Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone: Between Global Norms and Local Pressures 3031310926, 9783031310928

Table of contents :
Acknowledgements
About This Book
Contents
List of Figures
List of Tables
About the Author
Abbreviations
Chapter 1: Introduction: Conceptualising Journalism Cultures in Developing Contexts
The Lights, the Politician, and the Journalist
Journalism in the Global South
Why Study Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone?
Materials and Methods
Summary of the Chapters
References
Chapter 2: Turbulence in Journalism in Sierra Leone: Past and Present
Sierra Leone: Past and Present
Sociopolitical and Economic Background
Precolonial Period
The Colonial Era
Postindependence
The Democratic Era
The Economy in Sierra Leone
History of Journalism
Print Media
Broadcast Media
New Media
Media Poverty and the Growing Economic Struggles
Media Development Initiatives
Press Freedom and Media Censorship
Media Education and the Future of Journalism
Conclusion
References
Chapter 3: Journalism Cultures and the Struggle for an African Identity
Risking All to Report Pandemics
Journalism as Culture
Journalism as an Occupational Identity
Defining Journalism Cultures
Journalistic Role Perceptions
Journalists’ Epistemological Orientations
Objectivism
Empiricism
Journalists’ Ethical Ideologies
The Sub-Saharan African Journalistic Values
Conclusion
References
Chapter 4: Journalistic Identities in an Era of Globalisation
Through Dictatorships, Wars, and Democracy
The Construction of Journalistic Identities
Micro Levels of Influences
The Individual
Meso or Procedural Influence
Organisational Influences
Macro or External Influences
Political Influences
Economic Influences
Advertising Considerations
Market Competition
The Audience
Social Networks and Cultural Subsystems
Journalism in an Era of Globalisation
Political Transitions
Economic Transitions
Globalisation and Journalism
Conclusion
References
Chapter 5: Shared Occupational Values of Journalists in Sierra Leone
Questioning Journalistic Values
Who Is a Good Journalist?
Journalism Is an Opportunity to Serve
High Number of Young Journalists
Gender Imbalances in the Media
Journalist Role Orientations
Journalists as Pedagogics
Journalists as Development Facilitators
Journalists as Advocates for Social Change
Journalists as Development Monitors
Journalistic Epistemologies and the Belief in Objectivity
Ethical Considerations and Morality
Conclusion
References
Chapter 6: Influences on Journalistic Identities in Sierra Leone
Harassments and Affiliations
The Political Strings That Influence Journalists
Economic Influences and the Power of Advertisers
Influences in the Newsroom
Procedural Influences
Organisational Influences
Sociocultural Connections That Influence Journalists
Conclusion
References
Chapter 7: Between the Local and the Global: Contexts, Transitions, and Implications
Peculiarities and Transitions
A Contextual Occupation
Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone
Implications for Journalism in Sub-Saharan Africa
Conclusion
References
Index

Citation preview

Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone Between Global Norms and Local Pressures Sarah Bomkapre Koroma

Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone

Sarah Bomkapre Koroma

Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone Between Global Norms and Local Pressures

Sarah Bomkapre Koroma Ludwig Maximilian University Munich, Germany

This book is a slightly revised version of a dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Social Sciences, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München. ISBN 978-3-031-31092-8    ISBN 978-3-031-31093-5 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-31093-5 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

This book is dedicated to my parents Santigie and Barkie for all their sacrifices and love.

Acknowledgements

This book took me through a challenging but fulfilling journey. I am particularly grateful to Professor Dr. Thomas Hanitzsch for his guidance and support. His mentorship, advice, understanding, and patience yielded dividend. The research process to produce a manuscript can be tough but having a great supervisor really gives a strong outcome to the work. It was an honour to have been supervised by such a phenomenal scholar! I also acknowledge Prof. Dr. Michael Meyen and Prof. Dr. Sahana Udupa for their great support. My mum and dad have been the greatest pillars of my life. Without their strong belief in education, I would not have made it thus far. Thank you, daddy and mama! Many thanks to my family for always being there for me.To the Krauss family in Germany, thank you for caring for me as your own. Ina Krauss showed me that one does not need to be born from the same parents to become family. My greatest appreciation goes to my partner, who has endured everything, dreamt with me, supported, and pushed me beyond what I ever imagined. Special thanks to colleagues at the Department of Communication Studies and Media Research LMU and the Worlds of Journalism Study team for the encouragement and feedback we shared, especially Dr. Corinna Lauerer, Dr. Masduki, and Dr. Nina Steindl. I am grateful for my mentor Dr. Bernhard Goodwin. I also appreciate the DAAD scholarship for mentoring international students at LMU.  Thanks to the Mass Communication Department, Fourah Bay College-USL, the Media and Journalism Studies Department, and the Eric Bleumink Fund, University of Groningen, for giving me a good start. vii

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thanks to all my supportive friends and well-wishers who were part of the journey. I am grateful for Dr. Paulene Chirunya for the exchanges and thanks also to Alieya Kargbo who helped facilitate the research process in Sierra Leone. I appreciate my friend and brother Jonathan Thorpe for his help in transcribing some of the interviews and for his support. My heartfelt thanks to Dr. John Idriss Lahai for his feedback on the initial proposal. I appreciate Prof. Dr. Joe A. D. Alie, Bernadette Cole, Dr. Williette James, Raymond De’Souza George, and James Tamba Lebbie for always supporting my work. Thanks to all journalists who participated in this study, especially members of the Sierra Leone Association of Journalists (SLAJ), the Sierra Leone Reporters Union (SLRU), the managers of print media and community radio stations, and all the great people who made this endeavour worthwhile.

The original version of this book was revised. The dissertation text information has been added in the Frontmatter.

About This Book

This book investigates journalism cultures and the factors that influence journalistic identities in Sierra Leone. It examines the perspectives of journalists, their values in society, and the influences on their work by building on theories of journalism as cultures, journalism as an occupational identity, and media in transition. In a span of three years, surveys and interviews were conducted and triangulated to provide an in-depth analysis of journalism cultures that exist in the context of a developing country in the Global South. The book explores journalistic identities in a country in transition, working to build strong media institutions but challenged with underdeveloped infrastructures and media poverty. The results show, even though the journalists believe in “globally accepted” professional norms, adherence to them is a challenge in their context. This suggests that local sociopolitical and economic environments impact journalistic perceptions and values. It concludes by presenting a model of journalism cultures in Sierra Leone and highlights the need for contextually grounded approaches to understanding journalistic values in sub-Saharan Africa. Amidst calls for de-Westernising media studies, this book is situated in contemporary global development studies on journalistic identities, journalism in transition, and global media studies.

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Contents

1 I ntroduction: Conceptualising Journalism Cultures in Developing Contexts  1 2 Turbulence in Journalism in Sierra Leone: Past and Present 21 3 Journalism Cultures and the Struggle for an African Identity 51 4 Journalistic Identities in an Era of Globalisation 91 5 Shared Occupational Values of Journalists in Sierra Leone131 6 Influences on Journalistic Identities in Sierra Leone169 7 B  etween the Local and the Global: Contexts, Transitions, and Implications191 Index209

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List of Figures

Fig. 4.1 Fig. 5.1 Fig. 5.2

Conceptual framework: Formation of Journalistic Identities Age demographics of respondents (quantitative surveys) Top six role perceptions journalists answered extremely and very important

98 135 142

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List of Tables

Table 2.1 Table 5.1 Table 5.2 Table 5.3 Table 5.4 Table 5.5 Table 5.6 Table 6.1

Media in Sierra Leone 31 Summarising survey and interview participants 137 Role perceptions of journalists 140 Support according to medium for role: educate the audience 145 Support according to medium for role: support national development148 Support according to medium for role: advocate for social change152 Ethical considerations of journalists 161 Influences perceived by journalists 171

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About the Author

Sarah  Bomkapre  Koroma  is a media researcher with a strong multimedia background  who currently serves as the Principal Investigator of the Worlds of Journalism Study, Sierra Leone. She holds a Doctorate in Communication Science from the Institute of Communication Studies and Media Research, Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich, Germany. Her research interests include media cultures in sub-Saharan Africa, globalisation and media, development journalism, and journalism in transitional countries.

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Abbreviations

APC BBC CFI CNN DSTV FBC GoSL HDI ICT IMCSL IRN IWMF JHR MISA NATCOM NWICO SL SLAJ SLAWIJ SLBC SLBS SLPP SLRU SWASAL UN

All People’s Congress British Broadcasting Corporation Canal France International Cable News Network Digital Satellite Television Fourah Bay College Government of Sierra Leone Human Development Index Information Communication and Technology Independent Media Commission Sierra Leone Independent Media Network International Women’s Media Foundation Journalists for Human Rights The Media Institute of South Africa National Telecommunications Commission New World Information and Communication Order Sierra Leone Sierra Leone Association of Journalists Sierra Leone Association of Women in Journalism Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation Sierra Leone Broadcasting Service Sierra Leone’s People Party Sierra Leone Reporters Union Sierra Leone Sports Writers Association United Nations

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Abbreviations

UNAMSIL UNDP UNESCO WIMSAL

United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone United Nations Development Programme United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization Women in the Media Sierra Leone

CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Conceptualising Journalism Cultures in Developing Contexts

The Lights, the Politician, and the Journalist Journalist Osman Bangura1 is the head of the only radio station in his community. He is a simple but disciplined young man who manages his team of journalists well. One evening, he received phone calls from aggrieved community members reporting their political leaders who had diverted solar light poles meant for the community for their personal use. Mr. Bangura was the only person they could rely on to speak truth to power then, as they believed the radio station was the medium they could use to vent their anger, frustration, and disappointment. After investigating the story, the following day, Mr. Bangura found that, as reported, the politicians had installed the lights in their homes, which were their personal properties, confirming the reports he received earlier from the community members. To this end, Mr. Bangura interviewed some of the aggrieved people but could not reach any politicians for their response to the accusations, as they refused to speak to him. He needed to act fast, report the incidences, and get the notice of the central government. Since Mr. Bangura could not wait any longer, he  decided to report the story using his accumulated sources. Shortly after they aired the report, he 1

 A pseudonym.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. B. Koroma, Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-31093-5_1

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started receiving phone calls with  threats from some of  the politicians involved, and he was summoned several times to meetings with both traditional and political leaders in a bid to intimidate him. When asked how he felt during those moments of harassments and threats, he replied, “It was hard for me at that time, but I am happy I won.” He meant that he accomplished his mission—“to right the wrongs that people in power exert on powerless civilians and provide a platform for the people to air their grievances, this is my mission,” he said. After much deliberation and intervention from other independent civil society bodies, the politicians removed all the light poles from their homes and reinstalled them on the deprived streets as initially intended. One of the things Mr. Bangura said encouraged him was the belief that he had done the right thing and was performing his role as a journalist. “I am serving my people and upholding journalistic standards,” he said, with a passion that displays his commitment to duty. He explained that people in his community are often poor, and most have never been to school. “It is my role as a journalist to advocate for people in our community,” he said. “We are the voice of the people, and they rely on us to report all the issues that affect them. If not, they will not have any means to get their voices heard.” According to him, his editorial decisions were not entirely in line with some of the prescribed global journalistic norms of objectivity and neutrality, but he did his best to perform his journalistic role as was needed in his local environment at the time. His experience is an example that shows some of the struggles journalists in developing countries face in their work and the powerful influences they encounter that sometimes shape their identities and practice. In this case, the role the journalist claimed to have fulfilled met fierce challenges from the politicians and traditional leaders who see it as an affront to their powers that tends to undermine their position in the community. The journalist sees himself as an advocate for the people, but the social and political forces confronting him are tough. In such societies, the influences journalists meet can even be deadly, where lives are threatened or lost. In young democracies undergoing transitions, how journalists see their roles, the standards they uphold, and the influences they encounter from their society matter, and this is what this book explores. In such developing countries, journalism can be much more, and what constitutes journalism can be best understood through the expressions and self-­ perceptions of practitioners about who they think they are and what they think they do.

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Journalism in the Global South Normative descriptions of what constitutes journalism cultures in non-­ Western contexts have gained currency in recent decades. Moreover, journalism scholars are becoming interested in understanding journalistic values, especially in countries in the Global South with less developed media structures and transitioning societies. Since the establishment of the MacBride Commission by the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the publishing of the New Information and Communication Order Report (NWICO) in the 1980s, the media in the Global South has been redefining its essence and purpose. The report that addressed the dominance of media spaces by the West proposed recommendations to bridge the access to communication gap, strengthen local media in the various countries, and create means of communication to curb the imbalances and inequalities in the information flow, among others. According to the report, the essence of communication and journalism was to fulfil a social need, and the media was seen as a tool to be used for the development of societies in the Global South. At the centre of these debates were the journalists who were expected to navigate between the complexities of news flows. Scholars have argued that even with the emergence of the internet, media convergence, and ongoing globalisation processes, some of the issues that prompted the call for the NWICO still exist (Carlsson, 2003; Fuchs, 2015). However, despite having its critics, the NWICO report provided a basis for debates on communication systems and journalistic roles especially in developing countries, and it highlighted the need for the de-Westernisation of communication flows. As a result, several discourses around presenting alternative models for communication and journalism practice evolved as new journalistic identities were formed. Since then, scholars have explored the various journalistic concepts that emerged from developing countries that seek to provide normative expectations of what journalism is and should be in these contexts. To a large extent, how journalists describe themselves and their work depends on their environment. When journalists speak about their occupational values, they describe their occupational ideologies as influenced by the political, social, and economic systems existing within the societies they practice (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996). Journalists often claim to report independently and generally deny being influenced by factors. However, journalistic values are not just a set of ideas emanating from nowhere or generated

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in a vacuum. Like the journalist above, media workers in such contexts often face intense political, economic, and social pressures as they perform their roles. However, a question to ask is to what extent do these pressures succeed in influencing their work and how they see themselves? This book takes its point of departure from the concept of journalistic cultures by examining journalists’ perspectives on their values and the sociocultural, political, and economic influences that impact their perceptions. In this study, journalism culture is defined as the shared occupational ideologies of journalists in a particular society, encompassing role perceptions, ethical ideologies, and epistemological underpinnings (Hanitzsch, 2007). The ideological perspectives of journalists refer to the “dominant way in which news people validate and give meaning to their work” (Deuze, 2005: 446). This includes how they articulate their work in their contexts based on their practical experiences (Hanitzsch et al., 2019). Ideology in this context means the set of beliefs that journalists have about their identity in society; their professional worldviews, ideas, processes, and values shared by the individuals and the group to self-assess and authenticate their work (Deuze, 2005; Zelizer, 1993). Ideologies inform identities that are constructed on many levels, and occupational identity formation can be multifaceted and complex. Macro contextual factors as well as the local environment are thus crucial in the study of journalistic cultures and occupational identities. In this era of globalisation and the quest to attain open markets and liberal democratic systems, societies transition and undergo political, social, economic, and cultural change processes that impact media systems and journalistic processes (Voltmer, 2013). Therefore, studies into the relationship between journalists and their societies have been productive grounds for communication scholars (Deuze, 2002; Hanitzsch et al., 2011; McQuail, 2005; Weaver & Willnat, 2012). While normative and empirical studies have mainly focused on journalistic roles in thriving democracies, they primarily do not address practices in other contexts where democratic systems are lacking or are in their early stages (Josephi, 2013). In societies with well-developed democracies, journalists can act as the fourth estate to serve as a necessary arm of government supporting good governance and democracy. In these societies, journalism’s role is to mobilise citizens by informing, analysing, and engaging (Schudson, 2008), and such perceived importance has encouraged scholars to study its functions and structures. In developed democracies, the normative expectations of journalists also encompass providing checks and balances and a platform for exchange between the people in

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power and their citizens. Since journalism has been developing for years, the understanding of journalism practice in such contexts has been steadily advancing. However, strong structures do not exist in societies where the sociopolitical environment is different. In such places, mainly in the Global South, journalists often face professional dilemmas between adhering to standards of “professionalism” prescribed by journalists in well-developed democracies and adjusting to their local values in rapidly changing environments. In this sense, such journalists often encounter challenges during practice, as the realities of the environment they practice most times lack the structures that can support them to adhere to such prescribed “professional” norms. Therefore, adhering to these journalistic values from Western countries can be a challenge. Moreover, understanding journalistic values in such contexts is vital, as values tend to change as these societies transition. The changing sociopolitical and economic environments pose many challenges for journalists as an occupational group and journalism as a profession. Voltmer (2013: 563) argues that alternative professional identities emerge in developing or transitional countries by blending the old and new. In this regard, she explains that journalists have distinct identities, values, and standards (even during autocratic rule), and the transition to systems of democratic governance does not increase the level of professionalism practised by journalists but instead waters down journalistic standards and even creates a loss of their identities. Therefore, understanding occupational identities in such countries is often challenging, as identity formation is complicated. Journalism itself is in transition and at risk worldwide more so in less developed countries. Journalists need the company of their counterparts to share, care for, and build networks to enhance their profession. This helps them better understand themselves through an interaction between the individual and the social. An individual acquires specific social and behavioural patterns through learning from others and their environment (Wenger, 1998: 2). The creation and transmission of knowledge and values within a group are fundamental prerequisites for building a community. It is through this process of sharing that identity is formed. Nonetheless, conceptual models of journalism cultures in countries in the Global South have faced consistent criticisms over the years from scholars for leaning toward Western frameworks that do not fit the realities of these societies (Hanitzsch & Vos, 2018), and such concerns have resulted in debates regarding alternative journalistic models that could

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benefit such countries. Development journalism (Xu, 2009a, 2009b) was one of the first models to be introduced as an answer to calls for de-­ Westernising journalism (Hanitzsch et al., 2019). It came about as discussions commenced on the need for journalism to incorporate “Asian values” (Hanusch, 2015a, 2015b). However, critics argue that this model either threatens press freedom or tends to be misused by politicians (Xu, 2005). On the African continent, media scholars have also called for journalists to abandon what Nyamnjoh (2005) describes as “bandwagonism” and create models that consider African values. Scholars have also debated using Afrocentric journalistic values—such as Ubuntuism (Blankenberg, 1999), Afriethics (Kasoma, 1996), and Ujamaa journalism (Ramaprasad, 2003)— as alternatives to Western-centric journalism in sub-Saharan Africa. Therefore, these debates further plunge journalists in dilemmas on their identities as they face their work and negotiate between the “Western” ideals of journalism and local expectations in practice. Nyamnjoh (2005) argues that instead of following liberal democratic models of journalism, African journalists now mostly align themselves with political parties and have assumed militant roles contrary to normative expectations. Their acceptance of such partisan patronage tends to endanger public trust in the institution of journalism, even though Mehra (1989) maintains that the influences come from the way these societies are wired. Where collective community ideals are strong and practices that divide communities are generally frowned upon, thus providing a loophole for politicians to abuse journalism. All of these and more is why this book argues that viewing journalism with a Western lens is problematic, as this outrightly threatens the institution’s legitimacy in these contexts. Examining journalism as developing here helps to view the institution as undergoing a dynamic process of changing, adjusting, and functioning in its current state. Thus, environmental specificities are essential to help us understand the work of journalists in these countries. Building on conceptual and empirical discussions, this book proposes two theoretical features for studying journalistic cultures in such contexts: an understanding of journalism as culture and journalism as an occupational identity. Culture is multifaceted and can be dynamic. Viewing journalism through the cultural lens is to see it as an entity that can influence and be influenced (Hanusch, 2016). Journalism is not just an institution; it can be regarded as a learned, idealised, and practised culture. This culture symbolises what they hold sacred as a fraternity and how they should carry out their work. Journalistic identities are dynamic and can be adapted as the

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media participates in their country’s political, social, and economic transitions. Journalistic work in this context involves informing, educating, and creating a platform for citizens’ engagement and, to a certain extent, preparing the people for changing societal structures. Thus, the significance of journalists, especially in developing countries undergoing transitions, cannot be overemphasised, but the assumed professional status they have been accorded results in expectations that they work within certain norms, values, and limitations. These norms are formally or informally accepted standards derived from professional networks, journalism schools, training, or expectations from communities through which they establish their work processes and cultures that give them direction during practice (Deuze, 2005). Moreover, occupational cultures form the basis of occupational identities and can be understood through the professionals’ perspectives when they speak about their societal roles and the considerations they adhere to while performing these roles. In this study, values are synonymous with journalism cultures and encompass three dimensions: role perceptions, ethical ideologies, and epistemological underpinnings expressed by journalists (Hanitzsch, 2007). This book, therefore, examines the individual and collective perspectives on journalists’ values and the societal or local influences that impact these perceptions. It evaluates shared journalism cultures in terms of how they view these three dimensions during practice. It also explores the local factors that influence journalists’ perspectives in a country in political, economic, and social transition.

Why Study Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone? One question to answer is, why study journalism cultures in Sierra Leone? First, this book seeks to provide empirical, theoretical, and contextual analysis of journalism cultures in a developing sub-Saharan African context. Apart from the fact that the author is closely linked to the country, Sierra Leone provides a suitable case study due to its young democracy, colonial past, underdeveloped infrastructure, inadequate and weak media market structures and economy, issues faced by many countries classified as developing or transitioning. In addition, the country continues to battle various governance issues, post-conflict societal problems, and human rights violations (Faulkner, 2019; Ojukutu-Macauley & Rashid, 2013). Western journalism practices are still unimaginable despite influences from its former colonial administrators, as journalists face a myriad of challenges

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from sociopolitical and economic factors that influence their work in the country (Massaquoi, 2015; M’Bayo, 2016; Sowa & Kapuwa, 2015). Moreover, Sierra Leone still faces challenges connected to its colonial legacies and past war, creating an ongoing effort to build its societal structures. Second, the book hopes to provide an understanding of how journalists navigate between global professional norms and local pressures to adapt to the dilemmas they face in a country undergoing socioeconomic and political transitions. It seeks to answer the questions of how journalists in the Global South perceive their work to fit into the realities of their societies, on the one hand, and how they try simultaneously to adhere to “globally” accepted principles of their profession, on the other hand. Modern-day journalism still struggles for freedom and survival in Sierra Leone, with challenges ranging from legal constraints to the lack of essential technologies and journalistic skills (Wahl-Jorgensen & Cole, 2010). The scarcity of financial resources contributes to media agencies and journalists resorting to alternative sustenance, which sometimes influences their work (Sowa, 2015, 2016). Therefore, these challenges encountered by journalists in this society present a broader context in studying societal or local influences on journalism, which this study aims to examine. Amidst all these constraints and changing environments, journalists’ description of their occupational cultures is an important phenomenon based on the assumption that this will give us an insight into why journalism is the way it is in these contexts. Scholars have argued that journalists in the Global South still perceive Western concepts of journalism as the “guide” and “standard” they should adhere to, despite debates surrounding their practicality in society. Understanding the perspectives of these journalists on their identities in their communities is therefore needed. Third, amidst calls for de-Westernising and internationalising media studies, this book is a response to contributing to the debates on globalisation trends whilst arguing about the significance of national contexts in understanding the multifaceted relations between the local and the global (Curran & Park, 2005; Thussu, 2009). It fits in the broader fields of contemporary global development studies on journalistic identities, journalism in transition, and global media studies. It hopes to contribute to our understanding of journalism cultures in a global context by expanding on the knowledge of journalistic values and identities in developing countries. It also seeks to further the debates on the three constituents of journalism cultures existing in a country in transition in sub-Saharan Africa. In this

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book, journalism cultures in Sierra Leone are examined and theorised using the following domains proposed by Hanitzsch (2007), which are critical to the practice and growth of journalism: journalistic roles, ethical ideologies, and epistemological underpinnings. It also endeavours to understand the influences that shape journalism cultures in Sierra Leone using the conceptual framework proposed by Shoemaker and Reese (1996). It is a context-specific study that will benefit media scholars, as it hopes to further the discussion on journalism cultures and local/societal influences on journalistic perspectives by highlighting the various forms of factors that influence journalistic cultures in developing societies in the Global South. It highlights why role perceptions, ethical ideologies, and epistemologies of journalists in the Sierra Leone society are different and presents arguments as to why assessing journalism cultures in a sub-­ Saharan African country through a Western lens is complicated. This study gains relevance from being the first to investigate the link between perceived local pressures and journalism cultures in Sierra Leone. Even though various complexities exist in different societies on the continent, the country is an example of a society in transition in sub-Saharan Africa, which can give insight into what constitutes journalism culture in these regions. Therefore, it is also necessary to understand the sociopolitical, cultural, and economic influences on journalistic cultures in these contexts. Such studies will be incomplete without a consideration of these societal and dynamic forces that shape journalistic perceptions (Hanitzsch & Vos, 2016). Moreover, there is still a deficiency in research in this area in the context of emerging or developing countries (De Beer, 2006). Recently, scholars have lamented how studies from other countries are increasingly ignoring sub-Saharan Africa, reporting a severe shortage of basic, systematic research on journalism occupations and practices on the continent (Lugalambi, 2000). They argue that journalism study endeavours in such countries generally use Western models as the standard through which their journalism cultures are compared (Alonso & Ibáñez, 2013). Therefore, the empirical analysis in this study revisits and recommends a reconsideration of notions of journalism cultures, arguing that journalistic cultures are contextual and situational. It provides evidence that even though we can understand journalism cultures through individual journalists, the ideological perspectives of journalists undergo a social process, that is, they are influenced by the local pressures in the country they practice. Normative roles and ethics in such contexts cannot be given a

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singular description but can be numerous and adaptable, depending on the period and situation. The analysis also questions the notion of objectivity as journalists understand it. The results of this study support the need to de-Westernise and localise understandings of journalism cultures in countries in transition, in addition to arguing for an extension of journalism cultures to include contexts undergoing transitions in the Global South. Moreover, even after decades of growing journalism scholarship, there is still a lack of empirical research in developing contexts such as Sierra Leone. Academic discourses on journalistic identities still lean on Western notions to determine what journalism should be, mostly excluding societies in the Global South whose sociopolitical and economic structures are not as developed. To bridge these inequalities and disparities, more needs to be done. Contributing to combating these deficits is what this book is set to achieve. Journalistic cultures and influence dynamics are fundamental to our normative understandings of journalism and its practice. As argued earlier, journalism cultures are contextual and dynamic based on the environmental factors that shape them. Journalistic identities are never isolated ideologies, but they can be influenced by various factors, including politics, economic, cultural, and social structures in the contexts in which they practice. This study utilises an actor-oriented theoretical framework that also focuses on environmental realities to help develop a conceptual model and empirical methods to explain journalistic identities and occupational ideologies that correlate with the environmental and institutional frameworks in a developing sub-Saharan African context. Finally, empirical research on journalism professionals in Sierra Leone is minimal, and there are almost no other monographs that specifically address journalistic perspectives and influences in the country and context. This book builds on a small body of work that includes country studies in the humanities, and there are only a few authoritative works on journalistic cultures that focus on sub-Saharan Africa or the Global South. Some of them critically analyse journalism cultures building on theories proposed by Deuze (2005) on the professional identity and ideologies of journalists, Hanitzsch (2007) on journalism cultures, and Shoemaker and Reese’s hierarchy of influences model (1996, 2014). Other studies focus on single variables such as roles, ethics, epistemologies, political influences, social influences, cultural influences, and more than dealing with them as a whole: journalistic cultures or local pressures. The literature on Sierra Leone in recent decades has mostly covered normative assumptions on the

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media’s role in peacebuilding and democracy (Cole, 1995;  Baù, 2010; Sowa, 2021). However, there are few studies that empirically assess journalistic perceptions and the impact of environmental factors on how journalists view their work. At the time of writing this manuscript, only a few works of literature cover the Sierra Leone media, and no literature gives a thorough analysis of journalism cultures and the impact of local factors on journalistic perspectives in this context. To the best of the author’s knowledge, there is no systematic study on journalistic identities in Sierra Leone, making this book a novelty and, thereby, a significant scholarly contribution. Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone: Between Global Norms and Local Pressures is the first book to explore the perspectives of journalists in Sierra Leone and how they navigate global professional norms and local pressures in a developing society grappling with complex sociopolitical, cultural, and economic challenges. Thus, this book hopes to provide a unique perspective and present a framework for future studies on journalistic identities in non-Western contexts, with particular significance for studying journalism in sub-Saharan Africa. It will hopefully be an excellent resource for researchers, media, and communications practitioners, policymakers, and media and communication students.

Materials and Methods This study utilised a mixed method approach of quantitative surveys and qualitative semi-structured interviews. Mixed method research uses quantitative and qualitative instruments to gather and analyse data in a study (Creswell, 1999). Utilising more than one method strengthens a research design. Ivankova et al. (2006) argue that a combination of research methods enhances the quality of the analysis. There are several advantages derived from the use of this design. Creswell et al. (2003: 164) state that using a mixed method strengthens a study by neutralising the limitations of one research method by compensating for the disadvantage of a quantitative method with the advantages of the qualitative method and vice versa. They argue that this method is necessary for social science research because it helps obtain accurate data to understand complex social phenomena. Mixed method research is not only advantageous for the study but also aids the researcher and provides a platform that strengthens creativity and plurality (Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004: 17). This study forms part of an ongoing assessment of journalists around the world

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conducted by the Worlds of Journalism Study Organisation. Qualitative data also contribute to the study by answering questions on the practical experiences of journalists as well as normative descriptions of their work. Like the journalist in the story at the beginning of this chapter, they sometimes must suspend some of their preconceived professional ideologies to meet their societies’ demands. They aim to make a difference in their communities and people’s lives and contribute to the development of their country. Most of them agree that their roles should mainly be geared to the development of their communities, even with partisan divisions in the media and high economic demands, while their place in society is only guaranteed if they perform their roles as expected by the people. A study of journalism cultures stems from the social science field and helps us understand how journalists give meaning to their work through their perceptions of their societal roles and the values they adhere to during practice. This knowledge broadens our understanding of not only the perspectives of journalists but also how they fit into the cultural context in which they practice. The mixed method research, therefore, gives a high possibility of obtaining a detailed understanding of the topic of study that would not have otherwise been possible with only one method. It expands and strengthens the scope and decreases the level of limitations the study would pose. The data for the study were collected and analysed consecutively, starting with the quantitative method and ending with the qualitative method. The first research method helped develop the other (Doyle et al., 2016: 626). This connection helped to blend the two methods, an essential sequence in a research mixed method that defines the connection between the two and shows the link of how they complement each other. The first connection between the two instruments in this research helped build the interview questions. The survey questions informed and helped shape the interview questions (Doyle et al., 2016: 631). For this study, quantitative surveys were performed using closed-ended questionnaires. One reason this was used was first the availability of the questionnaire developed by the Worlds of Journalism Study and the advantage that quantitative surveys have been one of the earliest methods used to study journalists, their work, and their relevance to their societies (Singer, 2017). The preference to use this research instrument in such studies might be because it can be used to analyse a large population in a short period by asking the relevant questions with predetermined answers. The qualitative semi-structured interviews were used to delve further and give detailed knowledge that captures and interprets data that would have

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been shallow or overlooked during the quantitative gathering phase (Gibson, 2017: 195). Nevertheless, other instruments were used passively during the study. Field notes were taken; personal observation was done even though they were only referred to when needed, as the primary methods considered for this research were the surveys and the interviews. Data were collected over three years, starting first with surveys. The interviews were conducted at a later stage after the results from the surveys were already analysed. The decision to use this research design was made with the research questions and objectives in mind. The media institutions for both methods were chosen randomly to give each a chance of being chosen. This study is about journalism cultures in a sociocultural environment. Therefore, the journalists in this research formed the units of analysis, and the sampling method was different for each method used. In a mixed method approach, the challenge always comes with how to produce a coherent sample that will be representative of a study without overlap. The survey’s sample definition, size, and population were taken from the Worlds of Journalism Study field manual. The sample size was calculated for the quantitative surveys using the survey system website, considering the critical parameter questions in the field manual of the WJS studies. These three parameters include the population size, confidence level, and amount of accepted sampling error. In a country such as Sierra Leone, obtaining a complete database that presents the total number of journalists practising in the country is challenging. Such a list is nonexistent, giving the only option to make an educative guess using the population of members of the journalist association. The population was calculated assuming that at least 60–70% of practising journalists in the country were members except for a few. Despite this challenge, the research was done with a random sampling technique at the start and later continued with a convenience sample where field researchers conducted part of the surveys at the annual General meeting of SLAJ, the National Association. Journalists from the country attended the meeting, representing all the regions. For the qualitative interviews, a random sample was also done based on the journalists’ and media institutions’ characteristics and knowledge. However, there was a conscious effort to ensure that all different media were represented according to ownership (private/public), type (radio, newspaper, television, online), and region (west, east, north, and south). The definition of a journalist for the face-to-face interviews was the same as that used for the

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surveys, but this time with much more emphasis on the level of field experience of the respondent. Most of the interviewees who were chosen as participants in the semi-­ structured qualitative section of the research were top executives and leaders of media institutions who make daily decisions. They were not only asked questions about their work but were also asked to give an in-depth analysis of the media landscape and journalism in Sierra Leone. Most of these executives deal with journalism and administration work that makes them understand the media system better and can give rich input on the existing structures and systems. Like the executives, veteran journalists have a wealth of experience working in the field and sometimes have had to serve several media institutions and have worked through various sociopolitical eras. Therefore, their experiences are instrumental in studying journalism cultures in a country. Some daily reporters were also interviewed, as they are the ones who live and work on the field daily. Their experiences and personal stories on the field and anecdotes were very essential in this study. The decision by the researcher was to choose randomly but accept reporters who have long years of experience. According to the earlier description, the minimum was five years working as a journalist. This choice was deliberate, as journalists with years of experience would have grown from cubs to seasoned reporters who understand their work. Others with fewer years of experience can also be strong journalists, but journalists with this experience will likely be in a better position to inform the study.

Summary of the Chapters The book is divided into seven chapters, including the introduction and conclusion. The first chapter gives an overview and discusses the central questions addressed in the book. Here, the methodological approaches and the outline of the book are presented. It provides a broader context within the growing field of journalism cultures in developing societies. The book’s overall argument is that journalism cultures are contextual while discussing studies from various contexts as a backdrop for building on the argument. The argument that it is problematic to view journalism with Western lenses is discussed, as this outrightly poses a threat to the institution’s legitimacy in these contexts. Chapter 2 investigates journalists’ struggles in the past by giving a brief history of journalism in Sierra Leone and highlighting the present

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challenges of practicing journalists. Through political unrest, rebel incursions, the fight for reinstatement of democratic governance, the Ebola pandemic, and, more recently, the struggle against growing media poverty and economic inflation. Journalists have long struggled with press freedom and media censorship in Sierra Leone. After decades, in 2020, the repeal of the 1965 Public Order Act (POA) that criminalised libel and sedition became a reality. The chapter explores the individual and collective experiences of the journalists in Sierra Leone in the past and present to assess the country and the current media landscape. In the third chapter, the contextual framework informing the analytical structure of this book is outlined. The theories on journalism cultures proposed do not have a consensus on what constitutes journalism cultures in sub-Saharan Africa, which has had far-reaching effects on the identity perspectives of journalists. A cultural approach provides a more holistic and comprehensive understanding because it incorporates local or societal factors that make journalism what it is in a society. The occupational identity of journalists provides an understanding of how they make sense of their work and place in society. These concepts are fundamental to our understanding of journalism cultures and make a case that such studies can be inconclusive without recognising contextual features. Criticisms of Western journalism by “Afrocentric” scholars have focused on individualism, and liberal principles that they argue are foreign to African society. Moral philosophies in Africa, on the contrary, promote brotherliness, harmony, unity, and community. Chapter 4 begins by asking what factors influence journalism cultures in a developing country in an increasingly globalised world. To understand the journalism culture in a particular society, influences on journalistic views on their position in society are essential. The environment can shape perspectives. The chapter examines the influences on journalistic identities. It also discusses the part that historical occurences have played in the development of journalism and how such influences shape current media practices globally and in the study context. It explores the meanings and contexts of influences on journalists and how they shape journalistic perceptions. In this chapter, an analysis of the micro (the journalists’ background), meso (organisational), and macro (societal/local) factors influencing role perceptions, ethical ideologies, and epistemological orientations is presented. Moreover, this book hopes to contribute to existing studies on journalistic identities by focusing on journalists as actors representing a collective.

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Chapter 5 starts with the empirical findings on the sociodemographic characteristics of journalists in Sierra Leone. Additionally, an analysis of the findings of the quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews of the journalists in Sierra Leone will be presented. This study found that being neutral is a significant value that forms a basis of how colleague journalists rate the work of other colleagues. During the analysis, the study found that journalists are in constant identity negotiations. It examines two notions of verification: objectivism and empiricism, two dimensions of epistemologies relating to journalism cultures. Journalists who hold absolutist ethical standpoints follow strict universal principles irrespective of the situation and have been found in countries with advanced democracies, vital press freedom, solid legal frameworks, and higher uncertainty avoidance. Nevertheless, the results show that Sierra Leone journalists support absolutist orientations. Chapter 6 examines the perceptions of journalists on the sociopolitical, cultural, and economic influences that impact their work while making inferences on possible forces that are responsible for their emphasis on various influences on their work. Scholars found that journalistic perspectives on political influences tend to be moderate, as expected, which was also found in Sierra Leone. As a result of the “epistemological schism” between the objective and real journalistic perceptions can be subjective and do not always reflect lived practices. The journalists’ subjective perception gives an impression of a notion of the occupational identity they aspire to rather than what they obtain in practice. Journalists use various strategies to negotiate their values to navigate local constraints and global influences. The influences shaping journalistic identities in the context of Sierra Leone are analysed in this chapter using the survey and interview results. Chapter 7 and the final section highlight the findings, models, and implications of the research. This book also provides new perspectives on the connection between journalists and society in the Sierra Leone context, which will further normative understandings and conceptualisations of journalism cultures in developing societies in sub-Saharan Africa. Overall, this study confirmed the need to revisit journalism theories in Africa and address the constantly changing situations to understand journalism cultures on the continent. Using a model of journalism cultures of Sierra Leone, this chapter aims to determine its replication in the study of journalism cultures in developing countries in sub-Saharan Africa and discusses the more significant implications of the findings in these contexts.

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Hanitzsch, T., Hanusch, F., Mellado, C., Anikina, M., Berganza, R., Cangoz, I., Coman, M., Hamada, B., Elena Hernández, M., Karadjov, C.  D., Virginia, M. S., Mwesige, P. G., Plaisance, P. L., Reich, Z., Seethaler, J., Skewes, E. A., Vardiansyah Noor, D., & Kee Wang Yuen, E. (2011). Mapping journalism cultures across nations: A comparative study of 18 countries. Journalism Studies, 12(3), 273–293. Hanitzsch, T., Hanusch, F., Ramaprasad, J., & De Beer, A.  S. (Eds.). (2019). Worlds of journalism: Journalistic cultures around the globe. Columbia University Press. Hanitzsch, T., & Vos, T. P. (2016). Journalism beyond democracy: A new look into journalistic roles in political and everyday life. Journalism, 19(2), 146–164. Hanitzsch, T., & Vos, T. P. (2018). Journalism beyond democracy: A new look into journalistic roles in political and everyday life. Journalism, 19(2), 146–164. © The Author(s) 2016. Hanusch, F. (2015a). Cultural forces in journalism: The impact of cultural values on Māori journalists’ professional views. Journalism Studies, 16(2), 191–206. Hanusch, F. (2015b). A different breed altogether? Distinctions between local and metropolitan journalism cultures. Journalism Studies, 16(6), 816–833. Hanusch, F. (2016). Journalism, culture, and society. Communication: Oxford Research Encyclopedias. Ivankova, N.  V., Creswell, J.  W., & Stick, S.  L. (2006). Using mixed-methods sequential explanatory design: From theory to practice. Field Methods, 18(1), 3–20. Johnson, R. B., & Onwuegbuzie, A. J. (2004, October). Mixed methods research: A research paradigm whose time has come. Educational Researcher, 33(7), 14–26. Josephi, B. (2013). How much democracy does journalism need? Sage Journalism, 14(4), 474–489. Kasoma, F. P. (1996). The foundations of African ethics (Afriethics) and the professional practice of journalism: The case for society-centred media morality. Africa Media Review, 10(3), 93–116. Lugalambi, G.  W. (2000). Building an agenda for media and communication research in Africa. M’Bayo, R. T. (2016). Sierra Leone: State of the media report 2016: 200 years of struggle for the emancipation of the media in Sierra Leone: Sierra Leone state of the media report 2015. Massaquoi, I. (2015). Media and democracy in Sierra Leone: State of the debate. Sierra Leone State of the Media Report 2015. McQuail, D. (2005). Communication theory and the western bias. Language Power and Social Process, 14, 21. Mehra, A. (1989). Press systems in the ASEAN states. AMIC.

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CHAPTER 2

Turbulence in Journalism in Sierra Leone: Past and Present

Sierra Leone: Past and Present Situated on the West Coast of Africa, the World Bank lists Sierra Leone as one of the 130 developing countries in the world. The country’s past is tainted with dictatorship, civil war, and health crises. Historically, Britain colonised Sierra Leone for over 150 years, but the country gained independence in 1961; the people adopted English as the official language and modelled most societal structures according to those found in Britain (Alie, 1990; Kanu, 2007). The United Nation’s Population Fund’s statistics estimate the country’s population to be slightly above 8 million in 2022. Sierra Leone is still struggling to achieve economic growth. However, it is gradually building a stable democracy with the constant successful change of governments in the past two decades. As discussed in the previous chapter, Sierra Leone is an excellent example of a postwar, developing society in the Global South with a transitioning democracy, economic and infrastructural development that also impacts the media systems and the work of journalists. For many, the name Sierra Leone evokes memories of media presentations of the decade-long civil war that ended years ago, where children were reportedly abducted and used as soldiers, and with gross perpetration of inhuman brutality. Others would remember the more recent Ebola epidemic that accounted for the loss of thousands of lives in just two years. However, Sierra Leone has more to its history, which this book aims to highlight. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. B. Koroma, Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-31093-5_2

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Moreover, the country’s historical and present-day political, economic, and social conditions have been of interest to scholars over the years (Fyle & Richards, 1988; Gberie, 2005; Ojukutu-Macauley & Rashid, 2013). This chapter highlights some of these sociopolitical and historical contexts divided into the precolonial, colonial, postindependence, and present-day democratic periods. Furthermore, the media’s history and an overview of the media landscape are presented. Sociopolitical and Economic Background Sierra Leone has been undergoing social and political change for decades. In 2018, the country switched governments between two political parties for the second time in its growing democracy, an event that marks the start of a positive stride in its struggle to build a democratic nation. The country has made some recovery since the end of the ten years civil war that left thousands dead, mutated, and displaced. An outbreak of the Ebola pandemic in 2014 added salt to a healing injury by plunging the country into devastation, which led to the loss of thousands of lives. The World Bank reports that Sierra Leone was working towards reaching a middle-income status by 2035, before the Ebola pandemic, even though the country faced numerous post-conflict challenges. Despite this, one must be cautiously optimistic about political progress, as the institutions that enhance democratic processes are still young and constantly face challenges, especially during electoral processes. Sierra Leone ranks 181 out of 191 countries in the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) of 2021. The HDI assesses people’s development in a country using three fundamental dimensions: life expectancy, health status, and living standards (UNDP, HDI update, 2021). Even though the country sits at the bottom of the index, it is making progress, according to the report. “Between 1990 and 2021, Sierra Leone’s HDI value changed from 0.312 to 0.477, a change of 52.9%” (UNDP, HDI update, 2021). The country has come a long way through decades to become present-day Sierra Leone. To understand the sociopolitical and economic background of the country, one will have to contextualise it by breaking it up into different eras. Precolonial Period There is little account of precolonial Sierra Leone, but some archaeological findings suggest that people had been living in the land for 2500 years

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before Christ (Alie, 1990). This period was before the arrival of the Mane people, traders, and Muslim scholars from neighbouring countries that further influenced the early settlers by creating new groups and settlements around the peninsular areas and the interiors of the country. Settlements were divided into kingdoms ruled by kings and, in some places, queens with a structured system of government mediated through customary laws. One of the famous scholars of Sierra Leone history, Joe A. D. Alie, wrote that “traditional rulers were on the whole not autocratic, for everybody was subject to the same laws. No ruler could exempt himself from the rules of customary law simply because he is king” (Alie, 1990: 14). The first external influences on Sierra Leone came in the mid-­fifteenth century. Alie (1990: 3) describes it as a series of invasions that had a lasting influence on society. The first to arrive were European traders and explorers from Portugal, then came the Mande-speaking people, followed by Muslim scholars. All these groups altered the society’s sociodemographic characteristics, leading to the emergence of various ethnic groups, religious beliefs, and cultures found in present-day Sierra Leone. Even the name of the country originated from a Portuguese adventurer Pedro da Cintra who in 1462 called the peninsula “Serra Lyoa,” meaning lion mountains (Alie, 1990: 33). This name later changed to Sierra Leone. Decades after the first adventurers came to the land, others followed from different European countries; English merchants, the Dutch, the Danish, and more arrived, establishing trading forts, and then at the time of establishing the United States of America, the slave trade commenced. The country was a haven for slave dealers, as hundreds of men, women, and children were shipped away to work in plantations in the United States and other territories. On the abolition of the slave trade, the country later became known as the “Province of Freedom” with the capital “Freetown.” In 1807, slavery was declared illegal by the British parliament, and Freetown became a base for resettling recaptured enslaved people who were on their way on the high seas. These recaptives were automatically free once they landed in Freetown (McKenna, 2011: 201). Thus, the land became home to formerly enslaved people from Britain, Nova Scotia, and the recaptives caught on the high seas after the abolition of the slave trade. It was a melting pot for formerly enslaved people from the whole of the West African region who could not return to their original countries. They built a new life in their

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newfound land. This settlement, identified in 1787 by a few philanthropists from Britain, became partly inhabited by the new settlers and the original population (Bangura, 2009: 584). As the new settlers arrived, there was a need to create a language that could ease communication between and among them. This necessity for a connection brought about the emergence of the Creole people and the “Krio” language, which remains the lingua franca of Sierra Leone to date. The governance systems at this time were to pursue the mission to educate and “christianise” the populace, which led to establishing churches, schools, and a teacher’s training college, which became Fourah Bay College, the first university in West Africa. The Colonial Era In 1808, Sierra Leone became a British crown colony administered by a governor representing the Queen of England. This move was contrary to the expectations of the earlier settlers who dubbed the area the “Province of Freedom.” For most enslaved people who made it to this new territory, it was the opportunity for a new life where they could finally achieve self-­ determination without interference from outside forces (O’Kane & Ménard, 2005). Slowly, this asylum for formerly enslaved people was administered by the British, who set up their system of government and extended it to the hinterlands, declaring them “protectorates.” The lands from the coastline were the first to be reached and taken over, which was smoothly executed by signing friendship treaties and promising cordial relationships with the kings. M’cleod and Granson (2017) argue that this governance system has had a devastating effect on the political scenery of Sierra Leone. Some scholars argue that it is a system that sets the foundation for some complicated processes that pushed the country towards some of its political struggles, legacies, and deterioration in recent decades. “The pre-independence system of Indirect Rule in the Protectorate and administered through the Crown Colony set the stage for the coexistence of parallel states, the formal Sierra Leone, and within it the informal states represented by chieftaincies” (M’cleod & Granson, 2017: 7). Chieftaincies were the new nomenclature given to the kings and queens in the precolonial administrations of the original settlers in the hinterlands. However, this governance system continued until the country regained its independence.

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Postindependence Since regaining its independence, the country started the uphill battle of taking over its political administration. Several political parties emerged, but two main parties stayed on. The Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) and the All People’s Congress Party (APC) have consecutively held political offices since the country regained its independence in 1961. Sometimes earlier, the military also took over governance through coups. One of the earliest was the coup after the elections of 1967, followed by another countercoup after a year. That administration later produced the first president of the republic. His rule quickly slipped into a dictatorship that saw him last for almost two decades (1968–1985) as president, handing over to a loyalist he handpicked who also stayed for almost a decade. Sierra Leone had become a one-party state, a dictatorship where opposition was not allowed and people who criticised the government or leaders were tortured, executed, or chased into exile (Hirsch, 2001: 29). Scholars argue that suppression and corruption during these periods were significant factors that could have ignited one of sub-Saharan Africa’s most brutal civil wars. The rebel war in Sierra Leone started in 1991 by the Revolutionary United Front (RUF). As the insurgency continued, the RUF on the southern side of the country on Liberia’s border formed a relationship and alliance with the rebels in Liberia who were also at war in their country (Cox, 2017). Many soldiers lost their lives as they were ill-equipped compared to the rebels. As a result of their dissatisfaction with the war affairs and other issues, a group of young, disgruntled soldiers from the war front launched a coup against the one-party government that was supported nationally and internationally, with the leaders promising leaders to restore the country to a multiparty democratic state. After several years of ruling amidst a countercoup, the soldiers finally agreed to conduct an election in 1996. The civilian government that took up governance after the elections launched a series of negotiations with the rebel leaders to restore peace. The war ended in 2002 after over a decade but left a devastating country that lost thousands of its people, amputated body parts, destroyed villages and cities across the country, and many displaced. Nevertheless, during the war, the country worked hard to start afresh in building multiparty democratic systems and structures.

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The Democratic Era Even though elections took place during the civil war, it was not until the war’s end that democracy started picking up in full. The tensions of the war slowly subsided, and the rebuilding of state institutions commenced slowly, allowing the country to rise again on its feet. In 2002, the people re-elected President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah in the first postwar elections. In 2007, a significant development in the history of the country’s fragile democracy took place. The opposition political party was elected in the first ever postwar elections to see power change from the ruling to the opposition party. President Ernest Bai Koroma’s government held the reins of power for two terms and handed it over to the opposition government in what many have praised the country as the right step in the growth of a sustainable democratic state. In 2018, President Julius Maada Bio, a retired soldier and former junta leader, succeeded the former president in strongly contested elections between the two-rival main political parties. The Economy in Sierra Leone Although the country has been classed as one of the world’s poorest by various global agencies, Sierra Leone is rich in mineral resources such as diamonds, rutile, iron ore, bauxite, gold, and more. The World Bank reports that the country’s growth dropped between 2003 and more than a decade ago but recovered as mining activities resumed. Despite this, the country’s turbulent past, from the dictatorship and corruption to the war that encouraged the smuggling of the country’s diamonds and the Ebola outbreak, brought economic activities to a standstill. The civil war was a hard hit on Sierra Leone’s economy. Scholars argue that the country’s GDP per capita fell tremendously, and the economy suffered drastically between 1980 and 2000 (Collier & Duponchel, 2013). During the war, the country lost most of its resources to smugglers supporting illegal mining cartels. The mineral resource-rich areas in the country were mainly targeted for control by the warring factions, and many reports stated that access to, for example, the diamond-producing regions were both the cause and source of the prolonged conflict (Jang, 2012). The Ebola epidemic also dealt a blow to the economy. The loss of lives and resources during the two years of the pandemic was unexpected. Businesses halted as the people worked to stop the dreadful disease in its tracks. The new government assumed political office as the people hoped for a

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positive change in 2018. Nevertheless, despite a few reforms over the years, Sierra Leone’s challenges of lack of transparency and proper distribution of its resources persist, with the population suffering the brunt of the lack of infrastructural development and economic hardships. The World Bank reported in 2023 that the country’s inflation rate plunged to record high levels disrupting post pandemic recovery and increasing the cost of living for the majority of its population. The agency also stated in 2020 that the country still faces challenges in managing its natural resources and creating the right environment to enhance development. To achieve the attributes of a developed nation, the country will require the government’s and people’s hard work in implementing reforms and sustaining stability by fighting corruption and promoting transparency in all sectors of society. The media’s role in contributing to all these stages in the country’s development has continued. As this book is mostly about journalism in Sierra Leone, the discussions will now proceed with what journalism was, how it is, and where it should be going.

History of Journalism As in many other countries in sub-Saharan Africa, media in precolonial Sierra Leone existed through oral tradition, folklore, and stories. According to Bourgault (1995), these traditions provided a platform through which the people reported events and constructed their realities. These oral traditions’ custodians had a role in disseminating information and entertaining their audiences. During that period, praise singers performed these roles in societies and were called different names in different ethnic groups; “Jeli” among the Koranko and Madingo ethnic groups in Northern Sierra Leone, for example. The start of colonialism, the introduction of Western education, and the new governance systems preceded the need for modern journalistic practices and the establishment of media institutions. The first traditional media institutions were established during colonial rule but grew over the years. Print Media Historic accounts state that the printing press was introduced early in Sierra Leone compared to many other sub-Saharan African countries. The country became one of the first in Africa to establish newspapers after Egypt (1797) and South Africa (1800) prior to independence from colonial rule. The first newspapers that appeared on the newsstands were

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government gazettes published to communicate government activities to the people. Governments in these societies have always struggled to control media information flows, starting with the establishment of printing presses on the continent. During those early periods, governments were very much keen on playing a role in establishing newspapers and printing presses. This intense interest in the print media was handed down by colonial administrators who used the media to promote their interests and articulate their issues. The royal gazette and the Sierra Leone advertiser became the first publications in 1801. The Christian community was the first private institution to publish a newspaper that the government did not administer. In 1841, the Wesleyan Missionary Society launched its Sierra Leone Watchman Newspaper. In 1855, the first newspaper owned and managed by an individual appeared on the newsstands in Sierra Leone (Sowa, 2015: 32). The “New Era” published by William Drape made no secret of its intentions and mission. Shortly afterwards, another newspaper was established, “the African interpreter,” by Charles Bannerman. These newspapers advocated against injustice, the ills of colonialism, racism, and all the topics affecting society. It created a public discourse and awareness that would greatly help the struggle for freedom and the years leading towards independence. By the nineteenth century, several newspapers were published in Sierra Leone, positioning the country as a centre for the practice of journalism in the region (Zygler & Asanta, 1992: 12). Moreover, the media in African countries had five significant functions during the colonial era. Fourie (2007) asserts that these include “colonialist expansion, African nationalism, ‘palliative treatment’ for the natives, colonialist federalism, capitalist expansion and missionary activity” (65). These were also roles articulated in the media during those formative years of the press in Sierra Leone. While the colonial authorities used the media to propagate the positives of colonialism through the state gazettes, the critics and resistance movements used it to promote nationalism and advocate for independence. However, the newspaper industry flourished but later started declining due to the lack of funding and low sales. In 1939, a new wave started with the establishment of “The African Standard newspaper” and “The Daily Mail.” The latter is one of the longest-serving newspapers that died and was resurrected several times during the 1980s, 1990s, and 2010. Before the war, some entrepreneurs established several newspapers, but the industry grew more extensive towards the end of the war in the country and has continued to grow. A proliferation of newspapers took off immediately after the war ended; The Independent Media

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Commission (IMC) data reports that newspaper publications grew from just a handful in the 1990s to 181 in 2016. The nongovernmental organisation BBC Media Action reported in 2016 that newspaper remains a niche media accessed mostly by men, the wealthy, and educated elites living in urban areas. The report adds that in 2015, only 13% of the national population could access newspapers, while 65% of the total population was found in rural areas. These figures are understandable because Sierra Leone has a challenge looking at the low literacy levels, with most of its literate population living in urban areas, such as the capital city and big cities and towns in other regions. Broadcast Media One powerful medium that has grown tremendously over the years is broadcast media. It was introduced quite early in the country as the first medium opened in 1934 by the British colonial administration, transmitting messages through rediffusion. The colonial governments used radio to disseminate information to their colonies and send propaganda messages during the Second World War (Nyamnjoh, 2005). In many former colonies, radio continues to grow. In Sierra Leone, twenty-one years after the British introduced the wired Redifussion Relay Service (RRS), the Sierra Leone Broadcasting Service (SLBS) was inaugurated. The Sierra Leone Broadcasting Service, later known as the Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation, was inaugurated on October 19, 1955. A few years later, black and white television broadcasting arrived in 1963, which lasted for a while before the system upgraded to coloured picture transmission in 1978 (M’Bayo, 1991). After independence, the colonial heads administering the broadcast media handed it down to the successors. At independence, the public broadcaster was handed to the new government, and they have been the full custodian since its establishment (Thomas, 2007: 10). These monopolies on media by African governments after independence, scholars argue, came as a result of a direct legacy and inheritance (Thomas, 2007; Holmes, 1999). Thus, prior to the civil war and for many years, Sierra Leone’s only broadcaster was the Sierra Leone Broadcasting Service (SLBS), and its waves were confined mainly to audiences within and around the capital city, Freetown. The end of the civil war and the introduction of modern democracy brought about the quest for information, which encouraged the proliferation of media institutions in the country.

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Thomas (2007) asserts that media pluralism contributed immensely to the development of the media in the country. Media development encouraged the establishment of more media institutions by introducing a policy that changed the regulatory framework from the once government ministry controlled to an Independent Media Commission (IMC) that oversees the registration and administration of media in Sierra Leone. IMC received its mandate through an Act of Parliament passed in 2000 to promote media pluralism (Thomas, 2007: 12). Media institutions that were already operational had to reregister at the IMC, and an opportunity opened for media entrepreneurs to register their entities ever since. The new development also encouraged the expansion of media activities in the capital city and the rural and provincial cities around the country. Esipisu and Kariithi (2011) assert that in Africa, the proliferation of independent media in the 1990s gave rise to more participatory discussions than the propaganda model of communication implemented through public media. By 2000, the six radio stations available in Sierra Leone increased tremendously to over 90 stations in 2015 (Wittels & Maybanks, 2016). According to data from the Independent Media Commission of Sierra Leone, 115 radio stations were registered by 2018. Television stations were the only medium with slow growth, as their capital-intensive nature deters entrepreneurs from establishing such entities. The SLBS transformed into a corporation in 2010 with a merger of the entity and the former United Nations Peace Keeping Radio, Radio UNAMSIL, to become the Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC). At the turn of the century, Mr. Alieu Shaw, an entrepreneur from Sierra Leone who lived in the United States of America, registered the first private television station in the country. His vision was to bring a fresh outlook to the media landscape. However, despite its excellent prospects, the TV station could not be sustained due to the lack of basic infrastructural development that could support it to thrive. Accommodation, electricity, and weather against the antennas were substantial challenges that served as unfortunate outcomes and the Television’s closure just a few years after its establishment. In 2018, IMC’s database put the registered television stations at twenty, even though only approximately ten were in operation. In 2022, the IMC data showed fifteen active TV stations (see Table 2.1). According to a BBC Media Action report (2016) by Wittels and Maybanks, DSTV was first transmitted through its satellites in Africa in 1995. Since then, it has served the middle- and upper-class members of the Sierra

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Table 2.1  Media in Sierra Leone Districts 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

Bombali Koinadugu Falaba Tonkolili Kenema Kono Kailahun Bo Bonthe Pujehun Moyamba Port Loko Karine Kambia Western area urban Western area rural

TOTAL

Capitals

Province

Radio TV Newspaper Magazine

Northern Makeni

32

3

2

39

3

Bo

32

2

Port Loko North west

14

Freetown

46 20

7

111 1

23

183

15

116

23

Eastern Kenema Southern

Western area

1

1

Source: Independent Media Commission Sierra Leone (2022)

Leonean elites whose incomes can afford them to pay subscriptions. “People access to satellite TV in two ways; via ‘Freeview’ boxes, which require a one-off setup cost of about US$150 and carry around 20 mostly Ghanaian and Nigerian channels, and through the DSTV monthly subscription service, which is more expensive and offers access to hundreds of channels” (Wittels & Maybanks, 2016: 13). If one can afford a satellite dish and the subscription fee, which are beyond the means of an average Sierra Leonean, transnational cable networks such as CNN, BBC World, CFI, Deutsche Welle, and more can be accessed easily. Sometimes some television stations also air programmes or news from these channels at specific times. In 2015, AYV and Star TV were established, followed by the Freetown Television Network in 2017. These commercial television stations have added another dimension to broadcast journalism not otherwise provided by the once state-controlled Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC), now administered by a board but still owned by the country’s government.

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New Media The advent of the Internet extended and increased the reach of traditional media to audiences that were once unreachable. Online media has developed new public spheres that impact people’s daily lives and change journalism practices. However, some developing countries still lag despite these exciting global developments. Internet access is limited in Sierra Leone. This lack is reflected in the country’s slow growth of online media. The Internet live stats website’s data on Internet usage in Sierra Leone says that in 2016, only 160,188 people could access the Internet, which is approximately 2.4% of the population. It is difficult to access data on Internet use in the country, but online reports state that Internet users increased in 2021 to over 2 million. Despite this increase, the connectivity challenge still exists for the population and the media, whose convergence and expansion to online media is a vital growth indicator in this era. Like many developing countries, Sierra Leone leapfrogged from the PC age into the use of mobile phones, which brought another possibility of accessing online and offline media. Wittels and Maybanks (2016) wrote in the BBC Media Action Report from a survey that more than 80% of their respondents had access to mobile phones in 2016. “The popularity of mobile phones suggests increased opportunities to use these as a platform to reach and engage with audiences. Access and usage patterns suggest that more young people could be reached via mobile phones than other media” (Wittels & Maybanks, 2016: 21). The National Telecommunications Commission Sierra Leone’s annual report in 2019 states that fifteen Internet Service Providers are operational in the country. “The penetration rate for mobile voice subscriptions at the end of the fourth quarter of 2019 was 88% as compared with 84% recorded in the first quarter of the same year, indicating a growth of 4.76%. Similarly, the data penetration as at end of December 2019 was 18.07% compared with 12.22% in the first quarter of the same year, representing a growth of 47.92%” (NATCOM Report, 2019: 17). Mobile phones enhance communication and people’s daily lives. Traditional media in Sierra Leone woke up to the Internet at the turn of the century. One of the country’s leading newspapers, “Awoko,” was one of the first to start publication online in 2003 with a website that was closed in 2004 before relaunching in 2007. Since then, several other newspapers have joined the online community, and even radio stations and television stations now have an online presence. Traditional media

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institutions have used the advantage of the Internet and social media platforms to engage with their audiences as never before. The emergence of ICTs has influenced people even in Africa. Wasserman (2003) states that “the Internet has brought in its wake hope of increased exchanges between people geographically separated, dreams of economic prosperity, a new sense of interconnectedness and the optimistic belief in development and change even in the lives of African” (2). The Internet has also created a new public sphere and possibility in Sierra Leone. Recently, there has been an increasing number of blogs published by Sierra Leoneans at home and abroad. According to M’Bayo (2016), citizen journalism is increasing in Sierra Leone. The emergence of the growth of the Internet and increased connectivity encouraged individuals to create platforms and expand on the pool of alternative voices in the country. He further adds that “in Sierra Leone, anyone with access to a computer/ laptop or smartphone is potentially a journalist” (M’Bayo, 2016: 6). Even though these online media do not pose a significant threat to the media in Sierra Leone looking at the statistics of Internet penetration, one can still reckon with them. Wasserman (2018) argues that digital media presents challenges and opportunities that have encouraged traditional media institutions to create their content and obtain direct access to audiences they once could not reach. New media also poses a challenge to traditional media business models. Additionally, social media usage in Sierra Leone has also increased in the last decade, for better or worse, despite the low concentration of the Internet. Musa (2016), in his study on the impact of social media on political discourse in Sierra Leone, proposes that in the context of Sierra Leone, social media is both a blessing and a challenge. He states that “social media would enhance transparency and accountability throughout the electoral process. On the other hand, social media might pose challenges regarding disseminating hate speech or messages, malicious propaganda and lazy reporting” (Musa, 2016: 27). Facebook, WhatsApp, and Twitter are the leading social media sites accessed by Sierra Leoneans. Wittels and Maybanks (2016: 27) report that the BBC Media Action survey found that “8% of those who have access to the internet, their mobile phone can be used to connect to the internet and to use internet-based social media such as Facebook and WhatsApp.” This development has encouraged the advancement of public discourses online and a platform where Sierra Leoneans worldwide meet. Journalists are therefore using it to their advantage. “News reporters in Sierra Leone have started what the

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writer calls WhatsApp news gathering, which involves exploring and analysing opinions, audios, and pictures for mainstream news reporting” (Musa, 2016: 29). Despite its advantages, there is the need for cautious optimism on the positive impact of social media in such contexts.

Media Poverty and the Growing Economic Struggles Nevertheless, the growth of the expansion of the media increases the need for more resources to support the work of journalists. In the growing struggles of the media, the lack of finances that leads to poverty is one of the greatest and most revered by both owners and practitioners of media institutions. Since the establishment of the media in Sierra Leone, ownership has grown from the early days of monopolisation by the colonial administration and government to the commercialisation and proliferation stage. In a study on journalism cultures of a country, it is essential to understand the ownership of the media institutions and the level of press freedom that obtains where the journalists practice. Ali (2015) asserts that “ownership has continued to play an influential role in the editorial policies of media organisations” (238). Different people invest in the media for different reasons in a quest to control the public sphere. In the early times, the media was owned by either citizens or missionaries who were using it as a means to an end, especially in the sub-Saharan Africa regions (Faringer, 1991: 6). Sierra Leone’s media ownership started with a small part of the print media owned by individuals and broadcast media by the colonial administration, which later handed it to the government. However, the introduction of democracy enhanced media proliferation in the country, as “the democratic government institutionalised media pluralism to create greater access of the broadcast media to the majority of the population and encourage public participation in the media” (Thomas, 2007: 150). This loosened grip on control of the media was new but encouraging. For a long time, successive governments held their grip on ownership and control of primarily broadcast media, using them as tools only to their benefit. Subsequent governments in many postcolonial Africa give several reasons to explain the importance of the need to control the broadcast media sector. These reasons range from the need for a centralised system that can support developmental processes to reducing resources and saving money (Nyamnjoh, 2005: 48). Therefore, since the Independent Media Commission’s setup, the media’s ownership and control expanded from state to private. More

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people started taking the challenge to set up various media across the country amidst the various objectives of the owners. “Corporate media ownership is gradually emerging in Sierra Leone. The emerging media barons of Sierra Leone are said to be connected to powerful politicians, the banking system, and telecommunications industry in ways that may not be apparent to the average citizen” (M’Bayo, 2016: 16). Since the introduction and establishment of the Independent Media Commission, many entrepreneurs, religious groups, and communities have registered media institutions. Therefore, media ownership in Sierra Leone is divided into state/public, community and private and owned by a community, and nonprofit media owned by religious bodies and institutions of learning. Moreover, the State-owned Broadcaster SLBC has been transitioning into a corporation and adopting the characteristics of a Public Service Broadcaster (PSB). Its position as the only state-owned PSB in the country consists of radio and television stations that transmit in Freetown, the capital, and other major cities nationwide. The SLBC is administered by a board of trustees elected every three years with oversight from the Ministry of Information and Communication. “The object for which the Corporation is established is to provide information, education, entertainment and reflect all shades of opinion throughout Sierra Leone” (Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation Act, 2010: 7). Moreover, community media, mainly radio stations, also thrive in Sierra Leone. Data derived from the Independent Media Commission say there are thirty-five community radio stations registered and operating in various country locations in 2018, several religious stations, and two teaching media institutions. Ufuophu-Biri (2017) describes a community radio as the sole property of the community in which it is administered and operated by the community that supports and uses it to promote their shared values. In Sierra Leone, these radio stations are owned by the community, supported by donations from individual community members, the community, or nongovernmental organisations, and administered by community members. The information aired is mainly focused on community development initiatives, educating on issues that connect with their communities and promoting their cultures and values. This need was evident in postwar Sierra Leone as a change in media policy awakened the interest of many rural communities who had not previously had access to media to establish their own media institutions. Steady growth has occurred in the past decade from the first established community radio in 2001. In his study on community radio stations in Anglophone West Africa,

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Ufuophu-­Biri (2017) states “that community radios are fundamentally purposed to address developmental issues such as health, agriculture, innovation diffusion, family planning, and discharge of social and civic responsibilities” (30). Therefore, liberalisation, privatisation, and commercialisation encouraged a new crop of media business entrepreneurs. Commercialising media institutions opens it up to new revenue generation opportunities and challenges of dependencies and influences from businesses. For the advertising industry, this creates a structure that strengthens its powers to influence the media system in a country directly (Saxer, 1998: 10 qtd in Gerth et al., 2009: 72). This commercialisation of the media in Sierra Leone thus created a revenue-generating industry that attracted entrepreneurs and business entities. The Independent Media Commission of Sierra Leone registers commercial media institutions owned by individuals or business entities. Advertisements and other commercial revenue generation models fund these commercial media institutions. A large percentage of the newspapers are commercial, while a few radio stations and all the television stations in the country except for the SLBC are commercial institutions. Lwanga (2002) states that “private commercial broadcasting stations operate for profits by monopolistic concerns and are heavily dependent on product advertising revenue” (11). Privately owned newspapers also fall into this category of business. The Independent Media Commission of Sierra Leone accepts registration and ownership of media by individuals, corporate bodies, or partnerships registered as a business. Nevertheless, most journalists in Sierra Leone are attached to a media institution, but few receive a direct salary from their employers. As explained earlier, the media lacks financial support, and institutions cannot generate enough income to pay journalists. Tam-Baryoh (2006), in the African Media Development Initiative, reports that journalists’ salaries vary. There is no one range of salaries accepted by journalists where most are not on the payrolls of their institutions but are instead paid per story or through the commission they receive from advertising revenues they acquire. Unfortunately, no reliable statistics exist to show the salaries paid to journalists in the various media institutions if they are on the monthly payroll. Most journalists complain about the lack of salaries and that they have to fend for themselves even though they practice as full-time media workers. The average salary scale for journalists was between eight hundred (800) Leones (approximately 40 euros in 2023) and two (2000) thousand  Leones (approximately 100 euros  in 2023). This is a very meagre

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amount, if one considers that journalists need to take care of their families and themselves, media owners argue that they try to pay salaries in line with the Sierra Leone minimum wage act. Even though the government increased the minimum wage  to  eight hundred (800) Leones in 2023 and expected that should be the minimum paid to every worker, some journalists still do not get paid but are left to scout for their salaries by themselves. Tam-Baryoh (2006) argues that this practice leaves journalists at the mercy of politicians who use this opportunity to control the media for their selfish purpose and bribe their way through. In Sierra Leone, most journalists work in the capital cities and the bigger cities of the regions. The issue of remuneration is also a complex topic for journalists in smaller cities and rural communities where volunteering is rampant. Journalists in community radio stations say they only receive monthly stipends from their institutions, as they are volunteers for the communities serving in the capacity of journalists. Like all other community volunteering services, they do not receive fixed remuneration or salaries. Media Development Initiatives As the media grows, nonformal education through various training continues to play a significant role in building the capacities of journalists. Western aid organisations, local nongovernmental organisations, state parastatals, the association of journalists, and even media institutions conduct their training or sometimes collaborate to conduct training on various thematic areas. This type of education was the first that journalists received before formal journalism training programmes started. It is not surprising to meet most journalists in Sierra Leone in institutions practising without a formal education in journalism but with several certificates from training and workshops. Therefore, media development initiatives contribute significantly to developing journalists and media institutions. These initiatives geared towards enhancing the skills of journalists and their institutions are called Media Development Initiatives. In recent years, media development initiatives have mostly been run with support from Western countries as a contribution to building and strengthening democracies in less developing countries (Becker & Lowrey, 2000). In their paper presented on the “Independent Journalism Training Initiatives: Their Impact on Journalists and Journalism Education,” Becker and Lowrey (2000) state that the two kinds of programmes that exist in media educational initiatives encompass those directed towards journalists

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and those created to impact the organisations in which they practice. In Sierra Leone, numerous media development initiatives have focused on policies, training, and capacity building. Some focus on building the intellectual capacity of journalists, while others are directed at strengthening institutions. UNESCO, UNDP, and other UN agencies have led and supported several initiatives in the country, while organisations such as the BBC Media Action, Deutsche Welle Academy, Journalists for Human Rights (JHR), Foundation Hirondelle, and other international organisations work mainly on the capacity building of journalists and sometimes media organisations.

Press Freedom and Media Censorship “Sierra Leone’s media are pluralist and independent,” writes Reporters Without Borders. In 2022, Sierra Leone was rated 46 out of the 180 countries assessed. An improved situation when compared with the previous year, 2021, when the country was ranked 75 out of 180 countries. The organisation is one of the leading advocacy agencies working on media freedom worldwide. Their reports state that even though some of the country’s population enjoy media broadcasts without restrictions, there is some form of influence on the media due to a lack of financial resources. The Reporters Without Border’s ratings improved after the repeal of the 1965 law that criminalised defamation. However, the 2022 report cited that even though journalists practice in a relatively safe environment, they continue to face harassment and arbitrary arrests, and sometimes law enforcement officers even detain them. Earlier, there were events during the Ebola epidemic between 2014 and 2016 where journalists and the media were threatened to go into hiding or practice self-­ censorship to avoid trouble. The media in Sierra Leone is only partly free in practice, according to Freedom House (2022). Scholars argue that for countries such as Sierra Leone to progress democratically, they must assess and address the entrenched challenges that deter institutions, including the press, from contributing adequately to their development. Press reforms should provide adequate support for press freedom and encourage responsible journalism that will be good for all (M’Bayo, 2015). Thus, introducing democracy does not guarantee that the structures that strengthen the democratic process instantly work as stipulated in the laws. Such young democracies need time, and even though subsequent democratically elected governments promise total

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adherence to the fundamentals of human rights and free speech, they are still farfetched. It is worth noting that progress has been made in Sierra Leone compared to the state of the country’s media during the dictatorship or military regimes. Despite these improvements, achieving total media autonomy and media freedom is still a long way with the existence of specific laws and censorship drives used by subsequent democratic governments sometimes to silence the media. The media does not have structures that defend it, and press freedom is not recognised fully (Swaray, 2016). Journalists believe that several laws suppress their freedom in Sierra Leone, even though the 1991 constitution supports the right to freedom of expression and freedom of the press in principle. Section 25 (1) Act No 6 of 1991 states that no person should be restricted to his/her freedom of expression, right to own a medium of information dissemination as well as the right to hold opinions and express it (the laws of Sierra Leone, 1991: 16). On the other hand, section 25 (2) reduces these rights in the interest of public order and safety. It states that this freedom can be withheld “(1) in the interests of defence, public safety, public order, public morality or public health and (2) for the purpose of protecting the reputations, rights and freedoms of other persons, preventing the disclosure of information received in confidence, maintaining the authority and independence of the courts, or regulating the telephony, telegraphy, telecommunications, posts, wireless broadcasting, television, public exhibitions or public entertainment” (Constitution of Sierra Leone, 1991: 16–17). Thus, violating these sections mentioned above can cause the right to freedom of expression to be withdrawn from a journalist. The Public Order Act of 1965 was also one of the controversial laws deemed by many journalists in Sierra Leone as draconian and unfair. The Act outlines the laws that govern what constitutes defamatory and seditious libel. Sections 26, 27, and 28 provide punishment for a person with fines or imprisonment of several years for a publication deemed defamatory. Defamation is falsely portraying a person through statements or writings to tarnish the targeted person’s character. Section 33 (1) states that “any person who prints, publishes, sells, offers for sale, distributes or reproduces any seditious publication” (POA, 1965, Section 3 (1) c.). The Act supports the punishment to be strengthened by a government if the perpetrator violates the Act on more than one occasion. Media scholars in Sierra Leone and media practitioners have argued for the repeal of these two laws, which they believe are used to silence journalists and control the press (M’Bayo, 2015; Sowa, 2015). Some scholars argue that “the

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provisions of Part 5 of the Public Order Act, particularly sections 26, 27 and 28 appear to undermine the provisions of sections 11 and 25 of the constitution of Sierra Leone Act No.6 of 1991” (Sowa & Kapuwa, 2015: 24). These arguments strengthened the advocacy against seditious libel and defamatory laws. Subsequent governments in the country pledged their commitment to repeal them over the years but failed to do so. Finally, in 2020, President Julius Maada Bio’s government assented the repealing of the seditious libel section of the Act that criminalised free speech. In July 2020, the expulsion of the law, which journalists advocated for over fifty-­five years, became a reality. It was welcomed unanimously by the media practitioners. Nevertheless, repealing the seditious libel section of the law does not remove the risk of journalists being indicted for their work. There are still other laws that threaten the press, such as the law of contempt of parliament, the law of contempt of court, the civil defamation laws, and others. In 2021, the government of Sierra Leone passed the Cyber Security and Crime Act 2021. The Act is “to provide for the prevention of the abusive use of computer systems; to provide for the timely and effective collection of electronic evidence for the purpose of investigation and prosecution of cybercrime; to provide for the protection of Critical National Information Infrastructure; to provide for facilitation of international cooperation in dealing with cybercrime matters and to provide for other related matters” (The Cybercrime Act, 2020: 1). Additionally, other statutory instruments play a significant role in regulating the media in Sierra Leone. A journalist can be invited to answer queries and face suspension from practising by The Independent Media Commission if he/she breaches the media codes. Nonadherence to IMC regulations and payment of fines by a media organisation puts it at risk of having its licence withdrawn (IMC ACT, 2000). The Freedom House (2016) reports that “between February and May 2015, the IMC imposed 19 fines—which ranged as high as $3,700—on newspapers and radio stations for alleged violations of the IMC Act and the Media Code of Practice of 2007” (Freedom House Report, 2016). The commission then suspended some newspapers that failed to adhere to the punitive measure to pay fines levied on them. On the other hand, the Sierra Leone Association of Journalists’ annual report in 2017 stated that the IMC resolved 220 complaints against journalists in their favour, and only 34 cases were resolved against journalists with fines between 2015 and 2016. These numbers show that many cases

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in which journalists were fined occurred in 2015, but the number decreased afterwards. Nevertheless, there has been an argument that aligns the IMC to current governments, saying they are not an autonomous body, as the mandate to appoint chairpersons lies in the hands of the government of the day (Sowa & Kapuwa, 2016). From 2013 to 2018, there have been over fourteen cases of journalists summoned for a breach of the laws ranging from seditious libel to contempt of parliament, contempt of parliament or posting a message on WhatsApp (Sowa & Kapuwa, 2016). Media laws in Sierra Leone date back to the colonial era when British laws were enacted to regulate people’s daily lives in their colonies. Even with the change in government systems, the country continues to uphold laws deemed archaic by the people who introduced them. In 2014, Britain changed its defamation act to be more free speech friendly. However, Sierra Leone has continued to uphold some of these laws which are sometimes used to regulate the media and media practitioners. Before 2021, more journalists were indicted or arrested using the Public Order Act of 1965 or the IMC Act of 2000 (Sowa & Kapuwa, 2016: 22). Moreover, the Media Reform Coordinating Group (MRCG) in Sierra Leone reported in 2021 that the repeal of the seditious libel law met inconclusive pending cases against journalists indicted for defamatory and seditious libel. The report by the Group covered six months between December 2020 and May 2021 and stated that it monitored six cases in which journalists were harassed, detained, invited, or arrested by the police. Even though the Group stated in the report that five of the issues had been resolved before they published, their report states that journalists in Sierra Leone still face a challenge. In 2021, the government also passed the Cybersecurity and Crime Act, which some media practitioners criticised, which will give powers to the authorities to muzzle free speech and pose a threat to journalists who are critical of the regime.

Media Education and the Future of Journalism Education plays a vital role in the development of journalism and is an essential aspect of the study of the field. The essence of journalism education globally is to provide both pedagogical direction and preparation for practitioners for a future of corrective journalism (Josephi, 2008). The possibility of obtaining good journalism education in a country promotes high-quality practitioners, thereby strengthening the media. Formal

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journalism education is becoming relevant today, and journalists benefit and enhance their careers even though some critics argue that there is a strong Western influence on the educational curricula administered in most journalism schools in Africa. University education modelled through the American system of journalism training gained an even earlier foothold on the African continent since it was introduced in Egypt in 1935. The first journalism school established in a university on the continent, the American University in Cairo, used the American model of journalism training and served as a sample that was to be replicated on other campuses in African journalism schools, says Murphy and Scotton (1987). One of the first training courses for journalists on the continent at the University of Dakar by UNESCO was followed by other programmes at universities on the continent. “By 1970 there were UNESCO-supported journalism programs on university campuses in Algeria, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal and Zaire, although not all were degree-­ level courses. All these programs attracted African students from other countries, so their influences began to spread throughout the continent” (Murphy & Scotton, 1987: 15). Unlike these other countries, formal journalism education started relatively late in Sierra Leone. The country was one of the pioneers of journalism in sub-Saharan Africa but lagged in formal journalism education, which only started in 1993 with the establishment of the Mass Communications Department for training journalists at the University of Sierra Leone. “The department was set up to train Journalists who would get into the field to develop not only print journalism but also broadcast journalism” (Personal interview, Bernadette Cole, 2018). Cole was one of the pioneers for the opening of a department of mass communication at the University of Sierra Leone. Its establishment was to fill in the gap of educating journalists who were already working and to train future journalists. Earlier, practicing journalists need not hold a university degree to be accepted in media institutions, but they learned on the job through apprenticeship. The belief that anyone with an interest in and passion for journalism with a primary education could become a journalist was and is still prevalent. As a result, practicing journalists in Sierra Leone, except for a few, lacked the knowledge to analyse and present their stories in a way that would save them from getting into trouble with authorities. During the early years, “media practitioners in Sierra Leone operated mostly at odds with the state. From the perspective of the State and state functionaries, not even the 1965 Public Order Act, with its stringent anti-press

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provisions, was enough to curb the perceived excesses of the press,” writes M’Bayo (2015: 12). These stringent measures used by the governments to muzzle the press made journalism in that era become a dangerous profession where only the brave survived. “Journalism during that time was not thought to be a profession that one can get into and sleep soundly at night; you will always feel that some will come and knock on your door to determine why you wrote that story, where you got the information. Moreover, if you do not give them the answer they want to hear, you might be taken into the ‘Black Maraya’ (a car to transport prisoners which we had at the time) and unto prison” (interview with Bernadette Cole, 2018). The department was therefore supported to address some of what government officials and some members of society thought was lacking in media practitioners, formal journalism education. The UNDP/UNESCO curriculum report states that the department in 2015 hosted over 250 students pursuing certificates, diplomas, bachelor’s, and master’s programmes. There has been a proliferation of journalism schools and courses on the fundamentals of the Mass Communication Department in recent years, which ended the monopoly of formal journalism education in the country. Other tertiary institutions offer some form of media course at a basic level. This increase in institutions of higher learning offering journalism-related courses has been reflected tremendously in the media landscape. In 2016, the Sierra Leone Association of Journalists’ annual report stated that 189 of its members held a bachelor’s degree, 53 were master’s graduates, 166 had diplomas, and the rest at least had a school leaving certificate. These figures show that less than 50% of the journalist population does not have higher formal education, but the figure is rising annually, with many young people enrolling in these schools to study mass communication. Unfortunately, most of these schools are ill-equipped and face various challenges due to a lack of funding. Another challenge is the issue of students abandoning journalism after gaining formal journalism education. Scholars report that journalism graduates do not necessarily pursue a reporting or journalism career even though they are taught basic journalistic skills of production and presentation (Mensing, 2010: 511). This discrepancy between the actual student numbers in communication studies or journalism schools and the number of graduates that end up in practice reflects in media institutions and makes a bit of a mockery of journalism programmes in Sierra Leone. The actual impact of the knowledge gained in formal education does not

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necessarily reflect on the media’s capacity, thus leaving the media in the hands of people without journalism education but who instead depend on other nonformal education such as training and mentoring programmes for capacity building. The Sierra Leone Association of Journalists (SLAJ) estimates the number of practising Journalists in Sierra Leone to be above 1000. There is no specific data to show the actual number of journalists, as the Press Union can only prove the figures for the number of registered members. The association reported in 2017 that they had a total number of 410 verified members registered with them. In 2018, the association accepted an additional 122 members out of the 140 who applied, totalling membership to 532. In Sierra Leone, we can assume that this number constitutes the majority, at least 70% of the total number of practising journalists around the country. The other group consists of journalists who do not want to participate in an organisation or others who are not eligible to join because they lack the basic requirements requested by the association. However, the association consists of not only practicing journalists but also media educators, people working in the communication sector, and owners of media institutions who were primarily journalists before transitioning to other roles. This study used part of the association’s data, as it is the only available source at the time of research that could help obtain an idea of the number of media practitioners in the country. There are more male than female journalists in Sierra Leone. The Sierra Leone Association of journalists’ report in 2018 states that only 93 members were women in its population of 410 journalists. These figures give us less than 30% of women of the total number of members who are mostly journalists. In 2018, only 46 out of the 173 new members were women. The current membership list which is the only data available that we could use to evaluate the population of journalists shows that of approximately 532 members, only 125 were women, making it a total of less than 25% of women in journalism and communication in Sierra Leone according to the data available. The association reported that approximately 300 members were added to the database between 2018 and 2021. An earlier evaluation report by Journalists for Human Rights, a Canadian Non-Governmental Organisation, in 2014 showed more male than female journalist respondents. The report, which evaluated one of the thematic areas in which the organisation trains journalists, still proved the significant disparity between the sexes in the population of journalists. The proportion of journalists, according to the demographics in the reports,

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shows a continuous disparity between the sexes. These differences mostly occur because men are more likely to survive in media than women (Morlai, 2014). The government of Sierra Leone reported in 2014 on their strategies to ensure the “Beijing Platform for Action (1995)” proposed at the UN General Assembly in 2000. In their report, the Ministry of Social Welfare, Gender and Children’s Affairs highlighted the state of women in the media in the country. This report was part of its assessment of the overall status of women in Sierra Leone. It stated that the lack of women in decision-­making positions in the media was because men own a large percentage of the media. The fear of sexual harassment in the workplace, low educational background of the women, and women not being given assignments to cover strong stories because they are not trusted to possess the abilities their male colleagues possess are situations that have led to the demotivation of other women to join to take up a career in journalism. In Sierra Leone, the perception that “journalism is a man’s job and therefore unfit for women” (Government of Sierra Leone Report, 2014: 35) still thrives. The report also stated that by 2014, only one woman owned a newspaper, even though there were already over eighty newspapers registered. These challenges are not unique to Sierra Leone, as a report by the International Women’s Media Foundation and UNESCO states that women constitute only slightly more than 30% of the full-time media practitioners in 522 media institutions around the world who took part in its surveys (IWMF, 2011). The Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media was produced using data from research conducted over two years in approximately fifty-nine countries. In sub-Saharan Africa, the report stated that “in the reporting and editorial levels, women are approximately a third. For example, women are 32.0% of those in the junior professional level (e.g., junior correspondents and anchors) and 31.1% of those in the senior professional level (e.g., senior producers and reporters)” (IWMF Report, 2011: 78). In an article about gender representation in the media that reviewed the status of women in the media in Sierra Leone, the media and gender scholar Williette James (2015) says that even though the growth is slow, progress is still ongoing (70). In 2016, she presented the number of female journalists holding editorial positions or women who hold managerial positions in media institutions around the country in an article published in the State of the Media Report. Her article states that eleven women were occupying managerial positions in media institutions around

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Sierra Leone (James, 2016). Even though this is positive news, it is still not something to get excited about when the substantial number of managerial positions is still in the hands of men. Getting more women into journalism and advocating for women’s rights is one of the fundamental works of the Women in the Media Sierra Leone (WIMSAL). The organisation was set up in 2007 to represent and advocate for female journalists in the country who are not only the minority but also the most vulnerable group of media practitioners. The low level of education of the women in the media in Sierra Leone has hindered their personal growth and advancement as a group. Acquiring a higher education is a challenge for many ladies, leaving them at the bottom of the media organisational structures (James, 2016). The inability to access education reflects the overall situation of women in Sierra Leone, where the number of literate men is reported to be higher than that of literate women. The country’s statistics office report from a national census conducted in 2015 states that 43.8% of women were literate as opposed to 59.1% of men who did not go to school. In 2021, the Sierra Leone Association of Women in Journalism (SLAWIJ) was established as a second group to advance the career prospects of female journalists and support them in building their professional and educational capacities.

Conclusion This chapter gives a historical preview of Sierra Leone as a nation by highlighting the phases through which the country has passed. Like many countries in sub-Saharan Africa, Sierra Leone has experienced challenges that have hindered its growth in many aspects, including media institutions. The media can only strive with the help of journalists, journalism trainers, the journalism association, and government commissions. All these institutions and individuals work together to make journalism worthwhile and give the profession a face amid media poverty, partial freedom of the press, and infrastructural challenges. The overview of the laws against the press has shown that journalists and journalism practice still face challenges. As described above, there are fewer women than men in every newsroom in the country, and journalism education is still growing. The next chapter will focus on the theoretical underpinnings that inform this work by giving definitions and descriptions of the concepts relevant and valuable for analysing the perspectives of the journalists in this study.

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References Ali, A. (2015). Media ownership and control versus press freedom in a democratic Africa. Mass Communication Journalism, 5, 239. Alie, J. A. D. (1990). A new history of Sierra Leone. Macmillan. Bangura, J. (2009). Understanding Sierra Leone in colonial West Africa: A synoptic socio-political history. History Compass, 7/3, 583–603. Becker, L. B., & Lowrey, W. (2000). Independent journalism training initiatives: Their impact on journalists and journalism education. Paper presented to the professional education section, International Association for Media and Communication Research, Singapore, July 2000. Bourgault, L. M. (1995). Mass Media in Sub-Saharan Africa. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Collier, P., & Duponchel, M. (2013). The economic legacy of civil war: Firm-level evidence from Sierra Leone. The Journal of Conflict Resolution, 57(1), 65–88. Special Issue: Entrepreneurship and Conflict (February 2013). Constitution of Sierra Leone. (1991). http://www.sierra-­leone.org/Laws/constitution1991.pdf Cox, T. (2017). Sierra Leone democracy and political structure. Cybercrime Act Sierra Leone. (2020). http://www.sierra-­leone.org/Laws/2020-­ Cybercrime%20Act.pdf. Esipisu, I., & Kariithi, N. (2011). New media development in Africa. Global Media Journal: African Edition, 1(1), 1–43. https://doi.org/10.5789/1-­1-­45 Faringer, G. I. (1991). Press freedom in Africa. Praeger Publishers. Fourie, P. J. (2007). Moral philosophy as foundation of normative media theory: The case of African ubuntuism. Communications, 32, 1–29. Freedom House Country Report. (2022). https://freedomhouse.org/country/ sierra-­leone/freedom-­world/2022 Fyle, M. C., & Richards, P. (1988). History and socio-economic development in Sierra Leone: A reader. Gberie, L. (2005). A dirty war in West Africa: The RUF and the destruction of Sierra Leone. Hurst. Gerth, M., Rademacher, P., Pühringer, K., Dahinden, U., & Siegert, G. (2009). Challenges to political campaigns in the media: Commercialisation, framing, and personalization. Studies in Communication Sciences, 9(1), 149–170. Government of Sierra Leone, country report (2014). On the Implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action (1995) and the Outcome of the Twenty-Third Special Session of the General Assembly (2000). Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media (2011). The International Women’s Media Foundation and UNESCO. Hirsch, J.  L. (2001). Sierra Leone: Diamonds and the struggle for democracy. Independent Media Commission Act 2000 paragraph 15 a,b,c. Holmes, P. A. (1999). Broadcasting in Sierra Leone.

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James, W. P. R. O. (2015). Gender representation in the media: Progress, challenges and obstacles to women’s empowerment. James, W. P. R. O. (2016). Global women’s struggles and their media manifestations in the Sierra Leone context: New challenges or new opportunities. Jang, Y. S. (2012). The causes of the Sierra Leone civil war. [online] Available at: https://ecopoder.wordpress.com/2012/10/25/the-­causes-­of-­the-­sierra-­ leone-­civilwar/. Accessed October 2018. Josephi, B. (2008). Journalism education. In K. Wahl-Jorgenson & T. Hanitzsch (Eds.), Handbook of journalism studies. Routledge. Kanu, Y. (2007). Tradition and educational reconstruction in Africa in post-­ colonial and global times: The case for Sierra Leone. African Studies Quarterly, 9, 3. Lwanga, M. J. N. (2002). The impact of media commercialisation on programming: A study of radio Uganda: Master thesis in journalism and media, Rhodes University. M’Bayo, R. T. (1991). Information policies in an African state: A study of the rules and regulations of communication in Sierra Leone. PhD dissertation, Howard University: Washington, DC. M’Bayo, R. T. (2015). The Dilemma of media freedom and responsibility in Sierra Leone: Sierra Leone State of the Media 2015. M’cleod, H. & Granson, B. (2017). The political economy of fragility: Business, conflict and peace in Sierra Leone. Working Paper, Africa Centre for Dispute Settlement. M’Bayo, R. T. (2016). Sierra Leone: State of the media Report 2015. 200 years of struggle for the emancipation of the media in Sierra Leone: Sierra Leone state of the media Report 2015. McKenna, A. (2011). The history of West Africa. Media Reform Coordinating Group (MRCG). (2021). Monitoring press freedom and enhancing reform of the Media Laws in Sierra Leone. http://mrcgonline. org/media/attachments/2022/01/17/ned-­s ixth-­e dition%2D%2Dpress-­ freedom-­report-­2021%2D%2Dfinal-­report.pdf Mensing, D. (2010). Rethinking [again] the future of journalism education. Journalism Studies, 11(4), 511–523. Morlai, T.  M. (2014). Journalists training on ethical reporting on child rights issues in Sierra Leone (evaluation Report). Murphy, S. M., & Scotton, J. F. (1987). Dependency and journalism education in Africa: Are there alternative models? Africa Media Review, 1(3), 11–35. 1987©African Council on Communication Education. Musa, H. T. (2016). The impact of social media on political discourse: A content analysis of WhatsApp and Facebook conversations about the 2018 elections in Sierra Leone: Sierra Leone state of the media report 2016. National Telecommunications Commission Annual Report. (2019).

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Nyamnjoh, F. B. (2005). Africa’s media: Democracy and the politics of belonging. UNISA Press. Ojukutu-Macauley, S., & Rashid, I. (2013). The paradoxes of history and memory in post-colonial Sierra Leone. Lexington Books. O’Kane, D., & Ménard, A. (2005). The frontier in Sierra Leone: Past experiences, present status, and future trajectories. Reporters Without Borders. (2022). Report on the Sierra Leone Media. https:// rsf.org/en Saxer, U. (1998). Was heisst Kommerzialisierung? Zoom Kommunikation und Medien, 11, 10–17. Sowa, F. (2015). Media management: Sustainability and profitability of Sierra Leone’s media: Sierra Leone State of the Media Report 2015. Sowa, F., & Kapuwa, E. J. (2015). Media laws and regulations: Review and update on Sierra Leone’s statutory and self-regulatory models: Sierra Leone state of the media Report 2015. Sierra Leone Broadcasting Corporation Act, 2010. Sowa, F. & Kapuwa, E. J. (2016). Media Laws and Regulations: A call for the Repeal of Criminal Libel Laws in Sierra Leone. Swaray, A.  R. (2016). Rhetorical underpinnings of media ethics and press freedom: Sierra Leone State of the Media Report 2016. Tam-Baryoh, D. (2006). African media development initiative Sierra Leone report. Thomas, I. A. S. (2007). The changing landscape of broadcasting in Sierra Leone: Past, present and future. PhD dissertation, The University of Leicester. Ufuophu-Biri, E. (2017). Pattern of community radio ownership, regulation and usage for development in Anglophone West African countries. Journal of Research and Development (JRnD), 3(2), 30. Wasserman, H. (2003). The possibilities of ICTs for social activism in Africa. Paper presented at Codesria’s 30th anniversary conference: Intellectuals, nationalism and pan-African ideal, Dakar, Senegal, 8-11 December 2003. Wasserman, H. (2018). Digitalisation of the media in Africa: Prospects for change retrieved from https://doc-­research.org/de Accessed 12 November 2018. Wittels, A., & Maybanks, N. (2016). BBC media action Report: Communication in Sierra Leone: An analysis of media and mobile audiences. Zygler, D., & Asanta, M.  K. (1992). Thunder and silence; the mass media in Africa. BBC media action Report 2015: Strengthening accountability through media in Sierra Leone.

CHAPTER 3

Journalism Cultures and the Struggle for an African Identity

Risking All to Report Pandemics The ongoing coronavirus pandemic poses a significant challenge for the mobility of populations worldwide and the development of the media globally. Corona’s detection in 2019 unleashed a series of emotions, as it was scary and seemed mysterious. At the start of the pandemic, information about the disease was scant, and understanding of the virus was still in the preliminary stages. This caused a frenzy that accurate and authentic information was needed and is still needed to calm the hysteria. Communication researchers deemed the pandemic a global public health crisis that spurred interest in studying the media’s role in reporting the first outbreaks. During such pandemics, normative journalistic roles that are linked to the crisis emerge. Ethical considerations may shift, while epistemological orientations might be adjusted to fit the situation in which the journalists live and work. Perreault and Perreault (2021) state that journalists constitute a significant part of their environments’ ecological systems and are thus influenced by them. In their study on the ecology of pandemic reporting, they found that journalists discursively positioned themselves as part of the crisis and disaster communication apparatus. The need for them to provide accurate information increased, and their role as information disseminators became prominent during the crisis. Although the journalists perceived themselves to be at risk like every other

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community member, they still believed their work could go a long way to contribute positively to the crisis and combat disinformation in the process. However, the COVID-19 pandemic did not manifest on the African continent the same way it did in countries in the Northern Hemisphere and elsewhere. Nevertheless, it still affected journalists and journalism. The challenges of being unable to access sources directly and the fear of contracting the virus were also eminent. Relief Web, a United Nations information platform, reported that press freedom was at risk during the pandemic. Several countries arrested journalists for breaching the COVID-19 regulations or for their reports. Journalists were reportedly intimidated from South Africa to Rwanda, Nigeria, and much more. Orgeret and Tayeebwa (2020) argue that when journalists sense a form of danger, they revert to self-censorship strategies as ways of self-protection. Dralega (2022), in her study of media on the impact of the COVID pandemic on media viability in eight Southern African countries, found that the crisis weakened an already struggling media economy and posed a threat to media freedom, welfare, and marginalised groups. Nevertheless, pandemics have not only been doom and gloom for journalists. In their study analysing newsroom disruptions and opportunities in the South African media, Chibuwe et  al. (2022) found that the COVID-19 pandemic enhanced media state relations and the population’s trust in traditional media. The media was an authentic information tool to understand and make sense of the happenings. Digitalisation and social media platforms increased the tendencies and spread of misinformation and disinformation. Allagui (2021) states that in the Middle East and North Africa, the COVID-19 pandemic accelerated the interest in and consumption of media content. However, the COVID-19 pandemic also presented challenges for journalists in Sierra Leone, but to a lesser extent than the Ebola pandemic. In 2014, Ebola, one of the world’s deadliest diseases, hit West Africa, becoming one of the gravest pandemic histories for the region. The outbreak spread quickly to the population, and within months, the disease spread to almost all provinces of Sierra Leone. A tool to stop the spread was ensuring people were informed about how to deal with the infected and learn about preventive measures that help the disease not to spread further. In addition to being informed, drastic behavioural changes were necessary to stop the disease in its tracks. At this point, the government, medical workers, and citizens had no choice but to turn to the media, tasked with informing and educating the public on matters relating to Ebola.

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Journalists had the medium for disseminating information to a more significant percentage of the populace. Lahai (2017) asserts that the pandemic triggered various reactions, including indifference and denial, while some members of the populace took the situation to exploit. During this time, journalists had to risk their lives visiting Ebola-infested communities to report on the stories of incidences and give updates. In neighbouring Liberia, some journalists reportedly caught the virus and died. In other countries, they were reportedly attacked by the public and killed. Sierra Leone did not report any incidents of death among journalists, but some practitioners faced harsh criticism and arrest for their report on the aftermath of the pandemic. During the Ebola pandemic, a well-known radio initiative, the Independent Radio Network, played a vital role in fighting the disease. Ransford Wright, the National Coordinator of the Independent Radio Network (IRN) and a veteran journalist in an interview in 2018, expressed satisfaction with journalists’ involvement in the fight against the pandemic and applauded it as an achievement for them. Even though the network’s original mandate was election coverage, its journalists helped to contain the epidemic by providing education, while others ensured that there were checks on excessive spending and corrupt practices of government officials directly linked to Ebola funds. Despite the emergency, journalists still had to adhere to certain ethical practices and ensure that they reported professionally. Pandemics are not the first challenge faced by the country, as highlighted in the previous chapter. The war, military coups, and many other tragedies had been constantly part of the country’s history. Therefore, it is essential to pose questions and examine the ongoing negotiations on what constitutes journalism in such a country. Amid such challenges, where do the values of journalists stand? How do they see their place in society? How can we understand journalistic identities in such contexts? These are questions we address in this chapter. Moreover, Hanitzsch and Vos (2018: 150) argue that for the non-­ Western world or developing countries, the practices and ideas of developed countries have been normalised and packaged as standard measures in journalism. On the sub-Saharan African continent, such expectations are even more robust, as the field of journalism is thin on literature that proposes ideologies other than learned Western ideals. As Lugalambi (2000: 214) puts it, Africa’s media and communication are seriously underresearched areas of public life compared to other social aspects and issues. It may vary from country to country but generally reported not

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much research on media institutions (and journalism), especially in a systematic manner that would help create a deeper understanding of these countries, their media organisations, professions, and practices. Therefore, normative understandings and definitions of journalistic identities are still sparse in such contexts. In a study challenging the assumption of only one universal journalism culture, there is a need to contextualise the formation of journalistic identities and present an understanding of what journalistic cultures exist and how they relate to other communities and environments. Moreover, journalism studies in emerging countries generally explore the political roles of journalists (Merrill et  al., 2001), with a discourse about the profession in the context of democracy, acting as the fourth estate or utilising journalism as a development tool. Scholars argue that journalism studies in democratic contexts sometimes present Anglo-Saxon models of journalism as the dominant models accepted globally, which sometimes gives an impression that journalism never existed in non-­ Western contexts before the introduction of democracy (Josephi, 2013). The normalisation of these Western conceptual models impedes our understanding of journalistic cultures in the Global South. However, journalism is an occupation practised for centuries in most countries, and in developing or emerging countries, some form of journalism has always been present in people’s daily lives. Discourses on journalism are also sometimes presented without examining the form and substance that influence the actions of journalists in the environments in which they practice. Therefore, this study takes its point of departure from the evaluative level of journalism cultures (Hanitzsch, 2007; Hanitzsch et  al., 2010), investigating the perspectives of journalists on the theoretical basis of journalism as culture and journalism as an occupational identity. This chapter outlines the contextual framework informing the analytical structure of this study. It provides definitions of the concept of journalism cultures and the fundamental values that journalists adhere to during practice. It presents descriptions and context to the theoretical foundations upon which scholars have built journalism cultures over the years. It also defines the different concepts that encompass the study of journalists’ professional cultures and examines the formation of identities, and it explores the three main concepts that form a journalistic culture—journalistic roles, ethical ideologies, and epistemological underpinnings. In addition, the chapter also reviews some of the significant studies that have informed this book and outlines how the study’s key variables will be analysed.

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Journalism as Culture Journalism is institutional, dynamic, and cultural. Journalism, conceptualised as an institution, is a structured profession with set practices influenced by the dynamics of its environment (Lowrey, 2018). Understanding journalism as culture examines an occupation that provides discourse through meanings (Zelizer, 2015). Two prominent conceptualisations will include the influence of culture on journalism on the one hand and journalism being a culture of its own on the other (Berkowitz, 1997; Carey, 1992; Zelizer, 1997). Culture is a significant aspect of every individual and society, irrespective of one’s profession. Individuals are products of the culture of the community in which they live, and journalism can also be a product of the culture in which it exists. Therefore, how journalists think about their roles is greatly influenced by the environment in which they practice. Weaver and Wilhoit (1996) argue that journalistic roles are influenced by the cultures that exist in the societies in which journalists practice. Therefore, culture is essential to our understanding of journalistic perspectives and function. Normatively, this study takes a cultural approach to understanding journalism in its national ecosystem and how it relates to the global networked sphere. A cultural approach provides a more holistic and comprehensive understanding because it incorporates the economic, political, and organisational factors that make journalism what it is in a given context (Carey, 1992; Ekström, 2002). A cultural approach is also a social scientific approach situated in the cross-­ cultural psychology and anthropology fields, which seeks to understand journalism in its social environment. Such an approach aids the examination of journalism in each context, as one can control macrocontextual variables, such as people, economic development, language, and political systems (Hanitzsch, 2006: 170). Culture plays a significant role in our quest to understand how journalists think about their work and what influences them. What exactly is culture? Numerous definitions exist on culture, which has been considered everything and anything relating to a society’s existence. Schwartz (2004) defines culture as a system of values symbolic of the beliefs and practices of a people in a society. In this case, society refers to a geographical area where people live. On the other hand, the social psychologist Geert Hofstede (2011) defines culture as “the collective programming of the mind that distinguishes the members of one group or category of people from others” (3) and argues that culture has various

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levels (i.e., national, societal, and organisational). He also claims that there are six dimensions of cultural values: individualism/collectivism, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, long/short-term orientation, indulgence restraint, and masculinity/femininity (Hofstede, 2011: 9–16). However, Hofstede’s (2011) model has been criticised as offering a unidimensional explanation of culture, whereas Schwartz (qtd in Gouveia & Ros, 2000) recognises that shared values can serve both individual and collective cultural orientations. Despite these different approaches to defining culture, both definitions agree that cultural values connect a group. Since journalists share similar values, ideologies, norms, and symbols, we can say that journalism is a culture. Moreover, the understanding of journalism as a culture was founded in the interpretive tradition initiated by Carey, who suggested that there was a gap in the traditional view of journalism being referred to as a transmission model of communication regarding “imparting, giving or sending messages and signals to others over a distance for the purpose of control” (Carey, 2009: 14). He argues that communication “is directed not toward the extension of messages in space but toward the maintenance of society in time; not the act of imparting information but the representation of shared beliefs” (Carey, 2009: 44). This perspective is derived from religious schools of thought emphasising the importance of shared beliefs linked to fellowship, association, and participation. Carey (2009) believes communication’s essence is maintaining culture and social control beyond transmitting messages. From such a viewpoint, journalism can be regarded as an occupation based on ideologies developed through association and practice. Moreover, Zelizer (1992) further advanced Carey’s approach by indicating that journalists have cultural authority in society. In this regard, journalists take up interpretive positions, forming elite groups, and interpretive communities possess the authority to interpret public events. Thus, journalists converge with a sense of community by telling their stories, creating routines they use to tell them, defining what and how they should work, and constructing reality to understand their role in the society they practice (Zelizer, 1993: 223). The approach to understanding journalism as a culture resonates with the study of the role that journalism has in the construction of collective memory, explained as “the ongoing collaborative re-casting of ‘the past’-of a particular group, event or experience-­in the present” (Hoskins, 2001: 336). Zelizer’s (1992) concept was based on the media’s role in the United States as they reported on the

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assassination of President John F. Kennedy. The patterns identified from reporting this event showed that journalists functioned as a community that used the collective memory system to validate their societal roles. Through this, they establish the conventions they use to tell stories to their audiences (Zelizer, 1992: 9). This suggests that media workers would not physically need to belong to a group but that their perspectives regarding their work and how they view events bind them together as communities. In this book, the understanding of journalists in transitioning contexts and young democratic societies presented is that journalists view themselves as both members of a physical and cognitive group, which supports how they view their roles. Journalism is, therefore, a culture that exists in the physical and cognitive. Moreover, defining journalism as a culture is multidimensional and requires one to examine factors from different levels, for example, individual, organisational, and societal (Berkowitz, 2011; Carey, 1992). In this regard, journalists are a community bound and maintained through a pattern of shared behaviour and meanings, similar to people in a neighbourhood, society, or nation (Carey, 1992; Zelizer, 1993, 1997). Moreover, a cultural approach to journalism studies helps to provide normative expectations that are different and independent from journalism practice in non-Western societies (Hanusch, 2016: 5). For us to obtain a good understanding of journalism practice and journalists in such societies, the cultural environment is therefore significantly relevant. In this regard, culture is related to more than just aesthetic matters—it embraces all the factors influencing journalistic values in a particular place, including political, economic, and social dynamics. Who do they think they are? How do they view their work in their society? Addressing these questions is essential for this study.

Journalism as an Occupational Identity Ideally, a culture can only be functional when people identify with it. The occupational identity of journalists therefore provides an understanding of how they make sense of their work and place in society. Christiansen (1999) states that identity can be based on a person’s concept of oneself and society. Identities are self-descriptions of what we believe and the characteristics that distinguish us from others. They are defined by what we do, how we perceive the implications of our actions, and how we can relate them to other people in our society (Christiansen, 1999: 549), thus

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linking identity, occupation, and society. Additionally, one’s perspectives and social connections, as well as the perspectives of groups regarding the role of their work in society, can aid in forming identities. Kielhofner (2002) defines an occupational identity as an acceptance and wish of what we do and how we would like to function and participate in our occupational endeavours. It gives us a sense of meaning and belonging to what and how we contribute to and impact our environment. In short, journalists’ perspectives on their work help us to understand their occupational identity. Building an occupational identity can be complex, and it involves volition, which includes one’s values and feelings and the broader macro contexts that influence such values. Unruh et al. (2002) argue that occupational identity is central to a person’s well-being, as it encompasses an individual’s psychological, physical, and belief systems directly influenced by the sociopolitical, cultural, and economic environments in which they live. This interaction can be spiritual too and would be a continuous process that affects a person throughout their life. This idea is explained through social identity theory, stemming from the field of social psychology, which examines how an individual’s self-­ perception is shaped by their group associations (Tajfel, 1978). In this regard, a person can create their identity from the occupation they practice. Identities are created individually and as a group. As a group, the norms that work to bind members to attain an ideological level that makes them feel part of a community are powerful. Therefore, most times, journalists do not see their work as just an occupation that one practices but as a vocation to earn a living, and it is much more. It can be a way of life. It is a culture, a community, and an identity. The way one sees themselves and the extent of their involvement in the occupation can influence their life and living. Just like doctors, lawyers and even soldiers identify with their work and develop a self-perception through their occupation, so can journalists too. Nevertheless, this book uses occupational identity instead of professional identity, as journalism in transitioning contexts does not entirely fit into the professional paradigm. The professionalisation of journalism has its roots in earlier studies by Patterson and Donsbach (1996) and Weaver (1998), with the pursuit of researchers, especially in the United States, being to situate journalism amid professions such as law or medicine (Tumber & Prentoulis, 2005), in which practitioners share and adhere to defined values and norms. In this sense, pro-professionalisation researchers argue that news workers should follow prescribed notions that bind

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them as professionals during practice. Such norms are often linked to occupational values such as objectivity, impartiality, fairness, and balance (Gans, 1979). Therefore, through the concept of professionalism, journalists are expected to adhere to certain principles when reporting stories—they should be objective in their handling of issues, stay neutral, and provide all sides to a story (Schiller, 1979). However, the idea of professionalism also relates to something more than the adherence to specific rules—it is also about learning what to do and how to do it since one cannot follow norms and rules that one does not know. Prior knowledge is, therefore, a vital steppingstone in the professionalisation process. Moreover, according to sociologists, a group is only considered professional if it portrays a combination of education, training skills, and autonomy (Zelizer, 1993: 220). To professionalise an occupation, it is also essential to establish accreditation schemes and regulations to ensure that entry is restricted to those who meet the stipulated standards. In many contexts, all these requirements are still not met, and many still consider journalism a rights-based profession (Bostanci, 2017; Hartley, 2007). In societies such as the United Kingdom, people still view journalism as a craft and mostly reject any attempt to professionalise it. In emerging countries, such debates become even more vital as the challenge of obtaining an educational qualification and standardising norms affect any attempt at professionalising the practice. Thus, using the framework of journalism as an occupational identity helps us better understand journalism in these contexts. Nevertheless, journalists can only find their place in society through constant deliberations and exchanges. The discourse of journalistic roles is the platform wherein journalists can create and discuss issues that pertain to journalistic identity and culture. It is where the transformation and preservation of journalism’s identity happen (Hanitzsch, 2017: 1). As they discuss their work, journalists build frameworks, norms, and values belief systems they aspire to for them to participate or contribute to society. These norms involve not only expected practices, but also societal expectations of what journalism should be. Therefore, journalistic values are not static, as such expectations may change from time to time or even from one geographical location to another. These expectations are “subject to discursive (re)creation, appropriation, (re)interpretation and contestation” (Hanitzsch, 2017: 2). Through this discursive process, journalists form a cognitive thread on their interpretations, which provides a sense of community (Zelizer, 1993).

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Moreover, there is considerable interest in community building in some contexts where journalists create associations and build groups. Journalists construct communities of practice to help them make sense of their work and create a platform to build their occupational identities. According to scholars, communities of practice are people engaging in the process of collective learning in a domain of human endeavour that is shared. A group of mechanics learning to solve problems, musicians working in a particular genre of music, and software engineers building an application for cell phones can be examples of such communities (Wenger, 2009: 1). Wenger (2006) defines these communities as people uniting as a group due to their passion and belief for an occupation while working to improve and advance their activities (1). Unlike interpretative communities that focus on discourse in practice, this concept in journalism studies is mainly utilised as a theoretical framework to describe the collaborative learning and building of skills that enhance their practice and allow them to understand their work. This theory can be mainly applied to journalists in countries in transition where journalism education is generally underdeveloped and journalism training is carried out in non-classroom environments and based on apprenticeships (Weiss & Domingo, 2010). For a community of practice to be built, an area of knowledge must clearly define a given set of issues. That is, a group of people who are interested in and care about this area of knowledge and practice that is shared towards the development of effectiveness in the given area or domain of knowledge (Wenger and McDermott, qtd in Meltzer & Martik, 2017: 211). Journalistic groups, therefore, maintain and build their communities through interpretation and practice. This concept originates from systems theory, with roots in social theory and anthropology (Bourdieu, 1977; Foucault, 1980). Wenger (1998) defines learning as the production of an identity process from cognitive understanding, which engages the entire human experience and helps formulate meaning. Personal experiences in various aspects are actively shaped, constituted, and interpreted through learning (Wenger, 1998: 2). The pillars of the theory are held together by the formation of identity created through knowledge and experience in the occupation. This creation means that identity reflects the complex relationship between the personal and the social (Wenger, 1998: 2). This concept is, however, levied with the critique of detracting from broader discourses of identity, such as gender, class, and race (Contu & Wilmott, 2003: 2). Scholars argue that it does have a limited emphasis on power. In studying

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journalism cultures, however, this concept helps us understand journalists’ learning process as a community of practice. Such social processes could help journalists understand their roles and required practices, which provide them with an ideological sense of identity. This book argues that understanding journalists in some developing contexts would need a study of their values and communities to build ideological perspectives about their roles and place in society. In this sense, this study will explore individual journalists regarding their ideological perspectives and sense of community to ascertain the journalism cultures they practice. Moreover, it is no coincidence that the conceptual work on journalism cultures emanates from the field of sociology, wherein the awakening of the curiosity about journalism’s place in society was propagated through the works of Cohen (1963), Galtung and Ruge (1965), Gans (1979), and Tuchman (1978). During the early days, scholars emphasised understanding news production processes and news producers. Herbert Gans’ (1979) book “Deciding What’s News: A Study of CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News, Newsweek and Time” was a sociological analysis of news workers and their news judgements. After an intensive research process, Gans (1979) highlighted several newsroom observations through an approach geared towards profiling journalists and explaining the factors that impacted news decisions. In this regard, his analysis featured the processes through which journalists choose their sources and topics and how they decide on the content they could include or exclude in their stories. This study was one of the first to take a keen interest in journalism cultures influencing journalistic performance in newsrooms by observing and understanding how journalists negotiate their roles and how their behaviour creates an understanding of their place in society. Other researchers from a sociological tradition, such as Golding (1977), set the pace for present-day scholarship on journalism cultures by postulating media practitioners as not only individuals making up media institutions but also as a group of people sharing ideologies about their professional actions, thus suggesting the existence of a journalism culture. Moreover, studies about what journalists did tend to take a normative perspective, wherein researchers focused on the professionalisation of journalism discourse (Kepplinger & Koecher, 1990; Schlesinger, 1978; Sigelman, 1973; Skjerdal, 2012; Tunstall, 1971), thereby giving rise to journalists being assigned with various role nomenclatures such as gatekeepers (Janowitz, 1975; White, 1950), newsmakers (Tuchman, 1983) and news manufacturers (Calcutt, 2004), all in a bid to describe the work of this group of practitioners.

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Defining Journalism Cultures Over the past decades, research on journalism cultures has endeavoured to ascertain journalists’ ideological orientations on their roles and identity in the societies they practice (Deuze, 2002; Hanitzsch, 2007; Harrison, 2000; Zelizer, 2005). Journalism culture refers to a set of practices and ideas used by journalists to legitimise their roles in society and their descriptions of what renders their work meaningful to society (Hanitzsch, 2007: 369). This concept demonstrates that journalists cannot operate independently without their societies and that the meaningfulness of their work depends on the recognition and acceptance they obtain from their communities. This dependence is mutual—the form of journalism practised depends on the society in which the journalists practice, just as a society depends on journalism for disseminating news. Therefore, there has been a plethora of research over decades focused on unravelling journalistic cultures in various contexts to explain the perspectives that influence journalistic practices. Among the reasons given for the increased interest and focus in researching journalism culture is the fact that researchers believe that this approach provides a more comprehensive and intuitive way of understanding journalism and all the diverse orientations and practices that come with it (Hanitzsch et al., 2011: 273). Some researchers have explored the notion of journalism as a culture (Hanusch, 2016) and journalism as a product of culture (Geertz, 1973), while others have examined specific ideologies seen to influence the work of journalists (Preston & Metykova, 2009; Voakes, 1997; Weaver & Wilhoit, 1996). Some studies have sought to further the debate on whether journalism should be considered a craft (Singer, 2003; Weaver, 2005) or a profession (Galtung & Ruge, 1965), whereas others have explained the perceptions of journalists through various epistemological orientations emanating from earlier empirical studies from academic traditions in sociology (Berkowitz, 1997; Shoemaker & Reese, 1996) and ethnology (Boyer & Hannerz, 2006; Habermas, 1989). In previous decades, international studies on journalism cultures have highlighted a vast array of differences in journalists’ occupational ideologies (Donsbach & Patterson, 2004; Esser, 1998), which provides a basis for asserting that journalistic perceptions can be different across countries. For example, Weaver (1998) surveyed journalists across twenty-one countries to understand their thoughts on their work, while Patterson and Donsbach (1996), in cross-national research, also evaluated journalists in

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five countries (Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, the United States, and Sweden) to determine how journalists were influenced by their personal beliefs (especially political values) when it came to making editorial decisions. The latter found differences between the societies, and their survey showed evidence that there were various levels of partisan bias in democratic societies in the West (Patterson & Donsbach, 1996: 466). Research on journalism cultures at individual country levels has also been steadily increasing, given the number of studies published from different countries by communication scholars as they seek to explain journalists’ occupational cultures in the context of individual societies (e.g., Weaver & Willnat, 2012). Although the disparities in the numbers of studies done in the Global North and the developing contexts are quite extensive, some researchers have also focused on countries in the Global South, for example, Chile (Larenas, 2015), China (Zhao & Sun, 2018), Indonesia (Hanitzsch & Hidayat, 2012), Australia (Henningham, 1996), and New Zealand (Hanusch, 2013), providing in-depth analyses of the cultures shared by journalists in these societies. Some scholars have also addressed specific areas of journalistic cultures, such as the place of journalism in a particular society (Hanusch, 2016; McQuail, 2013); journalistic role perceptions in various political contexts; journalism in Anglo-Saxon (Hallin & Mancini, 2004; McQuail, 1999), postcommunist (Harro-Loit, 2015), developing (Kalyango et al., 2017), and even Muslim-dominated countries (Pintak & Nazir, 2013; Muchtar et al., 2017); journalism as a profession in a globalised and technological development sphere (Liu, 2006); ethical perceptions of journalists (Plaisance et al., 2012; Ward & Wasserman, 2010); and gender relations (Melin, 2008). In an African context, a growing number of scholars are participating in global studies on journalism. In this regard, both comparative and cross-­ national studies have seen an increase from the continent on various levels, and researchers such as Mabweazara (2018), Skjerdal (2012), Wasserman (2010), De Beer (2004), Mwesige (2004), and Ramaprasad (2001) have all contributed immensely to the journalism discourse on the continent. Previous studies in Africa articulate the need for journalism practices on the continent to conform to societal values. Nyamnjoh (2005) outlines a concept of journalism practices for media practitioners on the continent and the need to promote journalism that appreciates and articulates African issues through the prescriptive lenses of respecting humanity and the African belief systems. However, some scholars have argued that the structures of modern societies in Africa, including journalism, did not

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originate from the continent but from the West, which has led to journalists imitating Western journalistic values (Kasoma, 1996: 95). Earlier studies on journalism in Africa mainly focused on either the role of media organisations in promoting political participation (Kasoma, 1997; Omu, 1978) or journalism’s role in the construction of identities (Nyamnjoh, 2010; Wasserman, 2010). Recently, a few studies have investigated journalists’ perceptions of their work. In this regard, Skjerdal (2012) examined the competing loyalties of journalists in state-owned media during practice. Using Ethiopia as a case study, he found constraints that influence the journalism culture existing in the state media in the country, such as the individual aspirations of the journalists for personal benefits and professionalism and some form of control that made them commit to two prevailing loyalties between the state and their profession (Skjerdal, 2012: 264). A recent book edited by Mabweazara (2018), “Newsmaking Cultures in Africa,” featured studies on various aspects of journalism cultures in different African countries. An article on “newsmaking practices in Uganda” (Semujju, 2018), which involved a content analysis of two newspapers in Uganda on the coverage of an institution, established that journalistic behaviour in the country could be impacted by many other factors than just the organisational ones earlier indicated. This book also involved the analysis of several areas of study, including “Brown Envelope Journalism: The Contradiction Between Ethical Mindset and Unethical Practice” (Skjerdal, 2018); “Reinvigorating Age-Old Questions: African Journalism Cultures and the Fallacy of Global Normative Homogeneity” (Mabweazara, 2018); “African Journalism Cultures: The Struggle for Free Expression against Neo-Patrimonial Governance” (White & Mabweazara, 2018); “We Cannot Bite the Finger That Feeds Us: Journalists’ Dilemmas and the Appropriation of ‘Alternative’ Media in Nigerian Print Newsrooms” (Akinfemisoye, 2018); and “Media Ethics and Journalism in Tanzania” (Kothari, 2018), among others. Looking at the previous research on countries in sub-Saharan Africa, the cultures of media workers have not been thoroughly explored, and there is a need for more focused research on journalists in their social, political, and cultural contexts. In this sense, however, studies tend to look at individual aspects of journalism cultures rather than taking a holistic approach and analysing them on a one-dimensional level, which fails to capture the significant aspect of how journalists think about themselves and their work (Hanitzsch, 2007). Therefore, the need to examine

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journalists’ perceptions in the context of a developing country in transition is immense. This study will consider journalists as members of their social, cultural, and professional communities (Zelizer, 1997) and analyse journalists’ perceptions of their shared occupational values and links to society. Journalistic Role Perceptions One of the main features in understanding the normative expectations of journalism is the roles they perceive and perform. Journalistic role perceptions are a core pillar in understanding the concept of journalism cultures. Moreover, role perceptions form the building blocks for journalists’ foundation to create their identities in society. The study of journalists’ roles is very central if we want to understand what they do and their position in their society (Hanitzsch & Vos, 2017: 1). Journalistic roles provide insights into shared journalism cultures, and identity perceptions link journalists to their work and place in the societies they practice. Donsbach defines role perceptions in journalism as “generalised expectations which journalists believe exist in society […], which they see as normatively acceptable, and which influence their behaviour on the job” (Donsbach, 2012: 1). Role perceptions make up occupational ideologies (Cohen, 1963). They may also be the driving force guiding how journalists perform and see their roles. In addition, journalists’ role perceptions can direct their actions—either consciously or subconsciously—and shape the news cultures they practice at any given time or place. Therefore, researchers have identified journalistic roles as one of the critical areas of study in communication research for more than five decades. An examination or study of this phenomenon will be incomplete without giving due credit to Weaver (1998) and Weaver and Willnat (2012) for their pioneering contributions in this area. However, their work was preceded by the earlier studies of Janowitz (1975), who described two kinds of role descriptions of journalists—“gatekeeper” and “advocacy”—and Cohen (1963), who labelled journalists as either “neutral” or “participants” in society. Christians et al. (2009) divided journalistic roles into monitorial, collaborative, facilitative, and radical categories. Some of these studies either described normative expectations of journalism or journalism’s function in democratic societies. Johnstone et al. (1972) carried out one of the earlier empirical studies on journalists by conducting

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interviews with journalists in the United States, thus setting the pace for many other empirical studies around the world (Hanitzsch & Vos, 2017). Moreover, Hanitzsch (2007) asserts that the first constituent of journalism cultures is institutional roles and classifies journalistic roles into three categories: “power distance,” “interventionism,” and “market orientations.” These three categories have distinct functions; for example, power distance relates to a journalist’s relationship with politics and the political class. On the other hand, a journalist who practices interventionism serves a particular mission and participates in and advocates for society (Hanitzsch, 2007: 371). Studies have found that journalists in liberal democracies mostly play the watchdog role, critically analysing people in power and society and preaching about objectivity and impartiality (Hanitzsch, 2007: 373). The third category of journalistic roles is producing news primarily with the public’s interest, aiming to follow market logic and public need (Hanitzsch, 2007: 374). These three dimensions of role orientations range between participatory and detached watchdog journalistic role perceptions. Scholars have argued that earlier concepts of journalistic roles have been criticised because they are mainly used to describe journalistic practice in Western liberal democracies (Donsbach, 2008; Hanitzsch, 2017; Norris & Odugbemi, 2008; Pintak & Ginges, 2008; Romano, 2005). This prior exclusion of non-Western contexts does not mean that journalists have not been performing their roles in such contexts, as other studies have shown an increasing number of journalistic roles in nondemocratic or semidemocratic societies. In developing countries in transition, there has been a never-ending quest to understand journalistic roles in their societies’ sociopolitical and economic spaces. These conceptualisations of their practices thus gave rise to the term development journalism. Reportedly, the term was used first in the 1970s in Asia, with the main aim of getting journalists involved to ensure achieving developmental policies and objectives by warranting that they participate in providing information and reporting on such issues to enhance societal progress (Kalyango et al., 2017). Supporters of this journalistic role view the practice positively, as the media can participate meaningfully in the development process of its country. Development journalism’s normative role is to provide the media systems in society that allow journalists to act as change agents supporting the work of political leaders to improve their society. In development journalism, it is expected that media workers report positively about government activities and officials, which critics argue makes it easier for authoritarian governments to

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use them for their benefit (Sussman, 1982), resulting in the media losing its objectivity and independence (Shafer, 1998). In this regard, it is a principle that governments could use to censor and meddle in the affairs of media institutions and the work of journalists. During the colonial era in Africa, pan-Africanists such as Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana proposed that the press should actively participate in the country’s development. In this sense, the media was an instrument they intended to use to loosen the grip of colonial power (Domatob & Hall, 1983). Although development journalism was not official at the time, pan-Africanists struggling for independence saw the media as a part of the governance structures, and they expected the media to be involved in the sociocultural and economic development of the state (Domatob & Hall, 1983). Kwame Nkrumah himself was a journalist turned publisher who established several newspapers in his home country and later became president of Ghana, the first African nation to gain independence from British rule. His fight to get journalists to see themselves as an instrument of revolution came into conflict with the press as he attempted to pass out authoritarian directives (Shaw, 2009: 499). In their article on development journalism in Africa, Domatob and Hall (1983) outlined the roles of the press as seen by politicians and diplomats and claim that journalists’ tasks involve the role of mobilising the public for specific goals. For example, in Ethiopia, they described the role of the press as ensuring the improvement of educational quality. The responsibility of journalists in Sierra Leone is to unify the country. The press in Togo is expected to take up the role of informing and mobilising the public to support the president and the political party in office (Domatob & Hall, 1983: 12). Early postcolonial governments already had state control over the press, making it easier for them to use the terminology “development journalism” to strengthen their hold on the institutions and journalists themselves at the time. These governments suggested that journalism is a tool for their benefit. Moreover, in a case wherein journalists lose their freedom of expression—a fundamental human right—through their loss of autonomy, subsequently leading to the end of the “watchdog” role of journalism that holds governments accountable, the government would be able to drive the agenda to promote their initiatives. Moreover, the role orientations of journalists are divided into various levels and categories. In this regard, Hanitzsch and Vos (2017) explain that journalistic roles are articulated and implemented at two distinct analytical levels, further divided into four categories. In this sense, role

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orientations are either normative or cognitive and role performance into practised and narrated roles. Normative role orientations are socially negotiated and explain how journalists fit into the expectations of the public and the values they should hold (Hanitzsch & Vos, 2017: 11), while role performance describes the behaviours and actual practices of journalists. Simply put, they correlate to conceptually distinct ideas regarding what society expects journalists to do, their actual practices, and the cognitive (Hanitzsch & Vos, 2017: 10). In a study on journalism cultures and journalistic role orientations, it is essential to describe the differences articulated. Thus, this book examines journalistic roles’ normative and cognitive distinctions and focuses on role perceptions. Normative roles are not learned but are developed selectively by journalists and sometimes used to form their cognitive roles. Journalists’ Epistemological Orientations Epistemologies are the second domain of journalism cultures, dealing with “the access to reality and the validity criterion used by journalists to distinguish what is true from what is false” (Mellado et  al., 2012: 63). They are defined as “the rules, routines and institutionalised procedures that operate within a social setting, the form of the knowledge produced, and the knowledge claims expressed (or implied)” (Ekström, 2002: 260). Role perceptions define who journalists are and what they do, while epistemologies address how they fulfil these roles. In reporting their stories, epistemological underpinnings guide journalists through the process. It is also an inquiry into the nature of acceptable evidence, the character of knowledge, and the criterion used for validation that helps one distinguish between true and false claims (Anderson & Baym, 2004: 603). Various arguments postulate truth-seeking as a primary characteristic of “good journalism.” In this regard, Kovach and Rosenstiel (2007: 37) list truth-telling as a fundamental duty of journalists and describe it as journalism’s first obligation. Epistemological orientations describe the philosophies journalists attach themselves to, their perspectives about how they fulfil their roles, and the norms they adhere to during the journalistic process. It is essential to understand the procedures followed by journalists to reproduce their realities because their work serves as a mirror of society through shared knowledge and information. News and truth are different concepts that should not be confused with one another (Lippmann, 1922). However, there are arguments that journalism’s relevance and

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legitimacy in society can be ascertained by viewing it as the fountain of knowledge and truth regarding information dissemination. Journalists justify their position in a democratic society with the claim of being able to offer citizens reliable and necessary knowledge (Ekström, 2002: 260). For this reason, people would believe journalists’ accounts rather than some random eyewitness to an event. In this technological era, where almost everyone has access to audio and video recording devices, where there is a rise in misinformation and disinformation, it is even more critical for people to know that their source is reliable and is reporting the truth about an event: “Epistemological considerations in journalism raise the question of whether or not the news can provide an objective and value-free account of the truth and, if so, how such truth claims are to be justified” (Hanitzsch, 2007: 376). The assumption is that validating, fact-­ checking, and giving a balanced account of the news is an essential process through which journalists justify their work. These processes relate to how journalists work to ensure that they report truthfully through verification that involves knowledgeable facts (Tong, 2015). Nevertheless, the methods by which journalists validate the facts and truth in a story can be different. In this regard, scholars have found a wide array of differences in epistemological orientations (Donsbach & Klett, 1993; Rønning, 2002; Tomaselli, 2009; Tuchman, 1973; Weaver, 1998; Weaver & Wilhoit, 1986; Zhu et al., 1997). Scholars have also found that the differences in the systems of verification that journalists go through to make their claims of truthfulness are influenced by the societies in which they practice (Ettema & Glasser, 1984). Donsbach and Klett (1993) found some differences in epistemological orientations between journalists in the United Kingdom, Sweden, Germany, the United States, and Italy. In their study, the journalists all agreed on the notion of objectivity but differed considerably on how strongly they believed in its application (Ettema & Glasser, 1984: 78). They also found a significant relationship between role perceptions and belief in objectivity. Moreover, Weaver (1998) similarly found a wide disagreement on journalistic norms, including epistemological orientations, in his comparative study of twenty-one countries on different continents. Muñoz-Torres (2007) studied the epistemological orientations that inform style books in three leading Spanish media institutions, while Hearns-Branaman (2011) analysed the epistemological beliefs of political correspondents in the United Kingdom and the United States. Many of these studies were done in Western countries, believed to have established structures that uphold

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the tenets of democracy. The assumption is that adherence to epistemological orientations could pose a significant challenge for journalists in nondemocratic, developing, or transitional countries. Understanding the epistemological orientations of the sub-Saharan African continent requires an in-depth look at the development of the various approaches from the oral traditional era until now. As one of the three areas through which journalism cultures materialise, Hanitzsch (2007) classified epistemological orientations into two domains: objectivism and empiricism. Objectivism One of the most significant claims made by journalists is that their work is objective or, rather, almost every journalist states that they are striving to achieve it. Objectivism is the philosophical perspective of journalists relating to how they remain neutral and report only the truth in the news. Objective journalists believe that reality is absolute and that it is vital to separate opinions from facts and only report the facts without one’s perspective influencing the news. In this regard, they assume that one can study the facts and journalists can be neutral and view the issue as a detached observer to find the truth and report it (Reese, 1990). In this regard, they have only to go through a process of distinguishing between what is true and untrue to ascertain what is factual, credible, and valuable. In contrast, other journalists believe in subjectivism and deny the existence of absolute truth but accept that, during their work, they can either consciously or subconsciously create the truth. They believe that all humans are subjective and that the pursuit of truth can make their subjective views influence a story. Subjectivists believe that news does not just come from nowhere, but it is what exists in the world, and one can select what they find, process it, and interpret it before they report it (Hanitzsch et al., 2011). Empiricism The second category of epistemology, empiricism, describes the process journalists use to justify their claims about the truth. Every time journalists present their stories, they claim that their account of the event is valid, accurate, and credible. To do this, they need justification. This dimension of epistemology, therefore, concerns the justification of truth claims made

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by journalists. Hanitzsch et  al. (2011) propose two means of justifying truth claims in journalistic epistemologies: empirical (high) and analytical (low). The journalism cultures that emphasise observation, measurement, experience, and evidence consider the empirical justification of claims considered proper a priority. In this sense, journalists should justify their truth claims by critically observing and providing evidence of their observations. Journalists who rate the empirical justification of truth highly value journalism procedures that prioritise the importance of factual knowledge over analytical knowledge (Hanitzsch, 2007: 337). Methodologically, this kind of journalism consists of procedures such as investigation and fact-­ checking with the mission of justifying the truth. It is more dependent on the facts found than on the opinion of the journalists. Chong (2017) argues that fact-based journalism is unattainable, as media scholars have argued that even the news selection process is selective and not objective. Moreover, there are immense criticisms levied against fact-based journalism for producing news that is biased towards official sources: some scholars argue that this approach to reporting makes it easier for elite sources to manipulate the news because journalists end up being too predictable (Entman, 1989: 37). For this reason, some understand investigative journalism as an alternative and a practice that would make up for such a deficiency by going beyond fact-based reporting into making decisions about right and wrong (Donsbach & Klett, 1993: 56). On the other end of the continuum are journalists who advocate for the analytical justification of truth claims, as they accentuate ideas, opinions, reason, values, and analysis (Hanitzsch et al., 2011). Analytical journalism does not require the value of objectivity or other conventional standards of balance, accuracy, or fairness; it is based on the ability and analytical skills of the writer, whose mission is to persuade the audience to believe in his/her subjective presentation of the truth. Opinion pieces or columns in media institutions are examples of such journalistic practices. However, scholars argue that one can rarely encounter analytical or empirical journalism in its pure forms in practice. In reality, most journalistic works present news that reflects both extremes, placing them in the centre of the two extremes. Nevertheless, both dimensions should be separated because research has found patterns in how the dimensions connect. The higher the level of journalists’ emphasis on empiricism and factual reporting, the closer they can relate to objectivism, and the stronger their beliefs in the analytical dimensions connect closely to a belief in subjectivism (Hanitzsch, 2007: 377).

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Journalists’ Ethical Ideologies Role perceptions influence the ethical values of journalists and their sense of identity in society. Ward (2005) states that “what one regards as a question of journalism ethics depends, ultimately, on one’s conception of the primary functions of journalism and the principles that promote those aims” (296). Ethics is a very lucrative ground to discuss practice and how members of a particular profession conduct themselves. Therefore, ethical journalism is often described as “responsible” journalism. The arguments are that the existence of freedom of expression does not give journalists a free hand to report indiscriminately, but they must adhere to certain prescribed ethical principles that guide their work and existence. Ethical ideologies are the third constituent of journalism cultures, consisting of the norms and values journalists adhere to on the field during practice. Some scholars define journalism ethics as upholding values that promote truthfulness during practice using principles that adhere to good behaviour (Ward, 2005: 295). Therefore, ethics are the philosophical foundations that guide good conduct and a method of verifying what is right or wrong in each context or practice. People utilise a systematic, reasoned, or rational approach based on a set of principles to determine what is good or ethical and what is wrong or unethical in human conduct (Retief, 2002: 3). Ward (2005: 296) argues that journalism ethics investigates both the micro and macro problems of journalism that face both the conduct of individual journalists and the role of the press in society. In addition, Ward proposes several problematic areas where journalists face ethical dilemmas. These areas include adherence to accuracy and ensuring to verify their facts and sources while reporting, upholding their independence at work, their conduct with their colleagues and employers, deception and fabrication during practice, which involves using hidden technology to access stories, protecting the confidentiality of sources, and how to report sensitive stories that include suicide attempts and more (Ward, 2005: 296–297). Nevertheless, even though journalists constantly engage with ethical dilemmas that require their attention in practice, their approach to ethics may vary. In addressing these ethical dilemmas, Keeble (2005) found four main approaches journalists and media commentators use to distinguish and describe journalists’ reactions in such situations. First, he describes the cynical and amoral approach in which ethics is irrelevant to journalists. The second is the relativist approach, which relates to the ad hoc response

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to ethical problems using a formal code of ethics. Third, the standard professional approach emphasises the requirement for journalists to follow and adhere to a formulated professional code of ethics linked to social responsibility theory and the liberal professional approach (Keeble, 2005: 55). The social responsibility and liberal professional approach emanated from the four theories of press and the argument that the media should be uncensored, unrestricted, and uphold the right to self-regulation. Therefore, Ward (2005) proposes five stages of journalism ethics. It starts with the introduction of ethics as a domain that advocated for reform and gave birth to the concepts of the fourth estate, the libertarian press theory, objective journalism, social responsibility theory and the community and care model (Ward, 2005: 297). All these models contain philosophical and ethical ideologies that journalists utilise during practice. Moreover, ethical ideologies in this context are journalistic values that differ from overall moral values and should not be confused with one another. That is why Hanitzsch (2007) argues that the determinants of moral values emanate from specific cultural contexts and should not be treated as a universal dimension for journalism cultures but should instead be considered as contextual dimensions (378). Western values, for example, honesty, fairness, and respect for privacy and truth, have been assumed to be universal, but this is not always the case. Other developing countries propagate values such as social unity and harmony (Perkins, qtd in Hanitzsch, 2007). Sub-Saharan African values are grounded in the shared value of humanity that promotes actions for the good of the community, upholding what is deemed moral, and respect, especially for elders, authorities, and religion, to be discussed further in this chapter. However, ethical values can stem from individual values. Moral values can inform ethical ideologies, as journalists form their perspectives on ethics first as individuals and as part of a community. Generally, ethical values can be both an individual and a social ideology. Individual ethics are the personal values that help develop character, whereas social ethics aid societal harmony through the respectful and compassionate relationship between community members. Ethics is an ongoing project involving the invention, application, and critique of the principles that define social roles, guide human interaction, and justify institutional structures in society (Ward, 2005: 296). In this sense, ethics are the moral guidelines that regulate our conduct in society. Ethical media studies also accept the correlation between the individual and society in regard to the ethical

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ideologies of journalists (Nassanga, 2008; Plaisance et  al., 2012; Ward, 2005). Hanitzsch et al. (2011) confirm that ethical orientations could be different in every country, and they classify the ethical views of journalism into two distinct categories using the dimensions proposed by the psychologist Donelson R. Forsyth: • “Relativism is the way in which journalists determine their philosophies regarding what is right or wrong. There are journalists who believe that the situational context determines what the right thing or the wrong thing is, therefore influencing what the ethical decision is, whereas another group of journalists feel that professional ethics should be universal and should not be affected by the context under which they are being applied. • Idealism deals with the ethical perspectives of journalists regarding the importance of consequences when dealing with ethical dilemmas. What this means, therefore, is that the journalist who is highly idealistic will tend to operate in a means-oriented manner with the belief that with the ‘right’ action, desirable consequences are obtained, whereas the less idealistic journalist takes a goal-oriented approach, i.e. the end justifies the means, and accepts that harm may be part of producing a greater good” (Hanitzsch et al., 2011: 4). Journalists’ perspectives on how they deal with the dilemmas they encounter during practice help us to understand the differences and journalism cultures that exist from country to country. Studies into African journalism ethics, for example, advocate that journalists should cease using Western ethical concepts but should build occupational ideologies that conform to their societal values. Pan African scholars such as Francis Kasoma (1996) have proposed the use of “Afriethics,” which describes the fusion of African values and media ethics. In this sense, ethical values specific to the African way of life need to be developed by taking religion, respect for elders, community (above all else), and the productivity of an individual into account (Moemeka, 1998). This concept has, however, been criticised by other scholars, who argue that it assumes a “static culture” (Tomaselli, 2003) founded on a “frozen view of harmony in rural Africa” (Banda, 2009: 235). An ethical ideology that is globalised would create a mix of both local and global values. In an article on the globalisation of journalism ethics, focusing on India and South Africa, Wasserman and Rao (2008: 163) found an exchange between global and local

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epistemologies and practice. Although they suggest a theoretical model that involves both global and local contexts, ethics should still be studied by considering specific cultural and national contexts. This study examines the ethics of journalists in their given context while considering the local and global factors that shape them.

The Sub-Saharan African Journalistic Values Over the years, African journalism scholars have also opposed the dominance and dependence of African journalism on Western models (Nyamnjoh, 2005a; Wasserman, 2006; Banda, 2008; Sesanti, 2010; Skjerdal, 2012). Mabweazara (2014: 107) argues that newsmaking is still influenced and compared to Western standards of professional journalism practice. Some of the reasons why Western influences on journalism still thrive in Africa go back to historical colonial legacies (Asante, 1996) coupled with the introduction of Western-styled democracies (Shaw, 2009) and what Skjerdal (2012) describes as the lack of consensus on an African journalism paradigm as an alternative to replace Western concepts. Another issue is that African journalists have been socialised through education and training that Western standards are universally accepted and should strive towards adherence to them in practice (Uche, 1991). Furthermore, scholars have lamented the challenges non-Western scholars face, whose voices are sometimes drowned in the arena of scholarly debates. They argue that there is still a lack of acceptance of the existence of other forms of journalism that preceded the present forms in non-Western societies. Chalaby (1996) proposes the notion that journalism is an “Anglo-American” invention, but critics argue on the contrary that it could be misleading not to accept journalism from other countries on other continents in Africa, Latin America, and Asia (Wasserman & De Beer, 2009; Tomaselli, 2009; Alonso & Ibáñez, 2013). Over the years, despite their academic challenges, African media scholars have not been dissuaded from tendering their contributions in defining an identity for journalism existing on the continent based on their ideologies, local trajectories, and cultural values. As stated earlier, Ubuntuism (Blankenberg, 1999), Afriethics (Kasoma, 1996), and Ujamaa journalism (Ramaprasad, 2003) are all forms of journalism based on African philosophies proposed to replace the journalism inherited from the West. Therefore, the renowned scholar Skjerdal (2012) proposed three normative concepts through which African journalism can be classified: (1)

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communal journalism, (2) journalism for social change, and (3) journalism inspired by oral discourse (Skjerdal, 2012: 637–638). It is worth noting that interventionistic journalism roles share some of these traits, which include advocating for social change, and it helps us understand journalism as a tool to develop societies. In his explanations, he also mentioned three issues, categorisation, semantics, and demarcation, that could confront the theorising of global journalistic models. However, the key concepts used to understand journalistic identity on the continent are often analysed in isolation. Despite each society’s unique features, the connection African journalistic values share with global journalistic values and identity are sometimes understood as influences. Moreover, one of the criticisms of Western journalism from “Afrocentric” scholars has been the focus on individualism and liberal principles that they argue are foreign to the African society. Moral philosophies in Africa, on the contrary, promote brotherliness, harmony, unity, and community. One of these philosophies repeatedly pushed to the forefront when African journalistic identity is mentioned is the concept of “Ubuntuism.” It originates from the South African Zulu proverb “umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu,” which means “a person is a person through other persons” (Christians, 2004 qtd. in Obijiofor, 2011), emphasising the collective community rather than the individual. Over the years, scholars and policymakers have added other concepts through which journalistic practices can be understood. One of these is the Ujamaa concept, formulated as a policy in Tanzania in 1967 by former President Nyerere as a socialist ideology that encouraged a cooperative approach to processing and distributing society’s wealth and essentials. The concept was later adopted as a form of journalistic ideology that built on journalism models that propagate against individualisation and liberalism and promote a form of African socialistic values (Ramaprasad, 2001). African socialism is understood as communalism, the individual’s connection to the community, and shared humanity. Skjerdal (2012) argues that although Ujamaa journalism shares similar traits with advocacy journalism, its uniqueness lies in the fact that it came from Tanzania in Africa. Critics frowned at the source of Ujamaa and, since its inception, say the concept has been politicised and used for the benefit of the government and leaders (Ramaprasad, 2003; Sturmer, 1998; Skjerdal, 2012). However, prior to introducing Ubuntuism and Ujamaa into journalism precisely in the south and east regions of Africa, Western media pioneers

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had already been serving their roles in the struggle for independence. The colonial governments created the current modern media systems in Africa, but the growth of journalism was encouraged as a necessity to promote freedom from colonial rule (Skjerdal, 2013). The role of journalism was significant in regaining independence in many African countries. Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana and Jomo Kenyatta in Kenya encouraged the media to participate in the struggles for freedom from colonialism (Adesoji, 2006; Ngara &  Esebonu, 2012; Ngoa, 2011). Other forms of journalism are emerging and adding to the matrix of forming the journalistic identity on the continent, such as development journalism (Xu, 2009), which originates from the Asian continent and propagated in transitioning and third world countries. Bourgault (1995: 173) argues that the media’s development in Africa came about from the need for its participation in nation-­ building, which resulted in journalists focusing more on the developmental objectives of the government rather than serving the role as critical agents (qtd in Alonso & Ibáñez, 2013: 50). Ubuntu journalism is categorised as “journalism for social change.” Skjerdal (2012) argues that it can also relate to journalism based on “Afriethics” (Kasoma, 1996; Banda, 2009). Both journalistic styles connect to the African values that promote collective living, and they view the journalist as part of the community rather than an individual professional (Skjerdal, 2012). Mfumbusa (2008) argues that Kasoma’s call for journalism to serve more than only a developmental purpose in practice is an agenda to move away from the “loyalist” journalism that serves the needs of only the authorities and their economic interests. This approach promotes more community-centred journalism that advocates for the common good (Mellado et  al., 2012: 63). Furthermore, Ubuntuism and Afro-ethicism not only project an afro-centred journalism style but also have epistemological underpinnings that serve the African perspective of morality and ethical behaviour in journalism. Ubuntuism refers to a philosophy encompassing the African way of life that depicts their total consciousness of what it means to be African (Ward & Wasserman, 2010). Moreover, ethics in the African context, for example, are assessed by the level of respect someone portrays for another person by fulfilling their humanity or humanness. The essence of journalism is service to the community. Afro-ethics measures journalism from the level of service to the community and the social conduct of journalists (Kasoma, 1996). The late Francis Kasoma aimed to propose “Afriethics” as a journalism practice based on African values (Banda, 2009). He argues that journalism in

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Africa should project the spirit of the African and detach itself from the divisive and unhealthy competition that water down morality in the “African” press. “Adopting a society-based approach to professionalism in journalism, African journalists will be better equipped to check on one another’s professional misgivings and thereby improve the quality of journalistic performance on the continent” (Kasoma, 1996: 113). His proposal promotes an “African-particularistic ontological and epistemic framework” (Banda, 2009: 233). Additionally, these ethical ideologies support a relativist approach to ethics that postulates that what is morally good and bad can be different based on the society in which one finds oneself (Banda, 2009: 234). It is assumed in this study that the ethical considerations of journalists can vary depending on the realities journalists face, and journalism in sub-Saharan Africa is no exception. Therefore, like every other society, journalism in Africa has been evolving for centuries. During the precolonial era and colonial eras, Africans practised a unique form of journalism. “Journalism then took the form of oral discourse using communication norms informed by oral tradition and folk culture with communal story-tellers (griots), musicians, poets and dancers playing the role of the modern-day journalist” (Shaw, 2009: 5). Journalism based on oral tradition is one of the three streams of African journalism proposed by Skjerdal (2012). He argues that oral discussions share similar care for African tradition and culture, such as communal journalism forms, and should be taken more as a form and not a method (Skjerdal, 2012: 645). Oral discourse preceded colonialism and was a building block for modern-day journalism on the continent (Bourgault, 1995). Scholars have argued that even though these journalistic values and models are rooted in African philosophies, they sometimes still relate to journalistic paradigms in many parts of the world. Ubuntuism and Afriethics are equated with communitarianism in Europe and North America (Christians, 2004, Banda, 2010, Skjerdal, 2013). In support of this connection, scholars have argued that journalistic norms such as fact telling, impartiality, and other moral philosophies align with the concept of ubuntuism and that the belief does not conflict with journalistic standards of practice (Skjerdal, 2012: 644). Ujamaa fits into the paradigm of development journalism that exists in many transitional societies in Asia and South America. The contention in many African scholarly traditions is not the absence of “good” journalism or journalism that fits the

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cultures of countries on the continent, but it is about the form of journalism practised being recognised and accepted by scholars and journalists. The tendency for global journalism scholars to think there is only “one” journalism to be practised and that one standard should be the aspiration of journalists worldwide has posed a more significant challenge for African journalism to be accepted as equal to other forms of journalism. For transitional countries and young democracies, especially those in sub-Saharan Africa, to be accepted in the equilibrium of world discourses, a thorough explanation should be given where the democratic principles and practices should be viewed and interpreted in line with a society’s existing culture and living style of the people (Voltmer, 2013: 5). As societies in transition, journalism cultures move with the tide. Journalism in many parts of the world continues to change to fit the realities of a changing global world. Therefore, this book shows that journalistic orientations can differ in other contexts. The differences are not initiated but occur through socialisation processes and the environmental realities in the country in which the journalists practice. Journalists in authoritarian regimes think differently about their roles and values in society from journalists in liberal democracies. However, journalism culture changes as regimes change and countries assume a postauthoritarian status to move towards more democratic states. Kasoma (1996) indicates  that  journalists every where in the world are expected to function within the limitations prescribed by their societies and the national ideologies that exist in their context (Kasoma, 1996: 98). Thus, the political and social contexts influence the model of journalism practised in each nation.

Conclusion This chapter has explored various issues that must be addressed in the study of journalism culture. It has discussed theoretical perspectives that inform this research, such as understanding journalism as a culture and as an occupational identity. The chapter has also defined key concepts for forming a holistic study of journalism cultures. Journalistic roles in society describe journalists, while epistemological orientations and ethical considerations help us understand how they do their work and what they consider during practice. These concepts are significant in the formation of the occupational identities of journalism practitioners. In this sense,

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identities are formed through various means and on various levels while considering the influences surrounding individuals and their associations and belief systems. This chapter discussed the various concepts underpinning journalistic values in sub-Saharan Africa and how it has been evolving, arguing that journalistic identities should be considered from the framework of the African philosophies and environments in which it exists. The next chapter will discuss the influences on journalistic identities and globalisation.

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CHAPTER 4

Journalistic Identities in an Era of Globalisation

Through Dictatorships, Wars, and Democracy Journalist Sorie Kargbo (a pseudonym) is a veteran journalist who has practised in Sierra Leone for almost three decades. His early years in journalism started during the country’s dictatorships, military regimes, civil war, and now democratic dispensation. A conversation with him will not end if he does not mention the changing faces of journalism over the years; in some instances, for the better, where developments have taken place and in others, deterioration of some of the standards he once knew. His accounts of the risks and threats to journalists during the war are horrible, as the brutal civil war in Sierra Leone was not a good time to be a journalist. Both sides of the warring factions threatened them; some were killed, and others tortured. The Committee to Protect Journalists organisation reports that approximately eighteen journalists and media workers were killed during the rebel war in Sierra Leone. Others report that these numbers could be higher. He explains that journalism practice in the country has been transitioning. For example, the safety levels of journalists during the war were different from what exists now. In the past years, however, he says they do not face these dangers as significantly as before, despite threats from politicians, but the current threat is press freedom. A change in journalists’ safety is not the only observation he points out, but he says the country’s transition to democracy has shifted their focus on the roles they play in their society. Journalism practice has also changed as the © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. B. Koroma, Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-31093-5_4

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country transitions on political, economic, and cultural fronts. He does not know what to expect with the onset of digitalisation, globalisation, and technological advancement. However, he is very curious to see what journalism will become. Therefore, researchers are also interested in such changes that shape journalistic perceptions worldwide. How journalists navigate through changes is an important phenomenon to explore, as studies have reported that the context in which journalists practice influences how they see themselves and their work. Some studies have shown that journalism is not only practised in Western, democratic, and liberal societies but also exists in other contexts. How do journalists operate in developing nondemocratic or semidemocratic states with challenges of adherence to human rights and the lack of press freedom? Understanding the contexts in which journalism exists in such transitional societies is fundamental to understanding the varying journalistic practices in these contexts (Hanitzsch et al., 2011). Research has also found that journalism in such countries changes over time, but its essence remains the same. It is worth noting that journalism does not begin with democratic regime change in such contexts. In contrast, journalists work under old regimes reinventing and priding themselves in the achievements they acquire through changes in emerging democracies (Voltmer, 2013). Although research on this phenomenon has grown in recent years, there are few studies on the impact of all these factors on journalism cultures in developing contexts, especially in the Global South. The significant criticisms against previous studies on journalism cultures have been that they use Western frameworks to study journalism in other contexts and lack contextualisation, especially for countries going through transitions. In recent decades, these criticisms have been levied by communication scholars whose studies focus on non-Western societies (Zhao, 1998; Park & Curran, 2000; Josephi, 2005; Andresen, 2009; Paterson et  al., 2012; Skjerdal, 2012; Muchtar et al., 2017). One of the earlier critiques came from Nerone et al. (Ed.) (1995). They pointed out that Peterson, Siebert & Schramm’s classic book “The Four Theories of the Press,” widely used to study journalism and society worldwide, only described journalism in a particular context—Western liberalisation. It offers one theory with four examples and not four theories (Nerone, 1995). Nerone et al.’s (Ed.) argument was that in this book, there were only two descriptions of the press: either they were independent of government or they formed part of the governance structure.

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Another criticism of the book was that it mainly focused on the political and did not include economic philosophies. This model, they argue, only considers the media in a society where the “freedom from state control is equal to freedom of enterprise, democracy with capitalism, leaving no room for an un-free media situation/ free market” (Bourdon, 2004: 95). These features make it less applicable in countries in transition where complex systems of state and market dynamics exist in a context other than the liberal democratic systems found in Western contexts. Denis McQuail (1987) criticised the exclusion of the developing world in the book “Mass Communication Theory: An Introduction.” Even though he adopted the four theories by Siebert Peterson and Schramm, he added two more theories he thought were missing: the development and democratic participation theories. Hallin and Macini (2004) argue that for one to understand the news media and, by extension, journalism practice, it is essential to obtain an understanding of the political system and structures of the state, how politics relate to the economy and the foundation, and understanding of other social structures in society (Hallin & Macini, 2004: 8). Other scholars have supported this understanding of media systems and society. Josephi (2008) explains that the media system model propounded by Hallin and Mancini contributes significantly to replacing the four theories of the press. She argues that Hallin and Mancini’s arguments have challenged the narrative that the Anglo-American journalistic ideology is the adaptable model for every society globally (Josephi, 2008: 387). According to her, the polarised pluralist or Mediterranean model presents a different angle and can be used to understand the media in developing countries. The studies on journalistic identities in transitional societies aimed to fill this gap and understand other models of journalism in other societies. However, scholars have propounded that the transitional terminology originated earlier from countries in the communist bloc in eastern and central Europe undergoing political, economic, and social changes. In recent years, it has also been increasingly used to describe developing countries in Asia and Africa. Josephi (2008: 390) argues that one of the main reasons that spurred scholars to research developing societies was the global media freedom index, which consecutively shows a higher percentage of countries whose media are not free. A third of the countries in the world have journalism sectors operating in pseudodemocracies or semidemocracies, strengthening the importance of understanding journalism in such countries. Globally, studies have found that journalism is affected not only by political transitions but also by economic transitions. As a result,

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these transitions pose economic and technological challenges and affect the foundations of professional journalistic values in societies (Voltmer, 2013: 1979). Over the years, countries have undergone different transitions for the better or worse. In this book, the definition of transition encompasses the changes faced by countries undergoing democratisation and liberalisation (Voltmer, 2013). Such changes most times create a shift in the structures that once existed. Furthermore, in this chapter, we will discuss these various transitions and how they impact journalistic cultures in such contexts.

The Construction of Journalistic Identities Understanding journalists’ identity constructs requires an approach that considers the personal and social identities that influence them. Berger and Luckmann (1991) maintain that identity emerges from the dialectic between individuals and society through processes of socialisation and internalisation. Identity is self-perception or self-image, and journalists, like other professionals, work towards building strong and positive identities for the public and themselves. Phelan and Kinsella (2009) argue that the discourses on occupational identity theory mostly place the individual at the centre with what appears to be little connection to the broader social context. One of the arguments of this book is that the occupational identities of journalists cannot be isolated from the norms and social structures that exist in the societies in which they live. In developing countries promoting collectivist values and identities, identities often relate to the broader society. Journalists are not just professionals but also part of their sociocultural, political, and economic communities (Skjerdal, 2012: 51). That is why we cannot understand journalistic identities separately without considering the society in which they exist. Journalistic culture varies from society to society based on the normative understanding of what journalists should be. “Hence, what a good society is, what good journalism is, what its performance should be, and what professional identity in journalism could be might differ across countries and cultures” (Raemy, 2020: 4). Thus, the correlation between journalists’ professional views and their societies has been an interesting ground for scholars, with much research focusing on societal influences on journalism cultures (Gans, 1979; Hanitzsch et al., 2016; McQuail, 2000; Preston, 2009; Shoemaker & Reese, 1996, 2013), journalistic values (Pintak & Nazir, 2013; Hanitzsch et al., 2011; Ramaprasad & Rahman, 2006; Weaver & Wilhoit,

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1986, 1996; Cohen, 1963), and journalistic identities in relation to the values of journalists (Hanitzsch & Vos, 2017; Zelizer, 1993). However, influences on journalistic values in developing countries and emerging democracies have a long history, starting with the establishment of media institutions. Current journalistic practices in some countries were introduced by foreign powers that controlled the sociopolitical systems, giving them the sole power to dictate what journalism should be. Historical occurrences in most societies influence and shape journalistic values and practices. In all of these, politics play a crucial role every step of the way (Guyot, 2009: 1). In many of these countries, the postindependent societal structures and newly emerging political systems have transformed journalistic values from those that were inherited during colonialism. Like their counterparts in Western societies, journalists in the Global South are adapting and engaging to understand their profession’s normative expectations. Their roles, ethics, and epistemologies in the context of their societies are shaped by what exists even though, in other ways, they still cling to the former knowledge they obtained on the previous societal functions of journalism. With the incoming democratic governance systems, journalists in these countries are learning new ways of practice. Kasoma (1995) claims that there is a significant link between the press and democracy in developing countries on the African continent: “It is virtually impossible to develop a democratic government without the support of free and independent press” (Kasoma, 1995: 539). Here, he means a press free from the influence and dictates of political leadership. This idea of the media being free could relate to normative concepts dealing with freedom of expression and freedom of the press. According to Hanitzsch et al. (2010), “if it is true that journalism plays such a pivotal role in modern society, studying the social forces that shape its practice is all the more important for anyone wishing to understand contemporary culture” (1). Such forces influence how journalists think about their work and the values they adhere to during practice. Dissociating journalists from the forces that influence their decisions and perspectives on their work is unrealistic because journalists are influenced daily by how they report stories and make professional decisions (Gans, 1979). Moreso, media workers, are humans born and socialised in particular contexts and societies, just like everyone else (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996). Most countries in the Global South are still transitioning or building young democratic political systems that need journalists’ input to thrive.

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Therefore, examining journalists’ professional identities in such contexts will involve understanding their role perceptions, epistemologies, and ethics. In this regard, Hanitzsch et  al. (2011) found differences between Western contexts and emerging countries: “In the developing and transitional contexts of Egypt, China, Chile, Romania, Russia and, in part, Uganda, journalists pay more attention to providing political direction for their audiences” (10). They found that journalistic roles in such countries are educational. The lack of development and information in such societies encourages journalists to perceive their work differently from their counterparts elsewhere. In addition, they found that interventionistic journalistic practices were prominent in developing countries where journalists use their platform to promote change in their communities. These findings were not exceptional, as it is evident that journalists work in a way that considers the needs of their societies (Hanitzsch et al., 2011: 7). Moreover, studies have shown that several factors influence journalists and journalism perceptions in countries around the world (Hanitzsch et  al., 2010; Shoemaker & Reese, 1996; Blumler & Gurevitch, 1995; Gans, 1979; Tuchman, 1978). The model proposed by Shoemaker and Reese (1996) has been widely used as a theoretical framework for studying influences on journalistic values. A plethora of research over the years has also proposed a significant list of potential influences on journalistic values (Harcup & O’Neill, 2017; Hanusch, 2013; Hanitzsch, 2007; Deuze, 2005; Witschge & Nygren, 2009; Voakes, 1997). These studies show that the economic and sociopolitical conditions of the larger contexts in which journalists work influence their perspectives on their work (Hallin & Mancini, 2004). However, research on journalistic identities and influences on journalistic perceptions in transitioning countries, especially in the Global South, is still in its infancy. Herscovitz (2004) found that journalists in Latin America perceive the influence of local norms and foreign factors on their work. Using the case of a country in Latin America, she explains the lack of studies in contexts in the Global South and the connection between local factors and journalistic perceptions. Additionally, little is known about how journalists in developing countries perceive the interplay of local cultural norms with foreign influences in their profession. How does this interaction work? How do journalists solve the puzzle of adapting the journalism principles they learn from other nations to the conditions in which they work? She concludes that Latin American countries are still

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modelling their democracy, and journalism is the dramatic result of conflicting forces, some internal and some external (71). Similarly, many countries in the Global South encounter such challenges. In one of the few studies in a country in sub-Saharan Africa, Ireri (2012) surveyed journalists in Kenya and found media ownership, advertising, and editorial policies to influence perceived journalistic values. Moreover, the findings show that editors were more potent in the newsroom when deciding on news content than media owners and advertisers. Moreover, to structure the list of influences on journalism that scholars have assembled, Shoemaker and Reese (2016) categorised them into two general levels, micro and macro, further divided into five factors: the individual; media routines; the organisation; extramedia factors; and the ideological or social system. This chapter explores the concepts relating to influences on journalism at various levels and applies them to studying journalistic values in a developing country. In this regard, the hierarchy of influence model proposed by Shoemaker and Reese (1996) “helps disentangle the relationships among individual-level professionals and their routines, the organisations that house them, the institutions into which they cohere, and the social systems within which they operate and help maintain” (390). Researchers have also proposed various levels of influence on journalistic perceptions and values. For example, Preston (2009) defined five levels: the individual, the organisation, media routines and norms, political and economic factors, and cultural and ideological factors. A comprehensive and concise model was recently recommended by researchers in the Worlds of Journalism Study Project, who proposed a conceptual model in their study of perceived influences on journalism across various countries (Hanitzsch et al., 2019). In this regard, the “backgrounds, attitudes and professional orientations of the journalists […] media routines (journalistic practices), the organisation (organisational goals, roles, structures and control), the extramedia level (information sources, revenue sources, social institutions, economic environment and technology) and the ideological level (system-level influences)” (2) are all relevant influences on the perceptions of journalists. This book aims to examine the perspectives of journalists on their values and the various influences on their work. Furthermore, it relates the micro, meso, and macro levels of influences to role perceptions, ethical ideologies, and epistemological orientations. Here, the following categories are considered: the micro level, the personal background of the journalist (age, sex, gender, education, and more), while the meso level

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Fig. 4.1  Conceptual framework: Formation of Journalistic Identities

includes procedural factors, and the organisational level and macro level relate to more prominent societal/local influences (e.g., political, economic, and social factors), as discussed below (also see Fig. 4.1).

Micro Levels of Influences The micro level of influence places the individual journalist at the centre of the structure, wherein their bare existence and personal experiences influence them. To understand why journalists perceive their work the way they do, their age, sex, class, race, and more are essential characteristics that should be analysed. Communication scholars have continually mentioned the importance of the personal characteristics of individuals and

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their influences on their professional lives (Reese, 2019). In this book, journalistic perceptions are studied using a cultural lens that helps understand the relationship of individual experiences and characteristics that relate them to their work self-perception. This approach offers an opportunity to understand journalistic perceptions, their dynamics, and specific orientations that impact practice and various backgrounds, such as class, ethnic belonging, and gender (Ahva & Steensen, 2019). In sub-Saharan Africa, for example, Nyamnjoh (2015) argues that individuals, by extension journalists, are caught between cultural and civic citizenship, with each equally accepted. Their cultural background, ethnicity, and upbringing are socialisation processes and forces that can influence their perceptions of their occupation. Culture is learned and nurtured by the environment and experiences derived from individual and collective interactions. Journalists’ procedural experiences and organisational relations can also influence their perceptions of their work. In some countries, newsroom interactions were found to strongly influence the perception of their work. Therefore, professional backgrounds, organisational structures, and roles matter in analysing their perception of their work (Hanitzsch et al., 2010). Newsroom policies and financial models constrain journalists’ work and influence their perceptions of their work (Relly & González de Bustamante, 2013). Therefore, the following sections on the micro levels of influences explore these individual background traits, personal experiences, and organisational structures that can influence and create determinants that help us understand a journalism culture’s collective and unique characteristics. The Individual First, the individual background of journalists and their professional self-­ perceptions form one of the fundamental micro influences on their work (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996). The individual journalist is situated at the centre of the hierarchy of influences model, with the essential factors including their characteristics and values (Preston, 2009: 7). This encompasses the journalists’ age, sex, education, work experience, and position in the workplace (Willnat et al., 2013). Journalists’ demographics influence what professional values they adhere to during practice. Donsbach and Klett (1993: 78) found that a journalist’s notion of objectivity is highly affected by his or her age and political position on the left-right scale. The younger a journalist and the more left leaning he or she is, the

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more likely he or she will emphasise a notion of objectivity as going beyond the statements and digging out the hard facts of a political dispute. However, the influence of the individual level on journalism was first considered in studies on news selection and the sociology of news that investigated concepts such as gatekeeping and bias (Jost & Koehler, 2018; Reese, 2007; Janowitz, 1975). In such studies, the journalists make decisions on their stories and affiliations: the personal bias of an individual journalist, for example, may be relevant to reporting, but journalists of a particular leaning often self-select into organisations because of their preexisting beliefs in the policies, history, and organisational culture. In turn, the news organisation and its employees must function within the ideological boundaries of the larger society (Reese, 2007: 30–31). Scholars have argued that gatekeeping theory is a central concept to consider in discussing the individual level of influence on journalism (Shoemaker & Vos, 2009; Peiser, 2000). In a study comparing two reporters from the New York Times, Tanikawa (2017) found that the personal backgrounds and interests of the journalists influenced their decisions and impacted their news content. Moreover, journalists’ role perceptions may differ from those of their bosses in the newsroom. In this case, their backgrounds tend to be influential. In a study on the influences of editors, readers, and personal opinions on reporters in Wisconsin, Flegel and Chaffee (1971) found the individual personal values of journalists to be more vital. “Reporters were strongly directed by their own opinions and, surprisingly, recognised and were willing to admit and describe this pattern of influence. Editors’ and readers’ views were much less influential” (645). Moreover, Peiser (2000) argues that journalists’ ideological positions and cohort membership regarding age groups and gender influence journalists’ decision-making processes during production. In a study in Germany, Peiser (2000) found that journalists in newsrooms have opposing views on issues, and these personal views influence their various stories. Sometimes journalists can exhibit ideological views, values, and even political positions that differ from those of the population in which they exist. He argues that age groupings are significant when journalists make decisions on newsworthiness; therefore, their age can be an important consideration in deciding what is relevant and what they perceive their work to be. Gender is also an important aspect that plays a role in shaping the perceptions of journalists. Peiser (2000) states that even in a developed

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country such as Germany, fewer women are in newsrooms than their male counterparts. Regarding roles, women have different perceptions and a different focus on stories. In this regard, Peiser (2000: 245) cautiously claims that female journalists most often put priority on stories that have a social impact or solve social problems than men, whose interests in story coverage are different. In sub-Saharan Africa, the challenges of underrepresentation and misrepresentations that have been constantly reported are factors to consider in a study of how female journalists view their work. Education, position in the workplace, and professional experience contribute to the perspectives of journalists. Training is a socialisation process that teaches them what they need to know to survive in the profession. In a study of 29,000 journalists in 31 countries regarding perceived influences on their work, Willnat et al. (2013) found a correlation between role perception and competencies: “How journalists define their desired roles in society is closely related to the professional competencies of journalists. This is because their perceived roles tend to set the boundaries of journalistic skills, knowledge, and abilities” (173). Moreover, the level of education and experience determines the position held in institutions, making it interesting to understand how it can influence journalistic perceptions. “Journalists are not equal regarding their editorial influence. Upper-level managers (with potentially diverging personal views or judgments) will have more influence on the news than journalists in lower positions” (Peiser, 2000: 246). In the African context, other demographic characteristics can join the variables for analysis in a study on influences, such as the region of origin or ethnic groups of the journalists. The ethnic group plays a substantial role in the lives of many African contexts. In contrast, the demographics of educated people are concentrated more in some regions due to historical or social structures that have given certain regions more access to education than others. Here, ethnicity is understood differently than what we find in Western contexts, which describe the representation of minorities in newsrooms, such as Black Americans, Hispanics, or other racial groups (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996; Weaver & Wilhoit, 1996). Ethnic groups in sub-Saharan African countries share the same language and cultural practices. They are the “basic group identity” that all members inherit at birth that satisfies the human need for “belongingness and self-esteem” (Isaacs qtd in Lentz, 1995: 306). Ethnicity is an essential phenomenon in studies on perceptions and ideologies that consider the individual backgrounds of journalists.

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Meso or Procedural Influence Second, procedural processes that form part of one’s daily professional life are perceived influences on journalists. Hanitzsch et al. (2010) describe this level as the “media routine” level that “generates forces that have, over time, led to professional standardisation of news production. These forces become manifest, for instance, in the form of routinised investigation, news gathering and presentation of content” (3). They form part of the meso level of influence, even though they are not innate but are learned by journalists. “Routines are patterned practices that work to organise how we perceive and function within the social world” (Reese, 2001: 180). In this regard, journalists become what they learn through socialisation processes in the newsroom. Their perceptions about their work are influenced by such learned concepts used to report the news: “These routines are invented and developed to make media organisations operate smoothly, providing news workers with clear guidelines to define their own roles” (Xu & Jin, 2017: 197). Thus, normative explanations about ethics and roles are understood through the notions handed down to them by older and more experienced colleagues in the newsrooms. There, they are guided and taught about the roles and ethical considerations they should adhere to during reporting. As journalists participate in the news-making processes, they become embedded in their perspectives regarding what journalism is and how it should be practised. Patterson and Donsbach (2001) conducted a survey of journalists in five countries (the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, Italy, and Sweden) to understand how they perceive their roles and influences on their work and found that journalists were influenced much more by routinised procedures than by partisan beliefs: “As news professionals, they make their choices almost entirely in the context of prescribed journalistic norms and practices, their partisan beliefs are largely immaterial” (Patterson and Donsbach, 2001: 460). Organisational Influences Third, the organisations in which journalists work also influence their perspectives through the values and policies they uphold. Journalists’ work involves various constraints, such as time pressure, organisation policy, and other procedural setbacks. The idea of professionalism is imbibed in workers who negotiate the organisation’s values to satisfy its needs (Reese,

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2007: 36). Journalists work in an environment where satisfying their paymasters is as important as reporting the news. The interests of the owners of their institutions are thus always taken into consideration: “Proprietors have influence not just by direct intervention or by establishing lines that will not be crossed: they set the tone, they decide which markets to target, they control editorial budgets, and they hire and fire the editors who are their representatives on Earth” (Harcup, 2009: 23). Who owns the media in such situations is a key factor to consider since government-owned media institutions operate differently from commercial institutions. In addition, the political system operating in a country determines the categories of ownership accepted in society. Therefore, media ownership indicates their relationship with other societal institutions (Xu & Jin, 2017: 199). At the organisational level, higher factors that control journalists’ work routines and daily activities come into play. Organisational structure and style impact the journalistic products presented and the perception of news producers in a particular media institution: organisational cultures emerge through members’ interactions and their assumption of the values to uphold according to their previous experiences and relationships in the organisation (Yusuff et al., 2008: 839). Employees learn their organisation’s culture through consistent socialisation processes, which is why journalists in one organisation have different perspectives on their work from those in other organisations. Therefore, the organisation’s structure, size, history, and form contribute to journalists’ perception of their work (Xu & Jin, 2017). Such variations in perceptions may also be found among journalists in different media, that is, journalists working for broadcast media institutions may hold a different perception of their work from journalists in the print media. In her study on journalism as a product of organisational culture in Soweto, Cowling (2017) argues about the importance of using organisational culture in any study of media organisations and seeks to emphasise the organisation’s role in influencing journalistic journalism values and journalists’ perspectives. Cowling’s (2017) study was based on analysing eight semi-structured interviews with journalists from The Sowetan newspaper using Schein’s (2010) organisational culture model. She found that the journalists in the newspaper uphold what they refer to as a journalistic value through the spirit of “ubuntuism.” This concept meant caring for their colleagues, as they lack trust in their state or institution to do that for them (Cowling, 2017: 19). Understanding the perspectives of journalists

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and the influence of organisational culture examines how journalists build a sense of identity through socialisation in the newsroom in a particular media organisation. She found that Sowetan journalists share a particular set of values that shows that forms of journalism can manifest in other ways in different societies. “Their particular values and practice suggest that forms of journalism evolve in certain contexts to diverge from the ‘professional’ Anglo-American modes. These ‘journalisms’ use similar terms—such as the ‘public interest’—but operationalise them quite differently” (Cowling, 2017: 20). Organisations also have challenges as they struggle to keep up with their established cultures and workforce. Unfortunately, constraints posed by their quest to make profits have hit them hard, and they are forced to constantly change their policies and work routines to fit in with other conditions and solve such challenges. Therefore, organisational structures influence the occupational culture of journalists and the degree of autonomy practised, which may vary from institution to institution. Larger corporate bodies may operate differently from smaller, local media institutions (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996: 165).

Macro or External Influences Journalists do not live in isolation but work in communities where various factors influence their perspectives about their work. Zhu et  al. (1997) state that the different political, economic, and cultural systems account for the divergent views of journalists of their role in society (85). Whenever media workers talk about their perceived roles, they refer to their place in society. The connection between journalism and society has resulted in studies on the influences of society on journalists’ perceptions, role orientations, and ethics. Such social systems research on journalistic values has a long tradition, spanning over six decades (Hanusch, 2013). In some empirical studies on the influences on journalism, scholars have focused on the influence of media content (Weaver & Wilhoit, 1986), while the connection between journalism, politics, and economic factors has also been an area of interest for studies (McQuail, 1992; Weaver et al., 2006). This study explores the influence of sociopolitical and economic environments on the perception of journalists in the context of a transitioning country. Individual self-perceptions of journalists, media markets, the role of the state, and political parallelism (dealing with partisanship,

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ideologies, and group interests) are the four dimensions Voltmer (2008) proposed for examining political influences on media in emerging countries. Societies are complex institutions, and sociopolitical contexts can be different. The social systems and structures that exist in a society and their connections to journalism may be stronger or weaker compared to other societies. Milojević and Krstić (2018) argue that social systems in emerging democracies, such as societies in the Global South, are interdependent and connected, as politics, business, and the media are closely tied (44). Societal changes force a general re-examination of the relationship between individuals and larger structures. That is, the aggregates traditionally signalled by levels—whether community, organisation, or nation—are containers that do not have the same meaning as they once did, as new structures are woven outside of and through institutional frameworks (Shoemaker & Reese, 1996: 398). In a study of influences on journalists in Mexico’s northern states, known to be dangerous terrain for journalists, Relly and González de Bustamante (2014) reported that attacks on journalists are common, and dozens of journalists have been killed. Using semi-structured interviews with journalists in five northern states, the authors found that the journalists’ perspectives on the influences came from extramedia factors rather than individual ones. In this regard, several factors, including press state relationships, criminal gangs, and politicians, pose a challenge for journalists. Furthermore, local factors influence and disrupt the relationship the political status quo shares with journalists: violence, weak political structures, and market challenges have contributed to influencing the democratic institution of the press and disrupted its functions in the northernmost states of the country (Relly & González  de Bustamante, 2014: 123). Voakes (1997) studied the social factors influencing journalists’ perspectives on ethical decision-making. Using the hierarchical model of influences, he found that journalists do not have autonomy over their decisions. Solving ethical dilemmas involves many other factors, including social factors, that impact journalists’ decisions. Shoemaker and Reese (2016) outline the factors controlling journalistic content: journalist-source relationship, politics, the marketplace, and technology. These factors add to the systemic level, which encompasses the sociocultural and ideological contexts in which journalists operate. These contextual factors include political and legal conditions and

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regulations imposed on journalists by the state that can serve as limitations to press freedom (Hanitzsch et al., 2010: 4). Such local factors are connected to the larger national context of the sociopolitical and economic environment in which journalists practice. For example, Tamam and Abdullah (2014) found that Malaysian journalists supported the “interpreter,” “disseminator,” “analytical objective,” and “mobiliser” roles and were opposed to the “watchdog” role. Their findings explain that their country’s sociopolitical environment influences their role perceptions. Local factors thus shape the media environment and, by extension, the roles of journalism in society. Political Influences The political arena is one of the main grounds where journalism constantly intersects with society. Politics is where government and journalism intertwine in a democracy (McNair, 2000). Journalists create a platform that provides a much-needed connection between citizens and their governments. By forming a sphere for both the authorities and the citizens to exchange views on political and social accountabilities needed for the society to thrive (Voltmer, 2006: 3). In developing countries, the role of journalists is ever more critical. The need for citizens and governments to have a communication medium for a sustainable democracy has increased the need for journalists and the media to be part of the political processes in society. Political structures and institutions can influence journalistic values and constrain their work. “Governments in developing countries control the content of their countries’ mass media directly (by government ownership of media) or indirectly (by direct or indirect subsidies for private news organisations)” (Mostyn, qtd in Al-Hasani, 2008: 152). Such policies, media laws, and commissions put in place by governments are means of control that frighten journalists to the point of practicing self-­ regulation. In this regard, Ogenga (2010) explains that the political class sometimes uses their position and financial status to influence content or, through their access, create media regulations that they use to censor, bully, and silence journalists. In Asia, the concept of development journalism was born due to the rejection of the watchdog role for journalists. Thus, political leaders encouraged development journalism as a solid alternative to the watchdog role for journalists to participate in developing their societies (Richstad,

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2000). In sub-Saharan Africa, development journalism was a pan-­ Africanism device through which the media was converted into a revolutionary tool for African liberation from colonialism and imperialism. In the same vein, the media worked as an extension of government policies of social, economic, and cultural development. African pro-development journalism theorists argue that development journalism means nation-­ building, the creation of national consciousness, and unity (Tshabangu, 2013: 315). Furthermore, government officials use force or subtle means to influence media organisations. Waisbord (2009) notes that the continuous belief journalists in the Global South share about advocacy journalism are rooted in the political economy of the press. “As long as governments and politicians continue to wield substantial power on press economies, news organisations are likely to act as vehicles for promoting their political interests” (Waisbord, 2009: 374). The perceived political influences on journalism range from government officials, politicians, and censorship. The development journalistic role is an interventionist one, meaning that “it seeks to challenge the status quo by advocating for social change. Within an interventionist journalism philosophy, the argument is that it is legitimate for reporters and editors to serve as change agents for the greater good of society” (Kalyango et al., 2017: 4). Moreover, politicians are increasingly interested in becoming friends with journalists for their benefit. There are various reasons politicians try to align themselves with media institutions and support them financially to attain the power to make editorial suggestions and decisions. Cohen et al. (2008) explain that media is both a tool for re-election and promotion and a medium to win policy debates. When utilised as a platform to gain support for a policy or interest, a politician may desire news coverage because he/she perceives it to affect his/her fellow politicians and make them believe that he/she is positive towards an issue or policy. Politicians use the media to promote issues they are interested in and to attract public support. Based on their perception of the media’s influence on public opinion, she will be able to attract the attention of her fellow politicians to the issues and initiatives close to her heart (Cohen et  al., 2008: 333). Thus, seeking the support of journalists and media institutions in exchange for positive coverage or promotion has become a trend for politicians worldwide. In emerging democracies, the affiliation between political elites and journalists is becoming increasingly influential. Utilising a survey of

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newspaper journalists in Jakarta, Ekayanti and Xiaoping (2017) found that journalists perceived political ownership as a threat to their values. Although this influence may not be direct, it is subtly transferred through interventional practices in the newsroom. In a media organisation with direct affiliation to political actors, journalists are expected to report stories that favour or promote the ideologies and wishes of politicians. In this regard, media has become an important instrument for elected and aspiring politicians. Another aspect that influences journalists is the media laws and policies drafted by governments. Such laws, meant to control journalists, can be subtle or blunt tools that authorities and political elites use. These laws and policies can influence journalistic values and practices in semidemocratic or emerging countries. Ogenga (2010) argues that the media censorship culture in Kenya stemmed from the country’s historical past. “Due to the power of politicians, emanating especially from a colonial institution, the media is often threatened, censored and gagged in the name of national interest or state security or even cultural values” (Ogenga, 2010: 152). To avoid being caught by media laws, journalists more or less impose regulatory measures on their work. As a result, journalists in such countries may practise self-regulation and censorship. Meyen et  al. (2016) argue that media freedom and journalists’ autonomy in Uganda depend on journalists’ societal/local expectations and the existing media systems. Journalists would instead not publish stories that would incur the anger of politicians than lose their freedom. In such a case, autonomy becomes a normative concept that can be challenged in practice. Economic Influences Economic forces are also significant forces faced by journalists worldwide, and economic constraints on journalism have been of interest to researchers long before the advent of the Internet (McChesney, 1997; McManus, 1994; Herman & Chomsky, 1988). This study considers the local economic environment of the country in which journalists practice and the financial strengths of media institutions. Media industries’ proliferation, commercialisation, and market expansion affect journalism practice. Most news organisations are profit-oriented institutions, with money-making as a primary focus. Sources of economic influence on journalistic values are

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both internal and external, with internal factors consisting of the advertising considerations of journalists and editors during production in the newsroom and external factors emanating from profitability expectations, fulfilling the needs of advertisers and implications from market and audience research (Hanitzsch et al., 2010: 7). One of the fundamental but significant challenges for media institutions in developing countries is a lack of funding. Journalists in media institutions are most often the hardest hit when their institutions cannot pay salaries. Such situations threaten institutions’ and journalists’ independence and autonomy. The role and essence of journalism in society is hampered, thus giving rise to highly commercialised journalism, with little or no consideration given to its public function (Guyot, 2011). Economic influences on journalistic values become even more potent when people in power decide to control the media using their economic strength. In some of these emerging countries, political powers do that subtly. “Where necessary, through the ‘invisible hands’ of market-based economies, the government leverages its advertising patronage power to marginalise and freeze out news media outlets with critical and investigative reporting” (Ojo, 2018: 275). Political elites control a large percentage of the economy, in many cases giving them access to resources that the media badly needs to operate. Ojo (2018) explains that, in Nigeria, “the government agencies and the political class frequently ‘punish’ media outlets with investigative and critical reports by withdrawing their ads and indirectly influencing other advertisers from doing business with critical outlets” (275). Some of the funding controlled by the government includes “licence fees collected by government-appointed bodies, state advertising spending, or allocations from government budgets: all that money, dished out to media outlets through a spate of arrangements and contracts, are all forms of government money” (Dragomir, 2018: 133). Moreover, scholars have found strong economic influences on journalism globally, especially in emerging democracies in the Global South. In a study on perceived influences on journalists, Hanitzsch and Mellado (2011) compared perceptions of what shapes news in eight countries in various regions worldwide. They found that Uganda and Chile, two developing countries, had the highest score in economic influence on journalism. In contrast, journalists in Western countries did not consider that economic factors influence their work. This book focuses on the relationship between journalists and market forces and how they impact the

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perspectives of journalists regarding their values in the context of developing countries, especially sub-Saharan Africa. The study is based on three critical factors: advertising considerations, market competition, and the audience (Hanitzsch et al., 2010). Advertising Considerations Advertising considerations of the media are a vital force that has tendencies to influence journalistic perceptions and practice. The maximisation of profits to enhance investment prospects in a media institution is a consideration for journalists and their editors in the newsroom. Profit-making through the sale of advertising slots is one of the significant aims of media institutions. Scholars have argued that the production of media messages mostly consider advertisers. In countries where the culture of paying subscriptions for media products is either very low or nonexistent, the media has no option but to turn to advertisers for funding. Without advertisers, most media institutions in such countries will fail. Unfortunately, this dependence leaves them “particularly vulnerable to advertiser pressures to modify editorial content” (Rinallo & Basuroy, 2009: 34). Thus, advertising considerations may influence the journalistic content produced (Shoemaker & Reese, 2016). In this regard, scholars have utilised various perspectives to study the relationship between the media and advertising (Anderson & Gabszewicz, 2006; Wang & Calder, 2006; Richards & Curran, 2002; Herman & Chomsky, 1988; Janus, 1981). Findings from empirical studies on the influence of advertising considerations on journalistic values and products are mixed. Rinallo and Basuroy (2009) found that advertising influences coverage; in particular, corporate advertising in Europe and the United States strongly influences media content. Their empirical study covered 291 fashion companies in Italy, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States on the influence of advertising spending on the media coverage of advertisers. Scholars have found that the media becomes complacent on quality once there is a sufficient advertising budget. The institutions focus instead on producing content that covers their advertisers’ interests irrespective of quality (Rinallo & Basuroy, 2009: 42). Sometimes, the influence of advertisers can be indirect on journalists, proposing the consideration of stories that support funders or advertisers, specifically giving directions about what journalists from their media partner institutions should cover.

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On the other hand, in their study on the link between advertising and media bias, Gal-Or et  al. (2010) found that advertisers meticulously choose outlets with a wider reach and a specific description of their target market. In contrast, they argue that advertising serves as a polarisation in media outlets that obtain both the financial means of subscription and advertisement: “When advertising is their only source of revenue, newspapers choose to eliminate any slanting in their reporting in order to appeal to readers of moderate beliefs” (Gal-Or et al., 2010: 3). However, unlike media institutions in Western countries, which have several forms of income generation, the media in developing countries depends on advertising revenues. Advertising resources for the media in emerging countries are also scarce: “It is firmly established that advertising expenditures are lower in developing countries than in the economically more advanced countries. This generalisation holds in terms of both per capita advertising expenditure and advertising as a percentage of Gross National Product” (Leff & Farley, 1980: 65). Such a lack of funding leads media organisations to scramble for the available finance the market has to offer. In a study of advertisers’ impact on newspapers in Switzerland, Porlezza (2017) found that newspapers that depend on advertising for support favoured the advertisers in reports when advertising revenues increased (38). Journalistic autonomy becomes weakened with the heightened influence of such factors on journalistic work and values. Unfortunately, there are few studies on the influence of advertising on journalists’ perceptions in the context of developing countries, where generating means of sustainability is paramount in the quest to promote an independent and liberal journalistic workforce. Market Competition The pursuit of profit by attracting more advertisements increases the need for high competition among media institutions. Studies on the impact of market competition on journalism have revealed that such competition affects media products (Cohen, 2002; Sarrina Li & Chiang, 2001; Zaller, 1999). Regarding economic issues, economic scholars have examined the effects of media competition on media markets (Hollifield, 2006; Dimmick & Rothenbuhler, 1984), media competition as an economic factor that influences news content (Hamilton, 2007), and the influence of market competition on journalistic values and news quality (Zaller, 1999).

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In traditional economic theory, market competition is defined as follows: “the process of rivalry between firms striving to gain sales and make profits is the driving force behind markets. Efficient and fair markets are essential for catalysing private sector development and economic growth” (Godfrey, 2008: 3). Like every profession in liberal market-driven economies, media firms and their workers must compete with their counterparts. Such competition for audiences can influence journalistic values and performance. McManus argues that since the 1980s, the journalist’s role has transformed from serving the public as an information medium to placing more importance on journalism that entices the public to gain an increased audience (qtd in Ferrucci & Painter, 2016). This changing perception of journalistic role performance is fuelled by the expansion of commercial media markets worldwide. Market competition can motivate growth but can also affect journalism practice. Gans (1979) argues that “news firms for which journalists work engage in economic competition, but journalists themselves are only tangentially involved in economic competition. Although they do compete with each other, competitive considerations, function largely as a form of quality control” (75). Recently, competition among journalists has not only been an issue of quality control but is increasingly related to gaining financial benefits for their institutions. Such a trend increases the need for competition for financial resources and audiences among media institutions (Hollifield, 2006). In developing countries, the media market is often tiny, despite the rapid proliferation of media institutions. “Quite often, in those markets, too many media outlets are competing for too few financial resources because media outlets are created [due to] the social and political value of media ownership” (Jacobsson et al., 2008: 2). In such situations, journalistic values face challenges that can lead to deterioration in standards. Wahl-Jorgensen et  al. (2016) warn that the democratic watchdog role of journalism is in danger due to market pressure. Under “increasingly market-driven media landscapes, the resources journalists have to scrutinise political elites and expose wrongdoing are increasingly diminished in  local, national and international contexts” (Wahl-Jorgensen et  al., 2016: 811). On the ethical side, inadequate resources in the media economy will lead to a media landscape where “journalists can be easily bribed, sensationalism will dominate, and media coverage will be imbalanced” Jacobsson et al., 2008: 2).

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The Audience Audiences influence media content in two ways: the media-source relationship and the audience as a commodity that brings in profit for a media organisation. This study considers the latter of the two influences. The wider the reach of a media organisation, the higher the advertisement revenue incurred. News is a product targeted at consumers whose preferences should be considered, which is why journalists face constant pressure to adhere to the demands of news consumers, thereby giving them the power to shape the news (Guyot, 2009: 144). Media institutions are dependent on their audiences for revenue generation from potential advertisers. Media products are marketed and sometimes sold to audiences, while audience demographics become a marketing tool for media institutions to gain advertising contracts from partners. Increasing competition and audience orientation have transformed the media environment (Strömbäck & Karlsson, 2011). Digitisation has influenced the relationship between journalists and their audiences on two fronts. First, audience interactions have improved, for better or worse. Second, the threat of a parallel journalistic sphere taking over the once coveted position of traditional journalism is on the rise. Now, audience perceptions of the news are readily transmitted to journalists, augmenting the growing importance of providing newsworthy audiences’ appreciation. Social media platforms and audience research tools or talkback programmes have enhanced traditional journalists’ interactions with their audiences. “The use of social media in newsrooms, among other emerging technologies, is exposing journalists to different forms of audience feedback, such that ignoring audience preferences is becoming increasingly difficult” (Tandoc & Vos, 2015: 950). The Internet and the accessibility of storytelling tools have helped to increase the number of citizen journalists in developing countries. “Everyone can be a journalist today, which challenges the elite status of journalists as the authorised storytellers of our time” (Hanusch, 2015: 2). On the African continent, the arrival of mobile technology has encouraged new levels of participatory journalism (Mabweazara, 2011; Moyo, 2009). Participation in news processes is increasing more than ever before, and the opinions and interests of audiences are valid. In earlier times, the normative theory linked to journalistic roles and audience considerations was gatekeeping theory (Tandoc & Vos, 2016). These current developments present new grounds for a rethinking of our understanding of the

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relationship between journalists and their audiences and the growing level of audience influence on journalistic values, especially in countries in the Southern Hemisphere.

Social Networks and Cultural Subsystems Journalists’ networks and local cultural beliefs can influence how journalists conceptualise the essential values of their work. National cultures and ideologies are significant determinants of journalistic cultures (Shoemaker & Vos, 2009). Although examination of systems-level influences on journalism is relatively scarce in the literature, several studies have analysed the implications of social relations on journalistic perceptions (Hanitzsch et al., 2010; Xiaoge, 2005; Tomaselli, 2003; Kasoma, 1996; Shoemaker & Reese, 1996). Journalists can also use their relationships with family, friends, and acquaintances to monitor their progress and evaluate their work (Hanitzsch, 2007). Since culture is learned through socialisation processes, these influences from personal networks could be extended into their sociocultural environment, where journalists interact with family and friends. A study of the influence of the sociocultural environment and value systems aids in understanding journalistic perceptions. Hanusch (2014) identifies cultural values as a fruitful area for providing a more nuanced analysis of journalism culture. Hanusch (2014) conducted in-depth interviews with twenty Māori journalists from Aotearoa (New Zealand) and found that indigenous journalism in the country is strongly influenced by Māori cultural values, such as showing respect to others, following cultural protocols, and making use of culturally specific language. Cultural belief systems account for differences in journalistic values across the world. In a comparative study on influences on journalistic perceptions in China, Taiwan, and the US, Zhu et al. (1997) found that differences in media systems and national cultures impacted journalists’ role perceptions. Cultural determinism describes the situation wherein journalists share similar cultures, that is, in China and Taiwan shared similar role perceptions. In contrast, journalists in the United States had different perspectives on their roles, as they followed Western cultural values in assessing their work. Religion also impacts journalistic values. Relly et al. (2014) found that religious ideologies were influential in forming the role perceptions of Iraqi Kurdish journalists in that “Islamist” ideology had a stronger

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influence than “democratic” or “watchdog” role perceptions (85). In countries where religion affects people’s everyday lives and ideologies, it will potentially influence how journalists think about and do their work. It is not only a country’s local culture but also its contact with foreign cultures that can impact journalism practice. For example, the influence of foreign cultures on journalistic values in developing nations has a long history as it started during colonisation and is now sustained through neo-­ colonialism and globalisation. During colonialism in Asia, “the West was looked to as the road to development, modernisation, and prosperity—the right way to do things—and that meant rejecting, at least on the surface, indigenous ways” (Richstad, 2000: 276). Journalists sometimes hold themselves to these standards learned in newsrooms or through training. In a study of Ugandan journalists, Mwesige (2004) found that despite living in sub-Saharan Africa, “Ugandan journalists highly value the so-called Western journalistic functions of information, analysis and interpretation and investigation of official claims” (69).

Journalism in an Era of Globalisation The emergence of new forms of governance, the expansion of markets, and globalisation have affected how journalists think and practice. In the 1980s, when new governance systems emerged, democracy started to thrive, countries opened their borders, the Internet expanded, and new opportunities and challenges arose. The media’s role in transitional states became even more important than it previously was. The normative journalistic roles were to provide the platform for citizen engagement while serving as checks and balances to support the new democratic systems. In sub-Saharan Africa, many countries are still transitioning and working towards becoming a part of the globalised systems. These emerging countries continue to grow and transform in ways that affect their institutions and people. Thus, these transitions, which focus on building global systems and economies, can influence how individuals see themselves and affect the formulation of identities (Naudé, 2017). Moreover, socioeconomic and political transitions are essential in studying journalism cultures and journalistic identities. Just as individual characteristics and sociocultural, economic, and political factors contribute to identify formation, the constant changes in transitional societies also impact journalism’s normative and cognitive understandings in such contexts. As societies transition, journalistic roles, ethics, and epistemological

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orientations change. In countries in sub-Saharan Africa with a history of colonialism and dictatorships, political reforms do bring about changes in the forms and practice of journalism. Communication dissemination channels are changing, impacting the way journalists see their work. The debates that preceded the New World Information and Communication order and the implementation of communication policies by governments that align with the report’s recommendations created a shift in the normative understandings of journalistic roles in emerging countries. Two of the major concerns of developing countries were the flow of information between Western industrialised countries and postindependent developing countries and the role of the media (Carlsson, 2006). The popularity of development journalism was a direct consequence of the NWICO movement, as it provided a base for the restructuring of the media to align with the development objectives of postcolonial governments (Skjerdal, 2011). More currently, technological advancement has triggered a convergence of the media, bringing about sociopolitical, economic, and cultural changes that enhance globalisation processes in societies (Dwyer, 2010). The following sections explore these transitions and their effects on journalistic identities. Political Transitions Politics is one of the significant transitions that can considerably impact media and journalism practice in a country. During political transitions, journalists are affected, on the one hand, but also participate in and influence the process, on the other hand. Reljic (2000) argues that journalists have seen both sides of the transition in eastern Europe, where political transitions occurred. “Journalists have been through the storm of regime changes in post-communist countries over the last two decades. The mass media acted as agents of transition in Europe’s democratising countries, while at the same time also experiencing drastic changes” (13). These influences on journalists are seen in their changing cultures to conform to the political status quo. Journalistic roles in the Balkans changed over a period from media being a promoter of unity and brotherhood to one that was an active tool of ethnic war and hatred (Hoxha & Andresen, 2017: 39). During the aftermath of the war, the media in the Balkans was expected to transform its role towards contributing to the democratic transition by providing accurate, fair, and balanced information that enabled the people to participate in the democratic process (Gross, 2002;

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Andresen et al., 2017). Over time, journalism practice in this society constantly changed to fit the political climate in which it exists. The roles of the media and level of control are defined by the extent of democratisation in that society. On the other hand, the media is neither utterly autonomous from the established power nor totally subservient to that power (Chan, 2001: 107). To understand ongoing transitions in the media in such countries, scholars utilise the “risk” or “high-risk” society paradigms. The risk society paradigm is used to study journalistic cultures in countries where journalists have directly or indirectly experienced personal risks due to war, natural disasters, or human-made risks such as poverty (Beck, 1992; Andresen, 2015). Journalists in postwar societies are even more prone to such risks and change as they practice. Andresen (2015) argues that journalists in postconflict societies go through more than what is found in the literature. Journalists “like the rest of the population, adjust their lives constantly in response to multiple risks such as risk of unemployment, risk of financial problems, risk of political intimidation, risk of threats from organised crime” (Andresen, 2015: 27). Lee (2005) argues that in China, “journalists are seen as a communist revolutionary cadre, a Confucian-liberal enlightened teacher, and increasingly a profit maker in addition to other ideological roles” (109) influenced by the traditions of Confucianism. Scholars on journalism in South America have utilised the theory of “transitology” to explain the various changes that occur as society transforms from dictatorship to democracy (Sparks, 2011). Sparks wrote extensively on the changing role of the media in various transitions in countries in Asia, Eastern Europe, and Africa (Sparks, 2008, 2009, 2010). Moreover, sub-Saharan Africa has seen various phases of political transitions, which include the precolonial, colonial, and postcolonial eras. At every stage in these transitions, the role of journalists changed significantly. Journalistic roles in precolonial times were mainly social, which then took the form of oral discourse (Shaw, 2009). However, scholars have mentioned that these forms of journalism are unfortunately not considered, and many of the studies in the field have focused on the mass media systems introduced during colonialism (Bourgault, 1995). In his article on mapping out an African journalism model, Shaw (2009) argues that historical perspectives should be considered in studying how journalism operates in transitional African societies. These perspectives will aid in our understanding of the continent’s unique style of

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journalistic practice. Earlier journalistic forms provide an understanding of the development of African journalism over the years (Shaw, 2009: 4). Scholars have proposed that earlier normative journalistic roles in sub-­ Saharan Africa were built on the need for emancipation from the oppression of the colonial rulers and liberation to achieve self-determination, which speaks of journalism in the era of colonialism (Skjerdal, 2013). Postcolonial sub-Saharan African countries have undergone transitions of apartheid and dictatorships and are still undergoing rigorous political changes that include wars, democracy, and globalisation. Journalism practice during each of these specific political dispensations has been different. Amidst changing roles and media systems, work in understanding journalistic identities on the continent is still ongoing. Skjerdal (2012) proposed three normative frameworks in which African journalism could be classified. These are communal journalism, social change, and journalism inspired by oral discourse (637). All three are journalistic models that form an ideal of how journalism operates during different political dispensations and transitions. Economic Transitions Another sector that primarily impacts a society’s transitional process is the economy. During the past decades, evolution has been taking place in the economic sectors of most countries in the world that affect media and journalism practices. Societies, especially those in the developing world, are steadily moving away from their previous centrally controlled economies to more market-oriented and liberal economies. Similar to political transitions, economic transitions tend to impact journalism practice in each country, changing how journalists think and act. Weitzman (1993) describes an economic transition as a broad process countries go through whereby they “transition from some form of socialism to some form of capitalism as a process of transformation” (549). His article highlights two main transitioning models: the “revolutionary” or “East European” model. These models have as their primary focus the establishment of private property rights as a prerequisite for establishing a capitalist market economy (550). The “evolutionary” or “Chinese” model takes another form of transformation in which state enterprises are outdone by privatisation in the short term and eventually entirely outgrown by private entities in the long term (550).

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Moreover, in all these transitional phases, journalism practice is affected not only as media institutions shift towards market control but also as journalists play a role in the transformation processes. State-owned media transforms into public service media, and the changing economic atmosphere encourages a proliferation of commercial media. “The formerly state-controlled and the newly emerging commercial stations are experiencing fierce competition for audience attention and for limited economic resources” (Hollifield et al., 2006: 3). These changes are also dependent on political transitions whereby structures are created to accommodate more freedom to establish media organisations. “The liberalisation of the media in transitional democracies, which is often seen as one of the preconditions for democratisation, tends to go hand in hand with a (further) commercialisation or of the media” (El-Issawi & Cammaerts, 2015: 551).

Globalisation and Journalism In recent decades, the globalisation phenomenon has also presented another transitional ground for the media and journalists worldwide. As these societies move towards democratic governance and the creation of liberal markets, they are transforming their structures to fit into the global community. The essence of globalisation is the interconnectedness of people, the reduction of time and space, and much more (Chan, 2004). Furthermore, Loeffelholz and Weaver (2008) define globalisation as “an umbrella term for a complex series of economic, social, political, technological and cultural changes, standing for increasing interdependence, integration and interaction between peoples and countries in disparate locations” (34). However, these changes transcend borders and societal structures. Therefore, political and economic transitions and the practice of journalism are interconnected in an increasingly globalised world. As borders collapse and technological advancement increases, journalism practice is no longer contained in specific geographical proximities. With globalisation, “the public and its opinion is no longer a substantial element of the political system of a society but has turned into a more or less autonomous global public sphere which can only be considered not as a space between the ‘public’ and the state but between the state and an extra-societal, global community” (Volkmer, 1999: 119). This change affects how journalists see themselves and do their work.

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Moreover, the effects of these developments are viewed differently by various scholars. Cottle (2008) distinguished between two research paradigms, “global dominance” and “the global public sphere.” Global dominance theorists, he explains, view journalism in terms of the geopolitical and economic dominance of Western media and conglomerates taking over media markets by internationalising the markets (342). An example is the dependency of journalists in developing countries on Western journalism models instead of creating journalistic practices that suit their environments and realities (Thussu, 2003). Herbert Schiller (1969) argues that commercial interests evade and undermine the cultural autonomy of less developed countries in this context of globalisation. On the other hand, the global public sphere school of thought believes this development is positive, reflecting the transformation of spaces from national to global while giving a feeling of global citizenship (Cottle, 2009). Moreover, technological advancement has also impacted journalistic identities and practices. New forms of political engagement have emerged, and social media platforms are expanding their reach to audiences that journalists could not previously access. It is giving rise to what Castells describes as a “network society” (Castell, 2002: 548). With globalisation, the revolution in information technology, and the emergence of networking, new social structures have been developed. This new development has not only transformed how news is produced and disseminated but has also impacted the journalism cultures practised by journalists in countries around the world (Heinrich, 2008).

Conclusion The factors that shape journalists’ perceptions of their professional values in the context of developing countries are vast, ranging from micro, meso, and macro levels. In this sense, such journalists face features that restrain their practice or limit their expectations regarding what they believe they should do in society. This chapter examined the local and global factors that influence the perception of journalists in the construction of their identities in society. These potential influences range from the individual, procedural, and the macro socioeconomic and cultural factors of their environments. The impact of sociopolitical and economic transitions in the era of globalisation was also explored. Moving economies and systems also affect the normative expectations of journalism and how journalists see themselves and their work. The subsequent chapter will highlight the shared occupational values expressed by journalists in Sierra Leone.

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Tanikawa, M. (2017). What is news? What is the newspaper? The physical, functional, and stylistic transformation of print newspapers, 1988–2013. Thussu, D. K. (2003). War and the media: Reporting conflict 24/7. Tomaselli, K. (2003). ‘Our culture’ vs ‘foreign culture’: An essay on ontological and professional issues in African journalism. International Communication Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands), 65(6), 427–441. Tshabangu, T. (2013). Development journalism in Zimbabwe: Practice, problems, and prospects. Journal of Development and Communication Studies, 2(2–3), 312–328. Tuchman, G. (1978/1980) Making news: A study in the construction of reality. The Free Press. Voakes, P. S. (1997). Social influences on journalists’ decision making in ethical situations. Journal of Mass Media Ethics, 12(1), 18–35. Volkmer, I. (1999). News in the global sphere. A study of CNN and its impact on global communication. University of Luton Press. Voltmer, K. (2006). The mass media and political communication in new democracies. Routledge. Voltmer, K. (2008). Comparing media systems in new democracies: East meets south meets west. Central European Journal of Communication, 1(1), 23–40. Voltmer, K. (2013). The media in transitional democracies. Wiley. Wahl-Jorgensen, K., Williams, A., Sambrook, R., Harris, J., Garcia-Blanco, I., Dencik, L., Cushion, S., Carter, C., & Allan, S. (2016). The future of ­journalism: Risks, threats and opportunities. Digital Journalism, 4(7), 809–815. Published online: 05 Sep 2016. Waisbord, S. (2009). Advocacy journalism in a global context. In K.  Wahl-­ Jorgenson & T. Hanitzsch (Eds.), Handbook of journalism studies. Routledge. Wang, J., & Calder, B. J. (2006, September). Media transportation and advertising. Journal of Consumer Research, 33(2), 151–162. Weaver, D. H., Beam, R. A., Brownlee, B. J., Voakes, P. S., & Wilhoit, G. C. (2006). The American journalist in the 21st century: US news people at the dawn of a new millennium. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Weaver, D., & Wilhoit, G.  C. (1986). The American journalist. Indiana University Press. Weaver, D., & Wilhoit, G. C. (1996). The American journalists in the 1990s: US news people at the end of an era. Erlbaum. Weitzman, M.  L. (1993). Economic transition: Can theory help? European Economic Review [Internet], 37(2–3), 549–555. Willnat, L., Weaver, W. H., & Choi, J. (2013). The global journalist in the twenty-­ first century: A cross-national study of journalistic competencies. Journalism Practice, 7(2), 163–183. Witschge, T., & Nygren, G. (2009). Journalism: A profession under pressure? Journal of Media Business Studies, 6(1), 37–59.

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Xiaoge, X. (2005). Development journalism. In K. Wahl-Jorgensen & T. Hanitzsch (Eds.), The handbook of journalism studies. Routledge. Xu, Y., & Jin, J. (2017). The hierarchy of influences on professional role perceptions among Chinese online journalists. Digital Journalism, 5(2), 194–212. Yusuff, R.M., Busu, A., Rashid, A., & Zulkifli, N. (2008). Influence of organisational culture on company performance. Zelizer, B. (1993). Journalists as interpretive communities. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 10, 219–237. Zhao, Y. (1998). Media, market, and democracy in China: Between the party line and the bottom line. University of Illinois Press. Zhu, J.-H., Weaver, D., Lo, V., Chen, C., & Wu, W. (1997). Individual, organisational, and societal influences on media role perceptions: A comparative study of journalists in China, Taiwan and the United States. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 74(1), 84–96. Zaller, J. (1999). Market Competition and News Quality. Paper prepared for presentation at the 1999 annual meetings of the American PoliticalScience Association, Atlanta, GA. I thank Barbra Geddes, Mark Hunt, Hans Noel, andWesley Hussey for invaluable help in the preparation of this paper.

CHAPTER 5

Shared Occupational Values of Journalists in Sierra Leone

Questioning Journalistic Values A journalist approached to be interviewed asked a question after being briefed that the research was about exploring the journalism cultures in Sierra Leone. “Does a journalism culture exist in this country with all these challenges we face? We simply work, and I do not think we have values anymore,” he said. Although he had spent more than a decade in the profession, he was not convinced that a particular journalism culture existed in his country. He was not the only one who was sceptical about the existence of a unique culture shared by journalists in their context. These questions would arise again and again as the fieldwork advanced. Some interviewees were also curious to know whether journalists follow a unique set of values other than the Western-centric values they learned during their trainings. They were also unsure about the existence of a unique journalism culture in a country like theirs. The questions posed by these journalists in Sierra Leone are valid, as the notion of journalistic identities is constantly being negotiated. One of the assumptions of research on African journalism is that they are tossed between learned concepts of normative expectations emanating from societies other than theirs and the values existing in these societies. This chapter explores the journalism culture in Sierra Leone through the perceptions shared by journalists in the country on the values they adhere to during

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practice. One of the aims of this book was to explore and present an understanding of the journalistic values perceived by media practitioners in Sierra Leone. This research on the occupational values of journalists forms the basis of identity construction considering the three dimensions of journalism cultures as suggested by the literature. As discussed in earlier chapters, the constitution of their role orientations, their ethical considerations, and perspectives on objectivity, fairness, and balance form an important aspect in defining the journalism cultures existing in a country. One of the essential topics journalists deliberate on whenever an incident or event occurs is their role. The case study of Sierra Leone has been through several phases in its history where journalists played significant roles in every transition. Despite this, it is crucial to understand what journalists think about the roles they have been performing or should play in the country. How they go about fulfilling those roles is another theme explored in this book. What professional values guide their conduct, and how do they solve problems they are confronted with when fulfilling their roles? In that light, the ethical ideologies and epistemological issues they considered in their work are also important phenomena that give a better idea of their values. First, we define what good journalism is according to the evidence from the interviews and then give a brief overview of the demographics and further discuss the findings on journalism cultures.

Who Is a Good Journalist? One main question that this study explored was who the journalists believe is good or bad. This question will meet answers derived from both individual perceptions and the belief from a group of what a good journalist should be. Interviewees in this research had various opinions on what media practitioners should be and should be doing, as seen below. A good journalist, for me, is someone who writes an objective story, reports the news as it is, does not depend on a politician or supports him to do the story apart from the support you get from your media house. The media house is always independent, but bad journalists relate with others like politicians, but a good journalist always reports the news objectively without any bias. You always get the other side of the story before reporting. (Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

The decision to be good or bad is derived from within. What constitutes good or bad journalism is also a matter of who follows the

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profession’s principles or the values agreed upon by others. During the interviews, journalists were asked to define who they think a good journalist is. Their perception of good and bad journalism helps us understand their role perceptions and practice orientations. Many journalists who participated in the study say they believe that a good journalist should contribute to the development of their society. A good journalist is someone who reports a story to bring about change, someone who can impact the development of the community and the nation as a whole. (Journalist, Western area, interviewed in 2017).

Being good includes creating an impact by making a difference in their community. For others, good journalists should adhere to certain journalistic principles during practice. A good journalist is for me a journalist that runs a balanced story, having two sides of the story and reporting it properly after a lot of investigations on the story. (Journalist, Southern province, interviewed in 2017)

Much more than balancing the story according to them is that a good journalist should be a source of encouragement to the public. A good journalist is a journalist who reports all the sides of the story; he/she allows people to reply (to issues or allegations made against them). In this profession, we tend to comfort the afflicted. We have to balance the story. In doing that, we must ensure we get all sides of the story to make it what I will call a ‘perfect story’. (Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

Being neutral is a significant value that affects how colleague journalists describe the work of others. More importantly, journalists think honesty is essential in journalism practice. A good journalist should be all of what has been described, including being honest in reporting the facts. You should be neutral and unbiased. There should be no ‘connectocracy’. You must be straightforward and be a person of your word. Say what you see (even if your relative is involved). Make a good story, a balanced story. Do not take sides. (Eastern province, interviewed in 2017)

“Connectocracy,” when defined literarily from the meaning here, is that you should not be connected to a political figure nor have a political

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leaning that will influence your work. Good journalism is assessed through adherence to the principles and values that they believe define their work. The descriptions of a good journalist are an interesting finding in a country where the number of journalists going through formal journalism schools is less, meaning they are learned norms derived from informal training or interactions with peers in the newsrooms. However, perception does not result in adherence.

Journalism Is an Opportunity to Serve The profiles of the journalists whose perceptions are reported in this study are an important phenomenon to explore. It helps us gain insights and explanations on the ideological positions and background that informed the perceptions of the journalists in Sierra Leone. A total of 220 journalists participated in the WJS surveys and 37 participated in the semi-structured qualitative interviews. Their motivations for becoming journalists are numerous, as expressed by some respondents in the interviews. As some of the 37 interviewees explained, the journalism occupation presented them an opportunity to serve their communities and country. During the interviews, some of the interviewees were asked about why they decided to become journalists. Their responses revealed the desires and passions that lured them into practice. It is only journalism that can change certain wrongs in the society; we do not force change, but we do so by reporting such to the authorities concern. And I thought I should play a role in helping this country grow through journalism. (Editor, Newspaper, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

One Station manager explained how his lack of formal education could not hinder him from getting into journalism. I thought with journalism, I will be able to make meaningful contribution to my community. I am not educated. When the SLBC came to Kenema, I wanted to be a journalist but was not accepted; I was rather employed as a gateman. Some nights, when there was no one on duty, I will go to the studio and start familiarising myself with the equipment. I used to sit by and watch while people were working. Haven seen a lot during the war, I used to bring peace messages to people whilst on air. With time, the rebels became fond of me; people began to like what I do. That was how the question of making meaningful contribution to my community was answered. From a gateman to a radio station presenter

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and now I am a CEO of a radio station. (Radio station manager, Eastern Province, interviewed in 2017)

Most community radio stations do not necessarily broadcast in English but use more of the local languages and the Lingua Franca of Sierra Leone (Krio) on air. This gives volunteers an opportunity despite low levels of formal education to learn journalistic skills and achieve their dreams of becoming journalists. One of them discovered the journalistic profession through role models. The reason why I said I am a born journalist, I had series of people I used to admire at the beginning of my profession. Some of these people were like Hilton Fyle during the time he was working for the BBC. […] I always used to listen to the BBC Robin White, especially during the time of our civil conflict. I even built a small studio where I used to practice reporting. Robin White’s reporting during the war in Sierra Leone helped me to develop the desire to be a journalist. (Journalist, Eastern Province, interviewed in 2017)

High Number of Young Journalists The journalists in Sierra Leone are a fairly young population. As seen in Fig. 5.1, most of the participants in the survey were born in the 1980s, approximately 51%, 23% were born in the 1970s, 19% were born in the

7% 19% 23%

1960s 1970s 1980s 1990s

51%

Fig. 5.1  Age demographics of respondents (quantitative surveys)

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1990s, and only 7% were born in the 1960s and below. The average age of journalists in Sierra is 30 years, and the mean age of the respondents was 31.59  years (s  =  7.59) (WJS country report, 2015). Age did not play a major role in the choice of participants for the interview, but an estimation of participants shows more than 60% interviewed to be in their mid to late 30 s, as the years of experience was important. The reason for the high number of young journalists in Sierra Leone can be explained from two main angles: the demographics of the country and the exit of older journalists from the profession. Sierra Leone, like many other countries in sub-Saharan Africa, has a young and growing population. The 2015 national consensus in Sierra Leone shows that 80% of the population is less than thirty-five years old. This characteristic of the population is represented in every sector, including media institutions. Additionally, other challenges pose a threat to retaining older and more experienced journalists in the profession. According to the interviewees, the reasons for the dwindling number of older journalists in the country are numerous. Mainly older journalists leave the profession to find better paying jobs after working for some years as a result of the lack of salaries and financial benefits. In an interview, a senior journalist laments about the conditions. Reporters welfare is appalling. Just imagine what it is like reporting in advanced countries even freelancing in Europe you can’t compare it with working permanently here in Sierra Leone. What are the salaries of reporters? What is welfare? Let’s say as a reporter you decide to have your own family. Even if you do not have a family and you are single as a reporter. The amount you are receiving as a monthly wage or even as a salary won’t be enough to pay your rent and if you are taking into consideration the transportation, to move day in and day out and all the other expenditure it is quite astronomical compared to what you are earning so as a result it urges you to go where the money is. (Senior Journalist, Western area, interviewed in 2017)

Gender Imbalances in the Media Gender representation in journalism in Sierra Leone is imbalanced. As shown in Table 5.1, out of the (N = 220) journalists who participated in the WJS quantitative surveys 71.4% were males and only 28.6% were females. This gender disparity was also experienced during the qualitative phase of the research: 73% were males, and only 27% were females out of the thirty-seven (N  =  37) interviewees. The gender gap becomes more

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Table 5.1  Summarising survey and interview participants Description Males Females Total

Surveys

Interviews

157 63 220

27 10 37

prominent when participants are analysed according to the type of medium. During the interviews, more women were represented by broadcast media than by print media. Eight women out of the ten interviewed were working in broadcasts, and only two were represented by a print media institution. Even though the data sample was derived using a random sampling technique, the likelihood of a woman being interviewed was the same as that of a man. The gender imbalance in media institutions is representative of what is obtained in many other sectors in the country. Previous reports on the media have highlighted that some women shy away from journalism because they are afraid of being stereotyped, bullied, or sexually harassed by their news sources and even their colleagues in the newsroom. Speaking to female journalists, many report harassment stories or complain that they are mostly only allowed to cover soft stories and are most often not encouraged to cover politics and other hard stories. These, among other factors, discourage many women from continuing to pursue journalism careers in Sierra Leone. Further up the ladder, there is also a difference in the number of women in the media who hold executive positions as opposed to men. In the surveys, only one woman said she held a senior-level position. The responses of female journalists who participated in the surveys showed that forty-­ two 71% held junior positions with limited authority, only one 1% held a senior-level position, and sixteen 27% held junior managers with operational authority. In Sierra Leone in 2018, only twelve women were reported to hold senior production or managerial positions in broadcast media in Sierra Leone. The numbers decrease drastically in the print media, where only a few women are currently publishers of newspapers or hold deputy editorial and news editor positions. Senior journalists and practitioners who also own media organisations cite the lack of educational qualifications and media laws as deterrents to women taking leadership positions in media institutions.

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[The laws] also dampen the spirits of female practitioners. They shy away from holding the top positions because they know when the police come to arrest; you at the top are the person they hold responsible so because of that they have been afraid. I am suffering that too in my office. The female practitioners don’t want the job of an acting editor; if I have to travel it has to be a man. All of this is because of the criminal libel laws and the way it criminalises free speech so that is a major threat on our conscience. (Publisher, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

Journalist Role Orientations As discussed in Chap. 3, one of the first domains through which we can understand journalistic cultures in a particular context is to understand journalists’ role perceptions. Hanitzsch and Vos (2017) identified four analytical levels of journalistic roles: normative, cognitive, practised, and imagined. The first two normative and cognitive role orientations are considered in analysing the findings of this study. Normative roles are expectations from society on the work of journalists that aid their identity formation processes, while cognitive roles are the individual role perceptions that form the personal values of journalists they adhere to during practice. In a classic study on role orientations and journalists’ views on their place in society in over sixty-seven countries, Hanitzsch et al. (2019) found that journalists’ perspectives on their normative roles still centre around the political arena. The news media’s role in providing information that aids people’s participation in political processes is deemed essential in many countries (166–167). Unlike the normative roles that are generalised expectations of society from journalists (Donsbach, 2012), cognitive roles are the individual aspirations of journalists in their practice (Hanitzsch et al., 2019). When asked about their role perceptions, most journalists in Sierra Leone suggest normative affiliations that align with “active” rather than “passive” roles (Donsbach & Patterson, 2004). They constantly describe themselves as development advocates. “The advocate’s conception of professional journalism highlights the barriers to sociopolitical change in contemporary society and the difficulties that certain segments of the society have in achieving their legitimate self-interests. For these groups to achieve their legitimate objects, the active intervention of the mass media, […] is required” (Janowitz, 1975: 620). Journalists who believe in actively participating in development processes usually take up the mission to stand

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up to promote specific values, ideas, or developmental concerns. Earlier research has found support for these roles in developing transitional contexts in the Global South (Kalyango et al., 2017). Moreover, Edeani (1993: 133–134) argues that there are deferring levels of commitment to developmental journalistic values. These values are strongly linked to journalism, democracy, and development. He maintains that even though a journalist might agree with the government on the mutual exclusivity of development and public participation, a journalistic perspective is complementary rather than correlative. These perspectives of journalists can be geared towards the responsibility of the press in ensuring public development and democratic participation. Conceptualisations of developmental journalistic roles are divided into various paradigms in which one or more can be found in various developing countries (Hanitzsch et al., 2019). Therefore, in their conceptualisations, three paradigms of normative development journalistic roles were identified by Hanitzsch et al. (2019): collaborative, interventionistic, and monitorial (Edeani, 1993; Kalyango et  al., 2017). Journalists who believe in the collaborative model have a strong relationship with the government and work hand in hand with the political class for the political and economic development of the country (Dutt, 2010). Interventionistic journalism, on the other hand, refers to the extent to which journalists can follow a particular mission and promote specific issues. These journalists are more active and work to defend the rights of the less privileged (Donsbach & Patterson, 2004). Monitorial journalists can be liberal and neutral even though they support the government and are part of the political structures (El-Issawi & Cammaerts, 2015). This model of journalistic roles proposed by Hanitzsch et  al. (2019) is a useful analytical tool used in this study to assess the paradigms of development journalistic roles found in the context of Sierra Leone. This study found support for mainly development interventionist roles with collaborative undertones during the analysis. Twenty-one statements were used to measure the variable role perceptions in the quantitative surveys. The variables were measured on a five-point scale: five is very important and one is unimportant. Table  5.2 shows a rating of roles by the journalists from the most important to the least important. Many journalists confirm that they mostly support interventionist roles, as 23 (63.1%) of the (N = 37) interviewees in the qualitative study supported some form. These findings correlate with the core variables found in the publication by Kalyango et al. (2017) on journalists’ development role perceptions.

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Table 5.2  Role perceptions of journalists Roles

Extremely important

Very important

Somewhat important

Little important

Be a detached observer Report things as they are Provide analysis of current affairs Monitor and scrutinise political leaders Monitor and scrutinise business Set the political agenda Influence public opinion Advocate for social change Be an adversary of the government Support national development Convey a positive image of political leadership Support government policy Provide entertainment and relaxation Provide the kind of news that attracts the largest audience Provide advice, orientation, and direction for daily life Motivate people to participate in political activity Let people express their views Tell stories about the world Promote tolerance and cultural diversity

76 (37.8%) 62 (30.8%) 39 (19.4%) 13 (6.5%)

11 (5.5%)

201

145 (66.8%) 116 (54%)

61 (28.1%) 7 (3.2%)

3 (1.4%)

1 (0.5%)

217

81 (37.7%) 14 (6.5%)

1 (0.5%)

3 (1.4%)

215

107 (48.9%)

68(31.1%)

9 (4.1)

219

16 (7.5%)

212

50 (23.8%) 67 (31.9%) 49 (23.3%) 26 (12.4%) 18 (8.6%)

210

74 (36.1%) 66 (32.2%) 38 (18.5%) 18 (0.8%)

9 (4.4%)

205

139 (63.8%) 16 (8.1%)

2 (0.9%)

218

27 (12.3%) 8 (3.7%)

41 (19.3%) 77 (36.3%) 58 (27.4%) 20 (9.4%)

58 (26.6%) 17 (7.8%)

2 (0.9%)

Unimportant Total N

49 (24.7%) 42 (21.2%) 32 (16.2%) 59 (29.8%)

151 50 (22.7%) 13 (5.9%) (68.6%) 27 (12.9%) 48 (22.9%) 40 (19%)

198

4 (1.8%)

2 (0.9%)

222

42 (20%)

53 (25.2%)

210

34 (16.1%) 64 (30.3%) 58 (27.5%) 32 (15.2%) 23 (10.9%)

211

58 (27.5%) 67 (31.8%) 43 (20.4)

29 (13.7%) 14 (6.6%)

211

113 (52.6%)

43 (20%)

26 (12.1%) 13 (6%)

215

2 (0.9%)

79 (35.9%) 86 (39.5%) 39 (18.2%) 12 (5.5%)

218

62 (29%)

66 (30.8%) 43 (20.1%) 22 (10.3%) 21 (9.8%)

214

141 (65%)

66 (30.4%) 7 (3.2%)

1 (0.5%)

217

88 (40.6%) 79 (36.4%) 38 (17.5%) 11 (5.1%)

1 (0.5%)

217

117 (53.9%)

1 (0.5%)

217

20 (9.3%)

75 (34.6%) 19 (8.8%)

2 (0.9%)

5 (2.3%)

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Their study analysed results from eight South and Southeast Asian and sub-Saharan African countries. The collaborative results found three key development journalism roles in those contexts: social intervention, national development, and educating people. In countries in transition such as Sierra Leone, normative role perceptions tend to present controversies between the government and the media. The power structures expect a collaborative media that will report mainly developmental stories that favour them and support their ideologies, on the one hand, while journalists sometimes perceive themselves as a bridge for reporting and informing the public on societal issues, on the other hand. Journalists often argue that active participation and political alignments often do not factor in what they perceive, as the results derived from this study show. El-Issawi and Cammaerts (2015) explain that such controversies are many in countries that transitioned from authoritarian to democratic governance where “the local political elites tend to reject the principle of an adversarial press as they are used to expect a loyal and ‘collaborative’ media” (3). Journalists in such societies balance their interventionistic roles by claiming to be monitors of the government. Moreover, in many developing African countries, the media has been a tool for educating citizens for decades (Domatob & Hall, 1983). Informing, educating, and entertaining the public was a mandate first used to describe public service broadcasting in the United Kingdom, proposed by John Reith, the founder of the British Broadcasting Corporation. This description was used as the core principle of broadcasting and transmission to many countries worldwide, including countries in Africa where colonial powers established the first media institutions. However, this role is also promoted by development journalism supporters on the continent. “African development journalism not only strives to inform and educate, but to motivate and entertain the people, thereby securing the public’s participation in the growth process. When viewed from this perspective, development journalism serves as an instrument for spiritual and mental emancipation from a legacy of thinking bequeathed by colonialism” (Domatob & Hall, 1983: 16). Scholars have also found that journalists’ role perceptions can align with a country’s main religious beliefs (Hamada, 2016; Muchtar et  al., 2017). The American think tank Pew Research Center reports that 78.5% of the Sierra Leonean population are Muslims, qualifying it as a Muslim-­ majority country. However, it is officially a secular state. Muchtar et  al. (2017: 1) argue that in a Muslim-majority country, the leadership tends to

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Role perceptions 95.9

95.4

94.9 91.6

Educate the audience

91.3

90.3

Let people Report things Provide Support Advocate for express their as they are analysis of national social change views current affairs development

Fig. 5.2  Top six role perceptions journalists answered extremely and very important

institutionalise journalism to their benefit by forcing them to define their place in society in the context of national philosophies. These are exemplified by Indonesia’s “Pancasila” doctrine and Malaysia’s Rukun Negara, leading to actions that encourage self-censorship and particular behaviours deemed moral. Muchtar et al. (2017: 13) found that journalists in twelve Muslim-majority countries, including Sierra Leone, practised some form of “social interventionism” supporting the role of “change agents” in line with the Islamic idea of “maslahah” that promotes working for the common good. According to the findings of this study, four prominent roles were perceived by journalists in Sierra Leone. They describe themselves as educators of the public, advocates for the voiceless, agents of social change, and supporters of national development (see Fig. 5.2). As discussed in Chap. 2, one of the significant changes in the media landscape in Sierra Leone at the introduction of democracy was the liberalisation and proliferation of media institutions that encouraged a diversity of media platforms. This development brought in more voices and opinions. As a result, there has been a surge in journalistic preferences for interventionistic roles, as journalists increasingly see themselves as essential mediums through which the public can obtain information and education, and they need to make political decisions (Edeani, 1993; Hanitzsch et al., 2019).

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During this study, three interventionist roles found in Sierra Leone are pedagogic, advocative, and developmental. Such is a set of role conceptualisations that include journalists actively participating and fully involved in social and political processes (Donsbach & Patterson, 2004). These roles, also previously found to be operational in other transitional democracies such as Sierra Leone, are explained as a group forming a branch of development journalism (Wong, 2004). However, they should be distinguished from more radical interventionistic roles in Western contexts. Scholars argue that in such societies in transition, these roles are used by journalists to provide the basis for empowering the masses by disseminating accurate information and education to enhance society (Edeani, 1993). Journalists as Pedagogics Overall, the results of this study show that pedagogical roles were significantly more supported than others. In this regard, journalists see themselves as providers of a medium for sharing important information. In the surveys, journalists were asked to write about three leading important roles of journalism in their society. Informing and educating were the main normative functions perceived by journalists in Sierra Leone. In the quantitative part of the study, the journalistic role of “educating the audience” was the highest supported by the respondents (N = 217), as 95% of the journalists said it was an extremely important role for them. The journalists expressed the exact rate of support during the qualitative interviews. Educating the public ranks high on the priority list of journalists’ role orientations in Sierra Leone. As one journalist describes it, this role is universal and specific to journalists in sub-Saharan Africa. Our role is to be accountable, to report, to inform the public on issues that are of public interest. We have universal roles, but in regard to specifics on the continent in which we find ourselves, we have a role to see how best we could inform our society that is apparently illiterate to a large extent to ensure that they follow what has been happening regarding news and information. (Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

Moreover, the pedagogical developmental model mostly resonates with participatory journalistic roles (Donsbach & Patterson, 2004). This model is indicative in Sierra Leone by journalists not only serving as providers of relevant information and education on critical issues but also promoting

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change to the public. It goes beyond what Weaver and Wilhoit (1996) describe as a disseminator role, wherein journalists share information to educate the public on developmental issues. Journalistic roles in transitional countries pose strong ideals that ensure that they participate in the transitions taking place in their societies by becoming facilitators of the process themselves through such pedagogical roles. I also believe it is our responsibility (as journalists) to educate the public on their rights and responsibilities - what they should or should not do. We investigate issues affecting our communities and inform people about happenings in their surroundings. (Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

To consider the context in which these journalists work, the country’s level of illiteracy has remained relatively high since independence (see Chap. 2). The media is seen as one of the main channels through which the adult population can access information on issues of national importance and development, among others. As examples of stories in which the journalists believe they performed their roles, most mentioned stories that report political activities or developmental issues. In Sierra Leone, people depend on journalists to teach them about their rights and responsibilities. Journalists in larger cities and smaller communities in rural areas perceive their pedagogic roles seriously and agree that they should play a role in ensuring that political processes run smoothly. Table 5.3 shows the various support for the education or pedagogic role according to ownership of medium. As we approach elections, we inform people about their responsibility because they have the power in their votes. We encourage them to choose the right individual who will make a positive change in the nation. We bring the politicians and the people so that they can have a conversation. (Broadcast Journalist, Northern Province, interviewed in 2017)

Therefore, in the context of many developing countries, these roles are significant, and journalists explain that consistent public education brings about the change needed in society. One example is influencing the public to achieve a perspective shift on gender issues in the country. Journalists should play an active role in society; we can bring about change in society. In the past, regarding gender issues, women were never considered in

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Table 5.3  Support according to medium for role: educate the audience Ownership of medium Purely private ownership Purely public ownership Mixed ownership but mostly public Mixed ownership but mostly private Mixed ownership but mostly state-owned Total

Little important

Little important

Somewhat important

Very important

Extremely important

Total

0

2

4

41

98

145

0

0

0

13

31

42

0

0

0

0

2

4

0

2

0

3

7

10

0

0

0

2

2

4

0

4

4

53

140

205

relation to being chiefs. However, after a lot of sensitisation, in Koinadugu District, for example, we now have the first female town chief. This was made possible because of conversations fostered by the involvement of journalists. Journalists should not just report on what is happening in the community; they should also be involved. (Broadcast Journalist, Northern Province, interviewed in 2017)

Additionally, countries in the Global South with less developed infrastructure are more prone to disasters and health emergencies, making pedagogical roles important for journalists in such contexts. An example is during the Ebola epidemic between 2014 and 2016, when journalists reported the need to perform pedagogical roles to stop the spread of the disease. Burkhart (1991), for example, found that journalists saw it as a professional responsibility to educate the public about disasters. Klemm et al. (2019) argue that journalistic roles could switch from general pedagogic roles to more public mobiliser roles that seek to change attitudes in such situations. In Sierra Leone, journalists accept that they can use social mobiliser roles when needed. Antwi-Boasiako (2017) found that journalists were actively involved in Ebola educational programmes and even launched their yellow ribbon campaign to educate the public on issues of

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Ebola during the crisis. Nevertheless, emergencies are not the only time such roles are deemed essential. They say that the developing societal structures and ills these journalists face daily attract their continuous attention. We live in a complex society, and there are things people need to learn about like wife battering, teenage pregnancy, early marriage, these are common things in our community. As journalists, we need to address such issues. There are children who refuse to go to school. There are also parents who refuse to send their children to school; they think it is the child’s responsibility to fend for and take care of them. There are youth who are prone to conflict. We need to meaningfully engage them. There is a lot of abuse of children and youth. As we speak, there children who are involved in gold mining. We need to inform people who children should not be involved in mining activities. Children are also abused sexually by school-going pupils, teachers, and elders. As journalists, we need to educate people, so they will know that such practices are not good. (Journalist, northern region, interviewed in 2017)

The northern region where this journalist practice occurs contains some of the most neglected communities in Sierra Leone, where harmful traditional practices against women and children are rife. In describing their identities, the journalists in Sierra Leone speak about their responsibility to the public and their obligation to teach them right from wrong. Research has found that journalists in Islamic countries or Muslim-majority countries, for example, practice a form of development journalism emphasising pedagogical roles. Pintak (2014) argues that information (I’lam) and news (Khabar) have always played a significant role in the Islamic faith, which explains the emphasis journalists in Sierra Leone put on the importance of playing the role of informants. The journalists see themselves as providers of a platform that bridges the gap between political leaders and the citizenry. Moreover, these results correlate with the study by Hanitzsch et  al. (2019). In that study, journalists in developing and transitioning countries in Asia and Africa mentioned the pedagogical role more than their counterparts in developed democracies. Their results show that other than Germany in the West, where journalists mentioned the “educator role,” all the countries with this role ranking high were from the Global South, including Indonesia, the Philippines, Botswana, Kenya, and Sierra Leone (166–167). In Sierra Leone, the interpretations of pedagogic roles include

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social mobiliser roles when needed. Muchtar et al. (2017) found that journalists in three of the countries studied—Indonesia, Kosovo, and Sierra Leone—promoted cultural diversity as necessary due to past interreligious tensions. Journalists as Development Facilitators The analysis of this study provided evidence that journalists in Sierra Leone perceive supporting national development as an essential role. In the surveys, supporting national development ranks as one of the top six roles that journalists believe is extremely or very important. Out of the (N-222) respondents, 68% said it was extremely important. This role is interventionistic and fits into the paradigm of development journalism found to be supported mostly in transitional countries (Kalyango et al., 2017). Skjerdal (2016) found this role to be one of the most important for Ethiopian journalists. Normatively, this role is more facilitative than collaborative (Hanitzsch, 2017). In this context, supporting national development is different from supporting government initiatives. The results of this study show that despite the high perception of the journalistic role that supports national development, few (16.1%—extremely important) perceive supporting government policy as very important. During the interviews, supporting government policy was only favoured in relation to development programmes. A journalist explains that they partner to facilitate and complement the government in this role. We cannot delink ourselves from the government. When you look at the roles of journalist, we can facilitate, monitor, and collaborate. In doing that, we complement the effort of government. (Radio Station Manager, Eastern Region, interviewed in 2017)

In this context, this role is characterised by the facilitator approach of journalists who willingly support governmental programmes for development and change (Romano, 2003). For example, during the fight against the Ebola epidemic, both government and the media worked hand in hand to ensure that public education on the disease and prevention strategies reached the population. In such situations, many journalists say their dissemination of public health messages from the government and other

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Table 5.4  Support according to medium for role: support national development Ownership of medium Purely private ownership Purely public ownership Mixed ownership but mostly private Mixed ownership but mostly public Mixed ownership but mostly state-owned Total

Unimportant

Little important

1

3

0

Somewhat important

Very important

Extremely important

Total

8

33

102

147

1

0

9

30

40

0

0

2

0

2

4

0

0

3

4

4

11

1

0

0

2

1

4

2

2

13

48

139

206

agencies was for the public good. As such, it was necessary. Table  5.4 shows the findings on the support for this role according to the medium of ownership. For example, if we had refused to promote the interest of the government in fighting the deadly Ebola disease, we would have demoted our own interest. When the government wanted to get information to the wider world, journalists helped in facilitating the process because the government does not have a radio station or a media house to do that. In other cases where they need professionalism, we plan together and implement; in some other areas we monitor; the flow of cash to know how such monies are utilised. If we do not play those roles, the people are bound to suffer. That does not mean we are colluding with the government. We are not against the government. The constitution gives us the right to serve as a check for the government. (Radio Station manager, Eastern Region, interviewed in 2017)

Therefore, this facilitative-interventionistic role should be distinguished from the opportunist-facilitative role in which journalists are attached and supported, conveying a positive image of political elites owing to their close relationship with them (Hanitzsch, 2011). Their support in this

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form is mainly interventionistic and more like the advocate journalistic role that promotes issues important to the public (Pintak & Nazir, 2013). As such, they reject supporting the role of conveying a positive image of political leadership in the surveys. Only 35.4% of the (N = 206) recipients think it is extremely important to report positively about political leadership. The results of this study show that despite the general expectations that journalists in sub-Saharan African countries and transitional democracies could exhibit the tendencies of opportunist facilitators who support their governments, their perceptions about themselves are otherwise. They consider themselves to be change agents and promoters of developmental issues (Kalyango et al., 2017). Journalists as Advocates for Social Change Advocacy roles form a vital feature of developmental interventionistic roles and have been widely accepted by journalists in Sierra Leone and many transitional democracies in the Global South (Kalyango et al., 2017; Pintak, 2014; Ramaprasad & Kelly, 2003). These roles can be participatory (Janowitz, 1975) and mission oriented (Köcher, 1986). Journalists supporting advocacy roles go beyond participating and work to pursue a course (Waisbord, 2008). The analysis of the surveys of this study shows that respondents strongly perceived advocacy roles as important, as 90.3% of the (N = 217) respondents answered the question on “advocating for social change” as extremely or very important. During the qualitative interviews, almost all the participants accepted the importance of advocacy roles and argued that they perform this role to promote issues affecting their societies. I think, for example, we also serve as advocates. We use our programmes to advocate for issues pursued by either governments or NGOs. Not by the way advocacy networks are doing, but we can use our own medium using the pen and the mic. I remember we did advocacy for an issue that was affecting people, stone blasting in the community. We spoke about the issue, and it was stopped. They moved to another place, and the people had peace. (Broadcast Journalist, Southern Province, interviewed in 2017)

In developing countries, advocating journalist roles have been found where people are less equipped to confront governmental structures. Journalists, in such cases, act as advocates for vulnerable communities to

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change their social situation. This study found that journalists support both the journalist as an advocate reporting method and the civic advocacy journalism model that mobilises social change (Waisbord, 2009; Fisher, 2015). The journalists in this advocative journalist model take up the mission to promote issues of interest to them (Patterson & Donsbach, 1996). In this model, journalists serve both as agents of change and empowerment (Hanitzsch et al., 2019). The journalists in Sierra Leone say they mainly report on the issues they care about. Recently, we had World Blood Donors day, so I reported to say why it is important to donate blood. I have donated blood too. Health issues like maternal mortality are another major problem in Sierra Leone, so I report stories such as that. Where there are problems in hospitals, where there are no drugs, where there are no facilities, where there are no health workers, I highlight this for the attention of the authorities. Yesterday, they launched A solar power water well in a community. I covered it as water is important for the people, so I was interested in it. (Senior Broadcast Journalist, Northern Province, interviewed in 2017)

Acting as agents of social change requires practising the civic advocacy journalism model, which uses the media to influence public opinion and change attitudes (Fisher, 2015). The emphasis is on influencing change that will develop society and change the lives of their people rather than just reporting issues (Wasserman, 2013). As such, journalists who believe in this role use their medium to promote social topics such as health and development issues (Fayoyin, 2014). We advocate if things are going wrong in society by highlighting them out and we are like a go between the state and the people. (Journalist, Western area, interviewed in 2017)

The civic journalism model resonates strongly with the quest to promote social change on issues that are often the core mission of many nongovernmental organisations (Waisbord, 2008). In less developed societies, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, journalists work with such agencies on thematic areas and form coalitions to support their advocacy work. Analysis shows that various development agencies use journalist relations tactics to promote their issues (Fayoyin, 2014). Journalists’ connection to local and international nongovernmental organisations has grown in Sierra Leone. This relationship has been strengthened through capacity building and

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financial support. NGOs frequently hold training workshops on various developmental issues for specific thematic reporting or to educate journalists on issues of interest (Tam-Baryoh, 2006). Additionally, journalists form special associations to address issues such as HIV/aids, climate change, and family planning. Practising interventionistic advocacy roles in Sierra Leone, therefore, depends not only on the individual journalist’s interest but also on their connection with NGOs and their thematic focus. The whole idea about journalism is to effect positive changes. Falling short of that will be a disservice to the people we claim to serve. (Radio Station Manager Eastern Region interviewed in 2017)

According to Donsbach (2012), advocacy journalism stems from the assumption of journalists that their public cannot stand on their own. “These journalists, therefore, believe that their major task is to act on behalf of this part of the audience. Consequently, they select the news according to its instrumentality for the social groups they support” (2). Thus, they stand up for the rights of people they believe need their support. The findings of this study illustrate that journalists in Sierra Leone take a distinct preference and approach for their advocacy journalism (see Table  5.5). A female journalist explained covering a story on domestic abuse with the intention to give a voice to the alleged victim. She explained that the woman came up to her to explain her husband’s infidelity and abuse. She listened and was touched by the alleged victim’s story, as the husband was a powerful head of a church in the capital. She said she covered the story to give her a voice, create awareness, and call the attention of the authorities about the issue. She said that after interviewing the woman, she tried to speak with the alleged perpetrator, but he declined. She believed the woman’s issue would not have been taken seriously if she had not published the story. After publishing, she said the feedback was tremendous, and many people reached out to speak to the alleged victim. Therefore, advocacy interventionist roles in such a country are performed out of necessity, thrust on journalists by the public. It can be understood as a need citizens have, which journalists are forced to step in as advocates. As one journalist explains, they sometimes do not have a choice. Increasingly, journalists are now asked to become activists, much more like political activists. In Sierra Leone, it has become more pronounced because of the lack of proper unified and structured opposition. In the absence of that, the

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Table 5.5  Support according to medium for role: advocate for social change Ownership of medium Purely private owners Purely public ownership Mixed ownership but mostly private Mixed ownership but mostly public Mixed ownership but mostly state-owned Total

Unimportant

Little important

Somewhat important

Very important

Extremely important

Total

0

2

12

35

97

146

1

0

1

13

26

41

0

0

2

0

2

4

0

0

1

3

5

9

1

0

0

2

1

4

2

2

16

53

131

204

people have moved to the journalists to step in and advocate on their behalf and do what the opposition is supposed to do. So increasingly the people are forcing us to take up activist roles, which in some instances is very compromising because then you do not stand as a neutral in those things which are happening, which is why it has been such a difficult improvement. However, it is something which we are trying to grapple with although unsuccessfully. (Print Journalist, Western area, interviewed in 2017)

Waisbord (2008) argues that civic advocacy journalism is practised where journalists must feature “voices that are typically ignored in the mainstream media. In doing so, it makes positive contributions to democratic debate” (378). The high support for such roles by journalists in a developing country such as Sierra Leone suggests that low literacy levels and weak democratic structures can deter people from being directly critical of their governments. In such cases, the public would rather speak to the journalists than confront their leaders directly. As a result, journalists take up the responsibility of being a voice for the people they report on and now act as agents of empowerment (Hanitzsch et  al., 2019). The empowerment agents work on reporting the forgotten grassroots to the authorities (Forde, 1997). By bringing more voices to the front, journalists contribute positively to the democratic process (Janowitz, 1975).

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Basically, the roles of journalists are to speak for the people. Journalists should be the voice of the voiceless because the bulk of the population is somehow aggrieved. A journalist should be a go-between the people and the stakeholders, but they should lean more towards the people. (Broadcast Journalist, Southern Province)

Giving a voice can also mean providing a platform for people to express themselves. The survey results show strong support for the role that journalists should let people express their views, with 94.5% of respondents (N-216) accepting that it is a very important and important role. This role serves a populist mobiliser function (Weaver et al., 2007) with an audience focus. Journalists who believe in this role do work to get people to share their opinions on issues they believe are important. In so doing, they often take sides with the people they assume are victims or less advantaged. Some journalists believe that when reporting on such stories, each reporter should decide how they tell the story of the victims. Sometimes, regarding advocacy, you might find a little bit of bias or impartiality because you are going to pick a side. You have to be rational. You need to pick a side that is in line with your conscience. Ask yourself when I do this how will it affect the people tomorrow? (Broadcast Journalist, Western area, interviewed in 2017)

Unlike journalists in countries in the United States and other countries in the West where journalists still debate journalism of detachment (Schudson, 2003), this study found journalists in Sierra Leone openly accepting being activists and taking sides. They perceive giving a voice to the disadvantaged as more important. Journalists have accepted this acceptance of participating advocates in transitional societies, where they sometimes describe themselves as advocates of the people (Ramaprasad & Kelly, 2003). Participating and effecting change is their primary motivation. As a feature of development journalism, advocacy roles are used to pursue mission-oriented reporting that will move society forwards. I think we should be covering human interest stories, stories that impact the lives of the listeners or the audience as a whole; stories that can bring positive changes to people’s lives. It can be health, it can be educational, as long as it has the ‘change factor’ is embedded in it. (Broadcast Journalist, Northern Province, interviewed in 2017)

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Journalists as Development Monitors One of the findings from the analysis of this study shows that journalists in Sierra Leone support developmental monitoring roles. This role should not be confused with development facilitators, as there are distinct differences where one is passive and the other active. Normative monitorial journalistic roles were derived from the traditional core of journalism wherein the media serves as the fourth estate and are critical of the powers that be and hold them accountable (Standaert et al., 2019). The monitorial function of journalism has been described as critical, and journalists who support these roles are passive. They play the role of monitors (Hanitzsch & Vos, 2016), investigators (Meyen & Riesmeyer, 2012), or watchdogs (Christians et al., 2009). Scholars have argued earlier that such functions tend to be Western-centric and supported mainly by journalists in stable democracies (Ramaprasad, 2001). However, some research found journalists in some transitional countries in the Global South expressing support for levels of monitorial normative roles (De Beer et al., 2016). Unlike earlier studies that distinguished monitorial from developmental journalistic roles, recent studies have shown the existence of both in a journalistic culture (Hanitzsch et  al., 2019). In Sierra Leone, the survey results show that journalists support less critical monitorial functions, unlike journalists in developed democracies. The roles found in this study show that they support serving as populist mobilisers (Weaver & Wilhoit, 1996). The findings strongly support developmental interventionistic journalistic roles in Sierra Leone. However, the data showed that the journalists also support monitorial ideals as fundamental to the journalism they practise. In the surveys, journalists supported roles such as reporting things as they are and providing analysis of current affairs, indicating support for a fact-based journalism practice (Kalyango et  al., 2017: 586). Nevertheless, the journalists supported radical monitorial roles such as scrutinising political leaders less, as only (N = 107) 48.9% of the respondents said they believed it to be a very important role of journalism. Hanitzsch et al. (2019) found that journalists worldwide, even in the Global South, highly support monitorial roles. They argue that such ideals were developed in newsrooms in developed democracies and exported worldwide through media training programmes that propagated it as the “global gold standard of news production” even in the Global South (175). In Sierra Leone, journalism education is mostly dependent on Western-led training. International organisations with Western support

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and findings conduct media training on the ground to support media organisations and journalists. Some journalists in Sierra Leone agree that the monitorial roles they support are learned values they aspire to adhere to during practice. As we have been taught (and as I have read), journalists should be watchdogs in society - security for the less privileged and the voiceless. In Sierra Leone, we have the ‘top-down’ approach to communicating between the ‘high ups’ and the people. In journalism, you should dialogue - dialogue that gives birth to good outcomes. Journalists should be the watchdogs. (Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

In sub-Saharan Africa, researchers have found evidence of arguments by journalists professing to support these journalistic values of detached watchdogs and critical observers of their governments. Mwesige (2004) found that Ugandan journalists highly valued the watchdog journalistic ideal even though it does not necessarily mean they adhere to it in practice. The results of this research show that Sierra Leonean journalists in private and semi-public institutions were more likely to express strong developmental monitorial journalistic support, as they, to some extent, enjoy a more robust level of autonomy in news production. The study’s results in Sierra Leone supported the watchdog role. Participants of both the quantitative surveys and qualitative interviews expressed the importance of the watchdog role and that it is the primary function of journalism in their society. The journalistic role has been found to be a critical function of democratic journalism ideals. Journalists who support it believe they should work to make the government accountable for their actions (Márquez-Ramírez et al., 2020). In Western democratic countries, journalists who support the watchdog role are often detached critics of the government and businesspeople. In emerging democracies such as Sierra Leone, the watchdog role performs mostly developing monitorial purposes. Traditionally, we say the role of a journalist is to inform, educate and serve as a watchdog of the people. To scrutinise government activities and national issues in a bid to serve as the conscience of the general public […] if you want to be a journalist in this part of the world, you have to be selfless, and you have to love your profession to be able to perform. Otherwise, you would get screwed up by politicians or by business interest groups. (Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

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One reason for journalists’ support of this role stems from our understanding of how journalists in transitional contexts in the Global South are expected to contribute to developing their countries. The watchdog role serves as a normative expectation of journalistic functions and individual journalistic values. The journalists in Sierra Leone also acknowledge the importance of performing this function in their society, thereby giving it significant support. People often see journalists’ as watchdogs of society. You observe how things are going, keep those in authority on their toes to ensure that they deliver. (Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

Moreover, these results show that Sierra Leone is not unique in the journalists’ support for developmental interventionistic and watchdog roles. A reassessment of such Western ideals in developing contexts has proven that the watchdog role also exists in such contexts. Hanusch and Uppal (2015) found that Fijian journalists combine watchdog and developmental journalistic roles. Hanitzsch et  al. (2019) argue that developmental watchdog journalism calls for journalists to monitor the government and “highlight problems and weakness” (185). Journalists serve as whistle blowers to keep the government in check whenever possible. You can be a detached watchdog by raising awareness, but you have to do it in a way that it would not go unnoticed. Do not be inconsistent. You can be a detached watchdog on a particular issue. A bad road network affects the lives of the people. What is the government doing about this? The next day you come back to it. What progress has been made in this area? Are the people still suffering? Are they still using these bad roads, and are they risking their lives? (Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

In transitional countries, journalists can scrutinise leaders intensively, use their voice to criticise them, or use sources to criticise them (Márquez-­ Ramírez et al., 2020; Mellado, 2015). These are strategies most journalists describe as the basis they use to perceive their watchdog roles.

Journalistic Epistemologies and the Belief in Objectivity Epistemologies form the second domain of journalism cultures and are a vital phenomenon examined in this book. When confronted with questions about their practice, journalists often claim their news is factual,

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credible, and truthful (Carlson, 2017). The sociology of epistemology examines how journalists justify and articulate their knowledge claims (Ekström, 2002). Ettema and Glasser (1984) argue that the justification of journalists’ knowledge claims depends on and may vary according to the context in which the journalists practice (185). Thus, how journalists verify their knowledge claims can give us an insight into their work and the journalism cultures existing in their context. This study examines two notions of verification: objectivism and empiricism. These are two dimensions of epistemologies relating to journalism cultures proposed by Hanitzsch (2007). In this book, the views of journalists are examined to ascertain whether journalists in Sierra Leone support the notion of objectivism. One of the questions is whether the journalists believe in the existence of an objective reality and that facts should be separated from opinions or whether the journalists belong to the social constructivist group who argue that everything is subjective and open for interpretation. The analysis of the qualitative interviews found that journalists in Sierra Leone perceive objective, fair, and balanced reporting as good journalism. They seem not to take it lightly sometimes when they are accused of being biased and would try very hard to prove they are objective and have reported the truth. Journalists have been found to use notions of objectivity to ward off critics questioning their professionalism (Tuchman, 1972). The perceptions were measured by asking whom they describe as an objective journalist and whether they consider themselves one. Answering this question, they describe an objective journalist as neutral, whose reports are not influenced by the journalist’s personal views. A good journalist should be objective, should investigate, should be impartial and should not take sides, should ensure that they get the two sides of the story, they should not be one-sided. That is objectivity and impartiality. They should speak to all the parties concerned before publishing the story. (Broadcast Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

Although the research found that journalists in Sierra Leone perceive developmental interventionistic roles to be very important, they still support objectivist notions, which they believe are good practices of journalism. These findings contradict what some scholars argue that role perceptions should correlate with the epistemological notions of journalists (Glasser, 1984; Skovsgaard et al., 2013). Epistemologies are ideological concepts that can be learned in newsrooms and form part of the

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socialisation teachings journalists obtain on the fundamental principles of journalism (Kovach & Rosenstiel, 2001). Therefore, the journalists’ choice might not have been based on personal moral philosophies but on their learned concepts that have formed ideologies. In the surveys, epistemologies were measured by asking about the importance of three role conceptions. The role of “report things as they are” linked to the notions of journalism of detachment and objectivity is the highest perceived by the journalists, as 66.8% of (N = 216) respondents answered it is extremely important. Being a detached observer was less supported, as only 37.8% (N = 200) of journalists perceived it to be extremely important. The role that provides analysis of current affairs was perceived by 54% (N = 214) to be extremely important. The first two roles are centred on factual reporting and journalism of detachment, while the latter role belongs to the analytical dimension and is subjectivist (Henkel et al., 2018). Skovsgaard et al. (2013: 26) proposed four aspects journalists used to implement the objectivity notion in their newsrooms. No subjectivity emphasises detached observer, balance free from bias, hard facts connected to accuracy, and value judgements. The survey evidence showed that the journalists support some form of independent reporting but also perceive their participation as necessary. The role “report things as they are” must have been supported because it sounded more like accuracy to the journalists. When speaking about their epistemological values, the journalists kept mentioning truth, impartiality, and balance. It is somebody that gives a balanced story. Investigate an issue and report it as it is not putting his view in the issue. Getting the parties involved in the story and not putting your view. You have to balance your report first. Second, do not put your view in the story. (Broadcast Journalist, Southern Province, interviewed in 2017)

Some journalists say they believe there is the existence of “an objective and ultimate truth ‘out there’ that ought to be ‘mirrored’ and not be created, invented, or altered in any way” (Hanitzsch, 2007: 376). Some journalists perceive the justification of this truth to be more factual rather than analytical, showing support for objectivism. You should ensure to tell the truth. It is not a fairy-tale or fiction. This is reality. Sometimes journalists ‘taint’ the story a little just because they want to get stories. Journalists are being sued for libellous reporting because they do not endeavour to report the truth. There are different ways to arrive at the truth;

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you try to ask the questions directly, you can ask a friend or relative, you can even go online to determine about the issue you want to report on, rather than just assuming and making a publication or airing a program. That sometimes leads to problems. (Broadcast Journalist, Northern province, interviewed in 2017)

Moreover, journalists’ emphasis on truthful reporting is perhaps influenced by this notion’s importance in maintaining journalistic identity in society. Lisboa and Benetti (2015) argue that “journalism becomes a true and objectively justified belief because it is produced by processes, mental faculties and reliable methods. It is a production of news aimed at truthfulness” (5). The credibility of journalists can be assessed with justifiable claims of truthful reporting. It is not just about informing them but giving them correct information because there are times when some journalists do not believe in giving out correct information because they are protecting certain individuals, protecting their interests, and protecting certain things. Some will tell you I did not put that out because I never wanted things to go out of hand. We are expected to pass out key information, especially on important issues in the countries we live. Always speaking out the truth and ensuring we are objective in our discussions as well. (Print Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

Moreover, journalistic perceptions of the notion of objectivity and their epistemological values can be linked to their environment and other social factors. Donsbach and Klett (1993) found that the objectivity notion was understood differently in the United States, Britain, and continental Europe. They also found varying support for the epistemological orientations of objectivism and subjectivism even within countries. Some journalists reported such differences based on the regions they practice in Sierra Leone. Sometimes it can be challenging, especially in this region. If you want to report on an issue such as rape, perpetrators, victims, and officers will make themselves unavailable because they do not want you to dig into the real issues. A journalist faced with such situations must endeavour to get all sides of the story - for a balanced reporting of the story. (Broadcast Journalist, Northern Province, interviewed in 2017)

Therefore, the findings of this study illustrate that impartiality, neutrality, and factual reporting are perceived as important even for journalists in Sierra Leone. Hanitzsch et  al. (2011: 283) found that these

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epistemological values have gained global importance with journalists worldwide. They found that journalists do not support the influence of their personal beliefs in reporting. They also found differences in the empiricism dimension and understanding of the various notions of objectivity. This study, however, did not reveal any consistent pattern differentiating the journalists’ perceptions in various mediums of print and broadcast.

Ethical Considerations and Morality Ethical considerations form one of the three concepts through which the journalism cultures of a country can be assessed. Ethics are the values that direct the decision-making processes of professionals. They are grounded in philosophical theories that guide journalism practice, help us assess how journalists work, and explain what they consider good or bad practices (Weaver & Wilhoit, 1986). Ethics can stem from the individual decisions of journalists and the media’s decisions on societal issues (Ward, 2008). The principles of ethics always require journalists to act with integrity. The journalism ethics followed in practice can help assess journalists’ character and that of their media institution. In the Western context, values such as honesty and fairness were first assumed to be universal. They are still being taught in journalism schools in the Global South despite criticism of them being a form of “cultural propaganda” (Chomsky, 1997). Some countries in the Global South emphasise values of social unity and harmony (Perkins, 2002). As discussed in the previous chapter, some scholars in sub-Saharan Africa proposed the concepts of “ubuntuism” (Fourie, 2007) and “Afriethics” (Kasoma, 1996) that promote communal values in journalism. Mfumbusa (2008) states three dimensions of ethics in sub-Saharan Africa: ethnicity, the sanctity of authority, and community (145). Other scholars propose that a “glocalisation” of media ethics in the face of globalisation and technological advancement would be suitable for global journalistic practices (Wasserman & Rao, 2008). Moreover, in this study, the individual perception of their ethical considerations is measured to understand the moral philosophies on which they base their journalistic values. “Measuring individuals’ orientation to different moral philosophies, conversely, has enabled researchers to tie degrees of idealism and degrees of relativistic thinking to proclivities to view ethical questions in certain ways” (Plaisance et  al., 2012: 644). Additionally, this study considers the theoretical distinction of Forsyth’s

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four-dimensional grid of absolutism, situationism, subjectivism, and exceptionism in this analysis of the ethical considerations perceived by journalists (Hanitzsch et al., 2019). During the surveys, ethics was measured with four statements (see Table  5.6) using a five-point scale between strongly agree, somewhat agree, undecided, somewhat disagree, and strongly disagree. The first statement measured in the surveys asked journalists if they should always adhere to codes of professional ethics, regardless of situation and context (absolutism). Almost all the journalists (N = 220) who answered this survey question strongly agreed, 97.3%, only 12.7% said they somewhat agreed, 1.8% were undecided, somewhat disagree and strongly disagree had only 0.45%. These results correlate with earlier studies (Hanitzsch et  al., 2011, 2019), which found a strong consensus among journalists across various regions on the acceptance of absolute adherence to ethical principles. They also found that despite the support for absolutism, journalists supported other orientations. Journalists, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, combined absolutism and situationism to some degree (214). Journalists who hold absolutist ethical standpoints follow strict universal principles irrespective of the situation and have been found in countries with advanced democracies, strong press freedom, strong legal Table 5.6  Ethical considerations of journalists

Journalists should always adhere to codes of professional ethics, regardless of situation and context It is acceptable to set aside moral standards if extraordinary circumstances require it What is ethical in journalism depends on the specific situation What is ethical in journalism is a matter of personal judgement

N

Percentage saying “strongly” and “somewhat agree”

Mean

Standard deviation

220

97.3

4.80

0.53

216

65.3

3.72

1.31

215

62.8

3.53

1.41

215

42.8

2.99

1.52

Question: The following statements describe different approaches to journalism. For each of them, please tell me how strongly you agree or disagree. 5 means you strongly agree, 4 means somewhat agree, 3 means undecided, 2 means somewhat disagree, and 1 means strongly disagree. (Source: WJS country report)

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frameworks, and higher uncertainty avoidance (Hanitzsch et  al., 2019: 224). This ethical orientation is deontological, meaning that being ethical means following the rules and not adhering to rules is deemed unethical (Merrill, 2011). Even though Sierra Leone’s context cannot be compared with Western liberal societies, the journalists still preferred absolutist orientations. Their choices would have stemmed from the professional socialisation processes they have undergone through training and their networks (Berkowitz et  al., 2004). Journalists learn about workplace norms, and values are passed down to them in the newsroom or by observing other colleagues (3). Journalism is a culture from which occupational identities emerge. Within this framework, journalists go through various socialisation processes to be identified and accepted in the collective journalistic community. Also, Nyamnjoh (2005: 87) argues that journalists in sub-Saharan Africa, when asked about media ethics, constantly reproduce what they have learned from code books developed from the West. Moreover, most codes of ethics and professional values adopted in the continent are heavily inspired by Western or Western-derived international codes that do not dwell on ethical issues relevant to concerns in other regions. For example, the Independent Media Commission of Sierra Leone introduced its code of practice for journalists in 2007, with copies shared in newsrooms around the country. This code presents “universal” ethical principles derived from values such as truth, accuracy, fairness, impartiality, and objectivity, which Afro-centric scholars criticise as Western-centric (Kasoma, 1996). In 2016, the Sierra Leone Association of Journalists also launched a code of ethics explicitly proposing possible solutions to ethical dilemmas in the newsroom and the field. The codes are used to instil the occupational culture (Deuze, 2005) and build the occupational identity of the journalists (Wenger, 1998). Adhering to these codes brings acceptance and ignoring them attracts consequences. Thus, in Sierra Leone, it is about adhering to professional codes and does not reflect in totality the individual moral stands of the journalists. When asked about the ethical considerations they have during practice in the qualitative interviews, journalists would refer to the code of ethics as their “bible.” They serve as a quality assurance tool for journalists and the public. Going by the media code of ethics helps the journalist to be professional; not observing the media code of conduct leaves you on your own. (Broadcast Journalist, Northern Region, interviewed in 2007)

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Nevertheless, the results of this study also found that even with their absolutist views, journalists moderately support situationism. The statement on setting aside moral standards if the situation requires ranked second at 65.3% (N-216). Additionally, the question of what is ethical depending on the specific situation was supported by 62.8% who strongly or somewhat agree. During the qualitative interviews, open-ended questions were asked on ethical considerations adhered to during practice. The journalists were also asked to provide specific examples of stories or situations in which they had to make ethical decisions. Their responses, however, supported situationist perspectives. During the Ebola outbreak, I went to report on a cleaning exercise and was given ten minutes to do on-the-spot reporting. In the ten minutes, I reported what I saw - the filth and dirt that had taken over the centre. This displeased the District Council executives. They started making phone calls to my manager, producer, and others. They were offended because, according to them, I did not contact them before giving my report. As I said, it was on-the-spot reporting. There was not enough time to contact them at that point. They said they would stop supporting the radio station because we do not consult them before reporting on issues relating to them. Even the land where the station is built was given by the council. (Journalist, Northern province, interviewed in 2017)

Moreover, this study found through the interviews that journalists’ adherence to ethical principles in Sierra Leone can be situational. Ethical dilemmas arise when they are in the fields that require individual decisions. In such cases, journalists do expect to have some flexibility to choose. Perhaps the high uncertainty and the sociopolitical challenges in their country contribute to their support for flexibility. The journalists believe they should report everything as long as it is for the common good. Hanitzsch (2007) describes it as the journalists relating it to the principle of “a means versus end” (285), wherein reporting for the common good becomes prioritised and hurting someone in the process does not count as unethical. The least supported was the statement on subjectivism, as only 42% strongly or somewhat agree with ethics based on personal judgement. Although the journalists here support interventionistic roles that take sides during reporting, they still perceive subjectivism as unethical. Their perceptions show a discrepancy perhaps embedded in their ideologies derived from socialisation processes and their beliefs in written codes.

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Conclusion This chapter explores the various journalistic values that are measured to assess journalism cultures in Sierra Leone. It started with the different role perceptions showing that Sierra Leonean journalists preferred interventionistic developmental roles. The survey and qualitative interview participants mostly support objectivism, even though their role orientations lean towards developmental interventionistic roles. Ethical considerations in Sierra Leone tend to be flexible and dangle between absolutist and moderately situationist orientations while expressing support for controversial reporting methods. The next chapter discusses the findings on the influences that have helped shape the ideologies of journalists regarding their professional values and identities.

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CHAPTER 6

Influences on Journalistic Identities in Sierra Leone

Harassments and Affiliations Thus far, this book has discussed journalists’ perceptions and presented the findings of what constitutes journalism cultures in Sierra Leone. When journalists speak about their social function in society and values, they share knowledge and experiences they encounter daily. However, scholars have constantly propounded that journalistic values are never isolated but influenced by various factors existing in the environments in which journalists practice. Eric Bongay, 1 an experienced print journalist and editor of a newspaper in Sierra Leone, says political influences. He has been detained in prison several times for writing stories against politicians in power. In November 2013, he was arrested by the police for writing a story that the then-president deemed disrespectful. They were arrested and detained with his managing editor, and they were accused of violating the Public Order Act, which was still in force then. They were granted bail after several days in detention. Worldwide, harassment of journalists continues. For example, the organisation Reporters Without Borders stated that in 2019, thirty-nine journalists, ten citizen journalists, and three media assistants were killed worldwide. In countries in transition in the Global South, there is a 1

 A pseudonym.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. B. Koroma, Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-31093-5_6

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never-­ending list of political and sociocultural factors that surface at every stage of their work, giving journalists challenges to contend with. Thus, scholars have found that various influences continue to impact journalism cultures worldwide. Therefore, this chapter examines journalists’ perceptions of the local and global factors impacting their work and makes inferences on possible forces responsible for their emphasis on various influences on their work. It does not examine how the influences translate in their work but only shows the influences the journalists perceive to exist in the context of Sierra Leone. Shoemaker and Reese (2016) divided the influences on journalists and their products into five categories: the individual, media routines, organisational, extramedia, and ideological or social system. This study conceptualises influences on journalism using the micro, meso, and macro levels proposed by Hanitzsch et  al. (2019), including individual, procedural, organisational, and societal influences from practitioners’ perspectives. In the surveys, twenty-seven influences were measured using a five-point scale where five is extremely influential and one is not influential. The question asked was to tell how much each item on the list influences their work (see Table 6.1). However, for ease of analysis, the various items were grouped into five main dimensions, including several factors each: individual (friends, acquaintances, and family, your peers on the staff, religious considerations, and colleagues in other media); procedural influences (journalism ethics, information access, media laws and regulation, availability of news-­ gathering resources, relationship with news sources, and time limit); organisational influences (editorial supervisors and higher editors, censorship, owners of news organisations, and editorial policy); political influences (government officials, military, police, and state security, politicians, business people, and pressure groups); and economic influences (profit expectations, competing news organisations, advertising considerations, audience research, and data) (Hanitzsch et al., 2019).

The Political Strings That Influence Journalists However, in the surveys, pressure groups were the highest perceived as influential in this group even though the support is low compared to the overall results. Only 34.6% (N = 211) of journalists say it is extremely and very influential. Pressure groups primarily act as sources of information for

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Table 6.1  Influences perceived by journalists

Journalism ethics Media laws and regulation Editorial policy Information access Availability of news-gathering resources Time limits Editorial supervisors and higher editors Owners of the news organisation Managers of the news organisation Feedback from the audience Audience research and data Your personal values and beliefs Censorship Public relations Competing news organisations Advertising considerations Relationships with news sources Colleagues in other media Your peers on the staff Profit expectations Religious considerations Pressure groups Government officials Business people Military, police, and state security Politicians Friends, acquaintances, and family

N

Percentage saying “extremely” and “very influential”

Mean

Standard deviation

216 214 216 213 215

86.6 84.1 82.4 82.2 79.1

4.44 4.22 4.29 4.23 4.14

0.93 0.95 1.00 0.89 0.97

210 215

76.2 74.0

4.10 4.02

0.94 1.10

208

69.7

3.85

1.21

207

68.6

3.85

1.08

215 197 190

62.8 60.4 55.3

3.76 3.73 3.48

1.13 1.12 1.35

193 210 211

53.9 51.0 49.8

3.34 3.30 3.34

1.33 1.27 1.24

191 211

49.7 48.8

3.40 3.32

1.15 1.31

215 194 180 181 211 210 213 208

45.1 44.8 37.2 35.9 34.6 31.9 31.0 29.8

3.20 3.14 2.99 2.90 2.89 2.74 2.75 2.64

1.28 1.20 1.27 1.44 1.25 1.35 1.26 1.42

214 205

22.9 17.1

2.52 2.23

1.30 1.26

Question: Here is a list of potential sources of influence. Please tell me how much influence each of the following has on your work. 5 means it is extremely influential, 4 means very influential, 3 means somewhat influential, 2 means little influential, and 1 means not influential.

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special interests they wish to promote. Journalists who believe in advocacy roles are strongly linked to such groups that aim to bring social change. Even though this factor is included in the political dimension of influences, it can be partly procedural (McQuail, 1992). Journalists encounter and rely on these sources for news production by giving expert views on proposing special thematic issues or highlighting developments or violations. Therefore, the public relations activities of such organisations can directly affect journalists (Hutton, 1999). In Sierra Leone, too, journalists openly align themselves with such groups and consent to partnerships to propagate their interests. The fact that they willingly accept working with such groups could be why they do not feel pressured by them. They see them more as partners in fulfilling their perceived developmental roles. Additionally, government officials ranked second in this domain of political influence. Surprisingly, only 31.9% (N = 210) of the journalists chose extremely and very influential. These surveys show that less than half of journalists perceive that government officials influence their work even though people making policies in governance are vital forces with which they should contend. News-gathering routines have placed a special privilege on government officials whose analysis is needed to authenticate the news (Gans, 1980). In Sierra Leone, just like in many countries, the perception is that news is deemed credible when the journalists have all sides, including an official source. This study found that journalists in Sierra Leone highly perceive developmental roles as important. They view themselves as government partners and empowerment agents (Romano, 2005). Viewing their roles and work as such, government officials are partners or sources of information needed to advance their empowerment drive. Moreover, Herman and Chomsky (1988) argue that news from official government sources is deemed factual and helps journalists adhere to the notion of objectivity. “The mass media claim to be ‘objective’“ dispensers of the news. Partly to maintain the image of objectivity, but also to protect themselves from criticisms of bias and threat of libel suits, the need material that can be portrayed as presumptively accurate” (19). Nevertheless, in this study, the journalists consider businesspeople less influential, as only a quarter, 31.0% (N = 213), of the journalists say it is extremely or very influential. This category is added to this domain as proposed by Hanitzsch et al. (2010). They argue that although trade is an economic act, decision-making on business is mainly done in the political arena. Therefore, businesspeople belong to this domain’s political cluster,

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not the economy. Rank and file journalists mostly use such sources for official updates on trends in economic activities and more. “Representing, advocating and imposing the interests of business and trade are inherently political acts with political implications” (Hanitzsch et al., 2019: 107). In advocating for such interests, journalists might see them as sources for social change and economic development, not sources who exert a level of influence on their work. As a result, they might not see them as a directly influential factor in their daily editorial content, even though studies illustrate it as such. In the surveys, Sierra Leone journalists denied being strongly influenced by politicians, as only 22.9% (N  =  214) accepted that they were extremely or very influential. Their reluctance to admit influence from the political class has to do with the claim that journalists in democratic states make that they are independent and have autonomy in their work. Journalistic autonomy is a value that even journalists in transitional democracies in the Global South aspire to achieve (Preston, 2006: 7). They want to be seen as independent and unattached when covering stories for them to gain the respect of the public in their country (Guyot, 2009; Preston, 2006). However, during the interviews, they openly admitted that they encountered intense pressures from the political elites and the parties in governance. For example, such control is done by politicians supporting media institutions directly or indirectly. A lot of media houses are owned and supported by influential people who are state authorities. How can they write anything against such an individual? Journalists have always been warned not to take brown envelopes, but it is hard to say no. If I have two kids to feed at home and I meet this minister of government who gives me a bumpy envelope, I cannot ignore that, so it will affect how I report. […] The other day, a minister was celebrating his birthday and invited journalists. Would those journalists report or criticise that minister? Politics, money and sometimes fame influence how journalism has been practised in Sierra Leone. (Broadcast Journalist, Western Area, interviewed 2017)

Schudson (2002) describes this as the “subsidised” press, where “a newspaper either directly served as the voice of a party or relied for economic survival on the legal advertising and government printing contracts of local, state, and federal governments when the right party took power” (250). In Sierra Leone, some journalists are members of political parties they support openly, showing partisanship in reporting (McQuail, 1992).

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Some interview respondents condemned their colleagues who joined political parties, but others supported them, claiming the same practice exists in Western countries. There are certain media institutions, even in the west or the UK; you have newspapers that believe in conservatism. They believe in their policies and their ideologies, so they promote their ideologies. If you go to the United States, some papers believe in the democrat policies, others believe in the republican policies, and they work towards promoting those policies. For me, the question of journalists believing in a certain policy has to be determined by your editorial policies because you have newspapers that are pro political newspapers for example, ‘We Yone Newspaper’ or the Unity Newspaper are run by professional journalists but owned by political parties. (Print Journalist, Western area, interviewed in 2017)

Additionally, politicians create official designations for journalists who support their campaigns to be elected. For example, the previous Sierra Leone government appointed journalists in 2007 to serve in various official capacities at home and abroad. The new government that came into office in 2018 correspondingly continued the practice, continuing what now seems like a tradition for mutual benefits. Some respondents in the interviews mentioned that this ongoing trend is a distraction that is being utilised  to muzzle the autonomy of journalism professionals and garner support for their political parties. The vogue now since 2007 is that our colleagues were appointed into the government as press attaches or were given positions as PROs where they earn now far better than what they used to earn as journalists. These guys were writing articles to boost the government at a time, and the government decided to pay back. Instead of criticising the government, instead of playing their roles as watchdogs of society, they are now just writing stories promoting the government’s agenda, promoting the road projects, hoping that if they win again, they will be the next batch to be appointed. The same goes for the opposition party. Now you know the media here is polarised along party and regional lines. (Veteran Broadcast Journalist and Publisher, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

Moreover, political influences on journalists can be subtle or explicit. Viewing journalism as an occupational ideology, Deuze (2005) argues that journalists want to be seen as neutral, fair, objective, and credible. Therefore, even though political influences on journalism exist in reality, any suggestions of solid attachments and influence on their work are most

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often rejected. Political influences are especially denied because journalists want to claim that they have autonomy over the news (Hanitzsch et al., 2019).

Economic Influences and the Power of Advertisers Influences that involve financial pressures on journalists and their institutions constitute part of the economic influence domain. These factors are measured by analysing the journalists’ perceptions of economic activities that involve profit expectations, competing news organisations, advertising considerations, and audience research. Earlier studies have shown journalism to be largely influenced by economic forces (Doyle, 2002; Guyot, 2011). “Based on a rationalisation of production processes, free flow of information, free markets and economies of scale, market forces lead to fierce competition, thus weakening the independence of journalists as well as their working conditions” (Guyot, 2011: 2). Astonishingly, in contrast to assumptions and despite expectations of economic pressures on journalism, the results from the surveys in this study showed less acceptance of the economic influences by the journalists. Only in the qualitative interviews did the journalists accept the power of economic forces on their work and institutions. Broadcast journalists did not differ from print journalists and the same for both public and private institutions regarding their level of acceptance of economic influences on their work. Hanitzsch et al. (2019: 113) argue that journalists do not feel economic influences because they are absorbed mainly by the media organisation’s management and presented to individual journalists, making them appear as procedural and organisational influences. However, several studies have found evidence of the influence of audiences on gatekeeping practices (Shoemaker & Vos, 2009; Thurman, 2015). Audience research and data was the only factor in this group, with more than half of the journalists accepting it was extremely influential, 60.4% (N = 197). There are hardly any direct audience research studies that are linked to economic purposes in the Sierra Leone media. However, journalists still recognise their audiences’ influence on their work. Audiences’ preferences are assessed informally through feedback on programmes and sales of specific issues of newspapers (Gans, 1979). In the technological era and as many media institutions converge on online platforms, various means of audience research emerge. “While in some ways audiences are becoming more elusive and more unpredictable, in other

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ways, new systems of measuring media audiences, of gathering feedback from them, and of anticipating their tastes and preferences, are making it possible for media industries to fundamentally redefine what media audiences mean to them and how they factor into the economics and strategy of their businesses” (Napoli, 2008: 2). In developmental contexts, scholars have found that role conceptions and performances are dependent on the audience. Journalists need their audiences to serve as sources and validate their work (Mellado, 2015). Moreover, there is high competition among news organisations for resources in countries globally. A robust body of literature has shown evidence that high market competition negatively impacts journalistic performance (Litman & Bridges, 1986). In the surveys, only 49.8% (N = 211) of the journalists agreed that competing news organisations are extremely influential in their work. Perhaps this competition is felt by the owners and senior staff members in the newsrooms. However, media institutions must compete for advertisement and sales. The smaller advertising economy in Sierra Leone encourages fierce competition among media houses to obtain their share. As one publisher explains, the scramble for resources is a hard struggle for all. That is the reason why for instance, you go to advertiser A, they will tell you, I am already on two newspapers and two radio stations, I do not need any more, and I do not have enough money for that, so your radio station or newspaper is already left out. (Publisher, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

Jacobsson et  al. (2014: 2) describe a media market with meagre resources as a hypercompetitive market. This is a market “where combined revenue from advertising and subscriptions are insufficient to cover operating costs for many of the media companies in the market.” The competition leaves journalists’ decisions and news content at the mercy of sponsors and advertisers. Subscriptions are not part of the business model of media institutions in Sierra Leone. Despite that, evidence of the data in this research found that journalists perceive advertising considerations not to influence their work strongly. Only 49.7% (N = 191) of the surveys accepted it as extremely influential. However, on the contrary, when confronted with the question in the qualitative interviews, the journalists confirmed that advertising considerations sometimes influence their work. Porlezza (2017), for example, found that journalists in newsrooms easily favour more coverage for higher-paying

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advertisers. Journalists in Sierra Leone reported that advertisers are potent factors that can directly or indirectly determine content and coverage. There have been cases wherein a mining company is giving a monthly stipend to all the media so when there is a scandal, the media would not report the story. Because of advertisements, the media is in the pockets of these companies. Even if they are raping the economy, you wouldn’t say it because you expect adverts from them. There is no way you can criticise them. It is really complex because of the way media is structured here over time. (Publisher, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

Therefore, this influence starts with the editorial members in the newsrooms. Many editors admit that their content is influenced by advertisers even though they insist that it does not hinder them from performing their societal roles. As an Editor, I preview all the newspapers published daily in Sierra Leone. Economically, you always have to satisfy your advertisers if I have been running an advert for this company, whatever they are doing, I have to cover it because you cannot bite the finger that feeds you. (Print Editor, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

Some advertisers even go as far as sponsoring institutions with colossal funding to gain access to control and keep their operations untouched. Porlezza (2017) argues that “the increasing commercialisation of the news media is also reflected by a continuous shift in the organisational structures of the news media that favour the implementation of an economic logic in the newsroom” (32). The interview data suggest that there is no difference in the level of acceptance of the influence of advertisers in both public and private media. Hays and Reisner (1990) found that journalists admitted that advertisers had used intimidation and withdrawal to get journalists to take sides with them in editorial decisions. The journalists report these same strategies as means used against them to ensure they comply with advertisers. Another economic influence on journalists is profit expectations. The surveys show that this factor was the least supported in this group as perceived by the journalists. Only 37.2% (N = 180) of the journalists say that profit expectations are extremely or very influential. Rank and file journalists are often not directly involved or interested in the profit-­making objectives of their institutions. They are more interested in daily affairs, which

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might provide an understanding of why journalists perceive the influence of profit expectations less on their work. During the interviews, the journalists reported that profit expectations such as advertising considerations influence journalism work. Many said the unavailability of proper funding causes an overreliance on advertising revenues in a country with fewer businesses in the private sector and fewer advertising budgets. As a result, only companies willing to pay for advertisements get to control the editorial content of the news institutions and the values of the journalists.

Influences in the Newsroom Influences in the newsroom are categorised into two categories: procedural and organisational. Procedural Influences First, as journalists work daily, they face several constraints directly connected to news production. These procedural influences are the conditions that affect the immediate work structures of journalists (Reese & Shoemaker, 2016). These are challenges that journalists are confronted with daily. Procedural influences involve journalists’ needs to ensure that they practice well (Hanitzsch et  al., 2019). It encompasses constraints such as access to sources, time limits, laws that hinder their work, access to information, and more. Journalists in Sierra Leone perceive procedural influences to have a strong influence by posing the most constraints on their work. In the surveys and interviews, journalists placed some of these procedural influences at the top of their lists. It is no surprise, therefore, that the results of this study show strong support for the existence of procedural challenges, correlating with results from other studies in diverse countries around the world (Hanitzsch et al., 2019; Weaver et al., 2018; Hanusch, 2012; Hafez, 2002; Patterson & Donsbach, 1996). Procedural or routine levels of influences “are patterned practices that work to organize how we perceive and function within the social world” (Reese, 2001: 180). To function appropriately, journalists need to work within the norms of their profession. Some of these are “ways of working that constitute that practice, including those unstated rules and ritualized enactments that are not always made explicit” (Reese & Shoemaker, 2016: 399). Journalism ethics is one of the first procedural influences journalists perceive to strongly influence. More than half of the journalists, 86.6%

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(N = 216), chose extremely influential and very influential, confirming that journalism ethics was the highest factor influencing their work in Sierra Leone. Hanitzsch et al. (2019) argue that “journalism ethics and codes of conduct dictate a journalistic practice that is normatively desirable” (108). However, in practice, it might not be feasible for journalists to adhere to these standards, making them see ethics as constraints on their work. Another procedural influence perceived by journalists is media laws and regulations. In the surveys, 84.1% (N = 214) perceived the laws to enormously influence and hinder journalistic practice. In our surveys, media laws and regulations ranked overall as the second highest variable in the influence domain. These views were also shared by the respondents who took part in the interviews. Media laws and regulations are instituted by individual countries, providing a legal framework for journalists to operate (Hanitzsch et  al., 2019: 108). Journalists mainly consider the practical legal implications of their work rather than the political decisions that lead to such laws. In the interviews, journalists mention legal constraints posed by media laws when asked about the challenges they face in their work. As discussed earlier in Chap. 2, Sierra Leone has only recently repealed the criminal libel law, and this study was conducted before its expulsion. A veteran journalist who owns a newspaper shared his view on how this law was used to stifle the press in Sierra Leone. The criminal libel law allows a government official to report you at the Criminal Investigation Department, and within hours you are picked up and detained, and they always do it on a Friday, so the victim sleeps there over the weekend and is brought down to court on Monday. Usually, when they come on Monday to attend court, the official would call off the case on the pretext that the guy is his younger brother. The bottom line is that the individual has suffered for three nights. He slept in a smelly police cell for three nights, which created a dampening effect on many journalists. They become less brave because of this law in critically attacking issues of accountability concerning the government. Second, it also dampens the spirits of female practitioners. (Senior Print Journalist & Publisher, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

Moreover, the journalists then saw the laws as a hindrance placed by the political elites, perhaps a reason why they saw the laws as highly influential. Some journalists say the law favoured government officials who used it to protect their interests. They argue that the existence of this law encouraged politicians to stop critical reports about them and posed a procedural challenge. One print journalist shared his experience.

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When you try to probe into some issues, you are arrested and detained for no reason. I had a very bitter experience when I investigated a matter that had to do with a very senior official. I had the evidence and the facts, and sometimes you know that if you study the libel law in our country, the stronger the truth, the stronger the libel case. Therefore, in this circumstance, you are considered an enemy of the state. I was invited to the Criminal Investigation Department, and then later, I was advised not to continue to publish the information or otherwise I would be sent to jail. I think that freedom of expression is being threatened. We have to ensure that journalists are given the freedom they deserve. (Print Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

In the Global South, where countries are undergoing transitions, press freedom is a topic that journalists must continually address. Nam (2012) argues that press freedom is both the “absence of governmental or non-­ governmental restraint on the media and the presence of conditions for enabling the dissemination of diverse ideas and opinions to large audiences” (522). In Sierra Leone, governmental restraints on the media were not often openly enforced, but the journalists say that using such laws infringes on their rights. Criminal libel law was one of the many regulations the journalists said influenced their work at that time. Journalists can also be summoned to face the complaint committee of the Independent Media Commission on a petition from a member of the public against a story or publication. Some journalists say such regulatory processes are a barrier to reporting sensitive issues and can be unfair. Let’s look at the IMC, for example. I have won three cases there. Because you are very critical and you try to probe into activities, they take you to the IMC. During the tribunal, you are asked to bring in your evidence you provide them. However, sometimes when the public officials win the case, a journalist is asked to retract the story, you are fined, and third, you are asked to write a letter of apology to the public official. However, when it happens the other way around, and you win the case, you are not compensated; nobody writes a letter of apology, and the journalist is abandoned. When we are dealing with the law, it has to be a two-­ track approach. The same should apply to the journalist as well as the complainant. (Senior Print Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

Moreover, information access is also one of the domains journalists in Sierra Leone perceive to be influential in their work. In the surveys, 82.2% (N = 213) perceived it to be extremely and very influential. Even though Sierra Leone passed the access to information law in 2013, journalists say

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this has not changed anything. Many of them mentioned access to information, especially in governmental institutions, as a significant constraint and narrated stories where they rightly refused them access to information from government offices even though a law granting them access exists. Perhaps it is much more than enacting laws but more of institutionalising the practice. Until now, as we speak, there are not adequate structures in place to ensure access to information even though you have the right to access but you go to many offices, they will deny you access to information. That is a very huge challenge. I will be so pleased as a journalist if I wake up one morning and I want to do a story on the mines and minerals ministry. I should be able to access information from that particular ministry, which has not happened until now. (Print Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017).

The available news-gathering resources also form part of the procedural influences examined in this study. In the surveys, 79.1% (N = 215) of journalists perceive this influence to be extremely and very influential. News-­ gathering resources include technical constraints, financial resources, and the lack of capacity-building resources. As discussed in Chap. 2, news-­ gathering resources are major constraints for journalists in Sierra Leone. The results of this study do not point out any substantial difference between the lack of resources for journalists in the various mediums and regions researched. During the interviews, the journalists spoke extensively about these constraints linked to media poverty. Time is also essential for journalism work. Journalists worldwide are under pressure to report accurately but also timely, and understandably, time limits form part of procedural influences on journalists. In the surveys, 76.2% (N = 210) of respondents perceived the time factor as an influence on their work. This level of acceptance of the influence of time on their work correlates with the findings of the sixty-three-country study by Harro-Loit and Josephi (2019), who found that journalists worldwide are presently under time pressure. Their work found differences in work patterns between developed and transitional countries. Time is an immediate and fundamental influence on the work of journalists (Hanitzsch et al., 2019). During the interviews, the journalists explain that the pressure to fill bulletins leads to heavy dependence on public relations officials from government ministries, NGOs, and businesses. Press conferences and events by organisations and ministries with specific agendas are also

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important and timely source platforms. Some say public relations officials recognise these constraints journalists face and use this to their advantage. Sources play a significant role in news production. They are needed to balance stories or get information journalists need to do their reports. Studies have shown an ongoing battle for media attention between government sources and other groups. Anderson (2017) argues that “journalistic norms that emphasize impartiality and independence recommended that a plurality of alternative voices be used to provide a range of perspectives. However, elites are routinely privileged by news media due to their authoritative position and the considerable resources that they can devote to managing the media” (3). Relationship with sources thus forms another dimension of procedural influences, as journalists need them for successful practice. In the surveys, however, the relationship to sources was one of the most minor perceived influences, as only 48.8% (N = 211) of respondents said it was extremely or very influential. During the qualitative interviews, the journalists accepted it as a challenge on the contrary and accepted its influence on their work. Sometimes, interviewing public officials is a challenge. When you go to ask questions, they would either refuse or play tricks on you. They will only call journalists when they have information they want to disseminate; otherwise, they will not speak to us. Even the police do not speak to us. (Broadcast Journalist, Southern Province, interviewed in 2017)

McQuail (2000) defines the relationship between sources and journalists as a power struggle to control public opinion, influencing journalists’ work. Hanitzsch et al. (2010) found that journalists perceive a shortage of sources can influence journalistic practice. However, it is not only government officials that pose a threat; access to the public is also a significant challenge, as some journalists say. Most people do not want to speak because they are afraid. They do not want someone to know they said it. Most times, you have to do extraordinary things by being undercover to get some information because people are afraid to talk. (Radio Station Manager, Southern Province, interviewed in 2017)

Berkowitz (2009) explains that reporters must constantly decide on sources to use for their stories and must also contend with disappointment from their sources. The reason is that “some sources might not be

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cooperative for some stories or might not be available when needed” (104). He further argues that even when they are available, journalists and their sources will have to struggle to direct and control the conversation. Organisational Influences The second influence in the newsroom considered in this study is that of the organisational structures. This level consists of factors that involve journalists’ editorial supervisors and structures in their news organisations. Hanitzsch et al. (2019) argue that journalistic influences in the organisational domain are on two levels: hierarchical structures within newsrooms, which include editors, supervisors, and even editorial policies. The other level includes the managers and owners of the media organisations (108). On the first level of organisational influence, Sierra Leone journalists perceive editorial policy as the most influential. A substantial number (82.4%, N = 216) of the journalists say it is extremely or very influential on their work. The editorial policy is also the third strongest influence of all the variables on influences chosen by the journalists. News goes through a selective process that limits journalistic autonomy through claims of organisational policy. The next group on this level are editorial supervisors and higher editors, 74% (N = 215) of whom say they are extremely or very influential. These are the immediate authorities in the organisational structures with which journalists have direct contact. The extent to which this influence is embedded in organisational structures can be understood within the framework of social control in the newsroom (Breed, 1955). Social control in the newsroom was one of the significant concerns respondents in the qualitative interviews perceived to be influential on their work. Some journalists say their stories are killed before they see the light of day because it does not favour the editors or media owners or does not fit into the organisation’s policy. Journalists in public institutions significantly raise concerns about organisational controls on their work, and sometimes there are misunderstandings in the newsrooms, even among colleague journalists. Senior editors and authorities enforce the organisational policies and control the organisation’s direction. Reich and Hanitzsch (2013), in a study of journalistic autonomy in eighteen countries, argue that the rank of the journalist in the institution affects the level of autonomy they have on their work. Thus, journalists at the bottom of the organisational structure are more likely to

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experience stronger organisational influences on their work. In the interviews, journalists confirm the influence of editors on their work. Often and again, we have seen wherein journalists have become so polarised they tend to follow the dictates of guys in governance. They drop the actual good values of journalism. Another thing that also influences journalists is editorial policies or viewpoints. Sometimes they are compelled to go the way the managing editor or the media institution perceive things in terms of development, in terms of promoting whatever agenda, like setting a stage for politicians. (Print Journalist, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

On the second dimensional level are managers and owners of news organisations. The journalists perceive these influences to be moderately high, as 69.7% (N  =  208) say it is extremely and very influential. Even though more than half of the journalists perceive owners of their organisations to be influential, their perception of their control over them is not commensurate with the influence they perceive their direct supervisors have. Perhaps the owners are not present during the daily news-making processes and are not directly seen to be enforcing news values to be considered or making editorial decisions. The journalists also reported ownership of media institutions by the political elites in the interviews. They say this poses a challenge to media autonomy in the country. In Sierra Leone, political parties are accepted to own their own media institutions, and the two main political parties already have established radio stations and newspapers. Even in cases where they do not directly work for political party media institutions, some institutions are indirectly supported by politicians, although not officially. Most journalists belong to political parties; this is shown in their daily publications. They do not endeavour to get all sides of the story. For example, if I am a party A member, I do not want to know the feelings of party B or party C. I have to publish in favour of my bosses or the one that supports my media institution. As an Editor, I preview all the newspapers published daily in Sierra Leone. (Newspaper Editor, Western Area, interviewed in 2017)

Reese (2001) argues that journalists’ control can be expressed overtly to avoid accusations of bias and breach of journalistic values such as objectivity. Journalists will often practice self-censorship as they already know their organisations’ policies. To understand how journalists are influenced on the organisational dimension, one should understand the various

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hierarchies and the internal and external complex structures of their organisations (181). In Sierra Leone, media institutions are owned mostly by private individuals, groups, or communities. The government partly funds even the national broadcast corporation. Therefore, journalists who work for these media institutions that have direct affiliations with interest groups know what stories to cover and the angles of stories to cover to fit their institutions’ policies. They often need to fit their practice into their organisation’s goals, which sometimes clash with professional norms (Milojević & Krstić, 2018).

Sociocultural Connections That Influence Journalists The influences of social networks and the individual background of journalists also form part of the factors in this study. Most journalists deny that personal beliefs and social networks influence their work, but Peiser (2000) found that individual backgrounds and ideologies influence media content. The individual dimension addresses the internal and external influences on journalists, including their background and social connections that influence their work (Hanitzsch et al., 2010). The journalists’ perceptions of the influence of friends, acquaintances, and family, colleagues in the newsroom, and colleagues in other media are analysed in this group. Even though journalists deny these factors, “there is reason to believe that some of their characteristics (backgrounds, world views, opinions) influence their news judgments and hence manifest themselves in news content” (Peiser, 2000: 245). These worldviews are developed through socialisation processes and personal interactions. Hanitzsch et al. (2019) also explain that journalists largely depend on their colleagues in the newsroom and peers in the profession to validate their work. “Peer recognition is the central currency of professional reputation, and it determines a journalist’s value in the job market” (109). In the surveys, the perception of Sierra Leonean journalists on the influence of personal connections on their work was relatively low. Only 45.1% (N  =  215) accepted that colleagues in other media extremely or greatly influenced their work. Additionally, only 44.8% (N = 194) accepted that their peers on their institutions’ staff were extremely influential on their work. Journalists, most times, subtly compete with their colleagues both in their institutions and in other media institutions on news content

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and performance. They see their colleagues as competition that they use to assess themselves and their work. “Reputation as a value for journalists largely depends on the recognition their work receives from peers rather than from their consumers (the audience)” (Hanitzsch et al., 2019: 109). Friends, acquaintances, and family were the least supported in the least of the influences found in the surveys, as only 17.1% (N = 205) said they were extremely influential. This low acceptance of the influence of friends, family, and acquaintances sways from the belief that journalists in countries with collectivist cultures consider using a community-focused approach in practice (Fourie, 2009). This denial might stem from either the belief that they should be independent or that they do not feel direct influences from these people, as they do not directly influence their work as colleagues in the newsroom or other media organisations do. They are largely unaware of how friends, families, and acquaintances influence their work. Hanitzsch et  al. (2019) found that personal networks were less perceived as influencing many Western countries. They also reported a mixed level of support in African countries and Latin America. “We assume that individual creative, professional practitioners’ matter and knowing who they are helps understand the larger journalistic project who is being drawn to the profession, how adequately they reflect society, and what professional values they support” (Reese & Shoemaker, 2016: 398).

Conclusion In this chapter, I have highlighted some of the influences journalists in Sierra Leone perceive on their work. Such influences range from procedural to economic, political, and individual. The research results show that Sierra Leonean journalists perceive procedural factors as more influential than societal factors, including political or economic factors. Procedural factors, including organisational features such as ownership, editorial policies, and senior colleagues in the newsroom, also greatly influence their work. They perceive less influence from their personal networks, such as family, friends, and acquaintances. The results chapter presented the perceptions of the journalists and their thoughts on their work. The next chapter will present a model of journalism cultures in Sierra Leone and highlight the final discussions on the implications of the findings in this study on journalism in sub-Saharan Africa and the Global South.

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CHAPTER 7

Between the Local and the Global: Contexts, Transitions, and Implications

Peculiarities and Transitions Amidst calls for de-Westernising journalism in developing societies, one of this book’s aims is to explore and understand the journalistic cultures existing in the context of a country in the Global South using Sierra Leone as a case study. It challenges the assumption of a global journalistic identity to which all journalists must adhere. The argument is that local contexts influence journalistic identities, creating peculiar characteristics that can distinguish one form of journalism from others. First, the three dimensions of journalistic cultures, including role orientations, ethical ideologies, and epistemological underpinnings proposed by Hanitzsch (2007), were used as a conceptual framework to understand the journalists’ perspectives. The second objective of this study was to examine the various local factors, including political, social, economic, and cultural factors, that influence journalists in formulating their identities in this context. Therefore, both the quantitative surveys and qualitative semi-­structured interviews discussed at the start of the introductory chapter were used as data instruments to answer the main questions that guided this study as follows: (Q1) What are the journalism cultures that exist in Sierra Leone? (Q2) What local factors impact journalistic cultures? As discussed in Chap. 1, journalism cultures can be different and unique based on the society in which they are practised. One of the main contributions of this actor-oriented study is the presentation of a perspective to © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. B. Koroma, Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-31093-5_7

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join the broader debate on the contextual nature of journalistic cultures globally and especially in transitional countries. It also provides new perspectives on the connection between journalists and society in the Sierra Leone context. It extends the debate on local societal factors that influence existing journalism cultures in countries in transition in sub-Saharan Africa. This study presents an example and perspective that will further normative understandings and conceptualisations of journalism cultures. It proposed a model of journalism cultures in a country in sub-Saharan Africa, extending the frameworks proposed by Hanitzsch et al. (2019) on emerging democratic countries in the Global South. Moreover, Sierra Leone is an excellent example of a developing country in transition in the Global South, as discussed in Chap. 2. The country’s media system and journalism practices have undergone several transitional phases since the establishment of the first press institutions by the British colonial administration, through political dictatorships, war, and up until democratic dispensation. This study places Sierra Leone in the context of journalism cultures in developing countries undergoing transitions in the Global South to understand journalistic perspectives in such societies. Even though the country can be categorised as part of a group of transitional countries, it also has specificities and peculiarities. It shares similarities and differences with countries undergoing transitions in the Global South. Thus, the need for a model of journalism culture that will ensure all these peculiarities are considered. Therefore, this study identified two analytical levels, “journalism cultures” and “perceived influences,” which provided a conceptual space to understand the shared journalistic cultures and the contextual factors that influence the journalists’ perspectives (Chaps. 3 and 4). First, Sierra Leone’s journalism culture is defined using three dimensions: roles, ethics, and epistemologies (Hanitzsch, 2007). Two approaches to understanding journalistic roles considered in this study are normative and cognitive. Here, the argument is that the normative and cognitive roles are essential in such a study. Normative roles are journalists’ perceptions of the expectations society has regarding what they should be doing, and cognitive roles are what they think their roles should be (Chap. 3). Perceived influences were categorised as political, economic, organisational, procedural, and social (Reese and Shoemaker, 2016). Journalism is viewed with a consideration of the context in which it is practised by considering these local factors that shape it (Ekström, 2002). Methodologically, the individual

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actors (journalists) and their environment were required to provide insights into journalistic ideologies and identities. However, studying journalism cultures in non-Western societies not only expands our knowledge of journalism in such contexts but also provides an understanding of journalists’ ideological perspectives. This study argues that a cultural approach to understanding journalistic cultures helps us view journalism in a particular context by being cognisant of the peculiarities of the environment in which it is practised. Scholars have found that journalistic roles are tailored to fit various contexts in different societies (Weaver & Wilhoit, 1996). As discussed in Chap. 3, Carey’s view of communication theory explains journalism practice as a medium of “imparting, sending, transmitting, or giving information to others” (Carey, 2009: 41). He argues that information shared is used for maintaining society and for social control by sharing messages that represent the shared belief in the society. Journalists are transmitters of culture who are also influenced by the culture of their societies. Moreover, journalists’ self-perception helps them form their identities in society (Christiansen, 1999). Nevertheless, as a developing country, Sierra Leone’s media system and journalistic culture have undergone several transitions since the introduction of the first media institutions in the colonial period. The first institutions set up during this time were similar to many found in the British colonies in sub-Saharan Africa and beyond (Chap. 2). The rediffusion services set up in many British colonies were used to transmit propaganda messages during World War II or share information from the colonial administration (Nyamnjoh, 2005). During the colonial era, the media’s functions were for colonial expansion, anti-colonial expressions, promoting capitalism, missionary activities, and more (Fourie, 2007). This media structure was handed down to the postcolonial administrators directly and continued to operate as a monopoly of subsequent governments until the introduction of media pluralism at the introduction of democracy in the 1990s. Moreover, the postcolonial media systems handed down in the early stages were mainly authoritarian (Siebert et al., 1956). The authoritarian theory, which forms part of the four theories of the press, describes this media system as one in which the press is controlled by and serves the state. Journalistic cultures during this period were mainly collaborative. Hanitzsch et al. (2019) explain that strong collaborative journalistic cultures are highly subjectivist and influenced politically with less freedom of

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the press. During the postcolonial era in Sierra Leone, the press was forced to comply with the government’s dictates. Nevertheless, subsequent postcolonial administrations continued their grip and control over journalists by enacting repressive laws against the press (Baù, 2010) (see Chap. 2). The civil and military authoritarian governments also used the media for propaganda and muzzled journalists who dared to confront the administration or advocate against the ills perpetuated by them or the ruling class (Gordon, 2004). The political and cultural systems at the time did not encourage a liberal press to operate. For over two decades, the state authorities owned and controlled the only broadcast institutions in Sierra Leone. However, the introduction of democracy encouraged media pluralism in the country, ending more than two decades of direct political control of the media. This new dispensation encouraged new forms of journalism other than what existed during authoritarian regimes. Here, the argument is that the change in the political system created a new opportunity for journalists to transition in their practice and understanding of their work. Media liberalisation and pluralisation encouraged the proliferation of media institutions, thereby changing the normative expectations of journalism in the country (Hallin & Mancini, 2004). As the country transitioned, the media system changed with less direct control; journalists saw themselves as part of the political transitional process and could take up developmental roles. Moreover, these transformations are similar to what journalists in many postcolonial, postauthoritarian regimes in countries in the Global South have faced, such as in Nigeria (Abayomi, 2004), in the Balkans (Andresen et al., 2017), in Indonesia (Hanitzsch & Hidayat, 2012), and in the southern American countries of Brazil, Chile, and Mexico (Mellado et  al., 2012). As in these countries, both media systems and journalistic cultures have undergone systematic changes throughout the various eras. Journalism, as the former colonial powers introduced it, could not thrive as expected, even in the early days. The ideals of journalism from Western contexts where public journalism thrives and journalistic independence is relatively guaranteed do not work for a country such as Sierra Leone, as journalists lack the environmental conditions that support it. Sierra Leone’s more than a decade-long civil war also influenced the transitioning process of journalism. Andresen (2015) proposed a paradigm of studying journalism cultures in postconflict societies, as discussed in Chap. 5. This study agrees that journalists in such societies face even

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higher and more significant risks that ignite a necessity to change their roles and the way they practice constantly. The “high-risk” paradigm argues that journalists in such societies face multiple risks of unemployment, crime, and even poverty that present situations they need to be aware of and adjust their perspectives on their work and how they practice. The risks and influences, therefore, add to the shifts that come with the introduction of media liberalisation (El-Issawi & Cammaerts, 2015), economic commercialisation (Weitzman (1993), and globalisation (Weaver, 2008). These approaches to understanding occupational cultures can help us to distinguish journalistic perceptions in Sierra Leone and other non-­ Western countries in the Global South from journalism in Western contexts in the Global North.

A Contextual Occupation Particularly important for this study was understanding the macro, meso, and micro variables that influence the perspectives of journalists on their identities in society (Hanitzsch et al., 2019; Shoemaker & Reese, 2014; Hanusch, 2013; Weaver & Wilhoit, 1996). Although with its specificities, Sierra Leone, to some extent, shares some similar characteristics with countries undergoing transitions, it was therefore imperative to think of core concepts that involve both factors and constraints perceived by journalists as influences on their work. The results of this study show that the context in which journalists practice influences their normative understandings of their identities in society and the cognitive perspectives on their work. Examining journalism as an occupational identity helps us understand both the individual values and the influences of macro forces on the cognitive and normative descriptions of their work. This study found that journalistic identities in Sierra Leone are linked to the journalists’ individual experiences, their organisations, the local environments, and, to some extent, the global situations they encounter in practice. These findings align with Unruh et al. (2002), who found that an occupational identity encompasses the individual’s sociocultural environment and institutional satisfaction. The journalists’ normative role perceptions, ethical ideologies, and epistemological orientations were attached to their individual and collective experiences in the environment they practice. Journalism is a social institution situated in the larger context of the community in which it exists (Kennix, 2013). Thus, occupational

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identities are formed through articulations of the normative expectations of journalistic roles in society (Zelizer, 1993). Back to Shoemaker and Reese’s (2014) hierarchy of influences model, the study identified that procedural and organisational influences ranked high and were perceived by the journalists to have stronger influences on their work, whilst political and economic factors were perceived as lesser influences. The procedural and organisational influences were viewed as significant constraints that hinder their work, perhaps because they are directly confronted with the former challenges rather than the latter in the newsroom during practice. This study agrees with Hanitzsch et al. (2019). They explained that journalists, especially at the reporter level, are mostly directly confronted with procedural constraints, a reason why procedural influences also ranked high in their study of journalists around the globe. The findings in this study show that journalists who believe they have higher levels of autonomy to make decisions on their work tend to think about their roles differently than journalists with less autonomy in the newsroom. Despite that, media institutions do not operate in a vacuum but are set up to fit into the media systems of a country. Procedural and organisational structures of the media institutions the journalists practice are linked to the media and sociopolitical systems existing in a country and sometimes what exists globally (Weaver & Wilhoit, 1996; Berkowitz, 1997; Merrill, 2002; Josephi, 2013). Overall, the journalists agreed that economic, political, and social factors also have some form of influence on their work. These are evident in their articulations about the societal structures that hinder their practice and the constraints they face. The acceptance of the power of these influences emerges when they discuss their ethical ideologies and what they consider during practice. Although not explicitly accepted, economic and political constraints are perceived to influence their work. To navigate through these constraints and influences, the research found that journalists use various strategies to negotiate their values during practice. Often, they must decide between serving the public or working for direct financial rewards and supporting the political class. For young democracies to thrive, journalists in such societies need to practice roles that would hold the political class accountable (Voltmer, 2006). Many journalists in the study articulated the need for the media to provide a platform for political accountability on behalf of the populace. Moreover, viewing Hallin and Mancini’s (2004) models of media systems, Sierra Leone exhibits traits of the Mediterranean or polarised

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pluralist media system characterised by political parallelism, low circulation of newspapers, and weaker professionalisation. Even though these models can be related to countries in the Global South, they do not capture the totality of what is obtained in such countries, as the studies were focused on media in Western Europe and North America. Much earlier conceptualisations of media systems by Siebert et al. (1956) have also been criticised for presenting Africa and Asia in the Global South as a contrast to liberal states in the Global North (Willems, 2014). Although Siebert et al.’s (1956) four media systems give an overall idea of media models in countries, critics argue that they do not precisely fit into some of the contexts in transitional democracies in the developing world (Josephi, 2007; Wasserman &  De Beer, 2009; Obijiofor et  al., 2017). Recently, some scholars have presented studies in non-Western contexts, for example, in Arab countries (Pintak, 2014) and China (Xu, 2014). Despite some of these studies, few have surfaced, especially from sub-Saharan Africa and Sierra Leone. Therefore, addressing these shortcomings is what this study partly aims to achieve. Moreover, in the next section, a model of journalism cultures existing in Sierra Leone will be presented, taking the context in which journalism is practised and using the perceptions the journalists shared on their occupation.

Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone Ultimately, the empirical research of this study found a developmental interventionistic journalism culture with some collaborative undertones in Sierra Leone. The findings give credence to the ongoing media sociology debates on the discursive constitution of journalism, where there is a continuous struggle to articulate and negotiate the functions of journalism in a particular context (Hanitzsch et al., 2019). When speaking about their roles, the journalists tend to mention developmental and collaborative roles, trying to merge them to fit into their descriptions of what journalism in Sierra Leone is. These negotiations and discourses function as a basis for journalists’ identity formation (Zelizer, 1993). As discussed in Chap. 3, occupational identity theory explains that journalists form a sense of community and identity through appropriation, recreation, and reinterpretation of their work at a given place or time (Hanitzsch & Vos, 2017). Thus, identities are formed through a complex thread of relationships between the individual and the social context (Wenger, 1998). Therefore,

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journalistic cultures are negotiated considering the contextual and individual factors present. Moreover, developmental journalistic cultures have been found to share traits such as advocative journalism but show some monitorial tendencies (Hanusch & Hanitzsch, 2019). This study showed that journalists perceive pedagogical and advocative roles such as educating the public, serving as a voice for the voiceless, advocating for social change, and supporting national development to be more critical. These roles enable them to promote issues that they deem important for the development of their country. Sierra Leone is a country that has experienced many challenges, such as war, dictatorship, and public health problems like the Ebola epidemic and coronavirus pandemic, in recent decades. The democratic structures are still developing despite the successful changes of two political administrations since the end of the civil war. Like many postauthoritarian, postwar countries in transition in the Global South, Sierra Leone is still classified as one of the poorest nations in the world amidst the continuing infrastructural problems and daily challenges faced by its population. Scholars have argued that in societies such as these, journalists are most likely to choose developmental roles to be part of the structures working to change the status quo and contribute to the development of their country. Journalists’ support for interventionistic roles becomes more pronounced in a country with higher poverty rates. These findings are similar to the development journalistic roles found in such societies in the Global South (Domatob & Hall, 1983; Edeani, 1993; Xiaoge, 2009; Xu, 2009). Moreover, these roles found to be essential for these journalists are similar to models proposed by development journalism scholars who describe developmental journalistic roles as means for journalists to contribute to rebuilding their postcolonial societies (Domatob & Hall, 1983). Recently, it has served as a platform for partnership between journalists, their government, and people to promote national development (Massey & Chang, 2002). Interestingly, the journalists also supported the collaborative role that promotes support for national development. These findings correlate with the study by Hanitzsch et al. (2019). They argue that an interventionistic role emphasising collaborative roles is present when journalists see themselves as partners in bringing socioeconomic development to their societies. In this sense, the research found that journalists do not accept supporting the government as a political entity, but they support national development for the good of all. Despite that, some

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journalists complained about colleagues who support individual and party interests; they also believed that collaborative roles are important. The result from this study is similar to those derived from studies in developing transitional countries, reiterating the need for the development of journalistic values in such societies (Kalyango et  al., 2017; Nyamnjoh, 2015; Xu, 2014). One of the most controversial areas where journalists constantly negotiate is the notion of objectivity. On the one hand, this study found that they express belief in objectivism and separating facts from opinions (Reese, 1990) but also support a developmental journalistic culture with interventionistic-advocative roles. Journalists sometimes need to abandon objectivity and take sides to perform such roles. Perhaps this is because most journalists, including those in Sierra Leone, reject the idea that their personal opinions can influence the news. The study found that their idea of journalistic objectivism is linked to their role perceptions. The strategy they utilise is to identify an issue of interest to educate the audience about using sources that align with their philosophies on the issue in a bid to influence public opinion (Donsbach & Patterson, 2004). Regarding their ethical ideologies, the study found that Sierra Leone journalists support absolute adherence to professional ethical codes and ethics based on the situation. Even though a law was expunged, other laws can still be used against journalists to stifle their work and punish them for publishing stories not accepted or not deemed appropriate by the government and officials from the ruling class (see Chap. 2). The challenge of press freedom they face and the checks from government agencies such as the independent media commission seem to create awareness about the importance of adhering to ethical standards during practice. Perceiving ethics to be important differs from adhering to them during practice (Plaisance, 2016). Their absolutist-situationist perceptions of ethics are common perceptions shared by journalists in developing transitional societies with strong media laws and control (Hanusch & Hanitzsch, 2019). As a result, journalists in such countries sometimes tend to be more flexible in their ethical considerations during practice (Hanitzsch et al., 2019). Additionally, controversial methods of information gathering are tied to the situational context and purpose. Resources are scarce, and technology is hard to come by, which promotes a disinterest in genres of journalism like investigative reporting that need great financial support. However, global norms have been considered mainly in the debates on journalistic cultures in Sierra Leone. The study found that whenever

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journalists speak, they refer to professional codes or journalistic descriptions that align with normative global concepts. Even though this society faces its unique realities, journalists also see themselves as members of a global community. The onset of globalisation and the increase in social connectedness are posing more constraints for them to identify with the communities in which they live and the global sphere simultaneously. Recently, there have been debates on the intersection between journalism and globalisation, which has led to discourses on cultural homogenisation, which can also affect journalists in developing countries (Reese, 2010).

Implications for Journalism in Sub-Saharan Africa In addition to identifying a journalistic culture model and presenting journalists’ ethical ideologies and epistemological orientations in Sierra Leone, this study will likely have broader implications for journalism in the Global South, especially on the sub-Saharan African continent. It places itself in the larger context of sub-Saharan African journalism cultures in transition scholarship (Nyamnjoh, 2009; Mpagze & White, 2010; Skjerdal, 2012; Kalyango et al., 2017). The findings in this research have several implications for the study of journalism and understanding the perspectives of journalists and the influences on their work on the sub-Saharan African continent. Overall, this study has confirmed the need to revisit journalism theories in Africa and address the constantly changing situations to understand journalism cultures on the continent. Skjerdal (2012) proposed three alternative journalism models for the African continent: journalism for social change, communal journalism, and journalism based on oral discussion. He argues that the tension between these three models can be understood through the lens of interventionism, which is the extent of participation of journalists in societal issues to effect change and to understand the innate characteristics of a particular society. This study’s results and the sociocultural, political, historical, and transitional contexts are important for understanding journalism in Africa. The findings show agreement with Domatob and Hall (1983), Skjerdal (2012), and Kalyango et al. (2017) that journalists in Africa still believe in developmental roles. These development journalistic roles found in such contexts are mainly interventionistic. However, they mostly correlate with journalism for social change understood through the African philosophical paradigm as preserving community rather than self. Some African scholars explain this concept through ubuntuism, a journalism model that

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emphasises advocating for the collective community and practising for the good of all (Blankenberg, 1999; Christians, 2004; Tomaselli, 2003; Wasserman & De Beer, 2009). As discussed in Chap. 4, the concept shows the strong link of individuals to society and the importance of the group. Scholars have found that collectivist and community-oriented living practices continue to impact journalists in such communities, and this study argues that the extent of influence cannot be generalised. African journalism scholars should examine contexts and consider various factors influencing the existing journalistic trends. This correlates with Mabweazara’s (2015) argument that it is incumbent for scholars to use normative pluralism. The use of this approach to conceptualising journalism on the continent can give a better understanding of not only journalistic roles but also the realities in which these roles are performed. The analysis here indicates that journalism ethics in the African context is sometimes used as a guide to evaluate “good” versus “bad” journalism. This study supports Kasoma’s (1996) description of ethics on the continent as follows: “Journalists can only work if the journalists, in the true African spirit, develop a deep sense of right and wrong so that they are able to feel guilty for behaving unethically” (109). The study argues that scholars of African journalism ethics should use ethical relativism frameworks and cultural values to study ethics in these contexts. In Sierra Leone, for example, journalists unanimously support the need for adherence to ethical principles and even see it as a significant challenge to their work. It has been found that ethical codes in many African countries do exist as guidelines for journalists (Skjerdal, 2010). The guidelines do not mean they will be upheld, as the context often hinders adherence. That is why this study concurs with scholars who outrightly reject the applicability of Western journalistic concepts such as ethics on the continent. They argue that the existing ethical guidelines in African countries were adopted using Western concepts (Christians, 2004; Nyamnjoh, 2005; Merrill, 2004; Moemeka, 1998). Therefore, Sierra Leone is no exception, which makes such guidelines debatable in this context. This study found that journalists constantly argue from an Afrocentric perspective when asked about ethics. The argument is that African values should be considered in a journalistic ethical framework in such contexts. As discussed in Chap. 3, Afriethics was proposed by Kasoma (1996) as a deviation from understanding ethical considerations using only Western perspectives. Supporters of this view advocate for ethics to be built using religion, respect for elders,

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community, and individual productivity (Moemeka, 1998). The results from this study indicate that journalists supported the need to view ethics through this paradigm and showed that their work should be done with consideration of upholding community values and respect for elders. Finally, an insight that this study proposes in journalism studies, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, is the need to understand the sociopolitical, economic, and cultural factors that affect journalistic models on the continent. Added to Skjerdal’s (2012) interventionism approach, examining the transitional nature of society and journalism in such contexts would be necessary. Sub-Saharan Africa is diverse, and journalism has undergone transitions based on history and current local or societal situations. For example, Sierra Leone, like many other countries in the region, has undergone several transitions in its sociopolitical and economic history, influencing journalism practice. As discussed earlier, media development has also progressed through stages from independence until the present democratic era. This study concludes that these transitions have shaped journalism over the years. The journalists see themselves as part of the process and change their roles in line with the trends at a particular time. This study is not the first to suggest such. It agrees with Mellado and Van Dalen (2017) that transitional countries have different periods when some roles are more strongly expressed than others. A study to understand journalism in developing countries should consider the history, context, and specific developments (248).

Conclusion This book has explored questions on journalism cultures and the local and global factors influencing journalism in Sierra Leone. It argued that journalism cultures are contextual and should be understood by examining the perceptions of journalists and the social, political, economic, and cultural factors that influence journalists. Transitional processes and global changes in countries influence journalism and vice versa. Therefore, in such societies undergoing transitions, the changing local environments and the increased globalisation trends are factors to consider. Overall, the analysis shows that journalistic roles, ethical ideologies, and objectivity ideals are perceived to fit into the developing transitional context in which journalists practice. Journalists’ professional values align with their social, political, and economic environment. Additionally, this study

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showed that journalists in Sierra Leone, a developing transitioning country, understand their place in society, practice in line with changes in their society, and must continually negotiate their values to fit their situation. Moreover, this study contributes methodologically by providing insight into triangulating data from a centrally developed quantitative instrument for a collaborative endeavour and an individually designed qualitative instrument. This approach to using a mixed research method in Sierra Leone might serve as a reference for other studies in sub-Saharan Africa and the Global South. The fieldwork experiences also provide information for researchers conducting studies in a society such as Sierra Leone. Theoretically, the findings have provided insight into perceptions of journalism cultures and factors influencing journalists in Sierra Leone. It is the hope that it contributes to the broader debates on the relationship between journalism and society. It has been shown that identities can be understood and formulated on individual and collective levels. Therefore, this book’s discourse has indicated the need to consider the influences in a study on journalism cultures. However, this study does not claim to have answered every question. It also does not claim to represent every sub-Saharan African country, as these countries have their own characteristics even though similarities exist on some levels. It has contributed to extending the theoretical conceptualisations of journalism as culture and journalism as an occupational ideology that exists in a particular context. It is hoped that it can be used as a reference for future journalism studies in societies with similar historical and local societal factors in sub-­ Saharan Africa and elsewhere. Hopefully, it not only provides insights to scholars on journalistic identities in Sierra Leone but can also benefit journalists, media policy makers, and organisations working on developing journalism practice on the African continent and globally. However, since the study has focused mainly on giving an overview of journalism cultures, more research needs to be done on the finer details on perceived roles and how they transmit to practice. This study also only examined journalists’ normative and cognitive roles, and there is a need for further studies on performative roles (what journalists do) in Sierra Leone. Additionally, studying the effects of local factors that influence journalism practice and the effects of globalisation on journalism will be lucrative grounds to provide deeper insights for future endeavours. Since this study was only done in Sierra Leone, it will be good to extend it to regions in sub-Saharan Africa on a comparative level to examine both the

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similarities and differences of journalists’ perceptions on their work. Moreover, extensive research on journalistic identities in developing transitional societies and the impact of societal influences on journalistic performance in these contexts is necessary.

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Index

A Absolutist, 161 Advertisements, 111 Advertisers, 177 Advertising industry, 36 Advertising considerations, 110 Advocacy, 65 Advocates for the voiceless, 142 Africa, 9 African issues, 63 African Journalism Cultures, 64 Afriethics, 74 Agents of social change, 142 Alternative journalistic models, 5 Alternative voices, 182 Anglo-American, 104 Approach, 55 Asia, 66 Assumption, 69 Audiences influence, 113 Authoritarian governments, 194

B Balance, 59 British rule, 67 C Capacity-building, 181 Chile, 109 China, 114 Cognitive role, 68 Collaborative role, 198 Colonialism, 27 Commercialisation, 36, 195 Communist, 93 Communities, 8 Competition, 113 Conceptual framework, 9 Conceptualisations, 55 Conceptual model, 10 Confidentiality, 72 Constraints, 64

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 S. B. Koroma, Journalism Cultures in Sierra Leone, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-31093-5

209

210 

INDEX

Construction of collective memory, 56 of identities, 64 Context, 54 Contextual/contextualise, 7, 15, 54 Controversial, 199 Cultural context, 11, 12 Culture, 6, 56 D Democracy, 38 Democratic society, 69 Democratisation, 117 Demographics, 113 Developing countries, 7, 66 Developing sub-Saharan African context, 10 Development, 37 advocates, 138 journalism, 66 Developmental interventionistic, 197 De-Westernising journalism, 6 Digitalisation, 52 Digitisation, 113 Dimensions, 157 Discursive constitution of journalism, 197 Disseminator role, 144 E Ebola, 52 Economic challenges, 11 Economic pressures, 175 Editorial policy, 183 Educate the public, 144 Education, 43 Elites, 109 Emerging countries, 115 Emerging democracies, 92 Empirical, 7, 10 Empiricism, 71

Empowerment, 152 Epidemic, 26 Epistemological underpinnings, 7, 9 Ethical ideologies, 7, 9 Ethiopia, 64 Europe, 93 Expectations, 59 F Facilitators, 144 Fairness, 59 Family, 186 Fourth estate, 4 Freedom, 8 Free market, 93 G Gatekeeper, 65 Gatekeeping theory, 100, 113 Gender, 100 Germany, 63, 100 Ghana, 67 Globalisation, 115 Globalised, 63 Global professional norms, 8 Global South, 3, 10, 95 Government officials, 107 H Harassment, 38 “High-risk” society, 117 Honesty, 73 Humanities, 10 I Idealism, 74 Ideological perspectives, 61 Imagined, 138 Impact, 111

 INDEX 

Impartiality, 59 Implications, 179 Independence, 25 Individual, 57 Infrastructural development, 21 Internationalising media studies, 8 Interventionism, 66 Interventionistic journalism, 139 Interviews, 13 Italy, 63 J Journalism cultures, 3 Journalistic cultures, 4 Journalistic identities, 6, 10, 15 Journalistic perceptions, 11 Journalistic values, 5 K Kenyatta, Jomo, 77 L Legal, 179 Liberal/liberalisation, 4, 36, 195 Local environments, 195 Local influences, 8 Local pressures, 10 M Managers, 183 Market competition, 112 Media communications practitioners, 11 development, 30 institutions, 176 laws, 41 organisation, 108 ownership, 34 systems, 93

211

Media Ethics, 64 Mission, 66 Mobiliser, 145 Monitorial journalists, 139 Moral philosophies, 15 Moral values, 73 Muslim, 63 Muzzle, 43 N Neo-colonialism, 115 Neutrality, 159 News media, 93 Newspaper, 29 News production, 172 Newsrooms, 158 Nkrumah, Kwame, 67 Normative, 3, 16, 68 Norms, 7, 59 Notion, 131 O Objectivism, 70 Objectivity, 10 Occupation, 58 cultures, 7 identity, 6, 15, 195 ideologies, 4 values, 3 Oral discourse, 78 Organisational journalists, 57 Organisational structures, 103, 183 Owners, 183 P Pan-Africanists, 67 Participatory journalistic roles, 143 Partnership, 198 Pedagogical developmental model, 143 Perceived influences, 192

212 

INDEX

Personal beliefs, 185 Perspectives, 4 Phenomenon, 92 Philosophical, 70 Political transitions, 116 Politicians, 174 Populist mobiliser, 153 Postcommunist, 63 Post-conflict, 7 Practice/practised, 3, 138 Precolonial era, 78 Press freedom, 16 Pressure, 113 Procedural influences, 178 Professional identities, 5 Public institutions, 183 Public service, 119

Subjectivism, 70 Sub-Saharan African values, 16, 73, 107 Supporters of national development, 142 Sweden, 63

R Relativism, 74 Remuneration, 37

U Ubuntuism, 75 Uganda, 64 Ujamaa journalism, 75, 76 Unethical Practice, 64 United Kingdom, 63 United States, 63 Universal journalism culture, 54

S Sales, 176 Seditious libel, 41 Sierra Leone, 44 Social factors, 159 Socialisation processes, 102 Social media, 33 Social mobiliser, 145 Societal factors, 15 Societal journalists, 57 Societal structures, 8 Sociocultural environment, 13 Sociopolitical environment, 5, 11, 58 State-owned media, 119 Structures, 5

T Taiwan, 114 Tanzania, 64, 76 Technological development, 63 Technology, 72 Theoretical foundations, 54 Traditions, 27 Transitional democracies, 143 Transitioning societies, 3 Transitions, 94

V Values, 3, 5 Vulnerable, 149 W Watchdog role, 66 Western journalism practices, 7 Western journalistic values, 64 Western standards, 75