a female commoner whom God has exalted and ennobled, a fitting, concluding confirmation of the "verkappte Prinzessin's" aristocratic/semidivine heritage. When Theobald gives testimony before the "Vehmgericht," he offers a description of Strahl's first public meeting with the heroine that includes implied social discrimination: "Es mochte ohngefahr eilf Uhr morgens sein, als er, mit einem Trofi Reisiger, vor mein Haus sprengte, rasselnd, der Erzgepanzerte, vom Pferd stieg, und in meine Werkstatt trat: das Haupt tief herab neigt' er, um mit den Reiherbiischen, die ihm vom Helm niederwankten, durch die Tur zu kommen"

33 True Princess

(137-42). This initial appearance emphasizes the horse - "Reisiger: berittener Soldaten, von mhd. reisic, 'zu Pferd geriistet'... Im Gegensatz dazu Troft Fufivolk"*3 and armour, both signs of aristocratic exclusiveness.44 Strahl must descend from his horse to come down to the armourer's level and incline his head "deeply" to pass through the door. Since Theobald's account contains three allusions to descent and later in the encounter Strahl is obliged to bend down in order to kiss Kathchen's forehead, the narrative sets the more lowly origins of the titular heroine, indeed a "Werkstatt," against the luxury ("Reiherbuschen") and pomp to which the aristocrat had recourse in order to demonstrate his supremacy and to secure his dominant position.45 This play on the high/low antithesis may again reflect aristocratic pretensions to superiority, for "[die vornehme Seele] blickt ungern iiberhaupt nach 'oben' - sondern entweder vor [Nietzsche's emphasis] sich, horizontal und langsam, oder hinab - sie weift sich in der Hohe [Nietzsche's emphasis]."46 In his analysis of "Was ist vornehm?" Nietzsche contends: "der vornehme Mensch hilft dem Ungliicklichen, aber nicht oder fast nicht aus Mitleid, sondern mehr aus einem Drang, den der Uberflufi von Macht erzeugt. ... Die ritterlich-aristokratischen Werturteile haben zu ihrer Voraussetzung eine machtige Leiblichkeit, eine bliihende, reiche, selbst iiberschaumende Gesundheit, samt dem, was deren Erhaltung bedingt, Krieg, Abenteuer, Jagd, Tanz, Kampfspiele und alles iiberhaupt, was starkes, freies frohgemutes Handeln in sich schliefit."47 One can readily detect this same exuberant enthusiasm for physical combat in Strahl's words as reported by Theobald: "Meister, schau her, spricht er: dem Pfalzgrafen, der eure Walle niederreifien will, zieh ich entgegen; die Lust, ihn zu treffen, sprengt mir die Schienen" (142-5). Even in Kleist's day, the aristocrat was raised primarily as a war-machine: "Was das Kriegswesen betrifft, so konnen Adel und Militar praktisch identisch sein"; and as difficult as we may find it to comprehend today, education and tradition encouraged him to find joy and pleasure in the destruction of war: 'Adlige kampfen allerdings haufig auch nur deshalb, weil Krieg fur sie etwas Natiirliches ist, das keiner Rechtfertigung bedarf. Sie kampfen auch zur Zerstreuung und zum Vergniigen und sie finden asthetischen Genufi am Krieg."48 Hence, as implied by Strahl's words, the ostensible aim of protecting the innocent Burger, denied the right to bear arms, was often an excuse to justify the exercise and retention of power49 and the pursuit of personal glory.50 Strahl's eagerness to seek out the enemy provides a textual link to his noble horse, which in turn contributes to his glorious arrival in Heilbronn: "Und wahrend draufien noch der Streithengst wiehert,

34 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

und mit den Pferden der Knechte, den Grund zerstampft, dafi der Staub, als war ein Cherub vom Himmel niedergefahren, emporquoll: offnet... das Madchen die Tiire und tritt ein" (152-8). The picture of a battle stallion stamping on the ground signifies a potentially explosive masculine vitality, and it is presumably by design that this description immediately precedes Kathchen's appearance. Strahl's association with his horse becomes even more explicit later in the trial, where by metonymy the stallion stands for the rider: "Und folgtest ihm [Strahl], da kaum dein [Kathchen's] Bein vernarbt, / Von Ort zu Ort, durch Nacht und Graus und Nebel, / Wohin sein RoC den FuCtritt wendete?" (428-30). Since she casts herself from an upper window, "da er den Streithengst besteigt" (182), follows "wohin sein Rofi den Fufitritt wendete," and insists upon sleeping with "seinen stolzen Rossen" (227-8), Kleist supplies a strong inducement to connect Kathchen with the noble horse and the horse, a stallion with all its sexual connotations, with Strahl. Critics have puzzled over the fact that Strahl fails to relate the details of his dream experience to his first public encounter with the heroine. And yet the play goes to some length to hint at a residual recollection. In his initial, spontaneous reaction upon seeing Kathchen in the smithy, he poses the question: "wes ist das Kind?" (169), not the more customary "wer ist das Kind?" Instinctively he senses that the parentage of this child is crucial; indeed, as we shall later ascertain, it is the one feature of the "Silvesternachttraum" that remains in his consciousness several days later, i.e., the promised mate is the daughter of the Emperor. The "wes" rather than the "wer" further emphasizes that Kathchen's importance for Strahl lies in the first instance not so much in her value as an individual as in her social rank derived from her exalted lineage. Later he scrutinizes her "gedankenvoll" (178), kisses her on the forehead and pronounces the threefold amen over her.51 He does not fear physical contact; he seeks it and actually bends down, thus putting himself at her level. This incident conveys a strong suggestion that he responds to the same unconscious force that is at work in Kathchen, while the blessing signals recognition of a superior chosen being in keeping with the angel's revelation. In the same introductory scene, when describing his next meeting with Kathchen, he once more may inadvertently disclose more than he realizes in a parenthetical comment: "Ich war ... in der Mittagshitze, an einer Felsenwand eingeschlafen - nicht im Traum gedacht ich des Madchens mehr, das in Heilbronn aus dem Fenster gestiirzt war - da liegt sie mir, wie ich erwache ... entschlummert zu Fiifien" (246-52). The "nicht [mehr] im Traum" lends itself to at least two interpretations. It most likely has the meaning: "not

35 True Princess

even in the dream did I think of her/' i.e., in that particular dream on that particular occasion she did not occupy his thoughts, either consciously or unconsciously, but this also implies an involuntary admission that perhaps in another dream at another time, she did play an important role. Strahl's interjection may also infer that he is vaguely aware of the prophetic vision, i.e., he no longer thinks of her in his dreams, but by implication he once did. At the very least his remark registers Kathchen's continued influence on him subsequent to the Heilbronn incident. This little episode also shares some features with the "Silvesternachttraum": whereas the latter took place at midnight, the former transpires at midday, a significant time generally in Kathchen. In the daytime replay, Strahl, in a semiconscious state, again occupies a standing position, while Kathchen lies "zu seinen Fiifien, als ob sie vom Himmel herabgeschneit ware!" (2512). The reference to heaven may reflect an unconscious recall of the initial divine intervention. When Strahl declares that if the court refuses to believe him, "so will [er] nach Worms, und den Kaiser bitten, dafi er den Theobald ordiniere" (240-1), he exposes his aristocratic bias. As a knight, he would never consider combat with someone below his station, and only the Emperor has the authority to transform an armourer into a "Ritter" by his mere decree. Strahl's recognition of the Emperor's power to override traditional social conventions52 is an anticipation of his willingness to accept Kathchen as his wife, provided that his liege lord acknowledges her publicly as his daughter. This same respect for class distinction appears in another section of Strahl's testimony. Informed by Gottschalk of Kathchen's request to sleep in his stables, he replied: "Bei den Pferden? frag ich. Ich sage: wenns ihr weich genug ist, mich wirds nicht driicken. Und fiige noch ... hinzu: magst ihr wohl eine Streu unterlegen, Gottschalk, und sorgen, dafi ihr nichts widerfahre" (271-5). He first retorted in a manner dictated by his social posture vis-a-vis a "Biirgerstochter," i.e., it's no concern of mine, but on second thought, his incipient love for her, which his status will not allow him to express openly, came into play as he showed his concern for her physical well-being through his intermediary, Gottschalk. In this connection it is of some interest to note that Strahl led Theobald "in [seiner] Vater Saal" (302-3) to inform him of Kathchen's strange conduct. He needed the silent backing of his ancestors to prove his innocence. How could he harbour dishonourable intentions, given the long line of his esteemed predecessors? This room, reappearing at the beginning of the next act, assumes a key position in Strahl's psychological makeup, for it represents both his strength and his weakness: he is able to fall back on

36 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

a supportive family tradition, but this same tradition seriously limits his actions. Since "das Herkommen [sein] Tun bestimmt," he is not at liberty to make his own choices. When the "Vehmgericht" dares to question Strahl's honour by demanding to know what actually did transpire in the stables, he retaliates in a manner dictated by his social class: DER GRAF voM STRAHL. Das wollt ihr Herrn noch -? WENZEL. Allerdings! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL glutrot, indem CT sich zum Kathchen wendet.

Knie nieder! Kathchen laflt sich auf Knieen vor ihm nieder.

GRAF OTTO. Ihr seid sehr dreist, Herr Friedrich Graf vom Strahl! DBS GRAF VOM STRAHL zum Kathchen. So! Recht! Mir gibst du Antwort und sonst keinem. HANS. Erlaubt! Wir [Kleist's emphasis] werden sie DER GRAF VOM STRAHL ebenso. Du ruhrst dich nicht! Hier soil dich keiner richten, als nur der, Dem deine Seele frei sich unterwirft. (550-5)

As Grathoff correctly points out, "Strahl - als Angeklagter - wechselt im folgenden in die Rolle des verhorenden Richters."53 His selfconfident, defiant attitude is only possible because of his class consciousness, and there are unmistakable signs that he secretly enjoys and glories in the power he wields over Kathchen: "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL mil unterdruckter Heftigkeit. Ich sage, nein! / Der Teufel soil mich holen, zwingt ihr sie! - / Was wollt ihr wissen, ihr verehrten Herrn?" (556-8). By allegedly seeking to protect Kathchen, he conceals his will to dominate her. He may force her to submit, since she has freely surrendered herself to him, but they may not, the underlying implication being that she belongs to him and he can dispose of her as he wishes. The judges initially object to such arrogance "HANS auffahrend. Beim Himmel! WENZEL. Solch ein Trotz soil -!" and even consider taking the appropriate action: "HANS. He! Die Hascher!" (559), but Graf Otto sounds a note of caution: "GRAF OTTO halblaut. Lafit, Freunde, lafit! Vergefit nicht, wer er ist" (560). Strahl's status precludes their taking him to task; both his social position and the legal system give him a license to act and speak as he does with impunity. "Die tiefe Ehrfucht vor dem Alter und vor dem Herkommen -" declares Nietzsche, "das ganze Recht steht auf dieser doppelten Ehrfurcht -, der Glaube und das Vorurteil zugunsten der Vorfahren und zugunsten der Kommenden ist typisch in der Moral der Machtigen."54 The ruling hierarchy still used noble blood to justify double standards and special privileges during Kleist's lifetime; "[the aris-

37 True Princess

tocratic social structure of the legal system in Prussia] continued to be founded on the principles of inequality before the law and justice as a function of graded privileges and of upper-class power."55 Thus, not surprisingly, Graf Otto's whispered warning intimidates the other judges: "ERSTER RICHTER. Er hat nicht eben, driickt Verschuldung ihn, / Mit List sie iiberhort. ZWEITER RICHTER. Das sag ich auch! / Man kann ihm das Geschaft wohl iiberlassen" (561-3). Now they endeavour to rationalize their nonintervention, thus allowing Strahl to determine the nature of the trial. In fact, the Count, at the court's request, becomes the prosecutor in his own case, as he interrogates the main witness against him: "GRAF OTTO zum Grafen vom Strahl. Befragt sie, was geschehn, fiinf Tag von hier / Im Stall zu Strahl, als es schon dunkelte, / Und Ihr den Gottschalk hiefit, sich zu entfernen?" (564-6). Of course this arrangement can be defended on the grounds that Kathchen will only recognize Strahl as judge (400-1), but the speed with which the judges defer to Strahl and the manner in which they try to conceal their capitulation emphasize a basic inequality before the law derived exclusively from "Herkommen." Once Strahl assumes control of the hearing, he employs the psychological tactic of depicting himself and his alleged behaviour in the blackest terms conceivable in order to present himself in the best possible light. When he invites contradiction by painting the worst scenario, he actually betrays his excessive self-confidence: it amounts to a subtle form of fake modesty. After all, he has taken over the court. Despite his dictatorial, often cruel, tone and hostile leading questions: - "Heraus damit! Was stockst du? / Ich nahm, und herzte dich, und kiifite dich, / und schlug den Arm dir -?" (575-7) - one still senses his uncertain attitude towards Kathchen, for example, when the heroine mentions the whip: "Als du die Peitsche, flammenden Gesichts, / Herab vom Riegel nahmst, ging ich hinaus ..." (5912). On the surface this incident suggests anger, but his violent reaction may have had a double cause: he feared for his reputation, his family name; he felt a sadistic urge to punish or dominate someone he loves in a master-slave relationship. Taking down the whip becomes an ambivalent gesture, while the flaming face ties in with the destructive potential of his name and namesake, Jupiter. The ambiguity present in the colour red also characterizes Penthesilea's response to seeing Achilles for the first time: "Drauf mit der Wangen Rot, wars Wut, wars Scham, / Die Riistung wieder bis zum Gurt sich farbend, / Verwirrt und stolz und wild zugleich" (97-9). Since the glowing red could stem from either rage or modesty or a combination of both, the incident points to a significant dichotomy in the personality of the heroine caught between the irreconcilable demands of

38 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

male aggressiveness and female sensitivity. This initial visual encounter leads to a typically Kleistian state of mind shared also by Strahl: Penthesilea temporarily loses her balance and contact with reality. In fact, while she stares at Achilles, she remains oblivious to what is going on about her, as if in a dream, and once she is called back to the urgency of the moment she is "confused." The second whip incident, which the audience witnesses (m/6), follows the same pattern, but even in the reported first instance, Strahl's sincere affection for Kathchen inevitably asserts itself, as may be ascertained from her account: "Du sandtest Gottschalk mir am dritten Tage, / Dafi er mir sag: dein liebes Kathchen war ich; / Verniinftig aber mocht ich sein, und gehn" (604-6). And yet, fearing to face her himself, he delegates the task of asking her to leave to an intermediary; she still poses a threat to his superficially secure world. Playing to Strahl's conspicuous sense of power, Graf Otto invites one final demonstration: "laSt uns noch eine [Probe von der Gewalt], / Die grofieste, bevor wir scheiden, sehn, / Und gebt sie ihrem alten Vater wieder" (639-41), a request that results in a very telling conclusion to the first act: DER GRAF voM STRAHL. Ihr Hetren, was ich tun kann, soil geschehn Jungfrau! KATHCHEN. Mein hoher Herr! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL.

Du liebst mich?

KATHCHEN. Herzlich! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. So tu mir was zu Lieb. KATHCHEN. Was willst du? Sprich. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Verfolg mich nicht. Geh nach Heilbronn zuriick. - Willst du das tun? KATHCHEN. Ich habe es dir versprochen. Sie fallt in Ohnmacht. (642-6)

Strahl indulges in a cruel form of emotional blackmail. Whereas he could have simply asked her not to pursue him, he opts first to have her witness publicly to the influence he exercises over her, i.e., he gratifies his own male ego, and then follows the dictates of society. As a mark of her affection for him, which she here openly acknowledges, "Herzlich!", he wants her to leave him for good and return home, to renounce a socially embarrassing and compromising manifestation of her love for him, but significantly he does not ask her to stop loving him. This exchange also makes apparent her total lack of self-will. She asks him what he wants of her; she trustingly puts her fate in his hands. When he inquires if she is prepared to follow his

39 True Princess

order, she replies that she has promised to obey, not that she wills it, but that she accedes to his will. Such a completely self-effacing attitude must be seen in contrast to that expressed by Kunigunde who continually insists upon her will (1357-62). This sets up an antithesis between the self-affirming, active female versus the self-denying, passive female, the latter conforming to Kleist's ideal woman. Strahl's two commands "Verfolg ... Geh" proceed from what his status requires and enables him to demand. Nonetheless, the dash followed by "Willst du das tun?" would seem to denote some lack of confidence and perhaps even regret. Part of him, the aristocrat, wants her to go - she is a real danger; another part, the lover, is reluctant; the dash signals a change in tone and intent, as if he would welcome a refusal. Also the afterthought softens the harshness of the preceding imperatives, almost as if he were asking a favour which it is in her power to grant. In keeping with her high ethical standards, Kathchen has no alternative but to keep her word; however, her fainting underscores the emotional violence she must do to herself in order to deny the unconscious promptings of her heart. DER GRAF voM STRAHL wendet sich. Dein Tuch her, Hascher! Er verbindet sich die Augen. THEOBALD. O verflucht sei, Mordschaunder Basiliskengeist! Mufit ich Auch diese Probe deiner Kunst noch sehn? GRAF OTTO vom Richtstuhl herabsteigend. Was 1st geschehn, ihr Herrn? WENZEL. Sie sank zu Boden. Sie betrachten sie. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL zu den HSschern. Fiihrt mich hinweg! (648-52)

The next time Strahl comes in contact with Kathchen at Thurneck (m/6), their meeting will again conclude with this same gesture of rejection: "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL wendet sich von ihr ab" (p. 490). Interestingly enough, a "Tuch" also links the two episodes: in act one, he asks for a cloth to escape from his dilemma, while ignoring her plight; in act three, he gives Kathchen one, thus showing concern for her welfare. Both confrontations conclude, however, with an attempt to turn away from a potentially dangerous situation. In the earlier case he denies any urge to come to the aid of the unconscious girl, and in order to eliminate any further temptation to become involved, he, not the bailiff, binds his eyes, an expression of his desire

4O Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage to flee concealed under the guise of the accustomed way of quitting the court. In Theobald's smithy, "er [nimmt] ihre [Kathchen's] Hand" (169) when she falls down; "er schaut das Madchen ... vom Wirbel zur Sohle, gedankenvoll an" (178); and "kiifit ihr die Stirn" (179). Now he even fears to look at the prostrate heroine and despite the three solicitous exclamations of the others present, he thinks only of withdrawing as quickly as possible. This attempt to disguise his running away from an emotionally perilous predicament warrants comparison with an episode from Prinz Friedrich von Hamburg, where the Prince's resolve to die, allegedly to glorify the state, appears threatened by Natalie's intercession: NATALIE.

O Mutter, lafi! Was sprichst du mir von Sitte? Die hochst' in solcher Stund, ist ihn zu lieben! - Mein teurer, ungliicksel 'ger Freund! DER PRINZ VON HOMBURG bricht auf. Hinweg! GRAF TRUCHSS Mlt ihn. Nein nimmermehr, mein Prinz! Mehrere Offiziere treten ihm in den Weg. DER PRINZ VON HOMBURG. Fiihrt mich hinweg! (1801-4) In the two dramas, the female embodies the temptation or weakness of love that the male must overcome in order to conform to the behavioural pattern expected by his class. Since sex has at least the potential to be as formidable a force as conscience,56 both Strahl and Homburg seek safety in flight: "Fiihrt mich hinweg!"

2 The False Princess

The second act's introductory monologue has been the subject of much critical assessment and commentators generally have come to Grathoff's conclusion: "Dieser Monolog ist schon von ironischer, von parodisierender Distanz zum mittelalterlichen Rittertum gekennzeichnet, man kann ihn nicht als 'ernst gemeint' interpretieren."1 However, the soliloquy amounts to a parody not so much of medieval chivalry as of seventeenth and eighteenth-century aristocratic conceits: "Nun will ich [Strahl] hier, wie ein Schafer liegen und klagen" (660). Describing the opposition between "Hofadel" and "Landadel," the historian Klaus Peter writes: "Bereits im 17. Jahrhundert aufierte sich diese Sehnsucht des hofischen Adels, der natiirlich nicht im Ernst daran dachte, aufs Land zuriickzukehren und die Unbequemlichkeiten des Landlebens auf sich zu nehmen, in Schaferspielen, die, indem sie das Leben auf dem Land idealisierten, mit der Realitat dieses Lebens wenig mehr zu tun hatten."2 Many nobles whose ancestors had been forced by financial necessity to seek employment at court and who resented the restrictions and general immorality of life near the prince sought an escape in sentimental longings for a much embellished image of their past glories as members of an independent landed gentry. The dream of returning to a natural idyll gained philosophical respectability in the eighteenth century through Rousseau's works which fuelled a revolt against the rationalism of the court and its extirpation of genuine feelings. Liitzeler proposes that Appiani's decision in Emilia Galotti to marry beneath his station reflects this development: a count rejects the court and seeks the

42 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

hand of Emilia, the child of nature.3 Although one cannot ignore in Kathchen "den subtil ironischen Charakter des gesamten Monologs"4 or the consciously exploited dominance in its first section of cliches borrowed from "Hirtendichtung," the pastoral retreat nonetheless continued throughout Kleist's career to exert a considerable attraction, both in his works and in his life, and it was clearly a significant element in the aristocratic ethos. Hence I concur with Hans Schwerte's compromise formulation that "die barockisierende Schaferklage des 18. Jahrhunderts [expressed by Strahl] teils ironisch, teils ernsthaft aufgenommen wird."5 The soliloquy is divided into three sections, separated by dashes to indicate a sudden shift in theme. The first depicts in what has to be a consciously ironic tone the pastoral idyll and the "Minnepoet,"6 suitable models into which Strahl projects his problem. Unfortunately, such expedients provide through fantasy and humour only a temporary flight from a painful reality to an inner realm of emotional indulgence. Even though Kathchen is obviously the cause of this sentimental outburst, Strahl never alludes to her by name in the initial segment. The conceit breaks down in its concluding words: "ein blofies liebliches Marchen" (685), which provide an easy transition to the first direct apostrophe of the heroine, the "verkappte Marchenprinzessin" and the beginning of the next section: "O du — wie nenn ich dich? Kathchen!" (685-6). This second division outlines the full extent of his sensual love for her and highlights the main issue of the play: "Warum kann ich dich nicht mein nennen?" (806-7, repeated 807-8); "Warum kann ich dich nicht aufheben, und in das duftende Himmelbett tragen, das mir die Mutter, daheim im Prunkgemach, aufgerichtet hat?" (688-90); and "Warum kann ich es nicht?" (695). While this part contains several indirect replies to Strahl's largely rhetorical questions,7 the final division answers them by outlining the full and ineluctable domination of tradition, fittingly embodied by his ancestors: "Ihr grauen, bartigen Alten, was wollt ihr" (702-3), the intrusion of social reality as imagined by a count. An appreciation of the last section of Strahl's monologue is crucial to a proper understanding of his personality and to the underlying class ideology upon which Kathchen is based. As became evident in the trial, he relies heavily upon his name - "Dem entgegn' ich nichts, als meinen Namen!" (359-60) - and a family heritage - "in meiner Vater Saal" (302-3) - with a decidedly military emphasis: "Warum verlafit ihr cure goldnen Rahmen, ihr Bilder meiner geharnischten Vater, die meinen Riistsaal bevolkern, und tretet, in unruhiger Versammlung, hier um mich herum, cure ehrwiirdigen Locken schiittelnd?" (703-6). Even Strahl's subsequent choice of images mirrors

43 False Princess

the historical relationship between the military and the nobility, when he speaks of pressing Kathchen "an die stahlerne Brust" (716) or consoles himself with the knowledge: "Ich weifi, dafi ich mich fassen und diese Wunde vernarben werde" (718-19).8 To resist the temptation Kathchen embodies, Strahl must resort to the spirit of his ancestors, and their influence is considerable, for despite the natural setting in which he soliloquizes and which inspired in part the opening pastoral section, the self-induced apparition of his disapproving forbears successfully obliterates his surroundings. Duty-conscience wins out over inclination-nature. "Nein, nein, nein! Zum Weibe, wenn ich sie gleich liebe, begehr ich sie nicht; eurem stolzen Reigen will ich mich anschliefien: das war beschloGne Sache, noch ehe ihr kamt" (707-9). His resolve is consistent with the aristocrats' apologist: "For what I call conscience is nothing more than the voice of a man's ancestors speaking in him, saying this is right and that is wrong, and uttering this accompanying comment to his deeds, either feebly or powerfully in proportion to the length of time during which unbroken traditions have lasted in his family."9 Thus, Hans Wolffs claim, "[Der zweite Akt] beginnt mit einer uberschwenglichen Klage des Graf en um Kathchen, das man ihm entrissen hat ..."10 does not bear scrutiny, for Strahl makes a conscious decision to renounce her himself. "Strahls Zerrissenheit," Grathoff correctly concludes, "riihrt jedoch gerade aus seinem Gefangensein in den Zwangen der Tradition, welche ihm in den Bildern seiner Vorfahren erscheint und ihm die Heirat mit dem geliebten biirgerlichen Madchen verwehrt."11 But what most critics fail to realize is that a true aristocrat would never contemplate defiling his blood by such a mesalliance. The historian observes: "Die Sorge der Adligen um die Reinheit ihres Blutes driickt sich auch in den Verboten gegen Mifiheiraten mit Nicht-Adligen aus, eine leicht zu durchschauende Mafinahme, um den bestehenden Abstand zu diesen zu unterstreichen"12; and the committed royalist agrees: "Knowing their beauty and their virtues to have been acquired with great pains and with generations of effort, each division in the order of rank, proud and jealous of its achievements, is naturally loath to part with them or to have them undermined or destroyed by mesalliances."13 It follows that Strahl could never really seriously consider marrying Kathchen, the "Biirgerstochter" and, as the noble knight, he is of too ethical a nature to take unfair advantage of her trust in him. Once he has made the inevitable decision, "[kehrt sich] der 'beschlofine' Verzicht rasch zum Hymnus auf Kathchen um,"14 and the monologue ends with his recognizing her superiority: "von jeder frommen Tugend strahlender, makelloser an Leib und Seele, mit jedem Liebreiz geschmiickter" (712-14), capable of pro-

44 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

ducing "ein Geschlecht von Konigen" (717), in retrospect an ironic confirmation of excellence determined by breeding. Kunigunde, introduced at this point and from the very outset presented as a contrast figure to Kathchen,15 dominates the remainder of the act. Almost immediately after Strahl's soliloquy, the play confronts the audience with the turmoil and destruction that will increasingly become her hallmark: "Krieg, bei meinem Bid, Krieg! Ein Aufgebot zu neuer Fehde, warm, wie sie es eben von des Herolds Lippen empfangen hat" (741-3). As the instigator of war and feud, the black princess remains true to her heritage, since armed struggle furnished the essential ingredient of the noble life.16 In fact, the aristocracy came to regard as its legal right the use of violence to protect its privileges or land claims: "Innerhalb [der feudalen Ordnung] selbst gait die Verfolgung eines Rechtsanspruchs mit gewaltsamen Mitteln, die Fehde, die wir Modernen oft falschlich als Rechtsbruch anzusehen gewohnt waren."17 Streller sees in Kunigunde a Rousseauian incarnation of civilization's evils.18 while Grathoff classifies her along similar lines as "eine Reprasentantin jenes degenerierten Adels ..., welcher nach 'sachlichem Eigenthum', nach Grundbesitz strebt."19 And yet when Flammberg announces, "Der Rheingraf fordert, im Namen Fraulein Kunigundens von Thurneck, den Wiederkauf Eurer Herrschaft Stauffen; jener drei Stadtlein und siebzehn Dorfer und Vorwerker, Eurem Vorfahren Otto, von Peter, dem ihrigen, unter dem besagten Klausel, kauflich abgetreten" (759-63), Kunigunde is again acting in an historically accurate fashion, consistent with the traditional values of her class in attempting to increase her property.20 One should also not forget that both Kunigunde and Strahl himself finally agree to renounce their respective claims in the hope of gaining something in return which would enhance their social and territorial position. Whereas Strahl voices his desire to elevate Kathchen in the opening monologue of the act - "Warum kann ich dich nicht aufheben ...?" (688) - Freiburg in his very first utterance wants to degrade Kunigunde: "Hebt sie vom Pferd herunter" (810), a command repeated for emphasis in the same scene. This downward motion points to Kunigunde's humiliation at the hands of others. Kathchen also assumes a lowly, subservient posture in the presence of her lord, but she does so in response to her own inner voice and as a sign of her real humility. The degradation implicit in the forceful removal of Kunigunde from the aristocratic horse becomes explicit in the image Freiburg chooses to signal his intent to embarrass her publicly for her betrayal of his feelings: "Warum soil dies wesenlose Bild langer, einer olympischen Gottin gleich, auf dem Fufigestell prangen, die Hallen

45 False Princess der christlichen Kirchen von uns und unsersgleichen entvolkernd? Lieber angefafit, und auf den Schutt hinaus, das Oberste zu unterst, damit mit Augen erschaut wird, dafi kein Gott in ihm wohnt" (91823). In yet another variation of the Circe motif (cf also 768-9), Freiburg portrays Kunigunde as a pagan goddess who turns men away from their true oriention, a false idol that merits destruction. Even his proposed vengeance, the removal of her "Halstuch," shows his eagerness to disgrace her by a real social "put-down": he plans to expose her before the common people: "einen Hahn, glaub ich, rupft' er [Diogenes], und warf ihn unter das Volk" (949-50). This passage prepares the spectator for the later revelation of her artificial beauty a feature that Wolff seems to have overlooked: "Wenn ihre Schonheit allein auf kiinstlichen Mitteln beruht, so ha'tte sich das schon im zweiten Akt, in den Szenen vor der Kohlerhiitte herausstellen mussen. ..."21 When Freiburg rejects Kunigunde as "dies wesenlose Bild," i.e., a "Kunstgestalt," when he reacts to her immobility by explaining, "Das tut sie bloS, um ihre falschen Za'hne nicht zu verlieren" (8223), or compares himself to a rooster that "hinterher sieht, dafi [eine Henne, i.e., Kunigunde] vom Aussatz zerfressen, zu seinem Spafie nicht taugt" (933-4), one must assume that the dramatist did indeed have in mind "die hafiliche Kunigunde." The text supplies at least three clues that all may not be as it seems. Of course the audience tends not to take these hints at face value, since they come across as the vituperations of a scorned lover; however, Freiburg's insulting disclosure of the falseness behind a superficial beauty are too appropriate not to have been designed as a warning. The "Kohlerhiitte" scenes also underscore the discrepancy in attitude between Strahl and Freiburg. The latter's verbal abuse of the charcoal burners: - "Heda! Frag nicht, du Schlingel, und mach auf" (829); "Halunke! Wenn nicht der [Kaiser], doch einer, der hier regiert, und den Szepter gleich vom Ast brechen wird, urns dir zu zeigen" (833-5) ~ stems from the arrogant, dictatorial attitude of the ruling class towards the lower class.22 In marked contrast, Strahl employs a more courteous approach in dealing with his subordinate, "Heda! Ihr wackern Kohlersleute! (954-5); "Ists erlaubt, einzutreten?" (958); denied entrance because of the need to attend to a sick woman, he wishes the patient a speedy recovery and prepares to sleep in the open. In his excellent article on Kathchen, Hans Schwerte refers to the Kunigunde episode of the second act as a parody of the Kathchen scenes of the first,23 but he omits to outline the full extent of the implied parallels and contrasts. The very structure of the play encourages the audience to compare Strahl's meetings with the two female protagonists. In both instances, a knight stands accused of inappro-

46 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

priate behaviour - abduction of a woman - and must defend himself before a pseudocourt of his peers. The Kohlerjunge sounds the key note when he asks Strahl, "Wollt ihr mich schiitzen?" (1006), an invitation to assume the traditional role of the noble warrior, namely, to protect the weak: "Ja, so wahr ich ein Ritter bin; das will ich" (1007). The obligation and power to defend the helpless have always been viewed as a sign of the aristocrat and a measure of his inherent superiority.24 Thomas Hobbes even goes as far as to define political authority in terms of one's ability to protect: "The Obligation of Subjects to the Sovereign, is understood to last as long, and no longer, than the power lasteth by which he is able to protect them."25 Raised at court and very much aware of its expectations, Kunigunde knowingly exploits the posture of the innocent damsel in distress in her opening speech of the drama: KUNIGUNDE wirft sich vor dem Grafen vom Strahl nieder.

Mein Retter! Wer Ihr immer seid! Nehmt einer Vielfach geschmahten und geschandeten Jungfrau Euch an! Wenn Euer ritterlicher Bid Den Schutz der Unschuld Euch empfiehlt; hier liegt sie In Staub gestreckt, die jetzt ihn von Euch fordert! (1022-6)

Both female characters cast themselves down in Strahl's presence, but one does it out of genuine feelings of respect and love, the other out of calculation. While Kathchen acts on impulse or inclination, Kunigunde assesses and interprets her own role and that of her rescuer, thus compelling him to adhere to the code of chivalry. Since the spectator has already witnessed Kathchen's spontaneous, hence authentic, act, Kunigunde's conscious theatrics are all the more transparent. Once Kunigunde denies Freiburg's conjugal claim in a very unladylike, if not vulgar, fashion, "Dein Weib? Du Liignerherz!" (1031), Strahl is quick to take his cue from her: "Beriihr sie nicht! / Wenn du von dieser Dame was verlangst, / So sagst dus mir! Denn mir gehort sie jetzt, / Weil sie sich meinem Schutze anvertraut" (1031-4). Whereas Theobald had to lift up his fallen daughter (165) and Strahl only privately wishes he could elevate her, the Count now shows no hesitation in raising a "Dame" - "Er hebt sie" (p. 464) - in compliance with the expectations of his class. In an ironic reversal, he even accuses Freiburg of the very crime for which the "Vehmgericht" called him to account: Und wer bist du, Nichtswiirdiger, dafi du Sie deine Gattin sagst, verfluchter Bube,

47 False Princess Dafi du sie dein nennst, geiler Madchenrauber, Die Jungfrau, dir vom Teufel in der Holle, Mit Knebeln und mit Banden angetraut? (1039-43)

Echoing Theobald, even in the choice and tone of language,26 he assumes diabolical influence and interference. Both Strahl and Freiburg, as victims of circumstances, are not, strictly speaking, guilty, although the latter's behaviour strikes the observer as more reprehensible than Strahl's. Even before this altercation, Georg von Waldstatten, acting as the voice of social conscience, asks Freiburg: "Du wirst keine unritterliche Rache an ihr [Kunigunde] ausiiben?" (935). He must preserve the noble code at all cost. Likewise, once Strahl has put Kunigunde under his protection and demands to know her abductor's name, Georg warns his fellow aristocrat, Freiburg: "Bin Rasender bist du! Fort! Gleich hinweg! / Willst du auf ewig nicht dein Wappen scha'nden" (1049-50). This is a strong threat indeed.27 Because a nobleman would rather die than bring dishonour to the symbol of his lineage, Freiburg attempts to conceal his identity: DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. So, meine wackein Kohler; leuchtet mir! Freiburg schlieftt sein Visier. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Wer bist du jetzt, frag ich? Offn' das Visier. FREIBURG. Ihr Herrn, ich bin DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Offn' das Visier. FREIBURG. Ihr hort. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Meinst du, leichtfertgcr Bube, ungestraft Die Antwort mir [Kleist's emphasis] zu weigern, wie [ich dir? Er reifit ihm den Helm von Haupt, der Burggraf taumelt. (1051-5)

Once more, like Strahl in the first act,28 Freiburg faces a real dilemma, caught between the incompatible demands of his inclination and his duty: he wants revenge on the woman who has disdained him, but the code of chivalry precludes his taking the desired action. Recognizing the potential for social embarrassment, he seeks to hide behind his visor and fails to complete his utterances: "Ihr Herrn, ihr irrt euch sehr -" (1045); "Inr Herren, wenn ihr glaubt, daC ich -" (1046); "Dies Weib hier, das ich mitgebracht, das ist -" (1047)' "Ich bin -" (1047);and "Ihr Herrn, ich bin -" (1053). These five incomplete sentences signalled by the dash denote his bad conscience and his sense of inferiority vis-a-vis a social equal. He wants to defend himself, but, conscious of his compromising situation, he cannot bring himself to disclose his or Kunigunde's identity. Because Strahl is in

48 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

the morally superior position, he confidently dominates the situation: he has the right to deny his name to Freiburg, but how dare the latter claim the same privilege! Strahl is not only verbally, but also physically dominant, as he forcibly removes Freiburg's helmet, knocks him down, and delivers a near fatal blow: "Du wehrst dich mir, du Afterbrautigam? / Er haul ihn nieder. I So fahr zur Holle hin, woher du kamst, / Und feire deine Flitterwochen drin!" (1058-60). One discovers in the sheer exuberance and self-assurance of Strahl's actions and words a confirmation of Domna Stanton's observation: "The assertion of superiority always entails a component of aggression. For assertiveness (from the Latin ad serere) literally defines the other as slave, as a devaluable "servile" object whose essential function is to underscore, by contrast, the superiority of the master."29 It is surely no accident that this display of prowess, "the ability to beat the other man in battle,"30 takes place in the presence of a lady.31 Recognition, however, leads to a complete change in tone, one marked by incredulity and solicitude: DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Freiburg! Was seh ich? Ihr allmachtgen Gotter! Du bists? Was gait dir diese Jungfrau, du Unsel 'ger? Was wolltest du mit ihr? Ein Traum erscheint rnirs! Ein Mensch wie der, so wacker sonst, und gut. - Kommt ihm zu Hiilf, ihr Leute! (1063-71)

Feudal decorum required that "the vanquished be treated with consideration,"32 but this particular scenario, in which Strahl finds a fellow nobleman, runs counter to his expectations. It seems like a dream, not reality, because the Freiburg he knew and respected would not sully his name by abducting a maiden, an act contrary to his reputation as a brave and good man. Strahl now wants to help the very person he has just vilified and wounded, a parallel situation to the contest between Fust and Hermann (v/22). Once the former has disposed of Varus, he returns to his better self, showing concern for Hermann, his "Bruderherz" (2527), whom only a short while before he had injured.33 Both incidents underline the existence of a well established sense of fair play or camaraderie amongst the members of the upper class, a code of conduct that held them together. The enemy can become someone in need to whom the knight extends chivalrous assistance.

49 False Princess

Since Kunigunde is no longer the centre of attention, she stages a faint: KUNIGUNDE. Ich bitt um Wasser! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Ftihlt Ihr Euch nicht wohl? KUNIGUNDE. Nichts, nichts - Es 1st - Wer hilft? - 1st hier kein Sitz? - Weh mir! Sie wankt. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Ihr Himmlischen! He! Gottschalk! hilf! GOTTSCHALK. Die Fackeln her! KUNIGUNDE. Lafit, lafit! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL hat sic auf eineu Sitz gefuhrt. Es geht voruber? KUNIGUNDE. Das Licht kehrt meinen truben Augen wieder (1076-80)

Continuing in her role as the helpless female - "Wer hilft?" - she still retains sufficient control of the incident to command that they forego the torches. The "Lafit, lafit!" implies some urgency on her part; she is not anxious to have the lights present. This first meeting with Strahl takes place at night to the accompaniment of thunder and lightning and reinforces in the spectator's mind the image of the black princess, whereas the drama associates Kathchen with midday and the light of the sun at its zenith. Even the midnight visitation of the "Silvesternachttraum" is conducted under the auspices of divine radiance (1219-21). Only later (v/3) do we learn why Kunigunde fears direct exposure to light, a symbol of, among other things, truth. Also, as noted by Schwerte,34 the parallel structure induces the audience to compare Kathchen's authentic faint at the end of the first act with this variation executed by Kunigunde in order to divert attention to herself and away from the supposedly expiring Freiburg. Her histrionic response, "Das Licht kehrt meinen truben Augen wieder" to Strahl's simple enquiry, "Es geht voruber?" exposes the calculated nature of her performance, especially when juxtaposed with Kathchen's silence - she really has fainted - and her succinct but telling "Ah!" (657). Kunigunde pretends to swoon in order to gain Strahl's presence; Kathchen "fallt in Ohnmacht" because he has denied her his presence. The Count displays real concern for the noblewoman by assisting her to a chair, but he refuses even to look at the unconscious "Biirgerstochter," binding his own eyes and fleeing the scene in all haste. This contrast in reactions to essentially the same situation illustrates once again the ascendancy of class convention. To a lady from his own social level he may show some emotional involvement, because knightly courtesy requires him to assume the part of the solicitous protector.

50 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

Even after Strahl has informed Kunigunde of his name, she continues to perform her chosen role of the wronged and ill-fated woman and to appeal to those values which the Count holds dear: Es sei. Es soil mir das Gefiihl, das hier In diesem Busen sich entflammt, nicht storen. Ich will nichts denken, fuhlen will ich nichts, Als Unschuld, Ehre, Leben, Rettung - Schutz Vor diesem Wolf, der hier am Boden liegt -

(1106-10).

The choice of "Ehre," a "zentralen Bestandteil adliger Ideologic,"35 is obviously designed to strike a responsive chord in Strahl, while the "Unschuld" and "Leben, Rettung - Schutz" also serve to flatter the dominant male ego, as does Kunigunde's earlier address: 'Ach, mein groGziigiger Retter und Befreier" (1082). In her final words in this scene, Kunigunde succeeds in shaming Strahl ("nicht ohne Verlegenheit," p. 468) into a magnanimous frame of mind. After presenting her ring to the boy in a manner designed to suggest a generous, loving heart, she acknowledges her total dependence upon her captor: "In Eurer Macht bin ich; was mufi geschehn? / Mufi ich nach Eurem Rittersitz Euch folgen?" (1120-1). When Strahl responds courteously, proposing a temporary accommodation at his mother's, Kunigunde betrays her true colours in her impulsive command: "Fiihrt mir das Pferd vor!" (1125). Her humility and docility are anything but sincere. This is a woman who is accustomed to issuing orders and who expects them to be obeyed. DER GRAF voM STRAHL ttflc/z einer Pause. Ihr vergebt mir, Wenn die Verhaltnisse, in welchen wir KUNIGUNDE. Nichts, nichts! Ich bitt Euch sehr! Beschamt mich [nicht! In Eure Kerker klaglos wiird ich wandern. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. In meinen Kerker! Was! Ihr iiberzeugt Euch KUNIGUNDE unterbricht ihn. Driickt mich mit Eurer Grofimut [nicht zu Boden! Ich bitt um Eure Hand! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. He! Fackeln! Leuchtet! (1125-31)

Compelling him to feel embarrassment in a situation which she caused by her own duplicity, and pretending to be the penitent, she maintains she would accept lodging in his dungeon, a further calculated attempt on a decidedly rhetorical level to project a contrite

5i False Princess

image. In direct contrast, Kathchen freely chooses the unpretentious stables. Moreover, Kunigunde's final speech of the episode contains a revealing contradiction: on the one hand we hear her self-effacing "Driickt mich mit Eurer GroSmut nicht zu Boden!" and on the other, in a complete change of tone, the self-assertive "Ich bitt um Eure Hand!" Her aristocratic pride demands what she considers her due respect, a response scarcely in keeping with the pretence of the dungeon. Requesting his hand, she becomes the active, dominant force in their incipient relationship. Conversely, Strahl took Kathchen's hand in Theobald's smithy instinctively - "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL, indent er ihre Hand nimmt" (169) - and once he is convinced of her imperial heritage, he deliberately asks for her hand: "Gib deine Hand!" (2178). Kunigunde, a direct descendant of Circe, has directed this scene to her benefit and already has Strahl "eating out of her hand" as he hastens to fulfil her request. His earlier comment: "Ich glaube, das ganze Reich frifit ihr aus der Hand" (769) takes on a new ironic meaning in retrospect. When in the subsequent scene Brigitte relates the details of the "Sylvesternachttraum" to Kunigunde, the "Liebestod" motif appears in Strahl's confession - "das Madchen, das fahig ware, ihn zu lieben, sei nicht vorhanden; Leben aber ohne Liebe sei Tod; die Welt nennt er ein Grab, und das Grab eine Wiege, und meinte, er wiirde nun erst geboren werden" (1160-3) ~ tnus anticipating a similar expression of thwarted or unrequited love in Kathchen, his sister soul: "ich will den Grafen vergessen, und, wen du willst, heiraten; miifit auch ein Grab mir, von acht Ellen Tiefe, das Brautbett sein" (1492-4). The report that he rose from his bed "als ob er eine Erscheinung hatte" (1180), a reiteration of Kathchen's reaction upon seeing Strahl in Heilbronn, "als ob sie eine Erscheinung hatte" (167-8), reinforces the correspondence between male and female. But Brigitte's narrative also intimates an important distinction: Strahl lacks the heroine's immense store of faith: "Vertraue, vertraue, vertraue! Auf der Grafin Frage: ob sein Herz sich, durch diesen Zuruf des Himmlischen, nicht gestarkt fuhle? antwortete er: 'Gestarkt? Nein!' - und mit einem Seufzer setzte er hinzu: "doch! doch, Mutter! Wenn ich sie werde gesehen haben!'" (1166-70) His initial response to the divine prophecy is one of doubt: "'Gestarkt? Nein!'"; however, he shows a willingness to trust, provided that he be allowed to see the longed-for mate. In other words, even in this semiconscious state he insists upon visual confirmation. This characteristic associates Strahl with those Kleistian protagonists who, like Ruprecht in Der zerbrochene Krug, demand empirical evidence: "Was ich mit Handen greife, glaub ich gern" (1176). It also aligns him with Theobald who, in his testimony before

52 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

the "Vehmgericht," declares: "Ihr Herren, wenn ich das sagen konnte, so begriffen es diese fiinf Sinne, und so stand ich nicht vor euch und klagte auf alle, mir unbegreiflichen, Greuel der Holle. ... Nicht mit Augen, seit sie geboren ward, hat sie ihn gesehen; ihren Riicken, und das Mai darauf, das sie von ihrer seligen Mutter erbte, kannte sie besser, als ihn" (110-24). Unimaginative personalities substantially limit both Theobald and Strahl. Also, retrospective irony permeates the armourer's testimony. Since Kathchen did actually see Strahl earlier in her vision with the unfailing eyes of her inner conviction, this discrepancy helps to stress two distinctive modes of "seeing" the world. It is ironic as well that the Count is aware of the birth mark but has repressed this knowledge for reasons which I shall outline shortly. Furthermore, the "Holunderstrauch" scene will demonstrate that she does in fact know him better than he knows himself. Before Strahl embarked upon his spiritual journey to Kathchen's bedroom, he asked for the tools of his profession: "'Geschwind!' spricht er. - Was? 'Den Helm! Den Harnisch! Das Schwert!' - Wo willst du hin? fragt die Mutter. 'Zu ihr/ spricht er, 'zu ihr ...'" (18825). He needed the support of his heritage in order to approach his ideal woman. This same aristocratic bias surfaces in his self-glorifying description of his entry into the bedroom - "wie er sanft des Madchens Schlafkammerlein eroffnet, und alle Wa'nde mit seinem Glanz erleuchtend, zu ihr eingetreten sei" (1219-21) - and in Kathchen's subsequent act of devotion and reverence towards him: "wie sie darauf, vom Purpur der Freude iiber und iiber schimmernd, aus dem Bette gestiegen, und sich auf Knieen vor ihm niedergelassen, das Haupt gesenkt, und: mein hoher Herr! gelispelt" (1226-9). He also remained true to his inherited values in his involuntary reaction to the revelation of her parentage: "wie der Engel ihm darauf, dafi es eine Kaisertochter sei, gesagt, und ihm ein Mai gezeigt, das dem Kindlein rotlich auf dem Nacken verzeichnet war, - wie er, von unendlichem Entziicken durchbebt, sie eben beim Kinn gefafit, um ihr ins Antlitz zu schauen" (1229-33). Only after the angel had disclosed her imperial blood, had elevated her to the highest earthly rank, and had provided a means of visual verification, was Strahl seized with "endless delight," a transition emphasized in the text by a dash. Class convention and physical attraction, "Pflicht" and "Neigung," subsequently at odds in Strahl's conscious mind, were at this moment in harmony. Impulsively, he held the chin of an emperor's daughter to look at her face, whereas, as soon as he became aware of the "Biirgerstochter's" obsessive urge to pursue him in the "real" world, he rejected her: "Du [Strahl] stieGest mich [Kathchen] mit Fiifien von dir" (578) and avoided eye-to-eye contact.

53 False Princess There would seem to be some justification for holding prosaic, lowclass reality responsible for dissolving this noble epiphany: "und wie die unselige Magd nun, die Mariane, mit Licht gekommen, und die ganze Erscheinung bei ihrem Eintritt wieder verschwunden sei" (1234-6). Even Theobald expresses a strong social prejudice against the serving class: "die [Kathchen] liegt jetzt, einer Magd gleich, in seinen Stallen, und sinkt, wenn die Nacht kommt, ermiidet auf die Streu nieder, die seinen stolzen Rossen untergeworfen wird" (225-8). The armourer, a member of the up-and-coming burgher class, already looks down upon menials: only a maid would sleep in the horse stables and hence the verbs "niedersinken" and "unterwerfen" reinforce in Theobald's eyes unacceptable social degradation. Since the text makes it quite explicit that the apparition disappeared "bei ihrem [Magd] Eintritt," the intrusion of a lowborn woman proves inimical to the visionary experience shared by two chosen people. The spontaneity of this narrative contrasts markedly with the degree of conscious manipulation practised in the next scene. "KUNIGUNDE nachdem sie sich im Spiegel betrachtet, geht gedankenlos ans Fenster und offnet es. - Pause" (p. 472). Schwerte singles out a "narzifiisch reflektierendfes] Spiel"36 as Kunigunde's main "Attribut" and the drama does in fact frequently associate her with the mirror: "Sie stellt sich vor den Spiegel" (1579); the key to the documents hangs "am Stift des Spiegels" (1857); and she keeps her poison "Im Schubfach, unter [ihrem] Spiegel" (2260), a warning ("Marionettentheater") that her beauty must be contrived, not natural. She is currently engaged in a scheme to lure Strahl into a trap using "Urkunden, Briefe, Zeugnisse" (1250) as bait. ROSALIE

am Tisch zurtick geblieben. Hier sind sie [documents etc.] In diesem Einschlag liegen sie beisammen. KUNiGUNDE.Gib mir doch Sie nimmt eine Leimrute, die drauflen befestigt ist, herein. ROSALIE. Was, mein Fraulein? (1250-2) The dialogue now shifts suddenly from the papers to a "Finkhahnchen" which Kunigunde has tried in vain to capture with limetwigs. Then the text contains a noteworthy repetition with variation: KUNIGUNDE gedankenvoll. Gib mir doch ROSALIE. Was, mein Fraulein? Die Papiere? KUNIGUNDE lacht und schlagt sie. Schelmin! - Die Hirse will ich, die dort steht. Rosalie lacht, und geht und holt die Hirse. (1261-2)

54 Kleisfs Aristocratic Heritage

The first time the command "Gib mir doch -" appears, the "gedankenvoll" is absent. Its addition before the repetition conveys Kunigunde's growing awareness of the analogy between the traps she is setting for the knight and the male finch, an increased level of consciousness signalled by the stage directions in the movement from the aimless, "gedankenlos" (p. 472) to the more purposeful "gedankenvoll." At the beginning of the dialogue the imperative clearly refers to the package of papers, while later on it relates to the millet intended to entice the unsuspecting bird. Kunigunde, immediately seeing the parallel, assumes that Rosalie made the mistake intentionally to mock her mistress, hence the laugh and the friendly slap. By responding to the initial order, Rosalie plays the fool, but, by so doing, she suggests her knowledge of the deadly game being played. The maid's matching laugh confirms the correctness of Kunigunde's assumption. Kleist thus achieves a double objective. First, he presents a prophetic image of the danger faced by Strahl: Rosalie's observation: "Sent nur dies Federchen. Das liefi er stecken!" (1260) recalls an ominous earlier incident, but one narrated for the audience's benefit after this dialogue: "Es fand sich, als wir dieses Schlofi erreichten, / Dafi ihr [Strahl's hand], in hellen Tropfen, Blut entflofi" (1287-8); and it anticipates Strahl's devastating self-evaluating monologue (v/6) once he discovers Kunigunde's fraud. In other words, he does leave a feather behind or suffers through the experience. Secondly, the dramatist demonstrates in a delightfully subtle fashion the deception of which these two cunning females are capable. The subsequent brief scene only serves to reinforce this impression: DER BEDIENTE. Graf Wetter vom Strahl, und die Grafin Mutter! KUNIGUNDE wirft alles aus der Hand. Rasch! Mit den Sachen weg. ROSALIE. Gleich, gleich! Sie macht die Toilette zu und geht ab. KUNIGUNDE. Sie werden mir willkommen sein.

(1263-6)

At the announcement of her prey's approach, Kunigunde casts everything aside in an effort to conceal the trappings of her predacious intent. The "alles" could of course refer to the millet, the documents, the toilette items, or all three combined, since they are all variations of bait. Significantly, Rosalie closes the dressing table: she realizes that in their attempt to create a natural effect they must avoid anything that would suggest the artificial. In the presence of Strahl and his mother, Kunigunde now assumes the part of the emotional, magnanimous woman subject to inner

55 False Princess

turmoil and humiliating shame. In contrast to Kathchen's simple, direct language, her utterances overflow with hollow rhetoric - "dies schamende Gefiihl" (1278), "diesen Streit in meiner Brust" (1280), "Wenn ich mein Herz kann sammeln" (1371) - and the suitable accompanying gestures: "Sie weint," "Sie kiifit ihr die Hand" (p. 474), "mit Affekt", "Sie zerreiSt die Papiere" (p. 476). She is clearly playing for effect, and even acts which appear to Strahl to be genuine or spontaneous come across as deviously calculated to the spectator who has just witnessed the two preceding scenes. For example, her speech, "Ich wiinsche - weil die Tanten mich erwarten, / - Wenns sein kann, morgen, - oder mindestens - / In diesen Tagen, abgefuhrt zu werden" (1308-10), while conveying the expected attitudes of familial devotion and responsibility dear to Strahl, also infers by the four pauses and the fractured syntax her feigned inner conflict between social obligation and her reluctance to leave her esteemed host. She may be fishing for an invitation to stay longer. But the main object of her performance is related to her shrewd plan to secure for herself the contested territories and at the same time earn a reputation for generosity: "Nehmt, nehmt, Herr Graf vom Strahl! Die Briefe sind / Zweideutig, seh ich ein, ... / Doch war mein Recht so klar auch, wie die Sonne, / Nicht gegen Euch mehr kann ichs geltend machen" (1323^7). This posture elicits a revealing response from the Countess, "Ihr konnt, was Eurer ganzen / Familie angehort, in einer fliichtigen / Bewegung nicht, die Euch ergriff, veraufiern" (1342-4), for as a rule, 'Adlige werden ... das ihnen unterstehende Gebiet zu vergrofiern suchen."37 It follows that Kunigunde has no right to act as an individual but must manage her affairs so as to ensure the increased advantage of her family. This attitude recalls Strahl's soliloquy: "eurem stolzen Reigen will ich mich anschliefien" (708-9); he comes by his values honestly.38 However, Kunigunde only seems to be working against her best interests. Nun derm, der Anspruch war mein Eigentum! Ich brauche keinen Vetter zu befragen, Und meinem Sohn vererb ich einst mein Herz! Die Herrn in Wetzlar mag ich nicht bemiihn: Hier diese rasche Brust entscheidet so! Sie zerreiflt die Papiere und lafit sie fallen. (1349-53)

This is all part of a ploy to enlarge her estate. From the eleventh century on, the upper class came to regard lavish generosity as a sign of aristocratic elitism; in fact, this outlook was largely responsible for the practice whereby a nobleman frequently lived beyond his means

56 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

and contracted "debts of honour," a situation all too familiar to Kathchen's author. In Painter's words, "Long after prowess and loyalty had lost their peculiar applicability to men of high birth, a complete disregard of caution in the use of money [requiring the aristocrat to mortgage his estate to gain the needed funds] was considered the mark of a nobleman."39 Thus, by ostentatiously displaying apparent largesse, Kunigunde is shaming Strahl into responding in kind. She can count on this response, since the code of their class dictates that he should not allow himself to be outshone by a female aristocrat; he will later tell Kathchen, his possession, "Gern mocht ich dafi du alle Fraun im Schlofi, / Selbst noch die Kunigunde iiberstrahlst" (2640i). The third act will prove that property does mean a great deal to Kunigunde. She has merely sacrificed a little to gain a lot. As noted earlier, Grathoff has argued: "In der Figur Kunigundes hat Kleist eine Reprasentantin jenes degenerierten Adels gezeichnet, welcher, wie es bei [Adam] Miiller heifit, kein 'zeitiger NieCbraucher der Familien Rechte' mehr ist, sondern gierig nach 'sachlichem Eigenthum/ nach Grundbesitz, strebt."40 Although aristocratic values encouraged the nobleman to increase his territory, he always decried avarice as alien to his way of life. The impulse to accumulate material wealth might more appropriately be attributed in the Napoleonic period to the emerging middle class. "In der adligen Ideologic," remarks Kautsky, "wird Sparen ... als geizig und knauserig als unehrenhaft und unadlig angesehen. Andererseits ist prunkhafte Zurschaustellung von Reichtum und Grofiziigigkeit bis zur Verschwendung lobenswert."41 Grathoff is correct in his assertion, "Strahls Zerrissenheit riihrt ... aus seinem Gefangensein in den Zwangen der Tradition,"42 but the play tends more to commend than to detract from this tradition. The audience finds the Count's genuine generosity to his former foes (Freiburg, Kunigunde) "lobenswert" but repudiates Kunigunde as "geizig und knauserig" and thus "unadlig." Hence, a negative feature of the drama may owe more to the "Entwicklung des deutschen Burgertums und seiner Ideologie"43 than to an attempt on the part of the author to find fault with his own class. Many Kleist commentators have asked with Hans Wolff: "Wie kann ein Mann, der Kathchen geliebt hat, sich in eine Kunigunde verlieben und dazu noch unmittelbar nach der Trennung von Kathchen, und wie ist es zu erklaren, dafi der Graf, als er zu Kunigunde in ein zartes Verhaltnis tritt, sich Kathchen noch nicht erinnert? Die Frau, um die er eben noch wie ein verliebter Schafer geklagt hat, hat plotzlich aufgehort, in seinem Denken eine Rolle zu spielen, ja er handelt, als ha'tte er noch nie in seinem Leben geliebt, als ha'tte er Kathchen nie

57 False Princess

gekannt."44 Wolff answers his own questions by attempting to reconstruct the Urkathchen which, primarily on the basis of speculation, turns out to be a Kunigunde von Thurneck. What appears to be a betrayal of Strahl's feelings for Kathchen reaches a high point in the final scene of the second act. In his critical edition, Sembdner remarks: "Dreizehnter Auftritt - entspricht wortlich der Buchfassung, nur fehlen 1378-80 mit der Erwahnung des Silvesternachttraums. Es ist nicht ganz ersichtlich, warum Kleist diese Erwahnung spa'ter in die Exposition mit hineinnimmt, zumal Strahl den Traum im weiteren Verlauf anscheinend vollig vergessen hat."45 Similarly, in reference to the first speech of the same scene, "So wahr, als ich ein Mann bin, die begehr ich / Zur Frau!" (1372-3), Martini sees an inconsistency in the play: "Es ist ein dem Lustspiel gema'Ser Uberraschungseffekt, denn er widerspricht dem, was der Zuschauer bisher iiber den Grafen und iiber Kunigunde erfahren und an ihnen beobachtet hat."46 But in my view this episode is not only fully consistent with what the audience knows but also contains the key to the puzzle alluded to in Sembdner's note and an adequate response to Wolff's questions. Scene thirteen of the second act opens with Strahl's exclamation: "So wahr, als ich ein Mann bin, die begehr ich / Zur Frau!" (1372-3). Kunigunde's stratagem has proved successful: the victim impulsively decides to make her his wife. His mother, the retarding force, attempts to restrain his enthusiasm: GRAFIN. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL.

GRAFIN.

Nun, nun, nun, nun! Was! nicht?

Du willst, dafi ich mir eine wa'hlen soil; Doch die nicht? Diese nicht? Die nicht? Was willst du? Ich sagte nicht, dafi sie mir ganz mififallt. (1373-6)

The Countess's choice of words would seem to imply some reservation on her part - if Kunigunde does not displease her totally, then at least partially, as if she, not being as emotionally involved as her son, sensed the deceptive game being played at his expense. In contrast, when Kathchen feels threatened after discovering her rival's secret, the "Biirgerstochter" seeks refuge with the Countess, "Fort! In der Gra'fin Arme fluent ich mich!" (2259), an involuntary response suggestive of a positive, sympathetic relationship between Strahl's mother and Kathchen. The dialogue between mother and son continues with lines which are crucial to an understanding of Strahl's motivation:

58 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage DER GRAF VOM sxRAHL. Ich will auch nicht, dafi heut noch Hochzeit sei: - Sie ist vom Stamm der alten sachsschen Kaiser.47 GRAFIN. Und der Silvesternachttraum spricht fur sie? Nicht? Meinst du nicht? DER GRAF VOM sxRAHL. Was soil ichs bergen: ja! GRAFIN. Lafi uns die Sach ein wenig iiberlegen. (1377-81)

Strahl's mind clearly associates marriage with the prophecy. In this instance, where circumstances seem to coincide with the major condition set by the dream, he shows no hesitation. Duty and inclination are united. His impulsiveness, the speed with which he now pursues his objective, signals the extent of his commitment to social convention. When he beheld Kathchen for the first time after the dream, he mustered her from head to foot "gedankenvoll" (178), unable to deny an impression of deja vu, but his social conscience and consciousness would not permit him to see as an emperor's daughter a "Madchen" appearing in a lower burgher setting and performing a menial task: "[das Madchen] of met langsam, ein grofies, flaches Silbergeschirr auf dem Kopf tragend, auf welchem Flaschen, Glaser, und der Imbifi gestellt waren, ... die Tiir und tritt ein" (155-8). Also, this meeting occurred in a "Werkstatt" (134), a place of common labour: 'Arbeit gilt als der bauerlichen Welt zugehorig und ist folglich unter der Wiirde des Adligen, sie ist ehrlos und erniedrigend."48 In fact, the aristocrat regarded "the deliberate abstention from all recognized forms of labor as an essential sign of superiority."49 Therefore, Strahl's total dependency upon the values of his class combined with his unimaginative personality leaves him poorly equipped to make the necessary leap of faith. He belongs to the Kleistian type that requires empirical evidence before he can believe, and Kunigunde's lineage appears incontestable. No one seems to have noticed the extent to which Strahl's mental limitations parallel a similar frame of mind in Prinz Friedrich von Hamburg. The Prince may not consciously acknowledge Natalie, someone belonging to the Elector's sphere of influence, as an object of his own desire, because this would be tantamount to trespassing on forbidden territory. But he can mention her name in a socially acceptable context: "1st die Kurfurstin noch und ihre Nichte hier, / Die liebliche Prinzessin von Oranien, / Die jiingst in unser Lager eingetroffen?" (207-9) Similarly, Strahl could not remember Kathchen because the standards of his class dominate his conscious mind which then repressed her identity. (He did not know her name.) As I noted earlier, he trembled with "unendlichem Entziicken" (1232) when

59 False Princess

informed by the angel that "das holde Kind, mit nichts, als dem Hemdchen angetan" (1222-3) prostrate before him, was in fact "eine Kaiserstochter" (1230). In the dialogue with his mother (11/13) ne recalls of his own accord the dream, but only that detail which corresponds to his peer model and his own aspirations: "Sie ist vom Stamm der alten sachsschen Kaiser." Since there is no conflict, there is no need for repression. He thus emphatically confirms the dream according to his memory and understanding of it - "Was soil ichs bergen: ja!" - just as Homburg is able to relate to Hohenzollern, and with considerable embellishment, the details of the vision that enhance the Prince's position and adhere to the accepted social norm (1/4). Therefore, the only aspects of the two dream experiences which make a lasting, conscious impression upon either Strahl or Homburg are those which increase the recipient's social esteem, while the mind consistently blots out the socially unacceptable, reprehensible, or illicit. In other words, when in the last scene of the second act Strahl has only a selective recollection of the "Silvesternachttraum," he remains one hundred percent true to character.50

3 True or False?

The third act begins with two episodes, the one outlining Kathchen's passive acquiescence to the will of the two men in her life, her father and Strahl: "Ich will jetzt nicht mehr ins Kloster gehen, nach Heilbronn will ich mit dir [Theobald] zuriickkehren, ich will den Grafen vergessen, und, wen du willst, heiraten" (1490-3); the other reporting the results of Kunigunde's active manipulation of two men, the Rheingraf and Strahl. The opening scene, taking place in a hermitage, conveys a sense of inward-looking submissiveness and monastic escapism with the references to "zwei Engel ... [die] das Kathchen jetzt auf seinem Wege zu Gott weiter fuhren [werden]" (1388-93), "die stillen Zellen der frommen Augustinermonche" (1407-8), and "das Kloster der Ursulinerinnen" (1446) where "Gottes Antlitz, in Abgezogenheit und Frommigkeit angeschaut, ... [Kathchen] Vater, Hochzeit, Kind, und der Kufi kleiner bliihender Enkel sein [soil]" (1449-51). The Kunigunde-inspired scenes, in direct opposition, point to violence: "toten, toten, toten" (1538), revenge: "den Stachel der Rache tief eindriicken in ihre [Kunigunde's] treulose Brust" (1537), and worldliness: "ein glanzendes Fest in der Thurneck" (1573). The angelic Kathchen still has the love and loyalty of a former suitor, Gottfried: "Soil ich gehen und dir [Kathchen] einen Trunk Wasser schopfen?" (1427), but, spurned by the man she holds dear - "Der Graf, mein Herr, hat es mir verboten" (1464) - she longs for the "Liebestod" or marriage of death: "miifit auch ein Grab mir, von acht Ellen Tiefe, das Brautbett sein" (1493-4). The demonic Kunigunde has earned the hatred of yet another former admirer - "ihre Zauberei

61 True or False?

geht mit diesem Kunststiick zu Grabe!" (1598-9) - but, having captivated Strahl and acquired the deed to the contested land, she has every prospect of further enhancing her social prestige by a marriage to the love-struck Count: "das Dokument ... in ein Briefchen des verliebten Grafen eingewickelt, mit der Versicherung, dafi es ihr Brautgeschenk sei, wenn sie sich entschliefien konne, ihm ihre Hand zu geben" (1575-8). Kleist has very skillfully juxtaposed these contrasts between the two major female protagonists in preparation for the next revealing sequence in "Thurneck. Ein Zimmer in der Burg" (p. 484). The scene with the two letters (111/4) has been much criticized for its overly contrived nature, but it does remind the audience once more of the essential difference between Kathchen and Kunigunde: the one message is to go to the destination of Kathchen's pilgrimage, Prior Hatto's monastery, where the Rheingraf plans to receive absolution, while the other, destined for Thurneck, Kunigunde's castle, concerns the treachery and violence inspired by her betrayal. With this antithesis in mind, we then observe Strahl: "Der Graf vom Strahl sitzt gedankenvoll an einem Tisch, auf welchem zwei Lichter stehen. Er halt eine Laute in der Hand, und tut einige Griffe darauf. Im Hintergrund, bei seinen Kleidern und Waffen beschaftigt, Gottschalk" (p. 484). The "zwei Lichter" may pick up on the "Zwei Boten" and the "zwei Briefe" of the preceding scene, again suggesting Strahl's being divided between the woman of "Absolution" (1606), Kathchen von Heilbronn, and the woman of "Kriegshaufen" (1609), Kunigunde von Thurneck.1 The stage directions, however, invoke a passive, meditative setting, a moment of introspection reminding the spectator of the Kathchen scene at the beginning of the act. To the reader, the "gedankenvoll" may also recall Strahl's identical state of mind when he gazed at Kathchen in her father's smithy: "er schaut das Madchen ..., vom Wirbel zur Sohle, gedankenvoll an" (177-8). The lute, harking back to Theobald's reference to "Harfenklang" (1399), would also by its artistic, poetic nature imply Kathchen rather than her opponent. Because the Kunigunde scenes emphasize her active role and are usually filled with energy, if not destruction - she is first introduced in an atmosphere of thunder and lightning - the play has conditioned the audience to associate this more quiescent, personal mood with the passive, receptive Kathchen. Strahl's pensiveness, his lack of enthusiasm, gives a strong visual and aural (lute) impression that something is wrong. Since his courtship of Kunigunde would seem to have been crowned with success, why should he be so disposed? One senses that he is dissatisfied and that Kathchen is the probable cause. Set opposite this foreground image of leisure and

62 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

underlying discontent, if not of ennui, the background depicts the servant hard at work performing menial tasks. This arrangement also suggests Kathchen, the serving girl; Strahl has testified how "sie sich [ihm] ganz und gar geweiht [hatte], und wusch und flickte" (287-8) and "[ihm] eine Waffe vom Rost saubert" (311-12). In addition, it highlights social convention from the very outset of the scene: the leisured class when not engaged in war ("Waffen") versus the working class. Not surprisingly, the text implies a strong bond between Gottschalk and Kathchen, the former being particularly anxious to protect the latter. GOTTSCHALK. STIMME.

Holla! - Wer ruft? Ich, Gottschalk, bins; ich bins, du lieber Gottschalk!

GOTTSCHALK.

Wei?

STIMME. GOTTSCHALK. STIMME. GOTTSCHALK.

Ich! Du! Ja! Wet?

STIMME.

Ich!

DER GRAF VOM STRAHL legt die Laute weg. Die Stimme kenn ich! GOTTSCHALK. Mein Seel! Ich habe sie auch schon wo gehort. STIMME. Herr Graf vom Strahl! Macht auf! Herr Graf vom Strahl! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Bei Gott! DaS ist -

GOTTSCHALK. STIMME.

Das ist, so wahr ich lebe Das Kathchen ists! Wer sonst! Das Kathchen ists, Das kleine Kathchen von Heilbronn! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL steht auf. Wie? Was? zum Teufel! GOTTSCHALK legt dies aus der Hand. Du, Madel? Was? O Herzensmadel! Du? Er offnet die Tur. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Ward, seit die Welt steht, so etwas -? (1627-36)

Although Kathchen has spent more time with Gottschalk than with the Count, the servant does not immediately remember the voice, while Strahl does. This tends to reinforce our impression that Strahl was thinking of her or at least was unconsciously occupied with her. He is also the first to give the voice a name, but either he is interrupted before he can finish his statement or he cannot bring himself to utter the name. Once the voice has identified itself as "Ich!", the Count is the one to act or react to the situation, not Gottschalk. He puts away the lute and stands in an involuntary response to a voice he recognizes almost instantly. The servant then follows suit. Hence, this sequence moves from an intimate, meditative tone

63 True or False?

to a sudden eruption of strong emotion with a threat of physical violence, "Schmeifi sie hinaus. Ich will nichts von ihr wissen" (1638), repeated for emphasis (i64o).2 Such an extreme reaction could be due in part to his having been, so to speak, caught in the act: in a moment of weakness he was lost in thoughts of the "Burgerstochter" and miraculously she appears. Also, by approaching him, she has acted against his express order to stay away, a challenge to his authority over her as well as a threat to his security. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL sich plotzltch zu ihr wendend. Was willst du hier? Was hast du hier zu suchen? KATHCHEN erschrocketi. Nichts! - Gott behiite! Diesen Brief hier bitt ich DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Ich will [Kleist's emphasis] ihn nicht! - Was ist dies fur ein Brief? Wo kommt er her? Und was enthalt er mir? KATHCHEN. Der Brief hier ist DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Ich will davon nichts wissen! Fort! Gib ihn unten in dem Vorsaal ab. (1642-7) Strahl first rejects the letter because part of him wants to have nothing to do with her. Her mere presence represents a menace. Still, his curiosity is piqued as to how the letter's contents could relate to him. But, since duty and decorum remain his overriding concern, when she attempts to answer his three questions, he again interrupts her to deny any real interest and endeavours to put some space between himself and her - she is to surrender the letter in the entrance hall below and to return "Zurtick nach Heilbronn, wo [sie] hingehort[t]" (1651). If I am correct in assuming that the introduction to this episode strongly insinuates Strahl's continued preoccupation with Kathchen, then his fear of her influence in this instance is quite understandable. Were it to become known that she had again followed him, it could not but reflect adversely upon his reputation. KATHCHEN.

Mein hoher Herr!

DER GRAF VOM STRAHL WCndet Sich.

Die Peitsche her! An welchem Nagel ha'ngt sie? Ich will doch sehn, ob ich, vor losen Madchen, In meinern Haus nicht Ruh mir kann verschaffen. Er nimmt die Peitsche von der Wand. (1656-9) The stage direction "wendet sich" looks back to the conclusion of the "Vehmgericht" - "Der Graf vom Strahl wendet sich" (p. 452) - and forward to the end of this scene in Thurneck: "Der Graf vom Strahl

64 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage wendet sich plotzlich"; "Der Graf vom Strahl wendet sich von ihr ab" (p. 490). The dramatist portrays Strahl's fear of facing Kathchen by having him repeatedly turn away from her. His growing disorientation also becomes evident when he says "In meinem Haus," for this is not the case, as he himself later indicates: "In Thurneck bin ich hier, weifi, was ich tue" (1664). Kathchen's proximity does pose a danger to his mental stability; he is aware neither of where he is nor of what he is doing: "Was macht die Peitsche hier?" (1744). Although Strahl threatens Kathchen and demands four times that she leave, she remains remarkably adamant in her resolve to save her Count, even when menaced by the whip: DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Ich will den Brief aus ihrer Hand nicht rtehmen! - Willst du jetzt gehn? KATHCHEN rasch. Ja, mein verehrter Herr! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Wohlan! ... So fern dich! Am Eingang steht ein Knecht, dem gib den Brief, Und kehr den Weg heim, von wo du kamst. KATHCHEN. Gut, gut. Du wirst mich dir gehorsam finden. Peitsch mich nur nicht, bis ich mit Gottschalk sprach. Sie kehrt sich zu Gottschalk urn. Nimm du den Brief. (1665-72) The role of the irate tyrant lording it over the defenceless female begins to crumble as it becomes evident that he is anxious to avoid any physical contact with her. His question, "- Willst du jetzt gehn?", reminiscent of his similar query, "- Willst du das tun?" (646) in the context of "der Gewalt, die [er beim Vehmgericht] iibt" (638), comes across almost as a desperate, if not pathetic, plea, an indirect acknowledgment of his limited control over this strange girl, i.e., "Won't you go away on your own accord?" or "Do I have to force you? - but I'd really rather not." Kathchen, however, refuses to be dissuaded and despite Strahl's histrionics, an unsuccessful attempt to dominate the situation, she prevails. She placates him by agreeing to his every wish and promising obedience, but she then proceeds to ignore his commands - she hands the letter to Gottschalk, not to the servant below - and engages in an extended dialogue (thirty-seven lines) with her social equal Gottschalk, while completely ignoring the Count. This display of courage in refusing to be intimidated by Strahl's fulminations and her single-minded determination to deliver the warning may again point to her divine election and, by extension, to her noble blood.

65 True or False? Once Strahl learns of the reason for Kathchen's appearance and the dangers she has run on his account, he adopts a solicitous attitude which stands in total contradiction to his earlier repudiation. Although I shall deal more fully with the "Scharpe" incident in a later chapter, the following exchange warrants closer scrutiny: DER GRAF voM STRAHL. Wenn du zum Vater wieder heim willst kehren, Werd ich, wie sichs von selbst versteht Er halt inne. KATHCHEN. Was wirst du? DER GRAF VOM STRAHL erblickt die Peitsche. Was macht die Peitsche hier? GOTTSCHALK. Ihr selbst ja nahmt sie -! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL ergrimmt. Hab ich hier Hunde, die zu schmeifien sind? Er wirft die Peitsche, daft die Scherben niederklirren, durchs Fenster; hierauf zu Kathchen: Pferd' dir, mein liebes Kind, und Wagen geben, Die sicher nach Heilbronn dich heimgeleiten. - Wann denkst du heim? KATHCHEN zitternd. Gleich, mein verehrter Herr. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL streichelt ihre Wangen. Gleich nicht! Du kannst im Wirtshaus iibernachten. (1742-49) Before Kathchen revealed the surprise attack, his main concern was to get rid of her with all possible speed to avoid compromising himself, but now the time she leaves for home depends on her will and he even expresses some reluctance to see her go: "Gleich nicht!" (The reverse situation occurred upon Kunigunde's imminent departure for home: she showed the unwillingness to leave [1307-10].) Also the very manner in which Kleist sets up the return of the whip in the dialogue demonstrates Strahl's capacity to eliminate disagreeable aspects from his life. After beginning a statement: "Wenn du zum Vater wieder heim willst kehren, / Werd ich, wie sichs von selbst versteht -," he pauses in mid-sentence so that Kathchen feels obliged to recall him by picking up his incomplete utterance. Ignoring her cue and having caught sight of the whip, he poses a question totally unrelated to his previous line of thought: "Was macht die Peitsche hier?" When Gottschalk designates the culprit, Strahl himself, the latter responds in both a verbally and physically violent fashion. The rhetorical question, "Hab ich hier Hunde, die zu schmeifien sind?", echoes his first and second utterance of the scene: "Schmeifi sie hin-

66 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

aus. Ich will nichts von ihr wissen" (1638 and 1640). His mind seeks to repress an unpleasant incident - he ordered the girl who had risked her life to save his to be thrown out like a dog - which would be painful and uncomplimentary in recollection. Now the command and the whip are conveniently forgotten, as he continues and completes his original sentence - "Pferd' dir mein liebes Kind, und Wagen geben, / Die sicher nach Heilbronn dich heimgeleiten" - in perfect grammatical form, as if nothing had transpired in the interim. In like manner, he has managed to expunge from his memory of the "Silvesternachttraum" that feature which does not conform to his socially ambitious self-image. Hence, this mental blockage should not surprise the observer; it is an unconscious expedient in which his mind readily and repeatedly takes refuge. Before leaving this scene, I should like to draw attention briefly to Strahl's comment made under duress to Gottschalk: "Was glotzt er da? Geh, nimm die Scherben auf!" (1750). Could this not constitute an "aristocratic" slip, a weak moment during which he reverts to type? "Nur an dieser Stelle," notes Grathoff, "gebraucht Strahl die junkerlich geringschatzige Er-Anrede gegeniiber Untergebenen."3 Earlier in the same scene he used the "du" but in the context of a derogatory epithet, "Schweig, alter Esel, du, sag ich" (1663), which amounted to a more direct social putdown and was equally indicative of an arrogant, superior attitude towards a subaltern.4 Although Strahl at times appears to be an ambivalent character, he still remains basically true to that "unverriickbaren Glauben, dafi einem Wesen, wie 'wir sind', andre Wesen von Natur untertan sein miissen und sich ihm zu opfern haben," a typical manifestation, according to Nietzsche, of the "Egoismus" which "zum Wesen der vornehmen Seele [gehort]."5 One could of course argue that Strahl's self-centredness fares poorly when set opposite Kathchen's selflessness, but one must also keep in mind that this evaluation may only reflect a liberal democratic point of view (cf Hebbel), not necessarily that of the dramatist. Moreover, the "verkappte Prinzessin" embodies the ideal female, the wish fulfillment of a nobleman, or, to quote Gundolf again: "nur der mannische Junker konnte so die allerweiblichste Hingabe verklaren."6 During the attack on Kunigunde's castle, Kathchen, assuming Gottschalk's function, appears as Strahl's servant: KATHCHEN mil Schwert, Schild und Lanze. Hier! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL indent 6T das Schwert nimmt und es sich umgiirtet. Was willst du? KATHCHEN. Ich bringe dir die Waffen.

67 True or False? DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Dich rief ich nicht! KATHCHEN. Gottschalk rettet. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Warum schickt er den Buben nicht? - Du dringst dich schon wieder auf?

(1784-90)

When she forced herself upon him to save his life and he learned the details, Strahl, overcome with gratitude, was unable to suppress some signs of his sincere but socially unacceptable affection for her. Now, as she once more attempts to help him against an enemy, the Count returns to his old tone, although not as violently as before he presents her interference as a question. Some of his annoyance may be attributed to her performing a task more appropriately executed by a "Buben," a service role emphasizing the class barrier between them. This reluctance quickly disappears, however, in a subsequent scene: "KUNIGUNDE im Schloft. Helft! Ihr Menschen! Helft! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Gott im Himmel! War das nicht ihre Stimme? Er gibt Schild und Lanze an Kathchen" (1805-7). As soon as his bride, the daughter of an emperor, is in jeopardy, he does not show the slightest hesitation to use Kathchen in the very menial capacity which only a few lines previously he was disinclined to acknowledge. Also his recognizing "ihre Stimme" recalls an earlier voice identification: "Die Stimme kenn ich!" (1629) and thus underscores the contrasting rejection of the "Biirgerstochter": "Schmeifi sie [Kathchen] hinaus. Ich will nichts von ihr wissen" (1638). Social considerations, in the conscious realm at least, again determine his scale of values.7 Revealing a condescending attitude towards subordinates, Kunigunde assumes that she can buy Kathchen's assistance: "Geh, Madchen geh, schaff Bild mir und Futtral: / Mit einem Diamanten lohn ich dir!" (1826-7). She appeals to material greed, the only motivation that she can readily understand. This leads to an intriguing retort from Strahl, in which connection Wolff has written: 'Als sich Kathchen erbietet, das von Kunigunde gewiinschte Bild zu retten, la'fit es der Graf nach schwachem Widerspruch geschehen und trostet sich etwas schnell mit den Worten: 'Wohlan, so schaff's! Es ist der Torin recht! / Was hatte sie an diesem Ort zu suchen?'"8 Wolff has underestimated the emotional predicament experienced by the Count. On the one hand his tradition tells him to go along with his bride's wish and not to worry about the fate of a servant girl, but on the other hand in his love for Kathchen he wants to prevent her from endangering herself for an object of only sentimental value. Exclamations such as "Hor, Kathchen!", "Hor, mein Kind!" (1821), or his unsuccessful attempt to placate Kunigunde, "Mein Fraulein, / Ich will zehn

68 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

andre Bilder Euch statt dessen -" (1822-3), hardly denote weak opposition. When Kunigunde persists in her demand despite Strahl's resistance, he typically reacts in anger, venting his frustration on Kathchen: "Wohlan, so schaffs! Es ist der Torin recht! / Was hatte sie an diesem Ort zu suchen?" (1828-9). Caught in the quandary of what society expects and what his heart dictates, he can hardly be said to "console himself" with this peevish outburst. The fact that Strahl may not himself go to Kathchen's aid further compounds his dilemma. If Kunigunde were in danger, his knightly honour would require her heroic deliverance but he could not do that for a "Burgermadchen"; hence he must try to convince the servants, "Veit, Schmidt! Hans, du! Karl Bottiger! Fritz Topfer!" (1837), to do what his love prescribes: "Ihr Leut, hier ist ein Beutel Geld fur den, / Der in das Haus ihr folgt!" (1835-6). But when his pleas fall on deaf ears, he resolves to take matters into his own hands. Love wins out: "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Schafft eine Leiter her! Ich will hinauf. KUNIGUNDE. Mein teurer Freund! Ihr selber wollt -? DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Ich bitte! / Raumt mir den Platz! Ich will das Bild Euch schaffen" (1869-71). The roles are now reversed, as Kunigunde must dissuade Strahl from his intent. She expresses the same outlook that obliged Strahl to bribe his servents into a rescue attempt, i.e., it is most unusual and highly improper for a count to risk his life for the sake of a mere commoner. However, ever conscious of social expectations, Strahl seeks to rationalize his direct involvement by arguing that he will retrieve a picture in response to a request from his lady and that the location of the desired object is better known to him than to Kathchen: "Putztisch und Spiegel ist, und Nagelstift, / Ihr unbekannt, mir nicht" (1874-5). He hides his real motive behind a gallant gesture and thus ironically rises above his class prejudices by hiding behind them: "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL wirft sein Schwert weg. Wohlan derm! KUNIGUNDE. Mein Geliebter! Hort mich an! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Ich bin gleich wieder da! Er setzt einen Fuft auf die Leiter" (1884-5). Once Strahl determines to go to the rescue of a lower-class girl, he casts aside the symbol of his noble heritage. There is no real need for it, since an earlier stage direction makes it clear that he carries it in a sheath or scabbard: "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL, indent er das Schwert nimmt und es sich umgiirtet" (p. 492). This gesture, recalling the "Scharpe" incident,9 suggests panic upon the realization that the woman he really loves is in mortal danger. He is prepared to abandon Kunigunde despite her protests in order to go to Kathchen and, appropriately and prophetically, must climb up to reach her. His actions make his true preference clear: under emotional duress, he

69 True or False?

follows his heart and overcomes his class bias, even though he must still put forward for public consumption a justification in keeping with his upbringing. "Ich finds heraus, / Das Bild von Kreid und Ol auf Leinewand, / Und brings Euch her, nach Eures Herzens Wunsch" (1875-7). It is particularly profitable to assess Strahl's behaviour following what seems to be Kathchen's death: DER GRAF VOM STRAHL Vemichtet.

Flammberg! Er sttitzt sich auf seine Schulter. KUNIGUNDE. Ihr Vettcrn! Tanten! Herr Graf! so hort doch an! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL SChiebt sie VOH sick.

Geht, geht! - Ich bitt Euch! (1891-2)

His instinctive aversion conveys his rejection of Kunigunde, but after a pause signaled by the double dash, propriety reasserts itself as he softens his original impulsive repudiation with a polite formulation: "Ich bitt Euch!" In a matter of seconds the text indicates a move from the unconscious/spontaneous to the conscious/deliberate. Then, "mit abgewandtem Gesicht" (p. 497), a replay of his reaction to the scene's apparent catastrophe, "der Graf wendet sich" (p. 497), that is, he turns his back on an unpleasant reality: "Trostlos mir! / Die Erd hat nichts mehr Schones. Lafit mien sein" (1894-5). m tms confession one hears accents of his disposition prior to the "Silvesternachttraum": "er scheide gern, sprach er, von hinnen; das Madchen, das fa'hig ware, ihn zu lieben, sei nicht vorhanden; Leben aber ohne Liebe sei Tod; die Welt nannt er ein Grab, und das Grab eine Wiege, und meinte, er wiirde nun erst geboren werden" (1159-63). Now that the "Madchen" has a name, he no longer wants to exist without a Kathchen in his world and instinctively recognizes her importance. As soon as his conscious defences are down, defences dictated by social custom, without thinking he does or says what feeling dictates, even in the presence of the bride whom class convention would seem to have selected for him. Significantly, once Kathchen's miraculous survival becomes known, the Count once more "wendet sich" (p. 498), but this time towards Kathchen: "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL tritt zu ihr und betmchtet sie. Nun iiber dich schwebt Gott mit seinen Scharen! Er erhebt sie vom Boden" (1903). Gert Ueding calls this incident a turning point in the play: "Weil [Kathchen] dergestalt unversehrt aus der Feuerprobe hervorgeht, beginnt seine Umkehr, die Erhellung und

70 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

Aufklarung seines Bewufitseins, und er fangt an zwischen dem aufrichtigen und dem falschen Schein zu unterscheiden."10 Since Strahl finally perceives her divine status, an elevation carefully prepared for in the text and rendering her acceptable to noble society, he no longer fears to look at her; nor does he hesitate to touch her. Indeed, when he picks her up, he fulfils the forbidden wish expressed in his earlier monologue: "Warum kann ich dich nicht aufheben ...?" (688). The Kathchen-Strahl relationship has reached a new and decisive stage: the Count's attitude, expressed in action, word, and even choice of name,11 has changed dramatically, and Kleist has thus prepared his audience for one of the most important scenes of Kathchen, the "Holunderstrauch" episode.

4 The Truth Discovered

The setting of the elderbush scene, "eine Art von naturlicher Laube" (p. 503), owes much to the aristocratic dream of escape to the idyllic retreat discussed earlier. Strahl enters this natural refuge, Kathchen's sphere of influence, determined to discover the truth: "wissen will ich, warum ich verdammt bin, sie einer Metze gleich, mit mir herum zu fiihren; wissen, warum sie hinter mir herschreitet, einem Hunde gleich, durch Feuer und Wasser, mir Elenden, der nichts fur sich hat, als das Wappen auf seinem Schild" (2031-5). He recognizes that she has successfully passed the trials by fire and water reserved for the noble knight, and he dwells upon his own unworthiness and wretchedness, a far cry from the pride and arrogance of the "Vehmgericht" scene. Whereas he once was able to fall back on the prestige of family tradition, he now sees it as a poor support, but nonetheless his only support, i.e., he is still firmly attached to his class and its values. Despite his former realization, "Nun iiber dich schwebt Gott mit seinen Scharen!" (1903), he now maintains: "es ist irgend von der Holle angefacht, ein Wahn, der in ihrem Busen sein Spiel treibt" (2036-8). He did have a momentary insight but then he succumbed to outside pressure: since Kathchen has reduced herself to the level of a "Metze," social morality or conventional perception (cf Theobald, 110-3) insists upon diabolical influence. Before I begin an analysis of the "Traumgesprach," one other aspect of StraWs introductory monologue merits comment: "So oft ich sie gefragt habe: Kathchen! Warum erschrakst du doch so, als du mich zuerst in Heilbronn sahst? hat sie mich immer zerstreut angesehen,

72 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

und dann geantwortet: Ei, gestrenger Herr! Ihr wifits ja!" (2038-41). The fact that he asked more than once about her behaviour during their alleged "first" meeting in Heilbronn ties in with his reaction "gedankenvoll," (178) to this same encounter and the implication of his concession that since that day and their subsequent reunion "in der Mittagshitze, an einer Felswand" (248), he has not dreamed of her, "nicht im Traum gedacht ich des Madchens mehr" (249). Strahl senses that the solution to the whole puzzle lies in recognition. The key word in Kathchen's enigmatic response is "zerstreut," as it indicates how the combination of the question and Strahl's person can transport her momentarily away from the immediate situation. In this state of mind she assumes that he should know intuitively the answer, just as she feels some special rapport with him but cannot express it in the conscious realm: "Auf das, was du gefragt: ich weifi es nicht" (467). The dramatist has conditioned the spectator to expect that Strahl's unconscious awareness will finally achieve a breakthrough in what is about to follow. Holz has characterized the "Vehmgericht" and the "Traumgesprach" as the "Schliisselszenen des Stuckes."1 In both instances Strahl conducts an interrogation to determine why fate has decreed that this girl should follow him, but from the outset of the dream interrogation the audience learns that the roles are now reversed: "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Kathchen! Schlafst du? KATHCHEN. Nein, mein verehrter Herr" (2054). The "Nein" is indicative of Kathchen's greater mastery; she feels at home in the dream world. In fact, she uses the negative to contradict Strahl eight times in the course of this scene to his once (2117). During the trial she only opposed her Count when he, playing for effect and thus dominant, created an absurd situation so that her "Nein, mein verehrter Herr! Was sprichst du da?" (601) really amounted to a defence of her master in the "real" world, a response intentionally engineered by the interrogator. In Kathchen's first utterance of the "Traumgesprach," however, she immediately declares her independence. Whereas Strahl programmed the "nein" in the earlier instance, he is now surprised and taken aback by Kathchen's contradictions, since she voices them freely, drawing her assurance from her unshaken inner conviction. The familiar tone of "- Ach, geh!" (2057) conveys this same confidence: "KATHCHEN. Ich sehe dich ja, wie du zu Pferde sitzest. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. So! - Auf dem Fuchs - nicht? KATHCHEN. Nicht doch! Auf dem Schimmel" (2059-60). To portray her beloved lord, Kathchen naturally opts for the typical heroic pose of the chevalier. Hence, even in the unconscious state she sees him foremost as the noble warrior. She insists upon a white

73 Truth Discovered

horse, a more impressive image for a "knight in shining armour," one to which Kleist also resorts to capture the Elector's drive for fame and glory: "Auf einem Schimmel herrlich safi er da, / Im Sonnenstrahl, die Bahn des Siegs erleuchtend" (540-1). Also, when she refuses to accept Strahl's addition of a "Fuchs," she retains full control of her dream, thereby further asserting her authority in the unconscious realm. Strahl indirectly acknowledges her right to do so when he must allow her to set the stage or establish the framework within which the interrogation will take place: "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Wo bist du denn, mein Herzchen? Sag mir an. KATHCHEN. Auf einer schonen griinen Wiese bin ich, / Wo alles bunt und voller Blumen ist" (2061-3). By contrast, in the court sequence Strahl created the worst possible scenario which she was meant to deny. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Ich will vom Pferde niedersteigen, Kathchen, Und mich ins Gras ein wenig zu dir setzen. - Soil ich? KATHCHEN. Das tu, mein hoher Herr. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL als ob er riefe. He, Gottschalk! Wo lafi ich doch das Pferd? - Gottschalk! Wo bist [du? KATHCHEN. Je, lafi cs stehn. Die Liese la'uft nicht weg. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL lachelt. Meinst du? - Nun denn, so seis! (2066-71)

This exchange provides additional evidence of his willingness to come down to her level, to humble himself, as he offers to dismount from his horse and join her on the ground, while Kathchen continues to demonstrate her ascendancy as she commands him twice: "Das tu"; "lafi es stehn." Strahl's smile may indicate condescending amusement at this initial stage of his experiment; he feels sufficiently confident to allow her this display of superior knowledge, but he is clearly not accustomed to this self-assertive Kathchen. In the "real" world he knew the answers to the questions he posed, with one exception, why she followed him, and thus his queries and her responses confirmed his dominant position. However, in the dream world Strahl is the suppliant: he does not know the answers, whereas she does. The aggressive, dictatorial orders, "Knie nieder!" (550) or "Du riihrst dich nicht!" (553), have become the unassuming, deferential "- Soil ich?"; "Meinst du? - Nun denn, so seis!" DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Pause - Er rasselt mit seiner Rustung.

Mein liebes Kathchen.

74 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage Er fafit ihre Hand. KATHCHEN. Mein hoher Herr! DER GRAF voM STRAHL. Du bist irtir wohl recht gut. KATHCHEN. Gewifi! Von Herzen. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Aber ich [Kleist's emphasis] - was meinst du? Ich nicht. KATHCHEN Itichelnd. O Schelm! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Was, Schelm! Ich hoff -? KATHCHEN.

O geh! -

Verliebt ja, wie ein Kafer, bist du rnir. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Ein Kafer! Was! Ich glaub du bist -? KATHCHEN. Was sagst du? (2071-6)

It is no accident that Strahl approaches this meeting wearing his armour. Just as he needed the support of the "Bilder [seiner] geharnischten Vater" (704) to renounce his love for the "Biirgerstochter" or to face her father, he now seeks to hide his emotional vulnerability behind the defensive covering of his class. While Kunigunde asked for his hand: "Ich bitt um Eure Hand!" (1131), in a contrast indicative of the difference in relationship, Strahl, who once dreaded contact with Kathchen, now of his own accord takes her hand. Of course, he is fully cognizant of her love for him (643) and he already admitted his own strong feelings to the audience (n/i), but on this occasion he wishes to discover whether or not she realizes that he reciprocates her affection. When she answers in such a bold and familiar fashion, she once more shows independence and awareness of her power over him. Such an intrusion into his heart does not sit well with the Count. To a certain degree this parallels the situation in the first scene of Prinz Friedrich von Hamburg: the Elector, exploiting Homburg's dreamlike state of mind, decides to test his nephew, "Bei Gott! Ich mufi doch sehn, wie weit ers treibt!" (64), and discovers more than he bargained for. His worst fears realized, he makes an embarrassed retreat: "Offn' mir die Pforte nur!" (68). Furthermore, Strahl's reaction, "Ein Kafer! Was! Ich glaub du bist -?", resembles Hohenzollern's when Homburg mentions Natalie in a socially harmless connection: "Warum? - Ich [Hohenzollern] glaub gar, der Tor -?" (210). The interrogator, believing himself to be in charge, begins to wonder if he has not after all been duped, momentarily ignoring the important distinction between the conscious and the unconscious. Strahl is evidently quite taken aback by Kathchen's forwardness, her uncomplimentary way of expressing her firm conviction; he has moved from the heroic status of the knight on a white horse to a beetle.

75 Truth Discovered

The two smiles, "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL lachelt," "KATHCHEN lachelnd," invite comparison. The Count can smile at her determination since he feels that he is still in control: he supplies the cues and hence can afford to be amused by her self-assurance. However, Kathchen's smile also implies a sense of power based upon her dream-induced confidence in her influence over him: she knows he loves her. Ironically, Strahl finds himself no longer in the "driver's seat." He wanted to conduct this examination much as he had at the court in the "real" world, but now he must admit defeat in her realm: "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL mit einem Seufzer. Ihr Glaub ist, wie ein Turm, fest gegriindet! - / Seis! Ich ergebe mich darin" (2077-8). Unable to shake her faith, Strahl asks: "Was, sprich, was soil draus werden?" (2080). He shows a willingness to listen to her and even to seek her guidance. His response to her matter-of-fact announcement, "Zu Ostern, iibers Jahr, wirst du mich heuern," (2082) conveys with its five exclamations his genuine shock: "das Lachen verbeiflend. So! Heuern! In der Tat! Das wufit ich nicht! / Kathrinchen, schau! - Wer hat dir das gesagt?" (2083-4). He finds it impossible to reconcile this prediction with his class pride. Whereas his first reaction, indicated by the stage direction, is to laugh, to treat the whole incident lightly, the "verbeifiend" signals a realization that this is no joking matter. He has come around at least to entertaining her perception of the situation. As Kathchen begins to relate the details of the "Silvesternachttraum," Strahl persists in putting her to the test: "Mein Kind, ich glaub, es ist ein anderer. / Der Ritter Flammberg. Oder sonst. Was meinst du?" (2094-5); but as the question insinuates, he is prepared to let her convince him. A turning point occurs, however, when she announces his direct participation in her dream experience: KATHCHEN.

Und da erschienst du ja, um Mitternacht, Leibhaftig, wie ich jetzt dich vor mir sehe, Als deine Braut mich liebend zu begriifien.

DER GRAF VOM STRAHL.

KATHCHEN.

Ich war dir -? Herzchen! Davon weifi ich nichts. - Wann hatt ich dich -? In der Silvesternacht. Wenn wiederum Silvester kommt, zwei lahr. (2102-7)

Strahl's partial rejection of this revelation - he uses the subjunctive mood - stems from her casting herself in the role of his bride. Denying all knowledge, he even refuses to make the time link with

76 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

Kathchen - "- Wann hatt ich dich -?" - although she has already informed him: "In der Silvesternacht, bat ich zu Gott, / ... / Mocht er den Ritter mir im Traum zeigen" (2099-101). The reference "In der Silvesternacht" becomes a key phrase later in the dialogue, causing him to explore his own unconscious mind, but at this crucial stage of Kathchen's confession, he wants to deny the when, the what, and, as we shall see, even the where. Here and throughout the exchange, the dash has a particularly important function: "Ich war dir -? Herzchen! Davon weifi ich nichts." It denotes a dawning awareness, as if he were on the verge of accepting her version, but then the conscious realm reasserts itself - he has no knowledge of what she is talking about. When he poses his hypothetical question, "- Wann hatt ich dich -?", he again approaches the repressed area of his psyche, as intimated by the dashes at either end of his incomplete utterance. Language is the medium of the conscious world, and thus the fact that he is unable to complete either question suggests his internal conflict: a desire supported by his unconscious self to believe what Kathchen is saying versus class convention which consistently throws up barriers to block access to the forbidden area. Kleist is in fact describing the gradual triumph of Strahl's unconscious mind over the conscious, a slow, painful, and disjointed process captured in the dash. Whereas in Kathchen's verses the dash appears twelve times, usually to indicate a pause, an interruption, or to convey awe: "Und Licht - o Herr!" (2120) or dismay: "Mit Licht - und alles war vorbei" (2141), it almost always punctuates Strahl's speeches. If one includes two stage directions relating specifically to him, there are thirty examples, all of which reinforce the impression of his basic insecurity. But strangely enough, he furnishes the suitable cues to tap Kathchen's dream world and, in so doing, helps to release his own. The "Traumgesprach," therefore, becomes just as much an investigation of his own unconscious mind as of hers. As I noted earlier, Strahl was able to recount the details of the dream visitation upon awakening when they were fresh in his memory. His aristocratic bias caused him eventually to eliminate the unflattering features, so that in the conversation with his mother (11/13) ne recalled only those aspects which enhanced his reputation and conformed to his own aspirations. The same process is again at work in the following passage: DER GRAF voM STRAHL. Wo? In dem Schlofi zu Strahl? KATHCHEN. Nicht! in Heilbronn; Im Kammerlein, wo mir das Bette steht.

77 Truth Discovered DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Was du da schwatzst, mein liebes Kind. - Ich lag Und obenein todkrank, im Schlofi zu Strahl. (2108-11)

He insists upon his aristocratic milieu, "im Schlofi zu Strahl," while his deprecatory "Was du da schwatzst" attests to his vehement rejection of a "Kammerlein, wo [Kathchen] das Bette steht." Such a simple, unpretentious folk setting can scarcely compete with "das duftende Himmelbett, das [ihm] die Mutter, daheim im Prunkgemach, aufgerichtet hat" (689-90), a bedroom decor more appropriate for an emperor's daughter. Pause, - Sie seufzt, bewegt sich, und lispelt etwas. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Was SagSt du? KATHCHEN.

Wer?

DER GRAF VOM STRAHL.

Du!

KATHCHEN.

Ich? Ich sagte nichts. Pause.

(2112)

Why did Kleist include this strange dialogue, set apart by a pause at either end, and what does it mean? The stage directions make it clear that Kathchen really does whisper something, and yet, when questioned by Strahl on this point, she denies it. At this stage in the play, the dramatist has convinced the audience that Kathchen is incapable of lying in her dream-like trance. This could well be Kleist's depiction of an almost inaccessible mental stratum which can only be tapped indirectly in dreams or under hypnosis. Kathchen has become the medium or instrument of a force independent of her unconscious mind. She cannot govern it or even recollect its manifestations. Therefore, Strahl and the spectator are also denied entry to this deeper level of the psyche. Kleist's amazingly perceptive analysis of the human mind continues with the Count's aside: "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL fiir sich. Seltsam, beim Himmel! In der Silvesternacht - Er traumt vor sich nieder. - Erzahl mir doch etwas davon, mein Kathchen! / Kam ich allein?" (2114-6). The playwright has recourse to the same technique in Prinz Friedrich von Hamburg: DER PRINZ VON HOMBURG traumt vor sich nieder. - Da hast du [Hohenzollern] recht. Lafi uns zu [Bette gehn. Doch, was ich sagen wollte, Lieber,

78 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage 1st die Kurfiirstin noch und ihre Nichte hier, Die liebliche Prinzessin von Oranien, Die jiingst in unser Lager eingetroffen? (205-9) The day-dreaming marks an attempt to penetrate to the unknown region, whence he does in fact receive a sign, Natalie, but his psyche will only permit her name to enter consciousness in a noncontroversial context and not as the owner of the glove. As his secret love, she remains a forbidden fantasy of the unconscious since she belongs to the Elector's domain. The same process is at work in Strahl. For a brief moment, prompted by Kathchen's reference: "In der Silvesternacht" which he repeats, he begins to recall, however indistinctly, the shared vision. How else is one to explain his illogical inquiry: "Kam ich allein?"? Why should anyone in such a situation assume that he would have a companion? Intuitively he senses that the answer could be significant even though he does not know why: "KATHCHEN. Das weifit du nicht mehr? DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Nein, so wahr ich lebe" (2117). He asks a question prompted by his unconscious mind but has no inkling of the answer, just as Homburg, similarly cued, mentions Natalie's name in a conventional setting posing no social threat. Strahl pursues this line of interrogation with an urgency - "So rede!" - suggestive of an incipient realization of his role within Kathchen's narrative and of his increasing acceptance of it. KATHCHEN.

Bin Cherubim, mein hoher Herr, war bei dir, Mit Fliigeln, weifi wie Schnee, auf beiden Schultern, Und Licht - o Herr! das funkelte! das glanzte! Der fuhrt', an seiner Hand, dich zu mir ein. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL starrt sie an. So wahr, als ich will selig sein, ich glaube, Da hast du recht! (2118-23) This epiphany finally convinces him. "Da der Adel immer gottliche Autoritat fur seine Herrschaft, gottliche Herkunft oder sogar Gottlichkeit in Anspruch nimmt, hilft auch das dem Adel, seine Macht zu befestigen."2 A divine intervention in which he had an exalted role, this his noble heritage can endorse. The emphasis upon light also ties in with the self-glorifying and self-congratulatory image in which the upper class chose to see itself. Now the complete vision comes back to him: DER GRAF VOM STRAHL mit beklemmter Stimme.

Auf einem ha'rnen Kissen lagst du da, Das Bettuch weifi, die wollne Decke rot?

79 Truth Discovered KATHCHEN. Ganz recht! so wars! DER GRAF voM STRAHL. Im blofien leichten Hemdchen? (2124-6) Significantly, most of the particulars formerly withheld denote someone beneath his station, a lower-class girl: "harnen" refers to a rough, hard material, the antithesis of upper-class refinement, while "Hemdchen," a simple night-shirt, contrasts with the elaborate and pretentious toilette scenes the text associates with Kunigunde. Before this discovery the Count refused to acknowledge this commoner as his equal, and even now he finds some difficulty in coming to terms with the midnight visitation. He still needs to have the details confirmed by Kathchen - his utterances are questions, not statements of fact - and, as the stage direction indicates, this is not a happy disclosure. Even though he has already confessed his great love for her and now has confirmation that God has preordained their union, the social issue, the class barrier, still looms foremost in his mind. Hence, throughout this scene, I can detect no evidence to support Streller's contention: "Die Gleichheit der Tra'ume lafit ihn in Kathchen die wahre Braut erkennen. Er vermag aus den Schranken seines Standesdenkens ein wenig herauszutreten."3 True to the Kleistian character type he embodies, Strahl still needs irrefutable evidence before he can be convinced: KATHCHEN

l&chelnd. Nun! Siehst du wohl? - Der Engel zeigte dir DER GRAF VOM STRAHL . Das Mai - Schutzt mich, ihr Himmlischen! Das hast du? KATHCHEN. Je, freilich! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL reifit ihr das Tuch ab. Wo? Am Halse? KATCHCHEN bewegt sich. Bitte, bitte. (2135-7)* He cannot deny the birthmark, the conclusive piece of evidence, which he himself first mentions. "The realist in Kleist," Robert Helbling observes, "knew that if dreams are to become 'truth' the sensory world must be made to conform with the inner vision."5 The vigour and energy with which he pursues this confirmation - he tears the cloth away - illustrate its importance to him. A simple man, accustomed to believing what his eyes and common sense tell him, he must now accept what his mind once preferred to exclude, i.e., the physically impossible has happened: "Nun steht mir bei, ihr Gotter: ich bin doppelt! / Ein Geist bin ich und wandele zur Nacht!" (2144-5); or, to use Helbling's apt formulation, the sensory world

8o Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

becomes one with the inner vision: "Was mir ein Traum schien, nackte Wahrheit ists" (2147). The "Grenze zwischen Traum und Wachen/'6 which in Ueding's interpretation does not exist, manifests itself nonetheless when she awakes: KATHCHEN erwacht. Gott, meines Lebens Herr! Was widerfahrt mir! Sie steht auf und sieht sich urn. KATHCHEN. Himmel! Der Graf! Sie setzt sich den Hut auf, und rtickt sich das Tuch zurecht.

(2146-52)

She clearly has no recollection whatsoever of the "Traumgesprach," and her only concern is with propriety, consistent with her refusal to lift her skirts to ford the river or her denial of Strahl's recollection: "Im blofien Hemdchen"; "Im Hemdchen? - Nein" (2126-7). Morality has become an undeniable part of her upbringing. Just as the Count has been raised with a certain set of values determining his personality, similarly she cannot completely ignore the standards of her class. Hence these little incidents may simply point to the enlightened middle-class's advocacy of "Tugend," as reflected in Emilia Galotti who would rather die by her father's hand than run the risk of succumbing to courtly vice, or Alkmene who refuses to live, "Wenn nicht [ihr] Busen mehr unstraflich ist" (1279). Despite Kathchen's actions and appeal, Strahl, preoccupied with himself and his personal disaster, ignores the suppliant at his feet: "Weh mir! Mein Geist, von Wunderlicht geblendet, / Schwankt an des Wahnsinns grausem Hang umher!" (2159-60). As is his nature, he has considerable difficulty in comprehending the prophecy, since it goes against not only reason but also everything that society has taught him: "Denn wie begreif ich die Verkiindigung, / Die mir noch silbern wiederklingt im Ohr, / Dafi sie die Tochter meines Kaisers sei?" (2161-3). Like Alkmene, for whom the threat of madness is also very real - "Lafi ewig in dem Irrtum mich, soil mir / Dein Licht die Seele ewig nicht umnachten" (2305-6) - Strahl is a victim of divine intervention in human affairs. Nonetheless, one aspect of the prediction still reverberates within his ear, the fact that Kathchen is the Emperor's daughter. Even "an des Wahnsinns grausem Hang" his mind finds something positive ("silbern") in this one particular revelation and clings to it, because it reinforces his social ambition and conforms to his class consciousness. Strahl may show progress by rec-

8i Truth Discovered

ognizing some of his limitations (2474-9), but he remains to the very end a prisoner of his class values. He can conceive of no other way of life, and the drama presents no viable alternative. The alacrity with which Strahl reacts to Gottschalk's imminent arrival - "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL erhebt sich rasch vom Boden. Geschwind erhebe dich! / Mach dir das Tuch zurecht! Wie siehst du aus?" (21645) - conveys his embarrassment. How will it look if he is found with the unchaperoned "Biirgerstochter/Kaiserstochter," especially after the allegations voiced before the "Vehmgericht"? Also, her clothes in disarray or her prostrate position could be misunderstood. Since Strahl behaves as if he were caught doing something illicit and proves anxious to preserve appearances, the "Holunderstrauch" scene concludes fittingly with a reminder that social convention or propriety forms an integral part of this drama's ethos. The next scene (iv/3) functions primarily as a demonstration of the Count's change in attitude towards Kathchen, once he has become convinced of her imperial origin. "Gut, Gottschalk, dafi du kommst! Du fragtest mich, / Ob du die Jungfrau in den Stall darfst nehmen" (2166-7). The stable would be her customary unpretentious refuge, but now she is to take up a new residence in keeping with her recently discovered status: "Das aber schickt aus manchem Grund sich nicht; / Die Friedborn zieht aufs Schlofi zu meiner Mutter" (21689). Without revealing the reason for this sudden change - he could hardly explain it to anyone, let alone a servant - he now deems her worthy to share the company of his mother, the other surviving guarantor of the family name and honour. Gottschalk's reaction, "Wie? Was? Wo? - Oben auf das Schlofi hinauf?" (2170), emphasizes the drastic nature of the unexpected reversal and the seriousness of the steps the Count is about to take. Even Gottschalk, who is devoted to Kathchen and subsequently rejoices at her good fortune - "Gotts Blitz auch, Kathchen! hast du das gehort?" (2174) - is at first shocked and incredulous at this announcement. His formulation, "Oben auf das Schlofi hinauf" when set against the implied degradation of the stables, stresses her rise in station, the "ups" at either end of the phrase highlighting the unforeseen elevation. Strahl now treats her as the Emperor's daughter: "Ja, und das gleich! Nimm ihre Sachen auf, / Und auf dem Pfad zum Schlosse folg ihr nach" (2171-2). The servant, no longer a social equal, is to serve her by picking up her things and following in a deferential position. Kathchen, accustomed to obeying her lord, accepts this without question but adds the condition, "Bis ich werd wissen, wo mein Vater ist" (2175), to which Strahl replies: "Gut, Gut! Ich werd mich gleich nach ihm erkundgen" (2176). The

8a Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

irony is not lost on the audience; indeed, Strahl's main preoccupation in the subsequent scenes will be to investigate her natural father's identity. The conclusion of this scene has symbolic implications which become particularly striking when one compares it with the ending of rii/6. Reluctant to hand over his sash out of aristocratic propriety and fear of Kathchen's influence, Strahl nonetheless offered it to her on a temporary basis: "Da! Wenn du dich gekiihlt, gib mir sie wieder" (1751), seeking to underplay the significance of the gesture, to hide his own embarrassment, and to make amends for his past harsh treatment of her. But as soon as he has a visual confirmation of her imperial blood, he stoops to help her: "Er nimmt ein Tuch vom Boden auf, und iibergibt es ihr" (p. 510). The "Btirgermadchen," who remains true to her upbringing by assisting Gottschalk with a menial task - "Gottschalk bindet die Sachen zusammen; Kathchen hilft ihm" - is now the one to be embarrassed ("errotend"), for she immediately perceives the difference: "Was! Du bemuhst dich mir?" (2177). Whereas he once sought to keep her at arm's length - "Du kannst im Wirtshaus iibernachten" (1749) - he now sends her up to the castle to his mother. The sequence in Thurneck ended with a typical display of Kathchen's obsequious humility as she attempted to kiss Strahl's hand while the latter escaped behind his usual gesture consistent with class expectations: "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL wendet sich von ihr ab" (p. 490). After the "Traumgesprach" he not only asks for her hand, "Gib deine Hand!" (2178)7 and "fiihrt sie iiber die Steine," but "[er lafit] sie vorangehen und folgt" out of the respect he owes to his social superior, the Emperor's daughter. Other similarities include Gottschalk's intermediary function in both scenes: the servant seeking to smooth out the difficulties while indirectly championing Kathchen's cause, or the dream consciousness: Strahl acts impulsively by reaching for the whip; Kathchen exposes the truth under the influence of sleep. However, both Strahl and Kathchen are unable to remember this phase after the event: "Was macht die Peitsche hier?" (1744); "Gott, meines Lebens Herr! Was widerfahrt mir!" (2146). Although the roles tend to be reversed in the two sequences, the servant becoming the served, the common feature that unites them and fully explains the attitudinal discrepancy is the predominance of the aristocratic norm. The final scenes of the fourth act deal with Kathchen's discovery of Kunigunde's closely guarded secret. To date, commentators have focused on the meaning of this revelation as it applies to Kunigunde's function within the play, while ignoring certain subtleties that relate only to Kathchen. Initially, the latter automatically opted for the mod-

83 Truth Discovered

est "Seitengrotto" into which she crept in keeping with her lowly background and the modest, self-effacing manner the audience has come to expect of her. However, she could not resist the temptation of trying out the central grotto, the first sign of an attempt on her own initiative to test the waters of her true station in life: "Und nun, da mich das Bad erquickt, tret ich / In jene gro6re Mitte scherzend ein, / Und denke du, du seists, die darin rauscht" (2236-8). This would imply, if only on an unconscious level, a desire to compete with the aristocratic ladies, to "try it on for size" in Gretchen-like fashion, and perhaps even a concealed wish to enter into contest with Kunigunde. At least she is prepared to live the fantasy of being Kunigunde's equal, and from the elderbush scene we know that she is quite confident in StrahTs requited love and in the inevitability of their future union. Perhaps some of this unconscious knowledge has begun to spill over into the conscious realm. It is of particular interest to examine her dilemma once she has beheld the "Greuel": Du mufit sogleich zum Grafen, Leonore, Und von der ganzen Sach ihn unterrichten. - Dock ihm nicht sagen, nein, urns Himmels willen, Dafi es von mir kommt. Horst du? Eher wollt ich, Dafi er den Greuel nimmermehr entdeckte. (2241-2; 2244-6)

In the past, when Strahl faced a potential danger, she did not hesitate to go and warn him. Why does she now refuse to tell the Count herself? Kunigunde, whom she would have to inform against, is her rival, and direct disclosure could be misconstrued as an effort to disparage her competitor, an impression which could seriously damage her own stature in Strahl's eyes. She is prepared to let someone else, Eleonore, be the bearer of bad news: "Das Wort kommt iiber meine Lippen nie!" (2250), perhaps because the informer usually becomes the recipient of the informed's unfavourable reaction. The text captures her extreme reluctance in the accumulation of negatives - "nicht," "nein," "nimmermehr," "nie," - einforced by "Doch" and "urns Himmels willen," clearly the most adamant position she adopts in the play. Indeed, she would rather keep the truth from him than have him learn of her involvement in its revelation. But this would surely suggest allowing him to go through with the wedding to Kunigunde, a marriage that would entail the eventual discovery of the horror which part of her wishes to suppress. There is thus a strong possibility that she is more concerned with Strahl's opinion of herself.

84 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

To destroy his image of Kunigunde may do serious damage to his positive image of Kathchen, the one who always wishes to serve him, to make him happy: "Durch mich kann er, durch mich, enttauscht nicht werden" (2251). The "Durch mich/' in the emphatic first position, is repeated, so that the "mich" surrounds the "er" on both sides. The very syntax thus illustrates her desire to protect him. The choice of "enttauschen" is particularly apt as well, for it means not only to disappoint but also to disabuse, i.e., to remove or awaken from deception, and the text has consistently linked Kunigunde to the mirror, the creator of illusion. Surely, nondisclosure would pose a much greater threat for the Count than disappointment or disillusionment. The dramatist may be hinting at an understandable human weakness, but one that would call into question the absolute sense of altruism and innocence audiences and critics such as Giinter Blocker have attributed to her: "Kathchen ist [Blocker's emphasis] naiv, ist [Blokker's emphasis] unschuldig. .. ."8 One must bear in mind that Strahl has begun to treat her in a different, respectful manner: she is now lodged in the castle with his mother, and her current interlocutor and companion, Eleonore, is the Countess's niece; hence she may feel a disinclination to jeopardize her new standing. In her defence one could point out that she has just been party to a discovery so devastating that she cannot recount the actual details: KATHCHEN. Ich will dir sagen Sie kann nicht sprechen.

ELEONORE. Nun, sag an! Ich hore. KATHCHEN. - Doch du gelobst mir, nimmermehr, Lenore, Wem es auch sei, den Vorfall zu entdecken.

(2229-31)

Her first impulse is to cover up the whole incident, although she does experience the need to share the burden of her discovery with someone else but, as usual in such circumstances, under condition of complete confidentiality. Because deformity is incompatible with natural beauty, Kathchen correctly assumes her antagonist's hostility: "Ich bin verloren, wenn sie mich hier trifft! / Fort! In der Grafin Arme fluent ich mich!" (22589). She realizes that since Kunigunde will want to protect her secret at all cost, her own life is in real danger. Also her choice of refuge divulges her awareness, however indirect, of her proper place: she can now seek solace in the arms of a countess, something which at the beginning of the play she would never have imagined. This provides additional proof that she can easily accommodate herself to her new, intimate position in Strahl's household and that she knows intu-

85 Truth Discovered

itively she will have an ally in his mother. In the last speech of the act, Kunigunde herself confirms the rivalry: "Sie biihlt mir so zur Seite um sein Herz, / Wie ich vernahm, und ich - des Todes sterb ich, / Wenn ihn das Affenangesicht nicht riihrt" (2279-81). She has witnessed Kathchen's power over Strahl during the "Feuerprobe" and has heard from others ("Wie ich vernahm") of her alleged courtship; hence we may assume that the contest for the Count's heart is fairly common knowledge and that Kathchen may also be cognizant of it.

5 Character Consistency to the End

The Emperor's opening speech of the fifth act makes clear why Strahl initially sought with such persistence and at extreme personal cost to avoid any emotional involvement with a "Biirgermadchen." He feared the social consequences here outlined by the supreme authority of his tradition: "Magst du die Krone selbst aufs Haupt ihr setzen; / Von Schwaben einst, begreifst du, erbt sie nichts, / Und meinem Hof auch bleibt sie fern zu Worms" (2297-9). Since the ruling class would not recognize a marriage between a count and a commoner and since the children of such a union would inherit neither title nor wealth, ostracism would be the inevitable result. Kleist even suggests the split by the syntax: in one line the interjected "begreifst du" separates "Schwaben" and "sie," with "nichts" occupying the emphatic final position, and in the next verse the "bleibt sie fern" keeps apart the "Hof" and "zu Worms," i.e., Kathchen's status as Strahl's wife, is inimical to the "Hof zu Worms" as she is capable of disrupting or breaking it apart. In response to the Emperor's challenge to prove the claim: "die Maid... / Sei [seiner] kaiserlichen Lenden Kind" (2293-4) in armed combat, Strahl unexpectedly performs a complete about-face, disclaiming any responsibility for spreading the "Marchen" (2318) and pretending disbelief in the "Silvesternachttraum," even though the audience knows that he is fully convinced of the prophetic vision's validity. Weigand has attempted to justify this recantation as a consequence both of Strahl's wish to spare Theobald1 and of a lack of courage in his isolation. To call his lord a liar publicly without proof

87 Character Consistency

would be tantamount to madness.2 But Strahl does have evidence in his possession, the "Schausriick, mit dem Bildnis Papst Leos" (2420i), plus knowledge of the birthmark; and as for any consideration shown to the armourer, surely his subsequent harsh treatment of the old man in this scene (2314-6; 2361-4) refutes such a thesis. Streller accounts for the contradiction "aus dem Blick auf den dramaturgischen Gesamtbau des Stuckes" which reveals "eine Widerspruchsdimension," a hovering between a comic and a tragic potential.3 Strahl's public disavowal may be interpreted in terms of the "dramaturgischen Gesamtbau des Stuckes," but social convention or, more specifically, the aristocratic code, determines this structure and in this instance as well offers a logically consistent explanation for the recantation. The Count's class and its values alone dictate his attitudes and convictions to which he was prepared to sacrifice the woman he truly loves (n/i). Duty is stronger than inclination; convention wins out over sex. His Emperor, the recognized head of state, God's secular representative on earth, the highest social and political authority, now declares his innocence publicly before the Archbishop and the nobility, "Solch eines abgeschmackt prophetischen Grufies, / Spott ich, wie sichs versteht ..." (2295-6), and passes judgment on Strahl and Kathchen - exclusion from his court. His behaviour anticipates that of the Elector who, even before he has convened the court-martial to hear the case, sentences the perpetrator of the illegal act. Similarly, the Emperor "backs himself (and Strahl) into a corner" in a situation where it turns out he was the major cause of the problem. Once a public figure such as an emperor or an elector has made an open declaration of intent, he must go through with it or risk losing face before his own court. Strahl finds himself in a predicament, as registered by the stage direction: "mit dem Erroten des Unwillens" (p. 516). Kleist spells out for us the meaning of his involuntary blush: resentment, indignation, annoyance. Part of him would like to reject the insults, the aspersions cast on his actions and motives, but his respect for and slavish adherence to convention hold him back. To voice his convictions at this point would openly compromise his liege lord. "Die Funktionalitat der Noblesse ruht auf ihrer Loyalitat," Ja'ger points out. "Regententreue ist das Eichmafi personlichen Werts."4 Surely his first loyalty would therefore be to his emperor and the preservation of courtly protocol, whereby he must avoid at all costs public embarrassment of the ruling head.5 Strahl acted without considering the full ramifications of what he proposed to prove, and hence, out of deference to his sovereign, he withdraws his claim. Because he does not fear the outcome of the trial by combat - he knows that he can easily defeat Theobald - his

88 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

retraction must be attributed to his loyalty to the Emperor and what he represents. Strahl's first speech of the act begins, "Mein kaiserlicher Herr" (2311), an open acknowledgment of the Emperor's authority over him, and contains several expressions of subservient fidelity: "ErlaS, in deiner Huld und Gnade" (2317); "Begreif, ich bitte dich, in deiner Weisheit" (2323); "meines hochverehrten Kaisers Kind" (2329). Consideration for Theobald's feelings or for the reputation of Kathchen's mother had little to do with his change of heart, since he abuses the armourer in his opening remarks, comparing the latter's "Scheitel" (2314) to a Swiss cheese that he, the Count, could easily smash. In his defence of Strahl, the Archbishop touches on two typically Kleistian themes: the inscrutable nature of existence and the human reaction to this realization, confusion: "Straft um den Wunderbau der Welt inn nicht, / Der ihn, auf einen Augenblick, verwirrt" (2336-7). This phenomenon usually arises when the protagonist faces some major calamity, recognizes the "gebrechlich[e] Einrichtung der Welt" (2: 143), and experiences mental turmoil. The Count already went through this process earlier, subsequent to the disclosure of the "Traumgesprach": "Nun steht mir bei, ihr Gdtter: ich bin doppelt! / Ein Geist bin ich und wandele zur Nacht!" (2144-5); and when he met with the Archbishop, he had learned to accept, partly on faith, partly on the basis of empirical confirmation (the mole), what would appear to be rationally impossible. Ironically, the clergyman contends that the divinely ordained complexity of life momentarily so disoriented Strahl that he made his preposterous false allegation - imperial paternity - whereas in actual fact the Count's confusion and the key to the dramatic action stemmed from his unconscious refusal to recognize what he would now consciously deny. The scene contains a strong hint that the Church, the main prop of the throne - "Der Kaiser auf dem Thron. Ihm zur Seite der Erzbischof von Worms" (p. 515) - has used its authority and persuasive powers to convince Strahl to recant ("widerrufen," 2335). Since the Count has given a fellow nobleman, a prince of the Church, his hand - "Er [Strahl] gab, vor einer Stunde, o Theobald, / Mir seine Hand, das Kathchen, wenn du kommst / Zu Strahl, in seiner Burg, dir abzuliefern" (2338-40) as a man of honour, he now has no choice. The Archbishop's speech thus further illustrates the force of class convention. Strahl has collected considerable evidence in support of his claim: his own gradual recollection and verification of the shared dream, the physical proof of the mole or the miniature portrait, Mariane's supporting testimony, and the circumstantial evidence of time, place and opportunity: THEOBALD. Hast du [Strahl] den Tag nicht, bei dem Kirchenspiel, Erforscht, wann sie geboren, nicht berechnet,

89 Character Consistency Wohin die Stunde der Empfangnis fallt; Nicht ausgemittelt, mit verruchtem Witze, Dafi die erhabne Majestat des Kaisers Vor sechzehn Lenzen durch Heilbronn geschweift? (2347-52)

And yet the social pressure has become so acute that the Count has agreed once more to renounce the girl he loves and to send her back to her father. Therefore, nothing in this episode would seem to justify Streller's claim: "Er [Strahl] ist bereit - damit alle Standesschranken sprengend -, Kathchen auch als biirgerliches Madchen zu seiner Frau zu machen,"6 for, far from demonstrating his breaking through "alle Standesschranken," the incident proves rather his continuing enslavement to these very class barriers. When Theobald, unable to contain himself any longer, cries out: "Verfluchter Heuchler, du, wie kannst du leugnen, / Dafi deine Seele ganz durchdrungen ist, /... von dem Glauben, / Dafi sie des Kaisers Bankeltochter sei?" (2343-6), he plays into Strahl's hands by supplying him with the very pretext he needed: Nun, den Gott selbst verdamme, gifterfullter Verfolger meiner [StrahlJ, der dich nie beleidigt, Und deines Mitleids eher wiirdig ware, So seis, Mordraufer, denn, so wie du willst.

(2361-4)

The plaintiff himself has outlined in detail the circumstantial evidence which protocol and loyalty prevented the defendant from disclosing, and now the latter can play the injured, innocent party, even to the extent of claiming sympathy, and put all the blame on his accuser. Strahl's statement that he never insulted Theobald is simply not true. His reference to him as "Der alte Esel" (359) before the "Vehmgericht," the comparison to a Swiss cheese, or his vocative "gifterfullter / Verfolger meiner," preceding the contradictory "der dich nie beleidigt," can scarcely be construed as compliments. The relative clause, "der dich nie beleidigt," is inappropriate from another point of view: by Strahl's allegations he has reduced the mother to a "Metze" (2302), the daughter to a "Bankeltochter" (2346), and the father to a cuckold. Strahl now feels at liberty to state his views, not because he wants to - out of veneration for his Emperor, he would prefer not to - but because it is Theobald's will: "so wie du willst." The armourer, having impugned the Count's honour before witnesses, now leaves him with no choice but to demand satisfaction. Strahl can therefore openly attack a "Burger" before the assembled court but would never contemplate doing the same to his noble master. Significantly, he

go Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

addresses his challenge to Theobald, a socially acceptable scapegoat for his ire, not to the Emperor: Hier vor des hochsten Gottes Antlitz steh ich, Und die Behauptung schmettr' ich dir [Theobald] ins Ohr: Kathchen von Heilbronn, die dein Kind du sagst, 1st meines hochsten Kaisers dort; komm her, Mich von dem Gegenteil zu iiberzeugen! (23^9~73)

To a mere "Burger" he can afford to be arrogant and offensive, while the real culprit, the source of the "confusion," he still addresses in respectful terms. Because he is really using Theobald to censure his ruler indirectly/ his speech and challenge amount to a subterfuge: an untrained commoner is no match for a professional fighter. In the ensuing armed combat, Theobald, "vom Kopf zu Fufi in voller Riistung" (p. 515), cuts anything but an heroic figure, becoming once again the butt of Kleist's irony. Strahl, by contrast, proves invincible even without weapons as he establishes his obvious superiority, crowning it with a show of chivalrous magnanimity: DER GRAF VOM STRAHL stofit [Theobald] zu Boden. Dich lahmt der blofie Blitz aus meiner Wimper? Er windet ihm das Schwert aus der Hand, tritt tiber ihm und setzt ihm den Fufl auf die Brust. Was hindert mich, im Grimm gerechten Siegs, Dafi ich den Fufi ins Him dir driicke? - Lebe! (2390-2)

He humiliates the armourer by the sheer power of his conviction, another sign that he recanted in response to his class consciousness.8 However, Kleist could also be parodying the institution of the "Gottesgericht" and the heroic gesture, for poor Theobald is just too decent and fair-minded to strike at an unarmed man. In any event, Strahl "wirft das Schwert vor des Kaisers Thron" (p. 518), proclaiming: "Mag es die alte Sphinx, die Zeit, dir [Theobald] losen, / Das Kathchen aber ist, wie ich gesagt, / Die Tochter meiner hochsten Majesta't!" (2303-5). Consistently throughout this scene he avoids addressing the Emperor directly, employing the second person for Theobald and the more remote and respectful third for his ruler. Although the Emperor may remain untouched physically, the incident has still had a mental impact upon him, as the next scene demonstrates. From Kathchen's Viennese premiere in 1810 up to the present, the Emperor's monologue has caused considerable unease and together

91 Character Consistency

with Kunigunde's ugliness has suffered most at the pen of the adaptor. Indeed, not until 1876 was the play produced in its original form, and then on the occasion of a festival to celebrate Kleist's onehundredth birthday. In reference to the first performance, an anonymous reviewer writing for Der Sammler reported: 'Am Schlusse erscheint der Herzog von Schwaben, erklart Katchen [sic] fur seine Tochter, und als die Vermahlung der Freifrau von Thurneck schon vor sich gehen sollte und sie im vollen Prunke als Braut erschien, erklart sie der Burggraf von Freyburg dieser Ehe unwiirdig und holt Katchen, als Fiirstin gekleidet, zum Traualtar."9 Conscious of nineteenth-century political and social sensitivities, adaptors continued to reduce the Emperor's status to that of a lesser noble such as the Herzog von Schwaben of the premiere, while Kathchen became Theobald's "Pflegekind": [ein] vom Kaiser zum Hahnrei gemachter Burger sollte nicht auf der Biihne erscheinen."10 The twentieth century, still finding this speech painfully amusing, would perhaps prefer to delete it. "Die Angelegenheit von dem Seitensprung des Kaisers, dem Kathchen das Leben verdankt," observes Weigand, "wird in einem Ton abgehandelt, der jedes ernsthafte Eingehen auf die Situation verbietet. Gliicklicherweise verwischen die Schauszenen des Schlusses den peinlichen Eindruck."11 With the notable exception of Hans Schwerte, no one has attempted the "ernsthafte Eingehen auf die Situation" that the soliloquy does warrant from several angles. Before engaging in soul-searching, the Emperor commands: "Hinweg! Es soil mir niemand folgen! Den Burggrafen von Freiburg und den Ritter von Waldstatten lafit herein; das sind die einzigen Manner, die ich sprechen will!" (2400-3). Why does he want to see these particular knights? The names should recall the "Kohlerhtitte" episode of the second act where Georg von Waldstatten attempted to restrain his friend, the Burggraf von Freiburg, from committing an ignoble act: "Du wirst keine unritterliche Rache an ihr [Kunigunde] ausiiben?" (935). The announcement should also come as a surprise to the audience, who must have assumed that the latter had died at Strahl's hand. The Emperor may thus feel an affinity with a man who degraded himself over a woman but has gained reinstatement in upper-class society. Furthermore, these two nobles possess the necessary information enabling Strahl to release himself from any commitment to Kunigunde, a major concern of the Emperor voiced towards the end of his monologue: "Wenn der Graf vom Strahl ... von der Buhlerin [Kunigunde], an die er gekniipft ist, loslassen kann" (2425-7). The Emperor then goes on to acknowledge: "Der Engel Gottes, der dem Grafen vom Strahl versichert hat, das Kathchen sei meine Toch-

92 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

ter: ich glaube, bei meiner kaiserlichen Ehre, er hat recht!" (2403-5). The key word, the first concept he introduces directly into his monologue, is honour. It compels him to admit the truth. Only a few lines into the speech, he notes that the tournament requiring his presence in Heilbronn and leading to his dishonour occurred, ironically, "der Pfalzgrafin, [seiner] Schwester, zu Ehren" (2408). Because this represents the second time he alludes to the "zentralen Bestandteil adliger Ideologic,"12 the obligation it imposes weighs heavily upon him: he must now do what the "Ehrenkodex" of his class expects. Although several critics have remarked upon the similarity between Amphitryon and Kathchen, especially with reference to the Emperor's soliloquy,13 the full extent of the analogy still merits analysis. Since neither Jupiter nor the Emperor could appear as his true self, each adopted a disguise in order to sleep with a woman below his station. Just as Jupiter came down to earth to amuse himself at the expense of a mortal, the Emperor, God's secular representative, condescended to refresh himself, "unerkannt, unter dem Volk" (24123), with a mere commoner. To emphasize the parallel, the dramatist has Kathchen conceived under the sign of the Olympian deity: "der Jupiter ging eben, mit seinem funkelnden Licht, im Osten auf" (2410n).14 In both instances the seduction took place "beim Schein verloschender Lampen" (2417)15 in an environment foreign to the male, who thus comes across as an intruder, and ended in potential tragedy for the female victim - Alkmene's ambivalent "Ach!" (2361) and Gertrud's tears. The women at the time did not know the identity of their lovers and received a telling token in appreciation from their visitors - the "Diadem" with "A/]" and the "Schausttick mit dem Bildnis Papst Leos" (2420-1) - as these were about to depart for another realm. Kleist may have sought to underscore further the close relationship between the Church and the crown by having the Emperor remove his papal miniature and place it "in das Mieder" of the weeping woman. He offered a religious momento to pay for sexual favours rendered and to appease his conscience, while Jupiter embodies in his own person the sacred and the sexual. In describing the confusion created by the escapade, the Emperor, borrowing from Hamlet, exclaims: "Die Welt wankt aus ihren Fugen!" (2425); in Amphitryon the world is in fact out of joint for several hours. The two seducers attempt to justify their involvement by their common need to rest and restore themselves after performing their respective duties as rulers (Amphitryon 1514-18; Kathchen 2411-13), and both come to regret their indiscretion: "Verflucht der Wahn, der mich [Jupiter] hieher gelockt!" (1512); "ich [Emperor] [will] nicht wagen, dafi der Cherub zum zweitenmal zur Erde steige, und das Geheimnis, das ich

93 Character Consistency

hier den vier Wanden anvertraut, ausbringe!" (2430-2). On occasion they even come across as rather pathetic figures: Jupiter is prepared to grasp at straws to satisfy his male ego at the end of his opening scene, and the Emperor, publicly compromised by the outcome of the trial by combat, makes an undignified exit. Jupiter, as the supreme god, must guarantee the moral and social standards upon which human civilization is based, but, as Alkmene points out, he has transgressed against the very rules he is supposed to support: "Du [Jupiter] zeihst, du wagst es, die Olympischen / Des Frevels, GottvergeSner, der veriibt ward?" (1342-3). In direct parallel, the Emperor is the ultimate secular court of appeal, the defender of social justice and virtue, and yet he broke the very laws it is his function to uphold and vindicate. The revelation of the perpetrator's name has thus to be accomplished with tact and circumspection; nonetheless, both conclusions leave an impression of the contrived, of an awkwardness which only the exalted status of the seducer mitigates to some degree. Their confessions, one public, the other private, and the solutions skirt the issue. Jupiter escapes into the clouds, abandoning a devastated Alkmene but indemnifying the cuckolded husband by announcing the future birth of Hercules; the Emperor deserts a tearful Gertrud but covers up his faux pas and tries to make amends by transforming Kathchen into a princess, marrying her off to Strahl, and securing Theobald a place in Strahl's household. The union between the divine and the aristocratic produced Hercules, the ideal male celebrated for his monumental "Taten," while the coupling of the aristocrat and the commoner resulted in Kathchen, the ideal female known for her "Hingabe." The monologue also confirms that the Emperor has been "stonewalling" or at best conveniently ignoring the overwhelming proof in support of the Count's claim.16 He concedes the strength of the circumstantial evidence against him, including the concordance in names, and acknowledges the conclusive testimony of the miniature portrait, and yet he knew all this before his opening statement at the beginning of the act. His wish to save face, to rescue the imperial majesty, has therefore determined his questionable stance, for what he dreads more than anything else, as the final words of his speech make clear, is public exposure, a disgrace that he is prepared to go to any length to avoid. The preservation of decorum and reputation thus unites the supreme ruler with his vassal, Strahl. The drama furnishes additional analogies between the Emperor and the Count. The former begins his narrative about his meeting with Kathchen's mother with the time reference: "Es mochte ohngefahr eilf Uhr abends sein" (2409), while the latter employs a similar

94 Kleisfs Aristocratic Heritage

wording and time frame to introduce his first real-world confrontation with Kathchen: "Es mochte ohngefahr eilf Uhr morgens sein" (137-8). In these encounters between a member of the upper class and a "Biirgermadchen," Jupiter aptly made his presence felt: "der Jupiter ging eben, mit seinem funkelnden Licht, im Osten auf" (241011); "stiirzt sie [Kathchen] vor ihm [Strahl] nieder, als ob sie ein Blitz nieder geschmettert hatte!" (163-4). Strahl, by his very name, his exclamation, "Ihr Gotter" (2144), and the many symbolic allusions to light,17 thus shares with his liege lord a strong association with the pagan god, which goes back to Winfried, the "Erster [seines] Namens, Gottlicher mit dem Scheitel des Zeus" (710-11). The irrefutable evidence that convinces the Emperor, the portrait of Pope Leo, corresponds to the birthmark, the visible confirmation of the seemingly impossible which Strahl's eyes cannot ignore. Moreover, the Emperor's monologue anticipates the Count's confession of his own humiliation (v/6): after a devastating incident forcing them to come to terms with past attitudes and actions, they both soliloquize, apostrophizing the divine, "O Himmel!" (2424), "du allmachtger Himmel" (2474), seek isolation, "Es soil mir niemand folgen!" (2400-1), "Wohin flucht ich, Blender, vor mir selbst?" (2479), and have convenient memories, i.e., they have ignored or repressed what did not conform to the ideal model upheld by their class. The two speeches thus mark a low point in the lives of the speakers who must concede their human frailty and fallibility with respect to the "Wunderbau der Welt" (2336). Martini has made a strong case for parody as the operative mode in Kleist's depiction of the Emperor: "Was ist dieser Kaiser anders als ein komodiantischer deus ex machina? Gewifi wird er in das Verwirrungs- und Doppelspiel einbezogen, aber kann man seinen Shakespeares Hamlet parodierenden Ausruf 'O Himmel! Die Welt wankt aus ihren Fugen!' ... mit tragischem Gewicht, wie H. Schwerte es tut, belasten?"18 However, because of the Emperor's close affinity to Strahl, whom Kleist on the whole takes quite seriously, I would propose that our evaluation of the dramatist's intent in this contentious monologue must remain at best tentative. An historical consideration may also have influenced the composition of the play. Kleist belonged to the "Landadel" which deeply resented the erosion of its influence and the concomitant ascendancy of the court. Hence many of his fellow aristocrats such as Eichendorff or Arnim had some sympathy with a growing number of critics who sought, to cite Liitzeler, "den Konig als 'Menschen' zu entlarven, ihm Quasi-Gottlichkeit zu bestreiten, um ihn entweder als Tyrann angreifen oder als Protektor der Humanitat feiern zu konnen."19 Eichendorff and Arnim did not

95 Character Consistency advocate democratic reform, the sharing of political power with the middle or lower classes, but rather a return to a less centralized aristocratic form of government based on the model of the benevolent country junker, the "protector of humanity," caring for his immature subjects. Kleist's correspondence contains numerous uncomplimentary references to the court, for example, in a letter written to Ulrike: "Am Hofe teilt man die Menschen ein, wie ehemals die Chemiker die Metalle, namlich in solche, die sich dehnen und strecken lassen, und in solche, die dies nicht tun - Die ersten werden dann fleifiig mit dem Hammer der Willkiir geklopft, die andern aber, wie die Halbmetalle, als unbrauchbar verworfen" (2: 601). In this same connection, the fifth act of Prinz Friedrich von Hamburg commences with a stage direction designed to depict the Elector as an ordinary mortal: "Der Kurfurst kommt halbentkleidet aus dem Nebenkabinett" (p. 691), and throughout the nineteenth century directors consistently deleted this detail from their stagings. John Ellis has convincingly demonstrated how the Elector's words and actions disclose a very real human being with all his foibles and limitations,20 not the idealized, god-like figure glorified in nineteenth-century patriotic productions; and as I have sought to prove elsewhere,21 the last act contains a public attack on the Elector's credibility, presented in the guise of a defence of Homburg. Although this humiliation of the centralized courtly authority in the final act of two Kleistian dramas (and one of his narratives, Michael Kohlhaas) is surely no mere coincidence, one should refrain from seeing in this development any absolute refutation of aristocratic bias or the advocacy of a middleclass inspired liberal ideology. At the conclusion of Kathchen the class barriers remain very much in place and intact. The subsequent exposure of Kunigunde's "milde Herrlichkeit" (2478) as "scheusel'ge Bosheit" (2477) and her degradation, "Ich [Kunigunde] wollte, dafi die Erde mich verschlange!" (2526), are juxtaposed with Kathchen's promotion to the highest rank: "hier ist kein Ort, / Jungfraun, von deinem Range, zu bewirten; / Worms nimmt fortan, in seinem SchloG, dich aufl" (2536-8). This elevation culminates in the Emperor's proclamation: Das Kathchen ist nicht mehr des Theobalds, Des Waffenschmieds, der mir sie abgetreten, Das Kathchen furderhin ist meine Tochter, Und Katharina heifit sie jetzt von Schwaben.

(2548-51)

Nietzsche sees in the aristocratic privilege of conferring names a manifestation of the ruling class's power: "Das Herrenrecht, Namen

96 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

zu geben, geht so weit, dafi man sich erlauben sollte, den Ursprung der Sprache selbst als Machtaufierung der Herrschenden zu fassen: sie sagen 'das ist [Nietzsche's emphasis] das und das', sie siegeln jegliches Ding und Geschehen mit einem Laute ab und nehmen es dadurch gleichsam in Besitz."22 In conformity with Nietzsche's speculation, the Emperor takes possession of Kathchen as his daughter and confirms his claim by renaming her. Strahl's outburst occasioned by his extreme joy at Kathchen's new distinction, "Nun, sprich du - Gottlicher! Wie nenn ich dich? / Sprich, las ich recht?" (2560-1), also restores the Emperor to divine, or at least semidivine, status in the Count's eyes and ties in with the allusions to Jupiter. The Emperor reinforces this link between the divine and the imperial with his declaration: Die einen Cherubim zum Freunde hat, Der kann mit Stolz ein Kaiser Vater sein! Das Kathchen ist die Erst' itzt vor den Menschen, Wie sies vor Gott langst war; wer sie begehrt, Der mufi bei mir jetzt wiirdig um sie frein. (2562-6)

He does not mention the real reason for his paternity claim in an effort to protect the imperial dignity: the link to the head of state is not blood but an angel. God has raised Kathchen to such an exalted degree that, in praising her pedigree, the Emperor is indirectly praising himself and the potency of his blue blood. Now, as the Lord's official delegate on earth, he alone can grant Kathchen in marriage. The historian Dietrich Gerhard stresses the important distinction between the high aristocracy - the nobles immediately below the emperor - and the rest of the upper class: "Zwischen [dem hohen Adel] und dem iibrigen Adel bestand zumeist nicht, wie sonst iiberall im Adel, Konnubium [i.e., marriage], doch konnte auch diese Scheidewand durch kaiserliche Erhebung in den Fiirstenstand durchbrochen werden."23 Thus, when Strahl "beugt ein Knie vor [dem Kaiser]" (p. 526) and pleads, "Nun, hier auf Knieen bitt ich: gib sie mir!" (2567), one must not lose sight of the fact that marriage to a "Katharina von Schwaben," a "kaiserliche Prinzessin" (2668), would constitute a substantial social advancement and hence would be in keeping with the "[a]ffection for prestige and desire for glory," described by Painter as "part of the inheritance of the medieval nobleman."24 Therefore, Strahl's "Leiden an den Hindernissen der Tradition"25 no longer prevails. The "Tradition" remains as strong as ever, i.e., "beschloGne Sache" (709); only the "Hemmnisse" have been removed, since they proved to be nonexistent.26 Although the Emperor sets a condition,

97 Character Consistency

"In deinem Haus den Vater nimmst du auf!" (2572), Strahl accepts without the slightest hesitation, indeed, with enthusiasm: "In Handen! / In meines Herzens Handen nehm ich ihn!" (2573-4), for the conflict that has raged in him from the very outset has been successfully resolved: Lafit einen Kufi mich, Vater, einen Kufi nur Auf ihre himmelsiiCen Lippen driicken. Hatt ich zehn Leben, nach der Hochzeitsnacht, Opfr' ich sie jauchzend jedem von euch hin!

(2578-81)

The sexual desire he could only concede privately (688-9),27 he n°w can openly confess because of the joint blessing of two "Vater": "Neigung" and "Pflicht," formerly at odds, coexist in perfect harmony.28 Kleist's correspondence with Wilhelmine provides ample justification not only for using these key Kantian concepts, but also for the ultimate vindication of duty over inclination: "Wie doch zwei Krafte immer in dem Menschen sich streiten! Immer weiter von Dir fuhrt mich die eine, die Pflicht, und die andere, die Neigung, strebt immer wieder zu Dir zuruck. Aber die hohere Macht soil siegen, und sie wird es. Lafi mich nur ruhig meinem Ziele entgegen gehen [i.e., what duty demands], Wilhelmine" (2: 547). When in the next scene (v/12) Strahl asks for Kathchen's forgiveness and promises to atone for his past behaviour, his images of reparation (2606-18) convey his exuberant joy in hyperbolical poetic language borrowed largely from the "Marchen," but aristocratic pretentions typically determine or influence the rags-to-riches value scale of the fairy tale. "Gold und Seide" (2607), the rarest, most sought-after commodities only the wealthy can afford, suggest the claim to refinement.29 Responding to an inbred sense of class elitism, the noble seeks only the most exquisite material objects to make known his physical and intellectual superiority. The "Baldachin" (2609), like the "Himmelbett" (689), denotes elevation, distinction, and separateness from the lowly lot of the average commoner.30 A tanned skin ("diese Scheitel ... / Die einst der Mittag hinter mir versengt" [2609-10]) as a positive attribute is a modern desideratum; aristocratic tradition has always regarded white skin as a mark of beauty and purity. The expression "blueblood" derives from this aesthetic standard, since extremely white skin, tending to highlight the veins, exhibits a blue hue. In contrast, brown skin implies work, exposure to the elements in the field, and hence would be rejected in keeping with aristocratic "Verachtung korperlicher Arbeit"31 and exclusion from all forms of manual labour associated with the peasant. The reference to the Ara-

98 Kleisfs Aristocratic Heritage

bian stud and the most beautiful specimen of this exotic, royal breed (2611) again underscores the note of refinement, as does the horse's golden harness. Moreover, the metonymic allusion to war declares the true profession of Strahl's class. And finally, assuming the role of the people's defender (143-4), the nobleman regards the pleasant diversion of the "Sommersitz" (2616), a lavish expenditure, "In heitern, weitverbreiteten Gemachern" (2617), as his earned right and just reward for services rendered. One can detect as well in this promise the practice of the wealthy aristocrat to build a magnificent structure as a monument to his love for a lady. Thus Strahl's speech with its extravagant poetic images demonstrates once more the uncompromising consistency of his class mentality. As the pomp and opulence of the final scene would seem to indicate, the idyllic retreat, after all really an aristocratic conceit, a self-indulgent pastime to engage the imagination - "Ich [Strahl] will mir einbilden, meine Pferde ... wa'ren Schafe" etc. (666f.) - is never seriously considered a valid alternative. Making a reasonable inference from Strahl's portrayal of their future together, Kathchen addresses him intimately by his Christian name for the first time, but typically accompanies her words with a humble gesture: KATHCHEN.

Mein Friedrich! Mein angebeteter! Was soil ich auch von dieser Rede denken? Du willst? - Du sagst? Sie will seine Hand ktissen. DER GRAF voM STRAHL zieht sie zurtick. Nichts, nichts, mein siifies Kind. Er ktiflt ihre Stirn. (2619-21)

The attempt to kiss his hand recalls the same stage direction in n/6: "KATHCHEN sie will seine Hand kussen. Mein hoher Herr! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL wendet sich von ihr ab. Leb wohl! Leb wohl! Leb wohl!" (1752) On both occasions the Count responds by rejecting the offer, but an important change has taken place. In Thurneck he feared contact because he then deemed her below his station and a threat to it; now he declines to accept the proffered kiss because such a submissive act does not befit her newly acquired rank. Since an imperial princess stands higher in the social scale than a count, he takes the initiative to establish the once feared physical contact, a kiss on the forehead. Towards the beginning of their dialogue, Strahl asks for her forgiveness: "Vergib mir, wenn mein Wort dich oft gekrankt, / Beleidigt;

99 Character Consistency

meine roh mifihandelnde / Gebarde dir zuweilen weh getan" (25969). In direct contradiction of this intent, the kiss planted on her forehead marks the beginning of the mental suffering he unnecessarily inflicts on Kathchen at the end of this scene. There is now no social obstacle, and he has even asked and received permission from the Emperor and Theobald to give her a lover's kiss (2578-9), and yet he opts for the benign paternal variety with the accompanying "Mein sufies Kind." He pretends to adopt a fatherly role in order to practise what amounts to a cruel deception. This contrasts with an earlier kiss where Strahl, having inquired, "wes ist das Kind?" (169), "beugt sich, und kiifit [Kathchen] die Stirn und spricht: der Herr segne dich, und behiite dich, und schenke dir seinen Frieden, Amen!" (179-80). On that occasion he genuinely meant to kiss her in a tender, benevolent manner, an intent reinforced by his calling upon God the Father to grant her the threefold blessing, but now he attempts to make his final conquest and possession of her, "Gib, gib sie mir!" (2568), all the more sexually piquant. He derives pleasure from tormenting the one he loves by exercising his power over her, a feature that has always been present in their relationship as visually dramatized in the whip. Kleist even suggests the process of Strahl's mind as it devises its unkind joke: DER GRAF voM STRAHL. Nichts, nichts, mein siifies Kind. Er ktiflt ihre Stirn. KATHCHEN.

NkhtS?

DER GRAF VOM STRAHL.

Nichts. Vergib. Ich glaubt, es ware morgen. - Was wollt ich doch schon sagen? - Ja, ganz recht, Ich wollte dich um einen Dienst ersuchen. (2621-4)

Like the Elector - "Ins Nichts mit dir zuriick, Herr Prinz von Homburg, / Ins Nichts, ins Nichtsl" (74-5) - Strahl takes back with a triple "nichts" what he has just proffered, leaving his defenceless, vulnerable victim with nothing. His denial also signals a change in plan; the aim of the dialogue was after all to inform her of their imminent marriage: "DER KAISER. Fort jetzt! dafi er [Strahl] das Ratsel ihr [Kathchen] erklare!" (2582). The kiss indicates his decision not to fulfil this aim, while he rationalizes his previous confession of love by maintaining, "Ich glaubt, es ware morgen," the significance of which only the audience, not Kathchen, would understand, i.e., "I almost let the cat out of the bag!" He pauses to consider his next move: "- Was wollt ich doch schon sagen? -"; then it comes to him: "Ja, ganz recht, / Ich wollte dich um einen Dienst ersuchen," the

ioo Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

"Ja, ganz recht, / Ich wollte dich um einen Dienst ersuchen," the malicious stratagem to delude her, without actually lying, into believing that she will be attending his marriage to Kunigunde. In the final verses of this Kathchen/Strahl dialogue, the Count clearly enjoys himself as he consciously sets the stage, "Nun sann ich mir ein Fest aus, siifies Madchen, / Zu welchem du die Gottin spielen sollst" (2630-1), attending to every detail: DER GRAF voM STRAHL. Man wird dir Perlen und Smaragden reichen; Gern mocht ich da6 du alle Fraun im Schlofi, Selbst noch die Kunigunde iiberstrahlst. Was weinst du? KATHCHEN. - Ich weiS nicht, mein verehrter Herr. Es ist ins Auge mir was gekommen. DER GRAF VOM STRAHL.

Ins Auge? Wo?

Er ktiflt ihr die Tranen aus den Augen.

Nun komm nur fort. Es wird sich schon erhellen. Er ftihrt sie ab. (2640-4)

The ironic, perhaps self-parodying, reference to his own name and his closing comment prepare for the triumph of light - linked throughout the drama to Kathchen and Strahl and by extension to the aristocracy - with which the play will conclude, but provides small comfort to the tearful heroine. While playing the lord and master, he is also wittingly playing with her feelings. Both his own tears, "Er wischt sich die Tranen ab" (p. 528), and those he causes, "Er kiifit ihr die Tranen aus den Augen," stem from his own self-indulgence; he shows no reluctance to use the woman of his dreams to satisfy his cruel designs. He casts himself in a concerned, solicitous role, but this is sheer hypocrisy, for he knows full well why she is weeping and he intentionally caused the tears in the first place. Moreover, his stage-managing is a means of getting back at Kunigunde for her deceit by shaming her publicly.32 This desire for revenge is already implied in his wish to have Kathchen "outshine" her rival and thus further gratify his pride of possession; an open ceremony with the Emperor in attendance will show the world that the "kaiserliche Prinzessin von Schwaben" now belongs to him. Since nothing prevents him from making Kathchen aware of the embarrassing fate he has in store for Kunigunde, one must conclude that its concealment from the real bride and her resultant suffering only enhance his anticipated triumph. Many commentators, myself included, have felt very uncomfortable with Strahl's behaviour, especially in the last two scenes of Kathchen.

ioi Character Consistency

He shares with several other Kleistian protagonists, notably Licht, Hermann, and Hohenzollern, a deplorable attribute, what Gundolf calls "die Lust am Katz- und Mausspielen."33 Kleist, as an aristocrat, would have a quite different attitude to what a contemporary reader would reject as unacceptable cruelty. "The noble," Painter writes, "was bred for war, trained for war, and passed his life fighting. He fought for amusement, for profit and from a sense of duty."34 In a similar vein, Kautsky stresses that war for the aristocrat is "etwas Naturliches," providing "Zerstreuung," "Vergniigen," and "asthetischen Genufi" and as evidence quotes a twelfth-century troubadour, Bertrand de Born: "Ich sage Euch, mich freut weder Essen, Wein noch Schlaf so sehr wie der Ruf Auf! Auf!' von beiden Seiten und das Wiehern der Rosse, die ihre Reiter verloren haben und die Schreie 'Hilfe! Hilfe!'; zu sehen, wie grofie und kleine Manner jenseits der Graben zu Boden stiirzen; schliefilich die Toten zu sehen mit bewimpelten Lanzen noch in ihrem Leib."35 The goals of diversion and pleasure primarily motivate the agon, the contest in which the noble warrior seeks to prove his superiority against a comparable foe36 and to which hunting also belongs as a means to perfect one's martial skills and as an extension of, or substitute for, war. Even in the present century, Winston Churchill reputedly told his physician that war was "a game for gentlemen."37 The gaming impulse has thus long been associated with the upper class and is crucial to an understanding of Kleist's works.38 Hunting imagery, for example, can be found in all his dramas; the hunt and its psychology help to structure both Penthesilea and Die Hermannsschlacht39 and Strahl's spontaneous association of Kathchen with a "Jagdhund" (2050) anticipates the disclosure of her noble heritage - for Kleist, the ideal wife finds fulfilment in love, fidelity, and self-sacrifice to her husband, i.e., "hiindische Dienstfertigkeit" (1866).40 With advances in cultural refinement and sophistication, the medieval knight sought to justify his distinctive profession on grounds other than self-serving profit. The need for a noble motive therefore led to the growing importance of fame. Analysing this development, Painter observes: Prestige has always been dear to man [Strahl], and in warlike societies it is usually based on fame for soldierly deeds [Robert Guiskard]. The broader conception of glory that would be perpetuated through future generations [Amphitryon, Strahl, Hermann, Homburg, the Elector] has been equally common. The early German warrior liked to think that his prowess would long be the subject for song and story [Amphitryon, Hermann] just as the

1O2 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage Roman legate dreamed of a triumphal arch to celebrate his victories [Hornburg]. Affection for prestige and desire for glory were part of the inheritance of the medieval nobleman.41 I have endeavoured to prove that prestige and reputation determined by "Herkommen" account for the ethos, action, and outcome of Kathchen, while Kleist's obsession with "Ruhm" informs not only his dramas from Amphitryon - "So vieler Ruhm" (2361) - to "den pra'chtgen Kranz des Ruhmes" (29) of Prinz Friedrich von Hamburg, but also his life as mirrored in his correspondence.42 In pursuing this "Ruhm ... Nach dem [Hermann or the Kleistian hero] durch zwolf Jahre treu gestrebt" (2504-5), what is the attitude of the victor towards the vanquished? "VARUS fur sich. Ward solche Schmach im Weltkreis schon erlebt? / Als war ich ein gefleckter Hirsch, / Der, mit zwolf Enden durch die Forsten bricht! -" (250911). According to Nietzsche's Genealogie der Moral, the aristocrat found pleasure in inflicting suffering, "weil man das Leiden-machen [Nietzsche's emphasis] nicht entbehren mochte und in ihm einen Zauber ersten Ranges, einen eigentlichen Verfuhrungs-Koder zum [Nietzsches emphasis] Leben sah."43 Cruelty or sadism, a term derived from the practice of an aristocrat, Comte Donatien de Sade, thus represents a natural, in Nietzsche's view, healthy response to life by the "Herren": "Leiden-sehen tut wohl, Leiden-machen noch wohler. ... Ohne Grausamkeit kein Fest: so lehrt es die alteste, langste Geschichte des Menschen. ,.."44 In support of his contention Nietzsche documents the fact that not so long ago grand occasions such as royal weddings included public executions, torture, or an auto-da-fe and that every noble household kept its menials, "an denen man unbedenklich seine Bosheit und grausame Neckerei auslassen konnte."45 Hence Kleist's matter-of-fact portrayal of brutalities, the sadistic pleasure many of his protagonists derive from their cruel acts (cf Strahl's playing with Kathchen's feelings), the "Fahigkeit und Pflicht zu ... langer Rache" (cf Hermann), or "die Feinheit in der Wiedervergeltung" (cf Strahl's revenge on Kunigunde), may simply reflect "typische Merkmale der vornehmen Moral, welche ... nicht die Moral der 'modernen Ideen' ist und deshalb heute schwer nachzufuhlen ... ist."46 The final "Marsch" and "Aufzug" conclude this drama of visual display: a "Herold," "Trabanten," a "Baldachin von vier Mohren getragen," a "SchloS mit einer Rampe" (anticipating "ein Schlofi, von welchem eine Rampe herabfuhrt" [p. 631], the upper realm to which Homburg aspires and to which Kathchen has already gained entrance), the noble dignitaries, and finally "[im] Hintergrunde Volk" (p. 529). In the herald's proclamations, he refers to Kathchen as "Katharina, Prinzessin von Schwaben, Tochter unsers durchlauchtig-

103 Character Consistency

sten Herrn und Kaisers" (2649-50). She now belongs to the inner circle of the high aristocracy, having been publicly acknowledged as the Emperor's daughter, and as such she represents a good political marriage for a mere "Reichsgraf" (2658). The announcement includes the wish: "Der Himmel segne das hohe Brautpaar, und schiitte das ganze Fullhorn von Gliick, das in den Wolken schwebt, iiber ihre teuren Haupter aus!" (2650-3). While reminding the audience of the supernatural mediation operative throughout the drama, this blessing ties in with the numerous allusions to Jupiter: good fortune comes from the clouds, the traditional seat of the pagan gods, and also associates "das hohe Brautpaar," a verbal confirmation of their newly acquired exalted social status, with the divine realm. Kathchen and Strahl are after all God's chosen ones. The action continues with the public embarrassment of Kunigunde and her family: Strahl achieves the Burggraf's objective of making her lose face in public. It is therefore apt that the "Burggraf von Freiburg, Georg von Waldstatten und der Rheingraf vom Stein" (p. 530), those whom Kunigunde has exploited and betrayed, are party to Strahl's scheme and have the specific task of escorting the authentic bride, the woman of healing waters, to her wedding. Kathchen's apotheosis then follows: "Kathchen im kaiserlichen Brautschmuck, gefuhrt von Gra'fin Helena und Fraulein Eleonore, ihre Schleppe von drei Pagen getragen [scarcely the "Schlicht und prachtig" (2637) dress requested by Strahl]; hinter ihr Burggraf von Freiburg usw. steigen die Rampe herab" (p. 530). Occupying the higher, superior elevation, she comes down from the castle to the Emperor and Strahl. "RITTER FLAMMBERG und GOTTSCHALK. Hcil dir, Kathchen von Heilbronn, kaiserliche Prinzessin von Schwaben!" (2667-8). The noble ("Ritter") and the commoner are linked in a triumphant salutation, just as Kathchen unites in her person the same two social classes. This final sequence with the armourer included in the Emperor's party - "der Kaiser, der Graf vom Strahl, Theobald, Graf Otto von der Fluhe" etc. (p. 529) - would appear to promote a happy conciliatory class mixture in which both the high-born natural father and the low-born adoptive father cooperate in giving away the bride: KATHCHEN. Ich? Ihr hohen Herren! Wessen? DER KAISER. Dessen, den dir der Cherub geworben. Willst du diesen Ring mit ihm wechseln? THEOBALD. Willst du dem Grafen deine Hand geben? (2672-5)

However, the Emperor persists in stressing divine intervention (this is the third time) to minimize or divert attention from his own involvement, while Theobald "plays second fiddle" and the "Volk"

104 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

provides at best a suitable background, its usual function in Kleist's works. In his analysis of the supernatural as it "impinges on the world of reality," Silz maintains: "The barrier between the worlds of men and of gods is broken down; the situation is complicated, just as in Amphitryon, by the direct intervention of extramundane forces, only this time with benevolent purpose and happy result."47 While not quarrelling with the reference to Amphitryon, I find some difficulty in regarding the conclusion of Kathchen as a "happy result" or in discerning, as Martini puts it, "eine [den Ernst am SchluS] transzendierende Freude."48 The finale to Kleist's "Ritterschauspiel" does in fact bear closer comparison with his "Lustspiel nach Moliere" (p. 245) than has been generally recognized. In both plays, the supernatural confirms divine election through a winged emissary: "Blitz und Donnerschlag. Die Szene verhiillt sich mit Wolken. Es schwebt ein Adler mit dem Donnerkeil aus den Wolken nieder" (Amphitryon, p. 318); "das ganze Fiillhorn von Gliick, das in den Wolken schwebt" (2651-2); "Dessen, den dir der Cherub geworben" (2673). The seducers appear in disguise and expose their true selves only at the most dramatic moment: AMPHITRYON. Heraus jetzt mit der Sprache dort: Wer bist du? JUPITER. Du willst es wissen? Er ergreift den Donnerkeil; der Adler entflieht. VOLK. Cotter! JUPITER. Wer bin ich? DIE FELDHERREN UND OBERSTEN.

Der Schreckliche! Er selbst ists! Jupiter!

(2309-11)

DER GRAF VOM STRAHL ZU den Rtiten.

Wo ist der Kaiser? Wo der Theobald? DER KAISER indem beide ihre Mantel abwerfen. Hier sind sie! KATHCHEN Steht dllf.

Gott im hohen Himmel! Vater! Sie eilt auf ihn zu: er empfangt sie. GOTTSCHALK far Sich.

Der Kaiser! Ei, so wahr ich bin! Da steht er! (2557-60)

There is also the question of the identity of the real husband or the true bride, an issue in which the "Volk" performs the simple function

105 Character Consistency

of expressing adulation and reverence after the revelation: "VOLK. Er ists! In Staub! In Staub das Antlitz hin!" (2315); "VOLK. Heil dir! Heil dir! Heil dir!" (2669) But perhaps most significantly, the reaction on the part of the abused heroines to the disclosures provide almost perfect parallels in word and gesture: DIE FELDHERREN UND OBERSTEN.

ALKMENE.

Der Schreckliche! Er selbst ists! Jupiter! Schiitzt mich, ihr Himmlischen! Sie fallt in Amphitryons Arme.

DER GRAF VOM STRAHL Umfdftt

KATHCHEN.

(2311-2)

SIC.

Kathchen! Meine Braut! Willst du mich? Schutze mich Gott und alle Heiligen!

Sie sinkt; die Grafin empfangt sie.

(2676-8)

From this point on the two females remain silent except for Alkmene's "Amphitryon!" (2349) and her ambiguous concluding 'Ach!" (2362). It has always struck me as odd that Kunigunde, the incarnation of "Pest, Tod und Rache!" (2681), threatening revenge, has the second-last speech in the play and that Strahl in his final comment upon which the drama ends, "Giftmischerin" (2683), vituperates the false bride. The combined effect may leave an audience with a strangely humorous but nonetheless uncomfortable feeling. This impression is compounded by another: the sense that Kathchen has no control over or say in her fate. In response to the Count's question "Willst du mich?" she faints and the Emperor takes over: "Wohlan, so nehmt sie, Herr Graf vom Strahl, und fuhrt sie zur Kirche!" (2679-80). If we turn to Amphitryon, we again find an analogous situation: AMPHITRYON. Dank dir! - Und diese hier, nicht raubst du mir? Sie atmet nicht. Sieh her. JUPITER. Sie wird dir bleiben; Doch lafi sie ruhn, wenn sie dir bleiben soil! -

(2345-7)

Both Jupiter and the Emperor are anxious to put a good face on a predicament of their own making, one damaging to their majestic image, and they appear to exercise complete authority over their female victims: Jupiter promises to leave Alkmene to Amphitryon, just as the Emperor, giving Kathchen to Strahl, orders him to escort her to the church. Jupiter ascends to Olympus, the home of the gods, while the imperial procession mounts the steps into the church, the symbolic dwelling of the Christian god. Admittedly,

io6 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage Alkmene's plight is more serious, for Jupiter's counsel implies that she could easily die as a consequence of this escapade. However, if one weighs these affinities with Amphitryon, there would seem to be some grounds for adding Das Kathchen von Heilbronn to the list of those Kleistian works having a problematic or open-ended conclusion.

6 Names in Kathchen von Heilbronn

In an article entitled "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn - Heinrich von Kleists drittes Lustspiel?," Fritz Martini argues: "Kleist mufite seinem Stuck ein Spielmuster einlegen, das einen Zugang zu ihm erleichterte. Er rnufite die Spielregeln einer dramatischen Speziesform einsetzen, die dem Zuschauer vertraut war und die sich im Problem wie Motivationsarrangement, in der Auflosung am Spiel-Ende in den Tonungen von Dialog und Gestik auswirkte. Kleist - so lautet die These dieses Versuchs - hat diese Spielregeln dem Lustspiel entnommen."1 Not in any way disputing Martini's thesis, I am struck by the fact that throughout his essay he makes only passing reference to Amphitryon and never mentions the parallels between Das Kathchen von Heilbronn and one of the greatest comedies of the German language, Der zerbrochene Krug, classified by Kleist himself as a "Lustspiel." In these latter two plays, the central male protagonist, the most problematic character, has a prophetic dream with psychological repercussions and, despite the opposition of its recipient, the vision inexorably achieves fulfilment. A narrow-minded, garrulous parent, wrongly assuming that her or his daughter has been violated,2 seeks justice by bringing the alleged seducer, innocent in both cases, to court. The young female victim, although at first unable to divulge the full state of affairs, does have knowledge (conscious or unconscious) of the solution to an apparent enigma and ultimately does provide it: "EVE. Der Richter Adam hat den Krug zerbrochen!" (1893); "KATHCHEN. Zu Ostern, iibers Jahr, wirst du mich heuern" (2082). Since the male suitor insists upon concrete evidence - "RUPRECHT.

io8 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage Was ich mit Handen greife, glaub ich gern" (1176); "STRAHL. Das Mai. - Schiitzt mich, ihr Himmlischen! Das hast du?" (2136) - he lacks the necessary "Vertrauen," but once he has been shown the error of his way, he asks pardon from the woman he has treated so harshly: "RUPRECHT. Ei, du mein goldnes Madchen, Herzens-Braut! / Wirst du dein Lebtag mir vergeben konnen?" (1911-12); "STRAHL. Vergib mir, wenn mein Wort dich oft gekrankt, / Beleidigt" (2596-7). Both dramas thus conclude in typical comedy fashion with forgiveness and a marriage made possible in part by a deus ex machina (Walter, Kaiser). The "Vermischung des Komischen mit dem Tragischen," which Walter Miiller-Seidel attributes to Amphitryon3 and which Martini also claims for Kathchen,* is also present in Der zerbrochene Krug: all three works illustrate how the demand for trust causes the comedy to hover on the brink of tragedy. While Martini may justifiably point out, "Dafi das Kathchen von Heilbronn weder als Komodie noch als Tragodie im speziesorthodoxen Sinne zu erfassen sei, ist von der Kleist-Forschung mehrfach betont worden,"5 the same may be said of Der zerbrochene Krug, which Goethe himself sought to render more "orthodox" for his Weimar production by revising it to meet classical expectations.6 And finally, Das Kathchen von Heilbronn and Der zerbrochene Krug share another feature common to the comic genre, the use of descriptive names. Critics have dwelled upon the symbolism inherent in Adam, Eve, Walter, Licht etc,7 but have largely ignored the presence and function of the same device in Das Kathchen von Heilbronn. As I have attempted to prove, the plot of Kathchen depends heavily upon the aristocratic prejudice or convention precluding the marriage of a nobleman with a burgher's daughter, while the major psychological interest lies in Strahl's dilemma, torn as he is between duty to his family name - "eurem [his ancestors'] stolzen Reigen will ich mich anschliefien: das war beschlofine Sache" (708-9) - and his love for a commoner: "Warum kann ich dich [Kathchen] nicht mein nennen?" (687-8). This conflict Kleist has effectively captured in the play on Kathchen and Katharina, the former being an example of "volkstumliche Namensgebung"8 and the latter a typical aristocratic name. At the Erfurt Congress of 1808, there was considerable talk of a political marriage between Napoleon and the Czar's sister, Katharina, and this rumour, Helmut Sembdner suggests, may have provided the inspiration for Kleist's "Gelegenheitsgedicht," "Katharina von Frankreich" (p. 909). It may thus be no accident but conscious design that Strahl, when he addresses Kathchen for the first time in the drama, employs the formal designation: "Katharine! ruf ich: Madel!" (256-7). The dramatist summarizes the Count's predicament in this initial formulation: "Katharine" set opposite "Madel" with the "ich" caught

109 Names in Kathchen

in the middle. The first exclamation represents how he prefers to see her, while the second underscores the opposing social presence: a wide gap separates a "Madel" from a "Fraulein": "die Ritter ... weinten, dafi sie [Kathchen] kein Fraulein war" (95-6). Strahl persists in calling her "Katharina" during the "Vehmgericht" scene (five times) and at their next confrontation at Thurneck (twice). Whenever he is in her presence, he never has recourse to the popular form but shows a clear preference for the more elevated equivalent. Kathchen does, however, testify before the court: "Du [Strahl] sandtest Gottschalk mir am dritten Tage, / Dafi er mir sag: dein liebes Kathchen war ich; / Verniinftig aber mocht ich sein, und gehn" (604-6). In the message he availed himself of the folk diminutive but, significantly, did not speak to her directly; he had a servant deliver his words and, with his exaggerated sense of class consciousness, he would undoubtedly have taken into account who was to convey his wishes. Moreover, as this is a more intimate moment, he can show some affection, if only through an intermediary, for, as the final line of the utterance discloses, he fears to face her and wants to establish some distance between her and himself. Despite the parodistic flavour of Strahl's monologue at the beginning of the second act,9 it still provides insight into the genuine feelings that Kathchen has aroused in him, and once again his predicament becomes evident in the manner of address: "O du - wie nenn ich dich? Kathchen! Warum kann ich dich nicht mein nennen? Kathchen, Madchen, Kathchen! Warum kann ich dich nicht mein nennen? Warum kann ich dich nicht aufheben, und in das duftende Himmelbett tragen, das mir die Mutter, daheim im Prunkgemach, aufgerichtethat? Kathchen, Kathchen, Kathchen!" (685-91). Now that he is alone, he can permit himself the luxury of the more intimate form of address and does so no less than six times, but as the quoted lines reveal, the familiar form only serves to emphasize the social impediment: a Katharina would be at home in a "Himmelbett" set up in a "Prunkgemach," but not a Kathchen. Kleist may have sought to stress further the social barrier by his choice of phrase "in das duftende Himmelbett" since the olfactory reference recalls Kathchen's bed "[in] den su&duftenden Holunderbiischen" (609). Strahl's luxurious, pretentious chamber clashes with the simple, natural decor of Kathchen's "Nest." Although this soliloquy has been constructed around the apparent incompatibility of their two worlds, one still senses the Count's underlying desire to raise the burgher's daughter to his own elevated social status - "Warum kann ich dich nicht aufheben" - as signalled earlier by his public preference for "Katharina." This unconscious motivation manifests itself in one of the many plays

no

Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

on Strahl's name, a name epitomizing the aristocracy's exalted view of itself: "Dich, aber, Winfried, ... du Erster meines Namens, Gottlicher mit der Scheitel des Zeus, dich frag ich, ob die Mutter meines Geschlechts war, wie diese: von jeder frommen Tugend strahlender, makelloser an Leib und Seele, mit jedem Liebreiz geschrmickter, als sie?" (709-14). The remainder of this speech clearly implies Ka'thchen's superiority, for she seems to outshine the most outstanding female ancestor of his "illustrious" family: "doch hattest du [Winfried] sie [Kleist's emphasis] an die stahlerne Brust gedriickt, du hattest ein Geschlecht von Konigen erzeugt, und Wetter vom Strahl hiefie jedes Gebot auf Erden!" (716-18). When Strahl once again meets Kathchen in Thiirneck just before the surprise attack, the same discrepancy in address, but in more vivid contrast, suggests his inner turmoil. In his sudden anger at her disobedience, he exclaims, "Die Dime, die landstreichend unverschamte!" (1649) anc^ "Icn v^ doch sehn, ob ich, vor losen Madchen, I In meinem Haus nicht Ruh mir kann verschaffen" (16589). This is not a dialogue. In both utterances, he employs the third person to avoid addressing her in the second person, thus indicating the distance he wishes to maintain not only physically - she is to deliver the letter in the "Vorsaal" (1647) and return "Zuriick nach Heilbronn" (1651) - but linguistically as well. Oddly enough, his vituperations may conceal a subtle manifestation of his affection for her: he cannot bring himself to berate her directly and must do so in the more impersonal third person. Once he learns of the risks she has run on his account, however, he lets his guard down and resorts to his customary face-to-face appellation, "Katharina," and to the more dignified "Jungfrau": "Wie stark fandst du den Kriegstrofi, Katharina?" (1716); "Hast du mir sonst noch, Jungfrau, was zu sagen?" (1734); "Du nimmst dir gleich ein Tuch um, Katharina" (1739). Strahl's choice of language consistently reflects his deeply embedded social prejudices. The conflagration scene contains the Count's first direct appeal to the titular heroine in the intimate form: KUNIGUNDE.

Im Schrcibtisch! Hier, mein Goldkind, 1st der Schltis[sel!

Kathchen geht.

DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Hor, Kathchen! KUNIGUNDE. Eile! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Hor, mein Kind!

(1820-1)

One must bear in mind that Strahl is under extreme stress - Kathchen is about to put herself into real danger - and in his genuine concern

in Names in Kathchen

for her safety he spontaneously cries out the familiar name, whereas up to this point in her presence he had used exclusively the more formal "Katharina." Towards the end of this incident, Kunigunde, becoming increasingly aware of the influence the young girl exerts upon Strahl, endeavours to denigrate her rival in part by calling her "Die dumme Trine!" (1910), "gebrauchliches Schimpfwort fur eine weibliche Person. Urspr. Kurzform von 'Katharina',"10 but shortly thereafter the Count contradicts this derogatory designation: "Nein, nein, mein liebes Kathchenl I Ich lobe dich, du hast es recht gemacht" (1926-7). This, the second time he calls her "Kathchen" to her face, marks a turning point in their relationship, because it strongly suggests the sincerity of his love, further underlined by the preceding adjective "liebes" and the possessive "mein." By praising her and approving of her behaviour, he implies that Kunigunde is wrong and therefore, for the first time, he takes Kathchen's side against Kunigunde. His name choice, as it reflects and reinforces his attitude and comments, attests to his rejection of the "Fraulein" (1930). Throughout the entire "Holunderstrauch" episode, Strahl repeatedly (five times) employs the name to which she would be expected to respond most readily; indeed the interrogation begins with "Kathchen! Schlafst du?" (2054). Because the young girl lies in a semiconscious state and no one else is present, he can openly divulge his true feelings. Moreover, the trial by fire and its aftermath have convinced him of her special status: "Nun iiber dich [Kathchen] schwebt Gott mit seinen Scharen!" (1903). In the elderbush scene, there appears an intriguing formulation, "Kathrinchen" (2084), combining on the one hand the unspoken wish to raise her to his own aristocratic level - Katharina - and on the other the endearment which the popular form, Kathchen, entails. Significantly he calls her "Kathrinchen" at the very moment when she announces what amounts to the realization of everything he has quite literally dreamed of: "Zu Ostern, iibers Jahr, wirst du mich heuern" (2082), and his choice of name thus anticipates the fulfilment of the double vision and Kathchen's elevation to the nobility: '"Das Kathchen furderhin ist meine [the Emperor's] Tochter, / Und Katharina heifit sie jetzt von Schwaben'" (2550-1). Kathchen is only once referred to by her family name11 and Kathchen von Heilbronn is used consistently both in the title and throughout the text. Although the "von Heilbronn" must be viewed in the first instance as merely a geographical location, it nonetheless encourages a comparison with Kunigunde von Thurneck, her noble competitor, and at least suggests an aristocratic potential,12 one unwittingly alluded to by Theobald's more than fortuitous choice of image to describe her conception.

112 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

Critics have pointed out that Strahl must ascend "die Stufen seines Lauterungsweges"13 in order to achieve a cure for the illness that afflicts him: "Der Graf war gegen das Ende des vorletzten Jahres, nach einer seltsamen Schwermut, von welcher kein Mensch die Ursache ergriinden konnte, erkrankt. ... er scheide gern, sprach er, von hinnen; das Madchen, das fahig ware, ihn zu lieben, sei nicht vorhanden; Leben aber ohne Liebe sei Tod; die Welt nannt er ein Grab, und das Grab eine Wiege, und meinte, er wiirde nun erst geboren werden" (1153-63). Kathchen and what she incorporates provide the needed remedy: "In Kathchen verherrlichte Kleist die sonst von den Menschen so mifibrauchte Natur. Zu dieser Natur findet der Graf auf einem langen Wege, der Genesung und Erlosung bringt."14 Hence it is singularly fitting that Kathchen, Strahl's cure,15 be associated with Heilbronn. The "Heil-," implying salvation in the spiritual and healing in the physical sense, captures for the love-sick Count the attraction exerted upon him by Kathchen. The long monologue in which he exposes his innermost feelings constantly dwells upon the burgher's daughter as the ideal realization of his religious and sexual yearnings: "Du, deren junge Seele, als sie heut nackt vor mir stand, von wolliistiger Schonheit ganzlich triefte" (691-2), "himmlische und irdische [Phiolen]" (698), "so heilig zugleich und iippig" (700), "von jeder frommen Tugend strahlender, makelloser an Leib und Seele, mit jedem Liebreiz geschmiickter, als sie [Kathchen]" (712-4); other worldly-erotic aspirations are condensed in the single word "Himmelbett" (689). In addition, Heilbronn connotes healing waters, and it is surely no accident that Kleist associates his heroine with the female element in at least two other images: Ei, Kathchen! Bist du schon im Bad gewesen? Schaut, wie das Madchen funkelt, wie es glanzet! Dem Schwane gleich, der in die Brust geworfen, Aus des Kristallsees blauen Fluten steigt! (2209-12)

This simile exploits the aristocratic bird, the swan, to convey the idea of natural rebirth and purification through water, while the same idea with a more obvious sexual intent manifests itself in one of Kleist's favourite metaphors: [Der Hirsch, i.e., the male] sehnt sich so begierig nicht, Vom Felsen in den Waldstrom [i.e. the female] sich zu stiirzen, Den reiSenden, als ich, jetzt, da du mein bist, In alle deine jungen Reize mich. (2591-4)

113 Names in Kathchen

A comparison of Strahl's attitude at the beginning of the play with that at the end further confirms Kathchen's function as a "Heilbronn," a source of "Lauterung." During the opening "Vehmgericht" episode, Strahl's arrogance and supreme self-confidence, very much in evidence as he conducts his own trial, lead him to exclaim: "Der alte Esel, der [Theobald]! Dem entgegn' ich nichts, als meinen Namen!" (359-60). In this instance he is able to appeal to the pride and prestige inherent in his aristocratic name, his family tradition that plays such a central role in determining his values. In contrast, in the "Holunderstrauch" scene he has learned to humble himself: "[U]nd indessen hab ich mich /zerabgeschlichen, um einen Entwurf mit ihr [Kathchen] auszufuhren" (2028-9); "^r ^fit szc^ auf Knieen vor ihr nieder" (2053^). He now sees himself as a wretched individual "der nichts fur sich hat, als das Wappen auf seinem Schild" (2035). His heritage, once a support, has become almost a hindrance. Recognizing Kathchen's superiority and his own unworthiness, he hopes for forgiveness: "Ich will gleich sterben, wenn sie mir nicht die Peitsche vergeben hat ach! was sag ich? wenn sie nicht im Gebet fur mich, der sie mifihandelte, eingeschlafen!" (2045-7). The aristocratic knight must demonstrate genuine humility and concern for others before he may receive the ultimate gift. Das Kathchen von Heilbronn abounds in playful, ironic allusions to Graf Wetter vom Strahl both in the form of "Wetterstrahl" - a thunder or lightening bolt - and "Strahl" - a beam of light.16 In his accusation and vilification of the Count, Theobald speaks of "unterirdische Hohlen, die kein Strahl erhellt" (50-1), while Kathchen fell at Strahl's feet "als ob sie ein Blitz niedergeschmettert hatte!" (164). Kathchen leaves her father "beim Strahl der Morgensonne ... wohin? ... zum Grafen Wetter vom Strahl" (198-9), in order to pursue him "gefuhrt am Strahl seines Angesichts" (213-14). The hero dwells in the "Strahlberg" which, "im Sonnenstrahl funkelnd, iiber die Gauen des Landes herniederschaut" (1457-61). The retreating Rheingraf warns, "Dieser Wetter vom Strahl kracht, wie vom Sturmwind getragen, hinter uns drein" (1938-9), and the Emperor declares: "Graf Wetterstrahl, du hast, auf einem Zuge, / Der durch Heilbronn dich, vor drei Monden, fuhrte, / In einer Torin Busen eingeschlagen" (2284-6). As a sign of Kathchen's spiritual superiority, the Count wonders whether the mother of his race was "von jeder frommen Tugend strahlender ... als sie" (711-14), but once he has confirmed her aristocratic origins, she must be so attired "dafi [sie] alle Fraun im Schlofi, / Selbst noch die Kunigunde iiberstrahl[t]" (2640-1). As I have already shown, Kleist's "Ritterschauspiel" depicts, to a degree not fully appreciated by the secondary literature, how the

114 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

aristocracy as a class has seen itself. From earliest times the nobility has proclaimed its divine elevation to its exalted position as God's representative on earth, an image it has sought to propagate and sustain through its conscious exploitation of light symbolism (e.g., "le roi soleil").17 This claim to a monopoly on light as a mark of divinely ordained superiority can be seen in the traditional title for those of distinguished birth, "erlaucht," used, for example, by Kunigunde to address Gran'n Helena: "erlauchte Frau" (1312) or in the English equivalent, illustrious, meaning "thoroughly illuminated." The ray of light and the lightning bolt also have a phallic connotation. The drama contains numerous references to Zeus-Jupiter. The Greeks and Romans depicted him sitting upon a golden or ivory throne, holding in one hand thunderbolts and in the other the sceptre of authority. He introduced himself to Danae in a shower of gold, enjoyed the company of Aegina in the form of a flame, and consumed Semele, when he appeared to her, as a lightning bolt.18 Kleist, by his choice of name for the main protagonist19 and the latter's descendancy from "Winfried ... Gottlicher mit dem Scheitel des Zeus" (710-11), goes to considerable lengths to establish a link between Strahl and the most powerful of the ancient gods. Not surprisingly, then, Kathchen, upon seeing her Count in the smithy, fell to the floor "als ob sie ein Blitz niedergeschmettert hatte!" (164). The play further substantiates her standing as the recipient of a heavenly visitation: "Nun seht, wenn mir Gott der Herr aus Wolken erschiene, so wiird ich [Theobald] mich ohngefahr so fassen, wie sie [Kathchen]" (158-60) and her conception under the auspices, so to speak, of the pagan god - "der Jupiter ging eben, mit seinem funkelnden Licht, im Osten auf" (2410-11) - in a secularized version of the Amphitryon myth. Even before the Count learns of the "Btirgerstochter's" imperial, i.e., semidivine roots, he exclaims, again in obvious indebtedness to ancient hyperbole, "[D]och hattest du [Winfried] sie [Kathchen; Kleist's emphasis] an die stahlerne Brust gedriickt, du hattest ein Geschlecht von Konigen erzeugt, und Wetter vom Strahl hiefie jedes Gebot auf Erden!" (716-8). In addition to the frequent allusions to the lightning bolt, the text consistently connects Strahl to light: his meetings with the heroine, chance or otherwise, usually occur "[a]m hellen Mittag" (133). These associations serve not only to elevate the status of the aristocracy but also to disclose the Count's sexual attraction to and domination of Kathchen. Before the male audience of the "Vehmgericht" he could well be demonstrating and secretly exalting in the masculine power he exercises over the young girl: "Mir, der doch das Gefiihl dir ganz umstrickt; / Mir, dessen Blick du da liegst, wie die Rose, / Die ihren

115 Names in Kathchen

jungen Kelch dem Licht erschloS? -" (469-71). The rose (Kathchen) must open its calyx, the husk containing and protecting the seeds, to the light (Strahl). In Penthesilea the roles are fittingly reversed; the Amazons have usurped the active masculine function: "Ein neuer Anfall, heiS, wie Wetterstrahl, I Schmolz, dieser wuterfiillten Mavorstochter, / Rings der Atolier wackre Reihen hin" (246-8). A major part of Penthesilea's dilemma has to do with her confused sex role, her unconscious longing to submit to the male versus her social obligation to subdue the male. In her mind she confounds Achilles with Apollo-Helios, the sun god: PENTHESILEA. ...

PROTHOE. PENTHESILEA.

Bei seinen goldnen Flammenhaaren zog ich Zu mir hernieder ihn Wen? Helios,

Wenn er am Scheitel mir voriiberfleucht!

PENTHESILEA schaut in den Flufi nieder. Ich Rasende! Da liegt er mir zu FiiSen ja! Nimm mich Sie will in den Flufl sinken. Prothoe und Meroe halten sie.

(1384-8)

Not unlike Kathchen, the woman Penthesilea wants to surrender "Nimm mich" - to the masculine god of light, but the male-oriented Amazon wants to see him first acknowledge defeat: "Da liegt er mir zu Fiifien, ja!" The sun has traditionally symbolized enlightenment, the absolute (cf the famous opening scene of Faust. Zweiter Teil), and Strahl, as his name implies, belongs to the realm of light. In fact, the Emperor calls him "dies[en] Vertraut[en] der Auserwahlten" (2426), but, as Weigand has proven, ironically the Count appears to the audience rather as a "Verblendeter": "Verblendung, die auch mit dem Namen Verbohrtheit zu benennen ware, bewirkt, dafi Theobalds Erwahnung von Kathchens Muttermal vor der Feme ... auf ein taubes Ohr trifft, wo doch der Engel ihm [Strahl] gerade das Mai als Erkennungszeichen gewiesen hatte."20 Also, whereas "Wetterstrahl" clearly implies light, it also points to flame, the destructive element Mephistopheles reserves for himself: "Ha'tt' ich mir nicht die Flamme vorbehalten, / Ich hatte nichts Apart's fur mich."21 In the introductory scene of Das Kathchen von Heilbronn, Graf Otto refers to the judges of the "Vehmgericht" as "Vorlaufer der gefliigelten Heere, die [Gott] in seinen Wolken mustert, den Frevel aufsuchen, da, wo er, in der Hohle der Brust, gleich

n6 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage einem Molche verkrochen, vom Arm weltlicher Gerechtigkeit nicht aufgefunden werden kann" (2-6). His allusion to the underground man is particularly appropriate on two counts: it fits in neatly with the opening setting: "Eine unterirdische Hohle ... von einer Lampe erleuchtet" (p. 431) and it anticipates the central preoccupation of the episode: an investigation of the darker, hidden side of the human personality. Of special interest is the comparison of evil, "Frevel," to a salamander since this creature represents fire according to folk tradition: "Verschwind in Flammen, / Salamander!"22 Hence, from the outset, the drama intimates that the kingdom of light has an affiliation with the realm of darkness. This symbolism, also captured in the destructive potential of the lightning bolt and suggesting the irrational, undisciplined component of the Count's psychological makeup, is further substantiated by the latter's impulsive, violent, often sadistically cruel reactions (591-2), or by his effect upon the female (163-4). By opting to call his hero Graf Wetter vom Strahl, Kleist may well have attempted to convey to his audience the ambivalent potential within the only character to show any development in Das Kathchen von Heilbronn. The third major protagonist also bears a singularly appropriate descriptive name: "Die Tat, die Euer [Strahl's] Arm vollbracht, ist keiner / Unwiirdigen geschehen; Kunigunde, / Freifrau von Thurneck, bin ich, daJS Ihrs wifit" (1090-2). Kunigunde, a name appearing frequently in "Ritterdramen," signals an old aristocratic family, a feature of which the lady is especially proud: "Das siifie Leben, das Ihr mir erhieltet, / Wird, aufier mir, in Thurneck, dankbar noch / Ein ganz Geschlecht Euch von Verwandten lohnen" (1093-5). In the Old High German, "Kunni" meant "Geschlecht" or "Verwandtschaft," and the text leaves little doubt that the lineage issue largely dictates Strahl's courtship of the dark princess: "Sie ist vom Stamm der alten sachsschen Kaiser" (1378). The modern German "Adel," derived from the same source as the adjective "edel," signified in old Germanic "Abstammung" or "Geschlecht," while 'Aristokrat" derives from the Greek "aristos" - the best - and "krateein" - to rule. Strahl and Kunigunde are thus united in their dependence upon and pride in a superiority ("aristos") derived from their family heritage ("Adel"). When one takes into consideration the animosity and conflict fomented by Kunigunde - "Wenn Ihr [Strahl] den kleinen griechischen Feuerfunken nicht austretet, der diese Kriege veranlafit, so sollt Ihr noch das ganze Schwabengebirge wider Euch auflodern sehen, und die Alpen und den Hundsriick obenein" (752-6) - then the second half of her given name - "gunde," meaning "Kampf" ("gund") has a special relevance to the drama. A surprisingly consistent por-

iiy Names in Kathchen

trayal of the "Fraulein" as exhibiting male rather than female attributes further strengthens the association with struggle and discord. Freiburg describes her as "gleich einer Sonne, unter ihren Planeten!" (899) (Helios, as I noted earlier, is a male god), as "Thalestris, die Konigin der Amazonen" (902) (i.e., reversed sex roles) and as a "Hahn" (950) which he proposes to pluck and throw among the masses. Whereas Kathchen assumes the role of the typical eighteenth or nineteenth-century female subservient to the male - "Belehre deine Magd, mein edler Herr, / Wie soil ich mich in diesem Falle fassen?" (388-9) - Kunigunde, to assert herself, insists upon expressing her own will: Ich will [Kleist's emphasis] dafi dem Gefiihl, das mir entflammt, Im Busen ist, nichts fiirder widerspreche! Ich will [Kleist's emphasis], die Scheidewand soil [Kleist's emphasis] nie[dersinken, Die zwischen mir und meinem Retter steht! Ich will mein ganzes Leben ungestort, Durchatmen, ihn zu preisen, ihn zu lieben. (1357-62)

Despite the patent insincerity of this rhetoric, it nonetheless stems from independence of mind. The ideal female, however, submits her will to that of the male. Since volition is only externally meaningful if it manifests itself in the deed, another essentially male prerogative, it befits Kunigunde's masculine orientation, the -"gunde," that she harps upon the deed, stressed by its emphatic initial position, in one of her earlier speeches: Die Tat, die Euer Arm vollbracht ist keiner Unwiirdigen geschehn; (1090-1) Einst lohn ich wxirdiger, du junger Held [Kohlerjunge], Die Tat dir, die mein Band gelost, die mutige, Die mich vor Schmach bewahrt, die mich errettet, Die Tat, die mich zur Seligen gemacht! (1114-7)

And Strahl admires the performance of an ostentatious "Tat" prescribed by her calculating will: "- Ich will wiinschen, / Dafi diese Tat [the tearing-up of her legal documents] Euch nie gereuen moge" (1364-5). Kunigunde's involvement in the masculine world of struggle may well account for her reluctance to commit herself to marriage. Although she has never rejected a suitor (1585-6) and does actively

n8 JQeist's Aristocratic Heritage

pursue the Count to the extent of attempting to eliminate her rival through the usual expedient of power politics and jealousy, poison, she answers his proposal with a "Brief voll doppelsinniger Fratzen, der, wie der Schillertaft, zwei Farben spielt, und weder ja sagt, noch nein" (1595-7). This hesitancy about submitting her will to that of the dominant male may also explain the presence of a contentious word in the first Phobus fragments (a): - Was fiirchtet Ihr? Das Haus, wenn es gleich brennt, Steht, wie ein Pels, auf dem Gebalke noch; Sie [Kathchen] wird, auf diesem Gang, nicht gleich verderben. Die Treppe war noch unberiihrt vom Strahl. (1844-7)

In Helmut Sembdner's earlier critical edition, he followed the Phobus version, commenting, for example, in the notes to the second edition: "1847: vom Strahl - Tieck verbessert vermutlich zu Recht: vom Brand";23 but in his most recent, seventh edition (1984) he adopts Tieck's suggestion and replaces "Strahl" with "Brand," designating the former as a "Druckversehen" (p. 941). I should still like to plead for the retention of "Strahl" on the basis of its consistency with the name symbolism examined earlier in this chapter. Thurneck is after all Kunigunde's "Burg," a castle for defensive purposes and as such constitutes a well known symbol for a woman's virginity which the soldier (Rheingraf or Strahl) wishes to take by storm. Goethe's Faust, for instance, makes this connection: SOLDATEN. Burgen mit hohen Mauern und Zinnen, Madchen mit stolzen Hohnenden Sinnen Mocht' ich gewinnen! Madchen und Burgen Miissen sich geben. Kiihn ist das Miihen, Herrlich der Lohn!24

Kunigunde's burning castle may designate the passion threatening to consume her independence, something that she would resist relinquishing, but the staircase leading to the ultimate treasure, the female's chastity, remains untouched by the "Strahl," metonymically representing the fire.25 Moreover, as noted in connection with the

119 Names in Kathchen

main protagonist's name, light is the male principle and the "Strahl" a common phallic symbol (cf Zeus-Jupiter). Since Kunigunde shows no reluctance about sending the female into her castle and even surrenders the key - "Hier, mein Goldkind [Kathchen], ist der Schliissel!" (1820), but persistently endeavours to dissuade the male from attempting the same feat - "Harrt einen Augenblick noch, ich beschwor Euch [Stahl]. / Sie [Kathchen] bringt es gleich herab" (18723),26 - Kleist could well be indulging in yet another ironic play on Strahl's name in the fitting context of a struggle ("-gunde"). "The literary elements that went into [the] formation [of Kunigunde]," declares Helen Adolf, "are clearly exposed to our eyes, much like Kunigunde's bodily charms when they litter her dressing-room: she is the witch, the false bride, Goethe's Adelheid, Schiller's Julie Imperiale, Wieland's counterpart of true beauty, Schiller's Toilettenschonheit' and, of course, or only perhaps, Melusine."27 Given the extensiveness of Kunigunde's genealogy, I hesitate to add to this "zusammengeklaubte und zusammengesetzte" 'mosaische Arbeit'"28 which she embodies. And yet Kleist critics may have missed another possible source. If one were to list the most popular works of the eighteenth century, one would surely have to include Voltaire's Candide, published in 1759 under the guise of a French translation from the German. Like Kleist, Voltaire used descriptive names for many of the characters in his satirical tale: le baron de Thunder-ten-tronckh (an obscene allusion to passing air), le docteur Pangloss (Greek for all tongue), and of course the titular "hero," Candide. But of particular interest is the baron's daughter: "Sa fille Cunegonde ... etait haute en couleur, fraiche, grasse, appetissante."29 Presented initially as "la perle des filles, le chef d'oeuvre de la nature,"30 as a femme fatale in defence of whom Candide kills several highly situated suitors, she eventually discloses a propensity towards materialism and avarice: '"Qui a done pu me voler mes pistoles et mes diamants?' disait en pleurant Cunegonde; 'de quoi vivrons-nous? Comment ferons-nous? Ou trouver des inquisiteurs et des juifs qui m'en donnent d'autres?'"31; and she would not be averse to accepting another lover (the governor of Buenos Aires), if it were to improve her financial position. Once heralded as the paragon of beauty, she becomes towards the end of the story "horriblement laide,"32 "acariatre et insupportable."33 "Le tendre amant Candide, en voyant sa belle Cunegonde rembrunie, les yeux erailles, la gorge seche, les joues ridees, les bras rouges et ecailles, recula trois pas, saisi d'horreur, et avanc.a ensuite par bon procede."34 All of these characteristics would seem to anticipate Kleist's Kunigunde, but one feature in particular may point to a concealed ironic

i2o Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage purpose that only comes to light if one assumes that Kleist was quite familiar with the French language - and he evidently was - and that he based his name choice partly upon Voltaire's own satirical intent. A particular speech from Das Kathchen von Heilbronn has raised some moral eyebrows and led to disagreement as to the dramatist's aim: "- Ich [Strahl] habe dieser jungen Aufwieglerin versprochen, wenn sie die Waffen ihres kleinen schelmischen Angesichts nicht ruhen liefie wider mich, so wtird ich ihr einen Possen zu spielen wissen, dafi sie es ewig in einer Scheide tragen sollte" (804-8). Of course, it is possible to interpret "Scheide" as sheath, i.e., Strahl will force Kunigunde to put a bag over her seductive face, but Weigand proposes that it represents a "knabenhafter Gewaltsausdruck,"35 an obscene reference to the vagina. Dirk Grathoff finds this explanation unlikely: "Wohl kaum eine zotenhafte Anspielung, wie Weigand ... vermutet."36 However, if one bears in mind its ambivalent usage in this instance, together with its reappearance in a context that once again lends itself to a sexual interpretation: Ich [Kunigunde] will [Kleist's emphasis], die Scheidewand soil [Kleist's [emphasis] niedersinken, Die zwischen mir und meinem Retter steht! Ich will mein ganzes Leben ungestort, Durchatmen, ihn zu preisen, ihn zu lieben. (1359-62) then the text encourages the spectator to associate "Scheide" with "[d]ie rasende Megare" (766). Furthermore, if my hypothesis is correct about the Voltairian influence, Weigand's analysis gains further credence, for Voltaire scholars generally concede that the French writer opted for the German name Cunegonde because of its acoustical proximity to the colloquial French word for vagina. The two references to "Scheide," both reserved exclusively for Kunigunde, and Voltaire's lampooning designation of his German aristocratic lady as Cunegonde, an inside obscene joke in all likelihood known to Kleist, would seem to support a greater degree of conscious although skilfully disguised intent in the choice of her name than has been generally recognized.37 Kunigunde's family name reinforces what is implied in her given name: heritage and struggle. The "Thurn-" may be derived from Middle High German "turnir" (Latin "tornare") - "ritterliches Waffenspiel, Kampfspiel" in the sense of "turning" the horse in a jousting match, another preserve of the aristocracy.38 The "-eck" part also implies the noble tradition as it signified in its old Germanic usage "Spitze oder Schneide von Schwert und Speer"39 which by metonomy

121 Names in Kathchen

came to mean simply sword, i.e., the most typical and consistent symbol of the aristocratic ethos. Reuniting the two syllables, we have a "jousting sword" suggesting once again the conflict that always follows in Kunigunde's wake. Kleist may also be inferring an indirect contrast between Thurneck-violence - "Wenn ein Gewitter wo in Schwaben tobte, / Mein Pferd konnt ich, in meiner Wut besteigen, / Und suchen, wo der Keil mein Haupt zerschlagt! [i.e., Strahl's reaction to the discovery of Kunigunde's 'scheusel'ge Bosheit']" (2480-2) - and Heilbronn-healing: "Wahrhaftig, wenn ich sie [Kathchen] so daliegen sehe, mit roten Backen und verschrankten Handchen, so kommt die ganze Empfindung der Weiber iiber mich, und macht meine Tra'nen fliefien" (2042-5). The Count's tears always flow in a context where his better self repents the violence done to Kathchen: the first time, after his harsh verbal treatment and public rejection of her at the "Vehmgericht" (659^), the second in the prelude to the "Holunderstrauch" interrogation (2045-6), and finally in the Kathchen-Strahl dialogue just before the concluding wedding procession (2596-8). The tears, indicative of genuine regret and deeply felt affection, constitute a visual sign of the healing process attributable to Kathchen in Strahl's "Lauterungsweg." The secondary literature has generally recognized the presence of parody in the characterization of Theobald. Martini notes, for instance, "Meta Corssen hat gezeigt, dafi in der 'tragischen Pose' des Theobald eine bis ins Wortliche reichende Konig-Lear-Parodie steckt."40 But the parody may begin with his very name. Even before Theobald appears on stage, the list of characters reads: "Theobald Friedeborn, Waffenschmied aus Heilbronn" (p. 430). A maker of war instruments is bounded on the one side by a source of peace and on the other by a source of healing. Indeed, one could see in "Friedeborn, Waffenschmied" a humorous oxymoron, a verbal joke at the armourer's expense. Theobald is derived from the Old High German "diot" = "Volk" and "bald" = "kiihn," i.e., the bold folk hero, a role which the cuckolded husband tries to play ("THEOBALD, von Kopf zu Fufi in voller Rustung" [p. 515]) with embarrassing results: "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL stoftt [Theobald] zu Boden. Dich la'hmt der blofie Blitz aus meiner Wimper? Er windet ihm das Schwert aus der Hand, tritt iiber ihm und setzt ihm den Fuji auf die Brust" (23901). A mere "Wetterstrahl" strikes down a Theobald dressed in the armour made by a Friedeborn. Names suitably characterize two other protagonists. What better designation for a noble knight than Ritter Flammberg, Strahl's vassal? The "Flamm-" complements Wetter vom Strahl, while "Flammberg" is "urspr. Name eines Heldenschwerts, dann allgem. dichterischer Ausdruck fur 'Schwert', so auch bei Kleist: 'stiefi ihm der Graf seinen

122 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage Flammberg ... in die Brust' [Zweikampf]."41 Gottschalk, God's rascal, also lives up to his name. Although by virtue of his low birth he owes obedience to his lord, he nonetheless gives ample evidence of having a mind of his own and a perceptive, if not crafty one, at that. He quickly recognizes the importance of the documents found by Kathchen in the rubble:42 "GOTTSCHALK nimmt ein Blatt heraus. Akte, die Schenkung, Stauffen betreffend, von Friedrich Grafen vom Strahl' - Je, verflucht!" (1993-4); and he cunningly counsels, "Nun, das mufit du dem Grafen geben!" (1998); and he knows that this discovery will further sour Strahl's relationship with Kunigunde. Almost like a divine agent, a terrestrial extension of the "Cherub in der Gestalt eines Jiinglings" (p. 497), Gottschalk from the beginning cares for and looks out for Kathchen's interests - "[DJenn der Gottschalk, in seiner Wunderlichkeit, hatte das Madchen lieb gewonnen, und pflegte ihrer, in der Tat, als seiner Tochter" (281-3) - and protects her against Strahl's outbursts: "GOTTSCHALK halblaut zu Kathchen da sie zittert. Sei ruhig. Fiirchte nichts" (1667). In fact, the river-fording scene creates the distinct impression that the servant's first loyalty belongs to the serving girl rather than his master, as he chooses to ignore Strahl's urgent summons no less than four times in his concern over Kathchen's safety: "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL drauften. Gottschalk! Himmel und Erde! Gottschalk! GOTTSCHALK. Ei, so schrei du! — Hier, gnadiger Herr; ich komme schon. Er leitet sein Pferd murrisch durch den Bach" (2015-18). My analysis of the names appearing in Kathchen has shown that all the major characters bear appropriately descriptive or symbolic designations, a device also turned to account in Der zerbrochene Krug. The one distinction with respect to names between the two plays has to do with the predominance of what can only be called an aristocratic bias in the later work, an idealized self-image of the upper class which, however, never becomes too overbearing because of a playful parodic potential exploited by Kleist in "Strahl" or "Kunigunde."43 Both Der zerbrochene Krug and Das Kathchen von Heilbronn thus illustrate the extent to which, in Faust's words, "man das Wesen /... aus dem Namen lesen [kann]."44

7 Love Across the Class Barrier:

Kathchen, Kabale und Liebe, and Agnes Bernauer

My analysis of Kathchen has shown that Kleist has drawn its general atmosphere, including its poetic images, from the class into which he was born, in which he grew up, and with which he was best acquainted - the 'Adel." Even enigmas or textual incongruities that have puzzled some critics disclose a psychological logic consistent with the aristocratic view of life which in its attitudes and values has remained essentially unchanged from the Middle Ages to the twentieth century. While one cannot ignore the influence of the middleclass "Aufklarung" and its advocacy of "Bildung" and "Tugend" in Kleist's formative years, I have endeavoured to prove that the standards which left indelible and pervasive marks upon his dramas were aristocratic in origin. A concluding comparison of Kathchen with two other plays which feature socially forbidden love, Kabale und Liebe and Agnes Bernauer, will help support my thesis that the conventions of Kleist's family determined his attitudes, rather than the liberal bourgeois tendencies of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. In order to refute the position, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn ... wurde zum Beweis fiir Kleists Junkertum angefuhrt. Hier liege eine 'Zuriicknahme' von Kabale und Liebe vor ...," Mayer argues: 'Aber dem muG wirklich entgegnet werden, dafi Kleist kein biirgerliches Trauerspiel, sondern ein Marchen [Mayer's emphasis] schrieb."1 Although fairy-tale motifs obviously do play a major role in creating the peculiar ambiance of the play, they inevitably reflect those characteristics or qualities to which the aristocracy from the earliest times to the present has laid exclusive claim and which make their presence felt

124 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage in the other dramas as well.2 As Schwerte has so aptly put it: "Doch sind deren [i.e., Amphitryon, Penthesilea, Prinz Friedrich von Hamburg] Grundziige und deren Problematik auch in diesem Schauspiel [Kathchen] enthalten, sind darin variiert worden. .. ."3 Towards the middle of the nineteenth century, the older Eichendorff, once Kleist's contemporary, still took umbrage at Schiller's misrepresentation of the nobility: "Wer erinnert sich nicht noch aus den damaligen Leihbibliotheken und Theatern der falschen Minister, der abgefeimten Kammerherren, der Scharen ungliicklicher Liebender, die vom Ahnenstolz unbarmherzig unter die Fiifie getreten werden, sowie andererseits der edelrmitigen Essighandler, biederen Forster usw, wovon zum Beispiel Schillers Kabale und Liebe ein geistreiches Resume gibt. Allein in der Wirklichkeit verhielt es sich anders als in den Leihbibliotheken. ..."4 Kleist's correspondence5 and Robert Guiskard6 bear testimony to his familiarity with Schiller's works, but one searches in vain for a specific reference to Kabale und Liebe. The only two plays to which he alludes, Don Carlos and Wallenstein, do in fact provide a more balanced view of the aristocracy, one including its fair share of positive and negative characters, and exclude the other classes from any direct participation in the dramatic action. Hence it strikes me as possible to infer that Kleist was not only acquainted with Schiller's "Sturm-und-Drang" tragedy, but he may also have sought to defend his class against this predominantly pejorative portrayal by his middle-class predecessor. One can point to several common features such as the titles (Schiller originally called his work Luise Millerin), the use of descriptive names (President von Walter, one accustomed to rule, Lady Milford, "eine Britin ... [die] freigeborene Tochter des freiesten Volks unter dem Himmel,"7 Wurm, the low-life intriguer or Miller, a surname suggesting a lower-class trade), or thematic considerations (love across the class barrier, the male protagonist caught between two females, the middle-class father obsessed with social reputation etc); nonetheless, Kabale und Liebe and Kathchen remain at heart quite different. Since Schiller, to quote Gerhard Fricke, "weder fur den biirgerlichen noch fur den hofischen Bereich seines Dramas literarische Quellen und Vorbilder [benotigte]" and limited himself to "die eigene Erfahrung" at Duke Karl Eugen's court in Stuttgart,8 he created a contemporary social drama,9 a "biirgerliches Trauerspiel" with the emphasis placed on, and the dominant point of view derived from, the "biirgerlich" sphere. He thus opens his play with a domestic scene to establish the tone immediately: 'An einem Tisch sitzt Frau Millerin noch im Nachtgewand und trinkt ihren Kaffee" (K 5). Despite the antithesis between the aristocratic world of the hero and the petit-

125 Love across the Class Barrier bourgeois ambiance of the heroine, the latter clearly prevails, beginning with the first speech: "Einmal fur allemal. Der Handel wird ernsthaft" (K 5). The middle class has always been synonymous with business or money-making, the basis of its eventual rise to economic and political prominence, while the true nobleman scorned pecuniary matters as beneath his dignity. It is thus most revealing that commercial language remains the prevalent mode of expression throughout Kabale und Liebe. Influenced by Miller, Luise expresses her ideal religious aspirations in language indebted to finance: "Ich bringe nichts mit mir als meine Unschuld, aber der Vater hat ja so oft gesagt, dafi der Schmuck und die prachtigen Titel wohlfeil werden, wenn Gott kommt, und die Herzen im Preise steigen. Ich werde dann reich sein" (K 13). Significantly, even the aristocrats have recourse to the same model to address not only someone from the lower class, "Einen Waghals nennt man den Kaufmann, der auf ein [Schiller's emphasis] Schiff sein ganzes Vermo'gen ladet" (K 95), but also a social equal: "Kann der Herzog Gesetze der Menschheit verdrehen, oder Handlungen munzen wie seine Dreier?" (K 32). Kleist, in contrast, did not intend to write a middle-class tragedy, but a "Ritterschauspiel," an essentially archetypical depiction of the aristocracy in a pseudomedieval, fairy-tale setting with allusions to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. From the outset the noble perspective determines the point of view: Kathchen commences with the upper-class "Vehmgericht," at which Theobald is clearly out of his element. In fact, we never actually see Kathchen in her burgher milieu; her father merely relates past incidents. Apart from the scene before Prior Hatto's hermitage, an appropriate natural retreat, the audience views her exclusively in the context of Strahl's world. The diction further mirrors this feature as the choice of images - light, horse, rose, hunting dog, or swan - derives directly from the aristocratic milieu. In short, both dramatists concentrate on the milieu they know best and expose their contrasting backgrounds by their selective perception of that milieu. Generally, in keeping with Eichendorffs assessment, Schiller's drama presents the nobility as morally corrupt in contrast to the more virtuous bourgeoisie: "PRASIDENT. Einen Eid? Was wird ein Eid fruchten, Dummkopf? WURM. Nichts bei uns [Schiller's emphasis], gnadiger Herr. Bei dieser [Schiller's emphasis] Menschenart alles -" (K 50). The commendable values of Strahl's class have become contaminated in Schiller's depiction of the court. For aristocratic sensibility, separating the refined from the common, the true princess from the false, Miller has only scorn: "Die rohe Kraftbruhen der Natur sind Ihro Gnaden zarten Makronenmagen noch zu hart" (K 6). In courtly circles a woman of the lower class has become a sexually exploitable

126 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

"Ding" (K 16) and love a means to obtain influence and secure authority. This contrasts sharply with the high ethical standards vis-a-vis the opposite sex in Kathchen: neither Strahl nor Freiburg ever considers taking unfair advantage of a female whom circumstances have placed in their power: "GEORG. Du wirst keine unritterliche Rache an ihr ausiiben? FREIBURG. Nein; Gott behiit mich!" (935-6).10 The Prasident, a "Streber" type, proves ruthlessly ambitious for himself and his son: "Eine herrliche Aussicht dehnt sich vor dir [Ferdinand] - Die ebene Strafie zunachst nach dem Throne - zum Throne selbst ..." (K 21); but, while Strahl is also eager for distinction and wants to improve his status by a socially advantageous marriage, he can only conceive of doing so in accordance with the code. He is thus genuinely surprised to discover that Freiburg, "Ein Mensch wie der, so wacker sonst, und gut" (1070), would ever stoop to abduct a woman. Moreover, the divine, traditionally appropriated by the aristocracy, intervenes as a "Cherub" (p. 497) with welcome results in Kathchen; in Kabale und Liebe God and His emissaries would appear to be on the side of the corrupt, high-born authorities: "Sie sind verschanzt cure Grofien - verschanzt vor der Wahrheit hinter ihre eigene Laster, wie hinter Schwerter der Cherubim" (K 62). Blinded by jealousy born of egocentricity, Ferdinand, assuming the office of a sacred moral agent, proclaims, "Die obern Ma'chte nicken mir ihr schreckliches Ja [Schiller's emphasis] herunter, die Rache des Himmels unterschreibt, ihr guter Engel lafit sie [Luise] fahren -" (K 98). Whereas Kleist at the most extreme satirizes or parodies certain aristocratic conceits in his "Ritterschauspiel," taken as a whole his work presents a sympathetic portrayal of the dramatist's own class. Schiller, however, has the two more admirable representatives of the aristocracy, Ferdinand and Lady Milford, castigate and repudiate their own class: "Die Wollust der Grofien dieser Welt ist die nimmer satte Hyane, die sich mit Heifihunger Opfer sucht" (K 34). In fairness to Schiller, one must also note that he does not glorify the petite bourgeoisie as implied in the Eichendorff quotation; on the contrary, he finds fault with its materialism and its inability to transcend its social and moral limitations. LUISE.

Wenn die Miicke in ihren Strahlen sich sonnt - kann sie das strafen, die stolze majestatische Sonne? (K 12)

STRAHL. Mir, dessen Blick du [Kathchen] da liegst, wie die Rose, Die ihren jungen Kelch dem Licht erschlofi?

(470-1)

It is of some interest to interpret the choice of images each dramatist employs to characterize his main female protagonist and the

127 Love across the Class Barrier

nature of her association with her more exalted mate. The latter in both instances becomes the sun in compliance with the aristocratic pretension to divine election. Although the young women share a lowly status when compared to that enjoyed by the superior male, they occupy a notably different standing in the speaker's choice of similes. Kathchen becomes the noble rose, one of several early signs of her imperial lineage, while Luise likens herself to a mere fly, sunning itself in light emanating from her high-born suitor. Strahl unwittingly elevates the girl he loves; Luise degrades herself, thus exposing both her unconscious envy of a life-style denied her and her basic insecurity in the relationship. There are a surprising number of similarities between Luise and Kathchen. They are both portrayed as subservient: the former makes an entrance, "indem sie dem Major das Glas [mit der Limonade] auf einem Teller bringt" (K 97); the latter appeared before Strahl "ein grofies, flaches Silbergeschirr auf dem Kopf tragend, auf welchem Flaschen, Glaser und der Imbifi gestellt waren" (156-8). While Luise openly voices her desire to serve Ferdinand in humble self-effacement by a series of melodramatic images, including the trampled violet (K 12), Kathchen does not talk about it; she simply does it. However, the images chosen by Strahl and others to depict her surrender originate exclusively with the aristocratic value system, i.e., the rose, the hunting dog, the horse, or the Queen of Heaven. The two heroines are close in age - Luise has just turned sixteen; Kathchen is fifteen -, are noted for their innocence, ethical purity, and even angelic qualities ("Engel des Himmels" [K 104]); but when appearances deceive Ferdinand and Strahl, they go to the other extreme and repudiate the woman they love as a "Metze" (K 67; Kathchen 2032). And finally both "Biirgerstochter" suffer because of loyalties divided between an aristocratic loved one and a middle-class father: "Wenn die Kiisse deines [Luise's] Majors heifier brennen als die Tranen deines Vaters - stirb!" (K 88); "du [Theobald] vernichtest mich [Kathchen]! ... Ich will jetzt nicht mehr ins Kloster gehen, nach Heilbronn will ich mit dir zuriickkehren, ich will den Grafen vergessen, und, wen du willst, heiraten" (1488-93). As implied in Luise's self-assigned "Miicke" simile, she remains very much aware of her true station in life and never loses sight of it. Indeed, she is the one to dwell upon the signs of distinction separating the two lovers: "Ich seh in die Zukunft - die Stimme des Ruhms - deine Entwiirfe - dein Vater - mein Nichts" (K 14)." His family, his class, and its obligations have mapped out his future to the extent that he has no choice in the matter. At first her own religious upbringing, the source of her morality, would seem to add to

128 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage her plight: "der Himmel und Ferdinand reifien an meiner blutenden Seele" (K 11-12). For Kathchen this conflict simply does not exist, largely because of her semidivine, aristocratic heritage, through which the sacred and the sexual are united. Religion does, however, offer Luise an ultimate solution: "Ich entsag ihm [Ferdinand] fur dieses Leben" (K 13); that is, she thinks of a union beyond the grave in a classless heaven. Schiller therefore provides a clear indication from the very beginning that the retarding force in Kabale und Liebe is not only aristocratic convention but also, and more importantly, bourgeois convention. At the first meeting witnessed by the audience, it is the noble Ferdinand who seeks physical contact in his initial gesture: "ihre Hand nehmend und zum Munde fuhrend" (K 13). He already deems her worthy of him in this mark of deference normally reserved for a "Fraulein." While he embraces her, "Sie zartlich umfassend" (K 15), and endeavours to restrain her, "halt sie auf," Luise "driickt ihn von sich, in grofier Bewegung" and "stiirzt hinaus. Er folgt ihr sprachlos nach." This amounts to a complete reversal of the male/female roles at the end of the first stage confrontation between Strahl and Kathchen: he orders her not to follow him, "Verfolg mich nicht" (645), avoids all physical and even visual contact, "DER GRAF VOM STRAHL wendet sich. ... Er verbindet sich die Augen" (p. 452) and quickly retreats. What the first scene between Ferdinand and Luise suggests, the tragedy later fully confirms, even before Wurm's intrigue comes into play. LUISE. Und hattest du sonst keine Pflicht rnehr, als deine Liebe? FERDINAND sie umarmend. Deine Ruhe ist meine heiligste. LUISE sehr ernsthaft. So schweig und verlafi mich - Ich habe einen Vater, der kein Vermogen hat, als diese einzige Tochter (K 56-7) Whereas duty wins the upper hand in Luise, Kathchen consistently follows her inclination, one which flies in the face of filial devotion: "Verschwindet, ihr Herren - VerlaGt mich [Theobald] und alles, woran Pflicht, Gewohnheit und Natur sie kniipften" (207-8). Before she met the Count, she epitomized the obedient burgher's daughter, "Vater! Dein Wille sei meiner" (102-3), but her love for Strahl or the strength of her inner voice, to which she unconsciously adheres, is so strong that she abandons her father no less than three times, rejects the values of her breeding, "Und lafit alles hinter sich zuriick? ... Eigentum, Heimat und den Brautigam, dem sie verlobt war" (2034), and only returns home because the loved one orders her to do so. This absolute sense of loyalty, "die hiindische Dienstfertigkeit" (1866)

129 Love across the Class Barrier

based on inclination, may be attributed in part to her natural affiliation with the aristocratic world, her special rank as "die verkappte Prinzessin." In direct contrast, Luise remains bound by her class attitudes and is incapable of overcoming them. Her bourgeois ethics dictate her decision to renounce the man she loves, "Nein, mein Geliebter! Wenn nur ein Frevel [i.e., der Fluch Ferdinands Vater] dich mir erhalten kann, so hab ich noch Sta'rke, dich zu verlieren" (K 57), just as Strahl resolves to relinquish Kathchen because of his aristocratic heritage. Hence, it is the "Burgermadchen" Luise who proves unable to burst the bonds of social convention. In fact, she shows unmistakable signs of enjoying her performance as the heroic renouncer: "Lafi mich [Schiller's emphasis] die Heldin dieses Augenblicks sein - einem Vater den entflohenen Sohn wieder schenken einem Biindnis entsagen, das die Fugen der Biirgerwelt auseinander treiben, und die allgemeine ewige Ordnung zu Grund stiirzen wiirde" (K 57). Making a virtue out of a weakness, she presents the current class divisions as socially necessary and divinely justified and enjoys the sensual pleasure of moral self-righteousness: "so lafi mir doch jetzt die siifie schmeichelnde Tauschung, dafi es mein Opfer [Schiller's emphasis] war - Wirst du mir diese Wollust mifigonnen?" (K 57). Continuing to play "die Heldin dieses Augenblicks," she persists in putting herself down in order to put herself up: "Schenk sie [Ferdinand's love] einer Edeln [Schiller's emphasis] und Wurdigeren - sie wird die Gliicklichsten ihres Geschlechts nicht beneiden — Tranen unterdruckend. Mich sollst du nicht mehr sehn - Das eitle betrogene Madchen verweine seinen Gram in einsamen Mauern, um seine Tranen wird sich niemand bekummern -" (K 58). The stressed reference to "einer Edeln" proves that her lack of aristocratic credentials does irk her in Gretchen-like fashion.12 Kathchen never expresses a matching resentment and fits in quite naturally with the noble ambiance, for example, when she instinctively seeks refuge with the Countess subsequent to the bathing scene. She also considers entering a monastery, but only because Strahl has rejected her. Towards the end of Luise's renunciation, "Indem sie ihm [Ferdinand] mit abgewandten [sic] Gesicht ihre zitternde Hand gibt" (K 58), she takes her final leave: "Leben Sie wohl, Herr von Walter." Despite the "du" at the beginning of the scene, she now distances herself both in action and in the formal form of address, but she offers him her hand as a parting gesture, an indirect indication of her control over the situation. This episode warrants comparison with a similar leave-taking when Strahl "wendet sich von ihr [Kathchen] ab," exclaiming "Leb wohl! Leb wohl! Leb wohl!" (1752). Kathchen would never be so forward as to proffer her own hand - that is Kunigunde's

130 Kleisfs Aristocratic Heritage

prerogative - and Strahl is the one who later asks for Kathchen's hand as a sign of his commitment to her (2178). Therefore, the juxtaposing of these scenes points to the reversal in the two dramas of the malefemale roles. In Kleist's world the male is dominant in keeping with the aristocratic ethos; however, in Schiller's conception the female makes the decision, has the more responsible character, but is also more severely limited by her middle-class upbringing. Schiller's aristocrat, in his admittedly impractical aspirations, is nonetheless prepared to attempt the escape to the idyllic retreat (K 56), while Kleist's hero only longs for it, perhaps even consciously ironizes it, but never seriously contemplates this abrogation of social obligation. "FERDINAND. ... Ich entfliehe, Luise. Wirst du wirklich nicht folgen? LUISE. ... Meine Pflicht heifit mich bleiben und dulden" (K 58). Luise refuses to "follow," being too conscious of her duty to father and reputation; Kathchen does in fact "follow" her Count without regard for father or reputation (223-6). The confrontation between Luise and Lady Milford sets the bourgeois way of life against the aristocratic to the detriment of the latter. Ironically, Milford speaks of Luise's "biirgerliche Vorurteile" (K 75), prejudices or virtues which still give the music teacher's daughter the upper hand in their dialogue. Although Luise comes across as victimized by the demands of her class - even the decision to commit suicide out of love for Ferdinand is thwarted by her bourgeoisreligious conventions (K 88-9) - her values still provide the confidence in herself and her own worth that enable her to stand up and defeat her aristocratic rival. Obviously, "burgerlichje] Unschuld," "die heitre Ruhe [Schiller's emphasis]," or "ein reines Herz" (K 76), claimed by Luise, gain an easy victory over "Pest," "Vergiftung," "Vergniigen," or "Schlangen der Reue" (K 76) of the courtly life, a triumph acknowledged by her noble rival: "Unertraglich, dafi sie mir [Schiller's emphasis] das sagt! Unertraglich, dafi sie recht hat!" (K 76). Indeed, Luise proves to be so convincing, so magnanimous, and so subtly vengeful, "Nun vergessen Sie nicht, dafi zwischen Ihren BrautkuS das Gespenst [Schiller's emphasis] einer Selbstmorderin [Schiller's emphasis] stiirzen wird" (K 79), in the game of "one-upmanship" that she shames Milford into assuming the tragic role of renunciation (K So). Now, in imitation of "die arme Geigerstochter" (K 74), she casts herself into the arms of middle-class morality: "In deine Arme werf ich mich, Tugend!" (K So). In Kabale und Liebe the petit-bourgeois way of life, despite its serious intellectual limitations and its materialism, still comes across as preferable to that of the court. What the dramatist has actually achieved in the Luise/Milford dialogue is the transference of many of the com-

131 Love across the Class Barrier

mendable aristocratic qualities depicted in Kathchen to his lower-class heroine. The text describes her as "gelassen und edel" (K 76) or "standhaft" (K 78), and she demonstrates the same generosity towards Milford as displayed by Strahl in his victory over Freiburg, causing her high-born opponent to ascribe to her what in Kleist's "Ritterschauspiel" would be inherent aristocratic superiority: "O Luise, edle, grofie, gottliche Seele!" (K 78). It is quite consistent with Schiller's own background that he attributes these qualities not to a "kaiserliche Prinzessin von Schwaben" (2668) but to a lowly "Biirgerdirne" (K 86) who remains "biirgerlich" to the end. Ferdinand also shares with his Kleistian equivalent some general personality traits. They are both self-centred types, prone to violence when thwarted and keen to assume a protective function towards the desired mate. Ferdinand's defence of the half-conscious Luise against the "Gerichtsdiener" bears comparison with Strahl's rescue of Kunigunde. The latter obliges the Count to assume the role which Ferdinand voluntarily undertakes: "Du brauchst keinen Engel mehr - Ich will mich zwischen dich und das Schicksal werfen" (K 14-15). Strahl's tendency to combine the sacred and the sexual (700), a characteristic feature of his first monologue, surfaces regularly in Ferdinand's speeches but on a grander scale:13 "Da mein gliicklicher Wahnsinn, den ganzen Hirnmel in ihr zu umspannen wa'hnte? Meine wildesten Wiinsche schweigen? Vor meinem Gemiit stand kein Gedanke als die Ewigkeit und das Madchen" (K 67). In many ways the cabal devised by Wurm anticipates a typical Kleistian dilemma. Appearances speak against the loved one and the protagonist fails to exhibit the requisite confidence in the heroine's love, to believe her, or to trust his own heart. "FERDINAND. [Es] ist ihre Hand [Schiller's emphasis]" (K 66). Like Strahl, the Major makes his relationship to a woman dependent upon what he perceives to be empirical evidence and thus lacks the faith to see through the deception surrounding him. As a result of this personal limitation, both men make a fatal error: Ferdinand assumes the true bride is false, while Strahl initially chooses the false bride over the true. The speech crucial for an understanding of Strahl's psychological makeup, including the values he holds most dear, is his soliloquy at the beginning of the second act. As he makes quite clear (707-9), he puts duty before inclination. Throughout Kathchen this underlying conflict provides most of the interest, for Strahl continually reiterates his complete obedience to his family obligations both by word and gesture, be it at the conclusion of the "Vehmgericht" or at Thurneck, and he never contemplates changing his priorities despite substantial evidence that the victory of tradition over love is not an easy one.

132 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage Moreover, the "Traumgesprach" does not alter his value system, but only serves to confirm its validity, since it turns out that Kathchen as the "verkappte Prinzessin" combines in her person duty and inclination, and thus the revelation successfully resolves his dilemma. In Ferdinand, however, Schiller presents by Kleistian standards a very unaristocratic aristocrat: "Vaterrecht [Schiller's emphasis] ist ein weites Wort. ... Doch aufs aufierste treibt's nur die Liebe [Schiller's emphasis]" (K 41). Love always wins out over duty. In fact, in his excessive self-centredness, love alone gives meaning to the life of this "Sturmund-Drang" hero - "Der Augenblick, der diese zwo Hande trennt, zerreiCt auch den Faden zwischen mir [Schiller's emphasis] und der Schopfung [Schiller's emphasis]" (K 41) - and represents the only barrier he will respect or fear: "Ich furchte nichts - nichts - als die Grenzen deiner Liebe" (K 14). This all-or-nothing attitude again comes to the fore in his plea before Lady Milford: "Sie [Schiller's emphasis] einem Madchen den Mann entwenden, der die ganze Welt dieses Madchens ist? Sie [Schiller's emphasis] einen Mann von dem Madchen reifien, das die ganze Welt dieses Mannes ist?" (K 37). In ascribing to Luise a total commitment to himself, Ferdinand describes more accurately Kathchen's surrender to her Count to the exclusion of her father, while he actually misrepresents Luise's scale of values: "mem Herz hatte noch aufier dem Major etwas Teures [i.e., her father]" (K 60). At first Strahl tries consciously to exclude the "Biirgermadchen," the pursuing party, from his aristocratic world, and only gradually does she increase in importance to become a part of that world. Whereas he acknowledges his love for someone beneath his station, but only in a private confession, and goes to considerable lengths to convince others of his innocence, Ferdinand openly proclaims his love to his father (K 42) and before a fellow-noble, Lady Milford: - "Ich Hebe [Schiller's emphasis], Milady - Hebe ein btirgerliches [Schiller's emphasis] Madchen - Luise Millerin - eines Musikus Tochter" (K 36) - and accepts full responsibility for having initiated the affair: "Ich [Schiller's emphasis] bin der Schuldige" (K 36). Strahl merely indulges in wishful conjecture about possessing Kathchen "Warum kann ich dich nicht mein nennen?" (686-7) - and only once she has become "Katharina ... von Schwaben" (2551) does he demand ownership: "Gib, gib sie mir!" (2568); the Major states his claim early in the play: "Mein [Schiller's emphasis] bist du, und warfen Holl und Himmel sich zwischen uns" (K 39). Despite the opposition of his father, he persists in seeing Luise as his property to dispose of as he decides, a view also held by Miller. The loved one becomes a valuable commercial commodity: "ich [Ferdinand] will iiber dir wachen wie der Zauberdrach iiber unterirdischem Golde" (K 14); "Die Zeit meldet

133 Love across the Class Barrier

sich allgemach bei mir [Miller], wo uns Vatern die Kapitale zustatten kommen, die wir im Herzen unsrer Kinder anlegten" (K 87). This bourgeois "Geldsackgesinnung" appears in its ugliest form when Ferdinand reasons that his own father would still have the consolation of his wealth if he were to lose his only child, while Luise is Miller's sole possession. In attempting to buy off Miller and thus appease his own conscience, the Major proves that materialism is just as firmly rooted in this aristocrat, who has allegedly repudiated the corrupt standards of his kind, as in the petite bourgeoisie. Strahl's negative features, his proneness to violence or sadistic cruelty, may offend a modern audience, but these offences are at least directly attributable to the attitudes of his noble forbears. Except in his dealings with the burgher's daughter, the Count's values remain essentially supportive and positive. One may not say the same of Ferdinand's. Infected by the new "Grundsatze, die er aus Akademien hierhergebracht" such as "Seelengrofie und personlichfer] Adel" (K 47) and above all consumed by his passion for Luise, he finds himself at odds with the outlook of his class: "Sie [Milford] werden mich an Stand - an Geburt - an die Grundsatze meines Vaters erinnern - aber ich liebe" (K 36). Therefore, on the basis of the pursuit of happiness, an "Ideal vom Gliick" defined exclusively in terms of the self-sufficient ego, "In meinem Herzen liegen alle meine Wiinsche begraben" (K 21), he denounces his heritage as destructive, "Ihre [father's] Gliickseligkeit macht sich nur selten anders als durch Verderben bekannt" (K 21), and personally inhibiting: "durchreiCen will ich alle diese eiserne Ketten des Vorurteils - Frei wie ein Mann will ich wa'hlen" (K 40). Throughout Kathchen characters rarely allude or appeal to their honour, primarily because, as a fundamental concept of aristocratic thinking, it is simply taken for granted. For example, the "Ehrenkodex" determines Strahl's magnanimous treatment of the vanquished Freiburg, his generosity towards the rescued Kunigunde, his obligatory challenge of Theobald after the latter has openly impugned his name, and his vengeful humiliation of the false bride. In contrast, Kabale und Liebe contains numerous references to honour, but honour under attack. Since all human values have become commercialized, "Ehre" also has a price tag: "Er [der Herzog] selbst ist nicht iiber die Ehre erhaben, aber er kann ihren Mund mit seinem Golde verstopfen" (K 32). Moreover, in keeping with bourgeois standards, Ferdinand now favours virtue over honour, "Schon ofters iiberlebte Tugend die Ehre" (K 33), and both he and Lady Milford place the claims of their hearts before "das kalte Wort Ehre" (K 35). Strahl could only conceive of virtue and honour as synonymous, not mutually exclusive, and

134 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage always chooses what his knightly reputation requires over what his heart desires. There is also considerable evidence in Schiller's tragedy that aristocrats take advantage of the concept whenever convenient. In Ferdinand's opposition to his father's proposed marriage plans, he appeals to his "Ehre" (K 23), but the subsequent dialogue demonstrates how he hides behind the old code in order to justify what his emotions dictate. As the Prasident rightly points out in a rhetorical question: 'Also es war nicht die Ehre, die [Ferdinand] die Lady verbot?" (K 23). Even though Lady Milford confesses to Sophie, "ich habe dem Fiirsten meine Ehre verkauft" (K 26), she is not averse to concealing her wounded pride, her thwarted love, behind the same honour she allegedly sold to the Prince: "Meine Leidenschaft, Walter, weicht meiner Zartlichkeit fur Sie. Meine Ehre [Schiller's emphasis] kann's nicht mehr" (K 37). It will grant her what her passion demands - a union with Ferdinand. Even the positive aspects of the noble tradition have been reduced to a potential weakness, a vulnerability to be exploited. The Prasident, counting on his son's sense of honour as an officer, comments to his confident: "Ich urteilte so: Wenn das Madchen beschimpft [Schiller's emphasis] wird, mufi er, als Offizier, zuriicktreten" (K 47). Kabale und Liebe includes other instances where the Major falls back upon the discredited values of his class as long as it suits his personal aims. Self-delusion or the fallacious nature of his reasoning becomes particularly evident in his argument before Lady Milford: "aber wenn auch Klugheit die Leidenschaft [Schiller's emphasis] schweigen heifit, so redet die Pflicht [Schiller's emphasis] desto lauter - Ich bin der Schuldige" (K 36). Whereas Strahl's duty requires that he not involve himself with Kathchen and he obeys, however painful the compliance, Ferdinand raises the issue after the fact to justify his continuing loyalty to Luise. "Leidenschaft" rather than "Pflicht" demands this stratagem. In his assertion, "Nein, beim unendlichen Gott! ich kann meinen Eid nicht verletzen, der mich laut wie des Himmels Donner aus diesem brechenden Auge [Luise's] mahnt" (K 40), he has similar recourse to his heritage to gratify his passion. As an aristocrat he cannot go back on his oath; however, as an aristocrat, he should not have made it in the first place. Ironically, the very scenario which the Prasident devises in order to render Luise unacceptable according to the officers' code but which fails - "Vater! ich [Ferdinand] werfe meinen Offiziersdegen auf das Madchen" (K 46) - Ferdinand himself resorts to in his meeting with Lady Milford: "Ich bin ein Mann von Ehre. ... Kavalier. ... Und Offizier" (K 31). By insulting her, he hopes to be able to withdraw his suit. As I noted earlier, Ferdinand and Strahl have volatile dispositions once their will has been frustrated. When the Prasident attempts to

135 Love across the Class Barrier have Luise arrested, the Major comes to the rescue: "FERDINAND mit Luisen zu gleicher Zeit, indem er den Degen nach dent Prasidenten zuckt, den er aber schnell wieder sinken lafit. Vater!" (K 43). This gesture of the drawn sword, a suitable instrument with which to challenge a fellow aristocrat, can be compared to the scene in Thurneck featuring the whip, the suitable means to discipline a dog or a lower-class girl. In both dramas the threatened use of force occurs on the spur of the moment as a response to a personally threatening situation: Ferdinand wishes to defend "ein burgerlich[es] Madchen" (K 36), "das die ganze Welt [ihm] ist" (K 37); Strahl seeks to protect himself from a "Dime, die landstreichend unverschamte" (1649). Soon after the automatic defensive reaction, awareness dawns: Ferdinand, suddenly remembering his filial obligation, lowers his sword, the symbol of the noble way of life, and Strahl, eventually brought back to the situation at hand, asks, "Was macht die Peitsche hier?" (1744). In the one case the main protagonist offers violence against the father, the upholder of social convention; in the other the hero wards off the loved one, the threat to social stability. "Wir Frauenzimmer konnen nur zwischen Herrschen [Schiller's emphasis] und Dienen [Schiller's emphasis] wahlen - aber die hochste Wonne der Gewalt [Schiller's emphasis] ist doch nur ein elender Behelf, wenn uns die grofiere [Schiller's emphasis] Wonne versagt wird, Sklavinnen eines Manns zu sein, den wir lieben" (K 27). Lady Milford thus summarizes quite accurately the two basic female stereotypes, the one from the upper, the other from the lower class, between which Ferdinand and Strahl are torn: "Eine Stunde, Luise, wo zwischen mein Herz und dich eine fremde [Schiller's emphasis] Gestalt sich warf" (K 39). Once again one may draw a number of parallels, this time between the two aristocratic suitors for the heart of the male protagonist. As in the case of Kunigunde, Lady Milford has a pronounced association with the mirror (K 73-4) and the cosmetic accoutrements of the courtly life. She exhibits the same ambition and the cunning not only to survive but to assert herself in a male-dominated environment - "Von einem schwachen Weib [i.e. herself] iiberlistet!" (K 28) - and attracts quite a substantial following: "[Ihr] sollte der Fiirst und sein ganzer Hof zu Gebote stehn" (K 25). Likewise, "das ganze Reich frifit [Kunigunde] aus der Hand" (K 769). Also, the hero first sees Milford/Kunigunde as an enemy on the basis of her reputation but, upon making her acquaintance, comes to pity and respect her and even to feel some affection for her despite his genuine love for Luise/Kathchen. The differences, however, prove more revealing. In Kabale und Liebe the morally repulsive turns out to have a hidden attractive side, while the superficially beautiful conceals a moral and physical ugliness in

136 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

Kathchen, a reversal demonstrating the discrepancy between what one appears to be in society and what one really is in private. While Milford is willing to renounce all her noble benefits, values, and ambitions for love - "ich werfe dem Fiirsten sein Herz und sein Fiirstentum vor die FiijSe, fliehe mit diesem Mann [worthy of her love], fliehe in die entlegenste Wiiste der Welt" (K 27) - Kunigunde only pretends to make a sacrifice in order to realize indirectly her material goals. Milford desires to escape to the desert in order to satisfy what she describes as "wildere Wiinsche" (K 27). In direct contrast, Alkmene is prepared to flee from love to the desert to protect her moral integrity: "Auf der Gebirge Gipfel will ich fliehen, / In tote Wildnis hin, wo auch die Eule / Mich nicht besucht, wenn mir kein Wachter ist, / Der in Unstraflichkeit den Busen mir bewahrt" (2257-60). Although Milford has already seriously compromised her ethical standards, notwithstanding an end-justifies-the-means-argument, she sees the possession of the loved one as the measure of her universe and her potential salvation: "Hab ich ihn [Ferdinand] einmal - hab ich ihn o dann auf immer [Schiller's emphasis] gute Nacht, abscheuliche Herrlichkeit -" (K 28). In this respect at least, Milford and Ferdinand were made for each other both by virtue of their belonging to the same class and by their having essentially the same value system and romantic aspirations. The two lower-class fathers also have much in common. Their profession as musician or blacksmith led to the aristocrat's entrance into the middle-class setting with the same dire consequences. Theobald could just as easily have made the following statement: "Der Segen war fort aus meiner [Miller's] Hiitte, sobald Sie [Schiller's emphasis, i.e. Ferdinand] einen FuS darin setzten. - Sie [Schiller's emphasis] haben das Elend unter mein Dach gerufen, wo sonst nur die Freude zu Hause war" (K 90). Since Luise and Kathchen are both "[ein] einzig liebes Kind" (636), their fathers have doted upon them to the point of idolatry - "Du [Luise] warst mein Abgott" (K 87); "ein Kind [Kathchen] recht nach der Lust Gottes, das heraufging aus der Wusten, am stillen Feierabend meines Lebens, wie ein gerader Rauch von Myrrhen und Wachholdern!" (66-9) - and they are personally ambitious for their offspring within the confines of their own class. Miller wants "einen wackern ehrbaren Schwiegersohn, der sich so warm in [seine] Kundschaft hineingesetzt ha'tte" (K 7); Theobald arranges a marriage between Kathchen and Gottfried Friedeborn, "der junge Landmann, dessen Giiter das ihrige umgrenzen" (100-1). Preoccupied with reputation (K 5; Kathchen 225-6), they quickly jump to crude conclusions with the intrusion of the aristocrat: "er [Ferdinand] wird sie ... beschwatzen, dem Madchen eins hinsetzen und fiihrt

137 Love across the Class Barrier

sich ab, und das Madel 1st verschimpfiert auf ihr Leben lang, bleibt sitzen, oder hats Handwerk verschmeckt, treibts fort" (K 5-6); "habt neun Monate Geduld; alsdann sollt ihr sehen, wies ihrem [Kathchen] jungen Leib bekommen 1st" (357-8). Being garrulous but straightforward types with a rigidly religious point of view, they assume diabolical influence: (K 6; Kathchen 52-5). Because the only child means so much to them, they are prepared to go to any lengths, including emotional blackmail, to prevent her from leaving the world by suicide or burial in a monastery: "DaG die Zartlichkeit noch barbarischer zwingt, als Tyrannenwut!" (K 88); "du [Theobald] vernichtest mich [Kathchen]! Du legst mir deine Worte kreuzweis, wie Messer, in die Brust!" (1489-90). Theobald has learned the bitter lesson of social injustice and by his own admission would have remained silent, if his beloved daughter had not been the victim (13-34). Similarly, Miller acknowledges the double standards operative in society, "Der junge Baron bringts mit einem Wischer hinaus, das mufi ich wissen, und alles Wetter kommt iiber den Geiger" (K 5), and knows his place within that scheme. Nonetheless, as he announces to his wife his intention to reveal the love liaison to the President, he displays confidence in himself, "Ich heifie Miller [Schiller's emphasis]" (K 7), and in a celebrated scene, torn between obsequiousness and outrage, he finds the necessary courage to stand up to his social superior: "Das [Schiller's emphasis] ist meine Stube. ... den ungehobelten Cast werf ich zur Tiir hinaus - Halten zu Gnaden" (K 43). Theobald also appeals to a higher authority, the "Vehmgericht," or the ultimate court, his Emperor, insults a nobleman to his face, "STRAHL zu den Haschern. Fiihrt mich hinweg! THEOBALD. Der Holle zu, du Satan!" (652), and, unlike Miller, gets away with it. In its traditional role as protector of the people (143-4), the aristocracy comes across in Kathchen as very patient, paternalistic, and indulgent towards the burgher father. The spectator sympathizes with the distress of the offended parent, but because of the generally complimentary portrayal of Strahl, the latter tends to win our allegiance rather than Theobald, who on occasion plays the pathetic fool ("Zweikampf," v/i). Kleist chooses not to take the blacksmith that seriously, exploiting him as a source of parody or humour throughout the drama and minimizing the importance of the abuse and embarrassment he endures at the hands of Strahl and the Emperor. His role generally is of minor significance, for he appears to have relatively little influence over his daughter who makes her choice quite clear: "So wie er [Theobald] in die Tiir tritt, und die Arme mit tranenvollen Augen offnet, sie zu empfangen, stiirzt mir [Strahl] das Madchen

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leichenbleich zu Ftifien, alle Heiligen anrufend, dafi ich sie vor ihm schiitze" (312-5). The same does not hold true for Miller. As the embodiment of petit-bourgeois mentality, he wields an almost tyrannical authority over his daughter and must bear a major share of the responsibility for the tragic outcome. He is also more commerciallyminded than Theobald, seeing his daughter as an investment from which he expects to derive a suitable return - "hab meine ganze Barschaft von Liebe an der Tochter schon zugesetzt" (K 94)" - and, like his wife, he exhibits the negative features of the "Streber." When he acquires a fortune from Ferdinand, he relishes the thought of the heights to which his daughter will now be able to aspire, a social advancement ironically dictated by aristocratic standards: "Und soil mir Franzosisch lernen aus dem Fundament, und Menuettanzen, und singen, dafi mans in den Zeitungen lesen soil" (K 97). Although Schiller exposes the perversion of the noble ideal, he refuses to turn a blind eye to the pernicious influence of Mammon within his own class. As a final example of different social attitudes originating with the contrasting backgrounds of the two dramatists, I shall turn to the contentious "Scha'rpe/Schurze" incident from Kathchen and then relate it briefly to an analogous episode in Kabale und Liebe.15 DER GRAF VOM STRAHL. Du nimmst dir gleich ein Tuch urn, Katharina, Und trinkst nicht ehr, bis du dich abgekiihlt. - Du aber hast keins? KATHCHEN.

Nein -

DER GRAF VOM STRAHL macht sich die Scharpe los - wendet sich plotzlich, und wirft sie auf den Tisch. So nimm die Schiirze. Nimmt die Handschuh und zieht sie sich an. Wenn du zum Vater wieder heim willst kehren, Werd ich, wie sichs von selbst versteht Er halt inne. KATHCHEN. Was wirst du? DER GRAF VOM STRAHL erblickt die Peitsche. Was macht die Peitsche hier? (1739-44)

Only officers, invariably from the aristocracy, were entitled to wear the military sash; it displayed the coveted orders and medals acquired in campaigns or through royal favour. Grimm's Deutsches Worterbuch underlines the noble provenance by referring to it as "scharpe des litters" and by pointing out that it was in keeping with the aristocratic ethos to receive such a distinction from one's ladylove.16 The sash there-

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fore represents the social tradition to which Strahl belongs and which, despite his love for Kathchen, he cannot ignore. When the Count removes his sash, the context suggests that he does so with the intention of offering it as a substitute "Tuch" to Kathchen. It is an instinctive reaction, dictated by his sincere affection for the young girl. Suddenly mindful of what he is about to do and fearing further involvement on the basis of past experience ("Vehmgericht"), he hesitates, as indicated by the dash, makes an about-turn and throws it upon the table.17 His upbringing does not allow him to proffer to a mere "Biirgerstochter" a visual symbol of his class, but he feels so awkward and embarrassed in the presence of this commoner, who has just risked her life to warn him of the impending attack, that he must turn his back on her to issue the command: "So nimm die Schiirze." A subsequent comment made by Kunigunde makes it evident that Kathchen does wear an apron on that particular day: "das Madchen, / Das sie verbrannt zur Feuersasche glauben, / Frisch und gesund am Boden liegt sie da, / Die Schiirze kichernd vor dem Mund, und lacht!" (18971900). Whereas we would have to suspect this portrayal of a giggling ninny, since Kunigunde, having become aware of the attraction her rival exerts upon Strahl, wants to detract from Kathchen's positive image, it would seem highly unlikely that the apron would also be an invention. Furthermore, before the "Vehmgericht," Strahl describes Kathchen as blushing to such an extent that he thinks, "ihre Schiirze wird angehen" (292), and when he plays his cruel wedding deception, she "halt ihre Schiirze vor die Augen" (p. 529), an early and late verification that it forms part of her daily attire. There is another alternative worthy of consideration. When Strahl orders, "So nimm die Schiirze," he could be alluding to his own sash as an apron. In response to a class prejudice rendering his amorous desires unacceptable, he seeks to lessen the import of his involuntary protective gesture and to conceal his genuine concern for Kathchen by disparaging the emblem of his social standing as an apron: the sash does not constitute a mark of noble distinction or elevated birth but rather a piece of everyday domestic apparel. Throughout Kathchen the Count exhibits a discernible tendency to speak down to the heroine or to express himself in her presence at a level which a young, childlike burgher's daughter would be expected to comprehend, for example, in the "Vehmgericht" or the "Holunderstrauch" scenes. It can be argued that, conscious of his socially superior position, he merely describes his sash in terms which a social inferior would readily understand. Once Strahl has thrown the whip through the window, he turns again to Kathchen:

140 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage - Wann denkst du heim? KATHCHEN zitternd. Gleich, mein verehrter Herr. DER GRAF voM STRAHL streichelt ihrc Wangen. Gleich nicht! Du kannst im Wirtshaus iibernachten. Er weint. - Was glotzt er da! Geh, nimm die Scherben auf! Gottschalk hebt die Scherben auf. Er nimmt die Scharpe vom Tisch, und gibt sie Kathchen. Da! Wenn du dich gekiihlt, gib mir sie wieder. KATHCHEN sie will seine Hand kussen. Mein hoher Herr! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL wendet sich von ihr ab. Leb wohl! Leb wohl! Leb wohl! (1748-51)

Clearly, throughout this exchange the Count is torn between inclination and duty. On the one hand, he strokes her cheeks, but on the other he turns away from her. He does not wish to dismiss her immediately, but concludes this dialogue with a threefold "Leb wohl!," a verbal confirmation of his determination not to see her again. Previously, he did not wish to relinquish his sash, afraid of her influence over him and desirous of keeping her at a safe distance; now, however, he personally hands it to her, but, perhaps intentionally, avoids naming it by having recourse to a vague demonstrative and a pronoun, and expects to get it back as soon as she has cooled off. The casting aside of the sash bears comparison with a related incident from the fifth act of Kabale und Liebe. Convinced of Luise's betrayal, Ferdinand has just poisoned her and himself, thus demonstrating the superiority of love or individual self-gratification over the social demands of his class. As an additional confirmation, "FERDINAND fangt an starker zu gehen, und beunruhigter zu werden, indent er Scharpe und Degen von sich wirft" (K 101). In a telling dramatic gesture, he abandons the tokens of his aristocratic standing in favour of a "Liebestod" with Luise. In contrast, Strahl, while offering the protection of his sash to Kathchen, expects it to be returned and never contemplates renouncing his ownership. Thus, in the dichotomy between "Scharpe," the symbol of the gallant, military, aristocratic way of life, and the "Schiirze," the symbol of the domestic responsibilities assumed by a "Madchen aus dem Volk," Kleist has effectively localized and concretized the unquestioned social barrier separating his two lovers. The coveted "von" was conferred upon the middle-class Schiller later in his career, while Kleist, even though he at one stage in his

141 Love across the Class Barrier

life deleted his hereditary "von," could never totally ignore the influence of his family tradition. I am not the first to see Kathchen in the context of Kabale und Liebe or Agnes Bernauer: "Kathchen endet namlich nicht als Luise Millerin oder Agnes Bernauer, sondern als kaiserliche Prinzessin, die den Grafen vom Strahl sogar noch zu sich emporzieht."18 But, as the quotation implies, Mayer goes on to argue for the inappropriateness of comparing a fairy tale to tragedies based upon historical realities. However, as certain diary entries make evident, although Hebbel first felt attracted to the figure of Kathchen herself, with the passage of time he acknowledged a growing desire to refute the drama's basic premise and to improve upon his predecessor's work. "Die Idee des Kathchens von Heilbronn, daJS die Liebe, die alles opfert, alles gewinnt, ware wieder aufzunehmen und konsequent durchzufiihren."19 In his more detailed formulation of his objections to the "Ritterschauspiel," he noted, "[Du, i.e., Kathchen] siegst nicht durch dich selbst, nicht durch die Magie der Schonheit, nicht durch die hohere des Edelmuts. .. "20 The democrat in Hebbel could not accept the aristocratic prejudice whereby certified ("Pergamentrolle") imperial blood could solve the dramatic problem, and, insisting upon the vindication of "[das] Reinmenschliche des Kathchens,"21 he sought for and found in the Agnes Bernauer material what he took to be a portrayal of beauty as tragic in itself: "Langst hatte ich die Idee, auch die Schonheit einmal von der tragischen, den Untergang durch sich selbst bedingenden Seite darzustellen, und die Agnes Bernauerin ist dazu wie gefunden."22 Because of Hebbel's general literary approach as a "realist," he understandably made a detailed study of the local chronicles and prided himself upon his fidelity to his sources: "Am 12. Dezember 1851 schrieb Hebbel an Dingelstedt..., er habe seine Handlung, 'wie der Chronist sie iiberliefert, in die Mitte gestellt' ..., und auch im Gesprach mit Konig Max n von Bayern am 2. Marz 1852 betonte er, dafi er 'streng historisch sey'. ...//23 Whereas Kleist had more or less a free hand in the creation of his Kathchen, limited only by his imagination, popular taste,24 and his own legacy, his successor had to take into account what EG. Klufimann has called a "Gliederungszwang"25 imposed by his fifteenth-century model. If Hebbel had been looking for an historical example to prove his thesis, he would quite naturally have been drawn to this celebrated incident since it has inspired more than sixty adaptations and as a consequence of this unusual notoriety, derived largely from its sensational value, the Albrecht/Agnes story may well represent the exception that proves the rule. A critic

142 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

writing for Das Deutsches Museum on 17 May 1855 observed: "Vor 70 Jahren, da Hr. von Torring [a dramatist] seine Agnes Bernauerin von der Briicke stiirzen Iie6, allerdings, da war eine Mesalliance noch ein Ding, mit dem nicht zu spafien; auch weifi man aus Iffland und Kotzebue, ja selbst aus Schillers 'Cabale und Liebe', welche Rolle dieser Gegenstand damals auf dem deutschen Theater spielte."26 The unprecedented nature of the drastic measure taken by Albrecht in marrying below his class is just as clearly reflected in Hebbel's own play, where not only the nobility, but also the burgher class cannot imagine such a union. After Albrecht announces his intent, "[Ich] werb um sie [Agnes]!",27 Rolf von Frauenhoven's response is succinct, accurate, and to the point by the standards of the day: "Er ist verriickt!" (698); and when Martha considers the mere possibility that the Duke may take Agnes with him, i.e., a representative of the people, Martha, could never conceive of matrimony, Barbara retorts, "Mitnimmt! Wo denkt ihr hin! Er wird sie schon hier lassen!" (A 696). Another major distinction separating Kathchen from Agnes Bernauer lies in the social and above all political ramifications of Albrecht's resolve to follow his heart, consequences once more dictated by the historical situation found in Hebbel's sources and outlined early in the tragedy itself by Torring: "Die Miinchner Linie steht so gut, wie auf zwei Augen -. ... Schon jetzt ist Baiern in drei Teile zerrissen, wie ein Pfannkuchen, um den drei Hungrige sich schlugen, soils ganz zu Grunde gehen?" (A 699). Both Kathchen and Agnes are beautiful and virtuous, but the latter must die (A 736) because the stakes are much higher: the fate of the nation hangs in the balance. This overriding, broader scope, appealing to the dramatist's philosophical predilection, eventually led to the relegation of the Albrecht/ Agnes plot to a position of secondary importance and the elevation of Ernst's function to the primary interest of the drama. Hence, with Hebbel, the issue is not so much class prejudice or convention, although they do provide local and historical colour, but rather the social, ethical, and political implications, raised to a universal scale, of the conflict between the individual and the whole. Agnes Bernauer thus serves to vindicate in Hegelian terms the state or the universal law that has no respect for personal feelings in its inevitable forward progression: "Das grofie Rad ging iiber sie [Agnes] weg" (A 756). In the basic constellations of characters, one can ascertain several analogies. The triangle Strahl-Kathchen-Gottfried Friedeborn parallels that of Albrecht-Agnes-Theobald. The father proposes an acceptable marriage between his daughter and a member of her own class whom the heroine, because she loves an aristocrat, rejects. The male protagonists also find themselves caught between two potential

143 Love across the Class Barrier

mates. The configuration Gra'fin von Wurttemberg-Albrecht-Agnes recalls the similar arrangement of Kunigunde von Thurneck-StrahlKathchen, and like Schiller's Ferdinand, Albrecht consciously recognizes the triangle: "Die Wurttembergerin, die man zwischen dich [Agnes] und mich gestellt hat, wiirde in diesem Augenblick tot umfallen, wenn sie nicht geflohen ware!" (A 711). In both cases the aristocratic lady, abducted by a rival, proves to be the false bride. Caspar Bernauer shares many features with his Kleistian and Schillerian prototypes, Theobald Friedeborn and Miller. These fathers show concern for the good name of their beloved daughters, "Komm, mein Kind! Auch du hast Ehre zu verlieren!" (A 697), and resort to religion as a bulwark against the high-born intruder: "Meine Tochter ist an solche Reden nicht gewohnt, gnadiger Herr; fragt sie aus den sieben Hauptstiicken unseres allerheiligsten Glaubens, und sie wird nicht verstummen!" (A 695-6). Caspar and Theobald are both prepared to give their blessing if the proposed union is deemed acceptable in the eyes of God, i.e., is morally correct: '"So wars im Himmel beschlossen, und was Gott zusammengefugt hat, das soil der Mensch nicht scheiden!'" (A 703); "Was Gott ftigt, heifit es, soil der Mensch nicht scheiden" (2576). The two fathers do ultimately grant their approval of the marriage between their daughter and an aristocrat, because, as Caspar puts it, "Mein Kind, ich mufi dich segnen, du tust nach Gottes Gebot!" (A 712). When it is a question of the honour of their offspring, they are quick to defend their only child against the socially more powerful aristocrat. Caspar knows his place in the community, "Wohl gesprochen, Agnes, aber zum Antworten hast du keine Vollmacht, darum danke Seiner Fiirstlichen Gnaden fur die Herablassung und komm!" (A 696), but insists upon his limited rights. Of the three fathers, he comes across as the most confident in himself, undoubtedly a reflection of Hebbel's own folk roots and political priorities. The barber-surgeon's pride and new awareness of his class and of its increasing influence, give him the upper hand when he counters Torring's intimidation with an effective threat of his own: "[EJinige aus meiner Familie ftihren einen Strick und einen Dolch im roten Felde, und sie wissen sich Respekt zu verschaffen, selbst bei Kaiser und Reich. TORRING. Das ist das Zeichen der Feme!" (A 708). Despite his susceptibility to the typical superstitions of the day, he aspires to self-improvement by the acquisition of knowledge gleaned from borrowed books and experimentation in his home laboratory (A 745). Since Hebbel's plays usually hint at future social developments, he has included in Agnes Bernauer unmistakable signs that the lower classes, the "Ziinfte" (A 691), for instance, demand a role in determining their own political destiny. Incapable of espousing

144 Kleisfs Aristocratic Heritage

or even imagining such a point of view, the aristocrat in Kleist depicts the "Volk" as a collection of children constantly in need of strong paternal guidance. Agnes Bernauer and Kathchen commence with a glorification of the titular heroine; in the former work, the drama furnishes a direct demonstration of Agnes's influence over others, while in the latter Theobald testifies before the "Vehmgericht" to his daughter's outstanding qualities. The two women have high moral standards: Agnes has earned the nickname "[d]er Engel von Augsburg" (A 692), and Theobald makes a similar association in his characterization of Kathchen (69-73). Interestingly enough, Hebbel, partly because of his tragic-beauty thesis and partly out of his own bourgeois bias, transformed his heroine into an almost faultless paragon of virtue at odds with her historic model. "In den Quellen," observes Friedrich Sengle, "fallen die Worte 'dreist', 'trotzig', 'frech' [in reference to Agnes], aber solche Hinweise zur Charakteristik eines durchaus nicht 'schwarzen' aber realen Menschen verschmaht Hebbel."28 The fictional Agnes remains true to her high ethical standards to the very end. Preferring to die rather than besmirch her reputation, she refuses to declare her marriage "eine siindliche" (A 752): "Rein war mein erster Hauch, rein soil auch mein letzter sein!" (A 754). Like Kathchen, the "Madchen" (A 696) Agnes shows genuine concern for her aristocratic lover, "Ich zitterte fur Euch, gnadiger Herr. Ihr schautet zu mir heriiber und rittet gegen den Feind, ich dachte, Ihr miifitet Schaden nehmen!" (A 696), and is anxious to serve him to the point of renouncing all for his sake: "Und miifit ichs mit dem Tod bezahlen - das tate nichts!" (A 710). Once she has set her eyes on Albrecht, she will consider no other suitor, and hence it is either her Duke or the convent: AGNES.

Aber Zu der Mutter aller Gnaden konnt ich mich fliichten - ins Kloster konnt ich gehen! CASPAR BERNAUER. Und deinen Herzog draufien lassen? AGNES. Nein! CASPAR BERNAUER. Was hattst du dann im Kloster zu tun? (A 705)

Agnes has Kathchen's singlemindedness of purpose as she faces the same dilemma and is prepared to abandon "Eigentum, Heimat und den Brautigam" (204) for Albrecht's sake. As Kathchen's dialogue with her father before Prior Hatto's hermitage makes evident, she, too, uses the monastery as an escape, but scarcely an appropriate one, for there is no sincere religious conviction behind the determi-

145 Love across the Class Barrier

nation to take the veil. Agnes's decision, "Mem Vater, jetzt ins Kloster!" (A 709), stems from her mistaken belief that Albrecht has withdrawn his matrimonial suit. Although the light imagery as an indication of divine election is divided between Kathchen and Strahl, it is the Count, especially by virtue of his name and the class he represents, whom the text consistently links to the lightning bolt by the frequent allusions to his pagan antecedent Jupiter. In Hebbel's play, however, Agnes becomes the primary source of light in a metaphor and a simile: "Ha, wo solch ein wunderbares Licht der Schonheit leuchtet" (A 691); "Nein, nein, wie Meeresleuchten traf mich ihr Strahl, wie Meeresleuchten, das plotzlich fremd und wunderbar aus dem sanften blauen Element aufzuckt und ebenso plotzlich wieder erlischt!" (A 695). Albrecht, the speaker in both instances, describes the impact of his sudden confrontation with a burgher's daughter; the smitten aristocrat is figuratively struck down, the complete reversal of the meeting in Theobald's smithy.29 There are other equally revealing differences. Whereas Agnes has a strong influence on others by her mere appearance without any direct encouragement on her own part, she is a disruptive force "Allen machst du [Agnes] abspenstig, was ihnen gehort!" (A 686) not a constructive one like Kathchen. According to Theobald, "wer sie [Kathchen] nur einmal, gesehen und einen Grufi im Vorubergehen von ihr empfangen hatte, schlofi sie acht folgende Tage lang, als ob sie ihn gebessert hatte, in sein Gebet ein" (86-8), but Agnes must acknowledge to Barbara: "Es ist wahr, ich erhalte meinen Grufi nicht immer so freundlich zuriick, wie ich ihn biete!" (A 684). Kathchen, as her name suggests, embodies a source of healing and reconciliation, while Agnes, through no direct fault of her own, causes discord amongst friends and eventually the social upheaval of civil war. Very early in the play, when Frauenhoven confesses the inevitability of his falling in love with her, Albrecht inadvertently confirms the dissension her beauty provokes: "Ich glaubs dir, dafi du nicht anders kannst, es ware Wahnsinn von mir, wenn ich verlangte, dafi du entsagen solltest, hier hort die Lehnspflicht auf. Aber wahrlich, auch die Freundschaft, hier beginnt der Kampf um Leben und Tod, hier fragt sichs, in wessen Adern ein Tropfen Bluts ubrigbleiben soil!" (A 694). Solely in terms of her influence, Agnes comes closer to Kunigunde by inspiring jealousy, hatred, revenge, and war: "Agnes Bernauer! Hei, dafi ihrs wiCt, eh ihr umfallt, der Tod heifit heute Agnes Bernauer und kennt kein Erbarmen!" (A 757); "Wenn Ihr [Strahl] den kleinen griechischen Feuerfunken [Kunigunde] nicht austretet, der

146 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

diese Kriege veranlafit, so sollt Ihr noch das ganze Schwabengebirge wider Euch auflodern sehen, und die Alpen und den Hundsriick obenein" (752-6). Agnes's first speech to Albrecht, ostensibly addressed to her father, puts the Duke in his place, so to speak, by reminding him of the social distance separating them: "Nicht doch, Vater, der Herzog von Baiern will seine Braut so anreden und macht bei der Biirgerstochter von Augsburg nur die Probe!" (A 696). From the outset the audience is made aware that Agnes is the retarding force in the evolving relationship, not the nobleman, for she does not consciously encourage him. However, by putting herself down and playing the self-effacing, lower-class girl, she may well be trying to appeal to his male ego: he might condescend to address a humble commoner. As she herself later declares, she actively and freely willed her own destiny at their first meeting and accepts full responsibility: "Nein, nein, ich wurde nicht gezwungen! So gewifi ich ihn eher erblickt habe als er mich, so gewifi habe ich ihn auch eher geliebt, und das war gleich, als obs immer gewesen ware und in alle Ewigkeit nicht wieder aufhoren konne. Darum keine Anklage gegen ihn [Albrecht], ich war fruher schuldig als er!" (A 752). While Kathchen is not conscious of the reason why she pursues Strahl, Agnes enters on her relationship with her aristocrat with the stronger awareness of social conventions and obligations - "ALBRECHT. Ich frage dich, ob du mich lieben kannst! AGNES. Das fragt eine Fiirstentochter, doch nicht mich!" (A 697) and with her eyes open to the potential danger she faces. When Torring raises the spectre of Kaiser Wenzel's "Bademadchen" (A 705), largely a fabrication by Hebbel30 to increase the social and political significance of the mesalliance and provide a preview of what fate has in store for Agnes, she responds, "So wars ihr Schicksal, und sie wird schon einmal erfahren, warum" (A 706), an anticipation of her own acquiescence in her execution: "Tut mir, wie Ihr miifit und diirft, ich wills leiden! Bald weifi ich, obs mit Recht geschah!" (A 754). For Agnes, as for Luise and Kathchen, love is a supreme, if not the supreme, value. Hebbel's "Biirgerstochter" shows no real concern for or understanding of the grander social implications of her marriage to a nobleman, and in the precedent of the "Bademadchen" she sees only the fault of the lover: "Pfui iiber den Kaiser, dafi ers geschehen liefi!" (A 706) - he did not protect her adequately. Nonetheless, when it is a question of the hostile aristocratic father-in-law, she comes closer to Luise in her recognition of the potential problems, while Kathchen simply never considers the difficulty inherent in Strahl's disapproving "geharnischten Vater[n]" (704): AGNES.

Ihr habt einen Vater -

147 Love across the Class Barrier ALBRECHT. Und bin sein Sohn, nicht sein Knecht! AGNES.

Und wenn Euer Vater fluent?

ALBRECHT. So SCgnet Gott!

AGNES. Und wenn er das Schwert zieht? ALBRECHT. So gibt er mir das Recht, auch nach dem meinigen zu greifen! AGNES. Und dabei sollten wir - dabei konntet Ihr gliicklich sein? (A 711)

This dialogue calls to mind a similar exchange between Luise and Ferdinand: "Und der Fluch deines Vaters uns nach? ... Nein, mein Geliebter! Wenn nur ein Frevel dich mir erhalten kann, so hab ich noch Starke, dich zu verlieren" (K 57). What Luise refers to as her strength is in fact the undeniable authority of her bourgeois values which prove stronger than her affection for her Major. Even though Agnes has some appreciation of the stress upon her marriage caused by the absence of Ernst's approval, her love is as firm as Kathchen's in her willingness to abandon family and home; but the inimical parent precludes the realization of complete happiness, as she inadvertently admits to her husband in Vohburg: "Doch ich will es [i.e., dafi ganz Augsburg mich fur etwas anderes als fur deine Gemahlin halt] gern mein ganzes Leben lang ertragen, wenns nur zwischen dir und deinem Vater Friede bleibt" (A 729). Agnes has pride and confidence in her own worth: "War das an mir keine Schmach, was, einem Fraulein zugefugt, die Klingen aller ihrer Verwandten, bis zum zehnten Glied herab, aus der Scheide reifien und gegen Euch kehren wiirde? Gnadiger Herr, auch mich hat Gott gemacht!" (A 709). An element of envy and awareness of social injustice, already evident in her hypothetical question to Albrecht, combine in the consoling belief in a divine balancing of accounts: "[Auch] aus mir [Agnes] kann er [Gott] mehr machen, wenn es sein heiliger Wille ist, auch aus Euch [Albrecht] weniger, denn alles auf Erden ist nur zur Probe, und hoch und niedrig miissen einmal wechseln, wenn sie nicht vor ihm bestehen!" (A 709). This "Burgermadchen," capable of standing up to her high-born suitor but at the same time genuinely devoted to him, never approaches that level of "Hingabe" which Strahl in his frustration curses as "die hiindische Dienstfertigkeit" (1866). In his depiction of Agnes, Hebbel goes to considerable lengths to show how she cannot ignore her common roots: 'Aber, mein Albrecht, du kennst uns nicht, du weiSt nicht, wie wir sind! Ein burgerliches Madchen macht sich das Totenhemd gleich nach dem Hochzeitkleid ..." (A 740). She feels out of place in the aristocratic realm, although she finds herself obliged to adopt its attitudes. When

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she first arrives at Vohburg, she looks in vain for a room "das [ihr] eng genug war" (A 741); preferring the cramped space of her father's house and accustomed to modest material expectations, she initially refuses to try on her mother-in-law's jewels: "AGNES tritt zuriick. Nicht doch! Was bliebe noch fur eine Prinzessin!" (A 723). The dramatist has intentionally set up this antithesis between the two worlds to the detriment of the ducal way of life, so that our sympathy tends towards Agnes and the simple but positive values of her previous home life. He has allowed his own bourgeois inclination to colour his perception of the heroine and the class she represents, for "[in] der Quelle horen wir, dafi die aufgestiegene Agnes mit dem Gedanken spielte, einen eigenen Hof zu fiihren."31 In direct contrast, once Strahl conducts Kathchen up to his castle, she has little difficulty as "die verkappte Prinzessin" in adjusting to his world, is prepared to try out the larger central grotto and senses a natural affinity to the Countess, Strahl's mother. As with Kleist's knight, Hebbel's young Duke gives the impression of being a predominantly physical type - his association with tournaments and armed combat - who is impulsive and quick to anger. Elevating the woman he loves, he is anxious to defend her against all comers, and, reminiscent of Strahl, but particularly of Ferdinand, he regards sex and religion as mutually supportive: 'All unsre Wollust miindet in Gott ..." (A 724). However, the dissimilarities between Strahl and Albrecht are more striking, as the latter could easily be a brother to Ferdinand but does not appear the least related in attitude to the Count. From the first encounter with Agnes, Albrecht is the active force, the initiating party - he follows her. ALBRECHT.

Hast du das Madchen gesehen - Aber, du mufit ja, du mufit ja! FRAUENHOVEN. Welche denn? ALBRECHT. Welche! Ich bitte dich, geh, ihr nach! Vom Pferd ha'tt ich mich geworfen und ware ihr gefolgt, wenn nicht Er zeigt auf den Burgermeister der da — (A 690)

The roles are reversed in Kathchen, since it is the heroine who flings herself down before Strahl32 and later hurls herself from an upper window in her compulsion to pursue the mounted Count. Even to consider the possibility of throwing oneself from one's horse, the noble animal, for the sake of a commoner, would constitute a mark of social degradation. Only a sense of duty or decorum, Albrecht's obligation to his host the mayor, which he reluctantly fulfils, holds him back from chasing after Agnes on foot.

149 Love across the Class Barrier

The incident introduces the typical conflict engendered by love across the class barrier, "Neigung" versus "Pflicht," or as a variation on the same theme in Agnes Bernauer, "Mensch" versus "Fiirst." Contrary to Strahl but in harmony with Ferdinand, Albrecht is willing to risk all for love. It is the centre of his universe, "Worauf sollte Gott die Welt gebaut haben, wenn nicht auf das Gefuhl, was mich zu dir [Agnes] zieht und dich zu mir?" (A 711), and even more important than his political inheritance, "Aber ich [Agnes] verbiirge mich fur ihn [Albrecht], dafi er dem Thron entsagt! ... Ich habs aus seinem eignen Munde ..." (A 751), an untenable position for Strahl. Exhibiting no interest in the potential material advantage to his country accruing from the flight of his politically selected bride, he only exalts in his "neue Freiheit" (A 692) and insists upon his individual rights as a human being to make his own decisions and to follow his heart: "Ich bin ein Mensch, ich soil dem Weibe, mit dem ich vor den Altar trete, so gut, wie ein anderer, Liebe und Treue zuschworen, darum muS ichs so gut, wie ein anderer, selbst wa'hlen diirfen!" (A 726). When compared to his Kleistian predecessor, who fully appreciates and accepts the burden of "noblesse oblige," Albrecht frequently comes across as the "spoilt brat," accustomed to having his way and not averse to using people to gratify his self-serving ambition: "Die Ritterschaft verlaCt mich! Burger und Bauern, heran!" (A 732). His espousal of the lower classes is but a transparent means to achieve his own selfish objective, i.e., to keep Agnes and retain the crown which the noble code now denies him because of his mesalliance: "Ihr wiirdet Baierns Thron nie besteigen!" (A 702). His egocentricity causes him to disregard or flout social convention (A 698) and family responsibilities as embodied by Ernst. Whereas Strahl himself evokes the censuring image of his "Vater," Albrecht's aristocratic companion must do the conjuring for him: NOTHAFFT VON WERNBERG. Stellt Euch Euren Vater einmal vor! ... Aber recht deutlich, mit dem Gesicht, das er hat, wenn er einem einen Wunsch nicht blo6 abschlagen, sondern in den Hals zuriickjagen will, so dafi man ihn, wenn man um Honigbirnen gekommen 1st, um Stockpriigel anspricht! ALBRECHT.

Gut!

NOTHAFFT VON WERNBERG. Seht Ihr ihn! So fragt Euch, ob Ihr das vom Spiegel und vom Wirbel und von Lust und Schmerz, und vom Leben und Tod vor ihm wiederholen mogtet! ALBRECHT. Vor ihm? Ja! (A 701)

150 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

Albrecht succumbs to his personal inclination at the expense of his social duty, while Strahl envisions no other choice but the renunciation of the woman he loves. One additional incident proves especially noteworthy when paralleled with a similar episode from Kathchen. BIN KNAPPE entkleidet den Herzog des Panzerhemdes usw.

ALBRECHT. Da liegt der Herzog! - Habt Ihr Augen? Schnallt sein Schwert ab. Und da der Ritter! Blumen her, dafi ich sie vor ihr [Agnes] ausstreuen kann, wo ich sie finde. Setzt ein Barett auf. Wird mich nun noch jemand erkennen? TORRING. Ohne Schwert? Jeder wird sich zu tauschen glauben! (A 692) It would never occur to Strahl to act in such a fashion. In fact, he needs the support of his armour, the military tradition of his "geharnischten Vater," (704) each time he faces Kathchen (including the "Traumgesprach"). As if in imitation of Ferdinand, Albrecht casts aside his sword out of love for a "Burgerstochter," while Strahl is reluctant even to part with his sash, let alone the symbol of his knightly profession. In the Count's eyes, Albrecht's impulsive deed would constitute degradation, a turning one's back on one's aristocratic heritage that Toning immediately recognizes. By implication and direct statement, "Da liegt der Herzog!"; "Und da der Ritter!," the clothes do make the man. A nineteenth-century bourgeois author could anachronistically have a Duke indulge in this fifteenth-century repudiation of aristocratic values, but not a Kleist. Significantly, "die verkappte Prinzessin" brings Strahl his weapons in support of the tradition they represent: "KATHCHEN mil Schwert, Schild und Lanze. Hier! DER GRAF VOM STRAHL indem er das Schwert nimmt und es sich umgurtet. Was willst du? KATHCHEN. Ich bringe dir die Waffen" (17846). Once Albrecht is provoked into a public revelation of his marriage at the Regensburg tournament, he loses the right to "Krone und Herzogsmantel" (A 732) and finds himself generally abandoned by his class except for those segments which hope to profit from the resultant political chaos. However, as his response to his ostracism implies, "Die Ritterschaft verlaCt mich! Burger und Bauern, heran!" (A 732); and as his own father later observes: "Der Fiirst schlief nur in ihm, er war nicht tot. Warum hart er sonst nicht entsagt? Warum so auf dies Turnier gedrungen?" (A 756), Albrecht proves ultimately unable to deny his "Herkommen" but must be forced to this realization:

151 Love across the Class Barrier ERNST.

Halt! Erst nirnm den da! Er reicht ihm den Herzogsstab, den Albrecht unwillkurlich faftt. Der macht dich zurn Richter deines Vaters! Warum willst du sein Morder werden! PREISING. Herzog! ERNST. So wars beschlossen! Und nicht blofi des Feierabends wegen! ALBRECHT. Mich schwindelt! Nimm ihn zuriick! Er brennt mir in der Hand. ERNST. Trag ihn ein Jahr in der Furcht des Herrn, wie ich! (A 764-5)

"Pflicht," the ducal mace, triumphs over "Neigung," the desire for revenge. While Hebbel was first drawn to writing Agnes Bernauer because of the fate of the titular heroine, a shift in emphasis occurred during the composition, as revealed in a letter to Friedrich von Uechtritz, dated 14 December 1854: "Sie haben ganz recht, dafi der Verfasser selbst auf der Seite des alten Herzogs steht und zwar so entschieden, dafi nur dieser ihn fur den ganzen Gegenstand entziindet hat."33 Within the tragedy Ernst comes to embody above all the father(s) and the unavoidable obligations the role entails: "Wenn das Gewalt ist, was du [Albrecht] erleidest, so ist es eine Gewalt, die alle deine Vater dir antun, eine Gewalt, die sie selbst sich aufgeladen und ein halbes Jahrtausend lang ohne Murren ertragen haben, und das ist die Gewalt des Rechts!" (A 762-3). Thus, even before Albrecht accosts Agnes, he notes in an aside, "Ein Bote von meinem Vater" (A 691), an early indication of Ernst's omnipresence; and when the young Duke announces his matrimonial intention (A 697), Frauenhoven warns: "Albrecht! Kennst du deinen Vater?" (A 698). Ernst is a formidable opponent because he has the full backing of two other fathers, the Emperor responsible for the general welfare of his subject children (A 732) and the Pope (from Greek pappas - child's word for father) (A 761). The message delivered by the father is an admonition to conform: "Tus, o tus, fasse einen EntschluC, dafi du vor deinen Ahnen nicht zu erroten brauchst, fuge dich!" (A 763). Ironically, although Hebbel confided to his diary that he no longer liked "dein[en] [i.e., Kathchen's] Wetter von [sic] Strahl, der dich erst zu heiraten wagt, nun du eine Kaisertochter bist,"34 Kleist's Count would have been a son after Ernst's own heart. Our first meeting with Bavaria's ruler takes place in the ducal cabinet whose walls are covered "mit Bildern Baierischer Fiirsten" (A 713), a visual reminder of family tradition and reminiscent of the "Bilder [Strahl's] geharnischte[r] Vater, die [seinen] Riistsaal bevolkern" (704-5). Ernst actually goes one better than Strahl, as he accuses his ancestors of poor political administration (A 713), but he nonetheless feels reproved by

152 JGeist's Aristocratic Heritage

Kaiser Ludwig: "[Du] blickst finster auf deinen Enkel herab. Ich versteh dich, und du hast recht, das Schelten 1st fiir die Weiber, das Bessermachen fiir die Manner" (A 713). An unpretentious, honest, and forthright leader, Ernst holds the same basic attitudes as Strahl. He treats his son as a pawn with which to acquire political advantage (A 717) and assumes complete obedience, since he would never have considered challenging his own father's choice (A 717). Not without class prejudice, "Nichts hat mich so verdrossen, als das Geprange, mit dem er sie [Agnes] gleich nach dem Regensburger Tag, einer Herzogin gleich von Vohburg nach Staubing fiihrte" (A 738), he still conveys a genuine concern for the well-being of his country. This becomes clear in the impeccable logic leading to the inevitable conclusion to have Agnes eliminated: "Wenn ichs vollstrecken lasse: kann man behaupten, es sei nicht der Herzog, der seine Pflicht erfiillen, sondern der Ritter, der einen Flecken abwaschen, oder der Vater, der sich ra'chen will?" (A 736). He does not insist upon her execution out of aristocratic arrogance, for despite the fact that Albrecht's mesalliance did hurt him, he chose to ignore it for three and a half years until, with the death of his nephew Adolph, he has no alternative. His son must return to his social responsibilities or the state will be dissolved in civil war (A 736). (In Kathchen the "Ritter" does not have to shoulder the horrendous burden of the "Herrscher.") Nor is Ernst's behaviour determined by desire for personal vengeance, a feature that does distinguish him from Kleist's sadistic nobles or Schiller's President.35 When Albrecht publicly proclaims his marriage at Regensburg, his father's first reaction is to retaliate on an individual level, but the greater good wins out: ALBRECHT tritt ein. Nun, ihr Herren? Man pflegt: "ich wiinsch Euch Gliick!" zu sagen! ERNST greift zum Schwert und will hinuntersturzen. Ich komrn schon! PREISING wirft sich ihm entgegen. Gnadiger Herr, erst miifit Ihr mich durchstofien! ERNST. Ei, ich wills ja nur als Kniittel brauchen, ich will nur fiir die Uberraschung danken! Doch Ihr habt recht, es ist auch so gut, was erhitzt der Vater sich, der Herzog geniigt. (A 731)

In other words, Hebbel makes a good case for seeing in Ernst not the nobleman blinded by prejudice, nor the private individual acting out of personal motivation, but the "Herzog, der seine Pflicht erfullen ... will" (A 736). Always deciding and acting on the basis of what lies in the best interest of the whole, Ernst has no hesitation in calling upon the Emperor for assistance (A 738) and, like Strahl, he derives

153 Love across the Class Barrier

his strength and resoluteness from the conviction of having fulfilled his duty: "Ich habe meine Pflicht getan, in Staubing [Agnes's execution] wie in Ailing [the saving of Albrecht's life] oder in Regensburg [the renunciation of his son]!" (A 759). And yet in the final scenes of the drama Ernst the ruler becomes less significant and less moving than the tragic figure of Ernst the human being: "Ich bin ein Mensch und hatts wohl verdient, dafi es mir erspart worden ware. Aber wenn du [Albrecht] dich wider gottliche und menschliche Ordnung emporst: ich bin gesetzt, sie aufrecht zu erhalten, und darf nicht fragen, was es mich kostet!" (A 760). He again approaches the outlook of Strahl, for whom the ascendancy of duty over inclination constitutes a victory achieved at considerable cost. With this emphasis on the more humanitarian, compassionate leader obsessed with the need for "Ordnung" (like Grillparzer's Kaiser Rudolf in Ein Bruderzwist in Habsburg), Hebbel has deviated substantially from his historical prototype. "Wir [i.e., Ernst and his fellow sovereigns] miissen das an sich Wertlose stempeln und ihm einen Wert beilegen, wir miissen den Staub uber den Staub erhohen, bis wir wieder vor dem stehen, der nicht Konige und Bettler, nur Gute und Bose kennt, und der seine Stellvertreter am strengsten zur Rechenschaft zieht" (A 764). The dramatist therefore confronts his audience with the historically improbable situation and the dramatically ironic development that a ruling Duke uses essentially the same religious argument as the "Biirgerstochter": [Aus] mir [Agnes] kann er [Gott] mehr machen, wenn es sein heiliger Wille ist, als aus Euch [Albrecht] weniger, denn alles auf Erden ist nur zur Probe, und hoch und niedrig miissen einmal wechseln, wenn sie nicht vor ihm bestehen!" (A 709). In Ernst's speech, to quote Klufimann, "klingt nichts mehr an von trotzigem Standesdunkel, ehrgeiziger Dynastenpolitik oder ideologischer Staatsvergotzung,"36 and in this important respect the Duke and Strahl part company. When Albrecht remarks to Caspar, "die Tochter des Kaisers wurde in deine Wiege gelegt" (710), Hebbel may well be alluding to Kathchen. The young Duke resorts to Kleist's romantic solution - Agnes is secretly "eine kaiserliche Prinzessin"37 - but in Agnes Bernauer this scenario amounts to wishful thinking on the part of the aristocratic male who, in a fantasy dictated by passion, wants to raise his "Biirgermadchen" to such an exalted rank. Albrecht must still contend with the harsh actuality of political responsibility; he, like his ancestors, has no choice but finally to conform to what history and society expect of him. Although in his subjective delusion the fairy tale has become reality: "Agnes, davon hat dir in friiher Jugendzeit schon ein Marchen erzahlt, doch damals ahntest dus noch nicht, dafi du iiber

154 Kleist's Aristocratic Heritage

deine eigene Geschichte weintest" (A 710), Ernst confirms that "der Cherub mit dem Flammenschwert, der uns aus dem Paradies in die Wiiste hinausstieG ... nicht bei uns geblieben [ist]" (A 764). In Kathchen, however, "ein Cherub ... Fittiche an den Schultern und einen Palmzweig in der Hand" (p. 497) returns to intervene benevolently, thus guaranteeing the so-called happy ending. Reality shatters Albrecht's fairy-tale illusion, his mistaken belief that he may choose the mate of his heart's desire, transform her into a princess, and still retain "Krone und Herzogsmantel" (A 732). Kabale und Liebe, Kathchen, and Agnes Bernauer all teach the same lesson: the collective holds sway over the particular. The basis for determining the group standards, however, is quite different. Schiller tends to emphasize the sociological dimension, demonstrating the individual's failure to escape the formative influence of his or her class values, be they bourgeois or aristocratic; Kleist dwells more upon the traditional, archetypical aspects of aristocratic conventions sanctified by centuries of usage, posited as the norm and both demanding and receiving individual compliance; and Hebbel exploits the sociological and the historical in order to vindicate his philosophical view of the historical process, to provide a dramatization of his conviction: "Die Versohnung im Tragischen geschieht im Interesse der Gesamtheit [Hebbel's emphasis], nicht in dem des Einzelnen [Hebbel's emphasis], desHelden. ...//38 This study of Kathchen began with Hebbel's diary critique of the play's basic premise - the predominance of aristocratic prejudice as epitomized in "eine Pergamentrolle, ... den kaiserlichen Brief, der [Kathchen] zur Prinzessin von Schwaben erhebt."39 Addressing the heroine, Hebbel goes on to argue, "Doch das ist nicht deine Schuld, sondern die Schuld dessen, der dich erzeugte und ein Schicksal iiber dich verhangte, das dich mit dir selbst in Widerspruch setzte." Far from creating a contradiction, Kleist has fashioned "eine verkappte Prinzessin," who, despite her modest upbringing, cannot fail to manifest the signs of her more distinguished parent, the Emperor. Hence it is somewhat ironic that "die Welt..., die dich hebt und tra'gt," which constantly informs the "Ritterschauspiel" but which the democrat Hebbel finds unacceptable, is the realm to which she rightly belongs by virtue of her "Schonheit," "Edelmut," and "das Cherubim-Geleite von oben." Aristocratic standards, revealed in attitude and behaviour, and reflected in the drama's images, also provide a consistent explanation for Strahl's reprehensible treatment of Kathchen or for his selective recall of the "Sylvesternachttraum" (1/13), which Sembdner, Wolff, and Martini find so puzzling or even contradictory.40 One can detect some additional irony in the situation that although, to para-

155 Love across the Class Barrier

phrase Hebbel, "[das] Reinmenschliche der [Agnes] das Stockritterliche des [Albrechts] besieg[t]," Agnes's beauty and virtue, because they owe their origin to an exclusively middle-class background, lead to death and civil war. "Aber es ist doch auch entsetzlich, dafi sie sterben soil, blofi weil sie schon und sittsam war!" (A 736). It can scarcely be said of her, "[Du] kamst in die Welt, um zu zeigen, dafi die Liebe eben darum, weil sie alles hingibt, alles gewinnt. ..." "Das Reinmenschliche" thus pales in importance when juxtaposed with the philosophical thesis Agnes is intended to exemplify. Moreover, even though Hebbel censures Strahl for not daring to marry Kathchen until she is revealed to be a "Kaisertochter," the character to whom the dramatist felt most attracted, Duke Ernst, has priorities, notably duty before inclination, similar to those expressed by Kleist's Count. Just as Strahl will not recognize Kathchen as his bride until she has been publicly rehabilitated, Ernst refuses to acknowledge the "Biirgerstochter" as his son's wife until she has been rendered dynastically harmless by her execution: "Deine Gemahlin konnte ich nicht anerkennen, deine Witwe will ich selbst bestatten ..." (A 764). Although Hebbel and Kleist arrive at a like conclusion, they do so by different paths, the one out of a strong metaphysical bent,41 partly explicable as a labourer's son's compensation for his lack of social and academic credentials, the other in response to his undeniable aristocratic heritage.

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Notes

INTRODUCTION

1 Kleist, Samtliche Werke, 2: 587. All subsequent references to Kleist's works will be drawn from this edition. When discussing the dramas from volume i, I shall include verse numbers and page numbers for stage directions in the body of my text. As for the prose items from volume 2, I shall indicate page numbers proceeded by "2." Unless otherwise noted, my own emphases will be in italics. 2 Fontane, Inungen, Wirrungen. In Samtliche Werke, 2: 405. 3 Hebbel, "Mitteilungen aus meinem Tagebuch [Rom, 21. Februar 1845]: Gedanken beim Wiederlesen des Kathchen von Heilbronn." In Sembdner, Heinrich von Kleists Nachruhm, 426. 4 Ibid., 426-7. 5 Quoted in Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 133. 6 Mehring, "Heinrich von Kleist," 169-70. 7 Federn, Das Leben, 227. 8 Blocker, Heinrich von Kleist, 205. 9 Streller, Das dramatische Werk, 134: "Kunigunde erscheint nicht als da'monische Marchenhexe, sondern als Allegoric der Zivilisation. ... Das ist rousseausche Einkleidung des Marchens von der guten, richtigen und der bosen, falschen Braut." 10 Silz, Kleist's Conception of the Tragic, 51-2. 11 Weigand, "Zu Kleists Kathchen," 327-8. Weigand goes on to argue quite correctly: "Ohne die hier geltende Spielregel, die an eine eheliche Verbindung zwischen einem Reichsgrafen und einem Burgerma'dchen nicht

158 Notes to pages 4-7 denken laSt, gabe es keinen problematischen Helden, gabe es nichts, was den Dramatiker Kleist zur Gestaltung hatte reizen konnen" (328). 12 In most fairy tales, those collected by the Grimm brothers of written by Andersen, the handsome prince marries the beautiful princess, e.g., "Schneewittchen," "Der Froschkonig," "The Princess and the Pea," "The Little Mermaid." Even the rags-to-riches fate of 'Aschenputtel" owes much to aristocratic values: the two step-sisters belong to the "schonen Jungfrauen im Lande" invited to the castle; the father is portrayed as a wealthy man; and the heroine herself is ridiculed at home as "die stolze Prinzessin" and celebrated at the ball as "eine fremde Konigstochter" (Grimm, Kinder- und Hausmarchen, 154-64). 13 Fischer, Auf den Spuren, 120. 14 Grathoff, Erla'uterungen, 74. Cf also 'Auf geschichtliche Genauigkeit hat Kleist also verzichtet" (8). Grathoff goes on to indicate several historical inaccuracies. 15 Grathoff, "Beerben oder Enterben?," 170. 16 Martini, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 447-61. 17 Ibid., 427. 18 Streller, Das dramatische Werk, 127. 19 "Kleist wahrt... eine ironische, parodistische Distanz zum mittelalterlichen Rittertum" (Grathoff, "Beerben oder Enterben?" 164). 20 Ibid., 167. 21 Streller, Das dramatische Werk, 135. 22 This development has been fully documented by Rolf Busch, Imperialistische und faschistische Kleist-Rezeption 1890-1945. 23 Lukacs, Essays uber Realismus, 359. 24 Samuel, "Goethe - Napoleon - Heinrich von Kleist," 70. 25 Reeve, Pursuit of Power, 192. 26 Vohland, Burgerliche Emanzipation, 283. 27 Sammons, "Rethinking Kleist's Hermannsschlacht," 36-7. 28 Cf Reeve, Pursuit of Power, i88f. 29 See Reeve, "Die Hermannsschlacht" 121-32. 30 Cf Reeve, Pursuit of Power, 148. 31 Wolff, "Kathchen von Heilbronn und Kunigunde von Thurneck," 221. 32 Mayer, Heinrich von Kleist, 15-16. 33 Streller, Das dramatische Werk, 135. 34 Mayer, Heinrich von Kleist, 16. 35 Ibid., 41-2. 36 Wolf Kittler provides a very readable and thorough review of Kleist's family tree in Die Geburt, 17-39. 37 Painter, French Chivalry, 7. 38 See my discussion below of the rose (Kathchen) as it relates to "Strahl," a shaft of light.

159 Notes to pages 7-10 39 Fetzer, et al., Heinrich von Kleist, 12. 40 Maass, Kleist, 7. Cf also Kittler, Die Geburt: "Dem Wahlspruch des Geschlechts: Alle Kleists Dichter/ stellt also die Statistik einen anderen gegeniiber: Alle Kleists Offiziere'." (25). 41 Rosenberg, Bureaucracy, 137-8. 42 Adam Miiller, Ekmente der Staatskunst, quoted in Vierhaus, "Vom aufgeklarten Absolutismus," 129. 43 Friedrich Leopold Graf Stolberg, letter to Graf Westphal, i February 1816, quoted by Vierhaus, "Vom aufgeklarten Absolutismus," 128. 44 Ibid., 119-20. 45 Rosenberg, Bureaucracy, 158. 46 Ibid., 173. 47 Goodwin, The European Nobility, 91. While announcing Peymann's production of Die Hermannsschlacht in the theatre de I'Ode'on, Paris, a perceptive but anonymous critic remarked, "La piece d&nontre en outre que Kleist savait ce qu'etait la caste des militaires. II avait lui-meme la formation de soldat. Son point de vue est different de celui d'un Goethe ou d'un Schiller pour lesquels le soldat etait quelque chose d'irre'el" (Le Figaro, 22 February 1984). 48 This prejudice would continue well into the nineteenth century. Innstetten sees an unavoidable "contradiction" when it is announced in Fontane's Effi Briest that Bismarck has purchased a paper mill: "'Ja', sagte Golchowski, 'wenn man sich den Fiirsten [Bismarck] so als Papiermuller denkt! Es ist doch alles sehr merkwurdig; eigentlich kann er die Schreiberei nicht leiden, und das bedruckte Papier erst recht nicht, und nun legt er doch selber eine Papiermuhle an.' 'Schon recht, lieber Golchowski', sagte Innstetten, 'aber aus solchen Widerspriichen kommt man im Leben nicht heraus. Und da hilft auch kein Fiirst und keine Grofie'" (Fontane, Samtliche Werke, 4: 88). 49 Rosenberg, Bureaucracy, 227. 50 Jager, "Zur Verteidigung," 188. 51 Peter, 'Adel und Revolution," 200-1. Cf "[Aus] dem freien Lebensadel war unversehens ein Dienstadel geworden, der zu Hofe ging oder bei den stehenden Heeren sich einschreiben liefi" (Eichendorff, "Der Adel und die Revolution," 194). Eichendorff's essay thus documents this same development but from the personal point of view of a dispossessed aristocrat who has retained an idealized memory of the "good old days" on the country estate (1961). 52 Peter, 'Adel und Revolution", 2oiff: "Die Eigentumlichkeit des Stiickes und der Grund seiner Wirkung besteht darin, dafi die konservative Sehnsucht nach dem Land sich hier mit der im 18. Jahrhundert progressiven Moral des Burgertums vereinigte, ..." (202). Gerhard, however, assumes it unlikely "der Adel sei durch 'Verhofung' seiner alten Grund-

160 Notes to pages 10-15

53 54 55

56 57

58 59 60 61 62 63

64 65 66 67

lage entfremdet worden. Ware dem so, so ha'tte der preuGische Adel nicht zu der Kreisordnung von 1872 seinen lokalen EinfluS auf die Ernennung der Landrate behalten konnen" ("Der deutsche Adel," 26). Cf also Kittler, Die Geburt, 32-3. Adelson, "Uberlegungen zur Adelskritik/' 160. Rosenberg, Bureaucracy, 186. Cf Mayer, Heinrich von Kleist, 19: "Bereitschaft, sich der Ratio anzuvertrauen; Ausbildung der Geistes- und Willensfahigkeiten zum Zwecke der Selbsterziehung und gesellschaftlichen Reform: Absage an alle Art der Orthodoxie und geistigen Bevormundung. Dies alles findet sich bei Kleist schon in seinen Anfangen." Rosenberg, Bureaucracy, 187. In his analysis of "Erziehungsliteratur" written by and designed for the 'Adel," Liitzeler refers to Johann Michael von Loen's attempt to unite the virtues of the Enlightenment with absolutism as a reaction to political Machiavellianism ("Lessings Emilia Galotti," 104). Mayer also recognizes the influence of middle-class values upon the Prussian aristocracy: "[Zehn] Jahre nach Ausbruch der franzosischen Revolution hatte der Vorgang der Verbiirgerlichung und Wendung zu biirgerlichen Studien auch im preufiischen Adel einen gewissen Umfang erreicht, wenngleich die meisten Adligen, die sich fur Kunst, Literatur und Wissenschaft interessierten ..., einen Lebenskompromifi schlossen, der adlige Berufstradition und biirgerliche geistige Interessen in gleicher Weise zu respektieren gedachte. Kleist schlofi auch hier keinen Kompromifi" (Heinrich von Kleist, 18). I hope to prove that for Kleist just such a compromise was in fact inevitable, whether reached consciously or unconsciously, and that his aristocratic "Herkommen" still gained the upper hand. Mayer, Heinrich von Kleist, 102. Reeve, "Die Hermannsschlacht," 128-9. Thomas Hobbes, quoted in Liitzeler, "Lessings Emilia Galotti," 102. Nietzsche, "Was ist vornehm," 2: 738. Mayer, Heinrich von Kleist, 14. Cf Nietzsche: "Jede Erhohung des Typus 'Mensch' war bisher das Werk einer aristokratischen Gesellschaft - und so wird es immer wieder sein: als einer Gesellschaft, welche an eine lange Leiter der Rangordnung und Wertverschiedenheit von Mensch und Mensch glaubt und Sklaverei in irgendeinem Sinne notig hat" ("Was ist vornehm?", 2: 725). Eichendorff, "Der Adel und die Revolution," 220. Rosenberg, Bureaucracy, 203. Gerhard, "Der deutsche Adel," 17. Kautsky, "Funktionen," 1-16. Kautsky's good analysis, although not specifically referring to Prussia, matches Gerhard's quite closely: "Bis zum Eintritt der Modernisierung herrscht [die Aristokratie] unangefochten

161 Notes to pages 15-19

68 69 70 71 72 73

74 75 76 77 78 79 80

81 82 83 84 85 86

weiter. Mogen die adligen Inhaber einzelner Positionen auch haufig wechseln, solange keine grofien sozialen Umwalzungen stattfinden, wird die Aristokratie sich an den gleichen Werten und Ideologien orientieren und die gleichen Funktionen durch Jahrhunderte und Jahrtausende ausiiben" (15). Kautsky, "Funktionen," 15. "The Prussian nobility was, in fact, already too numerous to be supported by the official salaries" (Goodwin, The European Nobility, 100). Fontane, Irrungen, Wirrungen. Samtliche Werke, 2: 405. Cf Reeve, "Die Hermannsschlacht," 130-1. Kautsky, "Funktionen," 8. Ibid. It is surely also symptomatic of Kleist's paradoxical personality that he chose to die fighting in the service of the enemy. But his decision may have been dictated by the fact that it was the only opportunity available to him at the time. In any case, he instinctively sought death on the battlefield, thus attempting to follow the example of his ancestor Ewald Christian von Kleist. Stanton, The Aristocrat as Art, 2. Kautsky, "Funktionen," 9. Stanton, The Aristocrat as Art, 3. Eichendorff, "Der Adel und die Revolution," 201. Ibid., 196. Ibid., 198. This same recognition of the inimical relationship between art and the military appears in an anecdote Tonio Kroger relates to Lisaweta: "Plotzlich (dies ist mir begegnet) erhebt sich ein Offizier, ein Leutnant, ein hiibscher und strammer Mensch, dem ich niemals eine seines Ehrenkleides unwtirdige Handlungsweise zugetraut hatte, und bittet mit unzweideutigen Worten um die Erlaubnis, uns einige Verse mitzuteilen, die er angefertigt habe." The moral of this episode has a particularly tragic relevance to Kleist's fate: "Da stand er und biifite in grofier Verlegenheit den Irrtum, dafi man ein Blattchen pfliicken durfe, ein einziges, vom Lorbeerbaume der Kunst, ohne mit seinem Leben dafiir zu zahlen" (Thomas Mann, Tonio Kroger. Gesammelte Werke, 8: 304-5). Kittler, Die Geburt, 34. Ibid., 28. Ibid., 32. Brentano, Geschichte vom braven Kasperl, 2: 782. Kittler, Die Geburt, 33. Kittler himself points out that as late as 1887 the Kleist family "den General [Generalfeldmarschall Graf. Kleist von Nollendorf] sehr viel hoher als die Dichter [einschatzt]" (35), and it was only on the occasion of the hundredth anniversary of his death in 1911 that the writer

162 Notes to pages 19-21

87

88 89 90 91 92 93

received his due acclaim on a memorial wreath: "Dem GroSten ihres Geschlechts. Die Familie von Kleist" (Die Geburt, 36). The Meiningen theatrical company achieved its greatest triumph with the production of Kathchen in which Herzog Georg wisely decided to keep as close as possible to Kleist's text so that there were no arbitrary additions or alterations except for the omission of the grotto scene. From i May 1876 till 11 May 1886 (Mainz), the Meininger gave a total of 83 performances in such cities as Berlin, Vienna, Budapest, Prag, Diisseldorf, and London. Cf Stolze, Kleists Kathchen von Heilbronn. Fischer, "Heinrich von Kleist," 516. Weigand, "Zu Kleists Kathchen," 326-50. Schwerte, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 5-26. Grathoff, "Beerben oder Enterben?," 170. Ludovici, A Defence. Since I have based my analysis primarily on an archetypal and general historical approach to the aristocracy rather than a political one, I would tend to agree with Sembdner that it would be "absurd" to speak "von Kleists Zugehorigkeit zur reaktionaren Adelspartei" (2: 1036). However, in singling out Kohlhaas as one of the works where Kleist "die uberhebliche AnmaSung seiner junkerlichen Standesgenossen aufs scharfste gegeifielt [hatte]" (2: 1036), he may be overlooking the extent to which aristocratic values nonetheless left their mark on even this narrative. For example, in the concluding paragraph we learn that "der Kurfurst [von Brandenburg] die Sohne des Abgeschiedenen [Kohlhaas] herbei[rief] und sie ... zu Rittern [schlug]" (2: 103). In other words, Kohlhaas became the father of a sixteenth-century noble line of descent. The final sentence reads: "Vom Kohlhaas aber haben noch im vergangenen Jahrhundert, im Mecklenburgischen, einige frohe und riistige Nachkommen gelebt." CHAPTER ONE

1 Nietzsche, "Was ist vornehm?", 2: 738. 2 Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 10. 3 Stanton, The Aristocrat as Art, 83. 4 Goethe, Go'tz von Berlichingen, Goethes Werke, 4: 171. 5 Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 9. 6 Of course, the "Volk" is not a force at all in Die Hermannsschlacht or in Prinz Friedrich and only plays a minor role in Robert Guiskard, primarily as a broad anonymous mass to be manipulated by the aristocratic ruler. 'Auf der Ebene des Staatssystems ist [das Volk] nur als Masse relevant und kann allein in bezug auf diesen quantitativen Aspekt Anspriiche geltend machen" (Denneler, "Legitimation und Charisma," 283).

163 Notes to pages 21-3 Although this political monopoly by the nobility in the dramas is historically accurate, one of Kleist's political pamphlets concerning a future new constitution for a German nation in the nineteenth century makes it evident that he did not envision the people's having any say in determining the political destiny of their nation. 7 Nietzsche, Genealogie, 2: 772-3. 8 Ludovici, A Defence of Aristocracy, 19. 9 Fontane goes as far as to posit a tacit alliance between the 'Adel" and the "Volk" against the bourgeoisie. One can detect aristocratic respect for the working class in the ideal junker Dubslav or Botho. "Rienacker hatte den hiibschen und herzerquickenden Zug alter markischen Edelleute, mit Personen aus dem Volke gern zu plaudern, lieber als mit 'Gebildeten'..." (Irrungen, Wirrungen. Samtliche Werke, 2: 447). 10 See my discussion below of Theobald's name as it appears in the list of characters. Also, in Theobald's initial submission to the court, he declares: 'Aber sowohl ihre, als meine Seele, bewahrte der Himmel vor Stolz" (989), but this statement immediately follows his hyperbolic claim that the whole East would have arisen to pay homage to Kathchen if she had been of noble birth. In this contradiction the dramatist may be poking fun at the armourer whom he generally portrays as a comic, pathetic figure. 11 Kautsky, "Funktionen," 8. 12 Ibid., 11. 13 "Das offenkundigste Element aristokratischer Weltanschauung ist der Anspruch auf Uberlegenheit und Adel'; in der Tat definieren sich Aristokraten einfach als 'Edle'" (Kautsky, Funktionen, 11). 14 Cf "Die bestehende Ordnung, standisch gegliedert unter dem Dach des Absolutismus, mufite den rechtlich benachteiligten, den sozial und politisch zuriickgesetzten Volksschichten als naturgemafi erklart... werden" (Jager, "Zur Verteidigung," 177). 15 Cf Gerhard, "Der deutsche Adel," 18. 16 Streller, Das dramatische Werk, 132. 17 Ibid., 135. 18 Silz, Heinrich von Kleist, 52. Cf also Grathoff, Erlauterungen: "Kno'tlein: erinnert an ein haufiges Marchenmotiv (die Prinzessin auf der Erbse u.a.)" (17). 19 Since by this point in the drama (in/i) the audience has a good idea about Kathchen's actual status, Gottfried's statement contains its fair share of dramatic irony, not unlike Kunigunde's sarcastic reference to her rival as "des Kaisers Tochter" (1843) during the conflagration scene. 20 In contrast to the brothers Grimm, Andersen did not collect but rather wrote his own fairy tales. However, "The Princess and the Pea," based upon a well-known folk tradition, provides an exception to this general rule.

164 Notes to pages 23-32 21 Andersen, "The Princess and the Pea," Eighty Fairy Tales, 27. All subsequent references to Andersen's fairy tales will be drawn from this edition and page numbers preceded by A will be included in the text. 22 Jager, Zur Verteidigung, 181. 23 Ludovici, A Defence of Aristocracy, 4. 24 Ibid., 13. 25 Grathoff, "Beerben oder Enterben?", 161. 26 Kautsky, "Funktionen", 4. 27 Stanton, The Aristocrat as Art, 19. 28 Eichendorff, "Der Adel und die Revolution," 220. 29 Ibid., 219. 30 Quoted in Ludovici, A Defence of Aristocracy, 305. One could, of course, contend that this quotation speaks against my argument, but, clearly, one must make a major distinction between a slave-woman, in social terms the dregs of society, and the wife of a respected and well-to-do "Burger." Kleist has also sought, in my view, to downplay "das Biirgerliche," as I shall demonstrate subsequently, in Kathcheris association with the Virgin Mary, a commoner but also the "Queen of Heaven." 31 Kleist's choice of the swan motif may therefore be another allusion to the Amphitryon myth that very obviously makes its presence felt in Kathchen. 32 Kautsky, "Funktionen," 9. 33 Ibid., 11. 34 Burckhardt first commented in his interpretation of Die Hermannsschlacht: "This is a hunting play" ("Kleist's Hermannsschlacht," 119). Similarly, Loose has observed: "Das Thema 'JagcT durchzieht als Leitmotif in Situationen, Anspielungen, Vergleichen, Bildern, Redewendungen - ahnlich wie in der Penthesilea u.a. - die Hermannsschlacht" (Kleists Hermannsschlacht, 173). 35 In Kleist's early work, Die Familie Schroffenstein, Rupert informs his wife in the opening scene: "Denn nicht ein ehrlich offner Krieg, ich denke, / Nur eine Jagd wirds werden, wie nach Schlangen" (67-8); and in the first scene of his final work, Prinz Friedrich von Hamburg, Hohenzollern reports to the Elector how Homburg "Wirft... erschopft, gleich einem Jagdhund lechzend, / Sich auf das Stroh um fur die Schlacht... /... ein wenig / Die Glieder, die erschopften, auszuruhn" (14-17). In both instances, Kleist juxtaposes war and hunting. 36 Kautsky, "Funktionen," 8. 37 Gundolf, Heinrich von Kleist, 114. 38 Ueding, "Zweideutige Bilderwelt," 181. 39 Grillparzer, Samtliche Werke, 2: lines 1460-71. 40 Streller, Das dramatische Werk, 134-5. 41 Cf "prophetischen Gruftes: wohl in Analogic zum sog. 'englischen Grufi': Verkiindung des Engels Gabriel an Maria" (Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 51).

165 Notes to pages 32-4

42 43 44

45

46 47 48 49

50

51

Kleist had already made use of a literary allusion to the annunciation in Amphitryon. Cf "2335f Dir wird ein Sohn geboren werden, Des Name Herkules - Die Worte erinnern an die Marien-Verkiindigung. Adam Miiller und ... H.K. Dippold ... und Goethe sprechen iiberhaupt von einer Umdeutung der Fabel durch Kleist 'ins Christliche'" (Sembdner (ed.), Samtliche Werke, i: 952. With the numerous references and allusions to the ancient deities, especially Jupiter, Kathchen may be said to combine the Christian with the pagan, while in Amphitryon the balance favours the pagan. One of the most famous examples is Stefan Lochner's "Madonna im Rosenhag." Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 14. Cf "The only type of soldier that was considered reasonably effective during the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries was the mounted warrior armed with helmet, haubeck, shield, sword and lance. ... Hence the noble endowed with wealth and freedom from the necessity of working for his living was the only effective soldier. The fundamental importance of this monopoly of the profession of arms is shown by contemporary terminology. By the beginning of the eleventh century the various vague terms which had been used to designate the aristocrat had been supplanted by that of "miles," soldier. The social and political nobleman had become completely identified with the fully armed warrior" (Painter, French Chivalry, 2). Cf "Gerade dieser enorme Aufwand [prunkhafte Zurschaustellung von Reichtum und Grofiziigigkeit] tragt dazu bei, den Adligen in den Augen des Bauern als fremdartiges, unerreichbares Wesen erscheinen zu lassen, gegen das zu rebellieren ihm in seinen kiihnsten Traumen nicht einfiele" (Kautsky, 'Funktionen," 11). The speech in which "Der Knabe," i.e., again a representative of the people, describes Robert Guiskard in monumental terms as he puts on his armour (400-6) provides the best illustration of this same procedure. Nietzsche, "Was ist vornehm?," 2: 740. Ibid., 2: 731; 779. Kautsky, "Funktionen," 5. Cf "Thus superiority is inseparable from our idea of the ruler: because the ruler is essentially a protector, and only where men see or experience superiority do they always see and experience protection" (Ludovici, A Defence of Aristocracy, 8). Cf "Glory was the chief object in both battle and tourney, and it could be won as much by courtesy as by prowess. ... War became a martial sport" (Painter, French Chivalry, 54). Harlos, Die Gestaltung psychischer Konflikte, first pointed out the importance of the question, although in my view he did not realize its full significance: "Seine [Strahl's] erste Frage gilt gleich ihrer Herkunft, so dafi man annehmen kann, daS er sie bereits als seine Traumgestalt

i66 Notes to pages 34-42

52

53

54 55

56

erkannt hat: wes ist das Kind?" (102). Weigand also sees the kiss and the blessing as possible unconscious reactions to the dream. "Zu Kleists Kathchen" 337. The opening paragraph of Kleist's narrative "Der Zweikampf" documents a "kaiserliche Legitimationsakte," specifically "die Legitimation eines, mit seiner Gemahlin vor der Ehe erzeugten, natiirlichen Sohnes, des Grafen Philipp von Hiiningen" (2: 229). Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 21-2. Cf also "Die Richter, die sich mit iiberzogenem Pathos als 'die irdischen Schergen Gottes, Vorlaufer der gefliigelten Heere' vorgestellt hatten (i, i), werden von einem Madchen abgesetzt, es macht den Angeklagten zum Richter iiber sie (I, 2), und er setzt alle Anstrengungen ein, aus diesem Madchen herauszuzwingen, was ihn schuldig erklaren konnte" (Martini, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 429-30). Nietzsche, "Was ist vornehm?," 2: 731. Rosenberg, Bureaucracy, 130. Cf also Gretchen's opening speech from the famous 'Abend" scene of Faust I: Ich gab' was drum, wenn ich nur wiifit', Wer heut der Herr gewesen ist! Er sah gewifi recht wacker aus, Und ist aus einem edlen Haus; Das konnt' ich ihm an der Stirne lesen Er war' auch sonst nicht so keck gewesen (Goethes Werke, 3: 267883). I am indebted to Sabine Go for having pointed out this parallel in her MA thesis "Fame and Egocentricity, 15-16. This conflict between love and duty at the time of an execution has become almost a literary cliche. For example, one discovers similar circumstances in Schiller's Maria Stuart where, on the way to the block, the titular heroine's knees give away upon seeing Leicester, despite her firm resolve to embrace the ideal. One could also mention how Corneille's Polyeucte renounces his wife in his pursuit of martyrdom. CHAPTER

TWO

1 Grathoff, "Beerben oder Enterben?", 155. Cf also "Jetzt enthiillt er [sein Gefiihl fur Kathchen] in einem eloquenten Pseudo-Monolog, der komodiantisch als informierende Aussprache an die Zuschauer eingesetzt ist. Das Zuviel an Beredsamkeit nahert sich ... ironischer Wirkung" (Martini, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 432). 2 Peter, 'Adel und Revolution," 201. 3 Lutzeler, "Lessings Emilia Galotti," 105.

167 Notes to pages 42-6 4 5 6 7

Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 25. Schwerte, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn/' 9. Martini, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn" 433. I shall deal with this issue more thoroughly in the chapter "Names in Kathchen von Heilbronn." 8 No less a personage than Frederick the Great declared, "La guerre est un metier de gens d'honneur." Quoted in Rosenberg, Bureaucracy, 70. 9 Ludovici, A Defence of Aristocracy, 28. 10 Wolff, "Kathchen von Heilbronn und Kunigunde von Thurneck," 214. 11 Grathoff, "Beerben oder Enterben?" 165. 12 Kautsky, "Funktionen," 12. He explains further: "Hinweise auf 'Zucht', 'edles Blut' und 'hohe Geburt' und iiberhaupt die Vorstellung der Aristokratie als einer erblichen Klasse - alle diese Dinge sind Ausdruck des aristokratischen Anspruchs auf ihre biologische Besonderheit." 13 Ludovici, A Defence of Aristocracy, 328. 14 Martini, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 433. 15 Cf "Kunigunde wurde zur wiederholenden Parodie des 'antigraven' Kathchen gemacht und dadurch ihre Sprache und Gestik eingerichtet" (Schwerte, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 24). 16 Cf 'Adlige Politik ist also ein unaufhorlicher Wettbewerb um Pfriinde und Positionen, seien es solche der territorialen Herrschaft vom Rittergut bis zum Konigreich. ... Streitigkeiten konnen auch zwischen adligen Familien ausgefochten werden oder sogar innerhalb adliger Familien" (Kautsky, "Funktionen," 14). 17 Gerhard, "Der deutsche Adel," 19. 18 "Kleist hat diese Figur mit alien Zivilisationsschaden seelischer und korperlicher Art ausgestattet" (Schwerte, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 132). 19 Grathoff, "Beerben oder Enterben?", 164. 20 Cf "Adlige werden ... das ihnen unterstehende Gebiet zu vergroSern suchen. Die sich auf diese Weise standig vergroSernden Aristokratenreiche stofien schliefilich aufeinander, es entsteht Krieg und die Sieger besetzen die Territorien der Besiegten" (Kautsky, "Funktionen," 3). 21 Wolff, "Kathchen von Heilbronn und Kunigunde von Thurneck," 219. 22 One hears accents here of the mentality Rosenberg ascribes to the Prussian country squire: "Their idea of justice was rooted in the conviction that ordinary mortals had been created for no loftier purpose than to serve for their benefit. Because they were superior in law, they thought that they were superior in fact" (Bureaucracy, 54). 23 Schwerte, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 19. 24 As I pointed out earlier (165^49), Ludovici equates superiority with the ruler's ability to provide protection A Defence of Aristocracy, p. 8.

168 Notes to pages 46-56 25 Hobbes, Leviathan, 114. 26 Weigand has noted the similarity in his informative discussion of Kleist's "Hyperbelrede" ("Zu Kleists Kathchen", 329^. 27 "Da diese Symbole [such as a family emblem] selbst Ansehen und daher auch Macht vermitteln, sind sie heifi umstritten" (Kautsky, "Funktionen,"

13)28 Cf "Gewifi sind dieser Burggraf und spa'ter der Rheingraf gleichsam niedere Spielarten des Grafen Wetter vom Strahl, sie sind nur verlenkende Spiegelungen seiner Figur, doch auch er gehort in dies Rittermilieu hinein. Auch er wird genasfiihrt werden, wenn auch verleitet durch Anstand und Sitte seiner nicht nur kraftrasselnden, sondern inneren Ritterlichkeit" (Martini, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 434). 29 Stanton, The Aristocrat as Art, 63. 30 Cf 'As warfare was the chief occupation of the nobleman, he was bound to value the traits which made a man an effective soldier. Summed up under the term prowess, the ability to beat the other man in battle, these qualities became the fundamental chivalric virtues" (Painter, French Chivaly, 29). 31 This episode also functions as a dramatic illustration of Nietzsche's aristocratic radicalism: "Die ritterlich-aristokratischen Werturteile haben zu ihrer Voraussetzung eine machtige Leiblichkeit, eine bliihende, reiche, selbst uberschaumende Gesundheit, samt dem, was deren Erhaltung bedingt, Krieg, Abenteuer, Jagd, Tanz, Kampfspiele und alles uberhaupt, was starkes, freies, frohgemutes Handeln in sich schliefit" (Genealogie, 2: 779). 32 Painter, French Chivalry, 34. 33 For a more detailed discussion of this incident see Reeve, Pursuit of Power, 92. 34 Schwerte, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 22. 35 Kautsky, "Funktionen," 8. 36 Schwerte, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 23-4. 37 Kautsky, "Funktionen," 3. 38 Grathoff quotes these same lines of the Countess and interprets them as "Ansatze zur Idealisierung des 'wahren Adels' [in Adam Miillers Sinn]" ("Beerben oder Enterben?", 164). 39 Painter, French Chivalry, 32. 40 Grathoff, "Beerben oder Enterben?", 164. 41 Kautsky, "Funktionen," 10. 42 Grathoff, "Beerben oder Enterben?", 165. 43 Ibid., 169. Cf "Das forcierte Vornehmtun macht gerade den entgegengesetzten Effekt. 'Man merkt die Absicht und ist verstimmt"' ("Der Adel und die Revolution," 219). This phenomenon Eichendorff clearly associated with the "Biirgerlichen."

169 Notes to pages 57-66 44 45 46 47

Wolff, "Kathchen von Heilbronn und Kunigunde von Thurneck," 215. See Kleist, Samtliche Werk, i: 961. Martini, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 437. I strongly suspect that Kunigunde's Saxon origin may represent another negative feature in the eyes of the dramatist. Since the Saxon royal family sided with Kleist's political bete noir, Napoleon, to trace one's lineage to the old "sachsschen Kaiser[n]" would not be deemed a compliment. Cf Michael Kohlhaas. 48 Kautsky, "Funktionen," 9. 49 Stanton, The Aristocrat as Art, 98. 50 A few critics have recognized the general motivation operative within Strahl but have failed to apply it specifically to an understanding of this scene. For example, Streller writes, "Den gleichen Traum hat das Kathchen von Heilbronn gehabt. Aber wahrend der Ritter vom Strahl ganz in seinem Standesdenken befangen ist und sich nur unter Standesgenossen umschaut, hat das Burgermadchen Kathchen den Menschen, das Individuum im Traumgesicht erfafit" ("Heinrich von Kleist und JJ. Rousseau," 660). Cf also Stahl, Kleist's Dramas, 94. CHAPTER

THREE

1 See my discussion below of the symbolic significance of names in Kathchen. 2 This sudden eruption of passion, typical of Strahl's spontaneous outbursts when someone thwarts his will or questions his honour, corresponds closely to what Nietzsche called "jene schwarmerische Plotzlichkeit von Zorn, Liebe, Ehrfurcht, Dankbarkeit und Rache, an der sich zu alien Zeiten die vornehmen Seelen wiedererkannt haben" (Genealogie, 2: 784). 3 Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 42. 4 Mayer states, in my view too categorically: "PreuGentum der alten Schule oder gar junkerlicher Adelsstolz waren nicht Kleists Sache" (Heinrich von Kleist, 15). It is also worth noting that Kleist often had recourse to the concept of honour, calling himself a "Mann von Ehre" (2: 861) when seeking redress and indemnification from the Prussian government for the failure of the Berliner Abendblatter. His appeal to Wilhelm Prinz von Preufien includes the following request: "Ich bitte Ew. Kortigliche Hoheit, den Staatskanzler zu bewegen, mir, seiner Verpflichtung gemafi, eine meinen Verhaltnissen angemessene, und auch mit meinen anderweitigen literarischen Zwecken vereinbare, Anstellung im Konigl. Zivildienst anzuweisen ..." (2: 866). Indeed, at one point in the controversy, Kleist, as "ein Mann von Ehre" (2: 855), even threatened Friedrich von Raumer with a duel (2: 855). Surely his aristocratic pride was at stake.

170 Notes to pages 66-79 5 Nietzsche, "Was 1st vornehm?", 2: 739. 6 Gundolf, Heinrich von Kleist, 114. 7 Kleist demonstrates real presence of mind in this theatrical exploitation of props; he does not lose sight of Strahl's shield and lance and in fact employs them to reify certain psychological attitudes, attitudes owing much to the protagonist's class consciousness. When Strahl objects to accepting his weapons from Kathchen, he exposes his fear of further involvement with someone below his station and his sense of the inappropriateness of her action. His subservience to his class convention causes him nonetheless to hand them back to her in an emergency situation. Then, once she offers to retrieve "das Bild mit dem Futtral" (1818), "Sie gibt Schild und Lanze an Flammberg" (p. 493), a response which highlights her eagerness to serve and implies her total dedication to her lord and his fiancee. 8 Wolff, "Kathchen von Heilbronn und Kunigunde von Thurneck," 217. 9 For my analysis of this sequence, see pp. 138-40. 10 Ueding, "Zwerideutige Bilderwelt," 183. This episode not only confirms Kathchen's association with the Queen of Heaven but also further suggests a parallel between Strahl and Joseph, Mary's husband. Both males receive a dream visitation from an angel telling the recipient to take as a wife a woman whom, under normal circumstances, society would disqualify as a suitable mate: "But while [Joseph] thought on these things, behold, the angel of the Lord appeared unto him in a dream, saying Joseph, thou son of David [the great Jewish king], fear not to take unto thee Mary thy wife: for that which is conceived of her is of the Holy Ghost" (Matthew i: 20). Only after the third appearance of the angel, however, does Strahl begin to recognize Kathchen's divine elevation. Also contrary to his predecessor who, "being raised from sleep did as the angel of the Lord had bidden him, and took unto him his wife" (i: 24), the Count fails to follow the command of his heavenly emissary: "ihm sei ein Engel erschienen und habe ihm zugerufen: Vertraue, vertraue, vertraue!" (1165-6). He lacks Joseph's faith. 11 See the chapter "Names in Kathchen von Heilbronn, p. 110-11. CHAPTER

FOUR

1 Holz, Macht und Ohnmacht, 69. 2 Kautsky, "Funktionen," 5. 3 Streller, Das dramatische Werk, 134. 4 The birthmark as a tangible, undeniable piece of evidence corresponds to the "J" in Amphitryon or the glove in Prinz Friedrich von Homburg. 5 Helbling, The Major Works, 179.

171 Notes to pages 80-92 6 Ueding, "Zweideutige Bilderwelt," 181. 7 Significantly, in the Strahl/Kunigunde relationship it is the latter who takes this initiative: "Ich bitt um Eure Hand!" (1131), an early indication of her resolve to assume control. 8 Blocker, Heinrich von Kleist, 193. CHAPTER FIVE

1 Weigand, "Zu Kleists Kathchen," 342. Streller also puts forward this explanation: "Um aber Theobald zu schonen, verzichtet [Strahl] auf den Nachweis von Kathchens kaiserlicher Abstammung" (Das dramatische Werk, 139). 2 Weigand, "Zu Kleists Kathchen" 343. 3 Streller, Das dramatische Werk, 140. 4 Ja'ger, "Zur Verteidigung des Adels," 191. 5 Public embarrassment as a situation to avoid and as a weapon to wield I have dealt with elsewhere. See Reeve, Pursuit of Power, 139. 6 Streller, Das dramatische Werk, 139. 7 Similarly, Hohenzollern exploits an alleged defence of Homburg to attack the Elector, and Abalard, under the guise of defending Robert Guiskard, points out his uncle's weaknesses. 8 This episode may also reflect a basic tenet of German "Friihkonservatismus," the law of inequality, designed to justify the social injustices inflicted upon the lower classes by aristocratic absolutism. According to this conservative ideology, disseminated at the turn of the nineteenth century, history teaches that at all times and in all cultures, wars have divided the population into "Herren und Knechte." An anonymous work from the year 1799 accordingly declares: "[Offenbar] hat also die Natur und ihr Schopfer die Menschen keineswegs zur volligen Gleichheit, sondern vielmehr zu einem Stande der Auferziehung, Unterweisung, wechselseitigen Dienstleistung bestimmt. Eben dadurch hat sie zugleich dem niedrigen Stande Gehorsam, Unterwerfung, Hochachtung fur den Hoheren gebothen" (Quoted in Ja'ger, "Zur Verteidigung des Adels," 179). 9 Der Sammler, Vienna, 22 March 1810, quoted in Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 98. 10 Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 101. 11 Weigand, "Zu Kleists Kathchen," 327. 12 Kautsky, "Funktionen," 8. 13 Grathoff, for example, indicates some parallels in his Erlauterungen (17), but Koch's assessment is more typical of the general observations made by commentators: "Kleists Kathchen von Heilbronn ist kein Marchen, son-

172 Notes to pages 92-7 dern gehort zur selben Gattung wie Amphitryon. Wie dort das Gottliche in der Weise der antiken Mythologie erscheint, so hier in christlichmythologischen Formen" (Bewuptsein und Wirklichkeit, 183). 14 Cf "[Der Kaiser] gibt in seiner erklarenden Mitteilung, ... zu Recht den 'Jupiter ... mit seinem funkelnden Licht' als eine 'Ursache' an: denn Zeugung, Empfangnis und Geburt dieser illegitimen Kaisertochter ... war wahrhaftig eher einem galanten Jupiterstreich mit einer hiibschen Erdentochter ahnlich als eines christlichen Gottstellvertreters wiirdig. ..." (Schwerte, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn/' 12). 15 Jupiter's first words of the play are significantly: "LaS, meine teuerste Alkmene, dort / Die Fackeln sich entfemen" (410-11). 16 Cf "[Der Kaiser] tauscht sich leichtsinnig iiber sich selbst, wenn er das Gottesurteil herausfordert, um dann 'erblassend' [sic], wie ein ertappter Schwindler, dem Zuschauer in einem Pseudo-Monolog diese Selbsttauschung einzugestehen. ..." (Martini, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 4423)17 See chapter 6. 18 Martini, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn" 442. 19 Liitzeler, "Lessings Emilia Galotti," 102. 20 Ellis, Heinrich von Kleist, 8gf. 21 See Reeve, Pursuit of Power, 131-40. 22 Nietzsche, Genealogie, 2: 773. 23 Gerhard, "Der deutsche Adel," 20. 24 Painter, French Chivalry, 35. 25 Grathoff, "Beerben oder Enterben?", 165. 26 Hence, although Mehring states his case too categorically, failing to recognize the mitigating influence of the conflict between "Neigung" and "Pflicht," the drama substantiates his essential position: "[D]er junkerliche Trick bricht haSlich hervor, indem der biedere Graf Wetter vom Strahl Kathchen trotz ihrer hingebenden Liebe mit der Peitsche zuriickweist, solange sie als die eheliche Tochter eines ehrsamen Waffenschmieds gilt, aber sie begeistert als 'Prinzessin von Schwaben' zu seinem ehelichen Gemahl erhebt, sobald sich herausstellt, daS sie die Frucht eines kaiserlichen Ehebruchs ist" ("Heinrich von Kleist," 169-70). 27 In the next scene, Strahl uses one of Kleist's favourite images to convey his strong drive for sexual union with Kathchen, the "Hirsch" that longs to cast itself into the female element water. I have dealt with the sexual implications of this image elsewhere, Reeve, Die Hermannsschlacht, 124, and with the stag as a noble animal in Pursuit of Power, 105-6. It is thus in keeping with his aristocratic ethos that the Count relates himself to the stag, since hunting in Europe was reserved exclusively for the upper class. 28 Evaluating this reconciliation, Grathoff concludes: "Vor diesem Hintergrund gewinnt die Versohnung zwischen Theobald und Strahl, die am

173 Notes to pages 97-101

29 30 31 32

33 34 35 36

37

38

39

Ende des Schauspiels vom Kaiser verordnet wird ..., noch in weitaus starkerem Mafie einen klassenversohnenden Charakter als etwa Kathchens Standeserhebung" ("Beerben oder Enterben?", 166). However, one must bear in mind that the Emperor has requested that Strahl, always obedient to his liege lord, take Theobald into his household as a condition to receiving official consent to marry Kathchen. Also, is not the Emperor hiding behind his imperial prestige and a show of magnanimity? If a reconciliation is to take place, should it not be between the Emperor and Theobald since the former is the real offending party, having seduced the latter's wife and then, years later, claiming the child whom the armourer holds more dearly than life itself? For Nietzsche, possession is a "MachtauGerung der Herrschenden" (Genealogie, 2: 773). Aristocratic values, according to Kautsky, classify "prunkhafte Zurschaustellung von Reichtum" als "lobenswert" ("Funktionen," 10). Ibid., 9. Schwerte refers to the conclusion as a "Doppelspiel" set up by Strahl to beat Kunigunde at her own game. "Das Muster der 'Doppelung' reicht, positiv und negativ, durch das ganze Stuck und gibt die entscheidende Kategorie fur dessen Verstandnis an" ("Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 23). Not disagreeing, I would simply alter the wording to read "one of the deciding categories." Gundolf, Heinrich von Kleist, 114. Painter, French Chivalry, 7. Kautsky, "Funktionen," 5. Cf "Wieviel Ehrfurcht vor seinen Feinden hat schon ein vornehmer Mensch! ... Er verlangt ja seinen Feind fur sich, als seine Auszeichnung, er halt ja keinen andren Feind aus, als einen solchen, an dem nichts zu verachten und sehr viel [Nietzsche's emphasis] zu ehren ist" (Nietzsche, Genealogie, 2: 785). Moran, Winston Churchill, 173. The full quotation reads: "To him [Churchill] it [war] was a romantic calling, the highest man could embrace, but it was a game for gentlemen, which had to be played according to the rules." Although one may disagree with some of her conclusions, Mommsen has best documented the importance of agon in Kleist's opus in Kleists Kampf mil Goethe. In the opening scenes of the two plays we read: Denn wie die Dogg entkoppelt, mit Geheul In das Geweih des Hirsches fa'llt: der Jager Erfullt von Sorge, lockt und ruft sie ab; Jedoch verbissen in des Prachttiers Nacken, Tanzt sie durch Berge neben ihm, und Strome,

174 Notes to pages 101-4 Fern in des Waldes Nacht hinein: so er [Achilles], Der Rasende, seit in der Forst des Krieges Dies Wild sich von so seltner Art, ihm zeigte.

(213-20)

In seine Forsten spielend ftihrt er [Hermann] uns, Und lafit den Hirsch uns und den Ur besiegen.

(19-20)

Cf Reeve, Pursuit of Power, 97-111. 40 One could single out several passages from Kleist's letters to Wilhelmine von Zenge in support of this position but the following, while summarizing the writer's attitudes, also serves as an excellent description of the contest between Kathchen und Kunigunde: "Keine Tugend ist doch weiblicher, als Sorge fur das Wohl anderer, und nichts dagegen macht das Weib hafilicher und gleichsam der Katze ahnlich als der schmutzige Eigennutz, das gierige Einhaschen fur den eignen GenuS" (2: 572-3)41 Painter, French Chivalry, 34-5. The names of Kleist's characters have, of course, been inserted by me. 42 I have dealt with this issue at length in "Die Hermannsschlacht," 130-1. 43 Nietzsche, Genealogie, 2: 809. 44 Ibid., 2: 808. 45 Ibid., 2: 807. 46 Nietzsche, "Was ist vornehm?", 2: 732. One other passage from the Genealogie strikes me as having particular relevance for Kleist. While Nietzsche claims that the Greeks attributed to their gods "die Freuden der Grausamkeit," his main interest lies with the attitude of the poet, Homer, in depicting "trojanische Kriege und ahnliche tragische Furchtbarkeiten. ... [Sie] waren als Festspiele [Nietzsche's emphasis] fur die Cotter gemeint: und, insofern der Dichter darin mehr als die iibrigen Menschen 'gottlich' geartet ist, wohl auch als Festspiele fur die Dichter" (2: 810). Several critics have suggested that Kleist lived his fantasies, and one would have to include the brutal ones, vicariously through his writings. 47 Silz, Heinrich von Kleist, 53. 48 Martini, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 428. Muschg observes that despite an apparent happy ending, a dark atmosphere still persists, one which reflects the injustice that a Theobald must suffer: 'Aber selbst dieser Abgrund wird mit Blumen uberschuttet" (Kleist, 126). However, since Kleist consistently portrays Theobald in an ironic vein, I doubt whether he took the armourer's fate as seriously as does Muschg. In a conversation describing his interpretation of Kathchen for the Tiibinger Landestheater, Oberspielleiter Wolfgang Lichtenstein remarked, "Subjektiv mogen die Figuren das Empfinden haben, am Ziel ihrer Wiin-

175 Notes to pages 104-13 sche angekommen zu sein. Von auSen betrachtet stellt sich deutlich Ironisierung ein: 1st eine Beziehung, die auf Traumbildern, Wunschprojektionen und hochstkaiserlichen Dekreten basiert wirklich tragfahig? Vielleicht 1st das Hohngelachter der Kunigunde in der letzten Szene auch das des Autors Kleist?" (Schwabisches Tagblatt, 10 February 1982). CHAPTER SIX

1 Martini, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 424. The text of this chapter first appeared under the title: "'O du - wie nenn ich dich?': Names in Kleist's Kathchen von Heilbronn" German Life and Letters 41 (1988): 83-98. 2 Frau Marthe takes for granted that Eve has lost her innocence: "die liederliche Dirne" (807); while Theobald tells the "Vehmgericht": "habt neun Monate Geduld; alsdann sollt ihr sehen, wies ihrem jungen Leibe bekommen ist" (357-8). 3 Mtiller-Seidel, "Die Vermischung des Komischen" 4 Martini, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 424^ 5 Ibid., 424. 6 Cf Sembdner, "Der zerbrochene Krug in Goethes Inszenierung," 56-62. 7 For example, Samuel provides a note to his 1968 edition of Der zerbrochene Krug, underlining "the obvious symbolism of most of the names" (97)8 Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 5. 9 Martini has examined the parody of this "Pseudo-Monolog" in considerable detail ("Das Kathchen von Heilbronn" 432-3). 10 Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 45. 11 At the conclusion of the "Holunderstrauch" episode, Strahl informs Gottschalk, "Die Friedborn zieht aufs Schlofi zu meiner Mutter" (2169), an accommodation more in keeping with her recently revealed status. The use of the family name rather than Kathchen in the servant's presence implies the new respect and deference the Count now shows to an emperor's daughter. 12 In the list of characters, Kleist refers to Theobald as a "Waffenschmied aus Heilbronn" (p. 430), whereas he could have written "von Heilbronn." This would seem to suggest a conscious distinction and intent on the part of the dramatist. 13 Weigand, "Zu Kleists Kathchen," 341. 14 Hohoff, Kleist in Selbstzeugnissen, 83. 15 Cf "Kathchen is the vessel of healing (Heilbronn = Bronn des Heils) and is identified with a locality" (Browning, "Kleist's Kathchen," 116). 16 In Robert Guiskard, the son Robert employs the term "Wetterstrahl" to mean a thunder or lightning bolt: "Da6 dir ein Wetterstrahl aus heitrer Luft / Die Zunge lahmte, du Verrater, du!" (329-30).

176 Notes to pages 114-20 17 Cf "Da der Adel immer gottliche Autoritat fiir seine Herrschaft, gottliche Herkunft oder sogar Gottlichkeit in Anspruch nimmt, hilft auch das dem Adel, seine Macht zu befestigen" (Kautsky, "Funktionen," 5). 18 "[Man] iibersehe nicht, dafi durch das ganze Stiick Zeus-Jupiter ofters den christlichen 'Gott' ersetzt" (Schwerte, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 9). According to Christian belief, the Holy Ghost, frequently represented as a ray of light, impregnated the Virgin Mary. 19 Cf "Strahl, as his name eloquently indicates and as the imagery insists ... is the heavenly principle. Through the marriage of heaven and earth the world is to receive a high boon" (Browning, "Kleist's Kathchen," 117). 20 Weigand, "Zu Kleists Kathchen" 340. Ueding also makes this point, "Zweideutige Bilderwelt," 183. 21 Faust. Goethes Werke, y. 1377-8. 22 Ibid., 1283-4. 23 Sembdner (ed). Samtliche Werke, 941. 24 Faust. Goethes Werke, 3: 884-8 and 897-900. 25 Cf "Strahl: viell. 'Strahl des Feuers'," Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 43. 26 Solely in terms of the plot, Kunigunde is anxious to retrieve the documents assuring her the ownership of the contested territory, and while having no interest in the safety of her lower-class rival, she would not want to put the life of her latest conquest in jeopardy by sending him into the burning castle. 27 Adolf, "Kleist's Kunigunde," 312. 28 Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 72. 29 Voltaire, Candide, 138. 30 Ibid., 144. 31 Ibid., 156. 32 Ibid., 212. 33 Ibid., 218. 34 Ibid., 217. There are other striking parallels. For example, Cunegonde's brother, whom Candide fatally strikes down ("Comment Candide tua le frere de sa chere Cunegonde" [169]) miraculously reappears as a galley slave later in the conte: "Est-ce la monsieur le baron, que j'ai tue?" (213), an incident recalling the fate of the Burggraf von Freiburg. 35 Weigand, "Zu Kleists Kathchen," 332. 36 Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 30. 37 I have argued elsewhere that Kathchen may also contain a clandestine reference to and attack on Napoleon. See "Corrections or Confusion?," 4-738 "Turnvater" Jahn used this same root to coin the modern German verb "turnen" at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The concept of gymnastic "Mehrkampfe" still preserves the idea of struggle."

177 Notes to pages 120-7 39 40 41 42

Duden. Etymologic, 7: 126. Martini, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 432. Grathoff, Erlauterungen, 7. Ueding incorrectly maintains that Strahl's picture is not damaged, "dieweil die Urkunden und Zeugnisse verbrennen" ("Zweideutige Bilderwelt," 184). 43 If I am correct in attributing some of Kunigunde's features to Voltaire's Cunegonde, then we have what amounts to a parody of a parody. Moreover, this device also clearly plays a role in Kleist's choice of names for many of the characters of Der zerbrochene Krug. Licht, for example, is a parody on the usual eighteenth-century connotation of light. See my article: "Ein dunkles Licht," 58-65. 44 Faust. Goethes Werke, y. 1331-2. CHAPTER SEVEN

1 Mayer, Heinrich von Kleist, 41. 2 For example, the important glove episode from Prinz Friedrich von Homburg represents a variation on the "Cinderella" glass-slipper motif. 3 Schwerte, "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn," 24. 4 Eichendorff, "Der Adel und die Revolution," 217. 5 Sembdner records all the specific references in his "Personenregister" (Samtliche Werke, 2: 1061) under Schiller. 6 Guiskard's comment: "Es hat damit / Sein eignes Bewenden" (479-80) is an allusion to Wallenstein. 7 Schillers Werke, 5: 32. All subsequent references to Kabale und Liebe will be drawn from this edition and page numbers preceeded by K included in the text. 8 Fricke, 'Anmerkungen," 238. 9 Witte notes that Schiller described the social conditions he encountered in Stuttgart and made no attempt to conceal the social criticism by relegating the action to a foreign country as Lessing did in Emilia Galotti (Schiller, 127). 10 The exception, of course, would be the Emperor's seduction of Kathchen's mother, but the drama presents this imperial faux pas as a parody of the Amphitryon myth, a moment of forgivable weakness for which God's secular representative later does penance. 11 In this respect, Luise, as the more perceptive of the partners, anticipates Fontane's Lene Nimptsch who in conversation with her beloved Botho remarks, "Und der Starkere ... ja, wer ist dieser Starkere? Nun, entweder ist's deine Mutter oder das Gerede der Menschen oder die Verhaltnisse. Oder vielleicht alles drei" (Irrungen, Wirrungen, Samtliche Werke, 2: 345).

178 Notes to pages 129-45 12 Luise's self-portrayal: "Ich bin ein unwissendes unschuldiges Ding" (K 61) also calls to mind Gretchen's self-evaluation: "Bin doch ein arm, unwissend Kind" (Faust. Samtliche Werke, i: 3215). However, Luise plays the pathetic martyr's role much too consciously ever to be seriously compared to either Gretchen or Kathchen. 13 Guthke has analysed this psychological phenomenon in an excellent interpretation in which he sees "Liebe als sakularisierte Religion" ("Kabale und Liebe," 60). 14 Graham examines in detail this relationship between business and love in a chapter entitled "Passions and Possessions in Kabale und Liebe" Schiller's Drama, 110-20. 15 I have taken this comparison from my article: "Correction or Confusion?," 2-4. 16 Grimm, Deutsches Worterbuch, 8: 2214. 17 This interpretation coincides with that offered by Sembdner in his 1977 edition: "Der Graf zogert hier noch, seine Scharpe zur Verfugung zu stellen" (Samtliche Werke, i: 941). 18 Mayer, Heinrich von Kleist, 41. 19 Hebbel, Werke, 4: 902. 20 Ibid., 4: 716. 21 Quoted in Sembdner, Heinrich von Kleists Nachruhm, 427. 22 Hebbel, Werke, 5: 97. 23 Pornbacher, Erlauterungen, 50. 24 Kleist faulted himself in a letter to Marie von Kleist for having made himself too dependant upon popular taste in the writing of Kathchen: "Das Urteil der Menschen hat mich bisher viel zu sehr beherrscht; besonders das Kathchen von Heilbronn ist voll Spuren davon. Es war von Anfang herein eine ganz treffliche Erfindung, und nur die Absicht, es fur die Biihne passend zu machen, hat mich zu Mifigriffen verfuhrt, die ich jetzt beweinen mochte" (2: 874). 25 Klufimann, "Hebbel. Agnes Bernauer," 2: 144. 26 Quoted in Pornbacher, Erlauterungen, 108. 27 Hebbel, Werke, i: 697. All subsequent references to Agnes Bernauer will be drawn from this edition and page numbers preceded by A will be included in the text. 28 Sengle, Das historische Drama, 215. 29 For instance, in the first meeting between Penthesilea and Achilles, i.e., in a confrontation between social equals, an 'Amazonenfurstin" (45) and a "Konig des Griechenvolks" (p. 322), the latter is the source of light: "Sie [Penthesilea] ruht, sie selbst, mit trunknem Blick schon wieder / Auf des Aginers [Achilles'] schimmernde Gestalt" (93-4). Later in the tragedy Penthesilea's mind associates Achilles with the sun-god himself: "PENTHESILEA. Bei seinen goldnen Flammenhaaren zog ich /

179 Notes to pages 145-55

30

31 32

33 34 35

36

37

38 39 40 41

Zu mir hernieder ihn -. PROTHOE. Wen? PENTHESILEA. Helios, / Wenn er am Scheitel mir voriiberfleucht!" (1384-6). According to tradition, a "Bademagd" rescued Wenzel from the Bohemian aristocracy, but she was never burned as a witch and he was never crowned as emperor. Sengle, Das historische Drama, 215. Hebbel's reversed priorities become evident in his hypothetical reconstruction of the Kathchen plot: "Du [Kathchen] beweisest also das Gegenteil von dem, was du beweisen sollst, und deshalb wiinschte ich, du warst die simple Waffenschmieds-Tochter geblieben; wenigstens hattest du als solche den Grafen Strahl zu deinen Ftifien sehen, und erst, nachdem er dich geheiratet hatte, zu dem dir angestammten Rang erhoben werden miissen, wenn anders deine vielleicht nur so zu erlangende Sicherheit gegen das Naseriimpfen deiner hochadligen Verwandtschaft durch die Schande deiner Mutter zu teuer erkauft worden ware" (Hebbel, Werke, 4: 717). Ibid., 5: 760. Ibid., 4: 716. The threat of personal revenge does play a role in Kabale und Liebe. Since the President maintains that he has sacrificed himself and his principles for his son's career, he will brook no opposition and warns him accordingly: "Und wenn es was ist - und wenn ich die Spur finden sollte, woher diese Widersetzlichkeit stammt? — Ha, Junge! der blofie Verdacht schon bringt mich zum Rasen. ... Junge, ich sage dir, du wirst dort sein, oder fliehe meinen Zorn" (K 24). Klufimann, "Hebbel. Agnes Bernauer," 155. Cf also Sengle. "Hebbel macht Herzog Ernst zum edelsten der Fiirsten, der Herzog hat - ziemlich anachronistisch - schon humane Gefuhle fur seine Untertanen, er richtet Agnes aufgrund des Urteils der grofiten Juristen, er tritt, was ganz den historischen Tatsachen widerspricht, nach der Vollstreckung des grausamen Urteils zuriick" (Das historische Drama, 215). Fontane ironizes this expedient by putting it in the sizeable mouth of an old Berlinerin, Frau Dorr: "Oder vielleicht is es auch nicht so schlimm; Sie [Frau Nimptsch] haben sie [Lene] ja blofi angenommen un is nich Ihr eigen Fleisch und Blut, un vielleicht is es eine Prinzessin oder so was" (Irrungen, Wirrungen, Samtliche Werke, 2: 322). Hebbel, Werke, 4: 539. Ibid., 4: 716-17. See chapter 2. Schaub presents Hebbel as a "Denkarbeiter" whose dramas provide a "metaphysische Demonstration," often alienating his plays from a twentieth-century audience. "Hebbel kam es mehr darauf an, dafi sein Drama gedanklich stimmte, als darauf, dafi sein Drama wirkte" (Friedrich Hebbel, 14).

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182 Works Cited Ellis, John M. Heinrich von Kleist. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina 1979. Federn, Karl. Das Leben Heinrich von Kleists. Berlin: Briickenverlag 1929. Fetzer, Dorothea; Prusser, Alexander; Stangle, Gotthard. Heinrich von Kleist. Die groften Klassiker. Salzburg: Andreas 1979. Fischer, Ernst. "Heinrich von Kleist." In Heinrich von Kleist. Aufsatze und Essays, ed. Walter Miiller-Seidel, 459-552. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1967. First appeared in Sinn und Form 13 (1961): 759-844. - Auf den Spuren der Wirklichkeit. Heinrich von Kleist. Reinbek: Rowohlt 1968. Fontane, Theodor. Samtliche Werke, ed. Walter Keitel. 6 vols. Munich: Hanser 1962. Fricke, Gerhard. 'Anmerkungen" to Friedrich Schiller, Die Verschworung des Fiesco zu Genua: Kabale und Liebe. Munich: dtv 1965. Gerhard, Dietrich. "Der deutsche Adel bis zum 18. Jahrhundert." In Legitimationskrisen des deutschen Adels 1200-1800, ed. Peter Uwe Hohendahl and Paul Michael Liitzeler, 17-27. Stuttgart: Metzler 1979. Go, Sabine. "Fame and Egocentricity in Kleist's Prinz Friedrich von Hamburg: A Look at the Darker Side of Humanity." MA Thesis, Kingston: Queen's University 1986. Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von. Goethes Werke, ed. Erich Trunz, 14 vols. Hamburg: Christian Wegner 1958. Goodwin, A. The European Nobility in the 18th Century. London: Black 1953. Graham, Use. Schiller's Drama. Talent and Integrity. London: Methuen 1974. Grathoff, Dirk. "Beerben oder Enterben? Probleme einer gegenwartigen Aneignung von Kleists Kathchen von Heilbronn." In Der alte Kanon neu, ed. Walter Raitz and Erhard Schutz, 136-75. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag 1976. - Erlauterungen und Dokumente. Heinrich von Kleist: Das Kathchen von Heilbronn. Stuttgart: Reclam 1984. Grillparzer, Franz. Samtliche Werke. 4 vols. Munich: Hanser 1960. Grimm, Jacob and Wilhelm. Kinder- und Hausmarchen. Munich: Winkler 1949. - Deutsches Worterbuch. Vol. 8. Leipzig: Hirzel 1893. Gundolf, Friedrich. Heinrich von Kleist. Berlin: Bondi 1932. Guthke, Karl. "Kabale und Liebe - eine Tragodie der Sakularisation." In Schillers Dramen. Neue Interpretationen. ed. W. Hinderer, 58-86. Stuttgart: Reclam 1979. Harlos, Dieter. Die Gestaltung psychischer Konflikte einiger Frauengestalten im Werk Heinrich von Kleists. Frankfurt a. M.: Lang 1984. Hebbel, Friedrich. Werke, ed. Gerhard Fricke, Werner Keller and Karl Pornbacher. 5 vols. Munich: Hanser 1963-67. Helbling, Robert E. The Major Works of Heinrich von Kleist. New York: New Directions 1975.

183 Works Cited Hobbes, Thomas. Leviathan. Menston: Scolar Press 1969. Hohoff, Curt. Heinrich von Kleist in Selbstzeugnissen und Bilddokumenten. Hamburg: Rowohlt 1958. Holz, Hans Heinz. Macht und Ohnmacht der Sprache. Frankfurt a. M.: Athenaum 1962. Jager, Hans-Wolf. "Zur Verteidigung des Adels im deutschen Friihkonservativismus (1790-1800)." In Legitimationskrisen des deutschen Adels 12001800, ed. Peter Uwe Hohendahl and Paul Michael Liitzeler, 177-196. Stuttgart: Metzler 1978. Kautsky, John H. "Funktionen und Werte des Adels." In Legitimationskrisen des deutschen Adels 1200-1800, ed. Peter Uwe Hohendahl and Paul Michael Liitzeler, 1-16. Stuttgart: Metzler 1979. Kittler, Wolf. Die Geburt des Partisanen aus dem Geist der Poesie. Freiburg: Rombach 1987. Kleist, Heinrich von. Samtliche Werke und Briefe, ed. Helmut Sembdner. 2 vols. Munich: Hanser 1984. Klufimann, Paul Gerhard. "Hebbel. Agnes Bernauer." In Das deutsche Drama vom Barock bis zur Gegenwart. Interpretationen, ed. Benno von Wiese. 2 vols., 2: 145-56. Diisseldorf: August Bagel 1958. Koch, Friedrich. Heinrich von Kleist. Bewufttsein und Wirklichkeit. Stuttgart: Metzler 1958. Loose, Hans-Dieter. Kleists Hermannsschlacht. Karlsruhe: von Loeper 1984. Lukacs, Georg. Werke. Essays fiber Realismus. Vol. 4. Neuwied/Berlin: Luchterhand 1971. Ludovici, Anthony M. A Defence of Aristocracy. London: Constable 1915. Liitzeler, Paul Michael. "Lessings Emilia Galotti und Minna von Barnhelm. Der Adel zwischen Aufklarung und Absolutismus." In Legitimationskrisen des deutschen Adels 1200-1800, ed. Peter Uwe Hohendahl and EM. Liitzeler, 101-118. Stuttgart: Metzler 1979. Maass, Joachim. Kleist. Bern/Munich: Scherz 1977. Mann, Thomas, Tonio Kroger. In Gesammelte Werke, vol. 8. Oldenburg: Fischer 1960. Martini, Fritz. "Das Kathchen von Heilbronn - Heinrich von Kleists drittes Lustspiel?", Jahrbuch der deutschen Schillergeselkchaft 20 (1976): 420-47. Mayer, Hans. Heinrich von Kleist. Der geschichtliche Augenblick. Pfullingen: Neske 1962. Mehring, Franz. "Heinrich von Kleist." Aufsatze zur deutschen Literaturgeschichte. Leipzig: Reclam 1969: 161-73. Mommsen, Katharina. Kleists Kampf mit Goethe. Heidelberg: Lothar Stiehm *974Moran, C. Winston Churchill. The Struggle for Survival. London: Constable 1966.

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Index

Achilles 115 Adolf, Helen 119 Aegina 114 Amphitryon myth 22, iTTnio Ancien regime 8 Andersen, Hans Christian 23, 27, I58ni27 i63n2o; "The Princess and the Pea" 23, i63n2o; "The Ugly Duckling" 27 Annunciation 32, 87, 16451141 Apollo 115 Arnim, Achim von 10, 14, 94; Grafin Dolores 10 Aufklarung. See Enlightenment Bible, The Holy 31, 32 Blocker, Giinter 4, 84 Born, Bertrand de 101 Brentano, Clemens 18 Browning, Robert M. I75ni5, I76ni9 Burckhardt, Sigurd 164^4 Busch, Rolf I58n22 Churchill, Winston 101, I73n37 Circe 29, 45, 51

Corneille, Pierre i66n$6 Corssen, Meta 121 Danae 114 David, second king of Judah and Israel 31, lyonio Denneler, Iris i62n6 Densin, Clest de 7 Deutsche Museum, Das 142 Dingelstedt, Franz Freiherr von 141 Diogenes 45 Dippold, H.K. i65n4i Eichendorff, Joseph Freiherr von 14, 17, 25, 94, 124, 125, 126, I59n5i, 1681143; "Der Adel und die Revolution" 14, 25 Ellis, John M. 95 Enlightenment 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 123, i6on57 Erfurt Congress 108 Eugen, Duke Karl 124 Federn, Karl 4 Figaro, Le 1591147 Fischer, Ernst 5, 19 Fontane, Theodor 3, 15, 21, i63ng, i77nn,

I79n37; E/jfo Briesf I59n48; Irrungen, Wirrungen 3, 15, i63ng, i77nn, I79n37 Fouque, Friedrich Heinrich Karl, Freiherr de la Motte 14 Frederick the Great of Prussia (1740-86) 8, 9, i67n8 Frederick William i of Prussia (1713-40) 9 Frederick William in of Prussia (1797-1840) 17 Frederick William iv of Prussia (1840-61) 30 French Revolution 7, 14 Fricke, Gerhard 124 Friedrich Wilhelm. See Frederick William Georg ii, Herzog von Sachsen-Meiningen i62n&7 Gerhard, Dierich 15, 96 i59-6on52, i6o-6in67 Gneisenau, August, Graf Neidhardt von 5 Go, Sabine i66n56 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von 8, 20, 108, 119,

i88 Index 1651141; Faust 83, 115, Il6, Il8, 122,

129,

1661155, 1781112; Gotz von Berlichingen 20 Goodwin, A. 1611169 Graham, Use 1781114 Grathoff, Dirk 5, 6, 7, 13, 19, 20, 36, 41, 43, 44, 56, 66, 158111114, 19, 1631118, 1641141, 1681138, 1711113, 172-31128 Grillparzer, Franz 30, 153; Bin Bruderzzvist in Hobsburg 30-1, 153 Grimm, Jacob and Wilhelm 138, I58ni2, i63n2o Gundolf, Friedrich (pseud. Gundelfinger, Friedrich) 29, 66, 101 Guthke, Karl i78ni3 Harlos, Dieter 165^1 Hebbel, Friedrich 3, 4, 19, 22, 66, 141-55, I79n32, I79n4i; Agnes Bernauer 4, 19, 123; a comparison with Kathchen 141-55 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich 142 Helbling, Robert 79 Helios 115, 117 Hensler, Karl Friedrich 10; Cute Menschen lieben ihren Fursten 10 Hercules 93 Hitler, Adolf 5 Hobbes, Thomas 13, 46 Hohenzollern 9 Holz, Hans Heinz 72 Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus) 20 Humboldt, Wilhelm von 9 Iffland, August Wilhelm 10, 142 Jager, Hans-Wolf 10, 24, 87, i63ni4, i7in8 Jahn, Friedrich Ludwig I76n38

Joseph, husband to Mary i7onio Jupiter 22, 25, 37, 92, 94, 96, 103, 106, no, 114, 119, 145, 1651141

Prinz Friedrich von Hamburg 6, 11, 12, 13, 16, 40, 58-9/ 73, 74, T7-8/ 87, 95, 99, 101, 102, 124, i62n6, i64n35, 170114, I7in7, I77n2 Robert Guiskard 6, 16, 17, Kautsky, John H. 7, 15, 16, 21, 101, 124, i62n6, 19, 27, 28, 56, 101, i65n45, I7in7 i63ni3, 1641145, i67nni2, Der zerbrochene Krug 51, 16, 20, i68n27, I73n3o, 101, 107-8, 122, I75n2, I76m8 17^43 Kittler, Wolf 18, 158^6, other works: Berliner I59n40, i6i-2n86 Abendblatter 169114; Kleist, Ewald Christian "Katharina von Frankvon 8, 18, i6in73 reich" 108; "Die Marquise Kleist, Franz Alexander von O" 26-7, 88; Michael von 8 Kleist, Heinrich von Kohlhaas 95, i62n93, i&9n47; Phobus 118; - family background and "Uber das Marionettenthe noble tradition 7-19 theater" 53; " Der Zwei- dramas kampf" 122, i66n52 Amphitryon So, 92-3, 101, 102, 104-6, 107, 124, 136, Kleist, Joachim Friedrich von 7 1651141, 170114, I72imi3, Kleist, Marie von 17, 15 I78n24 Die Familie Schroffenstein Kleist, Ulrike von 16,17, 95 1641135 Klufimann, Paul Gerhard Die Hermannsschlacht 6, 13, 16, 19, 29, 48, 101, Mi, 153 Koch, Friedrich i7i-2ni3 102, i62n6, I74n39 Kockeritz, Karl Leopold Das Kathchen von Heilvon 17 bronn: critical reception Konigsberg Triumvirate 5 3-7; act one: Kathchen as Kotzebue, August von 142 the true princess 20-40; Kunersdorf, battle of 8 act two: Kunigunde as the false princess 41-59; Leda 27 act three: Strahl caught Lessing, Gotthold between Kathchen and Ephraim 8, 10, 30, iTTng; Kunigunde 60-70; act Emilia Galotti 10, 30, 41, four: discovery of the 42, 80, i77ng true bride 71-85; act five: Lichtenstein, Wolfgang the preservation of noble I74n4& values 86-106; signifiLochner, Stefan 1651142 cance of names 107-22; Loen, Johann Michael von Kathchen and Kabale und i6on57 Liebe 123-41; Kathchen and Ludovici, Anthony 19, 24, Agnes Bernauer 141-55 1651149, i67n24 Penthesilea 29, 37-8,101, Ludwig iv, der Baier 115, 124, 173-41*39, 178(1314-47)152 9n29

189 Index Lukacs, Georg 5 Liitzeler, Paul Michael 12, 41, 94, 1601157 Machiavelli, Niccolo (Machiavellian) 12, 13, 1601157; // Principe 6 Madonna. See Mary Mann, Thomas 17, i6in8o; Tonio Kroger i6in8o Martini, Fritz 5, 7, 19, 57, 94, 104, 107, 108, 121, 154, i66n53, i66ni, i68n28, I72ni6, i75ng Mary, mother of Jesus 312, i65n42, i7onio, I76ni8 Mater dolorosa. See Mary Maximilian n, Joseph, King of Bavaria (1848-64) 141 Mayer, Hans 6, 7, 13, 123, 141, i6onn55, 57, 169114 Mehring, Franz 3, 4, I72n26 Meiningen Theatre Company i62n87 Mommsen, Katharina 1731*38 Moran, Lord C. 173^7 Miiller, Adam 8, 56, 1651141; Elemente der Staatskunst 8 Miiller-Seidel, Walter 108 Muschg, Walter 1741148 Napoleon Bonaparte 6, 9, 15, 56, 108, i6gn47 National Socialism 5 Nietzsche, Friedrich 13, 14, 19, 20, 21, 26, 33, 36, 66, 95, 96, 102, i6on63, i68n3i, i6gn2, 173^129, 36, I74n46 Painter, S. 56, 96, 101, i65nn44, 49, i68n3O Paul, Saint (Saul of Tarsus) 3i

Paulskirche Parliament 30 Peter, Klaus 10, 41, 1591152 prophetische Gruft, Der. See Annunciation Raumer, Friedrich von i6gn4 Rosenberg, Hans 8, 10, 11, 14, i67n22 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 7, 22, 41, 44 Sade, Comte Donatien de 102 Sammler, Der 91 Sammons, Jeffrey 6, 14 Samuel, Hebrew judge and prophet 31 Samuel, Richard 6, 14, I75n7 Saphir, Moritz Gottlieb 3 Scharnhorst, Gerhard von 5 Schaub, Martin 179^1 Schiller, Friedrich von 8, 19, 119, 124-41, 154, i77ng; Don Carlos 124; Kabale und Liebe 19; a comparison with Kathchen 123-41; 142, 143, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152, 154, I78ni2, I79n35; Maria Stuart i66n56; Wallenstein 124, I77n6 Schwabisches Tageblatt 1751148 Schwerte, Hans 19, 42, 45, 49' 53' 9i' 94' 124, i67nni5, 18, I72ni4, I73n32, I76ni8 Sembdner, Helmut 57, 108, 118, 154, i62n93, i65n4i, i78ni7 Semele 114 Sengle, Friedrich 144, I79n36 Shakespeare, William 16, 94; Hamlet 92, 94; King Lear 121

Silz, Walter 4, 104 Stanton, Domna 17, 48 Stein, Karl, Reichs-Freiherr vom 6 Stolberg, Friedrich Leopold, Graf zu 8, 18 Stolze, Reinhold, i62n&7 Streller, Siegfried 4, 5, 7, 22, 31, 44, 79, 87, 89, i57n9' i69n5O, i7ini Sturm und Drang 124, 132 Thalestris, Queen of the Amazons 117 Theognis of Megara 26 Tieck, Ludwig 118 Torring, Josef August, Graf von 142 Uechtritz, Friedrich von 151 Ueding, Gert 30, 69, 80, 177^42 Vierhaus, Rudolf 8 Vohland, Ulrich 6, 14 Voigt, Friedrich Traugott 10; Der FUrst als Mensch 10 Voltaire (Franc.ois-Marie Arouet) 119, 120, 1771143; Candide 119-20, 176^4 Weigand, Hermann 4, 19, 87, 91, 115, 120, 1578nn, i66n5i, i68m6 Wenzel iv, King of Bohemia and Emperor (13781419) 146, i79n3O Wieland, Christoph Martin 4, 119 Wilhelm, Prinz von Preufien 169^ Witte, Wilhelm 177^ Wolff, Hans M. 6, 43, 45, 56, 57, 67, 154 Zenge, Wilhelmine von 15' 97' 174040 Zeus. See Jupiter