Karim Khan Zand: A History of Iran, 1747-1779 9780226661025

Citation preview

Karim Khan Karim KhanZand Zand

PUBLICATIONS FOR MIDDLE PUBLICATIONS OF OF THE THE CENTER CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN EASTERN STUDIES STUDIES

Richard L. Chambers, General Editor 1 1

Beginnings Beginnings of of Modernization Modernization in in the Middle Middle East: East: The The Nineteenth Century Century Edited by Polk and Richard Richard L. Chambers Edited by William William R. Polk Chambers Architecture 22 The Mosque in Early Ottoman Architecture Aptullah Kuran By Aptullah Kuran 33 Economic Development and Regional Cooperation Cooperation:: Kuwait Kuwait Ragaei El EI Mallakh By Ragaei Mallakh 44 Studies in the Social History of Modern Egypt By Gabriel Gabriel Baer 55 Conflicts and Tensions in Islamic Jurisprudence Jurisprudence Noel 1. By Noel J. Coulson Coulson Language 66 The Modern Arabic Literary Language By Jaroslav Stetkevych Stetkevych By laroslav 7 7 Iran: Economic Development under Dualistic Conditions Conditions Amuzegar and M. AH Ali Fekrat By lahangir Jahangir Amuzegar 88 The Economic History of Iran, 1800-1914 1800-1914 By Charles Issawi Issawi By Charles 99 The Sense of Unity: The Sufi Tradition in Persian Architecture Architecture Nader Ardalan Ardalan and By Nader and Laleh Bakhtiar Bakhtiar 10 10 The Forgotten Frontier: A History of the Sixteenth-Century Sixteenth-Century Ibero-African Frontier Frontier Ibero-African By Hess By Andrew Andrew C. Hess 11 11 Muslim National Communism Communism in the Soviet Union: A Revolutionary Strategy for the Colonial World Alexandre A. Bennigsen Bennigsen and S. Enders Wimbush By Alexandre 5. Enders Wimbush

Karim Khan Zand

&;J~~ A History of Iran, Iran, 1747-1779 1747-1779

John Perry John R.K Perry

Publications of the the the the Center for Middle Eastern Studies, No. No. 12 12

The University University of Chicago Chicago Press Press Chicago and and London

JOHN R. R. PERRY is is assistant professor of of Persian language and and at the of Chicago. Chicago. He He has civilization at the Uhiversity University of has translated Mikhail Autobiography, and Poems Poems Mikhail Naimy's Naimy's A New New Year: Stories, Stories, Autobiography, and is is the of many scholarly articles. from Arabic and the author of articles.

The University of of Chicago Press, Press, Chicago 60637 Th.e University of of Chicago Press, Press, Ltd., Ltd., London The © 1 9 7 9 by by The The Uni University vers i ty of of Chicago J;1ammad AZ-e TGG Nami, Niimi, Tmkh-e Tarikh-e GiGiti-gosha ti-gosha Minorsky, ed., 'I'M TM e d . , Tadhkirat Tadhkirat aZ-MuZuk al-Muluk BP BP Brieven Brieven DM IN

ix IX

Explanatory Explanatory Notes Notes

TransUteration. The Transliteration. The transliteration is is rigorous only in in the the footnotes, footnotes, bibliography, and index, where a modified form of the Library of Congress system liography, and index, a of the of (Persian) is used for words originally in Arabic script. In a specifically Arabic (Persian) is USed in script. In a Arabic. tin replaces ~s and and consonantal IV w replaces v; v; in in Turkish words, words, treatrent treatment context, th context, flexible. For well-known place nares, names, the the conventional English of vowels is is more flexible. is used. used. In In the the text, text, transliteration is is consistent with this usage, usage, though form is are generally dispensed with as as superfluous for for the and irirdiacritics are the specialist and to the the nonspecialist. nonspecialist. relevant to ChronoZogy. The Chronology. The Islamic ltmar lunar calendar is is used to to express dates derived from Oriental sources; in the sources; points in the Iranian solar year and and the the Turkish twelve-year be cited only for for clarification. clarification. When aa Hejri Hejri date is is given, given, the cycle will be the corNew Style date (Gregorian calendar) calendar) follows after an an oblique responding Christian New stroke. Dates cited in in footnote references to to Russian sources and and to to East India stroke. 14 September 1752 are are Old Old Style (Julian calendar) calendar) and and are are Company sources before 14 by the the addition of of eleven days before appearing in context. adjusted to to New New Style by in context. TOponymy. Generally, conte~orary place names nares (Le., to Qajar.) are Toponymy. Generally, contemporary (i.e., Safavid to Qajar) are employed, with present-day equivalents noted where applicable. applicable. Partial exceptions employed, the use useof ofKhuzestan Khuzestan for for 'Arabestan 'Arabestan (except (except in inthe thetitle title VaU-ye Vali-ye 'Arabestan) 'Arabestan) are the and Hamadan for Qalamraw 'Ali 'Ali Shakar (both tenns terms appear in in eighteenth-century eighteenth-century texts). I the useful designation Persian Iraq ('Eraq-e {'Eraq-e 'Ajam) for texts). I have retained the 'Ajam) for of western central Iran bounded to to the the north by by Azerbaijan, to the the that area of Azerbaijan, to by Fars, Fars, to to the west by by the the Zagros, Zagros, and and to to the the east by by the the Salt Desert, south by Desert, no convenient modern term exists for for it. it. For For the the area known variously as since no as Transcaucasia, northern Azerbaijan, Azerbaijan, or or the the eastern Caucasus, Caucasus, I Transcaucasia, I have chosen the the unashamedly Iranocentric ''Transaraxia.'' 'Transaraxia." Other regions and and districts will be be dedeunasharedly in the the footnotes or or index. index. fined briefly in Weights Measu:I'es. Distances are are Weights and Measures. are usually stated in in miles; miles; kilometers are used if as FJI), if derived from aa map or or gazetteer (such as FJI), and and farsakhs if if from a chronicle. The The valuable term farsakh (parasang) has has been retained, retained, especially in chronicle. farsakh (parasang) in of aa military operation, operation, in in order to to emphasize movement against time. the context of tire. Ideally the the distance one one can can travel on on foot over level ground in in an an hour, hour, the the farfaris naturally at at the the mercy of of regional and and subjective fluctuation: fluctuation: estimates sakh is 3.5 to to more than 4 miles. miles. II have taken one of its length vary from less than 3.5 one as equivalent to to roughly 3.75 3.75 miles or or 66 km. km. (cf. (cf. Houtum Schindler in farsakh as in x

ExpLanatory Notes Explanatory Notes

xi XI

Proceedings of 58-88). Proceedings of the the RoyaL Royal GeographicaL Geographical Society: Society: 58-88). Currency. No Currency. No attempt has has been made to to estimate present-day values for for the the tuman or or other units of of currency in in tenns terms of of either metal content or or purchasing tuman power. power. It It appears from contemporary accounts that the the tuman depreciated steadily as in and mid-Qajar times: times: from .£.3 £ 3 in as against sterling between late Safavid and Tavernier's time (16505) (1650s) it it fell fell to to 15 15 (Bombay) (Bombay) rupees or or 37/6d.(.£.1.875) 37/6d. (£1*875) in in 1760176070, to to .£.1 £ 1 about the the tum turn of of the the century and and nine nine shillings shillings (.£.0.45) (£0.45) in in the thel850s. 1850s. 70, The tuman also varied in For in value from place to to place within Iran and and at at Basra. Basra. For of relating sums quoted in in sterling, sterling, rupees or or rubles to to the the tuman the purpose of the following approximate scale has has been applied: applied: 11 tuman = 1750-80, the during 1750-80, = £1.875 15 rupees on information in in Binning I, I, 277; 277; Robert .£.1. 875 == 15 rupees == 18.75 rubles (based on Stevens, 94-95; 94-95; Parsons, Parsons, 158; 158; Kelly, Kelly, 44; 44; Amin, Amin, 9; 9; Markova, Markova, 114). Stevens, 114).

Fig. A contemporary portrait said to be of Karim Khan Zand (No.1 Fig. 1. 1. A (No. 1 in British Library MS Or. Or. 4938, 4938, a collection of drawings, drawings, principally of royal personages and statesmen of the Persian court). court). By permission of the Trustees of the British Library. Library.

Prologue: Prologue: The Historical Background The Historical Background

Iran today is the creation of shahs. Broadly speaking, is essentially the of the Safavid shahs. speaking, geographical, religious, religious, and and political lines laid down by by Shah Esma'il and and his his the geographical, successors, notably Shah 'Abbas (1588-1629), (1588-1629), defined and and directed the the national successors, ethos at at least tmtil until the the increasing influence of of the the West West from from mid-Qajar mid-Qajar times times on on revisions. Obviously few few detailed analogies can can seriforced certain substantial revisions. ously be be drawn between the the Iran of of 'Abbas the the Great and and that of of Mohamnad Mohammad Reza Pahlavi; Pahlavi; but but the the tenacity of of the the Safavid Weltanschautmg Weltanschauung can can clearly be be seen during to appreciate the Msharid, and the intervening ages. ages. It It is is impossible to Afsharid, Zand, Zand, and an overall appreciation of, of, and and constant appeal to, to, a early Qajar periods without an background of of Safavid concepts and and institutions. backgrOtmd ins ti tutions •1 is all all the the more surprising when one remeniJers remembers that for for the the last halfThis is century of the Safavid state was little more than aa holof its its political existence, existence, the corpse, devoured by by contrasting excesses of of debauchery and and piety, piety, cruelty cruelty and and low corpse, 2 pacifism, pacifism, propped up up only by by the the monumental achievements of of its its fotmders; founders;2 that a violent Mghan incursions, Afghan invasion and and occupation, occupation, along with Russian and and Turkish incursions, and caused the country to to be be partitioned in in the the l720s; 1720s; and and swept away this corpse and the COtmtry first Nader Shah deliberately. deliberately, then Karim Khan incidentally, incidentally, created a that first a state that was in spirit. 3 in many ways fundamentally at at odds with the the surviving Safavid spirit. This survival was manifested first of of all all politically, politically, in in the the incredible series of of Safavid pretenders--at least aa dozen--who appeared over the the following fifty years. by years.4 Some were undoubtedly genuine, genuine, some had had their causes espoused by strong aspirants to to power, power, and and four--Tahmasb II II and and 'Abbas III III under under Nader's Nader's tutelage, Solayman II II in in concert with the the emirs of of Mashhad, Mashhad, and and Esma'il III III tmder under tutelage, in fact raised to of the the Karim Khan--were in to the the throne. throne. Nader Shah's usurpation of sequence; his his attempt to to substitute aa form of monarchy merely interrupted this sequence; of Sunni for for theShi' the Shi' ii faith faith (which (which had had been been one oneof of the the main main ingredients ingredients of of the the the Stmni 1. MusZim World, 1. See, See, e.g., e.g., the the sUllll1liry summary by by Hellmut Bratm Braun in in The Muslim World, Part III, III, 181-218. 181-218. 2. in 2. A comprehensive study of of the the reasons for for this this decline is is given in Lockhart, The The Fall of the the Safavi Safavi Dynasty, Dynasty, 16-34; 16-34; cf., cf., however, however, Aronova Arunova and Lockhart, Fall of Ashrafyan, Gosuda.rstvo Gosudarstvo Nadir-Shafcha* Nadir-Shakha. 5. 5. Ashrafyan, 3. ''The 3. For For aa discussion of of these and and the the following points, points, see see my my article "The Las Lastt Safavids." 4. by 4. Ibid. Ibid. Short Short histories histories of of most most of of these these pretenders pretenders are are also also given given by Kuhmarra'i, 478-85. Kuhmarra'i, 478-85.

11

22

ProZogue: The HistoricaZ Baakground Prologue: The Historical Background

Safavid fOI'Illl1a formula of of state) state) failed to to overcome popular repugnance and and Ottoman mistrust; trust; and and his military conquests, conquests, which briefly transfonned transformed the the essentially conan extensive Asiatic empire modeled on on that of of Timur, servative Safavid state into an Timur, were nullified by by his death. death. 5 The phenomenon of of the the "spiritual" "spiritual" Safavid survival, survival, as as it it was reasserted on on by Karim Khan, Khan, Nader's assassination and and ultimately assimilated and and dissolved by will perhaps become clearer from part 3 of of the the history that follhamnad Mohammad Khan Khan Qajar Qajar of ofErivan, Erivan, resolved resolved to toslay slay night. Their nervous approach alerted their intended victim, victim, the tyrant that same night. he was cut but he cut down by by Saleh Khan before he he could raise the the a1am. alarm. His His head was by M:>hanunad Mohammad Khan and and sent to to 'Ali Qoli with an an invitation to to ascend the cut off by the throne. The The conqueror's tents were looted, looted, but molested; throne. but his womenfolk were not 1OO1ested; of his chief ministers were killed and and one, one, Hasan 'Ali Beg Beg ~'ayyer Mo'ayyer oltwo of 01Mamalek, who who may may have been privy to to the the plot, plot, was was spared. spared. Iranian pickets were Mama1ek, up to anybody--particularly the Afghans--leaving set up to prevent anybody--particu1ar1y Afghans--1eaving their posts. posts. Despite these precautions, precautions, the the four thousand-strong Afghan cavalry under Ahmad Khan had had learned of of the the coup by by dawn. dawn. Had Had the the rest of of the the army retained cohesion, fate; cohesion, the the detested Afghans would certainly have shared their master's fate; but whereas the the Iranians, Iranians, conscious of of their freedom, freedom, had had begun to to relax discipline by retreat. by morning, morning, Ahmad Khan gathered his men men together for for aa fighting retreat. According to to Ahmad's biographer, biographer, the Afghans captured the whole of of the the army's artillery, the camp in artillery, took several prisoners, prisoners, and and fought fought their way out out of of the in good order. order. Striking due due south to to avoid Mashhad and and Herat, Herat, now now in in the hands of of 'Ali 'Ali Qoli Khan, Khan, Ahmad Khan led led his small band via via Torbat-e Haydariya, Haydariya, Tun, Tun, and and Qa'en-Qa'en-whence 'Ali Qoli's garrison fled after aa token resistance--to Qandahar, he Qandahar, where he seized aa treasure convoy bound from India to the to Nader's camp. camp. In In October of of 1747 the young Abdali chieftain was elected shah of the title of the Afghans and, and, taking the Dorr-e Dorran ("Pearl Dorr-e Dorran ("Pearl of of Pearls"), Pearls"), founded the the Dorrani dynasty and and IOOdern modern 7 Afghanistan. Afghanistan. 7 Nader's camp completely disintegrated the the morning morning after after his his lIIUrder. murder. At At Mashhad, Mashhad, where the the main flood of of officials, officials, troops, troops, and and camp followers followers directed their uncertain steps, to withdraw by by steps, the Afghan garrison was prudently allowed to the civil governor, Mir Sayyed M:>hanunad, superintendent (motaval.Zi) of the shrine governor, Mir Mohammad, (motavalli) of the the Imam 'Ali 'Ali Reza. Reza. He He refused admittance to to Nader's eldest sons, sons, Nasrollah of the Mirza and capitaL and Pmam Emam Qoli Mirza, Mirza, and and invited 'Ali Qoli Khan to to take over the the capital. Upon arriving with his large army, position, army, 'Ali Qoli confinned confirmed the the Sayyed in in his position, distributed largesse aIOOng to secure support, the troops and officials to support, and and sent a among the Bakhtyari force under his Georgian ghoZam gholam Sohrab Khan to to reduce the the impregnable natural fortress fortress of of Kalat, Kalat, where Nader's sons were sheltering. sheltering. This was was taken when the face. the garrison, garrison, by by accident or or design, design, left aa ladder against the the cliff face. All Nader's issue were seized and butchered; and of Nader's widows and butchered; even those of to be concubines thought to be with child were diseniloweled. disemboweled. The The only child spared was Shahrokh, Shahrokh, the the tyrant's fourteen-year-old grandson by by aa daughter of of Shah Soltan Sol tan Hosayn, Hosayn, since he he might prove useful as as aa puppet ruler should the the populace prefer to 'Ali 'Ali Qoli. Qoli. On On 27 27 Jomada Jornada II II 1160/6 1160/6 July 1747, 1747, 'Ali 'Ali Qoli Qoli asasa Safavid scion to 8o cended the throne under the name of 'Ade1 Shah. cended the throne under the name of 'Adel Shah. 68-69. 7. 7. See See esp. esp. al-~sayni, al-Hosayni, l2a-13b; 12a-13b; Ferrier, Ferrier, 68-69. 8. 76a-b. 8. See See also Marcashi, Marcashi, 96-97; 96-97; TAD, TAD, 76a-b.

4 4

Prol.ogue: The Historical Historical. Background Prologue:

Dutch diarist at at Bandar 'Abbas 'Abbas spoke for for all, all, Iranian and and foreigner The ll.!tch alike, in in observing that ''with "with the the nnlrder murder of of Nader Shah there was renewed hope alike, 9 that the peace.,,9 But his personal popularity, the kingdom would at at last find peace." But despite his popularity, enhanced by and the by largesses and the proclamation of of aa three-year remission of of taxes, taxes, the the new king soon showed that he not decisive enough in he was not in character to to pull together his uncle's sprawling and and largely ruined empire. empire. Though urgently advised to to march immediately to to secure the the old old Safavid center of of Isfahan, Isfahan, he he appointed his younger brother Ebrahim as he as sardar sardar (military governor) governor) of of that city and and province while he remained for for several months in in Mashhad, Mashhad, carousing with his unpopular favorite Sohrab Khan, of Khan, and and his large anny army reduced the the city and and its its environs to to aa state of famine. to famine.lO Once more the the Khabushan Kurds were ordered to to open their granaries to the capital but were as as reluctant to to comply as as they had had been under Nader. supply the Nader. in the the autUlllll autumn of of 1747, 1747, stonned stormed their fortress, 'Adel Shah marched against them in fortress, and put the the garrison to to the the sword. sword. On On his return to to Mashhad he he executed several on suspicion of of conspiracy, conspiracy, notably Mohammad Khan Qajar, of his chief supporters on Qajar, who had Shah. had been one one of of the nnlrderers murderers of of Nader Shah. now the the various tribal contingents attached to to Nader's field anny army or By now or transported to Mghans, to defend the the frontiers frontiers of of Khorasan were, were, like the the Abdali Afghans, to head hemeward. homeward. The The large Bakhtyari contingent under 'Ali seizing their chance to 'Ali the shah, shah, when he he still showed no Mardan Khan requested permission from the no signs of of off for hinterland; but but setting off for Isfahan, Isfahan, to to make their own way to to its its mountain hinterland; 'Adel, anxious to to retain aa strong standing anny, army, refused. refused. Nevertheless, Nevertheless, the whole 'Adel, set off quietly late in in 1747 and and had had already put ten ten farsakhs behind contingent set them when their absence was discovered. in discovered. Enraged, Enraged, the the shah sent Sohrab Khan in force. Two Two days later the the Georgian caught up up with them and, and, pursuit with aa strong force. to form up headlong. The The veteran Bakhtyari, without pausing to up properly, properly, charged headlong. Bakhtyari, obviously prepared for for such an an eventuality, eventuality, routed their rash opponents and and calmly on their way. way. Sohrab Khan and and the the remnants of of his force returned to continued on to Mashhad, collecting the heads of of Bakhtyari stragglers and and anyone else they met on Mashhad, on way to to mollify their frustration and and qualify for for the bounty promised by the way by 'Adel on each head brought back. they decapitated the the Lurs left in in the the Shah on back. On On arrival t~ey to make up up aa respectable total. city to total. ll

Meanwhile Ebrahim Mirza was consolidating his hold over Persian Iraq, Iraq, requifor his his anny army from Saleh Khan Bayat in in Shiraz and and perhaps alsitioning supplies for alin secret correspondence with his future ally Amir AsIan Asian Khan, Khan, Nader's ready in sardar of of Azerbaijan, who had had so new shah. shah. It Azerbaijan, who so far withheld allegiance from the new It 9. Brieven (1749), 177 177 ("door ("door de de massacre van van de de Nader Sjah goede hoop 9. Brieven 2617 (1749), dat het het Rijk eindelijk eens in in rust gebragt werden zal"). zal"). Cf. Cf. GD GD VI, VI, overschied dat 1747. The The narrative of of events in is condensed chiefly 12 October 1747. in this section is from Astarabadi, Astarabadi, Jahangoshay, 428-32; Dorra, Dorra, 711-18; 711-18; Bazin, Bazin, 54-58; 54-58; Mr, MT, 24-32; 24-32; frem Jahangoshay, 428-32; 77b-82b. Marcashi, Marcashi, 85, 85, 98-103; 98-103; TAD, TAD, 77b-82b. 10. 1747. 10. GD GD VI, VI, 16 16 October, October, 77 November 1747. 11. Ibid.; Ibid.; Bazin, Bazin, 55-57; 55-57; Olivier V, V, 456-57. 456-57. 11.

FPoZogus: Hi8toricaZ Background Prologue: The Historical

55

seems to to have been suspicion of of his brother's intentions that finally prompted 'Adel Shah on on 8 December to to leave the the acctDIllll.ated accumulated treasures and and creature comforts of Mashhad for for Isfahan. Isfahan. Marching into Mazandaran, Mazandaran, he he set set up up aa base at at Ashraf (now called Behshahr) his communications between Mashhad Behshahr) and, and, apparently to to secure his and Isfahan, the Qajars Isfahan, spent the the next five five months in in desultory operations against the 12 ti ve from Nader. Nader. l2 under Mohammad Hasan Khan, Khan, long aa fugi fugitive On his way way back from aa skinnish of skirmish with aa Qajar-llirkman Qajar-Turkman force on on the the banks of Mlharnmad and and the Sinbar, Simbar, 'Adel Shah captured Mlhammad Mohammad Hasan's four-year-old son son Mohammad had him He was unable, unable, however, his him castrated. castrated. He however, either to to capture or or to to lure into his the Qajar himself and and in in the of 1748 continued his way way westward. westward. power the the spring of Both Ebrahim Mirza and to ignore 'Adel Shah's sumSUIIIand Amir AsIan Asian Khan continued to monses to to court and and finally revealed themselves oPenly openly in in revolt: revolt: Amir AsIan Asian killed the had the the detested Sohrab Khan assassinated the shah's envoys, envoys, and and Ebrahim had the shah sent him his emissary and Ebrahim next him ahead to to Isfahan as as his and spy.13 spy. when the sent against Kermanshah aa strong force that plundered the the town, town, though it it could make no no impression on on the the nearby nearby £ortress--Nader's fortress--Nader's western western bastion bastion and andarsenal-arsenal-which was aa key key point for the control of But the the garrison cOllll1aIldfor the of Persian Iraq. Iraq. But commanders Mirza Mohammad Mlhammad Taqi Golestana and Amir Khan 'Arab Mishmast judged it it expedient to Ebrahim. to make their submission to Ebrahim. The The rebel amy army had had now now attracted almost every fragment of Afghan-Uzbek, in of Nader's forces, forces, both Iranian and Afghan-Uzbek, in western western Iran; Iran; with this estimated force of of twenty to to thirty thousand men men Ebrahim Mirza marched north to to effect aa junction with Amir Asian AsIan Khan. Khan. 'Adel Shah at the Khamsa at last roused himself and, and, hastening from Gilan to to the region, stationed himself with his numerically superior amy the two two rebel region, army between the forces, somewhere between Zanj Zanjan and Sol Soltaniya. forces, an and taniya. His His brother's force approached early in in Jomada or Jornada II II ll61/June 1161/June 1748, 1748, and and so so many of of 'Adel Shah's officers fled or went over with their men at the men at the first onslaught that Ebrahim gained aa complete victory without even aa major engagement. engagement. 'Adel Tehran, but was 'Ade~ Shah fled to to Tehran, was to this brother by by the and blinded. had reigned less handed over to the governor and blinded. He He had than one one year. year.14

AsIan Khan now Amir Asian now proved aa dubious ally; ally; after suffering defeat near Maragha, he to Ebrahim by Maragha, he was handed over to by Kazem Khan Qaraja-daghi, Qaraja-daghi, to to whom he he had had for refuge, refuge, and was executed. fled for executed. With all opposition apparently eliminated, eliminated, Ebrahim marched into Tabriz and Zu'l-Hejja 1161/8 December Decenber 1748 was proand on on 17 17 Zu'1-Hejja claimed shah. But the the pattern shah. But pattern once once set set was was to tobe berepeated. repeated. Nine Nine weeks weeks previously, previously, on 8 Shawwal/l itself: the the young Shawwal/1 October, October, neglected Khorasan had reasserted itself: Shahrokh Mirza was elevated to to the the throne by by aa junta of of those officers, officers, chiefly Kurdish and Bayat and Bay at tribesmen, tribesmen, who who had had stayed in in Mashhad. Mashhad.15 12. 12. 13. 13. 14. 14. 15. 15.

GD VI, 18 1747. GD VI, 18 and and 23 23 Decenber December 1747. GD VI, 11 II, 592-94. 592-94. GD VI, 11 June 1748; 1748; Hanway II, See Brosset, 229. See Hanway II, II, 595; 595; Brosset, 229. See See Poole, Poole, 90; 90; Saidrnuradov, Saidmuradov, 58; 58; SP SP 97/34, 97/34, 48. 48.

66

Prologue: Historical Baakground Background ProZogue: The HiBtol'iaaZ

Anticipating this, to this, Ebrahim had sent to to Mashhad before his own own "accession" "accession" to invite Shahrokh to to proceed to to Isfahan for his coronation. coronation. This obvious trap was was refused. in refused. After spending aa few few months in in Tabriz to to consolidate his his position in

and augment his anny, army, Ebrahim marched next spring against Mashhad. Mashhad. He Azerbaijan and He left his heavy baggage and prisoners at at Qom, Qom, in in the the care of of Mir Sayyed MJhammad MDhammad (who had and had been taken by by 'Adel 'Adel Shah along with his anny) army) and and aa mixed Iranian and Afghan-Uzbek garrison, and in II ll62/Jtme-July of garrison, and in Jomada Jornada II 1162/June-July 1749 reached the the village of

Sorkha, near Senman. Semnan. Although Shahrokh's anny army was still at at Astarabad, Astarabad, 150 miles Sorkha, distant, the distant, the the forces forces of of distmity disunity latent in in Ebrahim's motley anny army burst into the open: Amir Khan Tupchi-bashi, Tupchi-bashi, who who had had joined the the rebel anny army from Kermanshah, Kermanshah, was was open: one day day ahead with the the artillery and, and, electing to to side with Shahrokh, Shahrokh, marching one turned his gtmS guns on of the the anny, army, which promptly disintegrated. Ebrahim on the the rest of diSintegrated. llirahim to Qom Qom but but was was denied denied entry entry by by the themotavalli, motavalli,who whoon onreceiving receiving news news of of fled back to had organized the the Iranian troops to to eject the Afghans and and Uzbeks and the defeat had and the town. town. Deserted even by by his Afghan co~anions, companions, Fbrahim Ebrahim finally took defend the in aa fortress fortress near Qazvin, Qazvin, where the the garrison handed him him over to to Shahrokh's refuge in agents. He He was blinded and and sent in in chains, chains, together with his own own fonner former prisoner agents. 'Adel Shah, Shah, to to Mashhad; Mashhad; the the latter was tortured to to death on on arrival, arrival, but but Ebrahim 'Adel did not even survive the the journey. journey. The youth and popularity of of the the new new shah at at first gave hopes of of aa stable

reign. Despite continued advice to to set set up up the the capital at at Isfahan, Isfahan, his his selfreign. to keep him him at at Mashhad, Mashhad, where they could comfortably appointed guardians preferred to the king and and Nader's treasury for for their own own advancement. advancement. A A considerable use both the proportion of of the army, and prisoners left from the the debacle of of both the treasure, treasure, anny, 'Adel Shah and and Fbrahim Ebrahim was still at at Qom Qom in in the the charge of of Mir MLr Sayyed Mohammad, Mohammad, who who 'Adel himself, as as aa grandson of of the the Safavid Shah Solayman and and an an influential figure in himself, in Qom and Mashhad, Mashhad, was was aa political danger whom it it would be be well to to have tmder under both Qom and, if if possible, possible, to to eliminate. eliminate. Accordingly, Accordingly, he he was invited, invited, with surveillance and, of safe conduct, conduct, to to Mashhad and and assist in in the the assurances of to bring his charges to government. government.16

The Sayyed had had already been urged by by Safavid partisans to to proclaim himself shah in in Isfahan with their support but but had hadrefused. refused. He Henow nowprofessed professed loyalty loyalty to to Shahrokh Shah and, and, with the whole paraphernalia of of the the preceding preceding Afsharids, Afsharids, set set off from Qom to Yazd and to Mashhad. Mashhad. Here he Qom to and thence across the the desert to he was welcomed with every appearance of of sincerity; sincerity; after paying his respects at at the the shrine, shrine, he he attended aa somewhat strained reception in in the the palace gardens, gardens, at at which both he he and and Shahrokh apparently knew that only the the arrival of of an an enthusiastic

16. A A detailed genealogy and and aa biography of of the the Sayyed are are to to be be fotmd found in 16. in Marcashi, Marcashi, 91 91 ff.; ff.; and and TAD, TAD, 64b 64b ff.; ff.; see see also Kuhmarra'i, Kuhmarra'i, 396-99. 396-99. The The narrative c of events in Marcashi, 103-15, in this section is is condensed mainly from Mar ashi, 88-90, 88-90, 103-15, ol-Saltana, 119-38; 119-38; TAD, TAD, 83-98, 83-98, 109-16; 109-16; see see also Bl'ieven Brieven 2658 2658 (1751), (1751), 213; 213; ECtemad Ectemad ol-SalJ:ana, c Matla oZ-Shams. ol-Shams, 341-50; Olivier V, V, 474-76, Ma~Zac 341-50; 474-76.

Pro"logue: The Historical HiBtonoat Baakground Prologue: Background

7

contingent of old shrine guards and and his obvious popularity at at large of the the Sayyed's old saved him him from some prearranged "mishap." to consolidate "mishap." The rnotavalli motavalli continued to his influence and, and, despite his his biographers' biographers' constant eulogy of of his piety and and inintegrity, self-defense. tegrity, may may already have been planning aa coup, coup, if if only in in self-defense. by fifty gholams gho1ams to precinct, obviously on on An attempt by to penetrate the the shrine precinct, to bribe aa trusted officer, officer, orders from Shahrokh, Shahrokh, failed; failed; the young shah then tried to Behbud Khan Ataki, Ataki, to the Sayyed and to imto kill the and on on his refusal found aa pretext to imkhan. This provoked aa general nrutiny mutiny among the had so so far far prison the the khan. the emirs who who had of them. supported Shahrokh and who now now found him him growing dangerously independent of them. A led by byMir Mir 'Alam 'Alam Khan Khan 'Arab-e 'Arab-e Khozayma Khozayma stormed stormed out outof of the thepalace palace to to A deputation led an enthusiastic crowd that bore the the shrine, shrine, gathering an the Sayyed--despite his protests, whether real or or feigned--in triumph. triumph toward the palace. Shahrokh fled into tests, the palace. andarun, where he he killed the the five five younger brothers of of 'Ade1 'Adel and and Ibrahim Ebrahim who the andaI'Un, who lived. The The Sayyed rejected aa universal call for for his execution and and merely still lived. day, 20 20 Moharram 1163/30 December 1749, 1749, Mir Mir Sayyed imprisoned him. him. That same day, Mohammad was securely in and aa fortnight later, later, on on 5 Safar, Safar, was Moh=d in power and was crowned as as II Safavi. Shah Solayman II Safavi. supporters--or, as as precedent had The new new shah's principal supporters--or, had given them good to regard themselves, themselves, partners--were confirmed in in the cause to the chief offices of of state; the the ranks of of parasitical courtiers were swelled by by Safavid relatives and state; and retainers, and the the now of aa three years' retainers, and now customary decree of years' tax tax exemption necessitated further inroads into Nader's dwindling treasury. treasury. Diplomas were sent out to out to the rulers and and governors who who theoretically owed allegiance, allegiance, but all the but it it was now now unwieldy empire had had irreparably broken up and there could be evident that Nader's tmWie1dy up and be no further question of of the shah's proceeding to to the of Isfahan. the former capital of Isfahan. The most immediate threat now east, where Ahmad Shah Dorrani now came from the east, furrani had had occupied Herat. Herat. Shah Solayman sent envoys to Qandahar with a patronizing and to a and peremptory letter that invoked the the long-lost relationship of of the the Safavid monarch to his Mghan Afghan vassals and and ordered "Ahmad Khan Saduza' Saduza'i" to hand over Herat to i" to to Behbud Khan Khan Ataki, sardar of Khorasan. The Afghan king's reply was to Ataki, of Khorasan. The to have Herat at first to to be fortified for war. war. Solayman's bravado seemed at be justified, justified, for Ahmad was not yet ready to to launch an an army against Khorasan. Khorasan. Behbud Khan and and his lieusiege, allowing the Afghan untenants took Herat after aa short siege, Mghan garrison to to flee unharmed to to Qandahar. Qandahar. His capital and now apparently secure, and home province now secure, Solayman judged it it safe to relax with aa few the spring pastures at no sooner few days' days' hunting on on the at Radkan. Padkan. But But no had he he left Mashhad than the the tensions already evident between this capable man man and and his ambitious the open: Khan, the vakil o"l-daJ,)"la ol-dawla anbitious lieutenants came into the open: Mir Mir 'Alam Khan, the vakit (viceroy) seized this chance to to insure himself against an an Afsharid counterrevolu(viceroy) by blinding Shahrokh. Shahrokh. Solayman immediately returned to to Mashhad and and remained tion by closeted for Alam Khan and for three days, days, threatening to to abdicate, abdicate, until Mir Mir I'Alam and his his reinstated. associates humbly begged forgiveness and were first dismissed and and then reinstated.

8 8

Prowgue: Historiad Baakground Prologue: The Historical Background

The shah could no more dispense with their support than they with his; his; and it was faction, the Naderite freebooters dismayed at the Sayyed's expendithe opposing faction, ture of the last of Nader's treasury, treasury, his protection of vaqf vaqf property confiscated army, and his by Nader for the anny, his refusal to sanction the customary requisitions and amnesty, who engineered the feared Afsharid countercoup. extortion during the tax anmesty, countercoup. Than Shahrokh's wife secretly approached these elements, elements, notably Yusef f'Ali Ali Khan Jalayer, reproaching them for their ingratitude to their old master and his Jalayer, his issue and convincing them that Shahrokh had not really been blinded after all. all. A A conspiracy was formed that included many of the key officers of the palace garrison. garrison. Rabi' II II ll63/Z0 1163/20 March 1750, 1750, the conspirators and their men infiltrated On 11 Rabi' over. Yusef 'Ali 'Ali Irtaza Qoli Khan Zangana, Zangana, who been detailed by and together they decided to by Karim to to recruit reinforcements, reinforcements, and to 42 head for Gharb. 42 for the the safety of of the the frontier district of of Gilan-e Gharb. The vali of had been the of Ardalan at at the the time of of Nader's assassination had the popular Sobhan Verdi Khan of Mamu' i family. He had had retained his position from 1143/ of the Mamu'i family. He 1729-30 except for him by by his son Ahmad. for three brief intervals when Nader replaced him Ahmad. The latter finally incurred Nader's displeasure by by distributing grain earmarked for the the anny army among his his people during aa year of of famine and and had had to to flee into Ottoman territory. His father now now fotmd territory. His found himself during his latest term of of office saddled horse, an arrogant garrison comnander commander and and aa thousand Afghan and and Khorasani horse, with an whom for Nader'S reprisal he he was forced to for fear of of Nader's to suffer gladly and and even protect fran tribesmen. But within three years came news of the tyrant's from his resentful tribesmen. of the downfall, downfall, and and Sobhan Verdi thankfully presented his unwelcome police force with to head homeward that night before his his valedictory rob~s robes of of honor and and advised them to to the people reacted to the news. news. It Itwas was with with difficulty difficulty that that he heprevented prevented an anenraged enraged pursui t when the of their escape. escape. This wise and the Kurds learned of and moderate ruler died pursuit some six six months months later later in in1161/1748, 1161/1748, and and 'Adel 'Adel Shah Shah appointed appointed as ashis hissuccessor successor 43 Hasan 'Ali Khan, had been 43 Khan, who who had been in inhis his own ownservice. service. Though apparently aa fair administrator and not aa little local and commanding not support, support, the the new newvali vali could could not not immediately immediately win win the the wide wide popularity popularity of ofhis his predepredecessor. the Zands, cessor. While he he was absent fighting the Zands, his his neighbor in in the the OttomanOttomanof Baban, Baban, Salim Pasha, Pasha, was sponsored Kurdish principality of was ousted by by his cousin Solayman Pasha with the help of of his namesake in in Baghdad and and fled with his adherto Ardalan. he fotmd found further support among the the opponents of of Hasan 'Ali ents to Ardalan. Here he 'Ali 44 and was encouraged to to overthrow the the to attempt to the regime of of Sanandaj. Sanandaj.44 Running the

his if he lost; KeI1llfulshah, leaving her her to her independence be his if he lost; he he retired to to Kermanshah, to enjoy her (MT, 176-77; 176-77; Dehgan, Dehgan, 67-68). 67-68). (Mr, 42. MT, 177-79. 177-79. 42. MT, Valfs d'Ardelan," 87-89; 82; Zaki, 43. 43. Nikitine, Nikitine, "Les Valis 87-89; Rabino, Rabino, KurdiBtan, Kurdistan, 82; Zaki, Kordestan, 230. Golestana (Mr, (MT, 167-68) 167-68) has has Sobban Sobhan Verdi Khan ousted by by Ijasan Hasan KordestCm, 230. c CAli 45). Ali Khan and and taking advantage of of the the present situation to to return (cf. (cf. note 45). 44. Longrigg, SoZaymaniya, 73-75. 44. Longrigg, 178-79; 178-79; Zaki, Zaki, Solaymaniya, 73-75.

26 26

The StzouggZe fop Power PObJep in Ipan. 11747-63 '14'1-63 Struggle for in Weste:m Western Iran,

gauntlet o:f of Zand guerrilla raids, raids, his anny army depleted further by desertions en en route. route, 'Ali Khan hastily returned to do battle with Salim's still growing forces. Hasan 'Ali :forces. immediately victorious or, or, as as Golestana claims, claims, was at first heavily Either he was innnediately defeated and fled into the hills; hills; however, however, Salim's local supporters, supporters, their seasonal energy spent, spent, demobilized themselves and Salim, Salim, fearing an attack by his successor Solayman and finding no support from Khan in Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan. Hasan 'Ali 'Ali now presumably his rule. rule. 45

any other quarter, quarter, fled to to Azad returned to to Sanandaj Sanandaj and resuned resumed

Hardly had he settled in when Karim Khan's anny army appeared before Sanandaj. Sanandaj. In state, Hasan 'Ali 'Ali judged it wisest to welcome the Zand leader in his unprepared state, his capital with every demons tration of compliance and hospi tality . Karim, demonstration hospitality. Karim, however, was not satisfied with a compromise and allowed his men to nm run riot, riot, sack ever, and burn Sanandaj, Sanandaj, and lay waste much of the environs. environs.46 The vali himself took

refuge in the fortress fortress of Qara Tovara, Tovara, which was vainly besieged by Shaykh 'Ali Khan before the Zand anny later. 47 army retired aa :few few days later. 48 It was now October or even November of 1750. 1750.48 Karim Khan turned back to winter in his home territory, territory, to secure the submission of the plains tribes of as the Qaraguzlu and Khodabandalu and to recruit contingents from Hamadan such as Mardan's activiactivithem. them. Sufficient reports must already have reached him of f'Ali Ali Mardan's

ties to convince him that an open breach with his ally was inevitable and he would position. He therefore hahave to take preemptive action to retain his hard-won position. 'Ali Martian's Mardan's perfidy and convinced them rangued his officers with aa catalogue of 'Ali 49 of the necessity for aa rapid march on Isfahan. Isfahan. 49

Since Karim had left. left, the Bakhtyari chief had redoubled his extortiOllS, extortions, bearJulfa, which he began to squeeze dry by every means short of ing most heavily on Julfa, sources claim that he had gifted to Karim outright plunder. plmder. 50 Armenian soun;es ~fted the town to' services, and the latteT latter had posted guards whom 'Ali *Ali Mimfan Mardan Khan as reward for his sernces.

45. ZaId, Zaki, So~ya Solaymaniya, •. 74-75; 74-75; Mr, Ml, 166-68. 166-68. Golestana asserts that €1!'1 on Salim Pasha's fligb.t flight the !thiiins khans of Ardalan invited. invited SObhan Sobhan Verdi Khan, Khan, who was awaiting such aa cfr.ance chance in Isfa1ia4 Isfahan, to as.s:ame assume leadership.· leadership;* this this he he did, did, but but he he died. died soon. soon after and was succeeded by his grandson Khosraw Khan, w·as tfws; Khan, who was thus the viIi vali at the time of Karim's :incursion. incursion. This version is impossible to reconcile with: with Rabinors Rabino's statement that Sobqan Sobhan Verdi had already died died and that ]QiIQsraw: Khosraw Khan: Khan and Nikitine's s1:a;1tement c not succeed m:til until 1168/1754. 1168/1754. *Nami (TGG,17) also has Hasan eAli did !!lOt tram (TGG.17) Ali Khan Khan in in. Sanandaj at the 'I:ime time of the Zand raid. SanamIaj raid. 46.. 17. 46. MY, MT, 17~;..1ID;; 179-80; 1GG~. TGG, 17. 4c7. 47. Nilitine, Nikitine, op. op. cit.. ait., ,. 90; 90; Rah-ino, Rabino, op. op. cit ait., •• 82. 82. The vill:age' village of QaTa Qara TovaTads s1ia1westim; see Tovara is over 100 km norltl\: north of Sanamlaj. Sanandaj, near the baunclary boundary of the shahrestan; V, 317 anQlma:p. and map. FJI V:" 48. 48. The usua>l usual tfu,te date pv.en given f01: for this expedition (1164/1:750-51., (1164/1750-51, as :in in RaMlW)' Rabino) cot:rld' f it took p:Iace could only be correct iif place in December 17·50, 1750, corresponding: corresponding to' to MOharram Moharram U64t;, con" 1164; in view of Karim Khan's; Khan's :11e1tt!Im return to Isfahan in early January next, next, as as confirmed by GD (see. (see below, below, note. note 62). 62), this is unlikely.. unlikely. The chrono'Jjogy chronology of this, this particular period is ipred ignored in MI MT and T'GG" TGG, and confusedt confused in. in later histories; histories; e.g. Fasa'i places ccAli Mardan's Fars Fars; campaign campaign· (1.8) (l.8} in in the the spring spring of Qf 1165/1752, 1165/1752, eigheigfI:Ali Mardan's teen months later than GD shows it to have been. been. 'llheThe time seq!lence sequence adopt:ed adopted Ml1e here estimates drawn from GD. is therefore based on estimates' GD. 49. 49. Mr, MT, 180;, 180; TGG, TGG, 18. 18. 50. 39. 50. GD VI, VI, 25 August 1750; 1750; Olivia1: Olivier VI, VI, 39.

mONS'

The The BakhtyaPi-Zand Bakhtyart-Zand RefJency Regency

27 11

seized before invading and and virtually pillaging Julfa. Julfa.5l More significant, significant, he he had had deposed, deposed, blinded, blinded, and and subsequently killed his old old rival Abu'l-Fath Abu'1-Fath Rhan, Khan, the the last obstacle to to his his absolute power over the the capital, capital, and and replaced him him by by his his own own uncle, uncle, Hajji Baba Rhan. Khan. Finally, Finally, in in flagrant contravention of of the the oath they had had taken together, of together, he he had had marched independently on on Shiraz and was ravaging the the province of Fars. Fars.52 , 1.8 FARS SINCE TIlE THE reATII DEATH OF OF NAIER NADER SHAH Fars and and its its capital, capital, barely recovered from the mauling it it had had received from Nader 53 during the the revolt of of Taqi Khan Shirazi in in 1744,53 1744, had had on on the the tyrant's death been and anarchy. anarchy. Mirza Mohamnad, Mohammad, the the future kaZantar kalantar of of plunged once more into strife and Fars, Fars, on on whose memoirs Fasa'i bases most of of his narrative of of these events, events, was was ababsent from Shiraz on on aa tax-collecting tour escorted by by aa thousand Iranian cavalry when the the news news of ofNader's Nader's murder murder arrived, arrived, and andself-seeking self-seeking elements elements at atonce once elbowed elbowed way to to the the fore. fore. Nader's chief officer in in Shiraz, Shiraz, Mohamnad Mohammad Rhan Khan Shatertheir way bashi, the bashi, in in concert with Mohammad 'Ali Beg, Beg, the the governor of of Lar, Lar, planned to to kill the (saheb-ekhteyar) - -Mirza Mohamnad's Mohammad's maternal uncle, uncle, Mirza Mohamnad Mohammad civil governor (saheb-ekhteyar)--Mirza Hosayn--together his colleagues, colleagues, and and appropriate the the treasury. treasury. But But they Hosayn-together with his to obtain the the expected support of of the Afghan and and Uzbek contingents, contingents, who who rerefailed to or at at least neutral mder under the the authority of of Mohammad Reza Beg Beg Qarachmained loyal or urlu; he he joined the the returning Mirza Mohammad with reinforcements and and together they ur1u; defeated and and killed the the mutineers. mutineers. They distributed the the treasury to to Nader's troops who--Iranian, who--Iranian, Afghan, Afghan, and and Uzbek--contented1y Uzbek--contentedly dispersed homeward. homeward. 'Ade1 'Adel Shah soon tempered the the Shirazis' Shirazis' jubilation at at being for for once independent mder under their own own leaders by by sending Saleh Khan Bayat as as sardar. sardar.54 He He shrewdly recognized the the popular prestige of of the the saheb-ekhteyar and and his his nephew nephew and andsoon soon identified himself with their aspirations and with popular antipathy to Na:derto the the Naderfaction. One One month later, later, when 'Adel's awointee appointee Mirza Abu'l-Hasan Shirazi ite faction. commenced his duties as as beg1erbegi beglerbegi of of Fars and and the the Garmsir, Garmsir, he he was was met met on on his recomenced return to to Shiraz from his first tour of of Lar by by aa united front cOllllrising comprising Mirza Mohammad, the the saheb-ekhteyar, saheb-ekhteyar, and and Saleh Khan, Khan, who who politely but firmly turned him hammad, him away to to Isfahan. Isfahan. During the winter of of 1747-48 Shiraz suffered greatly from Ebrahim Mirza's extortions for for his his anny army in in Isfahan, Isfahan, but when Ebrahim crowned himself shah in His in Tabriz the the following winter, winter, Saleh Khan withheld formal recognition. recognition. His

51. lbvhanyants, 281. 51. Hovhanyants, 281. 52. 52. TGG. TGG, 17; 17; MI. MT, 180. 180. 53. 53. See See Lockhart, Lockhart, Nadir Nadir Shah, Shah, 242. 242. The narrative of of events in in this section Kalantar. 31-35; Fasii'i I, is condensed chiefly from Kalantar, 31-35; Fasa'i I, 201-7. 201-7. See See also B1'ieven Brieven 2658 (1751). 37-38; Bakhtyiiri. 475. (1751), 37-38; Bakhtyari, 475. 54. 54. GD GD VI. VI, 12 12 February. February, 2 March 1748. 1748. ~leq Salejj Khan. Khan, as as aa chief of of the the Khoras~ Bayiit. received aa written invitation to on san Bayat, to Nader's quruZtay qurultay on the the Dasht-e MoghBn Moghan in 1148/1736 (Dehgan. (Dehgan, 54); Mirzii Mirza MoJ;!amna.d Mohammad was also present (see appendix)--thus the two two may may well well have have met metbefore before ~lel].'s Saleh's appointment appointment to toShiraz. Shiraz.

28 28

The Struggle for Power in Struggle for in Western Western Iran. Iran3 1747-63 1747-63

policy was apparently justified when envoys from Shahrokh confirmed him him and and his his in their posts. two colleagues in posts. Ebrahim was, on was, however, however, still aa danger to to them, them, and and Saleh sent his his partners on he what the the Kalantar claims was was aa fool's fool's errand to to recruit provincial levies while he to flee flee to to Khorasan with the the remainder of of the the treasury. treasury. He He got got himself prepared to as far far as as Darab, Darab, where he by the the townsmen's refusal to to supply provias he was delayed by sions; and and meanwhile--probably meanwhile--probably in inJune June of of l749--Ebrahim's 1749--Ebrahim's beglerbegi, beglerbegi,Mohammad MohammadTaqi Taqi sions; Boghayeri, entered Shiraz unopposed. unopposed.55 However, However, Saleh Khan's disgruntled Khan Boghayeri, him to to return, return, and with the the help of of their newly acquired colleagues now persuaded him men from the the city. city. Then came news that Ebrahim had had ememarm/ they drove Ebrahim's men annf powered Fath 'Ali Khan Mshar Afshar to to secure Shiraz and and that he he was on on his way way from army. The The saheb-ekhteyar was again sent out out to to recruit Isfahan with aa strong anny. help, to Yazd and Mirza Mohanmad Mohammad withdrew south to to Firuzabad help, while Saleh Khan fled to to await developments. developments. Fath 'Ali Khan took over Shiraz unopposed, unopposed, but but the the saheb-ekhteyar had had meanmeanto six six thousand troops from the while recruited five to the Garmsir under 'Abd ol-'Ali Dashtestani and was advancing northward. Ali proved as as northward. Fath' Fath 'Ali as astute aa diplomat as he was aa redoubtable soldier, of soldier, and when their armies met met four farsakhs farsakhs north of Shiraz, 01Shiraz, he he opened negotiations that ended in in aa satisfactory compromise: compromise: 'Abd ol'Ali was sent home with the the title of of khan and and the the saheb-ekhteyar accompanied Fath 'Ali 'Ali the administration. administration. When Ebrahim's rule col'Ali into Shiraz to to cooperate in in the summer, Saleh Khan Bayat and Mirza MohanJnad Mohammad marched from lapsed later that same SUIlIller, at Yazd to to Abarqu, Abarqu, close to to the the Shiraz-Isfahan road, road, with aa thousand their refuge at by the the governor, governor, and and Fath 'Ali Khan advanced from Shiraz to to quash men provided by this threat. threat. As As soon as as he he left the the town, town, 'Abd 01-' ol-'Ali Khan Dashtestani, Ali Dashtestani, having to Shiraz, Shiraz, looted his baggage and and imprisoned his family and by this time returned to and friends. Al Although the saheb saheb-ekhteyar at once res restored to him, him, the friends. though the -ekhteyar at tored his family to the Afshar khan judged it it wisest to to cut cut his his losses losses and, and, avoiding avoiding Saleh Saleh Khan"s Khan's force, force, Mshar to Isfahan. Isfahan. Saleh Khan Bayat, Bayat, assisted by by Mohammad and and his uncle the retired to the saheb-ekhteyar, resumed and and maintained his rule through the the next turbulent eightsaheb-ekhteyar, een months until the Khan. 56 the arrival of of 'Ali Mardan Khan. Taking with him him the the puppet king, king, 'Ali Mardan approached Shiraz with aa force 57 estimated at thousand, about the the middle of Khan, at fifteen thousand, of October 1750. 1750.57 Saleh Khan, 55. 55. Kalantar, Kalantar, 35-36; 35-36; Brieven Brieven 2658, 2658, 162 162 (7 (7 July 1749). 1749). 56. 56. The The Kalantar, Kalantar, with characteristic self-importance, self-importance, is is at at pains throughout to and to magnify his role and and that of of his uncle at at the the expense of of SB.letJ, Saleh Khin Khan and officials. Contemporary European observers, observers, however, however, mention only ~leJ:1 Saleh other officials. c Khan as as the the real authority in in Shiraz, Shiraz, Fars, and even Bandar cAbbas Abbas (cf. Brieven Khin Fars, and (cf. Brieven 2658, 214). 2658, 214). by 57. 57. GO GD VI, VI, 24 24 October, October, 33 and and 44 November 1750. 1750. Fasa'i (I, (I, 207) 207) followed by Bakhtyari (475) Mardin entered entered Shiraz Shiraz in in Jornada Jomadii II II 1165/May ll65/May 1752 1752 (475) states that cCAli Ali Mardan months; but but the the British and and D..Itch Dutch r~orts reports provide aa more plausible and stayed six IOOnihs; chronology. Ali Mardan's Mardin's extortions extortions were were chronology. The The Kalantar, Kalantar, IOOreover, moreover, mentions that c Ali out in in winter. winter. carried out

The Bakhtyari-Zand Regenay The Bakhtyari-Zand Regency

29 29

partners, raised aa scratch anny army and advanced to meet deserted by his more prudent partners, flight. For aa few days days more he held the the town, town, and then him only to be put to flight. Isfahan. 'Ali 'Ali Mardan took over l.Dldefended undefended Shiraz, Shiraz, from where over slipped away to to Isfahan. four months "that dog . .. .. that bastard . ...." (to use the Kalantar's the next fou'r " (to oft-repeated epithets for for the the self-styled vaki~ vakil o~-daw~a) ol-dawla) systematically denuded Fars and neighboring regions of all all resources. saheb-ekhteyar's Fars resources. Ignoring the saheb-ekhteyar' s pleas of indigence, indigence, he replaced him with the the quisling Saleh Darugha and began collecting the next three years' years' taxes taxes on the the spot, spot, together with enforced "presents" "presents" amounting to 4000 4000 tumans. tumans. He conmandeered commandeered iron, iron, charcoal, charcoal, rope, rope, and horses horses for amolD'lting cannon, and in three weeks had extorted as as much as as 6000 casting and transporting cannon, tumans' worth of raw materials and manufactured goods of all kinds. kinds. His agents tumans' were sent to demand taxes taxes from all the the provinces of the south and east, east, even 58 now furKerman; from Lar he demanded 300,000 man of grain to supply his anny, 58 Kerman; from by Larthousands he demanded 300,000 man of grain supply hisof army, now further swelled of local conscripts. Buttosince most his agents, ther swelled by thousands of local conscripts. But since most of his agents, though well anned, returned from the Fars mol.Dltains and the coastal plains pennithough well armed, returned from the Fars mountains and the coastal plains penniless the worse worse for their efforts, personally to to mulct the less and and often often the for their efforts, he he set set out out personally mulct the recalcitrant Banader provinces, provinces, still dragging in his wake the the helpless king in 59 whose name all this this pillage was perpetrated. perpetrated.59

During such forays Shiraz, forays he left Ma'StDn Ma'sum 'Ali 'Ali Khan Afshar as as his deputy in Shiraz, destruction. Even oranges and lemons, lemons, fruit fruit to continue the work of extortion and destruction. drinks and wine were requisitioned for the troops and the gardens pluhdered plundered £or drinks £Or firewood-such sacrilege to the firewood--such the very syrrbols symbols of Shiraz that Hafiz might well have tomb. Of the the government officials and village headmen writhed in his dilapidated tomb.

who had not fled, fled, at least twelve were blinded in one eye during this terrible - J 60 60 period. period. 1.9 KARIM KHAN AS SOLE RULER IN ISFAHAN But word was already abroad of Karim Khan's vengeful approach. approach. His considerable army at Malayer had been further reinforced by Salim Khan Qirqlu Afshar, Afshar, who had anny fortress near Qazvin l.Dltil until throwing in fled the field at Qahriz and remained in aa fortress his lot with the the approaching Zands. Zands. With aa total force force of twenty thousand,6l thousand, the

Zand leader marched on Isfahan early in January 1751. 1751.62

Hajji Baba Khan could

resistance, and it was with relief that the city surrendered to the the Zand raise no resistance, leader and his brother Sadeq, Sadeq, whom he now appointed beglerbegi. beglerbegi.63 Karim had already been noted for his fair treatment of the the Annenians Armenians while Julfa was l.Dlder under his

58. GD VI, VI, 13 and 21 21 November 1750. 58. 1750. 59. 2679 (1752), 59. GD VI, VI, 1 December 1750; 1750; Brieven Brieven (1752), 55-61. 55-61. Evidently cCAli Ali where his his agent agent cAbdollah cAbdolliih Khan Khan Mardan did not personally approach Bandar ccAbbiis, Abbas, where had no success with his demands from the governor and the European traders. traders. 60. See also GD VI, VI, 4 April 1751; 1751; SP 97/35 (1751-52), (1751-52), 44b. 60. 44b. 61. So Brieven Brieven (1752), 62; 62; Mr, MT, 181, 181, gives 30,000. 30,000. Cf. Cf. GD VI, VI, 7 2679 (1752), 61. December 1750, 1750, 23 23 January 1751. 1751. Decenber 62. 1751. 62. GD VI, VI, 13 January 1751. 19. 63. 63. TGG, TGG, 19.

30

The Struggle for' Power POIJ}er' in Izoa:n. 1747-63 Struggle for in Westem Western Iran, 1747-63

capitulated, and and again he he handled them, as indeed authority after the the city first capitulated, them, as of the in 'Ali 'Ali all classes of the populace, populace, with aa consideration flagrantly lacking in 64 Mardan. 64 Mardan.

In Pars Fars also, Mardan'fs fortune deserted him. and pilhim. Having raided and also, 'Ali Mardan in 1751,65 1751, he on his way way back to to Shiraz at at the the laged Kazarun Kazanm early in he was stopped on steep and and narrow pass known as as Kotal-e Dokhtar by by an an ambush of of local musketeers 'Ali Kheshti, Kheshti,headman headman of ofthe thevillage village of ofKhesht. Khesht. He Helost lost all allhis his Mozari' 'Ali under Mnari' booty from Kazarun and three hundred men or captured, captured, and and had had to to retreat Kazanm and men killed or of Kazarun and take the via Fahlian to back through the wreckage of Kazanm and the mountain route via to the Zarda-Kuh valleys toward Isfahan. Isfahan. Here at at least he he would expect to to find reinown tribesmen as as they arrived at at their spring pastures from forcements from his own In Shiraz Shiraz meanwhile Mirza Mohammad Mohammad slipped slipped away away from from Ma'sum Ma'sum 'Ali's 'Ali's Khuzestan. meanwhile Mirza Khuzestan. In collapse.66 In clutches to to Maymand, Maymand, to to await 'Ali Mardan's imminent collapse. In Isfahan, Isfahan, Karim was aware of to meet of 'Ali Mardan's movements, movements, and and marched that same spring to on his own own territory, territory, the of the the him on the Zarda-Kuh foothills near the the headwaters of Karun, at the edge of of the district on on Isfahan's Isfahan's southwestern southwestern side side known as Olahar Chahar Kanm, at the edge the district known as 67 Mahall. Mahall. 67 The result was predictable: predictable: many of of 'Ali Mardan's followers must by by now now have disillusioned, and when the shah, the the vizier Zakareya Khan, been thoroughly disillusioned, the young shah, Khan, in the and several other leading figures in the Bakhtyari army felt that the the Zands were upper hand, hand, they they went went over over in inaa body body to toKarim Karim Khan. Khan. The TheBakhtyari Bakhtyari gaining the the upper routed; 'Ali Mardan and and his henchmen, lost heart and were routed; henchmen, including Esma'il Khan to the plains of Fayli the the vali of of Luristan, Luristan, fled westward to of Khuzestan to to prepare day. A few of of the or blinded, but for another day. A few the captured rebel chiefs were executed or blinded, but as a the Bakhtyari soldiery as a whole were treated with aa generosity they could hardly have expected, expected, though it it was becoming typical of of the the Zand khan'S khan's policy. policy.68 Nevertheless, Karim Khan demonstrated that he he intended to to be Nevertheless, be master of of the the Bakhtyari mountains. victory, tribute was demanded of of all all mountains. Immediately after his victory, the neighboring settlements. settlements. The The Georgiaris Georgians of of the the mountain village of of Akhura rereand were were joined joined in inarmed armed resistance resistance by by several several nearby nearby Armenian Armenian villages. villages. fused and in force, force, massacred some of of the villagers, captured and Karim thereupon attacked in the villagers, and 69 shot the the Georgian leader, prisoners. 69 leader, and and left with aa number of of prisoners. 64. GD GD VI, VI, 15 15 May May 1751; 1751; Hovhanyan,ts, Hovhanyants, 281; 117. 64. 281; Malcolm, Malcolm, 117. 65. Br'ieven 2696 (1753), 65. Brieven (1753), 20. 20. 66. Kalantar, I, 207. 207. 66. ¥alantar, 44-46; 44-46; Fasa'i I, 67. MardSn's retinue); retinue); TGG, TGG, 21; 21; MT, Mr, 182; 182; Bakhtyari, Bakhtyari, 67. A;ar Azar (who was in in cCAli Ali Mardan's 477. the site of the battle as Abik'zaoan--perhaps 477. Hovhanyants (282) (282) gives the of the as Abik 'uran--perhaps [Ab-e] [Ab-e] Koran, aa village 28 km southwest of RJI X,_154 and and map)--or Koran, 28 km of Shahr-e Kord (see FJI map)--or aa of Ab-e Karun, i.e., i.e., the the bank of of the as in in A,!:ar? Azar? Golestana gives corruption of ~-e Kii1'un, the river as as the Rud, i.e., on the the other side of of the watershed, the river as the Zayanda Rud, i.e., on watershed, nearer to to Isfahan. Rumors of of this battle, battle, ''not "not far far from IspahalUl" Ispahaun" and and its its outcome--later Isfahan. confirmed--reached Kerman at at the end of of June: June: see see GD GD VI, VI, 19 19 June and and 11 11 July 1751. confirmed--reached the end 1751. 68. MT, 182; TOG, TGG, 21-24. MI, 182; 21-24. 68. 25 km 69. 282. mura 69. Hovhanyants, Hovhanyants, 282. Akhura is is aa town and and district (bakhsh) (baMhsK) some 25 km of Daran (RJI (FJI V, 5) with aa majority of of inhabitants of of Georgian origin, origin, whose west of V,S)

The Bakhtyari-Zand Bakhtyari-Zand Regenay Regency

31 31

Among those blinded after the the Battle of of the the Chahar Mahall, Mahall, according to to Nami, Nami, was Salim Khan Qirqlu Afshar, Afshar, who who had had allegedly defected once more to to 'Ali Mardan Khan; but reports reaching Bandar 'Abbas would have this (and indeed it itSeems seems more more Khan; but (and indeed probable) the the result of of aa political brawl in in Isfahan in in autumn or or early winter of of probable) year. It It seems that Karim's party and and aa group in in opposition ''went "went to to Bla.rs Blows this year. at aa Publick Dinner"; and Dinner"; fifteen to to twenty rebellious notables were executed and 70 EviSalim Khan, who had lost one eye to Nader, forfeited the remaining one. 70 Salim Khan, who had lost one eye to Nader, forfeited the remaining one. Evidently to dispense allies. dently Karim Karim was was now now strong strong enough enough to dispense with with unreliable unreliable allies. Shiraz Shiraz too too was was to to be be brought brought into into his his sphere sphere of of control control by by the the reappointlllent reappointment of of 'Adel 'Adel Shah's Shah's governor, governor, Abu'l-Hasan Abu'l-Hasan Khan Khan Shirazi. Shirazi. 'Ali 'Ali Mardan's Mardan's viceroy viceroy Ma'sum Ma'sum 'Ali 'Ali Khan Khan met met the the new new governor governor outside outside Shiraz Shiraz with with all all due due ceremony, ceremony, but but brought brought him the city city in in chains; chains; however, however, the the people, people, led led by by 'Ali 'AliKheshti, Kheshti, rose rose in inrerehim into into the volt, their recent opvolt, released released Abu'l-Hasan, Abu'l-Hasan, and and killed killed the the last last representative representative of of their recent oppressor. tempressor. Further Further troubles troubles folla.red: followed: the the new new governor governor was was killed, killed, order order was was temporarily porarily restored restored by by an an anny army sent sent by by Karim Karim Khan, Khan, and and then then aa new new coup coup by by Kurdish Kurdish 71 and Bayat tribesmen replaced the the latest government. government.71 The The various influential groups had had gra-rn grown truculent after their series of of misfortunes and were not not easily to be of the any potential ruler. be convinced of the goodwill of of any ruler. These past twelve months were the the critical ones that set set Iarim Karim Khan on on the the road to a to greatness. greatness. From an an obscure local brigand he he had had risen, risen, by by means of of a and an an ~ready already apparent capacity to to couple decisive action with risky alliance and diplomatic clemency, clemency, to to become the the conqueror of of most of of western Iran. Iran. Ni::JIf Mow in in conthe capital and and the shah, shah, he he assumed 'Ali Mardan's title of nakil ol.ottrol of of both the CJf "MHZ dt:M1.a. fathnama circulars and dawla* sent out out fafknama and appointed governors to to all all the the territories and the hamma.d Mohammad Taqi and and 'Abd 01-' ol-'Ali, the Bakhtyari leader declined to to follow up up this advantage with aa general pursuit. pursuit. The The fortress fortress ccmunandants playoff and commandants were evidently anxious to to play off one one nuisance against another and had no Mardan no wish to to find themselves burdened with aa fresh suitor, suitor, whereas !'Ali Ali Mardan wished at at the to reequip his army from their vast stocks of of annaments. armaments. He the least to He and, "forty days later," later," marched against the the Zand homeland to took twelve cannon and, to Mohammad Khan had had retreated. retreated. He He was joined by by aa vassal of of the the Zands, Zands, Torab which M:ihammad of Nehavand, Nehavand, who, who, sited tmcomfortably uncomfortably between the the two two armies, armies, opted for for the the Khan of the initiative. one with the initiative. When battle was joined with the 1752, the reorganized Zands, Zands, probably about May May 1752, whole of of the the first day day passed without aa decision. decision. Torab Khan, Khan, learning that the Whole Karim himself was marching from Isfahan with reinforceJlllmts, reinforcements, urged aa night attack imminent junction. to arms that to forestall this inminent jlD1ction. Three thousand volunteers stood to to rouse the the Bakhtyari chief from an an obstinate night while Torab Khan vainly tried to slumber, lD1til until dawn annOlD1ced announced that it it was was too too late. late. ~ring During the the next day's fightslumber, fightand 'Abd ol-'Ali Ihanrnad Hosayn Khan of the Yukhari-bash, in Astarabad, of the Yukhari-bash, was was dedeposed by the Ashagha-bash regained what they had had by M:>hammad Mohammad Hasan's supporters and and the 12 No to regard as rights .12 No sooner had had he to Astarabad never ceased to as their rights. he returned to M:>hammad Hasan again fell now 'Adel than Mohammad fell foul foul of of his old old adversary 'Ali 'Ali Qoli Khan, Khan, now him from Shah, Shah, who who in in the winter of of 1747-48 waged an an inconclusive campaign against him Ashraf, during which he M:>hamnad Hasan's four-yearfour-yearAshraf, he took Astarabad and and castrated Mohammad 13 old son, Khan. 13 son, the the future Agha Mohammad Khan. In this way was built between the way aa wall of of hatred and and mistrust was the Qajar chief and the te tentative efforts by to ensure his the Afsharids. Afsharids. Despi Despite by Solayman II II to his allegiance by the grant of Mohamnad Hasan Khan renounced renotmced all by the of aa diploma,14 diploma, Mohammad all further of Khorasan and and devoted himself to dealings with the the crumbling kingdom of to carving out out in western Iran. Iran. To To this end end he he consolidated his tenuous hold over an empire in and Mazandaran, of resistance to to central authority in Gilan and Mazandaran, traditionally aa pocket of in Iran and motmand aa stronghold of of independent dynasties, dynasties, with its its forbidding forests, forests, mountains, and and coastal marshes. No details of of this expansion are are recorded until tains, marshes. No tmtil his his of Rasht in in the the SUIllller summer of of 1751. 1751. According to to Nami, Nami, Hajji Jamal of of Fuman, conquest of Fuman, 1163/1750, held out out tmder under siege until Qajar sympathizers treachergovernor since 1163/1750, ously opened the but Mohammad Hasan was content to to leave the the governorship the gates, gates, but for an an acknowledgment of of suzerainty and and the the hand of of one one of of his sisin his hands for 15 ters. The Qajar chief then proceeded to secure Qazvin and returned to Mazandaters. The to and to ran. He He may may have been consolidating his his hold on on Qazvin the he dederan. the next year when he cided to Kermanshah, in to appeals for and to march on on Kermanshah, in reply to for help from 'Ali Mardan and the fortress fortress commandants. commandants. 16 2.4 KARIM KHAN'S FIRST ASTARABAD CAMPAIGN had recommenced recammenced the of Having routed 'Ali 'Ali Mardan, Mardan, Karim Khan had the siege of of the the fortress fortress of Kermanshah (now he (now fortified anew and and defended with increased determination) determination) when he learned that Mohamnad to within a Mohammad Hasan Khan's Qajar-Turkman anny army had had advanced to of his camp. camp. Leaving his his clients the the Zangana and and Kalhor tribes to day's march of to the siege, siege, he he marched with his his main force to to meet this threat, prosecute the threat, some time summer of of 1752. 1752. The The Qajar chief, chief, evidently surprised to in the the late sl.Dlllller to find the the Zands so inso well prepared after their recent exertions, exertions, began to to retreat. retreat. Karim interpreted this as as weakness and and pursued, and retired pursued, but but the the Qajars refused battle and straight to to Astarabad. Astarabad. The campaigning season was already well advanced, but the the Vakil seems to to have advanced, but 12. 12. RSN RSN IX, IX, 14-15. 14-15. 13. 13. TAD, TAD, 77h; 77b; GM, GM, 44; 44; see see prologue. prologue. 47. 14. MT, Mr, 47. 15. 15. TGG, TGG, 25-26; 25-26;GM, GM,45; 45;RSN RSNIX, IX,16; 16;MN, MN,299; 299;Rabino, Rabino,M(laandamn Mazandaran and andA8taraAstarabad, 472-73. The the.chronology Nami., dates this in bad, 472-73. The latter, latter, following the chronology implied by by Nami, this in 1165, However, GO VI records on 1165, i.e., i.e., after November 1751. 1751. However, GD VI on 12 12 July 1751 that M:>Mohanunad Hasan Khan, has taken Rasht and to march on on hammad Khan, "Fatty Cajar's son," son," has and is is ready to tarim K6.an. Karim Knan. 16. 203-5. 16. Mr, MT, 203-5. A

Karim Khan Khan as Vaki Vakill

37 37

been determined to make the most of the unexpected opportunity to nip a potential

enemy in the bud. bud. He followed up the Qajars, Qajars, apparently without encountering any resistance, as far as as Astarabad. Astarabad. He inunediately immediately invested the qal'a qal'a with local resistance, river, being unassailable. unassailable. trenches on three sides--the fourth, fourth, abutting on the river, Mohammad Hasan, Hasan, still reluctant to risk a battle, battle, offered to buy off the Zand Mohanunad leader, leader, according to Golestana, Golestana, with a present of a hundred thoroughbred horses and the offer of his son Agha Mohammad and three hundred others as hostages. hostages. But 17 the Vakil resolutely refused to compromise and pressed home the blockade. blockade. 17 The Qaj ar Khan then unleashed his reserve defenses. Qajar defenses. Over the next two months fortress and Turkman raiders from the Gorgan Steppe regularly sorties from the the fortress harassed the Zand foragers, foragers, made off with their horses from pasture and their mules at work, work, and generally confounded the besiegers' besiegers' cOlllllUUlications. communications. Forced to horses, the Zands lost both horses and send heavier escorts out with the the grazing horses, men. Supplies of food and material dropped alarmingly, men. alarmingly, and winter was approaching. Finally Mohammad Hasan made a sortie from the fortress for a pitched battle, ing. battle, having arranged for a large force of Turkman to conceal themselves that night on flanks. After the preliminary single combats and skirmishes by isoone of the flanks. lated units, units, the Qajars turned back in flight before a general Zand charge, charge, and the ambush was sprung: hiding, overran the the Zand trenches sprung: the Turkman burst from hiding, and baggage camp and attacked the army in the rear. rear. Karim's force scattered in confusion, confusion, and the Vakil himself was forced to beat as orderly a retreat as he Tehran. This was covered by a rearguard action fought under M.lsa Musa Khan could to Tehran. Afshar, Guna Khan, Afshar, the the brother of Amir Qma Khan, one of the Zand chief's most trusted generals outside his family. family. He left behind him over half his army dead or imprisoned; imprisoned; most of those slain--over half the total casualties--had fallen in the period before the actual 18 battle. 18 Almost as as important at the time, Esma'il, battle. time, he left in Qajar hands Shah Esma'il, regent; for on the instigation of the the vizier Zakariya Khan, Khan, his credentials as regent; that prince had surrendered to the Qajar khan and had been graciously received. received. 19 Over the next few years, Rasht19 years, coins were struck in his name at Qajar-controlled Rasht. Surprisingly, to pursue and finish off his discomfited Surprisingly, Mohammad Hasan failed to enemy; alenemy; probably his Turkman allies, allies, content with the booty and captives they alhad, were too intent on transporting these back to the steppe to heed any ready had,

17. Mr, 202, 202, 205-9. 205-9. 17. MT, 18. 18. Mr, MT, 209-13; 209-13; TGG, TGG, 28-29; 28-29; Saru'i, Saru'i, 13b-14b; 13b-14b; RSN IX, IX, 17-20. 17-20. The figures given for casual ties vary, tana writes that Karim casualties vary, and all seem exaggerated: exaggerated: Goles Golestana the whole of his lost almost the his army of 45,000, 45,000, and gives the the number of Turkman alone who fought for Mohammad Hasan as 30,000; 30,000; saru'i Saru'i claims that out of a total of 40,000 40,000 men, men, the the Zands lost 15,000 killed while foraging and the like during the days" of the siege, siege, and a further 10,000-12,000 prisoners taken after the "forty days" battle. battle. 19. Rabino, Coins. Medals and 19. Mr, MT, 214-15; 214-15; RSN IX, IX, 20; 20; GD VII, VII, 11 August 1754; 1754; Rabino, Coins, Medals and Seals. 48; 48; Sobhani. Tl!rikhi VII, No.1, 258. Seals* Sobhani, letter in Bar-rasiha-ye Bar-rasiha-ye TSrikhi VII, No. 1, 258.

38 38

The StruggZe for Power in Iran, 1747-63 Struggle for in Western Western Iran 1747-63 3

fighting.20 Mohammad Hasan's prisoners were treated with reorders for further fighting. rei markable generosity, regenerosity, being given the choice of service with the the Qajar anny army or returning to to their homes homes in western Iran. Iran. Most, Most, we are are assured by Nami, Nami, chose the latter expedient, expedient, and many of these must have been among the renmants remnants of Karim's Karim's anny army that that straggled back to to Tehran. Tehran. Here Here the the Zands Zands stayed for for the the next two 21 lIDnths, wounds. 21 months, to to wait out the the winter and lick their wounds. Mohammad Hasan's Hasan's excessive forbearance forbearance in letting off his his foe foe scot free free after such aa resounding victory in in their first first encounter can only be be attributed to to his his relative weakness weakness on the the departure departure of the the Turkman. Turkman. There seems seems to to have have been no no serious attempt attempt at at aa political political compromise, compromise, and the the Qajar chief must must have have realized serious that that Karim Khan Khan could not not afford to to rest rest until until he he had crushed such aa serious serious threat threat from from the the Elburz. Elburz. As As it it was, was, the the viceroy viceroy who who had lost lost his his king king now now received received word word that that 'Ali 'Ali Mardan Mardan Khan Khan had had once once more more descended descended from from the the hills hills to to challenge challenge 22 him, and and he he hurried hurried back back to to preserve preserve his his hegemony in in the the Zagros. Zagros.22 him, 2.5 TIlE THE SIEGE SIEGE OF OF QAL' QAL'A KERMANSHAH 2.5 A KE!W.NSHAH Throughout this this time time the the beleaguered beleaguered fortress fortress of of Kermanshah Kermanshah had had been been holding holding out out Throughout 23 stoically.23 The stoically. The Zangana Zangana and and Kalhor Kalhor had had at at first first driven driven off off all all the the local local flocks flocks and herds, herds, and and despite despite daily daily bombardments bombardments and and sorties sorties from from the the fortress fortress had had enerenerand getically maintained maintained their their blockade blockade for for six six months. months. Food Food in in the the qaZ' qal ra was was running getically low, low, but but morale morale remained remained high, high, and and on on 99 MOharram Moharram 1166/16 1166/16 November November 1752 1752 came came aa 24 windfall.24 A A foraging foraging party party from from the the fortress fortress was was surprised, surprised, and and 'Abd 'Abd ol-'Ali ol-'Ali windfall. Khan rode rode out out to to the the rescue rescue with with about about two two hundred hundred men. men. A A general general skirmish skirmish ensued ensued Khan in Ali, reinforced a, drove in which which 'Abd 'Abd 01-' ol-'Ali, reinforced from from the the qaZ' qaVa> drove the the Kalhor Kalhor tribesmen tribesmen right right

as

20. Cf. Cf. Mr, MT, 215, 215, where where the the Qajar Qajar chief chief is is represented represented as himself himself dismissing dismissing 20. the ecting his the Turkman Turkman and and rej rejecting his officers' officers' urging urging to to pursue pursue on on the the grounds grounds that that he he prefers to to rest rest and and consolidate consolidate his his hold hold on on Mazandaran; Mazandaran; and and p. p. 214, 214, where where he he is is prefers said said to to have have redeemed redeemed at at his his own own expense expense the the prisoners prisoners the the rurkman Turknan were were surreptisurreptitiously dragging dragging off off to to the the steppe. steppe. tiously 21. 21. Mr, MT, 214, 214, 215; 215; TGG, TGG, 30. 30. 22. 22. TGG, TGG, 30. 30. 23. 23. The The following following episodes, episodes, as as also also the the battle battle of of Kermanshah Kermanshah and and the the death death of of CAli Ali Mardan Mardan Khan, Khan, are are drastically drastically condensed condensed from from Golestana's Golestana's account account (Mr, (MT, 21621667). 67). The The author author was was in in the the fortress fortress throughout throughout the the siege siege and and conducted conducted the the negonegotiations at at its its capitulation, capitulation, and and his his long long and and detailed detailed chronicle chronicle of of the the course course of of tiations this this is is the the only only one one in in existence--surprisingly, existence--surprisingly, none none of of the the other other narrative narrative sources, or or the the European European records, records, ever ever mention mention this this siege. siege. It It would would obviously obviously sources, have appeared appeared aa static static and and unimportant unimportant sideshow sideshow compared compared with with the the Astaraba.d Astarabad camcamhave c paign and and especially especially the the defeat defeat of of CAli Ali Mardan. Mardan. The fortress fortress was, was, however, however, aa key paign point point strategically, strategically, which which Karim Karim had had realized realized from from the the first. first. The The account account is is not not without without its its intrinsic intrinsic interest, interest, as as an an example example both both of of contemporary contemporary warfare warfare and and of of Golestana's dramatic dramatic style style and and romantic romantic cast cast of of mind--lIDst mind--most of of which which must, must, in in the the Golestana's interests interests of of strict strict relevance, relevance, be be omitted. omitted. 24. 24. In In Railavi's Rasavi's edition edition (Mr, (MT, 218 218 and and note note 5) 5) this this date--the date--the only only one one furfurnished tana throughout - - is given nished by by Goles Golestana throughout this this period period--is given as as Thursday, Thursday, 99 Moharram Moharram 1165 1165 (equivalent (equivalent to to 28 28 November November 1751), 1751), as as corrected corrected from from 1115 1115 in in the the manuscript. manuscript. The The year, year, however, however, must must be be 1166, 1166, since since the the incident incident took took place place at at least least six six months months after s own after the the battle battle of of Nehavand, Nehavand, which which on on the the basis basis of of Golestana' Golestana's own account account could could have have taken taken place place no no earlier earlier than than spring spring 1165/1752. 1165/1752.

Khan as VakilVakil Karim Khan

39 39

back to and out contingent, including the to the the town and out of of it; it; the whole contingent, the blind chiefthe six six farsakhs or or more to to their home town of of Harunatain Najaf Qoli Khan, Khan, fled the Hanmabad. The The jubilant defenders fired aa 350-gun salute, salute, and and the the next day day set set about bad. the town and and evacuating the more emireplenishing their stocks with supplies from the to the the safety of of the the fortress. fortress. But But aa week later the the townsmen abnent citizens to aband attacked and and expelled the the evacuation party. party. Apruptly ceased their welcome and Apthe Zangana, Zangana, who who could hardly have been as as vigilant as as they should on on the the parently the of the the skinnish, skirmish, had had hastened to to Pari to to report the the setback to to M:lhammad Mohammad Khan day of and inculpate the the Kalhor before their own own role should be too closely examined; examined; Zand and be too had imnediately immediately set set out with aa thousand men men to to retaliate, retaliate, sending adSadeq Khan had ad25 vance warning of of his approach to to the the fickie fickle townspeople, townspeople, who who reacted accordingly~5 accordingly. Once more the besieged. Neither of the the fortress was was besieged. of the the protagonists trusted the to meet for for negotiations. negotiations. The Thedefenders, defenders, however, however, feared feared that that this this other enough to stalemate would yet again bring them to to the the verge of of starvation, starvation, and and in in an an attempt to the the town 'Abd 01-' ol-*Ali to Sadeq Khan to to meet to gain access to Ali Khan sent aa message to him the in aa pitched battle. battle. The the next day day in The Zands accepted warily, warily, suspecting some trick, and perhaps because they were overcautious in in the action, they were trick, the ensuing action, driven back by by the detennined onslaught of of the fortress garrison, garrison, into the the determined the orortown, where they lost cohesion and were scattered. scattered. Their camp chards around the town, and enormous booty taken, taken, including their womenfolk. womenfolk. These were later was overrun and ol-'Ali. to Pari in disgrace, unharmed by handed back unhanned by 'Abd 01-' Ali. Sadeq Khan returned to in disgrace, the furious furious MJhammad Mohammad Khan now now set set out himself with ten ten thousand Zands to to susuand the the siege. pervise the siege. 26 up three mortars with fortifications, setting up The defenders intensified their fortifications, a capacity of the of twelve Tabriz Tabriz man man (80 (80 lbs.), lbs.), backed by by three three of of six man man before the at the the gate. gate. Mohamnad Mohammad Khan, Khan, wisely exploiting the the guerrilla tactics typitrench at of the the Zands, Zands, sent ahead aa raiding party, party, which ambushed the the next morning's cal of grazing detail and and ran ran off off half of of the the garrison's mounts. mounts. On On his arrival he he again up for for service the the dilatory Zangana and and Ka1hor Kalhor and and issued aa formal demand called up that the the qa'l'a qal'a submit to to Karim Khan's authority. authority. When the the demand was rejected, rejected, the blockade was tightened up up over the the next month. month. 'Then, Then, early in in 1753, 1753, MJhaJllllad Mohammad Khan tried out out aa plan £or for stonning storming the the fortress: fortress: three or or four thousand cavalry were concealed on on three sides of of the the fortress and and on on the the fourth, fourth, that facing the the city, fourteen t:housaad thousand men were massed behind cover of of the walls. walls. At At sunset, city, sunset, be fatigued and and less watchful, watchful, aa concerted charge when the the garrison were likely to to be signaled; but the Zand cavalry spread out out to to minimize the the effect was signaled; but even though the the grapeshot from the the qa'l'a qal'a walls, walls, their cil.arge charge was shattered by by the the gunners of the a ~owshot bowshot distant. distant. M:>haIIInad!stafa Mostafa Khan at first ignored him; him; but his claim attracted considerable attention among the populace and emigre Iranians, and the pasha himself may have espoused his cause at Emigre* Iranians, 33 least as early as as Jtme June 1751. 1751.33 Perhaps the pasha took the initiative in the hope of military or political gain; gain; but it seems more likely that M::>stafa Mostafa Khan 29. 338-42. 29. Mr, MT, 338-42. Nadir Shah, Shah, 255-56. 255-56. 30. 30. See Lockhart, Lockhart, Nadir 31. below. 31. TGG, TGG, 32; 32; Mr, MT, 242; 242; SP 97/33 (1751-52), (1751-52), 203. 203. See 15.3, 15.3, below. 32. Mr, 243; Donboli, Tajreba is also described as 32. MT, 243; Donboli, Tajreba II, II, 17. 17. This pretender is as a reputed son of Shah Solt-an the regnal Soltan Hosayn (TGG, (TGG, 32)--evidently a confusion with the c name he adopted. adopted. Marcashi Mar ashi t82-84) {82-84) maintains that Shah Tahmasb II had only two sons, Mirza, was was sons, of whom one died in his father's lifetime and the'other, the'other, ccAbbas Abbas Mirza, at first raised to the throne by Nader on his his deposing Tahmasb and subsequently killed together with his father by M::>Qammad Mohammad ijosayn Hosayn Khan'Qajar (Nader's YukhariAstara.biid). Cf. Lockhart, Safavi Safa:vi Dynasty, Dyruzsty, Appendix II bash governor of Astarabad). Cf. Lockhart, II (genealogical table). table). Genuine or not, not, the fact that this pretender claimed to be, be, and was generally accepted as, as, TahInasb's Tahmasb's son is is further substantiated by the English sources cited below. below. . 33. 33. GO GD VI, VI, 12 July 1751, 1751, reports rumors that the Porte (sc. (sc. Solayman Pasha. Pasha of Baghdad?) Baghdad?) had notified the Persian leaders that he had a son of Shah Tahmasb with him and was ready to to install him on the throne of Iran by force. force. •

42 42

The StruggZe for Power Struggle for Fewer in in Western Western Iran, Iran, 1747-63 1747-63

:iJnrediate1y immediately recognized the possibilities of of such aa find, find, that he he and and 'Ali 'Ali Mardan were in in contact even before the the latter's march from Khuzestan. Khuzestan, or or at at least :iJnrediimmedihis defeat, defeat, and and that 'Ali 'Ali Mardan stayed in in Luristan only to to raise an ately after his army while Mostafa Ihammad Mohammad Khan was likewise nonplussed until the the culprit himself, blasts, self, blown out out of of his refuge into the the river by by one one of of the the secondary blasts, out to and claim the expected reward. reward. Incensed at at the the crawled out to report his coup and of this crime, crime, M:>hammad Mohammad Khan nearly had had him him hacked to to pieces on on the the spot, enormity of spot, but was content for for the the IOOment moment to tohave have him himbeaten beatenand andput putininirons. irons. Hard hit though they were, were, the the defenders were the the first to to recover from the the shock. shock. Working against the the declining sun, sun, they repaired the breaches with anything they could, all could, rernanned remanned the walls and and had had their nD.ISketeers musketeers stand to to anns arms all of the disaster. But But night in in case the the Zands should try try to to take belated advantage of the disaster. it was not not until the morning that their assailants brought up two guns preparatory up two to storming the breaches. breaches. Accurate fire the fortress fortress smashed their mountings fire from the al100st :iJrmediately, to the gunners almost immediately, and and the the garrison won aa week's grace to and killed the repair the the breaches and and clear out out the the moat. moat. l>klhammad Mohammad Khan Khan resumed resumed the theblockade, blockade, by sixteen thousand reinforcements from Isfahan, soon sided by Isfahan, but but made no no real progress. 38 38 progress. In Baghdad, Baghdad, meanwhile, meanwhile, Solayman Pasha had probably been officially discourby the the Porte from his proposed fishing in aged by in Iran's troubled waters while negotiations were still proceeding with envoys from Iran (15.3) (15.3) and was reluctant to to grant any tafa Khan and not to any military aid aid to to l>kls Mostafa and his party. party. But But the the latter was not to put off, off, and of six or or seven thousand men to be put and his persistence elicited an an escort of men to accompany the in Kurdistan they the shah's anny army as as far far as as the the frontier only. only. Once in on their own. own. Nevertheless they set set off, off, dispatching aa plea for for assistassistwould be be on Afghan, who was an old friend of of Mostafa Khan. Khan. ance to to Azad Khan Afghan, an old At this this point aa hitherto unsuspected factor prejudiced the whole venture: venture: Soltan and Sol tan Hosayn II II revealed himself in in manner and and action action so so boorish and 38. Mr, 251-59, 38. MT, 251-59, 263. 263.

44 44

The StruggZe Struggle for Power in in We8tern Western Iran* 1747-63 The for POIVer Iran, 1747-63

and 'Ali Mardan despaired of of ever passing him unprepossessing that Mostafa Khan and him 39 off as as aa king. king.39 According to to Golestana, Golestana, they secretly sent someone to to Azerbaijan to investigate his and learned as as aa result that his mother, his background and rother, who was was alive, was was an an Annenian Armenian and and his father had an Azeri Turk. still alive, had been an Turk. Thoroughly disillusioned, they nevertheless kept this secret for for fear their army would break disillusioned, up. The march slowed slowed to toan anindecisive indecisive crawl crawl as asthey they awaited awaited the thearrival arrival of ofLuri Luri up. The march Afghans. 'Ali 'Ali Mardan and Mostafa and Bakhtyari reinforcements and Azad Khan's Afghans. Khan then reportedly decided to by to rid rid themselves of of this embarrassing liability by the guise of of aa cure for for the the shah's "madadministering aa slow-acting poison under the ''madness"; however, however, the man of it it and and substisubstiness"; man charged with this this task thought better of tuted aa hannless harmless drug. drug. Then the the tribal contingents arrived. arrived. They were denied access to to the prince on on pretexts that wore steadily thinner while the the army meanthe frontier hills with no no clear plan. Finally disappointed with dered about the plan. their leaders' leaders' evident incompetence, incompetence, the rank and file concluded that the prince the and file 40 or was aa charlatan, charlatan, and and deserted homeward in in droves. did not exist or droves. 40 of the movements of of his old old adversary and and his alalKarim Khan was well aware of lies and probably also of the lamentable state of of the of their army. army. With aa force given he advanced in by the the ever optimistic Golestana as as forty-two thousand he in about May May of of the frontier, frontier, sending ahead aa last ultimatun ultimatum to to the the for1753 from Isfahan toward the tress of of Kermanshah. Kermanshah. There was now of the the depleted rabble that was was now little danger of 'Ali Mardan's army effecting aa profitable junction with the the garrison, garrison, as as both knew. Two Two years of of siege had had taken their toll of of defenses and and defenders, defenders, sides knew. of the the garrison agreed to and after aa general conference the the disheartened leaders of to terms. Abu'l-Hasan Golestana himself was sent as accept the the Zand chief's generous terms. as envoy: he he witnessed Karim Khan confinn confirm an an oath guaranteeing their lives and their envoy: and property, and when the the Vakil Vakil at atfirst first refused refused to topardon pardon his his uncle uncle as ashe hepromised promised property, to do in the of 'Abd ol-'Ali, ol-'Ali, our an apposite verse that do in the case of our chronicler quoted an the khan and procured his forgiveness. forgiveness. The two garrison crnmnanders commanders were delighted the The two by Karim. Karim. The The troops respected the the terms personally received into submission by and there was no or looting. ol-'Ali agreed and no violence or looting. 'Abd 01-' Ali went to to Isfahan and and Mohammad Taqi remained in in the the town of of Kennanshah. Kermanshah. 'Ali 'Ali Mardan Khan Zand was left Mohanrnad and fortress, fortress, and and it it must have been in in aa mood of of considerable to govern both town and set off westward to to crush what was left of of the the army from relief that Karim set 41 Baghdad. Baghdad.41 THE BATILE BATTLE OF OF KERMANSHAH 2.8 '!HE The news of the fall the confusion and and loss of in of the fall of of the the fortress added to to the of morale in 'Ali ranks. His now sent word that he he and 'Ali Mardan's ranks. His one one hope was Azad Khan, Khan, who who now and

39. 39. MI', MT, 260: 260: "az harakat 0o goftoguha-ye ~-moniiseb nS-monaseb . .... moshahabat-e tammi ferqa-ye be-ahl ol-suq o 0 £erqa -ye dehatian dasht . . . ." " 40. 40. MT, MT, 261-62; 261-62; cf. cf. GM, GM, 7.7. 41. 41. MI', MT, 262-67. 262-67.

Karim Karim Khan Khan as vakil Vakil

45 45

Azerbaijan within two days' days' march of of them. them. At At the the same time carne came his Azerbaij an allies were wi thin two Khan was only four hours ;way. away. The The Bakhtyari chief and Mostafa news that Karim !haIllllad Mohammad Taqi for in for his connivance with M:>rtaza Mortaza Qoli Khan Afshar and and Mehr 'Ali 'Ali Khan Tekelu in of his kinsman Emam Qoli Khan Zangana (1.2). (1.2). the blinding of To bring the the district under control, control, Azad had had supplied the the Mirza with aa garof five five thousand cavalry, cavalry, which had had made itself detes detested by its its ceaseless rison of ted by and seizure of of hostages from the the Zangana, Zangana, Kallior, Kalhor, and and Vand. Vand. Haydar requisitions and no difficulty in in collecting aa horde of of twenty five thousand Lak Lak tribesKhan found no and surrounding the the town, town, especially since Mohamad Mohammad Taqi at at first imagined the men and the army to to be be that of of the the Zands, Zands, from whom he he could expect some measure approaching anD)" sympathy. He He now had no no option but to to join Haydar Khan in in aa general evacuation of sympathy. now had the frontier with the the object of of denying Azad aa base in in the the area. area. M:>st Most of of the the to the to the the hills, hills, to to Zohab and and even to to Baghdad; Baghdad; many of of the the populace was sent away to buildings and and defenses were demolished and and the the roads blocked, blocked, and and the the Zangana its reluctant companion set set off off in in the wake of of the the refugees to to join force with its 44 M:>hammad Mohammad Khan at at the the frontier. frontier.44 Abu'1-Hasan,our chronicler, was was justifiably suspicious of of Haydar Khan's momoAbu' I-Hasan, our chronicler, and took the the first chance he he could to to slip away to to Baghdad; Baghdad; his his uncle would tives and him. As As soon as as the the Zangana chief had had contacted not--or could not--accompany him. he slDlllIlOned summoned Mirza M:>hamnad Mohammad Taqi to to his his tent (according to to Golestana, Golestana, Mohammad Khan he M:>hamnad the Zand khan's instigation) instigation) and and had shot. His His belongings were looted but on the had him him shot. but brothers, who were also in in the the camp, camp, managed to to escape over the the border. border. 'Abhis brothers, ' AbPasha, still keeping aa watchful eye eye on on the the Zand anD)", army, reported these events dollah Pasha, Baghdad, and was ordered to to prevent any any pursuit of of the the Golestana fugitives and to Baghdad, and the Zands and and Zangana. Zangana.45 But M:>hammad Mohammad to prepare aa punitive expedition against the at Kennanshah, Kermanshah, where for for three days he he completed the the destruction Khan was already at by Haydar Khan: Khan: he he evicted any any of of the the citizenry who still clung to to their begun by

42. 42. 43. 43. 44. 44. 45. 45.

Mr, MT, 300-302. 300-302. MT, 300. 300. Mr, MT, 304-11. 304-11. Mr, Mr, MT, 311-14. 311-14.

Azad Khan Azad Khan Afghan Afghan

57 57

homes. homesj demolished any towers of the qaZ' qal'a a yet standing and broke up and cast into the Qara Su the the few remaining cannon from what had been the largest concentration of ordnance in western Iran. Iran. This done, done, powder trains were led from the renmants remnants 46 of the magazine back to the town, town, and the whole fortress blown sky high. high. 46 So ended Nader Shah's westernmost bastion and the chief bone of contention in the years. Zagros over the past seven years. 3.6 FURlHER FURTHER EXPLOITS OF MJHAI+IAD MOHAMMAD KHAN ZAND !\iring region, Mohalllnad IXiring this time, time, while he was based on the Kermanshah border region, Mohammad Azad' s cOlll11UIlications Khan remained a direct threat to Azad's communications with Unniya Urmiya (in which he himself had been an unwilling consignment) consignment) and seems to have taken full full advantage of the fact. fact. In August 1754 Nasir Khan Lari received the news from Karim Khan that Mohammad Khan and his fellow escapees had not only made an end of 'Ali 'Ali Mardan, dan, but had subsequently defeated Salim Pasha Bahan, Baban, Azad's Kurdish ally, ally, near Hamadan. Hamadan.47 In January next it was learned from Isfahan that Azad had sent a large sum SUIII

from the wealth he had extorted under escort of Shahbaz Khan Donboli to Urmiya; Unniya; like the convoy of Zand prisoners, prisoners, it never reached its its destination, destination, for Mohammad 48 routed, and robbed the escort. Khan intercepted, intercepted, routed, escort.48 Doubtless other such raids

from the motmtains mountains contributed to Azad's insecurity at Isfahan and made his invasion of Fars in August 1754 not so much IID.lch an advance as a retreat--from famine and isolation in Isfahan and from Mohammad Khan's Khan's guerrilla band gnawing at his lifeline to Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan. Valashgard fortress, fortress, the old Tekelu stronghold near Hamadan, Hamadan, was Mohammad Khan's last target. target. It was now the winter of 1168/1754-55, 1168/1754-55, and the brothers of reMehr 'Ali--'Abd ol-Gha££ar ol-Ghaffar Aqasi Soltan and 'Abd ol-Jabbar Soltan--doubtless relied on the extreme cold to discourage the Zands fram from a lengthy siege. siege. Mohalllnad Mohammad his answer was to build ladders, Khan was no less alive to this, this, but his ladders, fill fill in the hurdles, and latmch which, moat with straw and hurdles, launch a furious furious assault on the walls which, casualties, day. The garrison was massacred and the despite heavy casual ties, carried the day. qal'a,'a, another long-term thorn in the Zand flesh, flesh, razed to the ground. ground. Having qaZ thus cleared northwestern Iran of Azad' s collaborators, Mohamnad Khan marched to thus Azad's collaborators, Mohammad 49 Khuzestan, where he amassed further pltmder Khuzestan, plunder before joining Karim's anny army in Fars. Fars.49

3.7 THE mE BATILE BATTLE OF KAMAREJ AND 1HE THE FALL OF SHIRAZ For the past year Karim Khan, Khan, denied entry to Shiraz, Shiraz, had been attempting to recruit a fresh army in the Garmsir before Azad could make himself in theory master of the whole length of the Zagros axis from the Caucasus to the Gulf 1;>y by marching into Shiraz. 1754. Shiraz. In this the Vakil failed, failed, for for Azad marched on Shiraz in August 1754. 302. 46. 46. Mr, MT, 302. VII, 4 Septeroer 1754. 47. GD VII, 47. September 1754. 48. 1755. 48. GD VII, VII, 26 26 January 1755. 49. 49. MT, Mr, 303. 303.

58 58

The for Power in Iran, 1747-63 The StruggZe Struggle for in Western Western Iran, 1747-63

met resistance in in the the neighborhood of of Persepolis from some two two thousand men of He met of

the Lashani, 01Lashani, Mal-e Alunadlu, Ahmadlu, and and Korbal tribes under the the leadership of of 'Abd olout of of their fortress and and heavily defeated Mottaleb Korba1i; Korbali; but M:lttaleb but they were enticed out the Marvdasht Marvdasht Plain, Plain,whence whence 'Abd 'Abd ol-M:lttaleb ol-Mottaleb fled fled to tojoin join Karim Karim Khan. Khan. The The AfAfon the thousand people in in their now now poorly defended strongghans allegedly massacred four thpusand hold.50 Little further resistance was offered, offered, and and the Afghan anny, army, twelve thouhold. estimates, occupied Shiraz. sand strong by by some estimates, Shiraz. 51 Karim, who who had had shortly before been recruiting additions to to his force force of of two two Karim, in the the Dashtestan, Dashtestan, then set set up his headquarters in in Kazarun, Kazarun, where he he enenthousand in up his joyed local support, support, and and summoned Nasir Khan of of Lar Lar to to his assistance. assistance. Nasir Khan by judicious diplomacy and and the the impregnability had long retained his independence by his7 mountain stronghold and and remained on on friendly terms terms with the the East India of his'motmtain at Gombroon, Gombroon, to to whom he he sent bulletins of of the the latest news as as well Company's agent at as constant requests for for powder and and ammunition. ammunition. He He was now now being courted by Azad, as by Azad, had sent him him aa raqam raqam of of confirmation in in his governorship, governorship, and and bullied by who had by Karim Khan, who who considered him him his own own vassal. vassal. Nasir Khan, Khan, while keeping aa wary eye eye on on Khan, both, was not yet ready to commit himself. He sent presents to Azad in acknowlboth, was to himself. He to in of the the diploma, diploma, but but kept an an anny army of of fourteen thousand, thousand, including many edgment of Arabs from the the Gulf littoral, littoral, standing by to oppose him him if if he he should advance into by to Larestan.52 Larestan. But Azad's next IIlOve, move, predictably, was against Karim's base of of Kazarun. Kazarun. In predictably, was In September the army and and its its allies--the townsmen under 'Ali Qoli Khan Septenber the small Zand anny tmder 'Ali Kazartmi and Kazaruni and and the the levies from the the Dashtestan--were forced to to evacuate the the town and to the the village of of Khesht, Khesht, not not far far from the the pass of of Kamarej. Kamarej. A retire westward to A under their chiefs Mirza 'Ali Beg Beg Khurmuji and further four thousand musketeers tmder and Ra'is Ahmad Shah Tangestani joined him and him here, here, and and all were unstintingly aided and 53 the village headman, headman, Rostam Soltan. Soltan.53 About the the middle of of September supplied by by the Fath 'Ali 'Ali Khan, Khan,with with the thebulk bulk of ofAzad's Azad's anny, army,marched marched into into Kazarun, Kazarun,massacred massacred the the Path remaining inhabitants for any for having sheltered the the Zands, Zands, and and generally crushed any the town might have enjoyed since 'Ali Mardan's similar Visit visit three years revival the before.54 Then he he IIlOved moved on on Khesht. before. Khesht. desperate, even after the Karim Khan's situation had had never been quite so so desperate, the fall fall and Isfahan. Isfahan. He He had had run run then to to fight another day, day, but the days had of Pari and but the had marked only defeats or, or, at at the most, most, rearguard actions to to allow him him to to run run farfarther. Mohammad Khan's exploits, exploits, of of which news had had recently reached him, him, were the ther. the of hope; hope; but but M:lhammad Mohammad Khan's anny army was still somewhere between only source of

50. Kalantar, Kalantar, 48-49; 48-49; Pasa'i Fasa'i I, I, 209; 209; GD GD VII, VII, 22 22 August, August, 44 September 1754. 1754. 50. 51. 51. GD GD VII, VII, 99 Septeni:>er September 1754. 1754. The The Kaliiritar Kalantar (p. (p. 49) 49) has has 30,000, 30,000, which Pasa'i Fasa'i to 3000--neither very realistic figures. has changed to figures. 52. 1754. 52. GD GD VII, VII, 44 and and 9 September 1754. tam , 261; 1754. 53. 53. Kaliiritar, Kalantar, 49; 49; Pasa'i Fasa'i I, I, 209; 209; Ros Rostam, 261; GD GD VII, VII, 12 12 October 1754. GD VII, 1754. 54. 54. GD VII, 18 18 and and 24 24 September 1754.

AaacI Khan Khan Afghan Azad Afghan

59 59

Kennanshah his Kermanshah and and Fars, Fars, while Karim's little force force was holding aa gorge that was his on the the Iranian plateau. plateau. If If Kamarej Kamarej fell, fell, Azad would drive him, him, as last foothold on as Karim had of had driven 'Ali Mardan, Mardan, into aa life of of guerrilla raiding from the plains of and the western slopes of of the the Zagros, Zagros, with little hope of of aa return in Khuzestan and in to retake his his lost capital. capital. Nasir Khan had had ignored his SUll1ll0ns summons sufficient force to to watch over his own own interests in in Lar; Lar; the the inhabitants of of the the DashtesDashtesand stayed to and the the shaykh of of Bandar Rig were more concerned with fortifying that port tan and the Zand field anny, army, and and most most of ofthe the port port merchants merchants had hadsnatched snatched than augmenting the up their effects and pushed off island. 55 off to to the the safety of of Kharg, Kharg, the the nearest island. in such aa situation that the the Zand chief fell fell prey to to the the despondency Little wonder in by Malcolm and and even considered withdrawing from his long-struggle long struggle for described by for and joining the the still growing numbers of of Safavid refugees in in India while he power and he could. But But his immediate allies, allies, especially Rostam Soltan, Soltan, stood resolutely yet could. him, and and aa plan was evolved to to stop the enemy in in the the Kamarej Kamarej defile. by him, defile. This was was about two two miles long, long, in in parts wide enough for for single file file only, only, and and by steep hills of of loose shale and and stones. stones. Rostam Sol Soltan and the musketeers flanked by tan and the hills along the the defile, defile, while the the Zand of Khesht positioned themselves atop the and the the Dashtestani musketeers formed aa battle line down on on the plain into cavalry and the gorge debouched. debouched. Fath' Fath 'Ali the trap: trap: caught which the Ali Khan marched straight into the in the the crossfire of of the the ambuscade, ambuscade, his his troops troops piled up up in in confusion as as those in in front made made to to retreat retreat and and those those at at the the rear rear rushed rushed forward forward to to help. help. Those Those whp who esesfront caped from this deadly bottleneck into the plain were cut cut down by by Karim's men. men. The Khesht Khesht headman's headman's plan, plan, identical identical with with that that of of his his predecessor predecessor 'Ali, 'Ali, who who had had The caught 'Ali Mardan at the Kotal-e Dokhtar, had completely turned the tables on caught 'Ali Mardan at the Kotal-e Dokhtar, had completely turned the tables on Fath 'Ali 'Ali Khan Khan and and his his Afghan Afghan master; master; their their anny army was was pursued pursued through through Kazarun Kazarun right right Fath 56 had to evacuate ten days after the battle. to Shiraz, which Azad to Shiraz, which AZad had to evacuate ten days after the battle. The popular pressure that battened on on news of of Kamarej Kamarej to to force out out the the hated Afghans brought back to to power Saleh Khan Bayat, Bayat, who who was no no more disposed to to allow had been. been. Karim and and his Zand, the Zand chief into Shiraz than his kinsman Hashem had Zand, Mamassani,Kazaruni, to Mamassani, Kazaruni, and and Kheshti troops (the (the Dashtestanis had had already dispersed to homes) arrived outside the the city soon after the the battle, battle, in in October or or Novemtheir homes) ber, and and tried first first to to negotiate an an entry. entry. Having failed this, this, they besieged the ber, the in aa race to to secure it it before Azad should recover and and return in in force. force. Certown in tain men men of of the the saheb-ekhteyar's faction, faction, tired both of of the Afghans and and of of Saleh Khan, slipped out out secretly to to Karim Khan's headquarters at at the the Hafeziya, Hafeziya, where Khan, had already joined him him under pledge of of safe conduct, conduct, and and offered to Mirza Mohammad had to

55. 55. Ibid. Ibid. 56. 30 56. TGG, TGG, 44-45; 44-45; MT, MT, 315; 315; Kalantar, Kalantar, 49; 49; Fasa'i I, I, 209; 209; GD GD VII, VII, 25, 25, 29, 29, 30 October, October, 8 and and 9 November, November, 7 December 1754; 1754; Brieven Brieven 2756 (1753), (1753), 18; 18; Malcolm, Malcolm, 12312325; cf. cf. FJI FJIVIII, 188. Malcolm was shown over the the site of of the the battle battle in in1800 1800 by by VIII, 188. 25; the grandson of of Rostam Sol!an. Soltan. Kuhmarra'i (466) (466) gives the the headman of of Khesht here as Mol].ammad Mohammad ccAli. Ali. Binning'(I, as Binning (I, 174) 174) notes not~s that that the the steepest steepest part part of of the the Kotal-e Kotal-e Kamarej was was still known as as the the Kamar-e Aziid Azad Kh8n Khan at at the the time of of writing (18505). (1850s). Kam8.rej

The B-tZ'U(J(JZe for P01J}er Struggle for Tower in in Western Western Iran, Iran> 1747-63 1747-63

60 60 betray Shiraz into his hands. hands.

The Bayat and Lashani tribesmen of the citadel garrison, rison, led by the COlllllaIlder commander Hadi Khan Lashani, Lashani, arranged to let in the Zands by the Isfahan gate and hand over the citadel, citadel, and on 13 Safar 1168/29 November 1754 this was done. done. Saleh Khan was clubbed to death by Shaykh 'Ali Khan at the shrine of Hamza, near the Isfahan gate, gate, and his body thrown on the refuse 9ump dump for the Mir Hamza, 57 Just over a year after being driven from Isfahan, Karim Khan first endogs. 57 dogs. Just over a year after being driven from Isfahan, Karim Khan first entered his future capital of Shiraz. Shiraz.

3.8 RECOVERY OF ISFAHAN found Karim Khan in somewhat precarious control of Shiraz, The winter of 1754-55 fotmd Shiraz, factions and a fickle populace within, within, the uncommitted forces with hostile factions the as yet tmcommitted forces of Nasir Khan Lari behind him, front, recuperating at Isfahan. him, and Azad Khan in front, Isfahan. Karim resolved first first to rear: as as soon as the campaigning season opened, to secure his his rear: opened, (7.8). Azad' Azad's he took charge himself of an expedition against Lar (7.8). s position was hardly more secure. secure. He was even less less welcome to the people of Persian Iraq than Farsis: events were soon to demonstrate this disaffection was Karim Khan to to the Farsis: Isfahan, Qazvin, Qazvin, and Tabriz. Tabriz. At the same time, time, M:lhammad Mohammad Hasan Khan Qajar, Qajar, havat Isfahan, for the moment patched up a rtmning running feud with Hosayn Khan Develu Qajar, Qajar, the ing for army and "Shah" "Shah" Esma'il, Yukhari-bash governor of Astarabad, Astarabad, was at Ashraf with an anny Esma.'il, until his own rear was in turn already threatening Azad's rear--at least tmtil tum menaced by Ahmad Shah Dorrani's advance to Nishapur toward the end of Jtme June 1755 (see prologue), whereupon he pulled back to Astarabad. 58 To complete this all-rotmd preslogue), whereupon he pulled back to Astarabad. To complete this all-round pressure, tmder Mohamma.d s hold on Hamadan, Hamadan, sure, a Zand force force under Mohammad Khan continued to dispute Azad' Azad's 59 defeating his lieutenant Fath 'Ali spring. 59 'Ali Khan Afshar in the spring. Information on developments in western and northern Iran during this this year is sources. Indications are that this sparse and vague in both Persian and European sources. static, each of the protagonists being primarily concerned to profront remained static, influence. In September the tect and extend his own recently acquired sphere of influence. Qajar khan, khan, having defeated an advance column of Dorrani troops and contributed to Khorasan, with an anny army augmented by Kurdish refugees Ahmad Shah's retreat from Khorasan, invaders, was at last free free to reassert his authority in the from the erstwhile invaders,60 Caspian provinces. Ashraf, Farahabad, homage, but the Zandprovinces. Ashraf, Farahabad, and Sari paid homage, beglerbegi, Sabz 'Ali Khan of the Yukhari-bash Qajars, Qajars, resisted from appointed beglerbegi, his Sari. M:lhammad Mohammad Hasan sent Moqim Khan Saru' Saru'i, hakem of Sari, Sari, his fortress near Sari. i, the hakem and Mohammad Vali Khan Qajar to Amol Arnol to win over the local populace and subdue the force. Unfortunately, Mohammad Vali Khan proved so oprebel by negotiation or force. Unfortunately, Mohamnad unpopular as as to provoke a general insurrection of townsfolk and hill pressive and tmpopular people. Khan, tmable unable or tmWilling unwilling to people. He was deposed and imprisoned and Moqim Khan,

57. Kalantar, Kalantar, 49-52; 49-52; TGG, TGG, 45-46; 45-46; Fasa'i I, I, 209-10. 209-10. 57. 58. 49. 58. Butkov I, I, 410-13; 410-13; cf. cf. TGG, TGG, 49. 59. Butkov I, I, 412; GD VII, VII, 13 and 15 April; April; VIII, VIII, 31 August 1755. 59. 412; GO 1755. 415. 60. 60. Butkov I, I, 411, 411, 415.

Azad Afghan Aaad Khan Khan Afghan

61 61

his overlord, justify himself before his overlord, made COIllll\OIl common cause with the the mutineers and and barbarricaded himself in in Sari. Sari. M:>hanunad Mohammad Hasan advanced from Ashraf and and attacked the the rebel forces forces near Barforush (Babol), (Babol), heavily defeating them after aa savage battle shot. Sari was retaken, the other leading mutineers were in which Moqim Khan was shot. retaken, the or imprisoned, imprisoned, and and Mazandaran fell fell finally under Ashagha-bash sway. sway.61 In executed or In Fumani of of Rasht and and the the Gilan peasantry were likewise reminded October Hajji Jamal Fumani by savage extortion of of money and and provisions; of Mohammad Hasan's suzerainty by provisions; Qazvin, Qazvin, too, capitulated and was given over to to plunder. plunder.62 The The Qajar domains now now marched too, with Azad Khan's territory. territory. by rebellions, rebellions, first in in the the region of of Qazvin, Qazvin, where he Azad had had been beset by he the spring and and st.Dlllller summer of of 1755, 1755, though retaining his hold on spent some time during the on Isfahan. Isfahan.63 He He also probably recruited reinforcements from Azerbaijan and and was was evievito march on on Shiraz-cespecially by Nasir Khan Lari, who, ignorant dently expected to Shiraz--especially by Lari, who, the rate of of Qajar expansion, expansion, was was keeping an an anxious eye eye on on developments in of the in Fars. Fars. Fath 'Ali Khan was sent out out ahead in in August with 12,000 men men (later reinAzad, or or more likely by alone, to to 20,000) 20,000) and and on on 13 13 November Azad forced by by Azad, by rumor alone, left Isfahan with all his officers and an estimated 47,000 men. 64 Before his deleft Isfahan with all his officers estimated 47,000 men. Before departure he had extorted 6000 ttunans and fromanthe Armenians of Julfa,65 but hadhis taken parture he had extorted 6000 tumans from the Armenians of Julfa, but had taken nothing from the Europeans, thanks to the intercession of his "French physician," nothing from the Europeans, thanks to the intercession of his "French physician," Ie Sieur Simon, a French secret agent who had recently arrived in Isfahan and imle Sieur Simon, a French secret agent who had recently arrived in Isfahan and impressed Azad Azad with with his his medical pressed medical skill skill (see (see appendix).66 appendix). It was soon that Nasir Nasir Khan's were groundless: had It was soon evident evident that Khan's expectations expectations were groundless: Azad Azad had left but for where Fath 'Ali left Isfahan Isfahan not not for for aa massive massive 'march march on on Shiraz, Shiraz, but for Kashan, Kashan, where Fath 'Ali Khan, plundering the Khan, after after plundering the town, town, had had been been defeated defeated by by either either aa Zand Zand or or aa Qajar Qajar force. who had had just just set raid to heard this force.67 Karim Karim Khan, Khan, who set off off on on aa raid to Kerman, Kerman, heard this news news when he was way, and when he was four four days days under under way, and inmediate1y immediately swerved swerved and and raced raced to to Isfahan. Isfahan. Azad's skeleton garrison of of 300 300 fled on on his approach, approach, and and he he took the the city without resistance on two on 17 17 Decenber, December, aa month after Azad's departure. departure. He He stayed only two days, long enough to execute twenty-eight persons who had collaborated with the days, to who had the Afghans, then set off in pursuit. Caught between the Zand hammer and the Qajar Afghans, set off in pursuit. the and the anvi1--M:>hammad now reported to be in deanvil--Mohammad Hasan was now to be in Tehran--Azad and and his allies decided to cut their losses before the worst of winter was upon them and made all to cut of and all speed back to 1756. 68 to Urmiya early in in 1756. 61. RSN RSN IX, IX, 22-24; 22-24; MN, MN, 301; 301; cf. cf. Nafisi, Nafisi, 34. 34. 61. 62. 62. RSN RSN IX, IX, 27-28; 27-28; Butkov I, I, 416, 416, 417. 417. 63. Butkov I, 414; GD GD VII, 13, 15 15 and and 29 29 April, April, 19 19 June 1755; 1755; VIII, VIII, 31 I, 414; VII, 13, 31 63. August 1755; 1755. 1755; SP SP 97/38, 97/38, 25 25 May May 1755. 1755; 64. 64. GD GD VIII,S VIII, 5 Septenber, September, 17 17 October, October, 23 23 Novenber, November, 18 18 and and 21 21 Decenber December 1755; Carmelites, 661. Carmelites, 661. VIII, 18 1755. 65. 65. Hovhanyants, Hovhanyants, 287; 287; GD GDVIII, 18 and and 21 21 Decenber December 1755. 66. GD GD VIII, VIII, 18, 18, 21 21 and and 22 22 December 1755, 1755, the the last recording aa letter from 66. Simon himself. himself. 67. and 67. GD GD VIII, VIII, 22 22 December 1755 (from Simon's letter, letter, naming MoQaninad Mohammad and the Zand Zand khans, khans, as as the the victors); victors); Carmelites, Carmelites, 661 661 (naming (naming Mohammad MoQammad Shaykh ccAli, Ali, the l;Iasan Hasan Khan Qaj Qajar) ar).. 68. 68. GD GD VIII, VIII, 30 30 December 1755; 1755; 5, 5, 13 13 and and 20 20 January, January, 24 24 February, February, 21 21 March 1756. 1756.

4 Mohammad Hasan Mohammad Hasan Khan Khan Qajar Qajar

4.1 TIlE THE Ql\.1ARS QAJARS REAOI REACH ISFAHAN With Azad squeezed out of the center, center, Qajars and Zands were brought face face to face time. Early in 1756 Isfahan was about to enter its for the second time. its second decade from Nader Shah's last visit as as the most regularly captured, captured, recaptured, recaptured, and pillaged city in Iran. Iran. Its Its neighbors, neighbors, as as ever, ever, fared little better. better. IAlring During that winter the Zands busied themselves with building up their depleted resources by Azad. Kennan Kerman was exploiting what little was left in the towns already bled by Azad. for 3000 tumans in cash and 1000 tumans' tumans' worth of goods; presented with demands for goods; bill for for 50,000 tumans, tumans, Yazd for for half this this Sl.Dll. sum. 'Ali 'Ali Mohanunad Mohammad Khan Isfahan with a bi11 to Yazd to enforce this levy, levy, but was defeated by the governor Zand laid siege to Taqi Khan Bafqi and retired to Isfahan. Isfahan. l The various governors of the towns of Persian Iraq who were anxious to retain reduced) presented their appointments (and if possible have their contributions reduced) regime. Among them was Mirza themselves at court to pay their respects to the new regime. Mo'izz ol-Din Ghaffari of Kashan, Kashan, the father of the chronicler, chronicler, who was confirmed 2 as hhamnad Mohammad Hasan Khan with aa Nawruz ofOn 20 ofto make the the Zand chief beglerbegi of of the the Garmsir iif he recognized Esma' Esma'il fer to f he i1 Shah, still in in Qajar hands, hands, and and cooperated under ~anunad Mohammad Hasan in in subjugating the Shah, the of Iran; Iran; otherwise he he could expect no no mercy. mercy. This ultimatum, ultimatum, which only made rest of in his refusal to to release his his Dashtestani levies, levies, sparked off Karim more adamant in off mutiny. They erected barricades in in the the streets of of Isfahan and and for for three three or or four four a mutiny. the troops sent against them. them. They days used their muskets with great effect on on the were only quelled after bloody street fighting, fighting, during which the the Zand leader on roofs overlooking the the barricades; he finally persuaded the posted snipers on barricades; he the 4 leaders But leaders to to submit submit on on the the promise promise of of aa free free pardon, pardon, which which he he duly duly honored. honored.4 But the damage had too had been done: done: Isfahan was indefensible and and Karim's field anny army too scattered outside the too disunited within to the the city and and too to oppose effectively the Qajar anny army now now marching southward. southward. Azad was at any at that moment occupied by by aa rebellion at at Tabriz, Tabriz, which removed any or pressure there might have been on on the Qajar chief to to remain in in force at at Qazvin or Tehran and to move on and enabled him him to on toward Qom Qom and and Kashan, Kashan, having prudently left Esma'il III III behind in in Mazandaran. Mazandaran.5 Shaykh 'Ali 'Ali Khan Zand was apparently already in the the Farahan region, region, where the the Qajars were next bound. bound. Karim hastily sent Mohammad Khan to to to reinforce him him and and the the two two of of them marched their united forces to forestall the the district of the Qajar advance on on Isfahan. Isfahan. They halted at at Sanjan in in the Kazzaz, Kazzaz,6 where, where, on on 27 27 March, March, with late snow and and ice ice still underfoot, underfoot, they met met MoMohamnad hammad Hasan's anny army in in pitched battle. battle. The The Zands, Zands, probably heavily outnumbered, outnumbered, were decisively defeated: defeated: Shaykh 'Ali 'Ali Khan and and fifteen men managed to to flee flee back but four other officers, to Isfahan, Isfahan, but officers, including ~anunad Mohammad Khan, Khan, whose horse was shot 7 from from under under him, him, were were captured captured by by the the Qajars. Qajars.7 Mohanunad Mohammad Khan was subsequently sent to to be be imprisoned in in Mazandaran, Mazandaran, but when he heard of of the the Qajars' Qajars' defeat and and retreat from Shiraz in in the the sunmer summer of of 1758, 1758, he he by night. night. Next day Beg sent aa pursuit contrived to to escape by day the the governor ~anunad Mohammad Beg party, few the fugitive and and sent him him to to Sari, Sari, where aa few party, which soon tracked down the IOOnths months later he he was was put put to to death. death. Eskandar Khan, Khan, Kamar Khan, Khan, and and now now Mohanmad Mohammad Khan ''Bi-kala,'' of "Bi-kala," hero of of the the escape of of the the Pari prisoners from Azad, Azad, the the killing of 'Ali Mardan, and many other exploits, had all been lost to the Zand chieftain in 'Ali Mardan, and exploits, had to the in the space of a few years. 8o the space of a few years. ~anmad Mohammad Hasan Hasan Khan Khan did did not not stay stay long long in in the the vicinity vicinity of of Kashan, Kashan, since since

4. VIII, 2 April 1756; a 4. TGi, TGG, 50; 50; Fasa'i I, I, 210; 210; GD GD VIII, 1756; Saldanha, Saldanha, 100 100 (from a letter to to Bombay from Bandar Rig Hovhanyants, 287. Rig dated 33 May May 1756); Hovhanyants, 287. 5. 5. GD GD VIII, VIII, 21 21 and and 31 31 March 1756; 1756; OM, GM, 8.8. 6. South of of Fariihiin; Farahan; see see Dehgiin, Dehgan, 75, 75, 78 78 and and notes; notes; FJI FJI II, II, 230 230 and and map; map; 6. Kayhan II, II, 384 384 (map). (map). 7. OM, GM, 7-8; 7-8; TGG, 53; Saru'i, Saru'i, 16b; 16b; GD GD VIII, VIII, 31 31 March, 17 April 1756; 1756; MAE MAE 7. TGG, 53; March, 17 Pel'se VII, No. No. 91. Perse VII, 91. 8. (M, 38; Kuhmarra'i, Kuhmarra'i, 464; 464; Mr, MT, 317. 317. Rostam (257) (257) and and Saru'i (16b) (16b) remark 8. OM, 38; Mohammad Khiin Khan was known by by the the nickname bi-kala bi-kala ("headless") because the the top top that Mol}.anunad (''headless'') of his scalp had battle. had been sliced off off in in battle.

64 64

The StruggLe for Power in Struggle for in Western Western I~n, Iran, 1747-63 1747-63

nothing now now stood between him him and and Isfahan. Isfahan. Unable to to sustain aa siege, siege, Karim moved his Zand veterans (as (as few few as as eight hundred by by some accounts) accounts) to to Gulunabad, Gulunabad, out with his a few the few farsakhs farsakhs to to the the east on on the the Yazd road, road, the the site site of of the the battle against against the 9 Ghalj i in the doom of Ghalji in ·1722 1722 that had had seale~ sealed the of the the Safavid Dynasty. Dynasty.9 Here M:lharnmad Mohammad Hasan caught up by about 11 April 1756, up with him him by 1756, routed his small force, force, and and on on the the same day day entered Isfahan unopposed. unopposed.lO THE INITIATIVE 4.2 AZAD KHAN REGAINS THE Karim Khan and and his two two or or three thousand surviving adherents fled back to to their of Shiraz, Shiraz, where they arrived ten ten days later. later. Under Nadr Khan's recent refuge of gartison it in in earnest. earnest. garrison the the tCMll town had had remained loyal, loyal, and and Karim set set about fortifying it Mohammad Hasan was content for for aa few months to to bleed the the central Iranian towns of M:lhammad of any reserves they might have kept back from Azad and Karim. The of and Karim. The Armenians of Julfa, destitute, were forced to ornaments, Julfa, already destitute, to melt down their church vessels, vessels, ornaments, and vestments in in an an attempt to to meet his his demands for for 8000 tumans. tumans.ll From Isfahan 12 and Julfa streams of of refugees left for for Khorasan, Khorasan, Kerman, Kerman, Yazd, Yazd, or or Ottoman Iraq.12 Iraq. The Qajar chief had had moreover moreover to tokeep keep aa weather weather eye eyeon onAzad's Azad's movements: movements: in inMay May the Afghan was rumored to to have sent troops to to Qajar-controlled Rasht and and to to be be preparing for to for aa fresh onslaught on on Isfahan, Isfahan, but but aa little later was reported to have retired to to Urmiya after losing aa battle with aa Safavid pretender, pretender, another rereson of of the Solayman.13 puted son the late Tahmasb, Tahmasb, calling himself Shah Solayman. Late in Shiraz. in June, June, M:lharnmad Mohammad Hasan judged the the time ripe for for an an advance on on Shiraz. Leaving Isfahan in in the the hands of of Amir Guna Khan Irlu Afshar, Afshar, he he marched into Fars without opposition, aropposition, but but found Shiraz itself too well-defended to to take without artillery. Further operations were cut to tillery. cut short after about aa week of of vain attempts to the Zands out out for for aa general engagement, engagement, when news arrived that Azad and and Fath draw the 'Ali Khan Afshar, Afshar, at as far at the the head of of aa large new new anny, army, had had already advanced as far as as Qom. Isfahan, Qom. M:lharnmad Mohammad Hasan was obliged to to race back immediately to to protect Isfahan,

9. X, 170; II, 410 (map). The is also knCMll 9. See See FJI X, 170; Kayhan II, 410 (map). The village is known variously as Jolunabad, Jolnabad, cf. Braun, 199; Lockhart, Safavi Dynasty, Dynasty3 as Jolunabiid, JolnAbad, Golnabad; Golnabad; cf. Braun, 199; Lockhart, Safavi 130-43. 130-43. 10. 10. GM, GM, 9; 9; TGG, TGG, 53-54; 53-54; GD GD VIII, VIII, 17, 17, 21 21 and and 25 25 April 1756; 1756; Saldanha, Saldanha, 100. 100. Ghaffari and and N""ami, Nami, perhaps confused by by the the intervention of of Nawruz, Ghaffiiri Nawruz, include this campaign in in their narrative of of events for for the the year 1168; 1168; and and although Ghaffiiri's Ghaffari's for Nawruz of of 1168 (8 (8 Jomiidii Jornada II) II) is is in in fact correct for for 1168/1755, 1168/1755, the the events date for later, in 1756, as as ShCMll shown by by the he describes here took place aa year later, in March 1756, the European sources. This complicates his his chronology: chronology: his his date for Golunabad (22 Jornada II) sources. for Golunabiid (22 Jomiidii II) corresponds, if to 1168, 1168, to to 55 April, is unnecessarily long after corresponds, if it it refers to April, which is Kazzaz; and if if to to 1169, 1169, to to 24 24 March, Kazziiz; and March, which would be be even before Kazzaz, Kazziiz, according to the No. 91. the reliable source of of MAE Perse Verse VII, VII, No. 91. The The dates given in in the the European sources for for Golun8biid Golunabad and and the the fall fall of of Isfahan vary from 26 26 March (Carmelites, (Carmelites, 661) 661) April; this last date is is the the latest available (in Wood's report from Bandar to 11 April; Rig cited in in Saldanha, Saldanha, 100) 100) and and the the best best reconcilable reconcilable with with the theoyerall overall time time scale scale (Hovhanyants, 288, 288, gives August 1756, 1756, perhaps in (Hovhanyants, in confusion with Azad's Aziid's next occupation of of the the city as below). as noted below). 11. Hovhanyants, 288-90. 288-90. 11. Hovhanyants, 12. 12. GD GD VIII, VIII, 21 21 May, May, 22 22 June 1756; 1756; Saldanha, Saldanha, 100. 100. 1756. 13. 13. Saldanha, Saldanha, 100; 100; GD GD VIII, VIII, 29 29 May, May, 88 June 1756.

Mohcorrnad MohammadHaBan HasanKhan KhanQajar Qajar

65 65

where he arrived tired and dusty in advance of his army anny with a suite of only eight 14 or ten men on 11 July. ectured that the Lari, having evidently conj conjectured July.14 Nasir Khan Lari, Qajar chief was more likely to subdue Fars Fars than had been Karim or Azad before him, him, had responded to his summons to join him outside Shiraz, Shiraz, but the Qajar's precipitate retreat found him still on the way, way, and he slunk quietly back to !larah Darab..15 Within ten days days of his return Mohammad Hasan had nrustered mustered upwards of 18,000 to 20,000 men, men, with artillery, artillery, to pit against Azad's reputed 40,000, 40,000, and set off to Kashan, Kashan, apparently with the intention of effecting aa junction there with 'Ali Khan Ghalji and his 4000 to 5000 men and perhaps others of his officers in the region. region. But Fath 'Ali Khan intercepted 'Ali 'Ali Khan Ghalji with a force force twice the size and put him to flight. flight. The Qajar khan, khan, judging that he now had little hope if it came to aa pitched battle, battle, veered east on reaching Kashan and withdrew via the eastern edge of the Salt Lake over the Firuzkuh Pass to Sari. Sari. At the same time Azad continued on his way uninterrupted from Qom through Kashan to Isfahan, Isfahan, which he occupied for the second time in less less than a year about mid-August of 16 1756. 1756.16 Azad stayed only briefly in Isfahan, Isfahan, partly because it had nothing more to offer after the successive lootings and depopulation of recent years (the (the Carmelites there estimated that during Mohammad Hasan Khan's recent occupation alone ites 17 some one hundred forty thousand Julfans Jul fans had fled fled the the town)17 town) but but mainly because because he he wished if possible to to deliver the coup de grace to his discomfited Qajar ~ival rival before the the onset of winter. winter. Karim Khan could for the moment be ignored, ignored, being still at loggerheads with his recalcitrant Dashtestani allies, allies, who in October defeated a force under Shaykh ''Ali Ali Khan and were not finally subdued until Decem18 Accordingly, Azad moved rapidly northward again, but circtDllStances conber .18 ber. Accordingly, Azad moved rapidly northward again, but circumstances conspired and spired to to delay delay him. him. At At Farahan Farahan he he clashed clashed with with aa body body of of local local nrusketeers musketeers and had further to to reduce the fortress fortress of Hajji Tughan Farahani, Farahani, whose spirited daugh19 ter had allegedly caused Karim Khan so nruch much trouble some six years before. before.19 Azad Firuzkuh. The had already dispatched Fath 'Ali Khan to pursue the Qajars over Firuzkuh. Afshar managed to take Mohammad Hasan's baggage at Kashan and hastened directly north through Varamin in an attempt to cut off the Qajars' Qajars' retreat before they could reach the pass. pass. But he was too late. late. Mohammad Hasan left sufficient troops under his cousin Mohammad Khan Qoyunlu to block Firuzkuh and the other Elburz 20 passes and indeed waited several weeks at 'Aliahad 'Aliabad 20 to meet the Afshar in battle 14. Perae VII, 14. TGG, TGG, 54; 54; GM, GM, 14-15; 14-15; MAE Perse VII, No. No. 94 94 (a (a letter from Simon dated 28 August 1756); 1756); GD IX, IX, 7 August 1756. 28 17:6. 15. 3. 15. GD VIII, VIII, 20 20 July; July; IX, IX, 7 August 1756; 1756; Brieven Brieven 2777 (1757), (1757), 3. 16. Perae VII, 20 September 1756. 1756. 16. TGG, TGG, 55; 55; MAE Perse VII, No. No. 94; 94; GD IX, IX, 2 and 20 17. 17. GD IX, IX, 28 28 September (citing letters from the Carmelites at Isfahan dated 30 30 August). August). The figure figure is is grossly inflated; inflated; cf. cf. 14.5 and table 1. 1. 18. GD IX, IX, 20 20 and 25 25 October 1756, 1756, 9 January 1757; 1757; cf. cf. Hovhanyants, Hovhanyants, 288. 18. 288. 19. GM, GM, 16; 16; see chap. chap. 1, 1, note 41. 19. 41. 20. 20. Present-day SMhi, Shahi, where the Firuzkuh route debouches into the coastal Sari; see FJI III, III, map (Sari); (Sari); Kayhan II, II, 286 and 282 (map). (map). plain on the way to Sari;

66 66

Struggle for in Western Western Iran. Iran, 1747-63 1747-63 The StruggZe for Power in

should he risk himself so far into the motmtains. mountains. But since Fath 'Ali failed to advance, Mohammad Hasan returned to Astarabad. Astarabad. By October Azad had to recall his advance, lieutenant and direct his march through Qazvin and the Safid-Rud route in order to coast. On 19 November Rasht, Fath !'Ali Ali and outflank the Qajars along the Gilan coast. Novenber at Rasht, and lieutenant, Amir Guna Khan Afshar, his twelve thousand defeated Mohammad ~hanJnad Hasan's lieutenant, Afshar, and three days town. By the end of December, days later occupied the town. December, Azad was in full control of the region and arranged for supply boats to accompany his projected march. He also sent ahead 'Abd ol-'Ali ol- 'Ali Khan 'Arab Mishmast and Shahbaz Khan Donmarch. 21 boli to secure Rudsar and fortify the approaches. approaches. 2l 4.3 QAJAR VICTORIES IN 1HE THE NORTI:I NORTH A further anxiety for for ~hanJnad Mohammad Hasan Khan, Khan, and one which had probably dictated his A returning immediately to Astarabad instead of preparing an ambush for Azad, Azad, was headquarters, Hosayn Khan that his rival and viceroy of necessity in the Qajar headquarters, Develu, had shown signs of attempting to usurp COJJDDand command during the Qoytmlu Qoyunlu leader's Develu, absence. were, however, however, reconciled, reconciled, and Mohammad absence. On his rapid return they were, ~harnmad Hasan 22 west.22 He progressed could now turn his attention to Azad's threat from the west. through Sari, Sari, where he picked up his figurehead king Esma'il III, III, and continued to Amol. Here he was joined by more of his recent recruits from Khorasan, Khorasan, including Amol. commandeered 'Ali Khan Kord and Ebrahim Khan Boghayeri. Boghayeri. Three hundred boats were cOJJDDandeered coast, but, attack, he planned to supply his march along the coast, but, to precede his main attack, stroke with his his seven or eight thousand cavalry against against Azad's Azad's front front line a bold stroke at Rudsar. Rudsar. Azad, resigned by custom to wintering at Rasht, Rasht, would It was still winter and Azad, not expect his opponent to open a serious campaign for at least a month. month. This 10 February caught his advance rapid night ride and cavalry charge at dawn on 10 picket lines at Rudsar completely by surprise: 'Ali Khan and his officers surprise: 'Abd 01ol-'Ali fled, leaving their men trapped in their trenches between the forest and the sea fled, Qajars. The Afghans' Afghans' second line of four or to be slaughtered or captured by the Qajars. five thousand men, men, under the COJJDDand command of Khosraw Khan Mokri, Mokri, likewise broke up in five Lahijan, where their panic cOI!lllLID.icated communicated itself to confusion and hared back to Lahijan, men; they in turn reShahbaz Khan Donboli and his garrison of eight thousand men; retreated up the Safid-Rud valley without offering any resistance and were harassed into the night by a detaclunent detachment of eight hundred Qajar horse. horse. Afghans, Afghans, Afshars, Afshars, Kurds, Kurds, Georgians were cut down by the thousands in the subsequent mopping-up. mopping-up. Azad, at the end of this this disastrous chain reaction, reaction, had no choice but to abandon Azad, Rasht the next day and join Shahbaz Khan and his his ·other other officers with what forces forces they could retrieve from the general panic, panic, plus hostages from among the leading

21. Perse VII, 21. GM, GM, 17-18; 17-18; TGG, TGG, 55; 55; RSN IX, IX, 31; 31; MAE Perse VII, Nos. Nos. 96, 96, 97 (from Simon 1757); Butkov I, I, 242, 242, 243, 418-19; III, III, 94. at Julfa, Julfa, 9 January 1757); 243, 418-19; 94. 22. GM, GM, 15, 15, 18. 22. 18.

MohammadHasan HasanKhan KhanQajar Qajar MohoJlrnad

67 67

kalantars, in in aa retreat to to Qazvin. Qazvin. Here he he had arrived, his his retinue further local kalantars, had arrived, depleted by 16 by desertions and and deaths from exposure in in the the snow-swept Elburz, Elburz, by by 16 23 February, Rasht. 23 February, when MJhammad Mohammad Hasan marched into Rasht. MJhamna.d Mohammad Hasan spent the the rest of of the winter rapidly consolidating his gains and Talesh as as far far as as Qizil Aghach (As (Astara), on the the southern edge of of the the in Gilan and tara) , on Dasht-e MJghan,24 the Moghan, allowing Azad to to lead his threadbare anny army southward, southward, where the towns of and of Persian Iraq were enjoying aa brief respite from organized looting and enforced contributions to to the war war effort of of the the three contestants (refugees were 25 even reported to to be be returning to to Isfahan). Isfahan).25 the Qajar chief to to follow him him south, south, and and MJhanunad Mohammad Azad evidently expected the Hasan may may have deliberately encouraged this this impression. impression. In he stayed for for a In fact he a month on on the the MJghan Moghan Steppe in in aa vain attempt to to recruit the the khans of of Shusha, Shusha, IlarDarband, band, Qaraja-dagh, Qaraja-dagh, and and the the Shahiseven to to his his neo-Safavid cause. cause. Only the the closest geographically, he geographically, Kazem Khan Qaraja-daghi, Qaraja-daghi, joined his forces. forces. Then in in spring he quickly cut At cut southwestward across Azerbaijan toward Azad's home base of of Urmiya. Urmiya. At Tabriz, Tabriz, which fell fell without aa fight, fight, he he gained more local recruits and and detached 'Abbas Qoli Khan Boghayeri and few and Safi Yar Yar Khan Mshar Afshar to to plunder Maragha. Maragha. A A few he entrusted his baggage to to Kazem Khan at at aa site some distance away and days later he and to Urmiya, Urmiya, where Azad's governor, governor, Yusef Khan Hotaki Afghan, laid siege to Mghan, sent off off urgent messages to wait. 26 to his his master and and shut himself in in the the qaZ'a qal'a to to wait. THE BATTLE OF OF URMIYA 4.4 'lliE

Azad himself had had meanwhile been occupied in in subduing the the pockets of of resistance 27 around Farahan which had had engaged his attention before his his Gilan misadventure. misadventure.27 On learning of of the the danger to to Urmiya, Urmiya, he he assembled his followers and and marched from Isfahan on marche," on 15 15 April 1757 resolved on on aa decisive battle. battle. ''Nous "Nous SOlllllleS sommes en en marche," in excitement, excitement, It"•.• .• . nous allons cornbattre combattre MJuharnmed Mouhammed Hassan Khan," wrote Simon in Khan," as and young son son he he accompanied the Mghan Afghan anny army northas together with his concubine and 28 ward, and ward, never to to be be heard from again. again.28 They approached via via Garus (Bijar) (Bijar) and Mokri, recruiting additional Kurdish troops with the the help help of ofSalim Salim Pasha Pasha of ofArArMJkri, dalan, the Balbas Kurd set up up aa fortified base and and baggage camp in in the the charge of of the dalan, set contingent, contingent, and and advanced on on Urmiya. Urmiya. Only then did did MJhammad Mohammad Hasan act: act: leaving force of of four four or or five five thousand men men to to maintain the the blockade, blockade, he he advanced and a force and 29 Afghan anny army toward the the middle middle of ofJt.m.e June some some six sixfarsakhs farsakhs from from Urmiya. Urmiya.29 met the Mghan The Qajar chief placed on on the the right his his Boghayeri allies, allies, Ebrahim and and 'Abbas

23. GM, GM, 18-19; 18-19; TGG, TGG, 56-57; 56-57; RSN RSN IX, IX, 32-33; 32-33; Butkov I, I, 419-20; 419-20; III, III, 95; 95; MAE MAE 23. Perse VII, No. No. 97; 97; GD GD IX, IX, 20 20 March 1757. Perae VII, 1757. 24. 24. GM, GM, 19; 19; TOG, TGG, 57; 57; Butkov I, I, 420. 420. 1757. 25. 25. GD GD IX, IX, 4 April 1757. 59. 26. 26. Butkov I, I, 243, 243, 420-22; 420-22; III, III, 95; 95; GM, GM, 19-20; 19-20; TGG, TGG, 59. 59. 27. 27. TGG, TGG 59. 28. 28.' MAE *Perse Perse VII, VII,Nos. Nos. 100, 100,101. 101. 29. 29. GM, GM, 20; 20; TGG, TGG, 59; 59; Butkov I, I, 422-23; 422-23; III, III, 95. 95.

68 68

The StruggZe for Power in Iran, 1747-63 Struggle for in Western Western Iran, 1747-63

Qoli Khan, Khan, with aa thousand each of foot foot and horse, horse, and on the left 'Ali 'Ali Khan Ghalji with a similar force, force, supported by seven thousand others under M:Jhanmad Mohammad Vali Qajar; he posted himself with his Qajar gholams on aa hillock overlooking the Khan Qajar; line. Facing this force, force, which could not have totalled more than twelve or battle line. thousand, were Azad' Azad's artillery, flanked on the right by Fath fifteen thousand, s Afghans and artillery, 'Ali Khan's Khan's Afshar and Azeri troops and on the left by Qalandar Khan Afghan's 'Ali contingent, aa total according to Saru'i of twenty thousand men. men. PreAfghan-Uzbek contingent, dictably, the day soon looked as as if it would go to Azad's superior ntunbers: numbers: sevdictably, eral of the Qajar's less less devoted allies--Baluchis, allies--Baluchis, Afghans, Afghans, and Kurds--turned in flight and were only driven back to the fray by blows from M:Jharnmad Mohammad Hasan's battleflight ax. At this critical juncture Shahbaz Khan Donboli, Donboli, in cormnand command of the Azeri ax. troops under Fath 'Ali, 'Ali, took his men over to the Qajar side; side; he was followed by troops army, whereupon Azad' Azad's other long-disaffected elements in the Afghan anny, s hard core field. The Qajars pursued them back to their baggage lost heart and fled the field. camp, which had already been abandoned, abandoned, looted their fill, fill, collected further alcamp, alstragglers, and returned to prosecute the siege of lies or prisoners from the stragglers, . 30 TT Urmiya. Urmiya.30 With all hope of relief gone, gone, Yusef Khan held out aa few days more until 19 July, July, before surrendering the fortress fortress on generous terms: terms: he and aa fighting conarmy, while all the tingent of four thousand Afghans and Uzbeks joined the Qajar anny, other Afghans--amounting to two thousand families--were shepherded off to be reMazandaran. Thus it was that all all of Azad's territory and treasury, treasury, and settled in Mazandaran. his anny, army, fell fell into M:JhaIlllllid Mohammad Hasan's hands. Fath 'Ali Khan, who had fled most of his hands. Fath' Ali Khan, Khoy, was induced by aa letter from Ebrahim Khan Boghayeri to join him and the to Khoy, other renegade officers in Qajar service. service. Azad had fled with aa handful of companions over Shahrezur to take refuge in Baghdad. Baghdad.3l M:Jhammad Mohammad Hasan's position at Urmiya and Tabriz was threatened, threatened, as as Azad's had been, been, by the the independent mountain rulers immediately to to the north. north. Panah Khan Javanshir from his stronghold of Qal'a Shusha (Shisha) (Shisha) refused to recognize Qajar Qarabagh. In autwnn autumn 1757 M:Jharnmad Mohammad Hasan besieged his suzerainty over Ganja and Qarabagh. fortress, fortress, but notwithstanding the assistance of his new allies allies could make no imit. Taymoraz and Erekle, Erekle, though approached for for an alliance, alliance, held pression on it. aloof. aloof. Mohanmad Mohammad Hasan contented himself with receiving the temporary homage of the leading men of Shirvan and Erivan and of the Zeyad-oghlu (Zeyadlu) (Zeyadlu) Qajars of 32 Ganja. his way back to Ganja.32 However, However, on his to Tabriz across across the the M:Jghan Moghan Steppe, Steppe, a raiding

30. IX, 30. GM, GM, 20-23; 20-23; TGG, TGG, 60; 60; Saru'i, Saru'i, l7a-18b; 17a-18b; Donboli, Donboli, Tajreba Tajreba II, II, 20-21; 20-21; RSN IX, 35-37; 35. 35-37; cf. cf. Nafisi, Nafisi, 35. 31. 31. GM, GM, 23; 23; TGG, TGG, 60; 60; MAE Perse Perse VII, VII, No. No. 104; 104; Carmelites, Carmelites, 661; 661; GD IX, IX, 9 and 30 July; July; X, X, 10 10 September 1757; 1757; SP 97/39, 97/39, 1 October 1757; 1757; SP 97/40, 97/40, 16 January 30 1758; 200. 1758; Brosset, Brosset, 200. 32. 32. GM, GM, 23; 23; TGG, TGG, 60; 60; Butkov I, I, 243; 243; III, III, 96; 96; RSN IX, IX, 38-39. 38-39. The Zeyad-oghlu clan of the Qaj ars had provided the beglerbegi of Qarabagh under the Safavids; Safavids; Qajars see Bakikhanov, 65. Bakikhanov, 106; 106; ROhrborn, Rohrborn, 65.

Mohammad MohammadHasan HasanKhan KhanQajar Qajar

69 69

camp, taking much plunder and inflictparty from Qarabagh and Sheki attacked his camp, losses: as as a result, result, many of his Shahiseven and other Azeri allies ing heavy losses: deserted homeward, homeward, leaving the Qajar with a dangerously small force force for his projected campaign against the Zands. Zands. 33 MOHAMMAD HASAN'S SECOND OCCUPATION OF ISFAHAN 4.5 MJHAMMAD This decisive tussle between Azad and l\Dhamnad Mohammad Hasan had occupied some eighteen months since the Qajar leader's abortive invasion of Fars. Fars. This left Karim Khan free free to mount a series of operations designed to secure the entire hinterland of Shiraz, from the Kuhgiluya mountains across the Gannsir Garmsir to the cnastal coastal plains of Shiraz, Khuzestan and Dashtestan (7.3-4), the Q.jlf Gulf ports from Bandar Rig through Bushire (10.3-4) and Nasir Khan's mountains of Lar (7.8). (7.8). His consequent to Bandar 'Abbas (10.3-4) neglect of the Isfahan region had left a vacuum, vacuum, which l\Dhammad Mohammad Hasan was now in to fill. fill. a position to Since Azad's departure in April of the previous year, year, Isfahan had first been ruled by his appointees Ja' far Mirza and Taher Soltan, Ja'far Soltan, and though the Dominican friar there could rejoice in June that they were "for the moment free of tyrants," tyrants ," exactions, barely short of looting, looting, that went on he had to deplore the constant exactions, under the pretext of collecting debts and indenini indemnities ties and the daily exodus of Shiraz.34 In Septenber, September, Armenians from Julfa to the freer climate of Karim's Shiraz. after he had word of Azad's defeat at Urmiya, Urmiya, the Zand chief was able to spare 'Ali and his brother Nazar 'Ali Khan to retake his five thousand men under Shaykh 'Ali capital. On their approach Amir Guna Khan Afshar, Afshar, commanding the vestiges old capital. garrison, withdrew through Ardestan to the desert. desert. From this new base of Azad's garrison, Borujerd. Shaykh 'Ali sent his brother to restore Zand authority at Golpaygan and Borujer~5 rumors that l\Dhammad Mohammad Hasan had sent twenty thousand men About the same time came nunors by way of Kermanshah to attack the Zands. Zands.36 This This heralded a lightning winter Khan, as as he demonstrated against Azad--which offensive--a speciality of the Qajar Khan, conflict, though not in the way he was to lead to a decision in the Zand-Qajar conflict, expected. expected.

Leaving Tabriz under his adolescent son Agha l\Dhammad Mohammad Khan with trusted advisers and a garrison of eight thousand men, men, Mohammad Hasan commenced a strategic pincer movement on the Zand base of Borujerd, Borujerd, sending l\Dhammad Mohammad Vali Khan a few days ahead to swing round through Sava while he himself took a direct route through the Khamsa to Hamadan. Hamadan. Nazar 'Ali 'Ali Khan was able to retreat in time to

33. Butkov I, I, 244, 244, 423. 423. A A report from Kerman to Gombroon on 28 December 1757 (GD X) X) brought a nunor rumor that l\Dltamnad Mohammad l;Iasan Hasan had been defeated in Azerbaijan Mazandaran, which, which, allowing for exaggeration, exaggeration, could refer to this and retired to Mazandaran, reverse; cf. cf. also Brosset, Brosset, 235. reverse; 235. 34. 34. MAE Perse Perse VII, VII, No. No. 101 (letter from Fra Raymond Berselli, Berselli, dated 1 June 1757); Carmelites, 661. Carmelites, 661. 28-29. 35. GD X, X, 22 22 September 1757; 1757; GM, GM, 28-29. 1757. 36. GD X, X, 10 10 September 1757.

70 70

The fop Powep 1747-63 The StruggZe Struggle for Power in in Weatepn Western Ipan. Iran, 1747-6Z

Isfahan. annies joined forces Isfahan. The The two two Qajar armies forces in in Silakhur and were then further rereinforced by by Shahbaz Khan Donboli with six six thousand men. men. This large force made straight for for Isfahan. Isfahan. Shaykh 'Ali 'Ali Khan Khanand andhis his small small force, force,having having looted looted the the city and the chief citizens to to Shiraz, it on and sent the Shiraz, prudently abandoned it on 99 December and reached Shiraz only thirty men men in in ntmber. number. The The Qajar chief entered Isfahan 37 once again on 1757. 37 on 15 15 December 1757. He at Aqa Qoyunlu Qoytmlu to to secure secure at once sent aa large detachment tmder under Safar f'Ali Ali Aqa Kashan, Kashan, where the the Zand-appointed governor, governor, Mirza Ml'izz Mo'izz ol-Din Mlhammad Mohammad Ghaffari prepared for but Hosayn 'Ali Khan Qasem1u for aa siege; siege; but Qasemlu Afshar, Afshar, who who had had been Ebrahim and had had managed managed to tostay stay on on in inaa minor minor official official pos post, Mirza's governor there and t, treacherously let let the the Qajars in. in. Here and and elsewhere the the Zand officials and and supsupporters were imptisoned imprisoned and Mlhammad Mohammad Hasan was soon in in administrative control of of Is fahan province. province. 38 38 Isfahan Logistically, of Logistically, however, however, he he was in in aa tight corner. corner. The The ceaseless ravages of end ten ten years years before, before, culminating culminating in infive five separate separate ococrival armies since Nader's end cupations in in the the last two two years years alone, alone,had hadbrought brought the theagricultural agricultural and andcommercial commercial of the the great Safavid capital to to aa standstill. standstill. Not Not only had had money and and goods life of been ruthlessly pltmdered plundered and and fields fields and and pastures denuded, denuded, but but the the ensuing depopuby voluntary emigration--a process incalculably more ruinous than any any of of lation by Safavids' or or Nader Shah's enforced transportations--had taken away all all chance the Safavids'· the refugee merchants, merchants, farmers, farmers, and and artisans. artisans. Finally, Finally, of recovery along with the the crop and and the the harvest of of 1757 failed all all over northern and disease attacked the and central Iran. Iran. Isfahan was now now in in the the grip of of aa famine that made it it difficult enough for for the the city to to support its its own own starving survivors and and quite impossible to to maintain Mohammad Hasan's predatory horde. horde. As in the Afghan siege of of 1722, 1722, people As in the were reduced to to eating dogs, dogs, cats, cats, and and rats, rats, and and some even sold their children to to the invaders for for a handful of grain. Efciring the seven months of of famine, a of grain. furing the famine, including three of of Qajar occupation, occupation, between twelve thousand and and twenty-one thousand were 39 estimated to to have starved or or been beaten to to death in in the the city alone. alone.39 Bodies remained unburied tmtil by animals, until eaten by animals, thrown into aa ditch, ditch, or or piled agains againstt of buildings, buildings, which were then pulled down on on top top of of them, them, "thus promud walls of the nrud viding soil and time.,,40 and tombstone at at the the same time." Mlhammad however, Mohammad Hasan doubtless made efforts to to alleviate the the famine (14.6); (14.6); however, much futile futile brutality was urged on on him him by by the the demands of of his own own hard-driven nruch troops, many if if not most of of them recent acquisitions from Azad, Azad, whose loyalty had troops, had 37. 37. GM, GM, 29-30; 29-30; TaG, TGG, 60; 60; Butkov I, I, 244, 244, 424; 424; GD GD X, X, 30 30 December 1757, 1757, 29 29 January, , gives ary, 10 10 and and 26 26 February 1758. 1758. Ives Ives (220), (220), who was then at at Bandar cAbbiis Abbas, of the the Zand garrison as as 13,000, 13,000, but but only from hearsay. hearsay. The army the number of The Qajar Qa jar anny is 29 is variously estimated at at 50,000 (RSN (RSN IX, IX, 41), between 30,000 and and 40,000 (GD X, X, 29 January), and and 20,000 to to 30,000 (GO (GD X, X, 26 26February). February). January), 38. 38. hanmad Mohammad Ranani, Ranani, the the governor of

1. 1. GI, GM, 63-65. 63-65.

97 97

ConsoZidation Expansion. 1763-79 Consolidation and Expansion,

98

Isfahan to to whose jurisdiction Kashan had had recently been added, added, to to complain to to the the Vakil. The The latter summoned Zaki to account for for his actions, actions, but but no no disciplinary Vakil. to accOlmt steps seem to as to have followed. followed. About the the same time, time, Nadr Khan Zand was replaced as sardar of by aa trusted courtier, the of Mazandaran by courtier, though this this may may not not indicate that the 2 khan had displeasure. 2 had incurred his kinsman's displeasure. The first full-scale conspiracy reported by by both Nami and and Ghaffari that seems actually to The to have taken place was was discovered during the the siege of of Unniya. Urmiya.3 The ringleader was apparently Ebrahim Khan Boghayeri, Boghayeri, aa man man of of several previous loyalties. ties. Ghaffari asserts that he he had had been in in treacherous correspondence with· with Fath Khan, even from Tehran, Tehran, as as early as as the the spring of of 1173/1760 but but on on discovery 'Ali Khan, had been forgiven by the by Karim and and that he he had had conspired to to change sides during the 4 Battle Battle of of Qara Qara Chaman. Chaman.4 In In this, this, his his second second or or third third attempt, attempt, he he contacted contacted Fath Fath 'Ali Khan and, marksman, and, in in league with Shahbaz Khan Bakaki, Bakaki, aa renowned tofangahi tofangohi marksman, and several others in in the the zarid Zand camp, camp, plotted to to ambush and and assassinate Karim at at an an opporttme One opportune moment, moment, in in expectation of of aa reward from the the besieged Afshar chief. chief. One of the however, revealed the the conspirators, conspirators, however, the plot and and returned to to his his fellow conspirators as as agent provocateur: provocateur: as as aa result the the half-dozen plotters, plotters, who who included Mawla Mottaleb Mbttaleb of of Korbal and and the the camp physician, physician, Mirza Amin, Amin, were seized and and executed. Their heads were flung at at the the foot of cuted. of the walls of of Urmiya with aa ghoulishly facetious to Fath 'Ali 'Ali Khan, Khan,which which Glaffari Ghaffari quotes quoteswith with relish: relish: facetious note addressed to Whereas several kha:PVaI' kharvar of of melons have been delivered to to the the royal camp from Isfahan as as first fruits. fruits. .. .. .• We We have great pleasure in in offering herewith as as aa token of of our our esteem one one kharvar kharvar of of the the same, same, that the the khan of the the choicest thereof and and delight his his palate with the may avail himself of the sweet juices of fruit. 5 of this fresh fruit. Next day and susday the the three-hundred strong Boghayeri contingent, contingent, leaderless and pect, pect, fled toward Isfahan, Isfahan, where their belongings and and families families were. were. A A detachment to ensure their arrest and and detention by the governor. was sent after them to by the governor. 6 It is some, if all, of the is possible that some, if not not all, of the the conspirators were in in reality the of the the distrust and and recriminations arising from the the ignominious flight of victims of of Nadr Khan Zand and and the the contingent set set to to guard the baggage camp during the the Battle of Qara Chaman. Chaman. Nazar 'Ali Khan Zand, Zand, one one of of those who who had had fled, fled, had had apparently returned shortly before this conspiracy was discovered and and had, had, perhaps to to iningratiate himself, the himself, denounced Mawla MJttaleb Mottaleb to to Karim; Karim; when Mirza MJhammad, Mohammad, the kalantar of and of Fars, Fars, who who had had likewise fled as as far far back as as Qazvin, Qazvin, arrived in in turn and 'Ali for for caltmmiating calumniating his his fellow Farsi, Farsi, Nazar 'Ali counremonstrated with Nazar 'Ali COlDltered by the Kalantar as as aa conspirator in the assassination plot. by denouncing the in the plot.

2. 2. 3. 3. 4. 4. 5. 5. 6. 6.

Q.I, GM,

67. 67.

GM, GM, 97-98; 97-98; TGG, TGG, 107-8; 107-8; Kalantar, Kalantar, 60. 60. Mr, 324-25; 32. MT, 324-25; see see above, above, chap. chap. 5 note 32. Q.I, GM,

99. 99. Ibid. Ibid.

Interna~ Internal

Disaension Dissension

99 99

Fortunately Karim was not not disposed to to believe these charges, charges, though he he arrested several other men men of of Fars, Fars, including 'Ali Qoli Khan Kazaruni, Kazaruni, who who had had also fled the Qara Chaman baggage camp. and camp. The The Kalantar ventured to to intercede for for them, them, and after aa tense moment that same evening when the wine, the Vakil, Vakil, after aa great deal of of wine, to be in contact with all who who had had petulantly observed that Mirza Mohammad seemed to be in revealed themselves as as his his enemies, enemies, the the accused were ultimately let let off with a fine.7 fine. 6. 6.22 TIlE THE BLINDING OF OF SHAYKH 'ALI 'ALI KHAN The culmination of of what was now now taking on on the the aspect of of aa systematic witch hlUlt hunt at aa later stage of of the the siege of of Unniya Urmiya with the the blinding blinding of ofShaykh Shaykh 'Ali 'AliKhan, Khan, came at which even the the most favorably disposed biographers, biographers, however they justify it, it, are are forced to to regard as as aa blot on on the the Vakil's otherwise exemplary character. character. Shaykh 'Ali Khan had to had of of late, late, it it seems, seems, shown himself so so arrogant and and independent as as to to his his cousin's authority. authority. Although he he is is nowhere actually constitute aa threat to of conspiring to to overthrow Karim, Karim, the the aggregate of of charges against him him ininaccused of dicates that he he could have been more circumspect during this dangerous period. period. On On taking Astarabad two before, he two years before, he had had distributed large amounts of of the the booty his arnty army without reference to to Karim, Karim, thus thus laying himself open to to suspicion of to his of undue favor with the the troops. troops. Furthermore, Furthermore, he he was accused of of misappropricurrying lUldue of revenue by by writing his own own drafts on on conquered provinces and and of of counteration of of Karim's orders of of clemency in in regard to to the the treatment of of the the popupopumanding many of under occupation, occupation, making his name almost as as much aa byword for for cruelty and and exexlace lUlder o tortion as had Zaki Khan. B According to one source, he was recalled from Astaratortion as had Zaki Khan. According to one source, he was recalled from Astarabad mainly because of Karim's suspicions that he was contemplating rebellion. 9q bad mainly because of Karim's suspicions that he was contemplating rebellion. During the siege of Urmiya he had attracted a clique of emirs who were out of During the siege of Urmiya he had attracted a clique of emirs who were out of favor with Karim (or perhaps became so as a result) and had held court and refavor with Karim (or perhaps became so as a result) and had held court and reviewed his troops with the ceremonies traditionally reserved for the ruler. lO viewed his troops with the ceremonies traditionally reserved for the ruler. This was a challenge to the Vakil's position that he could no longer ignore, even This was a challenge to the Vakil's position that he could no longer ignore, even from the most capable general among his closest kinsmen. from the most capable general among his closest kinsmen. Even so, he gave Shaykh 'Ali Khan a grimly adequate warning. Three of the Even so, he gave Shaykh 'Ali Khan a grimly adequate warning. Three of the chief menDers of his clique were sUlllllarily dealt with on the Vakil's orders: Baba chief members of his clique were summarily dealt with on the Vakil's orders: Baba Rasul Shater-bashi was blinded, Haydar Khan Zand was put to death in his awn Rasul Shater-bashi was blinded, Haydar Khan Zand was put to death in his own house, and 'Ali Mardan Khan Kuchek was cut down on his way to the mosque on the house, and 'Ali Mardan Khan Kuchek was cut down on his way to the mosque on the day of the 'Id ol-Fetr 1176/15 April 1763. Still Shaykh 'Ali Khan did not see the day of the 'Id ol-Fetr 1176/15 April 1763. Still Shaykh 'Ali Khan did not see the signs: at supper that night he remonstrated with the Vakil over these actions so signs: at supper that night he remonstrated with the Vakil over these actions so heatedly that they came to blows. Karim flmg him to the grolUld and, with the heatedly that they came to blows. Karim flung him to the ground and, with the

7. 7. Kalantar, Kalantar, 60-62; 60-62; Fasa'i I, I, 214. 214. GI, GM, 107; 107; TGG, TGG, 109; 109; Fasil'i Fasa'i I, I, 214; 214; MN, MN, 207. 207. 9. 9. Hovhanyants, Hovhanyants, 29l. 291. 10. 10. GM, GM, lOB. 108. B. 8.

100

ConsoZidation Consolidation and E~ion. Expansion^ 1763-79

help of the of Musa Khan Zand and and other Zand courtiers, courtiers, prized out out his his eyes with the point of of aa dagger. dagger.11 Ghaffari's dramatic detail may may be be overpainted overpainted in inorder order to topresent present this this as as anan impulsive action, action, the the result of of aa sudden loss of of temper by by the the Vakil. Vakil. Golestana, Golestana, 12 indeed, supports the dagger;12 indeed, the claim that Karim himself blinded his cousin with aa dagger; but Nami, Nami, 13 as as indeed Ghaffari too too before he he recounts the the details, details, uses the the phrase miZ of mil kashid, kashidy implying that Shaykh 'Ali 'Ali was blinded by by the the traditional method of drawing aa white-hot rod to rod across the the line of of vision immediately before the the eyes to the lens, lens, and and thus as as aa deliberate act act of of policy rather than in in aa fit fit of of temmelt the per. per. Why did his did Karim thus torture and and incapacitate one one who who had had hitherto been his J1Dst most trusted friend and and lieutenant, lieutenant, one one whom whom he hehad hadso sofavored favored after after the therecent recent of Qara Charnan Chaman as as to to alienate his his only other general of of note, note, Zaki Khan? battle of In his policy toward allies and and enemies alike, alike, the the Vakil had had shown himself aa competent diplomat who knew how how to to marry clemency to to expediency for for the the best best possible possible results. results. One One can can only suppose that he he saw saw Shaykh 'Ali's arrogance and and obstinacy 14 as as aa genuine threat to to his his rule14 and and aa dangerous crack in in the the united Zand front at aa still critical period and and that their erstwhile friendship and and trust embithim all all the the more and and steeled him him to to take such aa drastic step. tered him step. This interpretation seems to actions. to be be supported by by Karim's subsequent actions. Hedayato11ah Hedayatollah Khan was dispatched to to resume his his governorship of of Gilan, Gilan, whence Shaykh 'Ali's brother Nazar 'Ali, the province, 'Ali, who who was then in in charge of of the province, was was brought to to Karim's camp under arrest. arrest. However, However, both he he and and his blind brother were released and 'Ali and restored to to their cousin's favor aa few few days later. later.15 Shaykh 'Ali Khan seems henceforth to to have been completely reconciled with Karim and and never befocus of of sedition. sedition. He He died in in 1186/1772-73 after an an illness, illness, mourned as came aa focus as

much by by Karim as as any.16 any. 6.3 ADMINISTRATIVE AEMINISTRATIVE PURGES This was the was far far from being the the end end of of the the purge, purge, though the the emphasis shifted from the court to to the the provinces. provinces. Sabz 'Ali 'Ali Khan, Khan,nephew nephew of ofShaykh Shaykh 'Ali, 'Ali,was wasdismissed dismissed from from his post as as sardar of of Fayli Luristan and and 'Arabestan. 'Arabestan. The The courier who bore this order to to Isfahan, Isfahan, where Sabz 'Ali 'Ali was was then staying, staying, was was too too apprehensive to to confront the the notoriously quick-tempered general with this unwelcome news and and perpersuaded Mohalllnad Mohammad Rafi' Rafi' Khan Zand, Zand, cousin to to both Karim and and Shaykh 'Ali, 'Ali, to to dismiss and arrest Sabz 'Ali. 'Ali. The The latter refused to to go go quietly and and Rafi' Rafi' Khan, Khan, equally 11. 11. GM, GM, 108-9. 108-9. 12. 12. Mr, MT, 330. 330. 13. 13. TGG, TGG, 109. 109. 14. punishment among among 14. The The Carmelite chronicler (665) (665) includes Shaykh cCAli's Ali's punishment others meted out out at at this period to to conspirators to to assassinate the the Vakil (6.4). (6.4). 15. 15. TGG, TGG, 109; 109; GM, (M, 109. 109. 16. 16. GM, GM, 173; 173; for for aa biographical summary, summary, see see Bamdad II, II, 153-54. 153-54.

Internal Dissension InternaZ Dissension

101 101

quick-tempered, seized a mace from aa servant and flung it at Sabz 'Ali 'Ali as as he made quick-tempered,

to ride through the gate. gate. It caught him on the side, side, whereupon Sabz 'Ali 'Ali turned 17 Fearing retriround in fury and felled Rafi' Khan with a thrust of his lance. 17 round in fury and felled Rafi' Khan with a thrust of his lance. Fearing retribution from Karim Khan, and perhaps hoping to earn a pardon through application to his his commission, commission, Sabz Sabz 'Ali 'Ali rejoined rejoined his his field field army army of of Zands, Zands, Fayli Fayli Lurs, Lurs, and and loyal loyal Arabs and advanced on Shushtar to quell the turbulent AI Al Kathir. Kathir. It is is not cer18 tain whether he was officially pardoned and reinstated, reinstated, as as Nami asserts, asserts,18 before

bution from Karim Khan, and pemaps hoping to earn a pardon through application to

he was in turn spitted on the lance of Shaykh 'Alawan of the Al Kathir when he 19 lost to them in battle outside Shushtar. Ali Khan was noticeably upset Shushtar.19 Shaykh' Shaykh 'Ali tragedy, and Karim relented so far as as to restore to him the at this new family tragedy, goods and properties in Persian Iraq and Fars that he had confiscated on blinding him. 20 About this this time Nadr Khan Zand, Zand, the chief author of the flight flight from Qara Chaman, also IIIlt met a sudden death. death. One night when his masseurs began to knead him Chaman, debauch, he fainted and, and, despite the ministraback into sobriety after aa drunken debauch, physician, never regained consciousness. consciousness. The official diagnosis was tions of a physician, intoxication, but Ghaffari asserts that aa postmortem examinaacute dyspepsia or intoxication, tion revealed traces of poison in his stomach that could have been administered 21 with his wine, will. 21 While it seems wine, and he leaves the reader to infer what he will. science of that date could have shown anything of the sort, unlikely that forensic scienc~ sort, is significant that about this time other officers and courtiers were executed it is whom, like Nadr Khan, Khan, had to all appearances been pardoned for or blinded, blinded, all of whom, crimes: the salient example is is that of Fath 'Ali Khan Afshar (5.8), (5.8), but any past crimes: Khan, Pir Morad Khan, Khan, and Shaykh Morad Khan Zand, Zand, who the list also includes Kaka Khan, column reached Khoy three months or more after the fall fall of were blinded when the collDID1 Urmiya. No indication of their crime is is given other than that they were friends friends Urmiya. 'Ali Khan and had been slow to acquiesce in Karim's orders for for his arof Shaykh 'Ali blinding; this this they had then been excused, excused, but when, when, perhaps justifiably rest and blinding; Khan, they appealed to Karim for confirmation of his alarmed at the death of Nadr Khan, 17. GM, GM, 109-10; 109-10; TGG, TGG, 78-79. 78-79. The latter places this event during 1172/1758, 17. 1172/1758, c RafiC Khan had just been appointed to when Karim was on his way to Tehran and Rafi Isfahan. He took his duties seriously, seriously, bringing back to the city newly regained Isfahan. Ali had notables whom Shaykh cCAli had forcibly forcibly evacuated evacuated to to Shiraz Shiraz on on the the approach approach of of the the comfort; according to Nami, Qajars and reinstating them with all honor and comfort; Niimi, his c Ali when wrath was aroused against Sabz CAli when the the latter latter beat beat aa tradesman tradesman over over aa disdismarket. If this this version is is accepted, accepted, then the incident is is unconnected pute in the market. c purge. Ghaffiiri Ghaffari explains Rafi RafiC Khiin's Khan's presence in Isfahan at this this time with the purge. by his having dissociated himself from his brother Zaki's rebellious march to (6.5) and remaining behind with their baggage. baggage. As Ghaffiiri Ghaffari would likely Borujerd (6.5) Kashan, II am inclined to accept his have firsthand information from his father at Kashiin, this incident into the framework of Karim Khiin's Khan's general purge of Shaykh fitting this c cAli's from office. office. Ali's family family by adducing the the dismissal of Sabz Sabz cCAli Ali from 18. TGG, TGG, 79. 18. 79. 19. 19. TGG, TGG, 109-10; 109-10; GM, QA, 106; 106; Kasravi, Kasravi, 147. 147. For developments in Khuzestiin, Khuzestan, see below, below, 6.7. 6.7. 20. GM, (M, 110. 20. 110. 21. 111. 21. GM, GM, 111.

Consolidation and Expansion. Expansion, 1763-79 ConsoZidation

102 102

clemency, fate. 22 clemency, he was outraged and gave orders for for them to share Shaykh 'Ali's fate. ~ring During the Vakil's progress southward in 1177/1763-64, 1177/1763-64, the witch hunts continued mabated. oZ-=Zek and court favorite, unabated. At Isfahan the mostGhJfi mostawfi ol-mamalek favorite, Torab Torab Khan Khan Chakani Khorasani, divan, Khorasani, was blinded and his friend the vasir-e vasir-e divan, Mirza 'Aqil Esfahani, Esfahani, was put to death along with several "accomplices." "accomplices." Nami states that the fit of pique on former was also executed outright and knows no reason other than aa fit 23 the part of the Vakil. Vakil.23 Ghaffari asserts that he was put on trial charged with having encouraged Zaki Khan's revolt and having smuggled men into the Vakil's andarun. darun. This This last accusation was brought by M:lhammad Mohammad Hasan Khan's sister and was apparently confirmed when Karim lay in watch one night. night. The post of vizier now

went to Mirza Mohammad Ja'far Esfahani and that of mostawfi to Mirza M:lhammad Mohammad 24 Borujerdi. Borujerdi.24 METHOD OR MAll'JESS? MADNESS? 6.4 METIiOD

The catalogue of purely domestic b1indings point, blindings and executions ends at this this point, though the chastisement of tribal groups whose loyalty was lost or suspect went on. Mon. This process, process, which had begun with the carefully planned massacre of the Afghans in Tehran and was to continue during Zaki Khan's revolt in the case of the Bakhtyari and Fayli Lurs, Lurs, may be seen as as part of the same syndrome. syndrome. The whole is uncomfortably reminiscent of the change that overtook Nader's policy and personality from the blinding of his son Reza Qoli Mirza onward and culminated in the bloody and irrational excesses that directly led to his his death. death. HOw How are we to explain this be, this repugnant aberration by one who had hitherto been, been, and was again again, to be, renowned above all for for his exceptional justice and clemency? Two possible explanations, explanations, which may be interconnected, interconnected, offer themselves. '!Wo themselves. Mter After a boar hunt in Silakhur during the last weeks of 1764, 1764, Karim was taken seri0us1y ously ill. ill. There were fears fears for for his life, life, but he pulled through by 1 Rajab 1178/ 25 December, December, after an anxious fortnight in the constant care of several doctors, 25 doctors, Mohammad Amin, Amin, who had been one of those including his personal physician Mirza M:lhammad arrested at Urmiya in connection with the assassination plot but had apparently 25

been spared for the value of his services. services.25 No indication of the nature of his illness is is given by the Persian historians, historians, but reports reaching the Carmelite this time assert that he had recently recovered from an community at Basra about this abcess of the throat, throat, caused, caused, it was said, said, by excessive addiction to opium. opium.26 If so, he must have been suffering for some time past, past, which may help to this was so, explain his his impaired judgment and outbreaks of vindictiveness. vindictiveness. It may also ex-

plain his recourse to opium--as aa painkiller rather than a pastime and the cause

22. 22. 23. 23. 24. 24. 25. 25. 26. 26.

GM, GM, 113-14. 113-14. TGG, 226. TGG, 116; 116; cf. cf. Ansari, Ansari, 226. GM, below. GM, 124-25. 124-25. For'the For*the Vakil's court hierarchy, hierarchy, see 13.6 and 16.3 below. GM, 136-37; TGG, 123. GM, 136-37; TGG, 123. Carmelites, 665. Carmelites, 665.

Internal Dissension Dissension Inte:maZ

103 103

of his ailment--and even his heavy drinking; drinking; though this, this, too, too, is is interpreted difby the the Carmelite chronicler, chronicler, and and certainly both vices were cammon common enough ferently by 27 among rulers of of the the time. time.27 He He was consequently dangerous in in his cups, cups, and and likely his followers' followers' ears, ears, noses, noses, and and eyes removed for for small misdemeanors or or ororto have his 28 bound, stuffed into aa mortar, mortar, and and blown to to smithereens. der the miscreant bOlmd, smithereens. 28 are occasional indications in in Persian sources that Karim was not not enenThere are fits of of irrational rage that characterize more conventirely exempt from those fits rulers. During Mohammad Hasan Khan's siege of of Shiraz in in the the tionally despotic rulers. of 1758, 1758, the Vakil was was on on one one occasion reviewing the the state of of their supsummer of and allies together with the the Kalantar, Kalantar, Mirza Mohammad. Mohammad. He He asked the the latter plies and one local headman, headman, Molla Mandagar, Mandagar, would be be bringing his men men and and supplies whether one into Shiraz Shiraz and, and, on on being being told told that that he he could could not not be be expected expected to to get get through through the into the Qajar blockade, blockade, flew flew into into aa temper temper and and threatened threatened to to kill the Kalantar. Kalantar. Mirza Mirza Qajar kill the

Mohammad was saved, to his own own account, account, only by by the the hasty intercession saved, according to 29 of Torab Khan,29 seen. to be be one one of of Karim's victims, victims, as as we we have seen. Khan, later to In the the light of of all all this evidence, evidence, it it is is possible to to see see this series of of exeand mutilations as as the the over violent reaction of of aa sick man man under stress, cutions and stress, and perhaps subject to to narcotic hallucinations, hallucinations, to to aa few few genugenuoften intoxicated and of disloyalty among men men he he had had come to to trust. trust. Outside the the immediate ine cases of circle, these were magnified into conspiracies to to justify the the excessive court circle, the often skeptical Carmelite chronicler seems to out: even the punishments meted out: to at face face value the the stories of of "secret,plots "secret plots which are are constantly being made by take at by of the the court against his life; although, contrary to to his peacethe chief officials of life; although, nature, he he has been compelled to to punish aa large number of of them with death, able nature, death, on proof or or suspicion.,,30 suspicion." Happily, however, however, this this was was only aa temporary either on Happily, and never reached the the fatal fatal precipice of of Nader's paranoia. paranoia. Both in aberration and in and, after his recovery, recovery, in in his policy at at large, large, the the Vakil's individual cases and, moderate and and merciful nature reasserted itself to as Iran's to confirm his reputation as best-loved ruler. ruler. THE REVOLT OF OF ZAKI KHAN 6.5 THE of genuin~ genuine rebellion against Karim's authority and, The only irrefutable case of and, paradoxically, the the only only one onehe heexhibited exhibited aaconsistent consistent moderation moderation and andclemency clemency in in paradoxically, with, was was that of of Zaki Khan. Khan. A A son son of of Karim's uncle Budaq, Budaq, who who had had marmardealing with, mother, Inaq's widow, widow, Zaki was half-brother as as well as as cousin to to the the ried Karim's mother,

27. Ibid. Ibid, and and 663: 663: Karim Khan "through his intercourse with Armenians and 27. and has abandoned himself to to drinking wine to to excess." Georgians has excess." 28. 28. Ibid., Ibid., 666. 666. 29. 29. Kalantar, Kalantar, 63. 63. 30. 30. Carmelites, Carmelites, 663; 663; cf. cf. also p. p. 665: 665: "Notwithstanding this real or or feigned moderation of of his, his, he he has has been aa number of of times in in danger of of assassination by by his his principal officers themselves, or themselves, many of of whom he he was compelled to to put put to to death, death, or to blind."

104

Consolidation and Expansion, ConsoZidation Expansion, 1763-79

Vakil and, and, with Shaykh 'Ali Khan, Khan, enjoyed particular favor at court and especial trust in military command. command. He was, was, as his later conduct on the Vakil's death dramatically shows (see Epilogue), Epilogue), a cruel, cruel, vicious, vicious, and treacherous creature of no judgment and no loyalty save that of selfish caprice. caprice. For all thiS, this, Karim consistently treated him with a long-suffering indulgence he might better have spared worthy. on others more worthy. After the Battle· fathnama was sent out in the Battle of Qara Charnan, Chaman, the customary fathnama name of the Vakil and of Shaykh 'Ali 'Ali Khan, Khan, as as supreme field commander and so apKarim, despite his apparent misconduct of the initial engagement. engagement. Zaki pointed by Karim, foe, though unauthorized by considered that his own heroic pursuit of the routed foe, Vakil, deserved more conspicuous recognition. recognition. When the rest of the Zand anny army the Vakil, Tabriz, he and his adherents retired in high dudgeon to Tehran and moved on to Tabriz, Isfahan, deaf to the pleas of the officers sent by Karim to win him back. Isfahan, back. The as sardar of Persian Vakil resignedly sent him an escort and a post facto diploma as and, face face apparently saved all round, round, continued his westward march. Iraq and, march. 31

The siege of Urmiya and the subjugation of the rest of Azerbaijan claimed Karim's inmediate immediate attention. attention. When this was finished, finished, he was allegedly turning his eye toward the Transaraxian provinces about Rabi' Rabi' II ll77/September 1177/September 1763, 1763, when news of Zaki's activities reached his base at Ardabil and persuaded him to take a more 32 serious view of this this contretemps. contretemps.32 On arriving at Tehran, Tehran, Zaki plundered Shaykh 'Ali 'Ali Khan's baggage, baggage, which had been left there in the care of his brother Nazar 'Ali Khan, Khan, and then continued to Isfahan. Isfahan. Here for some months he behaved out'Ali wardly as as a loyal and subservient governor, governor, as if seeking a reconciliation: reconciliation: he mulcting of the Boghayeri fugitives who had deserted at helped in the arrest and IlU.Ilcting Urmiya after Ebrahim Khan's execution, execution, but used the loot gained to win support for 33 himself from among the Isfahani nobles. nobles.33 As sardar of Persian Iraq, Iraq, he could also legitimately vary his merrymaking in Isfahan with tours tours of inspection or ex34 the towns towns within his jurisdiction. jurisdiction. 34 tortion to the It seems that Zaki's Bakhtyari friends friends in Isfahan now decided to take a hand in this this halfhearted IlU.Itiny mutiny and try to to profit from a full-scale revolt. revolt. While Zaki was absent from the city, city, they forged an order from the Vakil to Zaki for the ar'Ali MJhamrnad Mohammad Khan Zand, Zand, then governor of Borujerd, Borujerd, and represt and blinding of 'Ali resented it to the latter as well-wishers, as having been intercepted by them, them, his well-wishers, receipt, in order to alienate him also from Karim. Karim. or repudiated by Zaki Khan on receipt, Mohammad, convinced the Vakil's purge had reached out for him, him, predictably 'Ali M:lhallillad, joined their cause. cause. Zaki returned to find his anny army of ten to twelve thousand Bakhtyaris and Boghayeris, Boghayeris, reinforced by 'Ali 'Ali MJhamnad, Mohammad, in control of the city in

31. 327. 31. (N, CM, 89; 89; Mr, MT, 327. 32. (N, GM, 117-18; 117-18; TGG, TGG, 110-11. 110-11. While at Ardabil, Ardabil, Karim visited the tomb of 32. Shah Esmacil, 117). Esma il, founder of the Safavid dynasty (GM, (GM, 117). 33. eM, GM, 118. 33. 118. 34. TGG, TGG, 111; 111; MT, MT, 327. 327. 34.

Interna~ Internal

I>issension Dissension

105 105

name, having deposed and IllUlcted mulcted the civil governor Hajji Aqa t.kJhammad. Mohammad. Nothhis name, ing loath, IIIUloath, Zaki, Zaki, who may well have engineered the coup himself, himself, joined in the mutiny and in three days had extorted 60,000 tumans from the long-suffering citizens of Isfahan. Isfahan. 35 He was joined in person by 'Ali fur'Ali t.kJhamma.d Mohammad when the latter had collected further support and loot from Tehran, Tehran, Qan Qom and Kashan. Kashan. Zaki next sent Kazem Khan Kashan, which for the past few years, years, now Bakhtyari and Nazar Soltan to secure Kashan, ailing, had been under the jurisdiction of that the elder Ghaffari was old and ailing, Isfahan. Their Bakhtyari force camped outside the walls and began to bleed the Isfahan. requisitions, whereat old Mirza Mo'ezz ol-Din t.kJha!lInad Mohammad Ghaffari roused town with requisitions, attack, which resulted in the capture of himself and organized a surprise night attack, Kazem Khan and 180 of his men and sent Nazar Soltan and the rest scurrying back to Isfahan. Isfahan. Zaki swiftly dispatched 'Ali Mohammad t.kJhammad with a large force to besiege the town. f'Ali Ali Mohammad town. t.kJhanJnad occupied occupied the the dawlatkhana dco,)Zatkhana (palace) (palace) just just outside outside the the walls walls as as his headquarters. headquarters. This was retaken by Kashani musketeers, musketeers, and 'Ali 'Ali t.kJhanJnad Mohammad had his to move back one farsakh to the walled township of Fin, Fin, famous famous for its its royal gardens, from which he made daily sorties to keep Kashan tmder under blockade. dens, blockade. 36 RECONQUEST OF ISFAHAN PROVINCE 66.6 . 6 RECO~UEST

By now Karim was convinced of the necessity to intervene personally before the rebellion. On 8 Rabi' Rabi' II II 1177/ whole heartland of his newly won empire erupted in rebellion. 16 October 1763 he set off from Ardabil with an enormous retinue--computed by Ghaffari at one htmdred hundred fifty thousand--which included not only his original army and fari submitted, contingents from all the tribes and princelings of Azerbaijan who had submitted, but many of the conquered khans themselves and their families, families, as as hostages for the provinces: Fath 'Ali Khan Afshar, Afshar, Kazem Khan loyalty of their tenuously held provinces: Qaraja-daghi, Panah Khan Javanshir, Javanshir, 'Abd ol-Razzaq Beg, Beg, and Shahbaz Khan Donboli Qaraja-daghi, 37 are the most familiar names among them. them.37 An advance force force tmder under Mawla Soltan Zand and two or three Afshar khans was sent to relieve Kashan while the main body region, staying a day each at Khalkhal and moved more cautiously into the Khamsa region, Soltaniya. Zu'l-Feqar Zu'1-Feqar Khan Irlu Afshar was set over the Khamsa to secure their Soltaniya. rear. rear. force had meanwhile entered the the town one midnight, midnight, and MawThe Kashan relief force Soltan, inexperienced and impetuous, impetuous, gave orders to attack 'Ali 'Ali Mohammad at Fin la Soltan, night. t.kJrtaza Mortaza Qoli, Qoli, the veteran Afshar khan seconded to him, him, had to that same night.

35. TGG, TGG, 111-12; 111-12; GM, GM, 118-19; 118-19; Tabrizi, Tabrizi, l76a-b; 176a-b; Mr, MT, 330-31. 330-31. Golestana assumes 35. that the order from Karim Khan was genuine, genuine, which in view of the prevailing policy possible. SP 97/42 (74a) (74a) describes Zaki as as having been "set up is distinctly possible. against [Karim Khan] Khan] by four of his generals, generals, Whom he had ordered to be imprisoned Misconduct." The four instigators referred to here may have been at Ispahan for Misconduct." the Zands cCAli t.kJhanJnad, Nazar Nazar Soltan, Soltan, and and Shafi Shafi c (6.6) (6.6) and and Kazem Kazem Khan Khan Bakhtyari. Bakhtyari. Ali Mohammad, 36. letely completely toward Astarabad. Astarabad. Zaki then returned to Semnan, Semnan, which he surprised and fled back tcMard seems to have considered the best base from which to pacify the province. province. Some Rafi' Khan, Khan, now reinforced by Zaman Khan and a body of Afghans who had time later Rafi' Sari. Zaki detailed 'Ali Khan massacre, marched on Sari. somehow escaped the Nawruz massacre, them, but he was defeated at 'Aliabad and retreated to Shahiseven to intercept them, Semnan. Zaki, Zaki, incensed at his subordinate'S subordinate's failure, failure, had his whiskers cut off and Semnan. 9 sent him back to try again. again. 9 The two armies met again at 'Aliabad and this this time 'Ali Khan, Khan, probably fearing for a more substantial part of his anatomy, anatomy, attacked with great vigor and routed the Qajars. Qajars. However, However, they the^ proved extremely resilient, resilient, and while 'Ali Khan was in the fortress fortress at Sari and his anny army encamped outside, outside, they attacked in force and ran off all the Zand anny's army's horses, horses, which had been grazing some distance from the camp. camp. 'Ali Khan, Khan, still desperate not to lose face again, again, pursued them and and apthem. Zaki Khan now moved to Ashraf to block their main lines parently defeated them. communication, and Rafi' Rafi' Khan, Khan, despairing of success, success, submitted with all his of conmnmication, troops and was was accepted accepted as as an an ally. ally. Zaman Khan, whose whose Afghans could expect expect no no troops and Zaman Khan, Afghans could mercy, fled for refuge to the Turkman steppe. steppe. mercy, By autumn of 1174/1760 Zaki had fulfilled his commission to subdue Mazandaran and returned to a hero's welcome from the Vakil in Tehran, Tehran, which may well have contributed to the inflation of ego that brought about his subsequent defection. defection. The post of beglerbegi of Mazandaran was given to a Yukhari-bash khan, 'Ali, khan, Mirza 'Ali, eldest son of the Mohammad Vali Khan who had been killed in the massacre arranged by Mohamnad Mohammad Hasan Khan. Khan. Gilan, Gilan, which would lie inmediately immediately to the rear in Karim's campaign, was placed under Nazar 'Ali Khan Zand. proposed Azerbaijan campaign, Zand. lO

9. 9. GM, GM, 59-60; 59-60; GD XI, XI, 29 July 1760 reports that Zaki Khan was defeated near Astarabad, which perhaps refers to this battle. Astarabiid, battle. 10. GM, GM, 60. 10. 60.

Consolidation and E~anBion. Expansion, 1763-79 ConsoLidation

140

Three years later the the Zands returned southward with their Qoyunlu hostages, hostages, leaving Mazandaran still apparently peaceful. peaceful. About this time, time, Hosayn Khan Develu died aa victim of of the the plague that swept over the Astarabad area, area, but but the the governorsmoothly to to his his brother, Mohammad Hasan Khan. Khan.ll The The province seems to ship passed slIDothly brother, M:lhanunad to until the the appointment of of Hosayn Qoli Khan to to Damghan in have remained peaceful tmtil in 1182/early 1769. late l182/early 1769. 9. 9.33

TIlE THE REVOLT OF OF HOSAYN QOLI KHAN

Karim Khan's motives in the heir apparin assigning aa position of of authority to to the ent of of the the Qajar Qajar house house in inhis his own ownterritozy territory are arenot notsufficiently sufficiently clear. clear. Perhaps Perhaps man, now now twenty years old, oui, had he was confident that, that, as as the yOtmg young man, had been been wellwellbehaved in in Shiraz and and as as ten years had had elapsed since his father'S father's death, death, he he would accept this responsibility with gratitude and and loyalty. loyalty. Perhaps, Perhaps, as as the the Qajar historians assert, he really was persuaded by assert, he by Agha Mohanunad Mohammad Khan--for whose political had aa genuine respect--that this was way to full consagacity he he had was the best way to retain full con12 trol of of Mazandaran. Mazandaran.12 Perhaps he he yielded to to the youth's pleas of of homesickness and allowed him to his -with the as him to to return to his mother and and familyfamily--with the local governorship as an honor testifying to to the the respect and and trust in which he he was held--considering that Agha M:lhanunad now sufficient as as a a hostage. Mohammad was now hostage. Perhaps, Perhaps, after all, all, Karim was was as short-sighted in he was in for in this case as as he in not making adequate preparations for his own own succession and and did did not see see it it as as the the first step to to dynastic suicide. suicide. Whatever the to govern Ilamthe case, case, Hosayn Qoli Khan set set out with aa conunission commission to Dam&han 20 Shawwal 1182/27 Februazy up his his apghan on on 20 February 1769. 1769. His His first action on on taking up appointment was to of aa Qajar noble of of the 'Ezz ol-Dinlu clan, to marry marzy the the daughter of the 'Ezz clan, in order to the follCMing to secure the the Qajar succession: succession: of of this union was born in in the following 13 year the Shah.13 Starting Starting with with aa nucleus nucleus of of twenty twenty men, men, he he then then the future Fath !'Ali Ali Shah. enbarked a program of embarked on on a of recruiting and and organizing the Ashagha-bash and and their supporters and, by intimidation backed by by open warfare when necessazy, necessary, neutralized and, by the pCMer -bash adherents. he accOlJlpower of of the the Develu and and their Yukhari Yukhari-bash adherents. All All this he accomplished in in the the Vakil, from occasional expedithe next eight years, years, while the Vakil, apart frOlJl tions in and the in the the region of of the the Gulf littoral and the siege of of Basra in in 1775-76, 1775-76, was was to relatively free of of provincial worries and and could either have sent aa strong army to depose the the youth and and even garrison the the province or or have exerted pressure on on Agha M:lhamnad hands. But to Mohammad and and the the other hostages in in his hands. But Hosayn Qoli Khan was careful to keep within the the bounds of of the the traditional Qajar feud and and could not not be be held to to have raised the of revolt directly against the Zands, with the the result that the standard of the Zands, 11. 11. MN, MN, 308. 308. not 12. 12. MN, MN, 310; 310; RSN RSN IX, IX, 86. 86. Nafisi (40) (40) states that);Iosayn that_Hosayn Qoli Khiin Khan was not appointed tmtil he until 1185/1771, 1185/1771, when he he was twenty-one and and Agha M:l~d Mohammad thirty; thirty; he came fran his from Qazvin to to visit his brother in in Shiraz and was then sent back with his appointment. aPPOi~~~; 13. MN, 310. 310. According to to I;J8.jji Hajji Farhad Mirza, Mirza, followed by by some historians (e.g. he was born three years later, 1185/1771-72. (e.g. Fasa'i I, I, 228; 228; Nafisi, Nafisi, 41) 41)'he later, in in 1185/1771-72.

141 141

The Qajar Qajar Revival Revival

Karim was content to to send three small expeditionary fOrces forces to to replace or or restore the Develu khans and the young Qoyunlu. and exact apologies and and contrite promises from the Qoyunlu. Both Nami and and Ghaffari, Ghaffari, writing in in the the later Zand period, period, represent Hosayn 14 Qoli as as an an innocent led led astray by by unnamed seditious elements in in Mazandaran. Mazandaran.14 This may may merely repeat Qajar excuses of the time or, to of the or, more likely, likely, is is aa device to exonerate the The the forbearing Vakil from any any hint of of aa major error of of policy. policy. The

and likewise hold that later Qajar historians stress the the Qoyunlu-Develu feud and the benefit of of hindfundamentally loyal to Hosayn Qoli remained ftmdamentally to the Vakil. Vakil. With the sight, however, it is is tempting to sight, however, it to believe that this episode was conceived and and of Agha M:>haJmnad Mohammad as as he he sat sat aa prisoner-guest in planned by by the the vengeful spirit of in Shiraz, spitefully carving up and brooding on on the Shiraz, up the Vakil's carpets and the past and and of the dynasty.15 future of the Qajar dynasty. the Develu stronghold his first foray against the From Damghan Hosayn Qoli made his of Qal' a Namaka, Namaka,16 which guarded the Qal'a the mcn.mtain mountain pass pass between between Shahrud Shahrud and andAstarabad. Astarabad. After aa short siege the the fortress was was stormed, stormed, plundered, plundered, and and razed, razed, and and the the garrison massacred. massacred. The two Develu khans in The two in command, command, Fath 'Ali 'Ali and and Jan Jan M:>haJmnad, Mohammad, Astarabad, where the the governor, Khan, aware that he he managed to to escape to to Astarabad, governor, Hasan Khan, could expect little support from the the largely pro-Qoyunlu population on on the the apapproach of and fled to of this brutal avenger, avenger, relinquished his post and to the the estate of of his his 17 The nephew, M:>rtaza Qoli Khan, nephew, Hosayn Qoli's half-brother Mortaza Khan, at at Nawkanda. Nawkanda.17 The AshaghaAshaghathe bash fifth column in in Astarabad immediately invited Hosayn Qoli to to take over the

city; but he declined city; but he and contented himself their men. men. Such were

to take aa step that would be tantamount to to be tantamOlmt to open rebellion with recruiting other disaffected Mazandarani leaders and and his his father's old old allies. allies, khans of of the the Yomud and and GOKlen Goklen Turk-

man with aa thousand of of their men; men; Kamal Khan Afghan and and his compatriots who who had had escaped the the massacres of of 1758-59; 1758-59; and and Allah Allah Verdi Verdi Khan, Khan, the thegovernor governor of ofJajorm, Jajorm, 18 all of to Damghan. Damghan.18 of whom returned with Hosayn Qoli to 9.4

S SECOND CAMPAIGN AND OTHER ZAND EXPEDITIONS ZAKI KHAN' KHAN'S

The savage attack on the young Qajar the on Qal'a Namaka earned for for the the epithet of of Jahan-

("world-burner") and and left few few doubts about his in Mazandaran. Mazandaran. Karim suz Shah (''world-burner'') his aims in therefore sent aa force of of three thousand Luri and and Kurdish cavalry under Zaki Khan to to restore the the status quo. quo, whereat Hosayn Qoli retired with his whole following to the 1Urkman the temporary safety of of the Turkman steppe. steppe. Nevertheless, Nevertheless, Hasan Khan Develu was was still too the Qajar capital. was too apprehensive to to resume the the governorship of of the capital. This was given to Ali Khan Khan Develu, Develu. and and Hasan Hasan Khan Khan consented consented to to rule rule Hazar Hazar Jarib, Jarib. to Mirza' Mirza ! Ali

14. TGG, TGG, 171; 171; GM, GM, 174. 174. 14. 15. Cf. Cf. Sykes. Sykes, 289; 289; ~uri Mansuri in in Khwandaniha. Khwandaniha, esp. esp. No. 68, p. p. 28; 28; see see also bebe15. No. 68, low, low, 9.7. 9.7. 16. Namaka. 16. See See FJI FJI III, III, 306. 306, s.v. s.v. Namaka. 17. Jarib. 17. There are are two two places so so called. called, one one near Astariibad Astarabad and and one one in in Hazar Jarib. The latter is is probably intended (see (see FJI FJIIII. III,306. 306,2d 2dentry). entry). 18. MN, 310-11; 18. MN, 310-11; RSN RSN IX. IX, 88-90. 88-90.

142 142

Consolidation Expansion, 1763-79 Consolidation and Expansion*

feel safe in the strong fortress fortress of Akarkay. Akarkay. Zaki where he and his family could feel anny Khan, Khan, having demolished the Qoyunlu fortress fortress at Chahardeh-Kalata, Chahardeh-Kalata, took his army Shiraz.19 back to Shiraz. 0° Hosayn Qoli returned from the steppe in 1185/1771 and fiercely attacked Hasan Khan Develu in Qal'a Akarkay. Akarkay. Despite reinforcements of five five hundred jazayerchis, jazayerchis, the garrison was forced into the open and Slaughtered; slaughtered; Hasan Khan himself, himself, shot fran from his horse while trying to cut his way through to safety was decapitated, decapitated, as was Mohanmad Aqa, one one of of those those who who had had pursued pursued Hosayn Hosayn Qoli's Qoli' s father father to to his his Mohammad f'Ali Ali Aqa, death. His inmediate immediate vendetta tenninated, terminated, Jahansuz Shah returned to Damghan to death. resume his governorship. governorship. He was challenged briefly in the following year by Turkman, Feghan 'Ali Khan of the Yukhari-bash, Yukhari-bash, who, who, with the support of some Turkman, seized or bOUght bought the allegiance of several townships around Astarabad and began raiding into Hosayn Qoli's domain; fordomain; but as soon as as the latter marched on his for-

tress near Astarabad, Astarabad, the fifth column inside killed Feghan 'Ali Khan and handed over the fortress. fortress. Hosayn Qoli plundered his rival's possessions and killed his 20 20 son. son. this and the following years, years, several other fortresses of local chieftains In this were reduced by a combination of treachery from within and surprise forced marches quarters, either by Hosayn Qoli himself or his right-hand man Pir from unexpected quarters, 21 The Qoyunlu khan now controlled the whole of Gorgan and eastQoli Shambayati. 2l Qoli Shambayati. The Qoyunlu khanitself, now controlled the of rule Gorgan eastern Mazandaran, inc1udin¥ Astarabad which, if hewhole did not it and directly, ern Mazandaran, including Astarabad itself, which, if he did not rule it directly, had such a pro-Ashagha-bash populace and so intimidated a governor that it could had such a pro-Ashagha-bash populace and so intimidated a governor that it could be considered his. Ashraf was added by 1772, and the avaricious M:lhammad Khan be considered his. Ashraf was added by 1772, and the avaricious Mohammad Khan Savadkuhi, Savadkuhi, the the beglerbegi beglerbegi of of Mazandaran Mazandaran who who had had retained retained his his post post by by collaborating collaborating Mohammad Hasan Khan, Khan, held only Sari out of the with the Zands in their pursuit of MohaJllnad 22 territories to the east of his administrative center, center, Barforush. Barforush.22 Fearing that directly, he reported Hosayn his fourteen years of power might soon be challenged directly, Qoli's latest crimes to Shiraz with appeals for reinforcements and was sent aa thousand Zands and Lurs under Barzollah Khan Zand to stiffen his own local levies of nearly six thousand. thousand. With this force force he marched through Sari on Astarabad. Astarabad. Hosayn Qoli Khan held him in check with his Turkman and Afghan irregulars at Kol bad, bad, while he himself with five five hundred picked men raced through the mountain tracks far to Mohammad Khan's righ~covering right, covering the the forty forty or or more more miles miles to to Sari Sari in in one day, day, and scaled the walls that same night to overpower the guards and take the town. Asghar, town. M:lhalllJlad Mohammad Khan's supporters were killed, killed, and his nephew, nephew, 'Ali 'Ali Asghar, 23 taken captive. captive. 23 Hearing of this disaster, disaster, the governor turned back toward Sari, Sari, but his 19. MN, MN, 311; 311; RSN IX, IX, 90-91. 90-91. 19. 25a-26b. 20. 20. MN, MN, 311-12; 311-12; Saru'i, Saru'i, 25a-26b. 21. MN, MN, 313; 313; RSN IX, IX, 98-101. 21. 98-101. 22. Babol. 22. Pallas II, II, 4-5. 4-5. Barforush is is now called Babol. 23. 23. MN, MN, 312; 312; Saru'i, Saru'i, 24b; 24b; TGG, TGG, 171. 171. Saru'i gives 1000 Turkman as as Hosayn Qoli's force . force which took Sari. Sari.

The Qajar Revival Revival

143 143

force, harassed by the pursuing Turkman and Afghans, Afghans, was suddenly demoralized force, faced with a line of musketeers mder s yomger brother, M:>rtaza under Hosayn Qoli' Qoli's younger brother, Mortaza Qoli Khan. Their volleys blasted the renmants remnants of his anny army into ignominious flight. Khan. flight. M:>hamnad Mohammad Khan Savadkuhi was captured and taken back to Hosayn Qoli at Sari, Sari, who difficulty. Here advanced three days later on Barforush and took it without much difficulty. Mohammad death. His M:>hamnad Khan was tortured to reveal all his wealth and finally put to death. son Mahdi Khan, Khan, whom he had left in charge of Barforush, Barforush, had escaped in time to 24 Shiraz with the news of these fresh outrages by the Qoytm.lu leaving the Qoyunlu rebel,24 rebel, latter free free 1;0 to secure all the booty he could over the next two moIiths months before retuming brothers. turning to Astarabad with his brothers. '1llere There could no longer be any doubt that the sons of M:>hanunad Mohammad Hosayn Khan were intent on regaining their full full political patrimony. patrimony. Perhaps realizing that it would have no deterrent effect, effect, Karim refrained from taking reprisals on Agha MoM:>hammad and attempted another military subjugation. subjugation. He appointed Mahdi Khan to his hamnad father's post and sent him back in the spring of 1187/1773 to secure it, it, with a father's force of 5000 horse under 'Ali Mohammad force M:>hmmnad Khan Zand and a further 700 horse and 2000 as garrison reinforcements. reinforcements. Hosayn Qoli Khan foot to remain in the province as unsuccessful holding battles at the 'Aliabadpass, 'Aliabad pass, near present-day Shahi, fought tmSuccessful Shahi, army. After one more rearguard action at and was steadily driven back by the Zand anny. Kolbad, in which 'Ali M:>hamnad's Mohammad's brothers Taher, Taher, Vali, Vali, and 'Ali 'Ali Hemmat Khan Zand Kolbad, particularly distinguished themselves, themselves, the rebel was driven again to take refuge 25 with his Turkman allies on the steppe. steppe. 25 Mirza MLrza 'Ali Khan Develu, Develu, the official governor of Astarabad, Astarabad, welcomed the Zand army and was confirmed in his appointment; appointment; Mahdi Khan was set up in office at Baranny forush, and 'Ali M:>hanunad Mohammad Khan, Khan, having fulfilled his commission, commission, returned to forush, Shiraz. 26 He took with him a sister of Hosayn Qoli Khan, Khan, who had been seized at Shiraz. Nawkanda with part of the retreating Qajar's baggage by a renegade Turkman and leader. Although he had married her at Astarabad, sold to the Zand leader. Astarabad, she had steadVakil, mder under fastly denied him conjugal rights, rights, and on his his arrival at Shiraz the Vakil, Bigom, upbraided his general for this this abduction and sent the influence of Khadija Bigom, Qazvin. So outraged was the Vakil's the girl to live with her female relatives at Qazvin. chivalry, according to Ghaffari, Ghaffari, that the mforttmate unfortunate 'Ali M:>hammad Mohammad had sense of chivalry, for forty days before to remain in the sanctuary of the shrine of Shah Mir Hamza for pardoned. he was pardoned. 24. TGG, TGG, 172; 172; GM, GM, 175; 175; Rostam, Rostam, 358-59; 358-59; Saru'i, Saru'i, 24b; 24b; cf. cf. Butkov III, III, 127. 127. 24. 25. Ibid.; Gi, 175-76. ~sayn Qoli was restrained 25. Ibid.; GM, 175-76. MN, MN, 313, 313, maintains that Hosayn c from giving battle to CAli M:>lJammad by by aa letter letter from from Agha Agha Mohammad M:>lJammad advising advising caucauAli Mohammad steppe. Since ijosayn Hosayn Qoli was now in open rebellion, tion and fled straight to the steppe. rebellion, face-saving, and II am inclined to believe Ghafthis smacks of historiographical face-saving, fari's more detailed accomt account of this campaign--particularly since his statement fari's that cCAli Ali Morad Morad Khan Khan was was sent sent just just before before Zaki's Zaki' s last last campaign campaign is is confirmed confirmed by by an an EIC report (FR XVII, [19 October l775J). 1775]). XVII, 1107 [19 26. GM, GM, 176; 176; MN, MN, 313. 313. Nami (TGG, (TGG, 172), 172), followed followedby by Fasa'i Fasa'i (I, (I,217), 217),gives gives 26. Zaki Khan as as the prosecutor of this this campaign and cCAli Ali Mohammad M:>1].anunad of of the the subsequent subsequent one (9.5). (9.5). The order preferred here is is that of Ghaffari Ghaffari*and the Qajar historians. and historians.

144 144

Conso~idation and E~ansion. Consolidation Expansion* 1763-79

9. 9.55 ZAKI KHAN'S 1HIRD THIRD CAMPAIGN nor his lieutenants' lieutenants' Neither Karim's personal and political moderation in in Shiraz nor military prowess prCMess in the Yukhari-bash in their successive attempts to to shore up up the Yukhari-bash puppet puppet governments had had any any effect on on the the familiar patterns. patterns. From 1774, 1774, the the Vakil's commi tment of to the the Basran and the mitment of the bulk of of his anny army to and Kurdish campaigns reduced the forces the north. forces he he could spare for for counterinsurgency operations in in the north. Hosayn Qoli Khan returned once more from the the steppe and was rejoined by by his younger brothers Yukhari -bash. All All Mostafa Qoli and and t-brtaza Mortaza Qoli in in another year of of raids on on the the Yukhari-bash. to or or supported the in pCMer power who were related to the Develu governors still nominally in were attacked and and put put to to the the sword and and their property and womenfolk seized. seized. The The survivors fled southward, the Ashagha-bash southward, spreading general alarm and and leaving the 27 rebels in tmdisputed command of cotmtryside. 27 in undisputed of the Mazandaran countryside. But Mahdi Khan Savadkuhi in his father and, in Barforush swore to to avenge his and, with

the help of of Jan Mohammad Khan Baluch, an anny army to the rebels. rebels. Baluch, prepared an to march against the competence, however, however, fell fell short of of his martial ardor, ardor, for for in in 1189/ His military competence, he allowed himself to to be in Barforush itself. itself. After aa swift night be surprised in 1775 he inarch and and dawn attack with seven hundred cavalry, aa duplicate of of the the stratastratamarch htmdred picked cavalry, father, Hosayn Qoli Khan contemptuously gem that had had taken Sari from Mahdi Khan's father, had his prisoner chained, chained, beaten, beaten, and and mulcted mulcted but but subsequently subsequently released, released, probably probably of garrison as as aa vassal of of the the Qoyunlu instead to retain his post under tmder aa change of of the Vakil: Vakil: as as Reza Qoli Khan puts it, it, "Henceforth Mahdi Khan knew his place 28 Jan Mohammad Khan and his Baluch, their commission so emand held his peace. ,,28 and held his peace." Jan Mohammad Khan and hisoutBaluch, theirtocommission so embarrassingly curtailed, were permitted to march unmolested return via barrassingly curtailed, were permitted to march out unmolested to return via Firuzkuh. On their way, however, they ran into the main body of Hosayn Qoli's Firuzkuh. On their way, however, they ran into the main body of Hosayn Qoli's anny, and rashly attacked. Hosayn Qoli at first sent a fellow Baluch khan to army, and rashly attacked. Hosayn Qoli at first sent a fellow Baluch khan to reason with Jan t-bhammad, but, on his continuing tmreasonable, the young Qajar reason with Jan Mohammad, but, on his continuing unreasonable, the young Qajar cotmterattacked with his cavalry and beat off the Baluchis. Jan Mohammad himself counterattacked with his cavalry and beat off the Baluchis. Jan Mohammad himself was held prisoner but later released and to was lassoed lassoed and and held prisoner for for some some time, time, but later released and sent sent back back to 29 Shiraz. Shiraz.29 Hosayn restraint in with both both these these appointees of the the Vakil Vakil Hosayn Qoli's Qoli's restraint in dealing dealing with appointees of was doubtless intended to stress that his actions were still blCMS in the was doubtless intended to stress that his actions were still blows in the civil civil war between Qoytmlu and Develu and were not aimed at Karim's authority. But the war between Qoyunlu and Develu and were not aimed at Karim's authority. But the

Vakil by this the limit his forbearance. Vakil was was by this time time almost almost at at the limit of of his forbearance. Later Later the the same same year he dispatched another force to Mazandaran tmder 'Ali Morad Khan Zand, year he dispatched another force to Mazandaran under 'Ali Morad Khan Zand, who who had but was harsh in his treatment Yukhad some some success success but was apparently apparently so so harsh in his treatment even even of of loyal loyal Yuk30 He was hari -bash vassals that they complained to Karim, and he was recalled. 30 hari-bash vassals that they complained to Karim, and he was recalled. He was replaced in Khan, who in 1190/1776 by by Zaki Khan, who set set about restoring law law and and order with 27. RSN IX, MN, 313. XVII, 1099 27. RSN IX, 102-3; 102-3; MN, 313. FR FR XVII, 1099 contains contains aareport report from fromBushire Bushire to to Bombay, 1775, to to the the rebel Ijosayn Hosayn Qoli Khan has has Bombay, dated 66 September 1775, the effect that the be in danger. many adherents in in Mazandaran and and Karim Khan's government is is felt to to be in danger. 28. 28. RSN RSN IX, IX, 105. 105. 29. Ibid., 103-5; MN, 314; Tffi, 173-74. 29. Ibid., 103-5; MN, 314; TGG, 173-74. 30. 30. GM, GM, 201; 201; FR FR XVII, XVII, 1107 1107 (19 (19 October 1775). 1775).

The The Qajar Qajar RevivaZ Revival

145 145

scarcely less brutality. him without aa fight, fight, brutality. Hosayn Qoli Khan retreated before hdm perhaps on the advice of the governor of on the of Allah Verdi Khan Karayeli, Karayeli, the of Jajonn, Jajorm, who who 31 gave him him refuge in the steppe. steppe. 31 in his fortress there before he he fled to to the Zaki Khan pressed on on through Firuzkuh, Firuzkuh, Sari, Sari, and and Nawkanda as as far far as as ChahardehKalata, to conq>ly comply with his requisitions and and shut Kalata, where various local khans refused to themselves in in aa stout fortress. fortress. With typical ruthlessness Zaki stonned stormed this stronghold, put the stronghold, put the leaders and and garrison to to the the sword, sword, and and built aa tower of of their heads. Hajji Zaki Khan, Khan, the ringleader, was heads. the ringleader, was tied to to aa pole and and beaten beaten to to death. death. 32 Other atrocities comThose who were spared were sent as prisoners to Shiraz. 3Z Those who were Khan spared prisoners to in Shiraz. atrocities committed by Zaki at were this sent time as were preserved the QajarOther memory long aftermitted by Zaki Khan at this time were preserved in the Qajar memory long afterward, such as planting his captives head down in the earth, tied to stakes, so ward, such as planting his captives head down in the earth, tied to stakes, so 33 that that they they suffocated. suffocated. These barbarities were were condemned by Karim Zaki's return return34 and and These gratuitous gratuitous barbarities condemned by Karim on on Zaki's would seem hardly more more conducive to peace province than would seem hardly conducive to peace and and stability stability in in the the province than Hosayn perpetuation of his personal personal aggrandizeaggrandizeof aa family family feud feud for for his Hosayn Qoli' Qoli'ss selfish selfish perpetuation ment, when when either his benefactor Khan or for ment, either loyalty loyalty to to his benefactor Karim Karim Khan or aa long-tenn long-term plan plan for Qaj ar supremacy, his elder brother, should reconciliQajar supremacy, as as envisaged envisaged by by his elder brother, should have have urged urged aa reconciliat ion of the Qajar Zaki's policy, however, appears to have ation of the Qajar clans. clans. Zaki's policy, however, appears to have been been effective effective in tenn. Mirza' Ali Khan was confirmed of in the the short short term. Mirza 'Ali Khan Develu Develu was confirmed in in this this governorship governorship of Astarabad, and non-Qajar govergoverAstarabad, and Hosayn Hosayn Qoli's Qoli's lieutenant lieutenant in in Dlrnghan Damghan was was removed: removed: non-Qajar nors and headmen were to throw their lot with the the Zandnors and headmen were thus thus encouraged encouraged to threw in in their lot with Zandsubsidized Yukhari-bash rather than the that when when Zaki Zaki Khan for subsidized Yukhari-bash rather than the rebels, rebels, so so that Khan left left for 35 Shiraz, even Hosayn Qoli's Turkman allies began to oppose him. Shiraz, even Hosayn Qoli's Turkman allies began to oppose him. 9.6 TIlE THE DEAn! DEATH OF OF HOSAYN QOLI KHAN M:lstafa M:lrtaza Qoli were still lending token assistance to and Mortaza to their halfMostafa Qoli and brother from Gorgan, but the far Gorgan, but the late M:lhammad Mohammad Hasan Khan's two two remaining sons, sons, Ja' Ja'far Qoli and now taken from Qazvin to Shiraz. 36 and 'Ali Qoli, Qoli, were now to join their brothers at at Shiraz. Shortly after this, this, Hosayn Qoli was persuaded by by the the fact that five of of his brothers the Vakil--backed by by aa cautionary letter from Agha Mohammad--to were hostages of of the send his own of own son son Baba Khan (the future Fath 'Ali Shah) Shah) to to Shiraz as as aa pledge of

31. MN, 314; RSN IX, 31. MN, 314; RSN IX, 106. 106. 3Z. ZOZ; Rostam, RSN IX, 32. GM, GM, 202; Rostam, 364-65; 364-65; MN, MN, 311; 311; RSN IX, 90-91. 90-91. These concur on on the the the atrocity, but the main points of of the atrocity, but the Qajar histories place it it during Zaki Khan's c of 1184/1770, 1184/1770, and and name the the ringleader ringleader as asEsmacil Esma. il Khan, Khan, aa foreforeprevious campaign of bear of the author of RSN. However, his source for of the of RSN. However, Ghaffari quotes as as his for this section two two officers who who accompanied Zaki on on this expedition, expedition, which makes this one one of of best-authenticated chapters in in his chronicle. chronicle. Rostam recounts, on the the best-authenticated recounts, on the authority of an unnamed eyewitness, how Zaki beheaded 78 prisoners with his own hand bei ty of an eyewitness, how 78 own fore performing prayers. prayers. 33. Rostam, 365. 33. Malcolm, Malcolm, 138; 138; cf. cf. Rostam, 365. 34. MN, 311, to take bast 34. MN, 311, 314. 314. Rostam (365) (365) says he he had had to bast in in the the Vakil's stable. stable. GM, Z03; MN, 314; RSN IX, 106. 35. GM, 203; MN, 314; RSN IX, 106. 35. Z03; TGG, Qoli. 36. GM, GM, 203; TGG, 174-75, 174-75, where Mahdi Qoli is is given in in place of of cCAli Ali Qoli. 36.

146

Consolidation E~an8ion. 1763-79 Consolidation and Expansion^

good faith refrain from further f a i t h and to refrain further attacks attacks on the Yukhari-bash. Two Two months 37 which later l a t e r the boy was returned returned to his h i s father father in in token of of the Vakil's Vakil's trust,37 trust, Hosayn Qoli was yet again to betray. betray. First, First, however, however, he became involved in hostilities with his old allies the 'furkrnan. Qoli, in answer to a call for for help Turkman. This seems to have begun when Hosayn Qoli, from his fOl1!ler former host Allah Verdi Khan of Jajorrn, Jajorm, made one of the forced marches fran famous and routed an army of Turkrnan Turlanan raiders. for which he and his father were famous raiders. spared. The TurkTwo hundred hmdred of them were killed in battle and no prisoners were spared. however, continued their forays, forays, encouraged and bribed by Mirza f'Ali Ali Khan Khan man, however, Develu, Develu, who at last saw his chance to be revenged on the QoYlDllu Qoyunlu chieftain in his 38 difficulties. 38 present difficulties. Hosayn Qoli not only held his own against the Turkrnan Turkman but also, also, according to Reza Qoli Khan, Khan, made a last assault assault on Astarabad, Astarabad, from which he was repulsed by 39 the governor and populace. populace.39 It would seem that much of his fifth column had by now deserted him. him. One night soon after his latest operation--probably in the spring of 119l/l777--as 1191/1777--as he was sleeping in the open, open, he was murdered by a few 'furkrnan Turkman mder under the noses of his guards, guards, either in revenge for their comrades or in 40 return for Astarabad, doubtless for a reward from Mirza 'Ali Khan. Khan.40 He was buried in Astarabad, to the great relief of the majority of the populace and certainly of Karim Khan, Khan, 41 though he condoled most kindly with Agha Mohamnad Mohammad on his loss. loss.41

His death had one immediate sequel that must have guaranteed him a contented rest and showed that the QoYlDllu Qoyunlu as as a body were not yet ready to lie down. down. Though there was no actual evidence to connect Mirza 'Ali 'Ali with the murder, murder, Mortaza Qoli while in Astarabad hinted his suspicions to a discontented gholam of the Develu governor, governor, who thereupon shot his master dead. dead. In the ensuing uproar Mortaza Qoli 42 and his companions got safely away to Nawkanda. Nawkanda. 42 9. 9.77 AGHA MJHAMMA]) MOHAMMAD KHAN

There are almost as s period of as many anecdotes and legends about Agha Mohanunad' Mohammad's captivity in Shiraz as there are about his reign in Tehran. Tehran. Many of them enjoy 37. 107. 37. MN, MN, 314; 314; RSN IX, IX, 107. 38. 38. MN, MN, 314; 314; RSN IX, IX, 106-8. 106-8. 39. 109. 39. Ibid., Ibid., 109. 40. 40. TGG, TGG, 174; 174; Saru'i, Saru'i, 27a-b; 27a-b; MN, MN, 314; 314; RSN IX, IX, 112; 112; Rostam, Rostam, 362-63. 362-63. Several manner, place, place, and date of his death. death. Accordi~ According to Rezji versions exist of the manner, Reila Khan, he was stabbed or speared at Fandarask in 1189/1775; 1189/1775; the E E^temad Qoli Khan, ternad ol01Saltana states that he was killed on the steppe by a GOKlen Goklen in league with his enemies; Rostam ol-ijokarna' ol-Hokama' (361), (361), like Farhad Mirza in the JQm-e Jam-e Jam (cited Develu enemies; MN, 315), 315), claims that Karim Khan bribed or threatened the (Yornud) (Yomud) Turkrnan Turkman to in MN, him; Nafisi (41), (41), that he was shot by Yornud Yomud bribed by the Develu govassassinate him; ernor. The dates given vary from 1188 to 1192, 1192, the month, month, where mentioned, mentioned, being ernor. §afar. II am inclined to agree with MN in the choice of $afar §afar 119l/March-April 1191/March-April $afar. as given by Saru'i (27b), (27b), especially since Ghaffari gives the date of Zaki's 1777, as as spring 1190. last expedition as 1190. 116. 41. 41. RSN IX, IX, 113, 113, 116. 42. 114-15. 42. Ibid., Ibid., 114-15.

The Qajal' Qajar Revival. Revival

147 147

the conrnon common theme of real or imagined insult giving cause for a later vindictive revenge, revenge, and not a few are directly .contradictory contradictory though evidently referring to occasion. All of them, them, whether from Qajar or other sources, sources, conspire to the same occasion. eunuch khan at every stage of his adult life as as a creature of extraorreveal the elUluch dinarily deep-rooted and long-lasting malice channelled by aa single-minded megaloundoubted political ability into implacable enmity toward his his host and mania and lUldoubted family. benefactor the Vakil and all his family. By all accolUlts accounts he was treated more as as aa guest than aa prisoner throughout his court, despite his open resentment. resentment. By his own admission sixteen years at Karim's court, 'Ali, he used to to rip up with his dagger the rug on which he sat to his nephew Fath 'Ali, each morning for breakfast with the Vakil, Vakil, who continued nevertheless to ignore 43 this The this as as natural rancor and ordered the servants to lay aa new rug each day.43 day. elUluch eunuch did not, not, however, however, allow such senseless spite to prevail over a calculating sense of self-preservation and long-term political expediency, expediency, though even in this this he judged others by the standards of his his own petty vindictiveness. vindictiveness. Fath 'Ali 'Ali Shah how, as as the fi five-year-old used also to tell how, ve-year-old Baba Khan during his few months in as a hostage for for his father Hosayn Qoli, Qoli, he was treated by the the Vakil as his Shiraz as court. One day he own son and set to play with the other boy princes of the Zand court. Karim's nephew, nephew, the six-year-old Letf Lotf 'Ali was matched in a wrestling bout against Karim's Khan--the same who, Mawho, as as the last Zand ruler, ruler, was cruelly done to death by Agha Mohammad when he captured him eighteen years later (see Epilogue). Epilogue). Since Baba Khan hamnad tussle, Agha Mlhamnad Mohammad furtively signaled to seemed to be getting the better in the tussle, the fight; fight; Karim noticed this this and reproached the Qajar mildly for him to throw the teaching the boy deceitfulness. deceitfulness. He encouraged the the yOlUlg young Baba Khan to to win and sat 44 him on his knee with a congratulatory kiss. kiss. 44 Of all anecdotes that compare the first Zand and the first Qajar ruler, ruler, this is is surely the most characters of the first eloquent. eloquent. Agha Mlhammad Mohammad laid by aa store of grudges from the time of his exile in Shiraz which he paid off later, later, not only on the last scions of the Zand family but even on obscure Shiraz tradesmen who had once slighted him. him. An oil-seller (in some grocer) who had sold him poor-quality goods with the remark that they accounts aa grocer) were good enough for for aa Qajar was sought out when Agha Mahamnad Mohammad took Shiraz in 1206/1792 and, and, after aa cat-and-mouse conversation, conversation, executed. executed. In one version the man retorted scornfully to to Agha Mohammad's original remonstrations that the khan king; the the elUluch eunuch remembered this suggestion could disembowel him when he became king; 45 and in due course acted on it. it. 45

43. 43. Ehtesham ol-Mllk, ol-Molk, 132; 132; Mastawfi, Mostawfi, 5; 5; Malcolm, Malcolm, 265. 265. 44. 44. Ehtesham ol-Malk, ol-Molk, 132. 132. 45. 45. There are various versions of these stories, stories, employing different combinations of persons, persons, insults, insults, and sequels. sequels. In one version, version, the offending grocer is, or head of the grocers' is, to his surprise (and ours) ours) made baqqal.-bashi, baqqal-bashi, grocers' guild (Mostawfi, (Mostawfi, 5-6). 5-6).

ConsoUdation Consolidation and Expansion. Expansion, 1763-79 1763-79

148 148

it was not not merely memories of of Shiraz that provoked him to savage excesses That it him to can be reign. He be seen by by numerous instances from his later reign. He was consistently cruel in his treatment of of those under him, in the the habit of of disemand arbitrary in him, being in alive, boweling servants who who displeased him him and and exposing these wretches, wretches, still alive, 46 necks, to He with their entrails wound round their necks, to feed the the kites and and crows. crows.46 He to drinking," drinking," as as indeed was the the Vakil to to some extent, extent, and and ''would "would was "addicted to the orders he he had had given today; today; and and he forget tomorrow the he would roar like aa maniac at at the sight of beings, frequently his own he had of the the unforttmate unfortunate beings, own favorites, favorites, whom he had 47 crnmnanded be sacrificed. ,,4 7 One far to be sacrificed." One such victim was his his vizier, vizier, Mirza Ja' Ja'far commanded to Esfahani (formerly vizier to to Karim Khan), Khan), whom Agha M:>hammad Mohammad rounded on on for for no no particular reason at at one one of of his daily dictations. dictations. He He first first hurled aa cushion, cushion, then and finally discharged his pisreach, and his water pipe, pipe, then everything else within reach, tol at at the the unfortunate minister. minister. Mirza Ja'far was carried off with aa shoulder wound; Agha Mohamnad to wound; Mohammad then fell fell into aa drunken sleep and and never again referred to incident. A A few months later the the vizier returned to as if if nothing had the incident. to work as had happened. happened.48 at the of 'Adel Shah (Prologue) (Prologue) and and It seems that his his early castration at the hands of his subsequent captivity in in Shiraz permanently embittered him him and, and, by by channeling all his for the of the the Qajar dynasty, dynasty, defeated his energies into working for the establishment of to serve. serve. Sensitive to to his his deficiency in in the the the very ends they were designed to man's world of of conquest and and empire, empire, he he exaggerated his devotion to to the the military arts and servants, and the welfare of of his army49 army49 and and his contempt for for scribes and and civil servants, Whom he he referred to he was no no whom to as as milksops (fe:mi-khwar). (ferni-khwar). Though not illiterate, illiterate, he and seems to to have spent his years of of captivity chiefly in in hunting great reader and private. 50 with his younger brothers or or brooding in in private. all his his savagery, savagery, he he was recognized as as aa capable statesman. statesman. George For all Forster, who passed through Sari in Forster, who in the the l780s, 1780s, before the the final final overthrow of of the the Zands, remarks on on Agha Mohammad's drinking, "though this does not Zands, M:>hammad's heavy drinking, this habit does not seem to operate to the people. to the the prejudice of of the people. This chief has the the reputation of of being to business, business, and and of of possessing an an extensive capacity, capacity, which is is indeed attentive to notice, throughout all ,,51 This capaobvious to to conmon common notice, all parts of of his goverrunent. government." is said to Khan, who who during his captivity called city is to have been respected by by Karim Khan, Vaysa," aa reference to to one of Afrasiyab's generals known for his his him his "Piran-e Vaysa," one of 52 sagaci ty . 52 sagacity. the Vakil would have sent Agha M:>hammad Mohammad rather than his brother Stories that the to govern Damghan, may had not his his vizier Mirza Ja'far advised against it,53 it, may Damghan, had

46. 46. 47. 47. 48. 48. 49. 49. 50. 50. 51. 51. 52. 52. 53. 53.

Watson, Watson, 66-67. 66-67. KOtzebue, Kotzebue, 256. 256. Ibid., 256-58. Ibid., 256-58. Nafisi, Cf. Cf. Nafisi,55-57. 55-57. M:>stawfi, 5; Pakravan, Mostawfi, 5; Pakravan, 27. 27. Forster I, I, 198. 198. ~tesham Ehtesham ol-Molk, ol-Molk, 132. 132. Pakravan, 52-53. 52-53. Pakravan,

The QajaI' Qajar Revival Revival

149 149

perhaps be discOlmted discounted together with other Qaj Qajar hyperbole, but it remains likely ar hyperbole, for independence while that Agha Mohammad encouraged Hosayn Qoli Khan in his bid for Vakil. At the height of his nephew's rebelastutely excusing his actions to the Vakil. is said to to have fled in fear for for his skin to the sanctuary of an emamzada, emamzada, lion he is 54 reprisal.54 It It seems but Karim reassured him that he would not be the object of aa reprisal. Mohammad, being something of a statesman as as well as as aa butcher, unlikely that Agha Mohammad, butcher, would have countenanced Hosayn Qoli's excesses against the Develu Qajars, Qajars, particuas his own first first concern on escaping to Mazandaran was to reconcile the two larly as branches in order to weld the Qaj ars into aa united opposition to Qajars to the Zands. Zands. He his person his brother's cruelty and his father's father's politiseems to have combined in his ability, together with aa broader view and aa dark tenacity of purpose all his cal abil~ty, own; and it seems surprising that Karim, Karim, who despite his habitual mildness could CMI1; be ruthless when necessary, necessary, as as has been seen, seen, failed to recognize in him the

greatest danger to Zand rule. rule. The relative freedom accorded to him as as aa hostage, hostage, and particularly his regutrips, which would sometimes take him away from Shiraz for several lar hunting trips, days, facilitated his escape on the Vakil's demise. demise. This was not only aa chance to days, fortunes but aa life-or-death necessity, necessity, for he could expect no mercy restore Qajar fortunes Khan, who would soon enough be massacring their fellow Zands. Zands. from men like Zaki Khan, As Karim's health deteriorated, deteriorated, Agha Mohrumnad's Mohammad's aunt, aunt, the mistress of the Vakil's harem, kept him informed of developments through the agency of aa page, Solayman harem, page, Solayrnan Khan Qajar. Qajar. Agha Mohammad mmmted mounted up and left the city, city, ostensibly on aa hunting expedition, but in reality to to collect his his relatives and adherents and wait until expedition, This arrived in the the evening of

word arrived that the Vakil had breathed his his last. last.

13 Safar 1193/2 March 1779, 1779, and next morning the the exile and his companions set off on the long, long, hard ride to Mazandaran,55 Mazandaran, taking up the the slack of the the Qajar destiny in readiness to to weave more than a century of belated glory. glory.

54. MN, MN, 314. 54. 314. 55. 55. Saru'i, Saru'i, 29b-30b; 29b-30b; E~fahani, Esfahani, 6a-b; 6a-b; Mostawfi, Mostawfi, 6; 6; Malcolm, Malcolm, 157-58. 157-58.

10 10 The Persian Gulf Gulf

10.1 THE GENERAL SITUATION Behind the gorges of the Kuhgiluya, tan, and Lar, j oumey from Kuhgiluya, Tanges Tangestan, Lar, a few days' days' journey the Vakil's capital, Gulf. capital, stretched the thousand-mile Iranian coastline of the Gulf. families who The shores and islands of both sides were dominated by local Arab families asserted their terri torial pretensions and supplemented their fishing, ling , territorial fishing, pear pearling,

feland trading profits by occasional acts acts of brigandage or piracy against their fellows lows and their inland neighbors. neighbors. They owed allegiance, allegiance, often merely nominal, nominal, to as the Imam of Muscat and Oman on the Arabian side and the Khan inland rulers such as Iran, the latter in tum turn holding his authority as as beglerbegi from the of Lar in Iran, suzerainty. From early shah when the latter was strong enough to assert overall suzerainty. this pattern had been augmented by the presence of European colonial Safavid times this and commercial powers who vied with each other to obtain favorable concessions times outdid their "pirate" "pirate" comfrom the local rulers and their overlords and at times petitors in seizing territory and intimidating neighbors. neighbors. Nader Shah had continued the Safavid policy of favoring European traders with

an eye to using their naval cooperation to extend his authority more directly over realized, moreover, this policy was unsatisthe waters of the Gulf. Gulf. He had realized, moreover, that this unsatisforeigners' caprices, caprices, and so factory in that it left Iran too dependent upon the foreigners' help. Two he set about constructing his own permanent navy with reluctant British help. tons and twenty guns were bought from the East India Company as as well ships of 400 tons as numerous boats from Arab neighbors. neighbors. Artisans and timber were brought all the as

way from Mazandaran and at least three ships were laid down at Bushire on European lines. But the conqueror's death interrupted this this important lUldertaking, undertaking, the only lines. vessels, the Rahmani Rahmani and the Fayz-e Fayz-e results of which were two of his purchased vessels, Rabbani, Rdbbani, lying derelict in the harbor of Bandar 'Abbas for several years afterwards. wards. l For some time after Nader's death this this abortive navy still captured the successors: Ebrahim Mirza, Mirza, Shahrokh Shah, Shah, and in tum turn imagination of his would-be successors: Molla 'Ali Karim Khan and his beglerbegi of the Garmsir each sent a diploma to MJlla as governor of Bandar 'Abbas 'Abbas and admiral (darydbegi) {daryabegi), , accompanied by instrucShah as to take good care of the "fleet." tions to "fleet. ,,2

Nader's other attempts to subdue the petty tyrants of the Gulf had little

1. See Lockhart, Lockhart, Nadir Shah, 213-15; 213-15; Vadala, Vadala, 17; 17; Nash'at, Nash'at, 659-62. 659-62. 1. Nadir Shah, 2. 1755. 2. GD VI, VI, 31 31 October 1747; 1747; VII, VII, 25 25 and 27 27 February 1755.

150 150

151 151

The Persian Gulf The Persian Gulf

more success. success. His first first seaborne campaign against Julfar and Oman in 1737 was defeated on landing. landing. A A further expedition to to Muscat under Taqi Khan Shirazi took town, and some time later advantage of aa rebellion against the imam to capture the town, fortress; but the Iranians were again ejected in 1744. the fortress; 1744. 3

In 1736 Taqi Khan had also taken Bahrayn from Shaykh Jabbara of the Huwala Arabs, who had held it since late Safavid times; times; this this was likewise lost when the Arabs, Iranians left the Oman coast. coast. In about 1752 1752 it was retaken by Shaykh Naser of Bushire, Bushire, whom Nader had apparently appointed his viceroy of the archipelago, archipelago, in

an expedition undertaken jointly with his rival Mir Nasir Za' abi of Bandar Rig and Za'abi 4 with the 'Otobi clan of the Huwala Arabs. sons, Mir Hosayn and Mir Arabs.4 Mir Nasir's sons, Mohanna, Mohanna, soon gained the controlling interest for for themselves, themselves, but were in turn ejected by aa Huwala tribe (probably the 'Otobi) 'Otobi) who not long afterwards yielded again to Shaykh Naser of Bushire. Bushire. He seems seems to have retained nominal sovereignty over the iSlands, on, islands, despite intermittent Huwala assaults--at least from 1769 on, rival, Mir Mohanna--until his own death fourteen after the death of his great rival, years later. 'Otub. 5 later. About that time, time, in 1782, 1782, Bahrayn was reconquered by the 'Otub.

It cannot be maintained, maintained, however, however, that the Vakil exercised real authority over any of the islands claimed in his name. mai~­ name. Even the petty rulers of the mainland ports, ports, who were vulnerable to his punitive campaigns, campaigns, accorded him at best aa marginal compliance interrupted by outbreaks of defiance. defiance. Niebuhr, Niebuhr, who had experienced the bedouin of the Arabian interior, interior, described the coastal Arabs of both as "just as as jealous in defense of their freedom as as their brethsides of the Gulf as desert. Almost every little town has its its independent shaykh, shaykh, to whom ren in the desert. tribute." Not even the great Nader Shah had managed to they pay virtually no tribute.,,6

subdue them for for long: long: at the approach of an Iranian anny army they would push off in 7 7 They were proud of their tribal their boats to the safety of an offshore island. island. ancestry and Sunni in religion, religion, and on these grounds did not intermarry with their Iranian neighbors. neighbors. An exception was the Za'abi family of Bandar Rig: Rig: Mir Nasir's o father had turned Shi'i and married an Iranian girl,8 though, as will be seen, father had turned Shi'i and married an Iranian girl,

though, as will be seen,

this made no difference to their largely hostile relationship with the Vakil. this made no difference to their largely hostile relationship with the Vakil. The chief sources of income for these shaykhs and their subjects were fish-

The chief sources of income for these shaykhs and their subjects were fish-

ing, pearling (in the case of Bahrayn and Kharg), and comnerce with their neighing, pearling (in the case of Bahrayn and Kharg), and commerce with their neighbors in the Persian Gulf, the Gulf of Oman, and on the Madras coast. This bors in the Persian Gulf, the Gulf of Oman, and on the Madras coast.

This

3. Niebuhr, Arabien, 298, Oman," 3. Niebuhr, Arabien, 298, 300-303; 300-303; Lockhart, Lockhart, ''"!he "The Iranian Campaigns in Oman," 157-71; ff. 157-71; Nadir Nadir Shah, Shah, 215-22; 215-22; Nash'at, Nash'at, 319 ff. 4. Niebuhr, 4. SP 97/36 (1753; (1753; unfoliated); unfoliated); Brieven Brieven 2756 (1757), (1757), Kharg, Kharg, 52-53; 52-53; Niebuhr, Arabien, 316-17. 316-17. Arabien, 5. Nash'at, 318-19, 5. Lorimer, Lorimer, 837; 837; G. G. N. N. Curzon II, II, 232; 232; Wilson, Wilson, 245; 245; Nash'at, 318-19, 470-71. 470-71. BP XXX, XXX, 5 November 1766, 1766, has a report from Bushire dated 28 28 September to the effect fect that thirty boatloads of ijuwala yuwala Arabs were beaten off from an attempted landBahrayn. For the term ifwuala, Huwala, see 10.2. ing on Ba4rayn. 10.2. 6. Arabien, 311. 6. Niebuhr, Niebuhr, Arabien, 7. 7. Ibid., I b i d . , 317; 317; Carmelites, Carmelites, 671. 8. 8. Niebuhr, Niebuhr, Arabien, Arabien, 311, 311, 317. 317.

Consolidation and and E~an8ion. Expansion, 1763-79 1763-79 ConsoZidation

152

for territories, territories, commodities, commodities, and routes, involved a certain degree of jostling for routes, as piracy and directed with little discrimination against Arab, commonly described as Arab, Persian, Turkish, Turkish, Indian, Indian, British, British, French, French, and Dutch shipping. shipping. Each shaykh had Persian, his own small fleet, fleet, which consisted for for the JOOst most part of "trankeys" "trankeys" (shallowboats) supplemented by one or two "gallivats" "gallivats" or "galleots" "galleots" (kaZiyat, (kaliyat, draught rowed boats) as oars) oars) and, and, in the case of the more affluent larger vessels with a sail as well as rulers, several "grabs" "grabs" (Arabic ghorab, "raven," so called from their sleek and rulers, ghorab, "raven," silhouette, with two or three masts and a sharp prow); prow); grabs were the sinister silhouette, vessels. Their cannon, cannon, unless sallargest and swiftest of the local lateen-rigged vessels. ship, were generally of small calibre, calibre, the naval vaged or captured from a European ship, army's zanburaks. equivalent of the anny' s zanburaks.

Europeans, having in general larger and The Europeans,

vessels, suffered relatively slightly on the high seas, seas, but their better-armed vessels, shore stations were often more vulnerable to intimidation and sometimes direct attack. tack. THE IDI'ER LOWER GULF PORTS 10.2 DECLINE OF 1lIE The chief groups of these coastal Arabs were the Qawasem and the Huwala, Huwala, both cenGulf. The former, former, cOIlUllOnly commonly known by the vernacutered on the lower reaches of the Gulf. forms as Jawasem and Jawasmi, Jawasmi, were originally the followers of one Shaykh lar forms Qasem of Sharja, Sharja, but the the term came to be applied loosely to all the tribes tribes of the coastal strip between Qatar and Ra's Ra's al-Khayma, al-Khayma, then known as as Julfar. Julfar. Their acGulf, where they were tivities were confined principally to their own side of the Gulf,

alternately in alliance or at war with their neighbor the Imam of Muscat and Oman, Oman, as their interests dictated. dictated. In 1760 they concluded peace with him and according as this same year began to infiltrate the large island of Qeshm, Qeshm, on the the opposite in this Q

side of the Strait of Hornruz, and part of the mainland near Bandar Lenga. 9 Qeshm side of the Strait of Hormuz, and part of the mainland near Bandar Lenga. Qeshm and Hormuz were at this time held by Shaykh 'Abdollah of the Banu Ma'in and owed and Hormuz were at this time held by Shaykh 'Abdollah of the Banu Ma'in and owed

nominal allegiance to Molla 'Ali Shah, who had long been the official governor of nominal allegiance to Molla 'Ali Shah, who had long been the official governor of Bandar 'Abbas. lO In 1761 the shaykh brought more Banu Ma'in families from Charak, Bandar 'Abbas. In 1761 the shaykh brought more Banu Ma'in families from Charak, 150 miles west of Bandar 'Abbas, and, thus reinforced, cooperated with the gov150 miles west of Bandar 'Abbas, and, thus reinforced, cooperated with the gov-

ernor to repel the Qawasem. In this way they were largely successful, though in ernor to repel the Qawasem. In this way they were largely successful, though in 1765 the interlopers still had a foothold on part of Qeshm. ll 1765 the interlopers still had a foothold on part of Qeshm.

MOlla 'Ali Shah's immediate neighbors were the Huwala Arabs, apparently a Molla 'Ali Shah's immediate neighbors were the Huwala Arabs, apparently a blanket term for all the tribes of the Banader region, between Bushire and Bandar blanket term for all the tribes of the Banader region, between Bushire and Bandar 'Abbas. 12 For all his status as admiral of Nader Shah's phantom fleet 'Ali Shah's 'Abbas.

For all his status as admiral of Nader Shah's phantom fleet 'Ali Shah's

actual navy, sea,13 navy, including three large ships at Hormuz, Hormuz, was never fit fit to to put to sea, whereas the Huwala were mobile for the length of the lower Gulf and raided harbors 9. 10. 11.

GD XlII, XIII, 8 December 1760; 1760; WilSon, Wilson, 199-200; 199-200; Nash'at, Nash'at, 196. GO 196. GO 1761. GD XII, XII, 24 December 1761. Niebuhr, Arabien, 313; Niebuhr, Arabien, 313; Lorimer, Lorimer, 633; 633; Wilson, Wilson, 200-201; 200-201; Sadid ol-Sal!ana, ol-Saltana,

12. 13.

Niebuhr, Arabien, 314; Amin, Amin, 27. Niebuhr, Arabien, 314; 27. Ives, 202. lves, 202.

264.

The Persian Persian Gutf Gulf will.14 at will.

153 153

the interregnum, interregnum, M:llla Nfolla 'Ali 'Ali Shah fOlm.d found it During these early years of the

to cooperate with the British and Dutch "factories" "factories" (trading stations) stations) advisable to 'Abbas, since they could afford him assistance not only against pirate at Bandar 'Abbas, attacks but against rivals on the mainland, mainland, which in this anarchic period was his main-concern. main~oncern.

1748 Ebrahim Mirza's appointee as as sardar of the Banader In March l74S

Lar, Mirza Abu Taleb, Taleb, arrived at Bandar 'Abbas to lend military aid. aid. His warm and Lar, Molla 'Ali 'Ali Shah caused reception of Shaykh 'Abdollah and cold shoulder turned to M:llla both the latter and the East India Company agent to to suspect that the sardar was plotting a bid for independence aided by the the local Arabs, Arabs, so 'Ali 'Ali Shah, Shah, the the Brit-

ish, out. 15 ish, the Dutch, Dutch, and the townspeople combined to to drive him out. Even after Karim Khan had became become established in Shiraz, Shiraz, Bandar 'Abbas and its dependencies were cut off from direct dealings with the Vakil by the powerful and virtually independent Nasir Khan of Lar. Lar. His His relations with Molla 'Ali 'Ali Shah and

the Europeans, Europeans, especially the East India Company, Company, were superficially cordial, cordial, but his personal visits to the port were prompted by his insatiable requisitions of money, cloth, cloth, gunpowder, gunpowder, and other commodities rather than concern for for its its securi1¥ security lOOney, and prosperity. prosperity. In their struggle to dominate the towns towns and trade routes of the Banader, Karim and Nasir Khan contributed to to the the economic ruin of the the region. Banader, region. 16

After one such visit by Nasir in 1752, 1752, the East India Company seriously considered 17 abandoning Bandar 'Abbas 'Abbas for one of the islands, islands, but the project was deferred. deferred.17 Early in 1760, 1760, when the Dutch had already left Bandar 'Abbas for Kharg, Kharg, the question was raised again. again. Mter After rejecting the the old Portuguese base of HOI1IRlz, Hormuz, Agent 1'761, Douglas toured the islands and ports between Bandar 'Abbas 'Abbas and Basra during 1761, prospecting for an alternative site. site. Early the following year he finally recommended Bushire, Bushire, where the company settled in 1763 with the blessing of the ruling 18 shaykh and of Karim Khan. Khan. lS The move came not aa moment too soon: soon: in February 1760 the Bandar 'Abbas 'Abbas area had erupted into full-scale warfare that lasted for for several years. years. It began with a mutiny of the the garrison garrison on HOI1IRlz, Hormuz, which spread to to the the fortress fortress on the the mainland and forced M:llla Molla 'Ali 'Ali Shah to flee flee to to Qeshm or one of the other islands. islands. Nasir Khan Lari sent aa force far Khan, force under his brother, brother, Ja' Ja'far Khan, who persuaded the mutineers to surrender the fort, fort, but the trouble did not end there. there. While HOI1IRlz Hormuz was still in ferment, ferment, the situation was further complicated by the Qawasem or other Julfar Jul far Arab raiders, far Khan's raiders, who late in June attacked Bandar 'Abbas 'Abbas itself. itself. Ja' Ja'far Khan's men 19 counterattacked, off. 19 counterattacked, and the raiders were driven off. 14. E.g., E.g., aharak Charak in 1751 (GD VI, VI, 9 May 1751). 1751). 14. Amin, 15. GO GD VI, VI, IS 18 March 1748; 1748; Brieven Bvieven 2640 2640 (1750), (1750), Gombroon, Gombroon, S7-SS; 87-88; cf. cf. Amin, 15. 26-27. 26-27. 16. 16. Cf. Cf. Brieven Bvieven 2696 (1753), (1753), Basra, Basra, 26-29; 26-29; 2777 2777 (1757), (1757), Gombroon I, I, 25, 25, and Memoir van Gamrun, Gamrun, 8-9. 8-9. MelOOir 17. Lorimer, Lorimer, 91. 91. For N~ir Nasir Khan and the EIC's coastal interests, interests, see also 17. 7.7 and 15.5. 15.5. IS. 15.5. 18. Lorimer, Lorimer, 92-93; 92-93; Wilson, Wilson, l7S; 178; Amin, Amin, 4S. 48. For the EIC at Bushire, Bushire, see 15.5. 19. 1760. 19. GD XI, XI, 15 to IS 18 February, February, 24 24 and 25 25 June 1760.

Consolidation and Expansion, 1763-79 ConsoZidation Expansion, 1783-79

154

A struggle now developed for for possession of Qeshm, Qeshm, Hormuz, Hormuz, and Nader's two A warships anchored off Honnuz, Hormuz, between on the one side the Banu Ma'in and their

Charak allies aided by Nasir and Ja'far Ja' far Khan I ARMENIANS AND JEWS 14.5 1HE The Armenian town of New Julfa, Julfa, fOlUlded founded by Shah 'Abbas in 1603, 1603, and the district of Peria, Isfahan, where many Annenian Peria, west of Isfahan, Armenian and Georgian villages were established, make an instructive case study in that it is relatively well documented lished, period. furing During the and represents in many ways aa microcosm of Iran during this period. Afsharid interregnum, interregnum, Julfa was doubly drained of wealth: wealth: many of the richer citizens abroad, and those who remained were reduced to poverty by the deci tizens fled abroad, invaders.68 furing During M:lhammad Mohammad Hasan Khan'S Khan's visitation of 1756, mands of successive invaders. 1756, for example, example, the Julfans were obliged to melt down even the ecclesiastical vesfor 69 sels, ornaments, ornaments, and vestments to satisfy his tax collectors. collectors.69 In 1758 refugees sels, 7Q from the devastated cOlUltryside houses. 70 countryside were squatting in the derelict houses. When the Bakhtyari-Zand coalition captured Isfahan in 1750, 1750, Karim Khan was Julfa, and he treated the inhabitants with kindness--according put in control of Julfa, 71 to the Annenian dream. 71 After his plUlitive Armenian historian, historian, as as the result of a dream. punitive raid on the Georgian village of Akhura (1. 9), the Vakil was petitioned by Bishop (1.9), free the Annenians Armenians he had captured there, there, and to Zakariah and Kalantar Sergis to free bring in peasants from the villages of Peria to join them in repopulating Julfa. Julfa. did; but the experiment, experiment, like others of its its kind, kind, failed, failed, since "the peasThis he did; ants were unaccustomed to urban life and lUlused unused to the climate; climate; they had difficulants ties in providing their livelihood and therefore returned to Peria." Peria." The Vakil ties 72 under his vizier Torab Khan to plUlish punish them. them.72 was annoyed and sent aa party lUlder After his defeat of Azad and Mohammad Hasan, Hasan, Karim Khan had no direct dealings with Julfa. Julfa. But he maintained an active interest in its its progress, progress, particuings Sergis, who became his his special envoy to the Annenian Armenian diaslarly through Kalantar Sergis, pora. In 1753 some Julfans successfully petitioned the Dutch East India Company pora. Island, and in 1765 Sergis was sent there to request to join their colony on Kharg Island, Mohanna and to ask that all Annenians Armenians on Kharg be transassistance against Mir M:lhanna Dutch answer was equivocal. equivocal.73 On Karim's orders he wrote ported to to Julfa; Julfa; the futch abroad, in conjunction with the prelate and other regularly to Julfan refugees abroad, notables, to persuade them to return; return; and when this this did not work, work, he was Julfan notables, ordered in Safar ll87/May 1187/May 1773 to go personally to Basra. Basra. His words still fell fell on deaf ears, ears, and he returned to to spend the the rest rest of his life in Shiraz. Shiraz. Many Armenians still refused to return when Basra fell fell to to Sadeq Khan, Khan, who accordingly fi~ed fined them heavily. heavily. 74

68. Hovhanyants, Hovhanyants, 284; 284; Ferrieres de Sauveboeuf, Sauveboeuf, 32-33. 32-33. 68. 69. Hovhanyants, Hovhanyants, 288. 69. 288. 70. 700. 70. Carmelites, Carmelites, 700. 71. Julfa, 71. Hovhanyants, Hovhanyants, 280, 280, 311. 311. In the museum of Vang Cathedral, Cathedral, New Julfa, there is is a farman of the Vakil dated 1166/1752 freeing the Julfans from oppressive taxation. taxation. 72. Hovhanyants, 281-82. 72. Hovhanyants, 281-82. 73. 2716 (1753), 15.7. 73. Brieven Brieven (1753), 78-80; 78-80; 3076 (1767), (1767), 11-12; 11-12; cf. cf. below, below, 15.7. 74. 74. Hovhanyants, Hovhanyants, 311-12, 311-12, 315, 315, 318. 318. The original edict addressed to Kalantar Sergis is Amenprkic' . is preserved in the library of the monastery of Amenprkic'.

240 240

Ir>an Iran under> under KaI'im Karim Khan

Despairing of repopulating the great number of derelict dwellings and lands, lands, the surviving landowners of Julfa in 1770 drafted an agreement to demolish buildvineyards, and to share out and cultiings beyond repair and plant the sites with vineyards, vate abandoned fields fields among themselves and any new arrivals, arrivals, making provision for claimants. Non-Armenians were to be excluded from the reimbursement of returning claimants. away, to preserve the cOIlJlllUli community. A census taken any property thus sold or given away, ty . A souls, perhaps counting only by the prelate at this time gave a total of 1,667 souls, males. this figure to allow for women and children, children, adult males.'S Even if we quintuple this 8,500, it is is evident that Julfa had fallen far below its seventeenthgiving about 8,500, thousands. 76 century population of several tens of thousands. Shiraz siphoned off many Armenians from Julfa and Peria, Peria, as as it welcomed back abroad. They were occupied as as today chiefly in viticulture and the those from abroad. wine trade, trade, had their own kalantar in Shiraz--where their quarter was in the westcorner, by the Kazerun Gate--and were encouraged to settle around the capital ern corner, by the grant of complete villages. villages. The prelate, prelate, Mkrtic' Mkrtic' Vardapet, Vardapet, spent six 77 months of every year at Shiraz and six at Julfa. Julfa. 77 Many Jews, Jews, whose munbers numbers may have dropped by some twenty thousand between 78 1747 and 1779, 1779, returned to make Shiraz the biggest Jewish center in Iran. Iran.78 They were allotted their own quarter, quarter, west of the bazaar, bazaar, for which they paid a special tax. tax. They appeared to be living in relative poverty in 1765, 1765, but were not subject 79 to direct persecution until after the Vakil's death. death. 79 14.6 AGRICULTIJRE AGRICULTURE AND PUBLIC WORKS The agricultural revival was left as effect, as always to the resilient peasantry to effect, once peace and internal security had been reestablished. reestablished. Up to about 1760 extorrule, but even Mohammad Mohammad Hasan Khan was worried about the long-term tion was the rule, effects of the ravages of his own and of Azad's army over the past two years when he found in 1757 that famine-stricken Isfahan could not support itself, itself, let alone provision his army for a campaign in Fars (4.5). (4.5). He was advised by Amir Mohammad Sami' Ganj Ganj 'Ali-Khani, 'Ali-Khani, Rostam's Rostarn's grandfather, grandfather, to demand ''voluntary "voluntary contributions" Sami' contributions" rote, to bring provisions and seed from from the local notables and landlords by rote, crop, and in the meantime to put the poor the northern provinces to sow a fresh crop, and needy in the care of those still with substance, substance, binding the latter under 80 contract (e~tezam-namaha) to provide for them until they were self-sufficient. (eltezam-namcha) self-sufficient.80 75. the population of Julfa in 75. Hovhanyants, Hovhanyants, 312-15. 312-15. The same source gives the the l850s 59. 1850s as as 1,586 males and females (i.e., (i.e., adults only?), only?), quoted in Issawi, Issawi, 59. 76. A 1630 estimate gives 30,000 for the town and 50,000 for the district of 76. A Peria (Lockhart, pynasty, 474, 669. (Lockhart, Safavi Safavi Dynasty, 474, 477); 477); cf. cf. Gregorian, Gregorian, 661, 661, 663, 663, 667, 667, 669. figures seem somewhat inflated; inflated; the present-day population of Julfa is is only These figures (cf. Kayhan II, II, 425). 425). Malcolm estimated the population of Julfa in some 12,500 (cf. (p. 521). 1800 at about 12,000 (p. 521). 77. 120; 315. 77. Niebuhr, Niebuhr, Reise, Reise, 120; Hovhanyants, Hovhanyants, 315. 78. See Levi, Levi, 486-88. 78. 486-88. 79. Francklin, Francklin, 60; 60; Niebuhr, 79. Niebuhr, Reise, Reise, 120. 120. 80. 80. Rostam, Rostarn, 285-88. 285-88.

Administration, Revenue, and and Society Society Administration, Revenue,

241 241

first of of these measures was was probably taken (it was in in one one form or or other standThe first ard procedure), procedure), but but it it is is unlikely that the the lang-term long-term remedies were pushed through the Qajar chief, chief, anxious as as he he was to to get get his his army fit fit to to assault Shiraz as by the as soon as as possible. possible. In In the the event he he was was forced into full full retreat the the following summer, and and Isfahan, Isfahan, free free of of military occupation for for the the next twenty-five years, years, made mer, own recovery. recovery. its own For details of IS active interest in agof the the Vakil Vakil's in the the problems of of aa depressed agriculture, riculture, we we IIII.lSt must again rely on on Rostam ol-Hokama ol-Hokama'!.. Karim Khan Khan established state in every province, province, and and replenished than them every year, year, primarily for for progranaries in the army. army. In In the the autumn of of 1775, 1775, as as aa combined result of of locusts, visioning the locusts, blight, afu:l and the the expensive Basran campaign, campaign, there was was aa shortage of of grain in in Shiraz blight, so severe that the the Vakil had had to to throw open these granaries for for the the rereand Isfahan so of the the poor. poor. In In Isfahan, Isfahan, where the the price of of wheat bread had had risen to to 500 500 lief of dinars, the the grain was piled up up at at the the four corners of of the the Maydan-e Maydan-e Shah; Shah; at at each dinars, pile was was placed aa hundred pairs of of scales, scales, and and grain was sold to to the the populace at at a fixed fixed rate rate of of 200 200 dinars dinars per per royal royal man man (approximately 13 13 lb.) lb.) of of wheat and and 100 100 dinars per per man man of of barley. barley. In In Shiraz the the shortage became so so acute that the the Vakil off all all available beasts of of burden to to Tehran, Tehran, Qazvin, Qazvin, and and even Azerbaijan to sent off to grain. On On arrival the the cost of of this this had had soared by by reason of of the the arduous bring back grain. journey to to 1400 1400 dinars dinarsper perTabrizi Tabriziman man (approx. (approx.6.5 6.5lb.); lb.); and andKarim Karimwas was assured assured by by to sell it it at at aa rate of of 1500 dinars to to cover all his advisers that they would have to all expenses. At At this he he laughed sardonically and and suggested they open aa haymarket expenses. the bargain, bargain, for for at at that rate they would be be no no better than corn chandlers into the ('allaf); and and without without further further ado adohe he ordered ordered the the wheat wheat grain grain sold sold at at 200 200dinars dinars ('aZZaf); man-e Tabriz Tabriz and and the the barley at at 100 100 (Le., (i.e., twice the the rate at at Isfahan) Isfahan) and and the the per man-e out of of the the treasury. treasury. With the the aid aid of of this subsidy, subsidy, the the famine was loss made good out was 81 eventually beaten. beaten. 8l rulers, the the Vakil confined his his building largely to Like most other Iranian rulers, to the capital. capital. This was was the the natural result of of the the decentralized nature of of government: poor comnnmications, communications, traditional local loyalties, loyalties, and and the the vagaries of of ememment: the provincial governors, governors, while owing (and sometimes paying) paying) nomipire meant that the and fiscal allegiance to to the the central ruler and and soliciting exemptions and and subnal and sidies, had had in in practice an an almost entirely free free hand in in the the year-to-year running sidies, domains. This naturally included building, building, irrigation, irrigation, and and all all other of their domains. works, in in which the the local governor or or other magnates would take the the initiapublic works, tive. tive . On certain occasions the in the ruler was able directly to to promote civic welfare in the provinces. and provinces. Toward the the end end of of 1192/1778, 1192/1778, an an earthquake shook the the town and of Isfahan and and especially Kashan, Kashan, where ten ten thousand people are are said to province of to alive. Karim Khan sent masons and and workmen workmen under under the thesupervision supervision have been buried alive.

81. 81.

Rostam, 421-22; 421-22; cf. cf. FR FR XVII, XVII, 1107 1107 (19 (19 October 1775); Kalantar, Kalantar, 67-68. 67-68. Rostam,

242 242

Iran under under Karim Khan Iron Khan

of Mohammad Mohamnad Taher Beg Zand, Zand, nephew of Zaki Khan, Khan, and Manuchehr Beg Zand, Zand, to repair the damage. damage. 82 The Vakil presumably had several public works undertaken in his home province of Fars, notice. One identiFars, but none of a substantial enough nature to attract notice. fied by Curzon is the caravanserai of Khana Korgan, Korgan, near a bridge over a stream 14 83 Dehbid, on the way to the ruins of Pasargadae. Pasargadae.83 Kennan Kerman boasts in miles south of Dehbid, the Hammam-e Ebrahim Khan a wall painting depicting Rustam in combat, combat, which is said to date from the time of Karim Khan, Karvansa:my-e Vakil, which, though Khan, and a Karvansaray-e Vakil, which, 84 described as ruler. 84 as Qajar, Qajar, may perhaps owe its name to the Zand ruler. Karim Khan also left some buildings in Tehran during the two years he was 'Ali Khan Afshar (5.2). preparing for operations against Fath 'Ali (5.2). According to Nami, Nami, time, and Ghaffari states more specifically he built a splendid palace in a short time, that, since Shah Tahmasb's wall with its 114 towers had been destroyed by Ashraf's that, Afghans, leaving the town poorly protected, protected, Karim rebuilt the wall and added a Afghans, strong fortress with turrets and a moat, moat, as also a divan-khana (government offices) divan-khana offices) 85 this. 85 Tehran already boasted an Isfahan-style with a garden to one side of this. ohahar bagh bagh from the time of Shah 'Abbas and a palace complex, complex, the work of Shah chahar Solayman; Solayman; with the Vakil's additions, additions, these fonned formed the nucleus of the Golestan Palace complex as extended and completed by the Qajar monarchs. monarchs.86 The implication is plain that the Zand ruler was anticipating the Qajars in considering Tehran as 87 a possible capital;87 capital; but in view of the the situation at at this this critical time, time, it it seems seems more likely that he merely wanted a defensible base from which to observe the the recently subdued Qajar provinces of Gorgan and Mazandaran and to prepare for what might--and in the event did--tum did--turn out to be a lengthy campaign in Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan. His capital, forced on him by his having been repeatedly driven choice of Shiraz as a capital, back there by Azad and Mohammad Khan, had already been made by 1756, 1756, four Mohamnad Hasan Khan, years previously (4.6). (4.6). Tehran and Shiraz were the two poles of Persian Iraq, the one sitting at the Iraq, the gates of Azerbaijan and the Caspian provinces, provinces, the other dominating Fars and the Lar. Both must be held to secure western Iran; Iran; to Gulf littoral from Khuzestan to Lar. lose either was to invite ultimate collapse in the face of a buildup of hostile pole. When the Vakil left Ardabil in 1763, 1763, bypassing Tehran to forces at the weak pole. GM, 213; 213; Qazvini, Qazvini, 147a. 82. GM, l47a. 83. G. G. N. N. Curzon II, II, 70. 70. Roads" Roads and other comnnmications communications facilities were often deliberately neglected by rulers as a protection against invaders (cf. (cf. Malcolm, colm, 525; 525; Hambly, Hambly, "An Introduction," 73-74). 73-74). 84. Roger Stevens, Stevens, 208. 208. The same writer (p. (p. 168) 168) attributes to Karim Khlin Khan Tabas, notably that of the tomb of SOl!lin Soltan Hosayn, certain reconstructions in Tabas, ~osayn, c brother of the Imam CAli Ali Reza; ReHa; but but Tabas Tabas lay lay then then within within the the Afsharid Afsharid kingdom kingdom of of Shahrokh Shah. Shah. 85. TGG, 42. D'Arcy's painting (see fig. 4) conTGG, 96; 96; GM, (M, 65-66; 65-66; ~oka, Zoka, 18, 18, 42. fig. 4) firms the impression given by Ghaffari that this was the model for the Arg Arg and its firms complex built at Shiraz some eight years later (16.1). (16.1). ~oka, 8; 8; Roger Stevens, Stevens, 84. 84. 86. Zoka, 87. Cf. Cf. Lockhart, Lockhart, Persian Cities, 5; ~oka, Zoka, 8. Per8ian Citie8, 5; 8. 87.

Adnrinistration. Revenue. Administration, Revenue, and Society Society

243 243

cut across the Khamsa and quell Zaki Khan's revolt in Isfahan, Isfahan, subsequently to settle for for the rest of his reign in Shiraz, Shiraz, he left the way clear for for a gradual concentration of Qajar power in the north that was to destroy his successors. successors. But choose Shiraz he did, citizens. did, to the evident satisfaction and prosperity of its its citizens. CULTURAL PATRONAGE 14.7 CUL TIJRAL PA1RONAGE ''The "The eighteenth century, century, which in Europe (and partly also in India, India, for example) example) was a fennent ferment of renewal, renewal, is is the darkest and I1Dst most sterile period in Persian literals ture and culture.,,88 This is culture." is a judgment expressed in similar tenns terms by every

scholar of Persian literature. literature. The successive ravages of Afghans and Afsharids and the triangular tug-o' -war between Azad, tug-o'-war Azad, Mohammad Hasan, Hasan, and Karim Khan had trampled the last weak vestiges of a decadent Safavid literature into the stubble (as a contemporary writer of scarred tillage and the rubble of wrecked village (as might have expressed it in his endless rhymed prose) prose) so that the physical and mental sufferings of the interregnum, interregnum, in Lotf 'Ali 'Ali Beg's oft-quoted words, words, 'have "have reached such a point that no one has the heart to read poetry, poetry, let alone to com•+ „89 pose it." it.,,89 While regrettably true of literature, literature, this this view is somewhat too sweeping to be fair to the fine fine and applied arts. arts. While the Vakil apparently shared with Nader an indifference to verse panegyric and no better than aa tolerance for his90 toriography,90 they were both patrons, toriography, patrons, even if passively, passively, of the court artists and craftsmen. shah, craftsmen. The ka:fokhana-ye karkhana-ye shah, the royal workshops and studios, studios, remained for whoever ruled or claimed to rule Iran a part of the traditional court paraphernalia, nalia, often reduced to skeletal proportions but always taken for granted as a prestige. The artisans employed were guaranteed aa living wage and protoken of prestige. tected by the court's virtual monopoly, monopoly, as as their sole customer, customer, over their type of product--the rich carpets, miniatures, carpets, tapestries, tapestries, liveries and accoutrements, accoutrements, miniatures, calligraphic compositions, compositions, and multifarious utensils and playthings of the ruling 91 class.9l class. Nader Shah had even brought back from his his Indian campaigns, campaigns, in addition to loot, a considerable nlVllber number of artists and craftsmen, craftsmen, such as as carpenters, material loot, carpenters, stonemasons, stonemasons, and goldsmiths and other metalworkers. metalworkers. lliring During the interregnum these largely dispersed IDmeward homeward or elsewhere abroad, abroad, but on his establishment in Shiraz, Karim made efforts to collect those who had remained and their pupils and Shiraz, to entice those in exile, exile, together with the merchants and other refugees, refugees, to re92 turn and embellish his capital. capital. 92

88. 205. 88. Bausani and Pagliaro, Pagliaro, 205. 89. 282) 89. ~iir, Azar, quoted by Browne (History {History of of Persian Persian Literature. Literature, 282) and Lockhart (Safavi 492). {Safavi Dynasty, 492). 90. 295-96. 90. See Francklin, Francklin, 295-96. Dynasty, 490; Kuznetsova, 91. 91. Cf. Cf. Minorsky, Minorsky, 1M, TM, 30, 30, 48-50; 48-50; Lockhart, Lockhart, Safavi Safavi Dynasty, 490; Kuznetsova, 230. 230. Nadir Shah, 307. 92. 92. Lockhart, Lockhart, Nadir Shah, 154; 154; Kishmishev, Kishmishev, 231; 231; Rypka, Rypka, 307.

244 244

Iran unCle!' under Karim Khan Iran Khan

This is not the framework within which to attempt a summary of artistic and century; the calligraphy, calligraphy, literary trends in the latter half of the eighteenth century; styles, and the so-called baa-gasht baz-gasht prose styles, movement in poetry and its relation to 93 elsewhere.93 II shall merely attempt earlier and later styles have been sketched elsewhere. to underline some of the political and social developments described so far by referring to some contemporary artists and writers in their historical context. context. The long political and cultural traditions of the Safavid court may be seen the many artists born or trained in Isfahan, Isfahan, many bearing the nesba nesba "Esfahani," in the ''Esfahani,'' who were active during the Vakil's time: time: these account for no less than seventeen 94 Ghaffari.94 Some, Some, like the poet Hazin (d. (d. 1180/1766of the twenty-seven noted by Ghaffari. 67), had emigrated to India in the 1750s. 1750s. Others, Others, such as as Vafa of Qom, Qom, left for 95 Many, inIndia during Nader's reign, but returned to Iran under Karim Khan. 9S India during Nader's reign, but returned to 1195/1780-81), Iran under Karim Khan. Many, including Moshtaq (d. 1171/1757-58), Azar (d. Hatef (d. 1197-98/1783cluding (d.1215/1800-1801), 1171/1757-58), Azar (d. 1195/1780-81), (d. 1197-98/1783Rafiq (d. remained in Iran duringHatef the interregnum, 84), andMoshtaq 84), and Rafiq (d. 1215/1800-1801), remained in Iran during the interregnum, chiefly in the central region of Isfahan, Qom, and Kashan. None of the great chiefly in the central region of Isfahan, Qom, and Kashan. None of the great names of this period belonged to, or settled in, the Afsharid principality of names of this period belonged to, or settled in, the Afsharid principality of Khorasan. Mashhad stagnated culturally as well as politically and economically Khorasan. Mashhad stagnated culturally as well as politically and economically after 1750, despite the fact that much of the material and cultural loot amassed after 1750, despite the fact that much of the material and cultural loot amassed by Nader by Nader had had remained--the remained--the riches, riches, however, however, to to be be dissipated dissipated by by warring warring emirs, emirs, and and most of the four hundred manuscripts brought by the conqueror from Delhi to lie 96 ignored in the shrine of the eighth imam. imam.96 If western central Iran remained relatively dynamic from a cultural point of view, view, the pattern of its cultural field of force force nevertheless altered during the 1750s and early 1760s. 1760s. Isfahan was to a large extent replaced by Shiraz as late l750s the qebZa qebla of patronage. patronage. As Lur and Lak tribesmen marched southeast to join the army of Fars, Fars, as as hostages were brought from Azerbaijan and Astarabad, Astarabad, as as refugees anny flocked from Iraq and Julfa to Shiraz, Shiraz, so too the penniless poets and painters pension. Mohammad Hashem Zargar gravitated toward the Vakil's court in hopes of a pension. and some six other calligraphers, calligraphers, at least as as many poets, poets, including Azar, Azar, and the 97 physician Mirza Mohammad Nasir came from Isfahan to settle at the Vakil's court. court. 97 The poet Nami of Isfahan and the painter Glaffari Ghaffari of Kashan found secure bureaufor their prose histories than for cratic posts and are better known to posterity for talents. The young hostage 'Abd 01-Razzaq ol-Razzaq Beg Ibnboli Donboli of Khoy here their other talents. began a literary career that was to ennoble the grim years of early Qajar history as it had extolled the gay life of Shiraz and the qualities of Karim Khan. as Khan. To 'Abd ol-Razzaq we owe a glimpse of the process by which Isfahan lost its as the literary center of Iran. Iran. The governor Mirza MLrza 'Abd ol-Vahhab Musavi, position as Musavi, 93. See, See, e.g., e.g., Bahar III, III, 307, 307, 310-26; 310-26; Browne, Browne, History of Persian Literature, 93. Histo!'y of Pe!'sian Lite!'atu!'e, 282-86; Rypka, Rypka, 307-9. 307-9. 282-86; alphabetically). 94. 94. GM, GM, 227-52 (listed alphabetically). 95. 248. 95. GM, Q4, 248. 317. 96. 96. Lockhart, Lockhart, Nadi!' Nadir Shah, Shah, 277; 277; Bahar III, III, 317. I, 169. 97. 97. Rostam, Rostam, 409; 409; Ibnboli, Donboli, Taj!'eba Tajreba I, 162, 162, 169.

Administrations andSociety Society Admini8tration. Revenue., Revenue. and

245 245

who with his regular soirees soire*es had had been an an active patron of of the the poets of of the the city, city, Azar, died in in 1173/1759-60. 1173/1759-60. His His successor, successor, Hajji Aqa Aqa Mohammad Mohammad Ranani, Ranani, including Azar, proved to to be an oppressive philistine. The disappointed poets and and other leading be an philistine. The in 1177/1763-64 went in in deputation to to the the Vakil, Vakil, and when they failed to figures in to get Hajji Aqa Aqa replaced, replaced, some at at least moved to to the the new new capital to to sing the the praises 98 of Shiraz as as had predecessors, Sa'di and and Hafez. had their more celebrated predecessors, Hafez.98 98. 98. Tajreba Tajreba I, I, 241-42, 241-42, 269, 269, 271. 271.

15 Trade Trade and and Foreign Foreign Relations Relations

15.1 CHARACTERISTICS AND AND COMMODITIES of Iran during the the Zand period, period, even more than social and and culculThe economic history of tural history, history, is is inseparable from that of of Safavid and and early Qajar times and must of materials and and aa broader perspective than can be be offered await further study of here. be evident, the here. It It will be evident, however, however, from much of of the the preceding narrative that the considerable political upheavals after Nader Shah, Shah, both internal and and on on the the frontiers of of Iran's neighbors--the Ottoman, Ottoman, Russian, Russian, and and Mughal empires--were empires --were in in part part by, and and in in turn engendered, engendered, economic changes. changes. Moreover, Moreover, in in Iran's relaproduced by, tions with the was truly aa period of the European powers this was of transition. transition. The The first symptoms of of the the Ottoman Fmpire's Empire's fate as as the the "sick man man of of Europe" Europe" (and Asia) Asia) were revealed as by the as much by the Zand conquest of of Basra and and Kurdistan as as by by Russia's earlier victories; victories; Russia consolidated her power in in the the Caucasus and and renewed her drive to embrace the in the Caspian as as she she had had the the Black Sea; Sea; and and Britain won supremacy in the Seven Years' Years' War. War. All All these factors combined to to alter Iran's India after the status in of in the the eyes of of aa later generation from that of of aa rook on on the the sidelines of to aa front-line pawn in in the the "Great Game." the "Eastern Question" to aside, the the competition for Asian markets in in this Strategic considerations aside, ever, and and political changes brought immediately precolonial age was keener than ever, in the commercial centers of of gravity. gravity. Between 1749 and 1779, the the about shifts in and 1779, by the the Russians, Russians, but British were entirely ousted from the Caspian trade by but became in the the Persian Gulf; Gulf; the the Dutch reached the the peak of of their trading and paramount in and in the the Gulf, Gulf, and were abruptly expelled; expelled; the the French and quasi-colonial activities in and Russians, neither of of whom made direct diplomatic contact with Karim Khan, Khan, mainRussians, tained "consuls" "consuls" at at Basra and and at at Rasht, Rasht, respectively, who supervised their mercanrespectively, who and reported on on local political developments. developments. The The records of of the the tile interests and of the the available information on on Iran's commerce European companies furnish most of economy, and and their endeavors will provide the the framework for most of of the the foland economy, lowing survey. survey. of volume and and variety of of raw Viewed from the standpoint both of raw materials and and manufactured goods and of and of of accessibility of of trade routes, routes, the western half of Nader's empire inherited by by Karim Khan enjoyed aa considerable natural advantage. advantage. landlocked, it it was much less affected commercially by by the the separation Being less landlocked, counterpart. and moreover made aa more rapid political recovery than its eastern counterpart. Of the the major major manufacturing manufacturing and andcommercial commercial centers centers of ofIran, Iran, Ganja, Ganja, Tiflis, Tiflis, 246 246

and Foreign Relations Trade and Foreign ReZations

247 247

Marv, jurisdiction, though all still Marv, Mashhad, Mashhad, and Herat lay outside the Vakil's jurisdiction, traded with the rest of Iran. Iran. Tabriz, Tabriz, a nodal point of transit trade in the northwest, appears to have suffered during its its checkered interregnal career, west, career, at least insofar as concerns commodities of interest to the Russians; Russians; however, however, it remained a market for for Georgian slaves slaves bound for for Iran Iran as as late late as as IBIO. 1810. Nearby Maragha had aa glass factory. factory.1 Rasht, Rasht, with its port of Anzali, Anzali, remained the main center for the cultivation and export of raw silk, silk, which accounted for some three-fourths of 2 Iran's total total exports exports in the eighteenth eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. centuries. 2 Qazvin and and Qom 3 3 were famous for sword blades. Hamadan specialized in leather and felt, blades. felt, Kashan 4 in silk stuffs and carpets. carpets.4 Isfahan had been the most important and versatile manufacturing city, city, producing clothing, clothing, metal utensils, utensils, lambskin caps, caps, and opium;5 opium; quite probably, probably, however, however, nruch much of its riches and talents in craftsmanship, craftsmanship, as in coIlllllerce commerce and culture, culture, were siphoned off directly or indirectly by Shiraz during the demographic fluctuations of 1722-65 (14.4). (14.4). right, had also been Yazd and Kennan, Kerman, both manufacturing centers in their own right, important entrep8ts entrep6ts of the overland trade between Safavid Iran and India. India. With the decrease in overland traffic and the decline of Bandar 'Abbas as a port, port, both fell Yazd, goat's wool, fell back on their raw materials--silk, materials--silk, opium, opium, and lead at Yazd, wool, copKennan, per, and iron at Kerman--and Kennan--and on the whole suffered a serious regression. per, regression.6 Kerman, with its local supplies of sulphur and saltpeter, saltpeter, also had a tradition of gunpow7 der and matchlock manufacture. 7 der and matchlock manufacture. The fertile fields tobacco, opium (at fields of Fars produced cereals, cereals, tobacco, (at Kazarun), Kazarun), o

wine (at Shiraz), and dried fruits both for home consumption and export. B Horses Horses were a highly esteemed export from nearby Dashtestan; Shaykh Naser of Bushire imwere a highly esteemed export from nearby Dashtestan; Shaykh Naser of Bushire improved the local Turkman breed with Arab stallions imported from Najd, and Karim, proved the local Turkman breed with Arab stallions imported from Najd, and Karim, Sadeq, and several other Zand princes are said to have taken a personal interest Sadeq, and several other Zand princes are said to have taken a personal interest in breeding horses here. 99 Weapons and glassware (duplicating the industries of in breeding horses here. and Weapons glassware the industries of distant Maragha, Qazvin, Kennan)and were probably(duplicating the most important manufactures distant Maragha, Qazvin, and Kerman) were probably the most important manufactures at Shiraz. llisket barrels, spearheads, and sword blades from the capital found a at Shiraz. Musket barrels, spearheads, and sword blades from the capital found a ready market throughout the Gulf. 10 The glassware was of great variety and generready market throughout the Gulf. The glassware was of great variety and generally high quality--standards predictably dropped in the Qajar period. ll

wine (at Shiraz), and dried fruits both for home consumption and export.

ally high quality--standards predictably dropped in the Qajar period. 1. Cf. Cf. Markova, Markova, lIB; 118; Hambly, Hambly, "An Introduction," 81. 1. Bl.

2. Markova, 106. 106. 2. Markova, 3. Beauchamp, 79-80. 3. Francklin, Francklin, 14B; 148; Beauchamp, 79-80. 4. Hambly, Hambly, "An Introduction," 81. 8l. 4. 5. Ibid.; Kelly, 44. 44. 5. Ibid.; Kelly, 6. 354; Kelly, 44; Hambly, "An Introduction," 6. Fraser, Fraser, TraveZs, Travels, 354; Malcolm, Malcolm, 206; 206; Kelly, 44; Hambly, B1. The latter, 81. latter, however (p.75) (p.75) states that Yazd suffered less, less, both as as an induscenter. trial and a commercial center. 7. 1.s, 354. 354. 7. Fraser, Fraser, Trave Travels, B. Kelly, 44; 44; Hambly, Hambly, "An '~ Introduc8. Ibid, Ibid, 363; 363; Ferrieres de Sauveboeuf, Sauveboeuf, 26; 26; Kelly, tion," 81. Bl. 9. 232. 9. Waring, Waring, 77, 77, 113-14; 113-14; Kinneir, Kinneir, 41, 41, 65; 65; G. G. N. N. Curzon II, II, 232. 10. Malcolm, 529; Routes," 110; 10. Capper, Capper, 237; 237; Malcolm, 529; Monteith, Monteith, ''Notes "Notes on the Routes," 110; Porter I, 714. I, 714. 11. Niebuhr, Reise, lIB; Francklin, 147; Binning, 288; 2BB; Porter I, 714. 11. Niebuhr, Reise, 118; Francklin, 147; Binning, I, 714.

Iran under Khan Iran under Karim Khan

248 248

Commercial facilities his concern with a rerefacilities at the Vakil's capital reflect his The merchants and retailers who used the caravanserais and bazaar he had built (16.2) (16.2) paid him rent at what was described as a very easy monthly 12 rate. 12 That he had other business interests is perhaps indicated by the fact rate. that one of his wives was the sister of Aqa Mir Baqer Gorgyaraq Esfahani, Esfahani, who 13 owned a draper's store in the middle of the Shiraz bazaar. bazaar. 13 International wholesalers (sawdagar) {sawdagar) generally paid customs dues of from 7 to 10 per cent of the value of their imports as as assessed at the port of entry by the shahbandar (the kalantar in the case of Bushire) shahbandar Bushire)..14 The European companies were generally taxed at a lower rate, rate, up to 3 per cent (the latter, latter, significantly, significantly, being the rate at Basra as agreed with the Porte under the terms terms of the capitulations) . Caravans traveling traveling inland, inland, however, however, were were subject subject to to tolls tolls levied levied at at inintions).15 Caravans rahdar appointed (or merely merely tolerated) tolerated) by the the governgoverntervals along the route by a rahdar or as as protector of the the road, road, but sometimes more extortionate than the bandits he purportedly kept at bay. Ja'far vdhdari posts bay. Under Ja' far Khan there were nine separate rahda.ri between Bushire and Shiraz, Shiraz, followed by a 2.5 per cent duty at the capital; capital;16 and at the opposite end of Iran, Iran, less than a generation later, later, Russian merchants labored under a string of rahdaris in Gilan and Shirvan which charged fifteen separate duties on specified goods--in addition to the transit dues levied on seven17 Sheki. 17 teen articles by local khans, khans, as as at Sheki. vival of trade. trade.

Exploitation was, was, of course, two-sided. Throughout the eighteenth and ninecourse, two-sided. teenth centuries Iran, Iran, in connoon common with the Ottoman Empire, Empire, suffered from a lack of

specie. Inspecie. This was the result chiefly of an unfavorable balance of trade with India, dia, Afghanistan, Afghanistan, and the Gulf lands, lands, owing to a shortage of exportable goods sufimports. Iran maintained a generally favorable balance of trade ficient to cover imports. with Turkey and Russia, Russia, imports from these quarters being paid for partly with European and Indian cloths and manufactures already bought with Iranian--and, Iranian--and, in turn, bullion. turn, Russian and Ottoman--coin and bullion. By about 1800 perhaps half of Iran's total imports from India--and as as much as specie. Up to 16 lakhs of two-thirds of imports at Bushire--were paid for in specie. rupees rupees in specie were exported every year by pilgrims to the 'Atabat and the Hejaz. Heja~ Caspian, the CauThe pattern was thus one of specie trickling into Iran over the Caspian, 1 O casus and the Zagros and draining out through Khorasan, Sis tan, and the Gulf. 18 casus and the Zagros and draining out through Khorasan, Sistan, and the Gulf. Nevertheless, Iranian rulers debased the coinage less frequently than the Nevertheless, Iranian rulers debased the coinage less frequently than the - Ottomans; it thus held its value, bolstered by extensive circulation of foreign Ottomans; it thus held its value, bolstered by extensive circulation of foreign

12. 12. 13. 13. father). father). 14. 15. 15. 16. 16. 17. 17. 18. 18. Markova, Markova,

Francklin, 58:59. 58:59. Francklin, Rostam, Rostam, 345 (Aqa Mir Biiqer Baqer is described as a friend of the author's

Francklin, 92; 76. Francklin, 148; 148; Niebuhr, Niebuhr, Reise, Reise, 92; Hambly, Hambly, "An Introduction," 76. 76. Abdul Qadir, Qadir, 53; 53; Hambly, Hambly, "An Introduction," Introduction," 76. Waring, 77. Waring, 77. Meredith, 74. Meredith, 74. Olivier III, III, 272; 272; Abdul Qadir, Qadir, 19; 19; Hambly, Hambly, "An Introduction," 77-80; 77-80; 109. 109.

Relations Trade and Foreign Foreign ReZations

249 249

currency, notably the the Bombay rupee, rupee, Basran and and Aleppo piastres (qoI'U8h, (qorush, zeZotte) zelotte) , currency, , 19 Despite the absence of an Ottomanfutch ducat (mojjur), and Venetian sequin. 19 Dutch bureaucratic ducat (mojjur), elite, and Venetian sequin. the absence an Ottomanstyle despite the changes Despite in the political andof economic censtyle bureaucratic the changes the political andof economic centers of gravity andelite, hence despite in the trade routes, in despite the advent yet another ters of gravity and hence in the trade routes, despite advent of yet another government by tribal coalition after a prolonged periodthe of Raubwirtsahaft, the government by tribal coalition after a prolonged period of Raubwirtschaft, Vakil and his advisers were able to appreciate these factors and initiate athe measVakil and his advisers were able to appreciate these factors and initiate a measure of economic recovery. As a final point of reference, Sir John Malcolm's list ure of economic recovery. As a final point of reference, Sir John Malcolm's list of the estimated value of Iran's trade with her neighbors in 1801 will--allowing of the estimated value of Iran's trade with her neighbors in 1801 will--allowing for the difference of time and place--afford some notion of the comparative imfor the difference of time and place--afford some notion of the comparative importance of the relationships to be examined below: From a relevant total of 90 portance of the relationships to be examined below: From a relevant total of 90 lakhs approximately 20 lakhs of of rupees, rupees, approximately 20 lakhs' lakhs' worth worth of of trade trade was was with with Russia Russia (15.2), (15.2), 35 hinter35 lakhs lakhs with with Turkey Turkey (15.3), (15.3), 44 lakhs lakhs with with the the Gulf Gulf littoral littoral and and Red Red Sea Sea hinterlands lakhs, lands (15.4), (15.4), and and 30 30 lakhs lakhs with with India India (15.5-8). (15.5-8). Allowing Allowing aa miscellaneous miscellaneous 10 10 lakhs, 20 figures may may be be taken as as approximate percentages for for the the Zand period. period.20 these figures 15.2 'IHE THE CASPIAN AND CAUCASUS TRADE

and Iran was conducted both overland, overland, via via Kizlyar and and the the Commerce between Russia and Shirvan coastal route, In route, and and across the the Caspian, Caspian, staging at at Darband and and Baku. Baku. In both cases the terminals were Astrakhan the major tenninals British governments had had interested themselves

and Rasht. Rasht. Both the and the the and the Russian and in this trade from Safavid times: in times:

(as the the Muscovy Company) Company) in in 1555, 1555, and and the London-based Russia Company was founded (as Peter the the Great concluded aa trade agreement, the right to to establish a agreement, including the a consulate in in Gilan, Gilan, through Volynskii' Volynskii'ss embassy in in 1717 to to the the court of of Shah Sol21 The British likewise established a factory at Rasht in 1738 where, tan Hosayn.2l Hosayn. The a at in where, the Gulf, Gulf, they were caught up up in in Nader Shah's plans to to win win independence of as in in the of foreign carriers and and patrolS patrols by by building his his own own navy. navy. The Theproject project foundered foundered with with of its its inventor, inventor, but but the the proposed Caspian fleet had had in in fact been wrecked the death of by strong Russian opposition several years before. before. The The activities here of of John Elton, the the "enterprising but but indiscreet Englislunan" Englishman" who after establishing the Elton, the and shipbuilder, shipbuilder, so Russia Company's trade with Iran became Nader Shah's admiral and so the indignation of of the the shah's northern neighbors that not not only was presaroused the on the the British government to to sell Elton's two two ships on sure successfully exerted on on to Russian merchants but but also in in November 1746 the the empress withdrew the Caspian to to the the Russia Company in in 1734, 1734, and and British trade the transit privileges granted to 19. 19. Cf. Cf. Hanbly, Hambly, "An "An Introduction," 76-77. 76-77. 20. 20. Hambly, Hambly, "An "An Introduction," 77. (Malcolm's reports were published in in a pamphlet, The pamphlet, The MeZville Melville Papers. Papers3 by by the the Royal Central Asian Society in in 1930. 1930. The article referred to to by by Hambly as as appearing in in the the January 1930 issue of of the the jourin fact never appeared; appeared; see see also Issawi, Issawi, 261-67.) 261-67.) Afghanistan (40 (40 lakhs) lakhs) and nal in and (5 lakhs) lakhs) are are not not included; included; II am am assuming here, here, perhaps unjustifiaCentral Asia (5 bly, aa drop os os some 30 30 per per cent in in this traffic during the the Zand period. period. Since II bly, have no no data on on the the commerce of of these regions specific to to this period, period, they will be treated in in the the following survey. survey. not be 21. 21. See See Lockhart, Lockhart, Safavi Safavi Dynasty, Dynasty, 103-8, 103-8, 176-77. 176-77.

250 250

Iran under Iran under Karim Khan

end. 22 with Iran across the Caspian came to an abrupt end. A 1723, A company of merchants trading in Persia was established by Peter II in 1723, at the time of his invasion of Iran, Iran, and its its monopoly confinned confirmed by the senate in 1758; 1758; however, however, Peter III III abolished it in 1762 in response to protests from independent Russian merchants. merchants. Other attempts by the Russian government to foster the Caucasus and Caspian trade by the grant of subsidies or monopolies--in 1752, 1756, 1752, 1756, 23 and l775--had 1775--had aa negligible effect on the volumne of trade,23 trade, which fluctuated more eastern in response to conditions in Iran and the eas tern Caucasus. Caucasus. The chief Russian import from Iran was raw silk. silk. Second in importance was madder (for red dye), dye), then cotton and silk cloth, cloth, rice, rice, and dried fish. fish. Russian exports to Iran comprised iron, paper, iron, steel and other metals, metals, mirrors, mirrors, sackcloth, sackcloth, paper, beet, bread, and a variety of other goods--not enough, beet, hides, hides, sugar, sugar, honey, honey, bread, enough, however, specie. 24 ever, to to maintain a favorable trade balance; balance; the rest was made up in specie. The ships ships used on the Caspian route--predominantly coasters under 250 250 tons, tons, some with flat --were all flat bottoms, bottoms, poorly officered and crewed (partly by Armenians) Armenians)--were 25 Russian-owned. Russian-owned.25 Most of the merchants who plied both the land and sea routes were neither Russian nor Iranian, Iranian, but Annenian Armenian by origin; origin; their national affiliation, tion, however, however, was primarily Russian from the 1750s on, on, as as it had been primarily Iranian before. before. Georgians, Georgians, Tatars, Tatars, and Indians also played a part in the conmerce commerce of the region. region. 26 The last years of Nader Shah and the anarchy following his death considerably cut back this commerce. commerce. Indeed, Indeed, not only was this this region--the Caspian littoral and its its hinterland and Azerbaijan on both sides sides of the Aras--the scene of the earliest and most bitter struggles for for power, power, but even after Karim Khan had pacified the rest of western Iran it remained in aa state of comparative neglect, neglect, anarchy, anarchy, stagnation. The emigration of many businessmen (particularly ArmeniAnneniand economic stagnation. ans), the periodic threat of Ottoman expansion eastward to cut the coastal trade ans), route, and Russian ignorance, ignorance, arrogance, arrogance, aggressiveness, aggressiveness, and inconsistency (like route, that of some of their British and Dutch counterparts in the Gulf) Gulf) likewise con27 tributed to an erratic course for the commerce of northern Iran during 1743-73. 1743-73. 27 In 1747 the Russian settlement of Rasht was plundered by a mob and lost some 28 2000 tumans I worth of goods. ia Company I s tumans' goods.28 In January the next year the Russ Russia Company's

Nadir Shah, 22. For details of this episode, episode, see Lockhart, Lockhart, Nadir Shah, 286-90; 286-90; cf. cf. Mal22. colm, 102 (whence the quotation); quotation); Petrov, Petrov, 332. 332. colm, 23. Butkov I, I, 147; 147; III, III, 102-3; 102-3; Kukanova, Kukanova, 75-76; 75-76; Petrov, Petrov, 330-32. 330-32. 23. 24. Markova, Markova, 114-16; 114-16; Petrov, Petrov, 330; 330; Kukanova, Kukanova, 79-80; 79-80; Hambly, Hambly, "An Introduction," 24. 77, 78. 77, 78. 25. Hambly, "An Introduction," 25. Hambly, Introduction," 74-75; 74-75; Atkin, Atkin, 40-42. 40-42. 26. 26. Kukanova, Kukanova, 74; 74; Markova, Markova, 106. 106. E.g., E.g., the managing director of the Russian company fonned formed in 1758 and his subordinate were Armenians (Kukanova, (Kukanova, 75-76). 75-76). 27. 259. 27. Cf. Cf. Markova, Markova, 103-4, 103-4, 107-9, 107-9, 120; 120; Arunova and Ashrafyan, Ashrafyan, Gosudarstvo, Gosudarstvo, 259. The opacity and contradictoriness of much of the data available is is evident from some of the uncertain or contradictory conclusions drawn by the Russian scholars referred to. to. 28. 1747. 28. GO GD VI, VI, 7 November 1747.

Trade and Fopeign Foreign ReZations Relations

251 251

army of Amir AsIan Asian Khan to the sum of £80,000; £80,000; a factory there was looted by the anny II to 'Adel 'Adel Shah in June, June, requesting restitution of this, this, letter from George II 29 response.29 By 1751 the Russians were reduced to a factory at Anzali brought no response. and aa commercial agent at Darband, Darband, and all all the British except Elton himself had Iran. On the advance of MJhanunad Mohammad Hasan Khan Qajar with an anny army of left northern Iran. (2.3), the governor of Gilan, Gilan, Hajji Jamal Fumani, eight thousand (2.3), Fumani, asked Elton's refused, and in April Hajji Jamal, Jamal, accusing him of being help to defend Rasht. Rasht. He refused, Qajars, in correspondence with the Qaj ars, besieged him in aa house at Langarud with aa mob two thousand strong. conduct, strong. Elton surrendered on obtaining a promise of safe conduct, but Hajji Jamal no sooner had him prisoner than he shot him. him. 30 Through the anarchical l750s 1750s Russian trade figures figures show aa marked decline in imports, imports, exports, exports, and overall volume of trade. trade. Official figures figures tell less less than half the tale, tale, but it is is reasonable to suppose that the transit trade in the hands of non-Russians, decline. 3l non-Russians, and the brisk contraband traffic, traffic, suffered a similar decline. From the early l760s, Khan'S dispensation began to affect commerce in the 1760s, Karim Khan's north, north, albeit indirectly. indirectly. The roads within Iran were safe, safe, and merchants of all countries--specifically including Russia--were officially protected and encouraged 32 in the Vakil's realms. realms.32 At Anzali and Darband, Darband, however, however, the Russian agents were dependent on the goodwill not of Karim Khan, contact, Khan, with whom they never made contact, but of the the quasi-autonomous Hedayatollah and the the independent Fath 'Ali 'Ali Khan. Khan. The latter once seized a Russian ship and its 700,000 rubles' rubles' worth of cargo that had 33 been driven ashore in aa storm. storm.33 Hedayatollah in general respected the free-trade terms negotiated in Nader's treaty of 1732 and in fact protested that the Russians were abusing their privilege by allowing Iranian and Indian merchants (for a consideration) to import goods duty-free under cover of Russian shipments. shipments.34 The sideration) turn suffered from the illegal export of silver specie into Iran Russians in their tum provinces, which the consuls were unable to prevent and which and the Caucasus provinces, goods. This was encouraged by the seriously undermined the market for Russian goods. rulers, who not only indulged in hoarding and speculation but even altered local rulers, for reissue in their own names or that of Karim Khan. Russian coins for Khan. 35 The Vakil's stabilization of prices, prices, encouragement of trade and attempts to

29. Hanway I, I, 429-30; 429-30; Picault, Picault, 318; 318; Lockhart, Lockhart, Nadip Nadir Shah, Shah, 290. 29. 290. Perse VII, VII, No. No. 81; 81; GD VI, 24 24 October 1751; 1751; Hanway I, I, 452-53; 30. MAE Pepse GO VI, 452-53; Cook, Cook, 452-53. The latter states that Elton was shot in the arm before his capture, capture, but 452-53. Langarud, and that he was murdered was then released and stayed aa short time in Langarud, to Isfahan, for Bandar ccAbb3.s Abbas and on his way to Isfahan, having decided to make for and aa ship ship home. home. 31. Kukanova, Kukanova, 74 74 (table 1), 1 ) , 75 75 (table 2); 2); cf. cf. Markova, Markova, 110-11. 110-11. 31. 32. 76. 32. Kukanova, Kukanova, 73 73 (quoting reports dated 1763), 76. 33. Butkov II, 74. II, 29; 29; III, III, 139-40; 139-40; Kukanova, Kukanova, 74. 34. Kukanova, Kukanova, 78. 78. For the terms of this treaty, treaty, see Lockhart, Lockhart, Nadip Nadir Shah, Shah> 58. Kukanova, 79-80; 79-80; Markova, Markova, 109-10. 109-10. The latter cites no examples of such 35. Kukanova, coins. She regards Karim Khan's ''monetary "monetary reform" reform" (denezhn[ayaJ (denezhn\_aya~\ Peform[aJ) reformlaV coins. as the cause of an artificial inflation of the price of gold and silver that encourthis speculation by the local khans. aged this khans.

Iran under Karim Khan Khan Iran under

252 252

stem the drain of specie from Iran (15.5) (15.5) ume of Russian trade with Iran during the particularly evident in the amount of raw by Iranian merchants as as against Russians. Russians.

helped promote the increase in the voll760s 1760s over that of the l750s. 1750s. This was silk exported and in increased activity Several Iranian and Transaraxian rulers, rulers,

'Ali Khan of Darband, Darband, had conrnercial commercial representatives notably Hedayatollah and Fath 'Ali Astrakhan.36 From the nrld-1770s, mid-1770s, however, however, a decrease is is evident in the Rusat Astrakhan. sians' turnover, turnover, especially on the overland route through Darband to Kizlyar. sians' Kizlyar. 1774: '1be "The period of peace and prosperity in Persia Consul Yablonskii wrote in 1774: .. in." is now past . . . in no time at all chaos has set in.,,37 As a verdict on Iran, Iran, this 1768-74, which threatened the overthis was premature: premature: Russia's Ottoman wars of 1768-74,

land routes, routes, and her more aggressive attitude toward the local khans from this time forth undoubtedly mark the first steps of an irreparable decline in Russian commerce and political relations with Iran over the remainder of the century. century. The conunerce (13.3), Russian refusal to respond to petitions for aid and Darband expedition (13.3),

'Ali Khan, protection submitted by Erekle II, II, Fath 'Ali Khan, and Hedayatollah except with 38 the Russian government's indemands for demeaningly unacceptable conditions,38 demands for demeaningly unacceptable conditions, the Russian government's instructions to the consul in 1776 to impede Hedayatollah's building of two ships by 39 _-all conspired to undermine denying him Russian workers, workers, tools, tools, and materials 39 --all the hopes many local rulers (already apprehensive of the upheavals that would folfollow the Vakil's imminent death) neighbor. death) had placed in their powerful neighbor. Indicative of the Russian attitude--and strongly reminiscent of the measures taken by Kniphausen of the Dutch East India Company and advocated by Agent Moore of the East India Company (15.5-7)--was Yablonskii's advice to his superiors on how to improve their trade with Iran: Iran: they should seize islands or sheltered harbors and build fortified posts--in effect, effect, garrisoned quasi-colonies like Kharg 40 Island under the Dutch. Dutch.40 In 1781 Count Voinovich attempted to establish just Astarabad, precipitating Russia's first first clash with the such a base in the Bay of Astarabad, 41 new power in northern Iran, Qajar. 41 Iran, Agha Mohammad Khan Qajar. 15.3 1HE THE OTI'OMAN OTTOMAN EMPIRE The specific political and commercial differences between the Vakil, Vakil, the Porte and 1774-76, and the dipthe pashalik of Baghdad-Basra that led to the hostilities of 1774-76, followed, have'necessarily have necessarily been treated above (11.3,12.1, (11.3, 12.1, lomatic exchanges that followed, 12.3-4). It remains to chart more generally the pattern of trade between the the two 12.3-4). empires and the nature of their political contact. contact. There were no native merchant companies in Iran or Ottoman Turkey helpfully recording the figures figures for for their daily transactions, transactions, and allusions by contemporary 36. 36. 37. 37. 38. 38. 39. 39. 40. 40. 41. 41.

...

Kukanova, 76, 78-79. 78-79. Kukanova, 76, Markova, 106, 106, 113 (esp. (esp. table 3), 117; 117; Kukanova, Kukanova, 81. Markova, 81. 51. Cf. Cf. Petrov, Petrov, 333; 333; Atkin, Atkin, 51. Markova, 108. Markova, 108. Kukanova, Kukanova, 81-82. 81-82. 290 • Butkov III, III, 158, 158, 159; 159; Sykes, Sykes, 290.

Trade and Foreign Foreign Relations Relations

253 253

or chronicles to to caravans and and cargoes are are sparing in in the the extreme. extreme. Neverobservers or the less, 35 less, Malcolm estimated the the value of of Iran's trade with Turkey in in 1801 at at 35 of rupees; rupees; this might be mutatis IIIIltandis, mutandis, as as approximately 35 lakhs of be translated, translated, IIIIltatis 35 the total value of the foreign trade of per cent of of the of the of Zand Iran during about 1763-74 (15.1, note 20). and 1784 onward (15.1, 20). There were three main routes: by water up routes: by by land across Khuzestan and and by up the the ol- 'Arab and and down the the Karon Karun to to Basra, Basra, whence land and and river routes led led to to Shatt 01Baghdad and Aleppo; across the to and Aleppo; the Zagros through Hamadan, Hamadan, Kermanshah, Kermanshah, and and Khanaqin to Baghdad; and and along the Aras valley, valley, via and Erivan to to Erzurum. Erzurum. The Baghdad; via Nakhchevan and The Valley, route through Khoy and and Maku, Maku, and and that from Gilan and and Shirvan along the the Kura Valley, may at at this period be as secondary. secondary. Export goods included Indian indigo, be regarded as indigo, shawls, cotton prints, of gold, gold, lambskins, lambskins, silk, silk, tobacco, tobacco, saffron, cashmere shawls, prints, cloth of saffron, and rhubarb. rhubarb. Imports ammoniac, cochineal, cochineal, and gum ammoniac, ~mports from Turkey comprised European manufactures, jewels, and manufactures, textiles from Aleppo and and Damascus, Damascus, dyestuffs, dyestuffs, jewels, and gold speup both Turkey's unfavorable balance of of trade with Iran and and that of cie to to make up of Iran with India (15.1). (15.1). It It will be be apparent that IIIIlch much of of both the the import and and exexport cargoes were in in transit from India on on the the one one hand and and Europe on on the the other. other. The Zagros route to to and and from Baghdad ostensibly bore aa majority of of pilgrim and Iran lost annually some 10 10 lakhs in in specie rather than mercantile traffic, traffic, and 42 the 'Atabat. for through Shi'i pilgrims to to the 'Atabat.42 It It was also aa major transit route for the pilgrimage to of the the pilgrims in in fact fact engaged in in what could only to Mecca. Mecca. Many of be called commerce, commerce, some merely to to defray expenses, expenses, others deliberately to to exploit to pilgrims (11.3); and customs dues granted to (11.3); and and it it was was the exemption from tolls and 'Omar Pasha's attempt to to curb this evasion and of and skim off off some of of the the influx of wealth by by imposing such taxes that brought the the pashalik of of Baghdad into direct of the at the the Vakil's collision with Karim Khan. Khan. A A parallel source of the pasha's gain at of Armenian emigre merchants and and European trading expense was the the concentration of companies at to lure back to to Bushire and and at Basra, Basra, which peaceful approaches failed to Shiraz (14.5). (14.5). Neither of of these issues directly concerned the the Sublime Porte itself. itself. Little Baghdad, and and 'Omar's exactions from the enough revenue reached Istanbul from Baghdad, the ''pilgrims,'' in his coffers and, "pilgrims," whether justified or or not, not, would remain in and, if if anything, drive up to have been given thing, up the the price of of imports from Iran. Iran. Basra appears to up by by the the Porte as as aa lost cause since the Mamluks of of Baghdad asserted their control of the British ambassador at of the the sanjaq in in 1749; 1749; in in that year the at Istanbul susof scheming with the to increase their India trade via pected the the French of the Porte to via the Red Red Sea Sea and and Suez. Suez. Apparently the of Red Red Sea Sea trade did did increase over the volume of the next two to worry both the minister) and and two decades, decades, enough to the Reis Efendi (foreign minister) 43 Ambassador Ainslie in to have some in 1778,43 1778, when the the Porte seemed once again to

42. 42. Hambly, Hambly, "An "An Introduction," Introduction," 78; 78; cf. cf. Kelly, Kelly, 44; 44; Porter II, II, 210. 210. 43. SP (1749-50), 27-28; 27-28; 97/54 (1778), (1778), 68, 68, l26b. 43. SP 97/34 (1749-50), 126b.

254 254

Iran Khan Iran under under Karim Karim Khan

control over Baghdad and the Zand occupation of Basra was effectively over. over. The chief concern at Istanbul was for the strategic integrity of its land frontier with Iran. Iran. The anarchy of the interregnum afforded the Porte and the Mamluk pashas some fifteen years of respite, respite, and even after the establishment of Karim Khan at Shiraz it seemed that both the Porte and the Vakil had sufficient its circumspect indeproblems elsewhere to warrant their leaving the pashalik to its pendence. 'Omar Pasha, Pasha, however, however, was not circlUllSpect circumspect enough in his dealings with pendence. 'CAnar neighbor. The truculent pashaeither his nominal overlords or his newly powerful neighbor. lik was no longer safe as a buffer: buffer: the Vakil was provoked to assert his claims Basra, and thus thus the Porte was challenged to restore direct and over Kurdistan and Basra, responsible rule to this frontier. frontier. The dismissal and murder of 'Ornar 'Omar was one logistep, but was not followed through by a total elimination of the Mamluk dynascal step, ty (12.3). (12.3). It was, was, however, however, backed by a show of force and threats of subversion behind the lines on the northern frontier (12.4) (12.4) and by direct diplomatic overtures . tures. It must also be stressed that, that, unlike Nader Shah's Iraq campaigns, this was campaigns, this Empire. Negotiations with Vehbi not in fact a war between Iran and the Ottoman Empire. Efendi continued, continued, as did polite correspondence between the Vakil and the sultan and the grand vizier, vizier, simultaneously with the siege of Basra and the battles in Kurdistan. No janissary regiments or other regular units of the empire were comKurdistan. mitted against Iranian troops troops (the relatively large janissary garrison at Baghdad was doubly inunobilized: immobilized: connnanded commanded by their own officers sent from their own aghas Istanbul, they could not be sent out by the pasha as field reinforcements or to in Istanbul, relieve Basra--and usually their pay was so far in arrears they were on the verge 44 of mutiny)~4 No was made, Basra; of mutiny}. No formal formal declaration declaration of of war war was made, even even after after the the fall fall of of Basra; the mobilization ordered at Diyarbekir, Diyarbekir, Erzururn, Erzurum, even Damascus, Damascus, proceeded at a snail's pace, pace, and the fifty thousand janissaries it was rumored had been ordered to march from Istanbul suffered, suffered, like their comrades in Baghdad, Baghdad, from a sluggishpay.45 ness brought on by arrears of pay. Face had to be saved and scapegoats found: found: on 5 January 1777 the grand vizier, banished, charged amongst other crimes ier, Dervish Melunet Mehmet Pasha, Pasha, was deposed and banished, war," with misappropriation of funds funds "destined for the prosecution of the Persian war," and next month the Russian envoy was told airily that Karim Khan had been obliged inv~ion from Khorasan. to withdraw his forces forces to defend Fars against an invasion Khorasan.46 After the return of Vehbi Efendi in September 1775, 1775, with little to show for his pains other than a diverting versified travel-diary in which-he which he ridicules the Vakil and 47 his court as hostile boors,47 boors, negotiations were continued: continued: 'Abdollah Beg Kalhor 327. 44. 44. Niebuhr, Niebuhr, Reise, Reise, 327. 45. SP 97/52 (1776), (1776), 59b, 59b, 146a-b. 45. l46a-b. 46. SP 97/53 (1777), (1777), 19a, 19a, 24b-25a. 46. 24b-25a. 47. fannana. pp. 12-17 in his Divan, Divan. Vehbi was in fact re47. The QlUiida-ye Qasida-ye Tannana pp. y ceived with all due honor in Shiraz, Ornar Pasha, Pasha, jealous jealous of of this this (according (according Shiraz, and cCOmar to Unat)--or, Unat)--or, more Ijkely, likely, anticipating that Vehbi's report would confirm Zand

Relations Trade and Foreign Foreign ReZations

255 255

to Istanbul in in Sha Sha'ban 1189/October 1775 with aa courteous but was sent posthaste to 'ban ll89/October but of the the Vakil's demands (12.3) (12.3) and and over the the next two two years the firm exposition of the on between Baghdad, Baghdad, whence Shavi-zada was sent in in 1777, 1777, and and fruitless debate went on Shiraz, which returned Haydar Qoli Khan Zangana later that year (13.4). (13.4). Rumors Shiraz, of aa peaceful settlement arrived constantly at at Istanbul, Istanbul, only to to be be and promises of 48 to refuted;48 refuted; with Turkey once again threatened by by Russia, Russia, the the Vakil could afford to bargain hard. hard. Ultimately the the dialogue was ended by by the death of of 'Abdollah Pasha in in February of 1778, fatwa to and almost aa year later the the Porte finally sought aa fatua to make war war on on 1778, and and issued aa circular to to "all "all the thekhans khans and andnotables notables of ofIran" Iran"dedefellow Muslims and the sultan's intention to to mOlmt mount aa puni punitive claring the tive campaign against their arrogant Vakil. Even then the the tone of of the the document was one one of of injured digand duplicitous Vakil. nity, ending with aa conciliatory promise of of peace and and friendship once Karim Khan nity, 49 had been taught aa lesson. be lesson.49 By By the the time this was was distributed the the Vakil would be dead and and the the status quo quo ante well on on the way way to to restoration--except for for the the prosperity of of Basra. Basra. Thanks to to the the ambivalent buffer status of of the the Baghdad pashalik, pashalik, the the five years of of undeclared conflict and and occupation were conducted with impunity by by the the Vakil, Vakil, and without undue loss of of face by by aa lethargic Ottoman government. government. Another the sudden rupture of of diplomatic exchange with the the death complicating factor was the Nader, even before the the treaty of of 1746 could be be ratified, ratified, and and the the conflicting of Nader, of the Msharid Afsharid state in in Khorasan and and of of Karim Khan's realm to to be be recognized claims of the successor to to Nader Shah's (or, (or, more properly, properly, the the Safavid) Safavid) empire. empire. The The as the first: envoys from 'Adel Shah, Shah, Ebrahim Shah, Shah, and and Shahrokh former renewed contact first: in rapid succession assured the the Porte of of their eagerness to to ratify the the terriShah in of Nader's treaty (the vexed religious questions were for for the the torial provisions of skirted) and and their desire for for peace and and friendship, friendship, and and they received caumoment skirted) in kind. kind. 50 Contact with the Vakil was was established only in in 1775, 1775, on tious replies in on initiative; nevertheless, nevertheless, as as his his aggressive neighbor, neighbor, this was was the the the Porte's initiative; the sultan would have to to treat with. with. This was was decisively demonstrated early Iran the 1778, when an an envoy from Khorasan was snubbedSl--the snubbed --the Porte had had evidently pinned in 1778, on Shavi-zada's mission at at Shiraz. its hopes on Shiraz. the death of of Karim Khan before agreement could be be reached, reached, the the clock was With the was set back to to 1747. 1747. Esma'il Khan Qashqa'i, Qashqa'i, Karim's confidant during his last years chamberlain, appropriated the the presents that had had arrived for for the the and self-styled chamberlain, complaints--denounced the the envoy to.cAbd to c Abd ol-tfamid complaints--denounced ol-~d as as having havi~ improperly improper~y conducted con~ucted The sultan ordered his execuhon, execution, but but Vehbl Vehbi returned IncOgmtO incognito and mission. The his mission. and c in Uskiidar, Uskudar, writing his qal/ida qasida to to refute cOrnar's Omar's accusations. hid in accusations. He He was was later later and appointed qa~i qazi of of Rhodes (see Unat, Unat, 134-36; 134-36; SF SP 97/51 [1775], [1775], 116). pardoned and 116). 48. SP 97/54 (1778), (1778)',' 4, 90, 9lb, 91b, 98. 48. 49. 49. Name-i ltUmQyun, Hwnayim, IX, 90; cf. cf. Cevdet II, I I , 58, 305. 50. 50. Name-i BUmayun. Hwnaytin, III I I I No.3, No. 3, 52-84; Batt-i Hatt-i BUmayun, Hwnaytin, 138-44, 150, 180; SP 97/34, l23a. 123a. 51. 51. SP SP 97/54, 97/54, 40b. 40b.

256 256

Iran undeP KaZ'im Khan Khan Iran under Karim

receipt.52 Turco-Iranian reVakil and dismissed the Porte's latest envoy with aa receipt. lations were to be interrupted for the remainder of the Zand period. period. THE DFA1H DEATH OF NADER 15.4 PERSIAN GULF TRADE SINCE 'IHE Iran's commerce in the Gulf during the greater Safavid period shared many characcommerce. Since early Safavid times the East India teristics with the Caspian cOlllllerce. companies of the European maritime powers--the Portuguese (until 1622), 1622), the BritFrench, and the Dutch--had concluded trade agreements with the shahs and ish, the French, set up trading posts on Iranian territory. territory. These suffered from a lack of deepwater harbors, harbors, from marauding armies and capricious overlords, overlords, and they accounted for a smaller proportion of Iran's foreign trade than their voluminous records might suggest; suggest; yet their vicissitudes mirror the course of Iran's economic and history, and their activities often presage the colonial-imperialist age political history, to come. come. The principal British bases here were at Bandar 'Abbas (Gombroon), (Gombroon), opened 1620, and Basra, Basra, opened twenty years later. later. Basra they shared ordinarily about 1620, with the French, French, the Dutch, Dutch, and the British Levant Company, Company, by virtue of its its char53 ter to trade throughout the Ottoman Empire; only.53 Empire; Bandar 'Abbas 'Abbas with the Dutch only. Ihe chief commodities brought in by the company were woollen goods, goods, European satThe ins, linen cloth from Bengal and Surat, lead, tin, and teak, for which ins, Surat, lead, tin, teak, in exchange for dates, coffee (from Mocha and 'Oman), 'Oman), walnuts, walnuts, nitre, nitre, pearls, they took on at Basra dates, pearls, and, and, probably most important, important, transit passengers and mail for India; India; and through 'Abbas, chiefly silk from Gilan, Gilan, and goat's wool and copper from Kerman. Kerman. Bandar 'Abbas, The company's official business accounted for perhaps 15 per cent of the volume of commerce. That of the other European companies and the private trade of East Gulf commerce. for themselves together made up about 10 per cent. India Company agents acting for cent. bulk, such as carpets, carpets, fruits, This trade exported chiefly articles of smaller bulk, fruits, wine, mules, asafoetida, asafoetida, dyestuffs, dyestuffs, pistachios, pistachios, almonds, almonds? raisins, wine, horses, horses, mules, raisins, pearls, pearls, grain, fish, and Persian cats. cats. 54 But the bulk grain, dried fruit and fish, bUlk of the Gulf trade, trade, perhaps 75 75 per cent, cent, was in the hands of "country" merchants (Arab, (Arab, Iranian, Iranian, Turkish, Armenian, Armenian, and Indian) Indian) of varying capacities. capacities. One of the biggest was the Turkish, Chelebi, Armenians originally from Mosul, Mosul, who traded between Surat and house of Chelebi, year, partly in their own ships (they had aa shipyard at Basra five or six times a year, Surat) and partly using those of the East India Company: Company: they brought cotton cloth, Surat) cloth, hardware, for Arab lances, lances, firewood, firewood, and even stones, stones, which were used for hardware, bamboo for

52. Hiimilyan,1390 52. Hatt-i Hatt-i HwnZzyiin,1390 (report dated Jomada Jornada II ll93/May 1193/May l779}. 1779). Esmacil Esmacil is as the self-appointed kap~ kapi kethudas%\ cf. Rostam, Rostam, 338, 338, where he here referred to as kethudas~; cf. is called Karim Khan's nadim nadim 0o kaZim, kalim, Donboli, Tajreba Tajreba I, I, 134, 134, who describes is and IJonboli, as the the vakiZ-e vakil-e diviin. divan. him as 53. Danvers, Danvers, 384 ff.; ff.; Sestini, Sestini, 209. 209. For the early relations of the British 53. Iran, see Lockhart, Lockhart, Safavi Safavi Dynasty, chap. 29. and Dutch companies with Iran, Dynasty, chap. 29. 54. Ives, Ives, 198-99; 198-99; Niebuhr, Reise, 95, 113, 113, 213; 213; Sestini, Sestini, 197; 197; Masson, Masson, 543. 54. Niebuhr, Reise, 95, 543. The estimate of proportions II owe to Thomas Ricks (private cOllllllLU1ication); cf. communication); cf. Hambly, ff. Hambly, "An Introduction," Introduction," 80; 80; Amin, Amin, 117 ff.

Trade and Foreign F01'eign

Re~ations Relations

257 257

ballast and sold on arrival at Basra. Basra. They also traded directly at Isfahan and Hawiza.55 Hawiza. The overall volume of trade during the calamitous interregnum-is interregnum is likely to have dropped drastically,56 but that of the sea traffic seems to have remained drastically, proportionally, to take over steady since Safavid times, times, or even to have increased proportionally, some of the overland trade, Jewish, trade, which had now disappeared together with the Jewish, Indian, and Armenian middlemen and the safety of the roads. roads. As far as can be Indian, judged from the East India Company's records, records, both local and foreign trade re"vigorous and profitable" during 1745-53. 1745-53. In 1751 some .£45,000 £,45,000 worth of mained ''vigorous goods was exported to the Gulf, Gulf, mostly via Bandar 'Abbas--equivalent to one 57 quarter of the company's total exports to the East. East. 57 At Basra European traders were subject to a standard 3 per cent tax on imports, Porte. This ports, laid down by the terms of the capitulations agreed with the Porte. rate, Basra, often worked out in rate, based on the actual selling price of goods at Basra, least as the 7.5 per cent levied on local merchants, practice at leas t as burdensome as merchants, which was based on an arbitrary and out-of-date scale of values registered in the furthermore, conunodicustoms daftar; daftar; furthermore, the 3 per cent was levied a second time on commodities being shipped on to Baghdad or Aleppo. t was thus to the company's advantage Aleppo. IIt 58 to maintain whenever possible a duty-free base in Iran. Iran.5S But an Iranian port had its peculiar disadvantages. disadvantages. It had to be fortified and garrisoned against maraudits ers; Bandar 'Abbas in l75S 1758 had a dozen large cannon facing, facing, significantly, significantly, landers; 59 ward, and some smaller-bore guns pointing to sea. sea.59 Even this was no guarantee ward, against the rapacity of a "friendly" overlord like Nasir Khan Lari or a visiting (7.7). Bushire, Bushire, the East India Company's later base, sardar of the Garmsir (7.7). base, was capital, but the journey to Shiraz through the Tangestan passes closer to the capital, could vary from one to three weeks depending on the safety of the road,60 and road, profit was further cut back by the ruhdaris on the way, rahdaris way, plus another customs due at Shiraz. Shiraz. On Nader's death in 1747 the East India Company still had its inland agencies Kerman. Their withdrawal had already been considered for some time at Isfahan and Kerman. 1733, when the British at Basra had been forced to aid the Turks against after 1733, forces, thus jeopardizing their relations with the conqueror; conqueror; but Nader's invasion forces, his naval aspirations had then prompted him to favor the company until the indiscriminate oppression of his later years.6l years. His death at first brought hopes of a settlement. In October 1747 the agent at Isfahan optimistically petitioned new settlement. 55. 20S. 55. Sestini, Sestini, 196-97, 196-97, 208. 56. Cf. Cf. Olivier VI, VI, 115. 115. Malcolm, Malcolm, however (Hambly, (Hambly, "An Introduction," 77), 56. 77), 1801 that the traditional overland caravan routes still accounted estimated in lSOl for half Iran's total volume of foreign trade. trade. 57. 40, 151; 232. 57. Amin, Amin, 40, 151; Ricks, Ricks, "Politics," "Politics," 232. 5S. 37. 58. Kelly, Kelly, 37. S9. 199. 59. Ives, Ives, 199. 60. 113. 60. Niebuhr, Niebuhr, Reise, Reise, 113. 61. 61. Lorimer, Lorimer, S6; 86; Amin, Amin, 17-20. 17-20.

258 258

Iran under Karim Karim Khan Iran under Khan

'Adel Shah for a renewal of the company's privileges; privileges; and though Shahrokh Khan at Kerman "also wrote the Agent a very Complisant letter" letter" requesting him to stay on Kennan Europeans, no royal fannan farman was and assuring him of the the new king's high regard for Europeans, forthcoming. Similar representations were made to the British and the Dutch at forthcoming. the futch Shiraz;62 and though both companies decided to reBandar 'Abbas by Saleh Khan at Shiraz; retain their factories at that port to await events, events, the chaos inland was evidently increasing. On 1 December Bombay authorized the immediate withdrawal of the agent increasing. and, as soon as possible, Isfahan. This was not, however, put from Kerman and, possible, from Isfahan. not, however, 'Ali Mardan's reduction of the city in the spring of 1750, 1750, when into effect until 'Ali the factory was plundered and two visiting East India Company employees, employees, one of them Graves, Graves, the agent from Kennan, Kerman, were stripped, stripped, robbed, robbed, and wounded before they 'Abbas. The next year, year, apparently on were finally able to slip away to Bandar 'Abbas. (1.9), their interpreter was sold into slavery Karim Khan's capture of the city (1.9), ransomed).63 In October, October, however, however, a favorable raqam raqam arrived at the (though later ransomed). port over Esma'il Ill's seal; seal; the factors replied cautiously that they would stay treatment, otherwise they were prepared to leave. in the hope of better treatment, leave. 64 A company representative returned to The Isfahan factory was never reopened. reopened. A Kennan Kerman and remained until 1758, 1758, since merchants from Mashhad and other northern centers were unwilling to face the hazards of the road to Bandar 'Abbas; 'Abbas; but the main reason for retaining a base there, there, the the celebrated celebrated Kennan Kerman wool wool from from the the local local breed of long-haired goats, goats, became progressively scarcer in the general dearth that overlay the province; (inprovince; and except for the company's Armenian "linguist" "linguist" (interpreter), as their representative into the l760s, 1760s, this this last footterpreter), who remained as footre1inquished. 65 By this time, however, Karim Khan hold in the interior was also relinquished. time, however, had firmly established his rule in Fars and was expanding northward, northward, so that both the British and the futch the advantage of changing their fruitless and Dutch perceived the Shiraz. dangerous base at Gombroon for one closer to the new political center of Shiraz. COMPANY, 1750-69. 15.5 THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, 1750-69. The physical and financial dangers to to the British and Dutch factories at Bandar Baluchi raiders and invading generals and above all the exactions of 'Abbas from Ba1uchi "protectors," the governor M:Jlla Molla 'Ali 'Ali Shah and Nasir Khan of Lar, Lar, are too their ''protectors,'' numerous to detai1. detail.66 The Dutch finally withdrew to Kharg early in 1759 (15.7), (15.7), and in the same year the East India Company's decision to leave was accelerated by a curious incident, incident, the only repercussion of the Seven Years' Years' War in the Gulf: Gulf:

62. GO GD VI, October, 7 November 1747; 1747; cf. cf. Amin, Amin, 25. 62. VI, 19 and 21 October, 25. 63. GO GD VI, VI, 20 20 December 1747; 1747; Brieven Brieven (17 Febru63. 2679 (1752), (1752), Gombroon 21-22 (17 1751); Lorimer, Lorimer, 90. ary 1751); 90. 64. GD VI, VI, 9 October 1751. 1751. 64. 65. GD VI, VI, 31 December 1751; 1751; XII, XII, 1 and 5 March, March, 13 May 1761; 1761; Amin, Amin, 43. 65. 43. 66. See GO GD VI, 24 February 1752; 1752; Lorimer, Lorimer, 98-102; 98-102; Amin, Amin, 42. 66. VI, 25 January to 24 42.

Relations Trade and Foreign Foreign ReZations

259 259

two French privateers .attacked attacked and and looted the the factory, factory, M:>lla Molla 'Ali 'Ali Shah joining in in enthusiasm.67 with enthusiasm. 'Abbas' had had in in fact been ordered by by Bombay as as early as Evacuation from Bandar 'Abbas as 1751, but but the the agent persuaded the the council that it it was worth their while February 1751, stay. In In October 1754 Agent Francis Wood had had been ordered to to set set up up aa factory to stay. Rig, but but this experiment failed, failed, owing in in British eyes to to Dutch machinaat Bandar Rig, tions, but but probably purely as as aa result of of Mir M:>hanna's Mohanna's opposition (10.3). (10.3). In tions, In the company was compensated to to some degree by by aa farman from the the pasha of 1759 the of its trading privileges at at Basra,and was able for for the the time being Baghdad renewing its its efforts there. there.68 Trade was not not the the only reason for for transferto concentrate its to the the safer end end of of the the Gulf: Gulf: with the the French wars, wars, the ring British activities to the and Basra had had gained in in importance as as aa shortoverland mail route between Aleppo and to India. India. A A courier took only fifteen days to to travel over the the desert between cut to two terminals, terminals, and and by by the the end end of of the war this "direct route" route" meant aa saving the two 69 on the the time taken to to sail around the the Cape. Cape.69 of over half aa year on the new new agent, agent, Douglas, Douglas, was was sent on on aa tour of of the the Gulf ports with a In 1761 the view to to selecting the the most most favorable favorable site site for foraanew newfactory. factory. He Hereported reported to toBomBombay that the best in in his view was Bushire, Bushire, since "a "a Person there need have no no connections, or or caress anyone but but the the Sheikh himself"; himself"; but but the the directors in in London nections, 70 ignored his recommendation and Basra. 70 and in in April 1762 1762 issued orders for for aa move to to Basra.

The evacuation of of of Bandar 'Abbas, 'Abbas, begun on on 26 26 February 1763 with the the help of three British warships, warships, was was hampered by by Nasir Khan's brother Ja'far Khan Lari, Lari, who who had refused reparation for for past plundering and and extortion. extortion. Douglas therefore launched aa fighting withdrawal, withdrawal, driving Ja'far Khan and and his men men from his residence factory) and and the the garrison from the the fortress, fortress, before embarking on (the former Dutch factory) on 7 March. March. They They had had lost lost thirteen thirteen men men and and taken taken no no booty, booty, but but had hadat atleast least the the of having delivered aa longed-for parting shot at at their fickle hosts satisfaction of 71 by means of operations. ,,71 of "these spirited and and on on the whole well-conducted operations." Basra was now now the the sole East India Company agency in in the the Gulf. Gulf. Contact, Contact, however, was was maintained with Bushire, Bushire, and and only aa few months later the the shaykh's letever, results. One One William Price was empowered ters with their tempting offers brought results. to call at at Bushire on on his way way to to Basra and and negotiate for for aa site. site. In by Bombay to In April 1763 he he concluded with Shaykh Sa'dun (Naser's deputy while he he was aa "guest" Shiraz) aa twelve-point agreement which gained for for the the company aa duty-free at Shiraz) to import woollen goods at at Bushire, Bushire, with full full facilities for for setting up monopoly to up 72 For ratification by the shaykh's overlord, Karim Khan, Price sent an agency.72 For by the overlord, Khan, agency. 67. For For details of of this incident, incident, see see GD GD XIII, XIII, 29 29 March 1761; 1761; ANP, ANP, B1.175, 67. Bl.175, January 1760 1760 et et seq.; seq.; Lorimer, Lorimer, 102-5; 102-5; Saldanha, Saldanha, 132-36; 132-36; Danvers, Danvers, 400; 400; Amin, Amin, 44. 44. 9 January 68. Saldanha, Saldanha, 73, 73, SO, 80, 91-92; 91-92; Vadala, Vadala, 41; 41; Danvers, Danvers, 400. 400. 68. 69. Sestini, Sestini, 211; 211; Amin, Amin, 60; 60; Nash'at, Nash'at, 112-13. 69. 112-13. 70. BP BP XXVI, XXVI, IS 18 January 1763; 1763; Wilson, Wilson, l7S; 178; Lorimer, Lorimer, 94; 94; Amin, Amin, 45-50. 45-50. 70. 71. Lorimer, Lorimer, 94-96; 94-96; Amin, .Amin, 50. 50. 71. 72. Brieven Brieven 3015 3015 (1765), (1765), 6; 6; Amin, Amin, 71-72. 71-72. Full copies of of the the English version 72. of this agreement are are given in in FR FR XVI, XVI, S06 806 (12 (12 April 1763) 1763) and and Aitchison, Aitchison, 41-42. 41-42.

Iran under Karim Karim Khan Iran under Khan

260 260

to Shiraz. Shiraz. In the Vakil's absence in Azerbaijan, Azerbaijan, Jervis was his assistant Jervis to Sadeq Khan and returned to Bushire in August bearing the favorably received by 8adeq first commercial treaty with the new ruler of Iran, Iran, in the East India Company's first fonn form of aa ''Royal "Royal Grant" Grant" to Price as as "Governour General for for the English Nation in 73 Persia," dated 23 Zu'l-Hejja Zu'1-Hejja 1176/2 July 1763. 1763.73 the Gulph of Persia,"

IIts ts principal points were as as follows: follows: the British were to have as as much land wished, where they might keep twenty-one cannon no larger than in Bushire as they wished,

six-pounders "for saluting," and could have factory houses anywhere else in the wished; they were to be free free of duty on imports, imports, exports, exports, and inland country they wished; trade, and their Iranian customers were not to be charged more than 3 per cent; trade, cent; silk, which was aa royal they were to enjoy aa monopoly (except in the export of raw silk, monopoly), with the right to seize the goods of any interlopers; interlopers; freedom of relimonopoly), guaranteed, their brokers and interpreters were to be exempt from taxes, gion was was guaranteed, taxes, former company house at 8hiraz Shiraz was to be restored to them. them. In return they and the fonner fair proportion of goods in kind, kind, "and not export from Persia the were to take a fair Money, as as this this will impoverish the Kingdoms whole Amount of their sales in ready Money, [sic] and in the end prejudice Trade in general," general," and were not to assist "the [sic] King's Enemies." King's Enemies."

There is is every reason to suppose that the Vakil had encouraged Shaykh Sa'dun's approach to the the East dun's revive trade in his ruined

India Company. Company.

It was part of his his general policy to It

kingdom, and his proviso limiting the export of cash kingdom,

shows that he or his advisers were well aware of the effect of the drain of specie shows trade. Like Nader, Nader, he also saw the company as the only promon Iran's balance of trade. marauders; this idee fixe fixe was to to dominate his relationising ally against coastal marauders; for the remainder of his reign. ship with the company for reign.

Trade at Bushire flourished: flourished: during the period 1763-67 the company's annual sale of woollens in the Gulf averaged 1,407 bales, bales, most of which (750 (750 bales annually in 1763-65) 1763-65) went through Bushire. Bushire. This shows aa considerable increase over 868 bales during 1753-62, 1753-62, when the chief factory was at Banthe annual average of 868 'Abbas, and accounts for roughly one-fifth of all sales in all East India dar 'Abbas, 74 East.74 Iran's export of raw silk also revived with Company settlements in the East. presence. Along the routes the response of the northern provinces to the Vakil's presence. roads brought increased. increased inland traffic; traffic; by late of his campaigns, campaigns, security of the roads 1764 the roads between Shiraz and Isfahan and up to the Russian frontier were 75 This trend was inversely proportional to the indaily filled with merchants. 75 daily filled with merchants.

This trend was inversely proportional to the inSolayman Aqa, the motaSolayman Aqa, the motathat that time time subject subject to to

cipient political and hence cOllDllercial decline of Basra: cipient political and hence commercial decline of Basra: sallem sallem from from 1765 1765 to to 1776, 1776, though though aa capable capable ruler, ruler, was was at at

73. Brydges, Brydges, cix; cix; Amin, Amin, 73-75; 73-75; Moqtader, Moqtader, 55; 55; Mahmud, Mahmud, 4-6. 4-6. The full full text of 73. this agreement is is given in FR XvI, XVI, 782 782 and Aitchison, Aitchison, 42the English version of this 4244; cf. cf. Sykes, Sykes, 280 280 (contents). (contents). 44; 74. 1775. 74. Amin, Amin, 79, 79, 82, 82, lSI, 151, 155; 155; cf. cf. ANP, ANP, B1.l75, B1.175, 1 February 1775. 75. 3048 (1766), 36-37. 75. Brieven Brieven (1766), 36-37.

Trade and Foreign lations Foreign BeRelations

261 261

pressure frem from the Ka'b, Ka'b, at the zenith of their power, power, from the East India Company, Company,

and from his own superior, superior, 'Qnar 'Omar Pasha, Pasha, who dismissed him from office three times (11.2).. The resulting weakness of the Basran govenunent government was in large measure the (11.2) cause of the British involvement with the Banu Ka 'b, disastrous both to their comKa'b, Khan, and and of of the the Iranian Iranian siege siege and and occupaoccupamerce and to their relations with Karim Khan, tion, which spelled the end of Basra as as the leading port in the Persian Gulf tion, (12.8).. (12.8) Sadeq lost no time in testing the extent of the new agreement, agreement, requesting in Rig. Both Bombay and the same year naval assistance against Mir Mohanna at Bandar Rig. comply. The Vakil then wrote to Jervis in September the agent were reluctant to comply. 1764 to say he would soon be on the coast to conduct operations in person and exhim; but poor organization on both pected to see a few British ships ready to help him; (10.3). sides scotched this plan (10.3). Rightly or wrongly, rewrongly, this this opportunity to retain the Vakil's favor was rejected. council in Bombay, Bombay, and even more the directors in London, London, were relucj ected. The cOlmcil tant to yield to this creeping blackmail in a relative backwater of their commerempire, particularly as as Mir Mohanna had as as yet done them no harm. harm. In March cial empire, fleet arrived to prosecute the static war against the 1766, when a reinforcement fleet Ka'b, its use against Mir Mohanna. Ka 'b, the Basra resident was forbidden to sanction its MJhanna. 76 This attitude was changed, changed, however, however, when the Ka'b impudently sought Karim's Karim's protection as as his subjects later in 1766, 1766, and the Vakil peremptorily ordered the Turks to quit his territory at Dawraq (10.8). (10.8). The presidency now British and the 'lUrks from the Ka Ka'b, appreciated that iif f they were to have any satisfaction frem 'b, they must MLr MJhanna; Mohanna; but they resolved in adtoe the line on the question of help against Mir Kharg, when recaptured) recaptured) dition to press for the grant of an island (preferably Kharg, plunder that should be taken from the pirate--this on top of and half of any pllmder from the Ka'b and confirmation of their Karim's existing offer of compensation frem

privileges at Bushire. Bushire. By now they were also aware that a good part of Karim's equivocal attitude stemmed from Jervis's neglect to present him with any gift on his arrival at Shiraz in 1765, 1765, and their refusal to supply him with an annual 2000 tumans' tumans' worth for his army on his terms, terms, which included the company's bearing the cost of cloth for of carriage to Shiraz. Shiraz. He was said on one occasion to have demanded angrily what country and ordered their agents out of Shiraz. Shiraz. The use these English were to the COlmtry successor, Bowyear, Bowyear, to provide a prespresidency accordingly authorized Jervis's successor, 77 ent not exceeding 10,000 rupees (~1,250) negotiations?7 (£1,250) in value to ease open the negotiations. The company's envoy, envoy, George Skipp, Skipp, arrived at Shiraz briefed as as above in April 1767 and was none too well received. received. The Vakil, Vakil, enriched by further gifts Ka'b, had refused to receive a preliminary envoy with a letter from from the Banu Ka'b,

76. BP XXIX, XXIX, 25 February 1766; 1766; Carmelites, Carmelites, 668; 668; Andn, Amin, 67-68. 67-68. 76. 77. FR FRXVII, 1000, 1003; 1003; BP XXIX, XXIX, 17 17 December 1766; 1766; cf. cf. Andn, Amin, 93-94. 93-94. 77. XVII, 1000,

262 262

Iran under KaI'im Karim Khan Iran undeX' Khtm

the presidency and to accept Skipp's presents. presents. 78 and scornfully declined at at first to Skipp persevered, however, and the Vakil's persevered, however, and over the the next month managed to to obtain the in principle to all their demands, demands, including the the cession of of Kharg and and aa acceptance in to all Unfortunately, the the payment of of half aa million rupees for for their naval assistance. assistance. Unfortunately, new Basra resident since the the end end of of 1766, 1766, Henry M:lore, Moore, proved maddeningly obstrucof this promising turn of events. Jealous of of the commercial importive of of events. the greater cCllJDUercial of Bushire and and apparently nursing aa personal antipathy toward Skipp and and the the tance of Iranians, he had showed himself from the start opposed to Bombay's policy of of negoIranians, he had to Bonbay's tiating with the the Vakil and and complied but grudgingly with his superiors' superiors' directives. directives. in June, June, he he rejected the the Vakil's offers out On receiving Skipp's optimistic report in out and ordered the to Bombay that the negotiations had of hand and the envoy home, home, reporting to had broken down. down. His His letters reveal an an almost pathological distrust of of Karim Khan, Khan, altogether, to to declare war on Karim with wild injunctions to to withdraw from Bushire altogether, war on and the 'b (in to the Ka Ka'b (in alliance with the the Turks and and even with Mir Mir M:>hanna) Mohanna) in in order to 79 secure British supremacy in Gulf. 79 in the the Gulf. Skipp returned to to Basra toward the the end end of of the the year to to find that the presidency happily did did not share Moore's prejudices and and imperialistic pipe dreams; dreams; the the resident was sharply censured for his misconduct of for his of the the talks, talks, aa flotilla was disto help the the Iranians take Kharg, to patched from Bonbay Bombay to Kharg, and and Skipp was sent back to Shiraz and signed the agreement in May 1768. 80 Yet again Moore managed to saboShiraz signed the agreement in May 1768. Yet again Moore managed sabotage theand negotiations: in the same month, impatient of news from Shiraz,to/.bore the negotiations: in the same month, impatient of news from Shiraz, Moore tage considered himself "under the disagreeable necessity of attempting for him [the considered the disagreeable necessity ofbring attempting [the Vakil] the himself reduction"under of Carrack before Mr. Skipp could him to for thehim undermenVakil] the reduction before Skipp could himwhich to the undermentioned terms," and onof 20Carrack May ordered a Mr. unilateral navalbring assault resulted in tioned terms," and on 20 May ordered a unilateral naval assault which resulted in a disastrous defeat at the hands of Mir Mohanna's men. Then, on the pretext that a disastrous defeat at the hands of Mir Mohanna's men. Then, on the pretext that no Zand troops had appeared to take advantage of the ships from Bonbay, not only no Zand troops had appeared to take advantage of the ships from Bombay, not only did he recall Skipp but he ordered the fleet back to Bombay at the end of July, did he recall Skipp but he ordered the fleet back to Bombay at the end of July, with the result that when Zaki Khan's anny arrived only two days later, to find with the result that when Zaki Khan's army arrived only two days later, to find the promised transport became even the promised transport absent, absent, Anglo-Iranian Anglo-Iranian relations relations became even more more strained strained

78. ANP, Bl.175, Carmelites, 78. aM (M 160-61; 160-61; Rostam, Rostam, 386-88; 386-88; ANP, B1.175, 27 27 Septenber September 1767; 1767; Carmelites, 668. Ghaffari, Ghaffari, whose description of of this as as aa Russian enbassy embassy reveals his his infor668. hand, asslDl1es to have proceeded conventionally; the mation as as second or or third hand, assumes it it to conventionally; the do not not appear to on Skipp's initial reception, reception, and and Karim Khan's EIC records do to report on actions at by Bonbay 17 at this time seem later to to have been misinterpreted by Bombay (BP (BP XXX, XXX, 17 November 1767, where aa favorable impression of of the the Vakil's character is is obtained Novenber 1767, from his "Resolute Refusal of of the the Present carried to to him by by Mr. Mr. Skipp untill AfAffairs s account of fairs were settled"). settled"). However, However, Rostam' Rostam's of the the Vakil's scornful reception one of of these embassies, embassies, though exaggerated (cf. (cf. note 96), is is confirmed by the of one by the c report, which imputes Karim's attitude to to the the bribes of of the the Ka b, French consul's report, Ka"b, by the the Carmelites, Carmelites, one one of of whom accompanied an an ''English "English gentleman" the EIC EIC and by gentleman" from the Bombay. Cf. Cf. Perry, Perry,Correspondence Correspondencewith withRawshani\amir, Rawshanz,amir, to Shiraz with aa letter from Bombay. TariWii, X, No. 3, 246-47, 246-47, No.4, No. 4, 279-84. 279-84. in Bar-rasiha-ye BaI'-X'asiha-ye Tarikhi, X, No.3, 79. BP BP XXIX, Bl.175, 79. XXIX, 31 31 January, January, 88 and and 11 11 Septenber, September, 55 Novenber November 1767; 1767; ANP, ANP, B1.175, 20 May, May, 99 October 1767; 1767; Amin, 95. 20 Amin, 95. Amin, 95-96. 80. 80. BP BP XXX, XXX, 6 and and 17 17 November 1767; 1767; XXXI, XXXI, 23 23 April 1768; 1768; Amin, 95-96.

Trade and Foreign Foreign Re7A.tiorw Relations

263 263

than they had been the previous year. year. 81 The fall fall of Mir Mehanna Mohanna to a coup d'etat on Kharg early in 1769 (10.4) (10.4) precipitated the last act of this this drama. drama. The factors factors at Bushire, Bushire, anticipating that Moore would further antagonize the Iranians, Iranians, deserted to Basra with his full full approval. tan, that he place proval. Moore now demanded of the new chief of Kharg, Kharg, Hasan Sol Soltan, boats. Conthe island under British protection and hand over half Mir Mohanna's boats. vinced that even Zaki Khan could hardly be more unreasonable, unreasonable, Hasan Soltan showed fight and Moore was compelled to withdraw to Basra, Basra, while a Zand garrison landed .Kharg.82 on Kharg. Less than six years after they had renewed their trade at Basra and commenced at Bushire with every promise of success, success, the East India Company was left but the profound mistrust and contempt of the with nothing on the Iranian mainland .but Iranians. At Basra they faced a huge bill for for their disastrous war against the Iranians. Ka'b, Ka'b, a decline in trade and a sudden deterioration of their relations with the motasallem. MJore Moore was roundly censured by Bombay for for his loss of the Bushire base motasallem. goodwill, but incredibly enough was allowed to retain his and of the Vakil's goodwill, 83 post83 to indulge in further incomprehensible somersaults of policy at the time of the siege of Basra six years later (11.5). (11.5). The reason for his survival is probably the moral support his policy reLondon. They viewed Karim Khan's legitimate moratorceived from the directors in London. ium restrictive; buoyed up on the wave of confihun on the export of specie as unduly restrictive; dence after the successes of the Seven Years' Years' War and the the recent acquisition of the Diwani DWani (the fiscal control of several Indian provinces), provinces), the directors seemed commitment in the Gulf. Gulf. They to be ready for a more aggressive and quasi-imperial comnitment deplored Bombay's tolerance and encouraged Moore in his treatment of the Vakil-pasha, for that matter--as another weak and corrupt Indian rajah. rajah. But by and the pasha, considerably: the East India the end of 1769 the pressure all round had eased considerably: 'Ali of the Deccan, Deccan, the deaths of both Company concluded a treaty with Haydar 'Ali Ka'b Mohanna brought peace to the whole upper Shaykh Salman of the Ka 'b and of Mir Mehanna Gulf, and the temporary replacement of the offending motasallem improved Moore's Gulf, pasha. The directors therefore left "the distress'd distressVd and disrelations with the pasha. Persia" to be mended from Bomgraceful situation of our Affairs in the Gulph of Persia" 84 bay, Basra. 84 bay, by a renewed concentration of effort at Basra. 15.6 THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, COMPANY, 1769-79 This the presidency was not disposed to do, do, despite the jubilant Moore's affirmation that Basra was the ideal port for the sale of woollen goods. goods. A A committee was

81. 81. Bl.175, B1.175, 4 82. 82. 83. 83. 84. 84.

BP XXXI, ANP, XXXI, 7 July, July, 7 and 9 September 1768; 1768; XXXII, XXXII, 24 24 April 1769; 1769; ANP, June, 99. June, 8 July, July, 12 August 1768; 1768; Amin, Amin, 99. XXXII, 21 21 and 22 22 March 1769; 1769; Carmelites, Carmelites, 669; 669; Amin, Amin, 99-100. 99-100. BP XXXII, BP XXXII, 100. XXXII, 24 24 April 1769; 1769; FR XVI, XVI, 1009; 1009; Amin, Amin, 100. XVI, Private Private No. 12; 12; cf. cf. Amin, Amin, 96-98. 96-98. FR XVI, No.

264 264

Iran Khan Iran under under Karim Khan

appointed which reported that Bushire was still the company's best potential market, since far far more woollens were consumed in Iran than in Ottoman Iraq and that as revenue from Gilan and the abundant raw silk that was received by the Vakil as 85 that he had offered in exchange would be eminently acceptable. acceptable.8S It It soon became as anxious to attract the company back to evident that Karim Khan was at least as Bushire. As early as as 10 10 August 1769 Moore received aa letter from Shaykh Naser in Bushire. Shiraz, intimating that all was forgotten and both the Vakil and he would welcome Shiraz, the reestablishment of the factory. factory. Moore replied politely but coolly that they the the company comwould consider this only when the Vakil himself wrote and granted the its losses. losses. Further urgings from the shaykh early in 1770 convinced pensation for its Moore, that "there seems seems to doubt, that the the presidency, presidency, if not Moore, to be little doubt, the Persians are very desirous of our returning into their country," and Moore was authorized to send his subordinate Morley on an embassy to Shiraz. Shiraz. 86 Moore remained obdurately opposed to these tentatives. tentatives. He stressed Karim's as displayed to Skipp, Skipp, '~s "his telling us us he wants not our commerce, initial attitude as commerce, Kingdom, that no specie shall be exported . ...."; that it only impoverishes his Kingdom, "; he first two embassies had already cost 10,000 rupees further objected that the first (£1,250) and this this was likely to cost 20,000 more, more, that they would lose face face by (~l,2S0) returning, that the the hot hot season season was was unsuitable unsuitable for for travelling travelling and, and, finally finally discarddiscardreturning,that transparencies, that he was perfectly happy with the Turks in Basra and ing these transparencies, as a capricious and perfidious despot who welcomed such negoregarded Karim Khan as tiations only because "they give him consequence among his poor and abject sub87 j ects, and alike please his vanity and his avarice." avarice. ,,87 jects,

Though Shaykh Naser at Bushire and Hasan Khan of Bandar Rig continued to write pleas, the Vakil made no move personally. personally. By early 1772 Hasan Khan wri te friendly pleas, 'Ali, who dropped the profession of friendship had been killed and replaced by Mir 'Ali, for calculated piracy, piracy, with the connivance of Karim Khan. Khan. The merchant vessel for Britannia fell into his hands, hands, and aa messenger sent to Shiraz with aa demand for Britannia fell restitution was was ill-treated and expelled; expelled; Mir 'Ali, 'Ali, however, however, was well received by 88 the Vakil. Vakil. 88

Then in April 1773, 1773, plague hit Basra. Basra. Moore and his dozen or so subordinates embarked on two ships, ships, the fourteen-gun Drake Drake and the eight-gun Tyger, Tyger, and for Bombay. Bombay. As they were passing Bandar Rig on 26 26 April, April, three gallivats set sail for sallied out and Mir 'Ali's The Drake Drake escaped, 'Ali's men boarded and captured the Tyger. Tyger. escaped, Tygerxs overboard; but the prize was beached at Banand most of the Tyger's crew jumped overboard; dar Rig, Rig, and the the two company employees on board, board, Beaullxmt Beaumont and Green, Green, were sent to to serve as as hostages for for the resumption of the East India Company's trade Shiraz to Bushire. They had no cause to complain of their treatment (except that the at Bushire.

85. BP XXXII, XXXII, 31 31 October, October, 10 November 1769; 1769; Amin, Amin, 101. 8S. 101. 86. 1009. 86. Carmelites, Carmelites, 670; 670; FR XVI, XVI, 1009. 87. FR XVI, XVI, 1016, 1016, 1021 (extracts from Basra Diary, Diary, dated 14 and 26 26 May 1770). 1770). 87. 88. 2l3b. 88. FR XVI, XVI, 1047 (29 (29 March, March, 2 August 1772); 1772); SP 97/47 (1771), (1771), 213b.

Tmde Foreign Relations Trade and Foreign Relations

265 265

Vakil appropriated Green's watch) watch) and were free free to walk around the capital and alwine. One year later lowed the equivalent of seven rupees aa day and abundant wine. as far as Bushire on the "intercession" of Shaykh Naser, Naser, who they were "released" as much stricter surveillance while negotiations with the company kept them under nruch proceeded. Karim Khan also allow~d allowed himself to profit from this windfall by inproceeded. Tyger with the fleet fleet assembling at Kangan that same winter for corporating the Tygel' 89 Zaki Khan's Basra. 89 Khan's proposed invasion of Oman, Oman, and later against Basra.

Moore and his staff, staff, meanwhile, meanwhile, had not even been allowed to land on reachBombay, for fear of spreading infection. infection. On his return to Basra early in ing Bonbay, 1774, when the plague had subsided, subsided, Moore forwarded a letter from the presidency 1774,

to Karim Khan and himself wrote aa less intransigent letter than had been his wont, wont, ship, to punish the offenders, offenders, and requesting him to return the prisoners and the ship, to propose his tenns terms for trade. trade. BealUllOnt Beaumont and Green wrote to Moore on 5 January to ask, as as part of that the Vakil was pleased with his overtures but was likely to ask, bargain, for naval help against Shaykh 'Abdollah of Hornruz Hormuz (10.6); (10.6) ;and and Moore, Moore, the bargain, fiasco, hastily advised Bombay against considering this. this. remembering his Kharg fiasco, The expected proposal arrived in February and was politely rejected. rejected. Nego-

tiations dragged on in deadlock for another year, year, despite Green's being released on one occasion to settle his affairs in Basra and take twenty man of raw silk 90 samples as as conmercial commercial bait. bait.90 But the East India Company was no longer interested in Bushire. Bushire. A A revolution was taking place in company policy at both London and Bombay. Bombay. The Russo-Turkish war of 1768-74 had lessened the Ottoman demand for Indian goods during the precise period when the company's sole effort in the Gulf was concentrated at Basra, Basra, and the plague of 1773 dealt the port another heavy blow; blow; conversely, conversely, in India, India, the the company's fiscal fiscal and political fortunes fortunes had reached such unprecedented heights as 1773. as to necessitate the Regulating Act of 1773. result, an establishment on the Iranian coast was no longer important as as a As a result, conmercial ting from the court of commercial makeweight. makeweight. Moore, Moore, happy to have this this in wri writing directors, directors, snrugly smugly interpreted the British prisoners' prisoners' view that the company's 91 trade would prosper at Bushire as release. 9l as selfish anxiety for their own release. Fortunately, Fortunately, the Bombay presidency, presidency, to Moore's chagrin, chagrin, overrode directives from London to the extent of sending to Bushire on 7 April 1775 an official named Garden, Garden, to negotiate a new settlement at the port without insisting on the prior prisoners. The siege of Basra had just begun. begun. Moore and his release of the prisoners. his staff arrived at Bushire a week later, later, after their sudden flight flight from the beleaport, to find negotiations virtually completed and to find, find, despite Moore's guered port, continued expostulations, expostulations, that Garden and his superiors still held to their opinbefore, 'namely "namely that the disagreeable situation of our ion formed six years before,

111. 111.

89. 89.

FR XVII, Amin, XVII, 1053, 1053, 1071; 1071; Parsons, Parsons, 183-85; 183-85; Lorimer, Lorimer, 144; 144; Wilson, Wilson, 183; 183; Amin,

90. 90. 91. 91.

FR XVII, 1061, 111. FRXVII, 1061, 1063, 1063, 1065, 1065, 1066, 1066, 1071, 1071, 1078; 1078; Parsons, Parsons, 185; 185; Amin, Amin, 111. FR XVII, 1072, 112. FRXVII, 1072, 1074; 1074; Amin, Amin, 107-9, 107-9, 111, 111, 112.

266

Iran under Khan Iran under Karim Khan

affairs in. in. the the Gulph Gulph was, was, and and still still is, is, owing owing to to the the unaccOlmtab1e unaccountable antipathy antipathy which which the Agent seems to have conceived against Carim Caun." Caun." That this antipathy was reciprocated was shown when the Vakil's letter arrived on 24 April ordering the release of the prisoners and the restitution of the Tyger, as to whether they resettled at Bushire or not, Tyger, affecting indifference as not, and affirming "that he was not an enemy to the English but only to the Agent." Agent." The affinning 92 next day Beaumont hoisted the flag over the company's second factory at Bushire. Bushire. 92 The siege of Basra had played no small part in bringing this affair to a conclusion. According to Parsons, Parsons, Karim Khan had openly avowed that one of his conclusion. motives in attacking the port was to be revenged on MOore, Moore, on whose leaving Basra he expressed satisfaction to Garden; Garden; Garden had realized that if the Iranians took Basra, Basra, the company would be left with no base at all in the Gulf unless he first 93 Bushire.93 Nevertheless, Nevertheless, there arrived on 14 May came to an amicable agreement on Bushire. raqam from Sadeq Khan Khan guaranteeing the the safety of their their effects effects in Basra when he he a raqam should take the city and despite Sadeq's rapacity and the barely restrained lootcity, this was duly honored (12.6). (12.6). ing of property that did occur in the captured city, Moore himself, himself, understandably, understandably, refused to return to Basra. Basra. His successors occupation, Abrahams and Latouche, Latouche, were complaining by the summer of under Zand occupation, 1777 that the company was still forced to pay the same 3 per cent as under the Turks, despite promises and farmans. farmans. The siege, siege, coming on top of the Turks, the plague and Montafeq, dealt the last blow to Basra's commerce, the depredations of the Ka'b and Montafeq, commerce, and the death of Karim Khan in 1779 removed all hope of a revival. revival. From then on virtually the only reason for the company's maintaining a base there was to supervise the overland cOllUlUUlications, communications, since the threat of war with France was once more in the wind; this facility was soon usurped by Kuwait, Kuwait, together with the wind; even this bulk of the commerce of the upper Gulf. The new Bushire factory was likewise run bUlk cOIlDIlerce Gulf. at an increasing annual loss, loss, and even before the Vakil's death it had been decided to reduce this also to the status of a one-man residency. residency. In the lower Gulf, Gulf, commerce had already moved from Bandar 'Abbas to Muscat. on, the COIlDIlerce 'Abbas Muscat. From this point on, East India Company and its attendant private trade was to all intents a dead let94 ter in the Persian Gulf. Gu1f. 94 apply, of course, course, to the "country trade"; trade"; cabotage, cabotage, transshipThis does not apply, ment, ment, and oceanic commerce in local lateen-rigged vessels was relatively little shore. But the fortunes of the East affected by the political vicissitudes on shore. Basra, were closely deIndia Company during this whole period, period, in Iran as also at Basra, career, policy, Khan. In dealing with inpendent upon the career, policy, and attitude of Karim Khan. envoys, the Vakil's conduct generally supports Francklin's dividual merchants and envoys, Strangers, and Europeans in particular, claim that "to Strangers, particular, he was remarkably affable, affable, 92. FR FRXVII, 1089; Amin, 113-14. 92. XVII, 1089; Amin, 113-14. 93. XVII, 1092, 114-15. 93. Parsons, Parsons, 185, 185, 198; 198; FR FRXVII, 1092, 1095; 1095; Amin, Amin, 114-15. 94. XVII, 1143; 94. FR XVII, 1143; Sestini, Sestini, 206-7; 206-7; Campbell, Campbell, 13; 13; Ferrieres FerriSres de Sauveboeuf, Sauveboeuf, 22-24; Amin, 108, 133. 22-24; Vadala, Vadala, 42; 42; Amin, 108, 110, 110, 115-16, 115-16, 133.

Trade and Foreign Foreign Rew.tions Relations

267 267

and never suffered any of them to depart without marks of his bounty and generous 95 spirit."9S Toward the East India Company as spirit." as a whole, whole, his actions could hardly be judged more arbitrary and capricious than those of the amazing Moore. Moore. While he was evidently anxious to prOlIIOte promote trade, trade, Karim Khan and his advisers were not unaware of the company's progress toward imperialism, imperialism, both from questioning merchants and travelers such as Niebuhr 96 and directly, through Haydar 'Ali's embaschants and travelers such as Niebuhr and directly, through Haydar 'Ali's embassies (15.8). His policy was basically that of the Safavids and Nader Shah: to sies (15.8). His policy was basically that of the Safavids and Nader Shah: to use the technological superiority of the Europeans, while keeping them at arms' use the technological superiority of the Europeans, while keeping them at arms' length. generation. length. The The problems problems of of aa closer closer enilrace embrace would would await await aa later later generation.

15.7 TIlE THE FRENCH AND DUI'CH DUTCH cn.1PANIES COMPANIES French, whose Indian interests dictated their maintenance of representatives The French, in the Levant and the Gulf mainly to watch over their own "direct route," route," showed little interest in overtaking the British and Dutch in Gulf commerce and established no lasting conmercial commercial or diplomatic rapport with the Vakil. Vakil. Their major political: the French ambassador at Istanbul concerned himpreoccupations were political: self with Iran and the East India Company only insofar as as they affected Turkey's potential contribution to the balance of power in Europe. Europe. In 1748 the French consul at Baghdad relinquished his post when his salary had not arrived from Pondicherry for the last two years. years. He was not replaced for years, the affairs of both the consulate and the Compagnie des Indes the next ten years, being managed meanwhile by Emmanuel Ballyet, Ballyet, the Carmelite bishop of Babylon. Babylon. In des Indes at Basra, 1754 an attempt was made to revive the agency of the Compagnie des Basra, which had now lapsed after flourishing briefly on its transfer from Bandar 'Abbas in 1725. 1725. One Petro de Perdriau was sent as as agent and over the next few years 97 somewhat revived French conmercial Gulf. 97 commercial fortlmes fortunes in the Gulf. 95. 307. 95. Francklin, Francklin, 307. 96. Reise, 104. 96. Reise, 104. Rostam (386-90) (386-90) gives an extravagant and amusing account of Vakil, which may be regarded as an allegory of the British relations with the Vakil, fact. The Vakil, Vakil, it seems, seems, rewhole situation woven from a tenuous thread of fact. jected embassy scornfully, scornfully, nevertheless impressing the envoy with j ected the Frankish errbassy courtiers' strength and skill in pastimes such as as slicing camels displays of his courtiers' knees. He then sent a body of his gholfuns gholams in two and breaking cannon across their knees. ship, killed the crew, crew, and threw the merchandise overboard. overboard. who seized a Frankish ship, army of Franks to conquer Iran, Iran, and Karim, Karim, on the advice of Along came an enormous anny Mohammad QajAr, Qajar, sent Mir Mohanna a robe of honor and a commission to destroy Agha MoQammad them. Overjoyed, dhadors with them. Overjoyed, the pirate dressed 300 300 of his cutthroats in women's chadors brace of pistols pistols and aa musket musket hidden lmdemeath underneath each, each, and shipped them to to the the a brace c Abbas. Spying Frankish headquarters at Bandar cAbbas. Spying this this welcome welcome consignment consignment through through telescopes, the Franks opened the fortress fortress gates and were massacred. massacred. Their their telescopes, compatriots in India prepared for vengeance, vengeance, but on learning that the Indians would support the Iranians in the event of war, war, gave up the project. project. Through this this stirring ragout (which reads like the stuff of one of Agent Moore's nightmares) mission, nightmares) the discerning eye may glimpse memories of Skipp's mission, the Tyger Dutch, Tyger incident, incident, the Kacb Kacb wars, wars, Mir Mohanna's capture of Kharg from the Dutch, c and l;Iaydar cAli's embassies (15.8). Haydar Ali's embassies (15.8). 97. ANP, 542; '97. ANP, B1.l75, B1.175, 15 Septeniler September and throughout October 1754; 1754; Masson, Masson, 539, 539, 542; Vadala, 55. Vadala, 26-27; 26-27; Amin, Amin, 55.

268 268

Iran unile:r Khan Iran under Karim Khan

Despite his efforts, efforts, Perdriau and his successors were unable to overcome the enormous disadvantage of their own superiors' superiors' comparative lack of interest. interest. Hence enonnous the Turks always gave precedence on both ceremonial and more practical accasions agent, whose flourishing trade and larger budget enabled him to to the British agent, pasha, which the French were in make the requisite gifts to the motasallem and the pasha, 98 no position to emulate. emulate.98 For the same reason Karim Khan, Khan, despite his poor view British, did not take French overtures seriously even when of the parsimonious British, they were eventually made. made. 1758, the energetic young Dr. Dr. Pirault arrived to take over consular In June 1758, Baghdad. He immediately interested himself in the question of commerce duties in Baghdad. Gulf. He at Basra and drafted an elaborate scheme for expansion throughout the Gulf. Perdriau, who in May stormed off to Pondicherry, Pondicherry, leaving Pirault quarreled with Perdriau, Basra. In 1768, 1768, observing with satisfaction contentedly in charge of affairs at Basra. Khan, Piraul Pirault "linguist" to Shiraz to neMoore's difficulties with Karim Khan, t sent a "linguist" gotiate an agreement with the Vakil for the exchange of French woollens against 99 Gilan silk and to put out feelers for the cession of Kharg Island. Island. 99 was not unduly worried by this surprising development, development, convinced that Moore was obtaining, nor their resources to supporting, supporting, such French prestige was not up to obtaining, agreement. For once his judgment proved correct, correct, confirmed as as it was by Shaykh an agreement. Naser's broad hint that the Vakil was merely using the French negotiations to prod Bushire. However, the French negotiator the British into resuming talks on Bushire .'100 However, rashly agreed that the Compagnie des Indes would supply annually two million artifor the Iranian army, army, to be paid for for half in cash and cles of woollen clothing for wool; in return for this the Vakil, Vakil, with an equally half in Gilan silk and Kerman wool; insouciance, agreed to cede them Kharg, Kharg, which he had also promised to the cavalier insouciance, "governor," Hasan Khan, Khan, having recently reBritish and which neither he nor his "governor," Mohanna, had any intention of relinquishing. relinquishing. Nevertheless, covered it from Mir Mohanna, Nevertheless, raqam issued to the French this pact was formally confirmed in December 1770 by a :raqam 101 Vakil. lOl by the Vakil. In an attempt to realize these castles in the air, air, Pirault produced a series of ambitious memoranda, memoranda, including a plea to be allowed to present his case personally in Paris, Paris, and a list of recommended values of presents he proposed they give the Vakil and his chief kinsmen and officials. it. officials. But nothing came of it. Pirault died in the plague of 1773 and was succeeded by Jean-Fran~ois-Xavier Jean-Francois-Xavier Rousseau, Rousseau, who had been sent to assist him the previous year. year. The bishop of Babylon and his consular staff also died in the plague, designate, plague, and his successor designate, Dom Miroudot, Miroudot, suggested in aa memorandum to the minister before he embarked that 98. Carmelites, Carmelites, 662; 662; Masson (542) (542) judges that "les directeurs de la Compag98. francaise des Indes etaient bien mal informes informe*s de l' 1'importance nie fran~aise importance et de la nature du commerce du Golfe Persique." 99. ANP, 1770. ANP, Bl.175, B1.175, 8 June 1758 to 20 20 June 1760; 1760; Memoire 1768; 1768; 15 March 1770. 100. FR XVI, 1009 (16 FRXVI, (16 July 1769), 1769), 1016 (16 (16 March 1770). 1770). 101. ANP, 1770. ANP, Bl.175, B1.175, 8 September to 19 December 1770.

Trade and Foreign Foreign Relations Relations

269 269

they should take advantage of Karim Khan's evident interest in French woollens; woollens; however, however, the Vakil died before the abbe reached Baghdad. Baghdad. Rousseau attempted to renew contact with Karim after the occupation of Basra and was even invited to visit Shiraz to negotiate an agreement; agreement; but all his efforts foundered on the same frustrating indifference of his superiors and the anarchy that was soon to befall 102 Iran. Iran.102 . The The most most spectacular spectacular of of the the Dutch Dutch company's company's activities activities during during the the Vakil's Vakil's reign--their occupation of Kharg and subsequent eviction by Mir M:lhanna--has Mohanna--has been (10.3). Established at Bandar 'Abbas about the same time as their recounted above (10.3). counterpart, the Dutch East India Company at first dominated the Gulf British counterpart, trade, 1160/January 1948 trade, but soon slipped behind its British rivals. rivals. In Safar l160/January privileges, as did Ebrahim in 'Adel Shah sent a diploma confirming their trading privileges, year, an embarrassment of favors favors August and Shahrokh Shah in October of the same year, hardly likely to encourage merchants who had watched their commerce decline dras103 tically in the last three years. years.l03 Business was no better at Basra, Basra, or at Bushire, which Agent Byleveld temporarily abandoned; in 1753, in view of this and Bushire, abandoned; 1753, the fact that they were subjected to oppression and extortion at all their bases misadventure), the directors (as (as dramatically demonstrated by Baron Kniphausen's misadventure), agreed to accept a friendly request from Mir Nasir of Bandar Rig to set up a facfactory on his land (precisely where was not specified, specified, and Kharg not mentioned).104 mentioned). Kniphausen's seizure and fortification of Kharg produced the desired increase (a steady rise in net profit from fl. fl. 18,771 in 1755-56 in security and turnover (a to fl. fl. 165,808 in 1758-59, 1758-59, out of a total profit of fl. fl. 416,856 over the years It produced a scheme from Kniphausen for the the conquest of Bahrayn 1753-60).105 1753-60). far surpassed in scope the similar sugand commercial domination of the the Gulf that far Moore, and was similarly ignored. ignored.l06 Figestions of Consul Yablonskii or Agent M:lore, Finally, it produced a brief dialogue with Karim Khan, Khan, who on his return to Shiraz nally, in 1765 sent Kalantar Sergis of Julfa to Kharg to request naval assistance against Mohanna and the (14.5). Mir M:Jhanna the return of all Armenians who had settled on the island (14.5). cordial, but the Dutch ignored both requests. A few The exchange was apparently cordial, requests. A Mohanna on his flight from months later they were overcome and expelled by Mir M:Jhanna the Vakil's army. army. The Dutch merchants, British, had a limited merchants, like the the Russian and the British, 102. Ibid., Ibid., 17 April, April, 7 September 1771 and adjacent memoires; memoires; 102. 1 August 1772, 1772, 1773; Masson, Masson, 457, 457, 543. 543. Jean-Francrois-xavier Jean-Francois-Xavier was the son of Jacob Rous10 June 1773; seau of Geneva (a (a cousin of the famous famous Jean-Jacques) Jean-Jacques) who had been watchmaker to Soltan l;Iosayn; Hosayn; see Lockhart, Lockhart, Safavi Safavi Dynasty, 433. For his further activities, Shah Soltiin Dynasty, 433. activities, H. Hedayati, Hedayati, TCa>ikJI-e Tarikh-e Zandiya* see H. zandiya, 103. Brieven Brieven (1750), Gombroon 94-97, 94-97, 381-83; 381-83; 2658 (1751), (1751), 33-38, 33-38, 93-94, 93-94, 103. 2640 (1750), 101. 101. 104. Brieven (1753), Basra 15-19; 15-19; 2716 (1754), (1754), Basra 13, 13, 15, 15, 61-70. 104. Brieven 2696 (1753), 61-70. shaykh's Arabic, Persian, Persian, and Armenian to make sure his The shaykh' s letter was written in Arabic, message got through. through. 105. Brieven Brieven (1762), 322-23; 322-23; 2895 2895 (1762), (1762), 1844b-1846b. 105. 2890 (1762), l844b-1846b. 106. Brieven (1757), Kharg 52-53 and enclosed correspondence. correspondence. 106. Brieven 2756 (1757),

270 270

Iran under Iran under Karim Karirn Khan Khan

hosts, partners, partners, and appreciation of the local rulers and populace who were their hosts, rivals (often at one and the same time) time) and whose understanding of the Europeans limited; both parties paid the penalty in lost opportunities and was at least as limited; legacies of prejudice. prejudice. The Europeans' Europeans' diaries and correspondence reveal them to be--with the exception of a few individuals--neither intimidated nor condescending, ing, but surprisingly sympathetic toward the sufferings of the populace and shrewdly understanding of the policies of the rulers, rulers, if not always of their methods. Business, Business, however, however, was business; methods. business; their own security and profit took exchange, which comes only of total war of tourism. tourism. A A precedence over cultural exchange, later Indian traveler provides a parable of this situation in recounting a legend left. They had, had, so the locals of Kharg current twenty years after the Dutch had left. allege, begun to raise pigs on the island; island; one of these animals strayed into the allege, Khizr, who angrily ordered Mir r.tJhanna Mohanna to drive out these sanctuary of the saint Khizr, 107 infidels. infidels.107

15.8 mE THE INDIANS AND TIlE THE GULF TRADE "Ambassadors from the famous famous Hyder Ali CaJOO came to the court of Kerim Khan with rich presents, and expressed a desire of an amicable alliance; presents, alliance; the princes of other J.08 power!~08 parts of India, India, and the Mahratta tribes, tribes, also acknowledged his right and power. Haydar 'Ali's first first enbassy embassy to the Vakil arrived at Shiraz in 1184/1770, 1184/1770, under one Nurollah, Nurollah, a sayyed of Iranian extraction, extraction, bearing gifts that included two elephants, elephants, a tiger, tiger, a leopard, leopard, and a cheetah, cheetah, and remained two months. months. An Irani109 an envoy was sent in return. return.l09 The purpose of this this embassy is is not recorded, recorded, but it seems safe to assume that it was essentially the same as as that of another embassy noted in February or March of 1774 by the Vakil's hostages Beaumont and Green. Green. report, the ruler of the Deccan requested a trading post on the According to their report, Iranian coast, coast, offered the Vakil naval assistance and proposed a marriage alliance. alliance. gathered, the latter proposal had been rejected, rejected, but the Vakil As far as could be gathered, as a trading base. base. 110 had promised Bandar 'Abbas as blew, Haydar 'Ali's natural overseas trading partners lay where the monsoons blew, on the Arabian coast and within the Persian Gulf--especially since his conquest of Malabar in 1765. Muscat, and it 1765. He was already on good terms terms with the Imam of Muscat, would be to his advantage to possess a permanent trading establishment on the Iranian side. side. A A military alliance would hardly have been practical, practical, but if the Company, Haydar Vakil could be induced to maintain pressure on the East India Company, India: for for by 1769 he had pushed 'Ali might be able to consolidate his gains in India: the British back to the gates of Madras and concluded a not unfavorable peace. peace. 107. 107. Abdul Qadir, Qadir, 31/34 (Mir r.tJhanna Mohanna is is described as the chief of the Ka'1, Ka°b tribe!) tribe!) 108. 308. 108. Francklin, Francklin, 308. 109. 109. GI, GM, 169-70; 169-70; Abdul Qadir, Qadir, 1-2. 1-2. The same envoy was again sent to Iran (and Istanbul) in 1786. Istanbul) 1786. 110. FR XVII, XVII, 1069. 110. 1069.

Trade and and Foreign TPade FOl'eign ReRelations lations

271 111

Qazvini asserts that the against the the the Vakil once sent troops to to assist Haydar f'Ali Ali against British,lll but British, but if if Iranian troops did did join his army it it would probably be be as as prionly. vate mercenaries only. Most likely the the chief motive of of these embassies was was to to attempt to to bring about an end end to to the the state of of war that was drttgging dragging on on between Iran and and Qnan, Oman, to to the the of his trade with both, both, and and had had at at that very moment reached aa peak with detriment of the Imam's expedition to to relieve beleaguered Basra. Basra. It It is is perhaps significant the embassy of of 1774 came immediately after the the abortive preparations made by that the by to invade Qnan Oman (10.6), (10.6), and and aa third embassy arrived in in the the sUJllller summer of Zaki Khan to of the Imam's fleet was preparing to to attempt the the relief of of Basra (11.7). (11.7). 1775, while the mission stayed three months and was distinguished by by another envoy of of IraniThis missio9origin, 'Ali 'Ali Khan, Khan,and andby bygifts gifts of ofaadancing dancing elephant elephant and andof ofjewelry jewelry (which (which an origin, 112 according to to Qazvini the the Vakil ordered to to be be broken up up and and sold) sold)..112 Evidently the attempt to to mediate, mediate, if if such it it was, was, proved unsuccessful, unsuccessful, for for the the Qnani Omani fleet to retire after quite heavy fighting, fighting, and and desultory hostiliat Basra was forced to ties seem to to have continued at at least until the the Vakil's death (10.5). (10.5). Whether Haydar 'Ali's subj ects gained extra privileges at is subjects at Bandar 'Abbas is not recorded. recorded. Indian merchants at at Shiraz, Shiraz, hCMever, however, already had had their CMn own quarter and caravanserai in in 1765. 1765.113 As As noted, noted, Indians played aa considerable role in in all all theaters of brokers, of Iranian COllllllerce, commerce, not not only as as merchants but but as as sailors, sailors, brokers, bankers, and and agents for for both Iranian and and European merchants. merchants. Besides being, being, for bankers, for most part, part, M.lslims, Muslims, they enjoyed the the advantages of of an an established network of the IIDst of friends and and relatives wherever their business took them, them, and and of of not being permaor company. company. Trade with India accounted nently identified with aa particular nation or for perhaps 30 but 30 per per cent of of the the value of of the the COIIIIIIerce commerce of of western Iran (15.1), (15.1), but of overall trade to, to, from, from, in, in, and and through Iran in in which Indians had had a the volume of a be indicated by by such aa restricted eshand was undoubtedly much greater than could be estimate. timate.

111. 112. 113. 113.

Qazvini, Qazvini, l44a; 144a; cf. cf. Abdul Qadir, Qadir, 13-15; 13-15; Amin, Amin, 101. 101. Qazvini, Qazvini, l44a; 144a; GM, GM, 205; 205; FR FR XVII, XVII, 1089 1089 (31 (31 July 1775); Miles Miles, 273. 273. 120. ' Niebuhr, Niebuhr, Reise, Reise, 120.

16 The Vakil at Home

16.1 DEFENSE AND URBAN RENEWAL A ruler's greatness is A is traditionally measured by his his buildings. buildings.

Posterity aside, aside, city, not only it is the first duty of a dynast to adopt and embellish a capital city, base, but as a psychological weapon in his strugas a strategic and administrative base, prestige; for a prosperous gle for continuing popular support and international prestige; and handsome metropolis is visible evidence of a strong and benevolent government. government.

dynasty: during the troubled The capital is the reflection of the fortunes of a dynasty: infancy of the Safavid state, state, its its headquarters shifted successively from Tabriz to Isfahan, where Shah 'Abbas was at last able to give exQazvin and ultimately to to Isfahan, pression to his firmly established monarchy in the magnificent monuments that have famous. Thus Karim Khan, made that city famous. Khan, when after years of ceaseless advance and retreat from city to city he entered Shiraz in the summer of 1179/1765 as undisundisputed ruler of most of Iran, Iran, could now rebuild his adopted city as as the chosen center of his realm. realm. defense. Since the Afghan invasion, invasion, Shiraz and His first consideration was defense. times, notably in 1724, 1724, after wi withstanding its environs had been overrun several times, ths tanding months, and in 1744, 1744, when Nader Shah crushed the revolt an Afghan siege for nine months, Mohammad Taqi Khan Shirazi, of M:>hamnad Shirazi, sacking the town and building two towers of heads. heads. 1 At that time Shiraz had had no proper wall; outermost houses standing side by wall; the outennost 2 side did duty for a rampart. rampart. 2

Having himself undergone two sieges here (4.1, (4.1, 4.6), 4.6), the Vakil had acquired a practical idea of how best to improve the defenses of the sprawling and poorly walled city. city.

He started by reducing the perimeter to more manageable proportions and rebuilding the walls: walls: the previous total of seventeen to nineteen quarters miles) was cut down by the demolition of within a perimeter of 1.5 farsakhs (seven miles) older, older, outlying buildings and the amalgamation of several quarters to a dozen new farsakh; the number of gates was reduced quarters inside a perimeter of only one farsakh; 3 six,3 namely, namely, the darvaza-ye darvaza-ye Esfahan, Esfahan, Sa'di, Sa'di, from the former nine or even twelve to six,

Qassab-khana (slaughterhouse), (slaughterhouse), Shah-da'i, Shah-da'i, Kazarun, Kazarun, and Bagh-e Shah. Shah. The new perFrancklin, who imeter was marked by an impressive wall, wall, described admiringly by Francklin, 1. Lockhart, Safavi Dynasty, 203; Nadir Shah, 242. 1. See See Lockhart, Safavi Dynasty, 203; Nadir Shah, 242. 2. Niebuhr, 2. Niebuhr, Arabien, Arabien, 302. 302. 3. 216; Forsat For~at ol-Dawla, Mehraz, 91; Binning, 266-69. 3. Fasa'i I, I, 216; ol-Dawla, 432-33; 432-33; Mehraz, 91; Binning, 266-69. The higher figure in each case is given by Fasa'i. Fasa'i.

272 272

SHIRAZ SHIRAZ at the the time time of of at Karim Karim Khan Khan Zand Zand

Bagh-e Naw

~hehel Tanin

~ ^ ^ Built or repaired by Karim Khan

o(~1

Other Other buildings

oO

Buildings no longer existing

Haft

Tanin

'Njhanmedan Mohammedan takes pity on it and has it repaired." His wish was fulfilled aa few years later, later, when Karim placed over the grave a brick and plaster edifice and 21 enclosed the actual tombstone in an iron railing. railing. 21 Rulsalla bw.l t by Sa'diya Mosalla built ol-Dawla, is is now blocked and disused. disused. At the time of the Buwayhid Prince Rokn ol-Dawla, Karim Khan it was sstill till flowing strong, Vakil, after consulting experts, experts, strong, and the Vakil, {shotor-golu) to be constructed so as as to bring the waters of ordered an aqueduct (shotor-goZu) the spring into the town as far as the palace, palace, at the same time avoiding the the similar defenses riverbed and negotiating both the town walls and ditch and the 22 tmof the Arg. This tmusual feat of engineering was completed at great expense; 22 of the Arg. This unusual feat of engineering was completed at great expense; unforttmately it has not survived. The Rud-e Khoshk, the seasonal river that skirts fortunately it has not survived. The Rud-e Khoshk, the seasonal river that skirts the northeastern the Vakil: Vakil: the northeastern edge edge of of Shiraz, Shiraz, is is in in its its present present fonn form the the work work of of the to lessen the danger of flooding, flooding, he had the bed excavated and reinforced with 23 stone banks. banks. 23 Others of his waterworks include two tmdergrotmd underground reservoirs (ab{abanbar) anbar) near the old gtm gun park by the Arg, Arg, which were in use up to the installation 24 During the period Sadeq Khan was governor of the capiof a piped water supply.24 of a piped water supply. During the period Sadeq Khan was governor of the capital (perhaps even before 1765), 1765), he was instructed to have all the bazaar alleys

19. 19. GI, GM, 205. 205. The tombstone of Shah Shoj!c Shojac has since been enclosed and shelby a futuristic concrete umbrella. umbrella. 20. Arberry, Shiraz, 160; I, 20. GI, GM, 204; 204; Donboli, Donboli, Tajreba Tajreba I, I, 129; 129; cf. cf. Arberry, Shiraz, 160; Porter I,

~ered tered

694. 694. 21. Niebuhr, Reise, Reise, 167; tam , 413; 21. Niebuhr, 167; Ros Rostam, 413; Mehraz, Mehraz, 230; 230; Porter I, I, 696-97. 696-97. This arrangmenet was replaced in 1952 by the present mausoleum designed by Andre Godard. Godard. 22. 22. TGG, TGG, 159-60; 159-60; Rostam, Rostam, 412. 412. 23. 29; 37. 23. Sami, Sami, Shiraz, Shiraz, 29; Emdad, Emdad, 37. 24. tam , 413; 209. 24. Ros Rostam, 413; Emdad, Emdad, 209.

278 278

Iran Khan Iran under under Ka:roim Karim Khan

and other residential streets paved, paved, with a central drainage channel running into 25 grid. 25 wells sunk forty paces apart and covered with a stone grid. The various lovely gardens that are for many the chief attraction of Shiraz Besides those of the palace, shrines, shrines, and mausoleums mentioned above, above, there was the Bagh-e Nazar (surpalace, viving, though reduced in size) size) with its octagonal pavillion (the so-called Kolah-e Kolah-e. viving, Farangi), where the Vakil was originally buried. buried. Other gardens that Karim Khan Farangi), had planted outside the city include the Bagh-e Jahan-noma about a mile to the north, wheat; in the north, where in 1185/1771-72 he enclosed a field to grow 300 man of wheat; same place he built another kolah-e farangi and planted four rows of poplars, poplars, which were admired by the author of the FarBnama Farsnama some 120 years later. later. To the north of this, this, at a place now called Jawnoma, Jawnoma, he built another, another, smaller walled garden watered by the Roknabad spring. spring.26 Such was in brief the scope of Karim Khan's replanning, replanning, renovation, renovation, and improvement of Shiraz. Shiraz. One outstanding feature of the Vakil's buildings remarked by is the finnness firmness of the foundations and masonry. masonry. The Zand ruler's most observers is monuments have stood the test of four successive earthquakes 27 and of the destrucmonuments stood~hammad the testKhan of four and of theThere destructive malicehave of Agha whensuccessive he sacked earthquakes the town in 1206/1792. is tive malice of Agha Mohammad Khan when he sacked the town in 1206/1792. There is an oft-repeated tale that the spiteful eunuch found that his demolition teams an oft-repeated tale that the spiteful eunuch found that his demolition teams could make no impression on the city walls with mere picks and crowbars and he was could make no impression on the city walls with mere picks and crowbars and he was forced blocks with with their forced to to call call in in stonemasons stonemasons to to cut cut up up the the blocks their special special tools. tools. The The conqueror did, did, however, however, manage to take back to Tehran the two monolithic pillars 28 from the divankhana, which Curzon noted in the Qajar throne room. divankhana, room.28 If the Vakil's monuments lack the brazen opulence of Shah 'Abbas' 'Abbas' Royal Isfahan, they blend with dignity and quiet good taste into the backSquare at Isfahan, is Shiraz's happy lot. lot. While the oasis of Isground of rare natural beauty that is Is5,000 feet fahan stands out on a featureless semidesert plain, plain, Shiraz lies at 5,000 hills. From the architectural viewpoint, viewpoint, one against a backdrop of rugged green hills. is that the town is is aligned on a roughly northeast to fortunate feature of Shiraz is 29 southwest axis, with the result that the axis, that is, is, in conformity with the qebZa,29 qebla, most striking edifices--the mosques--are in line with the main streets, streets, the baAll Karim Khan's buildings conform to and zaars and other principal buildings. buildings. emphasize this harmony of plan. plan. were largely new creations or extensions of existing plots. plots.

25. Rostam, Rostam, 335; 335; Donboli, Donboli, Tajreba Tajreba I, 129. 25. I, 129. 26. Kinneir, Kinneir, 63; 63; Nava'i, Karim Khan-e Khan-e Zand, Zand, 306-8. 306-8. 26. Nava'i, Karim 27. Brydges, Brydges, cviii; cviii; Bradley-Birt, Bradley-Birt, 128; 128; Hovhanyants, Hovhanyants, 311. 311. The Ihe earthquakes 27. 1789, 1812, 1812, 1853, 1853, and 1855. 1855. are variously dated 1789, 28. G. G. N N...Curzon I, I, 313; 313; cf. cf. Kinneir, Kinneir, 63; 63; Bradley-Birt, Bradley-Birt, 134; 134; Zokii, Zoka, 88. 88. The 28. marble throne also identified by Curzon as booty from Shiraz was in-fact in"fact made later; the legendary cannon (the tup-e tup-e marvarid) morvarid) twenty years later; then parked in the Tehran, which was popularly held to have been cast at Shiraz by Royal Square at Tehran, Khan, was likewise cast much later, later, in 1233/1817-18, 1233/1817-18, at Isfahan (see Zoka, Karim Khan, Zoka, 38-39, 50 note 2). 38-39, 2). 29. The qebZa qebla at Shiraz is 56°46' 56°46' west of south; south; cf. cf. Mehraz, Mehraz, 91. 29. 91.

The Vakil Home Vakil at at Home

279 279

COURT 16.3 CAMP AND mURT Compared with the elaborate superstructure of rank and ritual that distinguished the Safavid court, court, the Vakil's menage at Shiraz was smaller, smaller, simpler, simpler, and attuned more to practical administrative and military needs than to the S1.Ullptuous sumptuous ostentaSophy. Certainly Safavid court terminology is liberally sprintions of a Great Sophy. kled over the standard hyperbole in the contemporary chronicles; chronicles; but this stems historians' obligation to portray the ruler in an aura of conventional from the historians' magnificence, magnificence, regardless of how the standards of an earlier age of opulence might changed. Nader Shah had already shaken the effete structure of the late have changed. machine--working, admittedly, admittedly, for its Safavid court into a working militaristic machine--working, aggrandizement--but own perpetuation and aggrandizement-but a machine nevertheless which would work Nader. Karim again iif f enough parts were salvaged by a competent man trained under Nader. Khan, brought up in the same frontier battleground of Darra Gaz Gaz as as Nader himself Khan, and educated on campaign with the the conqueror, conqueror, was thus thus able to appreciate and use the military basis of political power he inherited in part from Nader, Nader, and by his stability. humanity to impart to it a greater rationality and stability. This tendency is is reflected in the constitution of Karim's standing army of Fars during the latter years of his reign.30 This force reign. force was maintained at a theomen. The largest element, element, over half the total, total, comprised the retical 45,000 men. 24,000 men from the Lur and Lak tribes that had provided Karim's original manpower around Hamadan, Hamadan, Kennanshah, Kermanshah, and Borujerd in his rise to dominance over the region arotmd Zand, Zangana, Zangana, KaThor, Kalhor, Vand, Vand, and Fayli Lurs; Lurs; these would comprise --chiefly the Zand, infantry. The 12,000 troops designated as as 'Eraqi were presumably both cavalry and infantry. units recruited from the peasthe musketeers and other largely nontribal infantry tmits Qom, Kashan, Kashan, Isfahan, Isfahan, Qomeshah, Qomeshah, Abada, Abada, and Yazdi Yazd; antry at urban centers such as Qom, Tofangdhi units, which tmder under Shah 'Abbas 'Abbas had likewise these corresponded to the Tofangchi tmits, numbered 12,000. province, 12,000.31 Fars, Fars, despite its rise to the status of metropolitan province, 6,000 troops; this figure presumably included the contingents from provided only 6, 000 troops; Lar, Dashtestan, Dashtestan, and Khuzestan. Khuzestan. The smallest regional condependencies such as Lar, 3,000 men. tingent to be classified separately was that of the Bakhtyari at 3,000 men. These ideal figures figures probably represented neither the real number of troops quartered in Fars nor those actually ready for service. service. The army led by Amir Gtma Guna Khan against' against Khurmuj Khurmuj and Bandar Rig in 1765 supposedly comprised 4,000 4,000 horse and 6,000 6,000 foot; foot; but Niebuhr was told confidentially by a Georgian officer that only 1,100 and 500, 500, respectively, respectively, were in fact fact fit fit for service, service, and the Danish traveler further notes that a yuzbashi yuzbashi more often had nearer 50-60 men than the ideal 100. 100~2 It would therefore seem justifiable to assume, assume, on a still generous estimate, estimate, that rather less than 20,000 of this standing army existed other than on paper and that

30. Fasa'i I, I, 219; 219; Partaw-Bayza'i, Partaw-Bayza'i, 58-59; 58-59; Ansari, 30. ~ari, 229. 229. 31. AriRy," 93. 93. 31. Lockhart, Lockhart, "The Persian Army," 32. 102, 103. 32. Niebuhr, Niebuhr, Reise, Reise, 102, 103.

280 280

Iran undel' Khan Iran under Kazoim Karim Khan

no more than half of this could have been put into the field at short notice. notice. Even this exceeds the eyewitness estimates from Shiraz that reached Russian officials at Rasht in the late l760s: 1760s: these claim that Karim Khan had disbanded his army, retaining only 4,000 4,000 men at Shiraz and a few chosen strongholds, strongholds, backed by anny, tribal and peasant contingents. contingents. 33 The organization of this this force, force, particularly of the units permanently attached to the court, court, was theoretically on traditional Safavid lines, lines, though rereflecting differences that had in the main developed under Nader Shah. Shah. 34 The elite Safavid quZLar (lit.: qullar (lit.: slaves)--mounted musketeers originally recruited like the Turkish janissaries chiefly from among Georgians and other Christian peoples for the shah's personal service, service, and in Shah 'Abbas's time numbering gholaman. 12,000--had survived vestigially in the Vakil's personal bodyguard, bodyguard, the ghoZaman. all, these comprised 1,200 Lurs armed with flintlocks (chakhmaq; (ohakhmaq; Numbering 1,400 in all, ghelmanmost other musketeers still had only the matchlock) matchlock) and hence known as the gheZmanchakhmaqi and 200 200 miscellaneous Kurds, Kurds, Georgians, Georgians, and others under the cOlllllaIld command e chakhmaqi Shaqaqi, 'Ali Khan Kord-e Qarachurlu, Qarachurlu, and Lotf 'Ali 'Ali Khan Cherkes, Cherkes, all of 'Ali Beg Shaqaqi, three of them renowned marksmen. marksmen. Georgian officers also served in field units of army, but it is the Zand anny, is unlikely that any complete contingent still existed (13.4).. (13.4) The other court troops, troops, in approximate order of decreasing military and inincreasing menial duties, yasavoZan (mounted escorts and attendants duties, were the 1,000 yasavolan whose duties included crowd control and other police work); work); their chief officers were 'Ali Mlrad Morad Khan Zand, Mohammad Khan Qajar Zand, 'Askar Khan Rashti, Rashti, and Mirza Mlhammad Develu; (bodyguard-cum-police, similar to the yasavolan); Develu; 1,000 nasaqohian nasaqchian (bodyguard-cum-police, yasavolan); 700 jarchian {tel) ja1'chian (heralds or messengers), messengers), each with a bejewelled and enamelled plume (teZ) as insignia of office, office, 300 each of 1'ikayan rikayan shateran (couriers or outriders); outriders); as and shatel'an orderlies. The jazayerohian and 1,000 farrashan, fa.1'1'O.8han, or general ushers and orderlies. jazayel'ahian or keshikohian (harquebusiers) and the qupahian qurchian (cuirassiers) keshikahian (harquebusiers) (cuirassiers) seem to have disapdisap'peared as as elite units, former are frequently mentioned by the chroniunits, though the fonner clers as field troops together with the tofangahian. 35 The artillery, a psychoclers as field troops together with the tofangohian. The artillery, a psychothis list only by 700 zanburakahian, this list only by 700 zanburakchian, Beg Gorgi, presumably had his own troops Beg Gorgi, presumably had his own troops

logical weapon at best, is represented in logical weapon at best, is represented in though the Vakil's tupahi-bashi, Mohammad Mlhammad though the Vakil's tupchi-bashi, and a few heavier guns.36 and a few heavier guns.

tOld, from commander-in-chief down to The officers of this force, force, we are told, dQh-bashi (in command of ten men) numbered 6,000. dah-bashi men) 6,000. The nomenclature of ranks reflected basically the Turkish decimal terminology as inherited from the Qizilbash tribes, tribes, some terms having remained Turkish but others appearing in part-Persian

33. Ashrafyan, ''Novye 8. 33. Arunova and Ashrafyan, "Novye Materialy," 111 note 8. 34. 34. The following summary is based on Fasa'i Fasa' i and Partaw-Bayza'i. Partaw- Bay?;a ' i. 35. 35. Lockhart, Lockhart, "The Persian Anny," Army," 92-94, 92-94, 96 note; note; TM, TM, 118, 118, 124. 124. 36. Cf. Cf. Niebuhr, Niebuhr, Reise, Reise, 118. 118. Ferrieres de Sauveboeuf (58) (58) describes the 36. "plutot un objet de parade que de destruction." Iranian artillery of the time as "pliitBt destruction."

The Vakil. Vakil at at Home 'l'he Home

281 281

translation: thus we have minbashi and yuzbashi, yuabashi, but pansad-bashi, paYl8ad-bashi, panjah-bashi translation: thus minbashi panjah-bashi 37 dah-bashi. 37 and dah-ba8hi.

the Lak and Lur contingents with their families represented an enormous inlarge. Several thousand families families crease in the population of Shiraz and Fars at large. capital, and of these 8,000 8,000 individuals are said to have had town houses in the capital, 38 were reputedly in attendance when the Vakil gave full full court (bar-e (bar-e 1'amm).38 amm). The continued political as well as as military dominance of Karim's early allies can also be seen in the position at court of men such as as 'Abdollah Beg KaThor Kalhor and Haydar Qoli Khan Zangana, Zangana, who were sent as to Istanbul and Baghdad (15.3). as ambassadors to (15.3). Karim Khan invariably entrusted the field command of all major operations to among his his tribal tribal allies allies ('Ali Khan Shahia Zand kinsman or aa proved soldier from among seven, Amir Guna Khan Afshar); seven, Afshar); politicians and courtiers were not encouraged to try out military aspirations. aspirations. Thus in the Zohab campaign (12.2) (12.2) Mirza t-bhaJlBl@i Mohammad Ja'far Khorasani was sent to negotiate, 'Ali Khan Zand with an negotiate, backed by Nazar 'Ali army. Only once did the Vakil indulge a courtier's plea to command aa campaign-army. that of Taqi Khan Bafqi against Kerman (8.2)--and he seems to have regarded this as a joke from the outset. outset. This shrewd separation of court and camp confiasco as trasts with later Safavid and mid-Qajar practice, practice, as deplored by European observers: "Nothing can be better than the soldier, or worse than the ers: the Persian private soldier, officers .. .. .. they are generally taken from the worst class of the menial serv39 ants of the ministers and people about court." court. ,,39

Although his chief strength lay in the the tribal cavalry, cavalry, the Zand ruler did not tofangchis, the infantry backbone of his army. army. Battles might be won neglect the tofangchis, by a spirited saber charge from the volatile tribesman, tribesman, but it was the stolid ranks of musketeers, musketeers, largely conscripts officered by mercenaries, mercenaries, that made it possible. The lengths Karim Khan went to in order to retain his infantry levies possible. from Persian Iraq and Dashtestan--at the risk of alienating his his own tribesmen (3.2) (3.2) and driving the Dashtestanis to mutiny (4.1)--illustrates his appreciation of their importance. importance. frivolous aspects of court life were, were, so far as as can be judged, The more frivolous judged, as ever, but with the accent on rougher and more martial entermuch in evidence as ever, tainments and on active participation in his bf by the Vakil's kinsmen and fellow tribesmen. The lions, lions, tigers, tigers, and elephants presented by foreign envoys were, tribesmen. were, acal-Hokama', employed in gladiatorial combats such as as that in cording to Rostam al-Hokama', Mohammad Khan Zand acquired his nickname of Shir-Kosh (12.7, (12.7, note 50). which 'Ali Mohanunad 50). The elephants reputedly had their trunks trunks torn apart by stalwarts of the Zand tribe, who would also reshape horseshoes and even zanb-uraks tribe, zanburaks with their bare hands (chap. 15, 15, note 96). 96). Jarid-bazi to entertain foreign diplomats (chap. Jarid-bazi was a popular court. Scott Waring describes this typical steppe sport as pastime at the Zand court. 37. Niebuhr, Niebuhr, Reise, 37. Rei8e, 103. 103. 38. Partaw-Bay~a'i, 59; has 7000. 38. Partaw-Bayz.a'i, 59; Fasa'i I, I, 219, 219, has 7000. 39. Monteith, Monteith, "Notes on the Routes," Routes," 118. 39. 118.

Iran under Khan Ivan under Karim Karim Khan

282 282

full gallop. "throwing a dart three cubits long at a horseman when they are at full gallop. The person at whom it is is thrown either catches it in his hand, hand, or throwing himself belly, allows it to fly over him •. .. .. the jureed comes with under the horse's belly, 40 sufficient force ,,40 One exponent could repeatedly spear an force to break an ann. arm." full gallop. gallop. Rostam also recounts with satisfaction orange from a man's head at full fate of 'Omar Aqa, Aqa, a skilled jarid-baz the fate jarid-baz who accompanied an Ottoman embassy to Shiraz: Shiraz: his javelin (blunted for for practice) practice) broke the bones of several Zand chalKhan, raising the Shi' Shi'i "ya lengers and their mounts before Kalb 'Ali Khan, i battle cry "ya 'AH," as the Turk passed him crouching low over the saddle, saddle, so 'AZi," hurled his dart as famous that it "shot straight into his anus and out of his navel . .. .. and the famous ['Omar ['Omar Aqa] Aqa] tumbled into the dust dust of destruction and joined the ranks ranks of the 41 [first] Wrestlers, tumblers, Zuti[first] three caliphs.,,41 caliphs." Wrestlers, tumblers, and court jesters (moqaUed. {moqalled, lutibashi) relaxation. 42 bashi) were also a feature of the Vakil's moments of public relaxation. INSTITUTIONS 16.4 CIVIC AND SOCIAL INSTITUfIONS To aa great extent the administration and other amenities of Shiraz under Zand rule time; however, however, since there are must have been typical of most other cities at that time; instances of Karim Khan's having added to or modified existing arrangements, arrangements, and its very nature is is likely to to show marked differences differences from provincial provincial a capital by its towns, it is is more prudent to treat Shiraz as as a special case. towns, case. artisans, encouraging his his ofThe Vakil's policy of attracting merchants and artisans, ficers ficers and their dependents to set up residence in Shiraz and settling many of the families of his tribal anny army in and around the capital, capital, undoubtedly increased its families (14.4). His reconstruction of the city wall, wall, as as also the population considerably (14.4). presence of his anny army in Fars, Fars, afforded safety from external enemies. enemies. IIts ts growth as the center of government required that internal order and security be at least as guaranteed. Niebuhr saw this at work at the outset of the Vakil's reign as firmly guaranteed. Shiraz, and his observations tally closely with those of Francklin, Francklin, who stayed in Shiraz, in the city twenty years later under Ja'far Khan. Khan. The city gates were well guarded at all times, times, and although anyone was admitted, strangers were not allowed out without a pass. pass. Women were not nonnally normally mitted, all, as as it was feared the ahador might be concealing an escaped allowed out at all, the chador 43 prisoner. prisoner.43 the gates were closed at sunset and the keys deposited with the governor until the next morning. morning. '!Wo Two warning drumrolls were beaten at 8:00 and 9:00 P.M. force. P.M. and at the third, third, about 10:30 P.M., a universal curfew came into force. Those apprehended out of doors doors by the night watch were hauled before the darugha. davugka* fine or and if unable to give a good account of themselves would be liable to a fine 44 the bastinado. bastinado. 44 40. 40. 41. 41. 42. 42. 43. 43. 44. 44.

Waring, 50; 50; cf. cf. lves, Ives, 272. Waring, 272. 367-69. Rostam, 367-69. Rostam, Rostam, 410. Rostam, 410. 114. Niebuhr, Reise, 114. Niebuhr, Reise, Francklin, 130. Francklin, 130.

The Home The vakU Vakil at at Home

283

The darugha and his men were responsible in Shiraz, Shiraz, as in other cities, cities, for

order, civic security, security, and other duties today performed by the urban police public order. force; prices, force; he was also the official (at least in Shiraz) Shiraz) who supervized retail prices, contracts, weights and measures, measures, and the like in the bazaar, bazaar, having as his suborcontracts, dinate in this the mohtaseb. mohtaseb. 45 The duties of the darugha of Isfahan during late similar; he was also the judge in a civil small claiJns claims Safavid times were very similar; tumans). If a prisoner of the darugha died, died, court (involving sums of less than 12 ttunans). court the case was investigated by the divan-begi, the officer responsible for divan-begi, for court 46 security, chief. 46 security, who in some matters apparently acted as metropolitan police chief. 47 47 son, Abu'l-Fath Abu'1-Fath Khan. Khan. The Vakil's divan-begi was his eldest son, Urban security was remarkably well maintained under Karim Khan: Khan: "During his whole reign, reign, II have been

informed by several natives of Shirauz, Shirauz, that by his excellent police and manage48 ment there was not aa single tumult or riot productive of bloodshed.,,48 bloodshed." The city was divided by the Vakil's reconstruction into twelve clearly dif(mahalla), each of which had as spokesman and unpaid superinferentiated wards (mahaZZa), tendent a kadkhoda. kadkhoda. His duties included settling disputes between neighbors, neighbors, rere-

porting special circumstances of making other representations to the governor, governor, and acquainting hilnself himself with the occupations and resources of the inhabitants of his 49 ward as an aid to tax collection, collection, quartering of troops, troops, and the like. like.49 Before 1765, Sadeq had built or otherwise acquired many the Vakil's return to Shiraz in 1765, army and hostages expected; expected; the surplus number were billeted on houses for the anny buy, sublet, sublet, or change their quarters. Shiraz residents and forbidden to buy, quarters. 50 The chief religious dignitary was the Shaykh ol-Eslam, ol-Eslam, who as the chief interpreter and implementer of the shar* shar' law was considered to be the chief of the judiciary, Vakil.51 Nevertheless, judiciary, appointed directly by the monarch through the Vakil. Nevertheless, matters, which included divorce his jurisdiction was strictly limited to religious matters, nature; the chief civil and criminal judge and other civil proceedings of a minor nature; qazi, who imposed on-the-spot punishments such as as the loss of nose or ears was the qasi, for common theft, theft, or disembowelment and exposure on the gibbet for highway rob52 bery.52 justice, two butchers nailed bery. Niebuhr witnessed one result of such StmJDary summary justice, meat. 53 by the ears to aa post for the afternoon as as a punishment for selling bad meat. Security in the metropolitan province and its dependencies was maintained by equally summary punishments, punishments, which because they were inflicted on a larger scale excessive. The extirpation of the Liravi Lurs of the sometimes seem arbitrary and excessive. Kuhgiluya (7.4) point. The Vakil's justice, justice, especially when executed (7.4) is a case in point. 45. 45. 46. 46. 47. 47. 48. 48. 49. 49. 50. 50. 51. 51. 52. 52. 53. 53.

Ibid., 142; 142; Waring, Waring, 64-65; 64-65; Rostam, Rostam, 308. Ibid., 308. DM, 149. EM, 428-29; 428-29; cf. cf. TM, TM, 48, 48, 82-83; 82-83, 90, 90, 113, 113, 149. Rostam, 434. Rostam, 434. Waring, 302. Waring, 302. Ibid., 64. Ibid., 64. Rostam, 339. Rostam, 339. Cf. Algar, Algar, 40. Cf. 40. Francklin, Francklin, 131-32. 131-32. Niebuhr, Niebuhr, Reise, Reise, 116. 116.

Fig. Fig. 4. 4. The Royal Royal Palace at Tehran about 1812, 1812, presumably as as begun by Karim Khan in 1760. 1760. Watercolor by Joseph D'Arcy; D'Arcy; reproduced by permission of the Library. India Office Library.

. «y,

• '*/>'reover, one travel with such safety as as in in Persia. Persia." Moreover, the the same the generally calm and and friendly atmosphere of of Shiraz traveler was impressed with the in particular contrasted the the courtesy he as a itself and and in he experienced as a foreign visitor, both from the the populace at at large and and from the the beglerbegi, beglerbegi, Sadeq Khan, Khan, with tor, he had had suffered,for example, example, in in cairo. Cairo.56 It It would seem the xenophobic insults he to attribute this pleasing attitude in in part to to the the Vakil's own own laissezlaissezreasonable to faire religious policy after the the excesses of of the the reigns of of both Soltan Hosayn and faire and Nader Shah (13.7). (13.7). Sanitation in in Shiraz was ultimately up up to to the the citizenry, citizenry, but but even in in this hand. One One of of the the duties of of his rikayan (16.3) (16.3) was was to to go go field the Vakil took aa hand. to keep the the streets of of their quarter clean, clean, and and perhaps around instructing people to 57 organizing aa rota to this. 57 to ensure this. Among the the civic amenities for for which Shiraz was indebted largely or or even solely to chroniclers, to Karim Khan is is one one that is is tactfully omitted by by the the respectable chroniclers, is enthusiastically acclaimed by by the the more worldly and and entertaining of but which is of the contemporary writers: of writers: this this was was its well-run brothel quarter. quarter. Thousands of "moon-faced matrons," ranging from simple whores to to cultured courtesans, courtesans, were "moonfaced matrons," by the the Vakil in in aa special quarter outside the the town primarily for for the the delecdelechoused by 58 Like all well-run armies, that of tation of of the the members of of his standing anrry.58 army. armies, of Karim Khan took on was on campaign its its quota of of camp followers; followers; this he he recognized was of peace, peace, and and thus he he institutionaleven more necessary during prolonged periods of insti tutionalized this arrangement at the capital as the apparatus of at the as part of of the of civic security, security, providing an an outlet for for the the energies of of unruly tribesmen who might otheIWise otherwise have resorted to to rape and and pillage. pillage. In In the the brothels and and taverns of of this this district, district, not not

54. 54. 55. 55. 56. 56. 57. 57. 58. 58.

Ibid., 179-80. Ibid., 179-80. Ibid., 178. 178. Ibid., Ibid., 115. 115. Ibid., Rostam, 309. 309. Rostam, Ibid., 340 ff.; Donboli, Donboli, Tajreba Tajreba II, II, 43. 43. Ibid., 340 ff.;

The Vakil Home Vakil at at Home

287 287

only the army but citizens, 01citizens, courtiers, courtiers, and "guests" "guests" of the court such as as 'Abd olentertainment. No doubt the Vakil's own predilection Razzaq would find regular entertainment. for sexual pleasures (16.5) (16.5) predisposed him to treat this problem seriously and sensibly: he is is reported to have argued realistically, realistically, if in somewhat unflattersensibly: simile, that aa tam town without its its kharabat kharabat was like a house without lavatory or ing simile, refuse dump. dump. 59 import selected beauties from the kharabat for aa Karim Khan would regularly inqJort cultured orgy at his palace. palace. One of these, these, a witty and well-educated singer and poetess by the name of Shakh-Nabat, Shakh-Nabat, rose to become the Vakil's mistress during his years. When she fell fell ill, ill, he is is said to have tried every means to save her, later years. her, even surrounding her bed with other women in the hope that their prayers and inthem; when despite these ministracantations might transfer her malady to one of them; died, with aa ghazaZ ghazal on her lips, lips, the the distressed Vakil had her portrait tions she died, painted and aa verse epitaph composed by Mirza Sadeq Nami. Nami. 60 There are many stories of this most colorful of Karim's institutions and his personal interest in it. it. But turning from the sensual sentimentality of 'Abd ol01Razzaq and Rostam al-Hokama' al-Hokama' to look through the more practical eye of Scott Warlater, we learn that dancing girls and ing at this same institution a generation later, prostitutes were carefully classified and registered and were replaced when marriage; and that as as a class they were the claimed by death or marriage; the most heavily taxed as well as as the social scheme of and thus played a productive part in the economic as the Zand metropolis. metropolis. 6l

16.5 PERSONAL LIFE AND CHARACI'ER CHARACTER kindness, sinqJlici simplicity, generosity, and There are more stories told of Karim Khan's kindness, ty, generosity, sense of justice than about any other Iranian monarch. monarch. As the archetype of the good king with a genuine concern for his his people and who thus gained their respect and love, t, SuI tan Sanj ar, and Shah 'Abbas. love, he ranks with Anushirvan the Jus Just, Sultan Sanjar, 'Abbas. Where these and other rulers rulers surpass him in military glory and international prestige, prestige, the Vakil quietly retains even today an unparalleled place in his countrymen's af-

fection as as a good man who became and remained a good monarch. monarch. anecdotes, iit objected, have been modified or Many of these anecdotes, t may readily be objected, exaggerated by propro- or anti-Qajar bias or merely in the retelling, retelling, and many more obviously apocryphal. apocryphal. Moreover, Moreover, it is is obvious that Karim Khan's virtues are are obviouSly greatly enhanced by their enforced juxtaposition with the savagery and tyranny of Nader Shah and Agha Mohammad Khan. Khan. Yet there is enough substance in such tales, tales, evidence, to endorse the judgtaken in conjunction with more reliable historical evidence, Khan. ment of posterity on Karim Khan. 59. Ros Rostam, 329-31, 339. 59. tam , 329-31, 339. Waring, 61; Bahar, 32660. 60. Ibid., Ibid., 341; 341; Donboli, Donboli, Tajreba Tajreba II, II, 49, 49, 56-58; 56-58; Waring, 61; cf. cf. Bahar, 28. 28. A A generous selection of other tales tales of la dolce vita in Shiraz, Shiraz, culled from Rostam and Donboli, zana, 256-59, Donboli, may be found in Nava'i, Nava'i, Karim Karim K/Um-e Khan-e Zand, 256-59, 196-97. 196-97. 61. Waring, 61. Waring, 80. 80.

288 288

Iran Khan Iran undel' under Ka1'im Karim Kkan

Physically, the Vakil was well-built, well-built, with a thick beard and moustache and an Physically, authority, though soft-spoken and unassuming.62 unassuming. air of natural authority, He was not ashamed of his humble origin and never sought for himself a more illustrious pedigree than tribe. According to Forster, Forster, he that of the chief of a hitherto obscure Zagros tribe. avowing, that in his youth he pursued the occupation of a rob"made no secret of avowing, ber, and that his fore foreteeth ass, which he ber, teeth had been demolished by the kick of an ass, off." days is is a had stolen and was carrying off.,,63 The best-known tale of his early days relating: as as a poor soldier in touching story he himself was especially fond of relating: Nader's army, army, he had once stolen a gold-embossed saddle belonging to an Afghan officer, which he saw lying outside the saddler's where it had been left for repair. ficer, repair. learning, however, however, that the saddler had been held responsible for its its loss loss and On learning, hanged, Karim was smitten by conscience and surreptitiously replaced was due to be hanged, it. He watched from concealment as the saddle in the spot from which he had taken it. saddler's wife discovered its its return and fell fell on her knees, knees, offering thanks to the saddler'S to have a hunGod and prayers that the person who had brought it back might live to saddles. "I am quite certain," certain," the Vakil would add with a smile, smile, "that dred such saddles. the honest prayer of the old woman has aided my fortune in the attainment of that 64 This is cited by Malcolm approprisplendour which she desired I should enj or. ,,64 splendour which she desired I should enjoy." This is cited by Malcolm appropriately as monarch. as a remarkable instance of goodness of heart in so powerful a monarch.

Malcolm also relates, relates, as an instance of Karim's lack of affectation and ability to take a joke against himself, himself, that he once told his court jester to go and see what a barking dog outside the palace might want of him. him. The jester duly went, w.ent, "and, "and, after appearing to listen for some time with profound attention, attention, he returned, returned, and said, said, with a grave air, air, 'Your Majesty must send one of the chief officers of your own family to report what that gentleman says: says: he speaks no language except dialect" [kaj-zaban, [_kaj-zaban3 Karim's own Lak dialect], "the barbarous dialect" dialect], with which they are familiar, III Karim laughed heartily and familiar, but of which II do not lIDderstand understand one word. word.'" 6s rewarded the jester. Perhaps this was the same moqalled, jester. this moqaZZed, Najaf Mir Hasan Khan, Khan, whom Karim once fined 1,500 tumans and imprisoned for an inopportune wisecrack; wisecrack; he bribed the guards guards to let him sslip back into the Vakil's presence, where another lip presence, bon mot redeemed his freedom and his money. money.66 untutored Lur speech and There are many references to Karim Khan's earthy and lIDtutored customs. customs. When Esma'il III III died in 1187/1773, 1187/1773, the Vakil and his nobles smeared their hats with mud and ashes to follow the bier, tradition. 67 bier, in Luri mourning tradition. habits. He His appearance and tastes likewise revealed his tribal origins and habits. continued to wear simple robes of calico and tent cloth in summer and cotton or

62. 62. Donboli, Donboli, Tajl'eba Tajreba I, I, 131-32. 131-32. 63. Forster, Forster, 241 241 note. 63. note. 64. 64. Malcolm, Malcolm, 148-49; 148-49; Qazvini, Qazvini, 14sa-b; 145a-b; Fasa'i I, I, 219; 219; Fraser, Fraser, An Histo1'icaZ Historical •. Account, 264. Account, 264. 65. 551-52. 65. Malcolm, Malcolm, 551-52. 66. 410. 66. Rostam, Rostam, 410. 67. 209. 67. Honarfar, Honarfar, 529 note 1; 1; cf. cf. Fasa'i I, I, 209.

The VakiL Horne Vakil at at Home

289 289

satin padded with buckram in winter and the tall Zand turban of yellow cashmere, cashmere, as he had done in his native hills. jiqa or other jewelry, jewelry, prehills. He never wore the jiqa ferred a simple ziZu to a throne, dishes. zilu or felt mat to throne, and ate always from copper dishes. This contrasts significantly with the conspicuous blaze of silks and jewels with which Fath 'Ali person, consciously harking back to the majesty 'Ali Shah covered his person, of the Safavid shah. shah.68 Karim bowed to the dictates of his station to the extent of having a bath and a change of clothes once a month, month, an extravagance that is it: the man had said to have shocked a Luri tribesman when Karim told him of it: never heard of a hammam hamnam and asserted that his people submitted to being washed (mordaonly twice in their lives--once by the midwife and once by the undertaker (morda69 shu).69 shu). He was impatient of sham and hypocrisy, hypocrisy, as has been seen in his dealings with the Machiavellian Agha Mlhanunad Mohammad and his young nephew (9.7). (9.7). He threw out one charlatan who claimed that his sight had been restored by a visit to the tomb of Karim's father, father, Budaq Khan, Khan, declaring angrily that his his father had been aa warrior, warrior, 70 miracles. 70 not a saint to work miracles. Karim's physical courage and toughness, fretoughness, as that of all his kinsmen, kinsmen, is is frequently emphasized. emphasized. Francklin, Francklin, no doubt comparing him with the pusillanimous Ja'far Khan, records that "he always fought at the head of his troops; troops; a very unJa' far Khan, cOlIDIlOn common circumstance in Persia, Persia, where the chief generally watches the action from 71 a distance." distance."71 Descriptions of his his battles battles by Ghaffari Ghaffari give give the the impression that, that, like Nader, Nader, he was as courageous but not so foolhardy as a literal acceptance of Francklin's statement would imply: imply: he would generally post himself in a tactically force, ready to to turn back would-be deserters, deserters, to comsound position with his main force, moment. If he mit his reserves, reserves, or otherwise to intervene personally at the right moment. genius, he was a competent general who if anything surlacked Nader's military genius, passed Nader in the important virtues of fortitude and persistence: persistence: these are particularly evident in his lengthy but ultimately successful sieges of KermanKerrnanshah, Urmiya, shah, Urmiya, and Basra and in his obstinacy and resilience in apparent defeat. defeat. But what above all made his reign a success and endeared him to his subjects was his them, his his closeness to them, his identification of his own needs with theirs and his consequent tolerance, tolerance, magnanimity, magnanimity, and kindness to all classes of his people. people. The attitude, its remoteness from any bulwark of priggish manifest genuineness of this attitude, piety, and in particular its complete contrast with the selfish megalomania of piety, Nader Shah and the sadistic absolutism of Agha Mlhanunad Mohammad made him the wonder of his age to contemporaries and succeeding generations. generations. He remained easy of access for subjects, setting apart a regular time each day for receiving complaints all his subjects, mazalem court of the ruler. ruler. After one such and petitions in the traditional mazaZem 68. 68. 69. 69. 70. 70. 71. 71.

Porter I, I, 328; 328; Meredith, Meredith, 61-62. 61-62. Donboli, Donboli, Tajreba Tajreba II, II, 48; 48; Fasa'i I, I, 219; 219; Mldarres-Gilani, Modarres-Gilani, 431-32. 431-32. Mldarres-Gilani, 432. Modarres-Gilani, 432. Francklin, 305. Francklin, 305.

290 290

Iran under Khan Iran under Karim Khan

session he was about to adjourn when a merchant rushed up complaining that he had been robbed while he was asleep. asleep. "And why were you asleep?" asleep?" asked the tired Vakil petulantly. awake," retorted the petulantly. "Because II made the mistake of assuming you were awake," plaintiff. reply, Karim :iJmnediately plaintiff. Chastened by this bold reply, immediately ordered the man to be 72 compensated fully out of the treasury and efforts made to recover his goods. goods. 72 A A particularly touching tale of Karim's sympathy for the ordinary people of his realm is told of the time he was personally supervizing the the building of his mosque in Shiraz, hookah. A Shiraz, while smoking a bejeweled and enameled hookah. A court farrash farrash found one of the workmen furtively puffing at a clay qalayan qalayan in a corner and anfell over and was smashed to grily hit the man with his stick so that his pipe fell pieces. The workman resignedly raised his pieces. his eyes to heaven and muttered some imprecation. The Vakil noticed this and called him over to ask what the matter was. cation. was. The man replied that he had been privately comparing the different conditions of above, and Karim the Vakil whom he had three Karims--the Almighty and Munificent above, qalayan, and his humble self, self, also named Karim, Karim, a poor given such a magnificent qalayan. to the pleasure of a quiet smoke clay-thumper who had been looking forward all day to hookah, only to have it denied him. him. Karim sympathetically seated from his clay hookah, his namesake beside him and shared his leaving, he gave him the his pipe with him; him; on leaving, valuable qalayan, qalayan, admonishing him to sell it for for a good price, price, as it was worth 7,000 tumans. 7,000 tumans. The Vakil's agents later bought the pipe back from the dealer to 73 whom the it. 73 whom the workman workman had had sold sold it. 16.6 DISSENTING VIEWS The Vakil's private pleasures were of the convivial and amorous kind traditionally associated with oriental potentates. potentates. He would sometimes indulge in all-night debauches and would then sleep for one or two hours in the morning before returning to affairs of state; state; and he retained·his retained his huge alcoholic and sexual appetites-and a harem of 120 women--until one year before his death, death, when he was in his 74 seventies. seventies. 74 Most references to this side of his character show him in a fairly honorable light. Unniya light. On one occasion, occasion, a strapping twenty-year-old Turk from Urmiya marched into Karim's palace at Shiraz, Shiraz, claiming to be the vakil's illegitimate son, his mother at the son, in proof of which he produced a ring Karim had given to his 75 close of their liaison; this and adopted the lad as his own. own. 75 liaison; Karim acknowledged this as his He also had his cousin Taher Khan Zand severely beaten for fornicating with the palace. 76 nymphomaniac wife of the head porter of the palace. 72. Historical •. •• Account, 263-64; 72. Malcolm, Malcolm, 150-51; 150-51; Fraser, Fraser, An Historical . . Account, 263-64; ModarresGilani, 431. Gilani, 431. 73. 73. ~fahani, Esfahani, 3b-4a; 3b-4a; RSN IX, IX, 124; 124; compare the slightly different version of Nava'i, Karim Khan-e Zand, Zand, 286-87. Nava'i, 286-87. 74. Ros tam , 322; I, 132-33; 48; SP 97/53 (1777), (1777), 95a 74. Rostam, 322; Donboli, Donboli, Tajreba Tajreba I, 132-33; II, II, 48; (a report from a Carmelite friar who served as Karim Khan's physician during 1775cf. Fasa'i I, I, 219; 219; Partaw-BaYka'i, Partaw-Bayza'i, 61; 61; Rahar, Bahar, 328. 76); cf. 328. 75. l46a-b. 75. Qazvini, Qazvini, 146a-b. 76. Nava'i, Karim Karim Khan-e 254-56. 76. Rostam, Rostam, 416-419; 416-419; Nava'i, Khan-e Zand, Zand, 254-56.

291 291

The vakiZ Home Vakil at at Home

In his earlier years, years, however, however, he is is alleged to have abducted girls for for his amusement; on his return to Isfahan after his arduous campaigns in Azernocturnal amusement; baijan, baijan, he is said by Rostam to have gotten drunk every night and slept each time with a suitable girl kidnapped by procurers, procurers, dismissing her the next day with aa

honor. robe of honor. practice. practice.

However, However, a deputation of ulema made him repent and cease this

This is 'ed oZ-is perhaps the period during which the author of the Fava Fava'ed ol77

Safaviya claims that Karim abducted and deflowered aa thousand high-born virgins. virgins. 77 Safaviya 78 Jewish girls were also alleged to have been carried off to the Vakil's harem. harem. 78

Reports likewise at odds with the benevolent and efficient image of Karim Khan are purveyed by the Russian traveler Gnelin, Gmelin, who was in Mazandaran and Gilan 1770s. Local rumor, during the 1770s. nunor, spiced with Qajar hatreds and probably fostered by the nearly independent Hedayatollah Khan of Rasht, Rasht, portrayed the Vakil as as aa drunklicentious, and avaricious tyrant, tyrant, ''who "who cares very little for for the well being en, licentious, 79 of his his palace-fortress in fear of rebellion. rebellion. 79 his subjects," subjects," and who kept to his Russian consular reports from 1768 mention disturbances in Astarabad and Gilan, Gilan, which they attribute to increased taxation and connivance at the tyranny of officials on the part of Karim Khan, Khan, who to all all intents and purposes had withdrawn from affairs of state. state. This could, could, of course, course, refer to the troubles during the revolt of Hosayn Qoli Khan Qajar and the repressive campaigns of Zaki and 'Ali

MOrad (9.3-6). Morad Khan (9.3-6).

The same sources, itself, sources, however, however, refer to'riots to riots in Shiraz itself,

on which an eyewitness comments: Shiraz, comments: "The presence of the ruler Karim Khan in Shiraz, without an army and without in any way supervising the country's affairs, affairs, but caring only for has aroused contempt and criticism for the extortion of heavy taxes, taxes, has 80 from great and small alike and has opened the way to chaos." chaos. ,,80 The charge that Karim Khan did not discipline his officials, officials, but rather cono-i nived at their extortion, is substantiated by 'Abd ol-Razzaq Beg. 81 This directly nived at their extortion, is substantiated by 'Abd ol-Razzaq Beg.

This directly

contradicts most of our information regarding his administrative policy (14.3)--

contradicts most of our information regarding his administrative policy (14.3)--

which admittedly draws largely on one somewhat dubious source, the Rostam oZ--

which admittedly draws largely on one somewhat dubious source, the Rostam

Tavazoikh. Tavarikh.

ol-

Donboli's context, however, makes it clear that he has in mind the out-

Donboli's context, however, makes it clear that he has in mind the out-

lying provinces, implying that the Vakil's reputation for just government lying provinces, implying that the Vakil's reputation for just government stretched farther than his reach in practice. stretched farther than his reach in practice.

Yet another voice from Shiraz was raised in dissent.

Yet another voice from Shiraz was raised in dissent.

"One year before his

"One year before his

death," asserts the Kalantar, "the Vakil's character undelWent a change, and he death," asserts the Kalantar, "the Vakil's character underwent a change, and he commi tted several acts which were unworthy of him and so far unprecedented."

committed several acts which were unworthy of him and so far unprecedented."

Amongst these was the siege and occupation of Basra, wasteful of men and money. And when the keeper of the granaries whom he had recently appointed embezzled a

Amongst these was the siege and occupation of Basra, wasteful of men and money. And when the keeper of the granaries whom he had recently appointed embezzled a

quantity of his trust, the Vakil made up this loss out of the pockets of the quantity of his trust, the Vakil made up this loss out of the pockets of the 77. Qazvini, 332. 77. Qazvini, l43b; 143b; Rostam, Rostam, 332. 489. 78. 78. Levi, Levi, 489. 79. 399 c 400. 79. GniHin, Gmelin, 399-400. 80. 80. Anmova Arunova and Ashrafyan, Ashrafyan, "Novye Materia1y," Materialy," 113, 113, notes 13-15; 13-15; the eyewitness is is not identified. identified. 81. 49. 81. Donboli, Donboli, Tajreba Tajreba II, II, 49.

Iran under Khan Iran under Karim Khan

292 292

landlords.82 No No doubt doubt the thecontributions contributions for forthe theBasran Basranwar war effort effort also also bore bore most most landlords. by his own heavily upon upon this class, class, of of whom whom Mirza Mirza MohaJmnad Mohammad was was by own admission admission aa leading leading member; it is therefore his complaint complaint as as representative representative of of the the member; it is therefore difficult difficult to to treat treat his views of of the the populace at lco.rge. large. views populace at Yet having having witnessed the sometimes sometimes arbitrary arbitrary blindings and executions executions contemcontemYet witnessed the blindings and porary Vakil's illness illness in in the the early early l760s, 1760s, we not overlook overlook the porary with with the the Vakil's we must must not the possipossibility declining health, health, with of his wonted activities activities bility that that Karim's Karim's declining with the the impairment irnpainnent of his wonted and perhaps increased consumption consumption of of alcohol alcohol and and opium opium to compensate, may may again again and perhaps increased to compensate, have blunted and sharpened sharpened his temper. There There is is aa close close precedent have blunted his his judgment judgment and his temper. precedent in in Nader Shah, Shah, whose constipation and and liver liver troubles may well well have have contributed contributed to to the the Nader whose constipation troubles may unbalanced state state of of mind mind in in which which he perpetrated the of his last year year unbalanced he perpetrated the barbarities barbarities of his last 07

of life. 83

If there is any basis for this analogy, then Karim may be counted ex-

of life. If there is any basis for this analogy, then Karim may be counted extremely fortunate to have died before he reached the stage attained by his predetremely fortunate to have died before he reached the stage attained by his predecessor in power. But certain it is that whatever his lapses then or earlier, cessor in power. But certain it is that whatever his lapses then or earlier, these were lost to memory in the overwhelming majority of his good acts. Even the these were lost to memory in the overwhelming majority of his good acts. Even the Kalantar, whose poison pen writes off so many of his contemporaries, declines to Kalantar, whose poison pen writes off so many of his contemporaries, declines to drive home his stab at the Vakil and is forced to admit that "his virtues were drive home his stab at the Vakil and is forced to admit that "his virtues were 84 numbered in thousands, his his vices in thousands, vices singly. singly.",,84 numbered 16.7 KARIM ACHIEVEMENTS 16.7 KARIM KHAN'S KHAN'S AClUEVEMENI'S of Karim Karim Khan's Khan's characteristics, characteristics, Rostam Rostam ol-Hokama' ol-Hokama' lists lists aa Among his descriptions of his descriptions or

decalogue for the monarch,85 evidently intended as an appreciation of the Vakil's decalogue for the monarch, evidently intended as an appreciation of the Vakil's virtues (and in some cases a reproach of his vices) as much as an abstract previrtues (and in some cases a reproach of his vices) as much as an abstract prescription for good government. Since these have in the main been demonstrated scription for good government. Since these have in the main been demonstrated above, a paraphrase of these conunandments with the appropriate references, and above, a paraphrase of these commandments with the appropriate references, and some additional comments, might serve as a framework wi thin which to assess Karim some additional comments, might serve as a framework within which to assess Karim Khan's stature. Khan's stature. a. The monarch should take an active interest in agriculture and estaba. The monarch should take an active interest in agriculture and establish grain stores throughout the kingdom (14.6). lish grain stores throughout the kingdom (14.6). b. He should never act selfishly or hastily, but only after consultation b. He should never act selfishly or hastily, but only after consultation and consideration. and consideration. Karim's rash attack on Azad against the advice of his kinsmen (3.2) and

Karim's rash attack on Azad against the advice of his kinsmen (3.2) and his blinding of Shaykh 'Ali Khan (6.2) conflict with this maxim. The minimal size his blinding of Shaykh 'Ali Khan (6.2) conflict with this maxim. The minimal size and status of his bureaucracy (13.6) would indicate that in general he preferred and status of his bureaucracy (13.6) would indicate that in general he preferred to make his own decisions with a mininrum of consultation or delegation. However, to make his own decisions with a minimum of consultation or delegation. However, his shrewdness with regard to foreign trade--particu1ar1y his measures to stem the his shrewdness with regard to foreign trade--particularly his measures to stem the 82. 82. Kalantar, Kalantar, 67-68; 67-68; Fasa'i Fasa'i I, I, 218. 218. 83. Lockhart, Nadir 83. Lockhart, Nadir Shah, Shah, 275-76. 275-76. 84. Ka1antar, 68 -ye u u hazar bud badi -ye u u yak"). 84. Kalantar, 68 ("khubi ("khubi-ye bud va va badi-ye yak"). 85. Rostam, duodeca10gue; Rostam, 326-28 (padshah bayad . .... ). ) . This is is actually aa duodecalogue; II have have taken taken the the editorial editorial liberty liberty of of suppressing suppressing Rostam's Rostam's first first point point (concerning (concerning the an intelligence to document the maintenance of of an intelligence network) network) as as being difficult difficult to document and and of of amalgamating points, which are amalgamating the the next next two two points, are closely closely related. related.

'l'he Home The vakil Vakil at at Home

293

to, and heeded, heeded, sound drain of specie (15.5)--reveal that he must have had access to, economic advice. advice. a. a. He should be levelheaded and impartial, impartial, playing no favorites favorites and tolerating no traitors, kin. traitors, even though they be close kin. The Vakil would appear to have promoted few, few, if any, any, incompetent favorites and certainly dealt summarily with alleged traitors (6.1-4). An exception on both these counts, whole, counts, however, however, is is Zaki Khan, Khan, who, who, though brutally efficient on the whole, was on at least two occasions censured for cruelty or stupidity (9.5, (9.5, 10.6), 10.6), yet was indulged to an unbelievable extent in his revolt against his cousin (6.5-8). (6.5-8). d. d. He should always speak sternly and awe-inspiringly. awe-inspiringly. Karim Khan, Khan, happily, happily, was quiet-spoken and enjoyed a joke (16.5). (16.5). e. covetous. e. He should not be covetous. traits,86 Personal greed was perhaps the most notably absent of Karim's traits, as illustrated, illustrated, inter alia, alia, by the anecdote of the tribal elder and his wealth (14.3). (14.3). His treasury remained empty by design, design, most incoming revenue being ploughed back into the country in the form of buildings and amenities, amenities, wages and pensions, pensions, and internal security. security. f. /. He should be thrifty and farsighted, farsighted, looking after the army (sepah) (sepah) and the peasantry (ra'iyat) like a father. father. (raHyat) This, tIe shows, task. This, as his ti title shows, was regarded by the Vakil as his primary task. Anny Army and peasantry were complementary sources of power and wealth, wealth, and Nader Shah had abused both at great cost: cost: with an increased induction of the peasantry into army, fewer were left for productive labor, labor, and with increased taxation and the army, requisition, requisition, those peasants, peasants, artisans, artisans, and merchants who were still producing were forced to give up not only their surplus but much of their capital and subsist87 ence. ence. 87 In essence, essence, Karim Khan's formula for economic recovery was simply to use these two arms of the labor force each for for its its proper purpose (14.2). (14.2). Thrift in government began at the top. top. Not only had the more splendid shah, but the and costly paraphernalia of the court disappeared along with the shah, military enterprises undertaken were of a defensive and conservative nature and thus of greater long-term benefit than Nader's large-scale raids on the treasure store of India, India, the proceeds of which remained buried in the vaults of Kalat. Kalat. In his realistic consolidation of existing frontiers frontiers and his economic promotion and architectural embellishment of his chosen capital, capital, Karim may be compared to Shah 'Abbas. The punitive campaigns against unruly vassals and less well-advised ven'Abbas. tures tures like the war against Oman or the Basra campaign were admittedly a drain on the exchequer. exchequer. Also, Also, from evidence presented in the previous section it seems possible that the relative weakness of the central government, government, however wellintentioned, had encouraged a recrudescence of anarchy in the provinces even intentioned,

Donboli, Tajreba Tajreba II, II, 49. 49. 86. Donboli, 87. 258-59. 87. Arunova and Ashrafyan, Ashrafyan, Gosudarstvo, Gosudarstvo, 258-59.

Iran Khan Iran under under Karim Khan

294 294

before the the Vakil's death. death. But But for for aa soldier and and tribesman to to proclaim himself-a s - - v a k i l - e ra'aya, ra'aya, with all all its its implications (13.5), (13.5), speaks and be be accepted as--vakiZ-e success. volumes in in favor of of aa real measure of of success. g. g. He He should suppress crime and and maintain maintain security security (14.4, (14.4, 16.4). 16.4). h. be fair to of society and pay each his due, h. He He should be to all all classes of due, whether sage or or simpleton, simpleton, cleric (13.7) Muslim or or pagan. (13.7) or or clown (16.5), (16.5), M.islim pagan.

i. i. He He should be be aa model for for his his subjects and and alert to to their needs (16.5). (16.5). himself, though not not at j. He He should be be easygoing and and enjoy himself, at the the expense of his subjects (16.6) job, should take time off (16.6) and, and, after doing aa good job, off to to worworship God. God. The implied criticisms here are for are obvious, obvious, if if minor. minor. The The greatest cause for regret is is that the the Vakil's experiment, experiment, for for all all its its faUlts, faults, was was not not allowed to to continue, tinue, through failure to to provide for for his his succession (12.9). (12.9). His His second son Mohammad Rahim Khan, ruler, the only one one of of the the three who who might have made aa competent ruler, Khan, the at the the age age of of seventeen in in 1191/1777, 1191/1777, two two years before his father, who died at his father, who seems thereafter to to have done no no more than assume that his his eldest son, son, the the weak weak and anddedego bauched Abu'l-Fath, Abu'1-Fath, would succeed. succeed.88 Within fifteen years of of Karim's death, death, his his own successors had by their selfish wrangling almost every benefit he he had nullified by had conferred on on the the country, country, and and ensured by to the the by their inevitable collapse to reaction, aa return under Agha Mohammad and and Fath 'Ali 'Ali Shah to Qajars aa complete reaction, to days of of absolute despotism. despotism. the days of a a surprising degree of of The restoration of of material prosperity and and peace of mind to the principal achievement of to a a badly ravaged and and disoriented Iran is is the of of rule, rule, particularly of of the the fourteen years he he spent Karim's twenty-eight years of in Shiraz. Shiraz. Whatever comfOrts comforts or or finer feelings feelings remained for for the the uninterruptedly in and soul of of Iran after the the decadence under Shah SoUan Soltan Hosayn and and the the ravages body and the Afghan invasion seemed to to have been trampled into the the dust by by Nader's arof the arin their ephemeral foreign conquests. conquests. What was needed was functional simmies in plicity in in ruler and and state, state, ndt and grandiloquence; grandiloquence; realism and and domesdomesnot empty pomp and order, not not imperialistic fantasies; fantasies; in in short, short, aa pruning of of the the rotting ramifitic order, of fifty years of of chaos. chaos. This Karim Khan intuitively realized. realized. The The holcations of stump of of the the heartland of of Nader's empire, empire, Afsharid Khorasan, Khorasan, he to be be low stlDIlp he left to preserved as as an an appendage of of the the conqueror's eastern empire, empire, now the rule now under the Dorrani, while aggressively preserving the western frontiers of of the the of Ahmad Shah Dorrani, Iran. The The Safavid ghost that had for aa generation outlived its its body, new Iran. had for body, and and had so so manifestly failed to to exorcise, exorcise, he he quietly absorbed into the that Nader had the machinery of of the and encouraged to as soon as as it it had the state and to fade away as had largely lost two hundred fifty years of of superstitious prestige. was its two prestige. Efficient government was and the the respect and and affection of of all all classes of of the the its own own justification, justification, and

88. 88. GM, GM, 205-7; 205-7; Rostam (334) (334) describes Abu'l-Fath·as Abu'1-Fath as Karim Khan's deputy (nii 'eb-manab) • (na 'eb-mariab).

The Home The VakiZ Vakil at at Home

populace its guarantee. guarantee. Karim's personality was a rare combination of strength and purpose with sympathy and generosity that for a brief moment in Iran's long history produced a stable government with a genuinely humane outlook. outlook.

295

i

1

I

1

T"

I i i1 1

I1

.

I

i 1—

'Ali 'Ali Mohanunad Mohammad MohamMoham- 'Abd'Abd- Ja'far Ja'far mad Naqi Naqi mad ollah ollah (1785-89) (1785-89) I

i

r Mohammad —II c.30 other other sons sons

Zaki (1779) (1779) I4 a daughter

'Ali Hemmat Henunat

I

(Mohammad) (Mohammad) Eskandar Rafi' Rafi'

iii Mahdi Taher Va1i Vali Nadr

r--

"T

I

r Akbar Kalb Ka1b 'Al' I 'Ali 1 I Rostam

-ii

Taqi

I

Ebrahim

Sabz 'Ali 'Ali

~i Nadr Taqi?

1

Mahdi Khan

3 a daughter

=FKhan B Budaq

I

'Ali •Ali

I.

1. 1. 2. 2. 3. 3. 4. 4.

i

I

?

II

Ii

I1

Ebrahim

I

Ahmad Ahmad Shaykh Shaykh Khan1ar Khanlar Esma'i1 Esma'il Mohammad Mohammad Morad Khan 'Ali Morad Ovays Ovays Khan I 'Ali

r'-----ri------'i----~-ri------,i i I l l I

I

'Ali 'Ali Morad Morad Sayd Sayd Vays Vays (1782-85) (1782-85) Morad Morad Morad Morad (1789) I (1789)

Yari/ Yari/ Jahangir Jahangir Yad Yad Morad Morad

I i i 1 n 1

Shah Shah Morad Morad

mother, married Budaq on Inii.q's Inaq's death; death; Karim, Karim, Eskandar and Zaki were thus half-brothers. Karim Khan's mother, half-brothers. Each married a cousin: M:l~ammad Khan Khan "Bi-kala," "Bi-ka1a," and and one one unknown. unknown. cousin: Shaykh cCAli, Ali, Mohammad c c c First married the father of CAli M:lrad, then Sadeq; !?adeq; Ja Jacfar and CAli Morad were were thus thus half-brothers. half-brothers. Ali Morad,'then far and Ali Morad Married Mol).ammad Karim Khan's Khan's third third son! son. Mohammad ccAli, Ali, Karim

Fathollah

Fath 'Ali

Khoda 'Morad KhOda:Morad

Hosayn

i

Shaykh 'Ali Shaykh

ZAND HAZARA

'Abbas 'Ali 'Ali

Naqd 'Ali

Nazar 'Ali 'Ali

I

Mehr I 'Ali Mehr''Ali

Mohammad 1two Mohamnad Mohammad Abu' Abu'ltwo Mohammad Ebrahim Ebrahim Saleh Saleh Lo~f Lotf 'Ali 'Ali Najaf' Najaf 'Ali 'Ali Khos~aw Khosraw Rahim Fath 'Ali 9 - 94 ) Rahim Fath daughters daughters 'Ali (1789-94) Morad/Qaytas Khan (lr Allah Mbrad/Qaytas

i

r Nasrollah Nasrollah Hasan Hasan

I

i

Mohanunad "Bi -kala" MohammadJ"Bi-kala" Bay Agha Agha1 Bay

(Mohammad) three 2~ (Mohanunad) (Mohammad) (Mohammad) Karim Khan daughters Sadeq Khan (1751-79) (1780-82) (1751-79) (1780-82)

i i i

'Ali Mohamnad Mohammad "Shirkosh" "Shirkosh"

i

Inaq' Inaq Khan

--y

ZAND BAGALA

TABLE 2. 2. GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF TIlE THE ZANDS

Epilogue Karim Khan's Karim Khan's Successors Successors

The remainder of of what is is teclmically technically the the Zand period can can be be studied more usefully usefull> in the the context of of the the rise of of the the Qajar dynasty. dynasty. This summary, summary, based on on the the narnarratives of Nami, makes no by of Malcolm and and Nami, no claim to to completeness and and may may be be ignored by the reader who prefers aa documented analysis. analysis. It is is sadly evident from every stage of of Zand history that all all the the other princes of his of that family were completely overshadowed by by Karim Khan. Khan. During his rise to to power and and reign, reign, they distinguished themselves chiefly by by pettiness, pettiness, cru-

elty, and and incompetence. The only apparent exceptions, exceptions, Shaykh 'Ali 'Ali Khan and and MohamMohamelty, incompetence. The mad Khan "Bi-kala," "Bi-kala," did did not survive to to see see the the zenith of of the the Vakil's reign. reign. Of rest, even Sadeq Khan, and administrator, administrator, was was the rest, Khan, the most efficient general and and extortionate when left unsupervised, unsupervised, while 'Ali 'Ali Mohammad, Mohammad, 'Ali Morad, Morad, greedy and Khan, showed on on numerous occasions their tactless savagery and especially Zaki Khan, ineptitude. While Karim lived, lived, their malice was outweighed by by his his and tactical ineptitude. magnanimity, and their incompetence on on campaign provided no no more than comic intermagnanirni ty, and ludes. On On his death, death, their folly and wickedness erupted unchecked to to blast apart ludes. he had had built. built. all that he the Vakil expired, 'Ali as the expired, his his half-brother Zaki proclaimed Mohammad 'Ali As soon as Khan, his own own son-in-law, son-in-law, as as successor. successor. He He blockKhan, Karim's second son who was also his and the the sons of of Shaykh 'Ali 'Ali Khan had 'Ali Khan and aded the Arg, Arg, where Nazar 'Ali had shut in together with their own own protege, protege, Karim's Karim's eldest son Abu'1-Fath themselves in Abu'l-Fath Khan. Khan. his nephew 'Ali 'Ali Morad Khan, Khan, Zaki secured the the support of of most of of the the Allied with his by proclaiming Abu'l-Fath Abu'1-Fath as as joint ruler with Mohammad 'Ali. 'Ali. He citizenry by He offered Nazar 'Ali and and his companions in in the the palace anmesty amnesty and and partnership, partnership, and when they and opened the the gates, gates, had had them all all slaughtered. slaughtered. His His pOSition position secured, secured, he accepted and he now found time to to bury the the Vakil, Vakil, four four days days after his his death. death. Sadeq Khan then returned from Basra and and laid siege to to Shiraz; Shiraz; but but on on Zaki' Zaki'ss the families troops who were in the capital, threatening reprisals on on the families of of his troops in the capital, Sadeq by his his men men and and fled for for refuge to to the the fortress fortress of of Bam. Bam. found himself abandoned by Zaki Khan next deposed and and imprisoned Abu'l-Fath, Abu'1-Fath, whose usefulness was was at at an an end, end, in the the name of of Mohammad 'Ali 'Ali Khan. Khan. and ruled in However, 'Ali to However, 'Ali Morad Khan, Khan, whom Zaki had had despatched with his best troops troops to pursue and the escaped Qajar chief Agha Mohammad, Mohammad, rebelled and Isand destroy the and seized Isfahan in in the the name of of Abu'l-Fath. Abu'1-Fath. Zaki marched inarched north to to meet this this menace, menace, and and at at 297 297

298 298

Epilogue: Epilogue: Karim Khan's Khan's

Successors Succes8o~s

the village of he attempted to to extort aa sum of Izadkhwast (Yazdekhwast) (Yazdekhwast) he sum the the villagers could not raise. had eighteen of raise. In In aa fury Zaki had of them flung over the the rocky precipice on on which the the village was built. built. This atrocity shocked even his own own men, men,who who up and and killed him him on on the the spot. rose up spot. Abu'l-Fath Abu'1-Fath was at at once proclaimed in in Shiraz, Shiraz, and and 'Ali Morad returned to to TehQajars. Sadeq Khan Khan was thus enabled to to march swiftly from Bam ran to to attack the the Qajars. Bam in Shiraz. Shiraz. In In 1194/1780 he he sent one of his sons, sons, and take over the the government in one of Ja'far, as as governor to to Isfahan, Isfahan, and and another, another, 'Ali Naqi, Ja'far, Naqi, against 'Ali Morad Khan, Khan, had new now proclaimed himself ruler. ruler. 'Ali Naqi won won the the first first encounter, encounter, but inwho had but inof following up up this advantage spent the the next month carousing in in Isfahan; Isfahan; stead of at Hamadan and and routed 'Ali the result was that 'Ali Morad raised fresh support at 'Ali the latter resumed operations in in Persian Iraq. Iraq. 'Ali Morad followed up Naqi when the up to Shiraz and by treachand blockaded the the city for for eight months. months. It was surrendered by in February 1781, 1781, and and the the conqueror refrained from reprisals on on the citizens. ery in the citizens. and his garrison capitulated after holding out out for'some for some time in Sadeq and in the the citadel; citadel; and all his his adult sons were butchered, the exception of of Ja'far, Ja'far, who who had had he and butchered, with the made terms privately with his half-brother. half-brother. he was, was, 'Ali Morad for for aa time looked as as if if he he had had One-eyed drunkard though he brought to to the the sagging Zand regime an an outward-looking aggressiveness that might have saved it it from the itself. He He returned almost immediately the Qajars, Qajars, if if not from itself. old Zand center of of Fars to Isfahan, Isfahan, which with its its strategic position between the the old the growing Qajar power in in Mazandaran he and the he saw would make aa more practical capital than Shiraz. Shiraz. Ja'far Khan was sent to to govern the the Khamsa, Khamsa, where Zu'l-Feqar Zu'1-Feqar Khan had taken advantage of of the the Vakil's death to to rebel yet yet again, again, but had but had been defeated and killed by 'Ali Morad (see 7.10). The bulk of the army, under the command of by (see 7.10). The of the amI)', the of 'Ali Morad's son, son, Shaykh OIrays Ovays Khan, Khan, was was sent against the the Qajars in in 1197/1782. 1197/1782. He He had some initial success, success, taking Sari and and driving Agha Moharrunad Mohammad back on on Astarabad; Astarabad; but his pursuit and annihilated annihilated in in the the Elburz Elburz defiles, the panic panic but his pursuit force force was was trapped trapped and defiles, the of the army, and and Shaykh OIrays Ovays fell on Tehran. infected the the rest of the amI)', fell back on Tehran.

He was joined by the enraged 'Ali Morad, Morad, who who killed several of of the the officers by the who had losses. had fled and, and, though already ill, ill, prepared another force to to recoup his his losses. But Ja' far took advantage of Ja'far of this setback to to rebel and and march on on Isfahan. Isfahan. Against his doctors' doctors' advice, advice, 'Ali Morad hastened to to defend his capital in in midwinter, midwinter, but but in February 1785. and Ja'far died on on the way way at at Mlrcha Murcha Khurt in 1785. His His amI)' army dispersed, dispersed, and posseSSion of of the took possession the capital without much difficulty. difficulty. 'Ali Morad's brief reign the turning point of of Zand fortunes; fortunes; they were never again to marks the to exercise any any authority north of Isfahan. of Isfahan. to eliminate his his rival, rival, Shaykh OIrays, Ovays, and and so so the the Ja'far's first action was to him aa friendly invitation to to Isfahan, Isfahan, which he he foolishly accepted. accepted. new ruler sent him Ovays was was blinded and and imprisoned upon arrival. arrival. Then Agha Agha Moharrmad Mohammad Khan, Shaykh OIrays Khan, on the the defensive against the the only Zand ruler he he respected, respected, marched no longer on in force. force. Ja'far Khan fled Isfahan in in confusion, confusion, leaving his baggage and south in and

Epilogue: Karim Kal'im Khan's Khan's Sucaessor's Epilogue: Successors

299 299

treasure to to be be looted by by the the townspeople before the the city was occupied by by the the QaQajars. Ja'far Khan was welcomed at the jars. at Shiraz, Shiraz, which had had kept its its loyalty under the kadkhodas, kadkhodas, led led by byHajji Hajji Ebrahim, Ebrahim, who who was was now nowappointed appointed kalantar. kalantar. However, However, Ja'far Ja'far was soon able to to return to to Isfahan; Isfahan; Agha Mohammad had had unwisely tackled the the indeand had had been driven back in in disorder to to Tehran. Tehran. Again the the Qajar pendent Bakhtyari and returned and far Khan back to and forced Ja' Ja'far to Shiraz, Shiraz, where he he remained on on the the defensive the rest of of his reign. reign. Further troubles followed: followed: Ja'far's cousin Esma'il for the Khan, who who governed Hamadan, Hamadan, rebelled in in 1201/1786, 1201/1786, and and Yazd remained unsubdued Khan, an ineffectual siege. siege. However, However, aa brief success attended the after an the campaigns of of son Lotf 'Ali 'Ali Khan, Khan,who whosubdued subdued Lar Larand andKerman Kerman and andfor forthe thelast last time time rereJa'far's son Isfahan, which again had had to to be be evacuated on on the the approach of of the the Qajars. Qajars. took Isfahan, Ja'far Khan's fall by fall was was encompassed by by an an internal revolt brought about by nothing more than his own baseness and and treachery. treachery. He He had had sent aa loyal follower, follower, of Kazarun, Kazarun, to to quell aa revolt in in Kashan, Kashan, and and 'Ali 'Ali Qoli had Hajji 'Ali Qoli of had done it it by granting honorable terms to terms, to the the rebels. rebels. Ja'far refused to to ratify the the terms, he had the rebels imprisoned, imprisoned, whereupon 'Ali 'Ali Qoli retired to to Kazarun in in high and he had the dudgeon. far lured him dudgeon. Ja' Ja'far him back by by swearing on on the the Koran not not to to harm him, him, but but promptly flung him him into prison. prison. In In 1204/1789 this provoked aa conspiracy among courtiers who who feared for for their own own safety, safety, led led by by Sayd Morad Khan Zand. Zand. A A slave to poison Ja'far, and the prisoners were released, released, rushed upon the was bribed to Ja'far, and the ruler, and and slew him him as as he he lay lay already writhing in in agony on on the the floor. floor. His His head ruler, the square below. below. was flung from the window into the When news of the of this coup reached Kerman, Kerman, Lotf 'Ali Khan was obliged to to flee flee the of his own own troops to to Bushire, Bushire, where he he was sheltered and and aided uncertain loyalty of by Shaykh Naser. his Naser. Sayd Morad sent his brother Shah Morad with an an army against his rival, but but Shah Morad's lieutenant won won over the the troops to to Lotf 'Ali's cause young rival, Morad; thus thus encouraged, encouraged, Lotf 'Ali marched straight to to Shiraz, and arrested Shah !>brad; Shiraz, the kalantar had had already been canvassing support for for Ja'far Khan's son. son. A A where the bold, handsome, handsome, and and popular youth, youth, Lotf 'Ali 'Ali was genuinely welcomed by by the the popupopubold, lace. Sayd !>brad Morad held out out for for aa short time in in the the citadel, citadel, but lace. but soon surrendered executed. and was executed. No sooner was Lotf 'Ali 'Ali installed installed than thanAgha AghaMohammad Mohammad again againmarched marched south. south. Lotf 'Ali was defeated in his in the the field only six six farsakhs farsakhs from Shiraz, Shiraz, but but held his for aa month until the the Qajar retired to to Tehran. Tehran. The The next year, year, 1205/1790, capital for 1205/1790, 'Ali raised raised aaforce forceand, and,while whileAgha AghaMohamnad Mohammadwas was occupied occupied in inAzerbaijan, Azerbaijan, Lotf 'Ali the governor of of Kerman, who had had declined to to submit in in person. person. A A marched against the Kerman, who severe winter, winter, however, however, forced the the young Zand to to retire with the the loss of of aa great number of of men men and and animals. munber animals. Since his accession, accession, Lotf 'Ali had had become openly suspicious of of the the powerful ka1antar, kalantar, Hajji Ebrahim; Ebrahim; this mistrust was fueled by by hints from the the garrison commander, the Zand, that the Ka1antar was contemmander, the vain and and arrogant Barkhurdar Khan Zand, the Kalantar treason. When in in 1206/1791 Lotf 'Ali set set off off to to retake Isfahan, Isfahan, he he took plating treason.

300 300

Epilogue: KaPim Karim Khan's Khan's Successors Successors Epilogue:

with him son as act him Hajji Ebrahim's young son as a a hostage. hostage. The The kalantar decided now now to to act self-preservation. By and gained control in self-preservation. By aa ruse he he arrested the the Zand officers and the garrison, garrison, then sent word to to his his brother, Khan, who who was was with with of the brother, 'Abd ol-Rahim Khan, Lotf 'Ali's anny; he, in the young Zand leadei leadeI army; he, in tum, turn, fomented aa mutiny from which the and three hundred men fled back to to Shiraz. Shiraz.

Here he he found the the gates shut against him. him. Hajji Ebrahim's call to his reto his remaining men men to to escape reprisals on on their families caused further defections, defections, and and to Bushire, to find that Shaykh Naser's with four attendants Lotf 'Ali fled to Bushire, only to and successor had son and had decided to to support the the kalantar. kalantar. Adversity steeled the the youth for for aa fighting recovery: recovery: he he recruited some local support, support, defeated forces and Kazarun, Kazarun, returned to and defeated sent against him him from Bushire and to mask Shiraz and army under Mostafa Qoli Khan Qajar sent to of the an anny to take possession of the Zand capital, capital, Qajars. A A second Qajar anny army was sent, sent, put put which Hajji Ebrahim had had offered to to the the Qajars. the small Zand force to flight, and was complacently plundering its its camp when to flight, and carried the day. Lotf 'Ali counterattacked vigorously and the day. In response to to pleas from Hajji Ebrahim, Ebrahim, Agha Mohantnad Mohammad marched in in person with army of of forty thousand. thousand. Lotf' Lotf 'Ali's the Qaj Qajar an anny Ali's small cavalry force routed the ar vanguard near Persepolis and the main camp, the and that same night attacked the camp, scattering the pickets and, and, it it seemed at at the camp. Assuming that the the time, time, securing the whole camp. the had fled, fled, Lotf 'Ali restrained his men Qajar chief had men from looting his his tents and and waited for for dawn. dawn. To To his dismay, dismay, he he heard the the call of of the muezzin, and and realized the muezzin, Mohanunad and bodyguard, coolly counting on the inability of of his that Agha Mohammad and his bodyguard, on the his small force to victory, had in the the camp; camp; his to consolidate their victory, had remained in his own Arab levies had had now to plunder the the outlying tents, tents, and and Lotf 'Ali with his now scattered to his few adherents had had no option but to flee for their lives. no to for lives. This fateful accident meant the the end the Zand dynasty. He end of of Lotf 'Ali and and the dynasty. He fled in the sUll1ller by in the summer of of 1792 to to Kerman, Kerman, collected aa few few follCMers followers and, and, pursued by Qajars, fled farther to he was aided by the Qajars, to Tabas. Tabas. Here he by the the governor, governor, Mir Mir Hasan Khan, and and in in 1793 marched against Shiraz, Shiraz, which Agha Mohammad had secured. Khan, had now nCM secured. He unsuccessfully besieged !larab, Darab, and was driven back by to Tabas; Tabas; on by stages to on Mir Hasan's Hasan's advice he set off off tCMard toward Qandahar to he set to seek help from the the Dorrani ruler, ruler, on hearing of Timur Shah, Shah, but but turned back after only a a few few days on of Timur Shah's death. death. Supported by Nannashir, the the desperate young Zand in by two two chiefs of of Narmashir, in 1794 surprised Kerman, for four months. Kerman, which he he held against Agha Mohammad for months. Famine halved the Qajars were finally admitted by by treachery. treachery. For For three hours the garrison, garrison, and and the Lotf 'Ali held out before escaping by by night to to Bam. Bam. Agha Mohammad behaved with to the the citizens of of Kerman: Kerman: all all the the adult males were killed unspeakable barbarity to the or blinded, blinded, and and some twenty thousand women wanen and and children given as as slaves to to the troops. of eyes are are said to and counted troops. Twenty 'IWenty thousand pairs of to have been piled up up and the conqueror. conqueror. The The governor of of Bam, Bam, fearing for for his brother in in Kerman, Kerman, rerebefore the to hand over his guest to to the leader. Lotf 'Ali was warned, warned, but but solved to the Qajar leader.

Epilogue: Khan's Successors Epilogue: Karim Karim Khan's Successors

301 301

refused to was to believe in in the the proposed treachery lDltil until the the last moment; moment; his his horse was The hamstnmg hamstrung as as he he leapt on on to to escape and and he he hiJnsel£ himself was wounded and and captured. captured. The last Zand ruler, in ruler, not yet twenty-five years old, old, was was taken before his his successor in empire, empire, who who blinded and and cruelly tortured him him before before taking taking him himback back to to Tehran Tehran and and execution in l209/November 1794. 1794. in Rabi' Rabi1 II II 1209/November few By his alnDst almost incredible courage and and resilience, resilience, Lotf 'Ali Khan had had for for aa few of the the Zand dynasty, dynasty, selfyears imparted aa certain nobility to to the the death throes of as these for for the the most part were. were. His His swift and and ceaseless campaigns, campaigns, his his inflicted as tenacity, and and the the affection he he inspired in in his his followers followers recalled the the early days tenacity. the Vakil. Vakil. But But the the urban administrators and and the the tribal leaders, leaders, justifiably of the the Zands and and not yet yet familiar with the the Qajars. Qajars, withheld their disillusioned with the it was most needed and and elected to to turn aa new new page in in the the history of support when it of Iran. Iran.

Appendix Appendix Survey Survey and and Assessment Assessment of of the the Sources Sources

The source JlBteria1 material for the Afsharid and Zand periods is is perhaps not quite voluminous, varied, varied, and polyglot as that for the preceding ages of the Safavids so voluminous, Shah, but presents nonetheless its own problems of selection and interand Nader Shah, pretation. In order to attempt same some evaluation of the relative merits of the pretation. materials used, used, they are here examined under headings: the first six refer tmder eight headings: to primary, contemporary, sources and are discussed generally in diminprimary, that is, is, contemporary, ishing order of value within each category (though the categories themselves reresist strict ranking); secondary, or later, later, works of speranking); and the last two mention secondary, cial relevance. relevance. Full bibliographical particulars, particulars, together with the abbreviations used for for major sources and references to the category tmder under which aa work is is included here, here, are given in the bibliography. bibliography. 1. PRINCIPAL PERSIAN HISTORIES 1. The three works that together weave the main narrative thread of the period 174795 are basically dynastic chronicles in the Iranian annalistic tradition developed this genre--and they are evident also in the post-Mongol post-M:mgo1 period. period. The defects of this 2,3, and6--have and6--have been been noted noted by by generations generations of of frusfrusin many works listed in sections 2,3, researchers11 and need not be rehearsed in detail. detail. Their tendency to pomptrated researchers arabesques of style and their concentration on court and camp at the expense ous arabesques. environment are part of their contract of patronage; of the broader social envirorunent patronage; where they are to an extent free1an~e, freelance, for example, example, Go1es Golestana, common man often tana, the the' cQIlDRon content. Their dating of events is fitful and partial and emerges in style and content. their obsession with a strict year-by-year narrative can lead them into confUsion confusion between the Islamic lunar and the Iranian/Turkish solar year, year, which may exhibit aa difference of six months or more either way; way; but the central sequence is usually preserved, sections, on architecture, architecture, literature, literature, or biography, biography, at preserved, and thematic sections, times interrupt or supplement the stolid progress of martial and horticultural metaphor. Their reluctance to document their sources (a trait shared by many aa metaphor. traveler) must leave their more lurid and extravagant claims open to European traveler) doubt, but, but, whenever confirmation can be obtained from an independent source, doubt, source, found to be remarkably accurate. they are usually fOtmd accurate. a. Giti-gosha (TGG) a. Mirza MLrza Mohammad Sadeq M.lsavi Musavi Nami Esfabani, Esfahani, TCCl'ikh-e Tarikh-e Giti-gosha (TGG) The author of the most comprehensive of the Zand chronicles came of a family of Musavi sayyeds, sayyeds, who reputedly moved from Fars M.lsavi Fars about the beginning of the seventeenth century to settle in Isfahan and enter government service under tmder the Safavids. His uncle, tmcle, Mirza M:Jhammad vids. Mohammad Rahim, Rahim, had been court physician (hakim-bashi) (hakim-bashi) to Hosayn, tmder under whom Mirza Sadeq is is said to have commenced his career. Shah Soltan Hosayn, career. It is not known how he fared during the Afghan occupation and Nader's reign, reign, but Khan. Under he appears as a leading poet at the court of Karim Khan. Under''Ali Ali Morad Khan poverty, embittered and addicted to he was apparently out of favor and living in poverty, opium; this accOtmts accounts partly for the opprobrium with which he loads that prince in opium; history. His forttmes fortunes revived somewhat under Ja'far Khan, Khan, to whom the GitiGitihis history. gosha is dedicated and whose patronage endorsed Nami's gosha is Nami' s maligning of the previous father, Sadeq Khan, Khan, in the ruler and his evident partisanship toward Ja'far's father,

1. 444-46; H. 1. See See Browne, Browne, A History History of of Persian Persian Literature Literature in in Modern Modern Times, Times> 444-46; H. Hedayati, ''Mokh~ari,'' 17-23. Hedayati, "Mokhtasari," 17-23.

303 303

304 304

Appendix: Survey and Assessment of the the Sources Sources Appendix: Suvvey Assessment of

body of his work. work. He died at an advanced age in 1204/1789-90.^ 1204/1789-90. 2 as a poet who emulated His literary contemporaries speak of him primarily as masnavi and who already in Karim Khan's time was at work on Nezami in the art of masnavi a history of his his reign.3 reign.^ This This latter work was was to to be be his his gift gift to to posterity, posterity, being end, the only complete and detailed history of Karim's career from beginning to end, written from a central viewpoint. viewpoint. Basically the work is a consciously literary Farahani, who was "ghostwriting" of the memoirs of Mirza Mohammad Hosayn Hosayni Farahani, Karim's vizier during the latter part of his reign.4 reign.4 Both in arrangement and literary style it betrays the influence of the great history of Mirza Mahdi Astarabadi, admirer. Less attention than usual is is devoted to yearbadi, of whom Nami was an admirer. by-year dating; dating; indeed, indeed, the Turkish names given for the first first five five years of Karim {Siohqan yil 1169/1756, not 1165/ yiZ began in 1169/1756, Khan's rule are four years out of phase (Sichqan 1752, and so on). Occasional recapitulation helps to correlate matter on a geo1752, as well as as a chronological basis. basis. The matter itself is graphical and thematic as is unWlfortunately diluted by an excessively florid and verbose style. fortWlately style. 55 Nami's project Nami 's proj ect of completing the history of the Zands up to the reign of his his death. to his patron was interrupted by his death. Two successive supplements (zayZ) (zayl) history were added by Mirza Mirza''Abd Abd ol-Karim b. b. 'Ali Reza ol-Sharif Shahavari (the author of the Zinat see 3g), Zinat oZ-Tavarikh, ol-Tavarikh, 3#) , and and M:Jhammad Mohammad Reza Reza Shirazi, Shirazi,which which are are to to be fOWld found together with some of the half dozen surviving manuscripts of the GitiGitigosha. Nafisi, to whose preface the gosha. II have used the edition by the late Sa'id Nafisi, 6 reader is referred for further information. information.6 b. Mirza M:Jhammad (eN) b. Mohammad Abu'l-Hasan Ghaffari Kashani, Kashani, GoZshan-e Golshan-e Morad Morad (CM) Nami's younger contemporary was born the third son of Mirza Mo'ezz ol-Din M:Jhammad Mohammad Mostawfi Ghaffari of an eminent Kashan family, family, who for the first first few years of 7 7 Karim's reign was his governor of that region. region. He defended it against the asasMohammad Hasan Khan Qajar, Qajar, and on one occasion was surprised in the saults of M:Jhammad baths by a Qajar soldier and taken prisoner. prisoner. His son tells in the introduction to history, with evident regret, regret, how he was forced into a study of painting behis history, tween the ages of seven and nine, nine, with the aim of preparing him for a safe and studios, whereas his real inclination lay more tolucrative career in the royal studios, literature. The royal treasurer, treasurer, Mirza M:Jhammad Mohammad Borujerdi, Borujerdi, who was friendly ward literature. with the elder Ghaffari, Ghaffari, advised him to encourage his son to follow in his own footsteps into the world of administration. administration. Thus it was that our chronicler befootsteps (monshi) came a court secretary (mons hi) and was able to incorporate his experiences and those of his father in what is, is, for the period after 1167/1754, 1167/1754, the most detailed and accurate of the Zand histories. histories. 1193/1779, Ghaffari nursed the idea of a Zand chronOn Karim Khan's death in 1193/1779, until, with the establishment of the icle over the intervening four years of chaos until, capital at Isfahan under' Ali M:Jrad under 'Ali Morad Khan in 1197/1783, 1197/1783, he fOWld found a modicum of security and leisure in which to indulge his project, project, which he completed in 1210/ 1796. The resulting GoZshan-e Golshan-e Morad 1796. Morad comprises a preface and two (out of a projected three) three) maqaZat, maqalat, Zaki, dealing successively with the reigns of Karim Khan, Khan, Zaki, Sadeq, and his patron 'Ali Morad Khan, Khan, to whom the title elegantly refers.** Sadeq, refers. 8 The preface to to the work contains a brief summary of Nader's iIllllediate immediate successors and the rivalries for for power in western Iran, Iran, and the first first two sections give a brief account of Karim Khan's rise to power. power. From 1168/1755 it is

2. AqvaZ-e Moca?erin; Donboli, 135, 2. GM, GM, 246-47; 246-47; ~ar, Azar, under Atyval-e Mocaserin; Donboli, Tajreba Tajreba I, I, 135, Negarestan, 271-72; Beer, Beer, 15; 15; H. H. Hedayati, Tarikh, 38-39, Negarestan, 271-72; Hediiyati, Tarikh, 38-39, "Mokhtasari," ''Mokht~ari,'' 24-27; 24-27; Sadri-Afshar, 159-60. 159-60. Sadri-Afshiir, . 3. DCmeshkada. 3. For Niimi Nami as a poet, poet, see BaJ:1r Bahr ol-columi's ol- olumi's article in MajaZZa-ye Majalla-ye Daneshkadaye XXI, No. No. I, 1, 25-32. ye Adabiyat, Aciabiyat, XXI, 25-32. 4. 210; Mann, 4. TGG, TGG, 210; Mann, "Ueber die Que11en," Quellen," 17-18; 17-18; Beer, Beer, 11-12. 11-12. ''Mokhta5. 5. Cf. Cf. Beer, Beer, 11, 11, 15; 15; Mann, Mann, "Ueber die Que11en," Quellen," 18; 18; H. H. Hediiyati, Hedayati, "Mokhtasari," 27-29. 27-29. 6. . 6. TGG, TGG, editor's. editor's introduction; introduction; see also Rieu I, I, 196-97; 196-97; Hediiyati, Hedayati, Tarikh, Tarikh, 31-35, 29-34. 31-35, 41-45, 41-45, ''Mokht~ari,'' "Mokhtasari," 29-34. Naraqi, 153, note. 7. 7. GM, GM, 7, 7, 42-43; 42-43; see also ~arriibi, Zarrabi, 316-19; 316-19; Naraqi, 153, 155 note. 46-47, "Mokhtasari," 31-35. 8. GM, GM, 2-4; 2-4; Hediiyati, Hedayati, Tarikh. Tarikh, 8. 46-47, ''Mokhta~ari,'' 31-35.

Appendi;x;: Survey Survey and Assessment Assessment of Appendix: of the the Souroces Sources

305 305

considerably more detailed and, sources, and, as as appears from the confirmatory European sources, history. However, However, certain inaccuracies, inaccuracies, such generally more reliable than Nami's Nami' s history. as a as a reference to the mission to Shiraz of East India Company employee Skipp as Russian embassy (15.5), (15.5), and a surmnary summary treatment and heavy reliance on Nami in several sections dealing with the end of Karim Khan's reign indicate that Ghaffari was then out of touch with the news as reported officially in Shiraz, Shiraz, perhaps being at his home in Kashan. Kashan. In particular the chapters dealing with the siege of Giti-gosha. Nevertheless, Basra are evidently copied almost word for word from the Giti-gosha. Nevertheless, ol-Tavarikh Golestana, which largely suptaken in conjunction with the Mojmal MojmaZ oZ-Tavarikh of Golestana, 1750-55, this is is on balance a more important plies the deficiencies of the period 1750-55, is hardly less florid, florid, but with its its long secwork than that of Nami. Nami. In style it is poets, artists, artists, and divines, divines, it displays a much greater aptions on contemporary poets, preciation of the social and cultural life of the time. time. There seem to be only two manuscripts extant--that in the Malik Library, Library, Tehran (no. (no. 4333), 4333), made at Kashan in 1210/1796, 1210/1796, and the much later copy (1887) (1887) of 9 The latter, this manuscript in the British Library (Or. (Or. 3592).9 3592). latter, fully paginated, paginated, is the text to which reference is made here. here. c. Abu'l-Hasanb. MojmaZ ol--Tavarikh (MT) o. Abu'l-Hasan b. Mohammad Amin Golestana, Golestana, Mojmal ol-Tavarikh (MT) The last of this group of primarily Zand chroniclers has has the best-documented biogthree. He came of a family of sayyeds who took their name from a raphy of the the three. district of Isfahan where they originally lived. lived. The family later moved to the Kermanshah region. region. The historian's two maternal uncles gained high rank under Nader, but later fell Nader, fell into disfavor and fled to India; India; his paternal uncle, uncle, Mirza Mohammad M:lhammad Taqi, Taqi, was for a time Nader's governor of Kermanshah and held a variety of Iran. On Nader's death 'Mel 'Adel Shah appointed him other appointments in western Iran. jointly with Amir Khan Tupchi-bashi to command the important bastion and arsenal fortress, but they defected to the rising power of 'Adel' 'Adel's of the Kermanshah fortress, s disaster, Mohammad Taqi continued brother Ebrahim. Ebrahim. When Ebrahim's revolt ended in disaster, with 'Abd ol-'Ali Khan Mishmast to hold the fortress against Karim Khan until deciding to capitulate just before 'Ali Mardan's arrival with his pretender from Baghdad (2.5-2.8). (2.5-2.8). He subsequently followed the wind of vicissitude over to Azad Khan, Khan, who reappointed him as as governor of Kermanshah, Kermanshah, where he was killed by rebellious Kurds (3.5). (3.5). The younger Golestana had been detained as a hostage in Karim Khan's retinue, retinue, but slipped away to the shrines of Iraq, Iraq, where his two younger brothers joined him on escaping from impris9went imprisonment by their uncle's murderers. murderers. 10 l Late in 1169/1756 all three left for India. India. later, Although it was begun in exile at M:lrshedabad Morshedabad more than fifteen years later, in 1195-96/1781-82,11 MojmaZ oZ-Tavarikh-e ba'd-Naderiya contains a large pro1195-96/1781-82,-1-1 his Mojmal ol-Tavarikh-e ba'd-Naderiya portion of material relating to events of the late Afsharid and early Zand period of which the author was not only an eyewitness but in which he took an active part (for example, example, the two occasions when he went to the Vakil's camp to negotiate on behalf of his uncle; uncle; 1. 7, 2.7). rest, he claims that as 1.7, 2.7). For the rest, as no history of available, he collected data from letters and other Iran after Nader Shah was then available, documents (khotut-e mardan) traditions, especially from his family. (khotut-e mardan) and oral traditions, family. Evidently this is a guarded admission that he copied the last three chapters of Mirza Mahdi's Jahangoshay-e Naderi and interpolated other parts of this work elsewhere Jahangoshay-e Naderi in his book and perhaps that he also drew extensively on the reminiscences of 12 The Daud Mirza, Mirza, son of Shah Solayman II, II, who was in Morshedabad at that time. time.12 baldness and inaccuracy of his narrative after he left Iran is is in sharp contrast to the plausible detail of the events he witnessed or had reliable reports of. of. to

9. 45, LiterotuPe, I, 9. See Rieu Suppt., Suppt., 45, 66; 66; Storey, Storey, Pepsian Persian Literature, I, 331-32, 331-32, PepsicisPersiaskaya Literatura, Literoturo, 936-37; kaya 936-37; Hedayati, Hedayati, ''Mokht~ari,'' "Mokhtasari," 35. 35. The latter two works incor1201. rectly date the Malik manuscript as as 1201. 10. MT, Mr, 31, 31, 133, 133, 231, 231, 286, 286, 273, 273, 313, 313, and editor's introduction, introduction, dah-shanzdah; dah-shdnzdah; 10. Mann, Quellen," 5-8; 5-8; Storey, Storey, Persian I, 330; 330; Hedayati, Mmn, "Ueber die Quellen," Pepsian Literature, Literotu:l'e, I, Hedayati, Tdrikh, 50, ''Mokht~ari,'' "Mokhtasari," 35-39; 35-39; $adri-Afshar, Sadri-Afshar, 129-30. 129-30. Taz.ikh, 50, 11. Mr, 11. For the date of composition, composition, see Mann, Mann, ''Ueber "Ueber die Quellen," Quellen," 9, 9, 14; 14; MT, he fdan. hefdah.

12. 12. Mann, Mann, "Ueber die Quellan," QuelIan," 9; 9; Mr, Ml, nuzdah--bist-o-do. nuzdah—bist-o-do.

306 306

Appendix: and Assessment of the the Souroes Sources Appendix: Survey Survey and Assessment of

His attitude to to Karim Khan, Khan, though he he was on on the the enemy side, side, is is remarkably fair and rancor; like other hostages of Beg and free from rancor; of the the Vakil ('Abd ('Abd ol-Razzaq Beg Donboli, the political game in inDonboli, for for one) one) he he accepted the the risks of of the in which he he was involved and and freely acknowledged that he he could hardly have wished for for aa more kindly captor. His His style is is pithier and IIRlch much less ornate than that of of Nami or or Ghaffari captor. and testifies to to an an eye eye for for detail and and aa sense of of drama that adds interest to to his his account. account. The The edition by by Modarres Razavi is is usefully supplemented, supplemented, among other notes, by those of (3e). notes, by of Kuhmarra' Kuhmarra'ii (3e). 2. CONTEMPORARY HISTORIES OF OF PARTIAL RELEVANCE 2. Detailed chronicles of of the the periods before 1750 or or after 1779, 1779, or or of of events outside the western Iran, Iran, often dovetail into the the materials mentioned above. above. Apart from the of infonnation information they let let fall, fall, their partisanship and and othelWise otherwise differing crumbs of parameters provide valuable countelWeights counterweights to the Zand-centered histories of of Perto the Iraq. sian Iraq. a. ashi Safavi, a. Mirza Ahmad Khalil Mar' Mar'ashi Safavi, Majma' Majma' oZ-Tavarikh ol-Tavarikh Mirza Khalil had had in in his unfortunate forebears the best possible source for for the the events of of the the first few few years after Nadir's assassination. assassination. His His grandfather, grandfather, Mir Mir was the the Imam 'Ali al-Reza at at Sayyed l-bhanunad, Mohammad, was the superintendent of of the the shrine of of the Mashhad who for for aa brief period in in 1163/1750 became shah but was subsequently blinded. His His father, son !laud had already slipped father, the the Sayyed's eldest son Daud Mirza, Mirza, had blinded. away with his brothers to to the the shrines of of Iraq before the the Sayyed's fall; fall; in in late September 1751 they made their way way to to Bushire, Bushire, whence with the the help of of the the East 13 India Company agent they secretly took ship to to India,13 India, to to seek asylum with 'Alamgir, the Gurakani king of of Delhi, Delhi, as as had had other Safavid refugees before them. them. In gir, the In of invasion by on to Bengal, ending up the face of by Ahmad Shah Dorrani they moved on to Bengal, up at at Morshedabad, as as had Golestana. Mirza Khalil had had mearnhile meanwhile remained at at Isfahan l-brshedabad, had Golestana. and later at he was well received by by Karim Khan,14 his at Shiraz, Shiraz, where he Khan, 14 but_joined but joined his at l-brshedabad Morshedabad in in 1192/1778. 1192/1778. Daud Mirza died in in 1204/1784-85, 1204/1784-85, and and four father at 15 years later Mirza Khalil compiled this history, the full title of which transhistory,15 the full of lates as and as "Compendium of of Histories, Histories, concerning the the Fall of of the the Safavid Dynasty and the Year 1207/1793." Subsequent Events up up to to the purpose, he he claims, acHis main purpose, claims, was was to to present aa more objective and and accurate account than that of of Astarabadi (see below) enough, "in below) who, who, he he comments fairly enough, "in acacor the the temper of of the the time, time, to to aa great extent glossed cordance with expediency or 1 over, the data. "16 over, twisted, twisted, trimmed, trimmed, or or othelWise otherwise falsified some of of the data." ^ His His own own atattempt, however, up to to his his anilitious ambitious comparison with the the Jahangoshay Jahangoshay tempt, however, cannot stand up by reason of of its its extreme unevenness: unevenness: while the the fortunes of of his Safavid kinsmen and after Nader are are fully documented, documented, the the conqueror himself and and his his both before and kin are but scantily treated and are but and Karim Khan is is dismissed in in aa few few lines. lines. Moreover, the the style is is careless and and disjointed, disjointed, though simpler and and less pretentious over, of Mirza Mahdi or or the the two two main Zand historians. than that of historians. b. Astarabadi, Tarikh-e Jahangoshay-e Naderi and and b. Mirza Mohanunad Mohammad Mahdi Kawkabi Astarabadi, Tarikh-e Jahangoshay-e Naderi Dorra-ye Nadera Dorra-ye The philologist and and historian historian whose whose account account of ofNader Nader Shah Shah became became the theinspiration inspiration of most, all, of the chroniclers already mentioned is is himself of of and model of most, if if not not all, of the least consequence for Jahangoshay ends with for the the period under consideration: consideration: the the Jahangoshay Naderoa adds the collapse of of Ebrahim Mirza's march on on Mashhad and and the the Do1'1'a.-ye Dorra-ye Nadera only aa few few extra details about Ebrahim's capture and and death, death, all all of of which took place within two two years years of ofNader's Nader's assassination. assassination. Nothing can can usefully be be added to to Laurence Lockhart's comprehensive appraisal

13. 13. 14. 14. 15. IS. Pertsch, Pertsch, 16. 16.

GD 1751. GD VI, VI, 29 29 September, September, 33 October 1751. See See Rieu I, I, 193. 193. Mann, Safavi Dynasty, Dynasty, 510-12; Mann, "Ueber die die Quellen," Quellen," 10-11; 10-11; Lockhart, Lockhart, Safavi 510-12; 425-27; 425-27; Sadri-Afshar, Sadri-Afshar, 138; 138; Marcashi, Marcashi, editor's introduction. introduction. c Marcashi, 294. Mar ashi, editor'S editor's introduction; introduction; cf. cf. Lockhart, Lockhart, Nadir Nadir Shah. Shahy 294.

Appendix: Survey Survey and Assessment Assessment of of the the Souroes Sources Appendix:

307 307

of the the writer and his his works works,,17 except to to note note that that both histories histories have have since since been editions (in (in which form form II have have referred to to them). them). published in competent editions o. Histories Histories of Ahmad Shah o. Leningrad), by by The Tarikh-e Tarikh-e Ahmad Ahmad Shahi Shahi (1171/1773, (1171/1773, manuscripts manuscripts in London and Leningrad), The al-Hosayni, part of whose name is is read variously as as aZ-Mothanna al-Mothanna and aZalone Mahmud al-Hosayni, Monshi, adds adds certain points points of detail detail to our knowledge of events events after the assasMonshi, sination of of Nader Nader and and especially especially of of Ahmad Ahmad Shah Shah Dorrani's Dorrani's campaigns campaigns in in Khorasan, Khorasan, as, sination as, to aa lesser lesser extent, extent, does does8 the the somewhat somewhat later later history history of of Central Central Asia Asia by by 'Abd 'Abd olto 01Karim "Nadim" "Nadim" Bokhari.l Karim BokharL18 d. Early Qajar Histories d. that adds adds anything to to the the Zand chroniThe only early Qajar history II have used that clers' data on the the episodes of Mohammad Hasan Khan and Hosayn Qoli Khan Khan is is the the clers' tortuously florid florid and and savagely savagely partisan partisan Tarikh-e Tarikh-e Mohammadi, also known known as as the the tortuously Mohammadi. also Ahsan ol-Tavarikh3 compiled in in 1211/1797 1211/1797 by by Mohammad Mohammad al-Saru'i al-Saru'i (of (of Sari Sari in in MazanAhsan oZ-Tavarikh. compiled Mazan19 daran) for for Agha Agha Mohammad Mohammad Khan. daran) Khan. 19

3. CONTEMPORARY MEMOIRS, MANUALS, BIOGRAPHIES, BIOGRAPHIES, FAMILY HISTORIES, 3. MEKlIRS, MANUALS, HISTORIES, GENERAL HISTORIES, AND SUPPLEMENTS HISTORIES, EPITOMES, EPITCMES, .AND The remaining Persian narrative sources include the genres tazkera. zayZ. tazkera, tarikh. tarikh, zayl3 safarnama, compendiums. Their infonnation information is similarly varied safarnama, and miscellaneous compendiUl1lS. in value, value, ranging from sustained eyewitness reports, reports, through unsubstantiated obiter dicta to downright fantasy. fantasy. a. The Kalantar a. AA special place in the history of eighteenth-century Iran is is occupied by the the memoirs oirs (ruznama) [ruznama) of Mirza Mohammad, Mohammad, who was mayor of Shiraz (kaZantar, {kalantar, see 14.3) 14.3) a family of sayyeds who under Karim Khan and his successors. Born in 1132/1720 of successors. a he opted for a secretarial had served the Safavids from the reign of Shah Esma'il, Esma'il, he opted for a secretarial and administrative career. career. He was one of the representatives of Fars at Nader's acclamation on the soon rose of the the Dasht-e Dasht-e Moghan Moghan and and soon rose to to be be head head of the tax tax registry registry at at acclamation on Maymand. sahebMaymand. His maternal uncle, uncle, Mirza Mohammad Hosayn Sharifi, Sharifi, was made sahebFars (equivalent (equivalent then then to to kaZantar) kalantar) and and in in his his service service Mirza Mirza Mohammad Mohammad ekhteyar ekhteyar of of Fars participated in the struggles for for Shiraz Shiraz that participated in the struggles that were were part part of of the the general general chaos chaos folfollowing Shiraz lowing Nader's Nader's murder. murder. His His uncle uncle died died just just before before Karim Karim Khan Khan entered entered Shiraz in in 20 1168/1754 and 1168/1754 and Mirza Mirza Mohammad Mohammad was was appointed appointed to to succeed succeed him him (3.7). (3.7).20 He He continued continued in in the the service service of of 'Ali 'Ali Morad Morad and and Ja'far Ja'far Khan Khan and and completed completed his his memoirs memoirs only only aa short short time time before before his his death death in in 1200/1786. 1200/1786. As an eyewitness account of this whole period, period, the Ruznama Ruznama is unsurpassed in in scope. scope. It is marred by a a querulous self-centeredness and a a breathless, breathless, poorly constructed "telegraphese," "telegraphese," both of which tend to distort events. events. The work 'i~rk has the Farsnama-ye Farsnama-ye Naseri. Naseri.^ been extensively and sensibly used by Fasa'i in in the b. b. Rostam Of particular interest, interest, too, too, is is the unusual Rostam Rostam ol-Tavarikh oZ-Tavarikh by Mohammad Hashem, Hashem, with the pen name (takhallos) by (takhaUos) of Asaf and the honorific Rostam ol-Hokama', ol-Hokama', by which in view of the title of his work it seems appropriate to to refer to him. him. He He states in his foreword that his father's cousin and his grandfather Amir Shams ol01Din Mohammad both served the Safavids, Safavids, the latter as master of the royal manufactories (karkhana-bashi) tan Hosayn; Hosayn; his his father father was was at at the the Vakil's Vakil's court court (karkhana-bashi) to Shah Sol Soltan and served Agha Mohammad Khan in captivity. captivity. The work thus consists of a a collection of historical and sociobiographical anecdotes culled from his father's and 17. Lockhart, Lockhart, Nadir Nadir Shah, Shah, 292-96; 292-96; Safavi Safavi Dynasty, Lynasty, 512-13. 512-13. See also Hedayati, Hedayati, "Mokhtasari," "Mokhtasari," 42-44. 42-44. 18! Marm, "Quellenstudien"; "Quellenstudien"; Rieu I, I, 213b; 213b; Saidmuradov. Saidmuradov. 18: See Mann, I, 199a; 199a; Hedayati, Hedayati, Tarikh, Tiirikh, 55, 55, "Mokhtasari," ''MOkhta!?ari,'' 39-40. 39-40. 19. Rieu I, 20. Kalantar, Kalantar, 49-52. Kalantar, editor's introduction; introduction; Lockhart, Lockhart, Nadir Nadir Shah, Shah, 301-2; Sadri$adri21. See Kalantar, Afshar, 127. 127. Afshar,

Appendix: Survey and Assessment of the the Sources Sources Appendix: Survey Assessment of

308 308

grandfather's reminiscences, reminiscences, extending from the the beginning of the reign of Shah Soltan Hosayn to the end of that of 'Ali Morad Khan Zand in ll99/1785--and 1199/1785--and of his son, continuing to the time of Path Fath 'Ali ~2ah--written Shah--written in the simple and pregnant son, 22 him. style that his father recommended recOJlllOOnded to him. Tazkerat ol-Moluk, this wellAccording to the the preface of ,a manuscript of the the Tazkerat oZ-MoZuk, this we11known manual of administration (see Sami'a, a great(see 3c) 3c) is is the work of one Mirza Sami'a, 2 uncle Hashem.23 ^ The Rostam Rostam oZ-Tavarikh ol-Tavarikh tm.c1e of our Mohammad Hashem. indeed resembles its predits lists of officials, officials, provincial revenues, ecessor in certain respects, respects, with its revenues, and market prices, prices, and at first sight would appear to to be a gold mine of raw material Iran. Unfortunately, Unfortunately, for the social and economic history of eighteenth-century Iran. many of the anecdotes that can be checked against other sources prove sketchy and fiction. Two examples are the fanciful and those that cannot are redolent of fiction. account of the Zand princes' princes' prowess, exaggerated accotm.t prowess, itself embedded within a hilari2 British.24 ^ His anecdotes of the ous history of Karim Khan's relations with the the British. Vakil are I}re generally of an apocryphal nature, nature, often bawdy or scurrilous, scurrilous, though Donboli, Malcolm, several correspond to versions recounted recotm.ted by funboli, Malcolm, and later Qajar writers (see below). below). II have used Rostam's administrative and economic information, information, 14, but am inclined to doubt its accuracy where not conespecially in chapter 14, firmed by other sources. sources. 25 finned References are to the printed edition of the TUhingen Tubingen manuscript. manuscript. c. oZ-MoZuk (TM) Dastur oZ-MoZuk (IM) o. The Tazkerat Tazkerat ol-Moluk (TM) and Dastur ol-Moluk (EM) These two manuals of Safavid administration, administration, written to instruct Ashraf and the Afghan conquerors in the arts of court protocol and imperial government as practiced during the reign of the last Safavid monarch (1694-1722) (1694-1722) are not strictly contemporary. As has seen, however, contemporary. has been seen, however, the Safavid ideal remained the basis for government theory for at least fifty years after its thus by comparing its collapse; collapse; thus statements from Zand and early Qajar sources with the guidelines laid out in these works, one can gain some idea of the extent to which the Safavid traditradivaluable works, tion was eroded or replaced by new concepts and practices. practices. The Tazkerat oL-MoZuk is Tazkerat ol-Moluk is anonymous in most manuscripts (but see 3b 3b above) above) and has been painstakingly edited with both commentary and translation by the late Minorsky. The Dastur DaBtur ol-Moluk oZ-MoZuk of Mirza Rafi 'a, very similar in design Vladimir Minorsky. Rafi'a, and wording, wording, appears in general to be better organized and more accurate; accurate; a has printed edition, edition, with an excellent introduction by Mohammad Taqi Daneshpazhuh, Daneshpazhuh, has the journal of the the faculty of letters and social appeared in consecutive issues of the sciences of Tehran University. University. In view of the interdependence of text and criticriticomment, both works are listed in the bibliography under the names of their cal comment, editors. editors. d. d. Azar and funboli Donboli The most useful of the contemporary dictionaries of literary biography (tazkera) {tazkerd) are the famous Ataehkada of Lotf 'Ali oZ-Ahrar va famous Atashkada 'Ali Beg Azar and the Tajrebat Tajrebat ol-Ahrar va of 'Abd ol-Razzaq Beg funboli. TasZeyat oZ-Abrar Tasleyat ol-Abrar Donboli. The former, former, who traveled and studied widely during the reign of Nader, Nader, the interregnum (he (he accompanied 'Ali Mardan and Karim Khan on campaign), Vakil, produced his work campaign), and the days of the Vakil, in 1174/1760 at the age of forty: final sections (AhvaZ-e forty: it contains in its final (Ahval-e Mo 'asel'in--tm.forttm.ately Mo 'aserin--unfortunately not not paginated paginated in in the the Bombay Bombay lithograph) lithograph) aa short short autobiautobiography, ography, a SUllUllary summary of history from the Safavids to his own time (mainly condensed 2 work) and biographical notices of his literary contemporaries. contemporariesJ6 from Astarabadi's work) ^ Donboli 1827-28) was much younger, funboli (1176-1243/1762-63 to 1827-28) younger, having been brought to child, as as a hostage for his father Najaf Shiraz by the Vakil in 1765 when only a child, Khan.2'7 His book comprises three parts, first devoted to the biographies Qoli Khan.27 parts, the first divines, the second to a selection of Safavid and contemporary poets, of twenty divines, poets, and the third (which is is especially useful) usefUl) to a historical-autobiographical sketch 22. 22. 23. 23. 24. 24. 25. 25. 26. 26. 27. 27.

Rostam, 62-63. Rostam, 62-63. EM, 476-77. 1M, 476-77. pp. 385-98; 96. Pp. 385-98; see 15.6, 15.6, note 96. See further Rostam, Rostam, editor's introduction, introduction, noh. noh. See Browne, Persian Literature, 282-84; Donboli, 269. Browne, Persian Literature, 282-84; Donboli, Tajreba Tajreba I, I, 269. Tajreba II, 41-42; 41-42; Sadri-Afshar, ~adri-Afshar, 148. 13.5. Tajreba I, I, 113; 113; II, 148. See above, above, 5.7, 5.7, 13.5.

Appendix: Survey Assessment of the Appendix: Survey and Assessment the Sources Sources

309 309

that includes his his experiences in in Shiraz. Shiraz. Reference is is here made to to the the two-volume edition by by 'Abd Dara by H. H. Q. Q. Tabataba'i. Tabataba'i. Other works by 'Abd ol-Razzaq, ol-Razzaq, the theNegarestan-e Negarestan-e Bora the history Ma'aser-e Ma'aser-e SoLtaniya, Soltaniya, of note. and the contain relatively little of note. e. i e. Kulunarra' Kuhmarra'i One of of the the most valuable of of the the purely historical works in in this section is is the the {zayl va va hasheya) hasheya) to the Mojmal supplement and and notes (zayL to the MojmaL ol-Tavarikh, oL-Tavarikh, compiled in in Shiraz by by Zayn ol-'Abedin Kulunarra'i Kuhmarra'i over the the years 1200-1203/1786-89. 1200-1203/1786-89. The The supthe story down to to the the twilight of of the the Zand dynasty, dynasty, and and the the notes plement takes the the body of of Golestana' Golestana'ss book, book, which are are more germane to to our our period, period, include to the of the the chronology and and short biographies of of Zand notables and and other amplifications of the reminiscences of of the the author's father and and friends friends contemporaries culled from the 28 in Fars. Fars.28 in f.f. Family and and Local Memoirs Fava'ed oL-Safaviya, ol-Safaviya, in 1211/1796-97 by by one one of of the the Safavid The useful Fava'ed produced in refugees in in India, India, Abu'l-Hasan Qazvini, Qazvini, who who had had been in in Iran up up to to the the year 1205/ 1791, 1791, is is aa cross between aa family biography and and aa history of of the the contemporary world. It It concentrates on on the the careers of of the the son son of of "Soltan Hosayn II," Iranian world. II," was unsuccessfully espoused by by 'Ali Mardan Khan (2.6) the pretender whose cause was (2.6) scions, but but provides confirmation and and amplification of of the the main and other Safavid scions, for the the reigns of of Shahrokh Shah"" Shah. Solayman II, II, and and Ahmad Shah Dorrani, Dorrani, as as sources for well as fortunes.,,9 as aa summary of of the the Zand fortunes.^ The Tazkera-ye AL-e Al-e Daud Daud (TAD) (TAD) is is little more than aa copy of of Mar'ashi's work, work, Tazkera-ye at least in exin its its second part, part, whereas for for the the first part the the author has drawn exThe author, was the tensively on on the the Fava'ed Fava'ed oL-Safaviya. ol-Safaviya. The author, Mohammad Hashem, Hashem, was the fifth son of Mar' ashi; of Mir Mir Sayyed Mohammad (Solayman II) II) and and the the uncle of of Mirza Khalil Mar'ashi; for born at at Mashhad in in 1160/1747, 1160/1747, the the year of of Nader's death, death, he he left in in 1183/1769 for Isfahan and and finally Shiraz, Shiraz, where in in 1218/1803 he he completed his his history (also known as A Z-e Daud), he continued to as the the Zoyur-e Zoyur-e Al-e Daud), though he to add add to to it it until his his death ten years later. later. Despite the the fact fact that he he lived through the the Afsharid and and Zand periods as as aa boy boy and and aa young man, man, relatively little of of his his personal experience has found its its way wayinto into his hiswork, work,which which remains remains aahistory history of ofhis his own ownfamily family largely largely at second hand. hand. The The section on on the the Zands is is particularly compressed and and sketchy~O sketchy^ Sayyed 'Abdollah al-Shushtari, Shushtar, and Latif and Mir Mir 'Abd 'Abd 01ol-Latif al-Shushtari, Tallkera-ye Tazkera-ye Shushtar, Shushtari, Tohfat Tohfat oLol-'Alam, two memoirs by by different sayyeds named after their Shushtari, 'A Lam , two town of of Shushtar, Shushtar, provide certain details relating to to the the siege of of Basra native tam the Banu Ka'b. and the Ka'b. g. g. General History ol.-Tavarikh, aa huge history of of the for The Zinat Zinat ol-Tavarikh, the Orient corrunenced commenced in in 1218/1803 for Fath 'Ali Shah by by Mirza MJhammad Mohammad Reza Tabrizi (under whose name it it appears in in the the notes) notes) and and 'Abd 'Abd ol-Karim ol-Karim bb 'Ali 'AliReza Rezaol-Sharif ol-SharifShahavari, Shahavari,was wasevidently evidentlyused usedexextensively by by Malcolm. Malcolm. 'Abd 'Abd ol-Razzaq ol-Razzaq Beg BegDonboli Donboli is issaid said to tohave have collaborated collaborated with Tabrizi in Liin its its composition. composition.31 31 There There are are two twomanuscripts manuscripts in in the theBritish British Library, brary, of of which II have consulted Add. Add. 23,527 (the (the relevant folios folios are are 171-83). 171-83). Shahavari is but is also the the author of of the the first llayL zayl composed for for Nami' Nami'ss history, history, but is probably not not to to be be confused with the the author of of the the despite Nafisi's suggestion is Tarikh-e Zandiya, edited by Beer; this this writer's name appears as as Ebn Tarikh-e Zandiya, by Ernst Beer; Ebn 'Abd ol01'Ali Reza Shirazi, Shirazi, with the the patronymic transposed, transposed, but but the the distinction is Karim 'Ali is in all all manuscripts. manuscripts. The The latter history (British Library maintained consistently in as seen from aa necesnecesAdd. 24,903) 24,903) deals chiefly with Karim Khan's successors as MS Add. sarily Qajar viewpoint, for viewpoint, and was used by by Malcolm;32 it it has has been of of use use only for Beer's introduction to edition. to his his edition. Similar in is in scope to to the the Zinat Zinat oL-Tavarikh ol-Tavarikh is the the untitled history of of Iran

111. 111.

28. 28. 29. 29. 30. 30. 31. 31. 32. 32.

MT, MT, bist-o-shesh--bist-o-haft. bist-o-shesh—bist-o-haft.

Cf. 00.6.41; 515-16. Cf. Browne, Browne, CataLogue, Catalogue, 0o.6.41; Rieu I, I, 133-34; 133-34; Pertsch, Pertsch, 515-16. Mann Rieu Mann, "Quellenstudien" "Que 1 lenstudien," 14-15· 14-15; MT MT, bist--bist-o-do; bist—bist-o-do; Rieu I, I, 191. 191. Aqasi, ' " Aqasi, 538. 538. Cf. Cf. Rieu I, I, 135-37; 135-37; 196, 196, 198; 198; TGG, TGG, editor's introduction; introduction; ~adri-Afshar, Sadri-Afshar,

310 310

Appendix: Survey Assessment of Appendix: Survey and Assessment of the the Sources Sources

Tafrashi, which seems to be in the main aa S1.ll11llliry summary from 1722 to 1779 by Razi ol-Din Tafrashi, 33 of the works of Nami and/or Ghaffari. Ghaffari. 33

h. h. Anecdotes The Nama-ye Nama-ye Khosravan Khosravan of the Ehtesham ol-M;)lk, ol-Molk, aa son of Fath 'Ali Shah, Shah, is is valuaMohammad Khan when the latter was a ble in recounting tales of the Vakil and Agha M;)hammad Shiraz, including some personal experiences of Fath 'Ali when he visprisoner in Shiraz, there. Another collection of anecdotes, anecdotes, the Hekayat Eekayat 0 Z-SaZatin ol-Salatin iited ted his uncle there. (not to be confused with his synonymous predecessor of one Mirza Mahdi Esfahani (not Astarabad) is is known to me in only one manuscript, manuscript, now in the Edinburgh Univerof Astarabad) it was written for the Saheb-e Saheb-e EngZis Englis Robert Monroe Binning, Binning, sity Library.34 It is found at the beginning of the work (and whose book of his own whose signature is Travels this bibliography). bibliography). The work can hardly be called contempoTraveZs appears in this rary, since it was compiled in 1845 or shortly before, before, and ranges from Karim Khan rary, {maqala no. no. 1) 1) through the succeeding Zands and Qaj Qajars Ali (maqaZa ars to the death of Fath f'Ali {maqala no. no. 7). 7). It is is included here, here, however, however, because it gives in full full Shah (maqaZa Vakil, both familiar and less well-known, well-known, which have several anecdotes about the Vakil, survived in oral and literary tradition and cannot readily be traced to an earlier written wri tten source. source. 4. OFFICIAL RECORIS, RECORDS, DECREES, DECREES, CORRESPONDENCE, CORRESPONDENCE, .AND AND O'IHER OTHER OOCUMENTS DOCUMENTS 4. a. (SP) a. The English East India Company Records (BP, (BP, PR, FR, GIl) GD) and the State Papers (SP) Of inestimable value are the archives of the Honourable East India Company preserved at the India Office Library in London. London. The daily records, records, letters, letters, and reports of the company's staff at one or more of their stations at Bandar 'Abbas, 'Abbas, Basra, or Bushire are aa rich source of iwformation Basra, information about events in the hinterland throughout the eighteenth century. century. Their main value is is as as chronological landmarks, chronicles; marks, both relative and absolute, absolute, to test the accuracy of the Persian chronicles; they also help to to verify and often to supply details of situations and events that are inadequately presented or altogether lacking in the chronicles. chronicles. For events further inland, inland, due allowance must always be made for the time the news took to travel and the corresponding effects of distortion or exaggeration. exaggeration. Certain idiosyncracies of transcription (as care: (as in all European sources) sources) also call for care: though major figures figures such as as "Thanas "Thomas Shaw" Shaw" or "Hoschroff" "Hoschroff" and his "Ophgoons" "Ophgoons" are readily identifiable, identifiable, names such as as Bokhari and Boghayeri, Boghayeri, Hasan and Hosayn, Hosayn, are confused. In addition to political events, events, the East India Company recapt to be confused. ords naturally furnish a good deal of data on commercial and economic developments in Iran and the Gulf region. region. As in the time of the later Safavids and Nader Shah, (GIl) Shah, the Gambroon Gombroon Diary (GD) 35 still holds pride of place in the period under consideration. The years 1746-63 consideration.35 VI-XIII, at which point the "factory" "factory" (trading post) post) at are covered by volumes VI-XIII, (Gombroon) was abandoned for Bushire. Bushire. The rest of the period is Bandar 'Abbas (Gambroon) covered by letters and despatches from Basra and Bushire to the president and Bombay, referred to here as as Factory Records (PR); (FR); the relevant volumes council at Bombay, (1729-52), XVI XVI (1753-73) (1753-73), (1774-83) in the same series as as the Gomare XV (1729-52), , and XVII (1774-83) GamDiary. Volumes VII-XII of the diary are indexed after a fashion, fashion, but must broon Diary. for relevant information to be extracted from almost still be skimmed through for entry. every neatly written entry. Information on the company's trade and its its relations with local rulers, rulers, inKhan, may be gleaned from the records of policy decisions and discluding Karim Khan, patches to the Gulf in the Bombay Bombay Public PubZic ConsuZtations/Proceedings (BP) , of Which Consultations/Proceedings (BP), which 1746-80. In consulting these daunting there are thirty-two volumes for the period 1746-80. tomes, tomes, the rationalizations of the East India Company records offered in Lorimer's Gazeteer, Selections from State Papers, A. A. A. Amin's monumental Gazeteer, Saldanha's SeZections from State Papers, and A. study of Britain in the Gulf over this period have been aa considerable help. help.

33. 798. 33. Rieu II, II, 798. 34. 34. II am indebted to Professor R. R. B. B. Serjeant for for drawing my attention to this this work; work; see his his HandZist. Handlist. 35. 35. Cf. Cf. Lockhart, Lockhart, Nadir Nadir Shah, Shah, 303-4. 303-4.

AppendUJ:: Appendix:

Survey Assessment of Survey and Assessment of the the Sour()es Sources

311 311

Hie British government had had as as yet yet no in Iran, Iran, but but TIle no permanent pennanent representative in at Istanbul took aa certain interest in in events in in the the His Majesty's ambassador at provinces of of Baghdad and and Basra and and received regular dispatches from the the East India at the ports. Such reports, reports, combined with intelligence of Company's agents at the Gulf ports. of and shrewd asides from Ambassador Ainslie, forwarded to the Porte's policies and Ainslie, were fOIWarded to and are are preserved in in the in London the foreign secretary and the Public Records Office in (SP); they are are particularly useful for for Irano-Ottoman among the the State Papers series (SP); relations and and the hostilities in in Kurdistan and and southern Iraq during 1774-76. 1774-76. b. The The llitch Dutch East India Company (OIC, (OIC, Brieven) Brieveri) b. The records of the colonial archives department of of of the the Oost Indische Compagnie in in the the Rijksarchief at at The The Hague are are hardly less valuable than those of of their British competitors for the period of 1623-1769. for the of their activity in in Iran, Iran, that is, is, 1623-1769. Like the the British, and British, they were forced to to abandon their inland stations at at Isfahan and Kerman during the the anarchy following Nader Shah's death and and to to fall fall back on on Basra Kennan and Bandar 'Abbas (Gamrun), respectively. How(Gamrun), which they quit in in 1753 and and 1759, 1759, respectively. ever, during 1754-69 they were established on on their quasi colony of of Kharg Island ever, in the and "pi"piand closely involved in the tussle between Karim Khan, Khan, the the local rulers and rates," and and the in the rates," the European trading companies in the upper Gulf region, region, from which the Dutch futch emerged the losers (15.7). the (15.7). The records relevant to to our our period--chiefly reports from the the three upper Gulf the director general in the the East Indies (Batavia) (Batavia)--are to be be found in stations to to the in --are to in aa score as score of of volumes volumes in in the the series series Bataviase Bataviase Inkomende Irikomende Brieven Brieven OVergekomen Overgekomen (cited (cited as Brieven in in the footnotes) numbered in in incomplete sequence from 2617 to 3142, and and Brieven the footnotes) to 3142, in single years from 1749 to to 1770. 1770. There i§ is aa partial catalog of of the dated in the series in in the the Registerboek Registerboek op de Indis()he Indische Papieren Papieren van A. 1762 tot tot 1775 in()Zuis. inoluis. (). a. The The French Consular Correspondence (ANP and MAE) MAE) of the the consuls and and agents of of the the Compagnie des des Indes in in Basra, Basra, BaghThe records of dad, and Istanbul, Istanbul, being remote from direct contact with events in in Iran, are of of dad, and Iran, are little for the of Karim Khan itself. itself. Nevertheless, Nevertheless, the the infonnation information li ttle value for the reign of in the the political and military maelstrom they record from European travelers caught in first few few years after Nader's death is is of of considerable interest. interest. The The recof the the first at Paris Paris^are in two locations: the of the ords at ,are housed in two distinct locations: the archives of the Ministere (MAE), on on the d'Orsay, of volumes of Etrang&res (MAE), des Affaires Etrangeres the Quai d' Orsay, has has aa series of of to Iran, Iran, two of which (Affaires Etrangeres, Etrangeres, Perse, VII and and correspondence relating to two of Perse, VII VIII) include reports reaching de de Verguennes, at Istanbul, Istanbul, from the VIII) Verguennes, French consul at the Simon, who who became Azad Khan's personal physician (see below, below, 5a); remarkable Sieur Simon, 5a); the bulk bulk of ofthe the FJench French records records is is to tobe befound found in inthe the Archives Archives Nationales Nationales under under but the the heading Affaires la Perse—Correspondence Consulaire, Bagdad/ the AffaiX'es Etrangeres: Etrangeres: la Perse--Correspondan()e Consulaire, Bassorah (ANP). (ANP). The The Baghdad correspondence (Sieur Rousseau) Rousseau) runs runs from 1742 to to Bassorah in three volumes, volumes, B1.l75-77, Bl.175-77, and and that of of Basra (Pirault) (Pirault) from 1743 to 1791 in to 1791 in in single volume, volume, B1.l97. B1.197. These These volumes volumes contain aa small small amount amount of of confinnatory confirmatory a Single on events in in Iran and and several caustic cOIlllIlents comments by the consuls on on the the conmerce commerce data on by the of their arch-rivals, arch-rivals, the British. the British. and politics of d. Russian Consular Reports and and Intelligence Dispatches d. an active trade with Iran both directly (across the Russian companies maintained an the Sea) and and indirectly (through the the caucasus Caucasus khanates) the eighteightCaspian Sea) khanates) throughout the eenth century, of the the (British) (British) century, enjoying a a monopoly from 1747 with the the demise of Russia Company (see below, below, 5a). too suffered setbacks during the the interregnum 5a). They too decade, but at Darband (Derbent) (Derbent) and of the the subsequent decade, but maintained representatives at and Anzali (present-day Bandar Pahlavi) who submitted regular reports to to Saint PetersPahlavi) who burg via via Astrakhan. As trakhan. At At the in the same time the the military governor of of the the caucasus, Caucasus, in command of of the Terek frontier frontier and andin incharge charge of ofliaison liaison with with the theGeorgian Georgian monarchy, monarchy, connnand the Terek Russia's ally against the the Turks, was gathering intelligence on the situation south Turks, was on the of his domain. domain. lie in in the Materials from these sources still lie the Arkhiv Vneshney Politiki Rossii (AVPR) at at Leningrad, Leningrad, little used for for Iranian history, history, even by scholars, unun(AVPR) by Soviet scholars, information on on the in the of Iran neattil quite recently. recently. Their infonnation the situation in the north of of the and Dutch records in in regard to to the the south. south. II ly complements that of the British and have not yet had to these sources, not yet had access at at first first hand to sources, but but have profited from various published digests and and studies. studies. Chief among these is is Butkov's three-volume

312 312

Appendix: Survey and and Assessment of the the Soupoes Sources Appendix: Survey Assessment of

spanning the period 1722-1803, 1722-1803, which is useful in detercollection of material spamring mining the course of events that led to the definitive secession of the northern (13.3). Letters and reports from Azerbaijan principalities from Safavid Iran (13.3). "consuls" and merchants in northern Iran have been used in studies, studies, chiefRussian "consulS" Arunova and Ashrafyan, Ashrafyan, Kukanova, Kukanova, and Markova; Markova; bely of the Nader Shah period, period, by Anmova Caspian region, region, they reveal something of sides commercial and economic data on the caspian Khan. Similar informathe relationship of northern Iran with the south of Karim Khan. infonnais apparently to be found in the (Soviet) (Soviet) Archives of Armenian history. 36 tion is history. 36 Georgian archives have preserved copies of the correspondence between Karim Khan Tsintsadze), which illusand King Erekle (published in Georgian and Russian by Tsintsadze), illustrate more clearly than any other source Georgia's increasing orientation toward Russia. Russia. e. Ottoman and Iranian Farmans, e. Farmans, Diplomatic Correspondence, Correspondence, and Numismatic Sources

Much light is is shed on Ottoman-Iranian relations in the post-Nader period, period, as as well as as on internal Iranian history, history, by correspondence between the Ottoman court and Shah, Ebrahim Mirza, Mirza, and Ahmad Shah Ibrrani, Dorrani, which is is preserved at the Istan'Adel Shah, bul archives in in the the Hatt-i Eatt-i Hwnayun and MUhimme MuhimmeDeftePi Defteri series. series. bUl archives HUm8yUn,NQme-i HUm8yun, and 3 Name-i Hwnayun, There is also an imperial farman and some correspondence with Karim Khan concerning the Kurdistan and Basra hostilities of 1774-75. 1774-75. Some of these documents have Unat, been used or published by Turkish and Iranian scholars (see under Nasiri, Nasiri, Unat, Uzuncar^ili).• UZun9iT!il11.) It It is a constant source of frustration that the course of Iranian history itself, especially in the eighteenth century, century, was not conducive to the preservation self, of archives for for the delight of future future historians. historians. Apart from those few preserved in published histories (Bakhtyari, (Bakhtyari, M:Jqtader, Moqtader, Nader Mirza), Mirza), only aa handful of manuscript farmans farmans of this period have come to light. light. They will be referred to under ruler, except for those already published. published. It It is is to be the name of the issuing ruler, hoped that IIIOre more may yet be unearthed, as IIIOre more documents are published by Iranian unearthed, as Tarikhi elsewhere. But sadly indicative of the scholars in Bar-rasiha-ye Bar-rasiha-ye TaPikhi and elsewhere. present state of affairs is is the fact that out of aa recently published collection (Qa'emmaqof 150 such documents dating from the fourteenth to the present century (Qa' emmaqis relevant to the period under discussion. mi), only one is discussion. Of contemporary coins as aa source for the political history of this period it must be remarked that, that, despite the traditional importance of the sekka sekka in Islamic history, they are quite unreliable as direct indices of regnal dates dates and dynastic history, territories, for for reasons (13.4, note 51). 51). Nevertheless, Nevertheless, this this very territories, reasons discussed above (13.4, fact is is itself indicative of the changes undergone by the Iranian polity during fact era, and emphasizes the economic patterns underlying political dethis restless era, developments . velopments. 5. ACCOUNTS ACX:OUNTS OF CONTEMPORARY mNTEMPORARY TRAVELERS AND FOREIGN RESIDENTS 5. a. a. The Pre-Zand Period Three principal foreign residents in Iran during the 1740s--Pere 1740s--P^re Bazin, Bazin, Jonas Hanway, Dr. John Cook--all left Iran within aa few years of Nader's death. death. The way, and Dr. most valuable record was left by Bazin, Bazin, Nader's personal physician, physician, who in his Seoonde Lettre 'Abbas in 1751 continues his narrative of the upSeoonds Lettre written at Bandar 'Abbas heaval after his his patron's death--in which he himself barely escaped from the con37 Apart from the French queror's carnp--up camp--up to the death of 'Adel 'Adel Shah in 1749. 1749.37 originals, published in Lettres idifiantes et Curieuses Curieuses (which contains another originals, Lettres Edifiantes et interesting report of the fall fall of Isfahan to 'Ali 'Ali Mardan and Karim Khan, Khan, written by Pere Grimod) Grimod) Bazin's letters have also been translated into Persian, Persian, with annotations, in which more generally accessible edition they are principally renotations, ferred to to in in the the notes. notes. Peyssonnel's Peyssonnel's Essai, Essai, dedicated admiringly admiringly to to Hanway Hanway and ferred dedicated and written in aa similarly similarly shrewd--at shrewd--at times times overcynical--style, overcynical--style, was was based based on on the the rewritten in reports of missionaries missionaries and and other other travelers travelers and and gives gives aa useful account of of events events in ports of useful account in northern Iran from the the death of Nader up to to 1753. northern Iran from death of Nader up 1753. 36. Arunova and Ashrafyan, Ashrafyan, "Novye Materialy," 110. 36. 110. 37. Nadir Shah, Shah, 308-11; 37. See Lockhart, Lockhart, Nadir 308-11; Bazin, Bazin, translator's Ojariri's) (Hariri's) preface. ace.

Appendi:c: Appendix: SU:MJey Survey and Assessment Assessment of of the the SOUI'oes Sources

313 313

For events in Persian Iraq during the tripartite struggle between Karim Khan Zand, Qajar, and Azad Khan of Zand, Mohammad Hasan Khan Qajar, Khan Afghan, Afghan, there is aa brief series of letters--preserved in in the French French consular consular archives archives (MAE) (MAE) and, and, in in part, part, in in the GamGomletters--preserved broon Diary--recording Diary--recording the the firsthand firsthand experience experience of of aaFrench French consular consular spy, spy, Ie le Sieur Sieur Simon. The The career career of of this this intriguing intriguing (in (in both senses) senses) character character may may be be pieced pieced toSimon. gether from MAE Perse Perse VII (letters 70-102) 70-102) and Masson (p. (p. 540). 540). Briefly, Briefly, he he was sent sent out out from from Istanbul Istanbul in in June June 1751 1751 to to Isfahan Isfahanwith with instructions instructions toto "s'in"s 1 inwas former de de I' l'etat et des des forces forces de de ce ce royaume, royaume, les les factions factions qui qui Ie le di divisent, des fonner eta t et visent, des princes qui pretendent pr£tendent la couronne couronne .. •. .. de de sa sa situation situation politique politique avec avec les les princes qui a& la f puissances qui qui I' 1 environnent, surtout avec avec la la Porte Porte et et la la Russie." Russie." He He was was given given puissances environnent, surtout further useful useful hints hints on on his his way way there there by Peyssonnel, then then consul consul at at Smyrna. Smyrna. His further by Peyssonnel, His superiors were were soon soon irritated irritated by by his his somewhat somewhat original original methods methods of of carrying carrying out out his his superiors mission (a (a letter letter reaching reaching him him at at Aleppo Aleppo contained contained aa petulant petulant plea plea not not to to use use mission again aa cipher cipher he he had had invented, invented, consisting consisting of of aa cumbersome cumbersome syllabary syllabary running running into into again three figures, figures, as as the the key key he he had had sent sent had had not not yet yet arrived). arrived). At At Baghdad Baghdad he he served served three the pasha pasha so so well well as as his his personal personal physician physician that that this this dignitary dignitary wished wished to to retain retain the him indefinitely; indefinitely; but he succeeded succeeded in in slipping slipping away away into into Iran, Iran, leaving leaving behind him him but he behind him debts amounting amounting to to 1600 1600 piastres, piastres, which which the the disgruntled disgruntled consul consul had had to to pay. pay. By debts By October 1754 1754 he he had had reached reached Hamadan and and under under duress duress had had become Muslim, in in which which October become aa MUslim, persuasion he he continued continued with with some some enthusiasm, enthusiasm, dating dating his his letters letters by by the the HejPi Hejri persuasion calendar and and signing signing himself himself Mirza MLrza Mohammad Mohammad Reza; Reza; he he insisted insisted to to his his superiors, calendar superiors, By September September 1755 1755 he he nonetheless, that that his his apostacy apostacy was was but but "une "une ruse ruse de de guerre." guerre." By nonetheless, was at at Isfahan Isfahan and and remained remained there there with with Azad Azad Khan Khan in in the the capacity capacity of of court court physiwas physician, as as had had Bazin Bazin with with Nader Shah, using using his his influence influence to to alleviate alleviate the the suffercian, Nader Shah, sufferings of of the the Christians Christians of of the the occupied occupied city city and and to to an an increasing increasing extent extent identifyidentifyings ing himself himself with with Azad's Azad's fortunes fortunes in in his his campaigns campaigns against against Karim Karim and and Mohamnad Mohammad Hasan. ing Hasan. Simon disappeared disappeared during during Azad's Azad's disastrous disastrous campaign campaign against against the the Qajars Qajars in in 1757 1757 Simon (4.3).. (4.3)

b. The The Canneli Carmelite Chronicle b. te Chronicle busiFrom this this time time forth, forth, no no European European travelers travelers whether whether on on official official or or private private busiFrom ness penetrated far far into into the the dangerous dangerous interior interior until until the the latter latter half half of of Karim Karim ness Khan's reign, reign, and and even even then then very very few few and and for for short short periods. periods. However, However, at at least least Khan's some of of the the Christian Christian missionary missionary orders orders that that had had settled settled in in and and around around Iran Iran the the some previous centurycentury--Dominicans, Discalced Carmelites, Carmelites, Benedictines, Benedictines, Jesuits, Jesuits, Capuprevious - Dominicans, Discalced Capuchins, Augustinians--somehow Augustinians- -somehow survived survived the the privations privations and and persecutions persecutions of of the the interinterchins, 38 renewed measure measure of of toleration toleration and and prosperity under the the Vakil. Vakil.^ regnum to to enjoy enjoy aa renewed regnum prosperity under The most most complete complete record record to to have have survived survived with with them them is is that that of of the the Cannelites, Carmelites, who who The had abandoned abandoned Isfahan Isfahan during during the the interregnum interregnum and and retained retained continuity continuity thereafter thereafter had 39 The only at at Basra. Basra.39 The vigorous vigorous and and often often humorous humorous eighteenth-century eighteenth-century Latin Latin of of the the only Continuatio dOmestioae domestioae Bassorensis historiae Continuatio Bassorensis histoPiae (translated and edited together with extracts from from the the Gombroon Gombroon Diary Diary in in 1939) 1939) throughout throughout our our period regularly records records extracts period regularly events and and gossip gossip among among Europeans Europeans in in the the Gulf Gulf region region and and hearsay--often hearsay--often surprisevents surprisingly accurate--from accurate--from farther farther inland. inland. A A few few letters letters from from Carmelites Carmelites and and other other reingly religious orders orders in in the the region region are are also also preserved preserved in in the the French French consular consular correspondcorrespondligious ence (4e). ence (40). o. c. The reign of Karim Khan Apart from from the the botanical botanical expedition expedition of of Pallas, Pallas, Gnelin, Gmelin, and and Lepechin Lepechin to to the the Caspian Caspian Apart littoral, visitors visitors to to Iran Iran in in the the l760s 1760s and and l770s 1770s saw saw little little more more than than the the shores shores littoral, of the the Persian Persian Gulf. Gulf. By By far far the the most most interesting interesting and and valuable valuable of of these these are are Carof Carsten Niebuhr and Abraham Abraham Parsons. sten Niebuhr and Parsons. Niebuhr, the last last survivor survivor of of aa Danish Danish scientific scientific expedition expedition sent sent to to Arabia Arabia Niebuhr, in 1760, 1760, visited the Gulf ports and Shiraz in in 1765, 1765, during the operations against Mir Mohanna (10.4); (10.4); nothing of historical, historical, topographical or social significance escaped his keen eye and fluent pen during this limited but important period. period. Parsons was in Basra at the beginning of the Iranian siege of the town, town, and in his Travels, he gives a fascinating day-to-day account of these operations up to the TraveZs, a up 38. 39. 39.

Cf. 13.7. Cf. Qa'emmaqarni, Qa'emmaqami, Nos. Nos. 47, 47, 48 48 (p. (p. 103 ff.); ff.); see 13.7. Cannelites, Carmelites, 644-45. 644-45.

314 314

Appendi:x:: S!a'V6y Appendix: Survey and Assessment Assessment of of the the Sources Sources

withdrawal of of the the East East India India Company Company resident resident and andstaff staff to toBushire, Bushire,which which bears bears out with remarkable fidelity Nami's chronology and and description of of the the same. same. Other contemporary travelers such as to as Emin, Emin, Ives and and Plaisted have occasional details to to such accounts. add to accounts. d. The The Later Zand Period to Basra and and the the gulf littoral after the the death of of Karim Khan are Literate visitors to are too numerous to to mention here. here. They furnish details of of the the political and and economic by the the occupation of of Basra and and the the struggle for for the the Zand succhaos brought about by cession, and and the and fortunes fortunes of of subsequent Zand rulers. cession, the characters and rulers. Especially interesting, as as the the only foreign Muslim to to have left aa detailed record of of his his exexinteresting, periences, periences, is is Khwaja 'Abd 'Abd ol-Qader (see (see under Abdul Qadir). Qadir). Sent in in 1786 1786 by by Tipu Sultan of of Mysore (1782-99) (1782-99) on on an an embassy to to Istanbul, Istanbul, and and incidentally to to obtain commercial concessions for us for Indian merchants at at Bushire,40 the the Khwaja has has left us a diary of of his his journey containing valuable facts facts (and (and legends) legends) of of Gulf topography trade, in in aa Persian style as as di divertingly postclassical as as the the Carmelites' and trade, verting1y postclassica1 Canneli tes ' Latin. Latin. Visitors to to Shiraz and and farther inland were fewer; fewer; they provide descriptions of the as the Vakil's buildings and and institutions, institutions, as as well as as his his life and and character as enshrined in in official and popular memory. memory. Such are are Francklin, Francklin, who who resided eight months in in the the Zand capital as as aa guest of of Ja'far Khan, Khan, and and Scott Waring. Waring. 6. 6. LATER HISTORIES CONI'AINING CONTAINING INFORMATION FroM FROM CONfEMPORARY CONTEMPORARY SOURCES a. a. Iranian Regional Histories Paramount among Iranian regional histories.which histories,which often bring to to light details from and family traditions not not recorded elsewhere, elsewhere, is is the the TarikJz-e Tarikn-e Ke:l'lT/an Kerman of local and of Ahmad 'Ali Vazir, 'Ali Khan Vaziri of of Kerman. Kerman. The The author's great-grandfather, great-grandfather, Aqa Aqa 'Ali 'Ali Vazir, in his his hometown in in the the Zand and and early Qajar period; period; sumwas aa prominent figure in SUIllmoned to to Shiraz by by Karim Khan about 1180/1767, 1180/1767, he he remained some time at at court bebeto play his his part in in the the administration of of Kerman for for the the Zands. Zands. fore returning to was instrumental in in securing the the city for for Ja Ja'far Khan and andindirectly indirectly contribcontribHe was 'far Khan uted, through his his loyalty to to the the Zands, Zands, to to the the subsequent sufferings of of that city uted, the hands of of the the vengeful Agha M:>haJmnad Mohammad Khan. Khan.41 41 II have have referred referred to to the thefirst first at the by Dr. Dr. Bastani-Parizi (1340/1961). (1340/1961). edition by Ahmad Kasravi's history of to of Khuzestan likewise has has valuable contributions to make concerning Khuzestan ('Arabestan) ('Arabestan) under the the Zands, Zands, the the Banu Ka'b Ka'b and and other local tribes, i 's history tribes, some material being taken from tribal traditions. traditions. Fasa' Fasa'i's of Fars relies chiefly on and on the the Giti-gosha Giti-gosha and the the Kalantar's RUanama Ruznama for for this period, bu:!: often adds topographical tOJl~graphica1 and of use. and other data of use. For For the the north, north, Bakiperiod, but khanov's GoZestan-e Erarn, aa history of Golestan-e Eram^ of Shirvan and and Daghestan up up to to the the early nineteenth century, century, is is of of great help in in unraveling the the tangled events of of the the Transaraxian region and and relating them to to the the situation in in late eighteenth-century Iran. Iran. b. b. Armenian and and Georgian Histories The views of of wlnerab1e vulnerable ethnoreligious minorities on on the the events of of these turbulent years--by tum and to the the extent and turn dispassionate, dispassionate, bitter, bitter, enthusiastic according to nature of of their invo1vement--are involvement--are salt and and pepper to to the the homogeneous stew served up by by many of of the the Persian chroniclers. chroniclers. The The materials presented in in Brosset' Brosset'ss are of of little relevance except in in the the question of of Iran's relationship translations are the Caucasus principalities. principalities. But But in in Hovhanyants' Hovhanyants' Patmut'iun Jughayu with the Patmut'iwn Nor Nor Jughayu (History of New Julfa)43 there is of of New is aa remarkably complete record of of the the fortunes of

40. 40. "Abdul Abdul Qadir, Qadir, 1-2, 1-2, 61. 61. 41. 41. Vaziri, Vaziri, editor's introduction; introduction; Sadri-Afshar, Sadri-Afshar, 165. 165. 42. Persian Literature, 42. See See Storey, Storey, Persian Literature,'!, ·1, 425-26, 425-26, Persidskaya Persidskaya Literatura, Literatura3 1279-811279-81. 43. 43. II am am indebted to to Dr. Dr. Caro Minassian MLnassian for for providing aa copy of of the the relevant pages of of this rare book and and to to Kevork Bardakjian for for his his painstaking translation of aa difficult text. text.

Appendix: SUI'Vey Assessment of Appendix: Survey and Assessment of the the Souroos Sources

315 315

the commmity community of (New) (New) Julfa, Julfa, the Annenian.town Armenian town set up by Shah'Abbas near Isfahan (14.5). (14.5). AccOlmts Accounts of eyewitnesses are integrated with quotations from contemporary Iran. documents and a sununary summary of the history of Afsharid and Zand Iran.

c. o. Studies of Adjacent Regions Of the histories by foreign scholars that refer to to episodes concerning Iran at this this time, time, those of Cevdet (Jawdat) (Jawdat) Pasha (Turkey), (Turkey), 'Abbas al-'Azzawi (Iraq), (Iraq), and Mohammad Amin Zaki (Kurdistan)--using materials from Ottoman archives and tribal tradition--have valuable contributions to make to our knowledge of the IranolranoOttoman wars during the Vakil's reign. reign. 7. 7. PRINCIPAL SECONDARY MATERIALS The universal histories of later Qajar times, Naseri times, notably the Rawzat Rawzat oZ-Safa-ye ol-Safa-ye Naseri (RSN) Naseri (MN) temad ol01(RSN) of Reza Qoli Khan Hedayat and the Montazem-e Montazem-e Naseri (MM) of the E' E'temad Saltana, Saltana, contain much detailed infonnation information on Moharnmad Mohammad Hasan Khan and Hosayn Qoli Khan which is is not to be found in earlier histories; histories; though their Qajar bias and the paucity of acknowledgments often makes their accounts suspect. suspect. Sir John Malcolm merits a place here because of the considerable amount of contemporary material he used in the culminating sections of his History. History. Not only had he access to Nami's Nami' s history and/or the Zinat Zinat oZ-Tavarikh, and perhaps other manuscript ol-Tavarikh, chronicles (which unfortunately he does not identify), identify), but also his personal acperiod, and quaintance with Hajji Ebrahim and other protagonists of the later Zand period, century, furnished his extensive travels during the early years of the nineteenth century, generation. him with several first hand accounts of the events of the preceding generation. To aa lesser extent Sir Harford Jones Brydges, Brydges, who accompanied Lotf 'Ali 'Ali Khan for his short but adventurous reign, reign, makes some useful remarks in the intropart of his Soltaniya. duction to his translation of Donboli's Ma'aser-e Ma 'aser-e SoZtaniya. His enthusiasm for is rather surprisingly shared by Malcolm, Malcolm, whose diplomatist's disthe Zand cause is characteristic, an overlike of the Iranians and conviction that "one prominent characteristic, vanity, distinguishes the whole nation"44 inclined him toward aa generally whelming vanity, more cynical attitude. attitude. Modern studies of the overall period stretching from the late Safavids to the early Qajars provide many data that are applicable to the Vakil's Iran. Iran. My principal references for the historical background to this this period have been the late Laurence Lockhart's histories of the immediately preceding age, age, that of the later Safavids, Safavids, the Afghan occupation, occupation, and Nader Shah. Shah. Even allowing for.justified criticism of Lockhart's approach to historiography,45 these pioneering works rerekind. There is is as yet no comprehensive study main the most comprehensive of their kind. of the early Qajar period, period, but the footnotes to chapter 14 in particular will indicate aa range of articles that have been of assistance in assessing the nature of Zand Iran at its pining. its peak and pining. 8. 8. MJIERN MODERN STIJDIES STUDIES OF 1HE THE ZAND PERIOD When the present study was undertaken, undertaken, only one fully documented study of Karim Khan had been produced, produced, that of Hadi Hedayati (Tarikh-e vol. {TariVh-e Zandiya, Zandiya, vol. I, 1, Tehran 1334/1955). 1334/1955). Though making judicious use of the chief Persian histories, histories, it suffers fers from some inaccuracies and inadequacies due mainly to a shortage of relevant Persian. 'Abd ol-Hosayn Nava'i's book in the popular Ketab-e sources other than Persian. (1344/1965) had also appeared: appeared: this this comprehensive and readable acJavanan series (1344/1965) sources, notably the Rostam ol-Tavarikh count uses material from other Persian sources, Rostam oZ-Tavarikh (3b) but adds little in the way of documentation or cOllllllentary. commentary. (3b) Sayyed Mohamnad Mohammad 'Ali Keshavarz-Sadr admits in the prologue that his 'Oqab-e 'Oqab-e Komazan (Tehran, Komazan (Tehran, 1343/1964), 1343/1964), though adhering in the main to Nami and Golestana, Golestana, is is designed as as a nonfiction romance rather than history; history; it gives, gives, hCMever, however, an indication of the Vakil's place today in the ethos. the Iranian ethos. Two dissertations on the Zand period by Iranian scholars, scholars, Rajabi and Rawshanzamir, zamir, were published in Gennany Germany in 1970, 1970, and that of Rajabi has has also appeared in 44. 348). 44. Malcolm, Malcolm, 622-23 (quoted by Yapp, Yapp, 348). 45. 45. See Martin Dickson'S Dickson's review article, article, 503-17; 503-17; Arunova and Ashrafyan, Ashrafyan, Gosudarstvo Nadir-Shakha Afshara, Afsham, 4-5. 4- 5. Gosudarstvo Nadir-Shakha

316 316

Appendix: Survey Survey "and Assessment of of the the Sources Appendix: and Assessment Sources

a Persian version.46 version. 46 Various articles stemming from their researches also appear in the the bibliography. bibliography. Also of of note is is Ahmad Faramarzi's Karim Karim Khan-e Khan-e Zand Zand va va Khalij-e KhaZij-e Fars Fars (1346/1967).47

46. See See my my review of of these works in in Iranian Iranian Studies Studies V V (1972) (1972) No. No.4, 184-88. 46. 4, 184-88. 47. For For an an appreciation of of this work, work, as as of of others in in this section, section, see see T. 47. T. M. Ricks in in Iranian Iranian Studies Studies VI VI (1973) (1973) Nos. Nos. 2-3, 2-3, 110-26. M. 110-26.

Bibliography

References in in parentheses after principal sources are are to to the the appropriate section of the of the the appendix. appendix. Oriental authors authors are are listed wherever possible under the nesba, laqab, or takhaUO/i takhallos by are generally known. n6sba. Zaqab. or by which they are known. Works with titles in Arabic, Arabic, Persian, noted. Persian, or or Turkish are are in in Persian unless othelWise otherwise noted. Abdul Qadir, Manaai"L-i Rum; Rum; Diazoy Abdul Qadir, Khwaja. Khwaja. Waqai-i Waqai-i Manazil-i Diary of of a Journey Journey to to Constantinople. Constantino-pie. Edited and by ~hib.bu1 (5a) and translated by Mohibbul Hasan. Hasan. London, London, 1968. 1968. (5e) Ainsworth, William Francis. Personal Narrative Ainsworth, Francis. A Personal Narrative of of the the Euphrates Euphrates E:x:pedition. Expedition. Vol. Vol. II. II. London, London, 1888. 1888. Aitchison, Relating to Aitchison, C. C. U. U. A CoUeation Collection of of Treaties. Treaties3 Engagements and SanadB Sanads Relating to India Neighbouring Countries. Vol. XIII: Persia India and Neighbouring Countries. Vol. XIII: Persia and Afghanistan. Afghanistan. Calcutta, Calcutta, 1909. 1909. Istoriya Dagestana. Dagestana. Vol. Akademiya Nauk SSSR, SSSR, Dagestanskiy Filial. Filial. Istoriya Vol. 1,I, ~scow,' Moscow," 1967. 1967. SSSR. XVIII vek Akademiya Nauk SSSR, SSSR, Institut Istorii. Istorii. Oaherki Ooherki istorii istorii SSSR, XVIII vek (vtoraya (vtoraya poZovinaJ. ~scow, 1956. polovina). Moscow, 1956. Algar, Religion and State Iran. 1'185-1906. 1969. Algar, Hamid. Hamid. Religion State in in Iran, 1785-1906. Berkeley, Berkeley, 1969. Amin, A. in Persian Gulf. (4a) Amin, A. A. A. British British Intereste Interests in the the Persian Gulf, 1'14'1-1'180. 1747-1780. Leiden, Leiden, 1967. 1967. (4a) ~ari, tfajji lIajji Mirza An§ari, Mirza I;,lasan #asan KMn Khan Shaykh Shaykh Jaberi. Jaberi. TG.Pikh-e Tarikh-e E/ifahCcn Esfahan va va Rayy. Rayy. Isfahan, Isfahan, 1321. 1321. AqAsi, Mahdi. Khvoy. Tehran, Aqasi, Mahdi. TG.Pikh-e Tarikh-e Khvoy. Tehran, 1350. 1350. Arberry, A. A. J. Persian City Nonnan, 1960. Arberry, J. Shiraa. Shiraz, Persian City of of Sainte Saints and Poete. Poets. Norman, 1960. Arunova, M. Afshara: oaherki Arunova, M. R., R., and Ashrafyan, Ashrafyan, K. K. Z. Z. Goswiarstvo Gosudarstvo Nadir-Shakha Nadir-Shakha Afshara: ooherki obshahestvennykh XVIII veka. 1958. obshehestvennykh otnoshenyy otnoshenyy v Irane Irane 30-40 kh godov XVIII veka. Moscow, Moscow, 1958. . "Novye "Novye Materia1y Materialy po po istorii istorii Irana Irana vtoroy vtoroy po1oviny poloviny XVIII XVIII v." v." In InAkadeAkademaya Nauk SSSR, Bliahniy i Sredniy 110-13. miya SSSR, Institute Narodov Azii. Azii. Blizhniy Sredniy Vostok. Vostok, 110-13. Moscow, Moscow, 1962. 1962. (4d) (4l;1amrnad MojrnaZ oZ-Taviirikh. Edited by M. Ra?;avi Go1estana, Golestana, Abu'l-l;Iasan Abu'l-Hasan b. Mohammad Amin. Amin. Mojmal ol-Tavarikh. M. Razavi. Tehran, Tehran, 1344. 1344! (MT; (MT; 1c) la)' c Go1sha'ian, Qo1i. "Arg-e "Arg-e Karimkhani." Karimkhani." Pars Pars [Shiraz [Shiraz newspaper], newspaperJ, 23 23 Bahman Bahman Golsha'ian, cAbbas Abbas Qoli. 1354/February 1976, 8-7. 1976, pp. pp. 8-7. Gne1in, Histoire dBs faites par par divers Gm£lin, S. S. G., G., et et a1. al. Histoire des dBconvertes deoonvertes faites divers savans savans voyageurs voyageurs dans plusieurs pZusieurs contrees Za Russie Perse. Vol. (5c) contrees dB de la Russie dB de Za la Perse. Vol. 1. I. Berne, Berne, 1779. 1779. (5e) Gramlich, Ricnard. Die Schiitischen DeMschordBn Persiens. Abhandlungen fiir Gramlich, Richard. Die Schiitischen Derwischorden Persiens. fiir die Morgenlandes, Vol. Vol. XXXVI, XXXVI, no. no. 1. 1. Wiesbaden, Wiesbaden, 1965. Kunde des M:>rgenlandes, 1965. Gregorian, Gregorian, Vartan. Vartan. "Minorities of Isfahan: Isfahan: the Annenian Armenian ConJntmity Community of Isfahan Studies, VII, nos. nos. 3-4 (Summer-Autunm (Summer-Autumn 1974): 1974): Studies Studies on 1587-1722." Iranian Iranian Studies, VII, on Isfahan, edited by R. 652-80. Isfahan, R. Ho1od, Holod, Part II, II, 652-80. Grimod, Grimod, Pere, Pdre, Missionnaire Jesuite. Je"suite. "Lettre au Pere Pdre Binet" Binet" [from Isfahan, Isfahan, 20 August 1750J. 1750]. Lettres edifiantes et curieuses curieuses ••• . . . memoires au du Levant, Levant, Vol. August Lettres edifiantes et Vol. (Paris, 1780), 1780), pp. IV (Paris, pp. 353-63. 353-63. Gubar, Mir Gulam M.Jkhammed. Mukhammed. Akhmad-Shakh, osnovatel' Afganskogo gosudarstva. Akhmad-Shakh, osnovateZ' Afganskogo gosudarstva. Gubar, R. M. M. Reisner and E. E. M. M. Riks Riks (from the Persian A1pnad Alpnad Shah Shah BcwaBabaTranslated by R. ye Afghan, ta'lif-e Mir GhoZam Gholam Mo~ammad MohammadGhobar Ghobar[Kabul, [Kabul, 1322]. M:>scow, Moscow,1959. 1959. Afghan, ta'Zif-e Mil' 1322J. Hambly, G. G. R. R. G. G. "Aqa M:>harnmad Mohammad Khan and the Establishment of the Qaj Qajar ar Dynasty." Hambly, Journal of the the Royal Central Asian Asian Society, Society, Vol. Vol. L, L, part (April 1963): JournaZ of Royal. CentraZ part 22 (April1963): 161-74. 161-74. "An Introduction Introduction to to the the Economic Economic Organisation Organisation of of Early Early Qajar Qajar Iran." Iran." --r:::::.. "An Iran, II Iran, II (1964): (1964): 69-81. 69-81. Hanway, Jonas. Jonas. An Historical of the the British Trade over over the the C,aspian Caspian Sea. Sea. Hanway, HistoricaZ Account Account of British TradB vols. Dublin, Dublin, 1754. 1754. (5a) 22 vo1s. Hatt-i Hiimtly£tn. Hwnaytin. Catalogue Catalogue and and summaries summaries (huZtlsaZar, {hulcisalar, in in Latin Latin script) s c r i p t ) of of Ottoman Ottoman Hatt-i imperial rescripts and diplomatic correspondence preserved in the Turkish (Bafbakanlik Ar~ivi, Ar^ivi, Istanbul). Istanbul). Vol. Vol. II (c. (c. 1159-1200/ government archives (B3ibakan1ik 1746-85). 1746-85). (4e) (4e) Hedayat, Ref-a Reza Qoli Khan. Khan. Rawzat ol-Safa-ye Naseri. Vols. VIII, VIII, IX. IX. Tehran, Hedayat, RaJ,)!:at oZ-?aj'a-ye N~eri. Vo1s. Tehran, 1339. (RSN; (RSN; 7) 7) 1339. c Hedayati, Hadi. Hadi. "Mokht~ari "Mokhtasari dar biira-ye bara-ye vaqayeC-negari vaqaye -negari va nosokh-e khani-ye khatti-ye Hediiyati, Farsi Majal.Za-ye DO.neshkadaFarsi marbut: marbu^ be-tarikh-e be-tarikh-e qarn-e davazdahom-e hejri." h e j r i . " Majalla-ye DaneshkadaAdabiyat (Tehran), II ye Adabiyat II (1334/1955), no. 3, 17-46. •. Ttlrikh-e Tarikh-e Zand:iya. Zandiyq. Vol. 1. I . Tehran, 1334. 1334. "He":"dii=y:' ::a'"'U"', 'M:>Qammad Astana-ye Rayy. Rayy. Tehran, Tehran, 1344. Hedayati, Mohammad ccAli. A l i . Astana-ye Forsat ol-Daw1a ol-Dawla Shirazi, Shirazi, Mirza Aqa. Aqa. For~at

Bibliography BibLiography

321 321

Honarfar, LotfolliUl. Lotfollah. Ganjina-ye Ganjina-ye Asar-e Tarikhi-ye Elifahan. Eqfahdn. Isfahan, Isfahan, 1344. 1344. Honarfar, A§iir-e Tarikhi-ye Horn, "Geschichte Irans in Is1amischer Zeit," Horn, Paul. Paul. '"Geschichte in Islamischer Zeit," in in Grundriss Grundriss del' der Iranisahen Iranischen Philologie. W. Geiger and and E. E. Kuhn. Kuhn. Vol. Vol. II. II. Strassburg, Strassburg, 18961896Phi Zo Logie. Edited by by W. 1904. 1904. British Library I;losayni, Hosayni, MalJ.nrud Mahmud a1-Mosanna al-Mosanna b. b. Ebrahim a1-. al-. Tiirikh-e Tdrikh-e Afpriad Ahmad Shahi. Shahi. MS Or. 196. (Rieu I, but cf. Or.'196. I, 213b; 213b; but cf. Saidmuradov; Saidmuradov; 2a) 2c) Hovhanyants, PatmutCiwn Nor JughC1fju Hovhanyants, Haroutioun (I. (I. P. P. Yarutiwn Ter Ter Yovhaneanc). Yovhaneanc). PatmutHwn Jughayu [History of New Ju1fa]. (6b) of New Julfa]. Vol Vol I. I. New New Julfa, Julfa, 1880. 1880. (62?) Huart, Histoire de Baghdad dans les Les temps modernes. Huart, Clement. Clement. Histoire modernes. Paris, Paris, 1901. 1901. Iran, Setad-e Artesh, Artesh, Da'era-ye Da1era-ye Joghrafiya'i. Joghrafiya'i. Farhang-e Farhang-e Jogh~fiya-ye Joghrafiya-ye Iran. 10 Iran, Iran. 10 vols. Tehran, Tehran, 1328-32. 1328-32. (FJI) vo1s. (RII) Issawi, Charles, Charles, ed. ed. The Economic History of of Iran Iran 1800-1914. 1800-1914. Chicago, Chicago, 1971. 1971. Issawi, Eaonomia History Ives, Edward. Edward. A Voyage Voyage from England to India India in in the the year 1754 • .• . .. aLso also a Ives, EngZand to year 1754 Journey Persia to to England Unusual Route. London, 1773. 1773. ((Sa) 5