Journal of the Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland [9, 1 ed.]

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THE

JOURNAL OF THE

/

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

VOLUME THE NINTH.

JOHN

W.

LONDON: PARKER, WEST STRAND. M.DCCC.XLVIII

:

LONDON PRINTED BY T. R. HARRISON, ST. martin's lane.

—

CONTENTS OF VOLUME

IX.

ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS. Art.

I.

— Sumniaiy

Newbold,

F.R.S., &c., Assistant Commissioner for Kurnool

Art. II.— Summary

Newbold, Art.

By Captain

of the Geology of Southern India.

F.R.S., &c., Assistant Commissioner for Kurnool

20

Summary Account of the Civil and Religious Institutions By Professor H. H. Wilson, Director R.A.S.

43

of the Sikhs.

Art. IV.

— The

.

Religious Festivals of the Hindus.

H. H. Wilson, Director R.A.S.

Aut. V.

— On

.

By Professor

the Earliest Persian Biography of Poets, by

ul Shiiara.

By N. Bland, Esq.

.

Muhammad

.

—

Art. VIII.

— The Narrative of

Illustrative Notes,

,\rt. IX.

— On

by F.

Biiddhistical

Sidi Ibrahim ben ;

witli

W. Newman,

.

.

the Inscriptions at

Van.

Works.

Muhammed

el

By

Messi

199

el

Esq.

.

.

.

.....

By

177

Interlineary Version and

the Coins of the Kings of Ghazni.

mas, Esq., Bengal Civil Service

Art. X. — On

of Kabul.

.....

of Chinese

the Berber Language

Susi, in

.Ill

.

— On the Coins of the Dynasty of the Hindu Kings By Edward Thomas, Esq., Bengal Civil Service On a Catalogue Colonel Sykes, F.R.S.

Tazkirat

called

Art. VI.

Art. VII.

.60

.

.

and on some other Works of the Class

Aufi,

I

.

.

A

III.

PAGE

By Captain

of the Geology of Southern India.

215

By Edward Tho-

the Rev. E.

Hincks, D.D.

267

387

JOURNAL OP

THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

— Summary

By of the Geology of Southern India. Captain Newbold, F.R.S., &c. Assistant Commissioner for Kurnool.

Art.

I.

[Continued from vol.

viii., p.

270 .]

PART IX.— PLUTONIC ROCKS. Granite. Geographical Extent tracts, the limits of

.

— Granite

prevails throughout the great hypogene

which have been already defined, sometimes rising

abruptly from the surface of immense level plains, in precipitous, peaked, and dome-shaped masses ; sometimes in low slopes ; sometimes in great

heaps of amorphous masses ; at others with sharp outlines,

obscured and softened

have accompanied in continuous

rock in

all

its

down by a mantle

of the hypogene schists which

This latter occurs most frequently

elevation.

mountain chains, such as the Ghauts

the boldness of

its

true physical contour,

;

the detached ranges, clusters, and insulated masses

monotony

of the table-lands of India.

larity in the direction of elevation.

In

Here we

but to view this

we must approach that break the

find but little regu-

many clusters,

of which I have

taken ground plans, the granite appears to have burst through the crystalline schists in lines irregularly radiating

from a centre, or

in

rings resembling the denticulated periphery of a crater.

The most remarkable

of the

insulated clusters

and masses of

granite on the table-land of the peninsula are those of Sivagunga,

Severndroog, Ootradroog, Nundidroog, Chundragooty, and Chitteldroog,

Mysore; Gooty, Raidroog, Adoni, Bejauugger, Gongondla, in the Ceded Districts ; and those of Hydrabad, Paungul, Annagoondy, Copaldroog, and Idghir. In the country south of the Salem break, are

in

those of Trichinopoly, Dindigul, tracts of the

and Alighirry; and

in the

maritime

Coromandel, are those of Vellore, Arcot, and Perraacoil.

The islands in the Chilka Lake, at the northern extremity of our area on the east coast, are of porphyritic granite. VOL. IX.

B

9

SUMMARY OF THE GEOLOGY Geological Features

.

— The rock of

Nundulroog

is

almost one solid

monolithic mass of granite, rising 1700 feet above the plain, and

upwards of 4700 feet above the seaj that of Sivagunga is still higher. These masses have usually one or more of their sides precipitous, This

or at such an angle as to be inaccessible except at a few points.

uncommanded

circumstance, added to that of their insulated

has led to their being selected by the natives for the their droogs

and strongest

Many

fortresses.

position,

sites of

of the

names

some of have

I

recapitulated will serve to remind the historical reader of the bloody struggles these granite masses have been silent witnesses

of.

them, like that of Severndroog, are so steep as to admit of tation,

and

naked

jjresent surfaces of

rock,

many thousand

Most of

little

vege-

square feet of perfectly

which the veins and mineralogical structure are

in

beautifully laid bare to the eye of the geologist. It is

not to be undei’stood that granite

only to be met with in

is

On

Southern India in this abrupt amorphous form.

sometimes found

immense undulating

in

above the general level of the country, separated by

and running

for

regular chain of stratified

give

the

the contrary,

it is

layers like lava rising little fissures

and joints,

a considerable distance in a given direction, like a

The

hills.

horizontal fissures often impart a pseudo-

appearance; and, when crossed by others nearly vertical,

semblance of some huge wall of Cyclopean

whole the

masonry.

The cuboidal masses composing

these walls weather by a process

of concentric exfoliation into spheroids.

This process occurs often on

a grand scale, and the exfoliated portions compose segments of circles of

many

yards

This decay of lofty granitic masses produces

radii.

some of the most picturesque features of an Indian landscape ; its strange columnar piles, trees, and logging stones, which far excel those of Dartmoor in grandeur, and in the fantastic forms they assume. I

have attempted

to describe the

modus operandi

of this spon-

taneous exfoliation in a previous paper on the Granites of India and

Egypt'.

Suffice it

now

chiefly of meteorological

to observe, that I consider

and

electric causes,

it

to be the result

acting upon and deve-

loping a latent concentric structure in the granite totally independent of

any supposed planes of

stratification,

observed in basalt and lava.

It is

and resembling that often

observed also in those stratified

rocks which have been most heated, and altered by granite, gneiss.

The

laminse

vertical

imbedded crystals of

of stratification,

—such as

and even individual

felspar, are seen crossed at right angles to their >

Journal, Vol. VII., p. 114.

E-W.!^'

-^A"'

ifcrj'T*''

i~--i^, /;(f,y\ ,

.'-‘V'^fe ,1ii~

,-!.

\

V-

"

T;‘-^*,--'V;

“l‘'J

>;.'

;fage

Oriental; probably inserted on the authority mentioned above.

96 of the Parnasse

168

ON THE EARLIEST PERSIAN

The

memoir of “ Maulana Shah Shubli, a con-

Suliuf also giv^es a

temporary of Taki Auhadi, a

composed a Mesnawi

])oet

is

the

Baba Shah

of

Baba

Possibly this

The

of Hajji Khalfa, already mentioned?

early date, as being in Auhadi’s time, would titles

Irakain (of

ul

Khacani), and arranged also a Tazkirat ul Shuara.”

author

who

well skilled in versification,

measure of the Tuhfat

in tlie

common

or Maulana,

make

probable, and the

it

Derwishes and holy men, might

to

well be applied indifferently to one and the same person.

The

Latai'f ul

Khayal,

fessor

quoted in the Suhuf, by

is

There

also as tbe Latai'f.

a copy of

is

The work

Duncan Forbes.

described

is

its full iianie,

and

in the collection of Pro-

it

in

Major Stewart’s

Catalogue of Tippoo’s Library to have been “commenced by Mirza

Muhammad and

Salah, a.d. 1731; and finished

to contain

poetry.”

It

is,

by Jafer Nasiry

in

1742;

memoirs of the authors, as well as specimens of however, merely an Anthology.

Professor Forbes’s manuscript

which the preface

is

is

their

a very thick octavo volume, in

entirely devoted to the description of the author’s

arrangement of his extracts, without giving any further information than the

title

of the work,

abridgment of

Latai'f ul

Khayal, and that he made an

called the Khulasahi

it,

Lata'if

ul

Khayal.

In

a

Casidah, however, which follows the preface, and contains the praise of his performance,

he

forms a Tavikh of

calls himself

its comjiletion’',

rous authors, but unaccompanied is

Muhammad 1104.

The

Salih',

by any memoir.

alphabetical, according to the final letter, in the

Diwan, and each .specimen

is

and the

selection is

last line

from nume-

The arrangement manner of a classed

merely headed with the poet’s name.

v/

The only work which distinctly quotes this Tazkirah is the Khazanahi Aamirah in its very full and interesting catalogue of “ Kelimat ul Shuara by Serkhush, which same name authorities. The date of its completion forms the Tarikh of its commencement’. was 1122, according to the year stated in figures at the end of the

^ ^

The

letters of the title give lOOil.

BIOGRAPHY OP POETS.

169

All the other information to be obtained,

book.”

Macalat, the Suhuf, and by cases, that in the

Suhuf

Abu

Talib.

Of

these, as in

most other

“ Serkhush Hindi, whose

the best.

is

in the memoirs of same work, in the

is

the author given in the biographical part of the

name

Muhammad Zahid) was attached to the He was born in Kashmir, in the court of Abdallah Khan Rahmi. reign of Shah Jehan 1050; was educated by Hakkak Shirazi, and Muhammad AH Mahir, and was recognized by Mirza Muizz Fitrat was Muhammad Afzal

and

(son of

his contemporaries, as

the reign of the

one of the standard poets of the time.

Emperor Alamgir he

settled in Delhi,

and

reign of Farrukhsir died, at the age of seventy-six, a.h. 1127.

Talib

makes

He

his death 1126.)

In

in the

(Abu

wrote a compendous Tazkirah on

Shah Jehan and Alamgir, and called Khushgu, who was a pupil of his, writes in his

the lives of the poets of the time of it

Kelimat ul Shuara.

own

Tazkirah, that the entire works of Serkhush, comprising the

called Nuri Ali (The Light of Ali), and another named Husn u Ishc (Beauty and Love), with a Saki Nameh, and a Shah Namehi Muhammad Aazam Shah, amount to near forty thousand

Mesnawi

couplets, but that they are not in general circulation.

a companion of Shaikh Nasir Ali and Mirza Bedil.”

him Muhammad Afzal Ali Serkhush, and says

his

Serkhush was

Abu

Talib calls

Tazkirah was higldy

esteemed.

The Khazaneh gives a

similar biography,

poetry and his Tazkirah, from which )

it

and praises both

his

quotes an anecdote of Saidi,

a poet of Teheran, a friend and companion of Serkhush,

which introduces a Quatrain of his composition, followed by another specimen translated from a Hindi couplet, of which the original is given, as well as the Persian version.

“ The work of Ikhlas

Perjyetual Spring.

jehanabad, of which the it is

obtained the year 1136'.”

The his

title is

life

of Ikhlas

is

Poets, called

'

Preface to the Khazaneh.

given in the Suhuf, thus; “Ikhlas of Dehli,

name Kishnchand, son

Ghanni Beg Cabul

of

Achal Das Kahni^, and pupil of Abdul

He composed

a very brief Biography of

Hemisheh Behar, which the author The

of Shah-

the Tarikh of its composition, and from

of the present

value of the letters must he doubled for this date.

work

ON THE EARLIEST PERSIAN

170

He passed from this perishahle resting-place in the reign Ahmad Shah son of Muhammad Shah'.” The Suhuf ouotes the

has seen. of

Hemisheh Behar

in several places.

“ The woi-k of

Muhammad

Khan

Ali

of Kashmir,

l\Iatin

who wrote

the lives of the poets from the glorious reign of Bahadur

Sliah^

the

till

peaceful

reign of

IMuhammad Shah".”

Preface to

any Tazkirah.

The Suhuf

.

Khazaneh. I

do not find the

of the author in

life

has a “ Shaikh Abdul Biza IMatln,” horn at Isfahan, Delhi at the heginning of the reign of the Emperor

who

(

settled in (

Muhammad

Shah, j

hut they can hardly he identified.

i

m

La—

AIjI

The Yadi Bayza, and Servi Azad"*, are both by the author of the and are mentioned in the preface to that

Khazanahi Aamirah,

Tazkirah. “ Yadi Bayza, by the author of the jiresent work, on the lives of the ancient and in Sivestan

my

in

modern poets. I composed the beginning of this book Sind, and it obtained extensive circulation. After

return from Sind to Hind, having destroyed that copy,

another in the year 1148, and arranged this hemistich as

Many

Ias-j tXj d

compiled, being

now no

and

into the

Of

others, I

it

was

Nazim

of Tabriz, that of Mulla

have transferred a great part of the old materials

Khazanahi Aamirah.”

the Servi Azad,

its

author in the Khazanah merely gives the

date of the composition, 1166. is

of the sources from which

wrote

Tarikh

longer available, viz.; the Ncfais ul Maasir,

the Subhi Sadie, the Tazkirah of Catai,

I

its

It

was used by Ibrahim

Khalil, and

referred to in his j)reface to the Suhuf.

Ahmad Shah reigned a.h. IIGO to IIG". Bahadur Sliah began to reign a.h. 1J19. 3 Muhammad Shah began to reign a.h. 1130. * The Yadi Bayza is an allusion to the “White Hand” of Moses. Servi Azad, an image of frequent use among the Persian poets, plays on the name of the author, Ghulami Alf Azad. '

"

^

These

letters

give the

number

11 Oil

only; possibly

by which the additional 10 would be obtained.

it

should be

'

BIOGRAPHY OF POETS.

171

These three works, from which author of

tlie

elsewhere.

it has just been stated that the Yadi Bayza derived some of his materials, are not named The Suhuf quotes, in one place, the Nefais ul Asr.

The which

tlioy call

name given

Sublii Sadie is the

true dawn, in distinction from the

first,

in Persia to the

or early appearance of light,

Subhi Kazib', and the allusion here

is

perhaps to the

author’s name, or poetical name, being Sadic^, though I cannot obtain

from memoirs of the

.any information

many

Neither

poets so called^.

We

does Catai occur as a T

Kamlowd

:

Khedava

even to liberal ears, quite accordant in sound

their sounds, with the causes of disturbance stated above,

still

well be farther removed one from the other.

name

native the

first

to

have been correctly rendered into the

instance, the mutation

from Kaddvci,

might easily have occurred.

A

might

Supposing the original

to

Arabic in

Kamlowd,

hlot in the middle of the

I

word, or a careless running of one letter into another, would readily convert

metal four

dav, into

it is

first

composed

tnlu.

of,

it

style of coin, as well as the

agree exactly with those of three out of the

rulers of our very limited

evidence does

The

dynasty ; so much

so,

and so much

bear of belonging to one of the earlier kings of this

race, the later princes of our list

having adopted a mixed silver and

we might almost assume from the negative fact the name of any of the other three jn’inces, that it

copper currency, that that

it

does not bear

was once the property Referring to the to its correct

tate in

any

of the third

name

Kabul Brahman.

of Nardadjanpal, seeing the uncertainty as

orthography avowed by M. Reinaud,

attemjit at numismatic identification,

we

naturally hesi-

more especially

as

we are disposed to doubt whether the denomination here quoted is a name at all, and whether it is not rather a mere indication of the rela-

*

THE HINDU KINGS OP KABUL. tionshlp of the successor of Jeipal.

Anungpal

181

to his grandfather, the great

In the lithographed Persian copy of Ferishtah, the words

The Rozut-

“grandson of Jeipal” have been adopted. al-safa as well as its

abridgment the Hahib-al-sair, both works of

early date and high authority, give no name, mentioning only the accession of Pal, the son of Anungpal.

The readings of the coins of the three other sovereigns in Albilist of whose money we have specimens, do not appear to require any special notice, as the Hindi and Arabic names agree most runi’s

satisfactorily.

With

a view of assuring ourselves of the probable wealth and

extent of kingdom of each ruler of this race,

it

may

be as well that

we

should advert generally to the comparative abundance, as well as to

The medals of They are, however, comparatively less abundant in the Punjab, and North of India; whereas, the monies of Samanta, common as they are in and around Kabul, are, we imagine, even more plentiful in the Punjab, and the localities in which this class of coins

is

discovered.

Syala are found in considerable numbers in Afghanistan.

the north-western provinces of Hindustan.

We

can at

from our own experience, assert that they are met with

all

events,

in surprising

in actual amount and number any other Indian king antecedent to the Mohammedan conquest. We are, as yet, aware of the existence of only four specimens of the money of Khedava. The coins of Bhim are found in Kabulistan, but are seldom, if ever, met with in India. The coins of Anungpal are common, and are plentiful in the Punjab, and the northern parts of the Ganges Duab. Of Jeipal, Nardadjanpal, and Bhimpal no medals are known. Numerous as Syala’s coins are, their hona fide production, both from his mint and from his own resources, does not appear beyond the reach of probability, explained as it is, in a measure, by Albiruni’s

quantities in the

now

North of India, and

preserved, far surpass those of

mention of his great

To account there

may

riches.

for the

enormous amount of the money of Samanta,

be assigned two different causes; either, an actual legi-

timate issue from his mint of the

now

number

of coins of which the medals

extant are the representatives, (rendered possible by the mag-

nitude of his possessions)

;

or,

the recoinage of the

money

of his

predecessor, arising from a desire of aggrandizing either himself as

an individual, or the religion of which he was a prominent follower,

by replacing with

his

own name and

predecessors of an opposing faith.

a symbol of his creed, those of his

Samanta’s celebrity, from whatever

182

ON THE COINS OF THE DYNASTY OF

source derived,

is

evidenced by the uniform retention of his name on

down to the by the adoption of the device of Nandi, superscribed by his appellation, by the later Ghaznevides; and by the assumption of the Horseman reverse of a coinage at that time completely identified as his, by the Ghorians, on their first extension of their dominions. It would appear also, from the number of Samanta’s proper coins still extant, and the variety of countries they are to be found in, that he must have held under his sway some very rich and extensive kingdom. That under him the original Kabul territory of Syala was carried to the extreme limits of the Punjab and Sirhind, is rendered likely by the number of his medals still found in those parts, and by the fact, that coins bearing the Brahmanical device conjoined with Sanianta’s name, and evidently imitations from the Kabul originals, are found in use by his early succesthe coins of his successors, from the time of Anungpal

Mohammedan

sors,

conquest of Delhi in 1192

;

and regularly continued as the currency of those countries for Keeping in view, in this inquiry, that Samanta

nearly two centuries.

was not the

actual founder of his dynasty,

—at —

events as far as

all

Kabul is concerned if he had not made himself remarkable, either by conquest, or by the advancement of Hindu ascendancy, it is difficult to explain why the name of Syala, the first of the line, was not the one chosen for a mint motto, or even that of Bhim, the last Brahman predecessor (as we shall presently

kingdom

the original

of

show) of those who introduced the use of bi-nominal coins. it

tice of the

Mussulmans inscribing the

their religion on

instance the

Imam;

if

This

observed, was in all likelihood derived from the prac-

custom, be

titles of

the

mundane head

of

the reverses of their medals, but in the present

name

the idea

of

Samanta supplied the place

now advanced be

correct,

with another indication, over and above those

it

of

the

Moslim

in itself supplies us

we have

yet to advance,

of Samanta’s priestly supremacy. It

may

be as well here to notice, that the silver and copper coins

bearing the single word “Samanta” over the bull, without any

name

on the reverse, cannot, under any circumstances, be taken to be the coins of a class of monarchs using one particular form of medal, as

distinguished

from one individual bearing the appellation; as

Samauta’s immediate successors inscribe their own names above the figure of Nandi, on the obverse of their

own

coins.

somewhat worthy of remark in this place, and with reference particular view of Samanta's greatness, that Ward, in his list to this of Kings of Hindustan, extracted from the Puranas, notes Sumoodru Palu, as the founder of a Yogi dynasty of paramount monarchs. It is

THE HINDU KINGS OF KABUL.

183

numbering sixteen kings ; among these sixteen, we find the names of no less than three princes, whose coins we now have to show, bearing the identical Bull and Horseman device of the Kabul Brahmans. Two of these, Blum and Anunda, correspond in name with two of the Moreover, this same successors of Samanta recorded by Albiruni. list

down through many Rajas, ends in Prithvi Hindu monarch of Delhi, and one who, we have already Samanta’s name and style of coin. If we accept the

of Ward’s, brought

Raja, the last seen, retained

evidence of the Puranas in this coincidence,

lowing W^ard himself,

we must

will be seen that fol-

it

entirely reject their chronology.

That Samanta should, from a motive of individual vanity, have own name, all the money of his predecessors within

recoined, in his his reach,

is

highly probable ; indeed,

act in a country not too far as the author of the

removed

to

we have an

Raja Tarangini informs

of Kashmir, from 415 to 430 a.d. melted

country, and struck dinars in his

instance of a like

have furnished him an example; us, that

down

Toramana, king

the ancient coin of the

own name.

Samanta’s renown as a king, whether he were a conqueror or not,

was probably connected with the progress of Brahmanism, in opposition to Buddhism, the former of which is shown by Colonel Sykes to have made such important advances just about this period' at the same time there is evidence sufficient, aided by that afforded by Albiruni, to justify us in supposing that the Turk kings of Kabul were Buddhists. From religious zeal to advance Brahmanism, it was possibly Samanta’s object to remove, as early after the usurpation of the monarchy by his :

family as he safely could,

all

traces of Buddhist ascendancy.

In the

where these things are much considered, in no way would a man’s ideas turn more readily in an attempt of this nature, than to East,

the destruction of the coins of former kings,

and the increase

of his

own.

Were

there nothing intrinsically indicative of a religious motive in

by these Brahman kings of the Nandi type of coin, the change in the device of the coinage of a kingdom, concurrent

the assumption entire

with the accession of a ruling power professing a different creed, would in itself attract attention to the subject, especially

when, in addition,

Turk The

fact of the entire

we have reason

to think that the coins of the

of the elephant, refer to the

Buddhist

faith.

kings, in their die

absence of any single specimen of the silver coinage of the of

Kabul

is

most remarkable; especially as the copper

their elephant

’

and

lion device, are plentiful,

Turk kings

pieces, bearing

we cannot with any

Vide Journal Royal Asiatic Society, No. XII., Art.

XIV.

184

ON THE COINS OP THE DYNASTY OP

reason imagine these kings or their country so poor, as to have been

The

absolutely wanting in a silver currency.

j

careful suppression of

by a successful adversary, then, is perhaps one of ways of accounting for their non-existence. The copper coins being more perishable, may have been allowed to escape; nay more, these silent records

the few

of so little importance does the copper currency seem to have been

we have

|

name appearing on coins of the old die, even after Syala had introduced copper money of the same form and size as his silver currency. The issue of these considered, that

instances of Samanta’s

elephant coins may, indeed, have occurred early in Samanta’s reign,

j

before his bigotry gained head, otherwise this explanation of the cause of his

The

it

militates

somewhat against

apparent wealth.

names of Hindu Deities in several distinct instances, on the coins of Madanpal, Prithvi Raja and others, as prefixes to the name of Samanta, testifies in an obvious manner the association of the

sacerdotal eminence of this It will

last.

be remarked, on a reference to Albiruni, that a notable

change takes place

names of the sovereigns

in the termination of the

after the fourth on the

list.

Syala, Samanta, and Bhim, call themselves

deva; Jeipal and the rest are

At the same

all jiala devas.

time, our

plate shows a considerable variation in the style of coinage; in the medals

of Syala, Samanta, Khedava, and

Bhim

deva,

we have

the name over by the horseman, mere mint marks, and

the bull on the obverse, the reverse being occupied

accomjianied by what, as far as the Arabic

we

word

(just),

we know,

are

whereas, in the

find the designation placed

money of Anung

pal deva

on the reverse, occupying the place of

the mint marks just noticed, the bull on the obverse being superscribed (as has

been before mentioned) by the

practice

is

title

of Samanta; and this

continued by succeeding monarchs of the race.

scription of the

name

The

in-

of a preceding prince on the coins of his sue-

|

cessors cannot but point, not only to the celebrity of the former, but to

the

acknowledged relative

naturally inquire, to their

if

inferiority of

immediate predecessor,

Jeipal, admitted their

own

why Anung

was the son

that he was king of Delhi, and

that

pal,

We

subordination?

rity of Ferishtah, that Jeipal

to Lahore’.

the latter; hence

and most probably it, on the autho-

have

of Hispal;

and we learn

he extended his dominion

This must be taken to mean, that Jeij)al conquered

we find him noted as one of the sucKabul dynasty, we might well suppose that he con-

the province of Lahore, and as cessors of the

we

Khedava and Bhim considered themselves equal

Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Useful Tables.

'

'

THE HINDU KINGS OP KABUL. quered Kabul also; but Abul Fazl

tells

himself of Kabul as well as Ghazni, and

185

us that Aleptegin possessed

we know from

Ferishtah and

Mirkhond, that Jeipal’s dominions extended westward only

to

Peshawur

and Lughman ; clearly proving that he did not own Kabul.

If such

be the truth, the only

way

a king of the Kabul race,

of accounting for Jeipal’s being recorded as is,

to conclude, as

Samanta’s coins give us

reason to do, that the early princes of the line possessed the Punjab,

and that Jeipal,

had

left,

in

taking this from them, succeeded to

all

they then

and, with their lands, took the honours of one of their line.

Brahmans did not possess the Punjab, that, on kingdom of Kabul, leaving, as it did, the owner of

It is possible also, if the

their loss of the

the land of the five rivers, the nearest neighbour of the advancing

Mohammedans,

Jeipal

may have

put himself forward as the “ Fidei

Defensor,” and, as such, called himself successor to these priestly kings.

In identifying the Jeipal of Delhi with Albiruni’s king of

we may very

fairly conjecture that, being of the Delhi Tuar was a Tuar Rajput and no Brahman. If objection be taken to the sufficiency of the data upon which the identification of the Delhi with the Lahore monarch is founded, there is still much to favour the supposition that Jeipal was a Rajput; his name as well as

Kabul,

line,

Jeipal

the caste of his peculiar subjects admit the probability of his being

a BhMti, or shepherd.

This change of caste in a line of Hindu

monarchs, would at once explain any acknowledgment of inferiority.

There

are,

however, objections to the too ready admission of this

solution of the difficulty, as Ferishtah unquestionably mentions Jeipal

as

“of the Brahman race;”

merely mean one of a

this,

in

a

Mohammedan

line heretofore of that caste,

author,

may

or as a king

Brahmanism by promoting and defending that creed. The same remark, indeed, might be applied to the statement of Albiruni himself, on the subject of the caste of the early Kabul kings, except that the allusion to the Brahman origin of Syala and Samanta is distinct and reiterated; whereas the other sovereigns are only indicated by name as succeeding each in his turn, without any precise reference to the class from whence they sprang. It is not a little singular, amid the profusion of the medals of identified with

other kings of the dynasty, that no single specimen of the produce of Jeipal’s

mint has as yet been brought

to light.

reign, and his rich kingdom, all must conclude, then, that the extensive Samanta sufficed for the general wants of the time, and frequent employment in war, left him little time to attend

feeling on the

subject, his long

oppose this deduction.

currency of that Jeipal’s

would be unreasonmoney; the Eastern

It

able to infer from this that Jeipal did not coin

We

186

ON THE COINS OP THE DYNASTY OF

to the arts of peace,

and induced him

to content himself with a very-

limited issue of coin.

Touching the extent of the kingdoms possessed by each prince of the line, but

little information is accorded to us by Albiruni; he simply alludes to the revolution which placed the first of the race at

the head of the

kingdom

of Kabul, and then satisfies himself with

a scanty notice of the rest of the dynasty.

We

have already ventured

medals, that one of the

first

to

from the record borne by

infer

kings of this dynasty added the Punjab

to his somewhat limited Kabul state. The dominion of Jeipal is shown by Mohammedan authors to have “extended from Sirhind to Lamglnln, and from Kashmir to Multan.” The Hindu annals of the countries themselves bear witness that he was also king of Delhi. Anungpal, in succeeding to these possessions, was not able to retain

the full vigour of his sovereignty against the repeated attacks of the

Mohammedans. held under him

In his reign Jessalmir

by a

is

This and

local king.

noted as tributary, and

many

other states, regard-

down to us, there is reason the kingdom during Jeipal’s

ing which no distinct information has come

must have been attached

to believe,

to

Indeed, whatever the peculiar dominions of each king

time.

have been,

all

Anungpal, and

may

testimony on the subject demonstrates that Jeipal,

were recognised as paramount monarchs The readiness with which the troops of the local

his successor,

of Northern India.

were collected at their demand, their usually being found at the

rajas

head of the army when assembled, and tbe protection they extended to states not in their

macy.

It

own immediate

would seem never

to

possession, all

show

this supre-

have been the custom of Indian con-

querors to occupy the kingdoms they subdued, they satisfied themselves apparently with exacting submission,

demanding as a proof of Narda-

such, either a nominal tribute or an obligation of service.

djanpal (known

among

the Mussulmans as Jeipal II.), finally lost

Lahore, which from this period became an appanage of the GhazneIn the absence of any other evidence,

vides.

we must

that Bhimpal succeeded to the territories his father

from

Mohammedan

more or

we

conjecture

able to save

conquest.

While on the subject proper that

was

of the coins of the kings of Kabul,

it

may

be

should briefly advert to several medals displaying

less relation to the original type,

time, with Cufic letters.

No.

1.9

but inscribed, at the same

of our plate

is

a coin evidently

imitated from Syala’s money, bearing on the one side the bull, but little

altered,

with the exception of the removal of the sign of the

trident of Siva from the animal’s

haunch

to a

more prominent

position

THE HINDU KINGS OP KABUL. on the Syala,

field of the coin;

here supplied

is

187 by

the space usually occupied

by

tadir billah; on the space above the bull

is

also to be seen letters,

money

this

of the

the

identifies

to be derived

coin

name

that of the Khalif, i^\_, jAxsu.!! A1

gram, apparently one of the Sanskrit double

some types

the

of Syala, reversed;

most

with

intimately

Muk-

a mono-

HW, found on

mark,

we

those

of

in itself,

suppose

it

from: the reverse exhibits the horseman, somewhat

altered from the original, in the absence of the spear,

and the nearer

approximation of the head-dress to the form used by the Imams; the whole

is

“ Lillah

superscribed

Jafer,”

Jafer being

name of the Khalif himself, or that of his whom, it correctly belongs. This coin is conjectured by M. A. de Longperier to have been issued by some quondam Hindu prince newly converted to Mohammedanism, who must have

supposed to be the real Vizir, to either of

been in a measure connected with the state of Kabul.

There are

Museum, and one original in the Bibliotheque du Roi at Paris. That there was much intercourse and some unexplained connexion between the Hindus and Mohammedans in the days of Syala, there is further evidence in his coins themselves: for the curious monogram )-|- in front of the horse on his several casts of similar coins in the British

medals and those of his successors,

is

discovered from a clear cut die

of a coin of Khedava, to be a strange perversion of the Arabic Jjssletter,

As

the

Mohammedan

and would seem

specimen errs in

work

to indicate itself the

versant in Cufic, but ignorant of Sanskrit;

so,

word

reversal of a Hindi

its

of a die-cutter

the coins of Syala,

both in this instance and those about to be noticed, prove their artist a master of Sanskrit, though wofully uninstructed in Arabic.

On

other of Syala’s coins (especially on three presented to the British

Museum by

Colonel Lafont), are to be found what, at present, in

the imperfect state of the medals themselves, appears to be a some-

what lengthened Persian

inscription, in front of the horseman.

coins are here alluded to, in the hope of

These drawing the attention of

possessors of better specimens to the subject, with a view to elucidation.

In order to embrace a reference to

bearing on this question, tlie

we may

all

Vol. IV., Figures 27, 28; and Plate

phered.

full

note the publication of four coins in

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vide

The Sanskrit

its

medals having any

XL,

Vol.

II.,

Plate

XLIX.,

Figures 14 and 17.

inscription on these has not been satisfactorily decy-

The Persian reads

clearly

Lao»x!

1

Nasir-

ON THE COINS OF THE DYNASTY OP

188 ed-din,

by

110

it is

to

be observed, was the

succeeding Indian potentate

title of till

Subuktagin, a

title

adopted

1210 a.d.

we

In the series of kings using the bull and horseman currency

have a break extending from Blilmpal nearly a century and a half.

to Prithvi Raja, a period of

Into this extensive gap

we

are

at

present able to introduce, with historical certainty, only one king,

Madanpal. (Fig. 1

2),

The name

15.)

claims insertion in our

enable us to

fix

its

due

list,

of Sallakshanpal (vide Figs. 11

position.

The make

of the coins,

form of character with which they are inscribed, early reign; as such,

have,

also,

interval letters

;

placed this king before Madanpal.

an

We

have reigned during

will probably be found to

this

however, the paucity of specimens, and the abrasion of the

on the margin of these medals, do not permit us

the full titles they once bore.

The name

of

Mahapal

the small piece. Fig. 15, and the device seems to bear

the Kabul type.

to

and the

suffice to point to

the coins of three princes (Nos. 16, 17, and 18 of our

who

plate',)

we have

and

but the local annals extant do not

is

to

suggest

distinct on

some

affinity

This will probably be found to be a coin of

Mahipal, otherwise Bhupal, king of Benares and Gaur, a.d. 1027.

We

must not omit, in this casual mention of the coins of Madanpal and Prithvi Raja, to allude to the titles of Madhava and Asawuri, to be discovered on each respectively. Madhav^a is one of the many

names

of Krishna,

for as such classic

we

its

adoption on the

money

of a king of Kanouj,

appropriate, inasmuch as the

is

land of Mathura, the birth-place of this divinity, was in

probability a

may

and

identify Madanpal,

fief

of Kanouj.

The Asawuri, another

title of

all

Durga,

evidence a separate dynasty and a race of kings of a different

Rajput family,

who may have adopted

for their local goddess, the

mountain-born Parvuti.

The nnassigned

coin of ^*1"“'’'

and hence may teach us

(Fig. 16), displays the Asawuri,

to look for the identification of its master

See also Figs. 21 and 28, Plate XIX., Ariana Antiqua. it not venturing beyond what the strict reading of the inscription on this coin altogether permits, it might well be attributed to Sdmeswar, the ChohSn King of Ajmir, the fourth in descent from the great Visala dev. >

*

Were

In the transition state of the Devanagari alphabet at this period, the initial letter of the name, which undoubtedly (referring to the modern forms) looks more like a

q

p than any

other consonant,

may

possibly have been used to represent an s

and what appears of the remainder of the word tallies well with “Someswar dev.” Vide Tod, Vol. I. p. 225; and Vol. II. p 451.

q,

:

189

THE HINDU KINGS OF KABUL. among

the families of the Chohans, or the Tuars, to whose throne

they succeeded.

That the whole country of Hindustan waSj during the century and to, in a state of extreme anarchy, incident upon the frequent inroads of the Ghaznevides, there can he little doubt; that there was a great subdivision of monarchies and cona half above adverted

sequent general insignificance of their

enough

show, did

to

we

we have

rulers,

not find proof of

it

evidence

com-

in hearing of the

bination of no less than one hundred and fifty kings to oppose the

Mohammed

invasion of It

to seek the

bin

among

is difiicult,

so

owners of our

what process

Sam many

sovereignties, to

know where

to turn

what line, and by these medals was continued

coins, or to conjecture in

of descent, the right to strike

from monarch to monarch,

we

till

find it fixed in Prithvi Raja.

It is

mere possession of the capital, in itself constituted its lord a nominal Maharaja, and that with the capital also went the die, which had long been in use for the currency of the dependent coun-

possible that the

tries.

That

this particular species of coin

was regarded

as the fixed

currency of the dominions of the successors of the Kabul kings,

proved by

sufiiciently

its

acceptation, in part,

found in use by Prithvi Raja; and

Mohammed

it

is

is

being

by

recognition and retention

At

not unlikely, as the prestige attaching to the

lordship of the old seat of government gradually its

its

bin Sam, and his successors on the throne of Delhi.

same time,

the

its

by Ibrahim;

became weaker, as

princes became less powerful, that this coinage, in continuing to be

among the Hindus by any of the numerous

was adopted

recognised

as a type of their faith,

will

rajas of that belief, who, for the time

being, attained ascendancy sufficient to entitle them, in

any way,

at

to

assume the leadership of their brethren in their opposition to the advance of It has

Mohammedan

conquest.

been mentioned above, that the

Mohammedan

princes of

Ghazni and Ghor imitated, in part, the coinage of the Kabul kings some notice of these currencies may not, therefore, be out of place in our present inquiry.

The copper money

kings of Ghazni has one of

above which

is

its

of the later

Mussulman

surfaces ornamented with the bull Nandi,

own coins, the name of Samanta; name and titles of the Mohammedan prince The first Ghaznevide of whom we have money

inscribed, as in his

the other surface bears the in Cufic characters.

of this description,

is

Ibrahim

(a.d. 1058), Plate,

fig.

20,

and

its

use

seems to have been continued until the close of the reign of Khusru Shah (1160). The adoption of a symbol so purely Hindu, superscribed

by the name

of a

Hindu

king,

by a

sect so bigoted in these matters as

ON THE COINS OF THE DYNASTY OF

190

the followers of

Mohammed,

is

singular, but

by the supposition that the Ghazni

either

may

be accounted

for,

sultans, in virtue of their

conquest of a part of the territories of Sanianta’s successors, assumed

a reverse for their coins indicative of such success; this Xr^ C5v^

=suu

cX>5"

J

^

.

j

*-

lyj c^^jXs 0v.«iXiL*.4

,,,

,

^5^ ^

^

i

^

^

J

O

^

^j,o

V

^

^

tXxj

iXiLclyM)

OJLc Im

^

-

|».y^X£

***** “

And Kank

Kutaurman for him,

^

o -

kjS^

tXxj

J^A^J X4X*J

^ ^ojIj

^

returned to his country, and he was the last of the

and it happened that the times were prosperous and fortune exalted him; and he lighted upon many of the kings,

treasures of former kings, and

grew strong

in consequence

;

and he

shone with these sources of wealth and treasure until he grew proud,

and forgot

and committed some great wickedness, and the him in complaint towards his vizir because

his duty,

people turned from

of his wicked deeds, and confined him for correction.

Then he

ac-

quired dominion again, and after his death there reigned over them of Brahmans,

Bhim,’’ &c.

Samund, and

Corresponding British

^ .

tS

Persian passage

3

liSii

y3y*.«

Sj^\

^

^

Cj^fi

liyj

»XAjL«

3

Sic in orig.

Jami-al-Taw^n'kh, Part III., Sec. 3

from Jami-al-Tawarikh in the

^

CjtXalyvO

I

him

after

Museum.

^L^LS) JLj

sl^Lj

Samund, Kumloo, and

after

*

This translation iS'SX^

is

5,

Royal Asiatic Society.

from the pen of Mr. H. T. Prinsep.

^ .

^L«j

^)S

—

^

THE HINDU KINGS OF KABUL.

195

f

t

^

^ jJ

^

iNXj

yA Xr*** ^

t^jS"

^

^ (X^

XsAX3

^Xa3

*—

Caj^Ij

fc

«XxJ

iXXocikAW

*

*

*

J /\

J*.^AJ

“

And Kank

Kutaurman

returned to his

own

and

exalted; at length he gave

country, and was the last of the

in consequence

way

to

into custody for the purpose of correction,

conduct,

on which

The

vizir took

vizir.

After his death

Samund, from among the Brahmans, became king, and Kumlowa, and after him Bhim,” &c. sentence, corresponding with the

after

him

commencement of

the above, from two copies of the Tarikh-i-Binakiti, reads thus

^

And

and confined him.

a second time he became ruler over the kingdom.

ly)

many

he became proud and

disgraceful

account the people complained of him to his

The Persian

^

Fortune so favoured him, that he found

kings.

treasures of (former) chiefs,

him

*X*J

«u>4X

y

:

^ tSsS ^ jS iSxj ^

^

“ and after him [came] Kank, and he was the last of the

Kutaurman

kings.”

A

similar extract, from another less perfect copy, runs

Axj ^ ^

^ =

*

*

*

*

JJLcU

The information acquired by the Paris MS., (supposing

it

^

this

j

variation from the reading of

to he correct), does not in

any material

degree affect the positions assumed in the above paper on the Coins of the Kings of Kabul. It

now appears Kank by

reignty of

was a direct usurpation of the soveand that no other monarch of Kank’s

that there his vizir,

^^\x 3

No. 119, Royal Asiatic

Society,

and a copy of Sir G. Ouseley’s.

Sic in orig.

Tarikh-i-BinSkitl.

Brit.

Museum

:

Rich

Coll.,

No. 762?.

196 race

ON THE COINS OF THE DYNASTY OF filled

of Syala’s

the throne of K^bul after his death.

name

in our

MSS. but

vizir; his coins, in their

The non-introduction

little affects his identification

make and

execution, indicate their

tion as preceding those of Samanta, as well as the

him whose name they kings explains to

The

bear.

us, in

Brahman

as that

own

re-accession of the last of the

a measure,

how Samanta came

upon as a founder of a dynasty, without

posi-

origin of

Turk

to be looked

at all detracting from the

celebrity, either religious or temporal, heretofore attributed to him.

The very legible penmanship of the Arabic MS. of the Jami-alTawarikh supplies us with another version of the name of the second Jeipal;

he

is

there called

Tudau JeipM.

^L>oo>

Nuiidowa

Jami-al-Tawarikh has

In bringing these observations to a close,

The Persian

Jeipal.

we may

add, that

we

have not failed to consult the Persian copy of the Jami-al-Tawarikh in the Library of the East India House, but this MS., among its other imperfections, has unfortunately a lacuna just at the exact point in

the history of Kank’s reign where

it

might otherwise have served

to

elucidate the present inquiry.

[Since the printing of the preceding sheet a coin has been found at the East India House, which confirms the conjectural reading of

“ Someswara,” suggested

by the writer

in

Note

2, p.

188.

— Ed.

THE HINDU KINGS OP KABUL,

197

also

is

Tod. Madanpdl

Ferishtah,

LAHORE.

1070.

f

in

throne

AND Tables.

the

to KABUL

Useful

came

and last

OF This Guzrat,

DYNASTY

Bird’s Benares.

Vide

of

HINDU

Rajapal a.d.

1096 with

THE

in

OF

Kanduj

contemporary

of KINGS

king and

as

THE Kanouj,

inscriptions

OF

of

king

in

LIST

as recorded

Mentioned

COINS OF THE HINDU KINGS OF KABUL.

198

Contents of the Plate. Note.

The weights

K^bul

of the silver coins of the

kings, Nos. 2 to 8 inclu-

average in the specimens engraved, forty-eight grains.

sive,

The mixed

silver

and

copper1.coins of the Lahore princes and their successors, Nos. 9 to 18, range as high as fifty-two grains. Tlie best specimen of the copper money of Vanka dev. 2.

No.

only reaches forty-three grains.

I,

3.

Nos.

Coins of

Vanka dev Syala 4.

5.

6.

^

Samanta

^ Tjft

7.

Khvadava

8.

Bhi'm

^

vftjT

^

9.

10.

AnungpAl, Obv.

11.

12.

SallakshanpSl, Obv.

13.

Madanp^l, Obv.

14.

Prithvf EAja, Obv.

21. 15.

Mahapdl

16.

Obv.

17.

'

Obv.

19.

A1 Muktadir

^

20.

Ibrahim of Guzni, Obv.

Rev.

^ ^

(Rev.

Rev.

billah, Obv.

T4vitt]lT

^

^).

Rev.

^

bin Sim, Obv.

Rev.

5ETRnT

Tjfl

'^11*1

,

Rev. '^1

Mohammed' 4X4.^

22.

Mahmud

24.

Fac-simile copy of the Arabic word

bin

^njTTT******

Rev.

^1%**

18.

It

Tjfl

^

^

Mohammed

Sdm

Rev.

^jliaLwH

.

j^UajLwJI

.

]Ac from a coin of Khvadava.

has been considered unnecessary to introduce a coin of IMohammed bin

of this type, as the piece here given resembles his coins, from

derived, in every respect except the

name

it

boars.

whence

it is

199

Art. VII

.

— On

a Catalogue of Chinese Buddhistical By Colonel Sykes, F.R.S.

Works.

[^Read 20th June, 1846.]

A FEW

prefatory words are necessary in laying before the Society a

curious Catalogue of

and

works

many

his doctrines,

in the libraries in

them

of

expressed in Chinese characters; and the chiefly in Chinese

or wholly in Chinese.

;

ness of the present Governor of

my

the agency of

friend.

Sir

China upon Buddha Pali, but

entirely, or chiefly, in rest partly in I

am

Hong Kong,

Henry Willock,

Pali,

but

indebted to the kind-

Sir J. Davis,

through

for notices of works,

made available to Chinese and Pali scholars in Europe, may expand the glimmerings we at present have of the ancient history of India, and the religious belief of its inhabitants, into a noontide blaze of light. My motives and objects in addressing myself to Sir John Davis, were founded upon the following considerations. which,

if

possibly

It

has long been

known

to the lettered

world that sculptured remains

and ornaments, of a people difiTering from the present inhabitants of India, were to be met with in various

in rock-cut temples, with figures

and

parts of India, but chiefly in the Deccan,

Bombay

in the territories of the

Presidency; but so completely was the origin, history, and

from a peculiarity

status of this people lost, that

supposed head-

in the

and from the dress and orna-

dress on the chief figures in the temples,

ments of some of the attendants, opinions were recorded in print, that the people

must have been from Abyssinia or some other part of were foreign to India; and these opinions may

Africa, or at least

have received support from the fact of the sculptures being associated with inscriptions cut iu the rock, or upon

pillars, in

Brahmans, and

unintelligible to learned

a character utterly

to learned

Europeans who

were Orientalists. Little

had occurred

disturb

to

these

ratively recent date; for even so late as

tained them. describing sions

I

spent a

at

Ellora, in 1818, in

the rock-cut temples there,

be correct,

tinctions

week

manifest

I

was the

in

the

first

opinions until

to

a compa-

1800, Dr. Buchanan enter-

and

if

my

point out

Ellora excavations,

the

and

drawing and

present

to

impres-

religious

dis-

allot to the

the temples which each had drawings and description were published

Buddhists and the votaries of Siva, respectively excavated. in the third

My

volume of the Transactions of the Literary Society of

ON A CATALOGUE OP

200

Bombay’. After my visit to Ellora the subject of Indian Buddhism was taken up in an able and elaborate paper by Mr. Erskine of Bombay, which appeared in the same volume with my account Attention was now called to a new field of inquiry, of Ellora. and ere long remarkable facts were elicited by those distinguished A new imOrientalists, H. H. Wilson, J. Prinsep, and Hodgson. petus was given to the inquiry by the genius, sagacity, and perseverance of Prinsep, which enabled him to trace the letters of the unintelligible inscriptions, downwards, through Sanskrit inscriptions of successive periods of time, marking the change each letter underwent as it appeared in successive inscriptions, until at last the ancient and unintelligible alphabet resolved itself into the modern Devanagari. Being possessed of the powers of the letters, he was enabled to read the inscriptions, but found to his surprise that the language was not Sanskrit but Pali, and that the whole of the hitherto undecipherable inscriptions, without

a single exception, related to Buddhism

sing either decrees of an emperor in India,

who

;

compri-

reigned some centuries

before Christ, or Buddhist apophthegms, dogmas, or records of events.

During the period of those successful labours of Prinsep, there appeared Mahawanso, or Buddhist Annals, from Ceylon records, &c., transHere was a solution of the diffilated by the Hon. Mr. Tumour.

the

which had presented itself in accounting for the prodigious amount of Buddhist remains in India, which, attention having now

culty

been called to them, were found to extend from Cuttack in the east to Girnar in Gujarat in the west,

The Mahawanso literally

peopled

referred it

the

and from Ceylon to Affghanistan. of Buddhism to India, and

origin

with swarms of religious fraternities.

But these

accumulating proofs were crowned by the publication of a singular

work, from a Chinese manuscript, designated Foe Koue Ki, or the

Fa Hian, a Chinese Buddhist priest, in India, from the The translation of this volume was the work of Klaproth, Remusat, and Landresse. Buddhism having

travels of

year of Christ 499 to 514. joint

been introduced into China from India, the object of this priest,

and of many others who followed him, was

'

Sir Charles Malet,

who had

to

examine

into

the

previously written on the wonders of Ellora,

expresses himself vaguely about there being traces of the Jains, but in his descrip-

any one of them to either Jains or of Ceylon refers its origin to India; and Salt, in his description of the caves of Salsette, had distinguished the excavations of the Buddhists from those of the Sivaists. It might have been expected, therefore, that the true character of the caves at Ellora would have been

tion of the caves, he never once attributes Buddliists.

Joinville, in his account of the

given before 1818.

Buddhism

— CHINESE BUDDHISTICAL WORKS. Buddhism

state of

them

201

in its original seat; and to copy and carry with China the religious works in use by the Buddhists of

into

At

India.

the period of

Fa

Hian’s

visit,

Buddhism, in the eleventh

century from the death of the last Buddha (Sakya), was so flourishing,

that

we may

India professed

it.

safely infer the majority

Even two

inhabitants of

of the

when Hiuan Thsang, the same purpose as Fa

centuries later,

another Buddhist priest, travelled in India for

Hian, he did not And a single sovereign of the numerous reigning

who was

princes

Buddhism itself had become Hiuan Thsang says, were little meaning the followers of Brahmanism, which

not a Buddhist, although

in places so corrupted, that its followers,

better than the heretics, must have been fast culminating. In addition to the above, the Asiatic Journal of Paris gives numerous instances from Chinese

sources of an intercourse, political, commercial, and religious, between

China and India.

Buddhism,

probable, did not Anally disappear

it is

from India before the eleventh century, as there

is

a Buddhist inscrip-

and Edrisi speaks of a Buddhist king at Narwala, the capital of Gujarat, in the same century. I have given this hasty and imperfect sketch in explanation of my reasons for applying to China for a catalogue of Buddhist Pali works, tion of that date in Bengal,

thinking

it

very probable, that as

difierent periods

had travelled

many

to India,

Chinese Buddhist priests at

and resided there

for

many

years, for the express purpose of copying the religious books in use

amongst the Buddhists of India, they would necessarily learn the language of these books, and copy the characters used to express that language ; that on arriving in China the priests would multiply

would be handed down to present and that they would be met with at this day in the libraries of In this exChina, in the Lath character and in the Pali language. pectation I have been partly disappointed; very many works, indeed, have been met with in the Pali language, but the whole of them are Mr. Gutzlaff, the celebrated Chinese written in Chinese characters. copies of these books ; that copies

times,

scholar, says, ill

he has not met with a single instance of a book written

either the ancient or

The

Davis, dated 13th

“ Dear

modern

Pali character.

following are the words of a letter of Mr. Gutzlafi’to Sir John

November,

184.'i:

Sir,

“ In the largest libraries of the Temples, I have never seen a single

book

in Pali character,

nor even a trace, but a few inscriptions

in that language, unintelligible to the priests themselves.

“Siam, on the contrary,

is

rich in these productions,

though written

202

ON A CATALOGUE OF

in a peculiar character

beautiful

sive

unknown in India, and The higher order

collection.

somewhat the idiom, and the presumptive

the King has an exten-

conversant with the language. “ Though not in the Pali character, the Colonel the

their leading doctrines

list

Buddhism

is

taught

in the

understand

of priests

crown

heir to the

may

is

collect

fully

from

which have reached China, and how far

Monasteries. “

I

have the honour, &c.,

“C. Gutzlafp.”

(Signed)

In transmitting this note, together with Mr. Gntzlaff’s catalogue. Sir

John Davis writes a

letter to Sir

Henry Willock, dated Government

House, Victoria, 24th December, 1845, from which the following extract

:

—

is

an

“ In compliance with the request of Colonel Sykes I applied to

Mr. GutzlafF about the works in Pali ; but original language

them

seems that none in the

it

have ever been met with, (indeed,

I

expression of the sounds in Chinese, as the Latin Paternoster to a

from Gutzlaff,

my

is

should think

and the mere

as irrecoverable as the lost Decades of Livy,)

as unintelligible to the votaries

Romish kitchen-maid.

I enclose

a note

Chinese secretary.”

In this extract. Sir John evidently means original character not of

works

expression of the sounds being in Chinese characters.

But

original language, for

Mr. Gutzlaff gives a long

ture to hope where Sir

John would not

let

list

me

in Pali, the I will

ven-

hope, for Mr. Gutzlaff

admits having seen some inscriptions in the Pali character unintelligible to the Chinese.

It

is

plain, therefore, the character reached

The inscriptions, probably, condogmas or apophthegms, as in India, and the original works from which they were extracted may yet exist uncared-for as unintelligible, or most probably forgotten. The inscriptions would be of interest to the Society, and I have written to beg they may be copied and sent to it. Although disappointed in the chief object of my application to Sir John Davis, the Catalogue transmitted contains much matter for curious and instructive reflection. The very titles of the books show us the current of the thoughts, the faith, and moral views of the votaries of Buddha, and many of them, could they be met within Europe and translated, would remove the veil of ignorance which China, and must have been in use.

tain religious

still

exists with regard to the ancient history,

religious tenets of

Buddhism;

for certainly

and the genuine ancient

but

little is

known

of the

203

CHINESE BUDDHISTICAL WOEKS. progress of the religion, and but imperfect ideas of

its

early exoteric

and esoteric doctrines. When we find so distinguished a scholar as Burnouf basing his views of its history and dogmas upon the corrupted and half-Brahmanical Buddhism of Nipal, described only in Sanskrit and not Pali books, there is plainly much wanting to complete its history; and when we find also Mr. Schott, in reading a paper before the Berlin

Academy

1st February,

at so late a period as the

1844, never once alluding to the discourses of Buddha, translated

many

from the Pali by Tumour, although he quotes

we have

other authorities,

a right to infer that Pali and Chinese scholars are yet

capable of greatly

extending their information on the subject of

Buddhism.

have already alluded

I

to the

mere

some of the books

titles of

in

the catalogue affordiug a limited insight into the doctrines and ethics of

The catalogue

the Buddhists.

rather for the Oriental

itself is suited

inquirer in his closet, than for submission to a scientific meeting with

elaborate oral comments;

Works

1st.

I

shall confine myself, therefore, to a

The catalogue comprises

general observations.

Chinese characters: this portion contains 27 not entirely,

99

works.

still

4th.

works.

this portion comprises 6

;

3rd.

Books

the greater part in Chinese: this portion contains

Works denominated

why

“religious;”

The catalogue

of these there are 10. is

Works

2nd.

works.

And,

guished does not appear: these are 14 in number.

nothing

:

exclusively in Pali, with the expression of the sound in

almost entirely in Pali if

few

five distinct portions

so

distin-

5th, Ethics:

therefore contains 156 works:

said of their bulk or extent, but Mr. Gutzlalf mentions

that they are the choice of the Buddhistical Library, and contain the

whole body of doctrines and ethics that were brought first

practical use to

cable

is,

by

its

to be appli-

publication, to afford the scholars of Europe an oppor-

tunity of ascertaining whether copies exist of

great libraries; and

if so,

any

of the

works

in the

having secured the stamp of Mr. Gutzlalf ’s

authority as standard works, that efforts might be translation.

The

to China.

which the catalogue would appear

made

for their

In case they are not to be met with, selections from the

catalogue might be made, with a view to the works being obtained

The next

from China for translation. is

to

apply the

titles

tions in the history, religious

able people

whom

amongst

use to be

made

of the catalogue

of the books to assist speculations

whom

they are found

dogmas,

ritual,

and

and deduc-

ethics of the

remark-

they originated, or of those people amongst

for instance,

N o.

of the

first section,

is

“ Treatise upon Eternal Life,” and No. 56 of the third section,

is

:

9,

a

a “ Treatise upon Everlasting Happiness;” but the Buddhists are repre-

204

ON A CATALOGUE OP

sented, from our

imperfect information respecting them, as believing

Nibano (nirvana), annihilation both beliefs, therefore, can scarcely be compatible, eternal life and annihilation; some explanation of these incompatibilities might probably be found in the work. No. 51 of in

:

the

third

section,

a “ Treatise on the Origin of Things,” or from

No. 91 of the second section, denominated “Doctrine of Non-entity”

But further doubts are raised

(of the void).

in regard to the declared

atheism of the Buddhists by the title of the book, No. 3 of the fifth section, denominated “ A System of Reward and Punishment,” illustrated

by numerous examples.

Being not only with the power

Now to

this implies the existence

reward and

jjunish,

of a

but with the

dis-

The

crimination necessary to allot justly either the one or the other.

necessity for repentance to insure rewards or freedom from punishis indicated in the works 16 and 17 of the first series; the first called a “ Treatise on Repentance and Contrition,” partly in Pali and

ment,

partly in Chinese, and the latter denominated “ Doctrine of Universal

Repentance:”

the greater part in Pali;

and No. 78 of the third

a “ Treatise on Retributive Justice.”

series, is

How

can those people be properly charged with atheism

believe in the efficacy of repentance,

who

and the doctrines of rewards

and punishments? There possibly may be some strange fusion of opposite and conflicting ideas, which we could only comprehend by having the entire works laid before us, such as No. 51 of the third section, “

or

may

On

But whatever

the Origin of Things.”

may

have been,

be the esoteric doctrines of the Buddhists, the present cata-

logue contains ample proofs of the earnest inculcation of the practice

of virtue and truth amongst its followers. No. 28 of the third “ Dissertation upon .section, is a Truth.” No 50 is designated, “The

No. 64 and 65 “ Leading Principles of Purity,” and a “Dissertation on the Doctrines of Purity.” No. 81 is the “Whole Duty of Man, an Excellent Treatise on Ethics.” Nos. 94 and 95 the “ Three-fold Road to Purity,” and the “ Highest State of high aim of Virtue.”

No. 2 of the fifth section, is a “ Discourse on Virtue.” No. 6 “Domestic Jewels, Excellent Precepts, Doctrines, Exhortations, Examples, &c. to render People Hap])y.” And No. 8, a “ Treatise on the Rewards of Virtue:” there appears, consequently, ample instrucPerfection.”

tion for

The

man

in his

moral

relations.

works on the Adamantine Classic, in Large Characters, a Treatise upon the Abiding and Unalterable Principles of Shamanism.” No. 26 is a “Compendium of catalogue, as might be expected, abounds with

doctrines of Buddhism.

No. 4 of the

the Doctrines of Buddhism.”

No.

7

first series, is

of the

called the “

third series,

is

called

205

CHINESE BUDDHISTICAL WORKS. “General Principles

Buddhism.”

of

No. 10 of the same

series, is

a

No. 20 gives And 21, the “True Meaning of the Dogmatical Part of Buddhism.” No. 37 explains the “First is a “Plain Exposition of Buddhism.” And No. 71 contains “ Important Maxims Principles of Shamanism.” “ Full Commentary upon the Doctrines of Buddhism.”

Here

of Shamanism.”

be desired,

is

a choice, which would leave

even were one of them to he translated.

more to works

little

Two

of the

high importance in an historical point of view.

in the catalogue are of

No. 5 of the third series, is designated the “Annals of Buddhism;” and No. 22 of the same series, gives the “Progress of Buddhism.”

much

light on the

and would prove useful

tests for the

Evidently, therefore, these two works would throw

Buddhism

early state of

in India,

authenticity and value of

the

Mahawanso and Dipawanso

of the

Buddhists of Ceylon.

The

interest of the catalogue does not terminate here, for

fests that the corruptions

it

mani-

against which Bodisatwas in India wrote,

contains, “The Life and No. 7 of the same series contains, and Aspirations addressed to the Idols’;” and No. 15 con-

obtained in China.

No. 6 of the

first series

Actions of the Goddess Kwanyin.”

“Vows

“ Legends about Kwanyin, the Goddess of Mercy ;” entirely in Pali: and No. 24 of the third series, is a “ Dissertation upon Idols ;”

tains,

this is

mostly

in Pali.

about the Water Lily.” dresses to Idols;

&c.”

Forms

No. 76 contains, the “Most Important Points No. 2 of the fourth section contains, “Ad-

of Prayers;

Masses for Souls in Purgatory,

These masses for souls in purgatory

is

an additional feature in

the resemblance which previously existed between the monastic institutions of the Buddhists

and those of the Roman Catholics.

No. 4 of

the fourth series, contains a collection of vagaries respecting

Buddha

and Kwanyin; and No. 14 contains, “Pious Ejaculations to the North Star.” These works bear strong testimony to the corruptions and superstition which has crept into the Buddhism of the Chinese, all which is

confirmed by the report of modern travellers.

in

this catalogue

series,

and

ther this

is

is

a worthy rival of that of Longinus

time and our Chinese translators to determine.

some

One

of the

works

has an imposing title; it is No. 43 of the third designated a “ Treatise on the Sublime.” Now, whe-

we must

leave to

Another work of

No. 9 of the fourth series, desigLegends and Stories about Laotsze,” as it would clear up our doubts about those very puzzling personages, the interest in the catalogue is

nated “

V arious

There were not any wooden statue of him was '

idols until a century after the death of

set

up

in

Buddha; when a

a temple ; being evidently a pious corruption.

206

ON A CATALOGUE OF by Fa Hian

Laotsze, mentioned

in his traA^els in India.

known

It is

that the Buddliist priests are compelled to beg their daily food, and to travel during

a portion of the year; and No. 5 of the fourth

series,

when going on

their

contains the “Recitations of Buddhist Priests

No. 69 of the third

begging expeditions.”

important part of a Buddhist’s belief

May

tempsychosis.”

:

“

expounds a most

series

The

Me-

Principles of the

not a limited view of this doctrine have given

rise to the notion entertained of the

They

atheism of the Buddhists!

believe in Nibano, (annihilation,) ergo, they do not believe in the

But, say the Buddhists, the soul must trans-

immortality of the soul.

migrate until

becomes absolutely

it

becomes Nibano,

becomes part of the

God, then

as

j)ure

and by

it

very perfection

its

Abstractedly as well as practically,

cause.

first

therefore, immortality

'perfect,

individuality,

loses its

would appear

to be

acknowledged; and the

consequences of transmigration are stimulants to moral action.

The second

last

work

series,

used in Temples.” all the

works

notice in the catalogne

I shall

and written almost entirely in Pali; Sir

the 6th of the

is

contains “Prayers

John Davis says, he thinks these, [and of conrse unintelligible to the votaries, as the Latin

in Pali,] as

Paternoster to a Romish kitchen-maid.

we

nothing about Pali, but are

Roman

it

No

doubt the votary knows

The

sure that the priest does not?

Catholic priest understands the Latin, although the Romish

kitchen-maid

is

ignorant of

Buddhist priest

may

it;

and

in

a similar manner the Chinese

understand his Pali, and a work in the cata-

logue would seem to indicate that this object

is

No. 44 of the third

the

ciation of the

series,

Words

Pali

is

a treatise on

in the Treatise

not lost sight

of.

“True Pronun-

on Repentance.”

Now

it

does seem probable, as the priests are so careful about the true sound of Pali words, that they would not be unmindful about their meaning;

and

I

would

fain hope,

disguised as the

Chinese characters, that they

European languages,

I

wish

I

scholars are but few indeed,

may

Pali

works are by

could say into English; but our Chinese

and our Pali scholars fewer

still,

although

we have some of both in the East. I now take leave of the Catalogue, with the expressions warm acknowledgement to Sir John Davis and Mr. Gutzlaff transmission, and

of the

I

trust

I

their

yet be transferable into some of the

have shown that the bare

works are not altogether destitute of

interest.

of

titles of

my

for its

some

CHINESE BUDDHISTICAL WORKS.

207

Works from the By Mr. Gutzlaff.

List op the Principal Buddhistical

Chinese Characters.

Works

I.

Pali, in

with the expression of the sound

in Pali,

in

Chinese characters. Sha

1.

hwa

fat leen

Buddhistical tenets respecting

king.

the

lotus flower.

Kin kwang ming tsuy shing king. The exceedingly bright work detailing the glories of Buddha. Kin kwang ming king. Explanation of the bright gold ; some

2.

gold ; a 3.

rhapsodial praises of Buddha.

Ta

4.

tze kin

The adamantine classic, kang king. upon the abiding and unalterable

racters; a treatise

in large cha-

principles

of

Shamanism. 5. Kin kang pwan joo king. Buddha almost entirely in Pali.

Some

about the disciples of

tales

;

Kwan

6.

mun

yin poo

Life

pin king.

and actions of the goddess

Kwanyin.

Te tsang poo

7.

Vows and

pun yuen king.

sa

aspirations

addressed to the idols. 8.

Yo

power 9.

kung

sze joo lae

tih king.

Woo

10.

A

leang show.

Fuh shw6 mo

le

A

treatise

on the miraculous

coming Buddha.

in healing diseases, of the

treatise

on eternal

che teen king.

life.

Legends of Buddha: mostly

in Pali.

11.

Kung

ming wang king.

tseS

A

collection of tales: greater

part Chinese. 12.

Fan kang poo

13.

0 me

14.

Seaou tsae yen show pih tow king.

star, to

Prohibitory precepts of Buddha.

A

Buddha;

treatise

Pali.

on the North

may

avert evil

life.

Kaou wang Kwan yin

goddess of mercy 16.

kae king.

Ejaculations in praise of

prove how, by adoring the constellation, one

and prolong 15.

sat

to king.

;

king.

Legends about Kwanyin, the

Pali.

Chuh seang

ta fe

Treatise on repentance and

seen.

con-

trition: partly Pali, partly Chinese.

17.

Hung ming paou

seen.

Doctrine of universal Repentances

greater part in Pali.

VOL.

IX.

P

ON A CATALOGUE OP

208

Hwa

18.

Treatise on penance: greater part in

yon paou soon.

Pali.

San tseen fuh seen. Penitence before the gods: paou seen. On repentance for the

19.

20. Tseen fuh

the idols

:

in Pali. satisfaction of

in Pali.

Y8

Stories about repentance mostly sze paou seen. Leang hwang paou seen. A legend of a Conversion

21. 22.

in Pali.

:

:

mostly

in Pali.

23. Shih

kings

wang paou

mostly in

:

San mei shwuy

24.

The

seen.

history of the repentance of ten

Pali.

Treatise on the regenerative power of

seen.

conversion.

A

Chao teen koe.

25.

dissertation

upon the nature of the nine

Heavens; mostly in Pali. Compendium of the doctrines of Buddhism. 26. Kin kang king. Poo mun

27.

Principles of Buddhi.sm.

pin.

Works almost entirely

II.

1.

Choo sha

2.

Ta

3.

Heiie

4.

Tae yang tsun king.

5.

Heiie

6.

Gan

III.

ling

pwan

pwan

for prayer. idols.

Heartfelt ejaculations.

seen.

Contemplation of the glory of the sun.

A

king.

if

manual

Prayers to merciful

help to devotion.

Prayers used

shih shin king.

Books

A

yen choo.

chow.

fe shin

in Pali.

in temples.

not entirely, still the greater part in Chinese.

1.

Ta fang kwang

fuh

hwa yen

A

kin.

treatise for spreading the

glory of Buddha. 2.

Ta

full

ting

show

yen king.

ling

treatise in praise of the idol

:

4.

Ling yen king ching mih. Ling yen king tsih choo.

3.

Splendour of Buddha; a

great part in Pali.

Some

An

rhapsodies about Buddhism.

explanation of the above work.

Annals of Buddhism.

5.

Ling kea pih ke.

6.

Ling kea king sin yin.

7. 8.

Kin kang loo e. General principles of Buddhism. Kin kang she neen. A manual of general prayers.

9.

Neen fuh

well as the above.

she neen.

Quintessence of Buddhism.

A

manual of prayer

:

mostly

Pali, as

209

CHINESE BUDDHISTICAL WORKS. 10.

Fan kang king

soo

A

e.

full

commentary upon the doctrines

of Buddhism, 11.

Yuen ke3 sew

to lo leaou e king.

Explanation of the mys-

terious doctrines.

13.

Yuen ke6 king Ta me to king.

14.

Me to

12

.

Principles of the faith elucidated,

chih keae.

A

description of Buddha.

Explanation of the various important

king heaou keae.

points of the above work.

of

15.

Me

16.

Wei mo

to

so

shw5 king.

some doctrinal points. 17. Wei mo king choo. 18.

A

king soo sheou.

paraphrase of the above work.

Explanation in the

A

King kang king keae

common language

commentary upon the above work. A commentary on the dogmas of

e.

Buddhism. 19.

King kang king keue

A

e.

solution of doubtful points respect-

ing Buddhism. 20.

Kin kang king joo

True meaning of the dogmatical part

e.

of Buddhism.

Kin kang king chih shwo. A plain exposition of Buddhism. Kin kang sung tung. Progress of Buddhism. 23. Yu Ian pwan king choo. An explanation upon sundry rites Buddhism, 21.

22.

of

24. 25.

Chun te king. A dissertation on idols mostly in Pali. Fuh shwo teen waug king. A treatise on the Celestial :

king,

according to the doctrines of Buddhism. 26.

shw6 pa

Fiih

sze

king.

The

demonology: these two works mostly 27. Sin

A

king choo keae.

eight masters; a treatise on

Pali.

commentary upon the devotional

precepts. 28.

Chin

sin chih

29. Sze shih urh

30. 31.

Wei keaou Nee paou

shwo.

A

dissertation on truth.

chang king.

The forty-two

precepts.

Posthumous precepts of Buddhism. chae pee king. Sundry observations upon the

king.

system of polytheism. 32.

Cheen lun woo taou king.

A

dissertation on the

Metempsy-

chosis.

33.

Ta

fei

seen

34. Sze fun pe 35.

fa.

Principles of repentance.

kew kae

Pe kew ne kae pun.

pun.

Prohibitory laws.

Restrictions

upon votaries

;

both mostly

in Pali.

36.

37.

Pe kew kae soo e. A commentary upon the above two works. Sha me leuh e heaou leo. The first principles of Shamanism.

P

2

210

ON A CATALOGUE OF

38. Sha

me

A

heaou le6 tsang choo.

commentary upon the above

work.

Sha mun jih yung. Lessons for daily practice. Chen mun jih sung. Guide to contemplation. Guardian of the soul, 41. Choo king jih sung.

39.

40.

for daily reci-

tation,

Chen mun tsan pun. Praises of idols. Chuh seang yun tse yen kow ko. A treatise on the sublime. King seen chih yin. True pronunciation of the Pali words in

42.

43. 44.

the treatise on Repentance. 45. Tin teen

A

yen mub.

view of Heaven.

46. Shih kea joo lae ching taou ke.

Particulars about the coming

Buddha. 47.

Luh

48.

Che yue luh. The moon and her phases. Chen lin paou heun pih shwo. The precepts respecting con-

49.

Treatise on diverse idols.

tsoo tan king.

templation illustrated. 50.

Wun

51.

Kweiyuen

52.

Ke

High aim

shen tung kwei. cliili

of virtue.

Treatise on the origin of things.

che.

An

sin lun chlh keae.

explanation respecting the origin

of faith. 53.

Fa keae gan

lih

An

tboo shw6.

explanation of the pictures

representing the regions of the blessed.

A

55.

Keo hoo tsih. Luh taou tsih.

56.

Yung kea

57.

Chung fang kwo

54.

Miscellany on sundry subjects.

The

A

tsih.

six sublime princijjles.

upon everlasting happiness.

treatise

sze

yu

luh.

A

legend about some wonderful

teacher. 58. 59.

0 ho shang yu Kwang tseuen

luh.

Sayings of

tae tsih.

priests.

The spread

of light; general pro-

mulgation of Buddhism. 60. 61.

62. 63.

liih. Maxims of the priest Lang. Hoo fa lun. A dissertation on the protective power of Buddha. Lung shoo tsing too. Buddhistical legends. Tsing to hw6 wan. A treatise on purity, in dialogues.

Lang ho shang yu

65.

Tsang Tsang

66.

Yingheang

67.

Yun

tse

Yun

tse

64.

to tsee heaou. to tsee king, lun.

wei

A

kaou.

Leading principles of purity.

A

dissertation on the doctrines of purity.

treatise

Some

on retribution. rhapsodies

about the invisible

world. 68. objects.

fang sang wan.

Literally, “

Laying down

Self-sacrifice in behalf of higher life for

a perch in the clouds.”

211

CHINESE BUDDHISTICAL WORKS, 69.

Hwa

70.

Poo chao u chen

Principles of the metempsychosis.

sing e kwei.

sew

sze

Important sayings of a

sin keuS.

celebrated teacher.

Choo tsan heaou kenS. Important maxims of Shamanism. Che kwan tso chen fa heaou. A guide to contemplation. Principles and doctrines of Shamanism. 73. Tung choo heun led. 74. Pa chih kwei keu led shwd. Dogmas and rules. The region of Buddha; descriptive of the 75. Se fang pa keu. 71.

72.

idol’s

abode,

Leen tsung

7 6.

water

The most important

tseih heaou.

points about the

lily.

77.

Hwuy

78.

Keae kan peen. Tsung hing luh.

79.

shun king tsih keu

A

A

About the abode

sih.

treatise

on retributive

work on

exploits

of bliss.

justice.

and marvellous doings

of the Shamans. 80.

Hwang

shih

81. Tseuen jin treatise

on

kung

A

soo shoo.

keu hwo.

treatise

The whole duty

on alchymy. of

man; an

excellent

ethics.

The vesper

a kind of missal.

82.

Ping heuen chung shing.

83.

85.

Ta hed kang muh. A general view of important doctrine. Chung yung chih che. Hints about the golden medium. Muh new thoo. A pastor’s manual.

86.

Tseuen sang thoo.

84.

87. Tsae kin tan. 88.

Lo

foil

A

shan che.

call;

Rules for the election of priests. dissertation on realities.

A

description

of the Lo-fow monastery

(near Canton),

Odes in praise of Buddhism. Odes to celebrate Shamanism.

89. Sih shan tsze she. 90.

Mee hwa

91.

He

92.

Kin yu tung she. Eulogies to exalt Buddha. Kin kang ching yen. A true view of Shamanism. Tsang too san king. The three-fold road to purity. Hwa yen paou king, A mirror of excellence ; the highest

93. 94.

95.

tang

she.

tsih.

Doctrine of non-entity (of the void),

state of perfection.

96. Sin

king wei tseuen.

A

select

volume

for the

garden of the

soul.

97.

Hway hae

98.

Yuh hwang

seaou tsaou chin king,

A

legend.

The

true version of

Yu

hwang’s (or

idol’s) story.

99.

Hing ming teaou

issued during the reign of

le.

A

collection

Taoukwang.

of successive regulations

ON A CATALOGUE OF

212

Religious Works.

IV.

Chen

1.

lin

paou heun pih shw6.

cipal doctrines of

Buddhism

Treatise containing the prin-

in intelligible language,

with a commen-

tary.

Fuh mun

2.

Addresses to

ting che.

forms of prayers,

idols,

masses for souls in purgatory, &c., &c. 3.

Kwan

4.

Ling kea king

ling

kea ke.

Addresses to the goddess of mercy.

A

sin yin.

Buddha and Kwanyin. 5. Chang sing teen.

collection of vagaries respecting

Recitations of Buddhist priests

when going

on their begging expeditions.

Fuh tsoo chuen tang. Stories about Buddha and Keae hw6 peen. A defence of Buddhism. Lo han ke. Representations of the disciples

6.

7. 8.

his associates.

of

Buddha on

black paper, with some remarks.

Taou yen nuy wae.

9.

Vagaries, legends, and stories about

Laoutsze.

Wei mo

10.

keih so shw6 king.

A

Buddhistical legend: partly

in Pali. 1 1

Luh

.

A

taou tsih.

collection of Buddhistical legends.

King she kin shoo. A treatise on the contempt of the world. Po lo wae ke. Buddhistical recitations.

12. 1 3.

14. Pih

tow kew hwang king.

Pious ejaculations to the north

star.

V. 1.

King

sin luh.

Ethics.

Faith and good works:

a system of morals

founded on the prevailing religions.

Paou shen peen. Discourses on virtue. Tae shang kan ying. A system of reward and punishment; illustrated by numerous examples. 4. Sze sin paou keen. A treatise on the necessity of preserving 2. 3.

the

life

5.

of every animal.

Sing ming Kwei che.

The

relation of

man

to the visible

and

invisible. 6.

Kea

paou.

Domestic jewels ; excellent precepts, directions,

exhortations, examples, &c., to render people happy. 7.

Lun heang.

A

treatise on truth.

CHINESE BUDDHISTIOAL WORKS. 8.

Kan ying peen

chih keang.

A

treatise

213

on the rewards of

virtue. 9.

10.

Useful and pious lessons. Tan kwei tsih Neen shing taou. Pious reflections.

The above works are the

choice of the Buddhistical library, and

contain the whole body of doctrines and ethics, that were brought to

China.

The works

in Pali

would be

unintelligible even to a scholar

of that language, on account of the indistinctness with which the

Chinese characters convey the sound, and jumble the words together.

»fjcv70’: cj' 1 ('i4'!ij*U’'«if^

l'>

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215

Art. VIII Messi

.

— The Narrative

el Susi,

Version

and

of Sidt Ibrahim ben

in the Berber

Language

Illustrative Notes, by F.

[A SHORT account

;

Muhammed

el

with Interlineary

W. Newman,

of the following Narrative

Esq.

was given

in the

Fourth Volume of the Society’s Journal, page 115; and was followed

by the English

translation

of Mr. Hodgson,

The

Berber, but from an Arabic version.

original

with the Society unedited, in consequence of the its transcription.

The Society has been

made, not from the

MS. remained

difficulties

relieved from these difficulties

by the proffered services of Mr. Newman, whose previous kindred dialect enabled him

to

his labours

last

Although Mr.

Newman

Midsummer, the pressure

of other

matter has prevented their publication

VOL. IX,

studies in a

undertake the task of transcribing the

MS., and adding an interlineary translation.

had completed

attending

till

now. Feb., 1847.

—Ed.]

Q

216

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