Kenyan Immigrants in the United States : Acculturation, Coping Strategies, and Mental Health [1 ed.] 9781593326517, 9781593324131

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The New Americans Recent Immigration and American Society

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Edited by Steven J. Gold and Rubén G. Rumbaut

A Series from LFB Scholarly

Kenyan Immigrants in the United States : Acculturation, Coping Strategies, and Mental Health, LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC, 2010. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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Kenyan Immigrants in the United States Acculturation, Coping Strategies, and Mental Health

Copyright © 2010. LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC. All rights reserved.

Lilian Odera

LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC El Paso 2010

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Odera, Lilian, 1976Kenyan immigrants in the United States : acculturation, coping strategies, and mental health / Lilian Odera. p. cm. -- (The new Americans) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-59332-413-1 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Kenyan Americans--Cultural assimilation. 2. Kenyan Americans-Mental health. 3. Kenyan Americans--Psychology. 4. Immigrants-United States. I. Title. E184.K43O34 2010 973'.0496762--dc22 2010019613

ISBN 978-1-59332-413-1 Printed on acid-free 250-year-life paper. Manufactured in the United States of America.

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Table of Contents

Tables and Figures ...............................................................................vii Acknowledgements............................................................................... ix Chapter 1: Introduction .......................................................................... 1 Chapter 2: History of Kenyan Immigrants............................................. 9 Chapter 3: Immigration Models: Kenyans’ Patterns of Adaptations ... 33 Chapter 4 : Acculturative Stressors Among Kenyans.......................... 79 Chapter 5: Coping with Acculturative Stressors: Social Support and Religious Coping Styles ................................................................ 93 Chapter 6: Mental Health of Kenyan Immigrants.............................. 115 Chapter 7: Conclusion: The Advent of New Immigrants................... 155 Copyright © 2010. LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC. All rights reserved.

References.......................................................................................... 163 Index .................................................................................................. 183

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List of Tables and Figures

2.1 Kenyan Immigrants’ Demographic Profile .................................. 25 3.1 Means and Standard Deviations of Acculturation and Transnationalism by Gender ........................................................ 61 3.2 One Way Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) of Acculturation by Immigration Categories.......................................................... 62 3.3 Correlations Between Acculturation, Transnationalism and Demographic Variables............................................................... 63 3.4 Regression Model Examining Effects of Independent Variables on American Acculturation.......................................... 67 3.5 Regression Model Examining Effects of Independent Variables on Kenyan Acculturation ............................................. 68 3.6 Regression Model Examining Effects of Independent Variables on Bicultural Acculturation ......................................... 69

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4.1 Means and Standard Deviations of Acculturative Stressors ........ 88 4.2 One Way Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) of Acculturative Stress by Immigration Categories ............................................... 89 5.1 Means and Standard Deviations of Social Support and Religious Coping Styles by Gender ........................................... 105 vii

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Tables and Figures

5.2 Correlations Between Coping Styles, Transnationalism, and Demographic Variables............................................................. 106 5.3 Regression Model Examining Effects of Independent Variables on Social Support ...................................................... 108 5.4 Regression Model Examining Effects of Independent Variables on Religious Coping Style ....................................... 109 6.1 Means and Standard Deviations of Mental Health Symptoms by Gender................................................................................... 135 6.2 Correlations Between Mental Health Symptoms and Others Study Variables......................................................................... 138 6.3 One way Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) of Health Symptoms by Length of Stay in the USA ............................... 139 6.4 Regression Model Examining Effects of Independent Variables on Depressive Symptoms........................................... 142 6.5 Regression Model Examining Effects of Independent Variables on Subjective Health.................................................. 145 Figures

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3.1 Summary of Immigration Models................................................ 43

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Acknowledgements

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This book would not have been a successful endeavor without the prayers, support, and input of many people. I would like to first thank God, who has called me to greater things and from whom I drew wisdom and strength through each step of this writing process. I would like to thank Drs. Laura Kohn-Wood, James Jackson, Donna Nagata and Silvia Pedraza, who were enriched my research and broadened by approach to interdisciplinary work. My gratitude goes to my beloved family who believed in my ability to successfully complete the writing of this book. I would like to thank the Black Students Psychological Association at the University of Michigan for valuable feedback during this writing. My appreciation also goes to the Psychology Department at the University of Michigan for funding this project. Lastly, I would like to thank the Kenyan community across the U.S., for not only participating in this study, but providing insight into the Kenyan immigrant experience in the United States.

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CHAPTER 1

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Introduction

An increasing number of foreign nationals have entered the United States in the last decade either as business travelers, temporary workers, refugees, students, legal permanent residents, or foreign diplomats. Nationally, the number of immigrants rose from 11.1 percent (31.1 million individuals) of the United States population in 2000 to 12.5 percent (38 million individuals) in 2008 (United States Census Bureau, 2008). These rising numbers of immigrants come from different countries and represent a move towards heterogeneity in immigrant populations in the United States from the 1800s when immigrant groups mostly constituted Germans, Irish and English. Immigration statistics show that the number of African immigrants in the United States grew 40-fold between 1960 and 2007, from 35, 355 to 1.4 million and made up 3.7 percent of all immigrants (United States Office of Immigration Statistics, 2007). As this number of immigrants from the continent of Africa has increased over the last four decades, these foreign nationals have stamped their presence on the ethnic map of the United States. These recent changes in immigration patterns have challenged the definition and categorization of groups as racial minorities, ethnic minorities or immigrants. The changing face of immigration in the United States, that now includes Sub-Saharan Africans, may be attributed to the diversity in the countries that send immigrants to this nation. In most cases, international migration causes sudden changes in many areas of immigrants’ lives within a short time. These changes typically affect

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

living conditions, occupation, socioeconomic status, language use, and family structure and function, among others (Kim et al., 2005). Immigrants may experience a significant amount of stress when dealing with changes during the process of immigration and in the periods following migration; an experience that may result in increased risk for mental health problems (Berry, 1995). Despite risk factors for mental health among immigrant populations, there is a dearth of studies examining cultural adjustment experiences, and the effects of these experiences on the psychological health of immigrants from Africa. The population of immigrants from Africa has been considered too small relative to other immigrant groups (Wilmouth, Dejong, & Himes, 1997) and as such has not received concentrated research focus. Most research studies that have examined the effects of cultural adjustment or stress on the health of immigrants have focused on Asians (e.g. Kim et al., 2005; Salant & Lauderdale, 2003), Australian immigrants (e.g. Nesdale & Mak, 2003), and Hispanics (e.g. Finch, et al. 2001; Hovey, 2000), among others. Statistics from the 2008 census reports on the racial composition of immigrants indicate that 8.1 percent of foreignborn individuals in the United States reported their race as Black or African in 2008; an increase from 5 percent in 2000 (United States Census Bureau, 2008). Clearly, contrary to speculation that immigrants from African countries are fewer in the United States than other groups, the last three decades of the twentieth century witnessed significant immigration of Africans to North America (United States Census Bureau, 2004, 2008). This increase in African immigrants has often been due to political crises, civil wars, ethnic conflict, and economic deterioration (Arthur, 2000). The number of documented immigrants from the continent of Africa arriving annually in the United States rose from under 15,000 in 1980 to over 40,000 by the close of the 1990s. These rising number of immigrants from African nations, such as Kenya, underscore the need for an examination of their cultural adjustment process as they settle in the United States. Furthermore, there is a need for a focus on populations of African immigrants who enter the United States voluntarily, as opposed to refugees who are forced to leave their countries because of persecution or fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group. Only 100,000 of the documented African immigrants in the United States since 1980

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Introduction

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have claimed refugee status (USOIS, 2007). In 2008 the United States admitted 8, 943 refugees and asylees from Africa; are reduction from 19, 986 in 2007 (USOIS, 2009). Given the increasing number of Africans entering the United States each year, these numbers imply that a considerable majority of them are not refugees. In light of the circumstances that lead individuals to leave their countries of origin and enter the U.S. as refugees, this status provides an easy track to residency as well as increased priority and access to resources. Although African immigrants who do not enter the United States as refugees have need for similar resources as well, they often have to work their way to U.S. residency and citizenship and have limited access to resources. Both Kamya (1997) and Turner (1995) contend that limited attention has been given to the study of immigrants of African descent, such as continental Africans and Caribbean Blacks. Given the rising numbers of African immigrants in the United States, it is important to recognize the diversity in the Black population in the country. However, because race and ethnicity have been traditionally viewed as interchangeable in the U.S., the issue of ethnic heterogeneity with the Black racial category has been largely ignored (Waters, 1999). Perhaps this dearth of a research focus on this population has been due to a lack of understanding of the diversity that exists among foreign-born Black immigrants. Although there has been work done on Caribbean immigrants (e.g. Gopaul-McNicol, 1998; Murphy & Mahalingham, 2004; Waters, 1999) that informs research on other immigrants of African descent, these findings cannot entirely be generalized to all Black immigrants. It is important to note that immigrants of African descent do not form a homogeneous group but actually have great cultural, historical, religious, and linguistic diversity. These differences exist both between and within African people in the regions of the Caribbean and Africa. For instance, while some African nations have English as a national or international language, others speak French or Portuguese as their national or international language. In addition to national languages, most of these African nations have multiple ethnic groups and dialects. Kenya, whose immigrants are the focus of this book, is a multilingual and multiethnic nation consisting of about 45 ethnic groups stratified in society, with different access to resources, wealth, power, and status (Ogot, 1979).

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

In addition to cultural and linguistic differences among African people, there are also differences in their migration patterns. Each year countries such as Nigeria and Ethiopia send substantial numbers of immigrants to the United States, while the number of immigrants from other countries, such as Senegal has been insignificant. Some countries, such as Egypt, have a long history of migration to the United States, while others such as Sudan has only recently started sending immigrants in significant numbers – most as refugees (United States Citizenship and Immigration Services, 2005). Statistics from the Office of Immigration indicate that in 2007 the top five countries of origin for African immigrants were Nigeria (13.1 percent or 185, 787), Egypt (9.6 percent or 136, 648), Ethiopia (9.5 percent or 134, 547), Ghana (7.4 percent or 104, 842), and Kenya (5.7 percent or 80, 595). Among most predominantly Black nations, however, similarities in histories, social structure, and current social hierarchy result in comparable psychological processes among those who immigrate to the United States. These similarities allow the diverse peoples of Africa and the Caribbean to have similar ways of perceiving and interpreting American society. While attending to these similarities, the culturespecific orientation of immigrants of African descent needs to be addressed with respect to their specific country of origin (Dyal & Dyal, 1981). Studies that have examined the cultural adjustment process among African immigrants have focused on South Africans (Segel, 1996), Ethiopians (Kibour, 2001), and Moroccans (Ourasse & Vijver, 2004). Notably, none have focused on immigrants from East African nations such as Kenya. The need for a specific research focus on Kenya immigrant experiences is further highlighted by recent immigration statistics. Data from the Department of Homeland Security shows that Kenyan immigration to the United States has increased in recent years. Although in 1986, just 719 Kenyans were admitted to the United States, this figure jumped to 5,323 in 2004. United States Census data reports indicate that in 2007 there were 80, 595 documented Kenyan immigrants in the United States (USOIS, 2009). Unfortunately, research pertaining to the cultural adjustment needs of this growing immigrant group has not accumulated proportionate to their growth. In addition to the growing number of immigrants from Kenya to the United States, another reason that necessitates an examination of the cultural adjustment of this group is the role of a phenomenon

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Introduction

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known as brain drain in the migration of people from Kenya. Brain drain refers to the transfer of knowledge, experience, skill, and expertise from one region, country or geographic location to another (Dei & Asgharzadeh, 2002). This movement takes place from the less developed to the highly developed regions and countries. One striking feature of the United States migration data is that immigrants with no more than a primary education are quite small - about 500,000 individuals out of a total of 7 million immigrants in 2004 (USCIS, 2005). Among countries in Asia and the Pacific, the biggest source of immigrants is the Philippines, with the great majority having postsecondary education. It is noteworthy, however, that immigrants from Africa consist primarily of highly educated individuals. In 2007, 42.5 percent of the 1.1 million African-born adults age 25 and older had a bachelor’s degree or higher compared to 27 percent among the 31.6 million foreign-born adults (USOIS, 2007). To further highlight the magnitude of brain drain, in Africa alone, about 23,000 qualified academic professionals migrate annually (International Herald Tribunal 10/18/2001). Africa’s “brain drain” takes place in two ways. First, individuals who have completed their education in Africa migrate overseas in search of better employment opportunities. Individuals in this category include scientists, engineers, physicians, health workers, entrepreneurs, computer experts and technicians. The second way that brain drain manifests is that African students who graduate from universities and colleges abroad tend to stay abroad, where they find jobs, settle down and become permanent residents and citizens of their host countries (Zeleza, 2002).

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Purpose and Significance of the Book In light of the gap in the literature with regard to East African immigrants, the purpose of the research studies in this book is to examine the complexity of the relationships among acculturation, acculturative stress, transnationalism and coping strategies among first generation Kenyan immigrants living in the United States. This research will also examine the impact of these variables on the mental health of this immigrant group. So much attention, especially in the media, has been focused on negative aspects of immigration such as low English proficiency and immigrants’ reluctance to adapt American culture. Immigrants’ involvement in criminal activity or matters that

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

threaten national security such as terrorist activities has fueled negative sentiments and suspicion towards foreign national. For example, the 2009 foiled terrorist attack on an airplane to Detroit by a Nigerian national may negatively affect general attitudes towards African immigrants in the United States. Contrary to these negative perspectives, this book will adapt an informative and strength-based perspective as it explores the immigration experience of a relatively new immigrant group that is underrepresented in immigration literature. The series of studies detailed in this book seek to add to the existing body of immigration literature on cultural adjustment by empirically exploring the cultural adjustment process of Kenyan immigrants in the United States, and the coping strategies they employ in dealing with the stress related to this process. In addition, these studies will examine mental health outcomes resulting from cultural adjustment, such as depressive symptoms and subjective health reports. Since depression has been found to be the single largest category of mental health disorders in the United States (Miranda, Hohmann, & Attkisson, 1994), it is important to examine its occurrence in a nonnative, but resident population. Subjective reports of health may be useful in determining individual evaluation of health in ways that may not be captured by symptom checklists. Results yielded from the research studies in this book could be useful in conceptualizing and quantifying the meaning of cultural adjustment, particularly from a psychological or mental health perspective among Kenyan immigrants. Understanding the effects of cultural adjustment may be important in shedding light on culturally relevant stressors. These stressors may comprise important factors for symptoms indicating risk for several mental disorders among a growing minority group. Findings from this study may also inform research that examines cross-cultural adjustment among a growing immigrant population and provide a much needed link between the existing body of acculturation research and a growing, but underrepresented immigrant population. In addition, these findings may provide an empirical understanding of cross-cultural translocation which may be particularly relevant to the increasing number of various sectors, such as mental health educators and professionals. The research focus in this book is a necessary expansion of cultural adjustment research that seeks to further the understanding of the experience of an immigrant group from the continent of Africa coming

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Introduction

7

into a nation that already has an existing population of individuals of African descent. Unlike African Americans whose history is characterized by involuntary migration, Kenyans who seek to enter the United States often do so voluntarily since they come from a nation that has enjoyed relative social and political tranquility in the last two decades. This difference in history may result in varied experiences between these two groups. Results from the studies in this book will also make a significant contribution to applied work addressing immigrants. For instance, findings will provide crucial cultural knowledge that could be used by health practitioners, mental health educators, and legislators/lawmakers to develop workable mental health-related models for practice and teaching that address the impact of cultural adjustment and resulting stressors on Kenyan immigrants and other African immigrant groups. The use of this culturally sensitive information would improve the quality of mental health programs and aid health professionals in effectively serving the growing number of Kenyan immigrants as well as other African immigrants residing in the United States.

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Overview of the Book This chapter has highlighted some of the gaps in the literature with regards to immigrant population focus and indicated the dearth of research on Sub-Saharan immigrants such as Kenyans. The chapter has also provided an overview of issues that are relevant to immigration research particularly among those migrating from Kenya. As the chapters in this book progress, I build upon preceding chapters by adding various concepts in the study in order to continue a detailed and expanded examination of the cultural adaptation process of Kenyan immigrants as they live in the United States. Chapter Two provides the history of Kenyans immigrants in the United States and lays a foundation for the study. The impact of social and political climates on immigration of Kenyans will be discussed in this second chapter. A descriptive picture of the socio-demographic make-up of the study sample is then provided. The chapter indicates the complexity of Kenyan immigrants in the United States and notes the comparison of the sample to recent immigration statistics regarding African born immigrants. Chapter Three begins with a review of various immigration models that have been utilized in the examination

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

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of cultural adjustment among immigrants in the United States. The applicability of these models to Kenyan immigrants is then explored. An exploratory examination of the acculturation process of Kenyan immigrants in the United States is then provided. The predictive power of transnationalism and demographic factors on the various styles of acculturation is determined. Chapter Four builds on the understanding of the acculturation process of Kenyans by examining the types of acculturative stressors that they experience upon migrating to the United States. Specific types of acculturative stressors and their relevance to Kenyan immigrants experience in the United States are examined. With an understanding of acculturation and acculturation stressors in this population, Chapter Five examines how Kenyans cope with challenges that arise while they reside in the United States. The relevance of social support and religious coping styles is discussed as well as factors that would predict their usage among Kenyan immigrants in the United States. The predictive ability of acculturation factors, coping strategies and demographic variables on health outcomes is examined in Chapter Six. The chapter specifically focuses on the predictive ability of these variables with regards to depressive symptoms and subjective health evaluation. Chapter Seven concludes the book with a summary of general findings and provides research and clinical implications. This final chapter also highlights areas that are relevant to Kenyan immigrant research but are beyond the scope of this book, and suggests directions which future research can expand this work.

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CHAPTER 2

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History of Kenyan Immigrants

The movement and interaction of people over long distances has long been a feature of African, and particularly East African, history. The diversity of people encompassed by the contemporary Kenyan state following colonial rule is a clear reminder of these migrations and movements. The Kenyan population was diversified by the arrival of Europeans who were mostly British colonial settlers and Indian laborers who helped to construct the railway lines before settling in the country. Kenyan communities along the coast of the Indian Ocean interacted and intermarried with traders from India, Europe, Arabia and the Far East. These early commercial and imperial encounters resulted in subcultures that make up a small minority while the majority of the Kenyan population is made up of native Africans of various ethnic and cultural backgrounds categorized as Bantu, Nilotic, or Cushitic (Ogot, 1979). The first and, perhaps, only real “wave” of Kenyan immigrants to the United States came during the 1950s and 1960s (Wolf, 1976). At the time, Kenya was a British colony and under British domination. During the colonial period, the British limited educational opportunities for Africans in order to reproduce the racial relations of production whereby Africans were expected to be subordinate (Mwiria, 1990). During World War II, Kenyans were obliged to fight for the British Crown. After the war soldiers returned home only to be, once again, treated as second class citizens. This spurred the country into a war for independence, as Kenyans fought to be free from British colonization. Kenya eventually became independent in 1963 with Jomo Kenyatta as president. President Kenyatta was one of a select few Kenyans who traveled abroad to attend university during the colonial era. He heavily 9

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

emphasized the need for an educated Kenyan population and qualified professionals and other technocrats to promote national development. With the rhetoric of education as the primary avenue to development a belief took hold that education was the main gateway to socioeconomic and political mobility. The Kenyan government sent young Kenyans abroad for higher education, many of them on government-financed scholarships with guaranteed Kenyan government jobs upon completion of their studies (Okoth, 2003). Consequently, migration became a significant facet of life for many Kenyans. Although Great Britain was the colonial metropole, the United States also started relocating Kenyans and settled them in small college towns and cities (Wolf, 1976). United States exchange program such as the Fulbright Scholarship, as well as the famed Kennedy student airlifts of the 1960s, were successful in bringing a cadre of Kenyans for training in the United States (Okoth, 2003). The idea was that these Kenyans would receive training, or education in the United States, and would then return to Kenya to implement a structure of democracy. Many did return to Kenya, but some stayed and made the United States their home. Many of those students who returned to Kenya readily filled managerial positions vacated by colonial administrators. This period of migration, which lasted from the 1970s through the 1980s was also characterized by a stable Kenyan economy, during which more students continued to come to the United States and return to Kenya upon completion of their studies (Appleton, Bigsten, & Manda, 1999; Okoth, 2003). The oil-producing countries of the Gulf such as Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Dubai also began to draw lowskilled laborers from Kenya, while teachers were recruited to work in neighboring African countries such as Tanzania, Uganda, and Rwanda.

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Brain Drain and Migration Despite a stable economy in the early 1980s, Kenya went through a period of brain drain in the late 1980s and 1990s as Kenyan doctors, nurses, teachers, journalists, students, and professors fled the country. Violent state oppression and persecution of the political opposition, which characterized the dominant single-party government, led to this migration. Professionals also left the country because of high unemployment, a stagnant economy, and declining standards of living (Kizuka, 2006). Many students who came to the United States, Canada,

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History of Kenyan Immigrants

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and Western Europe did not return to Kenya upon completion of their studies, but instead opted to settle down in the western countries. This brain drain phenomenon formed a crucial political period, as this era of exodus opened with the repressive consolidation of power by then president of Kenya – President Daniel arap Moi from 1982 onwards, following an unsuccessful military coup. President Moi’s influence resulted in devastating effects of donor-imposed structural adjustment programs and economic and social crisis. These structural adjustments required the government to outline and execute programs that would be beneficial to Kenyan citizens in all regions of the country, including rural areas. Corruption, which characterized the government of president Moi, made it difficult to clearly account for the use of donor funds. This led to the withdrawal of donor funds and programs. This era of political dominance concluded with the election of President Mwai Kibaki in 2002. However, despite initial exuberance surrounding the 2002 election of President Kibaki, the continued prevalence of economic, political, and personal efforts has done little to stem the tide of migration (Holmquist, 2005).

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Migration of Skilled Workers When assessing the migration of Kenyans, particularly those who are highly skilled, the most crucial information is based on data from member nations of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and particularly the United States. This is because the migration of Kenyans to the United States is very selective, with a significant portion of these immigrants being highly educated individuals. For example, Ozden (2006) found that in 2000, 82 percent of Kenyan immigrants moving to the United States had post-secondary education compared to only 38 percent of Kenyan immigrants moving to the 15 European Union states. While only 5 percent of the Kenyan population in Kenya holds a post-secondary degree, for Kenyans living in the United States this figure is more than ten times larger (Niimi & Ozden, 2006). The 2000 United States Census indicates that an overwhelming majority of Kenyans residing in the United States have at least a high school education; 60.4 percent had an associate, bachelor, graduate, or professional degree, while 21.8 percent had some post-secondary education but had not obtained a college degree (United States Census,

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

2000). An additional 12 percent did not have a college education but had a high school diploma or its equivalent and only 5.9 percent had not finished the 12th grade. However, only 52 percent of these highly skilled Kenyans residing in the United States during the 1990s were able to obtain employment at a level commiserate to their educational status. This phenomenon where the skilled and educated leave their home country, but then make little use of their skills and education in the host country is often termed brain waste (Mattoo, Neagu, & Ozden, 2005). Brain waste is a form of occupational stress that will be discussed in Chapter Four which explores acculturative stress among Kenyan immigrants. The above educational figures from the United States Census translate into a rapidly growing proportion of skilled Kenyans living abroad. Docquier and Marfouk (2006) found that by 2000, 38.4 percent of highly skilled Kenyans (defined as individuals with 13 years of schooling or more) were living abroad. Among countries with a population greater than 5 million, this was the fourth highest ranking, behind only Haiti, Ghana, and Mozambique for brain drain (Docquier and Marfouk, 2006). These figures also show that the proportion of highly skilled Kenyans migrating abroad (particularly to the United States) quadrupled between 1990 and 2000.

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Economics and Migration In recent years, many Kenyans have come to the United States seeking a better life both in terms of economic and educational opportunities, which often tend to be superior and more promising than in their home country (Okoth, 2003; Appleton et al., 1999). In light of these factors, and gradual economic instability in Kenya, most Kenyans who come to the United States opt to stay here. However, a number of these Kenyans choose to stay in the United States in violation of their visas and become illegal and undocumented immigrants. It is important to take into account that although the migration of most Kenyans emanates from the desire to improve one’s livelihood, it is rarely the poorest that migrate. Migration involves considerable costs and risks, as well as knowledge and social networks. Therefore, it is likely that those of high socioeconomic status, and those with considerable social and financial resources, are the ones that migrate. However, it is important to note

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History of Kenyan Immigrants

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that because of economic disparity, affluence in Kenyan may not often necessarily translate equally in the United States. In addition to the politically and economically-driven decisions to migrate to the United States, poverty in Kenya has become a major factor that is responsible for immigration. In Kenya a significant portion of the population lives at, or below the poverty line (Barkan, 2004). Like any other developing country, Kenya is faced with many challenges in terms of poverty, economic decline, and a lack of adequate resources to meet the physical and mental health demands of the population (Kiima, 2004). Socioeconomic pressures have led to a decline in economic growth, from 4.8 percent in 1995, 1.8 percent in 1998 and to an estimated 1.1 percent in 2003 (Government of Kenya, 2002; JICA, 2002). In 2002 per capita income in Kenya was as low as 239 United States dollars. Research in the last decade has revealed that those living at, or below the poverty level stands at 56 percent nationally, while the rate of unemployment in Kenya stands at 23 percent of the total population (Waithaka, Anyona & Koori, 2003). Life expectancy rates in Kenya have also been on the decline. In the 1980s the life expectancy in Kenya was 57.9 and 65.9 years for males and females, respectively. In 2002 the figures had dropped to 52.8 for men and 60.4 for women and in 2009 stood at 54 and 55 years for men and women respectively (CIA, 2009). This reduction in life expectancy can partially be attributed to the rise in poverty and the dwindling provision of health services by the government (Waithaka, Anyona, & Koori, 2003). The above mentioned poverty-related factors have led many Kenyans to consider migration to other countries as a way of improving their lives. The United States is generally a favorable destination because of economic and educational opportunities. Kenyans are often willing to explore various immigration opportunities (student, professional, entrepreneur, etc.) in order to enter the United States. Preference in immigration status may affect the acculturation process in various ways that involve behavioral, psychological, and social changes. For example, Kenyan immigrants who are entering the United States on temporary visas may not expect to settle in this country permanently, and thus may have less incentive to integrate themselves into the larger society than those who come as permanent residents.

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Kenyan Immigration Categories As brain drain and other factors such as politics, economy, and poverty continue to become major issues in immigration studies, it is important to examine the categories and characteristics of immigrants from countries such as Kenya that rank highly in migration flows to the United States. Among the generally well-educated Kenyan immigrant population that has come to the United States during the last 50-60 years, various immigration categories exist. The major Kenyan immigrant groups in the United States include students, professional, visitors, diplomats, and legal permanent residents (LPRs) or Green card holders. This section will provide the characteristics and experience of each of these Kenyan immigrant categories.

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Students Kenyans are among the many African students who reside in the United States and are enrolled in colleges and universities in this country. As their numbers have continued to rise, African immigrants from countries such as Kenya have attained a significant presence in the American higher education system. The educational success of foreignborn Blacks in the United States is striking. Reports from the Journal of Blacks in Higher Education – JBHE, indicate that in 2004 more than 12 percent of all Black undergraduate students enrolled at U.S. colleges and universities were born in a foreign land (JBHE, 2007). This is nearly four times the rate for foreign born whites. These reported also indicate that for enrolled Black graduate students, 18.7 percent, or more than one in every six, were born outside the United States. For Whites, 6.3 percent of all graduate students were foreign born. The strength of these numbers is buttressed by immigration statistics which show that in 2007, 42.5 percent of the 1.1 million African-born adults age 25 and older had a Bachelor’s degree or higher compared to 27.0 percent among the 31.6 million foreign-born adults (United States Office of Immigration Statistics - USOIS, 2007). The educational attainment level of foreign-born Blacks has also been compared to native-born Americans by the JBHE foundation. About 17.5 percent of Black adults over the age of 25 in the United States had a four-year college degree. However, foreign-born Black adults from African and Caribbean nations fare better with 24.4 percent

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of them attaining at least a four-year college degree (JBHE, 2007). Other reports from the JBHE indicate that 1.1 percent of native-born African Americans hold a professional or doctoral degree while for White Americans this number stands at 3.2 percent. These reported show that nearly 2.2 percent of foreign-born Blacks in 2004 held a professional or doctoral degree (JBHE, 2005). Overall, these statistics imply that foreign-born Blacks are far more likely to have a college education than are native-born African Americans and are actually comparable to White Americans. Kenya immigrants attending college in the United States are, therefore, a portion of an academic elite in the American educational system. They are one of the largest categories of Kenyan immigrants in the United States. As a result of British cultural attitudes during the colonial period and the first Kenyan president’s rhetoric of education as a path to development, many Kenyans value education as a means to an end and not as a goal in and of itself. This rhetoric remains unchallenged today as Kenyan parents, who may not be educated, expect their children and grandchildren to succeed academically. This belief system about the value of education is also found in many Caribbean countries colonized by the British, such as Jamaica (Davis & Proctor, 1989). This colonial influence and other factors have, over the years, have created an insatiable thirst for higher education opportunities that has led to a high demand for higher institutions of learning in Kenya. An example of such zest for higher learning as a result of exposure to British colonization is highlighted by the United States 44th President, Barack Obama in his book Dreams From My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance, where he provides an account of the pursuit of graduate education in the United States by his Kenyan father, Barack Obama Sr. (Obama, 2003). Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Kenya’s school system could not accommodate the demand for higher education nor could the stagnant economy absorb new highly educated graduates. While public expenditure for education rose through the early 1980s, the demand for schooling outpaced economic growth (Godia, 1987). The higher education infrastructure – Kenya’s six public universities and seven private universities – was and still is incapable of fulfilling student demand (Okoth, 2003). In addition, only a few Kenyan universities have the capacity for post-graduate studies in the sciences, technology and engineering. Consequently, thousands of Kenyans pursue post-

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

graduate studies abroad, with a large number choosing the United States as a favorable destination. Reports from the Institute of International Education (2002) suggest that there are a large and disproportionate number of Kenyan students in the United States compared to those from the rest of Africa. During the 2000/2001 school year, some 6,229 Kenyan undergraduate and graduate students attended universities in the United States. This figure grew by 13 percent the following year to 7,097 Kenyan students (Institute of International Education, 2003). This represents 18.2 and 18.8 percent respectively, of the total African student population in the United States during these years, despite the fact that Kenya’s 33 million inhabitants make up less than 4 percent of the continent’s total population. Recent reports from the Institute of International Education indicate that in the 2008/2009 academic year there were 5, 877 student from Kenya studying in the United States only second to Nigeria (6, 256) among African sending nations (Institute of International Education, 2009). These reports also show that the majority of Kenyan students in the United States study at the undergraduate level. In 2008/2009, their breakdown was as follows: 64.5 percent undergraduates, 27.2 percent graduate students, 1.5 percent other education, and 6.8 percent Optional Practical Training. Overall it is estimated that of the 30,000 Kenyan students who depart each year to study abroad, only about 9,000 return to their home country after completing their studies (The Nation, 2005). Despite the high numbers of Kenyan students in the United States immigration laws have restrictions on student visas that pose challenges to immigrants on student visas. Immigration law restricts immigrants on student visas from working outside the academic institution that issues their I-20s to come and study in the United States. They are also restricted from full time employment at these academic institutions (USCIS, 2005). In addition to these immigration restrictions, international student tuition is often three or four times higher than instate tuition in most American colleges and universities. This poses a major challenge to immigrants on student visas who often have to raise funds at the beginning of each semester without seeking employment outside of their academic institutions.

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Skilled Professionals Another category of Kenyan immigrants in the United States consists of those who come as professionals or entrepreneurs. The economic hopelessness of the late 1980s and 1990s, as well as violent politically motivated ethnic conflicts around the 1992 and 1997 general elections, catalyzed the massive departures of doctors, lawyers, university lecturers, and other highly skilled professionals to the United States (Okoth, 2003). This was in addition to stagnant economic conditions and a general absence of career opportunities for highly trained indigenous Kenyans in their home country (Logan, 1992).These are some of the factors that drew and continue to draw professionals to immigrate. Notably, the occupation and education-selective nature of the visa-granting process, which favors professionals in healthcare, computer technology, and international business (Nyamwange, 2005) is an incentive for Kenyan professionals to pursue employment opportunities in the United States. Professional and social networks that are established while American experts are studying overseas also draw professionals to migrate. Researchers in less technologically-advanced countries such as Kenya cite lack of funding, poor facilities, limited career structure and poor intellectual stimulation in their home country as important reasons for dissatisfaction and eventual migration (Pang et al., 2002). Another factor that has encouraged the migration of highly skilled individuals is the United Stated visa and immigration policies. The H1B visa was implemented in the late 1980s in order to admit professionals and specialized workers for up to six years on the basis of employer declaration that United States citizens are not available at the prevailing wage (Commander, Kangasniemi, & Winters, 2004). The immigration Act of 1990 and the American Competitiveness and Work Force Improvement Act of 1998 have further emphasized the selection of highly skilled workers especially those with specific professional skills (Docquier and Marfouk (2006). Since 1989, the total H1-B visas issued by the United States government have grown substantially. Among Kenyans arriving in the United States on temporary work visas or varying lengths, 587 arrived on H1-B visas out of 1,443 in 2003 (United States Office of Immigration Statistics - USOIS, 2004). In 2004, 704 Kenyans out of 1,541 total temporary workers obtained H1B visas (USOIS, 2006).

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Many health professionals in less developed countries such as Kenya have continued to migrate to the West mainly due to poor working conditions. It is estimated that on average 20 doctors leave Kenya to find employment abroad each month (Siringi, 2001). Estimates on nurses indicate that approximately 800 nurses leave Kenya every year to seek employment abroad, with a majority of them getting jobs in the United States and the United Kingdom (Ogosia, 2009). Consistent with these reports anecdotal evidence suggest that a large number of Kenyans in the United States are pursuing medical training in nursing to meet the growing demand in the United States.

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Visitors In addition to students and professionals, a number of Kenyans have come to the United States as visitors. This group of immigrants often includes individuals who are invited by family members or friends for short visits during occasions such as weddings, graduations, or vacations. Immigrants entering the United States as visitors often have visas that are valid for varied lengths of time ranging from 2 weeks to several years. These visas allow individuals to enter the United States multiple times, but Customs and Border Protection authorize a specific period of stay each time these individuals are admitted to the country (USCIS, 2008). Immigration laws restrict individuals on visitors’ visas from obtaining social security numbers or working in the United States. Immigrants who hold these temporary visas are allowed to apply to adjust their status if they meet eligibility requirements set by the Immigration and Naturalization Services. Kenyan immigrants who are on student visas can file for a dependents visa for their spouses, which often allows the spouse to stay in the United States as long their spouse is attending college. However, this visa has restrictions, such as not obtaining a social security number or working in the United States (USCIS, 2008). This may be stressful for immigrants on this type of visa, especially since most immigrants need to supplement their meager income to support their families who migrate with them. Some Kenyan immigrants seek to change their visa status from visitors to students by enrolling in college. Others who wish to change their status to professionals or temporary workers often apply for work permits.

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Legal Permanent Residents (LPRs) A large number of Kenyan immigrants have entered the United States as permanent residents in recent years. Immigrants in this category are often referred to as legal permanent residents (LPR) or green card recipients. LPRs, as defined by immigration law, are persons who have been granted lawful permanent residence (USOIS, 2004). Permanent residence status can also be attained via the Diversity Visa (DV) Program which was introduced as part of the 1990 Immigration Act in order to promote immigration from underrepresented countries and regions through the lottery process. The DV lottery requires that an applicant must have either a high school education or its equivalent, or two years of work experience within the 5 years preceding the application in an occupation requiring at least two years of training or experience to perform (USOIS, 2009). Of the 3,216 Kenyans legally admitted to the Unites States in 2003 as immigrants, 1,541 came through the Diversity Visa Program. This number of Kenyans who were granted legal permanent residency grew to 6, 998 in 2008 (USOIS, 2009). Permanent residence status confers certain rights and privileges for immigrants that other categories do not have. For example, LPRs may own property in the United States, attend public schools, colleges, and universities, and are allowed to live and work permanently anywhere in the country (USCIS, 2008). They may also join certain branches of the Armed Forces, and apply to become American citizens if they meet eligibility requirements. This is perhaps the visa status with the least amount of associated stress because of the access to resources in mainstream culture that it affords its holders. Immigration law allows permanent residents to apply for United States citizenship if they meet eligibility requirements. However, the Kenyan government currently does not allow its citizens to hold dual citizenship. For this reason, Kenyan immigrants who opt to naturalize to American citizenship lose the citizenship of their country of origin and related privileges. However, those who reconcile themselves to the fact that the United States is their home acquire American citizenship. In addition to the benefits of being LPRs, this allows them to participate in the political process, thereby giving them a voice, albeit a small one, in the political decision-making process in the local, state and national government.

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Kenyan Immigrants Demographic Profile So far, this chapter has discussed migration patterns of Kenyans seeking to begin new lives in the United States and how various historical, economic, political, and social factors have led to this exodus. Notably, the number of Kenyan immigrants in the United States has continued to rise during the last four decades. It is, therefore, important to examine the composition of this population as they seek to navigate and settle in a new country and how pre-migration factors impact their demographic make-up. This study seeks to provide a description of Kenyan immigrants that currently reside in the United States. METHOD

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Recruitment Strategy It was anticipated that even upon establishing contact, recruitment of Kenyan immigrants in the United States to participate in this research study would be challenging. This is because at the time of data collection for this study, there was a tense political and social atmosphere that surrounded immigration issues in the United States, particularly regarding an Immigration Bill that would enforce the crackdown and deportation of illegal immigrants. This period was characterized by protests by over 500,000 people in the streets of Los Angeles, Detroit, Phoenix, Reno, and other major cities (Times 3/29/2006). In addition, it was expected that some Kenyan immigrants would be hesitant to respond to the study because of fear of negative consequences of disclosing immigration information such as deportation of those who have violated their immigration status. This was expected to be a problem, although the study did not require participants to disclose personal information. It was also likely that some potential participants would decline participation because of suspicion of the security of their personal information in an internet database. In order to address potential participants’ hesitation to participate due to fear of negative consequences of disclosing immigration information, the recruitment e-mail, as well as the consent form informed participants that the study would not solicit personal

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identifying information. Participants were also given the option of skipping items to which they were uncomfortable responding. In order to address potential participants’ mistrust of the internet as an avenue of data submission, participants were informed of the security measures taken by both the researchers and the internet data collection agency. Potential participants were also given the option of completing a paper and pencil version of the study questionnaire. The sampling objective for this study was to obtain a representative sample of first generation Kenyan immigrants in the United States. This objective was challenging to achieve because there is limited specific documentation of Kenyan immigrants in the United States and no information on the existence of Kenyan ethnic enclaves. Therefore, it was not possible to determine the precise geographical distribution of this immigrant population in the United States. Large metropolitan areas with airports that receive direct flights from Europe or Africa are purported to be regions with the largest Africa-born populations such as Kenyans. Immigration statistics indicate that in 2007 over half of African immigrants resided in New York, California, Texas, Maryland, Virginia, New Jersey and Massachusetts (USOIS, 2007). In order to target Kenyan immigrants throughout the United States, the recruitment strategy for this study involved reaching potential participants through various avenues. Participants were recruited on the internet by sending out e-mails that described the study to informal contacts and by posting advertisements on websites frequented by Kenyans living in the United States. Advertisements that provided a brief description of the study were posted in newspapers and magazines to which Kenyans in the United States subscribe. Fliers and handouts were posted and distributed in meeting places and conferences attended by Kenyan immigrants in the United States. Additional recruitment was conducted through direct contact with Kenyan immigrants and by word-of-mouth. The electronic recruitment strategy was particularly effective because it resulted in a snowball effect through forwarded emails. The effectiveness of these multiple recruitment strategies is evidenced by a representation of 33 states in the study sample. Because recruitment was conducted by e-mail, personal contact, flyers, and website postings, it is not possible to determine the number of Kenyan immigrants that received the recruitment materials. However, a number of Kenyan immigrants that were contacted

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

regarding the study responded and declined participation. The main reasons for declining participation were; (1) suspicion about the security of the internet, (2) discomfort with disclosing immigration information, and (3) fear of consequences of disclosing immigration information such as apprehension and/or deportation by immigration services.

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Procedure E-mails, flyers, and advertisements that were sent out regarding the study directed potential participants to the study website. Individuals who chose to participate were referred to the research website to complete the survey. The research website was hosted by SurveyMonkey, an internet data collection company. Since this study was primarily conducted on the internet, informed consent was implied when participants proceeded to complete the survey. In addition, an alternative paper and pencil version of the survey was available to those who would not have access to the internet or otherwise request an alternative version of the survey. Contact information to obtain this alternative version was included in the recruitment e-mails and flyers. However, only 2 percent of the participants requested a paper and pencil version of the survey. All measures were administered in English. Participants were compensated for their participation by being included in a raffle with an opportunity to win $25 in gift certificates to department stores. Demographic data obtained for this study include age, age at migration, gender, marital status, income/socioeconomic status, educational level, birthplace, occupation prior to and following migration to the United States. Participants were also asked to indicate their state of residence. Participants were also asked to provide information on the length of time (in years) that they had lived in the United States, their reason for migrating to the United States, and their current immigration/visa status. Kenyan immigrants who were born and/or have lived in other countries other than Kenya prior to migrating to the United States were excluded from the study. This exclusion criterion was necessary in order to avoid confounding effects of acculturation to other countries or regions of the world. Biracial or bicultural individuals were also excluded from the study in order to avoid confounding effects regarding cultural competence and identity.

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Participants A total of 209 individuals who identify themselves as first generation Kenyan immigrants and reside in the United States responded to the survey and are the participants in this study. This sample of Kenyan immigrants consists of 94 (45.2%) males and 114 (54.8%) females (one participant did not report his/her gender). Participants’ ages range from 18 to 55 (M = 31.66, SD = 7.23). This age distribution is consistent with USCIS reports on the age range of Kenyans in the United States (2005). The age of migration to the United States ranges from 11 to 52, with a mean migration age of 23.18 (SD = 5.72) years. Participants in this study report living in the United States for an average of 8.40 (SD = 5.08) years, although length of stay in the United States for the sample ranges from less than 1 year to 26 years. Descriptive statistics also indicate that 8% of Kenyan immigrants in this sample migrated to the United States between 1978 and 1989, 50% migrated between 1990 and 1999 and 42% migrated between 2000 and 2006. This statistics are consistent with immigration data which shows that there was a significant increase in Kenyans entering the United States between 1990 and 2000 compared to previous decades (USCIS, 2004). Since this study was primarily conducted on the internet, Kenyan immigrants from all over the United States were eligible to participate. A total of 33 states of residence are reported in the sample. Maryland has the highest number of participants (19.6%) followed by California (8.1%), Texas (7.7%), then Georgia and Michigan, with each comprising 7.2% of the sample. The remainder of the study participants (50.2%) is from 28 other states. Fifty-three percent of the participants in this study identify as single, 41.6% report being married, and 3.4% report being either separated or divorced. Four percent of the participants did not report their marital status. About 7% of the participants in this study report that they have a high school diploma or its equivalent, 19.1% report having an Associates’ degree or technical certification, 32.5% report having a Bachelor’s degree, 33.5% report having a Masters degree, and 6.7% report a doctoral or professional degree. Two participants did not report their educational level. The annual income reported in this sample ranges from less than $15,000 to more than $100,000 although 8% of the participants report that they have no income. Eleven participants (5.3%) did not report

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

their socioeconomic status. Approximately 34% of the participants in this study report their immigration status as legal permanent residents (LPRs), 30% report being on students’ visas, 14.4% report being on work visas, 12% report being Kenyan nationals who are now naturalized American citizens, and 6.2% report being on diplomatic, visitors’ or dependent visas. Seven participants (3.5%) did not report their immigration status. Table 2.1 provides detailed descriptive statistics on the characteristics of the study sample. Independent sample t-tests to determine gender differences in migration patterns indicate that Kenyan men residing in the United States are significantly older than their female counterparts t (206) = 2.63, p < .01. Specifically the average age of Kenyan men in this study is 33.10 years (SD = 8.11) while women’s average age is 30.48 years (SD = 6.21). Gender comparisons also show that Kenyan men migrate to the United States at a significantly older age than women t (206) = 2.29, p < .05. Specifically the average migration age for Kenyan men in this study is 24.15 (SD = 6.58) while women migrate to the United States at an average age of 22.36 (SD = 4.69).

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DISCUSSION This study seeks to provide a demographic picture of Kenyan immigrants living in the United States. Descriptive statistics reveal that about two thirds of participants are between the ages of 26 and 45. Developmentally, this is a prime age when individuals seek to professional growth, establish careers, and settle down. Notably, male participants are significantly older than their female counterparts. From a Kenyan cultural perspective, this may be explained by a preference within families to give male children priority for educational opportunities than females. This perspective is grounded in Kenyan traditional masculine gender roles that have high expectations on men to be independent and emerge as providers for their families. In this regard, despite pervasion of western cultures in Kenya most parents may still hold this gender preference when it comes to education and employment opportunities abroad.

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Table 2.1 Kenyan Immigrants’ Demographic Profile

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Variable Age 18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55

Frequency (n)

Percentage (%)

41 122 30 15

19.7 58.6 14.4 7.3

Age of Migration to the USA 11-15 16-20 21-25 26-30 31-35 Above 35

10 63 76 43 10 6

4.8 30.2 36.5 20.6 4.8 2.9

Length of Stay in the USA Less than 1 year 1-5 years 6-10 years More than 10 years

6 60 89 53

2.9 28.8 42.8 25.5

41 17 16 15 15 9 8 7 7 7 6 61

19.6 8.1 7.7 7.2 7.2 4.3 3.8 3.3 3.3 3.3 2.9 29.2

State of Residence Maryland and Washington DC California Texas Michigan Georgia New Jersey North Carolina Massachusetts Virginia Tennessee New York Remainder of the states with < 6 participants

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Table 2.1 Kenyan Immigrants’ Demographic Profile (continued)

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Variable Marital Status Single Married Separated Divorced Missing data

Frequency (n)

Percentage (%)

111 87 5 2 4

53.1 41.6 2.4 1.0 1.9

Education Level High school/GED Associates degree/trade school Bachelor’s degree Master’s degree Doctoral/Professional degree Missing data

15 40 68 70 14 2

7.2 19.1 32.5 33.5 6.7 1.0

Socioeconomic Status Do not have an income Less than $15,000 $15,001 - $25,000 $25,001 - $50,000 $50,001 - $75,000 $75,001 - $100,000 $100,001 and above Missing data

16 16 36 70 43 8 9 11

7.7 7.7 17.2 33.5 20.6 3.8 4.3 5.2

Year of Migration Before 1980 1980-1984 1985-1989 1990-1994 1995-1999 2000-2004 2005-2006

1 7 9 22 83 77 9

.5 3.4 4.3 10.6 39.9 37.0 4.3

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Table 2.1 Kenyan Immigrants’ Demographic Profile (continued) Variable

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Immigration Status Green Card/Legal Permanent Resident (LPR) Student visa

Frequency (n)

Percentage (%)

71

34.0

63

30.1

Work visa

30

14.4

Naturalized USA citizen

25

12.0

Other visas (diplomatic, dependent, visitors) Missing data

13

6.2

7

3.3

Masculinity in Sub-Saharan Africa has been described as dominated by the requirement of financial independence, employment, and starting a family (Barker & Ricardo, 2005). Traditional Kenyan culture does not allow equal autonomy among male and females and as such parents may still be reluctant to send their female children abroad at a young age but may be willing to allow male children to study seek academic and employment opportunities abroad. This notion is further supported by findings which indicate that Kenyan men migrate to the United States at a significantly earlier age than women. Descriptive results indicate that half of the participants in this study reside in New York, California, Texas, Maryland, Virginia, New Jersey and Massachusetts. This is consistent with immigration statistics which indicates that in 2007 over half of African immigrants lived in those seven states (USOIS, 2007). Notably, these are states have large metropolitan areas; a factor that may be attractive to Kenyan immigrants. This concentration of Kenyan immigrants in these states and large cities may be attributed to various factors. Kenyan immigrants’ decision to migrate to these regions may be influenced by the prevailing racial climate and political tolerance towards immigrants. Additionally, these metropolitan areas provide varied employment

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opportunities as well as social and cultural networks. Large cities may be magnets for Kenyan immigrants since they may be likely to meet fellow Kenyans or other African immigrants who may be able to provide temporary residence for new immigrants until they are able to situate themselves. Socializing within networks of familiar immigrants may also provide newly arrived immigrants with important advice on surviving in the United States. Results from this study indicate that this is a highly educated group of Kenyan immigrants in which 72.7 percent report attaining education at the Bachelor’s level or higher. This is consistent with previous reports of high numbers of Kenyan immigrants with college degrees (Ozden, 2006; Institute of International Education, 2003). These are results are particularly comparable to the 2000 United States Census date which indicates that in 2000, approximately 60.4 percent of Kenyans residing in the United States had a an associate, bachelor, graduate, or professional degree (United States Census, 2000). Interestingly, the educational attainment percentages from this study exceed immigration statistics which indicate that 42.5 percent of African immigrants residing in the United States in 2007 had a bachelor’s degree or higher (USOIS, 2007). Reports from JBHE indicate that recent Black immigrants to the United States are far more likely than native-born African Americans to enroll in college. Other research comparing educational levels has indicated that Africans have the highest educational attainment rates of any immigrant group in the United States (Terrazas, 2009). Kenyan immigrants’ educational levels appear to not only exceed those of native African Americans, but also other African immigrants. Arguably, Kenyan immigrants may be highly ambitious and motivated individuals who recognize and seek opportunities afforded by higher education. The fact that Kenyan immigrants attain such high levels of education challenges the notion of scientific racism. The racist thesis, that blacks are born with intellectual inferiority encoded in their genes, is refuted by the findings in this study, which indicate that their educational success is comparable and exceeds that of White Americans. High level of education among Kenyans may be related to changes in United States immigration policies. As immigration laws have become increasingly stringent following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks the perception of foreigners in the U.S. and perhaps increased scrutiny on legality of immigrants. For Kenyans who came to

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the US to attend college, the uncertainty of whether to stay in the United States or return to Kenya upon completion of their studies combined with a fear of violating immigration regulation may be a constant source of worry and anxiety. Some international students who have violated immigration regulations often live in fear of deportation by immigration authorities. As such, pressure to maintain legal immigration status, as well as a need to improve employment prospects, may motivate Kenyan immigrants on student visas to return to college upon graduation and pursue higher degrees. Despite high levels of education among Kenyan immigrants their socioeconomic status is not commiserate with their academic success. This “brain drain” phenomenon (Mattoo, Özden, & Neagu, 2005) may be related to immigrations policies that often pose restrictions to employment opportunities for non-American citizens. This mismatch between education and socioeconomic status is supported by previous research which show that only 52 percent of highly skilled Kenyans residing in the United States during the 1990s were able to obtain employment at a level commiserate to their educational status Mattoo, Özden, & Neagu, 2005).. Almost half (46 percent) of the participants in this study identify as naturalized American citizens or legal permanent residents (LPRs). These are often the most desired immigration statuses because they provide access to resources and opportunities only enjoyed by native born Americans. This includes opportunities to live in the United States indefinitely, vote in national elections, and apply for federal funding and employment. This high number of naturalized American citizens and legal permanent residents (LPR) may not accurately represent the Kenyan immigrant population in the United States. Since this study was conducted online, it may be that, despite confidentiality of the study, potential participants were reluctant to participate in the study because of fear of disclosing sensitive immigration information. This would include Kenyans such as students and visitors, who may have violated their immigration status and overstayed their visas. Descriptive results from this study indicate that 90 percent of participants migrated to the United States between 1990 and 2007. This is consistent with immigration demographic statistics which indicate that more that 75 percent of the African immigrants arrived between 1990 and 2007 (USOIS, 2007). This may be attributed to relaxed immigration policies such as the Diversity Visa Program that was

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introduced as part of the 1990 Immigration Act and allows up to 50, 000 African immigrants to enter the United States annually. The slumping European economy, especially in the 1990s, and tighter immigration policies by countries such as Great Britain and France, have made the United States even more attractive to Kenyan immigrants. This descriptive study indicates that Kenyan immigrants, and perhaps, other African immigrants, are emerging as unique groups in the United States with diverse demographic and socioeconomic makeup. As the number of Kenyans in the United States continue to rise, it is important to direct a research focus on the experience of this population in a country that is vastly different from their country of origin. Previous research has broadly examined immigrant populations in general with a limited focus on African immigrants. These rising numbers of Kenyan immigrants may be comparable to other African nations and may call for specific research focus on these individual groups. Unique demographic characteristics of Kenyan immigrants such as comprising of highly educated individuals may make them comparable to other immigrant groups such as Asian Americans. Many African immigrants, like their counterparts from the Caribbean, have been projected in the media as model minorities. As Kenyans seek to adapt to new country, it is important to examine some of the challenges they may face during this process.

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CONCLUSION This has provides a detailed demographic picture of a relatively new immigrant group. In the absence of previous research on this population the recruitment strategy for this study is a unique and innovative attempt to widen the geographical scope and diversity of participation. However, while data collection on the internet netted a diverse sample, it may have limited the scope of participation to individuals who have enough knowledge to navigate the study website. Notably, although the option of a paper and pencil version of the study questionnaire was made available to potential participants, few participants requested this option. The study sample is also relatively small and limits generalizability. It will be useful to include a larger number of Kenyan immigrants in future research investigations. Prospective studies should

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also conduct an intra-group comparison of the demographic profiles of different Black immigrants such as those from African and Caribbean nations, who often share similar racial heritage, and may have a different outlook on the immigration experience. Likewise, it would be beneficial to conduct these demographic comparisons with European, Asian and Latino immigrants who come from different racial backgrounds and cultures.

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CHAPTER 3

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Immigration Models: Kenyans’ Patterns of Adaptation

The selectivity of migration and the cultural adjustment of immigrants in a new country are often affected by various factors such as sociodemographic factors and pre-migration experiences, such as those reviewed in the previous chapter with regard to Kenyan immigrants. Various immigration models have conceptualized how these immigration factors affect the cultural adjustment process as different cultures come together. This chapter provides a review of some of the major models of immigration that describe the interaction between different cultures and what happens when individuals from one culture come in contact with those from another. A critique of these models and their applicability to Kenyan immigrants will then be reviewed. Immigration researchers have coined and utilized various terms in exploring immigration models. Ward & Kennedy (1994) differentiate between the culture of origin, which is also referred to in the literature as the national or traditional culture, and the culture of contact, which is referred to as the host or dominant culture. The cultural adjustment process is determined by how individuals manage to maintain or alternatively let go of their national culture in light of conflicting cultural values. Typically, individuals who are faced with cultural adjustment are those from the non-dominant cultural group (Berry, Kim, Minde, & Mok, 1987). Immigration into Western societies often results in a process where there is an encounter of two groups that are not equally powerful. On the contrary, the mainstream population in

33

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the country of settlement is, by definition, more dominant than the migrating groups (LaFramboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993). When anthropologists Redfield and others identified cultural adjustment as an object of study in 1936, they defined it broadly as a phenomenon which results when groups of individuals from different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original cultural patterns of either or both groups (Redfield, Linton, & Herskovitz, 1936). Thereafter, other researchers provided a more concise definition of the concept and have labeled it as acculturation or cultural assimilation (Gordon, 1964). These researchers have described acculturation as the process of psychological and behavioral change that individuals and groups undergo as a consequence of long-term contact with another culture (Berry, 1980; Berry & Sam, 1997). Models that have sought to explain the process of change that occurs in transition within, between, and among cultures have evolved over the years and include assimilation (Gordon, 1964), fusion (Gleason, 1979), alternation (Ogbu & Matute-Bianchi, 1986), and acculturation (Berry, 1980, 1997). These models broadly fall under two categories; unidimensional models and bidimensional models.

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Gordon’s Unidimensional Assimilation Model Although various models have been developed to explain the interaction of cultures, assimilation is one of the earliest models conceptualized to explain the state of living within two cultures. This unidimensional model, which was developed by sociologist Milton Gordon (1964), assumes an ongoing process of absorption into the new culture that is perceived as dominant or more desirable. The underlying assumption of the assimilation model is that a member of one culture loses his or her original cultural identity as he or she acquires a new identity in a second culture. More specifically, acculturating individuals are seen as being in the process of relinquishing the attitudes, values, and behaviors of their culture of origin while simultaneously adopting those of the new, often mainstream society (Gordon, 1964). Acquiring a new identity in a second culture, however, involves some loss of awareness and loyalty to one’s culture of origin. Three major risks are associated with assimilation. The first is the possibility of being rejected by members of the majority culture. The second is the likelihood of being rejected by members of the culture of origin. The

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third is the likelihood of experiencing excessive stress as one attempts to learn the new behaviors associated with the assimilative culture and to shed the inoperable behaviors associated with the culture of origin (LaFramboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993). The use of terms such as westernization, urbanization, Americanization, and modernization, – particularly in epidemiology and sociology – to describe immigrant experiences in Western countries (Berry, 1980; Palinkas & Pickwell, 1995) reflect the linearity and unidimensional focus of the assimilation model. Defining cultural adjustment in a homogeneous and linear manner such as westernization may pose interpretive problems especially in more recent immigration waves. With increasing modernization of most regions of the world, immigrants may bring different levels of prior urbanization based on the cultures and countries they originate from. The assimilation model ignores the possibility of a bicultural identity or the contribution of the traditional culture to the cultural adjustment process. The assumption of the assimilation model is that immigrants will be absorbed into mainstream society. However, this does not seem to be a process that would result in complete shedding of the culture of origin. This is particularly true for immigrants of African descent, whose phenotype is visible and a major marker of their identity that impacts their cultural experience and interaction. On the contrary, immigrants of Eurocentric ancestry and phenotype (e.g. Italians and Canadians) would be gradually perceived as members of the dominant culture and be absorbed into mainstream society. On this basis, this model would not provide an accurate assessment of cultural adjustment in a Kenyan immigrant population because this process does not result in a distinctive outcome (complete assimilation), but is itself a complex and multidimensional process. For example, the shared racial heritage between Kenyan immigrants and African Americans cannot be assumed to result in cultural homogeneity under the auspices of assimilation. Fusion Model of Immigration Another model that attempts to explain cultural adjustment among immigrants is the fusion model. This model represents the assumption behind the melting pot theory (Gleason, 1979) and suggests that cultures sharing an economic, political, or geographical space will fuse

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together (mostly through intermarriage) until they are indistinguishable to form a new culture (LaFramboise et al., 1993). The fusion model posits that each culture brings to the melting pot strengths and weaknesses that take on new forms through the interaction of cultures of equal partners. However, this model may not have practical applicability for all immigrant groups. Although this model may appear to propose a bidimensional style of adjustment, this may not be the case for some immigrant groups. The contribution of groups to the melting pot is based on the assumption that there is no cultural superiority as various cultures come together. However, this is an assumption that does not favor immigrant groups whose cultures are vastly different from the culture of the host country (LaFramboise et al., 1993). An example of an unfavorable comparison would be immigrants of African descents such as Kenyans and European Americans. It seems that individuals from minority cultures, such as Kenyan immigrants, would not equally contribute cultural strengths to the melting pot and would become assimilated into the majority group at the price of their cultural identity. This would suggest that members of minority groups, such as Kenyan immigrants, would experiences a cultural adjustment similar to that posited by the assimilation model (Gordon, 1964) and not the fusion model. In this regard the fusion model would not be a favorable framework for examining the cultural adjustment of Kenyan immigrants in the United States.

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Alternation Model of Immigration Another immigration model that has been proposed to understand the cultural adjustment of immigrants is the alternation model (Ogbu & Matute-Bianchi, 1986). This model of cultural adjustment assumes that it is possible for an individual to know and understand two different cultures and purports that immigrants can alter their behavior to fit a particular social context (LaFramboise et al., 1993). Ogbu and MatuteBianchi (1986) argue that it is possible and acceptable to participate in two different cultures or to use two different languages, perhaps for different purposes, by alternating one’s behavior according to the situation. Rashid (1994) defined this type of bicultural functioning among African Americans as the ability to function effectively and productively within the context of America’s core institutions while

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retaining a sense of self and African ethnic identity. LaFramboise and Rowe (1983) define this type of bicultural functioning among American Indians as involving dual modes of social behavior that are appropriately used in different situations. The alternation model is a model of cultural acquisition that is similar to the code-switching theories found in the research on bilingualism. The alternation model is favorably compared to other immigration models, such as Gordon’s (1964) assimilation model, because it does not assume a hierarchical relationship between two cultures. Within this framework, it is possible to assign equal status to the two cultures, even if they are not assigned equal value (LaFramboise et al., 1993). This model may work for immigrant groups when individuals have a strong identification with the culture of their country of origin and do not feel inferior to the mainstream culture. However, this model will not be utilized in this study because the primary focus of this investigation is on the style of acculturation rather than the cognitive functioning, behavioral changes, or code-switching that Kenyan immigrants may engage in during the cultural adjustment process. Additionally, the assumption of the alternation model is that relationships do not necessarily evolve within a larger multicultural framework. This assumption may not necessarily work for Kenyan immigrants who will often have to function in a single social structure where both American and Kenyan cultures intersect.

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Portes’ Multidimensional Acculturation Model Another model of examining cultural adjustment among immigrants is proposed by sociologist Alejandro Portes and colleagues (Portes & Zhou, 1993; Portes & Rumbaut, 1996). These authors have coined the term segmented assimilation to describe three contrasting acculturation and mobility patterns characteristic of today’s new immigrants. The first is the traditional model of linear acculturation and assimilation whereby the immigrant group advances economically and is integrated socially, culturally and politically into the middle class. Many Cuban exiles in Miami exemplify this pattern (Portes & Stepick, 1993). The second pattern of acculturation is one that has been termed by Gibson (1998) as accommodation and acculturation without assimilation, and which Portes and Stepick (1993) refer to as selective or structural assimilation. Primary features of this pattern of adaptation

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involve immigrants who develop a strong ethnic enclave coupled with the deliberate preservation of the homeland cultures, albeit in an adapted form that is more suitable to life in the host country. Portes and Stepick (1993) describes ethnic enclaves as immigrant groups which concentrate in a distinct spatial location and organize a variety of enterprises serving their own ethnic market and population. These authors posit that the basic characteristic of an enclave is that a significant proportion of the immigrant labor force works in enterprises owned by other immigrants. According to these authors similarly to segmented assimilation a pattern of selective assimilation can lead to rapid mobility into the middle class. The Punjabi Sikhs in both Britain and the United States provide an example of this type of cultural adjustment (Gibson, 1998) while the Vietnamese in New Orleans and southern California provide a similar adaptation (Portes & Rumbaut, 1996). In contrast to the segmented and assimilation patterns of cultural adjustments, a third pattern – downward assimilation, leads downwards into poverty or keeps immigrants trapped at the bottom of the economic ladder. This pattern of cultural adjustment has been shown to exist among some Haitians in Miami and Mexicans in southern California (Portes & Zhou, 1993). The patterns of cultural adjustment reviewed so far have been studied and documented to be applicable to immigrant groups such as Mexicans, Cubans, and Italians who that have long-standing migration history of in the United States that has lasted over a number of decades and generations. However, the applicable of these models to a relatively new immigrant group such as Kenyans is of interest and remains to be determined. As reviewed in Chapter Two, Kenyan immigrants, who initially intended to return to Kenya, only began exploring the option of settling in United States within the last 20 to 30 years. In this regard, there is no documentation of acculturation patterns within this immigrant group and to my knowledge, no evidence of Kenyan ethnic enclaves; a pattern that is the hallmark of Portes and Stepnik’s (1993) selective assimilation pattern of acculturation. Arguably, what may appear to be similar to ethnic enclaves is the existence of sparsely distributed Kenyan immigrants in various regions, states, or cities without necessarily clustering in a specific location or operating ethnic businesses. Light and colleagues (1994) have examined these patterns in communities such as Iranians in Los Angeles, whose businesses and residences may not necessarily cluster

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conspicuously in a neighborhood, but still exist as an ethnic community. As yet, Kenyan immigrants do not have a strong collective cultural, social, economic, or political presence in the United States that would qualify their communities as ethnic enclaves. For this reason the acculturation models proposed by Portes may not accurately evaluate or tap into their acculturation experience.

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Ward and Rana-Deuba’s Bidimensional Acculturation Model Another multidimensional model of acculturation is that proposed by Ward and Rana-Deuba (1999). These authors, who examine acculturation from a bidimensional perspective, state that cultural adjustment (the same concept referred to as acculturation by other authors) can be divided into two domains: psychological adaptation and sociocultural adaptation. Psychological adaptation refers to psychological well being and can best be understood in terms of a stress and coping framework and health outcomes. Sociocultural adaptation is defined in terms of behavioral competence, culture learning and social skills acquisition. This may also include length of residence in the new culture, cultural knowledge, interaction with host culture and adjustment strategies (Ward & Rana-Deuba, 1999). Research has shown that the sociocultural and psychological domains of adjustment display different patterns of fluctuation over time. The sociocultural adaptation of immigrants follows a learning curve and with increasing adaptation this levels off with time. Psychological adjustment may be more variable over time although studies have confirmed that the greatest difficulties are experienced at the earliest stages of cross-cultural transition (Ward & Kennedy, 1994). Ward and Rana-Deuba’s model may be appropriate for most immigrants because it examines the cultural adjustment process in two dimensions, keeping in mind that that the rate of adjustment on these dimensions may be different. In addition, this model factors cultural components into the adjustment process. This is important because immigrants may differ in their cultural competencies in both the host and traditional culture. For example, immigrants from Anglophone countries may be able to navigate and communicate in mainstream American culture more easily than immigrants from who come from countries where English is not a primary language. With regard to the psychological dimension, immigrants’ health reports or evaluation may

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fluctuate over time and may be affected by factors such as cultural idioms of distress and pre-migration experiences. This model would be appropriate for Kenyan immigrants because of its bidimensional quality and its inclusion of different dimensions of adjustment.

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Berry’s Multidimensional Acculturation Model Another model that attempts to explain the process of living within two different cultures is acculturation (Berry, 1997). On the basis of a need for a multidimensional model, Berry generated a conceptual framework that brings together previous models of cultural adjustment that defines four types of acculturation orientations; assimilation, separation, integration and marginalization (Berry, 1997). Assimilation, (which is similar to Gordon’s 1964 perspective), is the orientation in which the dominant or host culture is favored while the traditional culture diminishes. In this orientation, as the immigrant incorporates more elements of the host culture such as interpersonal associations, language, values, and practices, he or she achieves a satisfactory adaptation. Separation which has also been labeled “segregation” in sociology and demography is the orientation in which the individual favors, and maintains the traditional culture and the dominant or host culture is diminished. In this orientation the individual does not adopt any of the cultural values of the host culture. Integration is the orientation in which the host and traditional cultures are both maintained. In this orientation the host and traditional cultures blend such that there is less or no shedding of central elements of the culture of origin but at the same time there is an incorporation of elements of the host culture. Finally, marginalization is the orientation that involves both cultures being diminished. It involves loss of the original culture without establishing ties with the new culture. In some countries, second or third generation youth often adapt marginalization as a mode of cultural adjustment. They do not feel related to the parental culture and they do not want or are not allowed to establish strong ties with the host culture, perhaps because of societal discrimination or exclusion (Berry, 1997). Studies focusing on immigrants have inevitably concluded that integration is the most preferred orientation of acculturation among adults and adolescents (Berry & Sam, 1997; Phinney et al., 2001). These researchers have also shown that the strategies of separation and

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marginalization tend to produce poor cultural and psychological adjustment in most circumstances. These negative outcomes may be a result of the sense of alienation and isolation that accompanies separation and marginalization types of cultural adjustment. Individuals who opt for the integrative type of acculturation may be able to exert more control over their relationship with the majority culture, and thus likely to experience less stress and less negative outcomes. In a study that utilized Berry’s model of acculturation to examine cultural adjustment among first generation South African in the United States, Segel (1996) found that participants were well integrated to American culture, with most respondents endorsing items that indicated integration with a few endorsing assimilation. In this study none of the respondents endorsed items that placed them in marginalization or separation categories of acculturation. These finding is consistent with previous researchers’ position that integration is the preferred style of acculturation. Berry’s (1997) multifaceted model accommodates various ways of cultural adjustment that would be applicable to most immigrants regardless of the region from which they migrate. However, I argue that that immigrants’ cultural adjustment processes are unlikely to cleanly fall in the four distinct groups proposed by Berry (1997) and instead may have fluctuation and overlap of the different styles of acculturation depending on varied factors such as pre-migration experiences and demographic make-up. It is possible that although immigrants may favor one orientation, they may also adopt aspects of another orientation in certain situations. For example, although an individual may adapt the separation orientation, they may find it necessary to learn some of mainstream cultural aspects such as basic English communication skills in order to communicate with those outside their ethnic group as needed. In this regard immigrants may compartmentalize aspects of their lives and acculturate in varied ways. I propose that although immigrants may heavily lean towards one orientation they may also adapt parts of another orientation while not entirely adopting the integration type of cultural adjustment. In utilizing this model to examine acculturation among Kenyans, I propose that acculturation will not just be multidimensional, but it will occur on a continuum and be impacted by various factors.

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Summary and Critique of Immigration Models This chapter’s extant review of immigration models is an indication that researchers studying cultural adjustment from psychological and sociocultural perspectives have done much important groundwork that lays a foundation for an understanding of this area of research. A summary of these immigration models is presented in Figure 3.1. A number of the authors of these models present the cultural adjustment process as either a unidimensional (Gordon, 1964; Gleason, 1979) or multidimensional (Berry, 1997; Portes, 1994; Portes & Zhou, 1993; Ward & Rana-Deuba, 1999) construct. Each of the models make strong contributions to immigration literature and has its own assumptions concerning what happens when an individual, often an immigrant, from a different culture traditional comes in contact with a dominant culture and has to make cultural adjustment. However, some of these models of cultural adjustment have limited our understanding of the concept and have limited generalizability and applicability to varied immigrant groups. Some of the models such as fusion and assimilation do not facilitate the effective functioning of immigrants operating in dual cultures; an experience that is has become common among recent waves of immigrants entering the United States. Increasingly, immigrants prefer options other than pursuing complete absorption into the mainstream or dominant culture, either by developing a bicultural identity, or by retaining the original culture without extensively adjusting to the new society of settlement (Berry, 1997). This global trend is probably fueled by the increasing waves of migration across the world. Consistent with this new global trend, theorists who adopt the bidimensional model acknowledge the extent to which immigrants wish to maintain their traditional culture and the degree to which they desire to have contact with the host culture (Berry, 1997; Birman, 1998). They define acculturation as a multidimensional and bilinear construct that does not just involve assimilation to the dominant culture but changes at multiple levels, i.e. within the culture of origin and within the host culture (Birman, 1998; Birman & Trickett, 2001). Contrary to the cultural assimilation model proposed by Gordon (1964), the acculturation model rests on the notion that immigrants do not lose their identification with the culture of origin.

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Moderate High Low High Moderate Low

Berry’s Acculturation Model Assimilation Separation Integration Marginalization

TC = Traditional or national culture, HC = Host or dominant culture

Low High Moderate Low

Moderate High

Low Low High High Moderate

Contact with TC

Gordon’s Model Fusion Model Multicultural Model Alternation Model Ward & Rana-Deuba’s Model Portes’ Acculturation Model Segmented Assimilation Selective Assimilation

Model

Loyalty & Involvement with TC Low Low High High Moderate

Figure 3.1 Summary of Immigration Models

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High Low Moderate Low

High Moderate

High High Moderate High Moderate

Contact with HC

High Low Moderate Low

High Moderate

Affiliation and Involvement with HC High High Low High Moderate

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

While proposing the idea that immigrants’ choice of acculturation pattern does not occur in distinct categories, it is assumed that Kenyan immigrants have variations in adopting American cultural values and retaining Kenyan cultural values. For this reason, a multidimensional acculturation model is considered the best fit for an examination of adaptation processes among Kenyan immigrants. A limited number of studies on immigration patterns have examined the ongoing process of negotiating both the host and traditional cultures as foreign-born individuals settle in a new society. Researchers have mostly used time measures, such as length of stay in the United States (Tran, 1990), language (Mouw & Xie, 1999; Zane & Mak, 2003), or other demographic variables as measures of acculturation and have associated longer duration of residence in the United States with socioeconomic gains, and adoption of values and norms that resemble American society. The socioeconomic gains and adoption of values have been reported as indicators of successful acculturation (Mehta, 1998). Although length of stay, socioeconomic gains, and adoption of American values may be indicators of acculturation, they do not necessarily reflect the subjective experiences of all immigrants. One limitation of the study of acculturation in the United States is the exclusivity of the research focused on three major ethnic minority groups: African Americans (e.g. Phinney et al., 2001), Asian Americans (e.g. Lee et al., 2000; Salant & Lauderdale, 2003; Chen, Ng, & Wilkins, 1996), and Hispanic/Latinos (e.g. Hovey, 2000; Finch et al., 2004). Understandably, these ethnic groups have received extensive research attention because they are the largest minority groups in the United States, and have a long immigration history in the country that spans generations. However, as reviewed in preceding chapters of this book, immigration statistics indicate an increase in ethnic, cultural, and socioeconomic heterogeneity among immigrant populations (USCIS, 2005). A research focus on the major ethnic minority groups has been an important foundation for investigations of acculturation for newer immigrants. However, the heterogeneity of these new arrivals to the United States is an indicator of the need for broadening the scope of these investigations in order to strengthen generalizability and applicability of cultural adjustment concepts and theories to these immigrant groups.

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The application of acculturation models to African Americans, who are not recent immigrants coming in contact with an unfamiliar culture, ought to differ from the application of these models to foreignborn immigrants of African descent. Although the racial ancestry and phenotype of most sub-Saharan African immigrants are similar to African Americans, the latter did not voluntary migrate to the United States. These differences in migration history, as well as cultural, linguistic, and ethnic differences are important factors that likely impact acculturation patterns and subjective experiences in the United States. The socio-historical and cultural dimensions that are often comparable among foreign-born immigrants of African descent are different from those of African Americans, whose present status and power within the United States social system reflects the history of race in the United States. Although both the United States on one hand, and African and Caribbean countries on the other, have histories of European colonization and domination, the legacy of these periods has been different for African Americans and foreign-born immigrants of African descent. In the majority of English and French-speaking Caribbean and African nations, Blacks are often the numerical majority and hold positions of social and political power. In the United States, in contrast, African Americans do not hold positions of power that are proportionate to the Black population in the United States or that are similar to White Americans (Tormala & Deux, 2000).

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Transnationalism The immigration models reviewed in this chapter imply that immigrants’ ability to retain cultural aspects of their countries of origin is largely based on values they possess when they immigrate. Although this may have been valid in past decades, today’s society boasts improved technology and global communication that enable immigrants to maintain contact with their countries of origin easily regardless of geographical distance or proximity to these nations. This maintenance of contacts across countries is likely to impact acculturation patterns, and may be relevant to Kenyan immigrants residing in the United States. Portes (1999) conceptualized these ties as transnationalism and further expanded the definition to encompass maintenance of occupations or activities that necessarily require social

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contacts over time, across national borders and/or across cultures. This concept of transnationalism appeared when social scientists noticed that with the changes in the modern communication at the end of the 19th century, many immigrants failed to shed their old identities and totally assimilate to the host cultures. Instead they developed new bicultural identities and lived their lives comfortably in both worlds, and became involved in more than one nation (Pedraza, 2005). Transnational immigrants often live aspects of their social, economic and political lives in at least two settings. They may establish themselves in the host country while they continue to vote and operate businesses and earn money in their country of origin Pedraza, 2005). In certain settings, the impact of these activities is felt primarily by those who actually move to a new country. However, sometimes other individuals in the immigrants’ country of origin, such as family members, are affected transnationally as well. Some immigrants participate in transnational activities on a regular basis while others do so only occasionally, in response to a crisis or special event. Some immigrants engage in a wide range of economic, social and political transnational practices, while others confine their activities to a single arena of transnational activism (Levitt, 2003). As Kenya made steps toward greater democracy in the past decade, more Kenyans abroad have made efforts to venture in political and civic engagements in the country. For example, during the 2008 elections, a number of Kenyans in the United States relocated to Kenya and ran for political office. This new generation of political aspirants spurred political involvement among Kenyans in the Diaspora as they held political forums and informational meetings in the United States. Since Kenya currently does not allow her people to hold dual citizenship, Kenyans in the United States who are not naturalized citizens can still participate in political decision making in their motherland. As such during the 2008 elections a significant number of Kenyans returned to their home country to vote. These political transnational ties may impact the acculturation patterns of Kenyans as they make new lives in the United States. Improved technology, such as electronic mail, faxes, text messaging, and the internet have made it easier for immigrants to maintain frequent contact with their home countries and cultures. While still out of reach for most Kenyan immigrants because of geographical distance, expanded air-travel deals allow some the chance to frequently

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return to the country, visit family members and conduct business affairs. It is important to note that transnationalism is not fixed in geographical movement between the host and traditional countries and cultures, but is grounded in environments variously called transnational social spaces, communities or fields (Faist, 2000). These fields include people and networks in points of origin and settlement who exchange outlooks, expectations, resources, and agendas that are a product of their interactions and experience. Sometimes the transnational fields include people who have never traveled out of the country of origin or immigrants who migrated and have never returned to the country of origin. Transnationalism has been shown to solidify social networks (largely internationally) among immigrants (Bobb, 2001). Familial ties may be the most salient aspect of transnationalism among Kenyan immigrants because of their Afrocentric roots and communal worldview that is characterized by maintenance of networks of family and friends. Notably, Kenyans place a high value on family relationships and kinship which are often instrumental in the maintenance of ancestry and lineage. Migration to distant lands such as the United States may, therefore, interrupt the flow of cultural heritage particularly along paternal lines. Strict immigration laws have resulted in separation of families during initial migration or even for prolonged periods of time. In such situations where a spouse and/or children are still residing in Kenya while the parent(s) are in the United States, transnational ties are necessary and crucial for the continuity of family relationships. This type of migration, referred to as serial migration, has been studied among Caribbean immigrants (Foner, 2001). It often occurs when one or more family members, usually a parent or both parents, leave the rest of the family to obtain employment and pave the way for those left behind (Crawford-Brown & Rattray, 2001). Transnational families are becoming more common among Kenyan immigrants. Many immigrants separate from their extended and nuclear families for varied periods of time, yet maintain connections at long distance. This allows family bonds to evolve and reorganize in ways that differ from traditional social science descriptions of normative family life (Falicov, 2003). For example, parents and children who are separated for prolonged periods of time may find reunification a difficult experience, and perceive each other as strangers. Indeed, many immigrants come from countries that have maintained subcultures of migration for generations. These migrating

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

groups may develop greater resilience in the face of the necessity to separate parents and children in response to work and practical needs and be accustomed to living in separate places and maintaining transnational ties. Another aspect of transnationalism that may be salient to Kenyans in the United States is economic ties. Kenyans living and working abroad are often relied upon to send vital remittance to the relatives in Kenya. These funds would go into helping to maintain standards of living and support business ventures. Remittance from Kenyans abroad may not require them to be hands-on as a new generation of internationally educated Kenyan entrepreneurs that are comfortable with negotiating the global business stage is emerging. Examples of these include Ayatsi Makitiani, a Massachusetts Institute of Technology graduate who founded Africa Online in the mid-1990s, and Segeni Ng’ethe, a graduate of Georgetown University who runs Mamamikes.com; an online store that allows Kenyans all over the world to virtually purchase merchandise in Kenya for their loved ones (Okoth, 2003). Remittance from Kenyans abroad plays a significant role in sustaining the foreign-exchange-strapped Kenyan economy, especially throughout the 1990s, when most bilateral and multilateral donors withheld aid to protest the slow pace of economic and political reforms by the government at the time. According to the Central Bank of Kenya, recorded remittances in 2009 totaled US$609 million (equivalent to Kshs 47.1 billion). This was slightly lower than 2008 remittances of US$ 611million (but higher in shilling terms equivalent to Kshs 42.3 billion due to exchange rate movements). Because this figures only included recorded remittance, the actual number may be as high as $1 billion. These reports also show that remittances in December 2009 rose by 40% to US$ 56m (Kshs. 4.2 billion) from US$ 40m (Kshs 3.1 billion) in December 2008, implying that Kenyans abroad are sending more money the country. In a study of Kenyan immigrants residing in New Jersey, Nyamwange (2005) examined the strong ties that remain between Kenyan immigrants and their families in Kenya through informal networks. This author found that the Kenyans she studied fostered transnational ties through personal communication, remittances, and building houses in Kenya. Remittance to Kenyan may range in use from broad economic endeavors to crucial personal needs such as

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paying tuition, medical bills and living expenses. Nyamwange posits that remittances form an important part of Kenyan immigrants’ contribution to economic development of Kenya. This study revealed that 43.7 percent of the respondents remitted regularly, while 60 percent of those who sent money to Kenya sent less than $2,000 annually (Nyamwange, 2005). While this amount may not be significant to the average American lifestyle, this remittance translates favorable with the Kenya shilling and is vital in supporting relatives in Kenya who depend on relatives abroad for sustenance. In recent years organizations that are geared towards economic development among Kenyan immigrants in the United States have developed. Since most Kenyan immigrants have left family and friends in their home country, they are sensitive to the situation produced by Kenya’s floundering economy and establish organizations that lobby for increase of aid or developmental programs in Kenya. These organizations also get involved in transnational economic initiatives to promote economic development in Kenya. Most of these organizations are also motivated by the reality of the economic disparity between Kenyans in the Diaspora and those in the home country and often attempt to garner Kenyans living abroad to get involved in development initiatives in Kenya (World Resource Institute, 2006). Such organizations include Kenya Community Abroad (KCA), Kenya Development Network Consortium (KDNC), Association of Kenyan Professionals in Atlanta (AKPA), and Kenyan American Chamber of Commerce (KACC), among others. Remittance by such organizations are often, as posited by Levitt (2001), not limited to finances but also includes social remittance such as ideas, behaviors, and social capital that flow from the country of origin to the host country and vice versa. These often include information about politics, gender roles, careers and business ideas, styles of consumption, etc. Maintenance of transnational ties may affect the level and type of acculturation among Kenyan immigrants. Continual transnational activities may enable Kenyan immigrants to maintain the cultural values and knowledge of their home country. One of the greatest concerns of Kenyan immigrants in the United States is their ability maintain their native cultural identity and foster a sense of this identity in their children and future generations. They may, therefore, actively seek to maintain aspects of their traditional culture in and maintain roots with their cultural roots by constant contact with Kenya. Because

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

of participation in both the host and traditional cultures Kenyans in the United States may be able to develop a bicultural type of acculturation in the United States and concurrently engage in ongoing transnational activities in Kenya. On the other hand it may be that immigrants who do not engage in any transnational activities may be less versed in cultural knowledge, values, and practices of the country of origin. Continued transnational activities may actually equip Kenyan immigrants in the United States to adapt a bicultural type of acculturation because of frequent navigation between the two countries that necessitates competence in both cultures. Demographics and Acculturation

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Age of Immigrants In addition to transnationalism, immigrants’ process of adjusting to a new environment may be impacted by demographic factors such as age, gender, socioeconomic status, and their immigration status. A review of acculturation measures found that various studies use age at migration as a measure of acculturation (Salant & Lauderdale, 2003). This can potentially pose a problem when assessing acculturation when the age of migration is put into consideration. It is important to assess how age at migration to the host country is related to acculturation, rather than including age of migration as an aspect of acculturation. The relationship between these two factors may be affected by variables such as whether the immigrant arrived in the host country as a child or an adult. Age at migration often determines how immigrants are categorized in immigration research. For example, Rumbaut (1994) labels the foreign-born individuals who immigrated to the United States before age twelve as 1.5 generation or half-second generation. The age of participants at the time when research is carried out may also affect acculturation. Arguably, older first generation immigrants may be less likely to adopt new cultural values while younger immigrants may be more culturally flexible and easily adapt the culture of the host country. In Kenyan culture it is the responsibility and assigned role of the older generation to teach cultural values to the younger generation. For this reason, even upon migration, older Kenyan immigrants may be less likely to adopt American cultural values, and may instead retain Kenyan cultural values. It is, therefore,

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anticipated that in this study, age of Kenyan immigrants will emerge as a predictor of acculturation, with older immigrants retaining more Kenyan cultural values, and younger immigrants adopting more American cultural values.

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Gender of Immigrants The choice to adapt or retain American or Kenyan cultural values may also be determined by the gender of the immigrant. A review of the literature revealed differences of opinion regarding if and how gender predicts styles of acculturation. It has been proposed that women acculturate at a much slower pace compared to men because of greater conservatism within traditional roles in most societies (Ghuman, 2000). However, this argument may only be valid for immigrants who originate from countries or regions where cultural norm assign women conservative roles. In recent years, Kenyan traditional culture has evolved with increased exposure to western cultures through media and technology. This permeation of western cultures that are less conservative have impacted gender roles and perhaps fewer women, particularly in urban areas, adhere to traditional roles. Despite embracing western cultures, cultural norms override external cultural influences and tend to place a higher expectation on Kenyan men to adhere to traditional male roles and cultural practices, such as providing for the family and preserving cultural values. In subSaharan Africa, older men officially initiate younger men into their roles as men in the community through formal initiation practices (Barker & Ricardo, 2005). This distinct element of masculinity within Africa culture may impact Kenyan men’s styles of acculturation, albeit in a foreign nation. Although women may be the primary caregivers, there is a higher expectation on men to initiate an adherence to cultural values. The basis for this difference in cultural expectation is the idea that women adopt the culture of their spouses regardless of the spouse’s culture, whereas men are expected to pass on Kenyan cultural values to their spouses and children regardless of whether the spouse is from a different culture. Consistent with this argument, I expect that despite acculturating to American culture, Kenyan men in this study will also be more likely than women to retain Kenyan cultural values.

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

Socioeconomic Status of Immigrants Socioeconomic status is another demographic variable that may be important to consider when examining the acculturation process. Some studies operationalize acculturation using specific measures of education, occupation, income, or material possessions (e.g. Mehta, 1998; Ying, 1990; Tsonuda et al., 1992). In a Kenyan immigrant sample the use of education as a measure of acculturation may not be accurate because, as discussed in Chapter Two, they often emerge as highly educated and skilled individuals. Notably, their level of education does not often match their income and does not guarantee access to resources available to other individuals of their educational level. In addition, incorporating socioeconomic status into the measurement of acculturation precludes examining the nature of the relationship between socioeconomic status and acculturation. It is possible that socioeconomic status may potentially confound the relationship between acculturation and other variables; thus, it is important to measure it separately. Although sometimes high socioeconomic status among immigrants may be related to high levels of acculturation, this may not always be the case and as such may not represent an accurate assessment of this concept.

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Immigration Status of Immigrants In addition to socioeconomic status, another demographic variable that may influence acculturation is immigration status. Legal permanent residents (LPRs) and naturalized citizens may be likely to align themselves with American ways of life and may acculturate readily to the American culture. As detailed in Chapter Two, immigration policies govern immigration categories and determine privileges and limitations that may affect foreign nationals’ acculturation. For example, LPRs and naturalized American citizens often have easy access to the mainstream lifestyle and a plethora of resources and thus may be able to form social networks in these settings that promote acculturation. On the other hand, immigrants who are dependents and visitors may not have access to resources and may have limited contact with mainstream American culture. This is a factor may confine their interaction to familiar social networks and hinder impact their choice of integration into American culture. Immigrants on temporary visas such as visitors may not have

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incentive to acculturate to American ways of life since their duration of stay in the United States may be limited. Because of these possible differences in interactions and exposure to mainstream culture, I seek to investigate the effect of immigration status on the acculturation experiences of Kenyan immigrants.

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Immigrants’ Length of Stay in the United States One important variable that has been treated as a diagnostic of acculturation in immigration studies is length of stay in the host country. A review of acculturation measures revealed that various studies use duration of residence in the host country as a measure of acculturation. This can potentially be problematic when assessing acculturation in certain immigrant groups because of the differences between these variables. It is important to assess how length of residence in the host country is related to acculturation, rather than include it as an aspect of acculturation. The relationship between these two factors may be influenced by other variables such as the ethnic composition of immigrants’ neighborhood of residence. For example, immigrants who are encapsulated in ethnic enclaves and have little exposure to new cultural experiences despite longstanding residence in the United States, may not acculturate in the same manner as those frequently exposed to American culture. Immigrants living in ethnic enclaves may acculturate to a variety of local cultural contexts, rather than to a homogeneous Anglo society as observed among Cuban immigrants in Miami (Portes & Stepick, 1993). A general assumption is that length of residence in the host country increases social contacts and interactions, which in turn lead to improved communication skills and ability to navigate the new society (Dawson, Crano, & Burgdoon, 1996; Tran, 1990). Based on this assumption, immigrants who have lived in the host country for a prolonged period of time may have better social contacts and networks than newly arrived immigrants and hence be more acculturated to the host culture. On the contrary immigrants who have lived in the host country for shorter periods of time may have fewer networks and limited ability to navigate the new society, and hence be less acculturated to the host country and more versant with the culture of their country of origin. Based on this argument, I anticipate that Kenyans who have lived in the United Stated for a longer time will be

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

more acculturated to American culture compared to recent immigrants by virtue of exposure to American society and networks.

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants A review of studies on immigration patterns indicates that acculturation has been operationalized based on a variety of factors. Consistent with the diversity of immigrants entering the United States, I argue that the operationalization of acculturation ought to move beyond length of stay in the host country and demographic factors such as gender, socioeconomic status, and age of migration. In order to effectively tap into adaptation processes of immigrants such as those from Kenya, this definition ought to include multiple markers of adaptation such as language competency, cultural knowledge and identity, and values. These factors are likely to contribute to the acculturation process in varying degrees. The conceptualization of acculturation also needs to move beyond behavioral, environmental, and lifestyle-oriented changes as outlined by the unidimensional concept of Westernization. These lifestyle changes such as dietary habits may be useful in studies of disease indicators but may not tap into aspects of acculturation that impact mental health. For example, Kenyan immigrants’ diet of a traditional Kenyan staple of sukuma wiki and ugali (kales and corn meal) may not be an accurate indicator of acculturation but may lend itself to healthy eating habits. This is because of increasing availability of ethnic foods and products in mainstream supermarkets that no longer require Kenyans to actively seek cultural contacts to obtain these products. Contrary to Berry’s theory that acculturation falls into four distinct categories, I propose that acculturation, particularly for Kenyan immigrants, is not a clear-cut process and occurs on a bi-dimensional continuum. Therefore, rather than focusing on the four distinct types of acculturation proposed by Berry (1997), this study adapts a variation of this model and examines cultural adjustment on a bi-dimensional level - i.e., simultaneous adaptation of American cultural values and retention of Kenyan values and an adaptation that involves the choice of both cultures. This perspective is similar to Berry’s integration type of acculturation. Earlier models of migration and biculturalism assume that cultures are separate and distinct. However, as posited earlier, global culture, technology, and information dissemination influence the

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spread of cultural norms and knowledge regardless of geographic location or migration. Consistent with the proposed adaptations of Berry’s 1980 acculturation model, this study investigates the extent to which Kenyan immigrants adapt or retain American and Kenyan cultural patterns, and adapt a bicultural style of acculturation. Although retention of Kenyan cultural values does not require modification of cultural perspectives or attitudes, for research clarity, this study refers to this retention of culture as Kenyan acculturation. In addition to examining acculturation patterns, this study conducts exploratory assessments of the effects of demographic factors (age, gender, socioeconomic status, immigration status, and length of stay in the United States) and transnationalism on American, Kenyan, and Bicultural styles of acculturation. This is a first step in addressing the complexity that may be present in the relationships among acculturation and sociodemographic variables in Kenyan immigrants. This investigation, therefore, extends existing literature on transnationalism and acculturation by focusing on an immigrant group that has fairly new and recent immigration history. METHOD

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Measures The Abbreviated Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AMASZABB), which was developed by Zea, Asner-Self, Birman, & Buki (2003), was used to measure acculturation. Although items were originally worded to refer to Mexican culture, for the purposes of the present study, they were modified to refer to Kenyan culture. This measure includes three dimensions: cultural identity (United States American and Kenyan), language competence (English and Swahili), and cultural competence (in the United States and in Kenya).This scale consists of 42 items which are rated on a 4-point Likert-type scale. Response options range from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree) for the cultural identity subscales and from 1(not at all) to 4 (extremely well) for the language and cultural competence subscales (see appendix 1). The AMAS-ZABB was developed using a sample of 156 Latino/Latina college students. During scale development, Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for both the American and Latino/Latino

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acculturation subscales ranged from .90 to .97 indicating good internal consistencies. This measure has also been found to be reliable for both college and community samples, and remained consistent across different levels of education and age ranges (Zea et al., 2003). A description of each subscale and reliability coefficients for the present study’s sample are provided below. The cultural identity aspect of acculturation to Kenyan or American cultures was measured using the cultural identity subscale. This subscale has 12 items that yield two parallel scores for identity; one for American identity and one for Kenyan identity. Representative items from this subscale include “I have a strong sense of being Kenyan” and “I think of myself as being United States American”. The Cronbach’s alphas in this sample are 0.92 and 0.94 for the American cultural identity subscale and the Kenyan cultural identity subscale, respectively. The language competence aspect of acculturation was measured using the language competency subscale. This subscale consists of 18 items; nine items related to mastery of English and nine items related to the mastery of Swahili in a variety of contexts. Representative items from this subscale are “How well do you understand Swahili on television and in movies?” and “How well do you understand English in newspapers and magazines?” The Cronbach’s alphas in this sample are 0.94 and 0.95 for the English competency subscale and the Swahili competency subscale, respectively. The cultural competence aspect of acculturation was measured using the cultural competence subscale. This subscale consists of 12 items; six items assessing participants’ estimate of their own competence and knowledge of American culture and 6 items assessing competence and knowledge of Kenyan culture. Representative items from this subscale include “How well do you know the history of Kenya?” and “How well do you know political leaders in the United States?” The Cronbach’s alphas in this sample are 0.86 and 0.82 for the American cultural knowledge subscale and the Kenyan cultural knowledge subscale, respectively. Composite scores of acculturation to United States American and Kenyan culture were obtained by averaging the parallel American and Kenyan cultural identity, language competence and cultural competence scores, respectively. The Cronbach’s alphas in this sample are 0.87 and 0.91 for the overall American acculturation subscale and

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the overall Kenyan acculturation subscale, respectively. A composite score for biculturalism was also obtained by averaging the scores for American acculturation and Kenyan acculturation. This score, therefore, ranges from 1(least bicultural) to (very bicultural) 4. The Transnationalism Scale (Murphy & Mahalingham, 2004), which was originally created for Caribbean immigrants, was modified for this study to assess the nature, range, and frequency of Kenyan immigrants’ transnational activities. An alpha coefficient of .86 was generated for the scale on the initial sample of 200 first generation Caribbean immigrants. The Transnationalism was found to be positively correlated with social support scores on the Multidimensional Scale of Social Support (Zimet et al., 1988) in this initial sample. Items on the transnationalism scale are rated on a scale ranging from 0 (have not done) to 5 (very often). The items, which were originally worded to refer to Caribbean activities, were modified to refer to Kenyan activities. The 21 activities are grouped into four different domains: family/social ties, cultural ties, economic ties, and political ties. A representative item of a family/social transnational activity is “I travel back home to visit children, parents and/or other relatives.” An example of an economic transnational activity is “I own businesses in the United States that are specifically geared towards Kenyans.” An example of a political transnational activity is “I am involved in political parties in Kenya.” The Cronbach’s alphas in this sample are 0.65 for the family activities subscale, 0.74 for the economic activities subscale, 0.78 for the political activities subscale, and 0.77 for the cultural activities subscale. A composite transnationalism score was obtained by averaging the scores for the family, political, economic, and cultural activities subscales. The Cronbach’s alpha for the overall transnationalism scale is 0.85.

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Data Analytic Strategy In order to answer the research question proposed in this study data analyses were conducted in three major steps. First, bivariate associations among the main study variables were conducted. Specifically, Pearson correlations were used to assess the relationships between types of acculturation (American, Kenyan, and Bicultural), transnationalism and demographic factors (length of stay in the United

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

States, socioeconomic status and age). The second step of analyses involved independent sample t-tests to assess the effect of gender on styles of acculturation and analyses of variance (ANOVAs) to assess effects of immigration status on styles of acculturation. Missing cases were deleted by the listwise method during regression analyses. Finally, a 3-step hierarchical multiple regression analysis was utilized to assess the effects of demographic factors and transnationalism on the three types of acculturation. In these analyses selective demographic factors, i.e. socioeconomic status, age, gender, and immigration status, were entered in the first step. Length of stay in the United States was added in the second step of the model and transnationalism was entered in the final step of the regression. Regressions for the three types of acculturation were conducted separately. RESULTS

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Descriptive Statistics Descriptive analyses were conducted to determine acculturation levels in this Kenyan immigrant sample. The means for American Cultural Identity and American Cultural Competence subscales are 2.13 (SD = .87) and 2.72 (SD = .53), respectively. Descriptive analyses for the English Language Competence subscale yield a mean of 3.78 (SD = .35), indicating that participants in this study endorse high levels of competence in English. A composite score of American acculturation was computed by obtaining the mean of the three American acculturation subscales. The mean score for the overall American acculturation measure in this sample is 2.88 (SD = .40). Levels of Kenyan acculturation were also examined in the descriptive analyses. The mean scores for the Kenyan Cultural Identity, Swahili Language Competence, and Cultural Competence subscales are 3.72 (SD = .63), 3.21 (SD = .66), and 3.00 (SD = .56), respectively, indicating high retention of Kenyan cultural identity, competence in Swahili, and competence in Kenyan culture in this immigrant sample. A composite score of Kenyan acculturation was computed by obtaining the mean of the three Kenyan acculturation subscales. The mean score for the overall Kenyan acculturation measure in this sample is 3.31 (SD = .45), indicating high levels of retention of Kenyan cultural values.

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Descriptive statistical analyses were also conducted to determine levels of Bicultural acculturation. The score for Bicultural acculturation was obtained by averaging the overall scores for American acculturation and Kenyan acculturation. The overall mean score for Bicultural acculturation is 3.09 (SD = .29), indicating that a majority of the participants in this study adapt a Bicultural style of acculturation. The scores for Bicultural acculturation in this sample range from 2.44 to 3.75. Descriptive statistical analyses were also conducted for transnationalism. The mean scores for the subscales in this measure are as follows; The Family activities and Cultural activities subscale yield means of 3.89 (SD = .91) and 3.07 (SD = 1.27) respectively. The mean for the Economic and Political activities subscales are 2.38 (SD = 1.16) and 1.84 (SD = .96), respectively. A composite score for transnationalism was obtained by averaging the scores for the four transnationalism activities subscales. The overall Transnationalism scale yields a mean of 2.79 (SD = .79). These descriptive statistics are detailed in Table 3.1.

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Demographic Differences in Acculturation In order to further assess gender differences in types of acculturation independent sample t-tests were conducted. Results show that Kenyan males report significantly higher levels of all types of acculturation compared to their female counterparts: American acculturation (t [189] = 2.71, p < .01), Kenyan acculturation (t [189] = 2.32, p < .05), and Bicultural acculturation (t [189] = 3.64, p < .001). A summary of means and standard deviations of these gender differences in types of acculturation are presented in Table 3.1. In order to assess differences in acculturation patterns among Kenyan immigrants of various immigration categories a post hoc one way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted. Results show that there are significant differences between immigration categories on American acculturation, F (4, 187) = 7.24, p < .001. These analyses reveal that Greencard holders/LPRs report significantly higher levels of American acculturation (M =2.98, SD = .43) compared to Kenyan immigrants on student visas (M = 2.78, SD = .31) and work visas (M = 2.65, SD = .29). Results also indicate that naturalized American citizens report significantly higher levels of American acculturation (M = 3.09,

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

SD = .47) compared to Kenyan immigrants on student visas (M = 2.78, SD = .31) and work visas (M = 2.65, SD = .29). There are no significant immigration status differences for Kenyan and Bicultural acculturation. A summary of post hoc one-way ANOVA results detailing these acculturation differences are presented in Table 3.2. Correlation Analyses Correlation analyses reveal a significant positive association between American acculturation and socioeconomic status (r = .17, p < .05). A significant positive correlation is also evident between length of stay in the United States and American acculturation (r = .30, p < .001), while a significant negative association is present between length of stay in the United States and Kenyan acculturation (r = -.22, p < .01). The correlation between length of stay in the United States and Bicultural acculturation is not significant. Transnationalism is positively correlated with Bicultural acculturation (r = .23, p < .01) and Kenyan acculturation (r = .24, p < .01), but not American acculturation. Correlations are presented in Table 3.3. What Factors are Associated with American acculturation?

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The model resulting from step 1 of the regression analyses examining the effects of demographic factors on American acculturation is significant, F (8, 170) = 4.04, p < .001. Together the demographic variables account for 12% of the variance in American acculturation in this first step of the regression model. Two immigration categories – greencard holders (β = .64, p < .05) and naturalized American citizens (β = .57, p < .05) emerge as factors with significant positive effects on American acculturation. Age (β = -.15, p < .10) and socioeconomic status (β = .15, p < .10) has marginally significant effects on American acculturation.

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1-6 3.91 (.91) 3.07 (1.27) 2.38 (1.16) 1.84 (.96) 2.80 (.80)

3.09 (.30)

Bicultural Acculturation

Transnationalism Family Activities Cultural Activities Economic Activities Political Activities Overall Transnationalism *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001

3.72 (.63) 3.01 (.56) 3.21 (.66) 3.31 (.44)

Kenyan Cultural Identity Kenyan Cultural Competence Swahili Language Competence Overall Kenyan Acculturation

Overall Mean (SD) 2.13 (.87) 2.72 (.53) 3.78 (.35) 2.86 (.40)

1-4

Range

Acculturation American Cultural Identity American Cultural Competence English Language Competence Overall American Acculturation

Variable

4.00 (.82) 2.95 (1.20) 2.55 (1.13) 1.95 (1.08) 2.84 (.81)

3.17 (.29)***

3.71 (.63) 3.16 (.56)** 3.32 (.61)* 3.40 (.44)*

2.31 (.91)** 2.78 (.54)* 3.75 (.33) 2.95 (.42)**

Males M (SD)

Table 3.1 Means and Standard Deviations of Acculturation and Transnationalism by Gender

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3.84 (.97) 3.17 (1.31) 2.31 (1.17) 1.84 (.91) 2.78 (.79)

3.02 (.28)***

3.74 (.61) 2.88 (.59)** 3.13 (.67)* 3.24 (.44)*

1.95 (.81)** 2.64 (.52) 3.78 (.37) 2.79 (.38)**

Females M (SD)

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.95

1.35

7.24***

F

4, 187

4, 187

4, 187

Df

3.13 (.33)

3.14 (.32)

3.19 (.47)

e

3.28 (.47)

3.09 (.47)c d

b

M (SD)

2.98 (.43)a

M (SD)

US Citizens

Entries sharing a common subscript are significantly different

**p < .01, ***p < .001

Bicultural Acculturation

Kenyan Acculturation

American Acculturation

Variables

LPRs

3.04 (.22)

3.43 (.29)

c

2.65 (.29)a

Work Visas M (SD)

3.08 (.27)

3.38 (.45)

2.78 (.31)b d

Student Visas M (SD)

Table 3.2 One-way Analyses of Variance of Acculturation by Immigration Categories

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3.02 (.29)

3.29 (.45)

2.74 (.32)e

M (SD)

Other Visas

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.04 -.01 .02 .40**

4. American Acculturation

5. Kenyan Acculturation

6. Bicultural Acculturation

7. Transnationalism

*p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001

.62**

3. Years in the United States

1 .46**

Variable

2. Socioeconomic Status

1. Age

.31**

.05

-.10

.18*

.43**

2

.31**

.07

-.21**

.31**

3

.08

.66**

-.04

4

.25**

.74**

5

6

.24**

Table 3.3 Correlations between Acculturation, Transnationalism and Demographics Variables

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-

7

64

Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

Length of stay in the United States was added to the regression model in step 2 to examine its effects on American acculturation in addition to other demographic factors. Results reveal that the model is significant, F (9, 169) = 5.34, p < .001. Length of stay in the United States (β = .39, p < .001) has significant positive effects on American acculturation, and contributes an additional variance of 7% to the overall model in step 2 (∆R2 = .07, p < .001). Age also has a significant effect on American acculturation (β = -.35, p < .001), although in the previous step it only has marginal effects. The demographic variables and length of stay in the United States account for 19% of the variance in American acculturation in this step of the regression model. Transnationalism was added in step 3 of the regression model to determine its additive effects on American acculturation. Results reveal that this model is significant, F (10,168) = 4.88, p < .001. However, transnationalism does not have a significant effect on American acculturation, and does not contribute additional variance to the overall model. Following entry of transnationalism in this final step of the model, length of stay in the United States (β = .39, p < .001) and age (β = -.37, p < .001) emerge as the only factors with significant effects on American acculturation. Two categories of immigrations status; Greencard holders (β = .54, p < .10) and naturalized American citizens (β = .42, p < .10) have marginally significant relationships to American acculturation. The independent variables together account for 19% of the variance in American acculturation in this sample. A summary of these regression results are presented in Table 3.4.

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What Factors are Associated with Kenyan Acculturation? The model resulting from step 1 of the regression analyses examining the effects of demographic factors on Kenyan acculturation is significant, F (8, 170) = 3.02, p < .01. Together the demographic variables account for 8% of the variance in Kenyan acculturation in this first step of the regression model. Gender (female) has a significant effect on Kenyan acculturation (β = -.24, p < .01), i.e. female gender is associated with lower levels of Kenyan acculturation. All the immigration categories have a significant impact on Kenyan acculturation.

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Length of stay in the United States was added into the regression model in step 2 to determine its effect on Kenyan acculturation in addition to other demographic factors. Results reveal that this model is significant, F (9, 169) = 4.19, p < .001. Length of stay has a significant negative effect on Kenyan acculturation (β = -.37, p < .01), and contributes an additional variance of 5% to the overall model in step 2 (∆R2 = .05, p < .001). The demographic variables and length of stay in the United States account for 13% of the variance in Kenyan acculturation in this step of the regression model. Transnationalism was added to the regression model in step 3 to examine its effects on Kenyan acculturation in addition to demographic factors. Results reveal that the model is significant, F (10, 168) = 6.23, p < .001. Transnationalism has a significant effect on Kenyan acculturation (β = .33, p < .001), and contributes an additional variance of 10% to the overall model (∆R2 = .10, p < .001). Gender (β = -.23, p < .01), length of stay in the United States (β = -.39, p < .001), and all immigration categories emerge as significant correlates of Kenyan acculturation in this final step of the regression model. Age (β = -.16, p < .10) has a marginally significant relationship to Kenyan acculturation. The independent variables together account for 24% of the variance in Kenyan acculturation in this sample. Table 3.5 presents a summary of these results.

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What Factors are Associated with Bicultural acculturation? The model that results from step 1 of the regression analyses examining the effects of demographic factors on Bicultural acculturation is significant, F (8, 170) = 2.62, p < .05. Together the demographic variables account for 7% of the variance in Bicultural acculturation. Gender has a significant effect on Bicultural acculturation (β = -.24, p < .01), i.e. female gender is associated with lower levels of Bicultural acculturation. All the immigration categories have significant positive effects on Bicultural acculturation. Length of stay was added to the regression model in step 2 to determine its impact in addition to other demographic factors. Results show that the model is significant, F (9, 169) = 2.54, p < .01. However, length of stay in the United States does not have a significant effect on Bicultural acculturation, and does not contribute additional variance to the overall model.

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Transnationalism was added to the regression model in step 3 to determine its effects on Bicultural acculturation in addition to demographic factors. Results reveal that the model is significant, F (10, 168) = 3.57, p < .001. Transnationalism has a significant effect on Bicultural acculturation (β = .29, p < .001), and contributes an additional 7% variance to the model (∆R2 = .07, p < .001). Gender (β = -.25, p < .01) and all immigration categories emerge as significant correlates of Bicultural acculturation. The independent variables together account for 14% of the variance in Bicultural acculturation in this Kenyan immigrant sample. A summary of these regression results are presented in Table 3.6.

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DISCUSSION This study seeks to examine the acculturation patterns of Kenyan immigrants as they adapt to living in the United States. As proposed earlier, none of the participants fall into the distinct marginalization, separation, and assimilation orientations of acculturation (Berry, 1997). On average, participants in this study report high levels of Kenyan acculturation and moderate levels of American acculturation. High levels of Kenyan immigrants’ retention of Kenyan cultural values may be explained by age of migration. As reported in Chapter Two that detailed the demographic profile the study population, more than half of the sample migrated to the United States after they reached the age of 21. According to Erikson’s developmental theory, during this age cultural identity is concrete and cultural values are ingrained and may be easier to retain regardless of the environment individuals are immersed in. High levels of Bicultural acculturation in this Kenyan immigrant sample indicate that a majority of participants simultaneously acquire American cultural values and also retain Kenyan cultural values. This is the acculturation orientation that Berry (1997) refers to as integration. Since this sample is fairly integrated, Berry’s four types of acculturation would not have been suitable for this study. Additionally, there is little variation in the three acculturation dimensions used in the present study, since most participants’ scores are above the midpoint of all the subscales.

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.18*** .22*** 5.34*** .07*** 13.23***

Adjusted R2 .12*** R2 .16*** F-Statistic 4.04*** ∆R2 ∆F-Statistic + p < .10, *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001

Age Socioeconomic Status Gender (female vs. male) INS Status (LPR vs. other) INS Status (student vs. other) INS Status (work vs. other) INS Status (visitor vs. other) INS Status (citizen vs. other) Length of Stay in the USA Transnationalism

Step 2 β -.35*** .08 -.12 .56+ .42 .25 .20 .44* .39***

Length of Stay in the USA

Step 1 β -.15+ .15+ -.08 .64* .44 .24 .21 .57*

Variables

Demographic Factors

.19*** .23*** 4.88*** .00 .85

Step 3 β -.37*** .07 -.12 .54+ .39 .23 .19 .42+ .39*** .05

Transnationalism

Table 3.4 Regression Model Examining the Effects of Independent Variables on American Acculturation

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.13*** .19*** 4.19*** .06** 11.94**

Adjusted R2 .08** R2 .13** F-Statistic 3.08** ∆R2 ∆F-Statistic + p < .10, *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001

Age Socioeconomic Status Gender (female vs. male) INS Status (LPR vs. other) INS Status (student vs. other) INS Status (work vs. other) INS Status (visitor vs. other) INS Status (citizen vs. other) Length of Stay in the USA Transnationalism

Step 2 β .27** -.07 -.21** .83** .88** .74** .38* .57* -.37**

Length of Stay in the USA

Step 1 β .08 -.14 -.24** .76* .86** .75** .38* .45*

Variables

Demographic Factors

.23*** .28*** 6.23*** .09*** 21.21***

Step 3 β .17+ -.13 -.23** .70* .72* .66** .31* .49* -.39*** .33***

Transnationalism

Table 3.5 Regression Model Examining the Effects of Independent Variables on Kenyan Acculturation

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Adjusted R2 R2 F-Statistic ∆R2 ∆F-Statistic *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001

Age Socioeconomic Status Gender (female vs. male) INS Status (LPR vs. other) INS Status (student vs. other) INS Status (work vs. other) INS Status (visitor vs. other) INS Status (citizen vs. other) Length of Stay in the USA Transnationalism

Variables

.07* .11* 2.62*

Step 1 β -.07 -.01 -.24** .99** .94** .72** .42** .71**

Demographic Factors

.06* .11* 2.31* .00 .03

Step 2 β -.04 .00 -.24** 1.00** .94** .72** .42* .72* -.02

Length of Stay in the USA

.14*** .18*** 3.57*** .07*** 13.27***

Step 3 β -.12 -.05 -.25** .89** .81* .65** .36* .65** -.04 .29***

Transnationalism

Table 3.6 Regression Model Examining the Effects of Independent Variables on Bicultural Acculturation

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

Research on Caribbean immigrants (Henke, 2001; Rogers, 2001) suggests that during acculturation, immigrants do not choose one particular culture over another. Furthermore, both of these researchers posit from their investigations that Caribbean immigrants are accustomed to the juxtaposition of seemingly contradictory cultures, such as European and African, and see little conflict in endorsing both of them. This proposition explains the Bicultural style of acculturation endorsed by a majority of this Kenyan immigrant sample. Since they come from a former British colony that still has significant British influence, Kenyan immigrants are familiar with operating within two disparate cultures and may not be challenged by the dual existence in Kenyan and American cultures. In this regard they may be likely to endorse a Bicultural style of acculturation. Results from this investigation indicate that English language competency is very high in this Kenyan immigrant sample. Since Kenya is an Anglophone country, where English is the primary language of educational instruction, I deduce that competence in English is not a strong indicator of American acculturation. As indicated in Chapter Two, which provides a demographic picture of the sample, more that 90 percent of participants are educated at the Bachelor’s level or higher. This high level of education is likely to be accompanied by high English proficiency for Kenyans since acquiring this level of education would require a grasp of the language regardless of whether they residence in Kenyan or the United States. Therefore, competence in English may not be as much of an acculturation challenge for Kenyan immigrants as it is for other immigrant groups from countries where English is not a primary or national language.

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What Factors Predict Kenyan Immigrants’ Overall Acculturation? In addition to seeking an understanding of styles of acculturation among Kenyan immigrants in the United States, this study expands existing research on acculturation by conducting an exploratory examination of the predictive strength of various demographic factors and transnationalism on types of acculturation in this population. Overall findings reveal that all three types of acculturation are impacted by transnationalism and demographic variables. Results of the effects of independent variables on each types of acculturation will be interpreted separately. It is important to note that Kenyan immigrants

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may have a unique acculturative experience that is different from other immigrant groups. Their demographic profile, as detailed in Chapter Two, indicates that they are a highly educated immigrant group. This educational attainment coupled with a high proficiency in the English language places these immigrants on a different plane from other immigrants as they navigate American culture and society. Additionally, unlike Cuban and some Caribbean immigrants who span generations in the United States, Kenyans are recent immigrants, and have not developed a longstanding migration history or significant migration waves that facilitate development of ethnic enclaves. The current equivalent of ethnic enclaves among Kenyans is the maintenance of broad ethnic networks that may not necessarily cluster conspicuously in any given city or region of the United States. The absence of ethnic enclaves among Kenyan immigrants is similar to South Asian immigrants and Iranians as shown in previous studies (Light, et al., 1994). However, unlike Iranians who have strong economic networks, Kenyans may have sparse community networks that may not be sizable enough to appear on census reports or other population data.

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American Acculturation In this investigation age emerges as a significant correlate of American acculturation such that Kenyan immigrants who are older are less likely to adapt American cultural values. Consistent with Erikson’s theory of development (1980), older individuals have already developed and established a cultural identity while younger individuals still have a malleable identity and may choose to adopt cultural identities other than that of their country of origin. Consequently, younger immigrants may be more likely to explore American cultural styles and systems compared to older immigrants. Additionally, younger immigrants may be at the phase of life when they seek to launch careers and develop professional niches; processes that would behoove them to interact with potential employers, career mentors, or mainstream institutions. They may, therefore, actively seek to navigate mainstream lifestyles and seek to be competent in American cultural ways in order to successfully attain their goals. An important characteristic of younger immigrants may be the international student status. As students these immigrants

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constantly have to be in an American college setting and, therefore, have to learn aspects of mainstream society that will be useful in their academic interactions and eventual success (Constantine et al., 2005). Gender comparisons reveal that Kenyan men report higher levels of American acculturation compared to their female counterparts. I deduce that the responsibility and economic expectation placed on men in Kenyan society obliges them to learn and adopt American cultural values, and develop competence in navigating networks in the host country. It is important to note that previous research has associated socioeconomic success with structural assimilation to mainstream society and has been documented among Cuban exiles in Miami (Portes & Stepick, 1993). These authors report that Cuban immigrants only assimilate structurally but not culturally, such that they have access to socioeconomic benefits in American society but preserve their cultural values by living in ethnic enclaves. Kenyan immigrant men may, therefore, opt to structurally assimilate to American society and gain access to socioeconomic benefits based on financial obligations to relatives in their home country. As expected, length of stay in the United States emerges as a significant correlate of American acculturation, such that Kenyan immigrants who report living in the United States for a longer period of time report higher levels of American acculturation. This finding is consistent with previous studies which posit that length of residence in the host country increases social contacts and interactions, which in turn lead to improved communication skills and ability to navigate the new society (Dawson, Crano, & Burgdoon, 1996; Tran, 1990). As Kenyan immigrants continue to live in the United States for prolonged periods of time they are increasingly exposed to and acquire knowledge of American culture and systems. Notably, upon migrating to the United States Kenyan immigrants lose important familiar social networks. As such, in the absence of ethnic enclaves they are likely to experience isolation and opt to develop social networks with Americans over time. Although socioeconomic status is related to American acculturation in this study, this is only the case when length of stay in the United States is not accounted for. This finding suggests that although both of these variables affect American acculturation, length of stay accounts for the variance above and beyond socioeconomic status. This may have important implications for measurement of

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acculturation. Previous studies have utilized socioeconomic status as a measure for American acculturation (e.g. Mehta, 1998; Ying, 1990; Tsonuda et al., 1992). Based on the difference in the predictive strength of length of stay and socioeconomic status, important aspects of the acculturation experience may be lost when both of these variables are used as proxies for acculturation. Immigration status also emerges as a significant correlate of American acculturation in this study. Specifically Kenyan immigrants who have naturalized to American citizenship and legal permanent residents (LPRs) endorse more American cultural values compared to those of other immigration categories. This is probably because immigrants in these categories identify themselves as American nationals, align themselves with American cultures, and have settled or intend to settle in the United States. It is important to note that at the time of the publication of this book the Kenyan government did not provide the option of dual citizenship to Kenyan nationals living abroad. In this regard individuals who chose to naturalize to American citizenship give up their Kenyan citizenship and associated privileges, and embrace American society and fully adopt American cultural values. On the other hand, Kenyan immigrants on other visa categories such as visitors or diplomats may not have much incentive to adopt American cultural values since their stay in the United States is limited. As United States immigration policies have become more stringent over time, the option for international students, visitors, diplomats, and dependents to stay in the United States are reduced and consequences for visa violations are harsh. This may further reduce their incentive to adopt American cultural values.

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Kenyan Acculturation Age emerges as a significant positive correlate of Kenyan acculturation in this sample, such that older Kenyan immigrants report higher levels of Kenyan acculturation. This is an expected finding that is consistent with age and generational expectations in Kenyan society. It may be that older Kenyan immigrants in this study migrated at an advanced age and therefore had developed stable Kenyan cultural identities prior to migration. It is important to note that the average length of stay in the U.S. for this Kenyan immigrant sample is 8 years and the oldest

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participant is 55 years old, while the average migration age is 31 years. This implies that most participants in this study migrated to the United States as adults. However, it is important to note that age is only a salient correlate of Kenyan acculturation when length of stay in the U.S. is accounted for. It is possible that Kenyan cultural values become more important and valuable when Kenyan immigrants have been away from their home country for a prolonged period of time. Based on this finding I deduce that although over time immigrants settle in the new society and create new social ties and networks, these networks and culture may still differ from their original culture. For this reason, they may hold on to cultural values and practices, particularly those which they cherish and are unique to their home country. Gender comparisons reveal that Kenyan men endorse higher levels of Kenyan acculturation compared to their female counterparts. I argue that cultural and familial expectations placed on men in Kenyan society, along with caretaking responsibilities, obligate them to maintain Kenyan cultural values. Culturally, Kenyan men are expected to be the propagators of the culture and teach or pass on the cultural values to subsequent generations. On the other hand, there is minimal pressure on Kenyan women, who are traditionally perceived to “marry into” another culture and are often expected to adopt the cultural values of their spouses regardless of whether they are Kenyan or not. It is important to note that even when length of stay is accounted for, gender still emerges as a strong positive correlate of Kenyan acculturation. This implies that regardless of how long Kenyan men live in the United States many still maintain strong cultural values of their home country, while women may be less likely to do so. Another explanation for the gender differences in Kenyan acculturation may be the structure of the acculturation measure that was used. The measure does not assess gendered activities such as domestic/household activities that may be more consistent with how cultural identity and competence is expressed by women. I speculate that the measures may be more consistent with activities that men would endorse affirmatively. All immigration categories are positively associated with Kenyan acculturation in this sample. This may imply that regardless of immigration status, laws and restrictions, Kenyan immigrants in the U.S. retain the culture and values of their country. The strong association between immigration categories and Kenyan acculturation does not change when length of stay and transnationalism are

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accounted for. It may be that despite length of stay in the United States, or magnitude of transnational ties, Kenyan immigrants’ cultural knowledge, identity and competence do not fluctuate. This may mean that Kenyans have a strong cultural identity and competence, such that changes in their environment and aspects of their lives do not affect their culture. Length of stay emerges as a significant correlate of Kenyan acculturation such that Kenyan immigrants who have lived in the United States for a longer period of time report lower levels of Kenyan acculturation. This is an expected finding that may be a result of less interaction with Kenyan culture. This may particularly be significant for Kenyan immigrants given the vast geographical distance of the country of origin from the United States. In this regard maintaining consistent ties via visits can be expensive and out of reach for many Kenyans. The relationship of length of stay and retention of cultural values of the country of origin may be different for immigrants such as Canadians, Caribbeans, or Mexicans, whose country of origin is geographically proximal to the United States. In addition to the above mentioned demographic factors, transnationalism emerges as a significant positive correlate of Kenyan acculturation in this sample. Specifically, Kenyan immigrants who endorse high levels of transnationalism also endorse high levels of Kenyan acculturation. As Kenyan immigrants engage in transnational activities such as sending remittance to family and maintaining family and friendship networks in Kenya, they come in contact with Kenyan cultural values and norms to which they would not otherwise be exposed if they did not have transnational ties. It is important to note that reports of cultural and family ties are higher than political or economic ties in this sample.

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Bicultural Acculturation A final examination was the predictive value of demographic variables and transnationalism on Bicultural style of acculturation. Gender comparisons reveal that Kenyan men report higher levels of Bicultural acculturation compared to their female counterparts. As previously discussed, Kenyan men have cultural obligations to provide materially for immediate and extended family members abroad; a task that may

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involve mastery of the host culture in order to realize economic success. On the other hand, from a cultural perspective, they are often expected to maintain a Kenyan cultural legacy despite living abroad. Because of these dual and seemingly conflicted responsibilities Kenyan men may be obligated to maintain Kenyan cultural values, learn and adopt American cultural values and develop competence in both cultures. Similarly to Kenyan acculturation, all immigration categories are associated with Bicultural acculturation. This may imply that regardless of immigration status, laws and restrictions that may determine their experience in the U.S., Kenyan immigrants are able to maintain a Bicultural type of acculturation. The strong association between immigration categories and Bicultural acculturation was not altered when length of stay and transnationalism were accounted for. It appears that Kenyan immigrants’ competence in both American and Kenyan cultures does not fluctuate with length of stay in the United States or magnitude of transnational ties. This solid Bicultural acculturation may be a result of Kenyans’ historical experience with European colonization, during which Kenyans were able to simultaneously function both within their indigenous culture and the British culture despite the oppressive nature of colonialism. Evidence for a consistent bicultural acculturation style among Caribbean immigrants has been found by Henke (2001) and Rogers (2001). Interfacing with the Eurocentric values of American culture may be similar to experiences with the British colonial culture and as such may not pose a challenge for Kenyan immigrants. In addition to demographic factors, transnationalism also emerges as a significant positive correlate of Bicultural acculturation in this sample such that participants who report higher levels of transnationalism also report higher levels of Bicultural acculturation. Transnational immigrants often live aspects of their social, economic and political lives in at least two settings. Pedraza (2005) posits that these transnational immigrants may establish themselves in the host country while they continue to vote, operate businesses, and earn and send money to their country of origin. In this regard, they develop bicultural identities and live their lives comfortably by being involved in more than one nation. I argue that Kenyan immigrants’ dual contact and activities in two different countries and cultures fosters a bicultural style of acculturation. In addition, Kenyan immigrants engaging in

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transnational activities may be able to maintain competence in both Kenyan and American cultures. CONCLUSION

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This investigation demonstrates that the acculturation process appears to be a complex experience for Kenyan immigrants as they settle in the United States. Improved transnational communication gateways such as the internet have surpassed traditional modes of communication such as faxes and postal mail. These newer forms of transnational ties have bridged the gap between geographically disparate regions and countries and have facilitated frequent interaction between cultures to create an intimate global village. These developments may impact the acculturation process for immigrants in ways that warrant further study. I speculate that the scales used to measure acculturation in this sample may fall short of the important aspects in the acculturation process of Kenyan immigrants. Evidently, language competency is not a strong indicator of American acculturation for Kenyans whereas cultural identity may be salient. There is a need for a research focus to determine an accurate conceptualization of acculturation for this immigrant population.

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CHAPTER 4

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Acculturative Stressors Among Kenyan Immigrants

Thus far, this book has discussed various factors that may be salient to Kenyan immigrants in the United States, as well as how these factors impact the acculturation process. This chapter builds on this previous discussion of the acculturation process by exploring some of the challenges that Kenyan immigrants may encounter upon arriving in the United States. Although the acculturation process may not necessarily be stressful to all immigrants, I posit that given disparities between host and traditional cultures, most immigrants are generally confronted by an array of challenging experiences. Changes in immigration laws, especially during the decade following the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States, are but some of the factors that may pose challenges to immigrants as they settle in the United States. Most immigrants often have to cope with the hassles of crosscultural transition as well as the burden of immigrant and minority status (Berry, Kim, Minde, & Mok, 1987). Black immigrants from predominantly Afrocentric nations such as Kenya often enjoy racial dominance in their home country and may not be accustomed to the United States societal categorization of Blacks as racial minorities. More often than not immigrants may have to overcome formidable barriers of social disadvantage and ethnic discrimination to improve their status in the host society. These stressors that result from the acculturation process have been referred to in immigration literature as acculturative stressors (Berry & Kim, 1988; Berry, 1980) and have

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been further categorized as material, cultural, or informational stressors (Ritsner, Modai & Ponizovsky, 2000). It is important to distinguish the difference between acculturation and acculturative stressors and reiterate that the acculturation process may not necessarily be a stressful experience for all immigrants. Although the acculturation process may involve cultural changes and adjustment, not all immigrants perceive this shift in the environment and navigation of a new culture as a daunting experience. Kenyan immigrants, as well as other Black immigrants, are often perceived as having similar experiences as African Americans because of their common Afrocentric racial heritage and racialized position within American society. However, this may not be an entirely accurate perception because with the exception of race and Afrocentricity, their experiences are mostly divergent. Some disparate experiences between the two groups exist with regards to history of voluntary versus involuntary migration, cultural and national background, economic experiences, ethnicity, immigration status, socialization, and in some cases language. The most obvious difference between African Americans and other Black immigrants such as Kenyans is their experience and history in America. Although African Americans are born and socialized in the United States, navigating the American culture is often a new and sometimes stressful experience for Black immigrants. The nature of acculturative stressors will often be determined by various aspects, such as cultural factors, that are considered salient to a particular immigrant group. Despite the dearth of research on Kenyan immigrants, some assumptions can be made about what issues are germane during the transition process and eventual settlement based on studies on other immigrant populations. For example, studies have been done on acculturative stress among South Africans (Laubschner, 1996), Mexican immigrants (Padilla et al., 1985) and Central American immigrants (Hovey, 2000) that could inform the acculturative stressors that Kenyan immigrants may encounter. Some of the common stressors studies in these immigrant groups that may be salient to Kenyans are financial problems, employment difficulties, adjusting to different social norms and cultural practices, and interpersonal problems.

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Socioeconomic and Occupational Stressors Despite years of economic stability and tranquility, the increasing economic difficulties, increased poverty and recent political instability in Kenya has led to migration of Kenyans to other countries with the United States being a favorable destination. These immigrants often seek economic opportunities not only for themselves but for family members that are left behind. This cadre of immigrants is often hardworking and determined to realize the American dream at all costs. However, Kenyan immigrants, just like other foreign-born nationals are often confronted with socioeconomic and occupational stressors as they settle in the United States. Financial difficulties, problems with housing and employment have been found to be salient in previous studies on immigrants’ adaptation experiences (Padilla, Wagatsuma, & Lindholm, 1985; Hovey, 2000). These challenges may be important in the adjustment process of various immigrant groups, including Kenyans. In a study that examined migration patterns of Kenyans in the United States, Nyamwange (2001) argues that lack of employment opportunities and high cost of living are stressors that influence these immigrants to relocate from place to place. This may be particularly stressful because most Kenyan have families in Kenya who depend on their financial support for daily sustenance. Financial and employment difficulties have been found to be salient for immigrants who are dependent on a spouse or otherwise lack work permits to legally work in the United States (Fenta, Hyman, & Noh, 2004). Immigration policies may not make provision for legal employment for spouses of immigrants who chose to migrate with them. Consequently, this may place significant economic strain on immigrants who not only have to provide for families in Kenya, but also take care of their spouses and children who migrate with them. This may also be particularly stressful for individuals whose pre-migration lifestyle was characterized by high socioeconomic status and affluence and have to make adjustment to a relatively new, and often lower, socioeconomic status upon migration. Studies have shown that background factors such as transferability of skills are an important factor that affects the socioeconomic attainment or progress of immigrants (Chiswick, 1978, 1982; Poston, 1994). The transferability of skills refers to the extent to which labor market skills acquired in the country of origin can be readily applied in the destination country (Chiswick, 1978). These skills can be obtained

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by on-the-job experience or through schooling. They include language skills as well as other practical and specialty skills. Language skills often reduce the period of adjustment in the host country and help speed up the process of economic success for most immigrants. However, practical skills may become important when the educational or training system is not the same in the country of origin and host country. Kenyan immigrants may not encounter problems with language skills as they seek employment in the United States because of their competence in English. However, some professions may require practical and/or specialty skills that may necessitate further training for Kenyan immigrants. Chiswick (1978, 1982) posits that the differences in the attainment of earnings among immigrants can be explained by their different levels of skill transferability. He argues that immigrants with higher levels of transferability of skills earn more on average compared to those who have less transferable skills. Focusing mainly on the transferability of skills acquired in school and on the job, Chiswick (1982) argues that immigrants from Anglophone countries who migrate to the United States come with a readily transferable skill – English – compared to those who come from non-Anglophone countries. Thus the probability of immigrants from Anglophone countries to be unemployed when they first arrive will be lower compared to immigrants from Non-Anglophone countries. In light of recent economic challenges in the United States, it may be difficult for immigrants to find jobs that match their qualifications regardless of their command of the English language. As such most foreign-born nationals may settle for low level positions and meager earnings regardless of their skill sets. As indicated in Chapter Two, only 52% of highly skilled Kenyans residing in the United States during the 1990s were able to obtain employment at a level commiserate to their training or educational status. This has been referred to as brain waste in immigration literature (Ozden, 2006). Because of dire need of employment and economic stability Kenyan immigrants may take employment opportunities that they can get and despite being highly educated professionals, may settle for low level jobs and work as cab drivers, baby sitters, nursing assistants, parking lot attendants or airport workers, among others. To further buttress the brain waste phenomena, in a study of immigrant women in Canada, Meadows and colleagues (2001) found

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that a lack of recognition of education and previous work experience attained in the immigrants’ homelands was a barrier to regaining former socioeconomic status. While many of the women in Meadows and colleagues’ study held university degrees or training for specific employment, their education was not recognized in Canada and as such they needed to obtain additional educational training. A number of these immigrant women reported working in day care settings as they took additional coursework. This may be a salient stressor for Kenya immigrants since the educational system in Kenya is different from the American system and their training and certification may not be compatible with American educational system and as such may not accepted upon migration. In addition to problems with skill transferability affecting immigrants’ socioeconomic status, there have been vast changes in the United States economy (and global economy as a whole), such that unskilled workers can no longer readily move into previously available jobs, receive on-the-job training, and move ahead economically (Finch, Frank, & Vega, 2004). As a result of these economic changes, opportunities for upward mobility have increasingly become limited for immigrants in United States as well. Given the large numbers of highly skilled Kenyan immigrants that enter the United States each year, it is important to consider whether occupational/professional stressors such as brain waste, arise in their adjustment to the United States. Another aspect of socioeconomic stressors may be the expectations and family responsibilities placed on immigrants. As previously stated, many Kenyan immigrants are not only expected to support their families in the United States, but also extended family and other relatives in Kenya. This expectation is an aspect of the collectivist Afrocentric culture and kinship ties that involve communal relationships and includes taking care of extended family members. Despite economic strains and limitations, Kenyan immigrants living in the United States may experience significant stress as they strive to provide for and support extended family members living in Kenya. Socioeconomic stress may be compounded among Kenyan immigrants who are on student visas because of United States immigration policies. First, immigrants on student visas are often restricted to working part-time (usually 20 hours a week) with an additional limitation of not seeking employment outside their academic institutions. They, therefore, need to find jobs on campus, which are

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typically in short supply and do no generate sufficient income to cover living costs, tuition, and remittance. Secondly, immigration laws governing international student visas require students to be enrolled as full-time students each semester to maintain right status despite the high cost of international student tuition at most American colleges and universities. These two factors lead to significant stress for a majority of international students for whom financial stability and affluence is out of reach.

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Immigration Stressors One major source of stress for most immigrants is related to immigration policies in the host country. Restrictions placed by immigration policies lead to immigration stressors which as a result impact socioeconomic and occupational issues among immigrants. In addition to its role in cultural adaptation, immigration status has been identified as a possible stressor despite immigrants’ adaptation of Americanized or Westernized lifestyles (Berry, 1997; Berry & Sam, 1997). The stress experienced may be related to legal immigration issues and may lead to bureaucratic obstacles, general information deficiency, and a lack of familiarity with general social system operations (LeClere, Jensen, & Biddlecom, 1994). These immigration obstacles impact socioeconomic status in various ways. For example, despite possessing valuable professional skills, Kenyan immigrants may often experience the threat of losing their jobs because of expired immigration documents such as a work permit. Inability to navigate and master the social and economic systems due to restrictions in immigration status may give a sense of loss of control for immigrants in a manner that may be potentially detrimental to their overall well-being. For example, there may be limited information and resources available to immigrants who are illegal, undocumented, or have otherwise violated their legal status. These immigrants may also be hesitant to interact with the social and legal system for fear of being found out and deported and may not make effort to access resources. It is important to note that the process of filing legal immigration documents such as work permits or legal permanent residency is an expensive process that can be daunting to immigrants, who often face socioeconomic challenges to begin with. Therefore, despite valuable and practical skills in their professions,

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Kenyan immigrants may not be able to afford or find financial sponsors to cover immigration costs and may often face the threat and possibility of losing their jobs. Contrary to the challenges faced by students and temporary workers or professionals, immigrants who are legal permanent residents (LPR) or naturalized American citizens may have vastly different experiences. Immigrants in these two categories have rights and privileges that allow them to own property in the United States and attend public schools, colleges, and universities. Similar to native-born Americans, these immigrants can join certain branches of the Armed Forces and live and work permanently anywhere in the country (USCIS, 2008). These privileges provide LPRs and naturalized citizens with resources not readily available to other immigrants and pave way for upward mobility and economic stability. Therefore, although they may experience socioeconomic stressors comparable to other immigrants, they may be able to explore a wide range of options to better their lives.

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Cultural and Relationship Stressors In addition to immigration stressors, another relevant challenge that immigrants are likely to experience is related to disparity in cultural practices and norms. These stressors may be related to language barriers, lack of familiarity with the host culture, perception of hosts as hostile, feelings of personal insecurity, homesickness, and adjusting to social customs and norms (Phinney et al., 2001; Finch et al., 2004). Immigrants may experience difficulty having a satisfactory life that involves combining two cultures. Some immigrants may have subjective experiences of being ridiculed and discriminated against for speaking English with a non-American accent. Homesickness may also be a common stressor for Kenyan immigrants given the geographical distance from their home country and the high cost of travel that often puts a strain on their financial stability. In addition to challenges regarding cultural differences, immigrants may experience interpersonal and intrapersonal relationship problems. These challenges may arise as an interface of both cultural and immigration issues. The United States is generally viewed as maintaining values associated with individualism, which is characterized by independence and self-reliance (Markus & Kitayama,

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1991). Conversely, Kenyan immigrants come from a largely communal and collectivist culture, that is characterized by connectedness to important others and a strong valuing of interpersonal relationships. The individual is often considered less important than his or her community, which normally centers on the extended family. Hence, Kenyan immigrants may experience difficulties interacting with Americans because of cultural value differences that govern interpersonal relationships. By virtue of continual acculturation, Kenyan immigrants may differ in their acculturation styles with some adopting American cultural values or retain traditional Kenyan values more readily than others. Factors that are likely to impact these acculturation styles have been discussed in Chapter Three, and include demographic factors, duration of stay in the United States, and transnational ties. Cultural expectation regarding gender roles are likely to change depending on the patterns of acculturation that immigrants adapt and as such are likely to affect relationships between family members. For example, cultural differences regarding raising children and household chores may become a stressor in families where the couple adapts different styles of acculturation. The geographical distance between the United States and Kenya may also be salient when the nuclear family is split and different family members live in either country. As discussed in Chapter Three, serial or partial family migration has become common among Kenyan immigrant families. Parents may be distressed by separation from their children for prolonged periods of time and may experience relational challenges during reunions. This may also be the case for married couples who may navigate a significant portion of their lives away from their spouses.

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Present Study Although most of the acculturative stressors reviewed in this chapter are common among various immigrant groups in the United States, there is limited research on these stressors among African immigrants and, to our knowledge, none that have investigated Kenyan immigrants’ experiences. Additionally, certain stressors may be more salient to immigrants from Kenya than those migrating from other countries around the world and vice versa. For example, since Kenyan is an Anglophone country, competence in the English language may be

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a less salient stressor than it is for immigrants from Francophone countries or Spanish-speaking regions. On the other hand, relationship stressors that challenge close kinship ties may be salient to Kenyan immigrants but be less salient for immigrant from individualistic cultures. Given the importance of stressful experiences during acculturation, the present study will investigate acculturative stressors that are relevant to Kenyan immigrants residing in the United States.

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METHOD This study is an exploratory examination of the extent to which Kenyan immigrants in the United States endorse different types of acculturative stressors and the impact of immigration status on these challenges. The Acculturative Stress Scale, which was adapted from the Hispanic Acculturation Scale - HAS (Cervantes, Padilla, & Snyder, 1991), was utilized to assess stressors that result from the acculturative process. The HAS was developed using a sample of 305 Mexican American immigrants. Because items in the HAS were originally worded to refer to Mexican culture, for the purpose of this study they were modified to refer to Kenyan culture. The HAS assesses four domains of acculturative stress; relationship, occupation, immigration and cultural stress, which yielded Cronbach’s alpha coefficients of .86, .91, .85, and .77, respectively, during scale development. The HAS and its subscales have been shown to be positively correlated with depression scores on the CES-D and the Symptom Checklist -90 (Cervantes et al., 1991). The Acculturation Stress Scale consists of 21 items which are rated on a scale ranging from 0 (have not done) to 5 (very often). An example of an item from the relationship stress subscale is “My spouse/boyfriend/girlfriend/partner and I disagree on how to bring up children.” A representative item from the occupational stress subscale is “I have found it hard to adjust to a new job in the United States.” An example of an item from the immigration stress subscale is “My legal status has limited my contacts with family and friends outside the United States.” A representative item from the cultural stress subscale is “It is hard for me to combine Kenyan and American culture.” The Cronbach’s alpha in this sample is 0.80 for the immigration stress subscale, 0.70 for the relationship stress subscale, 0.67 for the occupational stress subscale, and 0.74 for the cultural stress subscale. A composite acculturative stress score was obtained by averaging the

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scores for the immigration, relationship, cultural, and occupational stress subscale. The Cronbach alpha for the overall acculturative stress measure for this sample is 0.86. RESULTS Acculturative stress levels in this immigrant sample were determined by conducting descriptive analyses. The mean scores for the Relationship and Cultural Stress subscales are 1.79 (SD = .66) and 1.78 (SD = .63), respectively, on a scale of 1-5. However, the mean scores for Occupational and Immigration Stress subscales are slightly higher; 2.07 (SD = .82) and 2.20 (SD = .79), respectively, on a scale of 1-5. A composite score of acculturative stress was computed by obtaining the mean of the four acculturative stress subscales. The mean score for the overall Acculturative Stress scale is 1.96 (SD = .59) on a scale of 1-5. ). A summary of means and standard deviations for study variables for the different immigration categories is presented in Table 4.1. A post hoc one way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted to investigate differences in acculturative stress among immigration categories. Results reveal significant immigration group differences in acculturative stress, F (4, 169) = 3.98, p < .01. Specifically, naturalized American citizens (M = 1.71, SD = .46) and Greencard holders (M = 1.82, SD = .59) report significantly lower levels of acculturative stress compared to Kenyan immigrants on student visas (M = 2.13, SD = .58) and visitor or dependent visas (M = 2.30, SD = .71). A summary of immigration category differences in acculturative stress is presented in Table 4.2.

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Table 4.1 Means and Standard Deviations of Acculturative Stressors Variable Overall Acculturative Stress Relationship Stress Cultural Stress Occupational Stress Immigration Stress

Mean (SD) 1.97 (.56) 1.79 (.66) 1.78 (.63) 2.11 (.82) 2.20 (.79)

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4, 170 4, 169 4, 169 4, 169

8.05** .59 .66

*p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001

3.98**

4, 169

4.51***

Occupational Stress Immigration Stress Relationship Stress Cultural Stress Acculturative Stress

df

F

Variables

1.71 (.59) 1.84 (.59)a b

1.78 (.76)

1.97 (.71) a b

1.67 (.63) 1.71 (.46)c d

1.69 (.65)

1.91 (.64) c

e

1.58 (.45) c d

M (SD)

M (SD) 1.85 (.78) a b

US Citizens

LPRs

1.85 (.67) 1.97 (.43)

1.64 (.37)

2.26 (.62)

2.15 (.68) d

M (SD)

Work Visas

1.83 (.63) 2.13 (.58)a c

1.80 (.56)

2.36 (.83) b

1.94 (.89) 2.30 (.71)b d

1.91 (.57)

c

2.85 (1.38) a

2.49 (.81) b e

M (SD)

M (SD) 2.48 (.89) a c

Other Visas

Student Visas

Table 4.2 One-way Analyses of Variance of Acculturative Stress by Immigration Categories

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Acculturation of Kenyan Immigrants

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DISCUSSION This study examines acculturative stress among Kenyan immigrants living in the United States. This is a much needed expansion of research on acculturative stressors among Sub-Saharan African immigrants. On average this sample reports relatively low levels of acculturative stress that fall below the midpoint of the scale. Findings from Chapter Three indicate that Kenyans tend to adopt a Bicultural style of acculturation. This is similar to the type of acculturation referred to as integration (William and Berry, 1991). The integration style of acculturation has been purported to be associated with the least amount of stress. Another possible explanation for low reported of acculturative stress among Kenyan immigrants is the nature of the questions. It may be that reporting stressful situations during acculturation is in itself an uncomfortable and distressing experience that may lead participants to underreport their distress. The self-report nature of the study allows participants to provide a subjective evaluation of their experience with acculturative stressors in a manner that cannot be corroborated with objective data. This study queries participants on experiences that may be perceived to be stressful. I speculate that due to the uncontrollable nature of some of the stressors, Kenyan immigrants may deal with them by not discussing their experience or admitting their existence or stressful nature. Another explanation for low levels of acculturative stress may be the distribution of participants in immigration categories in this study. The second chapter in this book provides a demographic profile of Kenyans participating in this study and indicates that about 50 percent of them are permanent residents or American citizens. These are categories that are associated with low acculturative stress because of limited immigration policy restrictions. To further buttress this argument, findings from this study indicate that Kenyan immigrants who are naturalized American citizens and those who are legal permanent residents report significantly lower levels of acculturative stressors compared to individuals on student or visitors’ visas. Kenyan immigrants on student and visitor visas have stringent restrictions on their immigration status that limit their employment opportunities and may cause worry and uncertainty regarding their financial stability and future in the United States.

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As expected, Kenyan immigrants report higher levels of occupation and immigration stressors compared to relationship and cultural stressors. This is consistent with previous studies that have found financial difficulties and problems with employment to be salient among immigrants (Padilla, Wagatsuma, & Lindholm, 1985; Hovey, 2000). I speculate that Kenyan immigrants may not have control over most decisions regarding employment and immigration issues and may experience challenges and obstacles related to these issues as stressful. Immigration and employment factors are also likely to have significant impact on Kenyan immigrants’ long term goals and decisions about staying in the United States. For example, immigration laws restrict the places where immigrants can seek employment, and in the case of those on student visas, the number of hours they can work. These restrictions directly impact immigrants’ financial status and subsequently lead to high levels of stress, especially for those individuals who have dependent in the United States and in Kenya. Contrarily, I purport that there is a level of control that immigrants can exert on their choices in relationships and cultural interactions, such as a deliberate choice to live their lives based on an alignment with American or Kenyan cultural norms and practices. Although the way Kenyan immigrants experience and appraise cultural and relational stressors is important, they may be able to navigate them in varied ways that may not necessarily lead to significant distress or have detrimental implications compared to socioeconomic and immigration stressors. Overall this study indicates that Kenyans in the United States do not experience high levels of acculturative stressors. It is important to note that these results may not accurately depict the array of challenges experienced by all Kenyans in the United States. However, this study is instrumental in initiating a research discussion on the exploration of the stressful nature of the acculturative experience of Kenyan immigrants in the United States. This is a population whose acculturative experience has not been examined in previous research and as such may experience unique stressors as they seek to adjust to a new country. Arguably, the measure utilized in this study may not effectively tap into the acculturative stressors that are relevant to Kenyan immigrants. There is a need to develop measures that will capture the unique stressors that Kenyans experience upon migrating to the United States.

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CHAPTER 5

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Coping with Acculturative Stress: Social Support and Religious Coping Styles

This far the research discussed in this book indicates that the acculturation process is a complex experience for Kenyan immigrants and may place a demand on their coping strategies as they begin to settle in the United States. Given the varied challenging experiences that immigrants confront during this adjustment process, it is important to consider the ways in which they cope with these acculturative stressors. Coping strategies can be broadly defined as the process through which individuals try to understand and deal with significant personal or situational demands (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Moos, 1986). It is important to keep in mind that coping strategies may vary cross-culturally. For this reason immigrants may not readily have access to familiar coping strategies or resources upon migration to a foreign country. Additionally, coping strategies that are familiar for immigrants may not work in a new country and may need to be modified or substituted. Although researchers have explored a variety of coping activities such as problem-focused, emotional-focused, and rational actions (Billings & Moos, 1984; McRae, 1984), the effectiveness of active versus passive coping strategies has been emphasized more frequently in the literature (Suls & Fletcher, 1985; Carver, Scheier, & Weintraub, 1989). However, the process of coping is affected by personal and social resources, and even cultural factors that may deviate from the 93

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active/passive coping categories. The effectiveness of coping styles can, therefore, be problematic when examining culturally diverse populations, particularly if there are constraints in the utilization of the coping skills. These problems may emerge in various ways. First, the active versus passive coping conceptualization is an example of the tendency to dichotomize experiences in a way that is characteristic of Western thought. This may, therefore, be problematic for immigrant population such as Kenyans, whose approach to coping tends to be fluid and varied. In addition, some coping strategies that are common among individuals of African descent may not fit in these categories. For example, it would be challenging to categorize religiosity, which is salient for Kenyan immigrants, in this coping system. Secondly, active coping strategies are beneficial when dealing with controllable but not uncontrollable stressors (Suls & Fletcher, 1985). As highlighted in the previous chapter, as Kenyan immigrants navigate American society they often confront stressors such as immigration restrictions that are typically out of their sphere of control. Limited research has been done on coping strategies employed by sub-Saharan African immigrants in dealing with stress resulting from the acculturative process. Literature in the area of coping among African Americans suggests that individuals in this group generally tend to use diverse and flexible responses to deal with stressful situations. These coping mechanisms include social support networks, spirituality, prayer, humor, and frequent appraisal of stressful events as discriminatory in nature (Utsey et al., 2000; Utsey, Adams, & Bolden, 2000). The manner in which these coping strategies are utilized may be uniquely different from the implementation of coping strategies by European Americans and may be reflective of experiences of individuals of African descent. As an African nation, Kenya has a culture based on an Afrocentric worldview that has important implications for the coping strategies that her natives use. The Afrocentric worldview of unity, cooperation, mutual responsibility and interdependence, which is the root of many African societies, stands in contrast to the European-American principles of independence, competition, and individualism (Asante, 1987; Nobles, 1986). It is, therefore, possible that choice of coping strategies may differ between individuals of African descent and those of European descent. Individuals of African descent include African Americans, Continental Africans, Caribbean Blacks, South American

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Blacks and other Black ethnic groups across the globe. Kenyan immigrants’ and African Americans’ orientations and cultural attributes may be interconnected and contribute to similar coping strategies since they have a common racialized position and ethnic minority experience in the United States, as well as a shared African heritage. Although these two groups may differ in various areas, there may be a common thread in the historical experience of slavery in the United States among African Americans and the experience of Kenyan immigrants under the British colonial rule in Kenya. The oppressive nature of both of these experiences may give rise to an overlap of coping strategies especially pertaining to acculturating to Western ways of life among these two groups of African descent. It is possible that dealing with the multitude of stressors associated with being a Kenyan immigrant calls for the use of diverse coping practices that may not focus primarily on mastery of the environment as found in many Eurocentric conceptualization of coping, but on the basic daily survival in oftentimes difficult and hostile environments. These preferred coping strategies, such as social support, may reflect Afrocentric cultural norms and values found in Kenyan culture.

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Social Support among Kenyans Social support is a social/environmental or external coping resource that has received considerable attention in the literature. Caplan (1981) defined social support as social activities that enhance mastery through shared tasks, provisional and cognitive assistance, and emotional support. Sources of social support may include immediate and extended family networks, as well as friends, and community networks. Immigration researchers postulate that when immigrants leave their home country, they sense the loss of important social ties around which they structure their lives (Vega, Kolody, Vale, &Weir, 1991; Kaplan & Marks, 1990). Networks of family and friends are transformed during the migratory process, and may result in reduced emotional support which may become a source of stress. In this regard social inclusion may be a source of psychological support for immigrants, since it provides a sense of belonging and the feeling that help is available (Thoits, 1992). Given the challenges of settling in a new environment, immigrants may need to summon their social support systems as they make sense of their surroundings. Research with immigrants has clearly

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shown the importance of social support in the process of adaptation to a new environment (Die & Seelbach, 1988; Fontaine, 1986; Finch et al., 2004). In a study conducted with Vietnamese immigrant women in the United States, Die and Seelbach (1988) described the high level of emotional support given by the family, the fluidity of relationships within the group itself, and the role of the church as an institution which serves as a link to the original culture. Similarly some immigrants have been seen to develop closer relationships with friends as a personal adaptation strategy (Franks & Faux, 1990). Social support is one of the preferred coping styles that is reflective of the cultural values and norms of Kenyan culture and many other African societies. One social practice that historically propagated social inclusion in traditional Kenyan society was an indigenous tradition of self-help called harambee, meaning “let us all pull together,” (Mwiria, 1990). This tradition would be used to mobilize local resources and would involve local participation in individual and community development. Harambee played an important role in the social and economic system in Kenya following the end of the colonial period (Ngau, 1987). This tradition, which involved collective and cooperative participation of a community, was instrumental in providing mutual assistance and fostering cultural values. Although in past decades harambee efforts were oriented toward production of basic needs through social exchange of labor and mutual assistance for economic, social and educational development, in recent years the tradition of harambee has evolved and expanded to a broader source of support whereby a community often steps in to help individuals or families in time of crisis such as dire financial need, death of a loved one or any other kind of tragedy (Wilson, 1992). It is, therefore, not unusual for Kenyan immigrants in the United States to come together to support and raise funds for a family in financial need, such as an outstanding medical bills, immigration expenses, or funeral expenses for a loved one. The collective effort of harambee, which has evolved beyond economic purposes, is a major source of support for Kenyan immigrants not just financially, but emotionally and psychologically. Social support in the form of harambee transcends kinship networks and often brings together Kenyans who share a common cultural heritage, and upon migration, shared acculturative experiences and challenges. In this regard, harambee and other forms of social support

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may serve as coping strategies for Kenyan immigrants when they experience stressful events during acculturation. This collective form of social support may have increasing importance among Kenyan immigrants in the United States as they adapt to a culture where this collective effort may not be lauded. Additionally, the geographical distance from their home country may mean that familiar support systems may not be readily accessible to Kenyan immigrants. Support systems may be useful to Kenyan immigrants, not only to pull together material resources, but also to share information that would make the cultural transition process and settlement a smooth and less stressful experience. For example, newly arrived Kenyan immigrants can benefit from advice from immigrants who have lived in the United States for longer by obtaining information about employment opportunities, affordable housing and colleges, cost of living, as well as other information that would help them navigate the new system (Nyamwange, 2001). Given the salience of social support in the cultural adjustment process for Kenyan immigrants, this coping style warrants a research focus.

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Religiosity and Religious Coping Styles In addition to the utilization of various forms of social support, religiosity is another important style of coping that immigrants may employ in dealing with acculturative stressors as they settle in a new society. Religion has been defined as an organized belief system that characteristically includes shared, often institutionalized moral values about God or a Higher Power and involvement in a faith community (Pargament, 1997). Religiosity, therefore, is the adherence to the prescribed tenets of religion and the rituals associated with the belief in or worship of God or a Higher Power (Mattis, 2002). Pargament (1990) defined religious coping as the extent to which one looks to religious beliefs and activities to manage stress. Pargament, Koenig, and Perez (1998) posit that religious styles of coping may be either deferring or collaborative in nature and reflect positions on a continuum of locus of responsibility and the level of activity of the individual in the resolution of the problems. With the deferring style, the responsibility for problem solving is focused on God, with the individual remaining relatively inactive in the process. With the collaborative style, the locus of responsibility is on both the

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individual and God, with both being active in the problem-solving process. However, there are properties of religious coping style that distinguish it from other coping behaviors, making a case for its distinct classification. Attribution to a purposeful God may help individuals to make sense of stressful events and may facilitate adaptation to stressful circumstances and buffer against negative health outcomes (Mattis, 2002). Religiosity may operate through the expansion and maintenance of social support networks (Pergament, 1997). Because of shared faith and values, members of a religious group may have feelings of belonging to a group that has importance in their well being and a network of people who may offer instrumental as well as emotional support. Findings from an analysis using national survey data indicate that frequent churchgoers report larger social networks, more frequent social interactions outside the church, and more positive perceptions of their social network members than persons who attend religious services less often (Bradley, 1995). Religiosity has historical been emphasized in African societies and has been central to the functioning of most African cultures. In this light, the centrality and role of religiosity as a coping resource has particular relevance for African immigrants such as those from Kenya and warrants research. Empirical investigations on African Americans indicate that religiosity and religious coping styles are important and are frequently used in dealing with challenging situations (Taylor, Chatters, & Levin, 2004; Yeates et al., 2002). An expansion of this research has extended to a focus on the importance of these coping styles among Black immigrant populations. For instance a study by Chatters and colleagues (2008) examined the salience of religiosity and religious coping styles among Black Caribbean immigrants in the United States compared to African Americans. This study found that religious coping orientations and strategies were highly salient aspects of life for these two groups implying that African Americans and Black Caribbeans hold overwhelmingly positive attitudes about religious coping. Akin to social support, religiosity has been a salient strategy for coping with adversity among Kenyans. This may be attributed to the fact that the vast majority of Kenyans profess Christianity as their religion. Statistics on religious practices in Kenya indicate that Protestants are the largest religious group representing approximately

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40 percent of the nation’s population (CIA, 2009). These statistics also indicate that approximately 30 percent of the population is Roman Catholic, while an estimated 10 percent is Muslim. Hinduism is practiced by one percent of the population, and the remainder practice various traditional indigenous religions or offshoots of Christian religions. Not surprising, studies that have examined coping strategies among Kenyans living in Kenya have found religion to be a salient resource in dealing with challenging situations. For example, a study that was conducted in Kenya following the 1998 United States embassy bombing in Nairobi found that many Kenyans relied on their religiosity to cope with this highly traumatic event (Njenga et al., 2004). Religiosity may, therefore, translate to a relevant coping strategy for Kenyan immigrants residing in the United States. I speculate that religiosity may serve as a consistent value as immigrants adapt to a new homeland. A study that examined the salience of religiosity in the adaptation of African students in the United States found that religiosity was positively related to overall adjustment both at migration and in the long run (Pruitt, 1978). During the acculturation process the certainty of religiosity can provide an anchor as many other aspects of the immigrant’s life changes (Hirschman, 2004). Hirschman posits that religious values can provide support for many other traditional beliefs and patterns – intergenerational obligations, gender hierarchy, and customary familial practices – that are threatened with adaptation to American culture. Churches and religious organizations often play an important role in the creation of community as a source of social and economic assistance. There are an increasing number of ethnic churches and congregations across the United States largely comprised of immigrants. As they continue to adjust to a new culture, immigrants may be drawn to the fellowship of ethnic churches, where primary relationships among congregants are reinforced with traditional values such as cultural dialects, ethnic foods, and customs (Levitt, 2003). The combination of culturally attuned spiritual comfort and material assistance heightens the attraction of membership and participation in churches, particularly for new immigrants to the United States (Hirschman, 2004). An example of a religious organization that provides Kenyans in the United States with a variety of resources in addition to spiritual fellowship is Kenyan Christian Fellowship (KCFA), the largest Kenyan religious organization in North America.

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Immigrants may choose to hold on to customary religious practices as they migrate to the United States. However these activities may take on new meaning after migration. The normal feeling of loss experienced by immigrants means that familiar religious rituals, such as hearing prayers and songs in one’s native tongue, can provide an emotional connection, especially when shared with others. These feelings of loss are accentuated from time to time when individuals are faced with adversity, such as the death of a family member or some other tragedy when these rituals are performed (Hirschman, 2004). An example of such rituals among Kenyans that is still practiced among Kenyan immigrants in the United States is the daily and/or overnight prayers and gatherings following the death of a family member. Religious gatherings are not only salient during adversity, but also during celebratory occasions such as wedding ceremonies and birth of a child during which prayer and invocation are paramount in Kenyan culture. These religious gatherings recreate a space for Kenyan immigrants that may allow them to experience familiar socio-cultural experiences in a foreign country.

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Transnationalism Maintenance of transnational ties may also be salient when coping with challenges that arise during the acculturation process. Transnationalism was explored in Chapter Three as a salient factor in the acculturation process. Inclusion of religiosity in the lives of immigrants through connections to ethnic religious organizations may enable them to stay connected to values and practices that they may have had in religious institutions in their home country. This may be possible because religion has a major transnational component and may not necessarily call on the immigrants to develop new religious faith and allegiance (Levitt, 2003). Immigration literature has began to focus on various social connections such as transnational ties and practices among new immigrants, with the recognition that they may serve to socially enhance immigrants’ lives by directly or indirectly promoting and maintaining valuable social networks (Levitt, 2001). Similarly to economic and social ties, religious transnational ties may also be established or continued through modern forms of communication such as the internet as various religious organizations provide services online.

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Among Kenyan immigrants, transnational activities may be an important source of social support, especially since upon arrival and eventual adjustment to a new country familiar social ties are lost. Transnationalism may also be an avenue for immigrants to maintain familiar religious practices that are unique to Kenyans. To extend Hirschman’s (2004) position that religious values provide support for traditional beliefs and patterns, I posit that Kenyan immigrants maintain transnational ties that nurture valued religious practices that may be unique to Kenyans (e.g., overnight prayer meetings called keshas). These practices may actually serve as coping mechanisms for Kenyan immigrants. Religious organizations and churches may be important agents in fostering these religious ties and coping strategies. Additionally, Kenyan immigrants’ involvement in missionary endeavors to Kenya may also be a point of intersection between religious and transnational activities. These religious transnational ties may not necessarily require geographical movement but may be established through contact with religious organizations through the internet and provide spiritual and financial support.

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Research Questions and Analytic Strategy This study conducts exploratory assessments of the effects of demographic factors which include age, gender, socioeconomic status, immigration status, as well as length of stay in the United States and transnationalism on (a) social support and (b) religious coping strategies. An evaluation of Kenyan immigrants’ attendance to religious services will also be conducted. This inquiry is an important step in addressing the complexity that may be present in the manner in which Kenyan immigrants adapt to a new environment and deal with challenges that arise during acculturation. This investigation, therefore, extends existing literature on coping among immigrants by incorporating Kenyan immigrants’ utilization of social support and religious coping styles, as well their maintenance of transnational ties during the acculturative process.

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METHOD In addition to the measures reviewed in previous chapters, participants in this study completed The Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (MSPSS). This measure was developed by Zimet, Dahlem, Zimet, & Gordon (1988). The scale was developed using a sample of 275 undergraduates, and assesses three major domains of support; Family, Friends, and Significant Other. During scale development, the Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for the Family, Friends, and Significant Other subscales were .91, .87, and .85, respectively. The reliability coefficient of the overall scale was .88. The MSPSS has been shown to be negatively correlated with depression and anxiety scores on the Hopkins Symptom Checklist (Zimet et al., 1988). Another study used samples of pregnant women, adolescents, and pediatric residents, and found that the MSPSS showed high internal reliability across the samples (Zimet, Farley, & Werkman, 1990). High internal consistencies have also been demonstrated among urban minority populations (Canty-Mitchel & Zimet, 2000). The MSPSS consists of 12 items, which are scored on a sevenpoint Likert-type scale, ranging from 1(very strongly agree) to 7 (very strongly disagree). An example of an item in the scale is “I can count on my friends when things go wrong”. The Cronbach’s alpha in this sample is 0.98 for the family support subscale, 0.94 for the significant other subscale, and 0.91 for the friends support subscale. A composite social support score was obtained by averaging the family, friends, and significant other support subscales. The Cronbach’s alpha for this overall social support measure in this sample is 0.93. An adapted version of The Religious Coping Scale (RCOPE) developed by Pargament, Koenig, & Perez (2000) was used to measure religious coping style. Participants were asked to either select one of the acculturative stressors that occurred recently, or to list another recent acculturative event that they perceived to be stressful. The participants were then asked to describe how they coped with the event using responses on a Likert-scale ranging from 1(a great deal) to 4 (not at all). Responses were conceptualized within one of four subscales: Active Religious Surrender, Passive Religious Deferral, Self-directed Religious Coping, and General Religious Coping. During scale development, Cronbach’s alpha coefficients for Active Religious Surrender, Passive Religious Deferral, Self-directed Religious Coping,

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and Religious Coping subscales were .93, .87, .93, and .93, respectively, indicating good internal consistency. An example of an item in the Active Religious Surrender subscale is “In order to cope with the stressful event I did my best then turned the situation over to God (or Higher Power).” A representative item from the Passive Religious Deferral subscale is “In order to cope with the stressful event, I didn’t do much, I just expected God (Higher Power) to solve my problems for me.” Self-directed Religious Coping is a measure of the degree to which individuals cope without God’s (or Higher Power’s) help. An example of an item from this subscale is “I tried to deal with my feelings without God’s (Higher Power’s) help.” The fourth subscale – General Religious Coping consists of items that ascertain the presence of spiritual forces in the individual’s life. A representative item from this subscale is “I look to God (or Higher Power) for strength, support, and guidance in crises.” The Cronbach’s alpha in this sample is 0.82 for the Passive Religious Deferral subscale, 0.88 for the Active Religious Surrender subscale, 0.82 for the Selfdirected Religious Coping subscale and 0.91 for the General Religious Coping subscale. A composite item of active religious coping style was calculated. An additional item to assess attendance to religious services (church, mosque, etc.) was included in the questionnaire packet. Participants responses range from 1 (never attend) to 4 (attend very often). RESULTS

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Descriptive Statistics Descriptive analyses were conducted to determine levels of utilization of social support and religious coping styles in this Kenyan immigrant sample. The mean scores for the Family and Friends Social Support subscales are 5.98 (SD = 1.45) and 5.57 (SD = 1.51), respectively. Analyses for the Significant Other Support Subscale yield a mean of 6.11 (SD = 1.38) indicating that this is the highest source of social support for this Kenyan immigrant sample. A composite score for social support was obtained by averaging the scores for the three social support subscales. The mean score on the overall Social Support measure is 5.89 (SD = 1.20).

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The mean score for the Active Religious Surrender measure is 3.35 (SD = .83), indicating that a majority of the immigrants not only seek help in their religion but also take steps to actively cope. Analyses yield a mean score of 1.61 (SD = .85) for the Passive Deferral Religious Coping implying that most of the immigrants do not use passive religiosity to cope. The mean for the Self-directed Religious Coping measure is 1.56 (SD = .88) indicating that a small number of the immigrants report coping with their stress without involving their religion. Finally, the mean score for the General Religious Coping measure is 3.35 (SD = .84) implying that a majority of immigrants perceive themselves as religious and involve their faith in coping with stress. A composite score of religious coping style was computed by averaging the scores of all the subscales. The mean for this Overall Religious Coping is 3.39 (SD = .58) indicating that most of the Kenyan immigrants in this sample use religiosity as a coping style. The mean score on religious service attendance is 3.38 (SD = .90) implying that a majority of participants in this study attend religious services regularly. Table 5.1 provides a summary of these descriptive statistics.

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Correlation Analyses and Gender Comparisons Bivariate correlations reveal that social support is positively associated with age (r = .17, p