Jung and the Human Psyche: An Understandable Introduction 1583911103, 9781583911105

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Jung and the Human Psyche: An Understandable Introduction
 1583911103, 9781583911105

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Title Page
Copyright Page
Dedication
Table of Contents
Preface
Acknowledgments
Chapter 1: Introduction
Chapter 2: The visible psyche
Chapter 3: The hidden psyche
Chapter 4: Becoming who we are
Chapter 5: Challenges to self-understanding
Chapter 6: Relationships to others
Chapter 7: How can we change?
Chapter 8: How our dreams can help us
Chapter 9: Helps from the psyche
Chapter 10: Finding our way in the outer world
Chapter 11: Religion in the psyche
Chapter 12: Individuation-a life-long process
References
Index

Citation preview

Jung and the Human Psyche

lung and the Human Psyche: An Understandable Introduction presents a comprehensive introduction to Jungian theory, taking the reader through the major themes of Jung's work in a clear way, relating such concepts to individual experience. Drawing on her extensive experience in practicing and teaching Jungian psychology, Mary Ann Mattoon succeeds in making the fundamental insights of Jung's work accessible. The major topics of Jungian psychology are presented in a manner that is clear, emotionally engaging, well illustrated and non-dogmatic. Areas covered include:

• • • • •

The visible psyche: persona, ego, typology. The hidden psyche: self, shadow, unconscious, archetypes, instincts. Becoming who we are: early development, gender. Obstacles and helps to growth: complexes, projection, psychopathology.

Helps from the psyche: psychic energy, self-regulation/

compensation, symbol, synchronicity, creativity.

lung and the Human Psyche provides an original and imaginative introduction to Jung's work; it will appeal to students of Jungian psychology, those considering training in Jungian analysis, and anyone interested in Jungian psychology. Mary Ann Mattoon was the frst Jungian analyst to practice in the upper Midwest of the USA (above Chicago). A mathematics major, her interest in psychology arose out of her non-academic experiences. She is a graduate of the C.G. Jung Institute of Zurich, Switzerland, and holds a PhD in Psychology from the University of Minnesota.

Jung and the Human Psyche

An understandable introduction

Mary Ann Mattoon

First published 200S by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxfordshire OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group Copyright © 200S Mary Ann Mattoon Typeset in Times by Garfeld Morgan, Rhayader, Powys Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International Ltd, Padstow, Cornwall Paperback cover design by Code S Design Associates Ltd All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. This publication has been produced with paper manufactured to strict environmental standards and with pulp derived from sustainable forests. British Uibrary Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Uibrary of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Mattoon, Mary Ann. Jung and the human psyche : an understandable introduction / Mary Ann Mattoon.- 1st ed. p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 1-S8391-762-4 (hardcover) - ISBN 1-S8391-110-3 (pbk.) 1.

Jungian psychology. I. Title. BF173.J8SM26S 200S 1S0.19'S4-dc22 200S00S632 ISBN 1-S8391-762-4 (hbk) ISBN 1-S8391-110-3 (pbk)

To my friends and co-workers in the Minnesota Jung Association; thirty-fve years of Jungian community.

Contents

Preface Acknowledgments 1 Introduction

ix

xiii

1

2 The visible psyche

17

3 The hidden psyche

26

4 Becoming who we are

41

5 Challenges to self-understanding

62

6 Relationships to others

90

7 How can we change?

100

8 How our dreams can help us

115

9 Helps from the psyche

134

10 Finding our way in the outer world

148

11 Religion in the psyche

160

12 Individuation-a life-long process

172

References Index

183

189

Preface

A person who uses terms such as introversion, complex or archetypes is using, knowingly or unknowingly, expressions of Jungian psychology. Jung's ideas are elements of an original assemblage of ideas about the psyche. They are based on views of human nature and derivatives of clinical data that are different from Freudian, Behaviorist and other schools of psychology. Jung's ideas were slower than the others to receive wide acceptance, but in recent years there has been an explosion of works on Jungian psychology-including my earlier books, Understanding Dreams (originally published as Applied Dream Analysis: A lungian Approach) and lungian Psychology in Perspective. Although there have long been excellent introductions to Jungian thought (for example, Frieda Fordham, An Introduction to lung's Psychology; Jolande Jacobi, The Psychology of C.G. lung; and Murray Stein, lung's Map of the Soul: An Introduction), there is still none that is congenial to a non-technical style, to say nothing of a truly popular style. This book is meant to fll that gap. My point of view is that of a Jungian analyst, trained at the C.G. Jung Institute in Zurich, Switzerland (the Mecca of Jungian psychology with its emphasis on the non-rational), and a PhD psychologist, schooled at the University of Minnesota (a center of ""dust-bowl empiricism''). The combination of these differing approaches has strengthened my appreciation of the capacity of Jungian psychology to lead to a profound understanding of the human psyche and its functioning. ((hen I use the word ""analyst'' I refer to a Jungian analyst.) My increasing knowledge of persons and the world at large helps me to value Jung's theories, especially the portions dealing with archetypes and the collective unconscious, which have had great

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Preface

impact on scholarly, scientifc and artistic felds: the visual arts, literature, the humanities, history and anthropology (but little on academic psychology). Examples of Jung's infuence are found in the mythological works of Joseph Campbell, the historical works of Arnold Toynbee, the anthropological works of Jacquetta Hawkes and many others. Jung never attempted to organize fully his system of thought, although it is said that many of his students tried to persuade him to do so. The best clue to what Jung might have written in a summary is his essay, ""Approaching the Unconscious,'' in Man and His Symbols. (He completed this essay just a few weeks before his death.) In this work he focused on the understanding of symbols, their emergence from the unconscious and appearance in dreams and other imagery. The essay refects also personality differences as manifested in Jung's theory of types. In this book I seek to present Jung's major theories with suffcient elaboration for comprehension. Academic psychologists have had relatively little interest in Jung because he was as much poet as scholar and as much intuitive thinker as empiricist. (Exceptions among academic departments have been at the University of Minnesota, which maintained a credit course in Jungian psychology for twenty-fve years, beginning in 1972, and Texas A&M University, which has a continuing Jungian curriculum.) Jung's writing style has obscured his many creative contributions to our understanding of psychology and he has acquired the erroneous reputation of being a mystic-in the sense of a person who deals with mysteries beyond reliable human knowledge. Nevertheless, some of Jung's original ideas are incorporated in the overall psychological repertory, often with no acknowledgment of their origins in Jung's thought. For example, in the eight developmental stages described by Erik H. Erikson (1963), historian Henri F. Ellenberger (1970) attributed the frst fve to Sigmund Freud's stages of libidinal development and the remaining three to Jung's concept of individuation. PLAN OF THIS BOOK In ordering the topics of Analytical Psychology, a certain arbitrariness is unavoidable. Many of the topics are interrelated; hence an understanding of each is aided by exposure to one or more of

Preface

xi

the others. My frst fve chapters describe the makeup and development of the psyche; six through nine deal with the challenges to psychological development; the last three discuss the aims of psychic change. In conjunction with Jung's theories are some of my ideas and those of other Jungians; these views are identifed. In this way, a more complete but still Jungian personality theory is made available, controversial issues are raised and alternative views are presented. Jung was a prolifc writer. In addition to the twenty volumes of the Collected Works and two volumes of Jung's Letters, several volumes have been published in a less offcial status, for example the autobiographical Memories, Dreams, Refections (MDR, 1963) and some previously privately printed seminar notes. The sets of these include seminars on children's dreams, Zarathustra and The Visions Seminars. Some of them were published privately at frst, mainly for the participants in Jung's seminars, then later by such publishers as Spring Publications. Despite the quantity of Jung's work, I believe that the general reader will fnd the major aspects of Jung's theory represented in this book. (A recently initiated project of the Philemon Foundation is publishing many previously unpublished volumes of Jung's work.) It is true that Jung contradicted himself on many points; he did so in expounding the fne points of his thoughts. In the major concepts, however, he was remarkably consistent. Because the present work focuses on major concepts, I do not see it as necessary to mention minor contradictions. Despite the philosophical and methodological barriers, academic psychologists are beginning to move away from a strictly laboratory approach to their discipline and are admitting observable data that cannot be subjected to experimental controls. They have been infuenced, perhaps, by the limitations of statistical studies and the burgeoning public interest in oriental philosophies, humanistic psychologies and parapsychological experiences that do not lend themselves to experimentation. A basic knowledge of Freudian principles helps in understanding this book, because Jung alluded to some of them. But the problem is not severe, and there are other sources available for dealing with it; for example, Liliane Frey-Rohn, From Freud to lung, 1974. To give the book a lighter touch, I have inserted into each chapter (except the frst) selected verses of a song or poem that

xii

Preface

refect a thought or feeling appropriate to the content of that chapter. I have included, also, a list of recommended readings for each chapter, chosen for their quality and their focus on the topic of the chapter. Each list is varied in its emphases regarding Jungian psychology. Many volumes are those that had a strong impact on me or on readers I know. Some books are relatively old, but unsurpassed by later books. Others were written decades after Jung's death. Many other books might have been recommended; my keeping the lists short does not mean that I devalue books that I have omitted. In the lists of books, I have broken with publishing custom by including the frst names or initials of the authors. It has become not feasible to provide a comprehensive bibliography of books on Jungian psychology. Instead, I have chosen to list all the volumes that are mentioned in this book, with some additions, whether quoted directly or mentioned as resources. In the citations, the volumes in Jung's Collected Works are denoted as C(-1, C(-2, and so on. MDR refers to Jung's autobiographical work, Memories, Dreams, Refections; Let-1 and Let-2 to volumes of Jung's Letters; CD to Jung's lectures on childhood dreams; and FJ to the Freud/Jung letters. Some of the books are out of print, but can be found in public libraries. Biblical references are from the New Revised Standard Version. Psychological theory, including Jungian, is never static. The number of books on the subject continues to explode. Practitioners continue to apply Jungian theory creatively and empirically to the range of situations that their clients bring into the consulting room. The world of academic psychology has changed also, becoming ever more receptive to the study of cognitive content. Consequently, general courses in personality theory in the United States include more sympathetic attention to Jungian theories. (It is my impression that Europe has long provided a more hospitable climate for the study of Jungian psychology.) My hope is that this book will be interesting and useful to the many people for whom it is the primary entreee to Jungian psychology.

Acknowledgments

Like any writer, I am indebted to my friends and colleagues for their explicit and implicit enrichment of my understanding of the wide range of subject matter included in this book and, especially, for their challenges to my unexamined assumptions. I acknowledge debts, especially to: Michelle Zwicky for many hours of typing, computer work and correspondence, as well as encouragement to me, especially in the fnal stages of the work; Jennette Jones, Mary Korsmo and Steven Zwicky for reading chapters of the manuscript and making suggestions for improvement and enrichment; Helen Johnson and Margaret Lorayne for imaginative help in selecting illustrative songs and poems; Bonnie Marsh and Geraldine Braden for friendly support; and Beverly Cicchese for typing and computer-printing. Extract from Turn Around in Chapter 4: words and music by Alan Greene, Malvina Reynolds and Harry Belafonte. Copyright © 1958; renewed 1986 Alan Greene Songs (ASCAP) and Clara Music Publishing Corp. (ASCAP). (orldwide rights for Alan Greene Songs administered by Cherry Lane Music Publishing Company, Inc. (orldwide rights for Clara Music Publishing Corp. administered by Next Decade Entertainment, Inc. International copyright secured. All rights reserved. Extract from I Could Have Danced All Night in Chapter 9: by Alan Lerner and Frederick Loewe © 1956 (Renewed) Chappell & Co., Inc. All rights reserved, used by permission (arner Brothers Publications US Inc., Miami, Florida 33014. Extract from That Cause can Neither be Lost nor Stayed in Chapter 10: copy permission granted by Grand View College, A College of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, Des Moines, IA.

Chapter 1

Introduction

In my many years of studying Jungian psychology (otherwise known as Analytical Psychology) and working with clients as they refect on their own experiences, I have been impressed with the psyche's intricacy. For a newcomer to the feld, it often seems diffcult to fathom this complexity. But it need not be too diffcult for someone who is willing to look inward. This book is an attempt to guide the newcomer through the psyche, as each experiences it. For the newcomer, this book is designed to be more accessible than my earlier work, lungian Psychology in Perspective. That book was written for my classes, which carried graduate credit. Readers had access for help to the instructor and to their classmates, many of whom were quite well informed about the feld. This book also explains the concepts but flls the void of the lack of a classroom situation by including many more examples, especially clinical ones. ORIGINS OF JUNGIAN PSYCHOLOGY Although there were precursors in philosophy and various sciences, psychology as many of us understand it became a separate discipline in the late nineteenth century. First came experimental psychology beginning with (ilhelm (undt, then dynamic psychology starting with Sigmund Freud, then C.G. Jung and many others. Even in his 1902 dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Medicine, Jung grappled with the concepts-in embryonic formof complexes (see Chapter 5) and individuation (see Chapter 12). These concepts, along with that of the unconscious, were to become central to Jungian personality theory. Jung's dissertation centered

2

Introduction

on clinical observation of a young woman's mediumistic experiences. Then, as a hospital psychiatrist, he continued his empirical research, including a word association test. His interpretation of the fndings furthered his understanding of complexes and their unconscious roots. Because he considered complexes to be crucial to understanding the unconscious, he wanted to call his body of theory ""Complex Psychology.'' Some of his associates argued for the broader term ""Analytical Psychology,'' and it prevailed. Despite Jung's psychiatric background, his theories evolved into a description of normal personality more than of psychopathology. Perhaps because of this fact, his theories are of use to many different disciplines, including literature and the humanities. The idea of unconscious mental contents was not the unique discovery of Freud and Jung. Indeed, the idea has a trail as long as human history, in such millennia-old beliefs as the meaningfulness of dreams (see De Becker, 1968). Most of the ""discoverers'' before 1730 were philosophers and literary fgures, with a sprinkling of physicians, mystics and theologians. Until about 1800, philosophers and poets continued to be the most frequent hypothesizers of the unconscious, but scientists and identifable psychologists exerted increasing infuence (see Ellenberger, 1970). During this period F.A. Mesmer (1733-1815) developed the concept of hypnotism, which aroused the interest of the French psychiatrists who infuenced Freud and Jung. Primary among those psychiatrists were Jean-Martin Charcot and Pierre Janet. From 1800 to 1850, philosophers and poets, in about the same proportion as earlier, continued to advance the concept of the unconscious, but more medically trained scientists began to make contributions to the study. Between 1850 and 1880, the number of investigators was so great that it is not feasible to classify their professional felds. Because many of these contributors were German, it is not surprising that the pioneer psychologists of the unconscious-Freud and Jung-were inhabitants of Germanspeaking countries Austria and German Switzerland. The nineteenth century in Europe was a period of intense interest in psychological phenomena. Philosophers, theologians, physiologists and neurologists, as well as psychiatrists, all speculated on the determinants of human behavior and the etiology of mental illness; some advanced organic theories, others emotional. Despite lack of agreement on the causes of mental illness, major advances were

Introduction

3

made in the care of mentally ill persons. Sexuality and psychopathology were discussed rather widely in literature and in scientifc treatises. The psychology of children began to be explored, and investigations were undertaken in the signifcance of dreams and occult experiences. Jung was infuenced profoundly by the prevailing intellectual climate and interests of his time. Not only was he familiar with the classical Greek and Latin philosophers and the Christian theological tradition but also the works of contemporary anthropologists, historians and philosophers. He was impressed, especially, by the eighteenth and nineteenth-century philosophers Immanuel Kant and Friedrich Nietzsche. Undergirding all of Jung's theories, however, was his work with psychotic, borderline and neurotic patients and, most of all, his own inner life and self-analysis. JUNG'S LIFE Carl Gustav Jung's homeland, Switzerland, is a country of high mountains, secluded valleys and many lakes. It is a federation of cantons, each with its own dialect, customs and traditions. The culture and language are predominantly Germanic in the northern part of the country (sixteen cantons out of twenty-two total), where it has a common border with Germany. Other regions' languages are French, Italian and Romansch. To the north-east the boundary is Lake Constance, the second largest body of water in the Alpine region. It was on the southern shore of this lake, in the small town of Keswil, that Jung was born on July 26, 1875. He was named after his paternal grandfather, a German-born physician who had fed Prussia to escape the political oppression of university students advocating a united Germany. In Switzerland, the elder Carl Jung became a professor of surgery at the University of Basel. His son, Johann Paul, was a parson in the Swiss Reformed Church by vocation and a student of the classics and Oriental religions by avocation. (hen Carl Gustav was four years old, his father became pastor of a new church and the family moved to Klein-Huiningen, a suburb of Basel. It was there that Carl's schooling began and his only sibling, his sister Gertrud, was born in 1884. At age six Carl began to receive instruction in Latin from his father. An apt pupil, he continued the study of the language until he became profcient in reading ancient texts with ease. At an even

4

Introduction

earlier age he was introduced to comparative religions, through an illustrated book from which his mother, Emilie Preiswerk Jung, read to him often. He never tired of studying the pictures of exotic Hindu gods. As a student in a gymnasium (roughly equivalent to an American high school and junior college) and later at the University of Basel, Jung was attracted to a career in archaeology. (hen he realized that he could not afford to attend a university offering such a course of study, he sought an alternative, one in which he could pursue his interest in science while making an adequate living. The study of medicine met both conditions. In the spring of 1895 Jung matriculated at the University of Basel with the fnancial assistance of his father and a university stipend. (hen his father died the following year, Jung was forced to take various jobs to continue his medical course. The medical curriculum required studies in psychiatry, but the subject did not interest Jung until his last year, when he was introduced to Richard von Krafft-Ebing's Lehrbuch der Psychiatrie (Textbook of Psychiatry; frst published in 1879). At once he saw the specialty as a way of combining his philosophical interests with his commitment to the natural sciences. During Jung's last year in medical school two experiences brought to the fore what was to be a life-long fascination with parapsychology (the study of phenomena that cannot be explained by natural laws). Bleuler shared Jung's interest in and experience with the phenomena; Freud did not. (Interest was widespread, with some organizations devoted to it, but not all.) The frst experience occurred one day while he was studying at home. He heard a loud noise, like a pistol shot, from the dining room, which was next to his room. The noise had issued from a seventy-year-old solid walnut, round table, which had split from the rim to beyond the center. No explanation could be found for the occurrence. The second experience came two weeks later. Upon his return home one evening, Jung found the household in great distress. His mother, sister and the maid had heard another loud report in the dining room but they could fnd nothing broken. Jung searched the room. Finally, in a cupboard, he discovered the bread knife broken into four pieces, each piece lying in a different corner of the breadbasket. The improbability of a natural explanation for the explosive break and the distribution of the pieces impressed him

Introduction

S

deeply; he kept the pieces of the knife all his life as evidence of the event. Jung's concern with parapsychology intensifed a few weeks after the knife incident, when he observed a ffteen-year-old girl of little education who, while in trances, saw visions and received mediumistic communications. The trances, according to Jung's description, were spontaneous. (hile in such states she spoke stilted High German instead of her accustomed Swiss dialect. Jung's notes on the girl and the seeances in which she participated formed an important part of his doctoral thesis. The paper was published in 1902 under the title ""Zur Psychologie und Pathologie sogennanter occulter Phainomene'' (""On the psychology and pathology of socalled occult phenomena''-Jung C(-1). Upon the award of his medical degree in 1900, Jung was appointed assistant physician (equivalent to a psychiatric resident in the United States) at the respected Burghoilzli Hospital, a public psychiatric institution in Zurich in which Eugen Bleuler was the chief psychiatrist. Two years later Jung was promoted to senior physician (equivalent to a staff physician in the United States) and appointed lecturer in psychiatry at the University of Zurich. During the winter of 1902-3 Jung studied in Paris with Pierre Janet, who ""was the frst to found a new system of dynamic psychiatry aimed at replacing those of the nineteenth century'' (Ellenberger, 1970, p. 331). Janet's infuence on Jung was profound. Years later, Jung stated that he had had ""only two teachers''Bleuler and Janet (Campbell, 1971, p. xi). In his memoirs, Jung mentioned Freud also. At the Burghoilzli, before and after Jung's sojourn in Paris, Bleuler took considerable interest in Jung's career. Jung was always grateful, especially for the example Bleuler set of ""total respect for his vocation as a psychiatrist. Above all, Jung felt indebted to the exacting methods of observation of all forms of hallucination and derangement he acquired from [Bleuler]'' (van der Post, 1975, p. 108). Bleuler helped Jung set up a laboratory in the hospital for his work in parapsychology and encouraged the investigations by accompanying Jung to seeances. It was at Bleuler's suggestion, also, that Jung began in 1904 to lead some colleagues in experiments with a word association test (see Chapter 7). Bleuler's encouragement of Jung's investigation is especially interesting because most Swiss psychiatrists of the period considered mental illness to be organic in etiology. Indeed, Jung

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Introduction

spent considerable time examining brains to test the hypothesis. Unfortunately, the study of brain chemistry was not yet a known science. Jung's work on the word association test led to his friendship with Freud. The account of that friendship and its erosion comprise a later section of this chapter. Jung had married Emma Rauschenbach in 1903; they had four daughters and a son. Carl and Emma built a house in Kuisnacht, a suburb of Zurich, where they lived for their remaining years (until 1955 for Emma, 1961 for Carl). Like his early hospital and university colleagues, Jung carried on a private practice, as did Emma when she had moved to less responsibility for the children. Carl's practice became suffciently time-consuming and remunerative to enable him to resign from his hospital post in 1909 and from the university in 1913. Jung's seminars and supervision of prospective analysts were the basis for the founding, in 1948, of the C.G. Jung Institute in Zurich. He was its frst president. Students came to it, and continue to do so, from many countries. Some of the Institute's courses are open to students who are not analyst-candidates; other courses are available only to participants who have been accepted into candidacy. Institutes for the training of Jungian analysts have been established in many places. (In some instances there are two or even more institutes in a given city.) Jungian psychology is disseminated, also, by an increasing number of journals. The earliest of these, The lournal of Analytical Psychology, began publication in London in 1955. Beginning with his doctoral thesis, Jung investigated many aspects of human life, which, generally, have been considered to be outside the purview of science. His investigations refected his view that all human phenomena are products of the psyche and, hence, subject to psychological investigation (see Chapter 9). Jung's capacity for stirring his analysands and students to their depths produced reports that make him sound godlike, but the general agreement is that he was an intensely human person. In physical appearance he was tall, broad-shouldered, strong and healthy-looking, with a ""cheerful open face'' (Bennet, 1962, p. 5). A mountain climber and expert sailor, he always lived next to a river or a lake. He was a good listener and conversationalist, but he did not waste time in trivialities. He had a keen sense of humor, which was equaled, perhaps, by his quick temper.

Introduction

7

Jung's family was important to him, yet he had a great need for solitude. He spent weeks at a time away from home, many of them in his ""tower'' at Bollingen (up the Lake of Zurich from Kuisnacht), much of which he built himself. His power of concentration was prodigious, as evidenced by his encyclopedic knowledge and the quantity of his writings. After the break with Freud, Jung was able to pursue more freely his own theory of the contents of the unconscious mind. His work rapidly lost whatever Freudian cast it had and revealed increasingly his interest in archetypal symbolism. For the next six years (1913-19) he went through a period of what he termed ""inner uncertainty'' or ""disorientation'' (MDR, p. 170). The historian Henri Ellenberger (1970) called the experience a ""creative illness.'' During this period, Jung spent considerable time working on his dreams and fantasies and seeking to understand them, as far as possible, in terms of his daily life (see MDR, Chapter VI). The investigation of these contents led Jung to develop many of his psychological theories. From 1919 until he was halted by a severe illness in 1944, he wrote most of his major works, many in the form of individual essays that were gathered later into the Collected Works. In addition to his prodigious writing, Jung traveled a great deal, often to lecture but frequently to gather information regarding dreams and other aspects of his theories. He journeyed to Africa and India, made numerous trips to England, and several to the United States. Also, when he was at home, he held weekly seminars in Zurich, some in German and some in English. The students were his analysands and analysands of his close associates from England, the United States and Europe. Some of them became the frst Jungian analysts. The didactic study and case supervision were informal, but Jung initiated and held to the principle that all prospective analysts must undergo personal analysis. The principle has been adopted, also, by all Freudian analytic institutes and many schools of psychiatry. Jung's openness to new ideas refected the non-dogmatism that is expressed in his oftquoted statement: ""Thank God that I am Jung and not a Jungian.'' His fascination with his own inner life, so apparent in Memories, Dreams, Refections, resembled that of a scientist with a specimen and affected all aspects of his psychological theories. This fascination was especially evident in the large proportion of time and effort he spent studying archetypal materials.

8

Introduction

(hen he reached the age of seventy, in 1945, Jung began to see a decreasing number of patients and concentrated on writing and teaching. He died at home on June 6, 1961, a few weeks short of his eighty-sixth birthday. JUNG AND FREUD Jung's intellectual development refected the social climate of Basel at the turn of the twentieth century. Similarly, Freud's refected that of Vienna, which was the cultural, philosophical and medical center of Europe. In contrast, Basel provided a staid and conservative environment. It is not so remarkable that Freud was a product of Vienna as it is that Basel could produce a creative intellect of the caliber of Jung's. In order to understand Jung's theories, it is essential to consider his association with Freud. Jung began his work as a psychiatrist and psychological theorist independently of the older man. Nevertheless, the six or seven years during which their interests converged were crucial to Jung's intellectual and professional development. He never ceased to acknowledge his debt to Freud. (hen Freud's Interpretation of Dreams was published, dated 1900, Jung read it on Bleuler's recommendation. It was not until three years later that Jung realized the book's potential for explaining the mechanism of repression, which he had encountered in his word association experiments. In 1906 Jung sent Freud a copy of the frst volume (in German) of (in English) Diagnostic Association Studies: Contributions to Experimental Psychopathol­ ogy, which Jung had edited and which contained six studies by Jung and other doctors at the Burghoilzli Hospital. Freud responded with a note and a copy of the frst volume of the German edition of Collected Short Papers on the Theory of the Neuroses. Jung replied, expressing his thanks for the book but questioning Freud's theory that repressed contents are invariably rooted in sexual traumas. (hen Jung and Freud met for the frst time on March 3, 1907 in Vienna, they talked for thirteen consecutive hours. During the next six years, they wrote many letters to each other and met on numerous occasions. Through these letters and meetings Jung became increasingly aware that he had theories that differed from Freud's. Despite these differences, Jung, at Freud's urging, assumed

Introduction

9

the presidency of the International Psychoanalytic Association (IPA) in 1910. Freud wanted Jung to hold the position for life and, thus, to be Freud's ""heir apparent.'' Both Freud and Jung were physicians whose starting point was the observation of data. Freud was eager to arrive at a comprehensive theory that would withstand the test of any and all subsequent data, one that would be to psychology what the theory of gravitation, for example, has been to physics. Jung, on the other hand, saw psychological phenomena as different from physical phenomena and as needing a theoretical framework that was adaptable and fexible to take into account the infnite variety of human experiences. The result was two theoretical frameworks with very different favors. Freud's theory developed as more precise and defnableand quite rigid. Jung's evolved as more receptive to new possibilities and easily modifed-but often vague. Freud seemed to reach for conclusions, for a closed system, as if there were nothing new to learn about human behavior and experiences; many people regard him as ""dogmatic.'' Jung continually suggested hypotheses to be tested because he believed that psychology was still at the stage of amassing data rather than drawing conclusions. Because he included many data that are diffcult to observe and to replicate, he is often charged with being ""mystical.'' Like Jung, Freud went through ""creative illnesses'' marked by physical symptoms and intense emotional attachments to certain people, especially to (ilhelm Fliess and Josef Breuer. Jung's ""illness'' was characterized by the threat of being overwhelmed by powerful unconscious contents, which he described as archetypal. Freud's creativity was focused on describing the structure of the mind, Jung's on understanding a dimension of the unconscious beyond the personal unconscious and its once-conscious contents. In attempting to comprehend the mind's structure, Freud hypothesized an unconscious composed entirely of contents acquired from an individual's experiences. Some of these contents are thoughts and memories that are fairly accessible to consciousness; Freud called these the preconscious. Other unconscious contents are repressed-barred from consciousness with considerable force-and hence can be made conscious only by considerable effort. Jung, in contrast, posited an unconscious composed only partly of such personal contents; it included also archetypal contents that were generated outside the realm of the individual's

10

Introduction

experiences (see Chapter 3). Thus, to Freud, the unconscious was equated with pathology; to Jung it contained healthy, even creative resources as well as some pathological contents. Interest in the unconscious brought the two men together and divergent concepts drove them apart. In 1912, Jung's and Freud's differences came to a head with the publication of Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido (Transformations and Symbols of the Libido, revised and republished as Symbols of Transformation, Jung C(-5). At the 1913 meeting of the IPA in Munich, a stormy discussion centered on the book. Seven months later Jung resigned the presidency and, subsequently, his membership of the Association. Jung and Freud never met again after that Munich meeting. (In 1938 Jung sent an emissary to convey his offer to help Freud leave Hitler-dominated Austria, but Freud refused the assistance. Through the intercession of the American ambassador and others, however, Freud and his family were permitted to go to England, where he died in 1939.) If there remains any doubt that Jung was an independent investigator and not merely reacting to Freud, it may be based on Jung referring to himself as a ""pupil of Freud's'' (e.g., Jung C(-4, par. 553) and, in some of his letters, declaring his allegiance to Freud. Jung also referred to the psychoanalytic group he organized as ""Freudian'' (FJ, p. 93). Nevertheless, a persistent theme throughout the correspondence is Jung's doubt about Freud's overgeneralized theories, especially the conceptualization of all neuroses as rooted in polymorphous, perverse, infantile sexuality. Clearly, Jung was working independently of Freud before, after and, to a large extent, during their association, and much of Jung's work did not bear the Freudian imprint. Although popular opinion has tended to ascribe to Jung mere deviations from Freud's theories, there is no question that Jung was an original thinker who developed systems of psychology, psychotherapy and dream analysis that are markedly different from Freud's psychoanalysis. Some confusion arises because, during his association with Freud, Jung called his treatment method ""psychoanalysis'' and himself a ""psychoanalyst.'' These terms later became identifed solely with Freud's theories and followers. Because Freud wanted only ""disciples who would accept his teaching en bloc or develop it under his control'' (Ellenberger, 1970, p. 820), a condition which Jung could not accept, the split between the two innovators was inevitable. Most accounts of the end of the association between

Introduction

11

Freud and Jung are biased by the loyalties of the writers. (ith the publication of the Freud/lung Letters (1974), however, new perspectives on the ill-fated association have been provided. D.(. (innicott (1964), a Freudian psychiatrist, noted that, although the break between the two men was precipitated by ideological and personal differences, it can be seen also as the destiny of two intellectual giants. Any reconciliation of their differences would have meant a loss to the world of the maximum creativity of one or both. Following the Second (orld (ar, Jung's views were discounted by many people who believed the accusations that Jung was antiSemitic and, perhaps, a Nazi sympathizer. These accusations seemed to stem from the fact that he assumed the presidency of the General Medical Society for Psychotherapy, which was based in Germany, and the editorship of the Society's journal. He accepted the presidency in order to make the Society international and to enable German-Jewish psychiatrists to continue to be members. He succeeded in both objectives. Moreover, the journal became the organ of the internationalized Society, whose headquarters were in Zurich. One can fault Jung's strategy but not his motives (see Chapter 10).

ANALYTICAL PSYCHOLOGY AND OTHER PSYCHOLOGIES

Psychoanalysis Despite the differences over which Freud and Jung parted, their students are fnding increasing points of convergence in their approaches. Many members of the London Jungian analysts, for example, make substantial and effective use of the work of Melanie Klein; her roots are in Freudian theory but her ideas have been modifed in the direction of Jungian theory. For instance, she saw the child as ""reacting not so much to a reality situation as to a system of fantasies based on the archetypes'' (Michael Fordham, 1957, p. 167). In addition, the attribution of Jungian concepts to Freud is not uncommon. For example, Jung's attitude was that the dream means what it says; that is, the manifest images can be understood

12

Introduction

directly. This view of the dream has come to replace Freud's view that an underlying ""latent'' content of the images must be discovered. That the change was not initiated by Freud himself is recognized by relatively few Freudians today.

Academic psychology Academic (university-oriented) psychologists have criticized Jung on the ground that he did not deal suffciently with observable behavior, statistical norms or controlled experiments. Many of these psychologists seem to overlook the fact that the criticisms also can be applied to Freud. Among the reasons that academic psychologists consider Freud's thought to be more acceptable than Jung's may be that (a) Freud presented the unconscious as basically amenable to rational explanation, whereas Jung conceptualized the unconscious as the source of creativity and, hence, as ultimately non-rational; (b) Freud wrote in a straightforward manner, for the most part, and was relatively easy to understand as compared with Jung, who complicated his writing with poetic descriptions of the complexities of the psyche; (c) Freud provided a fairly consistent and closed theory, whereas Jung never ceased his investigations and insisted that available knowledge was still too elementary to formulate an enduring theory; (d) Freud's theory was accepted by the logical positivist philosophers of Vienna who were trying to apply scientifc principles to all human intellectual endeavors, including philosophy. Evidently the empirical base of Jung's work escaped the notice of earlier academic psychologists. Gradually, however, these psychologists have come closer to Jung's view in broadening the range of admissible data. Hypnosis and phenomenology, for example, are providing bridges to connect the externally observable data of academic psychology with the dreams and other subjective data of Jungian researches. The ignoring of Jung's theories can be likened to earlier attitudes toward Jean Piaget's work. His failure to carry out controlled studies and to establish statistical norms kept American academicians from paying attention to his writings. However, when American child psychologists could no longer deny the relevance of Piaget's theories, they developed appropriate empirical studies. The variables of Jung's hypotheses may be more diffcult to

Introduction

13

manipulate than those of Piaget, but observation, the basis of Piaget's theories, can be used to test those of Jung. Indeed, even the experimental method, which is valued highly by academic psychologists, was used by Jung-when it was applicable-primarily in his work on the word association test. This work brought him early recognition, including G. Stanley Hall's invitation to lecture at Clark University in 1909. The test is considered to be ""the progenitor of the majority of our modern non-questionnaire-type of personality tests'' (J.E. Bell, 1948, p. 15), including projective tests such as the Rorschach Psycho-diagnostic Inkblot Test and the Thematic Apperception Test. Since 1950, interest in the word association method has undergone a revival but for purposes different from those of Jung's early professional life. Now the focus is on the study of verbal behavior and a variety of cognitive processes; Jung's interest was in clinical diagnosis and his theory of complexes. Still another of Jung's methods that has infuenced academic psychologists is the use of the psychogalvanometer, especially in criminology. Jung's attempts to use the word association test (see Chapter 2) to detect criminal behavior failed but the psychogalvanometer succeeded and became the forerunner of biofeedback and other uses of galvanic skin responses to monitor emotional responses. One of the best known of Jung's theories, and the one that has had the greatest impact upon academic psychology, is that of the attitude types, introversion and extraversion (also spelled extroversion). An enormous literature, most of it using introversionextraversion as a dimension rather than a typology, has been compiled. Eysenck, for example, studied attitude types extensively (e.g. 1947, 1956, 1960, 1971), although his defnitions of terms differed somewhat from those of Jung. The function types (feeling, intuition, sensation and thinking) have generated less research than attitude types, but are beginning to be recognized as useful in investigations of personality (see Chapter 4). Recently, academic psychologists have been paying more attention to Jung's theories. This increased interest seems to be based on three developments: (a) Jung's theories are having an increased infuence on other theorists and on lay people who look to psychology for help in understanding their subjective worlds; (b) Analytical Psychology is more applicable to the continuing development of adults than is psychoanalysis; (c) Jung's concepts,

14

Introduction

especially those of archetypes and the collective unconscious, are signifcant for the creative aspects of human endeavor.

Adlerian psychology Alfred Adler, like Jung, differentiated himself from Freud, but his theories differed largely from Jung's; the commonalities in their work have received little attention. A major commonality is in the concept of the complex. Consequently, Jung has been credited, incorrectly, with one of Adler's major concepts: the inferiority complex (one's response to one's bodily defects). Another striking similarity between Jung's and Adler's theories is the concept of purposiveness. Adler's theory of neurosis has been based on the idea that psychic life is future-oriented; that is, symptoms appear as the means to various goals. Jung shared Adler's view that psychic life is purposive but he stressed the healthy, constructive nature of the purposes more than their neurotic qualities. Both Jung and Adler used the term ""compensation,'' with quite different meanings. Adler saw it as a neurotic way of dealing with weakness, especially organ inferiority, whereas Jung saw compensation as a resource of the creative psyche (see Chapter 9).

Humanistic psychology Because academic psychology is of little value in guiding people to self-understanding, a number of schools of psychology have appeared in response to popular demand for such help. These schools are known generally as humanistic. Some of them, such as Abraham Maslow's with its hierarchy of needs, arise out of academic psychology and are based on empirical studies. Others, such as the encounter-group movement, are derived from the subjective experiences of the originators. Humanistic psychologies share with Jung's theories the quality of holism; that is, they are based on the assumption that the whole person is more than a combination of elements-such as perceptions-and should be treated as a totality. A further characteristic that these psychologies tend to have in common is that they are phenomenological-concerned with experiences-rather than with assumptions regarding inner dynamics.

Introduction

1S

Many of the specifc insights of humanistic psychologies were present in theories Jung formulated decades ago. Abraham Maslow's ""peak experience,'' for example, was anticipated by Jung's ""numinous experience'' (see Chapter 11). The concept of androgyny depends on a concept of Jung's (and Adler's) that gender is complemented by its opposite in hormones as well as in behaviors (see Chapter 4). The ""here-and-now'' approach to psychotherapy was practiced in Jungian consulting rooms long before it was so named by such humanistic psychologies as Gestalt.

The scope and significance of Jung's work Jung's contributions to the history of psychology have become widely recognized relatively recently, but received considerable recognition over much of his lifetime. An honorary doctorate awarded by Clark University in 1909 was only the frst of many such honors. Among the others were professorships at the Federal Institute of Technology in Zurich and at the University of Basel, memberships in the Swiss Academy of Sciences and the (British) Royal Society of Medicine, as well as honorary doctorates from, for example, Oxford University (England) and the University of Calcutta (India). The infuence of Jung on felds other than psychology has been recognized and appreciated for decades. People in the arts, the humanities, history, anthropology and even physics have found in Jung's works signifcant contributions to their understanding of their own felds. Since his death, his place as a major psychological theorist has received increasing appreciation.

RECOMMENDED READINGS Blair, Deirdre (2003) lung: A biography. Boston: Little, Brown. Frey-Rohn, Liliane (1974) From Freud to lung. New York: Putnam. Kirsch, Thomas B. (2000) The lungians: A comparative and historical perspective. London: Routledge. Mattoon, Mary Ann (1981) lungian psychology in perspective. New York: Free Press. Samuels, Andrew, Bani Shorter and Fred Plaut (1986) A critical dictionary of lungian analysis. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

16

Introduction

Shamdasani, Sonu (2003) lung and the making of modern psychology: The dream of a science. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Stein, Murray (1996) lung's map of the soul: An introduction. Peru, IL: Open Court. (hitmont, E.C. (1991) The symbolic quest: Basic concepts of analytical psychology. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Chapter 2

The visible psyche

(ithin my earthly temple there's a crowd. There's one of us that's humble; one that's proud. There's one that's broken-hearted for his sins. And one who, unrepentant, sits and grins. There's one who loves his neighbor as himself, And one who cares for naught but fame and pelf. From much corroding care would I be free If once I could determine which is Me. Edward Sanford Martin

The psyche is the ""crowd'': the sum total of all mental, emotional and spiritual contents. As the verse indicates, we often fnd that our psyches give contradictory messages. To understand how it all works, let us begin with the parts that we recognize readily and show to the world.

PERSONA In Arthur Miller's play Death of a Salesman, (illy Loman's wife describes his exaggerated persona: ""A smile and a shoeshine.'' The personality that we show ""up front'' is designated the persona (from the Latin word for ""mask''). It is the face that one presents to the world, in order to gain recognition and social approval. The workings of the persona include such polite behavior as saying ""excuse me'' and ""thank you'' when one does not feel apologetic or grateful.

18

The visible psyche

No one wears the same mask on all occasions. Each mask is a response to a specifc situation or individual. For example, a woman who works as a teacher is likely to present the personas of teacher, wife, mother, customer, neighbor, friend and probably others. The sum total of masks used by each of us comprises the persona, a unique compromise between the demands of the environment and one's own needs. One person's mask may include one or more variations-for the various family members, one for colleagues at work, one for hunting buddies or bridge companions, and so on. Although the persona is highly visible, it is not easy to control or change. A good example is the professional persona. One may hear, in relation to oneself or another, ""You sound just like a: parent, lawyer, administrator, whatever.'' (illy Loman's persona was that of a salesman, even with his family. (hen he lost his job and could no longer fll that role, he felt empty and desperate for money. His committing suicide suggests that his persona had become all-encompassing; the loss of it left him with no sense of meaning in his life. Occupational personas are likely to be advantageous, as refected in Jung's humorous statement: ""The temptation to be what one seems to be is great, because the persona is usually rewarded in cash.'' Its roots remain unconscious, so that the persona is virtually impossible to change. The diffculty in changing the persona is proportional to the stake one has in the roles one plays in the family, work situation and community at large. Sometimes these roles are so incompatible that they produce severe discomfort. An adolescent male, for example, may present a compliant ""good boy'' persona to his parents and teachers and a tough, swaggering persona to his younger siblings and his friends. (hen he is in the presence of both his parents and his peers, he may behave in a way that is not consistent with either role, such as appearing shy or crying. A common mistake is to regard the persona as purely concealing and, hence, undesirable. Actually, the persona is necessary for adaptation to the world. (ithout a developed persona, one is likely to be socially inept and unable to achieve the objectives that depend on making a positive impression on other people. For example, a young man who has been overly protected by his parents may not learn to make peer connections on his own. A close friend of mine exemplifed this undeveloped persona. Unable to put up a front or a fght, she was wounded easily by anyone who opposed her or even

The visible psyche

19

disagreed with her. Her lack of a developed persona resulted in her having to break off friendships. She could not ""hold her own'' among peers. In some cases, one's persona may confict with others' expectations. Another woman of my acquaintance had a professional job in which she was expected to be outgoing, a ""glad-hander.'' This was not her inclination, she did it only awkwardly, and her limited attempts brought her severe criticism and, nearly, the loss of her job. A desirable persona sometimes can be produced intentionally. As a song says, ""You too can be the life of the party; you too can learn to play by ear.'' (hether such an achievement is the product of consciousness, or not, is debatable, but the song expresses the hope that anyone can learn to be vivacious and put on an ""act.'' The persona is largely autonomous and may confict with one's conscious wishes. An example is a person who is, appropriately, a parent with her own children but who seeks-inappropriately-to act as mother or father to adults. Such a person is not aware of the condescending appearance of such inappropriate impulses. In showing concern for others' diffculties, one is likely not to reveal one's own. (hile this behavior may allow a person to present a ""trouble-free'' image, it has the undesirable effect of preventing mutually satisfying relationships. Those in the public eye are especially vulnerable to becoming caught up in a persona. Since it is often easier, more satisfying and perhaps lucrative to maintain an image compelling to others, many public fgures become so identifed with their personas that they lose touch with their own feelings. Rock stars who spend their time living vicarious lifestyles in order to promote their art are prime examples. The personas they project become so entrenched that they become unaware of reality. Those celebrities who fnd it impossible to express their true selves become vulnerable to drastic measures such as heavy drug use or even suicide. EGO Ego, ""I'' in Latin, is what I mean when I say ""I.'' It is by no means the entire personality (although we sometimes believe it is). Rather, it is the center of consciousness-initiator, director and observer of one's conscious experiences. The center of the entire personality,

20

The visible psyche

which includes both consciousness and the unconscious, is the Self (see Chapter 3). As the center of consciousness, a well-functioning ego perceives reality accurately and differentiates the outer world from the inner images. Such an ego is capable of directing thought and action. The ego can refect what is going on in the person's life: I think, I feel, I understand and so on. London analyst Andrew Samuels (1985) has pointed out that though we might assume ""that the ego is the psychic entity we know most about, it is in fact a mystery, full of obscurities . . . . The ego, in Jung's view is a mirror for the unconscious . . . . [It] may be considered as a complex'' (pp. 55, 57). The true ego is not the ""big'' ego: arrogant, self-absorbed. Such an overbearing ego is not really big; it is likely to be underdeveloped, insecure and identifed with the persona. Such an ego is often unable to deal with such challenges in a constructive manner. It is likely to be defensive and even to lash out at other people. In contrast, a healthy ego can be modest, tolerate criticism and function well. The formation of the ego, according to Jung, begins with a ""collision'' between bodily needs and the environment. In order to survive, an infant must make his or her needs known: love, nourishment, protection and more. In this way, the embryonic ego differentiates itself from the environment and the people in it. At birth, the infant is enveloped in the collective unconscious (see Chapter 3). Before we discover that some parts of the psyche are hidden (unconscious), we tend to think that the ego is all there is. Ego development includes the child becoming differentiated from the unconscious world. In addition to being the center of consciousness, the ego provides continuity to the personality. The fact that one can say ""(hen I was three years old'' and understand that the three-year-old child was the same person who now says ""I'' is a function of the ego. It carries the memories by which one connects to one's past, as well as the complexities of current experiences. TYPOLOGY Each person is unique, with a crowded history of experiences. Our responses to these experiences are products of our inborn temperament and the intricate fabric of earlier responses.

The visible psyche

21

(hat do we mean by temperament? Some newborns are more active, others more quiet. Some are highly sensitive to light, sound, touch; others seem less tuned in to events around them. By late childhood or adolescence, observable traits of temperament can be described in the Jungian theory of types. Everyone, in Jungian personality theory, has an ego, a persona and other components of the psyche, each with individual personality characteristics. But commonalities exist among individuals, which can be joined with many others to form dimensions. Each person has the potential for all of them, but to different degrees. One or two qualities tend to be an individual's dominant ways of viewing the world. Each person shares some dimensions with some people and not with others. Jung began to develop his theory of types out of his observation of Sigmund Freud in relation to another of Freud's students, Alfred Adler. The two disagreed strongly concerning the origins of neurosis. To Freud, the origin was sexual confict; to Adler, it was the relation to society, especially the desire for power. The difference, Jung perceived, was in their different ways of experiencing the world. Some people are more inwardly-oriented, others more outwardly. He dubbed these qualities as attitudes of ""introversion'' and ""extraversion.'' (Jung's spelling of extraversion differs from other psychologists, especially Americans, who use ""extroversion.'') According to Leona Tyler, psychology professor and author of an academic textbook, The Psychology of Human Differences (1965), the terms ""extraversion'' and ""introversion'' were frst used by Jung in his exposition of psychological types, but the distinction the words stand for had been made for centuries (p. 167). For Jung, explorations of history and literature revealed comparable pairs of ideological rivals among the church fathers, among writers-such as Carl Spittler and Johann (olfgang Goethe-and in mythological characters such as Apollo and Dionysus. He saw Freud as extraverted, Adler as introverted. Freud's extraversion probably was a factor also in the split between him and the highly introverted Jung. The introvert pays attention to subjective factors and inner responses. Such a person tends to enjoy being alone and directs attention primarily toward subjective factors, and hence is more likely to have more independence of judgment. An introvert is likely to have relatively few friends and be very loyal to them, but is

22

The visible psyche

likely to be clumsy in a social situation and may be conscientious, pessimistic and critical. An extravert attends to the outer world-people, events and things-and more easily forms a relationship to them. Such a person may tend to be more superfcial, ready to accept conventional standards, dependent on making a good impression, afraid of the inner world and, probably, disinclined to be alone. One attitude is dominant in each person's behavior, thoughts and feelings; it is largely under the control of the ego. The nondominant attitude, which is not under the control of the ego, remains unconscious and is quite awkward. For example, an introvert who attempts to communicate interests may chatter away about rare birds; an extravert, when alone, may think morbid thoughts. Although psychologists do not agree on what determines the predominance of one attitude over another in an individual, they do agree that both are normal. The determinants are likely to include both genetic and environmental factors: inborn temperament and earlier experiences and responses, beginning at birth. In any case, each person is unique. Although Jung used the term type, he did not put people into ""boxes'' as some critics of types theory have claimed. Rather, he treated the attitudes and functions as dimensions; each person has all of them, some largely in consciousness, others largely unconscious. These psychological tendencies are an aid to understanding and appreciating the individual ways in which people view the world and respond to it. Many people who are not familiar with much psychological theory know about Jung's typology. They may have become acquainted with it by taking the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI), in connection with employment matters or marriage counseling. Through it they have discovered that they seem to be INFP, ESTJ or one of fourteen other combinations of those letters. Other types tests include the Gray-(heelwrights Jungian Type Survey (G(JTS), the Singer-Loomis Inventory of Personality (SLIP) and the Keirsey Temperament Sorter (KTS). These instruments ""based on Jung's ideas [constitute] a new attempt to identify nonpsychiatric personality characteristics'' (Tyler, 1965, p. 179). Post-Jung students of types, including the developers of the MBTI, opt for the term preferences instead of types. A preference

The visible psyche

23

suggests a more fuid, dynamic relation to each dimension. One's ""typology'' is ascertained by identifying the usual directions of our preferences. These usual directions often are designated ""superior'' or ""dominant'' (relatively well developed). Introversion-extraversion (IE) is a dimension that is well known not only to Jungians. Due to the work of non-Jungian researchers such as Hans and Sybil Eysenck (1947), IE is one of the bestsubstantiated dimensions in academic psychology. For a while after Jung described the IE dimension, he believed that it was suffcient. Scarcely had he published his frst work on it, however, than he discovered that this dimension did not explain as much as he had thought. After ten years of further observation he identifed the two pairs of functions: sensation-intuition (SU; SN in the MBTI) and thinking-feeling (TF). Of the functions, sensation-which works through the senses-is the one by which one perceives. A person who prefers this way of gaining information-a sensate or sensing type-is interested in facts, things and how they work, and bodily experiences. The sensation function is personifed by the television detective who repeatedly asked for ""Just the facts, ma'am.'' Intuition (U) produces in a person a great interest in possibilities. Such a person gains information through hunches, ""seeing around corners,'' making connections. Intuition occasioned the song ""Something's Coming,'' from West Side Story. Among people interested in types so many are intuitives that I have been asked to give talks on what it is like to be a sensing type (which I am). Sensation and intuition are ""non-rational'' in that they simply receive perceptions without selecting, evaluating or bringing order to the information that has been received. The function picture is completed by the judgment functions, thinking and feeling. Thinking works in the realm of true-false; feeling is concerned with desirable-undesirable. Thinking is the function that categorizes and assigns meanings to the objects perceived. A person with a developed thinking function can analyze cause and effect, defne alternatives and distinguish truths from falsehoods. (hen thinking is functioning well, the person can reason objectively. Scientists use thinking a great deal. Feeling is the function that evaluates the object: its degree of importance. As a function, feeling is quite different from emotional responses, which we often call ""feelings.'' Feeling differs, also, from perceptions-that an object feels hard or soft (which perception is

24

The visible psyche

a result of sensing) or that an event is about to happen (which perception is a result of intuition). Babies show their feelingevaluation-of foods by spitting out. Each of us can have emotions about almost anything in life. One can be passionate about ideas (thinking); witness the controversies over elections. Many people are passionate about their artistic tastes (sensation). And of course we respond with various emotions about possibilities for the future (intuition) and the value of possessions and personal characteristics (feeling). In addition to being connected as perception or judgment, each function (S and U or T and F) is dominant or non-dominant and largely excludes the other. Jung's observation was that it is diffcult to gather information via the senses and simultaneously by intuition. Similarly, while one is considering truth or falsehood, it is diffcult to consider desirability. A person who has welldeveloped sensation is likely to have poorly developed intuition and vice versa. Similarly, thinking and feeling are incompatible. Although some students of types theory (e.g. the designers of the SLIP) do not agree that these oppositions are consistently valid, there is general agreement about the existence of the functions as well as the attitudes. Normally, everyone is well developed in one ""superior'' function, and fairly well in a second, ""auxiliary'' function. Some people have the use of a third. The fourth, ""inferior'' function remains undifferentiated, primitive. It has vitality, but is awkward, embarrassing, slow. How do we recognize the order of the functions? Jung, who claimed to be an introverted thinking-intuitive (his writings tell me he was primarily intuitive) originally saw thinking and intuition as introverted, feeling and sensation as extraverted. Later he saw that any function can be associated with either attitude. He also thought originally that thinking was a male function, feeling female. Later he saw that either gender can have any function. (hat determines one's type? Like so many psychological qualities, type is at least partly innate, especially IE. But it is highly likely that functions are strengthened by one's being rewarded for what one does best. Any of these can be affected by such experiences. Psychological Types (Jung C(-6) is probably Jung's best-known book. Its interest to many people is testifed by its wide distribution, along with several contributors to the topic.

The visible psyche

2S

RECOMMENDED READINGS Edinger, Edward F. (1972) Ego and archetype. New York: Putnam. Meier, C.A. (1995) Personality: The individuation process in the light of C.G. lung's typology. Einsiedeln, Switzerland: Daimon Verlag. Schenk, Ronald (1992) The soul of beauty: a psychological investigation of appearance. Cranbury, NJ: Bucknell University Press. Sharp, Daryl (1987) Personality types: lung's model of typology. Toronto: Inner City Books. von Franz, Marie-Louise (1971) lung's typology. (oodstock, CT: Spring Publications.

Chapter 3

The hidden psyche

I have a little shadow that goes in and out with me

And what could be the use of him is more than I can see

He is very very like me from the heels up to the head

And I see him jump before me when I jump into my bed.

The funniest thing about him is the way he likes to grow

Not at all like proper children which is always very slow

For he sometimes shoots up taller like an India-rubber ball

And he sometimes gets so little that there's none of him at all.

He hasn't got a notion of how children ought to play

And can only make a fool of me in every sort of way.

He stays so close beside me he's a coward you can see

I'd think shame to stick to nursie as that shadow sticks to me!

One morning very early before the sun was up

I rose and found the shining dew on every buttercup

But my lazy little shadow like an errant sleepy-head

Had stayed at home behind me and was fast asleep in bed. Robert Louis Stevenson

In addition to the visible psyche is, of course, a hidden part of the personality. Each of us has some idea of the contents of the invisible psyche, but we don't know what to do about it. Perhaps the wish is for any part of the hidden psyche that seems to be unavailable. (hatever is invisible is presumably in the unconscious.

The hidden psyche

27

THE UNCONSCIOUS (e know a great deal about ourselves, but much of each one's psyche is unconscious. The unconscious part of the psyche is composed of many contents that vary from person to person and time to time. These ""hidden'' contents are partly personal, partly ""collective.'' The unconscious contents are much more extensive than consciousness. (e often refer to unconscious contents as ""the unconscious,'' although ""unconscious psyche'' would be more accurate. The practice of using ""unconscious'' as a noun is so common and convenient that it is followed in this book. As a specifc concept, ""the idea of mental processes was, in many of its aspects, conceivable around 1700, topical around 1800, and became effective around 1900, thanks to the imaginative efforts of a large number of individuals of varied interests in many lands'' (L.L. (hyte, 1960, p. 63). Most of the ""discoverers'' before 1730 were philosophers and literary fgures, with a sprinkling of physicians, mystics and theologians. From 1730 to 1800 philosophers and poets continued to be the most frequent hypothesizers of the unconscious but scientists and identifable psychologists exerted increasing infuence (see Ellenberger, 1970). After the break with Freud, Jung was able to pursue more freely his own theory of the contents of the unconscious mind. His work rapidly lost whatever Freudian cast it had had and revealed increasingly his interest in archetypal symbolism. For the next six years (1913-19) he went through a period of what he termed ""inner uncertainty'' or ""disorientation'' (MDR, p. 170), what Henri F. Ellenberger (1970) called a ""creative illness.'' During this period, Jung spent considerable time working on his dreams and fantasies, seeking to understand them, as far as possible, in terms of his daily life (see MDR, Chapter VI). The investigation of these contents led Jung to develop many of his psychological theories. From 1919 until 1944, when his work was halted by a severe illness, he wrote most of his major works, many in the form of individual essays that were published later in the Collected Works. Jung rejected the expression ""subconscious'' as a synonym for ""unconscious'' because he found that the unconscious often has a superior wisdom. (hen he used the term subconscious, it was to refer to the temporarily unconscious contents that Freud called ""preconscious'' (Jung C(-8, par. 363). (hereas Freud held that all the contents of the unconscious are derived entirely from

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personal experience, Jung held that some of the contents are collective-part of humanity's heritage. Beginning with his doctoral thesis, Jung investigated many aspects of human life, which, generally, were considered to be outside the purview of science. His investigations refected his view that all human phenomena are products of the psyche and, hence, subject to psychological investigation. SHADOW A radio show of the 1930s began with ""(ho knows what evil lurks in the hearts of men?'' The shadow is not always so ominous but it is omnipresent. It consists of psychic contents that a person prefers not to show or even to acknowledge. They are the parts of oneself that one considers unpresentable because they seem weak, socially unacceptable or even wicked. Manifestations of the shadow are often embarrassing. For example, a host forgets the name of the guest of honor at a party, perhaps because of some resentment toward the guest. Or one may hear oneself blurting out a hostile remark during a friendly conversation. Tom Lehrer, a mathematician who achieved renown as a songwriter and parodist of popular sentiments, refected in a 1965 recording on the injunction to love one another: ""I'm sure we all agree that we ought to love one another, and I know that there are people in the world who do not love their fellow human beingsand I hate people like that.'' Thus, Lehrer revealed humorously an aspect of the shadow in operation: the claim of good intentions to justify behavior that in other persons we label despicable. Expression of the shadow is likely when a person is in the grip of anxiety, under the infuence of alcohol, or otherwise subject to a diminution of consciousness. In dreams, according to Jung, the shadow often appears as a person whom the dreamer does not like, and who, often, is of the same gender as the dreamer. A person of the other sex is likely to be seen as animus or anima (see Chapter 4). Despite the shadow's tendency to remain hidden, we can sometimes get acquainted with it and even for it to be partly conscious-under ego control. Much of the time, however, we repress our shadows to such a degree that we are not aware of their behavior and thus have no possibility of controlling them. Under

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these conditions, the shadow is autonomous and may express itself in moods, irritability, physical symptoms, accidents, emotions, behaviors and even in cruelty. A classic example of the autonomous shadow is that of Otto von Bismarck, the leader who unifed Germany in the nineteenth century. Overtly a strong, brutal military man, he is said to have been overcome by hysterical weeping spells. These spells were manifestations of his shadow: weakness and passivity. On a more personal level, I was brought up short when, in talking with an employee I was overheard by a friend. My friend said to my employee, ""Doesn't she make you feel that you've goofed?'' I had no such attitude consciously, but evidently my shadow did! Also exemplifying the shadow is the common experience of being ""beside oneself'': behaving in an excited or agitated way that is contrary to one's usual personality. In such a situation, it is the shadow that is ""beside'' the conscious personality. As with the ego and the persona, the content of the shadow varies with each of us. In everyone, shadow qualities are undifferentiated: undeveloped, awkward, unattractive, even crude. If the same qualities appear in differentiated form (mature, graceful, attractive, refned) in another person, one can become jealous of that person, perhaps without understanding why. Thus, a given quality can be part of one person's shadow and another person's ego, but it can be awkward in the one, refned in the other. Although we often see the shadow as negative, it can be useful. It contains qualities that are awkward and sometimes destructive when they are unconscious, but that can be valuable if they are brought into consciousness and developed. Jung viewed the shadow not only as necessary for wholeness but also as capable of yielding treasure. For example, the shadow quality of anger can turn into assertiveness, and vulnerability can contribute to sensitivity to the needs of others. Jung stated repeatedly that the shadow is a necessary component of a three-dimensional body. It can display good qualities, such as normal instincts, appropriate reactions, realistic insights and creative impulses. Shadow manifestations are rooted in one of two major experiences: (1) seeing oneself as inadequate or bad, that is, being unconscious of one's good qualities (perhaps from having been told repeatedly that one has no good qualities); or (2) prizing one's negative characteristics (e.g. a person who enjoys power over other people).

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The frst category, unconsciousness of one's good qualities, belongs primarily to people with severe emotional conficts, persons with low self-esteem who live on a more constructive level than they think they do but believe that other people are superior to them in ability and ethics. The second category includes mainly criminals. They let the world see their cruelty and destructiveness, while being ashamed of their tenderness and generosity. In addition to individual contents, the shadow also contains some collective contents. The history of Nazi Germany provides an example. Jung puzzled long and unsuccessfully over the question of how a highly developed and Christian nation could support Nazism. He concluded that each of us is linked through the collective unconscious to a collective shadow. In Germany this collective image was personifed by (otan, ""the ancient god of storm and frenzy.'' Jung (C(-10, par. 392) came to claim that criminality and evil mass movements such as Nazism refect unconscious contents that are potential in all of us. (hatever one may believe about such a collective shadow, it is indisputable that each of us has a personal shadow. Awareness of one's personal darkness helps a person to understand that other people's shadows do not make them entirely evil. This understanding can prevent the ""we-they'' mentality that often produces hostile and punitive attitudes toward people who are outside one's social group. Such attitudes have arisen in many Americans in response to the 2003 war in Iraq. Shadow projections of suspicion, even hatred, are manifest toward American citizens of Muslim faith, and even more so toward citizens of Middle Eastern countries. SELF Encompassing the components of the psyche-persona, ego, shadow and more-is the Self (capitalized to distinguish it from other usages such as ""self-centered''). The Self is diffcult to describe. The phrase that seems to delineate the concept best is ""total personality,'' conscious and unconscious. The Self is the center of the personality, comparable to the sun in the solar system-the source of all the system's energy. The ego is to the Self as the earth is to the sun. As the totality of the psyche, the Self combines all the mental processes, contents and characteristics, from positive to negative,

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constructive to destructive. These contents are the parts of a pattern for the development of the whole person. As the conscious personality encounters the problems and possibilities of life, the Self draws upon the collective unconscious to provide the necessary resources to meet life's demands. Subjectively, we don't experience the Self as readily as the ego, persona and shadow. (e glimpse it sometimes in dreams and fantasies, perhaps in such images as a person whom the dreamer sees as embodying wholeness. As the individuation process results in greater psychic integration, we experience the Self ever more frequently. THE COLLECTIVE UNCONSCIOUS Although the idea of the collective unconscious is Jung's claim to fame and central to his work, it did not originate with him. It had been present for centuries in philosophical, literary and psychological works, as well as religions. Even Freud, who explicitly denied the existence of the collective unconscious as it was described by Jung, seemed to accept it implicitly. For example, Freud wrote about ""archaic remnants'': myths that are replayed by each individual, such as the Oedipus myth-the son's resentment of his father, in competition for the love of his mother. Jung made an enormous contribution by defning the collective unconscious and describing its contents, which he called ""archetypes.'' The concepts of archetypes and the collective unconscious are interdependent; they form one theory. Jung's use of ""collective unconscious'' implies archetypes. Jung developed this theory empirically. Because he insisted that anyone who had his experiences would come to his conclusions, the discussion here begins with some of the experiences that led him to the conclusion that there is indeed a collective unconscious. The theory originated, Jung said, in a dream that he had in 1909: I was in a house I did not know, which had two stories. It was ""my house.'' I found myself in the upper story, where there was a kind of salon furnished with fne old pieces in rococo style. On the walls hung a number of precious old paintings. I wondered that this should be my house, and thought ""Not bad.'' But then it occurred to me that I did not know what the

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lower foor looked like. Descending the stairs, I reached the ground foor. There everything was much older, and I realized that this part of the house must date from about the ffteenth or sixteenth century. The furnishings were medieval; the foors were of red brick. Everywhere it was rather dark. I went from one room to another, thinking, ""Now I really must explore the whole house.'' I came upon a heavy door, and opened it. Beyond it, I discovered a stone stairway that led down into the cellar. Descending again, I found myself in a beautifully vaulted room which looked exceedingly ancient. Examining the walls, I discovered layers of brick among the ordinary stone blocks, and chips of brick in the mortar. As soon as I saw this I knew that the walls dated from Roman times. My interest by now was intense. I looked more closely at the foor. It was of stone slabs, and in one of these I discovered a ring. (hen I pulled it, the stone slab lifted, and again I saw a stairway of narrow stone steps leading down into the depths. These, too, I descended, and entered a low cave cut into the rock. Thick dust lay on the foor, and in the dust were scattered bones and broken pottery, like remains of a primitive culture. I discovered two human skulls, obviously very old and half disintegrated. Then I awoke. (MDR, pp. 158-59) The dream occurred during Jung's 1909 trip with Freud to the United States, where they both lectured at Clark University in Massachusetts. The two were together every day for seven weeks and analyzed each other's dreams. (hen Jung told this dream, Freud urged him to fnd the repressed wish indicated by the two skulls. Knowing that Freud assumed that the skulls indicated death wishes-perhaps for Freud's death-Jung complied outwardly (naming his wife and sister-in-law as possible objects of the death wishes). He did so despite his ""violent resistance'' to such an interpretation, because he ""did not then trust [his] own judgment, and wanted to hear Freud's opinion'' (MDR, p. 159). Jung also feared that, if he insisted on his own point of view, he would lose Freud's friendship. This experience, however, forced Jung to begin to recognize the basic incompatibility of his and Freud's ideas. Jung evidently had no clear idea of the dream's meaning at the time but remembered the experience as his ""frst inkling of a collective a priori beneath

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the personal psyche'' (MDR, p. 161). He saw Freud as taking refuge in doctrine and unable to comprehend Jung's mental world. Nearly ffty years later Jung elaborated these impressions: It was plain to me that the house represented a kind of image of the psyche-that is to say, of my then state of consciousness, with hitherto unconscious additions. Consciousness was represented by the salon. It had an inhabited atmosphere, in spite of its antiquated style. The ground foor stood for the frst level of the unconscious. The deeper I went, the more alien and the darker the scene became. In the cave, I discovered remains of a primitive culture, that is, the world of the primitive man within myselfa world which can scarcely be reached or illuminated by consciousness . . . . The dream pointed out that there were further reaches to the stage of consciousness I have just described: the long uninhabited ground foor in medieval style, then the Roman cellar and fnally the prehistoric cave. These signifed past times and past stages of consciousness . . . . My dream thus constituted a kind of structural diagram of the human psyche; it postulated something of an altogether impersonal nature underlying that psyche . . . . This I frst took to be the traces of earlier modes of functioning. Later, with increasing experience and on the basis of more reliable knowledge, I recognized them as . . . archetypes. (MDR, pp. 160-61) Subsequent experiences contributed further to Jung's hypothesizing the collective unconscious. His clinical work exposed him to the dreams, delusions and hallucinations of his patients at the Burghoilzli Hospital. The contents convinced Jung that there existed a realm of the unconscious beyond the repressed representations that were the object of Freud's dream investigations. Several times in his Collected Works Jung repeated one patient's particular delusion. One version reads as follows: One day I came across him there, blinking through the window up at the sun, and moving his head from side to side in a curious manner. [The patient] took me by the arm and said he wanted to show me something. He said I must look at the sun

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with eyes half shut, and then I could see the sun's phallus. If I moved my head from side to side the sun-phallus would move too, and that was the origin of the wind. I made this observation about 1906. In the course of the year 1910, when I was engrossed in mythological studies, a book of [Albrecht] Dieterich's came into my hands. It was part of the so-called Paris magic papyrus and was thought by Dieterich to be a liturgy of the Mithraic cult. It consisted of a series of instructions, invocations, and visions. One of these visions is described in the following words: ""And likewise the so-called tube, the origin of the ministering wind. For you will see hanging down from the disc of the sun something that looks like a tube.'' (Jung C(-8, pars. 317-18) Although the frst edition of the book had appeared in 1903, the patient could not have had access to it because he had been committed to the psychiatric hospital several years earlier; nor was it likely that he could have learned of the Mithraic material from other sources. Jung concluded that the image in the book and the image seen by the patient had a common unconscious source. In the BBC flm, Face to Face, the interviewer asks Jung if he considered the experience with the Burghoilzli patient a proof of the collective unconscious. Jung replied that he saw it as a hint. For a while, Jung thought that these contents, which were related to the past, might be explained by racial inheritance. He investigated this possibility by studying the dreams of blacks in the southern United States. (hen he found motifs from Greek mythology in their dreams, he concluded that these images belonged to humankind in general and not to particular racial groups. The motifs included, for example, the image of a man being crucifed on a wheel. The black male who reported this image had had minimal education and was unlikely to have had conscious knowledge of such an image. Jung explained: If he had not had any model for this idea it would be an archetypal image, because the crucifxion on the wheel is a mythological motif. It is the ancient sun-wheel, and the crucifxion is the sacrifce to the sun-god in order to propitiate him, just as human and animal sacrifces formerly were offered for the fertility of the earth. The sun-wheel is an exceedingly

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archaic idea, perhaps the oldest religious idea there is. (e can trace it to the Mesolithic and Paleolithic ages, as the sculptures of Rhodesia prove. Now there were real wheels only in the Bronze Age; in the Paleolithic Age the wheel was not yet invented . . . . The Rhodesian sun-wheel is therefore an original vision, presumably an archetypal sun-image. (Jung C(-18, par. 81) Despite Jung's impression that the collective unconscious was a phenomenon waiting to be identifed, he needed some years to get the idea crystallized in his mind. The concept of archetypes frst appeared in Jung's work in 1912 in the term ""primordial image'' (Jung C(-5). It appeared in Psychology of the Unconscious, republished as Symbols of Transformation, the publication that precipitated his break with Freud. Jung used the term to designate mythologems, legends, fairy-tale motifs and other images that express universal modes of human perception and behavior. In 1916 he introduced the term ""dominants of the collective unconscious'' (Jung C(-7, par. 2). The culmination of the theory of the collective unconscious came in 1919 when he introduced the term ""archetype'' (Jung C(-8, par. 229). CONTENTS OF THE COLLECTIVE UNCONSCIOUS To distinguish it from ego consciousness, which is subjective, Jung characterized the collective unconscious as the ""objective psyche'' because it is non-personal and, in its power to generate images and concepts, independent of consciousness. The personal unconscious also functions autonomously-independently of the ego-but it is dependent on consciousness for its contents, which have been repressed. ""Collective'' contents are common to all humans and far broader in signifcance than the repressed remains of each person's experience.

Archetypes The word archetype did not originate with Jung. The term had been used earlier by several philosophers, with different meanings, often including that of an ideal form. For example: ""In Platonic philosophy archetypal is applied to ideas or forms of natural

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objects held to have been present in the divine mind prior to creation'' (Oxford English Dictionary). (riters in the popular press sometimes use the word archetype erroneously to mean a stereotype-a fxed image. In Jungian psychology, the term refers neither to perfection nor to fxed images. Jung described archetypes as ""typical [uniform and recurring] modes of apprehension'' (Jung C(-8, par. 280). Thus, the archetype is a predisposition to an image; it underlies and shapes a variety of specifc images. (e do not experience the archetype itself but, rather, its effects. It would be easier to understand the concept by using the adjective, archetypal. Images may be archetypal but are not in themselves archetypes. It is true that Jung sometimes contradicted himself by using archetype to mean archetypal images but essentially he distinguished between the archetype as such and the images, emotions and other behaviors affected by the archetype. Archetypal material is often diffcult to identify because it is intertwined with personal material. In Jung's view such material appears in virtually pure form in fairy tales. Evidence of their collective nature is the fact that before modern communications connected widely the people in the world, almost identical motifs and tales appeared in widely separated cultures.

Instincts Archetypes are not the only contents of the collective unconscious. Also included are instincts. Indeed, the collective unconscious is the source of instincts, in Jung's view. Archetypes are typical modes of perception; instincts are typical modes of action. For example, a man seeing a woman as a goddess arises out of an archetype. His desiring her sexually comes from an instinct. (riting in 1919 (Jung C(-8, par. 270), Jung used the term ""archetype'' for the frst time. He gave no indication of being aware that American academic psychology, with the advent of behaviorism in 1913, had rejected the concept of instincts in humans. Like Freud, Jung assumed that motives such as hunger and sex are accompanied by behavior patterns that are shared by human beings generally. The idea of instincts has reappeared in academic psychology in such terms as drive and species-specifc behavior. Jung's view of instincts differs signifcantly from that of academic psychology in ways other than terminology. He saw instincts

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as refections of the collective unconscious and, hence, as more predispositions to behaviors than the behaviors themselves. Archetypes and instincts are related to each other like the colors in a spectrum of light. Archetypes can be said to be at the ultraviolet end, instincts at the infrared end. Both are expressions of the same vital activity-energy-in the unconscious. Jung maintained that it is impossible to say which is primary, archetypes or instincts: apprehension of the situation or the impulse to act. Nevertheless, he sometimes described instincts as a subspecies of archetypes.

Alchemy Jung came relatively late to a study which absorbed him mightily for much of his life: alchemy. In about 1926 he had a dream in which he was beside his house, in which there was a wonderful library. He rode through a gate in a coach; he could see a second gate at the far end. Just as he reached the manor house, both gates few shut. The coachman leaped down from the seat and exclaimed ""Now we shall be caught for years.'' Jung thought ""But what is there to do about it?'' His response was to plow through tomes on the history of the world, of religion and of philosophy. Not until much later did he realize that it referred to alchemy, which had reached its height in the seventeenth century. Light on the nature of alchemy dawned on him only after he had read the text of The Golden Flower, a specimen of Chinese alchemy which he received in 1928. Eventually he realized that the alchemists were talking in symbols-old acquaintances of Jung's. He wrote, ""In this way the alchemical mode of expression gradually yielded up its meaning. It was a task that kept me absorbed for more than a decade'' (MDR, p. 205). Now we can see in his publications the depth and extent of his fascination with alchemy. Indeed, the general index of the Collected Works includes twenty-seven pages of references to alchemical works. THE NATURE OF COLLECTIVE (ARCHETYPAL) MATERIAL It is a mistake to think of a specifc image, idea or motif as inherited. Jung wrote:

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It would be absurd to assume that such variable representations could be inherited. The archetype is, on the contrary, an inherited tendency of the human mind to form representations of mythological motifs-representations that vary a great deal without losing their basic pattern. (Jung C(-18, par. 523) Jung sometimes seemed to say that archetypes are specifc to various cultures. He modifed this idea considerably, however, with the observation that the archetypes are general to humankind, but the images are shaped by specifc history and culture. For example, individuals or cultures may have different images of the good mother or the hostile brothers, but the motif is the same, whatever the image. Each category of archetypal contents can produce a variety of culture-specifc images. For example, depending on the interests and experience of a twentieth-century dreamer, the hero could take the form of a medieval knight, a football player, a military leader or an anti-war protester. Jung noted also that archetypal images often take mythological form. In (estern culture, Greek mythological images are cited frequently as examples. Comparable images often appear in modern form, however: For instance, instead of the eagle of Zeus, or the great roc, there is an airplane; the fght with the dragon is a railway smash; the dragon-slaying hero is an operatic tenor; the Earth Mother is a stout lady selling vegetables; the Pluto who abducts Persephone is a reckless chauffeur, and so on. (Jung C(-15, par. 152) (hatever the archetypal content, it is always bipolar in signifcance, ""Just as [they] have a positive, favourable, bright side that points upward, partly negative and unfavourable, partly chthonic, but for the rest merely neutral'' (Jung C(-9-I, par. 413). The specifc image, however, can be either positive or negative, at least in the view of consciousness. Thus, although many people have a tendency to consider an archetypal dream to be favorable, it is not always so. It can refect the destructive side of the personality as readily as the constructive. (hatever archetypal images appear-in dreams, waking visions or events-they tend to arouse intense emotions. Usually, they are

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numinous-that is, awe-inspiring. Thus, they seem to come from a different level of the unconscious. (Some people believe that psychedelic drugs plunge individuals into transpersonal layers of the psyche.) An archetypal image may even have a cosmic quality; temporal or spatial infnity, movement at tremendous speeds or for enormous distances, astrological associations, or changes in the body's proportions. Do we know how many archetypes there are? The question may not be meaningful because archetypes are patterns and processes rather than entities. Nevertheless, Jung offered at least two answers: (a) there is only one archetype, the collective unconscious, which is the producer of all archetypal images; and (b) there is an unlimited number of archetypes, as many as the typical situations in life. Some of the image-categories he listed, many of them in personifed form, are: the hero, dragon, helpful animals, demons, wise old man, divine child, great mother, anima and animus, anthropos (original human), Christ, duality, mandala, marriage, death and rebirth, hidden treasure and transformative processes of alchemy. A Jungian-oriented anthropologist, Jennette Jones, has developed a classifcation of archetypal categories that organizes and augments Jung's list. Her frst classifcation is that of geometric fgures: mandala, tetrahedron and pyramid. The second includes patterns and natural forms. The patterns are spiral, meander (connecting the same set of dots as effciently as spiral) and explosion (longer total length, shorter average length in connecting dots). The natural forms are sun, moon, stars, earth, mountains, the four elements (earth, air, fre, water), plants and animals. Jones' third category is composed of the personifcations that Jung listed. Jones' fourth category is that of alchemical processes. Although the medieval alchemists worked tirelessly at the concrete processes of transmuting base substances, such as lead, earth, water or dung, into more valuable substances, such as gold, Jung saw their work as a projection of their psychic individuation processes into the alchemical work. These intra-psychic processes are archetypal, just as are the inner psychic components-the shadow, for examplethat presumably are the participants in the processes. An example is calcinatio, ""the intense heating of a solid in order to drive off water and all other constituents that will volatize. (hat remains is a fne, dry powder'' (Edinger, 1985, p. 17). The process of calcinatio corresponds to drying-out periods of life and dried out or dead

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areas of the psyche. There are many versions of the list and descriptions of the alchemical processes. RECOMMENDED READINGS Edinger, Edward F. (1972) Ego and archetype. New York: Putnam. Miller, (illiam A. (1981) Make friends with your shadow: How to accept and use positively the negative side of your personality. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress Publishers. Stevens, Anthony (1982) Archetypes: A natural history of the Self. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. van Eenwyk, John R. (1997) Archetypes and strange attractors: The chaotic world of symbols. Toronto: Inner City Books. von Franz, Marie-Louise (1997) Archetypal dimensions of the psyche. Boston: Shambhala. (hitmont, E.C. (1991) The symbolic quest: Basic concepts of analytical psychology. Princeton: Princeton University Press. (ickes, Frances G. (1988) The inner world of man. Boston: Sigo Press.

Chapter 4

Becoming who we are

(here are you going, my little one, little one (here are you going, my baby, my own? Turn around and you're two, turn around and you're four Turn around and you're a young girl going out of my door (here are you going, my little one, little one Little dirndls and petticoats, where have you gone? Turn around and you're tiny, turn around and you're grown Turn around and you're a young wife with babes of your own. Malvina Reynolds, Alan Greene and Harry Belafonte

The song refects the surprise we all feel when we see how fast children grow, and how much young and even older people change. Each individual does it in his or her own way, so that even psychologists have diffculty describing how it happens. DEVELOPMENT

Infancy and childhood Many psychologists count infancy, childhood and adolescence as the periods of human ""development.'' Freud and Jung differed in their views-Freud believed that the basic personality was largely fxed by age six, and seemed to consider development to stop with adolescence. Jung expanded the concept so that it includes birth through old age. Indeed, he had more to say about the second half of life than about the frst half. Freud's view was that young children have overtly sexual feelings and wishes. Jung did not entirely disagree but insisted that they live

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largely in the collective unconscious. He spelled out this idea in his works on children's dreams, and in his view that there is no ""demonstrable ego-consciousness in childhood, for which reason the earliest years leave hardly any traces in the memory'' (Jung C(-8, par. 668). Neo-Jungian theorists (e.g. Michael Fordham of England) have supplemented Jung's work by describing the frst years of a child's life. Following Melanie Klein, founder of the British school of psychoanalysis, neo-Jungians have hypothesized that ego formation begins with the infant's discovery of the discrepancy between bodily needs and the environment. Klein's ""good breast/bad breast'' parallels Jung's view of opposite poles of the archetype, and the infant's experience that the mother sometimes gratifes her child and sometimes doesn't. During this process, the infant learns to distinguish the mother fgure from other persons. Child psychologist Daniel Stern (1977) and others dispute this view, maintaining that the infant always has a sense of identity, apart from the mother. Israeli analyst Erich Neumann (1973) wrote extensively on the Jungian view of the child's psyche. He pointed out that: ""The mother dominates the early development of the human individual just as the matriarchal world, in which the unconscious is paramount and ego-consciousness is still undeveloped, dominates the psychology of primitive cultures.'' This maternal domination continues after birth because ""the human child, after the nine months it spends in the womb, requires [unlike other animals] another year to attain the degree of maturity that characterizes the young of most other mammals at birth'' (p. 7). In 1913, the year that Jung and Freud broke, Jung published ""The Theory of Psychoanalysis'' (Jung C(-4, Part II) in which he modifed Freud's sexuality theory by dividing human life into three phases: The frst phase embraces the frst years of life. I call this period the presexual stage. It corresponds to the Caterpillar stage of butterfies, and is characterized almost exclusively by the function of nutrition and growth. The second phase embraces the frst years of childhood up to puberty . . . . Germination of sexuality takes place at this period. The third phase is the adult period from puberty on, . . . the period of maturity. (Jung C(-4, pars. 263-65)

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As far as I can ascertain, Jung did not mention Freud's doctrine of penis envy in females, but he almost certainly did not support the concept. Much of Jung's work that is devoted to infancy and childhood appears in The Development of Personality (Jung C(-17). There he discussed the developmental process in relation to education (in school and elsewhere), the signifcance of the unconscious in the development of the child, and childhood psychopathology. In addition, Jung devoted considerable print to the interpretation of children's dreams that were brought by patients, and childhood dreams that were remembered by his adult patients (also in CD36, 38 and 40). Through these interpretations, and other clinical material, he contributed to our understanding of children and the childlike qualities of adults.

The infant and the archetypal world For Jung, the Self is the precursor of the ego and the director of psychic development. Before the ego forms, the child lives largely in an archetypal world, including projecting the Self onto a doll, teddy bear or ""security blanket.'' One evidence of the existence of the Self is that these are projections of it. Jung and Freud differed in their views of attachments to father and mother and of the development of the ego. Freud maintained that each child is attached primarily to the parent of the other gender; Jung found that the mother is always primary. For the frst two years of postnatal life, in Jung's conception of development, the child is completely enveloped in the collective unconscious. During this period the child is likely to experience archetypal contents primarily in terms of parental images. Attachment to the actual parents is necessary for the child to relinquish the link to the archetypal parents. Jung saw this transition as happening gradually. (hen development is healthy, parents ceaseover time-to seem godlike to the growing child. (hen development is suffciently troubled or a parent is lost by death or desertion, the child does not come to see the parents and other persons as fnite beings. Thus, the child may carry pathological fears. The growing neo-Jungian literature in ""object relations'' refects the seemingly endless possibilities and problems arising out of the various kinds of parent-child interaction.

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Through the early years-until about age fve-the child, in fantasy, maintains contact with the archetypal world. According to New York analyst Frances (ickes (1966), the child is likely to create an imaginary playmate-companion who is ""called into existence because of a psychological need'' (p. 165). (ickes, whose book was published frst in 1927, saw these imaginary companions as normal and constructive, although, at that time, they were generally considered to be dangerously removed from reality. A group of child psychologists who worked long after (ickes wrote her book expanded on her view. M. Pines (1978) and others found that a large proportion of the three- and four-year-old children they observed had imaginary playmates. These children differed sharply from the rest: they were less aggressive and more cooperative; they smiled more; they showed a greater ability to concentrate; they were seldom bored; and their language was richer and more advanced, especially among the boys.

Development of the ego Among Jungians, the most detailed descriptions of the maturation processes of the frst year of life have been provided by Michael Fordham (1964) and other neo-Jungians of the British group of Jungian analysts. They incorporate much of the theory of Melanie Klein, a Viennese self-taught student of psychoanalysis who moved to England in 1926 and there founded what became known as the British school of psychoanalysis. Klein departed considerably from Freudian theory; hence her ideas are acceptable to many Jungians. Following Klein, the neo-Jungians hypothesize that in the frst year of life the Self ""de-integrates'' into fragments; some of them form the ego. (hen the infant's needs are not met completely (e.g. hunger), he or she starts to perceive a separation from the nurturing (mother) fgure; fngers and toes are part of the infant, but the mother's breast is separate from the child. Somewhat later, the child learns to distinguish the mother fgure from other persons. As the ego separates from the original state of unconscious identity with the mother, ""ego fragments then form a more coherent and organized island around which a vast sea of personal and collective unconscious material exists'' (Renaldo Maduro and Joseph (heelwright, 1977, p. 92). Thus, the Self is the precursor of the ego and, according to British analyst Gerhard Adler (1951), the director of its development. One

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evidence of the existence of the Self, as in any psychic entity, is that it is projected. Von Franz (1972) saw the child's doll, teddy bear, or, Americans might add, ""security blanket,'' as projections of the Self.

Adolescence and young adulthood Jung identifed the ""psychic birth'' occurring at puberty with the ""conscious differentiation from the parents . . . [and] the eruption of sexuality'' (Jung C(-8, par. 756). Parents often think that their teenagers are different from earlier generations, but a quotation from Socrates in the ffth century B.C.E. casts doubt on this view: Our youth now love luxury. They have bad manners, contempt for authority; they show disrespect for their elders, and love chatter in place of exercise. They no longer rise when others enter the room. They contradict their parents, chatter before company, gobble their food, and tyrannize their teachers. A lack of initiation ceremonies, then and now, may contribute to such a negative adult-youth relationship. For some young people, there are religious ceremonies, such as Christian confrmation (in a group) and individual bar mitzvah (for a Jewish boy) and bas mitzvah (for a Jewish girl). These seem to carry less signifcance than they once did, even for the young people who are so recognized. Augmenting the religious initiations are educational and personal milestones, such as obtaining a driver's license, graduating from high school or leaving home. For some, initiation comes only with marriage, putting an additional burden on that relationship. An extensive discussion of initiation practices, with many authors, can be found in Louise Mahdi (1987). The frequent lack of transitional ceremonies may account for the enthusiasm of some young people for entering religious cults or joining their peers in the use of mind-altering drugs. In addition to her writing and editing, Mahdi (1987), a Jungian analyst, has been experimenting with the application of the American Indian ""vision quest'' as a potentially valid initiation process for groups of Swiss and non-Indian American young people. Although different Indian tribes proceed variously, the basic themes are solitude in the wilderness, prayer, fasting, focus on dreams and being open to whatever happens. Such a confrontation with oneself, without the use of

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drugs, meets the needs of some contemporary young people for an experience of initiation.

Middle life The term ""mid-life crisis'' is used widely. For many women the crisis comes in the physical and emotional effects of menopause. Parallel processes in men have been more diffcult to identify. But in both sexes, the mid-life crisis appears to be synonymous with what Jung called the beginning of the ""second half of life.'' He found that, at around thirty-fve or forty years of age, a person is likely to fnd that youthful objectives have been met or given up and that earlier sources of a sense of meaning in life no longer serve. Physical energies wane. Fewer possibilities for achievements and other satisfactions are available. There is an inward turning of psychic energy and, for many people, an intensifed concern with relationships, goals, meaning of life and other ultimate concerns, which refect religious considerations. ((ith increasing longevity, the mid-life crisis may come fve to ffteen years later, especially for women, who on average are longer-lived than men.)

Old age The developmental process does not end with middle life, any more than it ends with childhood, adolescence or young adulthood. Jung saw three major stages of the second half of life: (a) learning about a particular society and how to live in it; (b) establishing oneself in one's society through work and personal relations, especially marriage; and (c) the age of acquiring wisdom. (e could add preparation for death. Jung believed that psychological development can continue through advanced age. This belief was refected in his practice of accepting for analytic psychotherapy persons approaching or past retirement age. This practice is continued by many current Jungian analysts. The developmental tasks of old age are the search for meaning and the movement toward wholeness. As Jung pointed out: ""For a young person it is almost a sin . . . to be too preoccupied with himself; but for the aging person it is a duty and a necessity to devote serious attention to himself'' (Jung C(-8, par. 785). Such

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refection is necessary so that ego demands can recede and the concerns of the Self can be given priority.

Life as a whole Backward as well as forward processes occur throughout life: tendencies to regress as well as to progress. For example, an individual who encounters a situation with no precedent is likely to regress to earlier patterns of behavior. Childish behavior is always in tension with the tendency to become more mature. Such unprecedented situations may include losing a job, divorce or a death in the family. Childish behavior is a link to the childlike part of the psyche, the part that is in fux and thus capable of further growth. The individual must give continuing attention to the ""inner child'' so that the growth potential can continue to infuence the adult personality. Maturity tends to be more stable and, hence, less subject to the process of development. The later years, the period of retirement from active work life or at least of decreased activity, provide a renewed opportunity for further growth through increased attention to inner experience and, through refection, to assimilation of the many events of the past. GENDER It is increasingly unpopular to refer to ""feminine'' and ""masculine'' as qualities. As principles, however, they are acceptable to many people. Jung designated the one as ""eros,'' the other as ""logos.'' Eros signifes relatedness, the attitude that works for harmony; logos signifes rationality and objective concern. These may appear similar to the feeling and thinking functions, but are not the same. Jung hypothesized a psychic structure that corresponds to the different chromosomal makeup of men and women: a predominantly feminine conscious personality in a woman, masculine in a man, together with the opposites, respectively, in the unconscious. He used ""masculine'' and ""feminine'' not to describe roles but, rather, to denote archetypal principles by Greek words: the feminine principle, ""eros''; the masculine, ""logos.'' Eros fosters both interpersonal relationships and integration within oneself. It values subjectivity and the concerns of individuals more than collective

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society. It is rooted in the concrete, material universe. Like the earth, it is passive, receptive and creative. Logos can be translated as word, power, meaning and deed. It signifed for Jung ""objective interest'' (Jung C(-10, par. 255): structure, form, discrimination and the abstract. He often equated logos with the spiritual, not necessarily in the religious sense of the term but in the sense of non-material. Eros and logos are equally necessary in human life. Each is needed to complement the other and, therefore, is insuffcient alone. Logos is necessary for differentiation, whereas eros ""unites what logos has sundered'' (Jung C(-20, par. 275). For a man or woman to achieve wholeness, it is essential that each develop both the feminine and masculine sides of his or her personality. The logos and eros principles have broader implications than the psyches of individuals. According to mythologist Joseph Campbell, their Chinese counterparts are linked to the phenomena of nature, such as the sunny and shady sides of a stream: Yang is of the sunny side; yin, the shady. On the sunny side there is light, there is warmth and the heat of the sun is dry. In the shade, there is the cool . . . of the earth, and the earth is moist. Dark, cold, and moist; light, hot, and dry; earth and sun in counteraction. (Campbell, 1972, p. 116) Masculine and feminine may be projected onto social and political decisions. The Republican Party is sometimes seen as masculine and the Democrat Party feminine. FEMALE PSYCHOLOGY The Jungian view of female psychology denies Freud's notion that a woman is an incomplete man. In general, Jung had a positive perception of women's nature; the women who knew him perceived him as positively disposed to their possibilities for development. This perception is attested to by the disproportionate number of early Jungian analysts who were women, especially in Zurich and New York. Jung had less to say about the psychology of men, probably because much of the writing in psychology had assumed the male

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as the norm. Nevertheless, he considered the two genders in relation to each other. The animus-anima theory is crucial in Jung's view of females and males: that each gender's consciousness is paired with the unconscious of the other. That is, female consciousness is more erosoriented, male consciousness more logos-oriented.

The animus Probably Jung's greatest contribution to female psychology is his concept of the animus, the contrasexual (male) archetypal component of the female psyche. Clinical experience includes male fgures in women's dreams, refecting behaviors that appear in the dreamers' waking experiences, and similar to actions of the males in her life. Or she may project (perceive in them) contents that often refect her early experiences with men, especially her father. Jung said almost nothing about the infuence of national or tribal culture but it seems impossible to deny this infuence; the animus of a French woman is likely to differ markedly from that of a Japanese woman. The animus' bad name is due largely to Jung's tendency to emphasize its negative aspects. Although the animus, like every psychic fgure, has both positive and negative features, Jung described the animus as hostile, power-driven and given to irrational opinions. More recent theorists (e.g. Mary Ann Mattoon & Jennette Jones, 1987) have challenged the value of a concept that has been so distorted. Both the archetypal and learned (personal and cultural) aspects of the animus are largely unconscious. Jung stated, however, that the animus is ""a mediator between the conscious and the unconscious'' (Jung C(-9-II, par. 33). By this he seemed to mean that these contents provide images that make available to consciousness the previously unconscious logos capacities: a capacity for refection, deliberation and self-knowledge. Jung seemed to assume that opinionatedness was archetypal and the mark of an undeveloped (immature) animus. Perhaps it is, when a woman has too little freedom in running her own life. In my view, however, opinionatedness is characteristic of men more than of women; daughters probably acquire the quality from their fathers more than from their mothers. Indeed, opinionatedness is perhaps undifferentiated thinking more than negative animus.

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""Animus women"" and ""anima women"" Harding (1970) developed the thesis that the animus functions differently in different women. Some women, whom she designated animus-type, can express the animus positively, seemingly from childhood, or at least from adolescence, by being active, taking initiative, and often becoming achievers and leaders. Sometimes the animus is manifested primarily in an exaggeratedly negative way in animus-type women; Harding called them ""animus-hounds.'' Such women are opinionated, abrasive, competitive and aggressive. Exaggeration of her masculine side may result when a woman has repressed it in order to present to the world a conventionally feminine persona. In my experience, there are women who cannot be described by either animus or anima type. Some of them have such balanced personalities that they are well developed in both femininity and masculinity; in other instances, naturally animus-type women are trying desperately to live an anima role. The discomfort resulting from the distortion of personality in the latter case is likely to produce depression, anxiety, hostility or other indications of maladaptation. The reverse-an anima woman living as an animus type-is rare because the culture does not encourage it. Manifestations of the animus To spell out the possible developmental course of the animus, Emma Jung (1969) described four major archetypal manifestations, which she saw as stages: power, deed, word and meaning. The four correspond to the meanings of logos. Each has a positive and a negative aspect and a characteristic personifcation in dreams. (hen a woman is developing psychologically, these manifestations are likely to occur approximately in the order specifed, although with considerable overlapping. The animus of power may appear in a woman's dreams as the image of a physically powerful male, such as an athlete or a soldier. In its positive form this manifestation gives the woman the capacity to achieve, to be active on her own behalf; in its negative form it seeks to dominate other people. Closely related to the animus of power is the animus of deed. The dream image is the man of action, such as an astronaut or a political leader. Its positive manifestation is likely to be effective

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leadership in social reform; its negative expression often is an exaggerated concern for rules and abstract justice. The animus of word is refected in the image of an orator or poet. Its positive form includes eloquence and the capacity to deal with abstractions; its negative manifestation is in rigid and prejudiced opinions. Meaning is assumed to be the highest level of animus development. It may be personifed positively in dreams as a priest or philosopher. Negatively, the animus of meaning may be expressed in religious dogmatism or in such single-minded concern with abstractions that concrete experiences are ignored. Too little has been written about the positive side of the animus, but Jung mentioned its ""discriminative function'' which ""gives to woman's consciousness a capacity for refection, deliberation and self-knowledge'' (Jung C(-9-II, par. 33). The animus is also ""creative and procreative'' (Jung C(-7, par. 336). Further desirable qualities are assertiveness (which is not the same as aggressiveness) and the ability to initiate action. Jung's colleagues and students have contributed much creative work on the animus. His wife, Emma, pioneered in this endeavor. In 1931 she spoke (in German) to the Psychological Club of Zurich ""On the Nature of the Animus.'' This version was translated into English and published in the journal Spring in 1941. A woman who is developing psychologically is likely to express each manifestation at various times, in behavior and in dream images. For example, she may be a skilled speaker. Jung acknowledged his limitations in understanding the psychology of women. Consequently, he deferred to his female coworkers, especially M. Esther Harding, Emma Jung and Toni (olff, for presentations of the specifcs of female psychology.

Structural forms of the female psyche A very helpful but little-known contribution to the psychology of women was made by (olff in her sixteen-page paper, ""Structural Forms of the Feminine Psyche'' (1956, reprinted in 1985). She dealt only with females and their effects on men, not with the feminine side of men. For this reason, the term female, rather than feminine, psyche is used here. (olff saw each woman's consciousness as taking one or two of four forms. Like the function types (see Chapter 2), all four are

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potential in each woman but one tends to be dominant, especially during youth; a second may be fairly well developed, and a third somewhat so; the fourth is likely to be quite inferior. Again, like the function types, the four structural forms are paired: Mother and Hetaera (also spelled Hetaira), are primarily ""personally related''; the major interest and energy of such women go into personal relationships; Amazon and Medial women are interested primarily in objective cultural values, such as ideas. The Mother form of the female psyche is composed of the qualities of cherishing and nourishing, helping, teaching and being charitable. A woman can live as Mother not only with children but also with adults; for example, she supports a man's weaker side and seeks to protect his position in the world. The positive expression of this aspect of femininity helps weaker beings to achieve independence from her care. In the negative expression, the woman continues to nurture and protect even when the recipient no longer needs her help. The Hetaera (an ancient Greek courtesan or concubine, especially one of a special class of cultivated female companions, American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, fourth edition, 2000) shares the Mother's focus on personal relations but is opposite her in ways of conducting such relations ( just as sensation and intuition share the perceptive capacity but perceive in divergent ways). Specifcally, the Hetaera is unlike the Mother in that she relates more to men than to children and is more erotic than nurturant. The Hetaera focuses on a man's subjective interests rather than on those that are linked to his position in the world. Her own development demands of her to experience and realize an individual relationship in all its nuances and depths . . . . The positive side of the Hetaera is that she is conscious of the laws of relationship. Her instinctive interest is directed toward the individual contents of a relationship in herself as well as in the man. ((olff, 1985, p. 7) The negative side of the Hetaera is that she may undervalue the persona in herself, in the man and in her children. Thus, negatively, she may deter the male from adapting to responsibilities that are important to his economic and social security and she may bind her children to her emotionally.

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(olff described the relationships of Mother and Hetaera only with men and children. It seems evident, however, that similar attitudes could operate in any personal relationship, whether with siblings, parents, friends or co-workers. The other two structural forms of the female psyche do not center on personal relations. The one (olff labeled Amazon is quite independent of the male; she may have friendships and sexual relationships with men but she does not make them the focus of her life. Her interests are directed, rather, toward objective achievements of her own. The positive side of this aspect of femininity is that the woman can achieve a great degree of psychological independence, make unique contributions to the world, gain satisfaction from her work, and be a stimulating competitor. (hen she has a relationship with a man she makes few personal demands on him. The negative side of the Amazon is ""that of a sister who, driven by "masculine protest,' wants to be equal to her brother, who will not recognize any authority or superiority, . . . who fghts by using exclusively male arms and is a Megaera [Fury] at home'' (p. 8). (olff seemed to mean that the negative aspect of the Amazon is that she brings competitiveness into her personal relations and may often be, in Harding's terms, an animus-hound. The fourth structural form of the female psyche, a contrast to the Amazon, is the Medial Woman. The extreme expression of this form is the medium, who is rarely visible in our society because she is not valued by the dominant culture. She mediates between the concrete world and the unseen world, between the conscious and the unconscious. Medial (omen have some of the characteristics of the medium in that they are able to express ""what is in the air'': vague and embryonic possibilities not acceptable to the dominant culture. These women are sensitive to currents of thoughts and feelings not perceived by most people but which become apparent in the future. Because these contents are still unconscious to most people, they often appear to be dark, negative and dangerous. A few centuries ago a Medial (oman probably would have been considered a witch. A contemporary Medial (oman is apt to be fascinated with such subjects as parapsychology, astrology, spiritualism and Eastern philosophies. The positive aspect of the Medial (oman is that she verbalizes the unconscious contents needed for the wholeness of an overly rational society such as ours. She may make signifcant contributions to spiritual concerns, the arts and psychotherapy. The

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negative side is the danger that these unconscious contents can overwhelm the woman's ego and put her out of touch with outer reality.

Variations on Wolff 's forms Another view of the various forms of the female psyche was offered by Zurich analyst Adolf Guggenbuihl-Craig (1977). He emphasized that ""there is not only one masculine archetype and one feminine archetype. There are dozens, if not hundreds, of feminine and masculine archetypes'' (p. 48). The archetypal forms of the female psyche, which he enumerated, resemble (olff's but make a larger number of distinctions. Like (olff's forms, Guggenbuihl-Craig's are divided between those that are defned primarily in terms of personal relations (the frst six) and those that are defned on other terms (the other three).

• • • • • • • • •

Maternal. Nourishing and protective (or devouring) in earthy form; inspiring (or threatening) in spiritual form. Mater Dolorosa. The mother who has lost her son or daughter and who identifes with the role of the bereaved mother. Hetaera. A woman who is independent but enjoys the company of men and is their uninhibited companion in sexual pleasure, wit and learning. Aphrodite. Named for the goddess of love, she is the desirable beloved.

Athene. The woman who is energetic, self-suffcient, nonsexual, nevertheless helpful to men.

Conqueror. (idows and divorced women [and perhaps always

single women] who are independent and relieved to have the

man absent.

Amazon. The independent career woman who rejects men,

loves conquests (e.g. achievements) and enjoys the company of women. Artemis. The woman who is hostile [I would add or ""indifferent''] to men, except for her brothers. Named for the goddess of the hunt, she has goals to pursue that are incompatible with relations with men. Vestal Virgin. The nun or priestess. These women devote their lives to God or to a cause, but not to men and children.

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Some of the similarities between Guggenbuihl-Craig's and (olff's schemas are obvious; others can be surmised. Thus, the maternal archetype is generally the equivalent of (olff's Mother, and the Mater Dolorosa is a special case of the Mother. Both schemas include the Hetaera, of which Aphrodite may be a subtype. Guggenbuihl-Craig's Athene seems to be a combination of (olff's Hetaera and Amazon. His Artemis may be a subtype of the Amazon. Despite its limitations, Guggenbuihl-Craig's schema contributed to a useful beginning for a view of female psychology that is more differentiated (than Jung's). MALE PSYCHOLOGY In contrast to the growing Jungian literature on the psychology of women, very little has been written by Jungians specifcally on male psychology. As I have mentioned, the difference may be rooted in an assumption, consonant with that of society, that the male is the norm. A number of Jungian writers have pointed out the falseness of this assumption but relatively few have contributed to a specifc theory of male psychology. The anima is the one aspect of male psychology that has been discussed most frequently by Jungians. ""She'' is the largely unconscious eros (feminine) side of the man. (Anima is the Latin word for ""soul.'' One wonders how a woman's soul is personifed.) Like the animus for women, the content of each man's anima is determined by a combination of archetypal images, the culture at large, and experiences with actual women, especially with his mother. The anima, like the animus, has both positive and negative characteristics. Comparable images of the feminine in male psychology are Eve, Helen (of Troy), Mary and Sophia (Jung C(-16, par. 361). In their positive forms, Eve personifes the nourishing Earth Mother, Helen the charming seductress, Mary the independent spiritual mother and Sophia the fgure of wisdom.

The anima Just as he did with women, Jung wrote more about the unconscious psyches of men than about their conscious personalities. The psy-

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chological parallel to the animus is, of course, the anima, which can take on the positive images mentioned (Eve, etc.) or corresponding negative aspects: excessive nurturing, manipulating other people, making demands and using wisdom for destructive purposes. The anima is the one aspect of male psychology that has been discussed a great deal by Jungians because of the hypothesized largely unconscious feminine (eros) side of the man. Jung used the term as ""a purely empirical concept, whose sole purpose is to give a name to a group of related or analogous psychic phenomena'' (Jung C(-9-I, par. 114). As with the animus for women, the content of each man's anima is determined by a combination of archetypal images, the culture at large, and the man's experiences with actual women, including his mother. Also like the animus, the anima was seen by Jung to mediate between a man's ego and his inner world; for example, Dante's Beatrice. Although the anima is mentioned frequently in Jungian literature, it is never described with any degree of precision. It is presented, rather, in clinical accounts, such as its effect on a man's relation with his wife or woman friend, or in analyses of literary fgures, such as Rider Haggard's She. The latter is a novel in which a man encounters ""She-who-must-be-obeyed,'' the prototype of an anima image by which a man can become possessed. The archetypal anima is manifested in four major images that a man tends to project onto women. Jung's brief description (Jung C(-16, par. 369) is expanded here with gleanings from several Jungian writers and from my clinical experience:



• •

Eve personifes the Earth Mother. She might appear in a man's dream as a farm woman who harvests grain, gathers eggs, cooks and cares for children. In her positive form of nourishing and caring for other persons she is life-sustaining; in her negative form, she fosters dependence, thus restricting the development of her children, husband and other people. Helen (of Troy) personifes the seductress, the sex object. The dream image could be any movie star or ""pinup girl.'' In her positive form Helen can be delightful company; negatively, she may be manipulative, using her charm to others' detriment. Mary, the pure virgin, is the spiritual mother. Positively, she is a person of integrity and independence, who knows her own values; negatively, she may be remote and demand high achievement at the expense of personal relationships.

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Sophia is the fgure of wisdom. In a dream she might appear as an older woman who is known as wise. The positive side of such a fgure seems self-evident; the negative is in the use of wisdom, or knowledge, for destructive purposes.

The behaviors described are those of the male in whom the particular anima image is manifested. In general, when a man's anima is well connected with his consciousness, he can be related, compassionate and gentle; when it is entirely unconscious, he may become possessed by it and, consequently, moody and flled ""with an unshakable feeling of rightness and righteousness'' (Jung C(-9II, par. 34).

Male conscious personality Just as he did with women, Jung gave far more attention to the unconscious psyches of men than to their conscious personalities. (e must look to others than Jung for a description of male conscious personality. A relatively early Jungian attempt to describe the conscious personality and development of the male was made by New York analyst Thayer Greene (1967). He saw (p. 20) masculine identity as one of doing, in contrast to the feminine being: The expectations of both nature and cultural tradition are that a man will play an active and aggressive rather than a passive role . . . . Creation for [him] . . . is . . . a process of making, of active, moving energy seeking to shape and master the environment. His tendency is to be ""on the make,'' whether it be with a woman, an idea, or the harnessing of natural forces. To win the love of a woman, cut farmland out of the forest, or write a book, he is called upon to risk, initiate, grasp hold of life with all the strength that his mind, his muscles, and his ego can muster. Like Jung, Erich Neumann and others, Greene seems to have mistaken cultural stereotypes as innate qualities. Although he gave credit to ""uniquely feminine'' (p. 19) experiences, especially childbirth, as ""reassuring'' to a woman, he seems to have overlooked the fact that women as well as men cannot fnd their identities through events that simply happen to them; both sexes must be active in order to establish their egos.

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The development of the mature male personality, according to Greene, depends on the young man separating himself from his mother. This necessity arises from the very special bond he has had to her. In preliterate societies, the separation was accomplished through specifc initiation rites. However diffcult and painful the rite, a youth almost always withstood it and thus transcended the confict between his yearning to return to his mother and his desire to become an adult. Our culture, in Greene's view, lacks such an arena for the young male to experience the confict, the resolution of which frees him to become a vigorous protagonist of his convictions, aims and desires. Our society tends to demand, rather, that he be polite and non-aggressive, even non-assertive in personal relationships. The demand leaves a (estern young man with an unfulflled ""hunger to be a hero'' (p. 44). Inasmuch as the hero is the image for the developing ego, it is important for a young man to have some experience in being a hero. The scarcity of channels for this experience-not every young man can be a sports starprobably helps to account for the increasing incidence of crime, especially crime that seems unmotivated except by the desire to destroy. Los Angeles analyst Melvin Kettner (1968) took the stance that the personality of a man tends to be either ""cerebral'' or ""physical.'' Because both of these qualities are more on the ""doing'' than on the ""being'' side of life, these and many more-especially feminine qualities-are needed by the man for wholeness. Pennsylvania analyst Eugene Monick (1987) has devoted an entire book to the crucial nature of phallus, the archetypal aspect of the penis in male psychology. Guggenbuihl-Craig (1977) observed that men, as well as women, have a variety of ""archetypal possibilities'' (p. 53). In his view, however, these possibilities have been more readily available to men, despite each man's being limited by his role as provider. The archetypal possibilities for men have always included: Ares, the simple, brutal warrior and soldier . . . [and] Odysseus, the clever warrior and husband. The archetype of the priest, the man of God, has always been viable for men. The archetype of the medicine man, the doctor, that of Hephaistos, the clever technician, that of Hermes the clever trader and thief, and many others. (p. 53)

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Puer aeternus

A specifc type of male psychology, which is not shared in its complete form by all men but is found to some degree in many, is the puer aeternus (eternal boy). As discussed by Marie-Louise von Franz (1970), the puer is reluctant to make any kind of commitment (personally, occupationally and-I would add-in the civicpolitical sphere). Hence, he lives what Jung called the ""provisional life.'' His lack of concern for the future and need for excitement may be expressed in a fascination with dangerous sports, such as stunt fying and mountain climbing. If this complex is pronounced, such a man may die young in an accident arising from his daredevil behavior. The positive quality of the puer is a certain kind of spirituality that comes from relatively close contact with the unconscious. Many such men, the relatively mature puers, are charming and have an invigorating effect on other persons. They ask deep questions and search for genuine religious experiences. However, other puers remain stuck at an early level, and live in a kind of sleepy daze that is often characteristic of adolescence. They work only occasionally and get money wherever they can-often from their parents, from women and perhaps from illegal activities. Jung and von Franz both saw the puer as a man with a neurosis stemming from a powerful mother complex. The attachment to his mother makes it diffcult for him to commit himself to a relationship with a woman in his own age group. Consequently, he may live as a Don Juan or a gigolo. As such a man reaches middle age he is likely to experience loneliness and a sense of meaninglessness. These problems can bring men with varying degrees of puer neurosis into Jungian analysis; consequently, Jung and his students have had many opportunities to observe such men clinically. Some support for the concept of puer can be found in the work of non-Jungian psychologists who have identifed similar phenomena. A Psychology Today author, B.C. Ogilvie (1974), for example, described some people, male and female, as ""stimulus addictive,'' that is, as having ""a periodic need for extending themselves to the absolute physical, emotional, and intellectual limits in order to escape from the tensionless state associated with everyday living'' (p. 94). In addition, former American Psychology Association president Paul Meehl (1966) hypothesized that some persons

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require more stimulation because they have a genetic lack in the capacity for anxiety. The cure for the puer quality is work, according to Jung. Von Franz (2000), although not denying the effcacy of work if the puer-type man could and would undertake it, recognized that some strengthening of the ego is necessary, perhaps through psychotherapy, in order for the problem to be overcome suffciently for the man to be able to work effectively. Even then, results are probably best when the man undertakes a job that is as congruent as possible with his natural fow of interest and energy. The concept of androgyny became quite popular during the 1970s to denote the presence of feminine and masculine qualities in both males and females (see June Singer, 1994). It refects the meeting of a crucial pair of opposites in the formation of a complete-individuated-personality. There seems to be little argument that androgyny is an important aspect of psychological development; indeed, it is the logical conclusion of Jung's hypothesis that consciousness (predominantly feminine in women, predominantly masculine in men) must integrate much of the unconscious (predominantly masculine in women, predominantly feminine in men) in order for individuation to proceed. As with his theory of types and his views on the second half of life, Jung's theories of the psychologies of women and men constitute a valuable contribution to the psychology of individual differences. If there are norms, they must be modifed by the factors of gender, age and-I would add-cultural background. Jung made an enormous contribution to our understanding of female and male psychology with his simple yet profound assertions that the feminine and masculine principles are values more than they are behaviors, and that both principles must be realized in each person, whether female or male, in order for an individual to achieve any degree of wholeness. The interaction between Jungian psychology and the feminist movement is profound. It is discussed in Chapter 10.

RECOMMENDED READINGS Bolen, Jean Shinoda (1984) Gods in everywoman: A new psychology of women. San Francisco: Harper & Row.

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Bolen, Jean Shinoda (1989) Gods in everyman: A new psychology of men's lives and loves. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Brunner, Cornelia (1996) The anima as fate. (oodstock, CT: Spring Publications. Fordham, Michael (1994) Children as individuals. London: Free Association Press. Hall, Nor (1980) The moon and the virgin: Refections on the archetypal feminine. New York: Harper & Row. Harding, M. Esther (1970) The way of all women. New York: Putnam. Hillman, James (1985) Anima: An anatomy of a personifed notion. (oodstock, CT: Spring Publications. Jacoby, Mario (1999) lungian therapy and contemporary infant research: Basic patterns of emotional exchange. London: Routledge. Kiepenheuer, Kaspar (1990) Crossing the bridge: A lungian approach to adolescence. Peru, IL: Open Court. Leonard, Linda Schierse (1993) Meeting the madwoman: An inner challenge for feminine spirit: Breaking through fear and destructive patterns to a balanced and creative life. New York: Bantam. Loomis, Mary (1995) Her father's daughter: When women succeed in a man's world. (ilmette, IL: Chiron. McNeely, Deldon Anne (1991) Animus aeternus: Exploring the inner mas­ culine. Toronto: Inner City Books. Neumann, Erich (1990) The child. Boston: Shambhala/Random House. Ulanov, Ann Belford (1998) Receiving woman: Studies in the psychology and theology of the feminine. Philadelphia: (estminster. von Franz, Marie-Louise (2000) The problem of the puer aeternus. Toronto: Inner City Books. (ickes, Frances G. (1988) The inner world of childhood. Boston: Sigo Press. (oodman, Marion (1992) Leaving my father's house: A journey to conscious femininity. Boston: Shambhala.

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Challenges to self­ understanding

Sometimes Sometimes Sometimes Sometimes

I I I I

feel feel feel feel

like like like like

a motherless child, a long way from home I have no friend, a long way from home I never been born, a long way from home I'm almost dead, a long way from home. Traditional (Black Spiritual)

The song is one of many that express the trials of being human. The lines illustrate some of the experiences that turn into ""complexes.'' The words also suggest that the attitude is ""projected''assuming that family and friends see the person as unimportant, unworthy of their love and companionship. COMPLEXES In the everyday world the word ""complex'' identifes a variety of situations. An apartment complex is a cluster of living units. A sports complex provides a variety of athletic activities, such as swimming, tennis and basketball. And the late President Dwight Eisenhower spoke of the ""military/industrial complex''-a cluster of organizations and institutions. Psychological complexes are clusters of related thoughts, feelings, memories and impulses. Many of them have been ""repressed''pushed out of consciousness. These complexes put false ideas into our heads-about ourselves, other persons and situations. Complexes may tell us, for example, that we are fools, unlovable, unattractive or incompetent. (e often refer to such concerns as ""hang-ups.'' In psychobabble, the word ""issue'' has come to mean a complex more than its older meaning of a disputed matter.

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The most widely known complex, probably, is the ""inferiority complex.'' It was identifed by Alfred Adler, one of Sigmund Freud's early associates, in the frst decade of the twentieth century. Adler attributed emotional problems to the fact that each of us has an ""organ inferiority''-a weakness or defect in some part of the body. A complex forms to hide or compensate for the weakness. For example, Ted had been small in stature as a boy, with arm muscles too weak to throw a baseball well enough for him to play in Little League. Consequently, he felt powerless. As an adult he became obsessed with the desire to be boss, to exert power, but he expressed these desires in non-physical ways. A few years before Adler named the inferiority complex, Freud had discovered, via his patients' material and perhaps his own, a complex that he believed to affect everyone-at least every malebeginning in childhood. He named it the ""Oedipus complex,'' harking back to a Greek myth. (Oedipus had been abandoned as an infant, and did not know his origins. He met his biological father as a stranger who tried to force Oedipus from his path. In the struggle, Oedipus killed his father. Later he met and married a woman who was-unknown to both of them-his widowed mother.) Freud believed that every boy, at about four or fve years of age, desires his mother sexually and wishes to get rid of his father. The boy's mental confict-he also needs his father-produces the ""oedipal situation'' which can be a life-long problem. The corresponding situation for a girl-desire for her father and antipathy for her mother-has come to be known as an ""Electra complex.'' (Electra, in another Greek myth, wanted her mother killed in order to avenge her father's death, which had occurred at the hands of the mother and her lover.) Such complexes no doubt exist, in both sexes, but not in every person.

Varieties of complexes Data from many cultures suggest that the Oedipus complex is determined culturally. In some cultures, for example, the father plays a small part in a child's life; the mother's brother is the primary adult male. Then the boy may have an erotic interest in his sister and animosity to the mother's brother. As Jung discovered, moreover, even in (estern culture a boy does not necessarily fall in love with his mother (as Freud had it)

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and, thus, compete with his father. Some boys have mainly negative feelings toward their mothers. These boys cling to their fathers, to some other adult or-worst of all-to no adult. In many families fathers favor their sons over their daughters. These fathers are likely to invite their sons to share the father's interests, such as sports, mechanics or politics. (ith either parent, each child may experience special attachment, competition, animosity or whatever. Some girls' more positive attachment is to their mothers (usually not erotic), along with-sometimes-a negative response to their fathers. Jung and other psychologists fnd that both girls and boys have a positive attachment to the mother as the primary person. Perhaps Freud's generation (early twentieth century) found girls resenting their mothers' unwillingness or inability to assert themselves in the face of a patriarchal society. More common than Oedipus/Electra complexes are inferiority complexes, but it now seems clear they are not all related to organ inferiority (which Alfred Adler asserted). Moreover, not all complexes have to do with inferiorities. Jung, using a word association test and clinical observation, found that individual temperaments and experiences (see Chapter 2) produce a variety of complexes as varied as human experiences. (e can have complexes about love, status, intelligence, competition, winning, being recognized, money, food, addictions, honor, and so on, and so on, and so on. Each complex produces a ""kneejerk'' reaction to certain sets of circumstances. For a friend of mine, being ignored (or feeling that she is) easily brings a feeling of resentment. For example: she is in a small group, starts to say something and someone else speaks at the same time. The group attends to the other person. My friend feels put down. She wants to leave the room but, more likely, withdraws from the conversation or interrupts as soon as possible. Most of us, in (estern culture, have complexes about moneythat is, a persistent feeling of being deprived because we are not rich or perhaps guilt because we have more than our neighbors. Or we may fear that we cannot earn enough to support ourselves and our dependents. Out of our money complex, we may spend too much or too little. (e may be stingy or so open-handed that we endanger our own welfare. (e may worry about money so much that we become depressed or cannot function in the very jobs we need for earning money. Or we may fip back and forth among contradictory spending practices.

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A man of my acquaintance has a money complex that fts well the old adage, ""penny-wise and pound foolish.'' He keeps his notvery-expensive clothes until they are worn out (""waste not, want not'') and refuses to patronize expensive restaurants (""millions of people are starving''). Yet he travels freely in his own country and abroad, and gives repeatedly to many causes. As with many other complexes, such a person harbors a confict in applying values, and is critical of people who pursue different values. Many complexes hurt our self-esteem. For example, we may think of ourselves as unable to think analytically; we assign ourselves a label. ""Lame-brain,'' for example, may identify a ""stupidity complex.'' (e may be unable to take a suggestion without getting angry, because of a ""criticism complex.'' A friend of mine calls herself ""a bear of very little brain'' (borrowed from A.A. Milne's Winnie the Pooh). Despite this humorous way of identifying her complex about intelligence, she gets angry when someone challenges an idea-any idea-that she has. It is easy to get the impression that all complexes play a negative role in our lives. The truth is, however, that many complexes make us feel good. They stir us to enthusiastic responses or make us eager to undertake an unusual enterprise or experience. For example, a complex about status may have stimulated a woman to go to law school (when women lawyers were rare), and to become a shrewd practitioner, gaining status among her fellow citizens who were concerned about justice. But such a complex can work out badly. A high school classmate of mine had what I now call an ""adventure complex.'' He was so eager for the excitement and challenge of combat service that he volunteered for the navy in 1940, long before he might have been drafted. He not only saw combat in the war but, when it was over, stayed on as a non-commissioned offcer. He seemed to be hoping for further adventure comparable to his war experience. His adventure complex didn't get him killed but prevented him from exploring other avenues for which he had ability, such as engineering. Similarly, an ""achievement complex'' motivates some of us to prodigious amounts of socially useful productive work. (e get accolades from people around us but pay a price in having too little time for family, friends, recreational activities and, potentially, we pay a price in health or human relations. A woman psychologist I know bragged so much about the book she had

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written and which had been published that she alienated her colleagues. Positive complexes are pleasant to have, at least for a while, but they can lead us astray. They can give us the energy to get great results from little effort when such results are no longer readily available or tell us that life can be always pleasant. The resulting disappointment is painful. Both positive and negative complexes consist of a collection of mental and emotional contents that are not under conscious control. That is, our egos can neither aggravate the complex nor squelch it; they can only decide-perhaps-whether to express the accompanying emotion, for example, anger at being squelched. Both categories carry value as well as diffculties. The examples here include a preponderance of the negative because such complexes seem more common and defnitely are more noticeable due to their causing us so much pain.

Categories of complexes Complex has come to be a well-known term but Jungians, mainly, have elaborated it, including identifying categories of complexes. Each category is rooted in a particular archetype (see Chapter 3). Major categories include: father, mother, brother, sister, hero, child and animus or anima (see Chapter 4). Because of its archetypal root the signifcance of each complex, its numinosity and some of its contents arise out of the collective unconscious. In many instancesbut not all-it is possible for us to perceive a direct connection between the observable complex, manifested in attitudes and behaviors, and the underlying archetypal fgures. A ""father complex'' can be positive, resulting, for example, in a respectful attitude toward men of the father's generation. A young man or woman may adapt readily to working for a particular employer. Then, with age, the complex may produce identity with the father archetype, becoming overly concerned with being protective and maintaining structure and justice. Or, the father complex can be negative, leading to a distrust of older males, including one's own father. For example, as a high school student, a friend of mine was on the debate team. The coach was trained in public speaking, but not in debate. My friend's father, a lawyer, had been a skilled college debater and sometimes

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tried to help her to improve her skills. Her negative father complex made it impossible for her to welcome his suggestions. Someone with a different kind of negative father complex may be resistant to hierarchical organizations: corporations, religious institutions or the military. Such a person is likely to refuse to work in a corporation, to see all churches as dogmatic and to avoid structured situations. This attitude may hamper the person's career or social life, which is likely to depend on participation in one or another of such bodies. An authority complex can derive from the father complex. (Authority is, generally, considered to be an aspect of the archetypal father.) Sometimes the complex is manifested in an individual's desire to be boss or the ally of a strong leader. The leader may take the form of a charismatic public offcial, a spell-binding preacher, a street gang leader-or a Hitler. A positive mother complex can lead to an exceptional capacity for strong bonds with women and, in a female, a positive feeling about herself as a woman. A negative mother complex can produce a persistent dependency on older or stronger personalities, out of a desire to experience the mothering that she found inadequate in childhood. Mothers, in many cultures, are expected to be accepting and nurturing. A woman I know has received a minimum of nurturing from her mother and has developed an intense fear of being abandoned. Out of this fear, she clings to her close friends. Thus, she has an ""abandonment complex'' intertwined with her negative mother complex. Because of her over-eagerness to be accepted, she is anxious and tends to drive away friends and potential lovers. Relatively recently Jungians have begun to pay attention to brother and sister complexes, which affect relationships with peers. Since even only children have cousins (usually), playmates and classmates, sibling fgures are a universal experience-the stuff of archetypes. People with positive sibling complexes have unusual ability to become friends with peers of both genders. Moreover, a close relationship with a sibling can have the side-effect of making up for lack in parental nurturing. A fairly well-known complex is the basis of ""sibling rivalry.'' Children who are close in age and want the same things may engage in a rivalry that can lead to an exaggerated, life-long destructive competitiveness. In another situation, siblings can challenge each other in a way that strengthens ego development. (hen

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the parents grow elderly or are deceased, the siblings may become close friends. Just as the father, mother and sibling complexes take various forms, so does the hero complex. It can lead-positively-to taking initiative and being adventurous or-negatively-to foolhardiness and bravado. The child complex can provide a person with playfulness and creativity, but may cause a feeling of helplessness and being victimized. In current theories of psychology and psychotherapy the child complex has become known as the ""inner child.'' The animus complex, at its best, helps a woman to be appropriately assertive and able to cope with the world of structure that is a domain of the animus (see Chapter 4). (hen this complex takes a negative cast, however, the woman can be opinionated and power-driven. A man's anima complex helps him to form personal relationships, to be compassionate and gentle. A negative anima complex is likely to make him moody and self-righteous. Animus and anima complexes affect how we choose mates. A primarily negative complex often leads to selecting a mate to match the image carried in the complex. A confict-flled marriage is likely to result. A primarily positive animus or anima can help a person to choose a mate who has admirable qualities that complement one's own. (e do not all express our complexes in the same way. Each of us is likely to be especially subject to certain archetypal forces that cause us distress. As we gain in experience psychologically, we fnd other archetypes to be congenial and the basis for constructive, even creative action. For example, a person with an authority complex may have diffculty in being a member of a group. By channeling the desire to be in charge, he or she may become a creative, even democratic leader-one who is authoritative but who considers the wishes of other persons.

How do complexes behave? Jung described complexes as seeming . . . to delight in playing impish tricks. They slip the wrong word into one's mouth, they make one forget the name of the person one is about to introduce, they cause a tickle in the throat just when the softest passage is being played on the

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piano at a concert, they make the tiptoeing latecomer trip over a chair with a resounding crash. (Jung C(-8, par. 202) Such slips reveal the distorted view of ourselves and of the world that complexes give us. For example, we may be convinced that everyone we meet is determined to show up our stupidity, criticize our every move, order us around, defeat us in our best efforts or rob us of our fnancial resources. In contrast, we may believe that we are destined to be millionaires or ""household names'' as artists, public offcials or athletes. Thus, complexes can give us an illusion of control over our lives, or the lack of such control. Complexes are powerful. (e do not have them; they have us. (hen a complex is active, one is said to be ""in'' it. I am probably in a complex when I think that an idea or perception is ""selfevident'': for example, when I claim that ""it's obvious what "they' are trying to do.'' Similarly, when someone disagrees with my take on a situation and I feel insulted, angry, agitated, defensive. Then I may say that the other person ""doesn't know what he/she is talking about.'' If I am enthusiastic about a plan or new idea and someone says ""Simmer down, don't get so excited,'' I can feel thwarted. Or I can become still more optimistic, to the point of grandiosity. A grandiose approach can be disastrous, or it can be creative. In the closing months of the Second (orld (ar, a close college friend of mine went to a conference of the student Y(CA, got the idea of an ""experimental peace conference'' and decided to plan one. I thought it was impossible, but she made the rounds of organizations and living groups, and persuaded many of them each to represent a nation. They prepared on the post-war issues and she set up the mechanics: dates, places, etc. She had help, of course (including me), but the event was creative: dramatic, educational and satisfying to the organizers and many people who had been affected deeply and were increasingly concerned with peace. (hat seemed to me to be a grandiose plan proved to be creative-out of my friend's complex of being super-capable. A complex's archetypal roots are the source of excessive emotionality. The rageful demagogue and the rageful rebel, despite being opposite in their stances, are highly emotional. That is typical of complexes. Moreover, one emotion may lead to another. For example, a certain woman has a ""failure complex.'' (hen she makes a mistake, she berates herself. Much of the time she lives in

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fear that she will be fred from her job. To counteract this fear she gets angry at her employer-who has the power to fre her. She is also grouchy with her co-workers, whom she perceives to be more self-confdent than she is. Their irritation at her grouchiness makes her feel unsupported by them and, thus, more fearful. Despite the frequent destructiveness of complexes, often they act constructively, such as in heightened sensitivity to the sufferings of others. A certain man who comes from an underprivileged background has a ""poverty complex,'' but it contributes to his sympathizing deeply with the poor and motivates him to help homeless people in fnding housing. It is important to keep in mind that not all emotions are complexdetermined. Other experiences that set off emotions include fear of actual danger, anger at injustice to oneself or others, sadness at the loss of a loved person or a prized possession, joy over a new love and enthusiasm about a creative project.

How do we get complexes? It is normal to have complexes. Everyone has experiences that carry emotional impact and leave deep impressions on the psyche. Indeed, much of the ""raw material'' of complexes is the sufferings and joys of our childhood. Just as they lack physical stamina, young children lack psychological strength to cope with powerful emotions. These emotions can distort their perceptions of life. They may kick and scream and feel they are not heard. The result may be a set of complexes that persist into and even through adulthood. Many of our complexes come from experiences with our parents. Even if they were kind and loving in general, their responsibilities-paid work, household tasks, illnesses, emotional problems, extended family grief and other distractions-made the parents not always available to us. Consequently, as infants and young children we sometimes experienced delays and deprivations in receiving food, comfort and warmth that we needed urgently. Complexes form from the feelings of frustration, disappointment, anger and sadness from such occasions. At other times, we may have been indulged to a degree that encouraged us to expect more than we could realize in our life outside the family. These disappointed expectations are raw material for complexes that develop later than early childhood.

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Another source of complexes is the tendency of children to see their parents as powerful and wise. Yet those parents may have given us messages: that we were unruly, stubborn, lazy, temperamental-whatever was inconvenient to them. Or they may have given us the message that our abilities and possibilities were unlimited, invariably superior to those of other people. A moderate musical talent, for example, may receive so much praise that one carries burdensome self-doubts or exaggerated self-confdence (or some of each) based on such praise. As growing children, we found it diffcult to relinquish the image of powerful, wise, truthful parents. (e wanted our parents to be successful in their work and community activities, admired by other adults. Our identities were tied up with our families. In order for us to think well of ourselves, we want to assume that we are the offspring of acceptable people. Even if we have given up such an image of our parents, we absorbed their judgments, including the possible verdict that we were either wicked or super-special. An alternative view of the parents, that they did not tell the truth, would make us the offspring of liars-and therefore still exceptionally bad. The feelingssuch as dread, disappointment and sadness-are based on these erroneous ideas that remain in the unconscious. Then the childbecome-adult can live for many years on the basis of a distorted self-perception. Not all complexes come from parental messages. Some arise from experiences outside the home, in childhood or later, such as failures, exceptionally easy successes, being rejected or adulated, life-threatening situations which one barely escape, severe grief or supreme joys. An example of such a formative experience of the outside world is that of living through a major war, even as a civilian far from any front or bombing. I was in my teens when the United States entered the Second (orld (ar. My brother and my boyfriend were both infantrymen in that war. Both returned safely but with memories of their agony at seeing their comrades shot down beside them in battle. I had experienced great anxiety for the young men's safety over the many months that they were in combat and was deeply pained by what I heard of their experiences. Over the succeeding decades, each time the nation was in serious confict with other nations, I found myself more deeply distressed than were many of the people around me. The power of my response is an indication of a complex. Its effect is destructive in making me feel rather isolated and helpless as an adult. It is

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constructive in that it has given me energy for long-range work toward peaceful solutions of conficts, especially those among ethnic groups and nations. There is little I can do as an individual, other than campaign for anti-war candidates and send messages to Congress people. But I have given long-lasting support to peace organizations such as the (omen's International League for Peace and Freedom, which has worked for peace since 1915.

Typology as a factor in complexes Typology (see Chapter 2) is a factor in some complexes. In such a case, a person's pain is likely to be associated with the inferior function. It is our Achilles heel. It often gets us into trouble. (Since everyone has an inferior function, having one does not make a person inferior.) (hen we are called upon to use it, we can feel totally inadequate. (hen a person has dominant intuition, the inferior function is sensing. Such a person is likely to have a ""facts and fgures'' complex: for example, hating to balance a checkbook. Another such person feels anxious in seeking the way around an unfamiliar city. Or a person with inferior sensing may have a ""body complex'': standing in awe of physical prowess or disregarding bodily sensation. For instance, a friend told me that, when engrossed in a project, she sometimes does not notice her sensations and gets a headache. Only an hour or two later does she realize that she is hungry. Many people in our culture expect men to be able to think. A man who has diffculty in thinking analytically may consider himself to be mentally slow. Such a man can have superior intelligence but, when called upon to think-especially if he must do so quickly-he feels inept, the victim of an ""I hate math'' complex. (The same can be true for a woman, but usually not with such venom.) I am best acquainted with my own inferior function-intuition. A person of my type is likely to feel earthbound and dull in the company of highly intuitive associates. Planning ahead brings on negative intuitions-seeing mainly problems and obstacles: for instance, in mapping a complicated trip. The third function is also quite undeveloped; for me, that is feeling. I have great diffculty when confronted with choosing among conficting values. For example, when asked to give a lecture

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to my local Jungian organization, I think of my limited time (to prepare) versus my desire to contribute to the organization's program.

Identifying a complex How do I know that I have a particular complex? I can notice what stirs my powerful emotional reactions-especially defensiveness. I can be defensive regarding ideas, or practical matters about which I insist ""That's the way it ought to be done.'' For example, everyone ought to eat all the food on one's plate. No one should waste money on expensive restaurants. Everyone should dress for the weather more than for fashion, contribute money to causes that I consider worthy and vote in every election. This complex is involved with one of control: wanting others to share my values. Another such complex indicator is the feeling ""That's just the way it is.'' A man whose business is in diffculty may tell his wife that he fears he will lose ""everything'': his savings, his business and his status as a leader in the community. His wife, characteristically, tries to reassure him of his worth as a person regardless of how much money he makes. He may shout at her, ""You may not like the fact that the world revolves around money and earning power, but that's just the way it is.'' (e can surmise that the man has a money complex and probably a status or power complex-and that he knows what failure is like. Other markers of complexes: 1 2

3

4

(hom do I like, envy or dislike, and for what qualities? I am likely to value or reject someone in whom I see qualities that I like or dislike in myself. About what projects or causes am I a fanatic? If I am fanatical (not just enthusiastic or even passionate), my emotional response comes from deep in the unconscious psyche, and thus has archetypal intensity-the core of a complex. (hich of life's challenges make me ""fall apart''? (hen I become unable to function, my ego is not in control and my psychic energy (see Chapter 9) has fallen into the ""black hole'' of the unconscious psyche. (hat situations make me become belligerent, spend money foolishly, make imaginary speeches to myself, whine and ask

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5

everyone for advice? These are indications that my ego has lost its effectiveness and I am at the mercy of unconscious forces. Confict in marriage or other relationships. (hen a complex is touched:

• • • • • • • • • • •

I am likely to experience more emotion than my best judgment says is warranted.

I may experience less such emotion, presumably from

suppression or repression of my true feelings. I have a strong feeling of inadequacy. I have an exaggerated sense of ability to deal with a diffcult situation.

I feel strongly attracted to a person who would be an unsuitable partner for me. I feel gripped by a compulsion that I cannot control. I feel angry when someone talks encouragingly. I speak or act precipitously. I talk harshly to myself or to other persons. I consider my perceptions to be self-evident and refuse to listen to another point of view.

I may see a situation euphorically-as ""perfect'' or highly

romantic.

PROJECTION (hat clues have we for discovering complexes? As we have seen, strong emotion is one. Projection is another; we can spot our complexes, often, when we perceive our feelings and thoughts as originating in or caused by another person or an outer situation. Projection means ""throwing forward.'' Like a flm projector, the unconscious psyche throws an image onto a screen. In psychological terms, one person (the ""projector'') perceives in another (the ""screen'') a thought or feeling that belongs to the projecting person (the ""image''). (hen we see someone who resembles our inner image of the person we long for, passionate desire fares up for that person. The fare-up is in response to the desired person's physical appearance, facial expressions, way of standing or walking, voice, accent and verbal expressions; many or all of these are attractive. From them

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we assume agreeable qualities of personality and character and fnd ourselves ""in love.'' Later, we may discover that the beloved lacks many of the assumed qualities, sometimes the most important ones. (ith such a discovery, the connection may break-or a true relationship may begin (see Chapter 6). A song by Bob Dylan describes the way a projection feels from the point of view of the person who ""catches'' an unwelcome projection. His own image of himself is quite different from what the other person (apparently female) sees: Go away from my window / Go at your own chosen speed.

I'm not the one you want, Babe / I'm not the one you need.

You say you're looking for someone / Never weak but always

strong,

To protect you and defend you / (hether you are right or

wrong;

Someone to open each and every door.

But it ain't me, Babe / No, no, no; it ain't me, Babe.

It ain't me you're looking for, Babe.

He is, understandably, a man who expresses unwillingness to live out the woman's demands on him: that he be always strong, protective of her whether she is right or wrong, and capable of ""opening doors'' for her.

Varieties of projections Not all positive projections carry the intensity and eroticism of being in love. Some projections lead to enjoying the company of a person who shares one's values and interests. Such companionships may develop into true friendships (see Chapter 6). Or a young person's interest in history, or chemistry, may develop out of a positive projection on the teacher of that subject. A young physician of my acquaintance had chosen a specialty-proctologywhich many people would consider unpleasant. (hen asked why, the young man said, ""I liked the professor I had in proctology.'' Just as some complexes are positive and others negative, so it is with projections. (hen I fnd myself thinking that a new acquaintance dislikes me, I must ask myself whether I have negative feelings toward that person. Other negative projections assume, perhaps based on a stereotype, that a certain person has specifc qualities

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that we dislike. For example, the projection may make us see that other person as selfsh or snobbish, ""reactionary'' or a ""knee-jerk liberal.'' Projections, like complexes, tend to be long-lasting, even when we learn facts to the contrary. Most persistent are projections based on experiences with our parents. The trouble is that a child can't see many facets of a parent's personality. For example, the father may seem to be all-powerful and all-wise because the home life revolves around him. Some adults see to it that the young son or daughter does not learn of a parent's failing in business, being discharged from a job, or doing something unwise or illegal outside the home. But even when we have grown up and observed more of our parents' failings, we may persist in seeing them as more powerful than they ever were.

Effects of projections Projections can have paradoxical effects. ""Positive'' projections, which can bring euphoric feelings, and open the way to relationships, also can sow the seeds of the destruction of those relationships. For example, in projecting exaggerated strengths and virtues on her husband, a woman may overlook the fact that he has weaknesses and faults as well. Finally her disappointment can turn into such anger at him that she seeks a divorce.

Recognizing our own projections Sometimes our perceptions seem self-evident; ""anyone'' would see what we see. Then we hit a snag. The person we are observing denies what we perceive. If we have some psychological insight, we begin to suspect that we are projecting. I may believe, for example, that my friend is angry at me, even though she has not said so. I ask her if she is angry; she says she is not. Although it is possible that she may be refusing to admit her anger, I must look at the possibility that I am projecting. Perhaps I am angry at her. Or I may feel guilty about being inconsiderate and project onto her the anger that I would feel if someone treated me that way. Or . . . or . . . or. Another indication that we are projecting is our not wanting to check out contradictory information or challenge our impressions, evidently for fear of discovering an unwelcome truth. That truth

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could force us to give up a love-or a hate. The ""unchallengeable'' perception is likely to be a projection. It is not surprising that we are reluctant to give up a love, at least a love that is returned. But it may be surprising that we do not want to give up a hate. Perhaps it is easier to endure hating (which puts me in a rather ""one-up'' position) than to admit, more accurately, that I am envious or resentful (either of which can put me in a ""one-down'' position). (e can increase our awareness if we recognize that for every projection there is a ""hook,'' a grain of truth on which to ""hang'' the projection. For example, Martha may show a degree of kindness and compassion that is not unusual. She may be courteous in a conventional way. An acquaintance, who has a ""kindness complex'' (an exaggerated need for kindness) sees Martha's moderate kindness (the hook) and projects that Martha is saint-like. Negative projections also fnd hooks. For instance, an outburst of anger (the hook) may support a perception that the (temporarily) angry person is generally ""hostile.'' Some of the most destructive individual projections (and the complexes out of which they arise) are seen in personal violence and abuse. An adult who abuses a child probably sees in that child some of the adult's own undeveloped qualities. The adult's feelings of envy for the child's spontaneity, innocence and freedom to cry may be accompanied by anger at the child's demands. A comparable situation pertains when a man beats his wife or abuses her verbally. He sees in her an adult rival and he wants power over her. He may envy what he sees as her privilege to be gentle and non-competitive. Or he may see in her the mother who neglected or abused him. (e must remember, however, that abuse does not always arise out of projection onto the abused person. Also possible are selfloathing (projection onto one's own shadow) and rage at society in general. In such cases, the object of the projection can be anyone who is handy. The collective violence of war, immeasurably more destructive than individual confict, thrives on collective projections. For example, during the Second (orld (ar, propaganda in the United States included drawings of mean-looking soldiers labeled as ""Japs'' (Japanese) and ""Krauts'' (Germans). Citizens were encouraged to view their adversaries as sub-human and incurably hostile. There was a hook for the projection in the atrocities that the Japanese had perpetrated in China and the Germans' unprovoked

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invasions of other European countries as well as their slaughter of Jews. (Now Americans are discovering that our country, too, is capable of atrocities.)

COMPLEXES AND PROJECTIONS AS HELPS TO GROWTH Complexes and projections often get in the way of dealing with diffcult situations by distorting our perceptions of ourselves and of outer reality, complicating our relationships and interfering with achieving our goals in life. Such barriers give us unnecessary pain and discomfort. Is there a cure? No one can avoid having complexes or making and receiving projections. But an emotional jolt can bring a particular complex or projection to consciousness and, with luck, modify it. Thus, complexes and projections can enhance our psychological development. This process begins when we know that complexes and projections exist and, especially, when we can identify our own, painful as they may be. Having identifed a complex (not necessarily by name) we are likely to want to hide it from ourselves or even to get rid of it. Yet, if we want to know ourselves better and to become more complete, we must discover what purpose the complex serves. But what will we gain if we follow that twisted and murky road of discovery, a road that leads into unknown territory? (on't it upset us, make us feel bad? It won't lead to a state of bliss. Nevertheless, the struggle has its payoff in increased consciousness, sense of meaning in life and perhaps a sense of humor. Complexes and projections do not become completely conscious, but we can extract some of their value and modify their pain. (e can modify some complexes by conscious effort, fueled by the emotional jolt. For example, Barb sees her friend Emily as wise (projects wisdom on her). In seeking to make a decision, Barb asks Emily for advice. Emily fails to utter the hoped-for words of wisdom. Barb gets angry and withdraws, hurt and disappointed. The emotional jolt forces her to refect on the confict. Eventually she recognizes her own ""lack of wisdom'' complex. She makes more effort to seek out her own judgments and give them credence. She gains by feeling better about herself, as well as taking pressure off the friendship.

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But knowing facts about ourselves is not enough for psychological development. (e need to integrate our complexes and the projections that reveal them. (To integrate a content means to acknowledge it fully, to feel the pain of it, then fnd its value.) By giving up our egos' illusions that we are fully aware of ourselves, we can discover inner resources. (e will know ourselves better when we are acquainted with qualities, feelings and ideas that have been repressed. Instead of allowing a complex to hold these contents hostage, we admit them into consciousness and, thus, open the way to their being transformed. The energy that is released can be used more productively than when it was locked in the unconscious psyche. Suffering our complexes consciously can help us restore to awareness the experiences on which the complexes were built: for example, feeling left out by our siblings and being criticized by our parents. Although those experiences have caused us pain, they have value for understanding ourselves and for guidance in living our lives. If we reach the wounded child within us, we feel again what that child felt, in the face of parents who seemed infallible. Then our adult egos can challenge the complex that says that our parents are superhuman and always right. After we accept the fact of their faults, we can see that our own defciencies are not heinous crimes and we can accept ourselves, including our faults. Uncovering the ""superhuman parent'' complex helps us as adults to correct the naiive view of the world that we had as children. (e must acknowledge, for example, that there is evil in the world, a force that cannot be conquered even by the best parents. (ithout such acknowledgment, a part of ourselves lies dormant and our lives are poorer because we do not challenge the evil that destroys elements of life that we value. Further, we will not have touched the archetypal layer of the psyche, which connects us with the deeper aspects of life and humanity, including the evil aspects. Variations of the parent complexes are legion. Each of these complexes (mother and father), however, is likely to be primarily positive, or primarily negative. A negative father complex, for example, is likely to make one feel that all men are harsh, judgmental, emotionally violent and unwilling to work cooperatively. (hen Emily came to see these impressions as embedded in a complex, she began to notice that many men are gentle and helpful. Eventually (with the help of a male friend) she found an ""inner, positive father'' who helped her to think for herself without being

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dogmatic, to cope with the world, to persevere in diffcult tasks and to work with male colleagues. Thus, she was aided by resources that had been buried in her complex. An additional value in discovering our woundedness is that of fnding a truer sense of our capabilities. In your workplace, for example, there may be someone like Jim. A ""take charge'' person, he usually assumes the lead in accomplishing a task. Another of your co-workers, Howard, resents what he perceives as Jim's bossiness. But in response to Howard's expressing his anger, other members of the work group state that they see him as bossy. Grudgingly at frst, Howard acknowledges to himself that he likes to be in charge and resents anyone who gets in his way. He sees that he has a ""boss complex.'' He begins to become less bossy and critical toward his co-workers, and thinks of ingenious ways to accomplish tasks. Other complexes can unveil a positive potential that is different from that of one's rival. This possibility is exemplifed in the experiences of two women. Alice is able to participate ably in intellectual discussions about politics. She articulates her ideas clearly and speaks in a way that elicits positive responses from people. Sometimes she wins them over to her point of view. Janet, because of her ""ignorance'' complex, is envious. She says that she never knows enough to contribute to such a discussion. After she has identifed this complex, she realizes that knowledge isn't everything and can appreciate her positive qualities. In order for complexes to be of use to us, however, we usually have to suffer from them. (hen Tim shouted at his wife that the world revolves around money and power, his angry feelings brought an opportunity for psychological development. He could ask himself, for example, whether money was actually his top priority. Or did his shouting express other people's values which intimidated him but conficted with his own? If he values compassion and a simple lifestyle and can acknowledge to himself that he does, he may be able to accept having more limited funds and to look for an occupation that puts less emphasis on money and power. He must suffer, however-from his anger, then from his confict of values and, perhaps, from the sacrifce of status and material comforts-for the sake of a more satisfying work life. Despite all our effort and suffering, we cannot integrate or even modify all our complexes. Nevertheless, they form part of our identities, especially our vulnerability, without which we would not

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be human. Indeed, they enrich our lives by connecting us with our woundedness and fniteness; in turn, they open us to compassion for others' sufferings. Eleanor Roosevelt, for example, evidently suffered throughout her life from the complexes that grew out of her insecurity as a physically unattractive and rejected child. Out of her suffering, however, grew her life-long passion for helping people who were victims of poverty and discrimination. A related source of enrichment is the release of creativity through connecting us to the deeper levels of our nature-to the soul. An example is the ""wounded healer''-a person who, by suffering consciously one's wounds, has a healing effect on other people. There is no formula for the integration of complexes and withdrawal of projections. However, there are available tools in the form of attitudes toward our psychological ""raw material.'' Here are some starters: 1 2 3 4 5

Let yourself feel your strong emotions, no matter how uncomfortable they make you. Keep ""chewing on'' your thoughts and emotions until they let you entertain some new ideas or feelings. Ask yourself repeatedly: (hat is it all about? (hy does this experience have me by the tail? Notice any images that come to mind. Do they depict what you would like to do about your discomfort? Imagine what it would be like to be free of troubling feelings and perceptions. (ould you have lost anything? (ould you have gained anything?

PSYCHOPATHOLOGY From 1900 until 1909 Jung was a practicing psychiatrist, frst in training and then as a professional, at the Burghoilzli Hospital in Zurich. At that time the identifcation and classifcation of mental diseases was the major concern of practitioners. Eugen Bleuler, Jung's mentor at the Burghoilzli, is remembered primarily for his identifcation of different kinds of schizophrenia and for coining its name, which superseded the older term, dementia praecox. Jung did not emulate Bleuler's interests in classifcation; most of Jung's

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references to diagnostic categories were incidental. He wanted to understand the totality of the mind and its implications for psychotherapy, not just its pathology. Exposed to the full gamut of emotional, mental and organic diseases, Jung made many of the careful observations that were to lead him to the development of Analytical Psychology. Most of his earliest articles, consequently, were concerned with mental illness (see Jung C(-1, Jung C(-3 and Jung C(-4). In Symbols of Transformation (Jung C(-5), he reported his studies of the archetypal images that were produced by a woman who eventually became clearly schizophrenic. (hen Jung resigned from the Burghoilzli and concentrated on his private practice, his writings on psychopathology dwindled. Nevertheless, his observations on the subject are still of interest: some only for historical reasons, some because they are as applicable today as when they were written. Some because they are currently returning to favor, and some because they are gaining general acceptance for the frst time. In psychopathology, even more than in other areas of study, Jung's main interest lay in discovering general principles rather than dealing systematically with subcategories. Thus, his major contribution to psychopathology, according to the schizophrenia expert S. Arieti (1974), was his work on the complex. Jung found that complexes are basic to mental illness; they become dissociated from the ego and act autonomously in the form of pathological symptoms such as delusions and hallucinations. The term ""organic disturbance'' was virtually a synonym for a psychosis. Like most psychiatrists of the time, Jung considered psychoses to have organic causes. Otherwise, he made no sharper distinction among mental illnesses than the broad categories of neurosis and psychosis. The neurosis known as conversion hysteria apparently was widespread around the turn of the century and evoked a great deal of attention from the French psychiatrists at Nancy (Janet and Charcot) and from Freud; Jung was somewhat less interested in it. The symptoms of conversion hysteria-sensorimotor dysfunctions (e.g. blindness or paralysis), which have no organic base-are seldom seen now. The reduced frequency of such reactions, according to some psychiatrists, results from greater psychological sophistication in the general population. Other forms of hysteria appear to be still current, however. For example, Adolf GuggenbuihlCraig (1963) labeled as hysteric a person who has a tendency to

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exaggerate emotions and illnesses. Such a person desires to be the center of attention at all costs, evidently to counteract a weak ego. The diagnosis of subcategories of neurosis was challenged further by Joseph Henderson (1990), a San Francisco analyst and one of Jung's students. Henderson found that what appears to be pathological may be, instead, a manifestation of the inferior attitude or function. For example, in (estern culture, introversion is sometimes mistaken for pathology. Jung was especially interested in schizophrenia and, to some degree, in manic-depressive psychosis. In his writings he also mentioned alcoholism and psychosomatic disorders. He often took the attitude that depression is a damming of psychic energy, which may or may not be pathological. NEUROSIS Jung described neurosis as ""a dissociation of personality due to the existence of complexes'' (Jung C(-18, par. 382). If complexes, however normal, are too incompatible with consciousness, a neurotic dissociation results out of the control of the ego. Consider, for example, a man who has a ""rejection complex''-a pervasive fear that intimacy inevitably will lead to rejection. His avoidance of close relationships isolates him so that he feels even more rejected. The result is a complex grown so powerful that the ego is helpless in the face of it. A neurosis has come into being. Jung mentioned, but did not emphasize, another fact about neurosis: the pathological interaction between the neurotic person and the environment. He wrote: Neurosis is . . . a severe illness, particularly in view of its effects on the patient's environment and way of life . . . . A neurosis is more a psychosocial phenomenon than an illness in the strict sense. It forces us to extend the term ""illness'' beyond the idea of an individual body whose functions are disturbed, and to look upon the neurotic person as a sick system of social relationships. (Jung C(-16, par. 37) In taking this view in 1935, Jung predated the theory that became popular in the 1960s and 1970s, that troubled persons are made so by troubled social networks, such as family ""systems.''

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Causes of neurosis Jung and Freud differed critically on the causes of neurosis. Freud seemed to assume that every neurosis originates in the trauma of a particular childhood experience, usually sexual, which has been repressed. Jung held that a neurosis is more likely to result from accumulated experiences rather than a single trauma. The contents of most neuroses seem to be idiosyncratic. Nevertheless, some commonalities exist. For example, a frequent type of neurosis was identifed by Edward Edinger (1972, p. 56) and labeled an ""alienation neurosis'': An individual with such a neurosis is very dubious about his right to exist. He has a profound sense of unworthiness . . . [and] assumes unconsciously and automatically that whatever comes out of himself-his innermost desires, needs and interestsmust be wrong or somehow unacceptable. (ith this attitude psychic energy is dammed up and must emerge in covert, unconscious or destructive ways such as psychosomatic symptoms, attacks of anxiety or primitive affect, depression, suicidal impulses, alcoholism, etc. Extraverts and introverts seem to develop different neurotic symptoms. In a series of studies, H.J. Eysenck (1956) found that ""extraverted neurotics tended to develop hysterical or psychopathic symptoms, whereas introverted neurotics tended to develop symptoms such as anxiety, reactive depression, or obsessional features'' (p. 96). Neurosis may have different causes at different ages. Childhood neurosis, in Jung's view, is largely a refection of parental neurosis. One example, which he cited from the work of his student Frances (ickes, was that of a nine-year-old girl who ""had run a subnormal temperature for three months, was unable to attend school, [and] suffered from loss of appetite and increasing listlessness'' ((ickes, 1966, pp. 42-43). The therapist discovered that the parents were considering divorce and trying to hide their diffculties from the child. (hen the parents decided to separate, the child's health improved. In the second half of life there may be an increase in emotional problems because of changed life circumstances. The adaptation to the outer world must give way, at least in part, to attention to

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subjective concerns. (ith Jung's explicit endorsement, K.(. Bash (1959) described this process: ""(hile productivity need not cease, cultural aims become ever more important in age. To be signifcant they must primarily be personal aims, spontaneous steps to selfrealization, not such as are forced upon the aging individual by society'' (p. 565).

Positive aspects of neurosis That neurosis has a positive side is a useful Jungian concept. Jung saw neurosis as an attempt at self-cure, often unsuccessful, just as fever or suppuration in a wound is often an attempt, often unsuccessful, at self-cure by the body. Further, neurosis can be seen as an attempt to broaden the personality by admitting repressed contents to consciousness. J. Goldbrunner (1964) used the image of the neurotic as a person ""who has fallen into a river and is sinking; but [it is important] for him to act like a diver. For the place where [he] suffers is not accidental; it conceals buried treasure which only a diver can raise'' (p. 23). Indeed, Jung saw neurosis as refecting an urge to self-realization and many neurotics as having a greater potential for development than ""normal'' people. The neurosis may force the person to face a responsibility that has been dodged and, hence, use capacities that are needed for development. Often, the positive aspects of neurosis can be realized only with the aid of psychotherapy (see Chapter 7). PSYCHOSIS Jung's concept of the difference between neurosis and psychosis changed over time. In his early work (until about 1920) he saw hysteria which, at that time, was often equated with neurosis, as an illness of extraverts and schizophrenia as one of introverts. Later, however (e.g. Jung C(-18, Part I), he described the difference between neurosis and psychosis in terms of the relation of unconscious contents to the ego. In psychosis and in neurosis, complexes act autonomously and a dissociation of personality results. In the most clear-cut manifestation of such dissociations, these complexes become multiple personalities. Jung did not take a stand on whether multiple personality is a neurosis or a psychosis. In neurosis, ""the dissociated

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personalities are still in a sort of interrelation, so that you always get the impression of a total person . . . . In the case of schizophrenia . . . you encounter only fragments, there is nowhere a whole'' (Jung C(-18, par. 224). In psychosis, ego consciousness is overwhelmed by archetypal contents, such as hallucinations or delusions. That is, the person's waking cognitions as well as dreams are likely to be full of frightening images. One of my patients in a psychiatric hospital, for example, had the delusion that if she crossed a threshold the universe would collapse and she would be left all alone. She was rendered incapable of physical movement-a condition known as catalepsy. Despite the fact that archetypal mental content is characteristic of schizophrenics, Jung found that the presence of such material in dreams and fantasies does not necessarily mean that the person is schizophrenic. Indeed, such material is present also in the dreams and fantasies of neurotics and ""normal'' people.

Causes of schizophrenia Jung did not consider psychological causes and organic changes to be mutually exclusive. Rather, he hypothesized that the emotional disorder produces an abnormal metabolism which, in turn, causes physical damage to the brain. He introduced this hypothesis at a time (early twentieth century) when the reigning assumption was that mental illness (especially schizophrenia, which Jung discussed most frequently) resulted from structural and probably innate abnormalities in the brain; that is, the cause was organic. At the same time, Jung conceded that ""an unknown quantity, possibly a toxin . . . may arise in the frst place from non-psychological causes and then simply seize on the existing complex and specifcally transform it, so that it may seem as if the complex had a causal effect'' (Jung C(-3, par. 195). Jung's continued rethinking of the subject is evident from his 1958 statement: ""I have now, after long practical experience, come to hold the view that the psychogenic causation of [schizophrenia] is more probable than the toxic causation'' (Jung C(-3, par. 570). His seeming vacillation on the subject is due partly to changes in prevailing opinions, partly to his tendency to express the compensatory view, and partly to his continuing empiricism, which was

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constantly admitting new data. Indeed, Laurens van der Post (1975) reported: [Jung] was to confess that he never clearly understood what caused the severest forms of this particular sickness of spirit [schizophrenia]. In one of the last utterances just before he died, he suggested that there could be pathological forms of schizophrenia that might have a physical origin in some undiscovered mutation in the chromosomes and genes of the individual. This demonstrated conclusively, I would have thought, that dedicated as he was to psychology and the world within he had never been fanatically dedicated, and that he had always remained open to the claims and validity of the physical and the external as well. Yet he stood frm and proved in his practice that many more cases than were imagined, condemned as incurable forms of this disturbance, could be made whole again by applied analytical psychology. (p. 134) Since Jung's death, the evidence for a genetic component in schizophrenia has become increasingly convincing. Indeed, Jung seemed to be groping toward the conclusion that is now current among many psychologists and psychiatrists: that a genetic component is a necessary but not suffcient basis for schizophrenia.

Manic­depressive psychosis In most of Jung's comments on psychosis he seemed to be referring specifcally to schizophrenia. He mentioned manic-depressive psychosis, however, and described it partially in terms of function and type: You occasionally fnd that in the manic phase one function prevails and in the depressive phase another function prevails. For instance, people who are lively, sanguine, nice and kind in the manic phase, and do not think very much, suddenly become very thoughtful when the depression comes on, and then they have obsessive thoughts . . . . In the manic phase [such individuals] think freely, they are productive and very clear and very abstract. Then the depressive phase comes on,

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and they have obsessive feelings; they are obsessed by terrible moods, just moods, not thoughts. (Jung C(-18, par. 61)

Treatment of neurosis and psychosis Jung wrote little on the treatment of neurosis and psychosis as such. He seemed to consider psychotherapy to be the treatment of choice for neurosis, including neurotic depression. He maintained also that schizophrenia often can be treated psychologically. San Francisco analyst John Perry (1974) described a process by which a schizophrenic person's mental imagery can be used as the basis of a reorganization of the person's personality. This process is dependent upon a psychotherapeutic milieu that is far more complete than the usual psychiatric hospital or clinic. Inasmuch as Jung's writings on psychopathology predated the discoveries of the current medications, he did not comment on the effcacy of psychoactive drugs. Some of his students, however (e.g. James Hillman, 1964; Perry, 1976), have expressed the view that drugs suppress the symptoms (the visible psychotic contents) and thus prevent the selfregulation of the psyche, which might have occurred if those contents had been assimilated. Many Jungians seem to share this view and hold that it is better to avoid the use of drugs if at all possible. As more evidence becomes available, however, the effcacy of drugs becomes clearer.

PSYCHOSOMATIC DISORDERS Psychopathology plays a role in the organic physical disorders that have been designated ""psychosomatic.'' (They must be distinguished from conversion hysteria, in which the symptom has no organic component.) Jung said of these disorders only that ""the patient's psychology plays the essential part'' (Jung C(-11, par. 15). Jungian analysts refer a client for medical evaluation to determine the cause of a symptom-chronic headaches, for example. Then, with some assurance from a physician that the symptom is not dangerous, the analyst can work with the client to decide whether to use symptom-relieving medication.

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RECOMMENDED READINGS Cowan, Lyn (1982) Masochism: A lungian view. (oodstock, CT: Spring Publications. Fierz, Heinrich Karl (1991) lungian psychiatry. Einsiedeln, Switzerland: Daimon Verlag. Guggenbuihl-Craig, Adolf (1980) Eros on crutches: Refections on psycho­ pathy and amorality. (oodstock, CT: Spring Publications. Harding, M. Esther (1974) The ""I'' and the ""Not­I'': A study in the devel­ opment of consciousness. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Jacobi, Jolande (1971) Complex/archetype/symbol in the psychology of C.G. lung (pp. 6-30). Princeton: Princeton University Press. Perry, John (eir (1987) The heart of history: Individuality in evolution. New York: State University of New York Press. von Franz, Marie-Louise (1985) Projection and re­collection in lungian psychology. Peru, IL: Open Court. (hitmont, E.C. (1991) The symbolic quest: Basic concepts of analytical psychology (Chapter 4). Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Chapter 6

Relationships to others

A song from the musical South Pacifc identifes a strange woman as a man's true love and warns him that, if he does not make her his own, he will dream all alone for the rest of his life. The song states further that no one but a fool can explain such a situation. At the risk of playing the fool, I suggest a reason and an alternative way to deal with the situation. To many people, making such a stranger one's own (marriage or at least cohabiting) constitutes forming a relationship. For Jung and Jungians, relationship is a broader concept-and a narrower one. It is broader in including a variety of models, not just the model of lovers (married, committed or casual); it is narrower in requiring a degree of consciousness that is lacking in a solely sexual liaison based primarily on projection (see Chapter 5). The relating (eros) capacity has been confused, often, with the feeling (evaluative function). Indeed, the foundation of any relationship is valuing the other person. But valuing and relating are not equivalent. Valuing is directed by one person to the otherpositively or negatively-whereas relating is made up of complex interactions. Also, even though relationships (including sexual ones) are very important to the individuation process, the Jungian literature is quite sparse on the subject. In the early years of depth psychology, especially under Freud's leadership, there was a great emphasis on sexual connections. Jung did not dispute their importance, but broadened the feld to stress inner factors and non-sexual relationships. Even marriage involves a variety of connections other than sex. It is likely to begin with mutual projections, including the woman's animus being projected on the man, the man's anima on the woman (see Chapter 4).

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The development of relationships does not depend entirely on the withdrawal of projections. Relationships are enhanced, also, by awareness of both parties that some of their perceptions are partly projections. Just as positive projections contribute to the formation of relationships, negative projections are largely a hindrance. But with luck, such awarenesses produce a degree of humility that makes it easier for people to make emotional contact with each other.

RELATIONSHIPS WITHIN THE FAMILY The most infuential association or relationship is that of parent and child. It is not a situation of equals but affects all other personal connections. The child's needs evidently are inborn: food, protection, physical warmth and contact, relief from pain, emotional tenderness. The lack of fulfllment of even some of these needs, as perceived by the child, gives rise to problems throughout life. Other models include those of siblings, friends and co-workers. Still others presuppose a difference in status, but have the potential for true relationship: teacher/student and employer/employee. All of these have the potential to achieve what Jung called ""psychological relationship.'' (Not included are associations that are almost never true relationships, such as military commander/subordinate.) The bases for adult relationships are laid in childhood, preferably with a nurturing parent (often the mother) and a structuring parent (often the father). Freud hypothesized that males are more attached to their mothers, females to their fathers. Jung's view was that either a male or female can have a positive or negative mother complex and/or father complex. Such certainly has been my experience, personally and in the experience of clients. In addition, Jung saw the nurturing parent and the structuring parent as having archetypal roots in what he called the ""Mother archetype'' and the ""Father archetype.''

Effects of early experience However well-fed and cared for physically, a child who is neglected emotionally may die or become seriously retarded. No one person

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caring for an infant supplies all these needs perfectly, and the lack of fulfllment gives rise to some of the problems of later life. Often, these problems are expressed in projections to friends, lovers, spouses and/or children. The projection may take the form of seeking to be ""mothered'' by or to ""mother'' other adults. Men as well as women can seek to mother. Some people seek to be mothered by their children. Similarly, a disturbance in the relationship with the structuring (father) fgure can leave an individual with a tendency to seek a strong authority or to act the father by behaving in an authoritarian manner. The nurturing parent and the structuring parent, respectively, seem to have archetypal roots in what Jung called the ""Mother archetype'' and the ""Father archetype.'' (hen archetypal forces are activated, they intensify human situations. It is positive if the person, now an adult, is able to make use of the inner resources that the archetypal forces provide (e.g. the ""inner mother'' fnds ways of meeting one's needs). The negative side of this archetypal dimension is seeing other people as having the godlike power that, as a small child, one perceived in one's parents. I have seen in my practice a number of female clients who had negative father complexes. One such client had an alcoholic father who made her realize that men could be cruel. Surprisingly, perhaps, she married such a man. The father of another such client did not drink alcohol but was often rageful toward his wife. The daughter found it impossible to marry at all.

Sibling relationships Sibling relationships are highly varied, beginning according to the specifc genders and ages of the siblings. There is often considerable negative interaction (quarreling, fghting, etc.) between pairs of siblings. These may be countered, when there are more than two in the family, by some ""ganging up'' of some against one or more others. Jung had little to say about siblings, perhaps because he was essentially an only child; his one sibling (a sister) was nine years younger than he. His own fve children seem not to have brought to his attention the complexities of their interrelationships. Like many European fathers of his generation, he evidently left the child-rearing largely to their mother, Emma.

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In my experience, however, relations with siblings, including the well-known sibling rivalry, have a profound infuence on relations with peers: mainly spouses, friends and co-workers. This infuence becomes apparent in such behaviors as affection, assertion and competition.

OUTSIDE THE FAMILY Relationships outside the family begin, usually, with mutual attraction: positive projections that are experienced as liking. (ithout such projections, pairs are not suffciently interested in each other to spend time together, much less to bear the pain of working out the problems that arise in any lasting association. A human relationship is not based on differentiation and perfection, for these only emphasize the differences or call forth the exact opposite; it is based, rather, on imperfection, on what is weak, helpless and in need of support-the very ground and motive for dependence. The perfect have no need of others, but weakness has, for it seeks support and does not confront its partner with anything that might force him into an inferior position. (Jung C(-10, par. 579) A basic component in all human relations, whether one-to-one or in the family and other groups, is confict and the way it is handled. Both experience and research have shown that many conficts arise out of incompatibility of the participants' typologies (see Chapter 2). For instance, according to a study by R.H. Kilmann and K.(. Thomas (1975), the thinking-feeling dimension is signifcant in that feeling persons tend to be more accommodating than thinking persons. The term ""relationship'' is used commonly to mean any voluntary two-person association. Jung made a distinction between an emotional bond that is based largely on projection and a true psychological relationship. For him, the term relationship denoted a conscious connection: one in which some of the projections have been withdrawn in favor of mutual appreciation, understanding

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and adaptation, based on both persons' reality without either one losing individuality. Beyond the initial attraction, development of a relationship requires the withdrawal of projections: the modifcation of one's image of the other in the light of experience. This process has both positive and negative aspects. Some of what one fnds in the other person is to one's liking, some of it to one's distress. If the disliked qualities are dominant, the association is likely to be severed. If there is more on the positive side, mutual affection is strengthened. This attitude can grow into a regard that deserves the name of love. There is yet another requirement for relationship: consciousness. According to Jung, ""There is no such thing as a psychological relationship between people who are in a state of unconsciousness'' (Jung C(-17, par. 325). (ithdrawal of projections depends on a degree of individual development. Analyst John Perry's (1971) statement is apt: ""Only when one's self-image has developed to a suffcient degree can one be in a position to perceive other people's selves as they actually are'' (p. 302).

Friendship Friendship often begins with only positive projections. Later, disappointments and conficts introduce negative feelings, often mutual. If the positive projections prevail, the friendship can continue. If not, a reconciling process is necessary to avoid temporary or permanent estrangement. As one young boy said of another, ""He's my best friend-and I hate him!'' A best friend is likely to be a frequent companion. Day-to-day associations bring occasional conficts. A child may not be aware that they can be resolved. Associations with co-workers (fellow employees and coparticipants in unpaid activities) are similar to friendships, but may be more optional at any particular time. That is, temporary interruptions are more tolerable than with friends, because the association is less crucial to one's life. Consequently, such a connection is less likely to fulfll the requirements of relationship. Relationships are the arena in which psychological development occurs, including the mature phase of individuation (see Chapter 12). Thus, one experiences the withdrawal of projections (positive

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and negative), conficts, reconciliations and shared experiences, one enriches one's personality and prepares for the challenges ahead. Individuation, however, is not always enhanced by relationships. It can be impeded if one person's defciencies produce persistent dependency on the other person. Such dependency, which is based on projection, works against individuation by slowing the development of the weak side of one or both parties to the relationship.

Marriage Marriage is usually the closest relationship between adults, and the one most discussed by Jung and other psychologists. Its psychological aspects are perhaps the prototype for all relationships. It requires the withdrawal of projections, so that each person can be seen and valued as he or she is, not as an embodiment of the partner's anima or animus. Such withdrawal is a life-long process, and the necessity is renewed when the children (if any) have left home, leaving the partners with only each other. Other renewals of necessity are job or location changes, retirement of one or both, or a change in fnancial circumstances. A workable marriage, in Jung's view, can be helped by the partners' differences in personality: differences that may favor each partner in a different area of life. Some are manifestations of equality, others a matter of ""containment'': one partner may be contained in the other. In a heterosexual marriage, often the woman is contained spiritually (in her husband), while the husband is more likely to be contained emotionally in his wife. Carl and Emma Jung probably had such a marriage in their early years but it matured enough later for them to share professional interests. Jung warned: In most cases one [partner] will adapt to marriage more quickly than the other. The one who is grounded on a positive relationship to the parents will fnd little or no diffculty in adjusting to his or her partner, while the other may be hindered by a deep-seated unconscious tie to the parents. He will therefore achieve complete adaptation only later, and because it is won with greater diffculty, it may even prove the more durable. (Jung C(-17, par. 331b)

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By ""containment'' Jung seemed to mean setting the tone of a designated area of life. The term ""spiritually,'' as used by Jung, does not connote religion so much as structure, meaning and the world of ideas. Such a view of man-woman relations seems to have refected the prevailing attitude toward marriage during the frst quarter of the twentieth century. Many of the problems in marriage arise from the fact that the partners have differing temperaments, values and backgrounds. Jung found that other problems can result from too much similarity. He wrote: I once had an ""ideal-looking couple'' who came to consult me. Something had gone wrong. (hen I looked at them I wondered what could have brought them to me. They appeared perfectly suited to one another in every way and, as I soon discovered, they were blessed with all the material things life could offer. But eventually I found the real trouble was that they were too well suited. This prevented any tension existing in their intimate relations. They coincided so much that nothing happened-a situation as awkward as the opposite extreme of total incompatibility. (McGuire & Hull, 1977, p. 247) The problems in marriage often appear to arise, in Jungian terms, in the actions of the woman's negative animus. (hen the husband's anima has created an unpleasant emotional climate and the wife attempts to adapt to an impossible situation, she is blamed when she fails. The old sex-role stereotypes assumed that women are primarily responsible for the health of marital relationships, but these stereotypes are giving way to an awareness that both partners contribute to the emotional climate in the home. The phenomenon of projection is important not only in dealing with problems within an intact marriage, but also in separation or divorce. (hen one no longer lives with the partner on whom one has made a host of projections, they persist and are unchallenged by the partner's reality. For the sake of psychological development, therefore, it is essential to explore the nature of the projections as thoroughly as possible before a decision on divorce is made. Some couples who are experiencing serious diffculties in their marriage fnd that their problems stem from their different ways of

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viewing the world, differences that are rooted in differing attitude and function types (see Chapter 2). Often, such couples fnd that one of the Jungian types tests, administered in conjunction with marriage counseling, can provide information on the reasons for misunderstandings due to their different perceptions. Alternatively, the partners independently can gain insight from reading a relevant book (see ""Recommended readings''). Much that is written and said about marriage seems to be predicated on the assumption that the goal is happiness. Zurich analyst Adolf Guggenbuihl-Craig (1977) disputed this view, maintaining that the goal is individuation. He seemed to mean that one must not ask the spouse to live up to one's expectations but, instead, should undertake to develop in oneself the qualities that one has desired in the spouse: such qualities as understanding, acceptance, strength, protectiveness, stability and being adventuresome. This author presented an example, too extensive to repeat here, of an ""individuation marriage'' (pp. 62-68). Sometimes relationships are delayed or prevented by specifc psychological problems. Zurich analyst Marie-Louise von Franz (1970) found, for example, that the puer aeternus (eternal boy) has great diffculty in forming relationships with women of his own generation because of the strong attachment to his mother. He seeks her image in every woman-the perfect woman who will give him everything and who is without shortcomings. Usually, however, whenever he is fascinated by a woman he comes to discover that she is an ordinary human being and he turns away disappointed, only to project the mother image onto one woman after another.

Sexuality The specifcally sexual aspect of relationships was discussed relatively little by Jung, probably because Freud gave so much attention to the subject and Jung assumed that his readers were familiar with Freud's work. An exception is ""The Love Problem of the Student'' (Jung C(-10), in which Jung discussed the sexual and other problems that arise between the sexes when marriage must be postponed, as it was in the 1920s for many young people, including many students, who were economically dependent. (He evidently did not consider the possibility of sex before marriage.)

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In this essay and other scattered comments, Jung indicated that he viewed sexuality as instinctive and therefore essential. He saw it, however, as having signifcance beyond the biological drive and the survival of the species. For him, sexuality was psychological and even creative. He described it as: a power which seeks expression and evidently may not be trifed with in our well-meaning moral laws. Sexuality is not mere instinctuality; it is an indisputably creative power that is not only the basic cause of our individual lives, but a very serious factor in our psychic life as well. (Jung C(-8, par. 107)

Homosexuality Jung had little to say on the subject of homosexuality. He hypothesized, however, that in a male homosexual the heterosexual libido is tied up with the mother so that, due to societal taboos, sex cannot be experienced with a woman. In such men, masculinity is underdeveloped-that is, only partially conscious. Hence, it tends to be projected, and the object of the projection is another man (Jung C(-7, pars. 167-83; Jung C(-17, pars. 266-81). In the decades since Jung's death, psychologists have come to understand that homosexuality is innate in some people, both male and female. CONCLUSION Important as is the withdrawal of projections, the logical end thereof would be complete independence and, hence, the destruction of interdependence. But Jung acknowledged that relationship is necessary; without it a person ""falls into a void'' (Jung C(-16, par. 285). RECOMMENDED READINGS Bertine, Eleanor (1992) Close relationships: Family, friendship, marriage. Toronto: Inner City Books. Desteian, John (1988) Coming together-coming apart: The union of opposites in love relationships. Boston: Sigo Press.

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Dourley, John P. (1987) Love, celibacy and the inner marriage. Toronto: Inner City Books. Guggenbuihl-Craig, Adolf (1977) Marriage-Dead or Alive. (oodstock, CT: Spring Publications. Kast, Verena (1986) The nature of loving: Patterns of human relationship. (ilmette, IL: Chiron. Sanford, John A. (1980) The invisible partners: How the male and female in each of us affects our relationships. New York: Paulist Press. Savage, Judith A. (1989) Mourning unlived lives: A psychological study of childbearing loss. (ilmette, IL: Chiron. Young-Eisendrath, Polly (1993) You're not what I expected: Learning to love the opposite sex. New York: (illiam Morrow.

Chapter 7

How can we change?

Amazing grace! How sweet the sound That saved a wretch like me I once was lost and now am found (as blind but now I see 'Twas grace that taught my heart to fear And grace my fears relieved How precious did that grace appear The hour I frst believed. John Newton and traditional in Virginia Harmony

Personality change comes about in many ways, including through grace and belief. More commonly now, change can be attributed to psychotherapy, a major contribution of Jungian psychology. To designate a given series of sessions either as ""analysis'' or ""analytic psychotherapy'' depends on the intensity, duration, attention to the unconscious-and the preference of the therapist. A Jungian analyst is a person who has been graduated after three or more years of training in the program of an established institute. The requirements for admission to such a program vary among institutes but generally include a graduate degree, usually in a mental health feld, and 100 or more sessions of personal analysis with an accredited analyst. The requirements for accreditation as an analyst include 300 or more hours of personal analysis, supervised (""control'') work with clients and examinations. Training usually includes a great deal of attention to dreams and their interpretation (see Chapter 8). Many analysts include in their qualifcations a doctorate in Medicine or in Psychology. A master's in Social (ork (MS() or

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Marriage and Family Therapy (MFT) is also a ""terminal,'' licensable degree for designation as an analyst. In addition to analysts, there are Jungian-oriented psychotherapists who have not undergone the full analytic training but all of whom are well-qualifed therapists, often and/or licensed by the states in which they work, with one of the afore-mentioned degrees and considerable personal analysis. PSYCHOTHERAPY AND ANALYSIS Jungian therapists distinguish between analysis and psychotherapy (or therapy). My practice is to use the term ""psychotherapy'' for most purposes. Most clients are self-selected; they have heard or read something that prompts them to seek out a Jungian therapist, or have been referred by someone who knows about the particular therapist. In the frst session, the two decide the frequency of meetings, and the fee. (Many Jungian analysts charge a set fee, but many others negotiate the fee according to the client's fnancial situation.) The terms for the principals in therapy reveal, to some extent, the understanding of their roles. Traditionally, therapists work with ""patients'' and analysts with ""analysands.'' The labels carry implications of inequality in that therapists and analysts are presumed to act, patients and analysands to be acted upon. In the Jungian therapeutic process, however, the relation of the therapist and client cannot be understood by the traditional terms. Rather, the two relate to each other as co-workers in a process that affects both. An important consideration is that the analyst has undergone analysis. I use the term client rather than analysand or patient. The term therapist, when paired with client, loses some of the unacceptable implication of power over the other person. The uniqueness of Jungian therapy is less a set of techniques than an attitude toward the psyche, which is partly conscious and partly unconscious. The client brings conscious concerns. The therapist helps to fnd what is in the unconscious, both problems and resources. The therapist is more knowledgeable than the client, but the wisdom is in the psyches of both. Hence, they are companions on the (ay. In the Jungian view, the psyche is self-regulating. The symptoms are purposive, attempting to restore balance. Each person is

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unique; different approaches are used with different clients. The therapist and client work together to change attitudes that, often, change behavior. The therapeutic process begins with discussion of the client's problems, symptoms and complexes. Then the two principals seek to discover the purposes of the phenomena, and what they may contribute to wholeness. Implicit in all these concerns is attention to ""transference/counter-transference'': the relationship between therapist and client. Together they seek the inner dimension to the client's expectations of the therapist, and the therapist examines his or her attitude toward the client. A major resource used by most Jungian therapists is the client's dream life. The client brings dream texts, usually written. The client offers personal associations to the various dream images. Archetypal amplifcations come mainly from the therapist. Other unconscious contents include emotions, behaviors, events and imaginative work such as painting, sculpting and dancing. The aim of Jungian therapy is psychological growth more than the cure of symptoms. The symptoms indicate what is needed for a more nearly whole personality. They point to complexes that must be integrated in order for development to proceed, and for psychic energy to be released. Jungian therapy tends to be an inward-directed approach, but it is conducted in the context of the client's life in the world. Jung wrote, ""Try as we may to concentrate on the most personal of personal problems, our therapy nevertheless stands or falls with the question: (hat sort of world does our patient come from and to what sort of world has he to adapt himself'' (Jung C(-16, par. 212). The goals of therapy vary with the client but the general goal of therapy is psychological development. Persons who have not experienced Jungian therapy may say that the goal is insight, even though there is ample research evidence that insight is not highly effective in bringing about personality or behavioral change. Jungian therapy does not rely on insight but it makes use of all available resources of the client's conscious and unconscious-and the psyches of both therapist and client-to bring about changes in attitudes and emotional responses. (hat is the difference between analysis and therapy? In the Jungian school there is no clear distinction, either in method or content. Some analysts distinguish in terms of number of sessions

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per week. Various methods (such as dream analysis, emotional support, confrontation and plans for behavior changes) and contents (conscious and unconscious) are likely to characterize the session. Nevertheless, in the view of many Jungians, analystsmore than therapy-deal with unconscious material, especially dreams and transference. (hether the work with a particular client is therapy or analysis may be decided by the client. Sometimes a client's resistance to dealing with dreams or other unconscious material is so strong that the therapist must work only to strengthen the client's ego in enlarging the integration of unconscious contents. But many clients may be clearly willing and able to consider what the unconscious has to offer: dreams, fantasies, transference, examination of conscious attitudes, modifying or changing them, along with transformation and integration of the personality. Although some people think of Jungian therapy as a branch of Freudian ""psychoanalysis,'' Jung was not really a student of Freud, at least not for long. Jung was nineteen years younger than Freud, but had made some of his own discoveries before he read Freud and, later, met him. They associated closely for about six years, then broke over theoretical issues, especially whether the unconscious contains collective as well as personal material, whether sexual problems are primary, and probably the psychological problems of both men. Also, both saw Freud as a father fgure but he wanted unquestioning followers, while Jung had a negative father complex and could not refrain from questioning the ""father's'' ideas. Jung's typology was clearly different from Freud's: Jung claimed to be introverted, thinking, intuitive, while Freud seemed to be extraverted, feeling, sensation. A major difference between the Freudian and Jungian approaches is in the relative emphasis on reductive (Freudian) and constructive (Jungian) attitudes and interpretations of dreams and symptoms. Reductive means ""leading back'' to causes: the conditions out of which symptoms or dreams arise. This approach seeks to challenge or break down illusions. Traditional Freudian analysis is largely reductive. The constructive approach strengthens what is worth preserving in the person. This approach encourages psychic growth, particularly in previously underdeveloped capacities. Jungian therapy uses reduction to uncover hidden motives and integrate previously rejected parts of the personality, but it moves as soon as possible into the healing process of the constructive approach.

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A readily observable difference, generally, between Jungian and Freudian analysis is the arrangement of the consulting room. Many Jungians prefer armchairs and face-to-face encounters, whereas many Freudians ask the patient to lie on a couch while the analyst sits in a chair out of the patient's view. They try not to bring the psychology of the analyst into the work. The face-to-face setting of Jungians produces an atmosphere of equality and more active involvement by the therapist, whose posture and facial expressions can be seen by the client. In contrast, the couch encourages dependency in the patient and impersonality in the therapist. The client of a Jungian therapist is likely to experience some dependency on the therapist, especially early in the process, but the dependency is less pervasive than with Freudian analysts, and the Jungian therapist is rarely completely impersonal. VARIETIES OF JUNGIAN THERAPY Despite great commonality among Jungian writers with regard to theory, some have identifed various points of view. Andrew Samuels (1985) has mixed and matched his colleagues' criteria and developed a categorization that has been quoted widely: the Classical School, the Developmental School and the Archetypal School. The Classical approach has been based, traditionally, at the Zurich Institute. Samuels identifes its weighting of such theoretical emphases as the concept of Self, and clinical emphasis on it. The Developmental approach, predominant in the London School, emphasizes the development of personality and analysis of transference/counter-transference. The Archetypal School, led by James Hillman, emphasizes the understanding of archetypal imagery. Virtually all therapists use a mixture of these theoretical positions, each with emphasis on one. All practitioners are infuenced not only by theory but by their experiences with clients, so that the therapist's approach can be largely tailor-made to ft the individual client. (hy does a person become an analyst? For me the reply is relatively simple: the Jungian approach worked for me in my personal therapy, unlike other therapeutic approaches (mainly neoFreudian) I had experienced. I did not set out to be a therapist but,

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while in the process of personal analysis, I became interested in the application of Jungian concepts to people who could be helped by therapy. For Jungian analysts, especially those who entered training after the age of thirty-fve, my experience is fairly typical. However, many Jungian analysts chose the profession of psychotherapist through a related discipline (e.g. clinical psychology, social work or psychiatry). Others became interested in Jungian thought through theological or humanistic studies. Some became involved through ""happenstance'' reading. Jung insisted that a prospective analyst must undergo a thorough personal analysis. In this manner, Freud followed Jung's lead. Jung also held that a practicing analyst should continue the work on personal dreams and other unconscious material and by consulting an analyst colleague from time to time. These measures are necessary because the analyst is affected by the work with the client and must continue to develop. Along with the client's psyche, the primary operative factor in the work is the analyst's psyche. Analytic training includes, in addition to the study of Jungian psychological theory, exploration of several felds relevant to archetypal material: for example, myths, religions and anthropology. In addition, a candidate must become knowledgeable about psychopathology and non-Jungian schools of personality theory and psychotherapy. Finally, extensive clinical experience is required, including the supervised work with clients that I mentioned earlier. (hy does a person become a client? Any psychic problem, including the emotional component of a physical illness, can be the stimulus for undertaking Jungian therapy. Some non-Jungian therapists say that a ""philosophical neurosis'' (an intense concern with questions of life's meaning) is not an appropriate emphasis for therapy. In light of Jung's view of the importance of religious problems in neurosis, especially for persons over thirty-fve or forty, it is not surprising that the focus of many Jungian analyses is specifcally on the direction and meaning of the person's life. Indeed, such a focus often is essential for healing. There is no maximum age for entering Jungian analysis. In fact, the second half of life is, in general, the preferred time for working on the individuation process (see Chapter 12). This process, for many clients, is the ultimate goal of analysis. No minimum age for a person entering Jungian therapy was suggested by Jung, but may be determined by the particular therapist. Some, but not all, Jungians work with children and teenagers.

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The client's choice of therapist must take into consideration a number of factors. The gender, attitude type and function type of the therapist are important because different problems and possibilities are constellated in a particular client by the personality of the therapist. A therapist who is right for one client may be wrong for another; no one therapist can work effectively with every potential client. A truly therapeutic relationship begins with the right ""chemistry,'' including mutual respect, out of which can be forged a bond that is strong enough to withstand the diffculties of the therapeutic process. Although a relationship is affected by the combination of typologies of the principals, the effect cannot be predicted with any degree of accuracy. Similar typology between the two may enhance the process of getting acquainted and feeling comfortable with each other. This combination can be less productive, however. Opposite function types stimulate and intrigue each other, but one may be tempted to depend heavily on the therapist for strength in those areas where one is weak. Often the optimal situation is one dominant function in common, the others diverse. The effect of similarity or difference in attitude type is even more diffcult to predict. ""Opposites attract'' is an asset to this relationship (as in others), but they also can repel. Prospective clients must base their judgments on their spontaneous responses to initial meetings with a prospective therapist. The nature of the therapeutic process is a topic of continuing discussion among Jungians, especially therapists. Is it medical, religious, educational, a combination of these, or something other? The controversy stems, partly, from the fact that Jung was a physician and, despite his challenges to the medical model on such issues as whether diagnosis is useful, he continued to describe psychotherapeutic work in medical terminology: doctor, treatment and healing. Contemporary Jungians, however, increasingly seek to fnd a model for the analyst's work outside the metaphors of medicine. Thus, they speak of shamans, gurus, soul guides and the like. Much as I respect these efforts, I fnd it important to remember that the work includes healing psychic wounds. At the same time, the therapist must be aware of being a wounded healer-a person who has experienced psychic wounds. The analytic process can be described in general terms, whatever the theoretical basis. Gerhard Adler (1967) identifed four stages of Jungian analysis (in varying orders) which are likely to be repeated

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for each problem area: (1) confession or catharsis, a process that occurs in all psychotherapy; (2) elucidation or interpretation, the major stage in Freudian analysis; (3) education, adaptation to social demands and needs (approximately equivalent to psychotherapeutic work based on Alfred Adler's theory); and (4) transformation or individuation, in which the client discovers and develops an individual pattern of life. Number four is the most specifcally Jungian. The frst three stages were generally considered by Jung to belong to therapy in the frst half of life, when the client is still adapting to the world, and archetypal material does not play a large role. (hen the tasks of youth and early adulthood have been accomplished, a Jungian analysis is likely to center increasingly on archetypal images and the search for meaning. The ""medical model'' of psychotherapy assumes that a diagnosis is necessary to decide on a treatment and carry it out. Jung challenged the importance of distinguishing specifc categories of psychological problems. However, he advised therapists to determine whether a client was psychotic because, if such a danger existed, the unconscious should not be stimulated. Hillman (1964) took an even more negative view of diagnosis, arguing that knowledge about a person gets in the way of knowing that person. Because diagnosis implies a medical model, the more useful term probably is the one that clinical psychologists use-assessment. Even that term is anathema to some Jungians because it seems to necessitate viewing the psyche from the outside. To other Jungians the concept is useful because assessment is a source of information. The only instruments of assessment that are related clearly to Jungian theory are interviews and the types tests: the Gray(heelwrights Jungian Type Survey, the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator, the Singer-Loomis Inventory of Personality and, more recently, the Keirsey Temperament Sorter (see Chapter 2). Other psychological tests can be useful, however, especially ""projective'' tests such as the Rorschach Ink-Blot Test. TRANSFERENCE Transference literally means the client's projecting onto the analyst feelings that were generated by experience with a past fgure in the client's life, usually a parent. To some Jungians it cannot be

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described as projection. L. Paulsen (1956) wrote that transference is ""more than projection, being something archetypal, unconscious, and metaphorical'' (p. 203); that is, transference arises out of archetypal contents as well as actual experiences. For example, a client who sees the analyst as a mother fgure may attribute to her qualities that the client's mother did not have but that belong to the Mother archetype. Indeed, Jung's major work on transference (Jung C(-16, Part II, Section III) is concerned entirely with its archetypal dimensions. Although I agree that transference can be archetypal as well as personal, I believe that both personal and archetypal contents can be projected. The origins of transference are in the client's repressed ""infantile wishes'' but also in not-yet-realized psychic potentialities, which are rooted in the collective unconscious. Thus, Jungian therapists disagree with the Freudian idea that reduces transference feelings to solely childhood experiences. Jungians recognize that a child who is sometimes vulnerable and demanding, at other times is curious and spontaneous. Thus, the child has a capacity for growth. A similar potential exists in adults and is a basis for healing. As Jungian therapy progresses, transference is replaced increasingly by cooperation between analyst and client. At that point projections can be distinguished from feelings toward actual people and enable the client to integrate the contents that have been transferred. Except for the therapists who have been infuenced by Melanie Klein and other neo-Freudians, Jungians have not discussed transference a great deal until fairly recently, but it plays a key role in most Jungian therapy. Indeed, the notion advocated by some schools of psychotherapy, that transference can be avoided, is largely illusory. The therapist must be constantly alert to the nature and intensity of the client's positive and negative feelings toward the therapist. Not all feelings and images of a client are transferred from other relationships, according to Jung; some are simply the human responses of one person to another. It is important for the therapist and client to be aware of such responses. The projections from client to therapist (transference) have a counterpart in projections from therapist to client (countertransference). Counter-transference is not the same as the therapist's basic liking for the client and the perception that the client has potential for growth; these attitudes are necessary for healing and are part of the therapist's commitment to the therapeutic

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process. Counter-transference is the projection of the therapist's complexes onto the client. For example, a therapist who has a complex about a frustrated desire to be an artist could become fascinated with a client's artistic achievements, at the expense of the therapeutic process. In such a situation the therapist has an obligation to seek help from a colleague or, in extreme cases, to admit the problem to the client and perhaps offer a referral to another therapist. Counter-transference, like transference, can be negative. For example, the therapist may be frustrated by the client's slowness to change and take the delay as resistance to the therapist or to the process. Because the counter-transference feelings stem from the therapist's complex-perhaps about effciency-they must be subject to scrutiny with the help of another therapist. (hatever the emotional responses of the two parties to each other, these responses must be acknowledged in order for the therapeutic work to be productive. It is essential, also, for the therapist to pay attention to his or her own dreams and emotions and to recognize their infuence on the client's psychological ""climate.'' At the same time, therapists must insist that clients take responsibility for their own lives. ACTIVE IMAGINATION Even more important to most Jungian therapy than transference are the dreams of both parties. Another source of unconscious material is a client's fantasies. Jung held that they reveal the unconscious in much the same way that dreams do. Also, behaviors toward other people express the unconscious in that actions refect complexes and their projection. In addition, many emotional responses give clues to the nature of projected complexes. Other events, such as accidents and errors, are likely to be refections of unconscious contents. Some special methods of exploring unconscious material that are used often in Jungian therapy are forms of active imagination. These methods resemble passive fantasy in that the contents arise out of the unconscious, but differ in that the ego initiates the process and participates actively. Initiating the process may consist of calling up an image that has appeared in a dream or in a previous session of active imagination; the ego then does more than

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observe the images or receive the thoughts-it enters into dialogue with the images from the unconscious. The major purposes of active imagination are to give shape to complexes and their accompanying emotions and to provide a channel for the ego to confront directly the unconscious. Although Jung considered all psychotherapy to be a vehicle for the individuation process, he considered active imagination to be particularly effective. It is a diffcult procedure for many people, however, and may become possible only after months or years of analytic therapy. A great advantage of active imagination is that it can be continued by the client when the sessions with the therapist have been discontinued. Active imagination can be carried out verbally, non-verbally (images) or in combination. Traditional non-verbal methods include drawing, painting and sculpting. Dancing has been used, but less frequently, perhaps because it is likely to provide no record that can be shared with the therapist. (A video recording would be conceivable, but that would probably require a photographer intruding on the therapeutic duo.) An additional non-verbal method is sandplay, used by many Jungians and some non-Jungians. The client faces a sandbox (about 19 x 28 x 3 inches) and miniature fgures of humans, animals, scenery and objects that can be used to create a threedimensional picture. Often, the therapist photographs the scene for subsequent discussion. Dora Kalff (1974) adapted the method from M. Lowenfeld's (1967) ""(orld Picture.'' In the verbal method of active imagination the client conducts an imaginary conversation with a fgure, human or non-human, from the unconscious, perhaps one suggested by a dream: for example, a conversation with a shadow fgure with whom the client is angry, or a Great Mother or (ise Old Man from whom wisdom can be sought. Verbal and non-verbal methods are combined when the client starts with a dream image or spontaneous fantasy, watches the image develop and converses with it. The experience can be recorded in images, words, or both. To determine the form of active imagination to be used, most Jungian therapists recommend a medium in which the client is not trained, so that the work can be spontaneous, free of the inhibitions that may result from training. Thus, a person skilled in verbal expression is advised to use a non-verbal method and a trained

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painter a method other than painting. The choice of medium is one factor in circumventing the tendency of some clients to focus too much on the aesthetic quality of the images, rather than their psychological impact. Jung advocated the use of active imagination, especially in the later stages of therapy, but he pointed out the pitfalls: ""The procedure may not lead to any positive result, since it easily passes over into the so-called "free association' of Freud, whereupon the patient gets caught in the sterile circle of his own complexes'' (Jung C(-8, par. 688). A more serious danger is that too much unconscious material may surface and overwhelm the conscious mind. For most clients, however, the method seems not to be dangerous as long as it is not overused. The therapist can prevent overuse by helping the client to seek the meanings of images as they arise, and help relate them to the conscious life: emotions, behaviors and relationships. Most Jungian therapy is with clients suffering from neurosis: inner conficts, emotional disruption and behaviors that disrupt relationships. (Jung, as a psychiatrist, had considerable experience with psychosis, beginning with his early years working at the Burghoilzli Hospital.) Jungian therapy with psychotic patients requires a different approach from that with neurotics. Since extreme ego-weakness is characteristic of psychotics, it may be necessary for the therapist not to focus on unconscious material but to build the ego. John Perry (1974), a Jungian psychiatrist, developed a method of treating young schizophrenics during their frst psychotic episodes. In a protected residential setting, he and his associates sought to accompany clients through the episodes, without the use of drugs or electroshock treatments, helping them to confront, assimilate and use creatively the archetypal content that was disrupting their lives. (Comparable methods have been developed independently and have been used by non-Jungian therapists such as R.D. Laing.) Historian Henri Ellenberger (1970) stated, ""Jung did a great deal to further the psychotherapy of schizophrenia, and he anticipated the research of contemporary existential analysts in their attempts to understand and make intelligible the subjective experience of schizophrenics'' (p. 732). Therapy with children is relatively infrequent among Jungians. Jung observed that the diffculties of children result from parental problems; thus, children should be treated through the treatment of

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their parents. He discussed children's dreams at length in his Children's Dreams (but the dreams tended to be those brought by parents of the dreamers or remembered by adults from childhood). In child therapy, even more than in therapy with adults, Jungians emphasize constructive processes over causality. They, like nonJungians, use play techniques, and include children in therapy with family groupings. Through his contact with ""Roland H.,'' which was described in his letter to ""Bill (.'' (Let-2, pp. 623-25), Jung was instrumental in the founding of Alcoholics Anonymous, which uses a highly effective form of group psychotherapy. Nevertheless, Jung expressed considerable doubt about group therapy and did not use it in his own work. N. Quenk (1978) saw this view as an introverted bias. E.C. (hitmont (1974) sought to adapt group therapy to an introverted point of view. He considered this form of therapy essential for adequate analysis because the individuation process must include becoming conscious of what and how one projects on a variety of persons (and vice versa), not just on the analyst. C.E. Brookes (1974) took a similar stand in fnding that the group setting is a corrective for the isolation of the individual consultation hour. H.A. Illing (1957) took the view that the projections within the group have archetypal bases: ""The average group has a "secret' repertoire of roles, such as the "wise old man' or the "clown' or the "mother' or characters in fairy tale'' (p. 393). Thus, group therapy is often a useful adjunct to individual work. In my view, however, the group experience is not needed by all persons who seek Jungian therapy. Many clients make excellent use of the one-on-one relationship and, through it, deal adequately with the many projections they make to a variety of persons in their lives. Jungians have written little about couple and family therapies and seem to engage in them rarely. Some Jungian-oriented counselors (among many other counselors), however, have used the types tests (see Chapter 2) to help couples to become aware that what appears to be obstinacy or hostility in one person may be a different way of viewing and dealing with the world. A. Quenk (1978), in his discussion of psychological types in relation to the various aspects of the analytic process, included marital therapy: ""The type of the therapist can have a direct infuence on the course of therapy, [as well as] the type mix of the couple'' (p. 40). He

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suggested that the analyst can help the two to understand each other's language. If they are of different types, however, there is a danger that the analyst will communicate, however subtly and unconsciously, an affnity with the partner who is more like the therapist. The reluctance of Jungian analysts to engage in couple and family therapy arises, in part, from unfamiliarity with those methods and with their possibilities for enhancing the individuation process. San Francisco analyst G.H. Hogle (1974) discussed his experiences in discovering these possibilities and learning the methods. He concluded that, if he had it to do over again, he would recommend from the outset extended couple or family therapy for about one-ffth of the individual patients he ever treated. The proportions are not so large in my experience, but I have referred a number of couples for marital therapy. I share Hogle's conviction that it is important to be open to the need for such work. In most, if not all, instances it is wise for the Jungian therapist to continue the individual therapy and refer the couple or family to a therapist who specializes in the desired methods.

RECOMMENDED READINGS Bradway, Kay, and Barbara McCoard (1997) Sandplay: Silent work of the psyche. London: Routledge. Chodorow, Joan (1990) Dance therapy and depth psychology: The moving self. London: Routledge. Fordham, Michael (1986) lungian psychotherapy: A study in analytical psychology. London: Maresfeld Library. Humbert, Elie G. (1988) lung and the fundamentals of theory and practice. (ilmette, IL: Chiron. Jacoby, Mario A. (1984) The analytic encounter: Transference and human relationship. Toronto: Inner City Books. Kalff, Dora V. (1980) Sandplay: A psychotherapeutic approach to the psyche. Boston: Sigo Press. Kast, Verena (1995) Folktales as therapy. New York: Fromm International Publishing. Kugler, Paul (1995) lungian perspectives on clinical supervision. Einsiedeln, Switzerland: Daimon Verlag. Meier, C.A. (1989) Healing dream and ritual: Ancient incubation and modern psychotherapy. Einsiedeln, Switzerland: Daimon Verlag.

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Sedgwick, David (1994) Countertransference from a lungian perspective. London: Routledge. Singer, June (1994) Boundaries of the soul: The practice of lung's psy­ chology (revised and updated). New York: Anchor Books. von Franz, Marie-Louise (1993) Psychotherapy. Boston: Shambhala. (ilmer, Harry A. (1987) Practical lung: Nuts and bolts of lungian psycho­ therapy. (ilmette, IL: Chiron. Young-Eisendrath, Polly (1984) Hags and heroes: A feminist approach to lungian therapy with couples. Toronto: Inner City Books.

Chapter 8

How our dreams can help us

The dream is a little hidden door

In the innermost and most secret

recesses of the soul.

C.G. Jung

THE NATURE OF DREAMS Is a dream a door to the soul, or is it, as we often hear, ""only a dream''? Sometimes the ""only a dream'' statement is an effort at consoling the person, especially a child, who is frightened from a nightmare. On other occasions it is a way of saying that a dream has no bearing on reality. Increasingly, many people appreciate their dreams as being not so ""only''; rather, dreams are vital in their lives. The word dream itself is used also to mean wish or fantasy-that is, ""daydream.'' I am using ""dream'' to mean only the images and other contents that come during sleep. Dreams are so important to us humans that, when deprived of them (by being awakened-perhaps for research purposes-whenever a dream begins) we are likely to hallucinate. Since hallucinations, like dreams, are unconscious contents, it appears that the psyche needs to bring such contents into consciousness, and uses hallucinations when the dream route is blocked. Dreams are a major thoroughfare to the unconscious psyche which, as we have seen, is vastly larger than consciousness. If we don't pay attention to them, we limit our knowledge of the psyche to the relatively small segment that is conscious.

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One reason that some people ignore-or avoid-their dreams is that they assume dreams to deliver unpleasant messages. That can be true. I once had a series of dreams in which a long-time friend appeared as a threatening fgure. It seemed to mean that the relationship had turned negative-which I soon found it had. Conversely, dreams may point out our strengths and help us to solve problems of living. For example, at a critical time in my life I dreamed of a Rabbi Mother Superior. There seemed to be a double (Jewish and Christian) wisdom fgure available to me. Another reason human beings ignore dreams is that, as messages from the unconscious, we have diffculty understanding them. If a dream isn't understood, we can think of it as a riddle to be solved, or as an intriguing companion. Jung advised that we carry each dream around, turn it over and over, look at it from every perspective. Often it is helpful to tell it to a trusted friend, or of course, to a therapist. The dreamer may begin to get some light or may puzzle for years about this nocturnal ""visitor.'' Some people feel that they have no choice about attending to their dreams. As far as they know, they do not dream. However, dream researchers are now reasonably sure that everyone dreamsprobably at least once in each sleep period of ninety minutes or more-four or more times in a night. Thus, when we have the impression that we do not dream it is almost certain that, instead, we are not remembering our dreams. (hen a person attempts to remember dreams and writes down whatever fragments become available, I have found that the effort to remember is nearly always successful: not every night, but often enough to have plenty of dream material to refect on. Do all dreams have meaning? (e cannot prove that they do, but many individuals spontaneously record or tell their dreams; to them it seems self-evident that dreams have meaning. Moreover, psychotherapists and other workers with dreams have found meaning in nearly all of those studied. Failure to fnd a dream's meaning is probably the dreamer's failure, not the dream's. Concrete indications that dreams have meaning are found in their having helped philosophers and scientists, such as Friedrich August Kekulee and Renee Descartes, to make major discoveries. (Kekulee deduced from a dream image the structure of the benzene ring, which is a crucial phenomenon in organic chemistry; Descartes had at least three dreams which turned his life toward

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philosophy.) In literature we fnd Robert Louis Stevenson dreaming the plot of Dr. lekyll and Mr. Hyde after years of searching for a story that would describe the ""double being'' (good and evil) of humans. Is ""listening to'' dreams a new idea? Fifty years old? One hundred years old? For millennia, people have been informed by their dreams. For example, generally known-at least to persons of Jewish and Christian backgrounds-are the dreams of Pharaoh in the Old Testament (Genesis 41: dreams of emaciated cows and blighted grain were interpreted as warnings of impending famine) and of Joseph-Mary's fancee-in the New Testament (Matthew 1: an angel appeared to Joseph in a dream, telling him that Mary's unborn child was conceived by the Holy Spirit). Even earlier than the Pharaohs were the ancient Egyptians and Babylonians, to whom the Jewish interpreters probably owed the rudiments of their knowledge of dreams. Present-day people of many cultures have great respect for dreams. For instance, the Senoi people of Malaya are said to discuss their dreams daily. The ancient Epic of Gilgamesh mentions specifc dreams. There are many references to dreams in the Bible, not just the famous ones. Children are often spontaneously fascinated by their dreams. Frightening dreams (nightmares), of course. But other dreams as well. One fve-year-old girl called a particular dream a ""little story in her head'' that had come at night; she said to her mother, ""You were in the story.'' I remember few of my childhood dreams, but one image stands out. On a boat trip from Long Beach, California to San Francisco at age three, I (a Midwesterner) was frightened by a dream image of some of the Chinese people I had been seeing. (My racial attitudes have improved since then.) Since Freud's Interpretation of Dreams (1900) and even more so since Jung's writings from 1912 on, many people have looked to dreams for information about their unconscious psyches. Dreams may provide-for those who want it-ready access to this important resource. In addition to Freud's and Jung's approaches to dreams are several others. In my view, Jung's method of interpretation is the broadest and most fexible, and hence covers the widest range of dreams and satisfes virtually all dreamers. Indeed, this method subsumes virtually all the theories that are compatible with it. The method I describe is essentially Jung's, with some modifcations based on my own experience.

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HOW TO WORK ON A DREAM Even if we are convinced that a dream has a meaning, how do we know what that meaning is? There are processes for fguring it out. The dreamer can follow a process independently, with a trusted friend or group, or with the help of a therapist who has training and experience in dream work. The frst step in working with a dream is to have paper and pencil ready for writing the dream down as completely as possible immediately after waking. (If an image seemed to be in the dream, it probably should be treated as part of the dream.) It is helpful to repeat the dream to yourself while you are still in the half-waking state, before stirring to reach for the writing materials. To get up and move around before writing the dream down is to risk forgetting a great deal of it. In addition to writing the dream down, you can draw or paint it. Since many dreams take the form of stories, there may be many scenes. Drawing even one can help to make the dream more vivid, to fx it in your mind. (To draw or paint a dream, it is not necessary-and perhaps not even desirable-to be a trained artist.) After writing the dream down, jot down refections-facts, thoughts and feelings-that come to you in connection with the dream images. Many dreamers fnd it helpful to write the dream in one column, with associations (facts, thoughts and feelings about it) in another. (rite frst the images that come readily, but add later those that come only with extra effort. For example, many thoughts may come to you about your brother Tom-whom you see frequently-but an image of your long-dead Aunt Nellie requires some digging into your memory. The image of Tom may remind you of experiences you had with him, how he treated you, attitudes he had or has and what he is doing now. Aunt Nellie's side of the family-whether that of your mother or your fathermay be the ""poor relations,'' for instance, or people who may have held beliefs that were different from your family's way of looking at the world. Nearly all dreams have human fgures. Many also have animals, inanimate objects and scenes. The setting of a dream is a key to its interpretation. The setting can be markedly vague, but often it is quite specifc. For example, if the dream takes place in a particular forest, you may recall what were the occasions of your visits to that forest, with what companions, events that occurred there and what

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you felt about each of these memories. Or the vaguely imaged forest could be reminiscent of a literary work. All these facts, thoughts and feelings about images in the dream are known to Jungians as ""personal associations.'' They are usually readily available to the adult dreamer. The dreams of children, however, often refect their parents' problems and, thus, are illuminated by the parents' associations. All such associations are included in the broader term, ""individual amplifcations.'' Personal associations are not to be confused with the ""free associations'' that Freud advocated. Free association means associations to associations. Such a practice takes the attention away from the dream images, and the interpretation is likely to be distorted. For example, if I dream about my mother, free association could lead to my maternal grandmother, then to my great aunt (grandmother's sister), then to their home in New Jersey, then to New Jersey politics. Jung argued against such diversion from the dream's message. My personal associations would focus on my mother's characteristics and my experiences with her. As well as personal associations, a therapist often can help the dreamer recall additional individual amplifcations. These might be events in the dreamer's life that are connected with the dream images. For example, a middle-aged woman told her therapist of a dream during the month of May that she visited her mother, who was crabby and inhospitable. The dreamer had mentioned that she had been unaccountably depressed for several days before the dream. Knowing that the mother was dead, the therapist asked when the death occurred. The dreamer replied, ""Last summer.'' Both therapist and client consulted their notes: they found that the dream occurred on the anniversary of the mother's death. The dreamer recalled that one of her children had been very ill at about the same time. Although she had felt very sad about the death of her mother, she had not been free to experience it fully because of her concern for her child. The dream helped her to feel and express her deep grief. Not just personal associations, but other information about the dream images stem from individual experience and from the lore of humanity. Examples are myths, religious observances and practices of other cultures. A dream forest, for example, may be reminiscent of a forest where the goddess Artemis roamed. Such contents are from the collective unconscious (see Chapter 3) and are known as ""archetypal parallels.'' Children's dreams, according to Jung and

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to some other dream researchers, have an especially large proportion of archetypal images. Dreams with archetypal images are ""archetypal dreams.'' Many cultures and individuals experience archetypal dreams as especially numinous (awe-inspiring). Such dreams are considered to be ""big dreams,'' because they may carry a message for the community at large, not just for the individual, and have appeared for millennia. Many of them are reported in the Old Testament. In the forty-frst chapter of Genesis, alone, eleven dreams are recorded. As a result of Joseph's interpretations of them, he becomes an interpreter to Pharaoh and is raised from a prisoner to a person set ""over all the land of Egypt'' (Genesis 41:43). Personal associations and archetypal parallels together comprise ""amplifcations.'' Even if a dream has only a few images, the number of amplifcations can be quite large. Consequently, it is important to continue to write down all such information. (ith the amplifcations in hand, we turn to the other major kind of information that is needed: what was going on in your life, outer and inner, before the dream came to you. This information consists primarily of events and experiences that are emotionally signifcant to you, but their emotional signifcance may not have become conscious. Begin with the day or two before the dream, but consider also a longer time segment: perhaps the duration of an ongoing event, of a diffculty you were having, or of a decision you were in the process of making. For example, you may have been experiencing confict in your family, considering changing jobs or wishing for a vacation. Also important is your inner emotional climate. At the time of the dream were you generally happy or anxious or depressed? These events, experiences and feelings comprise the conscious situation of you the dreamer. But each dream is one among many. The series of dreams preceding (and perhaps following) the one under consideration may be helpful in understanding it. The series may be composed of all the dreams you can remember from that period of time, or all those that were especially vivid. Usually, however, you are helped more by considering a smaller number of dreams: for example, those dreamed during a prolonged, diffcult life situation, or several dreams in which a particular image appears. If you are in psychotherapy, the series could be all the dreams since the beginning of the therapy, those since a crucial time in the therapy or those that occur between two successive therapy sessions. (The dreams of one

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night can be considered a series, but they often are so closely linked that they can be treated as one dream.) Recurring dreams-repetitions of essentially the same dreamform a special kind of dream series. The recurrence ordinarily means that the dream is especially important. Often the dream ceases to recur when it has been interpreted correctly. There is a name for all the information gathered as amplifcations, conscious situation and dream series. That name is the ""dream context.'' (hat do we do with so much material? (e look for interconnections among all these facts: common themes that point to a particular problem, complex or question on which the dream may be commenting. For example, a man's dream depicted three human fgures: a young woman he had once nearly married, a friend who was in the process of divorce and the minister who performed the dreamer's wedding ceremony. The common theme is marriage. The question may be how to deal with the confict in his marriage. The underlying complex could be his fear of being an inadequate husband-a failure. APPROACHING THE INTERPRETATION (ith so much material, even with interconnections identifed, we are still a considerable distance from interpretation. However, we have useful guidelines by which to approach that goal. The frst guideline-to avoid assumptions-may seem laughable to the novice dream interpreter, who knows of no assumptions to avoid. Yet many people have heard of Freud's assumptions (with or without his name) that every dream is based on a sexual confict and provides a wish-fulfllment. Such an assumption is likely to distort the process of dream interpretation. Jung urged that we resist the temptation to jump to an interpretation before considering all the factors I have mentioned. A popular assumption is that the dream predicts the future. Occasionally it does (as did Pharaoh's dreams, mentioned earlier). But more often dreams are oriented to the here-and-now. They give a current view of the unconscious psyche toward a plan, behavior or attitude of the dreamer. In urging us to avoid making theoretical assumptions, Jung insisted that the dream means what it says; it is not a disguise. He disagreed with Freud's view that the ""manifest'' content-the

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dream text known to the dreamer-disguised the ""latent'' content, the unconscious wish of the dreamer. Jung gave an example of a dream meaning what it says. In the dream, a woman was trying, unsuccessfully, to get her hands clean. Since ""dirty hands'' is a metaphor for unethical behavior, it seems likely that the dream was judging adversely the ethics of some aspect of her behavior. Although the dream means what it says, it speaks through the language of symbols. ""Symbol'' here does not mean items in a ""dream dictionary,'' which gives a fxed meaning for each dream image. One such dictionary states that the image of a lamp flled with oil ""denotes business activity with gratifying results.'' Such a statement is arbitrary; using it would impoverish or even distort the dream analysis. Like many experts on symbols, Jung insisted that a symbol is the best possible formulation of a relatively unknown psychic content. Thus, the meaning of the lamp image can be discovered only with knowledge of the context of the dream in which the image appears. (ith this knowledge the lamp can denote, for example: illumination, a useful object from an earlier era, a decorative object, and/or a reminder of a particular person, place or time in the dreamer's life. An interpretation is a conjecture about the meaning of such an image. A given dream image usually has a unique meaning for each dreamer, but sometimes the image has a relatively fxed meaning. Such a meaning pertains when there is a general cultural meaning and no contradictory personal signifcance. For example, a dream image of a baptismal ceremony could be taken as a relatively fxed symbol of spiritual cleansing. Although that is its established meaning in a Christian subculture, it is only relatively fxed because baptism predates Christianity. In addition, this interpretation might not be applicable to an individual dreamer who has no religious affliation, or has one that does not practice baptism. Much as we may want guidance from our dreams, usually the dream does not tell the dreamer what to do. To be sure, if the dream depicts the dreamer in a dangerous situation, it may seem to call for action to avoid the danger. But the dream only describes the situation as the unconscious ""sees'' it and leaves decisions to the dreamer's consciousness. Translation of the dream language is like converting an extinct language. The ancient Egyptian language serves as a model. Before it was deciphered, no one knew what a particular word in that

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language meant in English. (hen modern scholars discovered writing in ancient Egyptian, they used the entire context and the usage of each character to identify letters and words, then translated texts. Similarly, in seeking to understand dreams, we consult the context and the various ways an image is used to get clues as to the meaning of each image and the entire text. WHAT DOES THE DREAM MEAN? According to the Talmud, ""A dream which is not explained is like a letter which has not been read.'' A dream can have different meanings, depending on its focus: ""subjective'' or ""objective.'' (hen you dream about Cousin John, whom you have not seen in 20 years, is the dream telling you something about your cousin? Possibly, but probably not. Because Cousin John is not part of your daily life, it is more likely that the dream is telling you about a part of yourself that is reminiscent of Cousin John. Jungians call such a message a ""subjective'' interpretation. Used in relation to dreams, ""subjective'' does not carry the connotations of ""insubstantial'' or ""illusory.'' Rather, this treatment calls attention to qualities and attitudes that the dreamer shares with the dream fgure. These images tend to identify parts of the dreamer's personality-for example, a shadow quality (see Chapter 3). The subjective approach is easiest to understand if the dream fgures are human fgures. But non-human fgures, even inanimate ones, also can be subjective. (Gestalt therapy has made use of this concept in its method of the dreamer acting out each image in the dream.) But what if you dream about your spouse, who (unlike Cousin John) is part of your daily life? The dream interpretation may give you some insight regarding the spouse or the feeling situation between the two of you. Such an interpretation would be an ""objective'' one. ""Objective'' in this situation does not mean ""unbiased.'' It means, rather, that the dream provides a view, from the dreamer's unconscious, of the ""object''-a person, animal, place or thing, and the dreamer's relationship to that object. How does one know when to make a subjective interpretation, when an objective one? A subjective interpretation is indicated, generally, if the dream fgure depicts someone (or something) not highly signifcant to the dreamer in waking life-a remote relative,

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a long-lost acquaintance, a celebrity, a historical fgure or a person unknown to the dreamer, or imaginary. A subjective interpretation seemed appropriate, for example, when a forty-fve-year-old unmarried woman dreamed that her nephew had died. The dream context included the facts that the boy was the only son of her only brother and that the nephew and the dreamer were not emotionally close. As the carrier of the family surname, he seemed to personify the family tradition. Since the dreamer tended to conform too much to family expectations, the image of the death of the boy suggested the possible death of her tendency to be tradition-bound. An objective interpretation is likely to be needed if the dream fgure is someone who plays a large role in the dreamer's waking life. This could be not only a spouse or sexual partner, but also family member, close friend, employer, co-worker or-in the dream of a psychotherapist or other professional person-a client. A dream that seemed to call for an objective interpretation was one of a young man who recently had made friends with a certain young woman and was quite enamored of her. He dreamed that his new friend was sexually promiscuous. He and his therapist concluded that the dream was telling him something about the young woman. Thus, his unconscious perception of her was different from his conscious view; he decided to move cautiously in the relationship. (Later, he learned that she indeed was promiscuous.) (hen the dream image seems to be in one of these ""objective'' categories, it is important to notice whether the fgure is depicted ""photographically''-that is, as known to the dreamer in waking life. If so, the fgure usually should be considered objectively. If the dream picture is markedly unlike the actual person, the dissimilar qualities are likely to be subjective views of the dreamer. A distorted image of someone close to the dreamer may still point to an objective interpretation. An example is a twenty-two-yearold woman's dream that her mother was one of the witches in Shakespeare's Macbeth. The dreamer's association to a witch was ""demonic power.'' In understanding this image objectively, we need not conclude that the actual mother was totally demonic. Rather, the dreamer became aware that her mother was keeping her (the daughter) emotionally and fnancially dependent, hence under the mother's power. Her hold was so powerful that the daughter experienced her mother as a witch. Alternatively, the daughter probably had a too-positive conscious view of her mother and was unaware that the negative mother is also present.

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Distinguishing between subjective and objective meanings is especially important for therapists in working with their own dreams. (e must consider whether a dream in which a client appears concerns the therapist's psyche (subjective) or the client's psyche (objective). To answer this question, we follow the same guidelines as for any other dream. (Regardless of the answer I arrive at, it may be wise to tell a client about my dream, but extremely rarely.) In my experience, dreams about clients are infrequent but important. The fact that I dream about a client means that he or she has touched something in me. Thus, the dream may well provide (subjectively) a new insight into my own psychology, or give me a clue about the client: an unrevealed problem, or a hint about how to conduct the therapy. Dreams often have both subjective and objective meanings. The young man's dream (mentioned earlier) of his new woman friend, for example, could keep its objective meaning and still say something about his psyche. One such (subjective) possibility is that he himself had a tendency to promiscuity. Not only have dreams sometimes both subjective and objective meanings but the two often are diffcult to distinguish, because the psyche chooses dream fgures that already have psychological meaning to the dreamer. For example, a woman chooses as a husband a man who matches in some way her inner image of men. Therefore, when she dreams of her husband, the dream fgure probably personifes the ""inner masculine'' as well as the actual husband. Ideally, each image in a given dream should be considered separately. In the same dream, one image may be subjective, another objective. In practice, however, a dream containing only a few images is likely to be primarily subjective or objective. A similar rubric pertains to the dimensions I am about to discuss: reductive versus constructive and compensatory versus noncompensatory. (hether subjective or objective (or both), a dream can have different directions of impact on the dreamer: reductive or constructive. A reductive interpretation tells us why we have a particular problem; a constructive interpretation points to a solution or a possibility of psychological development. Andrew, a successful businessman who was depressed and anxious, dreamed that he was visiting the town where he grew up. A woman who had lived next door

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to his family (in a poor neighborhood ) said to her husband, ""Andrew doesn't come here very often.'' The dream reminded Andrew of his humble origins, evidently commenting on the roots of his anxiety. It pointed to the fact that he had ceased to pay attention to the vulnerable part of himself, the part that had experienced economic insecurity. Such a dream interpretation is designated as ""reductive.'' ""Reductive,'' from its Latin roots, means ""leading back,'' which, for dreams, means designating root causes, seeking to answer the question ""(hy?'' in the sense of ""(hat produced the dream?'' Such causes tend to be unpleasant, repressed contents (pleasant contents usually are not repressed). Freud's approach to dream interpretation with his concentration on causality, was almost entirely reductive. Just as some dreams point to unpleasant, repressed origins, other dreams are constructive in their intent. They seek to answer the question ""(hat for?'' That is, ""To what purpose?'' The answer is usually one of strengthening attitudes and qualities that are healthy and worth preserving, or pointing to a previously overlooked possibility in the dreamer. Jung tended to emphasize the constructive approach to dream interpretation while not excluding the reductive. A constructive interpretation seems apt for another dream of Andrew, which suggested that his depression was related to his neglect of his non-business interests. (A Jungian view of the psychological basis of depression is a damming of psychic energy; see Chapter 9.) Andrew dreamed that he was at an art sale and paid a high price for a painting that he liked very much; he considered it well worth the price. The dream was constructive in indicating that he had high energy for artistic or other creative ventures. Thus, it seemed to point to new-or renewed-possibilities in his life. WHAT DO DREAMS HAVE IN COMMON? Objective/subjective, reductive/constructive-is there any one rule that we can apply to all dreams? Yes, in that nearly all dreams can be viewed as compensatory. No, in that some few dreams are noncompensatory. That the dream is compensatory-compensates a conscious attitude-means that, by way of the dream, the unconscious psyche

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provides information that is needed by consciousness. Such a need could be almost anything in mental life, but most likely is an answer to a question the dreamer has been asking, awareness of an attitude that needs changing, or a complex that has been activated. Does compensation mean that the dream says the opposite of what the dreamer has in mind? Possibly, but not necessarily. Compensation can even confrm the conscious attitude-tell you that it is a valid one. Such confrmation may be compensatory to your uncertainty about the attitude you hold. Or it may say you are partly right. Yet other compensation may exaggerate your conscious attitude or oppose it; then the dream says that you are totally off the mark. In each case, as Zurich analyst Marie-Louise von Franz said often, ""The unconscious doesn't waste much spit telling you what you already know.'' However, the dream may confrm the conscious attitude-tell you that your attitude is a valid one. A student who was about to take a crucial examination had a dream. Knowing that she had prepared well, she was confdent-consciously. Nevertheless, she was vaguely anxious, presumably harboring doubt-unconsciously. In her dream she was walking across the stage in her graduation robe. The image seemed to confrm her conscious attitude and deal with her unconscious fear by assuring her of her ability to pass the exam and get her degree. Opposing the conscious attitude was a dream of an employer who often praised the work of a particular employee. The employer dreamed that his employee was above him, on a balcony in the offce where they both worked; he had to look up to talk with her. In refecting on the dream and his feelings about the employee, the dreamer realized that his attitude toward her was, in effect, one of looking down on her. (His praise of her evidently had been a defense against acknowledging his condescending attitude.) A dream can challenge the conscious attitude by exaggerating it. For example, a young man dreamed that he was in a conversation with his boss, Mr. Todd, who told about his ailments. The dreamer comforted him, then refected that Mr. Todd 's ailments were due to smoking. The dream seemed to be telling the young employee that he was angrier than he realized, as expressed in his fantasy of ""wishing'' Mr. Todd to be ill and accusing him-in that the ailments were due to smoking-of being at fault for his illness. Many dreams compensate the conscious attitude by confrming and contradicting it, both partially. That is, they modify it. An

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example is a man's dream in which he shot at a wolf and missed. The ""wolf''-a popular metaphor for an indiscriminate pursuer of women-seemed to embody a predatory attitude in the dreamer. By aiming at the animal, the dreamer expressed his desire to eliminate the ""wolf'' in himself. But he missed. By missing, perhaps deliberately, he expressed a conficting desire-for the wolf side of his personality to live. The dream modifed the man's conscious attitude that he wanted to destroy the ""inner wolf.'' (ith all the possibilities that compensation covers, how can there be dreams that are non-compensatory? Some are traumatic dreams: those that tell again and again and yet again, a dreamer's horrifying actual experiences, such as battle scenes or severe accidents. (hen the dream ends or becomes unbearably intense, the dreamer is likely to awaken, perspiring and with heart pounding-an emotional response similar to that which accompanied the actual experience. A traumatic dream usually cannot be interpreted. A friend or therapist can only listen empathically and offer emotional support. Such dreams tend to recur until the impact of the trauma has diminished. The psyche's way of discharging strong feelings-telling the dream repeatedly after each recurrence-probably lessens its impact. Other non-compensatory dreams refect extrasensory perception (ESP). Its occurrence in waking life is well established empirically (although the relevant data are not widely known). An image of ESP can occur also in a dream. A telepathic dream, a form of ESP dreams, brings a message of an event at the time the event occurs. For example, a woman dreamed that her beloved aunt was calling to her. A few hours later, the dreamer received a phone call telling her of her aunt's death at about the time that the dream had occurred. Precognitive (prophetic) dreams seem to involve ESP in advance of the event. An example from literature appears in Shakespeare's lulius Caesar. In that play, Caesar's wife, Calpurnia, calls out in her sleep, ""Help, ho! They murder Caesar.'' Caesar was assassinated the following day. Similarly, many people report having had dreams anticipating the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in 1963. People who are uninformed about dreams assume that prophetic dreams are more common than-in my experience-they actually are. To qualify as prophetic, a dream must depict-ahead of an event-essentially the same happening. In order to know that a

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dream is prophetic, it would have to be recorded carefully and subsequent events monitored. If this recording is not done and the predicted event fails to occur, the dreamer is likely not to notice the discrepancy. Or the dreamer may remember the dream incorrectly, conforming it to the subsequent happening. Some dreams that anticipate developments are not prophetic, but prospective. Such dreams refect an expectable result of factors that exist at the time of the dream. An example is a young man's dream that he was riding his motorcycle very fast and took off, fying; he was about to crash, when he awoke. Some weeks later, he actually crashed his motorcycle. The crash was less a fulfllment of prophecy than an expectable result of the reckless, grandiose attitude refected in his dream. Conceivably, the outcome could have been a metaphorical crash: losing his job, failing at business, love or gambling-or becoming depressed. Nightmares often seem to be predictive but probably are prospective. The fear accompanying the nightmare draws attention and urges the dreamer to look at the images symbolically. HYPOTHESIZING AND VERIFYING AN INTERPRETATION Now that we know various rubrics for approaching an interpretation, we can venture to hypothesize one. I have found in my work with clients that, for many of them, this is a great moment. Such clients are usually highly intuitive and have had to restrain themselves from jumping to a conclusion. Now is their opportunity to explore what the dream may mean. Let us apply our knowledge to an actual dream. A young married woman, Carmen, dreamed: I was married to Dan in a wedding ceremony. Afterward he wouldn't be my husband. He wouldn't live with me. Carmen's associations were that Dan, a younger man, was very attractive to her; she had had sexual fantasies about him. Marriage, she said, is a lifetime commitment. A wedding is a festive event in which the bride is the central fgure. Finally, she associated her observation that for a married couple not to live together means not to have sexual relations. The conscious situation was that Carmen was not getting along well with her actual husband, Robert. He often was highly critical of Carmen's lack of orderliness. They had spent the evening before

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the dream with a group of friends, including Dan, who had ignored her. She found herself in an angry mood the day after the dream. The interpretation-largely objective-began with the image of Carmen being married to Dan, which can be translated as her wish to consummate her sexual fantasies and, perhaps, to be married to Dan instead of to Robert. Dan's going through the wedding ceremony and then refusing to live with her confrmed her feeling that he was rejecting her. The timing of the dream-following the unhappy evening-helped Carmen to realize how angry she was, from her disappointed hope of a relationship with the actual Dan. Taken subjectively, the dream revealed Carmen's severe selfcriticism. She had few associations. (hen an interpretation has been forged, how do we verify it? First, we look for the dreamer's response to the interpretation. Carmen was not enthusiastic but she was receptive. Thus, the interpretation ""clicked'' with her, in an understated way. (hether or not it clicks with the dreamer, sometimes the interpretation is verifed by subsequent events. As Carmen's analyst I noticed a marked change in her attitude toward her problems. Instead of blaming her husband and children for all her negative emotions, she began to see that her expectations were excessive; so that she was frequently disappointed. Thus, a therapeutic result helped to confrm the dream interpretation. It ""acted for'' the dreamer. Even when the dreamer's response supports it, the interpretation may be incomplete or slightly off the mark. (e can discover this by checking to see that the setting and the major images have been taken into account. If the wedding had taken place on top of a mountain, for example, another dimension would have been added-fguratively as well as literally. (hat happens when an interpretation is incorrect? The dreamer's psyche is likely to reject it, either by an immediate, negative ego response (""That doesn't ft'') or by a subsequent dream. An example of both avenues of rejection followed an interpretation by a woman dreamer's male medical analyst. (She had had sessions with him before she came to me.) He had interpreted a dream as meaning that the dreamer should break off her relationship with her lover. The dreamer objected-verballyto the interpretation. It became evident that her unconscious was even more dissatisfed. She had a subsequent dream that she had surgery, which proved to be injurious to her. The surgeon was the

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agent of attempted cure and unnecessary injury, just as the analyst had been in his interpretation. The dreamer concluded that the other analyst's interpretation of the earlier dream had cut out something healthy, thus damaging the dreamer. (hen such a rejection of the initial interpretation occurs, it is important to review the context and try again. (hen a valid interpretation is reached, subsequent dreams rarely, if ever, comment. In summary, the steps in dream interpretation are as follows: 1 2 3 4 5

6 7 8

Record the dream immediately after waking. (rite the personal associations and the (known) archetypal parallels to each dream image. (rite the conscious situation: the events and feelings surrounding the dream. Consider what interconnections there may be among the amplifcations and between them and the conscious situation. Review the guidelines for approaching the dream: avoid assumptions. The dream means what it says. It speaks the language of symbols. It does not tell the dreamer what to do. Interpretation is translation of the dream language. Characterize each dream image as subjective or objective, reductive or constructive, compensatory or non-compensatory. Identify the problem or complex with which the dream is concerned. Hypothesize an interpretation; test it by the dreamer's response or subsequent events.

Are all these steps necessary? Yes, they are all needed for maximum accuracy in interpretation. No, because an adequate interpretation often can be done without strictly adhering to all the steps. If the process includes all the steps, it may require several hours for an interpretation. (The dream interpretation for my earlier book, Understanding Dreams, took about fve hours.) It is useful to know helps for shortening the process. One help is getting more acquainted with the dreamer's dream history. Such acquaintance gives us a ""head start'' on the context of each new dream. Then, as dreams accumulate, we may see patterns emerging: recurring fgures or settings, feelings that refect interpersonal or inner conficts in our waking lives, or even a continuing story. Another factor-especially helpful when we work with dreams in psychotherapy-is that much of the non-dream information

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brought to a session is useful in dream interpretation. In many therapies, the client usually tells the therapist what has been going on in the client's life. Thus, when the client introduces a dream, some of the conscious situation is already ""on the table.'' In my experience as an analyst, the client and I turn to the dreams mainly when we have a sense of what aspect of the client's life is the focus for that session. (e take the steps in dream interpretation aided (or hindered) by intuitive leaps. The possibility of error is considerable but, as we have seen, errors can be revealed by the dreamer's response and subsequent events, including dreams.

HOW CAN OUR DREAMS HELP US? Our dreams can help us by increasing our consciousness of the otherwise hidden parts of our psyches. Simply paying attention to dreams increases consciousness to some extent. (orking through the interpretation process increases it a great deal more. Thus dreams aid us in understanding ourselves and our motives, enriched with possibilities for further development, and strengthened in our ability to make valid decisions. Many people fnd that understanding their dreams adds depth and richness to their lives, and that working-and playing-with dreams is simply fun. For further dreams and interpretations, see the list of recommended readings from various therapists' points of view.

RECOMMENDED READINGS (AND ONE FILM) Boa, Fraser and Marie-Louise von Franz (1988) The way of the dream: Dr. Marie­Louise von Franz in conversation with Fraser Boa. Toronto: (indrose Films. Bosnak, Robert E. (1988) A little course in dreams: A basic handbook of lungian dreamwork. Boston: Shambhala. Hillman, James (1979) The dream and the underworld. New York: Harper & Row. Mattoon, Mary Ann (1984) Understanding dreams. (oodstock, CT: Spring Publications.

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Signell, Karen A. (1990) Wisdom of the heart: Working with women's dreams. New York: Bantam. von Franz, Marie-Louise (1986) On dreams and death: A lungian inter­ pretation. Boston: Shambhala. (hitmont, E.C. and Sylvia Perera (1989) Dreams: A portal to the source. London: Routledge.

Chapter 9

Helps from the psyche

I could have danced all night I could have danced all night And still have begged for more I could have spread my wings and done a thousand things I've never done before I'll never know what made it so exciting (hy all at once my heart took fight I only know when he began to dance with me I could have danced, danced, danced all night. Alan J. Lerner and Frederick Lowe

Much of psychology and psychiatry focuses on psychopathology: the faults of the psyche. Jung paid more attention to the psyche's possibilities.

PSYCHIC ENERGY Being able to dance all night is a product of and surplus of psychic energy, which comes in various forms when a person ""falls in love.'' Alternatively, one often has the experience of having enough physical energy for a planned activity but not ""feeling like'' doing it. The lack is in psychic energy. Jung saw this energy as a general life force, for which he used the term ""libido.'' In this he differed from Freud, who saw libido as solely sexual energy. Other psychologists see libido as motivation, attention or interest. Some psychic energy is under ego control, while some is in reserve in the unconscious and must be activated by an external

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stimulus. And some of it, which is bound up with repressed contents, becomes usable only when the repressed contents are released. Our ability to direct psychic energy is ""will.'' (e experience psychic energy in our values that vary from time to time and person to person, often expressed in the expenditure of effort, time and money. If we can direct the energy, we can make choices with little inner confict. But if the energy is in the unconscious, the necessity of choice may provoke anxiety or depression. For example, a student who faces a history exam but values playing the piano can behave in a variety of ways. If the energy is disposable, he will spend enough time on history to perform creditably on the exam and the rest of the available time playing the piano. However, if he has a repressed desire to fail the exam or plays the piano to please parents, the ""study time'' may be spent at the piano or in a state of anxiety or depression. Psychic energy that is held in the unconscious is not lost; it sometimes becomes available by a process of energy transformation: release of energy from a complex into problem-solving activities. For example, a young woman who expects herself to do perfect work may have a perfectionist complex. At the prospect of handing in a term paper she becomes frantic because of the confict inherent between the intended perfect paper and the actual product. She may fail to submit the paper or submit it late so that the expected low grade is due to lateness rather than to the incompetence she fears is characteristic of herself. Transformation may come in psychotherapy when the therapist helps her to see the excessive demands she makes on herself. Strong emotion arises and changes her view of the situation so that she no longer feels impelled to perform perfectly. The psychic energy that had been bound up in the perfectionist complex becomes available for writing the paper and undertaking other projects. Jung wrote little directly about emotions. He mentioned them in relation to such phenomena as complexes, projections and archetypes, and he indicated that the fow of psychic energy shows itself as emotion. Despite the relative lack of emphasis on it by that name, emotion is of great importance in Jung's view of the dynamics of the psyche. Indeed, he described it as: the alchemical fre whose warmth brings everything into existence and whose heat burns all superfuities to ashes . . . . But . . . emotion is the moment when steel meets fint and a

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spark is struck forth, for emotion is the chief source of consciousness. There is no change from darkness to light or from inertia to movement without emotion. (Jung C(-9-I, par. 179) (e must not let the importance and value of emotions obscure the fact that usually they are not under the control of the ego. Indeed, they can override the ego's intentions. Emotions arise out of the unconscious and ""upset the rational order of consciousness by their elemental outbursts'' (Jung C(-9-I, par. 497). This description does not mean that emotion is never under ego control. The ego cannot command emotions, but often it can direct the energy they carry. For example, we can become angry but refrain from yelling or hitting someone. As the ego becomes stronger, the capacity to channel emotions increases. (e often associate emotion with feeling, but the two should not be confused. Feeling is a function of valuing, of making judgments. Feelings may arouse emotions more than do other functions, but ideas can stir passions (as in political encounters) and intuition and sensation can arouse excitement and enthusiasm-intuition from exciting possibilities and sensation from enthusiasm about natural beauty.

SELF­REGULATION AND COMPENSATION That the psyche is self-regulating is a crucial premise of Jung's theory. Self-regulation is an analogue of the body's homeostatic mechanism, which maintains physiological equilibrium, for example, to produce perspiration when the body is overheated. Similarly, when the psyche is out of balance, it produces compensatory contents from the unconscious (e.g. dreams) to balance the one-sidedness in conscious attitudes. The psychic mechanism through which self-regulation works is compensation. Jung's concept is not the one described by Alfred Adler-providing reassurance for oneself in the face of inferiority or insecurity-nor is it the same as Freud's concept of wishfulfllment (the gratifcation of impulses). Rather, Jung saw compensation as the instrument of the drive toward wholeness.

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SYNCHRONICITY The most ""far out'' of Jung's ideas is synchronicity. Other people espouse it but, to my knowledge, they are not psychological theorists. Jung defned synchronicity as an ""acausal connecting principle''; some events are simultaneous and connected by meaning but there is no causal connection between the events. Jung described synchronicity also as a ""meaningful coincidence,'' something more than the simultaneous occurrence of two or more events. Synchronistic events can be physical or psychic, but often they consist of one physical event (or series of events) and one psychic event (or series). In 1930, in a memorial address for his friend Richard (ilhelm, the Sinologist who had translated many ancient texts, Jung introduced the ""synchronistic'' principle in relation to the I Ching (Book of Changes) and described it later in the Foreword to the (ilhelm-Baynes translation of the I Ching (1951). Jung came to hypothesize synchronicity out of several experiences that are described in his essay on the subject (Jung C(-8, Part VII). On one occasion (par. 843), for example, he had as a patient a Swiss woman whose therapy had been hampered seriously by her super-rationality. One day she brought a dream that centered on her being given a golden scarab. (hile she was telling the dream a scarabaeid beetle or rose-chafer (the nearest relative of the scarab in (estern Europe) appeared at the window of the consulting room. Here was an acausal coincidence which was meaningful. The coincidence impressed the client so deeply that her rigid rationality was broken. The coincidence of Jung's patient relating her dream of a golden scarab and the appearance at the window of a scarab-type beetle exemplifes the coincidence of a psychic state (the dream) and a physical event (the appearance of the beetle). Jung considered the event to meet his criteria clearly: the events were simultaneous, no causal relation was discernible and the experience was meaningful to the patient. Not everyone has agreed with Jung's interpretation of the event. A philosopher (Jahoda, 1967, p. 39) doubted that the events were acausal: It was the season of the year when rose-chafers were about. This fact might well have been causally connected with the

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patient's dream, the golden scarab being an elaboration of the actual sight of a rose-chafer; since many of them were about, it is perhaps not really very surprising that one of them bumped against the window, even though it was darker inside the room. Jahoda admitted that some explanation might be necessary for the rose-chafer's appearance at just that moment but Jung himself stated that ordinary occurrences ""must for the present be regarded as fortuitous'' (p. 40). Thus, the signifcance of the event may be in the perception of meaning rather than in the conjunction of the two highly unlikely events. One kind of coincidence of a psychic state with an objective event includes the hexagrams of the I Ching (Book of Changes). Jung called this book ""the experimental foundation of classic Chinese philosophy'' (Jung C(-8, par. 863). It impressed him deeply with its basis in the principle of synchronicity. The chance division of a bundle of sticks, or the throw of three coins, yields a hexagram that corresponds to a section of the book. Jung explained that ""the hexagram worked out in a certain moment coincided with the [moment] in quality no less than in time . . . . The hexagram was understood to be an indicator of the essential situation prevailing at the time of its origin'' (Jung C(-11, par. 971). Hexagrams have such intriguing titles as The Creative, Youthful Folly, Darkening of the Light and The (anderer. Jung consulted the I Ching frequently and many Jungians do so, usually at times of psychological impasse. Jung's criteria seem often to be met. Although the time of the objective event (the selection of the hexagram) is determined by the person who consults the I Ching, the hexagram that is established is believed to be just right for the person's psychic state at that moment. Even if that person is thoroughly familiar with the contents of all sixty-four hexagram texts (rarely the case), it is diffcult to imagine how the special positioning of the sticks or coins can be caused, for example, by the wish of the supplicant. (ith a co-worker, Liliane Frey-Rohn, Jung undertook a study of astrology as a possible example of synchronicity at work: the relation of the horoscopes of married couples. The results were favorable in the early stages but not in the later ones. Jung concluded that one would do well ""not to regard the results of astrological observation as synchronistic phenomena'' (Jung C(-8, par. 876) because they may be causal in origin. Two people may

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have chosen each other because of some commonality that is refected in their horoscopes. Jung included extrasensory perception (ESP) in his defnition of synchronicity, based especially on the work of J.B. Rhine (1937). ""The fact that there are events which are related to one another . . . meaningfully, without there being any possibility of proving that this relation is a causal one'' (Jung C(-8, par. 840). Nevertheless, a causal explanation for ESP is compatible with some of Jung's thinking. (hen considering the possibility of ""perception at a distance'' (Jung C(-8, par. 504) he granted that ESP is based on something inaccessible to our present level of knowledge, but he did not always insist that something was synchronicity. Rather, he pointed out that ""the psyche's . . . space-time limitation is no longer as self-evident and incontrovertible as we have hitherto been led to believe'' (Jung C(-8, par. 813). The basis of synchronicity is important, especially because of its controversial nature. According to Jung, an archetype has been activated that gives meaning to the coincidence of events. (hen the archetypal dimension is missing, the occurrence may be serendipity but not synchronicity. Synchronicity does not supersede causality, but presupposes a link in which causality is not pertinent. Indeed, some theorists fnd that synchronicity has some uses in modern physics, which departs in some ways from strict determinism. They refer to Heisenberg's ""principle of uncertainty,'' which was drawn from Einstein's work on intra-atomic physics: ""that places an absolute, theoretical limit on the combined accuracy of certain pairs of simultaneous, related measurements'' (Concise Columbia Encyclopedia, 1983, p. 700). As Jung pointed out, the demonstration of causality often is statistical; that is, the laws have been ascertained to be valid only after the examination of a large aggregate of events has proved that the probability of their occurring by chance is infnitesimally small. Synchronicity has its limits, of course. Not all coincidences are meaningful and not all meaningful combinations of events are coincidences. For example, a dream that alerts us to the importance of a life situation can be meaningful in that the dream is, in a sense, caused by the event. Similarly, many coincidences are not meaningful. Jung mentioned, for example, the appearance on the same day of the same number on his tram ticket, his theater ticket and a telephone number that was given to him. Yet he did not postulate that there was meaning in the coincidence.

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The concept of synchronicity appears to be valuable as a daring attempt to explain certain phenomena for which no rational explanation is possible. Even persons who challenged experiences that aroused Jung's interest and sustained his conviction about synchronicity could not discount entirely the possibility of the phenomenon. Jahoda (1967), for example, admitted that ""most of us have experienced meaningful coincidences'' (p. 38). The value of synchronistic occurrences lies in the deep sense of meaning they can give. For some people, the simple perception of a coincidence is often numinous, and numinosity provides meaning. For others, a coincidence is meaningful only if it contributes to an insight or to a broader view of life. For both groups, occurrences are clearly synchronistic when they meet all the criteria and also serve, as Jung suggested they can, to point the way out of a psychological impasse. SYMBOL The German word for ""symbol,'' Sinnbild, expresses more directly than English the signifcance of the concept. The word is compounded from two words: Sinn (sense, meaning) and Bild (image). As conceptualized by Jung, a symbol is a meaningful image which is an instrument of psychic change; the psyche is likely to produce a symbol when other resources are insuffcient. Indeed: ""There is no intellectual formula capable of representing such a complex phenomenon in a satisfactory way'' (Jung C(-18, par. 570). The term symbol has at least three defnitions and uses, only one of which was accepted by Jung as adequate: 1

2

In the semiotic defnition the symbol is a sign. According to this defnition, the symbol is a representation for a known object or function, such as the badge of a railroad conductor. It is arbitrary; there is no likeness between the sign and the object or function it designates. Included in the category of sign is an analogue-an image representing a similar-appearing object. Most of Freud's symbols are analogues. For example, to him any phallusshaped image meant a penis. Jung objected to Freud's interpreting dreams according to this concept of symbol. He insisted that each image conveys its own message; the unconscious is

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capable of depicting a penis if a penis is meant. A church steeple is phallus-shaped but is not a penis and should not be interpreted as one. Similarly, an allegory is a concrete representation of an abstract or spiritual concept or experience. In Bunyan's Pil­ grim's Progress, for example, the journey of the pilgrim is an allegory of the inner journey of individuation. The third meaning of symbol, which Jung used, is the best formulation of a relatively unknown psychic content. The image ""kingdom of heaven'' is an apt example of symbol because it expresses a psychic (mental) content which is so unknown that it cannot be described in one metaphor. Several metaphors are required, each with its own import; the kingdom is likened to such images as leaven, a grain of mustard seed and hidden treasure. Leaven is a substance that seems almost magical in its power to increase the volume of bread dough; thus, it is a metaphor for an agent with transformative powers. Mustard seed ""is the smallest of all the seeds, but when it has grown it is the greatest of shrubs and becomes a tree, so that the birds of the air come and make nests in its branches'' (Matthew 13:32). The treasure hidden in a feld is so valuable that a man ""goes and sells all that he has and buys that feld'' (Matthew 13:44). None of these images is suffcient alone to describe the kingdom of heaven. All are necessary so that one can ""circumambulate'' the symbol; thus, the image of the kingdom of heaven points to a meaning that is beyond description.

Sometimes a single object or image serves as both sign and symbol, under different circumstances. Jung used the example of the Christian cross: The interpretation of the cross as a symbol of divine love is semiotic, because ""divine love'' describes the fact to be expressed better and more aptly than a cross, which can have other meanings. On the other hand, an interpretation of the cross is symbolic when it puts the cross beyond all conceivable explanations, regarding it as expressing an unknown and incomprehensible fact of a mystical or transcendent, i.e., psychological, nature, which simply fnds itself most appropriately represented in the cross. (Jung C(-6, par. 815)

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Although Jung's objection to Freud's interpreting every phallusshaped image as a penis was based, in part, on Freud's translating one image into another, it was based also on Freud's insistence on fxed meanings for images from the unconscious. Jung insisted that an image can have a different meaning for each person. For example, a blue sky, which to one person is a reminder of an idyllic summer day, to another person recalls that under such a sky a catastrophic accident occurred. Despite Jung's denial that dream images have fxed meanings, he admitted that some symbols are relatively fxed because of their archetypal roots. For example, a dream of a dragon is likely to carry the archetypal signifcance of a monster to be confronted and subdued, even if the dreamer thinks also of ""Puff the Magic Dragon.'' The full meaning of a symbol can be ascertained, however, only by means of amplifcation (see Chapter 8). Fixed or not, a symbol's meanings are likely to be many and, in Jung's view, a refection of both its causes and its purposes. An example is the incest wish. Freud saw in the wish the boy's desire for actual sexual relations with his mother. Jung viewed the wish as primarily symbolic-a yearning for the return to the primordial, paradisiacal state of unconsciousness in a sheltered state free from responsibility and decision-making. The womb is an unexcelled symbol for such a state. The urge to return to the womb may be ""constructive'' (see Chapter 7) as well as backward-looking. In its constructive aspect it refects the possibility of overcoming the personal bond with the actual mother and transferring the psychic energy stored up in this bond to an inner content. Symbols are characterized, further, by the fact that they arise spontaneously from the unconscious and, thus, are ""grounded in the unconscious archetype'' (Jung C(-5, par. 344). The kingdom of heaven, for example, is archetypal; many religions conjecture a far-off ""place'' where people do not suffer. At the same time, these images are shaped by acquired experiences; a Moslem may dream of Mecca as the ""city of God,'' while a Christian or a Jew dreams of Jerusalem.

Symbol as transcendent function To Jung, symbols are not fxed and are more than signs or analogues. This understanding is of critical signifcance because it recognizes their power to enhance psychic development. Jung

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referred to this power in his designation of the symbol as the ""transcendent function.'' The symbol transcends and reconciles pairs of opposites; for example, dark and light, active and passive, and manifest and hidden. The symbol as transcendent function is implied in its root word, symbolon, ""that which has been thrown together.'' Edinger (1962, p. 66) explained: In original Greek usage, symbols referred to the two halves of an object, such as a stick or a coin, which two parties broke between them as a pledge and to prove later the identity of the presenter of one part to the holder of the other. Accordingly, a symbol leads us to the missing part of the whole man. It relates to our original totality. It heals our split, our alienation from life. The transcendent function is likely to be manifested when a person is embroiled in a confict between seemingly irreconcilable opposites. The confict is so severe that the person is unable to imagine a resolution of the problem. An image, thought or feeling then appears, perhaps in a dream. This content provides a ""third not given''-an unforeseeable reconciling symbol. For example, a woman is unhappily married but is not fnancially independent, so feels that she must stay in an intolerable marriage or face poverty and perhaps the loss of her children. Her outer problem is ""insoluble.'' Then she has a dream of a female tiger that is in pain but continuing to care for her cubs. She associates to the dream the fact that tigers are known for their fghting: ""like a tiger.'' The dreaming image is of a creature that can fght but is not doing so. The woman comes to realize that she can stand up for her rights and yet bear the pain of the marriage or the divorce while continuing to discharge her responsibilities. A transformation-change of attitude-has been accomplished. Thus, the dream symbol has acted as a transcendent function. Some symbols not only unite a pair of opposites but embrace the totality of the psyche. These are symbols of the Self. They are most likely to occur when the ego has reached an ""insoluble'' confict. One such frequent symbol of wholeness is the mandala (a Sanskrit word for ""magic circle''), one of the oldest religious symbols (see Jung C(-9-I, Part VI). To form a mandala, a circle usually is divided into a number of parts based on a multiple of four. There

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may be a square inside the circle or surrounding it, thus suggesting the squaring of the circle. Designs, often with detailed religious symbolism, are superimposed on the circle. The concept of symbol is a crucial one in Analytical Psychology but diffcult to translate into concrete terms. The understanding of symbol as transcendent function is helpful for comprehending why this diffculty exists. An image or other experience that acts as a symbol for one person has no effect on another. As one gains experience in dealing with symbols-for instance, in dream interpretation-the concept becomes clearer. Psychology has been separate from philosophy for a relatively short time. It has been so busy attempting to mimic the physical sciences that it has only begun to return to the study of mind. Perhaps the next few decades will see developments in thought and research methods that will make possible the translation of some aspects of symbol into communicable experiences. CREATIVITY Creativity often is ascribed only to artistically oriented people, but it is increasingly evident that everyone manifests it in some way, in relation to the challenges each confronts. Indeed, Jung used the term ""creative instinct'' (Jung C(-8, par. 245), suggesting a builtin urge. Its existence depends on the exploratory drive observed in young children: an urge to understand one's environment and to modify it. The creative act of a human being is not creating out of nothing. It uncovers, selects, reshuffes and synthesizes already-existing facts, substances, ideas, faculties and skills. The difference between the creativity of the artistic or creative genius and the ordinary person, therefore, is one of degree rather than kind. The genius employs a far greater degree of originality in reshuffing existing elements. As Isaac Newton put it, ""If I have been able to see farther than others, it was because I stood on the shoulders of giants.'' If creativity does not always mean painting a picture or writing a poem, what else does it mean? It can mean less obvious and concrete works, such as building satisfying and helpful human relationships and solving problems-whether in mathematics, economic matters or organization. A good example, especially

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because it is practiced by many people, is the creative building of relationships. There are some individuals, often women, whose very presence among their fellow human beings produces a warm atmosphere in which persons can relate more freely and openly. (hat does Jungian psychology bring to bear on creativity, aside from the appreciation of one brilliant genius (Jung) for the less dramatic creativity of others? Jung saw creativity as emerging from the unconscious, mediated through such forces as the inferior function (see Chapter 2) and the process of psychological development. Each of us has had, probably, the experience of trying too hard to create. The harder one tries, the more sterile become the process and the product. At some point of frustration, one puts it aside to ""sleep on it.'' Then something may begin to happen: an inspiration, a fash or an idea that leads to a solution of the problem. (hat has happened? Attention has shifted away from the systematic approach and peripheral perceptions have been discovered. Some of these perceptions come from the environment, but some come from within. Freud called the latter ""primary process'' thinking: raw, unprocessed, psychic material, primarily images. Jung saw the phenomenon as a result of dreams and fantasies: spontaneous production from the unconscious that becomes available when the overly rational and systematic conscious mind relaxes its grip. Arthur Koestler (1964) seemed to say something similar when he stated that ""Dreaming is for the aesthetically underprivileged the equivalent of artistic experience'' (p. 360). It may seem that a person's creativity is carried mainly by intuition: the capacity to see possibilities and non-obvious connections. Actually, Jung saw the potential for creativity in any of the four functions. Although thinking, for instance, is an analytical and problem-solving function, the works of great scientists include creative processes. An example is found in the discovery by Archimedes of the principle that bears his name, which uses the displacement of water as a measuring device. According to Koestler (1964, p. 105): Hiero, tyrant of Syracuse and protector of Archimedes, had been given a beautiful Crown allegedly of pure gold, but he suspected that it was adulterated with silver. He asked Archimedes' opinion. Archimedes knew, of course, the specifc weight of gold . . . its weight per volume unit. If he could measure the volume of the crown he would know immediately

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whether it was pure gold or not; but how on earth is one to determine the volume of a complicated ornament with all its fligree work? Ah, if only he could melt it down and measure the liquid gold by the pint, or hammer it into a brick of honest rectangular shape, or . . . and so on . . . . One day, while getting into his bath, Archimedes watched absent-mindedly the familiar sight of the water-level rising from one smudge on the basin to the next as a result of the immersion of his body, and it occurred to him in a fash that the volume of water displaced was equal to the volume of the immersed parts of his own body-which therefore could simply be measured by the pint. He had melted his body down, as it were, without harming it. And he could do the same with the crown. Archimedes' logical thinking preceded and subsequently tested his intuitive fash. (here is the creativity? The entire mental process was creative. As Koestler (1964) pointed out: ""The miraculous fashes of intuition may be likened to an immersed chain, of which only the beginning and the end are visible above the surface of consciousness. The diver vanishes at one end of the chain and comes up at the other end, guided by invisible links'' (p. 121). Although the creative spark often arises out of the inferior function, the creative work must be feshed out by the person's well-developed superior function. In Archimedes' case, as with many scientists, this was probably the thinking function. Jung's concept of the potential creativity of each person is borne out by its manifestation in the individuation process (see Chapter 12). He saw creativity as subsumed under each person's central task of discovering the Self. Finding one's connection to the Self is no small task. I see it as comparable to the stone sculptor's. Michelangelo, for example, saw himself as releasing the form that was already in the stone. RECOMMENDED READINGS Aziz, Robert (1990) lung's psychology of religion and synchronicity. New York: State University of New York Press. Beebe, John (1992) Integrity in depth. College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press.

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Bishop, Peter (1990) The greening of psychology: The vegetable world in myth, dream, and healing. (oodstock, CT: Spring Publications. Carotenuto, Aldo (1986) The spiral way: A woman's healing journey. Toronto: Inner City Books. Harding, M. Esther (1963) Psychic energy: Its source and transformation. Princeton: Princeton University Press. von Franz, Marie-Louise (1980) Alchemy: An introduction to the symbolism and the psychology. New York: Putnam. von Franz, Marie-Louise (1980) On divination and synchronicity: The psychology of meaningful chance. Toronto: Inner City Books.

Chapter 10

Finding our way in the outer world

That cause can neither be lost nor stayed (hich takes the course of what God has made And is not trusting in walls and towers But slowly growing from seeds to fowers Each noble service that we have wrought (as frst conceived as a fruitful thought Each worthy cause with a future glorious By quietly growing becomes victorious. Danish: Kristian Ostergaard, English: J.C. Aaberg, Music: J. Nellemann

The highly introverted Jung often seemed to be dubious about the desirability of his students' and readers' participating in outer (political and social) matters. He said repeatedly that the avoidance of a Third (orld (ar is dependent on individuals keeping the tension of the opposites in one's own nature. Accordingly, he wrote relatively little about the application of his theories to particular social problems. He advocated a ""society that can preserve its internal cohesion and collective value, while at the same time granting the individual the greatest possible freedom'' (Jung C(-6, par. 758), but he did not specify how such a society can be achieved. Although he commented on various aspects of the Second (orld (ar, his relatively non-active view seemed tenable to his fellow citizens who viewed the (ar and its aftermath from the relatively safe vantage point of the ""island'' of Switzerland. It might even be acceptable to those Americans who were relatively untouched by the vicious irrationality of the (ar. But Jung's view on this subject

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seems not to take into account some of his own insights regarding the motivating force of the power drive, when a nation or its leaders become possessed by the desire for power. Then forces of collective evil-in such forms as violence and cruelty-result. He seemed even not to focus on the prevailing fear in Switzerland of a German invasion. All these forces are beyond the control of any collection of individuals, no matter how well integrated each personality is. MASS­MINDEDNESS At the same time, some of Jung's theories were very supportive to participation in the outer world. His idea of the collective shadow leads to his concern about ""mass-mindedness'' which, he wrote, ""increases unconsciousness and then the evil swells like an avalanche, as contemporary events have shown'' (Jung C(-14, par. 346). Despite his emphasis on the collective shadow and massmindedness, Jung also connected the personal shadow to outer issues. He proposed that whatever one may believe about such a collective shadow, it is indisputable that each of us has a personal shadow. Awareness of one's personal darkness helps a person to understand that other people's shadows do not make them entirely evil. This understanding can prevent the ""we-they'' mentality that often produces hostile and punitive attitudes toward people who are outside one's social group. The history of Nazi Germany reveals collective contents of the shadow. Jung puzzled long and unsuccessfully over the question of how a highly developed, Christian nation could support Nazism. He concluded that in Germany the collective shadow was personifed by (otan, ""the ancient god of storm and frenzy.'' Jung came to claim that criminality and evil mass movements such as Nazism refect unconscious contents that are potential in all of us. Jung's Undiscovered Self (Jung C(-10, Part IV) was written about a decade after the end of the Second (orld (ar. It refected Jung's increasing concern with the ""possession'' he had seen in Nazism and then in Soviet Communism. The gulf between the blocs of nations is a religious problem. Religion claims to enable the individual to exercise his judgment and his ""power of decision'' (Jung C(-10, par. 507). Thus, the best defense against the power

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of the sovereign state is a higher authority that transcends the claim of each state to the absolute loyalty of each of its citizens or subjects. The higher authority may be perceived as God or the image of God-the Self. It seems to me that the current critical situation merging political issues with divergent religious points of view (Judeo-Christian versus Islam and others) becomes even more diffcult than those of the Second (orld (ar era. It is small wonder that there are prejudices among Jungians about politics. Indeed, political activity seems so incongruous to some of my fellow Jungians that several have asked me how my intense interest in politics fts with my all-important interest in Analytical Psychology. One answer comes from James (hitney, a San Francisco analyst. He pointed out that psychotherapy has parallels in political life. He wrote: [Both psychotherapy and politics] . . . are concerned with bringing about change . . . . Both combine pragmatism and idealism, accommodation and principle . . . . Partisanship is part of the implicit contract: an agreement that while the patient may be wrong in particulars there must be something essentially right . . . and worth preserving. I take the body politic to be a human organism, sick perhaps, wrong-headed, short-sighted and selfsh, and yet in some intrinsic way worthwhile and deserving of life. A remarkable fact about (hitney is that he once ran for Congress, probably the only Jungian analyst ever to do so. Despite his doubts, there are indications that Jung embraced the political world. And Barbara Hannah (1974), in her biography of Jung, wrote: ""Jung not only discharged all his own duties to collectivity extremely conscientiously, but also was very disapproving if any of his pupils tried to shirk this side of their lives. [He often said] you cannot individuate on Mt. Everest'' (p. 90). Each of us can draw our own conclusions. Perhaps Jung was simply ambivalent to the political world. According to (alter Odajnyk (1976), whose book lung and Politics is a compilation of Jung's statements on that topic, Jung had a ""politically unadapted shadow side'' (p. 108). Indeed, this fact got him into a troubling position in his dealings with the Nazis and the accusation he was anti-Semitic.

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JUNG AND THE NAZIS The battle is still raging over the interpretation of Jung's part in certain events during the Second (orld (ar. Most controversial is the rather widespread criticism of his accepting the presidency in a Nazi-dominated organization, the General Medical Society for Psychotherapy (GMSP). A book by British analyst Andrew Samuels (1993), The Political Psyche, deals extensively with this topic, including the statement: [The GMSP] was a professional body with members from several countries but nevertheless based in Germany and coming under Nazi control. Jung claimed that he took this post expressly to defend the rights of Jewish psychotherapists and he altered the constitution of the GMSP so that it became a fully and formally international body. (p. 291) Also, in 1938 Jung sent an emissary to convey his offer to help Freud leave Hitler-dominated Austria. Freud refused the offer. However, through the intercession of the American ambassador and others, Freud and his family were permitted to go to England, where he died in 1939. (hile Samuels' book was in process, the C.G. Jung Foundation for Analytical Psychology sponsored a 1989 conference, ""Lingering Shadows: Jungians, Freudians, and Anti-Semitism.'' A book of the same title (1991) reports the papers given at the conference, thus recording the various points of view of Jung's students-Jewish and Gentile. Those who knew Jung personally tend to admit that he made mistakes regarding the issue of his attitudes toward Jews, but maintained that the label ""anti-Semite'' is not accurate. It is impossible to summarize the twenty-one contributions to the conference and the book of proceedings, but some samples are useful. James Kirsch, a Jew and an early student of Jung, gave evidence from his own experience that Jung was not anti-Semitic. Nevertheless, some people believe even yet that Jung was sympathetic to the Nazi cause. Others take his actions as refecting Jung's naiivety, not malice. Having lived ffty-three months in Switzerland, it is hard for me to imagine that a prominent Swiss citizen would sympathize with a threatening neighbor country (Germany) which his fellow citizens feared so severely. Indeed,

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soon after the Second (orld (ar he made his opposition to totalitarianism crystal clear (Jung C(-10, par. 451). A few months after the ""Lingering Shadows'' conference, a comparable discussion was held at the triennial meeting of the International Organization of Jungian Analysts in Paris. The workshop was entitled ""Jung and Anti-Semitism.'' Samuels participated in both of those meetings and wrote his book (The Political Psyche) against their background. There was quite a different situation at the 1986 International Association for Analytical Psychology (IAAP) meeting, in Berlin, where the theme was ""The Archetype of Shadow in a Split (orld.'' Astoundingly, not a single presentation at that Congress included any form of the word ""politics'' in its title. The topic was implicit in some of the papers, but nowhere was it explicit. As editor of the Proceedings of the 1986 Congress, I got in my two-cents worth by putting into the Preface some of the ideas I am including here. There is still some disagreement about whether Jung gave support to the Nazis. Blair (2003) has discussed the question at length. Infrequently mentioned is the fact that Jung gave assistance to an American offcial, indicating clearly that Jung was on the Allied side. POLITICS (ith so little interest expressed in the Jungian literature, why do I keep insisting that political concern fts with my interest in Jungian psychology? At the most basic, because politics embodies the use of power, and Jung considered the desire for power to be an instinct-a primal need-on one end of the archetypal spectrum. If an instinct is not made conscious and integrated-channeledinto constructive expression, it is almost certain to be repressed. Repressed contents tend to burst forth in destructive form. A repressed desire for power may express itself in a grab for control of a person or group, solely for the satisfaction of having power. The result may be a war, or a reversal of civil rights. A great deal happens in politics, where people have desires that represent the power drive. (here does the repression come in? It does indeed happen in some arenas of politics-in spades. One of the pleasures of political activity for me is that the power drive is out in the open. Consequently, I fnd it much more stressful to be in

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organizations where the power struggle is not admitted. Churches and Jungian organizations head the list of groups where covert, unacknowledged hostilities prevent the open resolution of policy issues. The individual consequences of such repression include poisoned personal relations. Another reason for Jungians to be politically active is that the psychological development of themselves and others-toward wholeness or toward fragmentation-is affected profoundly by political decisions. In addition to its power-based instinctual reality, each political issue-like each individual complex-has an archetypal core. Often one side of the controversy in dealing with poverty, for example, is the maintenance of structure, order and the principle of economic ""rationality'' that government spending must not exceed income. The other side of this controversy is the attitude of nurturing and caring for the weak and helpless. Thus, the issue may be between serving the Father archetype, characterized by structure, and the Mother archetype, characterized by nurturance. That introverts and extraverts are likely to have different points of view on political issues was hypothesized by J.L. Jarrett (1979, p. 55): The virtues of ""freedom'' and ""equality'' seem to compete in history for predominance among ideals. Probably the introvert tends to be drawn to freedom, at least if it is taken to mean ""left alone,'' not being put upon by laws and other requirements . . . . On the other hand, the extravert immediately points to a thousand ways that people will suffer unless the government and the law make explicit provision to insure fairness. (hatever the archetypal and/or typological bases for political points of view, their expression is part of everyday life, consciously or unconsciously. Non-participation means leaving decisions to others, thus enabling them to misuse power and, often, to perpetrate evil. The unwillingness to confront evil is inconsistent with psychological development. Despite his general underestimating of politics, Jung seemed to support my view with his statement: ""As the individual is not just a single, separate being, but by his very existence presupposes a collective relationship, it follows that the process of individuation must lead to more intense and broader collective relationships and not to isolation'' (Jung C(-6, par. 758).

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A related area is that of ethics. Some of Jung's comments on ethics are as applicable to social and political issues as they are to personal life. These comments include his warning against the tendency of high-minded people to avoid facing the reality of evil, especially in themselves. He seemed to see this avoidance occurring by one of two devices: (a) the denial that evil exists; and (b) projecting it onto other persons, classes, races or nations. He pointed out that consistent use of either of these devices produces an attitude that a person is all good. Jung called this attitude ""addiction to idealism'' and wrote: ""Every form of addiction is bad, no matter whether the narcotic be alcohol or morphine or idealism'' (MDR, p. 329). Beginning with such general statements, Jung's observations on social issues tended to focus on their psychological ramifcations rather than on their moral and ethical implications. RACE For Jung, a white person's disparaging attitude toward the darker races is a projection of the shadow. Just as an individual must recognize projections of the shadow to achieve greater consciousness, so-he held-must the culture as a whole. Recognition of such a projection is a frst step toward withdrawing it. Jung was right, no doubt, to place responsibility for hostile interracial relations on the people who project their evil and inferior sides on other races, but he neglected, at least in his writings, the historical, economic and political forces that affect relations between the lighter-and-darker-skinned races. These forces seem to account for much of the tension between races and also for the prejudices within groups of dark-skinned people, who often give higher status to the lighter-skinned individuals among them. It may be that the projections began millennia ago with collective shadow projections, but the issue cannot be approached with that perspective alone. Such prejudices still interfere with the psychological development of the ""victims.'' Otherwise, Jung said little about racial differences, evidently accepting their existence without comment. He did write: If you study races as I have done, you can make very interesting discoveries. You can make them, for instance, if you analyze North Americans. The American, on account of the

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fact that he lives on virgin soil, has the Red Indian in him. The Red man, even if he has never seen one, and the Negro, though he may be cast out and the tram-cars reserved for white men only, have got into the American and you will realize that he belongs to a partly coloured nation. These things are wholly unconscious, and you can only talk to very enlightened people about them. (Jung C(-18, par. 94) WAR AND THE CRISIS OF OUR TIME Hostility and aggression among nations, according to Jung, are manifestations of a deeper crisis, which he identifed as a psychological and religious split within individual humans and between groups. His later observations often refected what appeared, in the late 1940s and 1950s, to be the major danger of the time: the threat of a Third (orld (ar between the free and communist blocs of nations. In 1934 Jung described the time as one of ""dissociation and sickness . . . . The word "crisis,' so often heard, is a medical expression which always tells us that the sickness has reached a dangerous climax'' (Jung C(-10, par. 290); this statement applied equally well to the state of the world during and following the Second (orld (ar. It seems increasingly evident that individual psychological development is no match for the forces and institutionalized structures with which twenty-frst-century people must deal. Perhaps improved communications have made this perception clearer, rather than that the problem is any different from what it was in earlier eras. These forces and structures have a life of their own that is unlikely to be affected by the state of individuals' psyches. Even people in high positions have limited power over the course of major events such as wars. THE FEMINIST MOVEMENT They'll be comin' round the mountain when they come They'll be driving six white horses when they come They'll be talkin' new solutions, women's suffrage, revolution And we'll all go out to meet them when they come. In Colorado women sought a victory

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Mrs. Stanton headed out with Susan B.

Organizing, speaking, for us all they kept on fghting

(omen won the vote out there in [18]93.

The current feminist movement (known also as (omen's Liberation and as the (omen's Movement) has special signifcance in Jungian psychology because of Jungians' large contribution to female psychology, and because of its potential role in the development of consciousness. (hen the movement was gaining momentum during the 1960s, it appeared to some Jungians to express identifcation with the animus; feminists at that time were described as ""strident'' and ""aggressive,'' and were accused of being unconcerned about how their actions were affecting other people, including their families. The movement was and is an understandable and, in my view, a necessary response to the fact that many women (in American and (estern European culture, at least) have been victims of the ""feminine mystique,'' a cultural brainwashing that convinced them that they should limit their lives to marrying early, bearing and rearing several children, and devoting themselves to homemaking. The traditional feminine role included, often, membership in and perhaps leadership in women's organizations: for service, support of churches and sociability. But these activities tended not to ""rock the boat'' of power in the relevant institutions. (omen who over-identifed with the traditional female role suffered from the ""problem that has no name'' (Betty Friedan, 1963). Their suffering was aggravated by the fact that they often considered other women to be competitors for the attentions of men; consequently, women who assented to the feminine mystique were isolated from other women. Some of the women who developed their own lifestyle knew themselves to be more fortunate than virtuous. Others felt their escape to be due to their own efforts and depreciated the importance of the feminist movement. The impact of the feminist movement has made it possible for many women to become aware of their options. Thus, many more are pursuing higher education, remaining single or marrying later than had been the custom, and making conscious choices regarding the bearing of children. They value themselves as women and, eschewing much of the competition for male attention, are fnding depth and joy in friendships with other women.

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As in all advances in consciousness, old problems give way to new ones. Perhaps most common is the stress that is inherent in the multiplicity of choices. Relationships between women and men are more diffcult because new ways of being together must be found. Competition with other women has moved partially out of the sexual arena and into the professional and political worlds. The feminist movement has brought some valuable changes in cultural attitudes. There is fairly general agreement that the desirability of the economic and legal goals of the movement (equal pay for equal work, and the same legal rights as men) is selfevident. Even many of the people who have opposed the Equal Rights Amendment do not oppose legal rights for women; they argue that the amendment is not necessary because women already have equal rights before the law. In addition, some insist that the Amendment may have unwelcome implications, such as women being possibly subject to military conscription. The movement's psychological signifcance may include a danger inherent in any collective phenomenon, that persons will be swept along with group enthusiasms and fail to develop their individual values. For example, some women focus on their anger at men, the ""oppressors,'' to the exclusion of positive concerns. At its best, however, the feminist movement has contributed to cultural changes, which contribute to individuals' development. A change that had been long needed is a greater valuing of the feminine principle. Our culture has tended to judge everyone, men and women alike, by the degree to which they conform to ""masculine'' values: assertiveness, competitiveness, objectivity and strength. This change also has seemed to require of females many of the ""feminine'' values: relatedness, softness, receptivity, gentleness, even passivity and weakness. Thus, women have been caught in a double bind. They have to be ""masculine'' to be successful in the world but ""feminine'' to be acceptable in personal relations, especially with men. (Men faced their own diffculty: the necessity of being always masculine, which has meant not showing emotion or vulnerability.) Nevertheless, the feminist movement has helped to open the way to the psychological development of both sexes. Both women and men are freer to develop as much femininity and as much masculinity as is of value to each person. A further contribution of the movement to psychological development is its help to women who once lived entirely in the feminine side of their natures. For them, the conscious development of the

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animus (see Chapter 4) is essential to emotional health. Many women are realizing for the frst time that they can make independent decisions and take initiative toward their own well-being. In these ways, at least, they are fnding a more conscious relationship to the animus. (here ""stridency'' exists, it may be an indication that the negative animus is still ascendant and the positive animus not fully developed. The feminist movement seems to have had a profound impact on men as well as women. Many men are being pressed to reassess their conceptions of being a man. Thus, both men and women are discovering that a man can take care of children and a woman can be a business executive, both without upsetting the balance of nature. Such an awareness seems true to a basic Jungian assumption that each individual must fnd her or his own combination of femininity and masculinity in attitudes and behavior. Some participants in the feminist movement have felt that some of Jung's ideas have delayed change. They see many of his ideas on the psychology of women as culturally conditioned by the sexism that was even more prevalent in his lifetime than it is now. Although many of Jung's pre-1960 concepts are inadequate for the present, my view is that they were proposed and have contributed to cultural changes that culminated in the feminist movement. Specifcally, Jung stated repeatedly his thesis that the feminine principle (which is now espoused by many feminists) has been depreciated historically and, hence, currently is needed more than the masculine. He gave content to the equality of women by valuing their feminine traits and, at the same time, honoring their development of masculine (animus) qualities. Similarly, in his theory of the anima, Jung advocated less machismo in men by urging that they develop their feminine side. As long as the therapist works to free the client from cultural demands that do not ft her values and temperament, the therapy contributes to feminism. Most if not all Jungian therapists are likely to be in this group. RECOMMENDED READINGS Adams, Michael Vannoy (1997) The multicultural imagination: Race, color and the unconscious. London: Routledge. Gallant, Christine (1996) Tabooed lung: Marginality as power. New York: New York University Press.

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Henderson, Joseph L. (1984) Cultural attitudes in psychological perspective. Toronto: Inner City Books. Meier, C.A. (1986) A testament to the wilderness. Einsiedeln, Switzerland: Daimon Verlag. Neumann, Erich (1969) Depth psychology and a new ethic. New York: Putnam. Odajnyk, (alter V. (1976) lung and politics: The political and social ideas of C.G. lung. New York: Harper and Row. Progoff, Ira (1973) lung's psychology and its social meaning: A comprehen­ sive statement of C.G. lung's psychological theories and an interpretation of their signifcance for the social sciences. New York: Anchor Books. Samuels, Andrew (2001) Politics on the couch: Citizenship and the internal life. London: Karnac. Stein, Murray (1993) Solar conscience, lunar conscience: An essay on the psychological foundations of morality, lawfulness and the sense of justice. (ilmette, IL: Chiron. Stevens, Anthony (1989) The roots of war: A lungian perspective. New York: Paragon House. Tacey, David (1997) Remaking men: lung, spirituality and social change. London: Routledge. Ulanov, Barry (1992) lung and the outside world. (ilmette, IL: Chiron. (ehr, Demaris S. (1987) lung and feminism: Liberating archetypes. Boston: Beacon Press. (heelwright, Jane Hollister and Lynda (heelwright Schmidt (1991) The long shore: A psychological experience of the wilderness. San Francisco: Sierra Club.

Chapter 11

Religion in the psyche

Leaning, leaning. Safe and secure from all alarms Leaning, leaning. Leaning on the everlasting arms (hat a fellowship, what a joy divine. Leaning on the everlasting arms (hat a blessedness, what a peace is mine. Leaning on the everlasting arms. Elisha A. Hoffman and Anthony J. Showalter

Carl Gustav Jung was the son of a pastor (Johann Paul) in the Swiss Reformed Church, whose views on religion were conventional and unsatisfying to Carl's inquiring mind. After many years of struggle and some bizarre images-for example, God ""shitting'' on the Cathedral-he came to question all dogma. The song above describes a view of religion that is experiential. It reminds us that, to understand Carl's statements on religion, we must distinguish between ideas-theology-and experiences that are religious in nature. To Jung, theology was speculation, whereas religious experiences were psychic facts. Such experiences, he found, come in different forms and include dreams, visions, and encounters with life crises, such as illness, loss and confict. His views on religion were infuenced heavily by what the youthful Jung perceived as the sterility of his pastor-father's dogmatic theology, a sterility that led Johann Paul to the loss of his belief (see MDR, p. 90). Carl rejected religious dogma in favor of experience. (His understanding of the term ""religious'' is close to the currently popular term ""spiritual.'')

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DOGMA VERSUS EXPERIENCE The distinction between belief and experience parallels the distinction between the transcendent God hypothesized by theologians and the God image that Jung saw as present in the psyche. Jung insisted that he was not commenting on the question of whether there is a God ""out there'' but merely reporting his clinical observation that an individual person is likely to have an inner experience of God. In differentiating the transcendent God from the God image in the psyche, Jung distinguished the creeds and activities of churches from religio: ""a careful consideration and observation of . . . such factors in [man's] world as he has found powerful, dangerous, or helpful enough to be taken into careful consideration, or grand, beautiful, and meaningful enough to be devoutly worshipped and loved'' (Jung C(-11, par. 8). These factors are aptly designated as the numinosum that Rudolf Otto named (Jung C(-8, par. 216). I fnd it closely related to Abraham Maslow's (1962) concept of ""peak experience.'' (ith a religious attitude, the ego comes to know that it is not allpowerful, that life ultimately is beyond the control of the ego or a collection of egos and must be accepted as it is. This attitude does not produce resignation and despair. Rather, it makes possible active participation in life by freeing energy that might have been wasted in battling against reality. An important connection between religion and mental health, according to Jung, is a sense of meaning in life. Indeed, Viktor Frankl (1963) developed a theory of neurosis and psychotherapeutic method-logotherapy-around the discovery of meaning. Frankl had spent three years in Nazi concentration camps. Out of his suffering and that of his fellow prisoners, and from his observations of various responses, he concluded that prisoners who continued to fnd meaning in life were more likely to survive and, hence, that humans have a ""will-to-meaning.'' Unlike Freud, who considered religion to be an illusion, Jung maintained that religion is so essential to human life and mental health that neglect of the religious need is the primary cause of neurosis in the second half of life. He wrote: Among all my patients in the second half of life-that is to say, over thirty-fve-there has not been one whose problem was

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not that of fnding a religious outlook on life. It is safe to say that every one of them fell ill because he had lost what the living religions of every age have given to their followers, and none of them has really been healed who did not regain his religious out-look. (Jung C(-11, par. 509) Jung hypothesized that the need for religion is an instinct. His view is supported by that of cultural anthropologists, who fnd that all peoples have had some form of what theologians call ""ultimate concern,'' and virtually all peoples hold some kind of supernatural beliefs. In dreams and other unconscious contents, Jung found additional evidence for the religious instinct. For example, he recounted the dream of a patient who had a very strong attachment to him: Her father (who in reality was of small stature) was with her on a hill that was covered with wheat-felds. She was quite tiny beside him, and he seemed to her like a giant. He lifted her up from the ground and held her in his arms, like a little child. The wind swept over the wheat-felds, and as the wheat swayed in the wind, he rocked her in his arms. (Jung C(-7, par. 211) Jung began to wonder whether the patient ""had still not understood the wholly fantastic character of her transference [to him], or whether perhaps the unconscious could never be reached by understanding at all, but must blindly and idiotically pursue some nonsensical chimera'' (Jung C(-7, par. 212). Then another possibility occurred to him: the unconscious might be reaching out toward a god. The ""longing for a god [might] be a passion welling up from our darkest, instinctual nature, a passion unswayed by any outside infuences, deeper and stronger perhaps than the love for a human person'' (Jung C(-7, par. 214). The new hypothesis, that the fgure of the father represented a god, was not entirely acceptable to the patient. Nevertheless, ""there now occurred . . . a kind of subterranean undermining of the transference to Jung. Her relations with a certain friend deepened perceptibly, . . . so that when the time came for leaving [Jung] it was no catastrophe, but a perfectly reasonable parting'' (Jung C(-7, par. 217).

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But what if one has, to one's knowledge, no religious experience? Analyst and teacher Lionel Corbett (1996) has helped with this diffculty: Any question or experience can become a religious one if we are infuenced in our attitude to it by direct contact with the archetypal realm . . . . The nature of the divine and its processes ((hy is God doing this?) are also much to the fore in the minds of some of [a practitioner's] patients, stimulated by personal crises of the kind that lead people into psychotherapy. (p. 67) CHURCH AFFILIATION Despite Jung's distinction between church and religion, he noted a relation between institutional affliation and religious outlook. In 1935 he stated: ""During the last thirty years I have not had more than about six practicing Catholics among my patients. The vast majority were Protestants and Jews'' (Jung C(-18, par. 370). Roman Catholics appeared not to need secular therapists because: the Catholic Church . . . with its rigorous system of confession and its director of conscience, is a therapeutic institution. I have had some patients who, after having had analysis with me, even joined the Catholic Church . . . . I think it is perfectly correct to make use of these psychotherapeutic institutions which history has given to us. (Jung C(-18, par. 370) Jung based his conclusion regarding the attitudes of Protestants and Catholics toward their churches on more than his clinical experience. He tested empirically his impression that Catholics who were in spiritual distress tended to turn to the clergy, whereas Protestants in a similar situation were more likely to consult a doctor. In my experience, the proportion of Roman Catholics entering psychotherapy seems to be increasing. Changes in the liturgy accompanied by drastic changes in confession (e.g. weekly confession is no longer required), along with the increasing secularization of life for many people, including Catholics, are bringing about such a change. Currently, psychotherapists may be seeing

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relatively fewer Protestants and Jews because these groups' own clergy are increasingly trained in pastoral counseling. (hile expressing regret that he was not ""suffciently medieval'' to join ""such a creed'' as Catholicism (Jung C(-18, par. 370), Jung recognized the ritual of the Mass, or Eucharist, as a means by which some people are able to experience the individuation process, at least in projected form: The mystery of the Eucharist transforms the soul of the empirical man, who is only a part of himself, into his totality, symbolically expressed by Christ. In this sense, therefore, we can speak of the Mass as the rite of the individuation process. (Jung C(-11, par. 414) Although many Protestant churches celebrate Holy Communion, which is based on the Mass, the psychological effect on the worshiper is evidently not the same as for Catholics. Much of the power seems to have been lost. The power, Jung deduced, is in the belief in the mystery of the transformation of the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ. In contrast, many Protestants view the bread and wine as representing, rather than becoming, the body and blood of Christ; to them, the statement ""This is my body'' (Luke 22:19) is a metaphor. (A third position, held by many Lutherans, is that of consubstantiation: the belief that the body and blood of Christ coexist in the bread and wine. This position is probably closer to that of Roman Catholics than of non-Lutheran Protestants.) There may be a disadvantage in the Roman Catholic position. Jung found that the dogma tends to become a defense against the religious experience that is available through a direct encounter with the unconscious. For many Roman Catholics, of course, the Mass itself is a direct religious experience. Another development since Jung's time is the marked increase in charismatic groups, such as Jesus sects and faith-healing groups. These groups seem to attest to Jung's view of the perceived sterility of the established churches, but they do not provide a viable alternative for all disenchanted church members. Jung tried to overcome the gap between people and symbols by understanding traditional Christianity. This was not an attempt, he insisted, to ""psychologize'' the dogma. Rather, symbols have an archetypal foundation ""which can never be reduced to anything

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else'' (Jung C(-11, par. 171). Evidence for the archetypal foundation of the Trinity, for example, is the appearance of triads in the mythologies of widely separated peoples, such as the Hindu triad of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva. (hen people fnd that traditional religion is no longer a vital force in their lives, they are likely to turn to other potential sources of meaning. They may extract meaning from material possessions or ideologies, such as those of political movements. Perhaps the best sources of meaning are experiences of the Self because, according to Jung, these are religious experiences. From the fact that the Self is an archetype, some people have inferred that Jung considered God to be ""only'' an archetype. Jung objected strenuously to this interpretation; he maintained that an archetype is not so ""only.'' Moreover, he pointed out that the Self is the God image, not the actual God. Jung's idea of the God image within the individual psyche has been considered heretical by many theologians, but others, such as Paul Tillich, expressed views that were very similar to Jung's. Such ""immanental'' theologians posit a ""God within'' that bears a strong resemblance to Jung's God image. RELIGION AND INDIVIDUATION The importance of religion in Jung's system of psychology is refected in his vision of the attainment of a religious attitude as essential to the individuation process. The two are almost synonymous in that both require the ego to become subordinate to the Self. Although religious forms are not the same as a religious attitude, they sometimes contribute to it. Jung rejected all doctrines, including those of Christianity, but the Christian imagery carried for him the central images of the individuation process. Thus, he saw Jesus as the prototype of the individuating person: ""This apparently unique life became a sacred symbol because it is the psychological prototype of the only meaningful life, that is, of a life that strives for the individual realization-absolute and unconditional-of its own particular law'' (Jung C(-17, par. 310). Just as Christian theologians often do, Jung seemed to see Christ as another order of being from Jesus: in psychological terms, an exemplifcation of the archetype of the Self. This conceptualization

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presented problems for Jung, however, in that Christianity presents Christ as all good. Jung wrote: From the psychological angle [Christ] corresponds to only one half of the archetype. The other half appears in the Antichrist. The latter is just as much a manifestation of the self, except that he consists of its dark aspect. Both are Christian symbols. (Jung C(-9-II, par. 79) In my view Christ is the symbol of the Self through the crucifxion and resurrection: Jesus, the individuating ego, is crucifed on the opposites (the cross is an image of the tension of heaven and earth or vertical and horizontal) and resurrected into the totality of the psyche, the Self. A comparable experience may occur psychologically in the life of each human. Virtually all humans puzzle over the meaning of death. Jung's view was that death is the end, in the sense of ""goal,'' as well as the termination of life: Life is an energy-process. Like every energy-process, it is in principle irreversible and is therefore directed toward a goal. That goal is a state of rest . . . . (ith the attainment of maturity and at the zenith of biological existence, life's drive toward a goal in no wise halts. (ith the same intensity and irresistibility with which it strove upward before middle age, life now descends; for the goal no longer lies on the summit, but in the valley where the ascent began . . . . From the middle of life onward, only he remains vitally alive who is ready to die with life . . . . The negation of life's fulfllment is synonymous with the refusal to accept its ending. Both mean not wanting to live, and not wanting to live is identical with not wanting to die. (axing and waning make one curve. (Jung C(-8, pars. 797-798, 800) JUNG'S VIEWS ON RELIGION The two aspects of religion-religious experiences and ideas about them-were kept separate by Jung in much of his work, but he seemed to bring them together in some statements he made a few

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years before his death. (idely known is his reply to a question in the 1959 television interview, Face to Face (produced by the British Broadcasting Company); the interviewer asked, ""Do you now believe in God?'' Jung replied, ""Diffcult to answer. I know. I don't need to believe. I know'' (McGuire and Hull, 1977, p. 428). Many people have puzzled over Jung's statement. However, it seems to have been explained in an earlier (1955) interview. On that occasion Jung said: All that I have learned has led me step by step to an unshakable conviction of the existence of God. I only believe in what I know. And that eliminates believing. Therefore I do not take His existence on belief-I know that He exists. (McGuire and Hull, 1977, p. 251)

Answer to Job Despite his frm conviction that God exists, Jung struggled mightily to understand the nature of God. Out of this struggle came one of his most controversial books, Answer to lob (Jung C(-11, Part VI). Jung described it as: not a ""scientifc'' book but a personal confrontation with the traditional Christian world view . . . . It echoes the refections of a physical and theological layman, who had to fnd the answers to many questions on religious matters and was thus compelled to wrestle with the meaning of religious ideas from his particular, non-confessional standpoint. In addition, the questions were motivated by contemporary events: falsehood, injustice, slavery, and mass murder engulfed not only major parts of Europe but continue to prevail in vast areas of the world. (hat has a benevolent and almighty God to say to these problems? This desperate question, asked a thousand times, is the concern of [Answer to lob]. (Jung C(-18, par. 1498a) Jung responded to the biblical story of Job with some unorthodox conclusions. The frst is an answer to the age-old theological problems: (hat is the source of evil? How can a God, who is omnipotent and all-good, allow evil? Jung answered that God has a dark side. The answer may be no better than those of theologians,

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but to me it is no worse. This idea is of psychological importance because it makes clear the limitlessness of the archetypal shadow. A second conclusion that Jung reached in Answer to lob is that God had to become human in order to attain consciousness. This idea seemed to arise out of Jung's struggle to understand why God permitted Satan to do as he pleased with Job. Jung's hypothesis is provocative: that, prior to the incarnation in Jesus, God was unconscious.

The Trinity Still another of Jung's unorthodox conclusions is that the Christian Trinity is incomplete; wholeness requires a quaternity. The fourth principle was posited variously by Jung as evil, the earth, matter, the body and the feminine. Jung seemed to see these manifestations of the fourth as various ways of describing concrete reality, which contrasts with the entirely spiritual (and presumably male) Trinity. This view presents a problem, however, by assuming that matter is evil. Jung considered such an assumption to be based on an overemphasis on spirit: ""In themselves, spirit and matter are neutral, . . . [both] capable of what man calls good or evil'' (Jung C(-9-I, par. 197). If the fourth principle is feminine and also evil, an additional problem arises, an anomaly which can be understood, perhaps, as a perception of males confronted with the mystery of the female. Jung was deeply concerned that the feminine principle be acknowledged as essential to wholeness. Consequently, he welcomed the dogma of the Assumption of the Virgin (proclaimed by Pope Pius XII in 1950). Jung saw this dogma as adding ""a fourth, feminine principle to the masculine Trinity. The result is a quaternity, which forms a real and not merely postulated symbol of totality'' (Jung C(-13, par. 127). Jung struggled further with the problem of evil in various essays (see especially Jung C(-10 and his correspondence with Victor (hite in Let-1 and Let-2). In such works, he rejected the idea that evil is only privatio boni (absence of good). Evil is a force in itself, he insisted; it is part of the collective shadow and empirically verifable, as in the experience with Nazism in Germany (see Chapter 10). It is no accident that the knowledge of good and evil as opposites is a metaphor for the emergence of consciousness. A crucial

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factor in individuation is the encounter with the dark side of the personality and with evil in the world. One of Jung's early experiences of psychological awakening was with such an encounter. Barbara Hannah (1974) recounted that Jung's fantasy experience, at about age eleven, of God dropping turds on Basel Cathedral, ""had been the guiding line of his whole life.'' In his struggle over this and other experiences he found ""a way to live with the dark side of himself and with that of the Creator'' (p. 31).

Conscience and sin A common error in speaking, writing or typing is to substitute conscious for conscience or vice versa. The two words are related etymologically in the Latin word for ""knowledge.'' Jung hypothesized a psychological relation between conscious and conscience. Zurich analyst Jolande Jacobi (1976) clarifed two kinds of conscience, one of which is similar to consciousness as Jung defned it: People basically have two kinds of conscience. One kind corresponds with the collective commands and prohibitions of the society we live in. If we disobey that, the bad conscience that results is from fear of being thought anti-social and from fear of punishment. But there is also a different sort of conscience, which operates individually in every human being in accordance with the laws of creation. It is not always . . . in harmony with prescribed human laws. Sometimes there are collisions from which a serious struggle between the two kinds of conscience may arise. (p. 86) The second, individual kind of conscience seems to be a sense of ethics. It is an important element in Jung's defnition of consciousness-taking one's personal stance regardless of the prescriptions of society. The adversary of conscience is known as sin. In an earlier work (Mattoon, 1965) I hypothesized originally that the Christian concept of sin is the equivalent of the psychological concept of the shadow and should be treated as such; that is, sin can be assimilated to the ego for the enhancement of consciousness. In order to support this hypothesis, however, it would have been necessary

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to explain away the Apostle Paul's admonition to repress the dark side (e.g. Romans 8:6 ""To set the mind on the fesh is death, but to set the mind on the Spirit is life and peace''). The stage of development of consciousness was such in biblical times that it necessitated a rejection of the dark side in order to separate the opposites. Currently, however, the task of humans seems to be the reuniting of the opposites.

Eastern religions (esterners' exposure to religions of the East was much less common in Jung's day than it is now. In his discussion of Eastern religions (Jung C(-11, Parts VII and VIII), Jung held that a (esterner cannot embrace fully an Eastern religion. This view has been challenged seriously by the large numbers of Americans and Europeans who have become devotees of Yoga, Zen Buddhism and other Eastern religions. Nevertheless, Jung's view probably has some validity in that a (esterner's relation to an Eastern religion is likely to be much different from that of a person born into the culture from which the religion stems. Jung seemed to feel that the (est could beneft substantially from encounters with the East. He found, however, that abolition of the ego, which is a goal of Eastern religions, is counter-productive for wholeness because then only the unconscious remains. Jung's study of Eastern religions was probably most extensive in relation to a major work of Chinese wisdom literature, the I Ching (Jung C(-11, Part IX). He was interested in it as a basis for synchronistic phenomena (see Chapter 9), but not as religion. Jung's ideas on religion, in my view, ""tread the razor's edge'' between psychology and theology. He made impressive efforts, with considerable success, to restrict his comments to observable data and deductions from them. He did not always take into account, however, the variety of theological thinking that was available; for example, the idea of the immanent God. Nevertheless, Jung's ideas on religion are valuable, especially because he remains one of the few psychological theorists to have addressed positively the role of religion in the human psyche. The total body of Jung's works on religion is enormous, probably because of his personal interest and the close relation of the topic to the collective unconscious and individuation. Avis M. Dry (1961), a critical writer on Jung, described him as a ""pioneer'' in that he ""has been

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among the earliest psychologists to recognize the relevance of faith and religious practice to the needs and workings of the human psyche'' (p. 209). RECOMMENDED READINGS Corbett, Lionel (1996) The religious function of the psyche. London: Routledge. Dallett, Janet O. (1991) Saturday's child: Encounters with the dark gods. Toronto: Inner City Books. Dourley, John P. (1992) A strategy for a loss of faith: lung's proposal. Toronto: Inner City Books. Dyer, Donald R. (2000) lung's thoughts on God: Religious dimensions of the psyche. New York Beach, ME: Nicholas-Hays/(eiser. Edinger, Edward F. (1992) Transformation of the God­image: An elucida­ tion of lung's Answer to Job. Toronto: Inner City Books. Gustafson, Fred (1997) Dancing between two worlds: lung and the Native American Soul. New York: Paulist Press. Hillman, James (1967) Psychology and religion. New York: Charles Scribner's. Jaffe, Lawrence, (. (1990) Liberating the heart: Spirituality and lungian psychology. Toronto: Inner City Books. Moore, Thomas (2002) The soul 's religion: Turning spirituality upside down to fnd one's own path. New York: HarperCollins. Rollins, (ayne G. (1983) lung and the Bible. Atlanta, GA: John Knox Press. Spiegelman, J. Marvin (ed.) (1994) Protestantism and lungian psychology. Tempe, AZ: New Falcon Publications.

Chapter 12

Individuation-a life­long process

You gotta walk that lonesome valley,

You gotta walk it by yourself,

Nobody else can walk it for you,

You gotta walk it by yourself.

You gotta walk that lonesome valley,

You gotta walk it by yourself,

Nobody else can walk it for you,

You gotta walk it by yourself.

Traditional

Even when a person has had religious experience (see Chapter 11), there is a metaphorical ""lonesome valley.'' Individuation means wholeness, but it also means individuality. A person's age does not determine when psychological development stops. The developmental process can continue throughout one's life, according to Jung. For many people the process, especially in the second half of life, rounds out individuation which leads, by defnition, toward wholeness-completeness and undividedness-of personality, by integrating its conscious and unconscious parts. Individuation leads also to uniqueness, which results from developing one's own capacities and differentiating oneself optimally from other persons. Thus, Jung defned the term individuation differently from non-Jungian theorists. The latter usually apply the term individuation to the early childhood process of discovering that one is separate from one's parents, especially the mother fgure. Jung considered this process to be early development (see Chapter 4), saving individuation for middle and later life.

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Individuation does not mean individualism. Jung explained the differences: Individualism means deliberately stressing and giving prominence to some supposed peculiarity, rather than to collective considerations and obligations. But individuation means precisely the better and more complete fulfllment of the collective (archetypal) qualities of the human being. (Jung C(-7, par. 267) Individuation is a process rather than a state; it is not completed in one's lifetime. The process may be more or less fulflled, however, depending on one's circumstances, psychic constitution, willingness to struggle, and an ""irrational factor,'' which Jung called ""vocation''-being called to ""obey [one's] own law'' (Jung C(-17, par. 300). By an irrational factor Jung seemed to mean one that cannot be predicted from such known infuences as heredity and early experiences. Individuation is collective and universal and, at the same time, intensely individual. It is collective in that it draws on archetypal contents and integrates functions and faculties that are shared by all humans. It is universal in that it is possible, to some degree, for everyone. Indeed, Jung considered individuation to be a drive as compelling as those of hunger and sex. He wrote that ""every life is the realization of a whole, that is, of a self; . . . this realization can also be called individuation'' (Jung C(-12, par. 330). Despite its universality, the individuation process and its results are different-individual-for each person. Jung used the term individuation for the frst time in Psycho­ logical Types (Jung C(-6), originally published in 1921. The development of the concept reached its culmination in his last major work, Mysterium Coniunctionis (Jung C(-14), published in German in 1956 (English 1963). The idea was already present, however, in his doctoral dissertation, ""On the psychology and pathology of so-called occult phenomena'' (Jung C(-1), frst published in 1902. In that early work, based on his observations of a young mediumistic woman, Jung concluded that the ""spirits'' manifesting themselves during the seeances represented the invasion of the medium's feld of consciousness by autonomous ""splinter personalities,'' which he considered to be components of a more comprehensive personality hidden in her unconscious psyche. It

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became Jung's untiring scientifc and psychotherapeutic endeavor to work out a procedure that would bring such components to consciousness and integrate them with the ego in order to realize the ""greater personality,'' which is potential in every individual (see Jung C(-9-1, Section VI). Characteristic of individuation is the process of strengthening, differentiating and integrating into consciousness the various non-ego parts of the psyche: the shadow, the persona, the nondominant attitude and functions, and the animus or anima. Each element is changed by the others as they are worked on. A crucial aspect of integrating any part of the psyche is assimilating the complexes relating to that part. Individuation is not solely an inner process. It is marked by an improved capacity for relationships with people who may be the objects of one's positive and negative emotions. (hatever conficts exist within are mirrored by the conficts between oneself and those with whom one associates and on whom one makes projections. For example, part of a man's individuation process is to ""withdraw the projections'' that he has made on the woman in his life; that is, he ceases to expect her to have all the ""feminine'' qualities (e.g. gentleness and receptivity) and comes to acknowledge and value such qualities in himself. In addition, he may be able to be more open and accepting with her. Each woman has a comparable responsibility with regard to men and the masculine. (hen the opposites have been separated, a dynamic state comes into being. For each quality that is realized or valued consciously by the ego there is a devalued and, hence, repressed opposite in the unconscious. (henever an unconscious content begins to become conscious, a state of tension results that is uncomfortable to the person. The discomfort impels a search for a resolution. A symbol may arise that transcends the opposites. In practical terms, this transcendent function modifes both members of the pair of opposites. For example, reliability in the ego may be complemented by unconscious playfulness, which bursts forth now and then. As the consistency becomes tempered with playfulness and the playfulness ceases to be totally erratic, the two traits coexist in the same person without undue stress. Then it can be said that these opposites have been reconciled. After the ego emerges out of the Self, the connection between the two is relatively tenuous during infancy and childhood. The ego moves away from the Self, so to speak, in order to establish itself in

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the world. In the second half of life, however, the ego may reestablish the connection by acknowledging the primacy of the Self. Marie-Louise von Franz (1964) saw a kind of meandering pattern [in dream life] in which individual strands or tendencies become visible, then vanish, then return again. If one watches this meandering design over a long period of time, one can observe a sort of hidden regulating or directing tendency at work, creating a slow, imperceptible process of psychic growth-the process of individuation. (p. 161) A strong ego is necessary for individuation. In retracing the path to the Self and, thus, to the collective unconscious, a weak ego risks being deluged with archetypal contents, as happens in psychosis. (hen the ego is strong, however, previously unconscious contents are assimilated into it and it becomes stronger. Jung postulated that the Self guides the individuation process, shaping the relation of the various parts of the personality to each other. The process is not directly observable but one sometimes has a sense of glimpsing the essence of one's being-what one was ""meant'' to be. The process is that of discovering this essence and working to remove the obstacles to its unfolding and development.

INDIVIDUATION IN THE TWO HALVES OF LIFE Individuation, whether achieved naturally or through psychotherapy, has two major phases; one in the frst half of life, the other in the second. The frst half of life, after the emergence of the ego, is governed by the expansion of experience and adaptation to outer reality: becoming established in personal relationships, the world of work and in the community at large. Jung seemed to assume that early development prior to the emergence of the ego is not included in individuation but some Jungians (e.g. Michael Fordham, 1968) maintain that individuation begins in infancy and continues throughout life. The disparity of opinion seems to be due, in part, to differing defnitions of terms. San Francisco analysts Renaldo

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Maduro and Joseph (heelwright (1977) discussed these defnitions and described the distinction between the individuating processes of childhood and youth and the individuation of adulthood: Although individuating processes occur throughout infancy and childhood, a distinction is made between these and what might be called individuation proper in adulthood: a challenge typically encountered in middle age in relation to life crises. If accepted, individuation may proceed at an accelerated pace and lead to increased inner growth and transformation. This is an active life process in which arduous self-exploration and the scanning of inner resources take place. It is a period of creative introversion of libido in which what has heretofore remained unconscious seems to ""push'' forward or ""press'' toward greater self-realization as part of the psyche's natural tendency to achieve total integration. (p. 98) Thus, the accomplishments of the tasks of youth are the prerequisites for psychic development during the second half of life. The individuation that occurs in the period after age thirty-fve or forty may begin with a ""mid-life crisis,'' after which development can cease or take a new direction. (ith or without the recognizable experience of a mid-life crisis, development in the second half of life is likely to be characterized by preoccupations with philosophical or spiritual questions (e.g. values, creative endeavors and the search for life's meaning); these interests are in sharp contrast with attention to the temporal goals (e.g. material possessions and status) of the frst half of life. The second half of life culminates in the preparation for and acceptance of death. In an essay that focuses specifcally on this, ""The Soul and Death'' (Jung C(-8), Jung envisioned death as the goal of life, not just its conclusion. He described death as a state of rest and a state of wholeness: [Death] is the great perfector, drawing his inexorable line under the balance sheet of human life. In him alone is wholenessone way or another-attained. Death is the end of the empirical man and the goal of the spiritual man. (Jung C(-10, par. 695)

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THE EXPERIENCE OF INDIVIDUATION The ritual of Couee, ""Every day, in every way, I am getting better and better,'' does not describe the individuation process. It does not follow a straight line nor does it always lead onward and upward. It consists of progress and regress, fux and stagnation. Because the process includes the assimilation of negative as well as positive contents, it is diffcult to say which way is up. Many people who work at the individuation process in psychotherapy fnd it helpful to see the process as a spiral in which the same problems and themes occur again and again under different conditions and at different ""levels.'' The individuation process is less cognitive than emotional. It is likely to begin with psychic pain (e.g. depression, anxiety, resentment) which is severe enough to arouse a desire for change. The suffering includes facing one's dark side. The prospect is a depressing one, but depression and other suffering serve as impetuses for continuing the individuation process. Sometimes the process seems to be all joy and light because it is an encounter with the Self in its positive aspect. This experience is ecstatic because one transcends the limits of the ego, but it is also dangerous because it is likely to lead to ""infation''-the prideful state that accompanies a loss of ego boundaries. Consequently, even the agreeable aspects of individuation are problematic; when there is some progress, the ego is tempted to take pride in it and thus to destroy some of the value of the forward movement. The rigors of the individuation process are possible to endure because images of the Self are glimpsed occasionally. It is a fairly common experience for such an image to appear-perhaps in a dream-early in the analytic process. This experience may make it possible for the person to persevere when it is diffcult to see whence one has come and whither one is going. Despite the diffculties to most of its pilgrims, the process seems to be worth the struggle. It carries high rewards: emotional growth, discovery of meaning in life, and perhaps victory over inner obstacles or even enlightenment. For some people the individuation process works primarily through spontaneous inner images: dreams, fantasies and sometimes visions. These images can contribute to individuation if the person pays attention to them, refects on them and interacts with them in ""active imagination'' (see Chapter 7). Through this process

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the unconscious components of the psyche, such as the shadow, can be experienced and perhaps assimilated. A traditional image that is used often by Jungians to denote the individuation process is the night-sea journey and the closely related images of death and rebirth. Zurich analyst Jolande Jacobi (1959) regarded any sinking into the unconscious, even in sleep, as a prototype of the night-sea journey and thus comparable to the journey of Jonah, the biblical fgure who tried to escape from God, was thrown into the sea, and spent three days and three nights in the belly of a fsh before he was vomited out. After this experience, Jonah was obedient to God's command. In psychological terms, his ego submitted to the Self. Another image is that of death/rebirth, the prototype of which is the crucifxion and the resurrection of Jesus. The theme is apparently archetypal; it has appeared, also, in many pagan rites in which gods died and were reborn, sometimes as gods and sometimes in other guises. Psychologically, the image of crucifxion followed by resurrection can be interpreted as a crucifxion of the ego so that the Self can reign. In the life of an individual, death and rebirth may be experienced through one fundamental crisis but it is more likely to be manifested in a series of small deaths and rebirths; for example, the experience of being fred from a job, followed by a change of attitude that makes possible better work in the next job. DESCRIPTIONS OF INDIVIDUATION The individuation process can be described variously as (a) the development of the attitudes and functions, (b) making archetypal contents conscious and (c) an alchemical process.

Attitudes and functions From about 1928 on, Jung spent much of his time amplifying the dynamics of the individuation process. The blueprint of that process had been laid in Jung's typology (see Chapter 2), according to Zurich analyst C.A. Meier (1971). Indeed, Jung's book Psycholo­ gical Types (Jung C(-6) is subtitled The Psychology of Individu­ ation. Accordingly, individuation proceeds from the development of one's superior attitude (extraversion or introversion) and one or

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two of the four functions (feeling, intuition, sensation, thinking) to the development of the inferior attitude and functions. Most people develop their frst and second functions in the frst half of life, the third later and the fourth usually not at all. For example, a thinking type person may have sensation as a second function. Later, some intuition comes into consciousness. It is rare for the fourth (inferior) function-in this case, feeling-to be developed to any appreciable extent. The development of the attitudes and functions is likely to be experienced by the individual as changing interests, appreciations and skills. Because of these changes, the developmental process may be experienced also through diffculties in accomplishing tasks that were easy in the past and through new conficts with other persons, perhaps in relationships that were less conscious but that had been harmonious earlier. There are no quantitative data to evaluate Meier's hypothesis (that individuation follows typological development). It could be a basis for studying individual cases, however. Meier recommended that Jungian analysts give their clients the G(JTS (see Chapter 2) at the beginning of treatment and again during therapy in order to ascertain changes in the client's pattern of attitudes and functions. Another test of Meier's hypothesis would be to study many individuals over time, using the Jungian types tests to ascertain whether individuating persons experience shifts in the balance of their attitudes and functions. (Other Jungian authorities probably would recommend using the MBTI or the SLIP.)

Archetypal contents The second way of describing the individuation process is through experiences of archetypal contents. These contents are likely to include some or all of the elements listed earlier (shadow, persona, non-dominant attitude and functions, and animus/anima), plus the (ise Old Man and/or Great Mother, and, ultimately, the Self. As each of these archetypal contents is encountered, consciousness broadens and deepens, and the ego is placed in perspective, taking its rightful place as subordinate to the Self. The experiences of archetypal contents often occur through dreams, but waking experiences can be archetypal also. For example, a young woman perceives an older woman as an all-

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nourishing Earth Mother (form of the Great Mother archetype). Lengthy acquaintance reveals the older woman to be not always generous and available. The younger woman has gained a deeper understanding of humanness and has taken a step in the individuation process. If she can fnd in herself some of the qualities she sought in the older woman, she has taken a further step. Later she may seek the Great Mother in another older woman but her expectations are likely to be less pressing. The psychological process of individuation has parallels in many myths and other stories. The myth of Heracles (Hercules), for example, depicts the hero accomplishing a series of exceedingly diffcult tasks or labors. These may be partial steps in the development of consciousness. Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress is another story that seems to be prototypical of the individuation process. New York analyst M. Esther Harding (1956) traced the parallels in the journey described by Bunyan. The image of one city, Destruction, is the initial condition of the traveler; the Celestial City-the New Jerusalem-is the goal. On the way the traveler encounters persons and experiences that are, in Harding's view, ""personifcations or projections of something from within his own psyche'' (p. 4).

Alchemy Still another manner of describing individuation is an alchemical process. Jung saw the concrete substances and processes of alchemy as projections of psychic contents and processes (see Jung C(-12, Jung C(-13, Jung C(-14). Thus, alchemy's prima materia (initial matter), often feces or lead, is the image of the undeveloped psyche. The various stages of the alchemical process are projections of stages in psychic development during which the different elements of the psyche are made conscious and integrated. For example, the alchemical stage of nigredo, or blackness, corresponds to the confrontation with the shadow. The alchemical work represents the life experiences that change the personality. The goal, wholeness, is analogous to the gold into which the prima materia is transmuted. Another image of the goal is the philosopher's stone, the stone of the wise, which was supposed to be incorruptible and eternal. Like wholeness, the gold or the philosopher's stone is never achieved.

Individuation-a life-long process

181

AREAS OF EXPERIENCE CONDUCIVE T O INDIVIDUATION Certain areas of experience are especially conducive to the individuation process. Primary among these areas are the quest for adequate personal relationships, analytic therapy and religious perspective. Personal relationships (see Chapter 6) contribute to the individuation process because through them one encounters many unconscious facets of oneself, often in projected form. An important aspect of individuation is the integration into consciousness of as many of these facets as possible. Analytic psychotherapy (see Chapter 7) almost always contributes to individuation and often focuses heavily on it. Like other human relationships, the psychotherapeutic one works through integrating parts of the personality that are expressed in relation to the therapist and to other people. More directly, it seeks to bring consciousness and the unconscious into a harmonious relation, a process which is necessary for the attainment of wholeness. The psychotherapeutic process often contributes best to individuation when it focuses on the client's dreams (see Chapter 8). Jung found that dreams often follow an arrangement or pattern that indicates the dreamer's particular path of individuation. ((aking fantasies often supplement the dreams.) The religious quest, in Jung's view, is crucial to the individuation process because the Self is both the pattern for individuation and the image of God. Some of the central experiences of individuation, such as the night-sea journey or death and rebirth, are paradigms of religious experience. The ultimate integration of the personality can be described as wholeness, the result of individuation, or as union with God, the goal of the religious quest (see Chapter 11). Some say that Jung's entire personality theory can be subsumed under the topic of individuation. But individuation is a process, not a description of the psyche. Nevertheless, individuation culminates the discussion of the components and dynamics of the psyche. RECOMMENDED READINGS Adler, Gerhard (1961) The living symbol. New York: Pantheon Books/ Bollingen Foundation.

182

Individuation-a life-long process

Carotenuto, Aldo (1985) The vertical labyrinth: Individuation in lungian psychology. Toronto: Inner City Books. Chinen, Allen B. (1989) In the ever after: Fairy tales and the second half of life. (ilmette, IL: Chiron. Edinger, Edward F. (1994) The mystery of the coniunctio: Alchemical image of individuation. Toronto: Inner City Books. Koltuv, Barbara Black (1992) Solomon and Sheba: Inner marriage and individuation. New York Beach, ME: Nicholas-Hays. Lambert, Kenneth (1981) Analysis, repair and individuation. New York Beach, ME: Nicholas-Hays. Preetat, Jane R. (1994) Coming to age: The croning years and late­life transformation. Toronto: Inner City Books. von Franz, Marie-Louise (1979) Individuation in fairy tales. (oodstock, CT: Spring Publications.

References

References to Jung's work CD refers to Jung's lectures on children's dreams given at the Eidgenoissische Technische Hochschule, Zuirich. A seminar privately published, 1936-1939. C( refers to Jung's Collected Works (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul), as follows: Vol. 1 Psychiatric studies Vol. 2 Experimental researches (trans. by Leopold Stein in collaboration with Diana Riviere) Vol. 3 Psychogenesis of mental disease Vol. 4 Freud and psychoanalysis Vol. 5 Symbols of transformation Vol. 6 Psychological types Vol. 7 Two essays on analytical psychology Vol. 8 The structure and dynamics of the psyche Vol. 9 Part I. The archetypes and the collective unconscious Vol. 9 Part II. Aion: Researches into the phenomenology of the psyche Vol. 10 Civilization in transition Vol. 11 Psychology and religion: West and east Vol. 12 Psychology and alchemy Vol. 13 Alchemical studies Vol. 14 Mysterium coniunctionis Vol. 15 The spirit in man, art, and literature Vol. 16 The practice of psychotherapy Vol. 17 The development of personality Vol. 18 The symbolic life: Miscellaneous writings Vol. 19 General bibliography of lung's writings Vol. 20 General index.

184

References

FJ refers to McGuire (. (ed.) (1974) The Freud/lung letters: The correspondence between Sigmund Freud and C.G. lung (trans. R. Manheim and R.F.C. Hull). Princeton: Princeton University Press. Let-1 and Let -2 refer to C.G. lung letters, in two volumes (19061950 and 1951-1963). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. MDR refers to Memories, dreams, refections (revised edition). New York: Vintage Books (a division of Random House, Inc.).

Other references Adler, G. (1951) Notes regarding the dynamics of the Self. British lournal of Medical Psychology, 24(2), 97-106. Adler, G. (1967) Studies in analytical psychology. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons. Arieti, S. (1974) Interpretation of schizophrenia. New York: Basic Books. Bash, K.(. (1959) Mental health problems of aging and the aged from the viewpoint of analytical psychology. Bulletin of the World Health Organ­ ization, 21, 563-568. Bell, J.E. (1948) Projective techniques. New York: Longmans, Green. Bennet, E.A. (1962) C.G. lung. New York: E.P. Dutton. Blair, D. (2003) lung: A biography. Boston: Little, Brown & Co. Brookes, C.E. (1974) The group as corrective for failure in analysis. In G. Adler (ed.), Success and failure in analysis. New York: Putnam (for the C.G. Jung Foundation for Analytical Psychology). Campbell, J. (ed.) (1971) The portable lung (R.F.C. Hull, trans.). New York: Viking. Campbell, J. (1972) Myths to live by. New York: Viking. Corbett, L. (1996) The religious function of the psyche. London: Routledge. De Becker, R. (1968) The understanding of dreams. New York: Hawthorn. Dry, A.M. (1961) The psychology of lung: A critical interpretation. London: Methuen. Edinger, E. (1962) Symbols: The meaning of life. Spring (annual), 45-66. Edinger, E. (1972) Ego and archetype. New York: Putnam. Edinger, E. (1985) Psychology and alchemy. Quadrant, 11(2), 17. Ellenberger, H.F. (1970) The discovery of the unconscious. New York: Basic Books. Erikson, E.H. (1963) Childhood and society. New York: (.(. Norton & Co. Eysenck, H.J. (1947) Dimensions of personality. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner.

References

18S

Eysenck, H.J. (1956) The inheritance of extraversion-introversion. Acta Psychologica, 12, 95-110. Eysenck, H.J. (1960) The structure of human personality. London: Methuen. Eysenck, H.J. (1971) Introverts, extraverts and sex. Psychology Today, January. Fordham, M. (1957) New developments in analytical psychology. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Fordham, M. (1964) The theory of archetypes as applied to child development with particular reference to the Self. In A. GuggenbuihlCraig (ed.), The archetype. Basel: S. Karger. Fordham, M. (1968) Individuation in childhood. In J.B. (heelwright (ed.), Reality of the psyche. New York: Putnam (for the C.G. Jung Foundation for Analytical Psychology). Frankl, V.R. (1959/1963) Man's search for meaning. New York: (ashington Square Press. Friedan, B. (1963) The feminine mystique. New York: Dell. Goldbrunner, J. (1964) Individuation. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Greene, T. (1967) Modern man in search of manhood. New York: Association Press. Guggenbuihl-Craig, A. (1963) On hysteria. Lecture, C.G. Jung Institute, Zurich, Summer (MAM notes). Guggenbuihl-Craig, A. (1977) Marriage: Dead or alive. (oodstock, CT: Spring Publications. Hannah, B. (1974) Some glimpses of the individuation process in Jung himself. Spring (annual), 26-33. Harding, M.E. (1956) lourney into Self. New York: Longman. Harding, M.E. (1970) The way of all women. New York: Putnam (for the C.G. Jung Foundation for Analytical Psychology). Henderson, J.L. (1990) Shadow and Self. (ilmette, IL: Chiron. Hillman, J. (1964) Suicide and the soul. New York: Harper & Row. Hogle, G.H. (1974) Family therapy: (hen analysis fails. In G. Adler (ed.), Success and failure in analysis. New York: Putnam (for the C.G. Jung Foundation for Analytical Psychology). Illing, H.A. (1957) Jung's theory of the group as a tool in therapy. International lournal of Group Psycho­Therapy. Jacobi, J. (1959) Complex/archetype/symbol (R. Mannheim, trans.). Princeton: Princeton University Press, Bollingen Series 57. Jacobi, J. (1976) Masks of the soul (E. Begg, trans.). Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans Publishing. Jahoda, G. (1967) Jung's meaningful coincidences. Philosophical lournal, 4(1), 35-42.

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References

Jarrett, J.L. (1979) Introversion, extraversion and ethical theory. Psychological Perspectives, 10(1), 53-57. Jung, E. (1957/1969) Animus and anima. Irving, TX: Spring Publications. Kalff, D.M. (1971) Sandplay: Mirror of a child 's psyche. San Francisco: Browser Press. Kettner, M.G. (1968) Patterns of masculine identity. In J.B. (heelwright (ed.), The reality of the psyche. New York: Putnam (for the C.G. Jung Foundation for Analytical Psychology). Kilmann, R.H. and Thomas, K.(. (1975) Interpersonal confict-handling behavior as refections of Jungian personality dimensions. Psychological Reports, 37(3), 971-980. Koestler, A. (1964) The act of creation. London: Macmillan. Lowenfeld, M. (1935/1967) Play in childhood. New York: (iley. Maduro, R.J. and (heelwright, J.B. (1977) Analytical psychology. In J. Corsini (ed.), Current personality theories. Itasca, IL: Peacock. Mahdi, L., S. Foster and M. Little (eds.) (1987) Betwixt and between. Peru, IL: Open Court. Maslow, A.H. (1962) Toward a psychology of being. Princeton: Van Nostrand. Mattoon, M. (1965) The New Testament concept of sin as an approach to the shadow. Thesis: C.G. Jung Institute, Zurich, Switzerland. Mattoon, M.A. and J. Jones (1987) Is the animus obsolete? Quadrant, 20-21. McGuire, (. and R.F.C. Hull (1977) C.G. lung speaking. Princeton: Princeton University Press, Bollingen Series 97. Meehl, P. (1966) Clinical psychology. Lectures, University of Minnesota (MAM notes). Meier, C.A. (1971) Psychological types and individuation: A plea for a more scientifc approach in Jungian psychology. In J.B. (heelwright (ed.), The analytical process. New York: Putnam (for the C.G. Jung Foundation for Analytical Psychology). Monick, E. (1987) Phallos: Sacred image of the masculine. Toronto: Inner City Books. Munroe, R.L. (1957) Schools of psychoanalytic thought. London: Hutchinson Medical Publications. Neumann, E. (1973) The child. New York: Putnam. Odajnyk, (.V. (1976) lung and politics: The political and social ideas of C.G. lung. New York: Harper and Row. Ogilvie, B.C. (1974) Stimulus addicts: (hat kind of person craves highrisk activities? Psychology Today, 8 (5 October), 88-94. Paulsen, L. (1956) Transference and projection. lournal of Analytical Psychology, 1, 203-206. Perry, J.(. (1971) Emotions and object relations. In J.B. (heelwright

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(ed.), The analytic process: Aims, analysis, training. New York: Putnam (for the C.G. Jung Foundation for Analytical Psychology). Perry, J.(. (1974) The far side of madness. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: PrenticeHall. Perry, J.(. (1976) Roots of renewal in myth and madness. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Pines, M. (1978) Invisible playmates. Psychology Today, 12(5), 38-42. Quenk, N. (1978) Besides ourselves our hidden personality in everyday life. Palo Alto, CA: CPP Books. Rhine, J.B. (1937) New frontiers of the mind. New York: Farrar & Rinehart. Samuels, A. (1985) lung and the post­lungians. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Samuels, A. (1993) The political psyche. London: Routledge. Singer, J. (1994) Boundaries of the soul. New York: Anchor Books. Stern, D. (1977) The frst relationship: Mother and infant. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press. Taylor, R.E. (1968) An investigation of the relationship between psychological types in the college classroom and the student perception of the teacher and preferred teaching practices (Doctoral dissertation, University of Maryland). Dissertation Abstracts International, 29, 2575A (University Microflms No. 69-2235). Tyler, L.E. (1965) The psychology of human differences (third edition). New York: Appleton-Century-Croft. van der Post, Laurens (1975) lung and the story of our time. New York: Pantheon. von Franz, M.-L. (1964) The process of individuation. In C.G. Jung and M.-L. von Franz (eds.), Man and his symbols. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Von Franz, M.-L. (1972) Patterns of creativity mirrored in creation myths. Irving, TX: Spring Publications. von Franz, M.-L. (1980) The problem of the puer aeternus. Santa Monica, CA: Sigo (originally published, 1970). (hitmont, E.C. (1974) Analysis in a group setting. Quadrant, 16 (Spring), 5-25. (hyte, L.L. (1960) The unconscious before Freud. New York: Basic Books. (ickes, F. (1966) The inner world of childhood (rev. ed.). New York: Appleton-Century. (innicott, D.(. (1964) Review of Memories, dreams and refections (by C.G. Jung). International lournal of Psychoanalysis, 45, 450-455. (olff, T. (1985) Structural forms of the feminine psyche (P. (atzliwik, trans.). Zurich: Students' Association of the C.G. Jung Institute.

Index

Aaberg, J.C. 148

abandonment 67

abuse, childhood 77

academic psychology 12-14

active imagination 109-11, 177-8;

non-verbal method 110-11;

verbal method 110-11

addiction to idealism 154

Adler, Alfred 14, 21, 63, 64,

136

Adler, Gerhard 44, 106-7

Adlerian psychology 14

adolescence 18, 45-6

alchemy 37, 39-40, 180

Alcoholics Anonymous (AA)

112

alcoholism 83

alienation neurosis 84

allegories 141

Amazon/Amazon (oman 52, 53,

54, 55

American Indians 45-6

American Psychology Association

59

Americans 154-5

amplifcations 120-1, 131, 142;

individual 119

analogues 140-1

analyst-analysand relationship 101,

104, 108

analysts: Freudian 105; Jungian

100-5; Jungian-oriented 101,

112; see also psychotherapists;

therapists

analytic psychotherapy 100, 101-4,

181

Analytical Psychology 2, 11-15, 82,

144

androgyny 15, 60

anima 28, 49-51, 55-7, 158, 174;

projection of 91, 95, 96

animus 28, 49-51, 55-6, 174;

complexes 66, 68; female

identifcation with 156, 158;

manifestations 51; negative

qualities 49; positive qualities 50;

projection of 91, 95, 96

animus-hounds 50, 53

anthropology 162

anti-Semitism 11, 150, 151

Antichrist 166

Aphrodite 54, 55

Apollo 21

archetypal images 36, 39, 120

archetypal parallels 119, 120

Archetypal School 104

archetypes 7, 9-10, 14, 31, 33-7;

bipolar nature 38; classifcation

39-40; and complexes 66, 67, 69;

and culture 38; defnition 36; and

dream analysis 102; Father 92,

153; feminine 54; the hero 38;

and individuation 173, 178,

179-80; infants and 43-4; and

instincts 37; and Jungian therapy

107, 108; Jung's frst use of 35;

masculine 54, 58-9; Mother 92,

153; nature of 37-40; number of

190

Index

39; and politics 153; and religion

164-6, 178; and symbols 142;

and synchronicity 139; and

transference 108; see also

collective unconscious

Archimedes 145-6

Arieti, S. 82

art 110-11

Artemis 54-5, 119

assessment 107

Assumption of the Virgin

168

assumptions 121, 131

Athene 54, 55

attachment 43, 59, 64

attitudes, of individuation

178-9

authority 67, 68

Babylonians 117

bar mitzvah 45

bas mitzvah 45

Bash, K. (. 85

Belafonte, Harry 41

bereavement 119

Bible 117, 120

biofeedback 13

Bismarck, Otto von 29

black people 34-5

Blair, D. 152

Bleuler, Eugen 4, 5, 8, 81

borderline 3

Brahma 165

breast, good/bad 42

Breuer, Josef 9

British school of psychoanalysis 42,

44

Brookes, C.E. 112

brother 66, 67-8

Bunyan, John 141, 180

Burghoilzli Hospital, Zurich 33-4,

81-2, 111

calcinatio (alchemy technique)

39-40

Campbell, Joseph 48

catalepsy 86

catharsis 107

Catholics 163-4

C.G. Jung Foundation for

Analytical Psychology 151

C.G. Jung Institute, Zurich 6

change 179; personality 100-13,

150, 179; see also transcendent

function; transformation

Charcot, Jean-Martin 2

charismatic groups 164

childhood experience: and complex

formation 70-1; and neurosis 84;

and relationship formation

91-2

childish behavior 47

children 41-3; collective

unconscious of 42, 43; and

dreams 43, 112, 117, 119-20; and

individuation 175-6; and

Jungian therapy 111-12; and

neurosis 84; see also parent-child

relationships

choice 135

Christ fgure 165-6

Christianity 45, 122, 163-70; and

sin 169-70; symbols of 141, 142,

164-5, 166; and the Trinity 165,

168-9

Churches 153

Classical School of Jungian therapy

104

clients 101, 105-6, 125

collective conscience 169

collective evil 149

collective projection 77-8

collective shadow 30, 149, 154,

168

collective unconscious 14, 27, 28,

31-40, 175; of children 42, 43;

contents 35-7; and dreams

119-20; nature of archetypal

material 37-40; and race 34-5;

see also alchemy; archetypes;

instincts

Communism (Soviet) 149, 155

compensation: Adlerian 14, 136;

Jungian 14, 136

compensatory dreams 125,

126-8

competitiveness 67

Complex Psychology 2

Index complexes 1-2, 14, 62-74;

abandonment 67; achievement

65-6; acquisition 70-2; and

active imagination 110;

adventure 65; anima 66, 68;

animus complexes 66, 68; and

archetypes 66, 67, 69;

assimilation 174; authority 67,

68; behavior of 68-70; brother

66, 67-8; categories of 66-8;

child 66, 68; conscious appraisal

of 79; criticism 65; defnition 62;

Electra 63, 64; and emotions

69-70, 73, 74, 81; failure

complexes 69-70; father

complexes 66-7, 79-80, 92, 103;

hero complexes 66, 68;

identifying 73-4; inferiority

complexes 14, 63, 64; integration

79, 81, 102; money complexes

64-5, 73, 80; mother complexes

66, 67, 92; Oedipus complex

63-4, 142; perfectionist

complexes 135; and personal

growth 78-81; positive 65-8,

70, 72, 79-80, 92; poverty 70;

power of 69; and projection

74, 79; and psychopathology

82, 83, 85-6; sister 66, 67-8;

status 65, 73; stupidity 65;

superhuman parent 79; of the

therapist 109; and typology 72-3;

unconscious roots of 2; varieties

of 63-6

concentration camps 161

confession 107

confrmation 45

confict 93-4, 174

Conqueror 54

conscience 169

conscious situation, of dreamers

120, 121, 131

consciousness: animus as

mediator with the unconscious

49; and dreams 127-8; ego as

centre of 20; of God 168;

integration with the

unconscious 60, 172, 174, 175,

178, 181; and psychotherapy

191

101, 102; and relationships 94;

and sin 169-70; see also ego

consciousness

constructive approach 103, 112,

125, 126, 142

consubstantiation 164

consulting rooms 104

containment 95, 96

content: latent 12, 122; manifest

11-12, 121-2

context, dreams 121, 123

control: complexes of 69, 73;

illusion of 69

conversion hysteria 82, 88

Corbett, Lionel 163

couches 104

Couee 177

counter-transference 102, 108-9

couple therapy 112-13

creativity 144-6

criminals 30

crises, mid-life 46, 176

crosses 141

crucifxion 178

culture: and archetypes 38; and

dream symbols 122; and gender

49, 60; and the Oedipus complex

63-4; see also race

dancing 110

Dante Alighieri 56

death 166, 176, 178

death wish 32

deed, animus of 51

delusions 33-4, 86

dementia praecox 81

dependency 95, 104

depression 83; see also manic depressive psychosis depth psychology 91

Descartes, Renee 116-17

development 41-7

Developmental School of Jungian

therapy 104

Dieterich, Albrecht 34

difference 96, 97

Dionysus 21

dissociation 85-6

divorce 96

192

Index

dogma 160-3, 168 domestic violence 77 Don Juan 59 dreams 86, 115-32, 162, 177; amplifcations 119, 120, 121, 131; animus in 51; approaching the interpretation of 121-3; archetypal 120; and archetypal parallels 119, 120; assumptions about 121, 131; ""big'' 120; children and 43, 112, 117, 119-20; and collective unconscious 31-3, 37, 119-20; common themes 126-9; compensatory 125, 126-8; and the conscious situation of the dreamer 120, 121, 131; constructive interpretations of 125, 126; context of 121, 123; diffculties understanding 116; distorted fgures in 124; dream histories 131; and extra-sensory perception 128-9; fear of interpreting 116; guidance from 122, 132; ""here and now'' orientation 121; history of the knowledge of 117; hypothesizing and verifying interpretation 129-32; ignoring 116; individual amplifcations 119; and individuation 181; and Jungian therapy 102, 103, 105, 109, 110, 112, 131-2; latent content 12, 122; manifest content 11-12, 121-2; meaning 116-17, 118, 121-6; nightmares 129; noncompensatory 125, 126, 128; as numinous experiences 120; objective interpretation of 123-5, 126, 131; and personal associations 119, 120, 131; and the photographic depiction of fgures 124; precognitive (prophetic) 121, 128-9; prospective 129; recording 116, 118, 131; recurring 121, 128; reductive interpretations of 125-6; refections on 118; remembering 116; series of

120-1; settings 118-19; and the shadow 28; steps to interpretation 131; drawing strength from 116; subjective interpretations of 123-5, 126, 131; and symbols 122, 131, 142; synchronicity in 137-8, 139; telepathic 128; traumatic 128; and unconscious 115-16, 126-7; working on 118-21 drives 36; for individuation 173; for power 149, 152-3; see also instincts drugs, psychoactive 88 Dry, Avis M. 170-1 Dylan, Bob 75 dynamic psychology 1 Earth Mother 55, 56, 180 Eastern religions 170 Edinger, Edward 84, 143 ego 161, 174; abolition of 170; and active imagination 109-10; big 20; as centre of consciousness 20; and complexes 66, 74, 79, 83; defnition 19-20; development/ formation 20, 42, 43, 44-5; and the emotions 136; and gender 58, 60; healthy 20; and individuation 174-5; masculine 58, 60; and neurosis 83; in old age 47; and personality types 22; and psychic energy 134; and the Self 15, 30, 44, 174-5, 178, 179; strengthening 60, 103; strong 175; transcending 177; and unconscious 109-10; weak 111, 175 ego consciousness 85, 86 Egyptians 117, 122-3 Einstein, Albert 139 Eisenhower, Dwight 62 Electra 63, 64 Ellenberger, Henri F. 7, 9, 27, 111 elucidation/interpretation 107 emotions 135-6; and complexes 69-70, 73, 74, 81; and feelings 136 encounter-group movement 14

Index Equal Rights Amendment 157

equality 153, 158

eros 47-8, 49; confusion with

feelings 90; in men 55, 56

ethics 154

Eucharist (Mass) 164

Eve 55, 56

evil 79; avoidance of facing the

reality of 153, 154; collective 149;

problem of 167-9

experimental psychology 1

experiments 13

extra-sensory perception (ESP)

128-9, 139

extraversion/extroversion 13, 21,

24; characteristics of 22; and

hysteria 85; and individuation

178-9; and neurosis 84; and

politics 153; see also

introversion-extraversion

Eysenck, H.J. 13, 23, 84

Eysenck, Sybil 23

Face to Face (BBC flm) 34, 167

fairy tales 36

fame 19

familial relationships 91-3; see also fathers; mothers; parent-child relationships; parents family therapy 112-13

fantasies 109, 177

Father archetype 92, 153

fathers: complexes regarding 66-7,

79-80, 92, 103; and the Oedipal

complex 63-4

feeling: confusion with eros 90; and emotion 136; see also thinkingfeeling female psychology 48-55, 60, 156,

158; anima women 50-1; animus

women 50-1; and the ego 58; and

individuation 174; structural

forms of the female psyche 51-5;

see also mothers

feminine identity 57

feminine mystique 156

feminine principle 158, 168

feminine qualities 47-8, 157, 158,

174

193

feminine, the 168

feminist movement 60, 155-8

Fliess, (ilhelm 9

Fordham, Michael 44

Frankl, Viktor 161

free association 111, 119

freedom 153

Freud, Sigmund 1-2, 4-5, 14, 136,

151; and collective unconscious

31; on creative illness 9; on

development 41, 42, 43; on

dreams 32, 117, 121-2, 126; on

drives 36; on female psychology

48; on free association 111, 119;

and Jung 6-12, 27, 32-3, 35, 103;

Jung's break with 7, 10-11, 27,

35; on the libido 134; on neurosis

21, 82, 84; on the Oedipus

complex 63, 142; on the

preconscious 27; on primary

process thinking 145; on religion

161; rigidity of 9; and sexual

relationships 91, 97-8; on

symbols 140, 142; and

unconscious 9, 12, 27-8

Freudian analysis 103-4, 107, 108;

see also psychoanalysis

Freudian analysts 105

Frey-Rohn, Liliane 138

friends, imaginary 44

friendship 94-5

galvanic skin responses 13

gender 15, 47-8; and the ego 58, 60;

identity 57; see also female

psychology; male psychology

General Medical Society for

Psychotherapy (GMSP) 11, 151

genetics 87

Gestalt therapy 15, 123

gigolos 59

God 150, 160, 167-70, 178;

consciousness of 168; inner

experience of 161; Self as image

of 165, 181; transcendent 161; as

unconscious 168

god, need for a 162

Goethe, Johann (olfgang 21

Goldbrunner, Joseph 85

194

Index

grandiosity 69

Gray-(heelwrights Jungian Type

Survey (G(JTS) 22, 107, 179

Great Mother archetype 179,

180

Greek mythology 38

Greene, Alan 41

Greene, Thayer 57-8

grief 119

group therapy 112

Guggenbuihl-Craig, Adolf 54-5, 58,

82-3, 97

Haggard, Rider 56

Hall, G. Stanley 13

hallucinations 86, 115

Hannah, Barbara 150, 169

Harding, M. Esther 50, 53,

180

hate 77

Heisenberg, (erner 139

Helen (of Troy) 55, 56

Henderson, Joseph 83

Hephaistos 59

Heracles (Hercules) 180

""here and now'' approach 15

Hermes 59

heroes 180; archetype 38;

complexes 66, 68; hunger to be

58

Hetaera (Hetaira) 52-3, 54, 55

hexagrams 138

Hiero 145

Hillman, James 104, 107

Hinduism 165

Hitler, Adolf 10, 151

Hoffman, Elisha A. 160

Hogle, G.H. 113

holism 14

Holy Communion 164

homosexual relationships 98

horoscopes 138-9

Hull, R.F.C. 96, 167

humanistic psychology 14-15

hypnotism 2, 12

hysteria 82-3, 85

I Ching (Book of Changes) 137, 138,

170

idealism, addiction to 154

identity, gender 57

Illing, H.A. 112

imaginary friends 44

imagination see active imagination immanental theologians 165, 170

incest wish 142; see also Oedipal complex individualism 173

individuality 172

individuation 1, 60, 172-81; and

active imagination 177-8; and

alchemy 180; and archetypes 178,

179-80; attitudes of 178-9;

collective nature 173; and

concern for the outer world 153;

and creativity 146; descriptions

of 178-80; drive for 173; and the

ego 174-5; and evil 169;

experience of 177-8; experiences

conducive to 181; functions of

178-9; images of 177-8;

individual nature 173; and

Jungian therapy 105, 107, 110,

112; life-long nature 172-3; and

psychotherapy 177, 181; and

relationships 95, 97, 174, 181;

and religion 165-6, 178, 181;

rewards of 177; and the Self

174-5, 177; in the two halves of

life 172, 175-6; and typology

178-9; universal nature 173; see

also separation-individuation

infancy 41-3; and the archetypal

world 43-4; ego development 20;

infantile sexuality 10, 41, 42

inferior function 72, 83; and

creativity 145, 146; and

individuation 179

inferiority complexes 14, 63, 64

infation 177

initiation ceremonies 45-6, 58

""inner child'' 47, 66, 68

insight 102

instincts 36-7; creative 144; religious 162; see also drives International Association for

Analytical Psychology (IAAP),

meeting 1996 152

Index International Organization of

Jungian Analysts, Paris 152

International Psychoanalytic

Association (IPA) 8-9, 10

introversion 13, 24, 83;

characteristics of 21-2; and

group therapy 112; and

individuation 178-9; and

neurosis 84; and politics 153; and

schizophrenia 85

introversion-extraversion (IE) 23,

24; see also extraversion/

extroversion

intuition 146, 179; see also

sensation-intuition

irrational factor 173

Islam 30, 142, 150

Jacobi, Jolande 169, 178

Jahoda 137-8, 140

Janet, Pierre 2, 5

Jarrett, J.L. 153

Jesus Christ 164, 165-6, 168,

178

Jews 163-4

Job 168

Jonah 178

Jones, Jennette 39

lournal of Analytical Psychology,

The 6

Judaism 45, 142

Judeo-Christianity 150; see also Christianity Jung, Carl (Jung's grandfather) 3

Jung, Carl Gustav: academic

psychology's criticisms of 12-13;

and Adler 14; and Analytical

Psychology 2, 11-15; Answer to

lob 167-8; appearance 6; birth 3;

break with Freud 7, 10-11, 27,

35; children of 6; Children's

Dreams 112; Collected Works 7,

27, 33-5, 37-8, 42; and collective

unconscious 31-9; on complexes

63-4, 68-9; contemporary

popularity of 13-14; on

creativity 144-6; death of 8; on

development 41-7; Diagnostic

Association Studies . . . 8; on

19S

dreams 115-16, 117, 119-22; and

the drive for power 149, 152;

education 3-4; on the ego 20; on

emotion 135-6; on female

psychology 48-50, 60; and the

feminist movement 158; and

Freud 6-12, 27, 32-3, 35, 103; on

gender 47-8; on individuation

172-6, 178, 180-1; life 3-8; on

male psychology 48-9, 55-7,

59-60; marriage of 6; Memories,

Dreams, Refections 7, 32, 33;

Mysterium Coniunctionis 173;

mystical nature of his work 9;

and the Nazis 11, 150-2; on

neurosis 82, 83-5, 88; ""On the

psychology and pathology of so-

called occult phenomena'' 173;

originality of 10-11; origins of

his work 1-3; and the outer

world 148-55; and

parapsychology 4-5; period of

uncertainty (creative illness) of 7,

9, 27; on the persona 18; and

presidency of the GMSP 11, 151;

and presidency of the IPA 8-9,

10; private practice 6; on psychic

energy 134; Psychological Types

24, 173, 178; on psychopathology

81-8; on psychosis 85-8; on

psychosomatic disorders 88; on

race 154-5; on relationship 90-8;

on religion 160-71; scope and

signifcance of his work 15; on

the self-regulating psyche 136;

and the shadow 28, 29, 30; on

symbols 140-3; Symbols of

Transformation 35, 82; on

synchronicity 137-40; ""The Love

Problem of the Student'' 97;

""The Soul and Death'' 176; on

therapy 102-3, 105-12;

Transformations and Symbols of

the Libido 10; travels of 7; on

typology 21, 22, 24; on

unconscious 26-8; Undiscovered

Self 149; on war 155

Jung, Emilie Preiswerk (Jung's

mother) 4

196

Index

Jung, Emma (Jung's wife) 50, 51,

92, 95

Jung, Gertrud (Jung's sister) 3, 4 Jung, Johann Paul (Jung's father)

3, 160

Jungian analysts 100-5; choice of

106; complexes of 109; and

counter-transference 108-9;

dependency on 104; personal

analysis of 105; training

requirements 6, 100-1, 105

Kalff, Dora 110

Kant, Immanuel 3

Keirsey Temperament Sorter 22,

107

Kekulee, August 116 Kennedy, John F. 128

Kettner, Melvin 58

Kilmann, R.H. 93-4

Kirsch, James 151

Klein, Melanie 11, 42, 44, 108

knee-jerk reactions 64

Koestler, Arthur 145-6

Laing, R.D. 111

Lehrer, Tom 28

Lerner, Alan J. 134

libido 134-6

""Lingering Shadows: Jungians,

Freudians, and Anti-Semitism''

conference 1989 151, 152

logical positivism 12

logos 47-8, 49, 51

logotherapy 161

London Jungian analysts 11

London School 104

love 74-5, 77, 94

Lowenfeld, M. 110

Lutherans 164

McGuire, (. 96, 167

Maduro, Renaldo 175-6

Mahdi, Louise 45

male psychology 48-9, 55-60; and

the anima 55-7; archetypes of

58-9; and the conscious

personality 57-9; and the

feminist movement 157, 158; and

individuation 174; and the puer

aeternus 59-60, 97; see also

fathers

mandalas 143-4

manic-depressive psychosis 83,

87-8

marriage 91, 95-7; and difference

96, 97; and individuation 97;

therapy 112-13

Martin, Edward Sanford 17

masculine identity 57

masculine qualities 47-8, 157,

158

masculinity, underdeveloped

98

masks 17-18

Maslow, Abraham 14, 161

Mass (Eucharist) 164

mass-mindedness 149-50

Mater Dolorosa 54, 55

maternal domination 42, 43,

64

Maternal form 54

matter 168

maturity 42, 47

meaning: animus 51; of dreams

116-17, 118, 121-6; sense of 161,

165; of symbols 142

meaningful coincidence

(synchronicity) 137-40

Medial (oman 52, 53-4

medical model 106, 107

mediums 5, 53, 173

Meehl, Paul 59

Meier, C.A. 178, 179

menopause 46

Mesmer, Franz Anton 2

metaphors 141, 164

Michelangelo 146

mid-life 46; crisis 46, 176; and

individuation 172, 176

Miller, Arthur 17

Mithraic cult 34

money, complexes regarding 64-5,

73, 80

Monick, Eugene 58

Mother (structural aspect of the

psyche) 52, 53, 55

Index Mother archetype 92, 153

mothers: complexes regarding

63-4, 66, 67, 92; differentiation

of the infant from 44;

domination of 42, 43, 64; and

homosexuality 98; male

attachment to 59; and the puer

aeternus 97; see also Earth

Mother; Great Mother archetype

Myers-Briggs Type Indicator

(MBTI) 22, 23, 107, 179

myths 31, 38, 119, 180

Nazi Germany 11, 30, 149, 150-2,

161, 168

needs, hierarchy of 14

Nellemann, J. 148

neo-Jungians 44

Neumann, Erich 42, 57

neurosis 3, 82-5; Adlerian theory

of 14, 21; alienation neurosis 84;

as attempt at self-cure 85; causes

of 83-5; childhood neurosis 84;

defnition 83; dissociation of

85-6; Freudian theory of 10, 21;

Jungian therapy for 111;

philosophical neurosis 105;

positive aspects 85; and religion

161-2; treatment 88

Newton, Isaac 144

Newton, John 100

Nietzsche, Friedrich 3

night-sea journey 178, 181

nightmares 129

nigredo (blackness) 180

non-compensatory dreams 125,

126, 128

numinosum 161

numinous (awe-inspiring)

experiences 15, 39, 120, 140

nurturance 67

object relations 43

objective interpretations 123-5,

126, 131

occult 173; see also mediums Odajnyk, (alter 150

Odysseus 58

Oedipus complex 63-4, 142

197

Oedipus myth 31

Ogilvie, B.C. 59

old age 46-7

Old Testament 120

opinionatedness 49

opposites, reconciliation of 174

organ inferiority 63, 64

organic disturbances 5-6, 82, 86-7

Ostergaard, Kristian 148

Otto, Rudolf 161

outer world 148-58; and the

feminist movement 155-8; massmindedness 149-50; Nazi

Germany 149, 150-2; politics

150, 152-4; race 154-5; war

148-9, 150, 151-2, 155

paganism 178

pain, psychic 177

parapsychology 4-5

parent-child relationships 43, 91-2,

95-6; and complex formation

70-1; and projection 76

parents: archetypal 43; complexes

regarding 63-4, 66-7, 79-80, 92;

death of 43; and neurosis 84;

nurturing 91-2; structuring 91-2;

see also fathers; mothers

Paul (Apostle) 170

Paulsen, L. 108

peak experiences 15, 161

penis 140-1, 142

penis envy 43

perfectionism 135

Perry, John 88, 94, 111

persona 17-19, 174; defnition

17-18; diffculty in changing 18;

famous people and 19; learning

19; occupational 18, 19;

undeveloped 18-19

personal associations 119, 120, 131

personality: and change 100-13,

150, 179; continuity of 20; greater

174; hidden 173-4; integration of

181; male 57-9; splinter 173-4;

stimulus addictive type 60

personality tests 13, 22

personality types see typology phallus 58, 140-1, 142

198

Index

phenomenology 12, 14

philosopher's stone 180

Piaget, Jean 12-13

Pines, M. 44

Platonic philosophy 35-6

play techniques 112

politics 150, 152-4

power: animus of 51; drive for 149,

152-3; in the psychotherapeutic

relationship 101; state 149-50

powerlessness 63

precognitive (prophetic) dreams

121, 128-9

preconscious 9, 27

preferences 22-3

presexual stage 42

prima materia 180

primary process thinking 145

primordial image 35

""problem that has no name''

156

projection 62, 74-8, 174, 181; of the

anima 91, 95, 96; of the animus

91, 95, 96; collective 77-8;

complexes and 74, 79; counter-

transference and 109; of evil 154;

of masculinity 98; negative 75-6,

77; paradoxical effects of 76; and

personal growth 78-81; positive

74-5, 76, 77; and racism 154;

recognizing 76-8; relationships

and 91, 93, 94-5, 96-7, 98;

transference and 107-8; varieties

of 75-6; withdrawal of 79, 81, 91,

94-5, 98, 174

projective tests 107

prospective dreams 129

Protestants 163-4

psyche: and collective unconscious

31-7; and compensation 136;

and complexes 174; creativity of

144-6; defnition 17; and dreams

115; and the ego 19-20; female

51-5; God in the 161; hidden

26-40, 115, 174; integration of

the 174, 178, 180, 181; and the

persona 17-19; positive aspects

134-46; and psychic energy

134-6; and religion 161, 170; and

the Self 30-1; self-regulation of

101, 136; and the shadow 28-30;

and symbols 140-4; and

synchronicity 137-40; and

typology 20-4; and unconscious

26-8; visible 17-24

psychic energy 134-6

psychic pain 177

psychoactive drugs 88

psychoanalysis 10, 11-12, 42, 44,

103; see also Freudian analysis

psychogalvanometer 13

Psychological Club of Zurich 50

psychological (true) relationships

91, 94

psychology: academic 12-14;

Adlerian 14; Analytical 2, 11-15,

82, 144; Complex 2; dynamic 1;

experimental 1; humanistic

14-15; origins of 1-2;

parapsychology 4-5

psychopathology 81-8; and

complexes 82, 83, 85-6; early

theories of 2-3, 5-6; organic

origins 5-6, 82, 86-7

psychosis 3, 82-3, 85-8, 175; and

archetypes 86; Jungian therapy

for 107, 111; manic-depressive

83, 87-8; schizophrenia 81-3,

85-8, 111; treatment 88

psychosomatic disorders 83, 88

psychotherapists 105

psychotherapy 88, 101-4; analytic

100, 101-4, 181; and dream

analysis 131-2; and

individuation 177, 181; patients

101; and politics 150; and

religion 163-4

puer aeternus (eternal boy) 59-60,

97

purposiveness 14

Quenk, N. 112-13

quests: religious 181; vision quests

45-6

race 34-5, 154-5; see also culture

Rauschenbach, Emma 6

rebirth 178

Index reductive interpretations 103,

125-6

regression 47

relationships 90-8; building 145;

confict in 93-4, 174; and

consciousness 94; familial 91-3;

friendships 94-5; homosexual 98;

and individuation 174, 181;

marital 95-7; parent-child 43,

70-1, 76, 91-2, 95-6; and

projection 91, 93, 94-5, 96-7, 98;

and psychological development

95, 97; psychological (true) 91,

94; and relating 91; sexual 91,

97-8; and typology 93-4, 95, 97;

and valuing others 91

religion 119, 149-50, 160-71;

absence of religious experience

163; and archetypes 164-6, 178;

Church affliation 163-5; dogma

160-3; Eastern 170; and

individuation 165-6, 178, 181;

instinct for 162; neglect of 161-2;

and neurosis 161-2; symbols of

141, 142, 143-4, 164-5, 166; see

also Christianity; Islam; Judaism

religious experience 160-3, 167-8

repression 8, 9, 32-3; of complexes

62; of the drive for power 152-3;

and psychic energy 135

resurrection 178

Reynolds, Malvina 41

Rhine, J.B. 139

Roosevelt, Eleanor 81

Rorschach Psycho-diagnostic

Inkblot Test 13, 107

Samuels, Andrew 20, 104, 151,

152

sandplay 110

Satan 168

schizophrenia 81, 82, 83, 85-7;

causes of 86-7; dissociation of

85-6; Jungian therapy for 111;

treatment 88

seeances 173

Second (orld (ar 71, 77-8,

148-9, 150, 151-2

security blankets 43, 45

199

Self 20, 30-1, 150; Antichrist as

166; Christ as 165-6; and

creativity 146; defnition 30;

development 43, 44; discovery of

146; and the ego 15, 44, 174-5,

178, 179; experiences of the 31; as

image of God 165, 181; and

individuation 174-5, 177-9, 181;

in infancy 43, 44; in old age 47;

projection of 43, 45; and religious

experience 165; submission to

178, 179; symbols of the 143

self-esteem: and complexes 65; low

30

self-regulation 101, 136

Senoi people 117

sensation-intuition (SU) 23-4, 136,

179; and complexes 72;

dominance/non-dominance 24

separation 96-7

separation-individuation 58; see also individuation sex-roles 96

sexual relationships 97-8

sexuality, infantile 10, 41, 42

shadow 28-30, 149, 168, 169, 174;

autonomous 29; collective 30,

149, 154, 168; content of the 29;

facing the 177, 178;

manifestations of the 29-30;

projection of 154; and race 154;

usefulness 29

Shakespeare, (illiam 128

Shiva 165

Showalter, Anthony J. 160

sibling relationships 92-3; sibling

rivalry 67, 93

signs 140

sin 169-70

Singer-Loomis Inventory of

Personality (SLIP) 22, 24, 107,

179

sister 66, 67-8

sleep deprivation 115

society 46, 148

Socrates 45

Sophia 55, 57

Soviet Communism 149, 155

""spirits'' 173

200

Index

Spittler, Carl 21

Spring ( journal) 50

state power 149-50

stereotypes, sex-role 96

Stern, Daniel 42

Stevenson, Robert Louis 26,

117

stimulus addictive personalities

59-60

subconscious 27

subjective interpretations 123-5,

126, 131

sun-wheels 34-5

Switzerland 2, 3

symbols 140-4, 174; defnition

140-1; and dreams 122, 131, 142;

meanings of 142; religious 141,

142, 143-4, 164-5, 166; as

transcendent function 142-4; and

unconscious 142

synchronicity (meaningful

coincidence) 137-40

Talmud 123

telepathy 128

temperament 20-1

Thematic Apperception Test 13

theology 160, 170

therapists 101, 125; see also

analysts; psychotherapists

therapy, Jungian: and active

imagination 109-11; Archetypal

School of 104; beginning 102;

and children 111-12; Classical

School of 104; clients 101, 105-6;

confession/catharsis of 107; as

cooperative venture 101, 104,

108; couple therapy 112-13;

Developmental School of 104;

and diagnosis 107; and dream

analysis 102-3, 105, 109-10, 112;

and education 107; elucidation/

interpretation of 107; face-to-face

nature 104; family therapy

112-13; fees 101; goals of 102,

105; and individuation 105, 107,

110, 112; minimum age for 105;

and personality change 100-13;

stages of 106-7; and transference

102, 103, 105, 107-9;

transformation of 107; and

typology 103, 106, 112; varieties

of 104-7; see also psychoanalysis

(Jungian)

thinking-feeling (TF) 23-4, 179;

dominance/non-dominance 24;

and relationships 93-4

Third (orld (ar 148, 155

Thomas, K.(. 93-4

Tillich, Paul 165

training, Jungian analysts 6, 100-1,

105

trances 5

transcendent function 142-4, 174

transference 102, 103, 105, 107-9

transformation 107, 135; see also

change; transcendent function

transmutation 180

transubstantiation 164

traumatic dreams 128

Trinity 165, 168-9

Tyler, Leona 21

typology 20-4; and complexes

72-3; and individuation 178-9;

and Jungian therapy 103, 106,

112; and relationships 93-4, 95,

97; see also extraversion/

extroversion; introversion

uncertainty, principle of 139

unchallengeable perceptions 76-7

unconscious 1-2, 7, 9-10, 26-8,

170; and active imagination

109-11; animus as mediator with

consciousness 49; and dreams

115-16, 126-7; Freudian 9, 12,

27-8; of God 168; integration

with consciousness 60, 172, 174,

175, 178, 181; and Medial

(oman 53-4; and psychic

energy 134-5; and psychotherapy

101, 102, 103, 109-11; refections

of 109-11; and religion 162, 164;

roots of the persona in 18;

splinter personalities of 173-4;

and symbols 142; as un-rational

12; see also collective

unconscious

Index van der Post, Laurens 87

Vestal Virgin 55

Vishnu 165

vision quests 45-6

visions 177

vocation 173

von Franz, Marie-Louise 45, 59, 60,

97, 127, 175

von Krafft-Ebing, Richard 4

vulnerability 80-1

war 77-8, 148-9, 150, 151-2, 155

""we-they'' mentality 30, 149

(heelwright, Joseph 176

(hite, Victor 168

(hitmont, E.C. 112

(hitney, James 150

wholeness 168, 170, 172, 176,

180-1; symbols of 143

(ickes, Frances 44, 84

(ilhelm, Richard 137

201

will 135

""will-to-meaning'' 161

(innicott, D.(. 11

wisdom 46

(ise Old Man 179

wishfulfllment 136

witches 53

(olff, Toni 50, 51-3, 54, 55

womb, urge to return to 142

women see female psychology (omen's International League for

Peace and Freedom 72

word, animus 51

(ord Association Test 5-6, 13

""(orld Picture'' 110

(otan 30, 149

""wounded healers'' 81, 106

yin and yang 48

Zurich Institute 104