Justice Gained? : Crime and Crime Control in South Africa's Transition [1 ed.] 9781920499334, 9781919713717

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Justice Gained? Crime and Crime Control in SouthAfrica'sTransition ED ITED BY BILL DIXON AN D ELRENA VAN DER SFUY

@

U C T W ILLA N e a : s s PUBLISHING

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Justice Gained? Crim eand Crim eControlin South Africa'sTransition Firstpublished 2004

OUCT Press,2004 P0 Box 24309,Lansdowne 7779,Cape Town,South Africa Published in UK and Europe by W illan Publishing CulmcottHouse M illStreet,Uffculme DEVON EX15 3AT UK

Thisbook iscopyrightundertheBerne Convention.In termsoftheCopyright Act98 of 1978,no partofthisbook may bereproduced ortransmitted in any form orby any means,including photocopying,recording,orby any means, including photocopying,recording,orby any information storage and retrievalsystem ,withoutpermission in writing from thepublisher. ISBN 1-9197-1371-9 UCT Presslimp ISBN 1-84392-053-0 W illan Publishing limp

Projectmanagementby FionaWakelin Editing by Alex Potter Designed by UnwembiCommunications Typesetin Frutiger57 in lopt Coverdesign:UnwembiCommunications Printed and bound by M illsLitho The authors and the publisherhave made evely effortto obtain perm ission forand acknowledge theuse ofcopyrightmaterial.Should any infringement ofcopyrighthave occurred,please contactthepublisher,and every effort willbe madeto rectify omissionsorerrors,in the eventofa reprintor new edition.

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Contents ACKNOW LEDGEM ENTS .......... NOTES 0N CONTRI8UTORS

vi

JusticeGained? Crime,CrimeControlandCriminologyinTransiti on BillDjxon 5 'A SNAKE GIVES BIRTH TO A SNAKE' Foli ticsand Crimein theTransitionto Democracyin SotlthAfrica GraemeSimpson 2 OUT OFTHE MAINSTREAM Cri ticalReflectionson Organised Crime intheWesternCape Andréstand/ng

29

3 GUNS AND FUBLIC FOLICY IN SOUTH AFRlCA AntonyA/tbeker

58

4 MURDERAND CAFITALFUNISHMENTAFTERAFARTCEID ...

83

Rnb Turrell 5 CHILD JUSTICEAND DIVERSION W illChildren'sRightsOutlasttheTransition? BrianJtoutand Catherfne Wood

114

6 ACTING AGAINST DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

140

DeeSmfheandPennyParenzee 7 COSMETIC CRIME FREVENTION BillD/xtm

163

8 S0UTH AFRICAN FOLltING STUDIES lN THEMAKING

193

Elrena yan derSpuy 9 SW IM MING AGAINST THETIDE ........ Controlling theSizeofthe FrisonFopul ation inthe New SouthAfrica Dirk van ZyIJm/t INDEX

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227

259

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IN M EM 0 EY 0 F V EN EC IA M A RY LO R EN LO 1949- 2003

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Acknow ledgem ents This book hastaken a Iong time to completeand we haveincurred a numberof

debts-bothjointlyandindividually-alongtheway,0urfi rstvoteOfthanksmust gototheDeanoftheFacul tyofLaw attheUniversityofCapeTown(UCT),Professor HughCorder,forhisandtheFacul ty'smoralandfinancialSuppor' tfortheproject. We are also jratefulto the Head ofthe DepartmentofCriminalJustice atUCT, ProfessorJonathan Burchell,and to aIIOurcoll eagues past and present in the departmentand the Insti tuteOfCriminolojyforkeeping faithwith 'the book'.We wouldparticularlyIiketo thankthecurrentDirectorofthe InstituteofCriminology, Wilfried Schârf,forhi seditorialcontribution during the earlystagesofthebook' s developmentand LillianArtz,Kelley Moul t,Janine Rauch and BoyaneTshehla for theirparticipation indiscussionseitherontheoutlineofthe bookorthe indivi dual contributi ons.TheIateVeneciaLorenzo,soIongtheInstitute' sadministrator,alsodid much to jet,and keelz thinjs joinj atcrucialpoints in the production process, whileElaineAtkinsrenderedherusualinvaluableassi stance intrackingdownstray references. Ricky Röntsch provided indefatigable and perspicacious edi torial assistance.0urfinalthanksjo,ofcourse,tothecontributorstothisvolumefortheir

commitmentto Ye project- and forsticking wi th us even as the e-mails accumulated and theweeksand monthswore on. BD Evds

Therearetoo many peopleto thank individuall yformakinj mymemoriesofthree years in CapeTownsuch happy ones.ButIwould I ike to offera collective ' thank

you'totheBreckers,Newmans,WilliamsandMeyerstbrmakinjmefeelsomucha partofthe (extended)famil y,Rankstoo to the 'usualsuspects'forendurinj friendship,and to the Sentencing and Punishment class of2000 at UCT - and Boyane,Kelley andTumeloinparticular-forreminding meh0w IittleIreallyknew

(andknow).Myfinalthankstakemebacktothe(nuclear)BreckersandtoTaniaand Alex:to Alex forbeing Alex;and to Tania forbeing Tania and forseeinj us alI through somehard times.Mycontributiontothisbookisdedi cated toyou b0th. BD

Thanksto the men and dogathomewho aIItoo often haveto cope,in their0wn particularways,wi ththeintrusionofmyworkinto theirprivatespace. Evds

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:. '

j

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Noteson Contributors AntonyAltbekerworksattheCentrefortheRudyofViolenceand Reconciliation and iscurrentlyworkingon abookaboutthe SouthAfrican FoliceService.Priorto this, he was a Iecturer on the Folicing Projramme at the University of the W itwatersrand'sGraduateSchoolofFublicand DevelopmentManagement.Hehas also heldpolicypostsintheSecretariatforSafetyandSecurityand atthe National Treasuly BillDixon isa Iedurerin the DepartmentofCriminology atKeele University in the United Kingdom.zetween1999and2001,heconductedresearchand Iectured atthe Insti tuteofCriminologyandtheDépartmentofCriminalJusticeinthe Faculty

ofLaw attheUniversityofCapeTown.Hehaspublished onavarietyofsubjects from police accountabili ty in London to sentencing reform in South Africa.His current research is on racially motivated violence and harassment in north Staffordshire. Penny Parenzee currentlyworksatthe InstituteforDemocracy in SouthAfrica's

(IDASA)Budgetlnformati onService asthe researcher/trainerfortheWomen's

Budget Froject.She has also worked extensively wi th non-governmentaland communitrbased organisationsin addressing violence agaihstwomen.She hasa Bsocscin SocialWork from the UniversityofCapeTown and amaster'sdegree in Clinical SocialWork and Law and Social Folicy from Bryn Mawr College in Philadelphi a,USA.

.

Graeme Simpson isthe ExecutiveDirectoroftheCentreforthe StudyofViolence and Reconciliation,a Iarge,independent,Johannesburg-based non-governmental organi sation.He is a mastersgraduate in history and hasa Iaw degree from the UniversityoftheW itwatersrand.During2002,hewasaSeniorvisiting Fellow atthe Internati onalCenterforTransitionalJustice in New York.In South Africa,he has worked extensively onthe SouthAfricanTruthand Reconciliation Commissionand adedasSpecialAdvisertotheMinisterofSafetyandSecurity.IntheIattercapacity, hewasa coredrafterofSouthAfrica' sNationalCrime Prevention Strategy,passed by cabinetin May 1996.He has published extensi vel y on issues related to youth violence,violenceajainstwomenandchildren,and violenceintransi tion.

DeesmythewasaresearcherintheGender,Law andDevelopmentProjectofthe InstituteofCriminologyatthe Uni versityofCapeTown from 2001to 2003,where

she workedon issuessurrounding domesticviolence,accessto justice forrural

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womenand rape Iaw reform.She hasBA and LLB degreesfrom the Universityof CapeTownandiscurrentlystudying onaFulbrijhtscholarshiptowardsa Masterof

theSci enceofLaw dejree(JSM)atStanfordUniversity. André Randing isa PhD candidate registered attheCriminolojy Departmentat Middlesex Universi ty in the United Kingdom.In 2000,he received a Leverhulme Truststudentshipto condud research onorganised crimeinSouthAfrica and heis currentlyaffiliatedtotheInstituteforSecurityStudiesin CapeTown.

BrianstoutisaseniorIedurerincommunityandcriminaljusti ceatDeMontfort University intheUnited Kingdom.He worked atthe UniversityofFortHare,South Africa,from 2000 to 2002,where he developed a projramme in probation and corredionalpradice in partnersbip with Voluntary Service Overseas,the British Counciland DeMontfortUniversi ty.Hepreviouslyworked asaprobationofficerin Northern Ireland.

RobTurrellstudied historyattheSchoolofOrientalandAfri canStudies,University of London,and currently writes speeches forthe Chairperson of the National CouncilofProvinces,the otherhouse in Farli ament.He isthe authorof White

Mercy:A Study ofthe Deal/lPenalty in South Africa /. 9p0-/. 94: (Heinemann, forthcoming). Elrena van der Spuy is seniorIectureratthe DepartmentofCriminalJusti ce, Faculty of Law at the University of Cape Town and a former Diredor ofthe Institute ofCriminology there.She has published pn aspectsofpolice reform.In collaborationwiththeUnitedNationsOfficeonDrugsandCrimeinPretoria,shehas recently been conducting research into the fcrm, content and impact of

internationaldevel opmentalassistance in supportofcriminaljustice reform in SouthernAfrica. DirkvanZyISm ithasaBA and LLBfrom the UniversityofStellenboschanda PhD

from the Universi ty ofEdinburgh.He holdsjointappointments as Professorof Internationaland Comparative PenalLaw at the Uni versity of Nottinjham and ProfessorofCriminologyattheUni versi tyofCapeTqwn.lnrecentyears,hehasalso been avisitinjprofessorattheHumboldtUniversityinBerlinand aSeniorFulbright ResearchFellow attheNew YorkUniversitySchoolofLaw.Hisbgoksinclude Taking

LifeImprisonmentSeriousl y in NationalandInternationalLaw (2002), .andSouth African PnYon Law andPradice(1992).TogetherwithFriederDùnkel,heedi ted Prison Labour: Salvation or Slavery? International Perspectives (1999) and

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Imprisonment Today and Tomorrow - InternationalPerspectives on Prisoners'

RightsandPrison Conditions(1991, .2nded.2001).Heisco-editorofPuni shment and Society and the authorof many arti cles on criminologicaltheory and on sentencing and imprisonment. CatherineW ood isaseniorcl inicalpsychologistworking in the United Kingdom.

From 1999to2001,shewasFrojectManageroftheYouthJusticeFrojectatthe InstituteofCriminology,UniversityofCapeTown.Shewasafoundermemberofthe

SotlthAfricanYoung5exOffendersProject(5AY5t0P).

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Introduction:Justice Gained? Crime,Crim e Controland Criminology in Transition 8ILL D IX 0 N

In 1985,SouthAfrica wasin turmoil.'Thestruggle ajainstapartheid had reached

new heightsofb0thpopularityandferocity.TheAfricanNationalCongress's(ANC) callf0rthecountryto bemadeungovernableseemed abouttobeanswered.InJuly ofthatyearPresidentF.W.sotha responded bydeclaring a stateofemergency.A .mont hIaterhisIong-awai ted'Rubicon'speechprovedtobethedampestofsquibs. BothaseemedasIikelyto Ieadthecountryback into the/aagerofconfrontationas acrossany rivertowardsa negotiated poli ticalsettlement.Yetthe same yearal so

saw lheformationoftheCongressofSouthAfricanTradeUnions(COSATU)andthe openingofinformalcontactsbetweenthe imprisoned Nelson Mandelaand Justice MinisterKobieCoetsee. It was in the midst of this ferment that a slim volume of 'criticalstudies in criminology'waspublishedundertheeditcrshipofDennisDavisandtheIateMana

Slabbert(1985).EntitledCrimeandPowerinSouthAfrica,itstenchapterscovered a wide range oftopi cs,from the problemsfaced bycriminologicalresearchersin

SouthAfricatotheIegalcontrolofmigrantIabour(Slabbert,1985, .Sher1985).The book represented thefirstcolledive flowering ofseedsplanted eightyearsearlier with the foundation ofan Insti tuteofCriminologyatthe UniversityofCapeTown

(UCT),withwhichaIIofthecontributorstoCrimeandPowerhad,atonetimeor another,heen associated.Five years Iater,a second volume ofessays,edited by

Desirée Hanssonand DirkvanZyISmi t(1990),appearedunderthetitle,Towards Justice? Crime and State Controlin South Africa.Together these books marked what,wi th the benefitofhindsight can be seen asthe beginning ofthe end of apartheidandthestartofthebejinningofanew democraticera.Some14yearson from the publication ofTowardsJustice?- and inthe yearofSouthAfrica'sthird election on a uni versal franchise - the present volume continues thi s very

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occasionalseriesata timethat,wi ththenever-reliableassistanceofforesight,may beseenastheconsolidationofthatnew democraticheginning. Agai nstthis backgroùnd,this introdudion has three main ptlrpcses.The firstof these isto si tuate this volume in the intelledualI andscape mapped outby its predecessorshyreviewingthedevelopmentofthecri ticaltradi tioninSouthAfrican criminolojy over the two decades that have elapsed since Crime and Power appeared in 1985.The second aim is to place this book in the context'of contemporarydebatesaboutcrimeand crime controlin atransitionalsoci ety.The third,and perhapsmostpredictable,purpose nfthisopening chapteri sto suggest how the essays collected in this book contribute tn those debates and to our understandingofcrimeandsocialresponsestoi tintoday'sdemocraticSouthAfri ca.

4 .TH E C RITICA L TRA D ITI0 N The rel ationship between South African criminology and radical European

scholarshiponcrimeisfullnfironies-anobjed Iesscninthemutabilityofglobal theoriesunderspeci ficIocalconditions.'DirkvanZyISniit(1989),forexample,has documentedhow,throughtheworkofGeoffCronjéonthe'poorwhite'probl em andtheevilscfBri tishcolcnialexploi tati on,theneo-MarxistcriminologyofW ill em Bonger'theDutchtheorist,becamebothafoundaticnfora uniquel ySouthAfrican

' Afrikanernationalist'criminology and an intellectualjustification for grand apartheid.Wewillreturn toAfrikanernationalism laterinthischapter.8utfornow, the story ofthe criticaltraditicn in SouthAfrican criminolojy beçins some halfa

centuryakerCronjéreturnedfrom hisstudiesinEuropein1933.Anditbeginswith DennisDavis'(1985:14)introductionto CrimeandPo-ecinwhichhedescribed himselfand hisfellow contributorssetting outin search ofa 'new paradigm'for SouthAfricancriminologyinthetheoreticaldevelopmentsthenoccurringin sritain and theUnited States.

1.1 Crim e and Pow er ForDavis,the founding theoreticaltextofthiscriticaltradition wasTayloretaI.' s

(1973)TheNew Criminology andi tsmostsi gnificantapplication,PolicingtheCrisis (HaIIetaI..1978).Althoughheacknowledjedthatithadbeensubjectedtosome penetratingcriticism (notIeasthyoneofitsauthorsinhissubsequentwritings), Davis (1985:3) made no attempt to disjuise his enthusiasm forthe 'new criminolojy', and devoted a full page to rehearsing Tayl or et aI.% famous requirementsfora'fullysocialtheoryofdeviance#.;Dissatisfiedwith thedominant

conservative(Afrikanernationalist)andIiberal(butinsufficientlycritical)wingsof

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ScuthAfricancriminology,Davis(1985:11)foundtheanal ysisofacountry(Britain)

movingfrom a'crisisofcontrol'towardsa'Iaw-and-ordersociet/ contained in Policing the Crisisparticularly appropriateto contemporary SouthAfrica.Drawinj on this analysis,hewenton to summarisethe themeofCrime and Powerasthe needforastudyofcrime inSouthAfricato expl ainfourthings: . The use ofIaw enforcementto stigmatise,controland proted dominantsocial relationships; * The relationships between changes in crime, Iaw enforcement and social

structure(particularlythemodeofprodudionl; . The way in which categoriesofcrimesuch aspoliticalcrimesand drug abuse becomeunitsofadominantmoralideology;and * Thereasonswhypeoplecommitdevi antactsandthedominantculturalpractices

wi thinso-calleddeviantjroups(Davis1985:11). The challenje ofthisbold criticalagenda wassubsequentl y taken up - much as Policing theCrisishadfollowed the Iead ofTheNew Criminology in Britain - in a

ground-breakingstudyoftheuseoftortureinpolicedetention(Fosterelal,1987). Asiftounderscorethedifficultiesofconducting criticalcriminologicalresearch ina countryteeteringonthebrinkofci vilwarthepublicationofthissttldyincurredthe

considerablewrath,notjustofthegovernment,butofitsmanysupportersinthe media and the academic establishment as well.In the course of a sustained campaign to denigratethe study,itsauthors and the institution.pith which they

wereassociated (UCT),apreliminaryreportofitsfindingswascondemned bythe MinisterofLaw andOrderandpanned inthepressas'unscientific','misinformation' and a misuseofpublicfunds.s

1.2 Tow ards Justite? The furore surrounding the publication of what became known as the 'torture

report'amplyboreoutMana Slabbert' s(1985)gloomyassessmentin Crimeand Powerofthe problemsfacing criminclogicalresearchers in Iate-apartheid South Africa.Inthesecondhalfofthe 1980s,cri ticalcriminologywascertainlynotforthe faint-hearted and,as one state ofemergency followed another ,few could have predi dedthatthinjsweresoonto getn0tworse,butgradually,and immeasurably, bettecW ritingin1999,theDirectoroftheInstituteofCriminol ogythroughoutmuch

ofthe1980s,DirkvanZyISmi t(1999:198),wastorecallthat,asIateas198% the prospectsforpeacefulsocialchange inSouthAfrica did notseem promising.Yetit

wasearl yintheverynextyear(1990)thatPresidentF.W.deKlerkannouncedthe unbanning ofthe Iiberation movements and the opening of negotiations on a

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poli ticalsettlement.And itwasin thatyeartoo thata second volume ofessaysseveralofthem based on paperspresented ata conference held in CapeTown in

1989-emergedfrom theInstituteofCriminology(Hansson&VanZylSmit,1990). Inhi sintrodudionto thisvolume,Towardslustice/,oneofi tseditors,DirkvanZyI

Smit(1990),setoutto distinguishbetween the'radicalintellectualframework' within which contributionsto the bookwereframed and two othertraditionsin South African criminology,which he described as 'Ieçalreformist'and ' Afrikaner nationalist'.Thefirstofthese hetraced backto theearlydaysofthe SouthAfrican state and thework oftheprison reformerJacob deVilliersRoos.ByturnsIiberal, conservative and paternalistic,Iegalreformism wasiIIequippedto meetei therthe intellectualor politicalchallenje cfAfrikaner nationalism during the years of NationalFarty rulefrom 1948.I thad a Iast,and swiftlystifled,hurrah inthe 1947 reportofthe Lansdown Commi ssiononPenalandPrisonReform,butwasnotto re-

emerge as a force in the land untilsome 30 years Iater when the Vil joen CommissionagainreportedonthestateofSouthAfrica'spenalsystem in 1976.

ForitspartAfrikanernationalism wasable,inVanZyISmi t' s(1990:4-5)words,'to developa coherentintell ectualbaseforpolicieswhichwouldpromotetheinterests

oftheAfrikanernation'.Buildinjonthescholarl yfoundationsIaidbyGeoffCronjé, W .A.W illemseand othersin the 1930sand early 1940s,apartheidwasintended, amongstotherthings,to protectpoorAfrikaners from both the depredationsof British colonialexploitation and criminogenic contact with the so-call ed Iesser races. Having bestowed on apartheid a cloak of academic respedability the Afrikanernationalistsweresui tablyrewarded when SouthAfrica'sfirstDepartment ofCriminologywasestablishedattheUniversi tyofPretoria in 1948.ForAfrikaner nationalistcriminology,this marked the beginninj ofthree decadesofacademic hegemonythatwentmoreorlessunchallenged untilthefoundationoftheInsti tute ofCriminologyatUCT in 1977. In identi fying these Iegal reformist and Afrikaner nationalist traditions in

criminolojicalthoujht,Van ZyISmit(1990:1, .ori ginalemphasis)wasatpainsto pointoutthattheyshould notbeseen as'pureoridealtypes'butastheoretical

approachesdeployedinan'edecticàndpragmatidwaytojustifyormakesenseof criminaljusticepoliciesandpracti ce.Thusi twasthattheInstituteofCriminology itself- andwi th i ta thirdtradition inSouthAfricancriminology- wasborn outof the failed attemptby a Ieading Iegalreformist,MrJustice J.H.Steyn,to lend

intellectualweightto effortstoreform theapartheidcriminaljusticesystem from within.Such an enterprise wasdoomed to failin the increasinjl y febrile poli tical

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climate ofthelate19705and 1980s,6butotltofthatfailureemerged whatVanZyl

Smit(1990)calleda'criminologyforademocraticSouthAfrica'.'Likethecompeting traditions oflegalreformism and Afrikaner nationalism,this new South African

criminologywasanecledicenterpri se.T0VanZylSmit(1990:8),itsdevelopment owedasmuchtothedomesticpoliticalfermentthatfoll owedtheSoweto uprisings of 1976 as the growth,from the late 1S60s onwards,of cri ticalcriminological theorising in otherpartsofthe world.'Whateveri tssocialand intellectualorigins

mijhthavebeen,VanZyISmit(1990:9-10)wasclearaboutthewayahead.Inthe first place,a 'radicalor criticalcriminol ogy'should have 'Inol truck with a criminologywhichseesitsfunctionasprovidingtechniquesforLolsteringthepower ofthe SouthAfrican state'.Inotherwords,the new SouthAfricantradition would oppcse the, at best atheoretical and at worst malijnant state-sponsored criminologyspawned byAfrikanernationalism andpromotedfrom itsfoundationin

1986bytheCriminolcgicalSocietyofSouthernAfri ca(CRIMSA).Itsfirsttaskwas thereforeto continueto 'highlightthedifferencebetweentheIaw inbooksandthe Iaw in action'bydrawing attention- asthe'torture report'haddone- to 'abuses

intheexerciseofstatepower'(VanZyISmit1990:10, .originalemphasis).Thenit hadtocontinuetobe'aseriousintellectualenterprise'(VanZyISmit 1990:10).It had to expl ainwhatcomesto bedefinedascrime and how thestaterespondsto suchbehaviour'in termsofa broadersoci ologicalunderstanding ofSotlthAfrican

society'and'itmustnotpositconsensuswherenoneexists'(VanZyISmit,1990: 10).Thirdlyandfinall y,Van ZyISmi twarnedSouthAfri cancri ticalcriminologists ajainstjoininj the internecine disputesoftheircolleagues internationally and urgedthem to combinethe developmentoftheorywith practicalinterventionsin the Ii vesofordinarypeople.9 Twopointsneedto be emphasised aboutthis'criminologyfora democraticSouth Africa'.Thefirstisthatitwaswri ttenatatimeofquite unprecedented changeand flux.Ratherthan Iooking forward to a still-uncertain democraticfuture,Van ZyI Smit'saccountisveryfirmlyrooted inthe Iate-apartheidyears.Notwithstandingthe prospective referencetoademocraticSouthAfrica,itisverymuch hisview ofhow

acriticalcriminologydoesandshould,'reacttothecrisesnfthepastdecade'(Van ZyISmi t,1990:10).In framing histasks,hisreference pointsare the need to maintain criticaldi stancefrom,and purchase on,the activitiesofan authoritarian statew hatremainedtobeseenwashow criticalcriminologywouldcarryoutthese tasks as politicalevents unfolded and South Africa moved towards, and then heycnd.itsfirstdemocraticeledionsinApril1994.Thesecond pointto observeis Van ZyISmit'sreludanceto nailthe coloursofthe new SouthAfricancriminology toaparticulartheoreticalmast.Aswehaveseen,Davis'introdudion to Qrimeaad

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Powerwas Iiberally seasoned with quotationsfrom the cl assicsofBri tish critical criminology.Histastefortheneo-GramsciananalysisofPolicing theCrisisisevident

throughout.VanZyISmit(1990:10),ontheotherhand,contentshimsel fwith a singlereferencetotheworkofJockYounj(1986)asaSalutaryreminderoftheneed to consider'the realsufkring ofthebroadermassofpeople,b0th atthe handsof thestateandasaresul tofconventionalcrimesz.'o8eyond this,no intelledualdebts are acknowledged, and he sketches only the brcad parameters of a critical criminology fora democratic South Africa.Its theoreticalelaboration is Ieftto anotherdayandanotherhand.

1.3 Progressive Realism ThetaskIeftunfinishedbyVanZyISmitwaseventuallytaken up,almostinpassing,

by the otherjointeditorof ïowardsJustice/,Desi rée Hansson (1993, '1995). Hansson'sprimaryconcernistoprovideamuch-neededcorredi vetotheprevailing

'androcentrism'(Hansson,1993:9)ofSouthAfricancriti calcriminology.8utindoing this shealso hassome importantthingstosayaboutthenature and development ofthatcriti calcriminologicalenterprise: Al though somewhat eclectic and under-theori zed, South Afri Can criti cal

criminologyhasheenconsi stentl yinfluenced W theworkofBritishcri ti cal criminologistsIanTaylor,FaulWaltonandJockYoung.From themid-eighties this criminol ogy has taken on a more definite shape-that of progressi ve

realism whi chisakintosri ti shI eftrealism,...IolverthepastfiveyearsSouth Afri can projressive realist criminology has made a numberofsignificant contributions b0ththeoreticaland policy-oriented,to thebroad fielclofthe constructionand managementofSocialconflic in SouthAfrica.perhapsthe mostsigni fi cant ofthese contributicns has been to displace conservative

EAfrikaner nationalistl cri minology from dominance ibyl remappinj the boundariesofthisindi vi dualisti c,correctionalistcriminology(Hansson,1993:

W hatisstriking aboutthisisHansson'sattempttoestablishthecredentialsofwhat shecalls'progressiverealism'astheestablishedorthodoxyinSouthAfricancriti cal

criminolojywhen,aswehaveseen,neitherDennisDavis(1985)norDirkvanZyI Smit(1990)appearto have recogni sed any particularaffinity with 8ritish Ieft realism.More importantthanthissomewhatpartialreinterpretationofintellectual historyisherclarificationofthemain tenetsandsocialsignificance ofprcgressive realism.To thisend,shearguesthatitsmostimportantcontribution had been to overthrow the hegemony ofAfrikanernationalism,thus extending criminological

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discoursebeyondtheconfinesofthecriminalI aw andcriminaljusticetotakeinnot only'Iegaltradi tionssubjugated orco-opted by colonialism',butalso popular mechanismsofsocialcohtroland dispute management,such aspeople'scourts (Hansson,1993:7).Frogressive realistcriminology,she writes,'focuseson the interrelated waysinwhichstateand non-state bodiesconstructandmanagesocial

conflid in particularhistorical,social,economicand politicalcontexts'(Hansson, 1993:7).It'takesIaw-breakingandcriminalizationseriously'because,IikeBritish

Ieftreali sm,itrecognisesthati tis'themostoppressedgroupsinsoci et/whosuffer disproportionatel yfrom theirimpact(Hansson,1993:7).Progressiverealism is'not only infused with a democratic ethos,butwith a poli ticalcommi tmentto social

justice...ratherthanthemaintenanceofI aw andorder'(Hansson,1993:7). Thecriminologythatemergesfrom thissketchofprogressiverealism is,asHansson

(1995:43) herself subsequently put i t,'a South African counter-hegemonic criminology ...consciouslystyled inthe sritish Ieft-realistmode'.Notwithstanding its'androcentricity',herevaluationofi tsroleinthedevelopmentofboththeoryand

policyatacrucialjundureinSouthAfrica'shistoryi soverwhelminglypositive.The 'cl oseworking relationships'forged betweenprogressive realistcriminologistsand the ANC in the period since 1990 have allowed i tto replace the 'fundamental criminology'of Iatter-day Afrikanernationali sm as the 'dominant criminological

discourse'.''YetHansson (1995:55)isalso veryaware ofthedangersofsuch proximitytotheseatofpoliticalpower: The question is whether progressive-realist criminology,as a dominant discoursezwillbeableto distancei tselfcriticallyfrom thenew government.l f not thedangeristhatthedominantcriminologicaldiscoursewillbedictated sol ely by politicalcontinjencies,so foreclosinç the pursuit oftheoretical deconstruction....In theprevailinj frenzy ofsccialreconstruction in South Afri ca,academicsin progressive-realiktcriminology,b0thfeministand ncnfeministalike,runtheveryrealriskofabandoningtheiursui toftheoreti cal deconstructioninfavourofpoli ticalprajmati sm.

1.4 CrititalCrim inology in a Dem otratit South Afrita Inhisintrodudionto Towardslustice?.DirkvanZyISmit(1990)talkedofacri tical criminology fora democraticSouthAfrica.8uthow did criticalcriminologyfare in the new democracythatemerged afterthe electionsofApril1994? How did the relationship between criticalcriminol ogistsand theANC-Ied governments ofthe pastdecadedevelop?And,asthethird eledion approaches to whatextenthave DesiréeHansson'sfearsbeenconfirmedandthecriticaledgeofprogressiverealism

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beenbluntedbyanunderstandabledesiretopl ayanadivepartinthereconstruction ofSouthAfrica?

Fiveyearson from theclimadericcf1994,DirkvanZylSmit(1999)providesan interim assessmentofthe stateofSouthAfrican criminologyinanarticle inwhich heconsidersonceagainthethree-Afrikanernationalist,Iegalreformistandcritical tradi tions he had identified back in 1990.17His assessment ofthe respedive fortunes ofthe three traditions underdemocrati c conditions is distindl y mixed. Deprived oftheirprivil eged accessto the corridorsofpoli ticalpower the senior praditioners ofAfrikanernationalistcriminology had,by the end ofthe century, drifted offinto retirement.In a changed world,theirsuccessors had made their peace both with the new governmentand wi th more cri ticalcriminologists in an -

(notentirely unsuccessful)attemptto reinventthemselvesasthe purveyors of politicall y neutraltechnicaladvi ce on the burning ccntemporary issues ofcrime preventionandcontrol.Legalreformism,meanwhile,hadbeengivenanew Ieaseof Iife.With the introdudion offi rstan interim and then a finalconsti tution,a new generation ofIawyer-adi vistshadturnedwithenthusiasm to enforcing abatteryof newly entrenched fundamentalrightson behal fofthose Iong denied everything from freedom ofassembl yto humaneconditionsofdetention.VanZyISmi targues

(1999:202)thattheresurjenceofIegalreformism hadaprofoundimpad onthose criminolojistswho hadbeenconcerned 'from theseventiesonwards...to develop a criminology appropriateto ademocraticSouthAfrica'.Yet ashe goesonto say

(1999:202),thesecri ticalcriminolojists'were(not)simplyabsorbedintoassisting Iegallydri venreformism'.W hatmarked 0utthosewhowereattemptingtomeetthe admittedly 'somewhatopen-ended'- criteria implicitin the cri ticalworkofthe 1980s was a 'commi tmentto communi trbased research and to solutions that

-

favouredIocalautonomy'(VanZyISmit,1999:203).:3 SinceVan ZyISmitconduded thissurveyofthe SouthAfricancriminol oji calscene in 1999,theprocessesoffrajmentationandreconstitution hintedatinhisanalysis havejatheredpace.BasedintheformerstrongholdsofAfrikanernationalism atthe Universi ties of Fretoria and South Africa,a distindive strain of neo-positivist criminology continues to flourish and find expression in the pajes of Acla

Criminologica.thejournalcfCRlMsA.Alongside,andoccasionallyintersedingwith, this CRIMSA school of criminology is a fast-growing tradi tion of democratic administrative criminolojy,with i ts institutionalroots in the statutory research

councils,theIargenon-governmentalorjani sations(NG0s)workinginthecriminal justicesedorandsomeofthemoreentrepreneurialacademicresearchinstitutes.'h Thecadre ofpolicyanalysts,researchers,programme evaluatorsand trainerswho

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make up this risinj gerieration of administrative criminol ogists include many individuals who in days jone by woul d have identified themselves,and been

identi fied,with oneorother(orquitepossibl y,both)oftheIegalreformistand criti caltraditions.'sInplaying an adi veroleinthepost-apartheid reconstrudionof

SouthAfrica,theyhavedonenomorethanheedVanZylSmit's(1990:10;original

emphasis)injundionthatSouthAfricancriminologistscculdnotandcannot,allow themselves'the Iuxury ofan abstractdebate'and an 'unnecessary pol arization between theonYtsandpraditionerswbosharethesameideals'.lb standidlybyand

takenopartinwhatDesiréeHansson(1995:55)sographicallydescribed asthe 'frenzy ofsocialreconstrudi on'would have been unforgivable.To combineadive participation in that work wi th the task of what she called 'theoretical

deconstrudion'wastheidealtowhichbothsheandVanZyISmi t(1990)aspired, butfew indeed havebeenabletoIi veupto.For,farfrom beingastaginjpostinthe elaboration ofa theoreticallysophisti cated,yetdi stinctivelySouthAfrican,critical

criminology,Hansson's(1993, .1995)workrepresentstheend oftheroadforthe developmentofprojressiverealism.(OnlymuchlaterdidthepresentauthorIDixon, 2001)once again make an effortto applythe insights ofinternationalcritical theorisinjtothepost-apartheidSouthAfricanccndition.) InsofarasVan ZyISmi t's (1999) more 'open-ended'criticaltradition,with its emphasis on popular participation and Iocalautonomy, survived and took theoreticalshape,itdi d so mostobviouslyin theworkofCliPord Shearingand hi s

colleajuesattheCommuni tyFeaceProjram (CFP).'6Thedevel opmentofShearing' s ideasandtheworkoftheCPPcannotbediscussed inanydetailhere,and certainly

neitheri sbeyond criticism (seeDixon,forthcomi ng).Buttheresourcefulnesswith whichShearingand aseriesofcollaboratorshave maintained aunitybetween the developmentofcriticaltheory and the promoticn ofinnovati ve pradice is quite remarkabl e.The radicalblueprint presented by Brojden and Shearinj in 1993 offered a radicalcritique ofstate-centred policing as the sole solution to the problem ofsecurityin ademocraticSouthAfrica.Since then,thiscriti que hasbeen refinedandexpandedtoincludethewhol eparadigm ofretributivepunishmentwith

which state policing hascome to be associated (Shearinj,2001a;Johnston & Shearing,2003).Butthisisnotall,fori thasalso-throughtheworkoftheCPPIed to the developmentoftheso-called Zwelethemba modelofcivilpolicing and colledive,informaldisputeresolutioninpoorneijhbourhoodsacrossSouthAfri ca.''

Theroutefrom 1993 and Policing fora New SouthAfrica(srogden & Shearing, 1993)hasbeencircuitous,andmanyobstacleshavehadtobeovercomealongthe way.Buttheclari ty ofShearing'svision andthe singl e-mindednesswith which he

has sought to realise it is by farthe best (if not the only) example of

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SouthAfrican criticalcriminolojy'scontinuing abilitytc enjaje simultaneousl y in thetasksoftheoreticaldeconstructionandsocialreconstruction.''

1.5 CrititalCrim inology fora New Century Beginning in the mi d-1970swith thefoundation ofthe Institute ofCriminology at UC1 South African criminolojy has had a chequered intelledualhi stol y Under condi tionsofquiteunprecedentedpoliticalandsocialupheaval,i tsdevelopmenthas beenunevenanddiscontinuous.But,attheriskofimposingafalsesenseoforderon thathistoly itispossible to summariseitintermsoffive,sometimesoverlapping, periods.ln the first of these,researchers at the Insti tute of Criminology were confronted with thecontradicti onsinherentinthepradiceofcriticalsocialscience

underapartheid.Appointedtoworkwi thinanunjustsystem,theyfoundthattheir research inevitably broughtthem into conflictwith it.By the mid-1980sand the publication of Crime and Powpc the influence ofthe British 'new criminology'in general,and the neo-Gramscian analysisofcrime and controlin a time ofcrisis

presentedbyStuartHallandhi scolleaguesinPolicingtheCrisis(1978)inparticular wascl ear.Theroleofcriticaltheori stsandresearchersinchallengingthehegemony ofAfrikanernationalism and exposing the brutalreali ties ofapartheid rule was conceptualised in the Ianguage of internati onalcri ticalcriminology.The end of apartheid brought with i t both uncertai nty and the Ionjed-for opportunity to contributetotheconstruction ofanew SouthAfrica.Towardskstice?capturesthe mood ofthe times,Iooki nj simultaneously backwardsto a di vided and repressive

past,andforwardstoajustanddemocraticfuture.Theyearsthatfoll owed,uptothe firstdemocraticelection,saw a'criminolcgyforademocraticSouthAfri ca'unfold in theplansandpoliciesofthenew ANc-ledgovernment-in-waiting.Inthemid-1990s, a bold attemptto gi ve thisecledic butcri ticaldemocraticcriminology theoretical coherenceasprogressiverealism cameto nothing.Witha new governmentinstalled after1994,criticalcri m inologistswere active in the'frenzy ofreconstruction'that

took place in the criminaljustice system and beyond.A new democratic administrati vecriminologydevelopedthathadIi ttletimeforthemorecontemplative, even specul ative,work oftheoreticaldeconstruction.Onlyonthe marginsdid the popular communitarian strand in criticalcriminology survi ve and flourish as a theoreti calcriti queof,and@pradicalalternativeto,thedominanceofpolicy-oriented

administrativethinkingandstate-centredjusti ce. Iwillsaymorein amomentaboutthisvolume'splace inthisbroadcriticaltradi tion anditspurposeinthewidercontextofSotlthAfricaadecadeintothedemocraticera. Butthesecondtaskofthisintrodudionawaits,anditistotherelationship between crimeandcrimecontrolandtheprocessofdemocratictransitionthatInextturn.

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2 . CRIM E A ND CRlM E CO NTR0 L lN TRANSlTl0 N It has become something ofa contemporary criminologicalcliché to talk about

(usuallyrising)crimeand(almostinvariablyineffedive)effortstocontroli tinthe

samebreathas(democrati c)transi tion.Twoquotationsfrom workW someofthe mostthoughtfuland well-informed observers ofthe SouthAfrican scene roughly spantheperiodsinceF.W.deKlerkannouncedtheopeningofnegotiationswiththe opponentsofapartheidinFebruary 1990: TheSouthAfricainwhichweare Ii vingtoclayischaracterizedbyunparall eled socialand politicalchangeand apparentl y enormousdi perencescfopinion. However,there isone aspectofoursocietythatmostofuswould grobably ajreeabout,andthatistheunprecedented i ncreasein crimethathastaken placeoverthegastfew yearsandtheintolerablel evelthatcrimeha5reached

(Glanz,1992:1). There is,of course,some Iink between South Africa's transition and the growth in crime that has accompanied i t.But itwould be dangerousl y simpli stic to argue thatcrime is primarily a consequence ofthe transition: indeed...therei sstrongevidencetoSuggestthatitsrootsIieintheapartheid

System!whichthetransiticnhaShadtodismantle(Shaw & Gastrow,2001: 250), Both these quotations capture the common-sense connection often made between crime and transition.Shaw and Gastrow jo further and recognise the dangers of taking it as read that transitions to democracy cause crime. My purpose here i s to take Shaw and Gastrow's analysis slightly further

bydeconstruding (asHanssonwouldhavehadit)first'crime'asasocialprocess of adion and reaction,then 'transition' (or democratisation) as an eqtlally problematic charaderisation ofchange and,finally,thedominantexplanationsof the connedion between the two as respedively,dependent and independent variables.

2.1 Crim e Ibegin on relatively familiarterritory with crime.Quoting Howard Becker but relyinjequall yfirmlyonthecallofthe sritishnew criminologistsfora'fullysoci al theory ofdeviance',Dennis Davisreminded readers in his introduction to Crime and Powerthatcrime isnotan innatequality ofcertain formsofbehavi our. Itis

rather'theprodud ofa processwhich involvesIthe)responsesofotherpeople

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to(thatlbehaviour'(Davis,1985:1).T0 appreciatethesignifi canceofthewayin which certain behaviours are charaderised and responded to as 'crime',we only àave to think ofthe contrasting reactionsto corporate and otàerforms of '

orjanised'crime (see Standing,thisvolume)orkmorecontroversially,the post-

apartheid state's reaction to two well-known: indeed notorious, 'vigilante'

organisations,People againstGangsterism and Drugs (FAGAD)and Mapogo a Mathamaga.I tisdoubtfulwhetberei therofthesegroupsfullymeetsthedefinition

ofvigilantism so usefull ysujgested byLesJohnston (1996),yetbothhavebeen criminalised and exposed to the fullforceofstate repression as'vigil antes',when otherresponsesmighthave had verydifferent and Iesspol arising,e#eds.5q for example,PAGAD atIeastbejan as agenuinely popularsocialmovementagainst drug dealing and jang vi olence on the Cape Flatsaround CapeTown,and i thas

been argued (Dixon & Johns,2001, .but cf. Boshoffet aI..2û01) that i ts metamorphosisinto amtlch small erbetter-organisedand moreviolentgroupwas, inpart,prompted bythestate'scharacteri saticnandtreatmentofi tsmembersfirst as'vigilantes'andthenas'tlrbanterrorists'.Similarly,Mapogodisplaysmanyofthe featuresofa commercialpri vatesecurity companyiraising the pcssiàilitythatthe

criminaljusticesystem wasnottheonl yregulatoryframeworkavailabletocurbthe moreviolentinclinationsofitsmembers.'g

South Afri ca's peculiarhistory only makes the already di fficult task ofarriving at an uncontroversial and historically consistent definition of crime aI1 but impossible.Apartheid itselfwasdeclared to be a crime against humanity bythe United NationsGeneralAssembly in 1973,while the myriad Iawsand regulations passed to maintain the sejregation of the races criminalised behaviour that woul d have been regarded asconventionalin mostothersocieties.The ftlllextent to which the aparthei d state was implicated in the systematic abuse ofhuman rightsandaIImannerofothercriminalactivi tieshasonlybegunto bedocumented

by the Truth and Reconciliation Commissi on (1998/2003). 20 Meanwhile,the overridinj prioritygivento defendingthe regime and underwri tingthe securityof

thewhiteminori tyskewedpoliceresourcesandIefttheblackmajori tywithIittl eor noreasonto reportcrimetoanorganisationtheyneithertrustednorbelievedwould do anythinj to help them.Then,from the mid-1970s onwards,South Africa was brokenup intoawhi te-ruled'Republic'andaseriesofnotionallyself-governingand self-pclicing statelets. Thus, in the absence of historical data either from victimisationsurveysorstudiesofself-reportedoffending,the pictureofcrimethat emerges from apanheid-era officialstatistics collected,wi th varying degrees of

diligence,across severaljuri sdictions isextremel y blurred (Shaw,2002, .Dixon, 2002).21

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Theintimateconnectionbetweencrimeandpoliticsestablishedunderapartheidhas notbeenbroken inthedemocraticeraei ther:thecriminalisation ofpoliticalconflid hasbeen replaced by the infiltration ofthecrime problem into everyday political

discourse(Cohen,1996, .d.Simpson,thisvolume).lntheyearssince1994,parties acrossthe poli ticalspedrum have rushed to adopttough 'Iaw-and-order'rhetoric. There havebeen regularcallsfor'zerotolerance'forcrimeand campaign promises

to 'nailand jail'tbcse responsible forit(Dixcn,2000:30).Ncrhavetbe more mundane empiricaldifficul tiesaboutmeasuring the true extentofoffendinj been

resolvedeither.A nati onalvidimisationsurveywascarriedoutin1997(Hirschowi tz etaI..1998),buttheIackofcomparabledataforearlierorsubsequentyearsrenders itaIIbutuselessfortracking chanjesin crime ratesovertime.Atthe sametime, repeatedattemptstoimprovethequalityofofficialstatisticshavehadmi xed resul ts,

prompting the jovernmentfirstto prevent(byway ofa moratorium),and then control,theirpublication,and the opposition to accuse itofa cynica!aqemptto

avoidcri ticism ofi' tsrecord on crime(Schönteich & Louw,2001:12-14, .Louw & Schönteich,2001).The continuing refocusing ofpolice effortsawayfrom regime securitytowards publicsafety,and efforts to encouragethe reporting of hitherto under-reportedcrimessuchasrapeanddomesticassaultonlymaketheproblemsof measurement worse.Even what many assumed to be the most robust police statisticsshowing asteadydeclineinthe numberofmurdersfrom almost27000in 1994and 1995to 22000intheyear2000haverecentlybeencontested,becauseof anomaliesintheincorporation ofdatafrom thepreviousl yindependent'homelands' andapparentinconsistenci eswi thotherdatasetsondeathsfrom unnaturalcauses

(Cohen,2002, .Turrell ,thisvolume).Thus,hardasSchönteichandLouw (2001),Louw andSchönteich(2001),Di xon(2002)orShaw (2002)maytry,theavailablestatistics on crime seem to defy authoritati ve interpretation,while whatto countas'crime' remainsaprofoundlypoliti cal,andthereforeendlessl ycontroversial,issue.

2.2 Transition Ifweturnourattentionfrom crimetotransiti on,wesooncomeupagainstanother setofdefini tionaland conceptualproblems.'Transi tion'is related to words Iike

'democratisationf,'transformation',and (perhapsmoredistantly)'modernijation' and'development'.N Unfortunately,i tisalsoaterm thatcriminologists- oratIeast thosewriting aboutirime in SouthAfrica- havetendedto usefreely,butwithout explaininj precisely whatthey take itto mean.So,forinstance,in an otherwise admirable ovewiew ofthe proceedingsofan internationalSeminaron crimeand

policing intransi tionalsocieties,MarkShaw (2001)hasnothingtosayaboutthe

notionof'transi tion'orwhatthedistindi vecharaderisticsofa'transi tionalsocietf mijhtbe.And neitherdo any ofthe paperspresented atthe seminarappearto

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addresstheissuedirectl y eithecThetacitassumptionseemsto bpthat'transition' isa processtoowellunderstoodtorequireexplanation,Ietaloneanalysis,andthe supposedly criminogenic features of a 'transi tionalsociety'too humdrum and obviousto need detaileddescription.

Thisfailtlretoaddresstheissueoftransitionisratherstlrprising,giventheextensive

literaturethatexistsonthesubjectinpoliticalscience.Spacedoesnotpermi tmore thana sketch ofthebroad outlinesofthedebatehere,buteventhe mostcursory examination of tàe comparative literature provides ample evidence of the controversy surroundingthe processofdemocratisation.Accordingto David Potter

(1997: 10). three broad theoretical approaches to the explanation of democratisationcanbedi scerned.sometheoristslookforevidenceofthe'modern' soci alandeconomicconditionstheybelieveareassociatedwithIiberaldemocracy. Othersemphasiseinstitutionalprocessesandthechoicesandini tiati vesofpolitical elites asthe keyfactorin the shiftfrom atltàoritarian to democratic rule.A third schoolofthoughtseeschanging structuresofclass,stateandtransnati onalpower as the main motorof democratic chanje.Fottercalls these distind but often overlapping theoriesthe'modernisation','transition'and'strudural'approachesto democratisation. In his influential book on the so-called third wave of

democrati sationthatbeganinthemid-1970s,SamuelHuntington(1991)offersan alternativeanalysi sintermsoffourmodesofdemocratictransition.''Whil ewhathe calls 'transformation'is initiated wholl y or Iargely by an existing authoritarian regime itsel f,'transplacement'ofthatregime takesplacewhen'soûliners'among itsmemberscomhinewith prcminentoppositionfiguresto inaugtlrateamovement towards democracy.A third,'replacement'mode follows an upsurge of-popular oppositionfrom bel ow.Finally,inHuntington's'foreign intervention'mode,internal politicalprocessesareshort-circui ted bytheacti onsofanotherstate. EvenwithinAfrica,thepatternofdemocratisation hasbeenacomplexone.Michael

BrattonandNicholasvandeWalle(1997)broadlyfollow a'transition'approachto democratisation.Theyprovidea'politico-insti tutional'theorythatstressesdomestic

poli ticalfadors(Bratton & Van deWalle,1997:20).But- using the notionof 'structured contingency'- they also allow for the Iimitations placed on the purposi ve action of politicalelites in government and opposition by deeper economic and socialstructures.Particul ar signi ficance in assessing a country's democraticprospedsisgiventoitsown inherited politicalpractices.Acrossmostof post-colonialAfrica,theyargue,authori tarianism hastakena'neopatrimonial'form

inwhichindivi dual'bijmen'rule'bydintofpersonalprestijeandpower'(Bratton &VandeWalle,1997:61).24Oftllefive'modalregimes'theyidentifyinsub-saharan

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Africaasat1989,three(covering400utofthe47countriesconsidered)featured thistype of'big man'rule.Apartfrom a smalljroup offive countrieswith multipartysystems onlythetwo'settleroligarchies'ofSouthAfricaand Namibiadidnot

share the core features ofneo-patrimonialism (zratton & Van deWalle,1997: 77-82).25And,asonemightexped,BrattonandVandeWalle(1997:81)goonto arguethatthe'peculi arinstitutional'historiesofthese settlerregimeshaveplayed themsel vesout in 'transition dynamics'quite distinctfrom those observed in the neo-patrimonialsocietiestothe north.Taking upthisargumentlaterintbeirbcck,

8rattonandVandeWall e(1997:177-8)sugjestthatinHuntington'sterms,neopatrimonialregimeshavetended to be'replaced 'asa resul tofsudden eruptions ofpopularprotest.ThesettlerolijarchiesofNamibiaandSouthAfri ca,ontheother hand,were'transplaced 'inthe courseof'pactedtransi tions'negoliated between moderate elements in their raciall y exclusive authoritarian governments and broadly-basedoppositiongroupsIedbytheSouthW estAfricanPeople'sOrganisation

(SWAPO)andtheANCrespecti vely. BrattonandVandeWalleare,aswehaveseen,studentsnfcomparativepolitics,and theirconclusionaboutthe'pacted'nature ofSouthAfrica'stransitionisonl yoneof

severalcompeting accountsonofferinthe'casestudy'Ii teratureonthecountr/s democratisation.David Howarth(1998),forexample,di scussesnofewerthanfive distind approaches,onl y oneofwhich,the'padology'ofFrederikvan ZyISlabbert

(1992,citedinHowarth,1998),followssrattonandVandeWalle' sanalysis.lbthese approaches,Howarth himselfaddsa sixth,based on a criti que ofthe otherfive. Someofwhathehastosay isofIimi ted interesttothenon-specialist,buthedoes shed some much-needed Iight on the complexities oftransition for anyone criminologistsincluded - anxiousto getto gripswith the changes ofthe last20 years.To hegin with,he draws a di stindion between demccratic transition and

democratictransformation(Howarth,1998:203).The firstofthese referstothe '

processby which negotiating elitesmanage tc oversee the installation offormal Iiberaldemocratic procedures'.At a minimum,these procedures must permi t g ' ci tizensto choose,incompetitiveeledi ons theoccupantsofthetoppoliticaloffices

ofthestate'(Bratton&vandeWalle,1997:13).But,goingbeneathandbeyondthis, the notion of democratic transformation captures 'the Ionger-term process of restructurinj theunderlying socialrelationsofagi ven society'and recognisesthe

invol vementofaranjeofpoli ticaladnrsoutsidethepadingelites(Howarth,1998: 203).MoreoverHowartharguesthat-inaccordancewi thwhatFotter(1997)calls the modernisationtheoryofdemocratisation- a society'sabilityto maintain and make a success ofdemocracyis closely related to struduralconditions, the most importantofwhich is'the levelofeconomicgrowth and developmentunderlying

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democrati cinstitutionsandpractices'(Howarth,1998:205).Finall y,butcrucially,he also suggeststhat,in orderto speci fy the conditionsforitsexistence,democracy itself must be adequately defined.W riting fouryears aherwhattheorists Iike Bratton and Van de Walle wnul d see as the criticalmoment of South Africa's founding1994election,HowarthsuggeststhatdemocratictransitioninSouthAfrica

isnpmorethan'wellunderway'(1998:205).Hevptyclearlydoesnotsaythatitis complete.And he goes on to considersome ofthe factors that may inhibi tthe deeper,Ionger-term process cf transformation:the stark unevenness of South Africa'seconomi cdevelopment,the'socialIegacy'ofapartheid,thedemobilisation and depoli ticisation ofcivilsociety,and the doubtssurrounding the government's

abilitytomeet'itsoverwhelmingdevelopmentneedsandobjedives'followingthe (then recent)downgrading ofthe Reconstruction and DevelopmentProgramme (RDP)infavourofamoreneo-liberaleconomicprogrammeknownastheGrowth, EmploymentandRedistribtltionPrngramme(GEAR)(Howarth,1998:205). 8utwheredoesaIIthisIeavethenotion oftransitioninrelationto crimeandcrime control?0nethingatI eastisabundantlyclear:'democratictransitions'arecomplex

soci aland economic (aswellasstraightforwardly politi cal)processes.No two 'transitions'arethe same.Gi ventheexistenceofcertaincommonconditions such asthe'bi g man'authoritarianism to be found acrossmuch ofsub-saharanAfrica during the Iate 1980s,nationalprocessesofdemocratisation may share anumber ofcommonfeatures.Butitisunlikelythatthet' ransi ti onalsocietythatemergesfrom thetypicallyviolentreplacementofaneo-patrimonialregimeinaverypootiandstill Iargelyrural,societywillbeverysimilartothatwhichappearswhenasettlerregime in a much more industrialised ccuntry is 'transplaced'through negotiation.And, insofar as they vary with other social conditions, trends in crime and the developmentoftheinstitutionalmeansavailabletocontrolitwilldifferaccordingly. By the same token,the many different ways of characterising the nature and completeness of South Africa' s own transi tion to democracy imply ccntrasting accountsoftheconnectionstobemadeLetweenthatprocess,thekindofsocietyit produces,andtheproblemscfcrimeandcrime controlwithwhichitisconfronted. In shor t the notion of'transition'isveryfarfrom being a simple,factualway of describing a change from authoritarian to democratic rule.It begs aIIsorts of importantand inter-related questionsaboutthe natureofdemocracyitsel fand the

causes durationandextentofdemocratictransiti on (and/ortransformation)that criminologists and otherstudents of'crime and transition'either minimise,or ijnore,attheirperil,Above all,itdemandsthatwe considerwhetherany given featureofanew 'societyintransition'isindeedtheproductofchanjeorirather,an example of the stubborn persistence of authoritarian habi ts, undemocratic

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institutionsorunjustsocialstructuresinheritedfrcm theold.Iti saIItooeasyto mistaketheappearanceofchangeforthereali tyofitsopposite.AsFrantzFano/ (1982:118),writingoftheendofcolonialism,puti t,theremustbemoretopoli tical change than 'a fancy-dress parade and the bl are oftrumpets ...a minimum of readaptation,afew reformsatthetop,a flag-waving'ifthemassofan oppressed peopleare notto beIeh 'downthereatthebottom ...endl essl y markingtime'.

2.3 Crim e and Transition Ihaveexploredthenotionof'transition'atsomeIengthbecauseithasreceivedtoo Ii tlleattentionintheSouthAfricancriminologicalIiterature.Havingtriedverybriefl y to fillthatgap,Ireturnto morefamili arterri toryandthe explanationsprovided in thatIiteraturefortheassociationbetweenthecountry'stransitiontodemocracyand rising crime.Althoujhthey di #erin emphasis,thestandard official,and unofficial,

accountsaIIadoptapragmaticall yecledi capproach(see,fcrexample,Department ofSafetyandSecurity,1996, .Schönteich& Louw,2001;Shaw,2002).Verybriefl y,and roujhlyin orderofthe salience give to the differentexpl anations,theseaccounts encompassthefollowing:

1.Controltheoriesfocusedonthedisruptionorbreakdownofkeymechanismsand

institutions of infcrmal(the family,schools and 'communities')and formal (policingandtherestofthecriminaljusticesystem)soci alcontrol.Inthemore apocal ypticaccountsthe'instituti onalviolence'ofapartheid,combinedwiththe Iiberationmovements'strategyofungovernabili ty,hasIedtothedevelopmentof adeeplyentrenched'cultureofviolence'.Asaresult,SouthAfricansseeviolence asa firstratherthana Iastresortinresolving disputesathome,atworkand at play. 2.Strain theoriesthatpointto thefrustrationofunmetexpectations.High hopesof

achieving rapid materialadvancement- more jobs,new homesand hetter services- generated during the struggle againstapartheid have been dashed sinceIiberation,causingthetasteofpoliticalfreedom toturnbitterinthemouths

ofthelong-disenfranchisedmajori ty.rhisfrustration,andtheanomicdisjuncture betweenthepromiseofa betterIifeandthedifficultyofacquiring one by Iegal means,manifestsitselfboth in expressiveactsofviol ence,and in much violent and non-violentacquisi tivecrime. 3.Opportunity theoriesthatpointtotheattradionsofSouthAfrica'ssophisticated, and newly accessible,financialand transpcrt i nfrastrudure forinternational organised crimeSyndicatesand theeasyavailabilityoffirearmsin a countryso recentl y onthepointofarmed insurrection and surrounded by neighboursin a semi-permanentstateofcivilwar. 26

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4.Structuralt/leor/esthatIookforexpl anationsofhighIevelsofcrimeandviol ence in termsoffadorssuch aspoverty,under-development,jenderinequality and themarginalisationofthecountry'syouth.

AttheIevelofgenerali tyatwhich theytend to bepi tched,theplausibilityofsuch accountsishard toquestion.None ofthem canbedismissed outofhand,i fweare to developthekindoffull ysocialtheoryofdevianceincorpcrating evem hingfrom a poli ticaleconomy ofcrime to an acccuntofthe socialdynamicsofindividtlal

deviantadscalledforbyDavis(1985:3)andthe'new criminologists'(TayloretaI., 1973:270-7).Yetintheform thattheytendtobepresentedinthecontemporary South African Iiterature,there are severalreasons to be dissatisfi ed with the explanationscurrentlyonoffecAninitialdi fficultyi sthattlleavailableaccountsonly focus on a Iimited range ofcrimes.So,fnrexample,the Iiterature on 'organised

crime'(andhow tocombatit)hasaccumulatedovertheyearssince1994,yetno correspondinjbcdyofworkhasappearedonequallywell-'organised'o#ending by Iegalentitiesin the form ofI arge corporati ons.''A second problem isthe general Iack of attention paid to the interadi on between crime and socialresponses illustrated earlierwi th reference to the activi ties ofMapogo a Mathamaga and PAGAD.Then,ifweturntotheconnectionbetweencrimeanddemocratictransition, threefurtherdifficultiespresentthemselves.Thefirstoftheseisthefailureofmuch recent theorising to see transition as a dynamic yet contradictory process of continuityand change.Thedangerhere isthatexplanationsareeitheroffered on a ' once-and-for-all'basis,asiftransitiopwasa stateofsuspendedanimationwith a number of constant and unchangingly criminogenic features, or assume that, because transition implies change,nothing can have remained the same once authoritarian rulehascometo anend.Theseconddifficultyiscloselyrelated tothe firstand isto dowi ththetendencyto over-generalise,referredto earlier.W hattoo many accounts of'crime'in 'transi tional'SouthAfrica Iack is a sufficientl y clear specification ofwhatprecisely it i s about the process oftransition thatcauses offendinj ofa particulartype to increase.A third - also very closely related problem istbe I ackofconvincingempiricalevidencetosupportsuchspecificclaims aboutthecriminogeniceffectsofparticularaspectsofdemocratisation.

3.JUSTICEGAjNED?CRIMEAND C0NTROL IN SOUTH AFRICA'S TRA NSITION Thefirstsectionofthisintrodudiontraced thedevelopmentofcriticalcriminology in South Africa overthe quartercentury since the lnstitute of Criminology was founded atthe UniversityofCapeTown in 1977.Thiswasfollowedbya review of

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currentdebatesaboutcrime and crime controlinthe contextofSouthAfrica asa soci etyin transition.Likeitqpredecessors Crimeand Powerand Towardslustice/. theaim ofthisbooki stoIookatcontemporaryprobl emsofcrimeandcrimecontrol from a criticalperspedive.Inevitabl y,that perspedive di ffers from those ofthe editorsand contributorsto theearliervolumes.N0rdo thevariouscontributorsto thisvolume necessarily share the same cri ticalperspedive.The ecledicism that marked itspredecesscrsisa feature ofthisvolumetoo.W hatthe contributorsdo

haveincommonisacommi tmenttocriminologyas,inDirkvanZyISmit's(1990: 10)words,a'seriousintelledualenterprise'.TheyalsoshareDennisDavis'(1985: 11)concernwi ththerelationshipsbetweenchangesincrime,Iaw enforcementand socialstrudure.Many contributions address the challenges and contradidions presented by the active participation of their authors in post-apartheid reconstrudion.They provide,in shor t a cri ticalreflection from the inside on the developmentofademocraticadministrati vecriminologyinSouthAfricasince 1990. This i sthen verymuch an anthologyforthetwentrfirstcentury,an appraisalof crimeandcrimecontrolintransiti on. By no means aIIofthe chapters in thisvolume address this issue oftransition directly,and nonetackleitasexplicitl yasIhave inthisintrodudion. Nonetheless, they do share an implicitacceptancethatthe free and fairl y conduded elections held in SouthAfrica in 1994 were a momentofimmense symbolicand pradical significance.Itiscommon ground among aIIthecontributorstothisbookthatthe founding electionsof1994 werea criticalmomentin theprocessoftransition. To meettheminimum proceduralrequirementsofdemocraticpoli ticalfundioning isto passan importanttest.Ifthattestisfailed,itishard to claim thatdemocracy has arrived.But it is also the understanding of this introduction and of1he other contributionstothisbook- explicitinsomechapters implicitinothers- that,ifwe areto contextualise,understandand bejin to explai n patternsofcrimeand crime controlin contemporary South Africa,it i s necessary to adopta conception of democracythatgoesbeyond thenarrowlypolitical,and anotionoftransilion lhal encompassesthewidertransformationofsocialandeconomicrelations,aswellas theinstallationofdemocraticeledoralprocedures.Inctherwords,wemustandwe do,bearinmind thattheprocessofdemocratisation isnot,andcannotbe,isolated from thewiderrestrudurinjofsocialrelationsinpost-apartheidSouthAfrica.

3.1 Contribulors and Conlributions Mostofthecontributorsto thisbookeitherare,orhave recentlybeen, veryclosel y associatedwiththeInstituteofCriminologyatUCT.8uttheirbiographiesalsoreveal awealthofexperiencethatextendsfarbeyond b0ththeacademyandSouthAfrica.

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lndeed,ofthe11contributorsonlyonecurrentlyholdsafull-timeacademicposition

inaSouthAfricanuniversi ty,whilethree(includingthepresentwri ter)arebasedfor atIeastpartoftheirtimeatBri tishuniversities.Oftheothersfourworkindifferent capacities in South Africa' s vibrantand influentialNGO sector and one forthe presiding officerin Farliament'sindiredl yelectedNationalCouncilofProvinces.0f theremainingtwo authors oneisapradising clinicalpsychologistcurrentl y based intheUnited Kingdom,theotherapostgraduatestudentintheUnitedStates.These biographiesalsorevealb0ththerelati veyouthofthecontributorsandtheshortness oftheirassociation wi th the Insti tute.And thisinturn indicatesthat,outside the

CRlMsA-affiliatedinstitutionsofthenorth,academiccriminologyin(andfor)South Africa remainsan under-developed,marginaldi scipline,Iargely dependenton the vagariesofexternalresearchfundinj foritssurvival.Thus,unlike a standard 'first world'anthology,thisvolumecontainsworkbyauthorsatverydifferentpointsîna varietyofacademicandnon-academiccareers. In the firstchapterofthe book,Graeme Simpson addressesthe implications of

transi tion forcrime and crimi naljustice very diredly.Making extensive use of materialfrom thereportsoftheTruthandReconciliationCommissi on(TRC),andthe workofi tsAmnestyCommitleein particularheexploresthe relationshipbetween crime and poli ticsbefore and after1994.He suggeststhatthatrelationship isof

criticalsignificancenotjustfortheretrospectiveprocessoftransitionaljusticewith whichtheTRC i tselfwascentrall y concerned,butalso,prospectivel y,forthefuture

ofcriminaljusticereform inthepost-apartheidera.Someofthe i ssuesidentified by simpson in hisdiscussionofthe nexusbetweencrimeand politicsaretaken up byAndréStanding inhischapteronorganisedcrime.ThemainpurposeofStanding's contribution isto questionthevalidi ty,inthe South Africancontext,ofa number ofkeyassumpti onsmadebywhatheidentifiesasa'mainstream'view oforgani sed crime.Inthe courseofthreedi scussionsaboutthe relationshipbetween organi sed crime and the state,the role of 'socialgangsterism' as a form of 'criminal governance',and theoverlap betweenorganisedcrimeandmore Iegitimate forms of economic adivity,Standing combines irsights drawn from the international and historical Iiterature wi th material collected in the course of his own empiricalresearch ongangsterism in poorneighbourhoodsontheCape Flatsnear CapeTown.

AntonyAltbeker'schapterongunpolicyin SouthAfri ca isaverydifferentpiece.An economistbytraining,Altbekersetsoutto testthe Iogicof,and empiricalbasisfor; tijhter gun control.Having picked hi s way through the relati vel y sparse local

IiteratureandsomeofthemajorNorthAmericanstudies,heconcludesthatthecase

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for controlling gun ownership more tightl yi s by no means overwhelming.A

preferenceforsucha policy(ori tsopposite)isasmucha matteroffaithasthe outcome ofa processofempiricalinvestigation and logicalthought.In the next chapteçanothernon-criminologist,thehistorianRoblkrrell ,considersmurderinthe contextoftheaboli tionofthedeathpenaltyin1995.Hebeginswi thDouglasHay' s

(1993)cl aim that,withatimeIagofagenerationortwc,adeclineinthestate'suse ofviolence ajainsti1scitizens,symbolised by the death penalty,willproduce a corresponding reduction in Ievelsofpopularorsocietalviolence.A cri ticalanal ysis ofthe statisticson murderand capi talpunishmentisfollowed by a discussion of someofthesoci aland Iegalconundrumsthrownup bythese'measurementsofthe

subject'.Turrellconcludeshischapterwiththethoughtthatthesocialbasi sfora decline in the remedialself-help killingofthe poorestbythepoorestso typicalof SquthAfricanmurderwillonlydisappearwhen inequali tynarrowssuhstanti all y. lnthenexttwochapters.authorsintimatel yacquaintedwi ththedevelnpmentofa democratic administrative criminol ogy o' ffercri ticalreflectionson the Iegislative reformsthathavebeen such afeatureofpost-apartheid reconstruction.First,Brian Stoutand CatherineWood revi ew themaininfluenceson,and prospectsfor;a new

IegislativeframeworkforchildjusticeinSouthAfrica.Theiranalysisisinformedin partby Wood's personalexperience of devising and implementing a di version programmeforchild sexoffendersintheWesternCape.Theyendtheirchapterwith an assessmentofthe obstaclesfacing the insti tutionalisation ofa rights-based

approachtochildjusticeinthecomingperiod,andhow tbeymigbtbeovercome.In chapter6,DeeSmytheand FennyParenzeereflectonadecadeoffeministactivism on domesticviol enceandthe programme ofIegalreformsthathave resul tedfrom i t.BlendinginternationalandIocalfeministscholarshipwithfindingsfrom theirown

researchontheimpactoftheDomesticViolenceAct(116of1998)onpcorfarmworkercommuni tiesin theWesternCape,Smytheand Farenzee suggestthat,f0ra variety ofreasons to do with the di fficulty oftranslating Iegislative intent into

effedive service deliveryandaccessiblejustice,Iegalreform aloneisunlikelyto resultingreatersecurityforthepoorestand mostvulnerablewomen. Thisemphasiscn strategiesofcrimecontrolcontinuesinthe I astthreechaptersof the book,beginning with chapter7,in which IIook atthe rise and fallof'soci al

crime preventioi'since the publication of South Africa's own Nati onalCrime Prevention Stralegy (NCFS) in 1996.Tbe cbapter considers how the bold commitmentto tackling the structuralrootsofcrime contained in the NCFS has faded in the face of a neo-liberal macro-economi c strategy and resurgent enthusiasm formoreconventionalmethodsofcrimecontrol.The underlyingthesis

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ofthechapteristhatcosmeticapproachestopreventinj crime asno morethan a blemish ontheskin ofanotherwisehealthysocietyareunlikelytosucceed asIong asthechronicsoci alillsofapartheid remain Iargelyuntreated.In chapter8,Elrena van der Spuy presents a cri ticalretrospedive on the development of'policing studies'in South Africa sincethe mid-1980s.Sheshows how the flourishing sub-

disciplineoftodaygrew otltofcpposi tiontothe dismalpseudo-scienceofthe Afrikanernationalistsafter1985 by recognising thatpolicing is (and was)an

ineluctablypoliticalenterpriseinwhichthestateand itsagentsarejoinedbya range of other pri vate,commercialand civiladors.Referring to an extensive Iiterature,sheidentifiesfour'waves'inthe'ccmingofage'ofSouthAfricanpolicing studiesand askswhetheritisnow sufficiently matureto make senseofpolicing, thoughsuppliedbya rangeofprivateand publicproducers,asapublicgood to be distributed i n accordancewith democraticprinciples.Theninthandfinalchapteris by Dirk van ZyISmit,who draws attention to the pressing problem of prison overcrowding,both asan affrontto basicstandardsofdecency enshrined in the South African Consti tution and as a potent threatto the emergence ofa new, inclusi vesocialorder.Afteroutlininjthe scaleofthecrisisinthecountry'sprisons, Van ZyISmitgoeson to sugçestwhymeasurestaken to defuse ithavefailed to makeanything morethanatemporaryimpad ontheseeminglyinexorable grcwth in the use of imprisonment.He then considers some technical solutions to overcrowding,before arjuing f0rthe adoption of a more 'principled approach', basedona recognitionoftheuniquesocialcostsofmassincarceration. In hisintroductiontothesecondvoltl m einthissomewhatsporadicseries,Dirkvan

ZyISmi t(1990:14)endedwithanexpressionofthe'ferventhope'ofitseditors thati twould'makeitscontribution towardsjusticein SouthAfrica'.Theeditors ofthisbookcando nomorethanexpressthemoremodestwishthattheseessays

may help in assessing the extentto which,14 yearslater ,justice has indeed beengained.

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Simpson,G.(2001)'Shocktroopsand bandits:Youthcrimeandpoli tics'i n J.Steinberg (ed.), Crime AJpe. 'The Jbt #à African Underworld Jn/ It s Foes.Johannesburg:W itwatersrand Uni versi tyFress.

Simpson,G.(2002)''TeIInoIies,cl aimmoeasyvidori es':Abri efevaluationofSouthAfrica'sTruth and Reconci liati onCommi ssi on'inD.Fosel& G.Simpson(edS),Commi ssioning thePast: Understandi ng South Africa' s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand Uni versi tyFress.

Simpson,G.& F.van ZyI(1995)'SouthAfri ca'sTruthand qeconcil iationCommission',Temps Moderne.no.585:394-407.

Simpson,G.& F.van2yI(1997)'Witch-huntorwhitewash?Frobl emsofjusticeintransi tionin South Afri ca.'Occasi onal paper.Johannesburg:Centre for the Study ofViolence and Reconcili ation.

Taylor ,R.(2001)jLstice oenied:PolitkalViolence dn fwazulu-NatalJflpr 1994.Violence in Transition Series, vol. 6. Johannesburj: Centre for the Study of Viol ence and Reconcili ation.

Taylor,R.(2002)' Justicedenied:Foli ticalviolenceinKwazulu-Natalaker1994',AfricanAf/a/ rs, 101;473-508.

Truth and Reconcil iation Commioion (2003) ïruth and Recorl ci liati on Commission ofSostb Afrka:A' ppor' r,vol.6,section 1:Reportofthe Arnnds! y Committee:publi shed onl ine at .

& c < $.1 -0

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0ut ofthe M ainstream ' . CriticalEeflections on Organised Crim e in the W estern Cape

ANDRI STANDING

1 .lNTR0DUCTl0 N ConcernaboutorganisedcrimeinSouthAfricagrew throughouttheIate1990s.Until then,i twasaphenomenonthathad attraded Iittleattentinnfrom ei therschol arsor Iaw enforcementagenci es.Butnow,rightly orwrongly,south Afri ca'stransition to democracyhasbecomeassociatedwithanexplosioninorgani sedcriminaladivity. Thisnew interestin organised crime in South Africa hasoccurred ata time when organisedcrimeingeneral,andtransnationalorganisedcrimeinparticular,hasbegun to receive increasing globalattention.Two IeadingWesternscholarsreportthat'the riseoftransnationalorganisedcrimeintheIastdecadesofthetwentiethcenturywas

asunexpededastheendoftheColdWar'(Williams&Vlassis,1998:1).Othershave describeditsgrowthas'athreattotheworldorder'(Shelley,1995:463)orasthe 'darksideofglobalisation'.'From theearly1990sonwards,thenumberofspeci alised Iaw enforcement agencies, regtilatory regimes,research institutes and scholarly studiesdealingwi thorganised crimebeganto grow exponenti all y.lntheyear2000, the GeneralAssembl y of the United Nations adopted a Convention against TransnationalOrganised Crimethathasbeen signed by more than 140 countries

aroundtheworl d.Al thoughglobalinterestinthethreatisnew,thevastmajorityof expec on crganised crime to emerge since the early 1990s share a commcn conceptualunderstandingoftheissuethathasi tsrootsinpost-WorldWar11America

(seeWoodiwiss,2001).Thisunderstandingcanbetermedthemainstream paradigm. 1.1 M ainstream Attounts Atthe heartofthis paradijm isa view oforganised crimeasa sinisterexternal enti tythathasa rationalstrudure and tends to involve members ofa minori ty

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cul ture.American scholars in the 1940s,1950s and 1960s were mesmerised by sensationalistdepictions ofan I talian-American mafi a and envisagedthe internal structure of organised criminal enterprises as being both bureaucratic and hierarchical, However from the 1960s onwards, primary research gradually weakenedthisview and bythe 1990sitwaswidelyaccepted thatmostorganised crime jroups were Iess orjani sed than had been assumed.Indeed,mainstream schol ars have used the fl exibility of such groups to explain how criminal organisationshave been abl e firstto network internationally and subsequentlyto operatetransnationall y. Al though the structuralunderstanding oforganised crime has evol ved in recent years,a constantthemeformainstream commentatorshasbeen fearofthesocial and economic impactoforganised crime- firstata nationalIeveland Iaterata global Ievel.The percei ved nature of this threat has Ied many ohservers to characteri seorganised crimeasasocietalvirus- an ali en entitythatthreatensthe health and stabili tyofits hostnation.Forexample,atthe opening ofthesigning conferencefcrtheConventionajainstTransnationalOrganised Crime inFalermo in December2000,theSecretarrGeneraloftheUni ted Nations,KofiAnnan,described organised criminals as among the forces of'unci vilsoci ety',undoing the 'good works'ofothersandthreateningthebenefi tsbroughttosomanypeoplearoundthe worldby'openborders freemarketsand technologicaladvances'.? In explaining the origins and rise oforganised crime,the mainstream paradigm relieson depicting itaspredatory and opportunistic.Inthisview,organised crime groups - often originating in developing countries- have pioneered markets in prohibited goodsand servicesby capitalising on weaknessesinthe strudure and

regulationoftheIegalbusinessworld(seeShelley,1999).Thus,popularaccountsof how transnationalorganised crimegrew so dramaticallyduring theIastdecadeof thetwentiethcenturyoftenpointtothesamefactorsthathaveenabledIegitimate businesses to expand,speed up and prosper- the information technology and telecommuni cations revolutions,greater ease oftraveland the deregulation of financi almarkets.Moreover,asthe barriers between nations erected during the Cold Warhave collapsed,the situation has been exacerbated,as transitional countries experiencing a crisis of authority are believed to have become internationalepicentresfororganised criminalacti vity.As one Uni ted StatesIaw enforcementajencyputit:

TheendoftheColdWarpresentsnew opportuni ti esforcriminals.Transparent nationalborders fewertrade restrictions, and truly globalfinancialand

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telecommunicati ons systems provide siçnificant opgortunities for crimi nal organisati onsto expand operationsbeyond nationalbcundaries.The çlobal reach ofOrganised crime makesitmore difficul tforindustrialised Countries and emerginj democraciesto detect,investijate and prosecute criminals. Crime grcupstakeadvantage ofemerging democracieswho SometimesIack the resources,lawsandskillstomeettheirchall enge.'

ThemetaphorofthesocietalvirusremainsmesmerisingforalmostallSouthAfrican commentatorson organised crime.Therefore.the rapid growth in organised crime after 1994 is commonl y explained in terms ofthe increased oppcrtuni ties fcr criminalenterprise afforded in part by South Africa's transition to democracy,

includingtheopeningupofthecountr/sborders,areductioninIaw enforcement activity and the growth in e#icientcommunicationsand banking.Those criminal operatorsthathavebeen themostsuccessfulatexploiting thisenvironmenthave tended to be foreign,and are believed to form partofinfamous transnational

groups,including Chinesetriads,Nigeriansyndicatesand Italian mafiosi(see,for example,Gastrow,1998, .Shaw,1999). Leadinjpoliticianssharethisview,asthe then-MinisterforSafetyandSecurity,thelateSteveTshwete(2001:10),madeclear whenhedescribedhow 'transnationalorganisedcrimehadextendedIi ' ts!tentacles intoSouthAfricaafterthecountry' sreturntothejlobalarena'. NotaIIIocalobserversare optimisticahoutthe abilityofthe new SouthAfrica to decrease,oreven contain,the threatoforganised crime.However mostshare a common view ofwhatneeds to be done.In Iine with internationalmainstream opinion, most South African commentators seem to believe that the correct responseto theexternalthreatoforganised crime involvesincreasing thepotency

ofthe criminaljustice system or to continue with the metaphorused by the mainstream,to stimulate societ/s anti -bodiesto fighttbe criminalvirus.The predatory,voraciousnatureoforganised crimemeansthati tmustbetackled.IfIaw enforcementcannotsuppressorcontain it,organised crime willseverel y threaten

thesecurityofentirecountries,ifnottheworld(Strange& Paoli,1996:121;Willi ams & Savona,1996:32).To achieve this,nationalIaw enforcementajencies,Iong thwarted by organised crime'sabilitytotranscend nationalborders,mustcombine andworktogetheron asimilarl ytransnationalIevel.' l tisbeyond the scope ofthischapterto attempta comprehensive critique ofthe mainstream paradijm on organi sed crime,since itisa paradigm thatisapplied around theworld,and therefore any seriousexamination ofitmustoperateata correspondingl y globalIevel.Instead ofattempting such ananal ysis,Iwillsuggest

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how someofitsbasicassumptionsmaybeinvalidintheSouthAfricancontext.W ith

thisobjectiveinmind,therestofthischaptersets0utto ini tiateamuch-needed discussion ofthree ofthese assumptions.The firstconcernsthe taken-for-granted relationship between organised crime and thestate.The mainstream assumesthis to be unambiguousbut,taking inspiration from more cri ticalstudies from other countries,Isuggestthatmembersofthe Sotlth African state have notonl y been directly involved in Iarge-scale organised crime,but have al sc colluded with prnminentcriminaloperators f0rmutualgains.Thisanal ysisunderminesthe oftheard storythatforeign-led organisedcrimeexplodedinthecountryaftertheonset of democracy.The second discussion continues by questioning the simple demonisation ofcrganised crime,and itisargued thatundercertain conditions, organised crime may,in the absence ofstate-sandioned alternatives,take on a socialaspectandprovideaform ofcriminalgovernance.Incertainareas,organised crime,ratherthansimplythreateningthestate,infad providesacruderesponseto the failings of socialsecuri ty and state authority.The context forthis second discussion isthearea known asthe Cape Flatsoutside CapeTown.Thisareaal so providesthebackdroptothethird and finaldiscussion,which raisesthe possihility thatthe gap between organised crime and more Iegitimate forms of economic activi ty may notbe aswideasmainstream commentators Iike to maintain.Since these Iasttwo discussionsare focused on the Cape Flats,a few wordsbywayof introduction to the area are necessary before Iturn to the three discussions themselves.

1.2 The Cape Flats CapeTownprovidesoneofthemostvi videxamplesofurbancrisisattributedtoIate

moderncapitalism (seeCastells,1998).Mouldedbythepoliciesofapartheidand maintainedbythedynamicsofamarketisedeconomy,itisa citycfstarkcontrasts and socialfragmentati on.The populati on of Cape Town is deeply polari sed: economicall y,sociall y,raciallyandspatiall y.Putsimpl y,thewhitepopulationsIivein a#luent,often cosmopolitan,areasatthefootofTable Mountain and around the

coastalfringe,whilethevastmajori tyoftheblackand'cnloured'populationIi vesin sprawling suburbsestablished asa resultofforced removal sduring the apartheid era.5Spread outacrossa wide coastalhinterland to the north-eastofthe Capeof Good Hope,i tstopography hasI edto theareabecoming knownastheCape Flats. Within the Cape Flats there is furlherracial,economic and spatialsegregation betweenthemorepopulous'col oured'neighbourhoodsandtheIessnumerous,but moredenselypopulated,Africantownships.W hilethestandardoflivingvariesboth from onesuburb ortownship to the next,one can jeneralise by saying thatthe Cape Flatsisa profoundly impoverished area.Forexample,a recentsurveyoftwo

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nei ghbourhoodsontheCapeFlatsrevealedtheunemploymentratetobeashijhas

46percent,risingto61percentforthoseundertheageof30(SouthAfricanLabour and DevelopmentResearchUnit,2000:78-90). 6Eventhosewhowerein regular employmentfaced Iow wagesand ? highlyflexible Iabourmarket.Thus,formany people on the Cape Flats,wage Iabourtends to be uncertain,intermi ttentand insuffici entlyrewarding.

The economic and soci almarginalityexperienced by so many ofi ts residentsare compoundedbythedejradation ofthesoci alinfrastrudureofthe Cape Flats.Here again,the Iegacy ofan apartheid regimethatchannelled the Iion'sshare ofstate funds into white areas is evident.Al though some progress has been made in redistributingweal thandextendingthereachcfkeyservicesand amenities,serious inequalitiesremain.So,forexample,arecentstudycfmunicipalservicedeliveryby

the(now-abolished)CityofCapelbwnfoundthatthemunicipali tyspentmorethan tentimesasmuchon refusecollection intheoverwhelmingl ywhite,and relatively prosperous suburb of Durbanville as in the black,and generally impoverished, townshipofKhayelitsha.'

I tisagainstthisbackgroundthatmanyofthesocialfeaturesofotherurbanghettos aroundtheworld havealsoemergedontheCapeFl ats.'Mostnotableamongthese are high IevelsofiIIhealth,stress drug dependenty famil yfrajmentation,school truancyand violentinterpersonalconflid involving knivesand guns.Asfarasthe Iast of these multi pl e problems is concerned,tbe pidure is especiall y bleak.

Considerforexample,thattheofficialhomicide ratefortheWestern Cape (the province in whi chthe Cape Flatsand the restofthegreaterCapeTown area are

Iocated)in1999-2000was91per100000pe0ple,gwhileintbefirstfivemonthsof 2001 alone,no fewerthan 103 people were reported dead in the course of an upsurgeofgangviolenceontheCapeFlaa 'oThen,inMay2002,anongoing gang figbt claimed the Iives of 37 gang members.''And finally,in March 2003,stray bulletsfrom separate gang fights hitsix children,five ofwhom died from their

injuries.''Thee' ffeclsofviolence onthesocialfabricoftheseareasisevidentin placesIike Manenberg,a communityofsome6000 peoplewherethe Iocalschool is surrounded by an eledricfence,while barbed wire and bullet-proofwindows proted thefew otherpublicbuildi ngsthatremain i n use.With viol enceso mucha partoftheireveryday lives,itishardlysurprising thatresearcbbythe Department ofPsycholojy atthe UniversityofCapeTown hasfoundthatmanychildrenonthe Cape Flats di splay symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder brougàt on by excessi ve exposure to violence direded eitheragainstthemselves ortheiifriends

andrelatives(VanderMerwe& Dawes2000, .Seedateld/.,2000).

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lnadditiontohighlevelsofviolence,theCapeFlatsisal sowellknownfororganised crime.Indeed,illicitincome-generatingactivities,suchasprostitutionanddealing in drugs,armsandstolen property,arean importantsedorin theIocaleconomy.The organisation and controlofthi s criminaleconomy ispopularl y attributed to the

area'smanynow-notorious,streetgangs(Leggett 2002, 'Kinnes,2000).However the relationship between these gangs and the criminal economy is Iess

straightforwardthanisoftenassumed(Standing,2003a:2-6).Thestructureofthe criminaleconomy is'very complex and best understood as a series ofcriminal domains,each consisting ofa hierarchy headed by a Single,powedulindividualoften referred to asthe'gang Ieader'or'drug merchant'.Thiscriminalelite- onl y some ofwhom are in fact members of gangs- controlthe distribution of key commodities such asdrugs,alcoholand firearms.Asa resultofthese acti vities, many have become exceedingly wealthy and are widel y rumoured to be mul timillionaires.Their criminalbusi ness networks make use of street gangs whose members are both the distributors and key consumers ofthe commodities they provide.Throughthese associations,gangsmaybecome Ioyalto a particularIocal Ieaderordrug merchantand providehim'?witha I argepoolofarmed support.

2 .ANATHEM A 0R ALLY? ORGAN1SED CRIM E AND THE STATE

WiththisbriefsketchofIife(anddeath)ontheCapeFlatscompleted,I etusturn now to the firstofthe three key assumptions behind mainstream accounts of organised crime.Inorderto expl aintherapidriseoforganised crimeintheIastfew decades those adhering to what Ihave called the mainstream paradigm have pointed toa cleardivisionbetween organised crime and so-called civilised society. W hile technological, economic and social progress has provided increased opportunitiesfororgani sed crime,itsrelationship wi ththestate ispredatoryand parasitic.In effect,the state isseen ascoming undersustained assaultfrom the nefariousadiviti esofaliencriminalgroups.

Incontrastto thisimage,researchby I essmainstream scholarshassuggested that atIeastin somecountries,the relationshipbetweenorjanisedcrimeandthe state hasbeen much Iessstraightforward.A good example oftheambiguousnature of

thi srelationshipispresentedbyPatriciaRawlinson(1997),inherhistoryofcrime before and after the collapse of the soviet Union.Using what she calls the

'chameleon syndrome'as a model,Rawlinson (1997:29-32)arguesthatthe relationshipbetweenorganised crimeand Iejitimatestructureswentthrough four stajes- readive,passi ve assimilative,active assimilativeand proactive- each of wàich representsadi#erentfcrm ofinteradionhetweentàem.Thisisnotthe place

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to rehearseeitherRawlinson'sargumentortheevidenceSheusestosupportitbut the essence of her case is that,farfrom emerjing from 1991 onwards much organised crimein thepost-sovietera represented no more than the continuation ofestablished criminalrelationshipscondoned,i f notactually instigated,by the Sovietstate.Indeed,suchwasthescaleofcorruptionand cronyism during the I ate Sovietera from the Brezhnev presidency onwardsthatseveralRussian observers have accused the entire Soviet system of operating as one vast mafia-style

orjanisation(Vaksberg,1991).Otherscholarshavealsodoubtedthattherewasa massi ve quantitative jrowth in organi sed crime after the fallof communism,

suggesting thatnotonlywasthe chanje a qualitativeone (theemergence of 'dis-organised crime'(Lei tzel,1995:42) butalso that,after 1991,organised crime became more visible ratherthan morewidespread,due to a change in the

fotus of Iaw enforcement and greater media freedom (Handelman, 1995, .Baeckman,1998).

Similarly,in hishistory ofAmerican Organised crime,MichaelWoodiwiss(2001) describes h0w orthodoxviews ofthe phenomenon haveconvenientl y overlooked the regularinvolvementofpoli ticians,prominentbusinessmen and Ieading figures

in the criminaljustice system.Woodiwi ss arguesthatthe demonic image of

Q.

organi sed crime was manufactured from the early 1930sonwardsasspecialised

K /#cJ 1900-1948. Westpor ' t:Heinemann.

VanNi ekerk,B.(1969,1970)'...Hangedbythe neckuntilyou aredead',SovthAfricanlaky qournal,86:457-75, .87:60-75.

VanZyISmi t D.(1982)'Judicialdiscretionandthesentenceofdeathformurder',SouthAfrican Law A/ prr?al99:87-98van2yISmi t,D.& N.I sakow (1986)'Thedecisi ononhow toplead:A studyofpleanegotiati on in Supreme Coul 'tcriminalmatters',SoutbA/r/canjovmaloflakvand Cri minology.10: 3-20.

Wilson,F.(2001)'Empl oyment,educati on,andtheeconcmy'in Sout h Africa s' t /rvey 2001/2. Johannesburg:SouthAfricanlnsti tuteofRaceRelations.

wil son,R.(2001)ThePoliticsofTruthandJ/E>ct ?rpc//t ar/ () ' r?/ ' nSouthAfrka:Legiti mi si ng thePostxparlàa' dState.Cambri dge:CambridgeUni versityFress.

Wil son,W.(1998)Cri mi nalLaw:Pocrr/ r?:and Fôp/fy.London:Lonçman, zehr H,(1976) Cri me and the nevelopmentofModern Sociel y.Jbrlprrs ofCriminal it y/ r) Nineteenth-centuryGermanyand France.London:Croome Helm.

Table of Cases ExParredieMi ni stervanlustisie:InRe. $yUJnFyl'1967(1)SA 488(A). .$ 'k/Eadie(1)2O01(1)SACR172(C).

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Sy'Goliath1972(3)SA 1(A). .5 '1 /Govender2001(4)SA 273(SCA). $'ytehnbergen ' nAnder1975(4)SA 553(A). SyMakwanyaneandAnother1995(6)8CLq665(CC). J'yMandela2001(1)AIISA441(C). Sk ,WaltersandAnother2002(4)SA 613(CC);2002(7)8CLi663(CC). .

Notes * Thanksto 8iIIDixonforpl aying an excell entwaitinggame. Iuse'murder'inthecontemporarySouthAfrican Foli ceSewi cecrimeanalysisterminologyto meanhomi cide,i. e.bothmurderand culpablehomicide. Theconceptofa crime againsthumani tywa5coined atthe Nuremberjtri als,where i twas establi shed in internationalIaw thatboth I eadersand followers coul d be hel d indi vidually responsibl efora crime ofunimajinablebarbari ty I iketheHol ocaust,withoutbeing ableto relyon Stateimmunityorthedefenceoffoll owing sugeriororders. 3 Overthe 80 yearsbetween 1910 andthe l astState execution in 1989,over200 blackmen

wereexecutedfortherapeofwhi tewomen(Turrell,forthcoming,chap.1). Theexecutivesummaryofthereportontheyear2001readsinpart:'Thefirstreportcovered

1Januaryto31December1999anddescribedthe14,897injuri esthatwereregisteredatten mortuari esinfiveprovi nces.Thesecondreportdescribedthe18876fatali njuriesthatwere registered atfifteen mortuaries i n the Same fi ve provinces in 2000.This reportcovers 1

Januaryto 31December2001,duringwhi ch 25 361fatalinjuri eswereregisteredat32 mortuari esinsixprovi nces.AlthoughthedatawereIargelyLiased towardsurbanareas,data from 14 Mpumalanga mortuariesservingmainl yruralareaswere includedinthe NIMSSdata setforthefi rsttime i n 2001.Intheabsenceofaccurateandrel iabl erouti nel ycol lecteddata, currentestimatesforthe nati onalnumberofdeathsthatoccurdue to non-naturalcauses rangefrom 6893Oto 80 OOO perannum....Therefore,thedatacollectedby NIMSSin 2001 accounted forbetween 32 and37 ;ercentofaIlnon-naturalmortality.The NIMSSaimsto

progressi velyexpandi tsgeographicalandcasecoverageuntilaIIinjurydeathsareincluded in whatisintended to be an ongoinj system forthe epidemiologi calsurveillance offatal

injuries'(MedicalResearchCounci l,2002:3). Thisi ssue i sdiscussed atgreaterIength I aterinthethird secti onofthischapter. Census2001reveal sthat25.8 milionpeopl eI iveinurbanareasand 19 milli oninruralareas

(Stati sticsSouthAfrica,20O3a). Accordingto the2001census,thesefourprovi nceshad a populati onof29. 2 million,outof atotalpopulati onof44.8 million. TheseareAjri-sA fi gures. 8ytheendof2002,theLandCommissionhatsettled36279ofthetotal68878restitution

cl aims Icdged,wi th a totalof85 O05 households benefiting from the process ('Land

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restituti on',BusinessPag 3February2003).Sofar,R1.2billi oninfi nancialcompensaticnhas beenpai dcut,mainlyonclaimsonurbanI and.8ycomparison,onl y8431mi llionhaSbeen spenton purchasi ngIand from privateIandowners. 10 'MurderintheMi dl ands',Sunday Times,1September2002. 11 'RuralSA sti lla dumpingground oftheunwanted',BuskessPJy;29August2002. 12 Ibid. 13 ' Thesil encesthatnouri shAIDSinAfrica',Mail& Guardian,11August2000. 14 Concernoverthewi dep readabuseofwomenbymenledtothepassageofthreecritical' piecesofIegislation:the Frevention ofFamilyViolenceAd 133 of1993, .its successor ,the DomesticVi olenceAct116of1998, .andtheCriminalLaw AmendmentAct105of1997.Fnr furtherdiscussion ofthe i mpactofthesefirsttwo piecesofIegislation,see Smgheand

Farenzee(thisvol ume). 15 Forexampl e,the CentrefortheStudycfVi ol enceand Reconcili ationwaSasked bythe Law

Commi ssion'sSentenci ng Frojed to investigate andcostavi dims'compensati onscheme (SouthAfri canLaw Commission,2001).Thecentre' sestimate,onthebasi sofananalysi sof docketsata coupleofpoli cestati onsinJohannesburg,wasthathalfofthe 24 OO0 victims murderedin 2001had no Spouseorhadonl ymi nordependants.Thisassumpti onwasbased on thefac thatmostmurdervictimsareapparentl yyoung unmarri ed males.

16 MrJusticeDi emont(1995:185-96)discussesJ'/Lebnbergen ' nAnder(1975)indetai lin hi5 reminiscences. He sentenced Lehnberg to death and di d not find extenuating ci rcumstances,butthe Appell ate Di vision reversed his sentence and the Iegalreasoning puzzl ed Diemont.Instead cffindinç amitigating circumstanceinhercomparative youth,the ApiealCourtdecided thatthe prosecution in the tri alcour' thad notproved her'inherent wickedness'.As Di emcnt put i t,this waS 'new law'.How coul d the prosecuti on grove 'i nherentwickedness'?Whatwas'inherentwickedness'otherthandeli berati onand planninç andwieldingthe murderweagon? She sewedonl yei ghtyearsbeforebeing rel eased on parol e. 17 This positi on was Subseçuentl y reaffirmed by the Constituti onalCour ' tin . $'y WaltersJrl/

Another(2002). 18 'Released sabei le happytc begoinâhome',star.29Apri l2002.

19 'CentraltoSubjectivefaultisanagent' sawareneo ofdoingwrong.Objecivefaultinheresin aperson'sunreasonabl efailuretoconform toruleswhetherknowingornot'(Wi lson,1998: 119).

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Child Justice and @

*

T&lO O : W illChildren's Rights Outlastthe -

- ? 8 FlIA N STO UT A N D CAT HE8IN E W 0 O D *

5 . IN TRO D U CTIO N

Thischapterwilltakeacri ticalIookatdevelopmentsinchil djusticeinSouthAfrica duringthepost-l994period.ItwillthengoontoconsiderthechallengesthatSouth

Africafacesinthefutureofchildjustice.Thefirstsectionofthechapterusesthe progressoftheChildJusticeBill(hereafterreferredtoas'theBiII')currentlybefore Parliamentto illustratethedevelopmentofthinkingonchildjusticeoverthe Iast nineyears.'We willbriefly describe thebackground to thedraûing ofthe Bilsand the main internationaland domesticinfluences on it.We willthen focuson two aspectsofthe Bill- i tsemphasisondiversionandtheroleofaprofessionalelitein itsdesign- to highlighti tsdistinctivel ySouthAfricannature andtheopportunities it provides for a flexi ble response to children who have committed criminal o' ffences.? Following on from this generalanal ysi s ofdevelopments in South Afri can chil d

justice,the speci ficexample ofthe South Afri can Young Sex O#enders Project (SAYROP)willbe considered.In much the Same way as consideration ofthe Billisused to illuminate recentdevelopmentsin SouthAfrican childjustice,the example ofSAYROPwillbe usedto identifysomechallengesforthefuture, since

the project raises criticalquesti ons ahout the consequences ofdesign and implementation decisionstakento actommodate Iocalrealities.In doing this, the authorswilldraw onthe workofDavid Garland and Stan Cohen in anattemptto explore the predi camentthe South African state faces in responding to its child crime problem.The chapterconcludeswithan assessmentofwhetherthecurrent emphasis on children' s rights is Iikel y to outlast the immediate post-1994 transitionalperiod.

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2 .CHILD JUSTlCE lN TRA NSlTlO N:D8A FTlNG THE BILL The Billwill be the first piece of Iegislation in the country' s history to deal comprehensi vel y with the management of child offenders,and the process of

drafting i thasbeenthecentraldevelopmentinchildjusticeinSouthAfricasince 1994.During the apartheid era,SouthAfrica dealtwith children who committed offencesei therby applying adul tIegislaticn orbythe useofcorporalpunishment

(Sloth-Nielsen,1999a).Childrenwere,byand Iarge,subjed tothesamecriminal justicesystem asadults(Terblanche,1999)andthosedirectlyresponsiblefordealing with children accused ofcommitting offences had to referto no fewerthan four

separate statutes to find the relevantIegislation.As Koch and Wood (2001) emphasise,thevariouspiecesofIegislati onrelatingtochil doffendersalso refleded a variety ofdifferentpenalphilosophies.Overall,the situation Iacked coherence, clarityand consistency.

TheabsenceofdiscretechildjusticeIegi slation underapartheid resul ted in Iarge numbersofchildrenbeingsubjectedtooppressi vepracticesandinhumanetreatment b0thinprisonsandbyothercriminaljusticestrudures.Thesituationwasregularl y criticised from insideSouthAfrica and by internationalmoni toring bodies.From the 1980sonwards- and with growing intensi tyin the early 1990s- indi vidual s and

K L.>

organisations concerned about the treatment of children in the justice and correctionalsystemscame togetherto campaign forthe release ofchildren from prisonand tostressthe i m portance ofdraftingIegisl ationto createa separatechild

justicesystem (Sloth-Nielsen,1999a). 3Thisexperiencehelpedtocreate a strong culture ofcollective working to ensure childjusticereform thatjuaranteed the protedionofchildren'srights.Butitwasonl ywith SouthAfrica'sreadmissionto the internationalcommunitythatthisadvocacyworkwasbroughttofruition. In 1995,SouthAfrica rati fied the Uni ted NationsConvention on the Rightsofthe

Child(UNCRC),whichobligedthenew jovernmenttodevelopseparatechildjustice Iegislation,and introduceda conception ofchil dren'srightsentirel y ali entotheoI d apartheid dispensation.Then,ayearIaterSouthAfricaadopteda new consti tution

(ConstitutionofSouthAfricaAd 108of1996),whichprovidedforspecialrightsfor children.Sincethe existing Ieji sl ation dealingwith childrenaccusedofcommitting offenceshad notbeendraftedwiththeserijhtsin mind,these developmentsinthe mid-l990s provided the impetus to commence the process of drafting a comprehensi veChildJusticeBilland greatl y influencedtheform andcontentofthe legislation thatwaseventually proposed.Againstthisbackground,the Mini sterof

JusticeestablishedaJuvenileJusticeFrojed CommitteeinDecember1996forthe

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purposeofdrafting new Iegislation.Atthe time ofi tsappointment the Projed Committeewasmade up entirel y ofindividualsand organisationsthathad been at

the forefront ofearli eradvocacy campaigns(Sloth-Nielsen,1999a).The Projed Committeetookitstaskextremelyseriouslyanddul ycompl eteditswort releasinj a reportcontaininga draft8iIIonlysomethree-and-a-halfyearsIaterkinJuly2000. The nextsedionwilloutlinethemain influenceson this8ilIintheshapeofSouth Africa' snew democraticConsti tutionand principlesderived from internationalIaw,

African jurisprudence and restorative justice.We willthen go on to consi der diversion as one ofthe key design features ofthe Bill,and the role ofa Iiberal professionaleliteindrafting it.

2.1 ConstitutionalInfluentes Children'srightsareprovi dedforundersedion28 ofthe1996 ConstitutionofSouth

Africa.Whilesubsedion28(1)oftheConsti tutionsetsoutanumberofsubstanti ve rightsforaIIchildren,thegeneralprinciple governinj theirtreatmentissetoutin

subsedion 28(2),whi ch statesthat'Ea)child'shestinterestsare ofparamount importance ineverymatterconcerningthechild'.'Amongtheri ghtsspecified under

suhsedion28(1)aretherijht'nottobedetainedexceptasameasureofIastresort' (the'Iastresortprinciple')andthen'onlyfortheshortestappropriateperi odoftime' (the'shortesttimeperiodprinciple'l.sInaddi tiontothis,subsedion28(1)(. g)goes ontostatethat,whereachildisdetained,he/shehastherightto beheldseparatel y from personsoverthe age of18 and treated in a mannerthattakesaccountof

his/herage.6Supportersofarights-basedapproachtochildjusticeinSouthAfrica saw the incorporation of section 28 in the Consti tution as a majorvidory (Skelton,1996).However they were soon to be disappointed,asthe pradical effectsofthisvictoryprovedshcrt-lived.Largenumbersofchildren- b0thsentenced and unsentenced- continuetc behel d inprisonsandotherresi dentialfacilitiesto

thisday(Sloth-Nielsen& Muntingh,2001).7TheBillsetsouttoredressthissituation

by reaffirming two of the principles outlined in subsedion 28(1)/) of the Constitution.Thtls,itprovi des-in accordancewiththe'Iastresortprinciple'referred to earlier- thatpresi ding offi cersmay onl y orderthe detention ofa child after considering alternativesand arriving attheconclusion thatthechild should notbe released.sAndi talsoseekstoensure- inIinewiththe'shortesttimepericdprinciple' thataIItrialsofaccusedchildrenshouldbeconcluded asspeedil yaspossibl e'

2.2 InternationalInfluentes IfSouthAfrica'snew Constituti onwasthe main domesticinfluence on the Bill,a wide range ofinternationalinstrumentsalso played akeypartinthedevelopment

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ofproposalsforamorehumanesystem ofchildjustice.So,forexample,theJuvenile Justice Project Committee explicitly referred to a number of international instruments in formulating theirrecommendationsforchange.Among the most importantofthese arethe 1989 United NationsConvention on the Rightsofthe

Child (UNCRC),the 1985 United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the AdministrationofJuvenileJustice(knownastheBeijingRules),theUni tedNations Guidelines forthe Prevention ofJuvenile Delinquency (known as the Ri yadh Guidelines)andtheUni tedNationsqulesfortheProtectionofJuvenilesDeprivedof TheirLiberty(knownastheJDLs),b0thadoptedin1990,aswellasthe1990African Charteronthe RightsandWelfare oftheChil d. suttheinfluenceoftheinternationalcommunitydoesnotend there,forthe South

African child justice system isstillsuàjectto regularcritici sm by international monitoring bodies.Recentexamplesofthisincludeconcernsexpressed inJanuary 2000 by the United Nations Committee on the Rights ofthe Child aboutthe

continueddetentionofchildreninadultdetentioncentres(Sewpaul,2000),anda Human RightsWatch World#eporlissuedin2001,whicbcriticisedovercrowdingin CapeTown'sPollsmoorFrison.W hatisstrikinj aboutthesecriticismsisnotthatthey are made,butthattheyaretakenso seriousl y in SouthAfrica.ln thesamereport,

HumanRightsWatchwasstridentinitscriticism ofthechildjusticesystem inthe Uni tedStates,particularl ywithregardtothosejurisdidionswhereitisstillIegalto executechildren.Yetstricturesappeartohavehad Iittleinfluenceonpublicopinion orIegislationinthe US.InSouthAfrica,onthe otherhand,thereseemsto beIi ttle oppositiontotheview thatthestandardsIaid downbyinternationalbodiesshould be complied with,even when they prove difficultto adhere to in practice.One striking exampleoftheeagernesswi thwhichSouthAfri ca has 'soughttofollow the preceptsofinternationalbestpracticeisintheconsiderableeffortsmadetoconsult childrenonthe drafting oftheChild JusticeBillitselfinaccordancewithArticle12

oftheUNCRC (CommunityLaw Centre,1999;Ehlers,1999, .2002).

2.3 The Afritan Context Anotherimpofantfactorin understanding the background to South Africa's new

approachtochildjusticearethereformsthathavebeenintroducedinanumbernf otherAfrican countriesin recentyears.AIIAfricanstateshave ratified the UNCRC, andtheconventionhasgivenmucà-needed impetustoa re-examinationofthe Iaw

relating to chil dren in severalothercountriesacrosssub-saharanAfrica (SIothNielsen&VanHeerden,1997).10Uganda,MalawiandNamibiaareaIlexamplesof countrieswherechildjusticereform hasIedtoanincreaseduseofdi version(Fenal Reform International,2000a;2000b;2000c).Like South Africa,many ofthese

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countrieshave had to repealIegislation i nheri ted from formerregimes,and then makeuseofprinciplesderivedfrom theUNCRC andotherinternationalinstruments toinform thedesignofnep Iegislationthatrespedstherightsofchildren,butalso takesacccuntofa socialcontextwherethe notion offamily hastobe broadened outbeyondthatoftheWestern 'nuclear'familytoincludean extended networkof relations.

2.4 Restoralive Justite Skelton(2002)describeshow thecreationofademocraticSouthAfricanstateand the campaign fornew child justi ce Iegislation has coinci ded with the growing worldwidepopularityofrestorativejustice.Shearguesthatthi shasallowed the principlesofrestorativejusticetobecomeembeddedinSouthAfricanchildjustice policy.Asaresul t,theintroductionoftheBillwillseeSouthAfricajointhesmall,but expandinj,group ofcountriesthathavecodi fi edrestorativejusticein I egislation. Indeed,the 8iIIgoes furtherthan the corresponding Iegislation in most other

jurisdictionsinthatitprovidesforarestorati veapproachtobetakenatoneof' two points:ei therasa meansofdiverting a child from the criminaljustice process altogetheratthe pre-trialstage;or,afterconviction,as an alternati ve to a more conventi onal,and typicallycustodial,sentence.

Butwhatdoesacommitmenttorestorativejusticeimplyinpradice,andwbydoes ithavesuch resonance inSouthAfrica?Thefirstthing to be said isthatrestorati ve

justicehascometomeandifferentthingsindifferentcontexts.Atitssimplestthe term isusedto descrihea responsetocrimethatgoesbeyondmerelypunishingthe

offender(Johnstone,2002).8uttheBillgoesfurtherthanthisbydefiningrestorative justiceas' thepromotionofreconciliation,restitutionandresponsibilitythroughthe involvement of a child, the child's parents, family members, victims and

communities'(SouthAfricanLaw Commission,2002:8).

Thecurrentpopularityofrestorati vejusticeinSouthAfrica,asinotherpartsofthe world,can be attributed to the centralrole that itgives to the victim,and its apparentabilitytoreproducetraditionalapproachestndisputeresolutionaAlthough

thereare othercompeting,accountsof'tradi tional'Africanjusticethatseekto recapture a much more puniti ve, even vengeful,traditionrll the popularity of

restorati vejusticeinSouthAfricaowesmuchtotheuncomfortablycloseassociation L3

between the retributivism of Western Iegal systems and the brutalities of colonialism and aparthei d.Moreover,itsproponentshavealsosoughttoemphasise

the similari ties between contemporary notions of restorative justice and the .D

distinctivelyAfricanapprcachtcresolving disputessummed upbyAllotIongbefore

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thecurrentvogueforrestorativejusticespread tosotl thAfricafrom Australasia, NorthAmericaand Europe:' AttheheartofAfricanadjudicationliesthenotionof reconciliation,ofrestorationofharmony.Thejobofacourtoranarbi terisIessto findthefads,statethe ruleofIaw andapplythem to thefadsthanto setrighta

wrcnginsuchawayastorestoreharmony'(AlIott 1977:21). The Billseeksto makethe Iink betweenthissel f-consciouslyAfricantradition and

contemporarynoticnsofrestorativejusticeLyadcptingthepromoti onofubuntuas one ofits objectives.The notion ofubuntu is somewhatproblematic in itself (Enjlish,1997;Wilson,2001),butthedefinitionprovidedinaWhitePagerpublished àytheDepartmentofWelfare(1997:4)suggestswhytheauthorsoftheBillwisàto useittoestablish thisconnection:'Each indi vidual'shumanity i sideall y expressed throughhisorherrelationship with othersand theirsinturnthrough arecogniticn ofthe individual'shumanity.Ubuntumeansthatpeopleare peoplethrough other People'.

In practice,howeveritisby nn meanscertainthatajustice system based ona traditi onalAfri can approach and consistent with the notion of ubuntu would necessarily be eithertruly restorati ve or genuinely protedive of the rigbts of children,as stlpporters ofthe Child Justice Billhave suggested.Norwould the

establishmentofa restorative child justice system havea wi derimpad on the treatmentofvictimsofcrimeunlessproperattentionisji ven toextendingservices

tothem (Stout,2003a)andensuringthatthebenefitsofarestorativeapproachfor victimsarenotdependentontheageoftheoffender.

2.5 Diversion Acentralnbjediveoftheproposedchildjusticesystem istoencouragethediversion of young offenders away from formalccurtprocedures.Fi gure 5.1 provides a diajrammaticdescription oftheproceduresbeingproposedto achievethis. The moststriking and signi ficantinnovation in the Billisthe introduction of a

preliminaryinquiry.Indeed,asGallinetti(2002:27)hasargued,amendmentsmade to thefinaldraftofthe Billpresented to Parliamentmake 'thepreliminaryinquiry

thecentralanddefiningfeatureofthenew childjusticesystem'.Theinquiryisa compulsory procedure presided overbya desijnated districtcourtmagistrateand shoul d be held within 48 hours ofa child's arrest and priorto his/herplea.I t providesan importantnew - and early- opportuni tyforascertainingwhetheran

accused child can be diverted from the criminaljustice system and allowsfor familiesto participate inthe crucialearly stagesofthe process.Othermeasuresin

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Figure 5.1:ChildJustice Bill:Froposed Frocedures '

0h

Child arrestedby police

rs

Issuean informal warning

Child referredto probationofficer forassessment

Preliminary inqtliry

48 hr

Isdiversionappropriate forthischild?

Yes- Diversionoptions:

Level1

Level2

'

Level3

other'

(ifchild> 14)

optionts)

Ora/apology

Variousorders

Formal caution

(' . ?-->6mths) ...

variousorders (6mths. -AJ .

...

FGC orV-0

,.,

mediation

Includessome orderswitha

1;?() Variousorders .

(-.+3mths)

No

Notin child's

gestintereststo takeanyaction Transferto

residential

R

cjjjjr:rjzsccurt

element

inquiry

.

72' ...

.

Sentence

Pre-sentencereport

'

j) ..

't ('

r .

* Communitrhased sentence; i tence.

. Restorativejustcesen

.

..

* Sentence involving correctionalsupervision; @ Sentencewithacompulsoryresidenti alrequirement;

7 J3

@ ReferraItoresidentialfacility;

. '

'2-

l

. Referraltoprison;

1

@ Fines;and/or @ PostponementorSuspension.

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Trial

prosecution

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the Billdesigned to encouragediversion,whileprotecting thehumanrightsofthe child,includeaprovisionthatthechild' sccnsentmustbeobtained beforediversion takespl aceandaprohibitiononthepublichumiliati onofchildren.The8iIIdoesnot limitthe use ofdiversion by prescribing that certain classes ofrepeat offender and/orthoseaccused ofseriousoffencesmustbedeal twi th withinthetraditional

criminaljusticesystem.Rather,itisstated thattheappropriatenessofdiversion shouldbedecidedintheround,takingintoccnsiderationboththecircumstancesof

thechildandthe interestsofsociev Theoptionsavailableonceadecisiontodivert hasbeentakenoperateatthreeIevel s,dependingontheseriousnessoftheoffence.

Thedurationoftheorder(uptothreemonths,threetosixmonthsandmorethan si xmonths)andthenatureofitsrequirements(oralapology,acceptanceofaformal caution,orparticipation in family group conferencing (FGC)orvidi m-offender mediation (V-0M))allcw foran indivi dualisedresponseto be madetoa child's problems while simultaneously providing f0r that response to be roughly

proportionaltotheseriousnessoftheoffenceofwhichhe/sheisaccused (SlothNielsen,1999b). David Garland' s(2001:117)vi ew oftheincreased useofdi version intheUni ted Kingdom andthe Uni ted StatesofAmericaisthatitispartofa processofdefining deviancedown.Unabletocopewiththevolumeofminoro#encescomingto police attention,governments in these industrialised nati ons have soughtto exclude certaincrimescommittedbychildren- suchasdrug possessionandfirst-timetheft

ofknces-from theamhitofthecriminaljusticesystem.Thishasbeendonemore forreasonsofcostand manageriale#iciencythanasaresultofany jreatshiftin

penologicalthinking(Garland,2001:118, .andcf.Scull,1977).Themotivationbehind childjusticereform andthepromotionofdiversioninSouthAfricaisratherdiperent andmorecomplex.Broadl yspeaking,itisjustoneofseveralaspectsofsocialpolicy affected by South Africa's new democraticgovernment's attemptsto balance i ts aspirationsto createarights-based societywi thitscapaci tyto achievethem.There canbeIittledoubtthatthecostsavingsofdiversion havebeenanimportantfactor

inthecampaigntoincreasei tsuse.Barberton(2000)hasshownhow theincreased useofdi versionwillresultinsubstantialsavings:extra costsin personneland the

developmentofinterventionprogrammesoutsidethecriminaljusticesystem willbe morethanoutweighed bysavingsgenerated bya reductionintheuseofplacesof safety and otherformsofcustody forchildren.So,forexample,Barberton etaI.

(1999)have estimatedthat,foll owingtheenactmentand implementationofthe Bill,approximately72000children(crover50percentofthosearrested)shouldbe diverted orreceive alternati ve,non-custodialsentences.This contrasts with the currentsituation wheresuch optionsareonl y used for27600 children,or20 per

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cent of the total arrested.The relati vel y inexpensive nature of the proposed diversion optionswillbe particularly importantin the notoriously under-resourced ruralareas,wherealternativescurrentlydonotexist.8ut,havingsaidthis,i twould be qui tewrongto seethemovetowardsdiversion refleded inthe Billsimplyasa cost-cuttingmeasure.TheUNCEC endorsesthedesirabilityofdiversion asameans

of preserving children's rijhts,while PenalReform International(2000d) has identified the increasinj use ofdiversion as one often key methods ofreducing

violenceagainstchil dreninthecriminaljusticesystem.Therelati veaffordabili tyof diversion must therefore be seen as complementing rather than displacing argumentsaboutthebenefitsofdi versi onf0rchildrenandtheneedforSouthAfrica to meetitsobligationsunderinternationalIaw

2.6 The Role ofa ProfessionalElite DavidGarland' s(2001)analysisofrecentdevelopmentsintheUKandUSAisSimilarly thought-provoking when i t comes to the role ofprofessionalelites in changing strategiesofcrimecontrol.Hi scontention i sthatan orientation based on whathe

callspenal-welfarism wasdomi nantformuchofthetwentiethcenturyandenjoyed widesupportbothamongkeyprofessional sworkinginthecriminaljusticeandpenal systems,and morebroadlyamcngaIiberalmiddle-classelite(Garland,2001:148). Yethe goesonto sujgestthatpenal-welfarism declined in popularityoverthe l ast

quarterofthecentuly tobereplaced- firstintheU% butnow,increasingl y,intheUK aswell- bya morepopularand punitivestrategyofpenalsejregation.0ne ofthe reasonsforthi sshiftisageneraldecline intheinfluenceofthe professionalmiddle cl assesand agrowing tendencytoprizetheviewsofthepublicatIargemore hijhl y thanthosewith anyclaim to professionalexpertise.Allied to thisisachanje inthe experience andopinionsofmembersofthe middleclassthemselves.The increased frajmentation oftheirIivesand thelonger-term effedsofdefining deviance down hasbroughtaboutasigni ficantchangeinthemiddle-classexperienceofcrimeanda muchgreatersenseofvulnerability.Risingcrimerateshaveceasedtobeastatistical abstradionandhavetakenonavi vidperscnalmeaninginpopularconsciousnessand individualpsychology.Feoplecondemn ratherthan understand.As concernsabout crime become more immediate and more powedul,the prosped ofreintejrating offendersseems Iessrealisticand Iessmcrally compelling.And theappealofmore punitive, exclusionary strategies grows,thus undermining support for penalwel farism amongwhatwasonceitscoreconstituenty Howeverpersuasi veGarland'sanalysismaybeasanaccountofwhathashappened in the Uni ted Statesand Bri tain,SouthAfrica'sChil d Jtlsti ceBillhasvery diserent origins.Aspreviouslydiscussed,two ofthe mostimportantinfluenceson the Bill

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have been the South Afri can Constitution and the requirements of various internationalinstruments.Asa result,the Bill' sapproachismorerights-basedthan penal-welfarist,atIeastin Garland'ssenseofthe term.Butthefactthatithasthis emphasis,andadheressoclosel ytotheprinciplesenshrined intheConstitutionand relevantinternationalinstruments,isIargelyduetotheinfluenceexertedon South Africa's new government by the kind of professional elite that finds i tself increasinglymarginalisedinpolicy-making inthe UKand USA.

DirkvanZylSmit(1999)hasdescribed how SouthAfricancriminologists-along with professionalsworking in a rangeofnon-governmentalorganisations- have

beenableto influencethedevelopmentofpolicyand Iegislati on in childjustice throughout the country's transition.This experience is refleded in another transitionalsociety,Northern Ireland,where criminclogistshavealsobeen actively

involvedindevelopingandpromotingrestorati vejusticeini tiativesincommuni ties wherethepolicehavenotbeenaccepted(McEvoy& Mika,2002).Thusitappears thatpost-conflictand transitionalsocietiesmaybeparticularl y opento innovative penalthinking and permi tcriminologiststo become acti velyinvolved in reforming

thecriminaljusticeprocessinwaysthatwouldnotbepossibleelsewhere.However in SouthAfricaatIeast,therealinfluenceoftheprofessi onalelitewillnottrulybe knownuntilitiscleari f,whenand inwhatform theBillwillbeimplemented.W hile theyhavebeensuccessfulindraûingandgaininga measureofacceptanceforthe substance ofthe Bill,they have been Iess adept at seeing that it is adually

implemented.Writingin2000,Sloth-Neilson(2000:393)predidedthattheBillwas 'likelyto betabl ed in Parliamentin2001',yet,almosttwo yearsIater,in mid-2003, theBillwasstillawaitingparliamentaryapproval.Meanwhile,andinmuchthesame

vein,VanderSpuyetaI.(2003)arguethatwell-intentionedreform proposalsput forward by a smallnumberofindividuals haye been a feature ofthe twentieth

centuryhisto# ofchildjusticeinSouthAfrica.Buttheygoontopointoutthatfew ofthese proposalshave aduallygcneontoLe implemented,anditremainsto be seen whetherthe present Billwillshare the fate ofso many of these earlier initiatives.

Perhapswi th thisinauspicious history in mind,i tissignificanttbatcontemporary advocatesofchildren'srights have notconcentrated solel y on devi sinj Iegislation and campaigning forits implementation,but have al so been closely involved in designing and implementing diversion programmes that anticipate the Bill's passage.In thenextsedionofthischapter,tberefore,wewilldiscussone ofthese

projrammes,SAYRORinordertoconsiderthelikelyfutureofchil djusticeinSouth Africa,i fandwhen theChild Justice 8iIlispassedinto Iaw.

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3.SAYStO F AND THE FUTU8E 0F CHILD JU STICE IN SO U TH A F8 ICA Thissectionofthechaptertakesthedesignandimpl ementationofSAYROFasacase

study ofthe challengesIikelyto befaced intranslating innovati ve childjustice policiesintopracticeinamaturingdemocraticSouthAfrica.seyondthisgeneralaim, wewilluse theexample ofSAYROP to l ook more speci fically atthreethings:the implicationsofthegreateruse ofdiversion,the impactofpcpularpunitivenesson

thefeasibilityofputtingreformsinchildjusticeintopracti ceandtheneedforchange to be driven and managed by sustainable partnerships between government agenciesandcivilsociety.Butfirst,IetussaysomethingaboutthehistoryofSAYROP. SAYROP was establi shed in 1997 forthe purpose ofdeveloping innovative and effective interventionsaimedatthe managementandtreatmentofchildrenaccused ofcommitting sexualoffences.''Bearing inmindthe Iimited resourcesavailableand the scarci ty of specialised services in this fi eld,and in Iine with contemporary

developmentsinchildjustice,a decisionwastakento focusSAYROP'Seffortson developing,researching and piloting a diversion programme in theWestern Cape Province.TheprogrammeeventuallydevelopedbySAYROFconsistsofanassessment phase followed byten strudured sessions.Thecentralaim oftheprogramme isto encouragechildrenaccused cfsexualoffencestotakeresponsibilityfortheiractions

andtodevelopinsightregardingtheimpactoftheirbehaviouronthevictim (Ehlers & Van derSandt,2001).Tothisend,thestrudured sessionsaredesigned to be educational ,and focusonthedevelopmentofa rangeofpsycho-soci alIifeskills.

Findingsfrom themostrecentevaluationofSAYStOF(Wood,2002)suggestthatthe programme accomplishes most,butnot all,ofits joals.The Iimited amount of evidence accumulated thus far indi cates that i t is a usefulmeans of holding participantsaccountable fortheiractionsand a practicalway ofteaching young peopleto takeresponsibilityf0rtheiroffending.The mostrecentevaluation report

ontheprojectalsostronglyadvocatedthedevelopmentofacomprehensiverange ofcareservicesforthisclientgroup and recommended that,aspartofthiswider initi ative,centralgovernmentrolloutthe SAYStOFprogramme nationallyasacoste#ective,first-lineinterventionfordealingwithcertain typesofchildren accused of

committinjsexualoffences(Wood,2002). 3.1 The Im plitations ofan Intreased Use of Diversion Earlierinthischapter,wearjuedthatincreasingtheuseofdi version inSouthAfrica wasdrivenasmuch by humanitarianandrestorative idealsastheneedtoachieve

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costsavings.Whatwewantto dealwith here istheview ofsome scholarsthat,

whatevertheoriginalmotivationbehinddiversion(andotherformsofwhatScull (1977)termed'decarcerati cn')maybe,suchini ti ativesdonotnecessarilyrepresent a more humanitarian alternativeto moreobvi ouslypunitiveinterventions.On the

contray authorssuchasCohen(1979, .1985)havearguedthatdiversioncanresul t in increasing numbersofpeople(aprocessof'net-widening')beingexposedtoa proliferationofever-more-invasivemeasuresofSocialcontrol(aprocessof'meshthinning').Thisproblem maybeparticularlyacutewheredueprocesssafeguards designed to ensure the protecti on ofIegalrights inside the ordinary process of

criminaljusticeareIostastheuseofdi versionincreases. Incontrasttothis,wehavealreadyseenhow Garland(2001:117)interpretsthe increased use ofdiversion as partofa more generalmovementtowardsdefining deviancedown.Hearguesthatitallowscertainindi viduals-usuall ythosewhoare firstoffendersand/orhavecommittedonlyrelativelyminoroffences- to escapeaII butthemostnegligibl estateintervention.Thebenefitsofsuchanon-interventionist Strategy are that it allevi ates pressure on an invariably overburdened criminal

justicesystem andmakesthestateappearproductivebyrespondingtooffending behaviourwith minimaleffortandexpenditure.

6.

D >

ButwhatofSAYROF?To whatextentdoes itrepresentei theran extension and intensification ofSocialcontrolora defining down ofsexualdeviance involving certain types ofoffender? SAYROP bejan operating ata time when increasing numbers ofcases involving the sexualabuse ofchildren by otherchildren were coming to the attention ofgovernmentagenciesand NG0sworking inthe field.

Redpath(2002),forexample,foundthat,f0rtheperiod1998-2001,childrenwere suspectedofhavingccmmittedsixpercentofaIIrape,attempted rapeandindecent assaul treported in theWesternCape.Althoughthisisarelativelysmallproportion ofthetotalnumberofincidents,itstillrepresented a totalofalmost500 casesa

year.Redpath's(2002)analysisalsosuggestedthatthenumberofchildrenarrested

forsexualoffenceswasrising steeply.Yetshefound thatthe majorityofthose arrestedappearedtopassthroughthecriminaljusticesystem wi thoutrecei vingany therapeutic,educati onalor developmentalintervention at all.In fact prior to SAYRO! no specialistprogrammesforchild sexoffendersexisted in SouthAfrica,

apartfrom interventionsprovidedbyChildlineinDurban(VanNiekerk,1994;2002) and a few pri vate praditioners.Ratherthan subjedinç them to nothing that challengesthe psychologicaland socialrootsoftheirbehavi ourSAYROFseekstc holdchildren accused ofsexualoffencesaccountableforwhattheyhavedone and itseffed onothers.wewoul dargue,therefore,thattheneteffed oftheprojramme

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c: Z
Case Study.Violence and Transi tion Series,vol.3, Johannesburg:CentrefortheStudyofVi ol enceand qeconcili ation.

Wilson,R.(2001)TheJb// tksofTrutbdn:ReconciliationinJbgl/?Africa.Cambri dge:Cambridge UniversityFress.

Wood,C.(2002)Evaluating tbe . 9/YROP Biversion Programme:Findings from the Jèt-or?d Follow-up J' rt fy.Unpublished repol ' tavail abl e from the SocialJustice qesearch Froject, I nsti tuteofCriminology,Universi tyofCapeTown.

Wood,C.andEhlers L.(2001)'Towardsaviabledi versi onprogrammeforyoungsexoffenders inSouthAfri caa'Worki ng paper .CapeTown:lnsti tutecfCriminoloçy,Uni versi tyofCape Town.

Notes * Theauthorswoul dIiketothankGwynethBoswell,Juli aSl oth-Neil sonandtheeditorsofthi s volumefortheirvaluablecommentson earlierdraftsofthischagter, Fora moredetailed descriptionandtiscussi onoftheChildJustice8iII,readersarereferredto

Sloth-Nielsen(1999a, .2000).inearl y2003,Farliament'sFbrtfolioCommi tteeforJusticeand Constituti onalAffairs heard submissions on the 8iIIand recommended that partsofitbe

redraftet.Asthi svolumewaSbeingpreparedtogotopress(August2003),thisprocesscf redraftingwasconti nuing,and mayresul tinsubstantialchangestothe8i IIbeforeitbecomes Iaw.AIIreferencestothe8iIIinthispaperreferto therecommendati onsforanew chil d

justiceSystem tabledbeforetheFortfol ioCommitteeatthebeginningof2003. 2 Forpresentpurposes,aIIpersonsundertheageof18aredefinedaschildren;butSeefurther note4,below.

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3 TheI eadingorçanisationsinvcl vedinthisadvocacyworkincltl dedtheCcmmuni tyLaw Centre atthe Uni versityoftheW estern Cape,LawyersforHuman qi jhts,the NationalInsti tutefor

.

CrimeFreventionandtheReintegrationofOffenders(NICRO)andtheI nstituteofCriminology attheUni versi tyofCapeTown(Sloth-Niel sen,1999a), 4 Subsecti on28(3)Statesthat,forthepurposesofsecti on28,'child'meansapersonunderthe ageof18.Iti sforthisreagonthatweusetheterm ' child'ratherthan'youth'or'juvenile' throughoutthi schapter.

Subsedion2841)49).

Stlbsection28(1)@)(i )and(i). According to a recentnewspaperreport,over8OO children between the agesof14 and 17

wereLeing hel d awai ting trialin Durban-Westvill e Frisonalone('Numberofteensinjail 'al arming' 'r,oailyNews.12 May2003).The samereportal so saysthatnati onalfi jures releasedbytheDepartmentofCorrectionalServicesshowedthatinDecember2002,'more than39,000younçsterswerebei ngkeptinpri son,almosthal fofthem unsentenced'. Detenti oninprisonisonlytobeconsideredifthechildcannotLeplacedinsecurecareora placeofsafety. 9 The8i IIal sofoll owstheConsti tutioninprovi dingthatchiltrenmustbedetainedseparately from adul ts.l talsoSeekstoensurethatboysandgirlsarehel dseparatel yandthatalIchildren areallowedtoexercise,haveaccesstoeducati cnand havevisitsfrom,amongothers,their parents,I awyersandsocialworkers.

10Somal iawastheIastAfri cancountrytorath theUNCRCattheUni tedNationsGeneral AssemblySpecialSession(UNGASS)hel dinNew YorkinMay2002. 11SeeVnn Schnitzleretal.(2001)and Sekonyane and Ltxw (2002)on the activitiesand philosophyofMapogoa Mathamaga. 12 The fourorçanisations responsible forthe managementofSAYStOF'Sprogrammes and fundingaretheInsti tuteofCriminologyattheUniversityofCapeTbwn,theNationalInstitute

forCrimeFreventionandtheRei ntegrationofOffenders(NICRO),theCommunityLaw Centre attheUni versi tyoftheWesternCapeand RAFCAN (ResourcesAimedatFreventi ngChil d AbuseandNeglect).Foramoredetaileddescri ptionanddiscussionofSAYROEreadersare referredtoWoodandEhlers(2001)andWood(2002). 13 See,forexample,'Kiddiecri minal smayjusthavetosay'sorry'',Star,8Auçust2000. 14 Itwasthisgroupofpractitionersand researchersthatobtainedthedonorfunding,wi thout whi chtheworkofSAYStO?would haveLeen i mpnssible. 15Thesefiguresfrom 2001excludedatafrom twopreventi veinterventi onprogrammesaimed atchildrendeemedtobeatriskofcommi ttingsexualoffences. 16 Theauthorswereunabletoobtaininformationfrom onemagi steri aldi stri ct.

1? See Skelton (1999)and Sloth-Nielsen (1999a)forfurtherdiscussionofthisunfortunate epi soteandi tsconsequences.

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0

Actinj ajainst sticViolence

SM YTH E AN D FEN N Y FARENZEE*

1.iNTRO DUCTl0 N Fordecades,feministactivistshavedebatedtheutilityoflaw inaddressingdomestic violence.'Thefundamentall ypatriarchalandcapitalistnatureofWesternsocietyand i tsinstitutionshave I edmanyIeadingfeministstotbebeliefthatthe Iaw cannever actasaneffectivedeterrenttoviolenceagainstwomenand,assuch,canofferthem

littleprotection(Snider1990, .1998, .Freeman,1980).ThisisnotIeastbecausethe Iaw isperceivedasa potentinstrumentforenforcingpatriarchalnormsandvalues,

corruptinjfeministengagementtoitspurposes(Freeman,1980).Byitsnature,itis therefore incapable ofresponding to domestic vi ol ence asa form ofpatriarchal control,andtotheuniquesoci alcontextswi thinwhichwomenfind themselves. F0r

thisreason,Snider(1998:11)suggeststhat'Eclriminaljusticesystemsareprobably the Ieasteffective institutionsto Iook to fortransformative change'. The resul tis that piecemealIaws and policies designed to address the e#ects of women's

subordination are Iargely ineffecti ve (Smart,1986),notleastbecause,in Iarge measure, women have Iittle control over the interpretation, application,

implementati on and enforcement of these Iaws (Parenzee etaI..2001).The existenceofsuch ineffective Iaws,itisargued,constitutesafraud againstwomen

(Heath& Naffine,1994).7 Despitewidespread recognitionofIaw' sinadequacy,manyfeministactivistsbelieve

thattheIaw andthecriminaljusticesystem can beaneffectivesiteofstruggle, whichmaybeusedtomakesubstanti vegainsforwomen(Thornton,1991, .Roach Anleu,1992, .Lewi setaI.,2000).Muchofthiscautiousoptimism derivesfrom a beliefthat,byi tsnatureasasiteofstrujjle,theIaw isn0t'amonolithicimmutable

entity'(LewisetaI..2000:115).Notonl yistherespaceforeffectiveIobbyingand

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advocacy,butthisveryprocessraisesthepublicprofileofwomen'sissues.Atamore

immediate Ievel,feministssuch asMatsuda (1989)and Henderson (1991)argue thatadivistshaveanobligation,insofarasthereisasubstanti alnumberofwomen

whorel yonthesmallamountofprotedionofferedbythelaw andcriminaljustice system,to continueengagingwi ththatsystem. In SouthAfrica,femini stadi vistshave actively engaged with the Iegalsystem in their pursuit of women's rights and theirstrujgle againstwomen's oppression

(Hansson,1995).Althoughcognisantoffeministdebatesaroundtheutili tyofthis engagement,muchofi thasoccurredasa resultofthespeci ficimpetusprovided by

SouthAfrica'stransitior,andfeministcriminol oji stsiavehadIittleopportuni tyto review theirworkwithinthisbroadertheoreticalccntext. Inthischapter,we Iock atthiscontextand seekto sketch the passage in South AfricaduringthepastdecadeofIegislationaimedataddressingdomesticviolence andtoconsi derthemyriadbarriersthathaveinhibited i tseffediveimplementation. Theseobservationsare Iargel ybasedon research intotheimplementation ofSouth Africa'sDomesticViolenceAct'conducted bythe Consortium onViolenceAgainst

Womenqoverthepastthreeyears.Focusingonthecriminaljusticesystem during

c

2000,the consortium colleded data from over660 applications forprotection orderswithin three magisterialdistrids,and conducted interviews with some 60

>. c

criminaljusticepersonnel.rhisdatawascomplementedbyobservationalanal ysisof

< k

picked up on a substantialnumber of resource,interpretati on and atti tudinal problemswiththelegislation.During2001,thepresentauthorsconductedafurther

expl oratorystudy(Parenzee&Smythe,2003),whichlookedattheconstraintsfaced byfarmingcommunitiesinaccessingthecriminaljusticesystem and utilisingthe Domestic Violence Ad,and atthe utility of'alternative'intervention strategies currentlyavailablefordealingwithdomesticvi olence.Inthecourseofthisresearch, we interviewed 38 farm workers,aswellasa numberoffarm managers mobile clinicnursing sistersandstafffrom fourdevelopmentorgani satinnsworking within these communities.More than anything,this research points to the structural dependency of marginalised women on the men in their Iives and to the concomitant,and potentiall y exorbitant,costto women of using the Domestic ViolenceAd.

Throujhthischapter,weseektoenjagewiththe implicationsofthisresearchand to contribute to a conversation in which feminist criminolojists and adi vists workinginSouthAfricabeginto takestockoftheirstrategies.

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è

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2 . W HY THE LAW ? South Africa's transition from apartheid to democratic state coincided with a concerted strategic focus by academics and NG0s on the use of new laws toaddresssocialprobl ems.Gi venthattheapartheidstatewasshapedanddefined by a complex set of Iaws, it is not surprising that, in the transi tion to a post-apartheid state,much energy wasfocused on developing progressive rightsbased Iejislation.In South Afri ca,the Iaw was used as a parti cularly effective mechanism for entrenching and institutionalising racism within our society. Itdictated who could Iive where,who could go where,how they gotthere,what work they could do,who could marry whom and,indeed,who could sleep wi th whom. sThe law governed socialand private spaces,creating a racialised reali ty. Thus,SouthAfricansexperiencedatfirsthandthepowerofIaw inenjineeringsocial relations.Itseemed thento bea naturalprogressionforthem,indi smantlingthis apartheid legalframework,to replace those Iaws with others that were more reflective ofthe idealised soci ety to which they aspired.secause Iab was a Iegitimate,relati vely safe and sometimes very effecti ve site ofstruggle against apartheid,a substantialnumber of anti-apartheid and gender acti vists became Iawyers.Inthiscontext,manynon-governmentalorganisationsalsoemphasisedthe development of Iejalstrategies for countering aparthei d Iaws policies and practices. DuringtheapartheiderainSouthAfrica,thepositionofmoslfeministactivistswas clearly defined as anti -jovernment.The reality was,however thatgenderissues tended to be subsumed into the wider agenda of ending raci al oppression

(Andrews,1999, .Murray,1994).Itwasonlywithinthetransitionalperiodafter1990 thatfeministactivistsentered into a sustained discourse around women's rights

(Hansson,1995).The develoqmentofthis discourse in the struggle to include specific rijhts in SouthAfrica'snew Constitution,the histori calfocuson Iaw as a meansofaddressinginequity,andthefactthatmanyIeadingactivistswerelawyers bytraining hasputtheemphasisofmuchfeministactivism squarelyonIaw reform . Mbreover,in a context where the new South Afri can government showed an increasing recojnition of the need to prioritise women's issues in building an egali tarian society,feministactivistsnaturallytook theopportuni tyto help define government policy and shape new Iaws.This activity reflects the increasing invol vementofothercri ticalcriminologistsoverthisperiod inshaping government

policyinotherareasofcrimeandjustice (Schàrf,1994, .Schàrf& Pinnock,1995, . Finnock,1995, .Hauck,1999, *Van ZyISmit,1999, *Dixon,chap.7,thisvolume). Againstthisbackground,feministcriminologistsplayeda cri ticalrolein informing

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government attitudestowards violence againstwomen (Hansson,1994, .1995, . Combrinck,1998, 'Stanton etaI.,1997, .Artz,1998),and manycontinuetowork closel ywi thjovernmenttothisday.

InforminjtheireffortsatIaw reform hasLeenSouthAfrica'sincreasedparticipation in,and accountability to,broader internationalstrudures.For example,South Africa'ssigninjofthe Conventi onontheEliminationofAIIFormsofDiscrimination

AgainstWomen(CEDAW)on 29January1993,anditssubsequentratificationon 15 December1995,provided feministadivistswith an importanttoolwithwhich

tohol dgovernmentaccountable(Combrinck,1998)anddemandeffedivedomestic violence Iegislation. Of similar utility was South Africa's accession to the African Charteron Human and People's Rights,which obliges signatory states, through Article 18,to work towards the elimination of discrimination against w om en.6

Theavailabilityoflegislationfrom otherjurisdictionsonwhichtomodelnew Iaws madethework offemini stactivi stseasier ,whileatthe sametime bolsteringtheir position.ln respectofdomesticviolence,forexample,an initiati ve bythe United

NaticnsEducational,Scientificand CulturalOrganization (UNESCO)resulted ina modelframeworkforIeji sl ationondomesticviolence,whi chwaspublishedin 1996

(UNESCO (CommissiononHumanqightsl,1996).IndraftingtheDomesticViolence Act,the SouthAfrican Law Commissionwasableto draw onthismodel,aswellas

Iegislation from various Australian jurisdictions, New Zealand's Domestic ViolenceAct(86of1995),theFamilyLaw Ad of1996inEnglandandWales,the Minnesota DomesticAbuseAd (1992)7and Iawsfrom a ntlmberofotherUS states.JudicialdecisionsinothercommonIaw jurisdidionsalso gaveimpetusto reforms in South Africa.Itisnoteworthy,forexample,thatin 1991,the English courtsoutlawed maritalrape.- a decision thatserved asa precursorto thestep taken by our Iegi sl ature in 1993.9The same is true of access to international expertise,feministIi terature and supportforfeminist-driven Iaw reform initiati ves

(Andrews,1999). The specific poli ticaland historicalcontextwithin which South African feminist adivistsfoundtkemselves,aswellasthei nternationalfocusbyfeministadivistson Iaw reform,setSouthAfricancriminologistsfirmlyonapathwhere Iaw became,for most,thefavouredoptioninaddressingvi ol enceajainstwomen.Theimpetusjiven to Iaw reform canbeseen inthepassage,withinaspaceofsixyears,of- 0pieces ofdomesticviolenceIegi sl ation:the PreventionofFamilyvi olenceAd in199310and itssuccessor,theDomesticViolenceAct in 1998.

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3.THE FREVENTIO N O F FAM lLY VI0LENCE ACT In 1993,theapartheidgovernment,inamoveseenbymanyasacynicalattemptto

attractwomen'svotes(e.g.see Fedler 1995),enactedthe Prevention ofFamily ViolenceAct.Itdid notcreate a new criminaloffence of'domesticviolence',but instead provided forci vilprotecticnto be provided to womenexperiencinj abuse

intheform ofaninterdictThisinterdictcouldbeobtainedonapplicationtoajudge ormagistrate,allegingthattheapplicanthadbeensubjecttoincidentsofabuse. Throughthisprocess,thecourtcouldordertheabusernottothreatenorcommitan

assaultagainsttheapplicant,nottoenter(orpreventtheapplicantfrom entering) thematrimonialhome,and notto commitanyotheractspecified inthe interdict.'l The courtcould simnltaneouslyauthorise a suspended warrantofarrestto come intoeffectuponabreach oftheinterdict.''IntermsoftheAct,therespondentthen

hadtobebroujhtbeforeamajistrate,whowouldei therauthorisehisreleaseor convicthim.Convictionbroughtafineorimprisonmentforamaximum periodof12 monthsorboth,'?TheActonlyallowed forthe respondentto appealand havethe interdictamended orsetasideaftertheorderhad been granted.';

3.1 Problem sw ith the Prevention of Fam ily Violence Au TheFreventi onofFamil yViolenceAd wassubjectedtoanumberofcriticisms.These ranged from proceduraland administrative misgivings,to the claim thattheAct fail ed to achieve its substanti ve aim,described as 'the Iaudable provision of a speedy,inexpensive,easily accessible and effective remedy forpersons who find themselvesthreatened byviolencewithintheirfamilycircle/.'s Theprimarycriticism ofIegalacademicsandpractitionerswasthattheActinfringed the audialteram partem rule ofnaturalIaw.This rule requiresthata respondent should havereasonable noticeofthecaseto he metand begiven theopportuni ty

to both state hiscaseand answerargumentsputforward againstit(Fhillips& Jackson, 1987).Under the Frevention of Family Violence Act,however the respondentonl y hadtherighttobeheard oncean interdictwasserved onhim and hehadapplied tohaveitamended orsetaside, oronceabreachhad beenalleged

andhehadbeenarrested(Dicker,1994).Furthermore,becausean interdictcould havepotentiallyfar-reaching implications,such aseviction ofthe respondentfrom hi shome,itwasargued thati ssuinjsuchan i nterdictontheword oftheapplicant al one consti tuted a potentially unacceptable infringement of the respondent's rights.ApplicationoftheActpl aced the respondentinthe anomalousposi tion of needingtoprovehisinnocencein aforum thathad,ineffect,alreadyacceptedthe applicant'scredibili tyby issuing herwith an interdictin thefirstplace. This,itwas

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argued,placed an inordinately heavyIegalburden on the respondent(Stewart, 1994).In a judgmentthatwasparticularlycriti calofthe Prevention ofFamily ViolenceAct JudjeThring described thelegalmechanismsresulting from a strid

interpretationoftheActas'crude,potentiallyhighlyunfairunjustandunreasonable to respondents inviting abuse by unscrupulousapplicantf.'6As a resultofthese criticisms, a number of commentators suggested that the Ad infrinjed the respondent's consti tutional due process rights, al though many of those also

believedi ttobejustifiableundertheConsti tution' slimitationsprovision(Fredericks & Davids,1995;Stewart 1994).17 Feministadivists,on theotherhand,weremoreconcernedaboutthenarrow scope oftheAd,inresped ofbnththepersonsthati tprotededandthedefini tionof'family violence'.TheAd setcutto protectthosewh0were marriedto each otherhycivil, customaryorreligiouslaw,and menandwomenwhoIivedtogetherashusbandand wi fe.''In otherwords,theAd proteded onlythosewho found themsel vesabused withinamari talorquasi-mari talrelationshipandexcludedvidimsofabusewhohad neverIivedwi ththeirabusersinsuch arelationship.Amcngstthoseexcluded were parties to dating and same-sex relationships and those abused by otherfamily

members(Fedler ,1995).Thisn0tonl y affeded the utilityoftheAd,Lutalmost certainlymadeitunconsti tutionalinitsexclusionofhomosexualrelati onshipsandits restridionto afairl yculturall yspecificcontext,whichignoredtheprevalenceof,and possibilityforabusewi thin,extendedfamilies.'g

The definition of'famil y violence'was Iargely informed bythe use ofthe words

assaul torthreaten'insection2(1)(a)oftheAct,althoujhprovisionwasmadefor

'

thecourtto prohibi ttherespondentfrom engaginj in'anyotheract'.'oBecausethe courtswereprovided with no guidanceastowhatmightconstitute'anyotheract', very few interdidswereissued in respectofpsychological,emoti onal,verbaland

economic abuse (Fedler 1995).Fredericks and Davids (1995) arjue that this effectively restricted tàe remedyto physicalviolence and ancillarythreats.ltalso oftenresulted inanunreasonableevidentiaryburdenbeingplacedontheapplicant

(Novitz,1994),with Fedler arguing that magistrates erred towards requiring physicalsijnsofabuse,ratherthan accepting claims by womenthatthreats had beenmadeinthisresped.a eSouthAfricanLaw Commissionajreedthattheresult

was one of'Iegaluncertainty and a Iack ofconsistency'(South African Law Commission,1997:106). A recurring feature of abusive relationships is the abusinj partner's ability to exercisefinancialoreconomiccontroloverthevidim.Thisreali tywasalso ignored

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bytheframersoftheFreventicnofFamilyViolenceAct,whc prcvidedtbatservice oftheinterdictshould beeffectedthroughthesheriffofthecourt. Shortl yafterthe

Iegislationwaspassed,Novitz(1994)identi fi edtheinabilitytopayforserviceofthe interdictontherespondentasoneofthechiefdi fficultiesfacedbymanyapplicants in obtaining protection.In caseswhere magistratesordered thatthestateshould coverthe costs ofservice,''i twasreported thatwcmen werewaiting up to six weeksforservice to be effected,while the sheri ffwaited forthe Departmentof

Justicetomakepayment(HumanRightsWatch,1995).Becausetheinterdictonly becameeffective uponservice,thisputalreadyvulnerablewomenatfurtherriskof violence.Therealfinancialcostto women ofdomesticviolenceand ofohtaining an interdict including lossofmaintenanceforherand herchildren,relocation costs, time offworkand medicalexpenses,wasalsoIargel yignored bythe legislature. In thi s way,the Actdid nothing to facili tate and, in some ways,actuall y restrained manywomenfrom applyingformuch-neededprotection. However according to a Human Rights Watch' s reportpubli shed in 1995, the greatestproblem in implementingthe FreventionofFamil yViolenceActduringthis period Iay with the police service. Police responses were reported to be unsympatheti c,hostileandslow,withindividualmembersshowinga reluctanceto

interveneinwhattheysaw asafamilymatter(HumanRi ghtsWatch,1995, .Fedler, 1995).Refusalbypoliceofficerstoacceptcriminalchargessuchasassaul tinthe absence of an interdid was described hy the South African Law Commission's

ProjectTeam on DomesticViolence asa furtherseriousconstrainton e#ective protection.

sased on these criticisms,the South African Law Commission undertook an investigationintotheissueoffamilyviolencein1996.2?Thisprocesssaw substantial inputin theform ofresearchsupport Iobhying and advocacy from feministIegal reformers,including criminolojists, and,in 1998,the new DomesticViolenceAct waspromuljated,wi thitscommencementdelayed until15 December1999.

4 .THE DOM ESTlC VI0 LENCE ACT The DomesticViolenceActattempted to addressmany ofthe criticismsIevelled at the PreventionofFamilyViolenceAct.To addresstheproblem ofprovi ding speedy and effective assistance to the applicant,while also respecting the respondent's rightto he heard,the Iegi slature prokided fora two-stage procedure. In the first stage,theapplicanti srequiredtoapproachthecourtfcraninterim protectionorder whi chisgranted i fthere isprima facie evidence ofabuse.DAtthe sametime, the

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courtsets a return date on which i twillconsiderfinalisation ofthe order.'dThe

interim orqerisaccompaniedbyasuspendedwarrantofarrest(whicbcomesinto fulleffectonabreachoftheorder)andiseffectiveassoonasitisservedonthe respondent.Frovision ismadeforserviceto occur'forthwi th'notonlybythesheri #, butalsobyaclerkofthecourtorpeaceofficecCsTheefkctofthisprovisionhasbeen to draw policeofficersintotheserviceofprotectionorders. The Acthasbeen hailed as groundbreaking on a numberofsubstanti ve fronts. Firstly,the ambitof its protection has been extended beyond the relationships described in the correlating section ofthepreviousActtoinclude,amongstothers aIlfamilymembers,aswellaspersonscohabitingand indatingrelati onships.Inthis way,same-sexrelationshipswerealsobroughtundertheprotectionoftheAct.HThis broaderdefini tion ofa domesticrelationship reflectsafarmorerealisticpictureof thetygesofrelationshipsthatmayresultinintimateviolenceandmaythereforebe

subjecttopeculiarbarriersinobtainingrelief.Inaddition,theActdealswithawide range of behaviourof a controllinj or abusive nature thatcan be defined as 'domesticviolence'.This includesabuse thatisphysical ,sexual,emotional,verbal, psychologicaland economicin form,aswellasintimidation,harassment,stalking, damage to propertyand entryinto thecomplainant'sresidencewithoutconsent. '' Frovision is made forthe magistrate to orderpaymentcfemergency monetary reliefz8bytherespondenttothecomplainantinordertocovercoststhatincludeIoss of earnings, medical and rel ocation expenses and the cost of alternati ve accommodation and household necessities.'' The court may also order the respondentto makerentormortjagepayments.3o A fundamentallyimportant,and partictllarly innovative,addition to theActisthe imposition ofposi tivedutiesonmembersoftheSouthAfrican FoliceService.3'This provision isan attemptby the Iegislature to address the problem oftranslating paperIaw into effectivepractice,andto overcometheepectsofnegativeatti tudes exhibitedbysomepoliceofficerstocomplaintsofdomesticviolence.Inthisrespect, the DomesticViolenceAt:tplacesa dutyon any police officeratthe scene ofa domesticviolenceincident,orwhentakingadomesticviolencecomplaint,torender assistancetothevictim.Suchassi stancemayincludehelp infindingsui tableshel ter and obtaining medicalattention.D Furthermore,a notice intheofficialIanguageof thecomplainant'schoicemustbehandedtoherandthecontentsthereofexplained. ThisnoticedescribesremediesavailableundertheActand informsthecomplainant of herrijht to lodge a criminalcomplaintin addition to pursuing a protedion order.33ln the eventofa reported breach ofthe protedion order,and where the pclicecffi cerreasonaàlybelievesthatthecomplainantmaysufëerimminentharm,

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>1t >

> < 2. U J2

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Young,J.(1999)IheExclusiveSociety:Jbc/ d/Exclusi orbCrimeJndBifferenceinlJl0Modernit y. London:Sage.

Notes * IwouldI iketothankWil fri edSchàrtElrenavandefSpuyandpanicipantsi naworkshopheld in Aujust 2002 atthe Insti tute of Criminology atthe Uni versi ty ofCape Town forthei r commentson earlierdraftsofthischaptecAl thoughshemaywelldi sagreewithSomeofthe arguments presented here,Iowe a particulartebtof grati tude to Janine Rauch forher

contriàutiontotheirdevelopment. Gilling(1997),Crawford (1998)and Hujhes(1998)aI!provideaccessibleaccountsofthe historyofcrimeprevention andcurrentcompeting paradi jms. 2 I ti s worth poi nting outthatpoli ci es atthisIevelare rarel y ifeverprimaril y orexplici tly directed atpreventi ngorreduci ng crime. 3 Themaladministered antidoteto poverty,'poorl ymanageddevel opment',isalsomentioned,

4 Seethepassagefrom thepreambl etotheNCFS('WhyanationalcrimepreventionStrategy?') qucted earlier.

5 Theotherthree programmesare closelyrelated to thefuncti oning ofthe cri minaljustice system and aim toimproveaccessto an upgraded nationali dentifi cation system,revampthe regtllati cn ofmotorvehi clesand ptltin place abatteryofvoluntaryand l egi sl ativecontrols onmoney-laundering,white collarcrimeand corruption.

6 Thesub-headingparaphrasesMarais(2001:161),whoseworkprovidesthebasisformuch ofwhatfollowsin thi ssection. GEARstandsforgrowth,employmentandredistributi on. 8 See Lel ow forfurtherti scussi on ofthe more directinfl uence ofthe pri vate sectcron the developmentofcrimepreventi onpoli cyfrom 1996onward,

9 See Ekblom (2000)fora somewhat pedanti c discussion of the differences between communitysafetyand crimeprevention,reductionant controlfrom a 8ritish perspective.

Gillingandparton(1997)andMcLaughlin(2002)provi demoreenli çhteni ngaccountsofthe poli ticsbehindthechangingterminologyintheUK.ShermanetaI.(1997)andGol dblattand Lewis(1998)arewi del yquotedreviewsoftheevidenceof'whatworks'i ncrimepreventicn from theAmericanand 8ri tish perspectivesrespectively.

10 Muchofthediscussi cnthatfollowsi sbasedonJanineRauch' s(2O02a)invaluableaccount ofdevelopmentsincrime prevention policysince 1996. 11 Slipping into Afrikaans to make hi5 point,the Minister's actualwords were 'die t yd w' r

spelet jies/ . $'nouyprb/ (quotedinRauch,2O02a:21). 12 lnan area ofpol icywherestatements,ini tiativesand strategiesfrom the main politi caland bureaucrati cactorsseem to proli feratealmostendl essl y,comparethiswi ththe Sli ghtl ymore

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recentStrategi c Fl anforthe SAFS 2002/5 i n whichNationalCommi ssi onerSelebirefersto theimpl ementationofaNationalSecurityFoli cyinthreephases,ofwhicha'long-term socio-

economi cdevel opmentphase'isscheduledto continueuntil1heyear2020(SouthAfrican FoliceSewi ce,2002:par ,2.2,1). 13 According to Emmettand 8utchart(2000:preface),theaim oftheHSRC projed waSto

eval uatea numberofsel eced crime,vi ol enceand injuryprevention projects i n orderto provide'sci entifi candtechnologicalSupport'tothe NCFS.

14 AtthetimeofthereportbySteynandHentri cks(2000)onwhichthiscasestudyi sbased, theCFA wasworking i n Lenasiaand El dorado FarkinGautengandinFusthofandNomzamo intheWestern Cape. 15 Theidiosyncrati cconflati onofsi tuationalwi thsoci alcrimepreventi on -i nSouthAfricaisnot universal.Forexample,thelocalcrimepreventionhandbook,/1Manualfortbmrnt ln/! y Based C' rl frlePreyenlfoc,distinguisbesbetweenthetwoapproaches,whilequite rightlyncting that '

theyare'rarel yusedalone'(CSIR/ISS,2000:7,fig.2). 16 SeeClarke(1997)andShermaneta1 .(1997)forreferencestotherelevantstudies. 17 Infairness,itshoul dbesai dthatbynomeansall,orevenmost,ofthecasestudiesreviewed

byEmmettaresi tuaticnal ;but,asFutchart's(2000)studyoftheMetrorailcommutersafety projed shows,Emmett'sgointiswellmadeandextendsacrossthewholeranjeofcrime

preventi onprojectq-tevel opmental ,Si tuationalandcommuni ty-baset. 18 Felscn and Clarke are notoâposedto socialpoli cy ini tiati ves,such asbetternurseryschool educationoremploymenttraininçperse,butdepl orewhattheySeeasunethicalattemptsto

justi fythem oncrimepreventi ongrounds.Thus,workinjfrom averydifferentStartingposi tion totheIi kesofCrawford,theytooendupobjectingtothecriminal isationofSocialpoli cy. 19 Theseotheralproachesincludeb0thrisk-focusedandcommunitycrimepreventionacti vi ties and rangefrom education programmesto'socio-economicinterventions'. 20 Oftheothers,'visiblepolicing'issituati onalonlyinthesensethatitincreasessur veillanceby employing civil ian poli ce resewi sts,traffi c pol ice and othercounciloffici al sto perfcrm the tradi tional scarecrow and enforcement fundions of conventional poli ce personnel, The

regulationofhawki ngandinformaltradinghasbeenfranchi sedouttoCIDs(ofwhi chmore below)inmanyinnercityareas,whilethefihh,andIeastsituational ,programmeinvol vesthe '

renewal'ofinformalsettl ements,butseemstohavebeenrestrictedtotheeThekwi ni /Durban Metro. 21The terminol oçy forthese initi ati ves di #ers from place to pl ace.Durban's elhekwini

Municipal ityhasestabli shedwhati tcallsanurbanimprovementprecinctorUIP(Goodenough &I rish,2002:98-1û7),butaIlarebasedonthesameAmeri canEusinesslmprovementDi strict (BID)model.Forthesakeofconvenience,theterm CIDwi llbeusedhere. 22 Furtherinformati on aboutthe Cape Town CentralCity ImprovementDistrictand the CIDs subsequentl y establi shed in nei ghbouring areas Stl Ch as Green Fbint Sea Foi nt and

Oranjekl oofi savai lableonlineat3-5 years 21066 >5-7years 15068 >7-10 years 12 193 >10-15years 6 168 >15-20years 2 660 >20 yearstoli fe 2 780 Othersentences 3 822 Totalsentenced 92 581

% 20.77

31 May '02 54 347

% 30.18

Growth % grnwth 30 082 123.97

4.99 5.46 3.22 11.0 18.03 12,9 10.44 5.28 2.28 2.38 3.27 79.23

6 800 6 662 6 270 17 247 16 992 13 008 21 169 17 158 7470 10662 2267 125 705

3.78 3.7 3.48 9.58 9.44 7.22 11.76 9.53 4.15 5.92 1.26 69.82

969 288 2 505 4 393 -4 0M -2 060 8976 10 99O 4 810 7882 -1555 33 124

16.62 4.52 66.53 34.18 -19.34 -13.67 73.62 178.18 180.83 283.53 -40.69 35.78

Sx rce:DepartmentafCorredionalser/ces

W hile some steps have been taken to reduce the numbers of unsentenced prisoners, with some, albeit Iimi ted, posi tive results, there have been no effective steps to reduce the number ofpeople sentto prison on conviction. Moreoverthe stepsthatarebeing suggestedto reducethe numbersofsentenced prisoners are fundampntally inadequate. Examples of stlch steps are those suggested by the Inspectinj Judge.They aregood examplesbecause,aswe have seen, the Inspecting Judge has boldly spoken out against the dangers of overcrowdinj and is clearly committed to reducing i t.AlIofthese proposalsare aimed atpersuadingthecourtsto reducetheuseofprisonsentencesforrelatively pettyoffencesand the prisonauthori tiesto release prisonersmore readily.This is valid as faras i t goes.However iapartfrom doubtsaboutthe epicacy ofsuch persuasion,ata timewhen Iegi slation isIikelyto comeinto effectshortl ythatwill reducetheopportunitiesofearlyrelease,suchproposal sareofrelativelylittlevalue.

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Theydo notaddressthetruereasonfortheincreaseintheIenjthofsentencesbeing imposed,namelythe massive increasein Iongsentences.Figure 9.2 illustratesthis pointgraphically. d ' *

Unsentenced

300

'

Y'

7

'

. ..

'' ç.'

..

. .

> - m* ..-. - w - .,.-.-.L ,,r - .-...-. ..- -..- - .

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r ww. .. .v .

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.

+k ..*r =. ' .v .- > . rr. Y .

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.- ..- v-. . ... ' A ts v kt? . .*v A' é! ç: . kls. ' (.q C .;. ' '' . .. . z :u :' gn ' .. : t. >. b . ' t I ï r ' ; ) ' % ' ' ? t j' '> 1' .

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>15-20ycars

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Figure 9.2: Percentage Growth ofthe NumbersofUnsentenced and CatejoriesofSentenced Frisoners,31Jan.1995-31 May2002

The numberofprisonersserving termsofmore than ten years has increased by 204 percent,whilethose serving morethan 20 yearshave increased by284 per cent.ltisclearthatconcentrating on keeping 'petty'offenders outofpriscn will make no significantdifference tothe prison population.Itis,inanyevent,a Iongterm trend thatoffendersare being sentenced to imprisonmentforIongerterms. lndeed,thesignalmaybemisunderstoodasmeaningthatifoneisIessharshonthe

Iesseroffenders,theotherscanjustifiablybegivensignificantlyIongersentencesor actuall ydetainedforagreaterpartoftheirsentences.

If the prison populati on continues to grow at current rates the projected overcrowding istrul ystaggering,asFigure9.3onpage246reveals.

Figure9.3istheDepartmentofCorredionalServices'ownprojectionofwhatwill happenifcurrenttrendsofgrowthin prisonnumherscontinue.Theaccommodation statisti csareitspredictionsofwhatisIikelytoresultfrom bothi tscapitalworksand its repairand renovations programmes.Notethat Figure 9.3 does nottake into accounttheincreased rate ofgrowth thatisIikelywhenthenew,morerestrictive, Iegislationon releasecomesinto effed.

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250 000. 200000

arî dPractice.Durban:suttel w orths, Van2yISmi tD,(1999)'Crimincl oçi calideasandtheSouthAfricantransi ti cn',Britisb. /t?&rnJ/of Crimi nology 39:198-215.

Van2yISmi t,D.(2002)'MandatorysentencesinaNew SouthAfri ca'inC,Tata& N.Hutton(edS), SentencingandSociet y:fnlprnar/ bnt ?/Perspectives.Aldershot:Ashgate. '

VanZylSmit,D.(forthcoming)'Ci vildisabili tiesofformergrisonersinaconsti tutionaldemocracy -

buil dingontheSouthAfricanexperience',Acta./t zr/ ' l/ ' ca.

VonHirsch,A.,A.8ottoms,E.8urney& F-0.Wikström (1999)CriminalBeterrenceandSeverit y. Oxford:Had.

Wacquant,L,(2001)'Deadlysymbiosi s:Whenghettoandpri sonmerge',Plmljhmestandsociet f 3:95-134.

Woolf,LordJustice (1991)PnYon P/slprluntesApril1990:é'pp/rlofan lntp/ry.Cm.1546. London:HMSO.

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Table of Cases AugustJn:AvotberyElectoralCommissionandOtbers1999(3)SA 1(CC). Ministeroflustice/Ilofmeyr1993(3)SA 131(A). MinisterofCorreaionalJ' prv/t' esandOtbersk/KwakwaJnt/Another2002(4)SA455(SCA). 5'vBullandAnotheî;. . S$/Chavull aandOthers2002(1)SA 53S(SCA). $'ynodo2001(3)SA 382(CC), 5)yMal . gas2OO1(2)SA 1222(SCA). 5'k /Makwanyane1995(3)391(CC), .5yMot sasi1998(2)SACR35(W);2000(1)SA SACR74(W). 5'ynlamini;Synladla;. 5yloubea;. $yScbietekat1999(4)SA 623(CC). .

.

.

uar?BilorîyMinisterofCbrrectionalg/ v/ces1997(4)SA441(C). Wbittakerand MorantyRoosJnd Bateman 1912AD 92.

Notes * IthasLeenmyprivi legeto bei nvolvedinvariousasiectsofpri sonreform inSouthAfricasi nce 1994.TheviewsIexpressher e areentirel y myownand notthoseofthe NationalCouncilon Correcti onalSewi cesortheCommi tteeonSentencingoftheSouthAfricanLaw Commissi on, ofbothofwhichIam amember,orofanyotherbodywithwhi chIworkedpreviousl y.The DepartmentcfCorredionalServicesprovi ded al Ifi gures,exceptthose attri buted to another Source.Iam gratefultothedepartmentfori tsassistance,aswellasto8ilIDixon,Davi dGarland, Jim JacobsandEl renavanderSpuyforthei rcommentsonanearli erdraftOfthi schapter .

ThischapterdcesnotdealSpecificall ywiththeposi tionofjuvenilepri soners.Someaspectsof theirpcsiti onareconsi deretinchapter5ofthisvol ume.TheSagaoftheconti nueddetention

ofchildreninSouthAfricanpri sonsi 5particul arl ypoi jnant.Inanearlierpaper(VanZyISmit, 1999:205-6),Idescri bed legislativereformsthatweredesijned to keepchi ldrenctltof prison,butwhichfailedto haveaneffect.Theposi ti onha5notimproved.0n 31May2002, therewere2234 unsentencedchildrenand 1879Sentencedchil drenundertheaçeof18 yearsin prison.Atthetimeofwriting,a new comprehensi veChildJustice 8iIIwasmakinç i ts waythrough Farliament.lntheIightofpastexperience,onemustremain cautiousabout whetheri twillhavea signifi canti mpacton thesenumLers.

2 Section35(2)oftheConstituticnoftheRepublicofSouthAfri caAct1O8of1996.Theearlier constitutionalprovisionongri soners'rightsinthe'interim'Constituti onwassection2541)of theConstitutionoftheRepubli cofSouthAfricaAct200 of1993. 3 Capaci tyiscalculated on thebasi sof3. 344 Square metresperpri sonerina communalcell and 5 square metresin a si nglecell.A di rectcommunicati on from the Departmentof

CorredionalServiceswiththeauthor(1OSeptember2002)StatesthattheseStandardsare setbythenationalDepartmentofHea1th. 4 Inpracti ce,thesituaticnmayohenbeslightl ybetteri fthecell shavemorethantheminimum Space,Lutthereisno guaranteethatthati sroutinelythe case.

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5 Thisimgression waSformed inthecourseofastudyofracism and di scrimination in prison.

Seeal soMasuku(2001),whoIi nksovercrowdinjandH1 V/Ai dsinprison. 6 There are probabl yabout6 000furtherpri sonersnati onall yi n policecellsandtheoneIarge national refugee centre. Including them woul d increase the proporti on of i ncarceratet personsto 4O4per100 000ofthenationalpopulati onon 30 June2002. 80ththeseratesarebasetonthenumberofprisonersincarceratedon30Juneeachyearand theofficialestimatesofthe nationalpopulation onthe same dates,i. e.104 649 of39 477 1OO ant 17744O of45454 211respectivel y. 8 Fi guresproduced byS.chöntei ch(forthcominj)reflectadeclineinthenumberofconvicti ons between 1996 and 1999,butIarge increasesin convicti onsreported in 2000 and 20O1, However,thisincrease may Le due tothe facttbatthe source ofthefiguresfcrthese two yearswasthe NationalProsecutingAuthorityratherthantheioli ce,whosefi çuresshow only a moderateincrease inthenumberofconvictions,Al though,asSchtintei ch notes,theformer may produce more accurate fiçures,the figuresfrom the two sourcesare notconsi stent, Comparison forthefullperi odistherefore uncertai n. 9 'Mineshahsmootedassuper-pri sons',Merct: ry 5March1997.

10 Foranaccountofthechanjeofpersonnel,seeDepartmentofCorrectionalServices(2001), Aftera seriesofActinj Commissioners,Li ndaMtiwasappointedCcmmi ssioneron 1August 2001, 11 Forthe appointmentofthecommission,See Froc.135/2001 of27 September2001.Atthe timeofwriting,noneofthe commission'si nterim reportshadyetbeenpublishecl,butthere are manypressreports;see,forexampl e,'Corruptclique 'runsprisons' f',NatalWitnesst16 April2002. 12 Thiswi derinterpretation istechnicallycorrect,However ,itunderminesthe authori ty ofthe court s,ratherthan chall enging them and making them responsi bl e forusinj the Iimited resourcesoftheprison system i n aconsti tutionallyaccegtableway:See bel ow. 13 Secti on63A oftheCri mi nalprocedureAct51of1977insertedbySecti on6oftheJudicial MattersAmendmentAct42 of2001. 14 See secti on 1O5A cfthe CriminalFrocedureAct51 of1977 insertet by secti on 2 ofthe CriminalFrocedure SecondAmendmentAct62 of2001. 15 See the CorrectionalServicesAmendmentAct68 of1993,which replaced chapterVI, the chapterthattealswi th release,oftheCorrectionalServi cesAct8 of1959. 16 Seesection2768oftheCfi mi naiFrocedureAct51of1997asamendedbysection22ofthe Faroleand CorrectionalSupewi si onAmendmentAct87 of1997.

17 Secti on2544 ofthe'i nterim'Consti tuti on,i.e.theConsti tuti onoftheRepubli cofSouthAfrica Act2OO of1993.

18 Secti on60oftheCri minalFrocedureAct51of1997asamended bysection 4(d ofthe Criminal Frocedure Second Amendment Act 85 of 1997. For an earl y cri tique of the

amendments,SeeDel aHuntandCombrinck(1999).

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19 Seesecti on36oftheConsti tuti onoftheRepubli cofSouthAfrica,1996,whi chçoesonto Iistfactorsthatmaybeconsideredinassessi ngwhetheraparti cularI imitaticnmeetsthistest, 20 Morespeci ficall y,theministerofcorrecti onalservi ces,whohasthepowertomakereçul ations in termsoftheAct:See section 134. 21 Section 138 ofthe CorredionalSewi cesAct 111 of1998.There i s nothi ng unusualabout I egislationnotbeingbroughti ntoeffectimmedi atel yaheritispassed.Usuall y,howeverthedelay i sonl yafew weeks,i fnotdaystoenabl edetai ledpreparationtcbemadefori tsimplementation.

22 Thi spassagei ntheIeadinjcaseofMi ni sterof-lustkeyl' Iofmeyç(1993:138)isaquotati on wi th approvalfrom the much earli ercase of Wbittakerand MorantyRoos and Bateman

(1912:123).80tharejudjmentsoftheAppellateDi visionoftheSupremeCourtofSouth Africa,whi chfrom 1910 to 1994 wasthecourtoffi nalinstance. 23 Inadtiti onto the fi guresinTable 9. 2,above,the annualreportofthe Departmentof CorrectionalServi cesfor1995showsthatthenurnàerofpri sonerssewingsentencesofmore thantwo yearsincreased fmm 13.7percentofthetotalsentenced populati cnin 1988/9to

27. 3percenti n 1995(DepartmentofCorrectionalServices,1996). 24 Even moreopti mi stici sthetargetof120OO0prisoners(100 O00 sentenced and 20O0O unsentenced)set by the Inspet-ting Judge (Judi cialInpectorate ofFri sons,2002:14). However ,thi si sa reasonabl e esti mate ofthemaximum numberthatthe system,gi ven the impossibili ty of achieving a perfect distributi on of prisoners, i s likel y to be abfe to

accommodateadequatel y,eveniftheprojectedexpansi onprojrammetakesplace. 25 Seemostrecentlyandauthoritatively,VonHirschetaI.(1999). 26 Seesecticns286Aand2868oftheCriminalFrccedureAû' t51of1977.InSyBullandAnother

(2002),theSupremeCourtofAppealcarefullyIimi tedthi spowerbyrequi ri ng,i nteralia,thata dateforreviewinçwhetherthefurtherdetenti onofanoffenderisjastifiettbecatlsetheoffender issti lla 'dangercuscriminal' ,mustbesetattheti mewhena pri sonerwouldctherwi se have Leen considered forparol e.Ihi s indicates that,for consti tutionalreasons,the pri nci pl e of proporti onal itymuststi llbe honouredasfaraspossible,evenintheseexceptionalcases.

27 Therewere 16'dangerouscriminals'inthepri sonsystem asatMay2002(Source:direct communi cationoftheDepartmentofCorrectionalSewices). 28 Thebudgetforuni versi tiesfortheyear2001/2was85398.8millionandfortheyear2002/3

was 85 707.8 million (, .seeTableA6,enti tled TotalStateBudgets- universl ties

dnd technikonk.TheCcrredionalServicesbudçetfortheyear2000/1wasR5320 553 mi llion(DepartmentofCorrecionalServices,2001:136)andfortheyear2001/2wasR6581 454milli on(DepartmentofCorrectionalSewices,2002:11). 29 Suchstepsmayonl ybetakenonthe recommendati onofthe NationalCouncilon Corredicnal Servi ces:seesedi on67oftheCorreûti onalServi cesAct8of1959,whichi sstilthecurrentlaw, W hentheCorrecti onalServicesAct111of1998comesintoeffed,Si mi larstepsinresped of sentenced prisonerswi llbepossibleintermsofsection89ofthatAct.In 2001,an amendment

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wasadded to thisSection (secti on 89(4)addedbyseci on32oftheCorrecionalSewices AmendmentAc 32of2û01).I twilal low unsentencedpri sonerstoberel easedbytheMini ster ofCorredi onalServicessubjecttotheconcurrenceoftheMi nisterofJusti ceLutwi thoutthe Nati onalCouncilhavi ng any rol e to play.Thi s provi sion i 5 even more objectionabl e on consti tutionalgrounds,a5i tfuftherundercutstherol eofthecourts, ratherthancompelli ngthem toconsidertheconsequencesofthei radionsincrderi njthedetenti cnofunsentencedpri soners forI ong peri ods. 30 qwanda,whichstillhaSalargenumberofpri sonersdetainedaftertheçenocideofthe 199Os, perhapsexcepted. 31 See the comparative statisti csproduced by the Internati onalCentre forFrison Studiesat (updated 9

August2002). 32 Ibid.

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INDEX A aboli tionistvi ew 99 abuseofwomen 150 AfricanCharteron Human and Penpl e's Rights143

Boipatonj massacre2 Lusiness and organised crime45-47 spectrum 47-48

BusinessAgainstCrime(BAC)172

AfricanNationalCongress(ANC)xxii, 193 Afrikanernati onalistcriminologyxii -xiii Afrikanerpolicescience196-197 agriculturalsector94-95 alcoholabuse95 Alternative WhitePaper231-232 amnesty applicationsfor10-11 criteriafor7-8 process1-2 seasonalgoodwill235

AmnestyCommittee(ofTRC)1 proceduralissues8-9 testimony 37 anti-colonialagenda 196-201 anti-crimevigilante viclence211 anti-gunlobby 58 apartheid city165 crimeunder231 andfeministadivists142

judges101 stateand organised crime 36-38 assassinations16 attempted rape125 authority,implied 14-15 Azanian Feople'sLiberationArmy13-14

B BillofRights99-106

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C CapeFlats32-34 'businessman'48 socialgangsterism 40-42 capitalcrimes87-88 capitali sm,cultureof46,140 capitalpunishment83 statistics86g86-87

carhijacking87 CentreforPeaceAction 175-176 CentrefortheStudyofViolenceand qeconciliation 18,208

childjustice114 policies124 intransition 115-123 Child Justice8ilI120,126,134 ChiIdIine 125 childprotectionservices129 children,sexualabtlseof125 children'srights Africancontext117-118 constitutionalinfluences116 defending of133-135 diversi on 119-122 internationalinfluences116-117 .

restorativejustice118-119 professionalelite122-123 threatsto 130-133 transi ticnand 129-130 childsexualoffences125

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CIDs179-180 citizensectlrity216 CivilCo-operationBureau37 civilpolicingxvii clandestinebusinessactivities38 closed-circuittelevision 178-180 colonialpoli cing 201 commodificationofsecurity 199-200 communi tycrimeprevention 166-167 compulsion bythreats104 concealed-carryIaws70 conditionalamnesty4-5 Consortium onViolenceAjainstWomen 141 ConstitutionalCourt2,85,242,243 Consti tutionofSouthAfrica20,116,142 controltheoriesxxv ConventionajainstTransnational

optimism about231-232 pessimism about232-233 crimecontrol strategiesof122-123 transiti on xix-xxvii CrimeInformationAnal ysisCentre89 crimeprevention approachesto165-167 incontext168-169 individuali sation174-175 mi xed economyof180-183 reactiveto proactive 163 inSouthAfrica164-165 throujhenvironmentaldesign 176-180 criminaleli te3j,41-. 42 criminalgovernance40-45 criminalintention 105

OrganisedCrime29,30

criminaljustice

Conventionnn the EliminationofAII FormsofDiscriminationAgainst

Women(CEDAW)143 convictionratesand guncontrol78 CoonCarni val41 .

H

reform 3-5 'waron crime'171-173

criminaljusticesystem accessbarriers152-153 implementationbarriers148-151

correctionalpersonnel,senior233 CorrectionalServicesAct(1959)234,238 CorrectionalServicesAd (1998)238,241 CorrectionalServi cesBill(1998)24û

CriminalLaw AmendmentAct(1997) 239-240 criminalopportunities166 CriminalProcedureAct(2001)234

COSATU 169 cosmeticcriminol ogy163

criminologicalresearchersxi CriminologicalSocietyofSouthernAfrica

counter-insurgencywar203

(CRIMSA)xiii

crimexix-xxi civilresponsesto 182 fi jures88 andpowerx-xi

criminology, criticaltradition x cri ticalcriminologyxviii cri ticalpolicestudies197-200

lheorisingof165-167 andiransitionxxv-xxvi crimeand punishment new pragmatism 233

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D death penal ty85 abolition of99 whiteSA perception87

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defensiveguncwnership interpersonalviolence77-79 levelsofpredatorycrime76-77 democraticSouthAfrica,criminologyfcr xiii,xv-xviii democratisationxxii-xxiii detention,consti tutionalityof250 developmentalcrime prevention 16i, 174-176 deviantgroupsxi disenfranchi sed rtlralmasses41 dispossession 18 disputeresolution communities154 informalxvii diversion increased useof124-126 inotherccuntries121-123 youngoffenders119-122 domesticabuse95 domesticviolence 140 Iawsagainst143

DomesticViolenceAd (1998)141,143, 146-148 implementationbarriers148-151 magisterialdistricts151

useofdiscretion 757

drugls) abuse xi dealing 35

E economicgrowthxxiii-xxiv economy criminal34 post-apartheid46-47 eli te criminal39,41-42 professional122-123

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equality,rightto 100-106 ethicsandcrimeprevention 176-180

F familyviolence,defini tionof145 'farm murders'92-95

FederalBureatlforNarcotics(F8N)35 feministadivists140,141 financialreward16 firearm control argumentsagainst61-62 argumentsfor60-61 survey methodology6* 67

firearms,seealsoundergunls) accessibili tyto60,64 casefatali tyrate72-73 policy67 fishing industry47-48 free-marketsystem 48

G ganjsterphilanthropy42-45 gangviolence33

GEAR(growth,emplnymentand redistribution)169 genderofmurdervictims95 GeneralAssemblyofthe United Nations 29 globali sation 29,88 governance from below 45 ofsecurity204 government-endorsed Iand invasi ons93 gun ownership59-74 empiricalcases62-67 internationalexperience63 Iethalityofviolence71-74 Ievelofcrime 62-71,76-79 policy response74-79

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gunts),seealsoJlWerfirearms and crime 74-75 Iobby58 policy implicati ons75-79 violentcrimeand95

H hanging,othercountries83-85 'hiddenpoli ticsofcriminology'21 high-riskoffenders248 homicidalviolence98-99 homicide105,106 human rightsviolations4

HumanRi ghtsViolations(HRV) Committee 10-11 Human RightsWatch 117,146

l illegalguns95 impri sonment,approachto 251-252 indecentassaul t125 indigenouspracticesofself-policing 204 individuali sationandcrimeprevention 174-175

informaljusticestructures155 informalsettlements90 informants39 InstituteofSecurityStudies208 institutionaldemocratisation 207 institutionalisedracism 88

Iand distribution,inequalityof93-94 reform 94 Iaw inhooksand inactionxiii enforcementxi influenceofpoliticson 101-102 socialproblemsand 142-143 lethali tycfviolentcrimes59 Iiberationmovements unbanning of202 Iiberatoryviolence21

M maleviolence90 Mapogo aMathamagaxxvi,183 makgotla 154 managerialism 134-135 marginalisation 18,20 maritalrape 143 masculinity95-99 militaryoperations37

modelsofjustice3 moralideologyxi m ortuaries90 m otivation 14-15 municipalpolicingini tiatives211 murder provincialtrends90 rate83 reportingofstatistics89 and robberyrates88-89

institutionsofcriminaljustice4,5 interpersonalviolence77-79

N NationalAdvisoryCouncilonCorrectional

J

Services(NACOCS)237-238

JudicialInspectorateofFrisons233

NationalCrimeCombating Strategy

(NCCS)173 L laCosaNostra(Italianorganisation)35

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NationalCrime Frevention Centre 172

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NationalCrime Frevention Stratejy

(NCFS)163 analysisofcrimesituation 167-168 impfementationof173-174 new eraofcrimeprevention 165-170 NasionaleSocialistiese Fartisane 14

NationalFirearmsForum (NFF)65-66 NationalInjuryMortali tySurveillance System 90

NationalFa@ rule 87-90 necessity defenceof104 neo-liberalism 49-50

O offenderdecision-making 68-69 opportunitytheoriesxxv ordermaintenance199 organisedcounter-governance45 organisedcrime29-32,51 benefitsof49-50 andgnodbusiness45-46,51 andthestate34-36 overcrowding inprisons233-238, 246-249

P PAGAD xxvi

PanAfricanistCongress(?AC)13 paramili tarypoliceformations201 Paroleand CorredionalSupervision

AmendmentAd (1997)238 patriarchalsocialstructures152 patriarchy97,140 peace-keepers154 Penaland Prison Reform Commission87 penalpnlicyclimate231-232 philanthropy,gangster42-44 plea-bargaining procedures234 poaching 41

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police abuseofpower15-17 accountabifi ty210 attitudinalissues150 brutali ty196-201 complicitywithgangmembers39 culture210-211 mandate201 roleof209 trainingofofficials14% 150 useofforce102-103 policereform demccratisation213-215 internationalisation 202-203 pcliticsand practice207-209 processof209 to reform ofpolicing204-206 poli cescience196 managementstudies210 perspectiveson200-201 policing apartheid194 philosophiesof209-210 reconstrudion of205-206 research211-212 studies194-195 poli ticalaffili ation 14-15 politicalcrimesxi politici sationofpolicing 198 politics and crime6 and law 101-102 Polygyny97 post-1994developments38-39 post-apartheid

judges102 reconstrudionxvii settlement5 povertyand murder93

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power,abuseof15-17 predatorycapitalism 48 predatorycrimes68,76-77 predatorymurders92-95 preliminaryinquiry119

PreventionofFamilyVi olenceAct(1993) 143,144-146 prison conditions228-231 incubatorsofrevolution21 Iegislation 238-242 overcrowding228 prisonpopulation andcapacity229.245 Iegislatorresponse238-246 principled approachto 251-252 prisoners accommodation241 bailto high-ri sk232 releaseof235-238 sentenced 235-238,244 unsentenced233-234,244 prisoners'rights,courtsand 242-244

punishment,attitudeto232 puni tiveness,gopular126-127

R raceand 8iIIofRights99-106 racism,institutionalised 88 radicalintellectualframeworkxii rainbow nationalism 19 rape87 Reconstrudi onand Development

Programme(RDP)93-94,169,171 RegulationofGatheringsAct(1993)204 rehabilitati onofofknders132 releaseofprisoners235-237 religiousIeaders,Iocal43 remedialself-help murder91 reparationtovictims20 responsibili sationstrategy127

restorativejustice6 childjusticelegislation118-119 risk-focusedcrime prevention166, 174-176 roadaccidents90

'

privatejustice'18

privatesecurity181-182 professionaleli te 122-123 marginalisationof133 progressiverealistcriminology xiv-xv pro-gun Iobhyists58 FromotionofNationalUnityand

ReconcilialionAct(1995)1,8 propertycrime83 protectionorders153,155 provocation,defence of103 puàlic order22 orderpolicinj 198,202 safety 59,62

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S Scorpions172 seasonalworkers152 secretunits37 security

commodificationof199-200 mixedeconomyof215-217 self-defence deadlyforce in 103 andfirearms65,72 Iiterature68-69 units12-13 sel f-helpvoluntarypolicing211 self-interest42-44 sentences,length of248-249

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sexualculture97 sexualoffences125 single-sex migranthostels18 'sirencallofIaw'156 situationalcrimeprevention 166, 176-180 socialbanditry21 socialconstraints153-156 socialcrime prevention 169-170 implementationof171-180 socialgangsterism 40-42 socialhistoryofapartheidera7 socialistsystem,collapseof45 socialorderroleofstate216 socialpolicy,criminalisation of174-176 socialstructurexi societalvirus30,31

SupremeCourtofAppeal242,243 SW AFO xxiïi

T Third Force4 violence 19

townshipjustice92 tradeunionorganisation(COSATU)169 trained personnel,Iackof148 transformationxxiv in çenderrelations157 Transformation Forum onCorredional Services232 transi tionxxi-xxv partnershipsin 127-129

transitionaljustice2,3-5

SoulCityproject174-175 SouthAfricanCommunistParty(SACP)

transitionalpol icing 212-217 TrustFeed Massacre16 TruthandReconciliationCommission

169,193

(TRC)1

SouthAfricanDefenceForce(SADF)18, 36 SouthAfricanLaw Commission 143,145, 211

mandateof7-8 policeviolence198

SouthAfricanYoungSexOffenders

ubuntu 119 unemployment88 United DemocraticFront37-38 United NationsConventionontheRights

Froject114

oftheChild(UNCRC)115-116,117

state,the ajents16 andorgani sed crime36-38,51 state-centred policing xvii state institutions5 straintheoriesxxv streetgangs34 structuralcrime prevention 167 structuraltheoriesxxvi suburban burglaries87

urbandevelopment,modelof165 urbanghettcs33

SouthAfricanFolice(SAP)15-16,36, 198,200,201 SouthAfrican FoliceService147

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V victim s armeddefence65 sel f-defence66

vi gilantets)154 violence18,85 vigilantism 182-183,199

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violence againstwomen96-99 Iethalityof71-74 poli ticalandcriminal6 i n transition17-20 violentcrimes and gunownership 69-71 and guns59

whi te-collarcrime47 WhitePaperons' afe!yand Security 169-170 witches91-92 witchcraftkillings11-12

Y youth-basedbandi try 18 youth violence 18

W '

waron crime'171,172 weaponsmuggling 38

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z Zwel ethemba modelxvii