Jim Farley’s Story: The Roosevelt Years

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JIM FARLEY'S

STORY %t

Roosevelt Drears

Books by James A. Farley BEHIND THE BALLOTS

JIM Farley's story The Roosevelt Years

Digitized by the Internet Archive in

2010

http://www.archive.org/details/jimfarleysstoryrOOfarl

I

rmy

{International

News

Photo.)

JIM FARLEY'S

STORY Jhe J^oosevelt Drears BY JAMES

A.

FARLEY

WHITTLESEY HOUSE

McGRAW-HILL BOOK COMPANY, NEW YORK

.

TORONTO

Inc.

JIA4

FARLEY'S STORY

The Roosevelt

Years

Copyright, 1^48, by James A. Farley

All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof,

may

not be reproduced in any form without permission of the publisher.

SECOND PRINTING

The

quality of the materials used in the manufacture of this book is governed by continued postwar shortages.

PUBLISHED BY WHITTLESEY HOUSE A

DIVISION OF

THE MCXJRAW-HILL BOOK COMPANY,

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

INC.

To

7ny mother

ELLEN GOLDRICK FARLEY a7id

my ELIZABETH to

to njohom I

ivife

A.

FARLEY

owe everything

I

gratefully

acknowledge

a

heavy

my good Walter Trohan of the Chi-

debt for editorial help to friend,

cago Tribune,

who knew

almost

every word of this story for years and never broke my confidence

71

CONTENTS 1.

EARLY DAYS

2.

POLITICAL DRUiMMER

3.

BATTLING FOR BALLOTS

19

7.

FIRST CAMPAIGN ON TO WASHINGTON TAKING IT ON THE CHIN SECOND CAMPAIGN PROPHET WITH HONOR

28

8.

DRIFTING APART

68

THE COURT FIGHT COURT AFTERMATH

9

DEPRESSION AGAIN

100

NEW YORK

I08

4. 5.

6.

9. I

O.

1 I

.

12. 1

3.

14. 1

5.

I

II

GOVERNORSHIP

PURGE FAILURE AND

120

NEW DEAL ROUT

TERM BEGINNINGS

16.

MORE RUMBLINGS

17.

THE CARDINAL AND THE PRESIDENT HYDE PARK CONFERENCE, 939

18.

58

77

PURGE PRESCRIBED THIRD

33

46

1

I

37

1

5

1

58

I

74 180 I

19.

POLITICS TAKES A HOLIDAY

1

20.

POLITICS RETURNS

202

2

.

garner's hat IN RING

2

22.

Farley's hat in ring

223

236

24.

making my decision hyde park conference, i94o

25.

chicago again

259

26.

1940 convention

27

27.

nomination for president

283

28.

third termers triumph

289

29.

wallace second choice

299

30.

roosevelt pleads

307

I

23.

3

i

.

mrs. roosevelt pleads

1

246

3

IX

92

i

3

81

Contents

X 32.

MY

33.

THIRD TERM ELECTION

332

34.

PEARL HARBOR

34O

35.

36.

BROOKLYN CONVENTION FOURTH TERM

359

37.

FINAL DAYS

37

INDEX

379

LAST CABINET MEETING

3

1

347

JIM FARLEY'S

STORY %e

Jloosevelt

years

CHAPTER ONE

EARLY DAYS

FORandMORE

than a quarter of a century,

quite intimately,

It is

a

hand

in

many men who have made

1

history.

by those who had

my deeds,

do not propose to dwell on

but rather

conversations with history makers and on the historical events

which

had

I

a part.

During these decisive

years,

I

kept extensive notes on each day's

my own

happenings. These were dictated for

toward publication. In recent

my

story from

This debt

I

truth, for

I

Most of

am

relying not on

story

my

enough

to cast

adult

state,

is

first I

I

owed

it

my

memory

—

as

me

to

may

in sincerity

many

in

but on a living record. politics,

—

a

Democratic chairman

—town, I

won

of friends, collected tens of thou-

sands of memories, and enjoyed millions of laughs. of defeats, suffered

and

which has occupied politics at the top before I was old a Democratic chairman. For thirty-

continued to be

made thousands

my

lack in wisdom, in

or nation. In these thirty-five turbulent years,

triumphs,

tell

to history.

story

concerned with vote

use with no thought

have urged

hope to make up

started in

life. I

my

five years thereafter,

country,

I

pay. Whatever

my

most of

years, friends

papers, insisting

now

modesty, or in literary merit,

many

have known, personally

belief that history should be told

in its shaping.

my

on

my

I

I

had

also a share

disappointments, nursed a few heartaches,

but escaped being marked by bitterness or hate. Politics

me

brought

fellow countrymen.

my

I

honors and prominence from the hands of

am

too full of gratitude to

let

my

malice seep into

heart.

For

my

story

I

invoke the same kindly judgment that

countrymen have ever accorded me story as honestly as truth,

and

I

I

know how,

in the past.

because

I

I

have

my

have tried to a

fellow tell

the

high regard for the

have found through the years that telling the truth offers

not only the best but also the easiest

way

of

life.

Jim Farley's story

2

have also tried to make

my story a human report on history.

I

have

related conversations during important events so that the reader

may

I

form his own estimate of men and motives, happened since the words were uttered.

My story year.

is

being unfolded as

stand at the threshold of

I

boy I was more of what

find that the

I

in the light of

drawing closer

is

what has

my sixtieth

me. With each

to

what he was. Men are given to exaggerate the importance of their birthplace; yet mine had a profound influence on my life. I was born on May 30, 1888, at Grassy passing year

I

see

I

am

in

New York, in the lower reaches of the majestic Hudson River valley. My father, James Farley, was bom at Verplanck's Point in Westchester County, New York, the son of John and Margaret Far-

Point,

ley,

who

migrated from Castletown, County Meath, Ireland, in 1847.

He died suddenly and tragically before my tenth birthday. My mother, bom at Haverstraw in Rockland County,

Ellen Goldrick Farley, was

the daughter of John and Rose Goldrick, Ireland in 1847 or 1848.

John, Phil,

Tom, and

1

who came

was the second of

to

America from being

five boys, the others

Bill.

My schooling began at the age of five in the Grassy Point Grammar School,

which

I

attended through the seventh grade,

Grammar

ferred to the Stony Point

Stony Point High School

after

School.

when

trans-

I

graduated from the

I

two and one-half

years, then

pleted a year's course at the Packard Commercial School in

New

comYork

City. I

went

later

I

where in-law,

to

work

for the

Merhn

Keiholtz Paper Company.

secured a position with the United States

remained for fifteen years. Early

I

Harry

B. Finnegan, as

my

material firm of James A. Farley this partnership

was increased

I

with

my

brother-

organized the building

& Company,

to four

Gypsum Company,

in 1926,

partner,

Two years

Inc.

Two

members, when

years later

we were

joined

by Harry and Samuel Schiff, brothers, who Street Supply Company. In 1929, the Farley company, together with

operated the East Third

five other building material

Supply Corporation, which

companies, formed the General Builders is

now one

of the largest of

its

kind in the

country. In 1909,

I

was elected Democratic town chairman of Stony

Point.

8

Early days

Two I

years later

as

fourth term

town

politics, I

I

my home county

the

moment

He was my

be misunderstood,

Governor's mansion

at

wardens of

got

I

New

happy. In 1923

I

''the

my

York

I

make no

Albany.

man who came up from Albany,

into state

New York

him

become

to

entered his

I

first

office, I

My

great American.

we had

admiration for him never died, even though

in

me

a factor in

of Aldermen, to urge

From

a candidate for governor.

I

step,

into the office of Alfred E. Smith, then President

York City Board

sensed his dynamic personality.

Lest

our differences.

claim to having put Al in the

was only one of many booming the

I

sidewalks of

New

York." Once Smith

reward by appointment

City, a political sinecure in

was appointed

a

member

as

one of the port

which

of the

New

was never York State

I

Athletic Commission and a year later

honorary and stormy post In April 1920

whom

I

August

had

I

until I

became its chairman. I held went to Washington in 1933.

this

married Miss Elizabeth A. Finnegan of Haverstraw,

known

28, 1922;

po-

was reelected once. In 191 was elected Democratic county chair-

hope of making

marched

New

of the

my

I

of Rockland County, a selection which launched

politics. In the

was

Republican township.

climbed up the ladder a

I

supervisor.

entered big time poHtics.

man

in a

These eight years strengthened

times.

my

wings. After

litical

I

was elected town clerk

I

was reelected three

winning election

3

all

Ann,

my life. We have three bom July i, 1925; and

children: Betty,

James, born

born

May

25,

1928.

The

first

summer

of our marriage

Franklin D. Roosevelt.

An

I

invitation

had

my

first

brief meeting with

was extended to

me

as

county

chairman, along with thousands of the party faithful, to meet the party standard bearers

New

York

—James M. Cox and

City.

Although

I

his

youthful running mate

some psychic understanding passed between the presidential candidate

—

in

should like to be able to say that

and myself,

I

tall,

vigorous vice-

can only report that the meeting

was nothing more than a handshake and a "How d you do." The only memorable remark came from Bess at the end of the long, tiring day,

when

she said, "If

I

had ever realized that

politicians spent their time

going through such nonsensical performances, married you."

I

would never have

Jim Farley's story

4

known even

In those days Roosevelt was not widely

own state.

in his

some fame for successful the election of William "Blue-Eyed BiUie" Sheehan to

Fie had served in the state senate, achieving

opposition to

the United States Senate. In 19 14 he bucked the party leadership

by

entering the Democratic primaries for the nomination for United States Senator against

My

W.

James

He

Gerard.

vote went to Gerard because

was soundly trounced.

was an organization man and

I

strongly opposed to party rebels.

The Cox-Roosevelt landsHde. In 1922

ticket

got

I

my

was buried

charge of Al Smith's headquarters

helped to elect myself to the

one term, losing

came

my

know

to

at the

New

Harding-Coolidge

Democratic

working for Smith's return

in Syracuse. In

I

in the

of behind-the-scenes politics in

first taste

York

at

less said

State Assembly.

and that lesson

deadlock, arising from

it

demonstrated for

a clash of

immovable

destruction of the party's chances.

marathon

as

I

I

served but

Roosevelt intimately and personally for the

New

about the 102-ballot deadlock the better.

lesson to offer

convention

race for reelection the next year.

the 1924 Democratic national convention in

time

The

state

to the governorship,

I

was

all

It

City.

had only one

time

factions,

York

first

—that party

can only end

in

a delegate to that factional

was FDR.

came when, overcoming pain and discomfort, he rose to place the name of Alfred E. Smith in nomination with, "He is the Happy Warrior of the political battlefield." Roosevelt was grinning broadly as I swung the New York state standAly greatest

thrill

of the session

ard into the van of a demonstration which started through the steam-

New

ing hall to the tune of

The Sidewalks

of

that the effort had cost

him much. His

legs

and

his fingers

were cramped from

York. Later

were numb

his grip

I

learned

in steel braces

on the rostrum, but

face was that of a jubilant marcher in the Smith demonstration.

was fighting back from the

infantile paralysis

his

He

which struck him down

in 1922.

In 1928 he performed the same office for Smith at the Democratic

convention in Houston. This time his spirit,

good

his

body was more

and he weathered the task with strength to

deal of

him and, although we did not become

in tune

spare.

I

with

saw

a

intimate, our

Early days

when

acquaintance ripened. That summer,

was

at

5

the Democratic leadership

New

odds on the nominee for the Governorship of

was for Roosevelt,

feeling that he

would be the

York,

I

best vote getter be-

cause of his name. Smith, the Democratic presidential candidate, had

New York

favored Herbert H. Lehman,

banker, or Judge

Townsend

H. Scudder of the state supreme court; but he was finally convinced

New

Roosevelt would help the party in

York

State.

He

persuaded

FDR to make the race. At

this

time Roosevelt was attempting to walk without the aid of

room of

braces or cane. In the living

often demonstrated to

But

it

time.

The

affliction

at

should be an inspiration for

cottage was located at the infantile paralysis resort which

he had founded. Mrs. Roosevelt and

him

path he traversed unaided.

took tremendous physical concentration and discipline. His

courageous conquest of a dread all

the cottage he then occupied he

visitors the diagonal

to continue his

treatments. He,

his

too,

most intimate friends wanted

wanted

to spend another year

Warm Springs. But he finally yielded to Smith's importuning. It was

a splendid sacrifice.

In the 1928 campaign at the

Hotel Biltmore in

election night,

velt in

was

in charge of the Roosevelt headquarters

New

York City

as

Secretary of the

New

it

was apparent

York and

evident his cause was

As

state.

numbing

realization of national de-

own

lose his

lost.

would run behind RooseAt the same time it was

that Smith

the

mounted, Al entered our headquarters with

feat

Demo-

Committee under Chairman M. William Bray. Quite early

cratic State

on

I

was up and

his

indomitable heart was high.

ness in defeat,

men and women workers

At

his family.

His chin

the sight of his jaunti-

burst into tears. Deeply

touched. Smith barked out a few words of thanks to hide his own mounting emotions, clasped loyal hands, and was gone. Perhaps never in political history file

was there

so

much

distress

among

the rank and

of the party as there was over his defeat.

After Roosevelt's election

up the Democratic party tics.

No

one except

my

of

won

in

1928

Governor,

New

in

York.

I

I

concentrated on building

was up

to

my

neck

in poli-

family and business associates will ever

my own time

how much Roosevelt

as

I

by

know

gave to politics from 1928 through 1943. a

margin of 25,564 votes over Albert

Jim Farley's story

6

By

Ottinger, his Republican opponent.

1930, the Democratic

ma-

chine had been developed almost to perfection, as was demonstrated

by

Roosevelt's reelection

November 4. The afternoon

by an unprecedented

after election night in 1930 Louis

devoted follower and adviser of

and made and

I

took

FDR, and

on

McHenry Howe,

put our heads together

I

Al Smith had announced after his defeat was through with public life. This statement Howe

political history.

in 1928 that he

City over

plurality of 725,001

Our victory statement,

at its face value.

my

issued in

New York

name, contained the following explosive paragraph:

come to Governor Roosevelt when the first presidential primary is held, which will be late next year. The Democrats in the Nation naturally want as their candidate for President the man who has shown himself capable of carrying the most important state in the country by a record-breaking majority. I do "I fully expect that the call will

not see

how Mr.

nominee of

Roosevelt can escape becoming the next presidential

his party, even

if

no one should

raise a finger to

bring

it

about."

After the statement was released,

Albany and

told

him

its

contents.

I

got Roosevelt on the phone

While

I

had discussed

at

his prospects

with persons close to him, including Howe, from the 1928 election, this

conversation marked the

subject.

He

was not

first

word

that passed

between us on the

my

statement, saying,

in the least surprised

by

"Whatever you said, Jim, is all right with me." With those words he set in motion a presidential boom which was to change the history of the nation and the history of the world. Just

when

he made up

his

mind

to run,

I

have been human had he not considered

don't it

know.

He would

not

after his election in 1928,

because the Governorship of the Empire State has frequently brought presidential nomination.

Once the

die

was

cast,

Roosevelt lightly turned

over the preconvention campaign to Louie and myself.

Never did two more unlike men work so well as a team. Louie, who was approaching sixty, was five feet five inches tall and weighed just over a hundred pounds. Flis face was weazened and his clothes fitted badly. Louie

be

polite.

made no

Yet

his

eff^ort

to be friendly and seldom bothered to

eyes burned openly with devotion, and his heart

Early days drove

his feeble

body

7

ounce of strength and

to give his last

ability for

his chief.

Beyond any question of doubt, Louie was the first "Roosevelt-forPresident" man, preceding FDR himself by years. As far back as 19 10, when he was a legislative correspondent at Albany, Howe was attracted to the Dutchess County Senator and hitched his wagon to the latter's star.

By the end of 1928, am genuinely fond of I

to Roosevelt

by

I

was

his

past

people.

I

my

fortieth birthday.

Sixteen days after the

—loyalty and inexperience

common we had set

in

two

for ourselves

we

we

Howe-Farley statement had I

treasure because

got from him for managing

presidential campaigns.

The

chord of presidential prophecy

in

letter

is

in

never had

never had a quarrel. tossed Roose-

1932 Democratic presidential ring,

from FDR, which I

ap-

potentialities.

be courteous.

the slightest dispute over authority, and

formal thanks

still

my

charm, energy, and vote-getting

national politics. In the task

letter

was and

was attracted

at all times to

had two things

velt's hat into the

I

have always been careful of I

have tried

pearance, and

Louie and

I

it

I

received a

constitutes the only

two

gubernatorial and

interesting for striking a

mentioning the former historical

Governor Grover Cleveland and Daniel Scott Lamont, adviser. Cleveland later became President; and Lamont, a

association of his political

member

of his Cabinet.

I

am

sure Roosevelt had this in

wrote on stationery of the Executive Chamber

The

Springs.

at

mind when he

Albany from

Warm

letter follows:

November

21, 1930.

Dear Jim: is the first chance I have had to sit down for a few minutes and you connectedly about the campaign. You have done a wonderful piece of work and I don't need to tell you how very appreciative and

This

write

grateful

As

I

am.

went through the

State I got expressions everywhere showing that no man since the days of David B. Hill has such hearty backing and enthusiastic cooperation from the organizations as you have. It is not merely a fine record, but a great opportunity for us to consolidate the gains. The enclosed letters are fine, but they do not tell half the story, and everywhere our people are looking for just what we propose I

Jim Farley's story

8 to give

—information, encouragement and practical help throughout

them

the year and not just the

When

I

two or

three weeks before election.

think of the difficulties of former State Chairm.en with former

Governors and vice versa (!), I have an idea that you and I make a comwhich has not existed since Cleveland and Lamont and that is so long ago that neither you nor I know anything about it except from history

—

bination

books.

Perhaps by the beginning of December, you will have enough stuff to warrant your running down here. In any event, it would do you a lot of good to get a few days' holiday and I know that you would like Warm Springs. And it would be grand to see you. Bring your Missus too!

As ever

yours,

Franklin D. Roosevelt

The

capturing of a presidential nomination

is

dable enterprises the political animal can tackle.

one of the most formi-

The

race

to the swift, the wise, the able, or the prominent, or

no dark

is

not always

—there would be

horses.

In politics,

you can speak too often or not often enough; you can late; you can or not polite enough; and again you can be too friendly

speak too loud or too soft; you can start too soon or too

be too polite

or not friendly enough.

Worst

Any

of these extremes at any given time

may

make splitsecond decisions. And, unfortunately, what may look good now may turn out disastrously six months from now. Public good will at any be

fatal.

all,

moment can be

given public

good

of

is

frequently called upon to

as elusive as quicksilver. It

by being too cocky or too

will can

Many

one

a

be

as difficult to

easy to offend the

is

by being

upstage, or

neither. Public

capture and hang onto as a greased pig.

promising political career has been blasted because an aspirant

for office has,

more often than not unwittingly, wounded

ings of a party patriarch

—

a

being

who

normally has

pervious to criticism as that of a rhinoceros

tender susceptibilities of a lovelorn maiden

—but

the feel-

a hide as

who

im-

displays the

when

political amenities

who

has once juggled a

are to be observed. Is it

any wonder, then, that the

politician

"hot potato" will never reach for a hot potato again (or a cold one either, for that

matter)?

In the case of Roosevelt in the

fall

of 1930, there were

two roads

Early days to travel.

He

9

could conduct a passive campaign, which vv^ould avoid

by any

antagonizing the various favorite son candidates their bailiwicks; or

gin rounding

up

he could launch an aggressive campaign and be-

delegates.

formidable hazard that he laid

by

a

invasion of

We

chose the latter course, ignoring the

who announced

temporary union of

all

himself

way-

usually

first is

opposition. Roosevelt approved the

few co-conspirators were given a free hand, we left final decision on major problems to Roosevelt whenever we could. Almost invariably, he followed our recommendation. Generally we were in agreement by the time any problem reached decision.

While Louie and

I

and

a

him, having threshed out our differences.

Once committed

means of securing

possible

amount of work and detail, I

am

we had

to an aggressive campaign, delegates.

to attack every

This required a stupendous

a meticulous capacity for detail.

This mastery of

convinced, brought success at Chicago in 1932.

ination of our candidate

came from compiling

all

useful and necessary

information, building up organizations in every state and

workers with enthusiasm. At the same time,

The nom-

we worked

in

filling

every

the

way

and to increase

to impress the opposition with Roosevelt's vote appeal his public stature.

Never

in the history of politics,

up

to that time,

was there any-

thing like our letter writing and long distance telephone campaign.

From my days touch.

I

made

as it

town

my

clerk

I

have

known

the value of the personal

business to write every county chairman, asking

for a report from his district, an honest report. Often recruits.

ing up

much good

were among our

will.

Men

and

women

in

key

positions throughout

from him.

Many

the spring of 193 at 3 3

1

1

we

Auto-

effect. Births, marriages,

weddings, anniversaries, and deaths brought appropriate

our headquarters

of these

last-ditch supporters in the crucial balloting.

graphed photographs were employed to great

letters.

had our organization completed. While

Madison Avenue,

New York City, were small,

they were busy and our prospects were far brighter than

The

gained

Roosevelt entered into the letter writing campaign, build-

the country received friendly, personal calls

By

we

we had

hoped.

beginnings of our campaign fund came with contributions of

$5,000 each

by Frank C. Walker,

New

York

attorney,

Henry Mor-

Jim Farley's story

lo genthau,

Sr.,

industrialist.

who J.

former ambassador to Turkey, and William H. Woodin,

William A. Julian of Ohio contributed

f i,ooo.

Others

gave liberally before the Chicago convention included Edward

Flynn, Democratic leader of Bronx borough in

New York merchant; Herbert H. New York; Joseph P.

New

York

City;

Lehman, banker and Kennedy, capitalist; Robert W. Bingham of Louisville, who later was named ambassador to Great Britain; Lawrence A. Steinhardt of New York City; and Jesse

I.

Straus,

Lieutenant Governor of

Basil

O'Connor,

his

law partner.

CHAPTER TWO

DRUMMER

POLITICAL memory

Man's

concerning things he has witnessed

often

is

tricky, and his testimony as to important poHtical events in

which he has played

a part

Good

frequently misleading.

is

and true men are prone to claim that they brought about great events, which, in

reality,

number

great

required the combined efforts of several

of persons. This

is

most true of the

ination for the Presidency. Various

ment of claims

—

—most of them with

men

have staked out an assort-

entire honesty in their

that they brought about the nomination

by

matter of courtesy or

when

little

or nothing to

Many were

asked

hand had actually been made, either

as a calculated bit of flattery.

strike out for certain objectives

them,

own minds

directing one effort or

bring about the convention selection of Roosevelt.

as a

Roosevelt nom-

first

another. Actually, the majority of the claimants did

for advice, after the decision at

not a

if

Some

did

and were convinced they had effected

the accomplishing effort had already been launched on

a higher level long before.

So

it

was with

many have

my

barnstorming

trip in the

summer

of 193

1,

which

credited with selling Roosevelt to the Democratic party.

Several persons, not excluding Roosevelt himself, have claimed credit for initiating the coast to coast jaunt that took

many

to eighteen states

toured by

air as

countries of the world without batting an eye, except over

some

in nineteen days. (In the fall of 1946 in as

many

me

rough weather.

My

travel horizon has

days,

I

broadened considerably

in

fourteen years.)

By

193

1,

I

had for some years been active

Protective Order of Elks.

I

held occasional office and frequently at-

tended the annual Grand Lodge conventions. 193

1

was

to attend

set for early in

Benevolent and

in the

July

at Seattle,

months ahead, partly

The

annual meeting in

Washington.

I

made

my

plans

to enjoy convention camaraderie

partly for the delight in the trip.

Keen-minded Louie II

Howe

and

grasped

Jim Farley's story

12

my

suggestion that

mix fellowship with

I

my

diately recognized the value of I

suggestion.

drove up the Hudson to the family home

map

ful of railroad timetables, a list

Roosevelt imme-

politics.

One Sunday morning

Hyde

at

Park, with a

fist-

of the United States, and the latest

of Democratic state chairmen and national committeemen. After

luncheon,

we

retired to Roosevelt's tiny study

and evolved

a schedule,

which was one of the liveliest and most demanding ever undertaken. I started out on Monday, June 29, 193 1, shortly after noon, on a succession of sleeper jumps. In the next nineteen days

Democratic

leaders.

learn everything

I

Along the

talked to

I

was up

all

the end of the trip

drummer and

to

fests"

my

with

sorts of people to

could about the public political temper.

sort of combination political

At

route,

I

and "gab

ears in meetings, conferences, luncheons, dinners,

I

was

a

listening post.

reported every incident of the trip in de-

I

Governor and Louie. The recital found us agreeing that we had by an aggressive campaign adopted the correct strategy for tail

to the

putting Roosevelt out in front.

My first meeting with the man who was to get the vice-presidential nomination came in the

fall

of 193

1. 1

was standing

in the

Democratic

cloakroom of the House of Representatives talking with Congressman Joseph Gavagan of

New

York,

when John Nance Garner came

out

House Chamber Gavagan intercepted him with, "Just a minute, Mr. Speaker. I want you to meet Jim Farley." Garner acknowledged his introduction by saying, "How do you do, Mr. Farley. I hope things and headed for the stairway leading to the

of the

floor below.

are going well with you."

Then he with

stepped back and subjected

his piercing blue eyes.

I

man

with, so stern and aloof he seemed. first

impression.

onds. In the future

went on

I

conduct

in

I

was

to

to a head-to-toe appraisal

must confess

thought to myself that here was a taken by a

me

I

I

was

a bit flustered. I

could never become friendly

Never

in

my

life

was

I

more mis-

Our first meeting lasted hardly ten secknow him most intimately; and as time

found more and more to admire in him, not only for his pubHc office but also for his code as a man. Recently he

wrote me, "I speak the

truth, Jim,

when

I tell

you

that

if

every

official

Political

support of

Few men

a single one."

Garner was his

state of

screen,

can honestly say

to enter the presidential

own

13

were put on the

act of 46 years in public life

ashamed of

drummer

lists

as

would not be much.

I

a little later

with the

Texas and the backing of William Ran-

dolph Hearst, the publisher. Afterwards

I

learned that he never asked

for support in the preconvention period, even from his closest gressional cronies, considering such solicitation

The

position. until

lists

were

Con-

improper for one of

his

to swell impressively before the convention

they held the names of Al Smith, the 1928 standard-bearer;

Governor Albert C.

who had become a national figure by the Eighteenth Amendment in Maryland;

Ritchie,

virtue of his opposition to

Governor George White, favorite-son candidate of Ohio; former SenReed of Missouri, one of the senatorial immortals; Sen-

ator James A.

Hamilton Lewis, favorite son of Illinois; Governor William H. Murray of Oklahoma, one of the most picturesque political figures of the day; Newton D. Baker, whose supporters were working quietly and effectively; and Owen D. Young, who was regarded as a most ator James

likely dark horse.

On January

Governor Roosevelt formally threw his hat in W. McLean, Secretary of the Democratic Committee of North Dakota. State law required that he announce 23, 1932,

the ring in a letter to Fred State his

candidacy in

own hand

his

in order to place a slate of delegates in

the preferential primary. Roosevelt grasped the opportunity to declare

he would wage

his

candidacy

as a progressive.

That same day

Democratic Territorial Convention of Alaska instructed tion delegates to vote for Roosevelt.

pledged to

When

I

his

later,

I

weeks

first

the

conven-

delegates

candidacy.

came

Chicago Sunday, June

to

the convention opened,

had been

These were the

its six

in politics

I

had

just passed

19, 1932, eight

days before

my forty-fourth birthday and When I left two weeks

over twenty-three years.

had been skyrocketed into national prominence. In those two I

learned

manager

is

about the heartaches and shocks that a campaign

all

heir to.

I

was ground

in political mills,

put on the rack by

inquiring newspapermen, dragged through knotholes of worry, and

wrung

in

wringers of helplessness. At times

I

faced defeat with despair

14

Jim Farley's story

clutching nauseously at

my

stomach.

I

knew

the physical weariness

upon to give a last gasp of effort. I kept my head was in me; then I knew the delicious delight of vicAt such moments, and even in defeat, if the battle has been well

of an athlete called

and gave tory.

all

that

fought, politics I

is

a great

game.

have been credited by

in the

White House.

deal of help

many with

If this is so, it

from men of long

called

upon

before

me and

to

make

putting Franklin D. Roosevelt

was largely because

a decision,

I

tried to

had

I

a great

Whenever

I

was

have the related facts

laid

political experience.

then take whatever action was indicated by the weight

At every turn I sought advice. Whenever I made a mistake and I made plenty I wasted no time in vain regrets, but set to work repairing the damage as best I could. No one was more aware than I of reason.

—

—

was

that

minute.

didn't

I

Even

know it

to this

day

all.

I

And I was

often

The Republican convention had days before in

had met

just

ended

was

just

first

were not long coming. Al Smith arrived

avowing

in the

could every

it.

same city

a

few

around the corner. In

Democrats met with the joyous enthusiasm of crusaders.

Although the Roosevelt forces were

Tammany, bent on

on the

scene, the others

in a fighting

He

his intention to stop Roosevelt.

forces of

all I

the renomination of Herbert Hoover. The RepubHcans

in apprehension that defeat

contrast, the

busy learning

wonder how we made

mood, openly

was followed by the

holding their lines for

candidacy.

his

Governor Ritchie of Maryland, Governor Harry F. Byrd of Virginia, Senator James A. Reed of Aiissouri, and Governor "Alfalfa Bill" Murray of Oklahoma trooped in

The

first

City, floor

June

24,

at the

head of their followers.

opposition blast came from

manager of the Smith

Mayor Frank Hague

forces,

who

of Jersey

issued a statement

on

saying that Roosevelt would not carry a single northern state

east of the Mississippi

and had no chance of winning

in

November.

This obvious exaggeration was more damaging to the Smith forces than to

us,

but

we

countered

it

in

such fashion

as to bolster

our cause.

After telephone consultation with Roosevelt (we had a private

from

strategy headquarters in Chicago to Albany)

I

line

issued the follow-

ing reply:

"Governor Roosevelt's

friends have not

come

to Chicago to criti-

drummer

Political cize,

cry down, or defame any Democrat from any part of the coun-

try. This,

The

beUeve,

I

answer to Mr. Hague's statement."

sufficient

is

round was

first

On

ours.

leader

could be desired.

as

could reach.

I

With

I

all

New

York

Our

floor itself. It

was

Arthur Mullen,

we

good look give

I

I

at

the night before the

proved

and

it

floor leader,

and

his assistants

Howes

a

good and

one, to introduce a

few

vention

trusted Keu-

O'Mahoney of upon all to take a

of South Dakota and Joe

had each of them stand up and called them, so they would

know them

during the convention.

whatever orders these men would

floor.

next day Democratic national chairman Raskob

huge gavel

dele-

organized our field forces for the convention

told those present to accept

on the

The

my

On

idea,

tenants like Bill

Wyoming.

work with women

strategy board had been tireless in their efforts

to prepare for every possible development.

convention opened

Mary Dewson

Miss

this task.

did an excellent job at similar

gates and leaders.

as

was glad-handing every delegate and modesty, I knew I was at my best in

meeting people and happily accepted

Then

was running

the eve of our convention our organization

smoothly

of

15

in the vast

call,

whanged

a

Chicago Stadium and droned the familiar con-

"The convention will please come to

order."

More thump-

ing at the rostrum, and he followed with, "Delegates will please take their seats."

Alben

W.

There was music and singing and oratory

Barkley of Kentucky

a magnificent

won

galore. Senator

the laurels in the

last field

with

keynote address.

At headquarters we were concentrating on the series of test votes that were to come the next day. These were vitally important because they would demonstrate whether the opposition could win control. We knew we had to win every test or the stampede of our delegates to the opposition would make the Oklahoma homestead rush look like a turtle race by comparison. In preparation for the tests off the two-thirds rule fight, I

I

released a Roosevelt statement calling

hoping

did not reckon on the die-hards.

and strutting about

his

Huey

words would shelve the P.

in great style, insisted

Long,

on

who was

a vote.

He

issue.

blustering

had

to be

handled with gloves because he had been brought over to our camp

6

Jim Farley's story

1

with considerable

Long

persuader.

when

difficulty

able

projected himself in the center of the limelight and,

came

publicity

by Senator Burton K. Wheeler, an

way, reached out and grasped

his

Rules com-

it.

mittee chairman Bruce Kremer, another champion of abrogation,

pushed through

recommendation

that, if the first six ballots

under

the two-thirds rule failed to produce a nominee, a mere majority

would

a

be sufficient on the seventh. That brought the opposition battering at

our door with

bad

cries of

faith, trickery,

and

deceit.

A hurried per-

Kremer induced him to accept Roosevelt's statement and With his grudging acquiescence to Roosevelt's wish,

sonal plea to

forget the issue.

was buried and forgotten for four years. Our first test was on the seating of the rival Louisiana delegations. Long had a delegation which he voted as a unit. Another delegation that problem

was entered by former Governor Jared Saunders. In order to poke fun at the contesting delegation. Long threw a third delegation into the field, which exaggeratedly pretended to oppose both its rivals. The clowning of

boomerang

Long henchmen proved to be more harm than good. I was not

this third delegation of

to

Long and

did him

worried that he might easily lose

little

and did not breathe

this

easily until the vote

important decision for us

was announced

three-fourths to 514 and one-fourth in our favor.

Joseph M. Proskauer in the

The

New York delegation

I sat

result

was announced.

We

won

638 and

beside Judge

fell,

when

the

An astute political observer, he knew the Llappy

in for another defeat.

the Minnesota contest handilv.

were seated by

The

at

during the balloting.

face of this long and faithful friend of Al Smith

Warrior was

a

a

a vote of

The

Roosevelt dclecrates

658 and one-fourth to 492 and three-fourths.

chairmanship feud, which had been going on for months, was

of Hatfield-McCoy proportions. Jouett Shouse, able Chairman of the

Executive Committee of the Democratic National Committee, was the opposition candidate. dustrialist,

weak on months

who was

He was

the choice of Chairman Raskob, the in-

an excellent organizer, a superb financier, but

practical politics. Shouse

was

a skilled politician

and had,

before, quietly set about gathering votes for the post of con-

vention keynoter.

The

Roosevelt forces

knew nothing

of this until April

4,

when

the

Political

Arrangements Committee met

17

Chicago to go over convention pre-

in

choice was Senator Alben

Our

liminaries.

drummer

W.

Barkley.

When

the

Committee, which had power to make the keynoter selection, met, Shouse announced

his

candidacy and called for

sure of our strength and

unaware of

Governor Byrd of Virginia suggested Barkley would be recognized

permanent chairman,

a vote.

We stalled, not

Anxious to avoid any

his.

a

clash.

compromise under which

keynoter and Shouse would become

as

a post the

Arrangements Committee had no

name. Shouse assented readily on condition Roosevelt would

power

to

agree.

When

the resolution

was read

to Roosevelt in Albany, he

was

quick to point out the committee's lack of jurisdiction, but said he

had no objection to the committee's recognition of Shouse by "com-

mending" him for the permanent chairmanship. This Roosevelt wording was adopted and the clash was avoided at that time.

Following the meeting, Shouse made speeches urging Democrats to send uninstructed delegations to Chicago. This tensed muscles in

our camp

as

we

decided to contest

knew

he had thrown

felt

his

to influence delegate voting

On June

5, 1

with the enemy.

It

was

we do much

bid for the permanent chairmanship because

man who makes

that the

his lot

the parliamentary rulings can

on important

issued a statement

issues

and on the balloting.

which threw down the gage of

This read, "Mr. James A. Farley,

at the

battle.

head of the Roosevelt move-

ment, lunched with the Governor today.

He

stated,

*The Governor's

come to the conclusion that they will urge the selection Thomas J. Walsh of Montana as Permanent Chairman of

friends have

of Senator

the Convention.'

"

In no time the brickbats were flying. Roosevelt

was accused of hav-

ing run out on a sacred pledge to Shouse. For three weeks they ham-

mered

at this

theme

wording of the the pale

in

an effective anvil chorus.

We

pointed to the

we charged Shouse had put himself beyond when he should have remained aloof as a paid organization; and we shouted that Walsh was

resolution;

by taking

sides

member of the national a man of unquestioned

fairness

whose

service in the chair

would be

above imputation of partisanship.

Winds

blown up the issue far beyond its actual importance. Nonetheless, we were most uneasy. Shouse was well-liked of contention had

8

Jim Farley's story

1

and had secured many pledges. In our

were determined

to

own camp were many men who

keep their word and vote for him. The case for

Shouse was effectively presented by John nominee, and by Dill of

Bernice

Airs.

S.

Pyke

Washington and Senator James

W.

Davis, the party's 1924

of Ohio. Senator Clarence C. F. Byrnes of South Carolina

did the honors for us. I

my

have the yellow legal paper on which files

and

its

many

cern over the outcome.

and 528 for Shouse,

The

next

I

followed the balloting in

I

markings and calculations show

When the vote was reported

began to breathe

issue, prohibition,

at

my

deep con-

626 for Walsh

easy.

gave us a few uneasy moments, but the

vote was a foregone conclusion.

The Republicans had adopted a wishy-

washy plank on

We

moist plank.

Our

this question.

uneasiness

had a dripping wet plank and

came when two

rival candidates,

and Ritchie, took to the platform to urge outright a

repeal.

a

Al Smith

There was

danger that either might stampede the delegates by force of personal

magnetism. Cordell Hull, against our advice, spoke for the milder proposal. 2

1

3

The wets won overwhelmingly by 934 and

and three-fourths.

three-fourths to

CHAPTER THREE

BATTLING FOR BALLOTS A LTHOUGH

U\

was

-^

-^

know it, my troubles had only begun. I many bad moments before the final gavel. Our

did not

I

to have

heaviest efforts

were directed on

Illinois,

Indiana, and

Ohio be-

cause there was considerable sentiment for Roosevelt within the delegations.

The name

of

Newton D.

Baker, Secretary of

cabinet, kept haunting us in the next

banquet

at the

He was

table.

in the event of a deadlock.

few days

War

in Wilson's

Banquo's ghost

like

considered the most likely dark horse

There were reports

that

Roy Howard,

one

of America's greatest newspaper executives, was reportedly using

Smith

as a stalking

We

horse for his true candidate. Baker.

Kremer and Roper were in constant touch with McAdoo, hoping to win California's 44 votes, which were enough were not

asleep.

to crush the opposition.

I

was cautiously tendering support for the

vice-presidential candidacy in return for delegations.

port Ritchie for the second place the presidency,

if

which he refused

Jackson of Baltimore.

We

I

offered to sup-

he would withdraw

to

do through Mayor

offered the same post to

his

Smith to take

his

was over did

own

I

for

Governor Byrd

of Virginia through his brother Admiral Richard E. Byrd. after the convention

name

Howard W. Not

until

learn that Ritchie had not expected

candidacy seriously.

He

had previously been

given to understand that Smith's only interest was in stopping Roosevelt

and confidently expected to get Smith's strength and the nom-

ination in the balloting.

He

felt that

Others on our strategy board and

working

to break the

he had been doublecrossed.

many

impending log jam of

of our well-wishers were

votes.

That

is

why so many

persons have claimed they effected the understanding which turned the tide in our favor. As a matter of fact, the first move came jointly from Senators Key Pittman of Nevada and Harry B. Hawes of Missouri.

They

called Roosevelt at

Albany 19

to ask

if

he had any objection

20 to

Jim Farley's story Garner

FDR

running mate.

as a

ticket as "fine."

pronounced

Roosevelt-Garner

a

Hawes wired me:

GROUP BELIEVE WINNING TICKET WOULD BE ROOSEVELT AND GARNER STOP NINETY VOTES OF CALIFORNIA AND TEX.\S WOULD ELIMINATE DISPUTE STOP AM ADVISED WOULD BE SATISFACTORY TO PARTY HERE STOP SEE SAM RAYBURN TOM CONNALLY AND CHECK MY OWN IMPRESSION STOP BEST WISHES. First in the

to

my

I

found Silliman Evans of Texas,

preconvention

rooms

no promise, but made

it

I

had come

to

know

and he promised to bring Sam Rayburn

fight,

Congress Hotel. At

at the

whom

clear he did not

He

Square Garden Convention.

this

meeting Rayburn made

want

a repetition of

Madison

did not even indicate interest in the

vice-presidential nomination for Garner.

We

promised to keep our

conference a secret.

That was Monday, June 27, the day before the convention opened. Thursday I met Rayburn and Evans again. I told them we would positively give Garner the second place nomination. Rayburn asked me what I wanted him to do. I told him to have Texas cast its vote for Garner on the the roll

call.

ballots at least

frankly,

I

first

Sam

ballot

said

and asked

told

him

and possibly for

and switch to Roosevelt immediately after

he had to vote for Garner for two or three

how long I

five.

Sam's answer was,

vention go for a while even

dency, and

Fm

could keep our forces intact. Quite

certainly for three ballots, very likely for four,

if

not saying that

Arthur Mullen was working

"We

we are interested we are." During

in the

must

just

in the

let

the con-

Vice

Presi-

these negotiations,

same direction with Senator

Tom

Connally of Texas.

Thursday afternoon, June 30, nine candidates for President had their names placed in nomination. Nine nominating speeches is a lot of oratory, even if it is all good and it wasn't. Dozens of seconding speeches dragged the show

—

through the afternoon and into the night. headquarters where

I

rested

on

I

repaired to our gallery

a cot.

In a scene reminiscent of the engraving of Osawatomie John receiving visitors while lying in

jail

awaiting

Brown

for his raid

trial

on

was too weary Harper's Ferry, I summoned leaders to my bedside. physically to get up, but I was alert mentally. The consensus was for I

Battling for ballots

adjournment.

a ballot before

21

pulled myself to the phone and told

I

Roosevelt what our verdict was.

"Go

to

Jim," were his orders.

it,

All of the glamor and most of the enthusiasm had gone out of the

which had been whooping it up for Al and booing Roosevelt, were yawningly empty. Delegates were napping in their seats. Clothes were wilted, collars were askew, ties hung open, and hats sagged at the brims. Aisles were littered with the debris hall

by

that hour. Galleries

of demonstrations.

The

scene was one of general dejection.

Even

the bunting drooped limply. Finally at 4:28 a.m. dauntless

more

gavel,

Tom

Walsh went

to

work with

waking the delegates up than

for the purpose of

his

to secure

quiet.

"The

clerk will call the roll," he announced.

"Alabama," the clerk

called.

"Alabama," the delegation chairman echoed

in a

southern drawl,

"twenty-four votes for Franklin D. Roosevelt." I

thrilled to the response

was pledged

the delegation

name on

my personal

knew it was coming because I marked down 24 under Roosevelt's At last the balloting was under way.

even though to us.

tally sheet.

I

Weariness and exhaustion were forgotten. confident to the

The

ballot.

Our

last cell

roll call

of

my

being that

I

was grinning broadly,

we would win on

the

first

took almost two hours.

delegates held their lines like soldiers.

The

vote was announced

666 and one-fourth for Roosevelt, which was 450 votes ahead of his nearest rival, but a good way short of the 770 needed to nominate. as

I

leaned back and looked over the hall to see where the break for the

band wagon would begin.

I

was

so sure that the opposition lines

break that the disappointment was almost more than

Nothing happened. Not less

work seemed headed

a single delegate shifted.

for political oblivion.

I

I

Two closed

would

could bear.

years of tire-

my

mind

to

such gloomy thoughts and charged into action.

On

the floor

knowing

full

I

well

Mayor A.

Cermak to switch Illinois, Indiana would follow his lead. Cermak was sym-

pleaded with

J.

pathetic, but regretful his delegation could not switch without a cauI

knew

better, but could

hands

at that

moment

cus.

do nothing.

He

had everything

in his

—national prominence, possibly the Senate which

Jim Farley's

2 2

he had

his

eyes on, and

life itself

—but he postponed the decision and

opportunity passed him by.

political

story-

Had

he jumped to our band

wagon then, he would not have been in Miami

few months

a

later seek-

ing political favors only to stop an assassin's wild bullet aimed at Roosevelt.

The second had held out a

second

fore a

ballot got

few

a

votes for a second ballot, aware that

spring sun.

The

final

guard

off

I

we

lost on snow bevote on the second ballot was 677

our delegates might melt away

roll call,

warm

under way. Not being entirely

and three-fourths votes for Roosevelt,

a gain of

if

like a late

1 1

and one-half

votes,

—

which was not much but a gain. Missouri gave most of the votes we picked up because Tom Pendergast, boss of Kansas City, was friendly.

After the second

ballot,

we were

ready to

our floor leader, moved for an adjournment. a possible deflection started. I

knew

I

I

from our

was face

recess.

The

and a third

ranks, objected

to face with disaster.

Arthur A^ullen,

opposition, sensing

As

it

roll call

got under way,

turned to Bob Jackson, Secretary of the Democratic National

mittee, and, attempting a smile, said, "Bob,

watch

this

Com-

one closely.

It

show whether I can ever go back to New York or not." We did little more than hold our own on that ballot, and we came close to setting off a landsHde toward the opposition. We managed to inch ahead to 682.79 votes. There was no sign of a break. It was then 9: 15 A.M. Friday morning. Everyone welcomed a motion to adjourn. Our situation was desperate. There were indications that we could will

not hold our delegates through the fourth corridors, the convention wise

men

ballot.

Up

and

down

hotel

were pronouncing Roosevelt out

of the picture.

The crisis was at hand. Ed Flynn, Frank Walker, Joe Guffey, Vincent Dailey, and a few other trusted men went to Louie Howe's suite in the Congress Hotel.

He

was lying on the

electric fans.

He

had

physically strong, he

Chicago looked

stay.

as

He

floor in his shirt sleeves sat

between two blowing

through the night beside the radio. Never

was racked by strangUng asthma during the

had been unable to

though he couldn't

last

visit

the convention

through the day. But

his

hall.

He

mind was

Battling for ballots

23

plotting the coralling of votes for "Franklin," as he always called

Roosevelt.

I

flung myself on the floor beside him, and, while the others

stood back, whispered to him, "Texas

is

our only chance/' Louie

agreed.

Pat Harrison called Rayburn

many

only a few minutes. Like

my

at

request.

The

conference lasted

another event in history,

and without any heroic statements. State to win; that the alternative

was

we needed

said

I

it

the

was casual Lone Star

a victory-sapping deadlock,

and

we

could swing the vice-presidential nomination to Garner.

Neither

Sam nor Silliman Evans, who accompanied him, made any Sam merely said, "We'll see what can be done." That was

that

promise.

good enough for me, and

When

I

poured

my

for years for such a

was

velt

vate

far

more

I

raced back to Howe's room.

story into the ear of the

moment, he blinked and

effusive

when

I

man who had worked

said,

"That's fine." Roose-

broke the news to him over our

pri-

line.

down to work. There was much to do. We had to hold our delegates. The opposition was predicting we were about to fold our delegates and steal away. Paul McNutt said the Roosevelt vote was I

sat

would have

disappointing, otherwise Indiana

Others

flatly said,

"We

led the

band wagon.

have Roosevelt stopped."

Rayburn was rounding the Texans up for a caucus. Jack Garner had called from Washington with the curt instruction, "I think it is time to break that thing up," referring to the impending deadlock. California delegation

met

to caucus in an adjoining hotel

The

room. Ray-

McAdoo that he was about to telephone Garner and McAdoo to release the California delegation. The conversa-

burn informed advised tion

between Garner and Rayburn

"Do you for

authorize

you for the

me

is

a

to release the

model of brevity. Texas delegation from voting

presidential nomination?"

Rayburn

asked.

"Yes."

"Do you

release the

Texas delegation from voting for you for the

presidential nomination?"

"Yes."

The Gamer lisher,

bucked

die-hards, led like

by Amon G.

bronchos, but

at

Carter, Fort

Worth pub-

length accepted Rayburn's mas-

Jim Farley's story

24 tery.

The

California caucus

were brought ahead.

I

to me,

was

knew

I

all

stormy.

less

When

was over and

news of the

shifts

that the nomination lay

wasted no time in gloating, but went around to urge various

delegations to join the band terested in securing the

wagon

New York

procession.

I

was

particularly in-

delegation in the interests of party

harmony, aware that Smith had an idolizing personal following.

saw John F. Curry, Tammany leader, and John H. McCooey, Brooklyn leader. Curry was adamant, so I abandoned the effort, aware that politicians often believe

what they want

I

to believe.

Neither the California nor the Texas delegation could have been released without Garner's direct authorization.

The

California dele-

gation was under constant pressure from various quarters as

its

forty-

four votes were a great prize. Publisher William Randolph Hearst had

been largely responsible for securing the delegation for Gamer. Various of

his associates,

ful of the

who were

attending the convention, were doubt-

wisdom of opposition

a political foe of Smith,

to Roosevelt. Hearst

had long been

who had been

and he loathed Baker,

an ardent

advocate of American entry into the League of Nations. Several Hearst

men were worried

who was warn him of

over the Baker threat. Joseph P. Kennedy,

closely associated with Hearst, called the publisher to

the blossoming Baker

movement and

to urge

him

to use his influence

to get the California delegation to switch to Roosevelt.

Damon Runyon,

the noted Hearst writer, brought the publisher's

secretary, Joseph Willicombe, to see me. call to

Hearst

at his

They

suggested a phone

San Simeon, California, ranch. The publisher

listened courteously as I

emphasized the menace of the Baker move-

ment, which he deplored, but he did not commit himself. of others

made

similar calls.

I

am

A

number

sure Hearst threw his weight to

Roosevelt because he decided Baker must be stopped.

On my way to the convention hall in a taxi, I was sandwiched in between two Tammany Braves, who sought to persuade me to desert Roosevelt and switch to Smith. I

have never held a card in the Disloyal Brotherhood of Political

Switchmen. as a

I

have

known men to weave in and

out of political factions

switch engine shuttles through a freight yard.

Somehow

they never

pick up anything in their search for political preferment. Like chronic

liars

and men

Battling for ballots

25

who habitually break their word,

they seldom reach their

goal.

The

fourth ballot got under

way

hushed ex-

in an attitude of

pectancy.

sooner than most of them expected. Wil-

liam

held a majority in 1924, but suffered dis-

The break came Gibbs McAdoo, who

appointment, was on his

feet.

Few

heard him. There were shouts of

"Louder!"

make

"I'll

"California

it

loud enough," he cried into the battery of microphones. to nominate a President of the United States.

came here

She did not come to deadlock the Convention or to engage

in another

devastating contest like that of 1924."

A hush spread from the platform and engulfed the hall. A few more sentences and lin

McAdoo

shouted, "Cahfornia casts 44 votes for Frank-

D. Roosevelt."

The

vote on the fourth ballot was 945 for Roosevelt, 190 and one-fourth for Smith and 1 3 scattered. The convention hall was in a turmoil of excitement. Everyone

knew we had

nominated the

just

next President of the United States.

The

next order of business was the nomination of a candidate for

Vice President. dates, its

up

A

number

of

men

in

our ranks were potential candi-

to the conclusion of the California-Texas deal,

which carried

pledge to Garner. Senator Hull and Senator Dill were

first

prominent

men

to join the Roosevelt

movement.

disappointed that his invaluable early organizational

recognized

by

the vice-presidential nomination.

our preconvention choice for second place, was

am

was more than

I

I

among

know

Dill

the

was

work went un-

have suspected Hull,

also a bit discontented,

by his selection as Secretary of State. Senator Wheeler and Governor George Henry Dern of Utah were among the steadfast who were in the running for the fourth ballot. Strangely enough, the Vice Presidency was not menalthough

I

sure he

satisfied later

tioned to Garner until just before the actual balloting for

it

got under

way. Rayburn called him to inform him that he was about to be nominated and suggest he speak to the delegates briefly

Roosevelt delivered desire for the oflice.

his

by wire

after

acceptance speech in person. Garner had no

His

sole

to advance the welfare of the

purpose in breaking the deadlock was

Democratic party.

Jim Farley *s story

i6

The next day I was on hand at Municipal

Airport to greet our candi-

date on his arrival by plane, which had been planned at Hyde Park. I managed to make my way through the press to his side. He clasped my hand and exclaimed, "Good work, Jim."

On

the ride to the convention

into Roosevelt's hand. a

The

hall,

Louis

faithful old

Howe

gnome had

pushed a speech

stayed up most of

second night to prepare what he thought was a proper acceptance

speech. Roosevelt had with

him

mond Moley, brilliant professor versity, who was to become the Trust," the early group of In the automobile,

FDR

by Ray-

a speech, prepared largely

of public law at Columbia Uni-

outstanding

White House

member

advisers

of the "Brain

under the

New Deal.

looked over Louie's effort and discarded

all

which he substituted for the first page of the Moley speech. Louie was elated as his words came over the air and crushed when those of Aioley were used for the rest of the speech.

but the

first

was

It

page,

speech and magnificently delivered.

a great

nessed the scene will ever forget blast

it.

and captured the convention

The

hall.

Few who

wit-

Roosevelt charm was on

Over

full

the air his vibrant tones

fired the enthusiasm of the nation with:

"I pledge you, ple.

Let us

all

I

pledge myself, to a

new

it is

a call to arms.

but to win in

American peo-

this

Give

That morning,

as

me your

is

more than

help, not to

crusade to restore America to

The New Deal was born. The day was not without I

its

own

the

new

his

a note of tragedy, almost Shakespearean.

was leaving the hotel for a brisk walk, was Al Smith. The idol of

to the railroad station alone. All eyes

standard-bearer. Before

I

saw

I

Now

He

were turned

back and

his

to

could catch up to Al, he had turned

more grievous burden of disappointment to bear than a I

had

he was

the corner, symbolically enough, and was gone. Perhaps there

the Presidency.

a

millions

stay in Chicago to congratulate his successful rival.

way

alone,

people."

observed the amenities by sending a congratulatory wire.

making

cam-

a political

win votes

familiar figure ahead of me. It

would not

new

here assembled constitute ourselves prophets of a

order of competence and courage. This paign;

deal for the

will say this for Al, he

walked with

head erect, although he walked alone.

lost

is

chance

no at

his shoulders

Battling for ballots

27

The Democrats had one more choice to make before leaving o ChiThe Democratic National Committee gathered to select a new chairman. The party's new candidate made a dramatic entrance to cago.

nominate, in a few gracious words, his blushing campaign manager.

This was thanks for James Aloysius Farley, estate of political maturity.

who had

reached the

CHAPTER FOUR

HRST CAMPAIGN A

FTER THE epic Struggle of the convention, the campaign

L\ -^

a breeze. In

-^ The

itself

was

no time our machine was functioning smoothly.

Republicans were making blunders right and

left.

Our

confidence was high. Everyone in the organization from Roosevelt to the youngest

Young Democrat

we

conclusion. Yet,

considered the election a foregone

never were drugged into inactivity by overcon-

fidence.

On

a hot

August afternoon

in 1932,

I

went

to

Roosevelt whether he would stay in his family road.

I

rubbed

Hyde

home

Park to ask

or take to the

gave him a summary of the opinions of party leaders. his

He

chin thoughtfully and asked, "Jim, what do you think

yourself?" "I think

you ought

to go,"

I

laughed, "and

I

know you

are going

anyway." "That's right," he grinned. "I have a streak of Dutch stubbornness in

me, and the Dutch

Pacific Coast

is

up

this time.

I'm going campaigning to the

and discuss every important

issue of the

campaign

in a

series of speeches."

No

Men like Senators Walsh of Wheeler of Montana went along to make sure that responsible party leaders were let aboard. J. Arthur Mullen, powerful and mentally alert son of the Nebraska Democratic leader, went along to see that gate crashers were kept off. Flynn, Kennedy, and Moley went along too. Stephen T. Early and Marvin trip

was more carefully planned.

A4ontana, Pittman of Nevada, and

H. Mclntyre, newspaper friends of the candidate's days as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, who later became White House Secretaries, had charge of the press. I was the official glad hander and stimulator of the party faithful.

The western

trip

and other tours were 28

a

tremendous success. The

campaign

First

29

He

candidate found enthusiastic crowds everywhere.

drove through

miles of streets packed with cheering voters. His speeches

of political lightning, followed

by thunderous

were

flashes

applause.

were vexatious but not damaging. One of our worries was the removal proceedings brought against Mayor James J. Walker of New York. In the midst of his campaign Roosevelt was compelled

Our

to

sit

troubles

in trial of

Tammany's

darling, the popular, dapper, witty chief

magistrate of the nation's largest city. After a

Walker resigned. Some years later asked Roosevelt

if

I

few weeks of

hearings.

brought them together in the White House.

he would see Walker.

He

replied that he

I

would be

happy to do so. He had Walker down for tea and a chat on old times. Walker and I were friends to the day of his death. No friend could be truer or more companionable. Tammany bobbed up to trouble us again. Roosevelt wanted his Lieutenant Governor, Herbert H. Lehman, to succeed him at Albany. The Wigwam backed Mayor John Boyd Thatcher of Albany. After a bit of maneuvering Tammany capitulated and Lehman was nominated without a contest. At this period in its history Tammany was, unfortunately for

by

a kindly

litical

itself

and the Democratic cause

and honorable gentleman,

in

who was

New York, guided

far

beyond

po-

his

depth, John F. Curry. His political blunders and those of suc-

cessors contributed to the downfall of the organization.

Perhaps our biggest problem was Alfred Emanuel Smith. tion on every Democratic tongue was, "What sides reports

The

Al do?"

ques-

On

all

Al considered Roosevelt unfit, These whisperings were doing us no

were cropping up

untrustworthy, and unreliable.

will

that

good. There was no open break, nor was there any show of friendliness.

The handshake

heard and seen around the country came at a con-

vention session in the vast armory at Albany.

The

building

was

jammed. Roosevelt came on the platform to the blaring of bands. Smith was

in his seat as a delegate.

When

and came forward with outstretched hand, loose.

Lehman pandemonium broke

he rose to nominate

Jim Farley's story

30

I'm glad to see you," Smith said enthusiastically.

''Hello, Frank,

you too

"Hello, Al, I'm glad to see

—and

from the

that's

heart."

was the only one who heard the conversation. I was standing bethem and had difficulty in hearing their words, because the tumult and the shouting were so great. The reconciliation was a great help to us. While it was theatrical in its own right, it was helped no end by a line written for the occasion by amiable and alert Fred Storm of the United Press. Big Fred was in the press section below the platform, where he could hear nothing. His wire was open before him and sputI

side

tering a dot and dash request for text of the greeting. Reaching into his

Albany correspondent background, Storm had an inspiration. He banged out a familiar Smith greeting, ''Hello, you old potato." This line intrigued

popular fancy and dramatized the reconciliation.

when

In the late days of the campaign,

a Roosevelt victory

certain as one could be, the candidate and situation

and discussing individuals

just

popped

into

it,

and

his

handling the campaign

head

said, "I've

the problem that's going to be mine after

I

as

were chatting about the

who were

around the country. Suddenly he cocked thought had

I

was

at

me,

as

thought a

though lot

a

about

get to Washington. Jack-

son and Lincoln and the others had their troubles with job seekers.

Right now, Jim,

ments

have determined definitely on only three appoint-

I

—Louis for my

secretary,

George Dern for Secretary of the

In-

terior, and you for Postmaster General."

would be less than honest if I did not say I felt I had deserved it, since it was the common reward for successful campaign managers. The other appointments were made, except that Dern was switched to the post of Secretary of War. I

thanked him.

Out

of the million and one scenes of the campaign

the laughs at

I

—one

is

etched vividly in

Hyde Park. I Huey Long was down

mind.

tears

and

We were having lunch

can see everyone in the group and the meeting at the

table.

and

my

—the

I

was seated beside the

at the

end of the table near Roosevelt

President's mother.

about the dining room and sounding ideas ticulating

and blustering

as

was

Huey was

at a great rate.

his fashion.

At

paused for breath, Mrs. Roosevelt leaned toward

tossing "I's"

He was

one point

me and

ges-

when he

in a

voice

First

which carried around the If

Huey

where he

heard

it,

campaign

"Who

table asked,

and I'm sure he

did, he

came

at last

that terrible person?"

gave no sign but went on

President-elect and Mrs. Roosevelt

few

friends and

own

members of

came

amusement of the

to headquarters with a

their family. Louis

Howe

refused to

now and

then with dire predictions, to the

rest of us.

which we never

returns put us into the lead

eleven o'clock,

a gala affair.

headquarters across the street where he was a well of

pessimism, overflowing

first

thought.

with every promise of being

The

The

is

left off, albeit a bit less enthusiastically, I

Election night

leave his

31

when even Louie conceded

Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt and

him hoarding favorable

I

went over

election returns

to

About

lost.

that things "looked good,"

pay him

a visit.

We found

and almost unable to wait

until

President Hoover's wire conceding defeat and offering congratulations should

This did

come in. not come

until 2 a.m.

President-elect suggested

we open

With

the wire in his hands, the

the door of his

room and admit

the

The handwho came were Al

hundreds of workers and other faithful to congratulate him. shaking went on and on and on.

Among

those

Smith, ever magnanimous; Kermit Roosevelt, the son of President

Theodore Roosevelt; John J. Raskob; Senators Wagner and Copeland; and Governor-elect Lehman.

When A4rs. Farley reached his side,

Roosevelt leaned over and whis-

"Get ready to move to Washington." "I'm not going to Washington," Bess replied.

pered in her

ear,

"Well, get ready anyway," he laughed, "because Jim

down

is

coming

there after the fourth of March."

In the ballroom of the Biltmore Hotel, Roosevelt thanked the

than

five,

hundred workers

in the

more

National Committee headquarters.

In his brief remarks he said the major credit belonged to Louie and

he was right. Only one thing remains to be told of

myself.

I

like to think

had something of 1932, it

1

made

with the

this

campaign. Even then

a reputation as a political prophet.

a public prediction of the

results as follows:

On November

outcome of the

election.

I

I

4,

give

Jim Farley's story

32 PREDICTION

RESULT

Oregon Washington

100,000

California

Mountain

Oregon Washington

144,605

750,000

California

476,255

300,000

Mountain

1

States

50,000

States

Jl^^S^

295,430

(Montana, Idaho, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, Nevada, New Mexico and Arizona)

Farm

Belt

1,235,000

Farm

Belt

1,203,594

(Kansas, Wisconsin, Minnesota,

Iowa, North Dakota, South Dakota and Nebraska)

Border States Illinois

Michigan Ohio Indiana

New New

1,000,000

Border States

1,312,188

IlHnois

449,548 13

250,000

Michigan Ohio

150,000

Indiana

184,870

New New

596,966

850,000 1

50,000

50,000

Jersey

1

York

750,000 up

Jersey

York

1

,806

74,016

30,988

CHAPTER FIVE

ON TO WASHINGTON

THE

GLOW

of complete satisfaction

I

had on election night faded

into cold irritation against the droves of office seekers

Where

descended on us within a few days.

worst was over, tion

office;

my

From

troubles had just begun.

I

they did a Swiss

me under Of

found that

thought the

was swamped by job hunters. They thronged in they stopped me on the streets; they came to my table

day

rants;

I

I

a

bell ringer act

mountain of

letters

on

my

who

my

elec-

outer

in restau-

phones, and they snowed

and telegrams.

course, as President-elect, Franklin Roosevelt

had

his serious

problems, and the job of Cabinet making was one of his most dehcate

he must

tasks. Into ten chairs

fit

the party's deserving and able, giving

thought to geographical, religious, and general qualifications.

FDR

Springs shortly after his election, Cabinet, saying he

talked to

me

At Warm

again about his

wanted Senator Walsh of Montana for Attorney

General, Senator Hull for Secretary of State, Senator Glass of Virginia for Secretary of the Treasury,

of Agriculture.

He

seemed to have

and Governor Dern for Secretary difficulty in fitting

Cabinet, having previously mentioned

At

the conference he

made

it

him for the

clear he

Dern

was giving no consideration

to Smith, Baker, Ritchie, Byrd, or Traylor, his rivals for the

nomination,

whom

he had mentioned

into the

Interior post.

as possibilities in

Democratic 193

1,

or to

James M. Cox, the head of the ticket on which he ran in 1920. Presidential it

appointment of

invites dissension

and

in his official family

was not one

rivals to the difficulty.

—Seward,

Senator Glass turned

not unprecedented, but

Abraham Lincoln had four

Cameron, Chase, and Bates

rivals

—but

he

naming men as strong or stronger than by personal dislikes.

down

the Treasury post as too great a strain

for one of his years; and William

was

is

to hesitate about

himself or to be influenced

ist,

Cabinet

selected. Senator

H. Woodin,

New

York

industrial-

Claude A. Swanson of Virginia was given 33

Jini Farley's story

34

Navy Department

the

in recognition of his services

his long experience on House and Senate naval

Henry Wallace was his

and because of committees.

affairs

selected for Secretary of Agriculture because of

experience with farm problems and because his ideas for relief of

The Commerce

industry paralleled those of Roosevelt.

went to it was progressive Reseat

Daniel Roper of South Carolina. Early in the Cabinet framing

decided that the Interior Department should go to a

pubhcan, because of the substantial support the group had given the

New

Deal

ticket.

Senator Bronson Cutting of

New

Mexico refused

Hiram Johnson of California. At the request of Senator Johnson, supported by Arthur iMullen of Nebraska, it was given to Harold L. Ickes, who would have been content to serve as the chair, as did Senator

Commissioner of Indian

The

Affairs.

position of Secretary of

Labor

went, in a precedent-breaking personal choice of the President, to Frances Perkins,

who had

served as Industrial Commissioner of

York State. During the cabinet making I gave Street

on the night of January

a

dinner at

Our

11, 1933.

my home at

guests

3

New

East 84th

were Patrick Car-

dinal Hayes, the guest of honor, the President-elect, Mrs. Roosevelt,

Mr. and Mrs. Edward

The

J.

Flynn, and Monsignor Robert F. Keegan.

dinner was remarkable for a note of prophecy struck by Roose-

velt during a discussion of the

problems of the Church in Mexico and

the independence of the PhiHppines.

"Most of the people

in the Philippines are anxious for independ-

ence," Roosevelt said, addressing the Cardinal. *'But before they can

be given them.

freedom, some guarantee of protection must be given

full

The

Philippines must have security

from Japan.

"After extending herself in China, Japan will be casting her eyes

about for

new

fields

of conquest.

It is likely

she will

move southward

and try to extend her possessions along a chain of islands even as far as Australia. Japan will give a lot of concern to the world generally within the next ten years." I

to go into the various appointments. were made for a wide variety of rea-

do not have the time or space

It is sufficient

sons

to say that choices

—personal,

political,

geographical,

pointees were personal friends of

FDR;

and experience.

others

won

Many

ap-

their jobs for serv-

On ices

rendered the party;

still

to

Washington

35

named because Roosevelt was few were selected because of

others were

indebted to their sponsors, and not a ability.

While many

felt that it is

good Democrat

just as easy to find a

and that the party

in

as a good Republican or vice versa power should reward its own. With few excep-

tions appointments passed

and

have always

criticize the spoils system, I

through

a half years in the Cabinet.

my hands

during most of

Members of Congress made

my seven

their

me and I passed them on to the President. In me at our frequent meetings those which came

recom-

mendations to

turn he

took up with

directly

to him.

From

Warm

Springs Roosevelt went to Jacksonville, where he

boarded Vincent Astor's yacht Nourmahal for a ten-day rest of the party

cratic leaders

how

went on

who had

to Miami.

helped us

There

—and

also

they had fought and bled for us

behooves I

I

chairman interested

a national

did have to suppress a laugh

now and

who were

in reality

gave

all a

The Demo-

cruise.

conferred with

with some

when

their best to stop Roosevelt in Chicago.

I

telling

they had done

respectful ear, as

in building a united party.

then

as

some

leaders recounted

what they had done, when I had in my files confidential reports on each delegation which disclosed that they had been doing just exactly the opposite. In this period I had several conferences with Mayor Cermak of Chicago on the situation in

Illinois.

New

York headquarters, arriving February 14, 1933. The next night came the terrifying report that the Presidentelect had been fired upon by an assassin whose bullets struck down I

headed back for

Cermak. The incident brought beads of cold sweat to the brows of Roosevelt's intimates. Being confident of his destiny, he was

cerned than any of

us.

less

con-

Quietly the rest of us went about increasing

protection and dodging unnecessary

risks. I

don't think

we

his

fooled him

much.

As Inauguration Day

neared, the banking system of the nation, un-

dermined by the depression, began to sag ominously. From Washington President

Hoover

sent frantic appeals for endorsement of his

measures and for formation of silent.

The banking

collapse

a bipartisan

began

in

program. Roosevelt was

Michigan on February

14, 1933,

Jim Farley's story

36

where the pressure of unemployment forced an eight-day bank holiday. At the end of the eight days, the banks were still insolvent and remained closed. Fear surged from Michigan and panic seized the nation; depositors rushed to withdraw their savings. Banks began to collapse everywhere.

made

New

York for Washington on March 2, aboard a special train carrying members of Roosevelt's private and official families and friends. The day dawned tragically with news Plans were

to leave

of the death of Attorney-General-Designate tana's beloved

concerned over

this

omen. After

cided to give the post to President-elect to

meet

superstition,

a hurried consultation,

Homer Cummings. The a crisis

ham Lincoln seventy-two

train

was

was de-

it

was carrying the

when

the

Union was crum-

strife.

person aboard the train was

as lively as a cricket

Delano Roosevelt, the President-elect's mother.

When

—Mrs.

I

the serious situation ahead, she said quite confidently, "I least

FDR

comparable to that which faced Abra-

years before,

bling under waves of sectional

One

Thomas Walsh, Mon-

and respected Senator. Given to

worried about Franklin. His disposition

is

Sara

mentioned

am

not the

such that he can accept

them wear him down." Roosevelt was by no means gloomy, although he was fully aware of the problem before him. He would not have been human had he not been happy over the fact that he was on his way to take the helm of the nation, particularly since he was confident he would find means of dealing with the crisis. I dropped into a chair beside him. "On Inauguration Day, before the actual ceremony," he confided, "I am going to have all members of the Cabinet and their families and not

responsibilities

let

accompany me to St. John's Episcopal Church, the 'Church dents,' as it is known. I attended the church during my days as Secretary of the

**You know,

my

God,

in

Wilson's time.

think a thought to

administration.

A

God

is

the right

way

to start off

proper attitude toward religion, and belief in

end be the salvation of all peoples. For ourselves it means of bringing us out of the depths of despair into which

will in the

will be the

so

I

Navy

of PresiAssistant

many have

apparently fallen."

Roosevelt took a suite

at the

A^ayflower Hotel.

I

was

in

another

On across the hall with

near by.

many

talked

I

my

his inauguration.

ceding

Washington

to

family.

37

Flynn and Walker

also

had

suites

times with Roosevelt during the hours pre-

The

was

press of business

incoming President.

By

Everyone

terrific.

White House,

wanted where President Hoover was spending his final hours, was practically deserted. I pondered the contrast during a walk around the Executive to see the

contrast, the

Mansion the night before March 4, 1933. The next morning Mrs. Farley accompanied me services

to the special

church

conducted by Dr. Endicott Peabody, head master of Roose-

From the church the President drove to the White House. President Hoover came out, shook hands, and took a

velt's school,

Groton.

seat for the ride to the Capitol. Chief Justice

Hughes, whose striking

appearance made him the very personification of Justice, administered the oath of

office,

The

firm voice.

which the new President repeated

in a

delivered.

After the inaugural parade

White House, members iHes.

him

First Inaugural Address, possibly his greatest speech,

was magnificently

tariat

after

of the

down Pennsylvania Avenue past the new Cabinet and White House secre-

were instructed to gather

This marked the

first

most famous dwelling.

I

time

I

in the

Oval

Room

with their fam-

crossed the threshold of the nation's

was deeply

by thoughts

stirred

occupants and of the historic events enacted therein.

of

The

its

famous

President sat

at a desk, smiling broadly. He called out the names of those to be sworn and each took the oath from Justice Benjamin N. Cardozo of the United States Supreme Court. Roosevelt then bade us welcome

to the as a

new

administration and expressed the hope that

team for our

"No

common good and

we would work

the best interests of the nation.

Cabinet has ever been sworn in before in

this

way," he con-

am happy to do it in just this way because it gives the famthe new Cabinet an opportunity to see the ceremony. It is my

cluded. "I ilies

of

intention to inaugurate precedents like this

The

last

so shattered tradition velt

and no President

had an instinctive

well. In the his

from time

to time."

remark was something of an understatement.

flair

hundred days following

summoning Congress

set so

for the dramatic

many

and

his

President

precedents. Roose-

which was

his inauguration,

into special session

No

to serve

him

beginning with

proclamation clos-

Jim Farley's story

38 ing

all

banks, the

new

President initiated a historic succession of relief

and recovery measures. I

have always

felt that

down in history as one

Roosevelt's Banking

Day Address

will

go

of the greatest utterances of an American Presi-

dent. It has always been

my

belief that the

the Congress in the spring of 1933 passed

hundred days'

more

legislation

session of

which was

beneficial to the American people than any other session of a like

nature in the history of the Republic. It is

my purpose

not

personal story and little

to

do with

although

I

I

to discuss the steps one

must, in

his daring

all

by one because

honesty, acknowledge that

program.

I

was not

was acquainted with measures

as

in

on

its

I

this

is

a

had very

formation,

they developed; and

my

contribution was largely in helping to guide the program through

Congress.

From

the outset he exhibited courage and daring,

which was

to characterize his administration. Perhaps the greatest manifestation

of this side of his character was his assumption of personal responsibility for the

spending of more than two billion dollars for the de-

velopment of the atomic bomb

As

in the

war

years.

President in the prewar years, Roosevelt was stamped

ministrative daring and essential reform.

Few,

if

by ad-

any, can dispute the

value of such organizations as the Securities and Exchange sion, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, and the

Commis-

Home Own-

Loan Corporation. All must concede the magnificence of such projects as Grand Coulee, Fort Peck, and the Tennessee Valley Authority. While these originated in other minds, he had the audacity to adopt them and follow them through. It is also true that he was the ers

head of a party with a long tradition of advancing the status of the

common man. Perhaps no President since Jackson did more for the common people or showed greater administrative courage. Roosevelt made mistakes. So have we all. Perhaps his greatest mistake was in remaining too long in office. He won himself a place in history in his first two terms. That position would have been enhanced had he withdrawn to the role of elder statesman in 1941, lending his aid to his successor. As it is, I am convinced that a large share of the world's ills today, and in this

I

have the support of

many

leading statesmen,

may

On

to

be traced to the fact that he was war.

I

Washington a

very

ill

39

man

in the final year of the

will return to this subject later.

The first Cabinet meeting was held on Sunday, March was considerably impressed on taking my seat directors of the nation. The first meeting was largely

rally, I

with Vice President Garner official

family.

The second

There was

in attendance

by

5,

1933.

at the

Natu-

board of

a get-together,

special inclusion in the

a general outline of the

banking

situation.

Cabinet meeting the following Tuesday was more in-

teresting, because the

new

President again turned to the possibility of

war with Japan. The Japs were swarming in Jehol Province toward the Great Wall of China. There was much discussion of Japan's attitude in the Orient, Japan's clashes with China, and other possible ave-

nues of Japanese activity.

The

consensus was that, as neighbors,

we

should exert every effort to keep from getting involved and should

make no diplomatic moves which might be so misconstrued as to plunge us into war. There was general agreement that we could defeat Japan by starvation, but that it would take from three to five years to

do

so.

The

President discussed possible plans of action in the event of war.

Others made contributions. material help; that

we

He

said that

in the far Pacific. Roosevelt said the

Hawaii and

we would

air bases

our army would not be of

should abandon the Philippines and other islands

Navy

should be operated from

should be established in the Aleutians.

have to depend largely on

air

He

said

bases in the Aleutians against

Japan, because the fleet could not operate efficiently over great distances.

For every thousand miles the

he explained,

it

would

lose 10 per cent of

started out with 100 ships

be 70 per cent

efficient

Thirty per cent of the

fleet

by

moved away from its

efficiency; so that

from the West Coast, the the time

fleet

it

fleet

base, if

we

would only

got 3,000 miles into the Pacific.

would have

to be diverted to furnish sup-

and maintain communications, he During the early months of the administration,

plies

its

said.

I

more than full of patronage problems and repeal of Amendment. I was on the road during the summer,

had

my

hands

the Eighteenth particularly in

the dry South, urging repeal as an expression of confidence in the

40

Jim Farley^s

Roosevelt recovery program.

know

I

storyI

helped in one quarter at

because a life-long dry from Pennsylvania wrote

me

ing to support repeal just to get

he flicked on

his radio,

was

I

off the

me

He said

air.

that every time

up the airways.

cluttering

I

wet cause because

did not drink then, nor have

I

had never favored prohibition and

Act did much

to tear

down

am convinced

I

I

took a

lot

my

support of

since.

However,

of good-natured joshing and some severe scolding for the

least,

was go-

that he

that the Volstead

respect for law and order.

In the same period, Roosevelt bobbed up with the suggestion that it

might be advisable to have checking accounts with Postal Savings.

After consultation with experienced postal men,

my

would put

I

objected because

department into the banking business.

it

was then sug-

It

gested that the Treasury issue certificates of $5 and $10 which could

be cashed only

me, tabled

at post offices.

recovery program got under way.

as the

Through

Both suggestions were, fortunately for

summer and into the fall, World Economic Conference

the

focused on the

universal attention at

was

London, which began

badly and ended worse. Roosevelt torpedoed the conference from aboard the U.S.S. Indianapolis.

by

ineffective

a break

Secretary of State stating he

The American

would regard

and

it

as a

am

Roosevelt's radio message

"catastrophe"

more

if

the conference ceased

and permanent

financial

a greater prosperity to the masses of nations"

than by

minor attempts I

at

temporary

real

stabilization involving a

few

nations.

not qualified to say whether the conference offered

to save the

world from the war which came

that verdict to history.

I

do

know

offered comfort to the opposition,

six

it

a

years later.

who had

did not seem to be a major one.

It is

his inaugural address,

international plot against him.

Lamont

of

J.

P.

I

I

leave

been silenced by the ac-

my

It

was

a reversal,

conviction that the

President wrecked the conference because he thought bankers,

he had castigated in

chance

that the collapse of the conference

complishments of the administration up to that time.

though

was rendered

between Secretary of State Hull and Assistant

Moley brought on by

the major effort "to bring about a stability

delegation

say

this,

were engaged

because he told

whom

in a great

me Thomas

Morgan and Company was responsible for Herbert

Bayard Swope's being on the American delegation. Lamont thought

On

to

Swope might have some

that

the boat to contact

41

on Moley in connection with Lamont had placed someone on

influence

FDR

the stabilization scheme.

Washington

said

Swope and Moley. He was

quite incensed about

Lamont was a personal friend and should not have acted so. Actually Swope was prevailed to go along to render pubHc service. Swope was and is my valued friend, one who, while as courteous as

this,

saying

any eighteenth century gentleman, never a

world where

it

has

become the

hesitates to tell the truth in

fashion, in giving advice, to offer

flattery rather than facts.

Moley was one early days. ideas

of the ablest of the

He had a brilHant,

analytical

men around mind and

Roosevelt in the

a gift for marshalling

on paper. Unfortunately for him, he lacked schooHng

rough and tumble academy of practical

when

the "Brain Trust,"

Columbia; Judge Samuel

it I.

He was the core Guy Tugwell, also

politics.

included Rexford

army

officer

and

industrialist.

Hugh,

able loss to Roosevelt.

of

of

Rosenman, an adept word doctor; Adolph

A. Berle, master mind on banking and corporations; and son,

in the

Hugh

S.

John-

Moley's departure was an immeasur-

and driving worker,

a phrase coiner

stepped out of the advisory class into an executive role as administrator of the contentious National

Recovery Administration, where he

demonstrated he could take criticism

he

left in a blaze

passages, to

well as dish

of indignation, high-lighted

become the author of

paper column until visers, the

as

his

a

Brain Trust did not exercise as

make

whether they did

much

as

in

Like Moley,

out.

by not

a

few purple

provoking and successful news-

untimely death. As

position endeavored to

it

is

often the case with ad-

much

influence as the op-

the public believe. It

molding policy

as

is

even doubtful

they themselves be-

lieved.

In August of 1933,

about which

I

knew

I

was wrestling with ship than nothing.

less

I

spent nights poring over re-

ports and studies, and days in gathering opinions

ous interests.

When

I

felt

I

knew what

over to the White House with two of

and

The

Bill

Howes,

to have

FDR

I

subsidies, a subject

from men of

was talking about,

my

assistants,

Joe

I

vari-

trooped

O'Mahoney

determine the policy for ship subsidies.

President indicated he was against subsidies generally, but ap-

preciated that

American

ships

must be kept on the high

seas.

He was

Jim Farley's story

42

against a ten year contract with the shipping companies, favoring a

year term, which the companies held was not long enough to

five

compensate them for any

vessels

they might have to build under the

existing shipping contract.

The

me to look into the situation and try to effect a Hugo Black of Alabama, who was investigating

President asked

compromise. Senator ship subsidies,

me

came

my

to

he had looked into the

office.

Black was startlingly frank, telling

activities

of the Post Office Department of-

and found our record clear in every respect. Then he

ficials

investigations

barrassing fishing

had uncovered some

facts

when they were brought

said his

which might prove em-

to light.

companions had received 25,000 shares

One

of the President's

in a ship

company

for

securing a favorable contract. Another, (he told me) also interested in shipping,

had contributed $50,000 to the Roosevelt campaign.

I

went from my office to the White House to unfold the story to Roosevelt, knowing that he was about to take a second fishing trip in a few weeks. He was not in the least disturbed. "Jim, so long as

it

doesn't

happen

until after

my

boat

trip, it's all

right."

He

then switched to a report of

his talk

with Charles M. Schwab,

chairman of the board of the Bethlehem Steel Company, and

Myron

C. Taylor, president of the United States Steel Corporation. In high glee,

he told

how

he had discomfited the gentlemen

they were giving their employees a "I told

he

said.

them

quite bluntly they

'Turthermore,

I

fair

when they

said

wage.

were not paying

said that the miners

had to

a living

wage,"

live in 'coke ovens'

And then I told Schwab that would be unwise for him to appear in some mining sections because the miners were much incensed against such things as paying million dollar bonuses as had been done in the past. I looked him in the eye and went on to say hereafter the employees would receive a living wage and there would be no more million dollar bonuses paid to the top out of stockholders' money. They didn't like it, but they had to under very unsatisfactory conditions.

it

listen."

That

fall I

many leaders

was plagued with the

New

York City campaign. Tam-

persisted in their shortsighted policy

and nominated Sur-

On

to

Washington

rogate John P. O'Brien, a scholariy

On

jurist,

43

but no executive, to run

White House with the President, Ed Flynn, Vincent Dailey, and Missy Le Hand at which it was decided that Joseph V. McKee, young, able acting Mayor, should make the race. The President suggested we have for Mayor.

September

21, 1933, I

committees of various sorts others

—businessmen,

— demand that he run. Flynn was

organization, of

which A4cKee was

any part

to take

the

had dinner

in the

White House

a

at the

lawyers,

to support

doctors,

and

him with the Bronx

member. The President was not

McKee to wind was blowing." He

campaign, but said he would invite

"just to

show

also said Secretary of Treasury

and other prominent persons,

the

way

the

Woodin, Secretary of Labor

affiliated

Perkins,

with the national administra-

would endorse the candidate of the Recovery party. never invited to the White House. The promised administration help did not materialize. I went through with my promise that I would pubHcly state I would vote for McKee. When I did I was roundly attacked by Tammany Hall, which was another chapter tion,

McKee was

of

my

political education.

Earlier in the year satisfaction.

I

I

had made

a trip,

which was of great personal

was awarded an honorary degree,

my

first

college de-

from the University of the South. It was pleasing to me to bea college man. Since then I have acquired over ten other honorary degrees. While these are flattering to my vanity, I would trade gree,

come

them

all

for an earned A.B.

In the period between his election and his inauguration, Roosevelt

had indicated he would seek to

reestablish relations

October

a letter to

10, 1933,

he addressed

of the Soviet Union, asserting

it

me

as a

On

was time two great nations resumed

speaking to one another. In November, pressed

with Russia.

Mikhail Kalinin, President

Maxim

Litvinov,

who

im-

sharp trader, arrived to conclude the recognition agree-

ment. During the negotiations

I

had dinner with the President

in the

White House. "Everything

is

coming along splendidly and

I

am

confident every-

work out all right," he told me when I mentioned the Russian negotiations. "Of course, Litvinov wanted me to recognize Russia and then work out the conditions. He's a great trader, but I wasn't thing will

J™

44 going to

let

him get away with

must be cleared up I

Farley's storythat. I

made

clear that everything

it

first."

many

asked about the problem of religious freedom, saying that

were hoping the negotiations would be an this might be so, but I was not without doubts, which history has shown, to my regret, were justified.

clergymen, of

all faiths,

opening wedge.

"Oh,

had hopes

I

was very

I

definite

on

that," he said. "I told Litvinov the

must be cleared up, because the people of

situation

everyone the right to freedom of religious son

why

belief,

this

and there

Russia should impose her ideas on Americans

in that country.

I

said guarantee of religious

country give

no

is

rea-

who might

be

freedom must be given

Americans before anything could be done.

"And

then, Jim,

You'll enjoy

me, and

this. I

I

threw one

told Litvinov that

that, in turn, I

had

from the shoulder

straight

my own

I

knew he had his Then

ideas of him.

at

him.

opinion of I

followed

up by saying I was willing to wager that five minutes before his come to die, and he was conscious of it, that he would be thinking of his parents and wanting to make his peace with God. Jim, that

time would

he looked

at

me

but didn't say a word."

closely,

Roosevelt threw back

his

head and laughed.

A few days later at a Cabinet meeting, he produced the final agreement and said he would announce recognition of Russia at once. He said he felt the agreement would be very pleasing to the people of this country, and that those who had opposed recognition on religious grounds would no longer do

He

so.

acknowledged that the

safe-

guards to religion involved Americans alone, but expressed himself

by other counthere were only a

confident he had opened the door to similar bargaining tries.

The weak

point of this bargain was that

handful of Americans Soviet

in Russia,

and that

Union was not advanced an

agreement

we

iota.

religious

He

freedom

said that because of the

could collect 150 million dollars worth of debts which

had accrued. In

this, too,

he was over optimistic.

"Generally speaking," he concluded, "I

feel

I

have driven a good

bargain, not only for this country, but for the world, and that

go

a long

As

in the

way toward

the year,

it

will

preserving the future peace of the world."

which had been

a

most busy one for me, drew near

On an end,

I

planned a

on the Conte traveler.

He

to

Washington

rest cruise to

di Savoia in

45

Europe with Mrs. Farley.

November and had Litvinov

spoke frequently of

for a fellow

what Roosevelt power to fulfill the

his appreciation for

had done, adding he would do everything

He

We sailed

me

in his

more

slippery than sin-

an audience with Pope Pius XI,

who was as unasPacelli, who was

terms of the agreement.

impressed

as

cere.

In Italy

suming

we had

as a parish priest,

to succeed to the

papacy

who reminded me to

New

York

of

and dinner with Cardinal in 1939.

1

Huey Long.

also It

had an audience with

was a hurried

the day before Christmas.

trip.

II

Duce,

We returned

CHAPTER

TAKING

THE

SIX

ON THE CHIN

IT

YEAR 1934 brought me one of

public

life. I

cannot think of

regrets, although

my

now

it

saddest experiences in

without being stirred

has generally been forgotten.

it

I

by-

refer to

the cancellation of the air mail contracts. This was one of the most controversial decisions of the Roosevelt administration

up

to the third

term and the war.

On February 9, canceling

all

1

issued an order, to be effective ten days later,

air

mail contracts. Although the order was mine,

1934,

domestic

the decision was approved

President Roosevelt.

It

by Attorney General Cummings and by

had general approval because

gating committee had found that the contracts were

by

petitive bidding, as provided

by

a Senate investilet

without com-

law, and at figures wholly unjustified

the services rendered.

In considering cancellation,

continue to carry mail until

mings was behind

which had

me

I

wanted

new contracts could be negotiated. CumThe alternative was to have the Army,

in this.

carried the

first air

mail fifteen years before, resume

flying until the contract situation

Army

Foulois of the

to allow the domestic Hnes to

was

Air Corps said the

Army was

ready to take over

and the President favored giving the service an opportunity to tinguish

The

dis-

itself.

result

was

their lives, as the pilots

its

Benjamin F.

adjusted. General

took off in

disaster after disaster.

sleet,

snow, fog,

that comes of youth and

The unhappy

Ten

brave young

country was swept by storms and

esprit

rain,

fliers lost

The army

gales.

and high winds with the bravery

de corps.

series of accidents

took

all

minds

off

any considera-

tion of the ethics surrounding the negotiation of the private contracts.

The wrath

of an aroused public descended on

of the order canceling the contracts.

abuse and criticism, but

when

I

I

was 46

my

had learned

head

as the

author

in the past to take

called a murderer,

I

began to

Taking

on the chin

it

look around frantically for help. help came.

I

was hurt

wrath. Later

him

for

help

I

Corps to

was part of

had not seen

my

No

fit

to divert the

job to take as

many blows

word would have been

a great

the lashes were falling.

On March resumed

it

Nonetheless, a kind

as I could.

when

looked to the White House.

I

that the President

realized

47

10,

the President issued an order instructing the Air

curtail service. All service

in better weather.

Two

was suspended for

months

week, then

a

later the flying of air mail

was turned back to private lines. During this period and throughout the year, I saw the President every few days either at his bedside, in his executive offices, at his Hyde Park home, or in the evening at the White House. We had many patronage problems.

Members

of Congress were seeking a greater

voice in patronage, claiming their reelections depended

upon getting

jobs.

The

President was fully cognizant that 1934 was an election year,

which would have an important bearing on This was, naturally enough, thoroughly agree, that

it

his reelection in

his chief political goal.

was most important

He

1936.

and

felt,

I

Democratic

that the

party make gains in the Senate and House, because such advances

would

On

and

constitute a confirmation of his administration

June

28, just before leaving for a

month's

was

cruise,

its

program.

Roosevelt de-

a

review of the achieve-

ments of the Seventy-third Congress and gave

a recapitulation of his

livered his first "fireside" chat of 1934. It

program he intended

administration. It also previewed the

on

in the future. I

was invited

over to congratulate him. think

and

it

was

a

With

a

use of

return in the

I

to carry

went didn't you

he had finished,

wink, he asked,

*'Jim,

I

agreed wholeheartedly,

it.

fall

from

a series of political tours, I dictated

the following letter to the President on

day before

When

good campaign document?"

we made much

On my

to listen.

November

3,

1934, the Satur-

election:

right out on a limb now and make some very radical predicwhat is going to happen next Tuesday. I am quite willing to do this, so you can have a lot of fun kidding me Wednesday or Thursday, whenever you see me, if the results do not turn out as I predict. I

am going

tions about

Jim Farley's story

48

am

I

we

certain

will elect Senators in the following states:

Missouri,

Ohio, Indiana, West Virginia, Maryland, and New Jersey. (This proved to be one hundred per cent correct.) These are definite. I also feel we will

Gerry in Rhode Island and Francis Alaloney in Connecticut; Frank Picard in Michigan. (Error, Vandenberg was reelected.) I am not entirely sold on Michigan as far as Governor is concerned. (Partial redemption of error.) If we had a real candidate in Delaware, we might win there. (We elect Peter also

.

.

.

did not.)

reserved Pennsylvania for the

I

honestly believe Guff ey

When we

is

last

so that

going to win.

look ahead following

.

.

.

you can be

all set

for

it.

I

(Correct.)

this election, this year's

group of Re-

publican Senators should not contain more than nine names. (Right on the button, including Senators La Follette, Wisconsin Progressive, and Ship-

Minnesota Farmer-Laborite

stead,

So

we we

as republicans.)

far as the Congressional race

have, will

is

concerned,

I

believe whatever losses

any, west of the Mississippi River, will be

if

make

made up by

in that territory, so that in the final analysis,

we

the gains

will stand

about even.

Three days after the election the President was grinning broadly as he came into the Cabinet room. We were all in our places when he was wheeled in. "I want to read a letter, written a day or so before the election, by a fellow who has been in politics some time," he began in mock seriousness. "When I opened it I got mad, because I couldn't understand how anyone could be so foolish. I didn't think that anyone who had been around

as

long

as this

Then he began

fellow would lose his head."

reading the

letter,

noting that he had considered this

or that prediction impossible or foolish. it

Saturday before election he phoned things looked. I

in

seriously, he

was the most remarkable prediction he had ever heard of during entire political career. (I still had a better one to come.)

said his

Then, speaking

He was

addressed him

Albany and

that

in high spirits

"Governor,"

as I

was

a

me

and

at

headquarters to ask how^

said,

a habit that

"Hello, Jim."

As

usual

clung from

his service

him

that things

long time in breaking.

I

told

looked great. After he had hung up, written in ink in his

I

found

own hand

a note

and read:

from him

in

my

mail. It

was

Taking Dear Jim: As soon

it

on the chin

49

—

—

three in fact on Saturday Nov. 3rd as Election Day is past days before election, please see to it that the cost of National Headquarters is from that date on cut to not to exceed $1,000 per week pay roll and not

week

to exceed I500 a

for

all

other expenses.

F.D.R.

This was true that

a bit of a shock.

we Democrats

We

had

a loyal

and

money than year when we would

our Repubhcan brethren. 1936 was a presidential

And

need every cent. pretty

fine.

the note seemed to be ordering us to cut things

This was especially so since

put on the

by

staff

Eleanor Roosevelt.

many

threw the note

in

of the workers had been

on recommendation by Mrs.

the President and

I

was

faithful staff. It

always had more difficulty raising

my

files

and stretched the pay

rolls a bit.

After voting on election day, Mrs. Farley and to talk

and

visit

tice to return to at

my

with old friends and neighbors.

my

home every

old

election

parents' graves. In the late afternoon

I

I

went

I

have made

to

Stony Point

day and to say

it

a prac-

a

prayer

returned to headquarters

came in. The scene was a repetition of the presidential election night on a smaller scale. The President did not come, receiving returns in his family home. I talked to him a number of times. He was elated and so was I. We had quite a celebration around headquarters and entertained a number of distinguished visitors. Three nights before Christmas I received a phone call from the President in my Mayflower Hotel apartment.

to catch returns as they

"Jim,

has just been brought to

it

organization in Chicago

Kelly

as the

There was

is

I

tics,

I

and plans to endorse

Ed

to

do?"

I

asked, puzzled.

to take the necessary steps to stop Kelly's nomination."

emphatic.

"Why, ble,"

to have a meeting

a disturbed note in his voice.

want you

He was

attention that the Democratic

Democratic mayoralty candidate for the April election/'

"What do you want me "I

my

I

don't

know

said. "I'll see

if I

could do

what the

it

or whether

it

would be

advisa-

situation is."

called various friends in Chicago, including persons not in poli-

and was told that

it

would be

a mistake for the administration to

Jim Farley's story

50

oppose Kelly. There was agreement that Kelly could win regardless I

my

of anything the administration might attempt.

saw the President the next morning and told him the story. I added nickel's worth of advice and said I believed it would be a serious

mistake to inject ourselves into the Chicago situation. Reluctantly

FDR

agreed, but he

showed me

which had evidently spurred is still

in

my

long

a

files.

Knocks. At the turn of the year the

Huey

A White House copy

his original request.

My education as a politician continued to P.

from Secretary Ickes

letter

Long, tossed

New Deal's No.

mane and pawed

his

Hard

be in the School of i

problem

child,

the carpets of the Senate

aisles, as

he snorted and whinnied in demanding an investigation of

me. As

look back on

I

it

now, the whole

of the tempests under Capitol as

affair

they rage, but soon fade into forgetfulness.

way

was

I

Day

after day,

Huey was wove

to put

is

and show that your hands are

Capitol." Skillfully he

another one

learned that the best

to ride out a storm of vicious, unfair attacks

in a clear conscience

just

Dome, which seem highly important your

trust

clean.

threatening to "blow the roof off the

together a varied assortment of unrelated

and downright

truths, half-truths, innuendoes, insinuations,

lies.

He

intimated that he was prepared to expose the Roosevelt administration.

knew I was completely innocent. I was, however, annoyed. I knew that Long was not concerned with me, but I

was unworried, because

was sighting

his oratorical

I

guns on the Roosevelt administration, hav-

ing third-party ambitions in 1936.

Roosevelt was aware that he was the real target of Long's attack

and was most anxious that

knowing ment on my

I

clear myself.

I

was disappointed

that,

the charges to be without foundation, he did not issue a statebehalf.

The answers

my

behalf

to

Long's charges were placed before the Senate in

by Senator

Josiah

W.

Bailey of

ber of the United States Senate did more for tor Kenneth McKellar of Tennessee.

In the vote, largely on party to establish the

shadow of

lines,

a case. I

I

North

me

Carolina.

No mem-

in that fight than Sena-

will always feel grateful to him.

the Senate decided

was pleased when

Long had

failed

such outstanding

Taking members of

on the chin

it

51

the opposition as Johnson of California, Borah of Idaho,

and Shipstead of Minnesota voted against Long. After the shooting was all over, Long told an acquaintance of mine that he

had brought the charges against

gest rooster in the yard, and

thought

I

me

if I

because "Jim was the big-

could break his

legs,

the rest

would be easy." That summer he was felled by an assassin's bullets. It is to be regretted he was removed from the national scene by bullets rather than ballots.

The ifs is

of politics are always interesting.

what would have happened had Huey

One

lived.

frequently considered

As

not underestimate the man, although personally

I

I

said before,

regarded him

I

did as a

cowardly braggart. The Democratic National Committee conducted

on Long's bid for national power which disclosed, to our that he might poll between 3,000,000 to 4,000,000 votes at

a secret poll

surprise,

the head of a third party. His support

and near-by

states,

but his

''share the

was not confined

to Louisiana

wealth" program was attracting

strength in industrial and farm areas of the north.

Long was

the most formidable of the then current array of dema-

gogues of the "Damaged Souls" school, our poll showed. ceivable that his third party

movement might

in the 1936 election, although indications

cost us

no more than the electoral votes of

could control

been

at least

few

a

was con-

constitute a balance of

power

in our political thoughts,

It

were

would was high

that he

states.

He

however, because the poll indicated that he

100,000 in

New

a critical bloc, particularly

York State, which could have since he was recruiting Democrats

rather than Repubhcans. I

am

firmly convinced

Long would have been

ance rather than a threat in 1936. is

difficult to conjecture. It

is

What

a source of

annoy-

he might have done in 1940

possible that the Senate

might have re-

fused to seat him. This might have been food and drink to dictator ambitions, however, and

have passed up I

made him

so formidable that

his try for the third term, as

have great confidence that sooner or

the public

by

his

later

FDR

some observers

would believe.

he would have disgusted

clowning and arrogant blustering.

Jim Farley's story

52

summer

In the

of 1935 Roosevelt and

discussed the President's

I

position before the country. Quite frankly

I told him that he had lost saw no cause for alarm. I expressed myself certain he would pick up as the campaign came around, since it was only natural there should be a falling off in a noncampaign year. He told

ground, but that

me

I

from my Cabinet seat, as I had offered on the Long imbroglio, and asked me to have a

to forget about resigning

to do after the vote

long talk with him about conditions on

his

return from a

Warm Springs

vacation.

On May

i,

1935, at

my request, the President summoned Vice Presi-

dent Gamer, Speaker Byrnes, Senate Majority Leader Robinson, At-

torney General Cummings, Secretary of State Hull, former Congress-

man

White House

for

his oval study,

he

Charles West, Frank Walker, and myself to the

a night meeting.

When we

had seated ourselves in

began:

"IVe

called this meeting in order to have a heart to heart talk about

conditions in general, and self frankly.

has

made

a

have been

Fm

going to

number

tactless

want everyone

I

to be free to express him-

by saying

start off

that

Henry Wallace

of speeches, particularly in Massachusetts, which

and probably will have

going to speak to him about

it

on

bad

a

effect politically.

Fm

his return.

"And Harold Ickes has done harm,

made at Philadelphia in which he talked about Townsend, Long, and Coughlin. I had no objections to what he said about Long or Townsend, but his reference to Father Coughlin was very unwise. Right now Frank

Murphy

is

particularly in the speech he

doing a splendid job in handling Coughlin.

Fm

going to

make him High Commissioner of the Philippines and bring him back after a month or two so that he may devote his entire time to the Coughlin situation." I

urged that

we become

politically

minded and do everything poswho would

sible to satisfy the Senators, Congressmen, and state leaders,

have to carry the load in the 1936 campaign.

"And

I

want

to say, without flattery,

I

think

splendid job, considering the obstacles placed in your

and

jealousies,"

"I shall

I

you have done a way by ambitions

said.

endeavor to carry on in such

a

way

that

my

successor will

THE WHITE HOUSE PRIVATE & COOTIDBWIAL

The Honorable The PostEiaster General, 3 East 84th Street,

New York City,

IT.

Y.

a„/_-. ^

Oa'^^^

^p

y

//tcVdd^^ 4y~/

^*K

i'^

"Private

But

&

111

memos from FDR November 3, 1934, came

Confidential"

this one,

dated

T

to

me were

as a

not unusual shock (see page 49),

THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON November U^ 1936

Dear Jim:

You were right

—

so right that I thought I find

you were more of an optimist than a prophet. I

am the one who needs to have his long-range spec-

tacles adjusted.

But in this instance Jim,

I

don't

mind being wrong at all.

Very sincerely yours.

/y^ A/^

^

ju^^j^^i^/^//~^

Honorable James A. Farley, Chairman, Democratic National Campaign Committee, Hotel Biltmore, New York, N, Y.

Here is FDR's special testimonial letter for me, intentionally predated, which Charley Michelson requested late in January of 1937. 1 hadn't received any previous letter, thanking me for my services, since 1930 (see page 70).

Taking

on the chin

it

53

be able to carry out the poKcies of the Democratic party," Roosevelt

"You

said.

know

all

Taft brought back the "I

am

ditions

when Taft succeeded Theodore Roosevelt, old crowd much to TR's disappointment.

that

my

power to prevent a continuance of conwhich would permit Wall Street to dominate not only the

policies

going to do

all

in

Of

but the politics of the nation.

accomplished in his policies

a

year or two.

course, everything can't be

took Jefferson twenty years to have

It

approved by the people of the country."

On the week end of May mont Gun and Rod Club, Garner and

11, 1935,

the President was at the

Maryland, with

Wood-

Vice President

a party.

rode back to Washington with him. During the trip he

I

discussed the bonus and other legislation.

thing for him to do

would be

Garner told him that the right

to veto the bonus, in temperate language,

so as not to incur the ill-feeling of veterans, explaining that he had to maintain the credit of the nation.

Gamer and

I

said

it

would be

passed over the President's veto.

were passed over

his veto, it

best for the party

The

if

the bonus were

President agreed that

would not

if

affect the credit of the

the

country

and would not have the inflationary effect which many feared. felt that

move

the

We

made available in the next three months, would commerce and and would do much toward bringing

money,

into trade

bill

if

about recovery. Eight days office,

later I

was

to report to the

on the bonus

for a conference

New

in Monticello,

when I was ordered

situation. I

York, dedicating a post

White House

the next day

thought the matter had been

thrashed out pretty well and couldn't imagine

what was up.

I

found

Roosevelt fuming. *'Jack

a spot

my

Garner has been talking too much," he

where

I

can be accused of bad faith

if

said.

"He's got

the bonus

is

me

in

passed over

veto."

"Is

our conversation on the return trip from

board?"

I

Woodmont

over-

asked.

"Yes." "I can't believe "It's out,"

Jack

let it

out,"

I

said.

"Did you

talk to

anyone else?"

he said curtly. "I want you to contact Robinson and

work with him

to get

enough Senators

to

uphold

my

veto."

Jirn Farley's story

54 This

did.

I

from our

The

The

President was a bit

jumpy because he was aware,

weeks

reports, that in recent

his

popularity had dropped.

National Committee's secret poll found him weaker than

any

at

I was certain the picture would improve and would win by more than 5,000,000 votes. That month the Supreme Court took to overhauling the New Deal.

time since Inauguration. that he

men began throwing vital parts of window. The Railroad Retirement Act was

In the process, the nine old

the

machinery out the

in-

validated by a 5 to 4 decision. Two weeks later the Coal Conservation Act followed by a vote of 6 to 3. A week later in Lomsville Joint Stock Land Bank v. Radford^ the Court limited Congressional power to limit distress of the huge number of bankrupts. And in a unanimous decision in a case involving the marketing of allegedly

NRA. The

ended the

Blue Eagle was

literally

ill

poultry, the Court

replaced

by

a sick

chicken.

The of

President was bitterly disappointed and angry over the deci-

At

sion. its

a

Cabinet meeting he talked disparagingly of the Court and

members.

He

did not criticize the decision of the Court at the

meeting, but he had already done so in his press conference statement,

"We state

have been relegated to the horse-and-buggy definition of inter-

commerce." This hurt him,

Roosevelt was never

down

I

thought, but he was convinced that

NRA.

he had popular support on the

in the

dumps

for any length of time.

the next Cabinet meeting he indulged in a bit of needling that

I

At

shall

always remember. Miss Perkins was discussing the Social Security Board.

The

thoughts of the

considerable talking at

rest of us

official

were wandering, because she did

family sessions.

*'When you get around to it," the President began in a tone that let us all know something was coming. When he knew he had our attention he repeated with studied innocence, "When you get around to

it,

I

want

to talk to

you about an old flame of Jack Garner's."

The Vice President blushed to the roots of his picturesque white eyebrows. The President roared with laughter. We all joined in. Then Garner made a plea for the appointment of Miss Margy Neal to the board, riding out the laughter

by

of course, merely a presidential

detailing her qualifications. It was,

jest.

Taking Election night, 1935,

I

was

it

in headquarters.

over losing the control of the

when trict,

I

talked to Roosevelt he

which he had

was elected for the

"And

on the chin

New was

York

55

We

were disappointed

State Assembly.

jubilant because in his

failed to carry in 1932, a

However,

home

dis-

Democratic supervisor

time in forty years.

first

Jim," he chortled, "the issue was the

New

Deal."

New

York vote showed the federal administration was sustained by more than 500,000 majority. This was a sufficient answer to any question of Roosevelt's popularity. We were happy over the election of A. B. Chandler as governor of Kentucky by Analysis of the

the largest majority for a state office in Kentucky's history, but

were unhappy over our

we

failure to capture the city administration in

Philadelphia.

On November I said I

by

14, 1935,

during a luncheon

at the President's desk,

War Dern

had been advised that Secretary of

was surprised

the appointment of General Malin Craig as Chief of Staff of the

United States Army. Dern was then prised since

I

didn't

know

I

was

also sur-

absolutely correct, Jim," Roosevelt laughed.

is

about

Hawaii.

Hugh Drum.

had supported Major General

"Your information

"He

visiting

it.

You

see General

Douglas MacArthur, dur-

ing his service as Chief of Staff, had been trying to have

placed in responsible positions.

He was

be succeeded by Major General George

arranging S.

it

all his

favorites

so that he

would

Simonds.

"Last spring Simonds had four years left to go before retirement and

could have served out the term of a Chief of so I

I

Staff. I

had to think

fast,

asked MacArthur to stay until October on the representation that

needed him to

assist in

the formulation of legislation relative to the

War Department. "MacArthur had three and

man.

If I

cently, to

stayed.

When

October rolled around Simonds only

a half years to serve

had told Dern about

someone

in the

War

it,

and that eliminated A'lacArthur's

he might have mentioned

it,

inno-

Department clique and pressure might

have been brought to bear to force the appointment of Simonds while he

still

had four years to go. Consequently,

and MacArthur

left the

Roosevelt talked

at

waited; then

when Dern

made the appointment." about the war Mussolini had forced on

country,

length

I

I

Jim Farley's

56

story-

announcement of German

Ethiopia. This, along with Hitler's formal

rearmament were the major international developments of the year.

He

predicted that the League of Nations meeting, which was to open

within a week, would be the start of a sanctions movement that would seriously cripple Italy.

At

times Roosevelt

all

was much more

inter-

ested in foreign affairs than he indicated in public utterances and press

conferences.

know Vm walking

"I

a tight

rope and

gravity of the situation," he said. "All

shipment of implements of war to

I

Vm

thoroughly aware of the

have tried to do

Italy.

I

is

do not consider

prevent the cotton,

oil,

automobiles, trucks, and the like implements of war, although some nations do. Later

ican firms

may be necessary for me to

it

making shipments of

in prosecution of the war.

I

publish a

materials to Italy,

list

which

of the

Amer-

are being used

realize the seriousness of this

from an

in-

ternational as well as a domestic point of view."

In this connection he mentioned the fact that Ambassador Breckinridge

Long

did not

want

to return to Italy.

to

Germany and

was

faithful servant of the

Democratic party. Roosevelt

evasive, saying he did not

named.

I

took the opportunity to

Gerard, wartime ambassador

James

want

to

make any commitment

long period until after the 1936 election. Paris; Roosevelt

I

W.

press for the appointment of

I

promised favorable action, but

WiUiam

C. Bullitt

was

had suggested Gerard for Rome; Roosevelt was sympathetic,

but William Phillips was nominated. Gerard told forts,

for a

had proposed Gerard for

holding that

me

to cease

Roosevelt would never forget the

my

ef-

defeat he suf-

fered at Gerard's hands in the Democratic senatorial primary of 19 14.

Nonetheless,

I

persisted

and succeeded

in

having Gerard named

the President's representative at the coronation of

as

King George VI

in 1938.

After

his fall

cago and spoke with pride to

vacation at

Warm

Springs, the President

at the International

went

to Chi-

Live Stock Exposition, pointing

New Deal agricultural accomplishments. That afternoon

en route to South Bend, Indiana, where he received an honorary degree at the University of Notre Dame, we spent more than an hour discussing the

conference.

coming

presidential campaign.

Frank Walker joined

this

Taking

we ought

"I think

"Every

said.

to

on the chin

it

conduct

very aggressive campaign, Jim," he

a

made

effort should be

57

to get

pubHc sentiment

our

in

favor before the Repubhcan convention meets. I'm going to send Ickes

out on a week's tour.

maybe Roper. The

Then

I'll

send out Wallace and Cummings, and

is

most of the fellows get into matters

trouble

they have no business touching on,

like Ickes discussing oil

and Roper

interpreting the neutrality agreement." "If

can offer some advice,"

I

department has been active and where

Harold

PWA

Harry Hopkins should make any

target of his sole sity. I

much

purpose

his

has rendered service.

deserves every credit for a splendid job there. I'd use

farm areas and keep him away from

in the

think

would use Ickes where

"I

I said,

Wallace

industrial sections.

I

don't

speeches, since he has been the

unfavorable criticism. People are being led to beheve is

don't think

to create jobs

and spend money, regardless of neces-

Rex Tugwell should be used

"I agree thoroughly," Roosevelt said. "I'm

either."

going to take steps to

eliminate criticism in the future.

"By the way," he continued, rule.

I

about

think

my

now

"I have

that the party

renomination,

we

is

in

been thinking of the two-thirds

power and

there

is

no question

should clear up the situation for

all

time

and submit the matter to the convention." I

replied

I

would prepare

a resolution for submission to the

of the Democratic National

At

the Cabinet meeting of

Committee early

December

bad. He was suffering from a cold,

were slow.

It

was the

on him. However,

I

and found him much

first

time

I

in the

year.

27, 1935, the President

his face

was drawn, and

thought the strain of

was summoned

meeting

coming

looked

his reactions

office

was

telling

to his bedside three days later

better, looking like his

former

self.

CHAPTER SEVEN

SECOND CAMPAIGNPROPHET WITH HONOR

THE

1936 ELECTION was onc of the high-water marks of Amer-

Some have been kind enough

ican poHtics.

paign without a mistake." sider

my

the peak of

it

four years

later,

when

I

I

to call

wouldn't go so

career. Personally,

I

"the cam-

nor do

far,

con-

I

prefer the campaign of

went down

suffered defeat, but

it

fighting for

a principle.

Not

Washington and Monroe had a candidate repopular pluraHty or such an overwhelming electoral

since the days of

ceived such a

was due

vote, actually or proportionately. This result

in a large

meas-

ure to the personal popularity of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and to his

keen insight into

teamwork

also

due to magnificent

Democratic National Committee and Democratic

county, and city organizations throughout the country.

state,

gan

was

political advantage. It

in the

at the first of the

months

later.

year and never

let

up

We

be-

until the polls closed ten

We tried not to miss a single trick. We didn't miss many.

In the call for the convention, the National

Committee voted

to in-

clude the question of abrogation of the two-thirds rule. There was sufficient strength in the

committee to block inclusion of the contro-

versial question in the call, step.

When

but

I

induced the objectors to

the third term issue arose four years later,

reminded

me

change.

don't think the responsibiUty for the change

and,

I

if it is,

that

I still

I

into

fall

many

of these

had made the nomination possible because of is

entirely

believe the change should have been

made

this

mine years

before.

On

January

19, 1936, I

with Roosevelt after morial.

my

I

his

New

York City to Washington dedication of the Theodore Roosevelt A4erode from

put in a few licks for veto of the bonus

argument, he leaned over, grasped 58

my

bill.

When

hand, and

said,

I

finished

"Thanks

Second campaign

—prophet

with honor

59

much for your statement; most of the people I have talked to have urged me to sign it." Then he added he felt the bill would be passed very

over

his

veto anyway, so that the party would not suffer and he could

preserve his record.

Three days

later I told the President the

man show,

largely be a one

that he

campaign proper would

would have

to carry the load.

I

would listen to our speakers, they wanted would be necessary for us to buy time for him

said that while the public

to hear

him and

on the

radio.

committees

that

He

it

was very anxious such

at once,

as

that

we

start

organizing different

Friends of Roosevelt,

Good Neighbor

League, Roosevelt Republican League, and the Committee of One.

He

was captivated by the last-named group, the theory of which was

that

everyone friendly to the administration constitute himself a "Committee of

One"

to

the

sell

New

Deal to others.

"In the Committee of Twelve," he continued, "I would like to have five

clergymen.

I

we

think

should have a Catholic

priest, a Baptist

an Episcopalian minister, and a

minister, a Presbyterian minister,

rabbi."

"What about the "Well, we could

Methodists?"

I

asked.

leave out the Jews," he laughed.

more of them than there

are Episcopalians.

Take

"No, there

are

the Jews and leave

out the Episcopalians." In late January, Smith made his "I'm going to take a walk" Liberty League speech. Our strategy board debated about finding someone to answer him and finally chose his 1928 running mate, Senator Joseph

T. Robinson of Arkansas. Roosevelt did not consider the Smith speech too damaging. In fact, he thought

we

got the better of the break be-

cause the Senator effectively contrasted Al's statements in the past with his desertion of party.

J.

On February 7, 1936, in discussing the defections of Smith and John Raskob, my predecessor as chairman, the President told me a most

interesting story.

"At the time Smith and Raskob were trying to get me to run for I told Raskob I had some obligations at Warm Springs,"

Governor, he

said. "I

resort.

had thought

Raskob wanted

I

was out of

to

politics

know what

and intended to operate the

they were.

I

told

him

it

would

6o

Jim Farley's story

take a couple of hundred thousand dollars. Raskob assured

would

getting the

assist in

money and promised

me

he

$50,000 himself.

"Well, to make a long story short, he made a payment of $12,500

amount in 1929. He made another payment in 1930 owes $12,500 on the promise he made to me at 1, the time I agreed to run for Governor to help him and Smith." Raskob made the final payment as pledged. In the next month a curious parallel involving Roosevelt cropped

in 1928

or 193

and

a like

but he

still

up in the campaign. There was a whispering campaign that Roosevelt was not a man of his word because he had gone back on a pledge to the Cathedral of St. John the Divine in New York. I wrote to the White House asking for information and got the following reply from Marguerite Le Hand, the President's personal secretary:

You can the world .

.

tell all

.

.

.

about

that while the President

you should not know

.

not in the habit of telling

is

his contributions to charity, there

no reason

is

in confidence, that several years

why

ago the Presi-

dent was the Chairman of the drive to raise money for the Cathedral of St. John the Divine in New York, that the drive was extremely successful

and $10,000,000 was given or pledged. At that time the President pledged a gift of $5,000, to be paid in installments as fast as he was in a position to do so. J 1,000 was paid in 1934 and $1,000 a month or two ago. Naturally the additional $3,000 will be paid in accordance with the original pledge. In addition to this the President gave, at the time of the drive $100 in the

name

The

of each of his children, or a total of $500.

of course, very large in view of the President's

total of these

somewhat

sums

is,

limited financial

means.

Will you find out confidentially where the story came from?

Late in February Roosevelt called

me

to the

general review of the political situation. In

its

White House

for a

course he expressed his

annoyance with the courts, particularly the Supreme Court. Mclntyre, Early and the President's brother-in-law. Hall Roosevelt, were conference. Former Congressman Charles "I've been thinking that fifty Federal

it

would be

a

West of Ohio was

good

idea

if

we

at this

also there.

could appoint

judges to hold ofiice for about five years," he

said.

"They

could hold roving commissions which would permit them to operate in sections of the

think?"

country where they could be helpful.

What do you

Second campaign Mclntyre and thought

it

I

didn't like

—prophet

might be good. Mclntyre

recommend

Justice to

prompted

said that

the legislation,

a presidential suggestion that

I

Congress a year Late in

he was

we

could get the Chief all

which

right,

get Chief

have often thought

this

which he was

plan,

was

to give

later.

March

went on a Florida vacation. Although excellent humor and exceedingly happy over

the President

he was in

tired,

if

would be

Homer Cummings

Hughes to make the suggestion. germ of the Supreme Court packing

Justice

the

it

6i

West and Hall Roosevelt

Early,

it.

with honor

the evident turn in his favor in recent months.

On

April i8, 1936, Louis

Howe

had helped

distressed at his death, because he

more than any one man. He was never forget

shall

my

as loyal as

his rapt expression

vacation for a

these things for

died in his sleep.

week

FrankHn for

years,

I

never went

on him.

I

On April

in urging

education

ever knew.

me

1

to postpone

said, "I

—postponed

many

I

have done

vacations, can-

times to mention."

White House while he was well that I did not him frequently when he was ill and tried to call

to the

visited

him by phone

Jim

was genuinely

political

any man

to help "Franklin," he

celed engagements, and the like too

call

when,

my

I

once

at least

a day.

20, 1936, the President expressed to

about the passing of

his faithful friend.

view of the circumstances,

it

me how

Then he

must be considered

said to

badly he

felt

me, "But in

a blessing in disguise,

because Louis had been getting to the point where he gave a lot of orders that were annoying and likely to cause a lot of trouble. dicated that he to run the

was going

campaign and

in the Biltmore

He

in-

Hotel

to

go to headquarters

if

he did that, of course, he would cause a

lot of confusion."

On May 19, 1936, the President and I went over the entire situation. He said he thought he would take another boat the coast of

Maine

as

trip off

he had done in 1932, following the convention.

Then

he could inspect

land.

He

states,

political

PWA projects and flood damage in New Eng-

thought he might follow the inspection pattern in other

although he proposed to spend most of the

summer between

Hyde Park and Washington. "And, of course, there won't be anything

political

about the inspec-

62

Jim Farley's story

tion trips."

He

me

gave

a

broad wink and threw back

head and

his

laughed.

One

my

me

At Grand Rapids, Michigan, on May 22, 1936, 1 referred to Alf Landon as Governor of "a typical prairie state." The newspapers picked it up and made what of

western

trips

got

political capital

they could out of

an admonitory

memorandum

it.

into hot water.

On May

22,

which

read:

to me,

Roosevelt dispatched

Memorandum for J.A.F. I thought we had decided

that any reference to Landon or any other Republican candidate was inadvisable. Now that the water is over the dam, I told Michelson that possibly a somewhat facetious reference to Frank Knox between now and June ninth, by you might soften the effect of the Landon reference.

Another good rule which should be passed down the line to all who are concerned with speech material is that no section of the country should be spoken of as "typical" but only with some laudatory adjective. If the sentence had read "one of those splendid prairie states," no one could have picked us up on it, but the word "typical" coming from any New Yorker is meat for the opposition. F.D.R.

deserved

I

aware that

it.

It

was

owed lion,"

made by

G.

blunder

I

should have caught. After

can lose a campaign.

a phrase

his election in

a

I

knew Grover

all, I

was

Cleveland

1884 to the remark, "Rum, Romanism and Rebel-

the Rev. Dr. Samuel D. Burchard, a supporter of James

Blaine, at the Fifth

Avenue Hotel. Happily

my remark

for me,

cost

its

own time.

The Democratic convention at Philadelphia was more of a

family re-

us few,

if

any, votes although

union than anything

else.

it

We

was

a nine

day wonder

in

could have completed our

work

in

one

day and gone home. The convention's crescendo of Democratic enthusiasm came the night of Saturday, June 27, in the glare of

when

Roosevelt stood

massed spotlights to address more than 100,000 persons

seated in the dark horseshoe of Franklin Field. Alillions throughout

the country heard his fighting denunciation of "economic royalist."

Within the week for the campaign.

I

was back

The

at

my

desk in headquarters organizing

process was largely one of swinging from pre-

convention to postconvention campaigning. der

way

We

were smoothly un-

before the Republicans were getting started.

The Republican

Second campaign

—prophet

with honor

63

machine had been smashed by two election defeats, so I was quite confident it could not be in running order by Election Day.

On July

7,

1936, the President, Mclntyre, Early, Alichelson,

Robert, and myself had a strategy meeting at the

moment Harold

considered at what

"Chip"

We

White House.

Ickes should take out after Alf

Landon, deciding the attacks should come

after

Landon had made

his

made by

the

acceptance speech. "I also think

it

would be

Ministers and Ambassadors

good idea

a

who

to have speeches

are or will be in the country," Roose-

''They could speak effectively in

velt said.

cities

where there

are a

goodly number of inhabitants from the countries they represent abroad.

They

could bring out forcefully the fact that

a peaceful nation

and that

the others in

all

this

country

is

North and South America

are living together in a peaceful manner, while the governments in Eu-

rope are crumbling. looking to

this

They

country

could go on to say these governments are

as the savior of the

world.

They

could say that

the people in this country have confidence in Roosevelt as do the people abroad. This could be

most

effective."

This employment of envoys to unite various groups of nationals behind the

New Deal,

campaigns, was a

although most effective in both the 1940 and 1944 mistake. For men charged with representing this na-

tion in foreign lands should not run poHtical errands.

I

said so at the

time.

Everything was moving along nicely me.

I

was

the belt. funds.

I

I

in July

and August, except for

collecting an assortment of punches,

was accused of bribing voters with

was portrayed

many

relief

worst type of spoils

as the

of

them below

and other public

politician.

\Miat

I

caught was nothing to what the President took. Lest anyone have an impression to the contrary, unfair criticism and unwarranted attacks do

not

roll off

me

like

water off

unjust, the deeper the hurt

of

mind or warp In this period

I

my

—but

I

do not

let

They do

hurt

—the more

them rob me of

my

peace

outlook.

called

Harry Hopkins

speeches on relief during his of the complaints

a duck's back.

we were

western

to complain about his

trip. I told

receiving were about

him

making

that 75 per cent

WPA and that most

of the dissatisfaction within the party had been caused

by

WPA.

Evi-

"

Jim Farley's story

64 dently he found gust 24 to say to

my

frankness disturbing, because he phoned

we were

and that he did not want anything

real friends

come between our

friendship.

him

told

I

that

might be wrong,

I

but believed that the people had the impression he was

and that he was extravagant

On

September

He

1936,

17,

me Au-

in his use of

Garner

a spendthrift

government funds.

me

visited

New

at

York head-

told

me

that in

he had mentioned

my

contribution to the campaign, adding that

quarters.

two recent

with the President

talks

should be entitled to every consideration for the effort

I

was put-

I

ting forth.

"The Boss ness,"

Garner

me

told said,

he appreciated what

I

my

frank-

little

jealous

had to say and

"but he said no more. Could

it

be he's a

of your popularity in the party? I

said

I

didn't

know. Roosevelt hadn't

me

anything to

said

one

way

or the other since the "prairie state" episode.

Roosevelt opened state

a

his

avowed

New

convention in Syracuse,

marvelous ovation and

his

political

than the

New Deal

the circle at

a

one

From

29.

Democratic

He

received

moment on, Everywhere he went, crowds jammed

to see and hear him. This bore out

campaign was

at the

York, September

speech was great.

the campaign was a triumph.

that the

campaign

my

that

contention through the months

man show and

that he

was more popular

some members of around him. Perhaps the height of the campaign was reached itself.

This

insistence displeased

Chicago on October 14 when 500,000 persons turned out to greet in the most enthusiastic demonstration I have ever seen. Some

him

150,000

men and women marched from

the station to the Chicago

Stadium, singing and chanting, to hear him make possibly the greatest

speech of the campaign. In ringing tones he struck

at those aligned

against him, particularly industrialists. In his address he said that his administration that

enterprise after

leaders

His

trip

ber was as

it

who now

it

was

"saved the system of private profit and free

had been dragged to the brink of ruin by these same try to scare you."

through Connecticut and Massachusetts

another triumphal procession.

at the

He wound up

end of Octo-

the campaign,

he had that of 1932, with a speech in Madison Square Garden, Octo-

Second campaign ber

—prophet The

the Saturday before election.

3 1,

with honor

speech was received with the

day he had

greatest enthusiasm. Early in the

visited headquarters and,

in the course of an expression of thanks to the workers,

who had

sion to answer those

am

"I

this

have

*'I

One

campaign

known Jim

known him

on the chin

cause,

of

I

reason for that

He

said:

man who

a

now

—taking

think, in the

—for

it

back of

mean

a smile

his

we

have

at the

has always been square.

many

years and

have never

I

thing.

good many

a

with

the fact that

is

Farley for a great

yet to do or think a

"For a long time it

me.

took the occa-

proud of the fact that our information has been kept at a

pretty high level.

head of

vilified

6$

years, he has

been taking

and not batting an

eyelid, be-

head he has had the idea that

in spite

kinds of unfair attacks, the American people, just like you and

all

me, will read him for what he

"And

absolutely

is,

incidentally, of course,

I

on the

level.

get reports not only

— about what has been going on here

from Jim but

New

from

lots of

and

have come to the very definite conclusion that the national head-

I

people

what we

quarters this year has been

No

call in

the

Navy

crossed wires, everything clicking; and the result

in

happy

'a is

York,

ship'!

going to bear

that out next Tuesday.

"And

I

am very

boy.

office

grateful, grateful to

And maybe

the office

boy

you will

from Jim down to the be National Chairman or all

President about thirty years from now."

On November

i,

1936

I

sat

down and wrote my

election predic-

tion in a headquarters pool. It read:

LANDON WILL ONLY CARRY MAINE AND VERMONT.

On dent

election eve

at

I

sent a messenger

J

11/1/36 ELECTORAL VOTES. J. A. Farley

from headquarters

Hyde Park with a book containing copies

of letters

cratic leaders, giving their picture of the situation. state

and included

my

"After looking them

you

will carry

from Demo-

summarized each

prediction: all

over carefully and discounting everything

that has been given in these reports, that

I

to the Presi-

every

state

I

am

but two

still

definitely of the opinion

— Maine and Vermont."

66

Jim Farley's story went

I

am

"I

am

into details

on

a

number of

states

and various contests within

have,

if

and concluded:

states

risking

all

the reputation

very sincere about

situation

many

it

I

any, as a prophet, but

know we

because as you

have discussed

this

times."

talked to the President a dozen times on election night.

I

I

He

overjoyed, as well he might have been, as the landshde grew.

was was

I

him when Landon conceded defeat at 1:45 a.m. I gave him came into headquarters. Once I called him to

talking to

the latest reports as they

demand,

Warm

"Who

Springs?

When,

You ought

knew

was

a

in

information from John L. Sullivan of

ahead in that headquarters

wonderful victory.

next morning the President was on the phone.

"Jim," he a

voted against you

New Hampshire, that Roosevelt had pulled that my prediction would stand up. I left

tired but elated. It

The

who

to raise hell with them."

at 3:36 a.m. I got the

Manchester, city, I

are the fourteen persons

said,

"nothing would give

me

greater pleasure than to be

newspaperman to read the record of your prediction and the outIt was the most uncanny prediction in the history of the coun-

come.

thought

try.

I

that

you

"Why cut

it

was too

optimistic, but

I

am

pleased on your account

called the result so accurately."

don't

you speak

for yourself, Boss?"

I

could not help but

in.

Flis

laugh rang over the phone.

"I'm going to go to South America on the i6th or 17th," he

said.

come down to Washington as soon as you can." come down for a day or so and clean up some loose ends and get away on a vacation by the ith. I am taking Ambrose O'Connell and Eddie Roddan with me to Ireland." At the Cabinet meeting, November 6, the President mentioned his "I

want you

"Well,

to

I'll

i

prediction which was 360 electoral votes for himself and 171 for Lan-

don. for

He then mentioned my prediction

what

I

had done and

paign was handled.

He

said he

his

thanks to

me

was pleased with the way the cam-

said everything

of the Cabinet congratulated me.

and expressed

had worked out

fine.

Members

Second campaign

—prophet

The White House announced

with honor

that the President

ceived about 12,000 congratulatory telegrams.

many. One of them

is still

among my

I

67

had already

re-

received nearly as

treasured possessions.

It

reads:

Uvalde, Texas.

Hon. James A. Farley, Biltmore Hotel. hearty congratulations as the most efficient chairman of any national committee in the history of the republic. Jno N Garner

CHAPTER EIGHT

•

DRIFTING APART jrucH HAS been

*m

written,

1% /I spoken, most of

-*-

A

it

some of

it

and much more has been

true,

untrue, about

my

break with FrankHn D.

Roosevelt. Actually there was no sharp, clean fracture of

friendship, but rather a slow, almost imperceptible drifting apart political principles. I

am

certain neither of us

Looking back through the of

memory on

years,

I

find

it

knew

it, I

was no longer

My

for morning bedside conferences.

we had

us.

hard to put the finger

the beginning of the drift, so gradual I

far

yawned unbridgeable between

drifted apart until the gap

Almost before

knew how

on

was the

called to the

process.

White House

phone no longer brought the

Months dragged between White House luncheon conferences. Soon I found I was no longer being consulted on appointments, even in my own state. Then, too, I found I was as much in the dark about the President's political plans as the Chairman of the RepubHcan National Committee. White House confidence on politics and policies went to a small band of zealots, who mocked at party loyalty and knew no devotion except unswerving

familiar voice in mellifluous tones.

obedience to their leader.

What few people realize is that relationship between Roosevelt and me had been basically political and seldom social. Strange as it may seem, the President never took me into At

the

first this

bosom

did not disturb me.

of the family, although everyone agreed

sponsible than any other single

Never was

I

man

I

for his being in the

was more

re-

White House. Only

invited to spend the night in the historic mansion.

make a cruise on the presidential yacht. Both cruises Never was I invited to join informal White House gatherings. My appearances there were for official social functions or for informal dinners followed by exploration of political and patronage twice did

were

I

ever

political.

problems. Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt once relax with people

explain

my

who

said,

"Franklin finds

aren't his social equals."

being out of the

infield. 68

I

took

this

it

hard to

remark to

Drifting apart

my

In

probing of the

past,

it

69

must be remembered that

I

came

to

Washington almost unknown outside of New York State. I entered the Cabinet a little bewildered by the pace of events about me. Woodrow Wilson said, "Every man who takes office in Washington either There have been those who said I was one who grew. I sincerely hope I was one of that number. Deep within me I know I learned much about men and events. grows or

The

swells."

pond of our

came and went, almost unnoticed, in the 1936 campaign. On October 14, I met the President when he arrived in Chicago, where he was given a tremendous reception from throngs in the street and at the Stadium where he delivered a mihtant campaign address. I came in for a share of the first

ovation, as

on

ripple across the placid

campaign

leader.

On occasions when

I

relations

joined the President

rear platform appearances, taking care to be deep in the back-

was invariably greeted by shouts of "Hello, Jim," or "Hi, Jim." I was singled out because even the most enthusiastic in the crowds ground,

I

hesitated at crying, "Hello, Frank," or "Hi, Frank."

The day after the Chicago speech Marvin H. Mclntyre came to see me in my room aboard the Presidential Special, somewhat ill at ease, to tell me that "they thought it best" that thereafter I should not appear on the platform with the President because of the situation.

I

was indignant, knowing

my

Tammany

presence could not have been

by anyone except those disturbed by the widespread friendhad gained. At that time there was no situation in Tammany.

resented ship

I

If there

had been one,

President did not I

was

I

could not have been involved in

want me on the platform, but

certain that

my

I

he never remarked on

I

my

ate

knew

result of presi-

with him several times on the

31, to address

trip

and

absence.

The taste of ashes was not long in my mouth, however, when the President came to the Biltmore Hotel in New York October

the

could only guess why.

temporary banishment was the

dential direction, because

it. I

committee workers,

his

reference to

because City,

on

me was

most generous.

A

few weeks later I learned the pendulum of presidential favor again swung against me when Basil O'Connor, Roosevelt's former law partner, reported the President thought that I was nursing presidential

Jim Farley's story

70 aspirations for 1940.

almost four years away, and there

party than myself. Yet, suspicion colored

may

Jealousy those ing.

who

He

The campaign was then were more deserving men in the

This simply was not

I

true.

have often wondered whether

my subsequent

this

uneasy

with Roosevelt.

relations

be too strong a word to describe reluctance to praise

rendered him invaluable services or to elevate the deserv-

was fond of confuting

by saying they could not

critics

see

the forest for the trees; which, in turn, gave rise to the observation that he did not like to see the trees

many me to

grow

times Vice President Garner told

too

me

around him. Many,

tall

that

whenever he praised

would look at the ceiling, at the floor, or out of the window, or he would busy himself with papers on his desk. Garner said that the President, on such occasions, never returned the President, Roosevelt

the Vice President's gaze or never echoed the latter's friendly reference.

I

made

it

An

also

have remarked on

this curious

appear that praise of others embarrassed him.

instance of his reluctance to praise

is

ary of 1937, Charley Michelson came to

know,

hesitancy of FDR's, which

since

I

would probably

find

it

in

me

my

files.

saying

I

Late in Janu-

might

out anyway, that

I

was going

to be given a testimonial dinner by the Democratic National

mittee in the

Mayflower Hotel on February

to have a letter

I

in the

room,"

I

surprised to hear

it;

Com-

said

he would

my

services to re-

said, to

like

emphasize

wished him to observe, "I haven't received such

since 1930." Charley

a letter

growled that knowing Roosevelt, he wasn't

but he promised to correct

White House to demand a predated turned up a few days later, and Charley brought

this oversight

by go-

letter of gratitude.

ing to the

It

He

from the President thanking me for

produce for the program. "Dead the secrecy

15.

well

as

it

in

with a

wry

This

smile.

read:

November Dear Jim: You were

—so right that

4,

1936.

thought you were more of an optimist needs to have his long-range spectathan a prophet. I find I am cles adjusted. But in this instance, Jim, I don't mind being wrong at all. right

the one

I

who

Very

sincerely yours,

Franklin D. Roosevelt

Drifting apart

There was no mention of Hov^ever,

wrong

as

for the

remarks

at the

my

services even after a special request.

Charley acidly observed, first

71

FDR

had admitted he was

time since he entered the White House. Yet in

dinner a few

nights later, the President

his

was most gen-

erous in saying:

"History has recorded, and will continue to record, a great

many

interesting facts about Jim. In due time history will talk, talk out loud

about

his

younger days of public service

River, and his county, and his

state.

ganizing of campaigns in state and nation. ice as a

member

to his

town on

the

Hudson

History will talk about It

his or-

will speak of his fine serv-

of the Cabinet of the United States

—

administrator

as

of an important department of the Federal government. "It

may even add

Prophets.'

Some

name

his

to the distinguished

of William Jennings Bryan stood for, even as the

Commoner sometimes

suggests, the arithmetic of

name

6 to

1

haps the name of Jim Farley will suggest the more of 46 to

of the ^A'lajor

list

of us old people remember 1896. Even

i

,

as the

name

of the great

even so per-

modem

arithmetic

2.

"But when history

is

written, after

all

of us have passed from the

more important than the mere chronicle In the book of history there are going to

scene, there will be something

of success in Public Office.

be other things written. Loyalty will be written there to friends that results in loyalty

from

done much to

American

nation.

temper that

is

that loyalty

friends.

"Honor and decency will be written there that have

—

—the honor and decency

raise the standards of public service in the

Good temper

will be writ there

—the kind of good

based on a sense of perspective, a sense of humor, and

a sense of forgiveness."

During the dinner, the President, Vice President Garner, and I chatted between courses. One exchange involved Paul V. McNutt, former

Governor of Indiana, and his impending appointment High Commissioner to the Philippines. "I'm not so sure," the President mused, "because to be dictatorial in his attitude to send out there. "I don't

know

as

United States

McNutt

is

inclined

and he might not be the right fellow

Maybe he ought

to

go on the Maritime Commission."

him very well," Garner put

in,

"but

I

know

he

is

a

Jim Farley's

72

story-

candidate for the Presidency in 1940 and

him out

to send

it

might not be

a

bad idea

there."

The

President smiled thoughtfully.

*'Do

you think

the Philippines will be far enough?"

asked.

I

'Tes, yes," he laughed.

Somewhere around

the salad course,

asked him

I

how

his legislative

program was shaping up. ^'Famously," he answered, adding that he hoped to send Congress away in June with everything cleaned up.

"And

next year," he went on with the

"why,

cret,

air

of imparting a great se-

have nothing to do up on the Hill but campaign

they'll

He became suddenly solemn. "You know, Jim, it's a to me to know that there is no campaign lying in wait

for reelection." great comfort for

me

rest at

at the

Hyde

Yet, in the

end of

four years. Yes

this

sir,

nothing but a nice, long

Park."

months

come, he was to find fault with a long

to

suspected and actual aspirants to his succession. old or too young; too ambitious or too

They were

list

of

either too

unknown; too conservative or

too radical, or in too poor health or too lacking in personality. Basil

O'Connor had revealed tious class. In

many

reorganization plan; I

the President as cataloguing

cases, displeasure I

am

supported him to the

not sure

hilt in his

it

less disastrous

tempt to purge the Democratic party of those

While he approved

that as party chairman that deep

down

inside,

I

my

would not

I

ambi-

me

could not

ill-fated at-

who had opposed

my

participate in the purge,

he never forgave

1937, the

and

course, even to certifying

above the personal allegiance he considered

On February 4,

in the

drive for Court reform,

and did not go along with him on the no

will.

me

was rooted in the Supreme Court was not so in my case. Although

his

statement I

believe

for putting party welfare his due.

day before he sent what came to be known

saw the President in his bedroom at 9: 15 a.m. Not a word did he drop about the program during the conference devoted to consideration of a number of appointments. I was aware that something was in the making, but was not in on the framing conferences with Attorney General Cummings, Judge as the

"Court Packing Plan" to the Senate,

Sam Rosenman he had given

of

his

New York,

I

and others. Tuesday night, February

annual dinner to

2,

the Supreme Court. All but two of

"

Drifting apart

73

— eighty-year-old Louis D. Brandels and four-year-old Harlan Stone — broke bread with him. No doubt Roosethe

"Nine Old Men"

velt

hugely enjoyed every minute of the dinner, knowing the surprise

sixty-

he had in store for his guests.

members of the Court, first learned the details of the plan from the newspapers. I was in New York City and did not attend the Cabinet meeting at which he outhned his plan. I did not return to Washington until February 11. Before my return, I had heard of the Capitol Hill mutterings against the plan and the manner of its submission. In the morning I discussed the program with Homer Cummings, I,

like the

with reference to the attitude of Democratic Senators. about Senator

"The country

Glass's sizzler:

I

twitted

Homer

infinitely in greater

is

need

Supreme Court, or judicial wet-nurses for six of the present members of the Court." He took it good-naturedly. At noon I lunched with the Presi-

of an Attorney General than of additional judges of the

who was

dent,

"Boss," that

I

you were sending

"Jim, it

in the best of

"why

asked him,

I just

humor. didn't

the Court

you

bill

to

advise the Senators in advance

them?

couldn't," he answered earnestly. "I didn't

groups of Senators

ered a detailed account of what went on within 48 hours. it

want

to

have

More than once when I've had and Congressmen down here, reporters have gath-

get out prematurely to the press.

to

want

didn't

happen again."

"Well,"

pen

I

again.

they

I

yielded, "I suppose

You ought

like to

to be

very important to me;

"If

right,

it's

"I'll

watch out for

difficult to pass

it

in

let it

hap-

you know how

it

in the future.

if I

must

pass

it

it

at this session.

to help. I'm going to have Senators and

in groups

and explain what

New

my

is

pro-

necessary."

think

want you

step with the

This

will be far

more

an election year."

right, Jim, I

"Are you

wouldn't

I

something that affects the heart of

I'll keep them here all year to pass it, you don't get it through this session,

"You're

but

careful, because

be consulted, and justly so."

"True, true," he nodded,

gram.

it's all

more

this

means.

We

I'll

need help.

I

Congressmen down

must bring the Court

in

Deal."

entirely satisfied with the

wisdom of your course?"

I

asked

Jirn Farley's story

74 "Certainly,"

pointedly.

was

unhesitating answer.

his

''Certainly."

'Tou can count on me then, Boss. I will keep in contact with those who are supporting you on the Hill, and do my best to bring the others around." "First off," continued the President,

pointments in

states

where

make them promptly where they sion,

we must

"we must hold up

the delegation

is

judicial ap-

not going along.

are with us.

Where

there

We must is

a divi-

give posts to those supporting us. Second, this must ap-

ply to other appointments

as

well as judicial appointments.

I'll

keep

in

close contact with the leaders."

During the next few weeks

I

was busy seeing Senators and Congress-

men, urging support of the program.

I

found no serious opposition to

would have granted power to make assignments of lower judges, on a temporary basis, from one court to another when dockets became congested; would have created a new officer, a proctor, who would watch for congestion and recommend reheving transfers; and would have granted challenges of constitutionality direct access to the Supreme Court. The issue was drawn in the following words in his message: "I therefore earnestly recommend the appointment of additional judges in all Federal courts, without exception, where there are incumbent

three proposals advanced in the message. These

the Chief Justice

judges of retirement age

who do

not choose to retire or resign." This

to appoint not more than fifty new judges men of seventy years who had had at least ten years on The crucial point in the appointments was that it would

would have empowered him to duplicate

the bench.

have permitted him to increase the Supreme Court,

in the event those

As

the opposition put

of retirement age it:

would not

leave,

he would pack the Court with

jority of

two over

by six six

justices.

New

Dealers to give him a ma-

the confirmed conservative Court bloc

which had

consistently opposed him.

The

battle lines

developed slowly.

Wheeler of Montana, Clark of

On

the Democratic side Senators

Missouri, and Burke of Nebraska

came

out against the plan early. Senator Johnson, California's veteran Republican, protest

who had

enjoyed Roosevelt support, was among the

on the spare Republican

side of the Senate

first

to

chamber. Majority

Leader Robinson of Arkansas, Venerable Senator Harrison of Mis-

"

Drifting apart

and suave Senator Byrnes of South Carolina,

sissippi,

room

75 a skillful cloak-

up cudgels for the program. Early in the game it was apparent that some thirty Senators, holding the balance of power, were lying low to see how the wind would blow from home. operator, took

The Repubhcan

which was perfected by the wily, leonine Borah, was masterful: the only way to beat the program was to let the Democrats fight the issue out among themselves. He was aware strategy,

that opposition to the plan in the

Democratic ranks was strong and that

even the party's leadership had grave doubts of

knew gress

that

wisdom. Borah

the Republicans, reduced to a corporal's guard in Con-

if

by the 1936

landslide,

were to make

a

party issue of the Court

Democrats would unite and steam-roller the program through

plan, the

He

the Senate and House. leagues

its

from trying

had

difficulty in persuading less astute col-

from the Democratic opposition.

to steal the issue

would have been triumphant on what would

In this event Roosevelt

become a party-line vote. As it was, the battle lines were almost evenly drawn on issue rather than by party. The Roosevelt forces strove mightily to make the plan a matter of party loyalty. At the Washington Democratic Victory Dinner, Roosevelt publicly avowed his intention to retire at the end of his second term, which he certainly have

me

had confided to

not long before. In one of

livered to the nation,

more than

his best orations, de-

to the 1,500 diners

who had

paid $100

a plate to attend the function, he said:

"A few me. ...

I

personal to lips. I

member

days ago a distinguished said to him, *John,

me

—

I

want

to

tell

something that you have

have a great ambition

in life.

.

.

of Congress

to see

you something that is very from my own

a right to hear

John,

.

came

my

ambition relates to

January 20, 1941!'

He paused

one leaned forward to but he

later

There was not a sound in the room. Everylisten. He was speaking in studied earnestness;

dramatically.

acknowledged

to

me

he

knew

he had

his

audience in the

hand and was enjoying himself immensely. "I could just feel what horrid thoughts my friend was thinking. So in order to relieve his anxiety, I went on to say, *iMy great imibition

palm of

his

on January ever he

may

20, 194 1,

be,

is

to turn over this desk to

with the assurance that

I

am

at

my

successor,

who-

the same time turning

— Jim Farley's

76 over to him

want to get the nation as do not want to leave it to successor in the condition in which Buchanan left it to Lincoln." was never able to identify "John." It was not John Nance Garner as President, a

nation intact.

far along the road of progress as

my I

story-

or John Bankhead. sions,

The

can.

I

I

I

President referred to "John" on other occa-

when he wanted to emphasize

his position

on some measure pend-

ing in Congress. Evidently "John" was a convenient character he created as a composite of various Congressional leaders. Roosevelt's words had a familiar ring. Later I found their substance was contained in an interview secured by Arthur Krock of the New York Times. Roosevelt added "John" in making the interview his speech.

Roosevelt did not directly mention the Court plan. But he did say

"you know who" vetoed the Agricultural Adjustment Act and "you know who" vetoed the Democratic administration's efforts to raise wages, reduce hours, abolish child labor, and eliminate unfair trade practices.

in the

The

Court

address

won wide approval and heartened

his

supporters

battle.

His oratorical guns were directly trained on the Supreme Court in his tenth "fireside" chat the next

week.

He pulled no punches in a direct

denunciation of the Court's personnel, saying:

"Our

difficulty

with the Court today

rises

not from the Court

as

an

from the human beings within it. But we cannot yield our Constitutional destiny to the personal judgment of a few men who, being fearful of the future, would deny us the necessary means

institution but

of deahng with the present."

He by

sought to dignify the "Court packing" taunt of the opposition

on

asserting that the charge he wished to place "spineless puppets"

the bench

was

ridiculous.

He

continued:

by that phrase the charge is made that I would appoint and the Senate would confirm justices worthy to sit beside present memmodern conditions that I bers of the Court who understand "But

if

.

.

will appoint justices

who

will not undertake to override the

of Congress on legislative policy; the vast majority of the

now."

—

.

.

.

.

then

I

say that

American people favor doing

I

judgment

and with

me

just that thing

CHAPTER NINE

THE COURT FIGHT 10NG

BEFORE the Court fore

-^

bill

reached the Senate floor and even be-

any committee hearings were held

in either

branch of Con-

touched off oratorical fireworks

gress, the issue

and House. The cry of dictatorship was

raised.

in the Senate

The tumult and up-

Up

roar in Congress was nothing to the sound and fury in the press.

and down the land the

Warm

was being debated. Before he left for a Springs, Georgia, vacation the President said he was surprised

that the opposition

was

issue

far less thunderous than he anticipated.

I

do

know how much

of this was whistling in the dark, because 1 found making more than enough noise for me, especially the vocal Democratic opposition.

not

the opposition was

As party chairman judicial

I

recognized

at

once that the introduction of the

program gave the President's scattered opponents

a

common

to mobilize on. The Republicans had been routed by his overwhelming defeat of Landon. Other opposition had been scattered. Now they had an opportunity to reorganize and they were making

ground

the most of

it,

which was certainly good

dent was undismayed, although he ing point in his administration.

knew

He was

politics.

However, the Presimarked a turn-

that the issue

confident of victory, while

was tormented with doubts. Reform of the Court had crossed with bad luck for four years close to his heart.

would have on

The

He was

fully

an ill-omened black

aware of the bearing

cat,

but

it

would seek

soft words; that he left

was

course, he

was

this legislation

President entered the fight in an excellent frame of mind.

Before he

I

path

the course of his administration.

indicated that he

that he

like

his

for

to

woo

He

the opposition with flattery and

had no intention of blustering or browbeating.

Warm

a bit tired.

Springs, he told

He

me

felt all right,

except

expected to come back "rarin' to go."

was always happier when he was

By phone from Warm

he

Springs a 77

Of

in a fight.

few days

later,

he told

me

he was

Jim Farley's story

78 feeling great; that he

was ready and eager for the

Senate was divided into almost equal thirds

fray. I reported the

—one group

in favor of

He said we would the bill, another opposed, and a crop of fence have to get the fence sitters back into the barnyard. He said he was sitters.

Tommy

sending

Department of

He

Corcoran,

Justice,

RFC

counsel, and Joseph Keenan, of the

around to "turn the heat on" the opposition.

expressed himself certain that he had the situation under control,

refusing to discuss the various alternative and compromise proposals

around the

floating

and beating Senators

By

tled

down

Warm I

was

the end of the

Springs,

went

I

to

work

scolding

satisfied that things

Texas to dedicate

a

were coming along

month almost everything

program had been

for and against the

set to

amazing fashion.

in

While he was still in number of post offices. all right.

Keenan and Corcoran

Hill.

that could be said

said in Congress.

Both

sides set-

to working on the undecided, undetermined, and unsettled

The

one-third.

old

game

of jockeying for position, tempting with

favor, and appealing to principle began.

The

pohtical tug of

show was going on before

public

The

war was going on behind

the scenes, while the

the Senate Judiciary Committee.

administration marshalled an impressive parade of deans of law

schools,

who were

by

in turn heckled

Homer Cum-

the opposition.

mings and Assistant Attorney General Robert H. Jackson ably presented the administration's case. For the opposition. Senator Wheeler

exploded a bombshell by producing a Justice

Hughes which

letter

From

burdened. This was a staggering blow.

doughty old gamecock. Senator *

'frightful

.

.

.

from venerable Chief

assailed the argument that the Court was over-

iniquitous

.

.

.

a

sickbed came that

Glass, to scream such epithets as

hateful

.

.

.

repugnant

.

.

.

utterly desti-

tute of moral sensibility" against the plan.

As

On

usual, there

was never

a dull

moment

along the Potomac.

Washington, the President closeted himself with Vice President Garner, Speaker Bankhead, Majority Leader Robinson, and House Leader Rayburn to be brought up to date on the Court fight.

his return to

On

April

and Senator

i, I

Hugo

had lunch

at the

White House with the President Our conference was largely de-

Black of Alabama.

voted to the progress of the Court

fight.

The Court we

"All

fight

79

have to do," the President said happily,

You just see.

of mail settle on Congress. ter speech,

and the opposition

All

I

"is to let

have to do

is

the flood

deliver a bet-

will be beating a path to the

White

House door."

The

President said that the proponents of the plan unquestionably

program would soon

were having the better of the argument;

that the

be brought to the Senate floor where

would be

I

agreed, but noted that

it

passed. In general,

might take longer than he expected. Black

it

cautioned that the opposition was most determined and would exercise

every means of delay, knowing that their only hope lay in avoiding a vote.

"We'll smoke 'em out," the President

must

said. "If

delay helps them,

we

press for an early vote."

Black had expressed displeasure over the appointments of Rear Ad-

Emory

Land and Rear Admiral H. A. Wiley to the Maritime Commission. Black was irked because the appointments were anmiral

S.

his having been advised, when he had understood was to be consulted. The President soothed him and soon had him smiling and promising to go along with the appointees, whose

nounced without that he

capacities he

On

had questioned.

April 12, 1937,

York City five to

I

talked with Roosevelt

Supreme Court validated

after the

four decision.

He

was

"We did it," he chortled. Homer

Cummings, who's

"I

jubilant.

am very,

sitting

with

You ought to see me now. He looks like the

very pleased.

Cheshire cat that swallowed the canary. "I

am convinced more

Court are warranted. along that are against

by phone from New the Wagner Act by a

It's

wonderful.

than ever that the proposals for reform of the

It's

the same four justices

me

this

time

who

—McReynolds,

have dissented

all

Butler, Sutherland,

and Van Devanter." I

called

up Senator Wagner

to congratulate

He

addressed

me

recognizing the fact that

my name

was high on

also riding the clouds.

possibilities for the

before. it

He,

a

by way of

Gallup poll

list

of

1940 Democratic presidential nomination the day

was surprised by the Court's decision as go the other way. I quoted Finley Peter Dunne,

like the President,

had been expected

him and found him

as "Air. President"

to

8o

Jim Farley^s story

*'No matter whether

th' constitution

follows

th' flag

or not, th' Su-

preme Court follows th' iliction returns." I suggested maybe the Court was doing a little electioneering against the packing plan in the decision.

The change.

decision did serve to support arguments for the need of a

None

G. Corcoran,

of us had any doubt of passage of the program.

who was

Thomas

shuttling through the halls of Congress on be-

dropped by

few times to discuss his lobbying. I was polite, but hardly warm because I was never certain whether the chubby White House confidant was working for the President or for himself; I was quite certain he was not too concerned about the Democratic party. Also, I had reports that he and Keenan were doing more harm than good among Democrats by their tactics. So swimmingly were things moving along that when I went to the White House for a bedside conference on April 19, the Court program was barely mentioned. half of the program,

"Jim,

weVe

a

got an unpleasant job ahead of us," he began. "Pve

you that I would keep my Cabinet as it stands except Harry Woodring. At the time I appointed him, after George Dern's death, it was understood that the appointment would be temporary. I am going to send for Harry Woodring. You send for Louis Johnson. Maybe it would be a good idea for you to talk to Harry, too. Be sure to tell them both it will not be a permanent appointment." ''General Malin Craig was in to see me about Harry; the Army thinks very highly of him," I said. "Louis was in, too, to ask me about getting into the Cabinet. I think Harry is doing a good job and detold

serves an appointment to prove his fitness for the job. Incidentally,

may

be wanting to get out,

tion,

which

assistant, as

will bring

my

up

if I

make

a satisfactory business

consideration of William

Howes,

I

connec-

my

first

successor."

"I'd hate to see

you

go, Jim, but

if

you must, you must; and

as

long

right," Roosevelt said.

as

you remain

as

"I

suppose

have to give some consideration to Frank Walker and

Ed

I'd

party Chairman,

it

will be

all

Flynn."

"Walker would make a splendid Cabinet officer, so would Flynn; when and if, that is." ril talk further with you when the time comes

—

"Fine.

You know

I'd like to get rid

of

Dan Roper;

he talks too

much

The Court and doesn't get anywhere. I

guess

would be

it

better to send

be some objection to

Klansman. While

I'd like to

Dan

he has such leanings; probably he out for Al Smith in 1928.

Late that April,

New

I

8i

send him to the Philippines, but

Woodring. You know there might

because he has been accused of being a

don't believe

I

fight

it

for a minute, the feeline exists that

was

so labeled because he didn't

Maybe we could

went on one of

my

him

find

stamp

a

come

diplomatic post."

selling tours, as

England and the Middle West. Before

I

called

saw Woodring and Johnson as 1 promised. On reporting to the White House, I found the President had put off tackling Woodring. I was not surprised, as he invariably avoided a showdown, if he could. Subthem, into

sequently he reappointed Harry.

Whether

was

in

May

that the handwriting

left

rightly or wrongly.

ring and General Craig attributed the decision to It

I

on the

my

I

Wood-

support.

which had been

wall,

regarded as favorable to the Court plan, was translated into the bitter truth of opposition

by Senate

leaders.

Defeat was certain unless enough

Democratic Senators could be persuaded to support the President.

There was

still

hope that

a

compromise might be

effected. Senator

Burke seized upon the argument for young blood on the bench to propose a Constitutional amendment which would allow Justices to retire

on

pay

full

at the

age of seventy and require them to do so at the age

of seventy-five. This was originally suggested

by Representative Hat-

ton Summers of Texas. Senator Norris of Nebraska would have limited the Court's

power

to declare laws unconstitutional. Senator Ashurst of

Arizona would have amended the Constitution to give the Federal

New Deal aims. Senator Wheeler would

government power

to achieve

have been

with an amendment permitting Congress to over-

ride a

satisfied

Court 'Veto"

after the next general election following an ad-

verse Court decision. Senator

teenth it

Amendment

Borah proposed

so as to redefine

its

to rewrite the Four-

"due process" clause to make

apply only to the Federal government, leaving the

power

Congressional leaders said the situation was bad.

came by with the corners of as

soon

states unlimited

to conduct social and economic experiments.

as the President

of Mexico,

we

should

sit

his

Tommy

mouth turned down.

I

told

Corcoran

him

that

returned from his fishing cruise in the Gulf

down with him

to find out just

what course

Jim Farley's story

82 to pursue; test to the

we had enough votes, we should go through with the confinish; if not, we should determine what we might gain in

if

a compromise. Congressional leaders agreed that the President should

be advised before to

meet I

his return.

his father at

James Roosevelt, son and secretary, went

Fort Worth.

I

went

to

meet him

at Indianapolis.

found Roosevelt undaunted. Thoroughly rested by

he was thrilling to the scent of battle in the

compromise.

When

I

told

him

polls

air.

He would

his vacation,

not consider

were showing the Senate

so evenly

divided that Garner might have to cast the deciding vote, he snapped,

"Let him do

split

declaration *'and

of the

window

comes from with

all

much

as

counseled him to consider the possibility that the

it." I

party would be

beyond

repair,

good riddance,

which provoked the surprising

too."

At one

point he looked out

of his special car and said, almost to himself, "This

telling

them

I

the finality at his

would not be

command

a candidate again."

that he

He

said

would not withdraw

as

an inch and he would not compromise.

In Washington, the President was greeted at Union Station by a few members of his official and private families. Three years before, he returned from a southern fishing trip to throw down the gauntlet to another Congress in revolt, to find thirty Senators and two hundred Congressmen on hand with a band to meet him. That revolt vanished in the warmth of that welcome, but not a member of the second rebelling Congress was on hand that May morning. The Court packing plan was defeated by a one-two punch. The paralyzing blow was delivered in the resignation of Justice Van Devanter, staunch member of the "Old Guard" bloc. The knockout blow was the death a few weeks later of Joe Robinson, who kept the plan afloat in troubled Congressional currents by the sheer force of a

remarkable

personality.

Robinson had unflinching support from

Byrnes and Harrison. It

was on

May

i8, 1937, that

Van Devanter

sent his resignation to

the White House. Despite denials, the move was widely interpreted as an adroit conservative maneuver calculated to weaken the President's

wavering Senate ranks, by

a

voluntary breaking up of the bloc which

had long troubled the President.

The Court dent would accept a

83

would follow, I felt the Presicompromise, since he would be able to make

Guard"

other "Old

If

fight

resignations

several liberal appointments.

I felt

hopeful the Senate and the Presi-

dent might be able to save face. If he could appoint a

he might be willing to hold the packing

justices,

justices as

be inclined to go along, particularly

would go

The

proposed by Senator Hatch.

to

Robinson

if

number

down

Senate,

one of the

I

to

of liberal

two new would

thought,

new Court

in recognition of his services. I

posts

was encouraged

in these thoughts by the friendly tone of the President's letter accept-

He

ing the resignation.

wrote:

May

18, 1937.

Dear Mr. Justice Van Devanter: I

received your letter of this morning telling

me

that

you

are retiring

on the bench June 2, 1937. May I as one who has had the privilege of knowing you for many years, extend to you every good wish. Before you leave Washington for the summer, it would give me great personal pleasure if you would come in to see me.

from regular

active service

Very

sincerely yours,

Franklin D. Roosevelt

When dent. "I

I

saw the

wanted you

amusing

to the

to

ticker,

called the Presi-

I

to

know

I

thought you wrote a most interesting and

pay

in the line extending the invita-

he leaves."

a call before

on the bench,

sure he won't get a similar invitation," he said meaningly.

name

of

McReynolds?"

I

asked.

the prophet, Jim. That's exactly the one

to write

He

news

wouldn't happen to be a certain southern gentleman answering

"Still

invite

office

receive the resignation of a certain other judge

I

you can be "It

on the

letter,^' I said, ''particularly

him

tion to "If

letter

found him unperturbed about the future.

I

him

him

to

a letter,

go

—not

I

had

in

mind.

even though he wouldn't go where

I'd love

I'd like to

yet."

laughed uproariously.

In the midst of the Court struggle. Vice President Garner packed

up and went home

to Uvalde, Texas.

He

had told

me

he was going

Jim Farley's story

84 to take a vacation, so

I

thought nothing of

it

until

newspaper

stories

attributed Garner's absence to a rift with the President, precipitated

by the Court

fight.

At

a

White House luncheon on June

18, 1937, I

found the President smoldering over the absence of the presiding officer of the Senate.

"Why through about to

in hell did

a

all

jump

Jack have to leave

cloud of cigarette smoke.

"Fm

these stories and suggest he ship.

at this

going to write and

come

back. This

is

tell

him

a fine time

What's eating him?"

*'Well, Boss, I'm sure Jack isn't peeved at

peeved over

time for?" he fumed

a friend in the

HOLC,

a fellow

I

all.

do know he was

named Dick

who

Tullis,

had not been reinstated because of activity against Congressman Maverick in the last campaign."

"Send for Maverick and try to work "O.K., but

dropped

out. He's got to

think you'll find Jack just

went on

come back."

a vacation

and

off to see his son, Tulley."

"He ought in

I

it

to be back.

from the outer

office

I'll

have

Mac

call

"Let him spend a couple of weeks in Uvalde," "All right,

if

you

He

him."

called

Mclntyre

and gave him orders.

insist; a

I

suggested.

couple of weeks more won't make any

difference," he grumbled. I

don't think the President ever forgave Garner.

I

believe this

marked

the beginning of coolness on his part. In the past he had accepted

criti-

cism from Garner good-naturedly, evidently aware Jack would finally

support him even against

his

own

never the same between them; so table.

I

wrote

I

judgment. Thereafter things were

judged from

my seat at the

Garner, enclosing several pertinent

suggesting he return.

On July

i,

news

Cabinet

clippings and

1937, he wrote the following interest-

ing reply from Uvalde:

Dear Jim: Your favor

of the 28th, with enclosures,

is

just received.

When I see articles such as Mr. Stokes's story, especially those saying that there

is

a

break between the "Boss" and myself,

know that you and the "Boss" and the others who facts know that there isn't any truth in it.

it

peeves me, and yet

I

are acquainted with the

I

ilnternational

June

27, 1937

dent's breast, he

days after the

—Although the Supreme Court fight defeat rankled and

bill

I

was

had

Club only

a hearty laugh at the Jefferson Island

lost (see

It

is

Photo.)

a

few

pages 94-96).

{

This

News

in the Presi-

one of those rare pictures

in

w hich the President and

I

)itcr)iatioiial

News

Photo.)

arc not smiling.

presents an interesting contrast to the one above, especially in view of events as

thev developed.

—

{Acme

Pilot o.)

September 5, 1938 Purge prescribed. FDR went to Crisfield, Maryland, in an attempt to purge Senator Millard Tydings, a candidate for renomination. This picture shows, left to right, President Roosevelt, Representative David Lewis (Tydings's opponent), and Representative T. Alan Goldsborough of Maryland (see

page 144).

The Court I

fight

85

have never said a word touching the Administration that the "Boss," the others could not have been present and heard. Frankly, Jim, I

you and

have almost gotten to love Roosevelt from a personal standpoint. I think he has been over-reached in some things or else he has arrived at conclusions which to my mind can't be sustained from a standpoint of statesmanship or patriotism. I refer particularly to the sit-down strikes and mass lawlessness, which, to me, is intolerable and will lead to great difficulty, I

if

am

not destruction.

not only unalterably opposed to mass violation of the law, but any

kind of tolerance of violation of the law, regardless of

class.

That

is

why

I

have for twenty-odd years cried out against the combined Wall Street violation of the spirit of the law as well as a large percentage of actual violation

without receiving punishment. Moreover, as you well know, I have last two years that we should have been materially reducing

believed for the

our expenditures; that we could not go on indefinitely borrowing money to run the Government. The "Boss" apparently makes up his mind that he is going to follow a certain line of economy, but within three to six months somebody has talked

him

into a different policy or,

policy, the exceptions I

know you

become

have heard

lace's agricultural

me

by asking

so

many

exceptions to the

the rule.

say in the Cabinet that

I

thought Henry WalI realize that he

policy was fundamentally unsound, but

and the President's advisers, who have had actual experience in the premises, have observed the practical difficulties more than I have, and I have gone along with that policy whole-heartedly; and, I am egotistical enough to say that I have been helpful in it. Now, my feelings about the above propositions have been freely expressed to you and the "Boss." I have not expressed them as freely to others since it would appear that I was too much of a critic. Jim, I have got to be honest, honest with myself, with you, with the "Boss," aqd others with whom I have to deal, therefore I can only speak frankly. Along about last March you will recall that I announced that I was going to take my vacation all at once, beginning about the first of June. Everyone thought we would be thru about then for the program was short. Later on the "Chief" decided he would enlarge the program very materially. I didn't see any reason why I should change my vacation plans, in view of Mrs. Garner and the grandchild's arrangements, because of the enlarged program. I have taken the time to encumber you with this long letter so that you may have the whole picture and know how I feel. I know the "Boss" knows it, and it made me unhappy when Marvin A4clntyre told me that he was

Jim Farley's

86 annoyed by me

leaving. If he I

had told me,

any cost

at

would have made

I

to the fullest extent.

I

plead for his unlimited confidence since he has mine

other arrangements.

Mrs. Garner joins

story-

am subject to his call at any moment. me in love and best wishes for you and

the family.

Sincerely your friend,

Jno.

I

wrote him the President thought

soon

as

as possible.

if I

would be

Garner replied July

needed him he would head for the can,

it

have the strength to

8,

saying

capital, "as

and

travel,

I

best for

soon

him

to return

if

the President

as I

conveniently

surely have

it

feeling fine and getting hard as a brick and black as a I

N. Garner

now,

as I

am

Yaqui Indian."

sent the "Boss" copies of the letters.

Returning to the White House conference, the President and

He still refused He could have had

talked of the Court fight.

which

desperate,

easily in April,

He would

it

but

was. this

a

two- justice compromise

concession was most doubtful in early June.

not talk of yielding ground.

of Robinson to the

I

to regard the situation as

Van Devanter

I

urged again the appointment

vacancy, holding that the nomina-

would be an excellent thing with which to end the session, as it would leave a good taste in everyone's mouth. Homer Cummings came in and added his voice to mine. The President said he would make the appointment. I asked him to keep the name of Owen D. Young in the back of his mind for other vacancies which might occur. The next tion

morning

I

called

Robinson and relayed the President's promise

greeting him as "Mr. Justice."

not to rock

it,

and

all

I

told

would be

him

well.

to

He

sit

after

steady in the boat and

was most

grateful for the

news. It

was Robinson who

finally

persuaded the President to take a

realis-

two hour night conference, he convinced the President that compromise was the only course. Unfortunately the grains of sand in his hourglass were running low and he was tic

view of the Court

battle. In a

not to have time to direct the

final

phase of the

lost cause.

He

might

have saved much. I left

to attend the annual Elks' convention in Denver, arriving in

that city 6:

30 A.M.

Tuesday morning, June 13, 1937. Wednesday morning at I was awakened by the Associated Press reporting that Rob-

The Court inson was dead.

I

fight

87

had known of Robinson's heart ailment for

long time. In the midst of the Court he had been observing

a strict diet.

he took

fight,

There

is

his

sudden

collapse.

rest;

strain

Washington summer,

had great admiration for the

I

man

hot-tempered statesman, because he was a

While he did not agree with some

two weeks'

no question that the

of the Court battle, together with the heat of a

was responsible for

a

a long,

of courage and loyalty.

of the policies advanced

by the

President, he fought ably for their passage, giving freely of his time

At

the time of the news of his passing, I recognized that would seek for early adjournment in the hope that the Court plan would be abandoned. I expected the President would elect to carry on the battle. Friday morning I attended the services for Senator Robinson in the Senate chamber. As we gathered in the President's room, there was muttering about the "Dear Alben" letter Roosevelt had addressed to Senator Barkley denouncing rumors that the Court bill was to be

and

efforts.

the opposition

abandoned. Friends of Senator Harrison

employed the

letter to indicate

When the President entered he for a chat at 4: fifteen or

Byrnes,

1

5

p.m. This

I

felt

the Chief Executive had

he favored Barkley for the leadership. asked did. I

me to drop by the White House was on time but had to wait for

twenty minutes while the President talked with Senator

who was managing

Harrison's campaign for the leadership as

Guffey was managing Barkley's.

The "Dear Alben" majority leader services

I

letter said,

"Since the untimely death of our

had hoped, with you, that

had been held,

a

at least until his funeral

decent respect for his

memory would have It wound up

deferred discussion of political and legislative matters."

with

a

demand

for a fight to the finish.

flushed with anger felt that the

neral,

The

when

the letter

Many

Congressional faces

was made public because

it

was

President had taken up politics before the Robinson fu-

while accusing others of not observing a decent mourning period.

President decided against attending the funeral.

I

considered this

decision a grave mistake.

The finish fight which the President called Barkley to wage was on the Robinson measure which specified one new Justice for every Court member over the age of seventy-five but limited the President

88

Jim Farley's story

When

to one appointment a year.

came in for a made on leaving

debate opened,

heavy verbal barrage for an off-the-record remark

I

I

the President.

A reporter put me on the spot by asking how the

fight stood.

dodged by countering with an off-the-record question

I

Court

how such Senators as McCarran of Nevada and O'Mahoney of Wyoming could afford not to vote for the bill if they ever wanted anyas to

My

thing from the administration. reporting. This in

was one of only two times

Washington when a statement McCarran rose from a sickbed

He

fore the Senate. tor's orders

announced

and seaKng

think this cause

*'I

He

fectively.

added,

is

"When

my

death warrant and he

It

in

make

a dramatic appearance be-

was speaking

state there

by reason of

Farley said that

would be

knew a

it,

and

for me, in fact, than for either

cause

knew

the President. "Boss,

when

I

I

had made

It

taught

it

me

asked for something

I

may today

wrote

be delivering

my

it

was bad enough for me.

McCarran or O'Mahoney, bethem to vote for

impossible for either of a

powerful lesson

want to be very direct,"

was ushered

if I

mandate of Mr. Farley."

Worse

I

he cried, most ef-

life,"

a different viewpoint, he

wasn't that bad, as time has proved; but

I

against his doc-

political death.

worthy of any man's

my

valedictory

no news value in the seven and one-half years

lost

put off the record was published.

I

to

that he

own

his

for

humble

remark

I

in holding

said after

my

tongue.

exchanging greetings,

by Mclntyre.

to Roosevelt's desk that afternoon

"Well, shoot, Jim," he invited.

"Why did you write that letter to Barkley?" "A

letter

was the

easiest

"But criticism has

way

come from

to get over

the fact that

what I wanted." it was addressed to Bark-

ley."

"Simple enough, Jim. or to

Key

Pittman

acting leader,

I

I

couldn't have sent

who was

properly sent

it

I

know," he

Harrison. Well,

it

to

Garner who's away,

inasmuch

as

Barkley

is

to him."

"But the impression has got around "Yes,

it

in the Chair; so,

.

.

."

interrupted, "that I'm supporting Barkley against

just isn't so."

"I'm glad to hear

it," I said.

"I'm going to keep

my

hands

off. It's

The Court a matter for the Senate

going to

Barkley and Harrison that."

tell

him I'm not

tell

have to spend

all his

against him.

the time and,

all

to see Pat Harrison at five o'clock

Of

course,

time at the job, because

he familiarize himself with floor

89

—the Democratic members of the Senate. Fm

"Good," he approved, ^Tm going and

fight

if

he does that,

will be necessary that

it

He

all legislation.

he's elected, Pat will

if

have to be on the

will

him

will be difficult for

it

to

carry on his work as Chairman of the Finance Committee. It might mean he will have to resign that post and, if he does, it would go to Senator King of Utah, who, as you know, is a bitter foe of the admin-

King

istration.

is

just impossible to deal with."

*'Let's leave that until

we

have to face

it," I said.

death was a heavy loss," the President said. "I appreciated

^'Joe's

his splendid services.

He was

wonderful

in the

going to put him on the Supreme Court for

it.

fight. I

was

the way, are

you

Court

By

going to Little Rock for the funeral?" "Yes." "Jim,

among sas

wish you'd be

and try to get

soon

you

as

"Of

yes.

a line

I'll

see

with him

as

on the

around

and from Arkanto

me

Ask him about soon

as

his

return here.

I've talked

you can

I

satisfied that

Jack visit

in Little

F. Ashurst

was pleased

am

with him, but be sure and

I

Rock."

Rock

at

to see the

7:30 a.m.

I

went

at the First

Methodist

Most Reverend John

B. Morris,

Catholic Bishop of Little Rock, give a splendid lesson in tolerance

pew

During the tors

to

ride

pay homage

Court

issue.

by

to the dead.

down and back

and Congressmen of both

of bitterness

to

and Congressman John O'Con-

York. Funeral services were held

Church, where

entering a

as

at the funeral."

funeral train arrived at Little

New

trip. Visit

train to

on what they're thinking. Report

Mass with Senator Henry nor of

eyes and ears on the

Garner

coming back because

The

my

return."

course.

"Oh, is

I

the Senators and Congressmen

I

had conferences with

all

the Sena-

parties. I was amazed at the amount which had been engendered by the long struggle over the I found men of stature growing quite petty in their re-

Jim Farley's

90

marks about one another. heal the split

made by

It

story-

was evident

that

the fight, since the

been rubbed into the party's wound.

I

was

it

salt

would be

difficult to

of unkind

words had

satisfied that

only the sooth-

ing passage of time and the most deUcate nursing would bring the factions into a united

Democratic front again. Both

sides

were claim-

ing victory in the contest. There was no doubt, however, that the best the President could

hope for was

a

compromise.

CHAPTER TEN

COURT AFTERMATH

ON

THE RETURN

me

he was

Gamer

trip

all set

to clear

boarded the funeral

train.

He

told

up any erroneous impressions caused

by his absence. I had visits with Harrison and Barkley,

the con-

tenders for the leadership, and their respective campaign managers,

Byrnes and Guifey.

I

told them, without equivocation, each in the

presence of the other, that

I

would not turn

and that the President had assured said the President

me

a

hand

in their contest,

he also would not. Harrison

had so advised him Friday afternoon.

were both friends of mine and entirely satisfactory to me.

I

said they

I

that the selection of either

would be

my

friendship

added

I

intended to keep

with the winner and the loser in the race; and both declared, as

they were concerned, that would be

Byrnes told

me

I

had probably done more

days happy than anyone

else.

inson the Saturday morning

He I

said he

made

as far

so.

make Robinson's last and Harrison were with Robto

the call advising him of the im-

pending Court appointment. Robinson repeated

my

conversation, say-

ing he could not keep the wonderful news from such good friends.

The news buoyed Robinson up

in the fight,

the Majority Leader was confident that

when

out satisfactorily, he could go to sleep on

Robinson was vexed, according lence on the appointment. that

it

was

desirable for

I

Byrnes added, because told

him

it

would work

it.

to Byrnes, over the President's

explained that the President probably

him

si-

felt

to be in a position to say he had never

discussed the appointment with Robinson

make

I

when

the time

came

to

was sure the President wanted to be able to say Robinson had not fought the good fight on account of any commitment made him about judicial hopes, even though he was aware Robinson exit. I

said

I

pected elevation to the Court; so did Mrs. Robinson and so did their friends.

We returned to Washington at

1

1:45 p.m.

91

Monday.

I

went

directly

Jim Farley's story

92

my

to

apartment in the Mayflower. Late the next night the special

from the White House

line

"Hello/'

jangled.

answered.

I

"Hello," said the voice at the other end.

"Who "It's

is

it?"

I

asked somewhat impatiently.

me," the voice responded, none too

"Who "The

is

*me'?"

I

shouted.

President."

"Oh," "Jim,

in the hell

clearly.

said

I.

"What's keeping you up?"

want you to call Ed Kelly of Chicago right now. It's neceshim to put the pressure on Senator Dieterich to get him to

I

sary to get

vote for Barkley." "I can't

do

"I said

it," I said.

I

wouldn't turn a hand either way,

for Barkley or Harrison." "Dieterich's weakening; "I can't help

it,

"You mean you "Boss,

I

all

we

need

is

a

phone

call."

can't call Kelly."

I

won't," the President said in hurt accents.

just can't," I protested. "I

gave

my word —my word

Harrison, Barkley, Byrnes, and Guffey on the train. it

was

right for

me

to take

no

You

to

yourself said

sides."

"Very well," he said curtly. "I'll get Harry Hopkins to do it." He hung up before I could say, "Good night." I tossed restlessly for a time afterward in distress at the thought he his

have

me go back on

night on the

and the

was going back on

promise to Harrison, and in annoyance that he should seek to

now

mine.

It

White House

was the only time he ever

wire. Jesse Jones used to use

and then other Cabinet

White House switchboard.

officers

it

called

me

at

occasionally

would reach me through

Several days later Senator Dieterich

confided that Kelly had called and persuaded him to switch to Barkley.

The

next morning the President called

eleven o'clock. servations

He

on the

"Jim, I've

was

me

over to

in excellent spirits as

I

around

his office

reported on

my

ob-

trip.

made up

my

the situation ride along,

mind

if

happens on the part of the

that after the leadership fight,

I'll

let

what happens. If nothing get on the radio. I'll appeal to

possible, to see

leaders,

I'll

Court aftermath the people.

I

want the Court

and a farm

lation,

bill

slum clearance, wage and hour

bill,

"but those

said,

I

legis-

passed at this session."

man

"I believe, generally speaking, the

gram,"

93

in the street

who opposed you

party conservatives have grabbed

this

is

for your pro-

in the last election

and the

opportunity of the Court fight

to oppose the entire legislative schedule."

my report on what he called my "look-see" and tomorrow told me to come in to go over the whole situation. He did not mention the phone call of the night before. I saw the President almost immediately after Barkley was elected leader by a vote of 38 to 37. He was pleased although he acknowledged He

thanked

me

for

surprise at the closeness of the vote. invite

"I'll

Barkley and Harrison in to lunch," he exclaimed.

a splendid idea.

You

stay, too, Jim.

work everything out." "If you don't mind," better

I

put

in,

Then we can

"I'd rather not.

were not with you. They should

if I

all

I

"It's

get together and

think

it

would be

with you."

eat alone

"Maybe so," he let me off. "J™» what I have in mind is this. Senator Pope was in the other day and indicated it might be well to try to pass some of the important legislation now pending, and let the Court program ride along a while. Then, in October, Congress would come back to take

it

"Sounds

your part "But

What

up. all

to

do you think of

right, except I think

abandon the

it?"

it

might be

wouldn't be abandoning the

it

a terrible mistake

on

fight." fight;

it

would be

just a post-

ponement." This was the "I

and very

want

first

to get

indication

wage and

much

to

do

at the

you ought

had from him of surrender.

hour, reorganization, slum clearance, farm

through

judicial legislation

"I think

I

at this session.

next session and

to carry

on the

we

Then

there won't be

can take things easier."

fight,"

I

said. "I

think

it's

just

a question of getting the story before the voters."

"Yes, full well

I

know," he agreed.

slum clearance

is

"I'll

have to make a radio address.

necessary, that crop control

is

I

know

vital to

farm prices from getting out of hand, that wage and hour

keep

legislation

J™

94 is

keenly desired by

all

labor,

ization to increase efficiency.

"And

want

Farley's story-

them

and that the government needs reorganI

must

the people that.

tell

some Senators and Congressmen and more or less antiquated in their thinking. proceed, as they would have us, on the theory that we well enough alone."

I

to tell

that

the Vice President, too, are

We

can't

should I

let

pointed out that

fight,

We

little

had been done by Congress, due to the Court

except passage of the Neutrality

Bill

briefly discussed the anti-Supreme

and the Farm Repeal Act.

Court packing statement of

Governor Lehman of New York. The President screwed up his face to show as expressively as he could by words his annoyance at Lehman's butting into a situation which was of deep concern to the President.

I

said

I

thought the Lehman

letter

was out of order and he agreed

most emphatically. In forty-eight hours the Court

bill

was dead. The Senate referred

back to the Judiciary Committee. In the

final hours,

it

was widely

On July

ognized that Presidential defeat was inevitable.

23,

1

it

rec-

had lunch

with the President and found him fuming against Garner. **He didn't even attempt to bargain with Wheeler," he said in exasperation.

"He

any kind of

a fight, the thing

just

"Weren't you "I

accepted Wheeler's terms.

the best compromise he could.

"Boss,"

He I

Garner had put up

could have been worked out differently."

a party to the

agreement?"

most certainly was not," he snapped.

to do so.

If

I

asked.

"I told

Garner to make

apparent Garner made no effort

It's

just capitulated to the opposition."

said, "I

must take

issue

with you on Jack,

who

is

my friend

and yours. Without knowing what happened, I'm sure that Jack did all

he could, and more than anyone

you'll find he tried to salvage

I

might have done. I'm certain

what he could of the program, but

wasn't in the cards for him to win.

Later the same day

else

He

didn't have a

it

just

winning hand."

talked to Garner and learned that he had most

carefully canvassed the Senate and found that the opposition had sufficient strength, for the first

Several Senators,

who

time in the long battle, to

kill

the program.

were prepared to go along in order to help Rob-

inson win a seat on the Supreme Court bench, said they were

throwing

their lot

now

with the opposition. Aware that the President was

Court aftermath beaten,

Gamer went

to Senator

95

Wheeler and found the latter fullywinning hand. Garner asked

cognizant of the fact that he held the

what Wheeler would

settle for

and was forced to capitulate when the

Senator called for unconditional surrender.

*'What about the

rest of

your program?"

I

asked Roosevelt at our

conference. "I'll

put

it

up

to the leaders

whether they want to clean

it

up

few weeks or adjourn and come back the first of October or abouts. Then they could clean it up before Christmas."

The

President expressed himself pleased at the

his press

conference that morning.

papermen he could take

He

said

way

in a

there-

he had handled

he had showed the news-

good humor

defeat, that he had preserved

throughout.

By

the time luncheon ended he

a matter of fact, after he

mind, he became quite gay. prepared to

let

was

in a

had shut the Court I

happy frame of mind. As fight surrender out of his

did not gather, however, that he was

bygones be bygones.

I

knew he was

disappointed,

some Democrats. His attitude was that he had been doublecrossed and let down by men who should have rallied and even incensed

at

loyally to his support.

I

was

certain he

would not

dismiss

it all

as part

of the game, but would carry the scars of his defeat for some time.

For this reason I was hopeful that he could get the rest of his program through, and without further clashes with a Congress that had

would bring a short and I felt, would be an excellent time to bury party grudges. Nothing erases past differences so much as working for a common cause. Not being one to harbor illwill, I was confident time would heal the wounds of the violent juditasted executive blood.

I

hoped

uneventful session of Congress.

that next year

A

campaign year,

ciary fray.

The Supreme Court

fight,

when

the harsh accents of heated debate

died away, lived on in the President's soul

was

defeat, the worst he

when James M. Cox and

memory. Seared

into his political

had suffered since election night

he were soundly trounced by

in 1920

Warren G.

Harding and Calvin Coolidge. Presidential pride was sorely scorched. For weeks and months afterward I found him fuming against the

members of

his

own

party he blamed for his bucket of bitterness.

Jim Farley's story

96

Outwardly he was as gay and debonair as ever; inwardly he was seething, I knew, because to me he made no secret of his annoyance with those

who had

crossed the party

line.

Immediately after the defeat he began summoning Senators and

Congressmen down to the White House to discuss various matters. Almost invariably he would drop some suggestion that those who had opposed him had better be on guard. as

what he

left unsaid.

What

he

left

It

was not

so

much what

he said

unsaid lost nothing in being re-

layed to Capitol Hill. There they were searched for hidden meanings.

Various members of Congress came to

which

The 1937,

1

I

was unable

me

seeking enlightenment

to give.

President enjoyed his

little

game thoroughly.

found him chortling over the uneasiness he was

On

August

creating.

3,

Dur-

ing luncheon he recounted in detail conversations he had had with various

members of Congress,

acting out his

own

part and the puzzle-

ment of those he had called to his office. He was an excellent actor and at his best when he was taking off himself. He had me laughing throughout the meal. "I've got

them on the

run, Jim,'' he cried.

talking to themselves, memorizing I'd like to see the faces sag

idea what's going to

over

happen and

"They go out

of here

my lines to repeat up on the Hill. my mumbo-jumbo. They have no

are beginning to worry. They'll be

sorry, yet."

"Boss, you're a hard man,"

hope you never get angry

at

I

said half in jest

and half in

earnest. "I

me."

The Democratic opponents of the Court plan were not the only ones who didn't know what was going to happen. I did not know myself. The thought of a serious purge never crossed my mind. Shadows of concern flitted across

my

consciousness in the

first

months

after

the defeat, but these were quickly forgotten in the problem of the depression of 1937 and the controversy over the appointment of Senator Hugo Lafayette Black to the Supreme Court.

The tors

on

straw in the wind was presidential treatment of opposing Senahis trip to the

Northwest

that

fall.

without inviting Senator Burke to join

O'Mahoney was not

invited, but

He went

through Nebraska

Wyoming, Joe member of a citi-

his party. In

came anyway

as a

Court aftermath

97

welcoming committee. When Roosevelt spied Joe, he stuck out his hand and cheerily greeted, "Hello, Joe! Glad to see you." That was at Cheyenne. At Caspar, where O'Mahoney left the train, the

zens'

President,

had not mentioned O'Mahoney

who

pearances in the paid

state,

the

lip service to

made

New

platform ap-

in rear

a pointed reference to politicians

Deal while frustrating

its

who

objectives. In

Montana, Wheeler, arch-foe of the President, was uninvited, while New Deal Senator Murray smiled welcome at the Gardiner stop. To illuminate the lesson for recalcitrant Democrats, the President cordiality to Senator Borah, Idaho Republican

Before he

left

on the western

trip,

which was

was

all

stalwart, at Boise.

to give

him

a "look-

see" across the continent, a visit to his grandchildren at Seattle, and an

when Justice Black returned from his Hyde Park home on September 22,

excuse to be out of Washington

Europe, 1937. a

1

good

I

called the President at

said

I

had nothing

trip. I

in particular

on

kidded him about taking

my mind except to wish him my regards to the Senators

who had been out of step with his program. "They'll know I was there, Jim," he laughed. their votes

At

"Let 'em begin eating

now."

the time there

Black had been

a

was more public

member

of the

Ku

interest in the disclosure that

Klux Klan than there was

in

the Court fight. This startling revelation in the Pittsburgh Post Gazette

few weeks after the Chief Executive had tossed the Alabama Senator's name into the Senate hopper for the Van Devanter vacancy on the high Court. The appointment was as much of a surprise to me as it was to all. I was not consulted nor was I advised before the appointment was read in the Senate chamber. I had a conference with came

a

the President the day before and discussed the Court appointment, but

he gave no hint that he had made

Judge Sam G. Bratton of "I

am aware

New

many of me dryly.

that

Bratton," he told

Bratton, a former Senator.

his decision. I

was plugging for

Mexico or Owen D. Young. would like to see me appoint

the Senators I

It

gathered that this killed the chances of

was

also evident

he was

still

feuding

with the Senate. Since the appointment of his old boss, former Secretary of the

Josephus Daniels,

as

Ambassador

Navy

to iMexico in 1933, he had never failed

Jim Farley's story

98 notify

to

me

Others came

White House

later.

had instructions

ster his

of an appointment. Black was the

desk on

its

way

to call

to the

executive

clerk

exception.

Rudolph For-

me on every appointment that crossed Hill. The Black appointment was given

special routing, going without Forster's

me

Later the President told

first

knowledge.

he had wanted to make the appoint-

ment a surprise. He said he had started with a list of more than fifty names and one by one cut his list down to three defenders of his New Deal: Solicitor General Stanley F. Reed, Senator

Sherman Minton of

Indiana, and Black. Finally, he said, he chose Black because the latter

had served the

New

Deal longer and more zealously; so he scrawled

out the nomination with his pen: "I nominate

bama

to be an Associate Justice of the

the recital with the gleeful statement, too."

I

gathered

his

Hugo

L. Black of Ala-

Supreme Court."

"And

they'll

He

concluded

have to take him,

reference was to the anti-Court Democrats,

who

would be under pressure of Senatorial courtesy. During Senate debate on Black's nomination, there was mention of the Klan connection. The issue was not treated seriously until the had donned white robes to take the Klan

press disclosure that Black

oath in Birmingham in 1923, a year before he defeated anti-Klan Senator Oscar

men

W. Underwood.

said Black's

At

the time of the disclosure, Klan spokes-

name was no longer on

Black was in London

when

the

rolls.

the scandal broke.

The Republican

press

made much of the disclosure. Black preserved a silence until his return, when he made a radio speech from the home of a friend in which he acknowledged former membership solicited fife

membership.

For an Associate

The

in the

Klan but denied the un-

radio speech

Justice to broadcast

was without precedent.

on any controversial subject

was unusual enough, but for a Justice to defend himself, as Black did, was sensational. He was on a tough spot, as tough a spot as any man in public

life

has ever faced, perhaps.

Tommy Corcoran called me after the radio admission to ask

me what

I

thought of

it. I

and disclaimer

replied quite honestly that

I

felt that

Black had done the best he could under trying circumstances; however,

I

felt that

Black should have denounced the Klan in the speech,

an organization of that character having no place

in

American

life.

Court aftermath Corcoran ton,

Jr.,

latter

was

RFC

attorney,

who owed

his post to the Justice

when

the

in the Senate.

Corcoran terrible.

Black speech was prepared by Claude E. Hamil-

said the

an

99

He

said he

saw the

first

who

called Black,

draft of the speech and thought

said he

it

was

had not wanted to join the Klan

in the first place but did so because he felt

under obligation to

friends.

made every effort to get Black to denounce the Klan but the Justice would not do so because he felt he would be throwing down friends in Alabama who had helped him through the years. The Corcoran

said he

original draft, according to Corcoran, stated that Black

the nightshirt organization, as had

Corcoran and

I

fellow and would that he told

Klan

many

others, for political purposes.

agreed that Black was

make

a

—

still

I

issue

and would

I

had taken the position

was not dead, arise

think he

good member of the Court.

had made so poor an explanation of

Corcoran

as the

had joined

at a

is

—

a fine

We were sorry

his klan connection. I

Cabinet meeting that the

President suggested, but was a live one

from time to time

as cases

involving the issue of tol-

erance came before the Court. This has been

so,

but

I

am

glad to say

that Black's position in such cases has been above suspicion.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

DEPRESSION AGAIN CALLED THE President

at

Hyde Park on October

7,

1937, to wel-

come him back from his western trip and to tell him I was heading out west and would not see him until I returned at the end of the month. He insisted I come down for the Cabinet meeting on the eighth. I said I would so arrange my plans.

I

"What d'you think of Hugo's speech "He did the best he could under the

of the other night?" he asked.

circumstances, but

I

think he

should have hit the Klan." "It

was

grand job," he countered.

a

He

and

see."

this

country

"It did the trick;

you

just

wait

switched the subject. "I want to talk about conditions in at the

Cabinet meeting. That's

why I want you

to be sure

come down." went to Washington on the night train and secured an appointment with Roosevelt for a few minutes before lunch. "I am more convinced than ever I was right about the Court," he told me. "Everywhere crowds were bigger than they were in the last

to

I

campaign. I'm sure the people are for understand it

all

the program, although

than some people seem to think.

much

thrust out his in

what he

"I've talked to

and

others.

I

I

Maybe they don't know more about know they're for the

program.

think they

Anyhow,

I

no other reason." chin challengingly. I acknowledged there was

Court program because I'm for

He

my

it,

if

for

said. all

think

I

kinds of people

know what

gram. Jim, I'm going to

—businessmen, farmers, workers,

they want and they want

my

pro-

call a special session."

you do, you ought to make it as late as you can and still allow enough time for putting through the legislation you want," I suggested. "I think I'll make it November 10 or maybe November 15. I don't want the program going over to the next session where it will get all "If

Depression again

loi

tangled up with the controversial items like the Court, the Black ap-

pointment, and the antilynching

them

At

At

bill.

the special session

to the program."

the Cabinet meeting that afternoon, October

leaped

down the

making no

tration,

1937, Roosevelt

8,

Commerce Roper during a diswhich was disturbing the Adminis-

throat of Secretary of

cussion of the business recession

effort to disguise his irritability.

said sharply at one point, "you have just got to stop issu-

"Dan," he

ing these Hooverish statements

all

the time."

Roper, unabashed by the rebuke, tried to argue to justify ments.

him

I

am

sure

Dan

failed to

know

by big

that the present situation

is

the result of a concerted effort

business and concentrated wealth to drive the market

unfavorable to me," the President

just to create a situation

have been around the country and are good.

Farmers are getting good

keep busy

just

his state-

understand that the President wanted

to keep silent in the critical period.

"I

to

can hold

I

know

prices. Industry

temporary. Everything will work out

and keep quiet."

unaware of the

Wall

He

point.

looked meaningly

"The

said. "I

conditions are good. Crops

crops and prices are good.

if

down

am

I

all

right

Roper,

at

w^hole situation

busy and

is

is

bound

sure the situation

is

we just sit tight who was blissfully if

being manufactured in

is

Street."

The

next day

I

talked to the President

appeared to have been

his suggestion for silence

"Jim," he entirely too

said, "there's entirely

many

by phone.

too

much

lost

I

remarked that

on Dan.

talking going on. There's

many

press conferences and too

statements being

issued." "I haven't

had

a press

conference since

last

June,"

"I'm going to put the Hd on," he continued.

Navy, Daniels had two

press conferences a

awful. There's too

much

comment. There's

just too

talking and

much

it's

I

put

"When

I

in.

was

in the

day and they got pretty

causing a lot of unfavorable

being said

all

around."

On my return from the West I went to New York City for the

final

days of the mayoralty campaign in which Fiorello La Guardia was pitted for reelection against

Judge Jeremiah Alahoney.

27, the President called to talk

about the campaign.

On

October

I02

Jim Farley's story

"If

La Guardia

really gets tough,"

said jokingly, ^Tll pin his ears

I

back."

"Watch

out," he cautioned, "he might bite you."

my

"He's too short to reach above

Three days before the had telephoned to a

his best

a slight

we were snowed under by

the

for iMahoney.

it

be

known

that he

chance to begin with. Election

La Guardia's total Around headquarters

to 1,344,016 as against

there

were no post-

—

we were Hcked soundly licked. There was a laugh, howwhen someone around headquarters remarked, "Well, time is a

mortems; ever,

retorted.

American Labor Party vote of

672,823 votes which brought 889,591

I

wishes to La Guardia. This was a heavy blow

campaign which had only

night

ankles,"

election Roosevelt let

great healer."

Two

me to meet him in his town York City and accompany him there I chatted with Harry Hop-

days later the President asked

house on Sixty-ninth Street in

back to Washington.

New

When I arrived

Emergency Relief Administrator, Miss iMarguerite Le Hand, the President's personal secretary, and Miss Grace Tully of the White House staff. La Guardia came in. I was congratulating him on his reelection when the President's mother came up and headed for the smiling Mayor. "Congratulations," she said. "I knew your victory was assured long before election. Nevertheless, I am much pleased that you have won." Miss Le Hand turned to me and winked. There was no doubt where Mrs. Roosevelt had heard that La Guardia would win. The trip to the town house was regarded as having been made expressly to congratulate the victorious La Guardia. And so it developed when the Mayor and I went in to the President a few minutes later. In the congratulations, I came in for a bit of kid-

kins, the Federal

ding.

I

took the opportunity to

ALP to

state that

I

considered

it

unfair of the

oppose Democratic candidates for the State Assembly and the

Democratic

slate of delegates to the Constitutional

Convention, which

opposition had strengthened Republicans. La Guardia said he had

wanted

to

go

to the

Convention and we Democrats would not send

him, so he had no other choice. for the

Democrats to send him.

I

said

it

would have been

a travesty

Depression again

The

next afternoon

sessions during

notes.

attended one of the most interesting Cabinet

I

my years in office,

The meeting

103

got under

one on which

way

slowly

I

dictated voluminous

in the

long Cabinet room

windows looking out on the rose garden on the right of the south portico of the White House. We were seated at our regular places when the President entered, sprinkhng cheery greetings. He took his place at the head of the table with Under Secretary of State with

tali

Welles, acting for Hull, on his right and Secretary of the Treasury

Morgenthau on

his left.

The

rest of us

were seated

on

alternately

either side of the table in the order of the creation of the Cabinet

accordance with established procedure, the President

positions. In

called

upon each department head

in order.

the situations in the Far East and in Spain.

dent reached the

last

member

It

was not

until the Presi-

of his official family, Secretary of Labor

Perkins, that the meeting really got under

When

Welles briefly discussed

way.

the President questioned, "Well, Frances, anything

on your

mind?" she pulled out a memorandum, prepared by Isadore Lubin, Labor Department statistician, which reported a decline in employ-

ment in October of about two per cent where, month shows an increase of two per cent. "This

is

the

first real

sign of a falling off in

ordinarily, she said, the

employment, which might

be serious and even dangerous in view of conditions," she report shows the faUing off

is

greatest in

result of the

so

many

I

plants. In

I

do not believe

sales

"The

as steel

connection

have no direct information

automobile show, but

show were up

heavy industries such

and automobile

plants, rolling mills, foundries,

with the automobile industry,

said.

as to

the

following the

to expectations, because they are laying off

workers

in

auto plants."

Others chimed in with gloomy reports of the business picture.

The

President listened until these were ended and then called for suggestions.

Welles passed, evidently holding that the domestic situation

was outside the purview of the

State Department.

you ought to issue a statement comparing business condiof today with what they were in the early days of your ad-

"I think

tions

who was next in line. "Then you could general tax situation. You know business is

ministration," said Morgenthau, talk frankly about the

J™

104

moaning

Farley's story

that the capital gains and undistributed profits taxes are re-

tarding recovery. But

I

how

are today than

we

far better off

*'Oh, for

God's

would be heartening for you to show we were four years ago." Henry, do you want me to read the record

think

sake,

it

again?" the President asked with no attempt to conceal his irritation.

Morgenthau reddened. The President glowered. The silence became as awkward as it was cold and heavy. Finally I spoke up: "Boss,

think

I

Henry

is

right."

Henry looked

surprised and pleased;

the President merely looked surprised. "I think the situation

be helped materially

if

you did say something

which no one can deny exist in the

my

frankly,

business

to alleviate the fears

may speak country lead me to be-

world today.

contacts with people around the

would

If I

you have taken a stubborn attitude. I quote exactly when I use the word ^stubborn.' The impression has been created, rightly or wrongly, that you have no interest in business. I may not be making myself clear, but there is a feeling you have no sympathy or confidence in business big or little Now, lieve that business people feel

—

even

"That's not true

"Let

me

to finish

.

finish,"

by saying

tion, the fact

is

.

.

I

."

.

he began.

begged. "I

am

that in spite of

not saying

you should make "There

true. I

your endeavors to

all

that the impression

it's

had intended

clear the situa-

remains you are against busi-

still

ness and this impression must be cleared away.

much

.

."

.

.

I

think

Henry

is

right,

a quieting statement."

are altogether too

many statements being issued now and

talking," the President said.

"The Department

of Agriculture

has issued a statement saying that the national income will be

than

it

was

a

year ago and the Department of

a statement saying

"Since

my

it

Commerce

checked before release and

"We

am

satisfied the

have checked

The

it was a year ago." Department of Agriculture has been

its

When

we

feel

it is

correct in

Agriculture estimate figures

President glared at

yourself look.

less

has issued

will be greater than

father's time the

getting out such a statement," Wallace said.

"I

too

and are

its

was thoroughly figures."

correct," said Perkins.

agreement with the estimate."

in

Roper with

the Secretary of

is

"It

a

what-have-you-to-say-for-

Commerce launched

into rosy

Depression again predictions, the President cut

the table but

Dan

him

that the Boss

short. It

105

was evident

was most annoyed

at

to everyone at

him.

number of things which must be done," the President began, leaving Roper floundering in some circumlocution about cycles. "There

are a

"There^s housing and railroads and

have reason to beheve the

''I

they

knew where they

utilities."

utilities v^^ould

are heading,"

I

broke

spend a

lot of

money

if

in.

"That's what they say," he went on. "But take a typical example,

Niagara-Hudson. The

real trouble

with them

over-capitalized for three times their real worth.

government

to extend consideration to

capitalization instead of sitting

they were and are

is

And

they want the

them based upon

down and

the over-

admitting their real worth

and then trying to work out their problems

in

an honest manner. In

other words, they want to charge the consumers for power based on a false capitalization. In the case of

Niagara-Hudson, they sold

stock at $20 a share to the public and

it is

now down

to $8

their

and seven-

eighths a share.

"Every time you do anything for them they want something I

am ready

down.

I

to

sit

down and work

it

out, but

you can never pin them

had Wendell Willkie of the Commonwealth and Southern

here for a talk, but I couldn't get anywhere with him; you anywhere with any of them." Someone brought up the plight of the railroads. "All right," the President said,

"let's

in

can't get

They want Some months ago

take the railroads.

higher freight rates and higher passenger

when

else.

rates.

the rates were reduced, over the opposition of the railroads,

the result

was increased volume of

New York Central, admitted the decrease "Boss, I've talked to a

Only one was justified by

business.

number of

railroad, the

the returns."

railroad executives around the

country and they are not sure whether

a freight rate increase will

I said. "They feel as soon as they get an increase, demand additional consideration. Take the 70 car bill. The unions want freight trains limited to 70 cars which means more crews for them, whereas trains of 100 cars are more efficient from the stand-

solve their problem,"

labor will

point of the operators." "I

know,

I

know," he

said. "I realize

the situation

is

a

bad one; many

io6

Jim Farley's story

of the roads are in a bad financial condition, and some are in poor

A

physical condition.

lot of this has

been due to

inefficient

manage-

ment, particularly in eastern roads, and failure to go along with the times.

"Finally, there's housing. Speeding

way toward

up of housing

adjusting the present business situation.

will

An

construction will give considerable help to the industry has been in a bad

enough,

rally

all

way

for a long time.

Its

go

long

a

increase in

itself,

which

stimulation will help, natu-

engaged in supplying materials and

industries

also

will help the transportation industry."

Alorgenthau and

Then

did most of the talking for the Cabinet at

I

Perkins and Secretary of

stepped in to

on Wall

all

few people come

how

crete suggestions as to to criticize, but

want

all

of

it's

which

"And larly the

I

in to see

—every one—when offering

exists; I

I

am

have been studying

with any con-

is

it

criticisms to

make

for a long, long time.

responsible for the situation. Business, particu-

me

to let

theirs.

They are trying to use up on some of my program. They want

They want

to increase the

restriction in the future.

although they won't admit situation to put over their

"In

easy

fully conscious of the situa-

to get back the control they had in the past, to get back

ernment

It's

banking industry, has ganged up on me.

this recession to force

feel

had

another thing to help.

you

know who's

me

the situation can be alleviated.

suggestions which are constructive. tion

We

kinds of criticism and complaints about the economic

situation," he said, "but

"I

in.

a little

Street.

"I get

enough

joined

from Roper. More than once help Alorgenthau. The President blamed the recession

some help from Wallace and I

War Woodring

first.

my talks with

it

power

There

is

of wealth without gov-

no doubt what they want,

and they are taking

own

what they

it

out on the present

ends.

businessmen and people generally,

I

have brought

limitations. I am proamong working people

up the question of wages and hours and labor ceeding on the theory that better conditions are absolutely necessary. Legislation

is

vital

because in some sections

of the country wages are pitifully small. "I

have found that businessmen in one section of the country are not

Depression again concerned about conditions

in another part of the country. In other

own particular business and They are a pretty selfish lot.

words, they are concerned about their

they are not interested in anything I

feel there

big and

is

little;

to

else.

on the part of

a bitter, selfish attitude,

for example, newspaper

cerned only with their

own

107

welfare.

do the job right and to help

all

That

situation

do the right things and to bring us along to

At best

we had

ever had.

The

businessmen,

makes

it

difficult

elements of our population.

willing and determined to use every prerogative at

the conclusion of the meetino^

all

editors and publishers are con-

a better

way

remarked that

I

The

President agreed.

thau called to express gratitude for the

way

I

I

my command it

of

am to

life."

was one of the

next day Aiorgen-

backed him up, saying

was annoyed at his persistency, and added that he would not have gone on had I not stepped in as I did and given him courage to go on. He was never more friendly in all the years I have known him than he was that he would never forget

it,

because he

felt

the President

morning. Alorgenthau said the discussion was certain to produce favorable results.

On the day Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., ried in

and Ethel

Du Pont were mar-

Wilmington, Steve Early told me, Alorgenthau called during

demanded that Roosevelt be put on the phone so that he could give the American government's position on the French franc. The President was relaxing at the reception the height of the festivities and excitedly

in the

Du

Pont home M^hen Henry called seeking approval of the posi-

which was about to be announced. Steve found the Boss sipping champagne. When he relayed the Alorgenthau message, the President

tion

frowned

at the interruption

damn what

carried the message back to

House

staff

and

said,

Henry I don't give a good on the French franc." Steve

"Tell

the government's position

is

Henry word

for word, because the

was finding Henry's worries tiresome.

White

CHAPTER TWELVE

NEW YORK

GOVERNORSHIP

ROUND THIS time Walter J. Cummings, Chicago banker and former ZJk treasurer of the Democratic National Committee, called by •^ -^ phone quite distressed because he had heard Senator Harry S. Truman of Missouri was about to make a speech attacking the receivership of the Chicago, Milwaukee, St. Paul & Pacific Railroad. Cumy4

mings was disturbed because he was the

receiver.

up Truman and

I

ask

him not

to do so.

right to call off the Senator but

information was correct.

I

said

I

would try

He wanted me to

did not feel to find out

I

if

call

had any Walter's

did call the Senator and found that while

I

he was going to speak he was not going to attack the railroad or

its

receivership.

Truman was under was not being

treated fairly

nection with Boss

November eral

the impression, and with

Tom a

reason, that he

administration, because of his con-

Pendergast of the Kansas City machine.

he came in to see

19, 1937,

would appoint

by the

some

me

to ask

the Attorney

if

United States District Attorney

who

succeed iMaurice A. Milligan,

On

Gen-

in Missouri to

prosecuted Pendergast.

Truman

said he did not want to submit a name unless the appointment was to

be made.

change

I

found both the President and Cummings cold toward any

in that ofiice.

The same day ing

his

President.

White House proper.

above the Blue

by

saw the

for a couple of days, but he

fire

to the

I

Room

and into

I

had had an appointment hang-

was

ill

and

I

was put

went

appearance. His color was bad; his face was lined and he ap-

peared to be worn out. His jaw was swollen fection.

During the

as a result of a

entire interview he kept an ice

relieve pain. In addition to the infection, he told testinal disorder "I'll

off. I

was ushered through the oval study the President's bedroom. I was shocked

I

be

all

and

right,

a fever.

if I

His

spirits

were

can get away," he 108

bag to

me

tooth in-

his

jaw to

he had an in-

excellent.

said. "If the

doctors

let

me

New Warm

go, ril head for

don't

you take

York governorship

What

Springs.

a fishing cruise?"

worid of good.

I

I

need

suggested.

is

109

do you

to

were you Vd head for warm waters and

If I

"Why

a bit of rest."

"They seem

a

Con-

let

gress wrestle along with the legislative program."

There was no doubt in my mind great deal more than was indicated had

that the President in the press.

He

me

told

of sleep as a result of the infection

lost a great deal

had suffered

a

that he

—an infection

which made it necessary to delay the extraction of the tooth. The fever lingered on for weeks. And I learned there was worry over strain on Roosevelt's heart.

The five

President's condition so concerned

me

I

had

a long talk

days later with Admiral Gary T. Grayson, White House physician

to President Wilson, about Roosevelt's health.

daily touch with

him

that

that while

Jimmy

He

told

me

he was in

Roosevelt on his father's condition.

told

I

had a great deal of respect for White House physician

I

Ross T. Mclntire,

thought

I

it

highly essential that some prominent

physician be called in to go over the President thoroughly. Grayson said it

was important not only

in for consultation I

to get a

good doctor, but one who would not ill outside doctors were called

when Wilson was

recaUing that

talk,

and some of them talked.

gathered he was aware of the worry regarding the President's

heart.

I

told

him nothing

knew, however, and he told me nothing he

I

knew. There was no immediate concern, velt's

I

had been

but Roose-

told,

condition was such as to bear watching. Grayson said

it

might

become serious. There had been many rumors in New York and elsewhere about the President's health. Most of these had no basis in fact whatsoever.

At

my conference with the President, we

ments.

At

this

time

discussed various appoint-

was being mentioned prominently

I

in polls

and

various articles in magazines and newspapers as a Presidential possibiHty in 1940. sideration,

I

While

I

did not take

tioned this although

I

was highly pleased it

seriously.

was subjected

to fall

under such con-

The President had never mento much good-natured kidding

from others on the matter. "Jim, before

you

leave,

I

want

to talk to

State situation," he said, taking the ice

you about the

bag away from

New

York

his ailing jaw.

no

Jim Farley's story

'Tvc talked to Ed Flynn about

He's very

it.

much

tude and actions of the American Labor Party and generally.

I

realize the situation

straightening out

some thought

—needs

it

a difficult one,

is

Now,

badly.

Jim,

to the situation, particularly

I

hurt is

the

atti-

bad mood

but one that needs

want you

want you

I

by

in a

to give

to give

some

thought to running for governor."

He put the ice bag back and studied 'Tm not keen on living in Albany," "I suppose Bess

"Fm

would not

like

it

me. I

sidestepped.

either?" he asked.

of the impression she wouldn't."

"I don't

blame her for

be given to the

you could

a minute.

However,

serious attention should

New York situation. If you would take the nomination,

get the support of the

CIO and

the

AFL,

as well as the

American Labor party and undoubtedly La Guardia." "That Little

last

statement

is

somewhat amusing,"

I said.

"I can see the

Flower on the stump for me."

"Seriously, Jim, I'm certain that

La Guardia won't oppose you un-

Dewey should happen to be the nominee." "What about Bob Jackson?" I asked. "He isn't well enough known and I question whether he

less

could build

you don't run, the only other person available would be Senator Wagner. And then, Jim, you could run for the Senate. At the same time you could keep any position in the business world, which would take care of your private financial situation." "Bess doesn't think much of Washington either," I volunteered. "You know, before I left Albany," he went on, ignoring my interruption, "a bill was passed where an appropriation of some kind had himself up enough to run

by next

year," he answered. "If

been arranged for an additional contribution of

$ 1 0,000 a

support of the Executive Mansion so that the Governor $35,000 instead of $25,000

as I did.

is

so,

now

receives

This would enable you to carry on

the functions of the Mansion without having

"All right, granting that

year for the

it still

much

of a deficit."

would not take

care of

my

per-

There would be no chance of reheving the difficulties deficit I incur by service here, and there would be no chance of saving money for myself and my family. Frankly, I would

sonal situation.

of the accumulating

love the place, but

I

New

York governorship

do not

see

how

my

in

iii

present position

I

can give

serious consideration to it."

"Well, think

"Think them both over

over," he urged.

it

— Gov-

ernor and Senate."

One sation.

other subject of general interest was considered in the conver-

The

President expressed disappointment that Hull had not

Nobel peace prize that was awarded to Lord Cecil. He said Hull did not want his name entered as a candidate again next year, but he had instructed Welles to do so anyway. He said, "You know, received the

there's a cash prize of $40,000 that goes

could use

dell

Three days

with the award."

it."

much

later I repeated

of this conversation to Vice Presi-

He

dent Garner at luncheon in his office at the Capitol. Presidential insistence that

York, saying that

me

"Well, I

I

have never

self

said.

as

during

"Not

known

all

New

though Roosevelt were trying to get

don't think the boss looks on

I

that

I

do," Garner broke

I

smiled at the

run for Governor or Senator in

I

in 1940.

"Quite frankly, candidate,"

looked

it

way

out of the

"Cor-

I said,

me

as a qualified

have any feehng in the matter." in. "I

recently told a friend of mine that

man who had grown more in stature my years in Washington. I never knew you a

but after having seen you in action

at

Cabinet meetings,

I

than youruntil 1933,

have acquired

you and know you are big enough to be President. tell you something in the strictest confidence. Well, bet with Silliman Evans 100 to that I could name the

a high regard for

"And, I

made

a

I

want

—

next President. for $10 and

And

to

we

He

wrote out

a

i

—

check for $1,000 and

I

wrote one out

turned them over to the Missus with the name

— not to be repeated to

I

wrote.

—

a living soul the name I wrote was yours." you speak for yourself, John?" I quipped. "I don't want the Presidency under any circumstances," he said. "Silliman was very anxious to find out the name I wrote, but I wouldn't

"Why

tell

him.

didn't

He

thought

it

was Wallace and offered

to bet another $50

was the case, but I wouldn't bet. No, I don't want to take the job. would hate to have to take over the reins of government. It's a tremendous responsibility. I hope to God the Boss keeps his health. I'm worried about him now."

that I

Jim Farley's story

112 I

He

him there was nothing

told

said he

was glad

to hear

worry

to I

it.

about, nothing immediate.

gathered he, too, had heard about

the concern over the President's heart.

The of

my

said

apartment.

had run into Marvin Mclntyre

I

Mac

said,

coming out

term was out of the question.

said the third

"you

I

are the outstanding candidate."

Gamer's suspicions satisfaction

by

Basil

me

that the President regarded

tender and wanted to sidetrack

O'Connor

me

at a

lunch in

Roosevelt had mentioned the prospect of

York

in 1938.

"Doc"

told

him

dent acknowledged to "Doc" that

is

in

New

my

York

known, told me Governor of

my running for

was not

I

verified to

home

his

1940 con-

as a

Albany were

to

City. "Doc," as the President's former law partner

New

in

considered Hull the logical candidate. "Don't be foolish, Jim,"

I

Mac

night before,

interested.

The

Presi-

was not "particularly interested." "Doc" said he could go farther and say I was not interested at all. At this, he said, the President looked at him and asked, "Is Jim anxious for 1940?" "Doc" said his answer was that he didn't know about

I

had

said

I

that.

Soon

after that the President

much

turned,

rested,

I

took a fishing

called the

cruise.

White House

he re-

to inquire after his

health.

He reported he was feeling fine;

that the dentist

said

would no longer be necessary

to scrape his

it

When

and doctor had

jaw bone where

the abscessed tooth had been, and the condition had improved greatly in the past thirty hours.

few days later. He told me about the impendKennedy of the Securities and Exchange Commission as Ambassador to Britain. I asked him whether Joseph E. Davies, then Ambassador 'to Russia, would go to Berlin. He replied that Joe would be shifted to Brussels, that Berlin needed an experienced diplomat. Then he brought the conversation to New York State I

saw the President

a

ing appointment of Joseph P.

politics.

"Jim, I'm very

simple fact

is

that

much concerned about New York," he said. "The we like it or not, the American Labor Party

whether

holds the balance of in order to

we must

win

power and our nominees must have

at the polls.

deal with them.

Ed Flynn is

very

much against

their support

the

ALP, but

New **You and

York governorship

are practical fellows, Jim,

I

and

113

know we must approach

the situation in a practical manner, regardless of personal feelings.

worked out to meet the approval of them as: Wagner for Senator and Farley for Governor, or Farley for Senator and Wagner for GovThere the

are certain conditions to be

Labor party

for our tickets.

I list

ernor."

"W^e have already talked not changed in the

slightest.

over before,"

this

my personal

you about

to

some other

this again.

ideas

on the

La Guardia

or

Wagner for

for Senator and

"I just can't believe the

I

want

understand your personal attitude.

ticket.

What do you

Senator and Jackson for Governor, or son for Senator, or

has I

problem."

"Well, don't dismiss them entirely from your mind. I

"My mind

Either post would be a great honor, but

them because of

just can't consider

I said.

think of

to talk I

have

Wagner

Wagner for Governor and

for

Jack-

Senator and La Guardia for Governor,

Wagner

for Governor?"

Democrats would turn over the party to La

would rather lose than do this. Now, don't get me wrong, speaking from the national point of view, I don't care whether La Guardia runs as a Democrat we have a majority in the Senate anyway. As a Democrat, I'm heart and soul against it. La Guardia is an opportunist and would desert on a moment's notice if he thought it would be to his advantage." "Yes, La Guardia has a swelled head," he said slowly, "and it's my Guardia,"

I

said. "I

think the party

—

guess he has presidential aspirations. He's very friendly with the Follettes;

Bob La

never thought I

Follette

much

is

a nice fellow, able

velt) did not consult

to me,

I

of Phil."

told the President that Hull

much

La

and honorable, but

was of the impression

him enough,

though not

in so

that he (Roose-

that the Secretary had intimated as

many words.

I

told

him Hull had much

Capitol Hill experience in tax problems and his advice in that field

might be invaluable.

"Why,

I'm very fond of Hull," he disclaimed. "I see him at

twice a week. However, he's a free trader his

at heart

least

and for that reason

views can't be accepted in their entirety."

This brought up a general discussion of the Cabinet, which was extremely intimate and frank.

It

was the

first

time the President had

J™

114

Farley's story

down his hair with me on my colleagues in his official family. "What do you think of Homer Cummings?" he asked. *'I think Homer is all right," I said. "He has been extremely loyal

taken

and cooperated

every way.

in

he has any weakness,

If

due to the

it is

you about what you should do, he is always trying to find out what you want to do. In other words, he's always trying to go along with your views. I think you might have a chat with him and try to impress on him that he must make his

fact that instead of advising

own decisions." I knew the President

got

Cummings

people blamed

this as a reference to the fact that

for the ill-fated Court plan.

The

many blame

full

had been placed on Homer's doorstep when the truth was the President only consulted him in preparation for the program.

Judge Samuel

The

I.

Rosenman was

also in

on the hatching.

President said nothing, but from his manner

Homer's days were numbered.

I

understand

I

knew Cummings was

I

gathered that

anxious to leave

the Cabinet and was disturbed by stories that Jackson was to succeed

him. Jackson had accompanied the President on the recent southern cruise.

"What about Dan Roper?" he asked. "I am thoroughly dissatisfied with Dan but don't know how I can get rid of him. Maybe I could give him a diplomatic post of some kind." "I think that

if

Dan

did leave the Cabinet, he'd

want

Washington rather than take a diplomatic post, but he honors he might accept anything in the diplomatic "Well, we'll try," Roosevelt continued.

Swanson

thing to do,"

I

mentally, but

said. it's

number

is

"Up

pitiful

"Yes," he agreed,

"Do you

I

said.

think Claude

"it's

any worse, I think it would be the proper months ago he was clicking all right to see him at Cabinet meetings now." until six

too bad.

He was

a

grand old man. I'm afraid

up."

"Speaking of the Cabinet, Louis Johnson Secretary of "I

line,"

so fond of

will resign?"

"If his condition gets

his

to remain in is

War

any day now,"

I

is

expecting to be

named

said.

wouldn't name Louis under any circumstances," he replied. "I've

New talked to

York governorship

115

Harry Woodring, who understands he

will get a diplomatic

post and that

is

entirely satisfactory to him."

Harry is doing a good job," I put in. "I think he worked hard to make good because of the criticism directed at him before you took him in." "Yes, he's done a much better job than Dern. What do you think of "I think

McNutt?"

McNutt has a lot and we can't be sure of

"I think

tious

of ability,"

him.

I

answered, "but he's ambi-

have told you

I

many

times before

that he prevented you from getting the vote of Indiana in 1932."

Henry Morgenthau

"I think

every respect," Roosevelt

said. "I

place, for example, because Joe

own way,

We

contrary to

my

has tried to carry out

be pleased to have her resign. in her place.

I

Ed might

any person

would have

in the end. Roosevelt

faithfully at

all

I

not have wanted

to refuse the President

many

a

I

I

it is

rather

don't think

Ed

changed his mind on Frances, and blow for him and served him loyally and

We did not talk of Ickes and Wallace at that time. and that

but

it,

and

Edward

times.

that Ickes's speeches

Bureau

in his

got the impression that he would

gathered he would appoint

difBcult for

rightly so. She took

run the Treasury

in his

plans and views."

talked of Frances Perkins and

AicGrady

to

plans in

Kennedy

couldn't put Joe

would want

my

I

did mention later

were causing trouble because of

their bitterness

thought he was casting an acquisitive eye on the Forestry

in the Agriculture Department.

A few days later politics was blasted from the President's mind when was sunk by Japanese aircraft on the Yangtze River. was talk of the possibility of war. The

the U.S.S. Panay

At

the Cabinet meeting there

army and navy high command. gloomy warnings of the danger existing in the

President closeted himself with the

Hull reiterated

his

Orient due to the aggressiveness of the Japanese.

news

that the

On

first

receiving

gunboat had been sunk, the President by memorandum

make strong representations to Japan. Hull needed no urging, but swung into demands for apology, reparations, and guarantees against repetition of the attack. All this was duly reported to directed Hull to

ii6

Jim Farley's story

the Cabinet.

The

President kept his finger on the

pubHc

pulse;

when

he found that the incident brought no demand for war, he sent the military back to their offices and the threat of

war passed

like a lacy

Another incident brought the President abruptly back Late one night the House finally came to a vote on his

to politics.

cloud over the moon.

Wage

and

Hour bill. The bill had been hamstrung by amendments and was hardly recognizable, but it would have been acceptable. The vote was not on bill itself, but on a motion to recommit the bill to the House Labor Committee for further study and revision. The motion was carried

the

by

a vote of

216 to 198, the RepubHcan minority being swelled by a

The vote ended a seven months' struggle over the which had been passed by the Senate in June. The vote was the conclusive action taken by Congress after five weeks of strug-

bloc of Southerners. bill,

first

gling call

on the five-point program the President had presented

—crop

in his

wages and hours, government reorganization,

control,

re-

source planning, and modernization of antitrust legislation.

The President was furious

over the vote.

He muttered against south-

ern betrayal, then declared he would see that the legislation would be

introduced early in the regular session of Congress a few weeks

He

was not

as

angry

but only slightly betrayed him.

as

less so.

He

he had been over defeat in the Court

He was

bitter in references to those

President was not to

show

fight,

who had

wanted the program and he was

said the people

determined that they should have

The

off.

it.

his

hand

to

me

for another month,

was the Christmas season and politics were pushed into the background. I called him from New York to wish him a merry Christmas. He expressed hope that I, Bess, and the children would have however.

It

"a grand Christmas."

New

Year's

Eve

had been trying to I

tried again

was

I

reached Washington to find that the President

call

me.

between the

in his study.

The

When

I

returned the

acts of a

show

I

call

he was

at dinner.

attended, but found he

next morning he reached

me

Before he had exchanged more than a perfunctory

my apartment. New Year's wish, at

he said he had called to talk about Bob Jackson's speech

at the

New

New

York governorship

York City Jackson Day dinner on January ments were

satisfactory. Later in the

Wagner and Vincent Dailey at

day

told

8. I

I

headquarters

117

him the arrange-

was talking with Senator

when

the President called

again and appeared to be put out about the arrangements.

dent was most anxious that everyone be fair to

After the

call

Wagner and

I

named

to be

Bob Jackson.

who was

Solicitor General, for the governorship of

there

New

soon

York.

was no chance for Jackson, which was my opinion, concern was being voiced over speeches delivered

At the time, by Jackson and Ickes. Many

too.

Presi-

agreed that the President had evidently

decided on running the head of the antitrust division,

Wagner said

The

that these speeches

were

retarding recovery and rendering a delicate economic situation

more

acute.

Some

felt, as I did,

Jackson and Ickes were letting off blasts the

felt that

President hesitated to deliver himself. Jackson had accused business of

conducting "a strike of capital" against the

New Deal and held that the new

only criticism which could be leveled against the

government was that cat steal ness,

it."

"it set

out a breakfast for the canary and

was more savage, carrying on

Ickes

war

a

which

recession into

In his Jackson

Bob Jackson

his

Day

blasts at

the

against busi-

New

way

out of the slough of

Deal was sinking.

address, the President

echoed the Ickes and

monopoly by reporting

that of a total of 13

worth of

billion dollars

owners of

electric utility securities,

600 million dollars exercised control of the industry. ing Democrats throughout the nation, "Here

wagged by

a

4-inch

chuckling over

"dog"

story.

good laugh I

let

while the President was seeing more leaders of industry than

he had ever seen, in a desperate search for a

still

philosophy of

I

tail."

The

his joke.

is

He

than

told celebrat-

96-inch dog being

a

next day on the telephone

He wanted to know what I

replied that over the radio he

less

I

found him

thought of

his

seemed to be getting

a

himself.

reported Oliver Quayle, party treasurer, estimated

we would make

up to $450,000. "Great," he enthused. "But that's not what I called you for, Jim. I need your help. The Ludlow resolution calling for a national referendum before a declaration of

war

vote in the Flouse. I'm told the vote

close.

is

very

is

I

coming up for a wish you would

ii8

do

Jim Farley's

all

you can to help

gations lined up.

do

Call

it.

Hague and Kelly and

We must beat this resolution

with international

in dealing to

defeat

story-

affairs." I

as

promised

it

I

get their dele-

will tie our

hands

would come down

could.

all I

Monday I spent the entire morning on the phone calling Congressmen and urging them to support the administration. I talked to seventyeight men. All but

two

the time of the Fanay

or three had signed the petition, circulated at to bring the resolution to the floor for a

crisis,

vote. I

was unable to reach 32 others for

Later

was

I

I

had placed

calls.

most of these were evading me, because only

satisfied that

four voted with the Administration.

number to change

whom

their vote.

I

succeeded in inducing a large

Hull was most

grateful, saying

my efforts

had undoubtedly led to defeat of the resolution by the narrow vote of 209 to 188. 1 sent a complete report of my calls, including those to Frank Hague and Edward President found the credited

The

me with

list

Kelly, to the

J.

interesting.

turning the

a

Cabinet meeting. Garner

next day, at a morning conference in the President's

The

resignation cut the

and gave the

liberals,

the

tide.

talked about the recent resignation of land.

At

White House, where

Supreme Court

ofiice,

we

Justice Suther-

Old Guard of the high Court

to

two

counting the successor to Sutherland, a majority

any the President would have received under the Court was hopeful he would forget those Democrats who had op-

as effective as

plan.

I

posed

his

scheme. In the interest of healing the breach in the

cratic party, *'I

I

thought a

bit of

humor might not be out

have a candidate for the Supreme Court for you,"

"Who's

Demo-

of place. I

offered.

that?" he asked.

"Burton K. Wheeler."

"Where'd you get that idea?" he snapped. "I don't remember at the moment. Someone gave it to me. When it comes to me, I'll send you a memorandum." Later I remembered it was Representative William I. Sirovich of New York City and I forwarded

this

information to him.

"Wheeler's trying to use

his

vote on the Supreme Court

springboard to the Presidency," the President

said.

bill as a

New T

saw that

my

York governorship

joke had missed

fire.

119

Without asking him

urged him to make the appointment

soon

whom

he

had

in

He

promised to do so by the end of the week and eventually sent up

the

name of

mind,

I

as

as possible.

the Solicitor General, Stanley Reed, which choice

expected and applauded.

was

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

PURGE PRESCRIBED 1ATE

^

THAT January feared

—

I

got definite indication of what

had long

I

members of the party who had not cooled by the lapse

that the President's hate for

had opposed him on the Court

fight

of time, but glowed as fierce as ever under the ashes of the past

By

months.

the tone of his references,

such references had been fewer and

I

knew he was

heated, so

less

I

still

six

but

bitter;

had high expecta-

would be forgotten for the all-important Congressional elections ahead elections made more important because the recession was unquestionably strengthening the opposition. While I was uneasy, I had no actual indication of the purge that was on the way, beyond vague threats uttered immediately after the defeat, until Jantions that

all

—

uary

27, 1938.

That morning

I

New York

received a call in

He

son and secretary to the President.

were going

to

file

in Illinois the next

from James Roosevelt,

said candidates for the Senate

day and wanted to know

if

we

him immediately declaring that the administration was not going to become involved in primary fights in the Congressional districts. I said I would be in Washington the next morning and bring a statement to the President. Jimmy said we should not wait until tomorrow and asked had

said

we had

that

I

anything publicly on the Administration's attitude.

not; but

I

thought

it

advisable that

dictate a statement over the phone.

In the course of political events

ambitious

men

we

I

This

I

told

issue a statement

I

did as follows:

have reached that stage

in

which

of the Democratic party are launching their campaigns for

nomination or renomination for Governorships and to the Senate and to the House of Representatives. As usual the newspapers are carrying a great deal of gossip that this or that candidate is favored by the Democratic National organization, which moves me at this time to repeat what I have so often said on these occasions; that tional

Committee

is

to

work

is,

that the job of the Democratic

for and to assist in every

election of the party candidates. It denies to 120

way

Na-

possible in the

no man the right to

aspire to

121

Purge prescribed office

and

it

has absolutely no concern with, or

tion struggles for these nominations.

As

in,

the primary or conven-

members of the body the organiza-

individuals, the

may have hands are off and will continue to be off. These nominations are entirely the affair of the States or the Congressional districts, and however these early battles may result, the National Committee will be behind the candidate that the people themselves choose. This goes for every state and their favorites, but as a

National Committee tion's

every Conoressional 't>

district.

Jimmy thanked me. minutes

I

had the statement transcribed

two

quiet fears expressed to the since they expressed at

me

litical

seems

first

as

I

said they

I

my

neck.

He

last

a flock of troubles.

flung an irrefutable an-

An albatross,

From

though

it

their retention

two sentences

that time

out."

not of

Out

my own

I knew no me now, the

on

have the copy of the statement before struck the

I

had been included to

Committee and argued for

sound party doctrine.

was hung from

peace.

from which It

sentences.

with "Father has struck the

they went and in came shooting,

Ten

he was back on the phone again saying everything was

later

fine except for the last

swer

as dictated.

po-

one

two sentences by order of the White House. I was looking at it for the

were yesterday that

time and saying to myself,

"It's

time to stop feeling sorry for the

Republicans."

My worst fears began to be realized at the White House conference From that time conferences were latticed with a pattern From the beginning I made it clear that I could not as Democratic chairman drop the reins of the party band wagon to whip the boys hitching a ride on the tail gate. The President agreed that I

the next day.

of purge talk.

my

should keep tion that

it

my

position. It

was perfectly proper for the people,

punish those

hour

hands off because of

who had

legislation,

organization to that the people

was

in their

voted against him on the Court

and the

like;

my

conten-

wisdom,

bill,

to

wage and

but quite another thing for the national

call for their defeat.

He

expressed himself confident

would support him by defeating

his

opponents, adding

that he might, like the schoolmaster, have to apply the political birch to teach refractory

members

of the party the three R's

—Regularity,

Right, and Reason.

In the next

month he went over the whole

political field as

he pre-

Jim Farley's

122

story-

pared to distribute patronage rewards for "going along" and punish-

ments for not "going along" to twenty-seven Senators and some three

hundred Representatives. One of the President's

first

concerns was the

The situation was complicated by the internal strife between Governor Henry Horner on one side and Mayor

senatorial nomination in Illinois.

Kelly and the National Committeeman Patrick Nash on the other.

Horner wanted Congressman Scott Lucas and the Kelly-Nash maUnited States District Attorney Michael Igoe. Neither faction

chine,

wanted Dieterich. The President said he had asked the warring groups not to become involved in a pubHc fight because of Dieterich's loyalty to his administration. Their differences could not be reconciled, however, and Dieterich was forced to withdraw from the race. In Georgia the President wanted Senator Walter F. George defeated.

He

was

make an object lesson of George would furnish a lasting lesson to

particularly anxious to

cause he thought such a defeat

southern bloc in Congress which had been opposing

*'WeVe

just

*'Boss, I

think you're foolish,"

beaten.

got to beat George, Jim," he

Governor E. D. Rivers and

I

said.

George can be George would be

don't think

possibly defeat

it. I

the

his social reforms.

don't think he could do

not sure Rivers thinks he could do if

said. "I

I

The only man who could

be-

don't think he

it.

In fact, I'm

would

run.

And,

he did, he might do you more harm than good. Rivers's nomination

would

Klan

raise the

issue

and

I

don't think

you want

to

go through

that again so soon. Don't misunderstand me; he's a fine fellow and a

personal friend of mine, one for

you

"We'll have to talk about

He had

whom

I

have a genuine regard, but

must face the facts."

was no

a talk

less

with

it

again," he said.

eager to defeat Senator Tydings in Maryland. 'Tve

Bill

Stanley (former Assistant Attorney General) and

he thinks our best candidates would be President H. C. Byrd of the University of Maryland and Attorney General Herbert O'Conor for Senator," he said.

*Tm he's

O'Conor would like to get into the Senate, but I think made some sort of commitment to run for Governor," I said. "I'll

talk to

sure

Howard

Bruce, Maryland's National Committeeman, and to

Purge prescribed Byrd, and

let

you know. IVe been

123

Byrd about Federal

seeing

aid for

the University."

"Oh,

up with

IVe taken

that

me what

thought of running Paul V.

yes,

Ickes, but haven't received a re-

port yet."

He

asked

I

Van Nuys

Senate against Senator Frederick I said, ''Boss,

no use going

there's

McNutt

for the

in Indiana.

into that again.

McNutt was

re-

sponsible for having the Indiana delegation vote against every Roose-

Why,

velt proposal in the convention.

if

he had had

way, you

his

wouldn't be here today."

"Now, now,

Jim," he counseled, "I

candidate, but so

"McNutt's be nominated.

is

know

is

a

hot presidential

Tydings."

a red-hot candidate," I said,

He

Paul

"but

I

don't think he can

won't have any delegates with him but the Indiana

delegation."

In this connection

was becoming of

I

could not

fail

political ambition.

to

mark how conscious

He

had gone out of

the Boss

his

way

at

La Guardia, McNutt, and Tydings with nursredecorate the White House. In the months to come, I this thought was never far from the front of his mind

various times to tax me.

ing plans to

was to find whenever he undertook even

a casual appraisal of almost

anyone

in

po-

litical life.

Returning to the Indiana situation

Nuys would run independent and thus assure the election of that he

was aware

that

he

if

a

I

gave

it

lost the

Republican.

Van Nuys was

as

my

opinion that

Van

Democratic nomination

The

President remarked

"vindictive."

"What do you think about Iowa?" he asked. I am quite disturbed about it," I said. "Iowa

"Frankly,

has always

been Republican and seems to be slipping back." "I don't think Senator Gillette

we

could get a real

liberal,

is

we would

a

strong candidate," he said. "If

have

Thus, Gillette was marked for purging. get the nomination, but

I

was not

a It

strong ticket."

was

my

opinion he could

so sure of the election.

The

President

asked about Senator Augustine Lonergan of Connecticut and Senator

Bennett C. Clark of Missouri.

I

told

him

that both

men were

acceptable

Jim Farley's story

124 to

all

elements within the Democratic party in their states and would

be renominated.

He

I

made

it

clear there

was nothing he could do about

it.

Adams in Colorado. I replied that I The President said he thought Mayor

asked about Senator Alva B.

Adams would

thought

win.

Stapleton of Denver could beat Adams.

said there

I

was no chance

Adams forces would be joined by those of Senator Edwin Adams had not taken an active part in the Court fight but would have voted against the plan had it reached that stage. The Presi-

because the

C. Johnson.

dent asked what chance there was for beating Senator Pat McCarran

Nevada or Senator

of

Ellison D. Smith of South Carolina.

To my

curt

"none," in each case, he offered no comment.

We discussed the situation in Pennsylvania where,

I said,

conflicting

personal ambitions were injuring the Democratic cause. In California

McAdoo would

he said he was hopeful Senator William G.

be re-

Ohio he expected Senator Robert J. Buckley would beat Congressman Dudley A. White. Neither of us thought Charles Sawyer, National Committeeman from Ohio, would take the Democratic gubernatorial nomination from Govelected and signified he

ernor Martin L. Davey.

was willing

The

to help. In

President said he had tried once to per-

suade Congressman Wesley E. Disney of Oklahoma not to run against Senator Elmer

Thomas and hoped

another interview, to

"And

that brings us to

anxious to have Barkley reelected.

become majority

on hberal

legislation." is

ambitions sleep awhile.

Kentucky," the President

rison will

"I'm sure that Pat

to convince the Representative, in

let his senatorial

loyal

If

said. "I

Barkley loses the

fight,

am

very

Pat Har-

leader and I'm afraid Pat won't go along

and will go along,"

that he will go along like Senator

Robinson

—

I

said.

"You

will find

to the last breath.

There

are stories that Robinson was not too strong for the Court plan, but

went along anyway."

"They "I

what

am I

just aren't true,"

he snapped.

not saying they are,"

hear.

I

I

reminded him.

"I

am

just passing

on

have been told that Senator Wheeler was advised every

night, with the knowledge of Robinson, what fellows were weakening

on

his side

and what fellows were weakening on our

"I just don't believe it,"

the President said.

side."

"You know,

I

have come

Purge prescribed Wheeler

to the conclusion that

New

but a

moved out were

that

to

Montana and had I

known him

have

well.

Of

course, he

to be President. His wife

well-known

a

to

at heart,

Calvin Coolidge.

as

go along with the progressive

is

long time but

a

is

He

ideas

in evidence in that section of the country, but his heart

known him it's

not a progressive or liberal

is

England conservative, the same

never in them.

and

125

was

have never really

I

tremendously ambitious and wants

even more ambitious for the White House

He

fact that she runs him.

can't control her."

known Wheeler well," I answered, "nor Mrs. Wheeler; more than one man has had trouble controlhng his wife on po-

"I've never

but

Kentucky,

matters. But getting back to

litical

though Governor Chandler

is

in the lead.

at present

'Happy'

is

it

looks as

an able cam-

paigner." "I realize

efforts for "It has

it

and that

the reason

is

my

been brought to I

said. "I

must

see

accordance with our agreement, I

should put forth

all

our

Alben."

against him,"

fights.

why we

am fond

attention that Barkley thinks

him and correct I

am keeping my hands

of Barkley and Chandler.

I

I

am

this impression. In

off

primary

wish they could both

win."

"Barkley must win," Roosevelt said earnestly. "Harrison would repeal the Capital Gains Tax.

The

last state

native state of

He would

do

it

now

if

he could."

discussion in our political review

New

York.

was our mutual

The Jackson bubble had exploded and

Jackson had been kicked upstairs by being named Solicitor General.

"Bob

lacks political experience," he

shook

his

head sadly. "Such

a

nice fellow, too."

"You that.

I

just couldn't get

think Governor

"I think so, too," he state.

in

But

he's not

anywhere with him,"

working so hard

Westchester and doesn't work "He's too busy writing

ignored

on

my ice.

as

like

letters,"

the Governor's letter to Senator

ship

I said.

"I'm

Lehman might want to run again." said. "Mrs. Lehman likes to be first

I

he did.

He

satisfied of

lady of the

spends a lot of time

he did." put in facetiously in reference to

Wagner

against the

Court plan.

He

reference to the letter which had put a beautiful friend-

Later Roosevelt forgave Lehman.

— Jim Farley's story

126 I

asked whether he had any

"No,

I

new

haven't anything on the

will have for the next.

I

legislation to fire

propose to Congress.

for this session,'* he said, "but

private capital steps in hurriedly and starts spending eral

government

have to lend

will

pany and Thomas

I

have to do something about housing. Unless

W. Lamont

assistance. J. P.

agree with

me on

money, the Fed-

Morgan and Comthis.

Owen

So does

D. Young.

I have some definite ideas in mind for a road program some transcontinental highways, Boston to Atlanta and others."

We talked about finding a place for Frank was doubtful of

tration, because the latter

Murphy

in the adminis-

reelection in

record against sit-down strikers in Michigan.

The

view of

his

President said he

planned to name Harry Hopkins, then recuperating in Florida, First

Commissioner of Public Welfare when such proved with the passage of

"By

the way, do

his reorganization

you think Dan Roper

a

department was ap-

program. is

willing to resign?" he

asked.

you suggest it," was my answer. could send him to Canada and put Joe Kennedy

"I think he will resign

"Maybe

I

if

in his

place."

would be satisfied with anything less than the "Don't you expect him to stay abroad?" year," he answered. "I'd like to get him in Com-

"I don't think Joe

Treasury,"

I

said.

"Only about

a

merce."

"Or get Dan out," I interjected. "You have something there," he laughed. "But Joe is an able fellow. You know, I've been annoyed by stories that I appointed Joe before Robert Bingham resigned. Actually the

wanted to

resign.

come home

He

said he

would resign, but wanted the check-up. He wanted to go back to

for a physical examination and

close his affairs at the embassy. Actually it

Ambassador had

telephoned from abroad saying he wanted to

to defer his resignation until

not make

late

public.

The

Times was annoying

to

I

had

his resignation

by Arthur Krock in me and to Bingham in the story

the

but did

New

hospital

York where

he died."

Not long

after

I

discovered the

Krock story came

directly

from the

Purge prescribed

White House, but without

127

the President's knowledge, then or after-

ward.

At this time it was my belief that the Democrats would not lose more than two or three seats in the Senate and about fifty in the House. I based this estimate on the inevitable return pendulum swing of an off-presidential year, the general recession, and the fact the

Democratic machine was not functioning cause of the split within the party.

was

deflection and efforts

striving as best

were being pointed

that once the primaries

knew what was In these days

Congress. his

The

at the

November

I

fears.

My

elections, in the belief

all

would be

well.

I little

was spending more and more time with members of

President had asked that bill.

I

help in the drive to put over

On

Capitol Hill

Harry Hopkins, David K.

Keenan, Thomas G. Corcoran, and James Roosevelt, every hand

I

I

ran into the

Niles, Joseph B.

all

expressing the displeasure of the President with those

On

might be-

ahead.

of Harold L. Ickes,

posed him.

it

could to quiet party

were out of the way,

governmental reorganization

trails

as

considered this a most serious

I I

smoothly

as

of

whom were

who had

op-

heard complaints that the vast power of

the administration in the manipulation of patronage and funds was

being mobilized to purge the party of

New

Dealers.

all

but one hundred per cent

There was much grumbling

was proclaiming hands-off

in the

that while the President

Democratic primaries, he was writ-

ing letters endorsing the candidacy of his friends.

There were innumerable murmurings from Congressmen that these advisers were displacing me and that presidential purgers had taken over the party machinery. fears

when

with

a terrible roar.

to

I

was doing

my

a blast of presidential displeasure I

best to laugh

away

these

came up out of the South

had seen the President

off

Warm Springs. On his way down he paused

on

a spring vacation

at Gainesville,

Georgia,

named after him. He was introduced to a crowd by Senator George. The President ignored the Senator but beamed over Governor Eurith D. Rivers. to dedicate a public square

sizable

The words

the President spoke

heavy with ominous portent

were not many but they were

as the chains that A4arley's

as

ghost dragged

128

Jim Farley's story Ebenezer Scrooge. The

to the bedside of

halls of

blast against representatives of the people

tion to help social

do not

method of

like the

difference

his

vote against legisla-

methods, and then

fail

utterly

He laid the South's difficulties "When you come down to it, there

their ovv^n."

to old-fashioned feudalism, adding: is little

Congress echoed

and economic conditions, proclaiming loudly they

are for the objectives but to offer a better

"who

between the feudal system and the

fascist system.

If you believe in the one you lean to the other." What was even more galling to southern members of Congress was the inference that those who had opposed him had been purchased by the vested interests. I found members of Congress seething. Garner told me that the speech had made a solid bloc that would vote against almost anything

the President might propose. hell," predicting

ber.

He stormed

up on the

The

it

He

labelled the purge "as unnecessary as

could do nothing but harm to the party in

against the President's advisers, saying they

Novem-

had crept

Boss's blind side.

next

week

the President threw Congress into another dither

by an extraordinary announcement, one morning

at

Warm

ing his reorganization

bill.

He

two

o'clock

who were

oppos-

released to reporters at

Springs, castigating those

characterized the opposition as "an

organized effort on the part of political or special interest groups"

and then expressed personal disinclination to become "I

a dictator with:

have no inclination to be a dictator.

"I have

none of the

qualifications

which would make

a successful

dictator.

"I

have too

much

historical

of existing dictatorships to for a

democracy

The

like the

background and too much knowledge

make me

desire

any form of dictatorship

United States."

statement was a calculated reply to the fiood of hundreds of

thousands of telegrams against the plan, which poured in upon

mem-

bers of Congress, at the inspiration of the Rev. Charles E. Coughlin,

radio priest, and Frank Gannett, publisher.

The

measure and the President hailed the action

as

ate

Senate supported the

evidence that the Sen-

cannot be purchased by organized telegrams based on direct mis-

representation. gress

The

use of the

word "purchased" was

resented in

where administration spokesmen were offering

all

Con-

sorts

of

Purge prescribed promises for votes. While the

of the

House considerable reason

to believe so

the President's return

from

Warm

cellent humor, nearer what he had been

than

had seen him in some time.

I

when

the measure

came

body.

in that

On

would not have made Roosevelt a dicof White House agents gave members

bill

tator, the overzealous activity

up

129

I

Springs

found him

I

in ex-

in his earliest days in office

saw him

at a

bedside conference

that morning. I

grasped the opportunity to deal quite frankly with the problem of

Congress and the business recession.

would be no more

"In other words,

we

and that

hope

I

"Lord, Jim, so do

I

I,"

you do. I want need some money for just as

"Well,

this session of

try, if possible, to get

legislation proposed,"

billion or a billion

and

Congress will soon adjourn

away without having any more

said.

he said with a flash of old time candor. "I

to get

them home

relief

and possibly tax

a half for public

hope that they move

I

revealed myself as hopeful there

I

clashes with Congress.

here and around the country

it

is

as

as

soon

as possible.

legislation.

feel

We might

Might need

a

works."

soon

The atmosphere you know what I

as possible.

none too good,

if

mean." "I certainly do, Jim. I'm fully

aware of the situation that has been

created around the country through propaganda and

Every time

ask for

I

more

legislation

they

raise the

by other means. cry of

^dictator'

and, apparently because of the situation that exists in Europe, they frighten the people in this country over such a possibihty. possibility of dictatorship.

This has had

its

people are unnecessarily disturbed about organization

know much

it.

to

bill.

The it

This

bill

doesn't really

effect

it

on

I

mean

legislation.

as in the case of the re-

mean very much. You and

the recession.

teeth have been taken out and there really isn't very

I

had been worried about the President's attitude on

There was an honest doubt

in

my

mind

as to

whether

he realized the seriousness of the situation. However, in our talk

found him meet the

I

except the principle of the thing."

For some time

to

a

The

fully crisis.

aware of the problem and preparing to take

I

steps

Jim Farley's story

130

On

April

1938,

8,

got busy with the telephone to aid in the re-

I

organization fight, determined to help the President emerge as the

master of

Everywhere I found members of Congress comthe bill. I was surprised at the strength of the opposition,

his party.

mitted against

particularly since the

bill as

passed

number of Congressmen budged. I worked right up to by a vote of 204 to 196. got

a

The

next day

I

to

by

the Senate was a mild one.

I

go along, but many refused to be

when

the night

the

had lunch with the President.

I

bill

was defeated

rode over from the

Post Office Department expecting to find him in a lather similar to

worked up over

wage and hour legislation. Before I went in to him I had a chat with White House Secretary Early, who told me that an effort was being made to have the President fire a critical salvo at deserting Democrats by writing a letter to Congressman Rayburn congratulating him on his effort in the losing battle. I guessed that Early was referring to Ickes, Corcoran, Hopkins, and the rest of the White House clique. Early said he had argued for a more conciHatory tone and showed me the copy of those he

a letter

defeat of the Court plan and the

he favored.

When

went

I

in

I

found the President

hurt than angry over the latest defeat.

by stating

that

I

and considered "Jim,

I'll

understand tator

it.

thought

it

was

a

good

letter,

you that I didn't expect the vote," he said. "I can't There wasn't a chance for anyone to become a dicbill."

do

best thing to

as possible

and more

to talk

expressed the proper attitude for him to take.

is

confession of bewilderment. ple to work.

letter,

mood

took the bull by the horns

tell

under that

"The

had seen the Early

it

in a

I

to forget

it,'*

as

much

as

said,

embarrassed by

thing to do

to get the relief legislation

It is essential

and get Congress out of here by

you should do

I

"The important

you can

May

for the Public

1

is

moving

5, if

his

to get peoas

possible.

quickly I

think

Works Administration

because the people regard that organization highly."

We shifted to

a discussion of politics.

situation beginning

than five or "I think

He

asked for a review of the

by saying he did not think we would

six seats in

we might

lose

more

Congress.

lose

two or

three in the Senate alone,"

I

said.

Purge prescribed

"We

can hold our

might have he

own

and Rhode Island and

in Massachusetts

That

a loss in Connecticut.

131

New

takes care of

we

England."

said.

"Well,

we might be

all

right in

New York, but we may be seriously

affected in Pennsylvania because of the unfortunate fight within the

"We

party,*' I said.

Midwest

in the

tion

not good.

is

I

states.

The border

about

fifty seats;

me

"Seems to

some seats in Illinois. We might also lose We may lose in Delaware. The Ohio situa-

will lose

generally.

much danger

don't think there's

states are safe.

At

would say we may lose up by election time." gloomy prophet," he laughed,

present

but then the situation

in the western

may

you're getting to be a

I

clear

"and I'm getting to be more optimistic than you."

me

"See

in October;

the stretch."

"Jim, "Boss,

I

why I

can

call

them

better

when we come down

joined in his laugh. don't

just

executive, and

and

I

you run

for the Senate?" he asked.

wouldn't

like it,"

would

just drive

it

I

said.

"Whatever

me mad

to

sit

ability I

have

is

up there every day

listen to speeches."

"I

can understand your attitude, but

Bob W^agner

we

just can't close the

matter

Governor and Jim Mead for the Senate, if Lehman won't run again," he said. "By the way, I saw La Guardia the other day and he isn't strong for Lehman. He doesn't want to support him." "He will, because the American Labor Party is for Lehman," I put in. "There's no doubt in my mind that La Guardia would support Lehman before he would throw in his lot with a reactionary Republi-

by

leaving the ticket at

for

can."

"Well, La Guardia suggested that the three of us

sit

down and

ar-

range for a ticket that the American Labor Party would like," he continued. I said with no little finality. few days were occupied with the planning and writing of the presidential message which officially acknowledged the United States was in another depression. The solution to be offered Congress was five billion dollars of pump priming in cash and credits, including

"I'm out,"

The

next

$1,250,000,000 for the

Works Progress

Administration, $1,450,000,000

Jim Farley's story

132

Works

for the Public control,

Administration, $462,000,000 for housing, flood

and federal buildings, and $300,000,000 for the Civilian Con-

servation Corps.

He

had been voted an authorization of one and a

new

half billion dollars in

the I

week

Reconstruction Finance Corporation loans

before.

had dinner with the President April

to impress

upon him

that speed

that every effort should be

but to move

it

made not only

back up again.

could see by the jut of

his

12,

during which

was the essence of

He

was

his

I

sought

pending program;

to halt the

downward

spiral

good frame of mind, but I chin he had made up his mind and was in a

determined to go through with what he had already decided on. In

name of Henry Wallace was brought up. "Henry would Hke to run for President," he said slowly. "However, Fd rather have a fellow like Ickes named, who, at least, is a fighter. Ickes will go through with whatever he has in mind. But you never know what Henry will do. He's in favor of one thing today and somethe talk the

thing entirely different tomorrow."

Around

8:15 p.m. Ickes and Wallace came in along with Hull,

genthau, Harry Hopkins, Jesse Jones,

The

Early.

gestions

Jimmy

President read his message to the assemblage.

were

offered.

The

Mor-

Roosevelt, and Steve

Some

sug-

next day Jesse, Harry, Steve, Jimmy, and

Paul Appleby of the Department of Agriculture met at the White

House

in the

morning for another round of suggestions. At

that afternoon the President had

me back

five o'clock

for another reading, this

time with Senators Glass, McKellar, Wagner, Barkley,

Hay den,

and

Byrnes, and Congressmen Rayburn, Taylor, Woodrum, and Cannon. There was general approval of the message, although Glass was cold

WPA

to the

proposal.

The message was

somewhat later, of monopoly which did much

well received as was another,

asking for a Congressional investigation

undo the harm wrought by the Jackson and Ickes diatribes against "economic oligarchy," and the "60 families." A third and unconven-

to

tional

message to the Congressional Conference Committee, seeking

to reconcile Senate

ceived.

It

was the

and House views on taxation, was not so well President's position that business

would be

re-

hurt,

not helped, by the Senate's slash of the administration's pet measure.

Purge prescribed

133

the undistributed profits and capital gains taxes.

mately brought about well in the

sit

With hand

a

memory

The

of the conservative

to politics. In Illinois the result

who

ulti-

compromise, but the President's message did not

wing of

ow^n party.

his

these matters off his desk, the President once

bad. Igoe,

conference

more turned

had been unfavorable but not too

had White House support, was defeated by Lucas,

had voted against wage and hour

his

The

legislation.

New

Deal

who

lost this

however, when Dieterich withdrew after he was turned

state earlier,

out of the Kelly-Nash and Horner factions. In a series of conferences in late April and iterated his desire to defeat Clark, Gillette,

Van Nuys,

best information I

tried to tell

I

him

George, and Lonergan. Each time,

had, but kept myself aloof

why

but each time

targets,

May, the President

this I

re-

McCarran, Smith, Adams, Tydings, I

gave him the

from the primary

battles.

or that candidate could not dent one of his

found him determined to go through with

the purge. did

I

make an exception

to

my

rule in Pennsylvania,

where

a vio-

primary campaign, best described by the President as reminding him of Dante's "Inferno," gave concern that factional feuding might cost us the state in November.

lent

At the President's request I issued a statement in favor of Governor George Earle for the senatorial nomination and Thomas Kennedy for governor.

But Earle repudiated our support. The next day Pennsylvania voters turned thumbs

down on

it

decisively

by nominating Charles Alvin A few days

Jones over Kennedy, and Earle over Samuel D. Wilson. later

I

found the President smoldering over Earle and the Pennsylvania

setback.

"Earle has killed his chances for the Presidency," he

comes

to the Senate

primary

The The

and makes

a reputation that

would

he

nullify the

results."

state

went Republican

in the

November

President was most anxious to

election.

defeat

Georgia, but was having difficulty in finding ful

said, "unless

Senator George in

a candidate.

He was

glee-

over reports that George appeared to be worried.

"I

am going

to endorse

someone,

if I

have to pick

my

tenant farmer,

J™

134

Moore," he

said

Farley's story

one day. "Rivers

definitely out, but will support

is

whoever is picked. He's out because of the Ku Klux Klan because Eugene Talmadge would beat him."

business and

He

was equally firm about getting a candidate against Tydings in Maryland. There was some hope that Congressman Goldsborough, a

power on

the eastern shore, and Congressman Lewis, a

power

in west-

ern Maryland, could get together to block nomination of Tydings. President said he wanted to

name Goldsborough

for a judicial post

and might have to pick Davey Lewis for the Senate race

would not pull out of the race for Governor Byrd of Maryland University.

McAdoo

The

O'Conor

if

in behalf of President

me the draft of a letter he wanted the President to write for him. The President made a wry face as he read the glowing tribute McAdoo had composed for himself. He said he Senator

had given

couldn't write the suggested ter that

would

We talked

about the Missouri situation, where

was bulletproof

Truman wanted

western

district of the state

to

name and

should be consulted because tered

by saying

control this

fall

a

it

Stark and T.

I

reported that

the United States Marshal in the the post because he

felt entitled to

I

protested that

was J.

a Federal

I

did not think Stark

appointment.

Kentucky

I

coun-

to help Barkley," he said. "I'm

speech for him."

said frankly that his appearance there

In Idaho

He

Pendergast would have a battle for

was the only thing

help Barkley, as Chandler was a formidable campaigner. sure the visit

would

and the Governor might win.

"Jim, I'm going to go to

going to make

let-

said Senator Clark

consistently supported the administration. Roosevelt said he

have to consult Governor Stark.

I

I

against purging. In this connection

Senator

had

Mac"

but would write a *'Dear

letter,

be satisfactory to the Senator, but not "so sugary."

would turn the tide. told him Senator James

P.

Pope,

who had

that could I

was not

supported the

would have his hands full with Congressman Worth Clark running on an anti-New Deal program. During this period he discussed the Cabinet quite frankly. Dan Roper was beginning to feel the blasts of presidential coolness at Cabinet meetings and had asked W. Averell Harriman whether he should administration,

Purge prescribed resign.

I

said

I

was sure Dan would accept another appointment or be

content to retire to private

"But

life if

be glad to consider him

*1'11

we

135

the President so wished.

when

have to find someone for

Murphy, who

I

get around to him," he said.

We

his place.

might take Frank

worried that he will be defeated for Governor

is

this

fall."

"Why not give the spot to Jesse Jones?" want

"I don't

would

I

asked.

to do that," he said, "because just as soon as Jesse

would try to use his office to get elected And he would make a bad President, Jim; he's too old and in

get into the Cabinet he

President.

bad health."

The President said he didn't know what to do with Secretary of the Navy Swanson, who was getting feebler every day. Nor did he know what I

to

War

do with Secretary of

Woodring.

The

asked the Boss whether he had read the book,

168 Days,

by

Turner Catledge and Joseph Alsop, which was the story of the Supreme Court fight. I remarked that it contained mention of many inside discussions that could

have come only from participants in various

conferences.

"There's nothing stories leak out.

I

can do about

Frankly

I

it,"

he

said. "It's a

think Harold Ickes

is

responsible for

of the stories that leak out of Cabinet meetings. to

Drew

tion.

Pearson.

I

Perkins,

tells

many them

a process of elimina-

Swanson doesn't see anyone. Neither Wallace, or Roper would carry tales. That leaves Harold." don't leak.

asked about Morgenthau,

who had

"Oh, FIcnry works himself up into

"When

I

was away, he was

terribly

agreement between the United stabiHzation.

He was

calling

ing over developments. gets terrible headaches

have to rub this

his

time

terrible stews,"

is

he said lightly.

concerned about the

tri-partite

France, and Britain on

London every

and really

brow and I

States,

been aihng.

in a very,

money

other minute and sweat-

You know when Henry

distressed about the relief

At

by

think he

I

Hull and Adorgenthau don't give them out, I'm sure Woodring,

Cummings and you I

arrive at this conclusion

shame the way

is

under

a strain,

very bad way.

Now he's

program, not being in sympathy with he'll

be

all

was working on

he

it. I'll

right."

my

book. Behind the Ballots, with

Jim Farley's story

136

Eddie Roddan. The President asked he had built up "Jim, do

terms said.

the

saw

as

Lehman

in 1929

when

I

told

you

I

governor and should be looking around for

man? to

particularly to

it

I

mention that

New York.

"And do you remember in

1930

I

definitely told

did everything possible to put

Lehman

didn't

The

that they haven't built

want two

a successor?"

he

you Lehman was

in the limelight

he was sent to different places throughout the

could be better known. is

in

you remember

me

state so

trouble with the Democratic party

anyone up, particularly upstate."

and he

now

CHAPTER FOURTEEN

NEW

PURGE FAILURE AND

DEAL ROUT

DURING THIS period the President was in excellent physical conFollowing

dition.

trip

his

Warm Springs visit he went on

along the Atlantic coast on the shakedown cruise of the

U.S.S. Philadelphia. His mental attitude

daunted by the

Illinois

was up

He

to par.

less

was un-

and Pennsylvania setbacks and was sublimely

confident that he could reform his party through the purges.

not a whit

a fishing

confident that the depression

would be

solved,

He was if

Con-

would only follow his lead. Jack Garner took a more realistic view of the situation. I had lunch with him and a number of Senators, including Minton, Lee, Byrnes, Barkley, Schwellenbach, Burke, and Truman. There was considerable gress

good-natured kidding about the purge. After lunch

where he gnawed angrily

his office

at a cigar as

Gamer took me to

he gave vent to his

analysis of the situation.

"The Boss has mary fights," he

who

the Senate

stirred said.

right unhealthy. Jim,

this

a hornet's nest

''There are

by

I

I

think

feeling

is

getting into these pri-

now twenty men

will vote against anything he

mad clean through. The dent's attitude.

up

—Democrats—

becoming intensely

think you you should do

in

wants because they are bitter. It's

down-

ought to take exception to the Presiso for the

good of the party and

country."

from the Cabinet and the Democratic Committee. I don't like the purge any more than you do, but the situation won't be helped by my breaking with the Boss. I "John,

think

I

just can't

I

do that unless

and then determine what

to do at that time. Until then there I

resign

can render the best service by carrying on impartially until

after the elections are over,

as

I

have been doing.

"That's

my

cess of the

I

will

concern," he

do

my

said.

Democratic party.

is

nothing for

me

is

to

best for

me

do but go on

best to hold the party together."

"I'm interested in the continued suc-

I've spent too 137

many

years working to

Jim Farley's story

138

power to enjoy the prospect facing us now. We are throwing away what we have gained. I have no further political ambitions. The party has been good to me. When it's all over, I want get the party in

go back

to

Uvalde and Hve

to

to be a hundred.

I

don't think the Boss

has any definite program to meet the business situation.

much

of the spending program.

some day you have Iowa

meet the

can't

don't think

keep spending forever;

bills."

thunder came from the right in the primary campaign. Out

Political

in

to

You

I

and Wearin waved

Gillette

arms among the rows of

their

tall

corn. Gillette denounced "this gang of political termites

.

from within

Democratic

.

.

.

on taking over

planning

party" and pubHcly acknowledged

the

.

.

.

his opposition of the

.

boring

.

Court plan

this pack of powhich has brought down on me litical wolves." Wearin played up the endorsement of Harry Hopkins and Jimmy Roosevelt. Gillette handily won renomination. I saw the President the day after the Primary. I showed him a wire I was send-

"my

as

crime,

.

.

.

ing congratulating Gillette on his victory and he approved

it.

I

sug-

gested that he see Gillette soon in the interests of promoting party

harmony.

He

was not warm

to the idea, but said he

would

see

what

could be done. Subsequently he extended the olive branch by offering a

luncheon

invitation.

June and July found the purgers working assiduously, but getting no pay dirt. In Indiana the state organization handed Van Nuys the nomination on bended knee. In Colorado Senator Adams licked

who

his

chops over Judge Benjamin Hilliard,

ful

candidacy practically from the front porch of the White House.

In Texas three one hundred per cent

Morgan

Sanders, and

Congressmen

W.

blacklisted

New

D. McFarlane

by

the

—

launched

Dealers

his

unsuccess-

— Maury Maverick,

bit the dust,

and

CIO, including Hatton

W.

five

Texas

Summers,

The score for the Elmer Thomas won in

vigorous foe of Court packing, were renominated. purgers was a succession of defeats. Senator

White House

blessing and Senator Claude

Pepper

Oklahoma with

the

won in Florida,

but neither of these contests figured in the purge

fight.

Meantime, the purge strategy board was turning up candidates

men marked The President

against the

for extermination, but they didn't look like

winners.

dispatched

White House Secretary Marvin

Purge

H. Mclntyre

starts the

Deal rout

139

Mac

to Georgia to survey the thinning crop.

States District

purge got under

Davey Lewis running

Attorney

way

in

at Atlanta.

After

many

against Tydings. In Missouri Senator Clark

faced three candidates without more than a ripple of worry. In

den, one-time Socialist turned

man who

failed to

false

Maryland with sixty-nine-year-old

Nevada

Pat McCarran was unruffled by the opposition of Doctor John

the

didn't

Moore, but came up with Lawrence Sabyllia

recruit tenant farmer

Camp, United

New

and

failure

New Dealer,

budge Adams

in the

and Albert

Colorado

Wor-

Hilliard, son of

race.

House the President was most anxious to defeat Smith of Virginia, O'Connor of New York, and Cox of Georgia. Against the Virginia Congressman the purgers pitted WiUiam E. Dodd, Jr., son of the former ambassador to Germany. Governor Price of Virginia told In the

me Dodd

hadn't a prayer.

I

had

a

conference with Corcoran, Keenan,

Lowell Mellett, and Charles Michelson of the Democratic National Committee. Corcoran and Mellett were enthusiastic over Dodd's chances.

I

told

date hadn't a

them there was no use kidding themselves; their candichance. Keenan and Michelson agreed with me that

Dodd was a lost cause. The President selected James Fay

to run against

York. Fay had run against O'Connor

a

O'Connor in New few years before. I saw O'Con-

He

was aware of the campaign being directed against him from the White House, but was confident of his own strength. nor

at this time.

He

did not beheve

protect himself he

Fay could be persuaded to run against him. To went after the Republican nomination as well as

the Democratic selection.

At

New

York situation was complicated by the death of Senator Copeland. The good doctor, who had sent chilis up and this

time the

down the spines of his colleagues after the death of Joseph T. Robinson when he took the Senate floor to say he could see the mark of death on the brow of many of his colleagues, was unable to see the sign on his

own.

I

Governor Lehman

attended his funeral told

me

at Suflfern,

New

York, where

he was going to make an announcement

of his candidacy for the Copeland vacancy. This was a surprise be-

cause ordinarily he should have given state leaders the courtesy of a

conference before making any announcement.

Ed Flynn was

irked

Jim Farley's story

140 and

I

didn't

Back

blame him. The same was true of Frank Kelly of Brooklyn.

Washington

in

I

approached the President with the Lehman

by saying I had interesting news. He said he could tell from the way I was approaching it, that it w^as not pleasant. 1 reported my story

brief conversation with the

Lehman had handled

it

had more confidence

in us

sires.

We

persuade

that

Governor.

way; he

to

sit

was sorry

said he

said the

tight

little

we

broken to him by

and not rock the boat. The Lehman

in his breakfast.

the President called

his

his de-

could do beyond seeking to

announcement was made before any move could be made.

Lehman announced,

that

Governor should have

and should have come to us with

agreed that there was

Lehman

He

me

On

to say that the

the day

news was

colored valet, MacDuffie, as the latter brought

MacDuffie

"Mr. President,

said,

I

notice that the

man had

ernor announced for the Senate before the other

a

Gov-

chance

down." The President enjoyed the remark immensely. Early in July the President left on his western trip, stopping in Kentucky to do his best for Senator Barkley. Before he left, the President to he

delivered a "fireside" chat on one of Washington's warmest nights,

but the speech had more than enough heat for Democrats, for he frankly acknowledged he was out to purge his party.

"As head of the Democratic

party, however, charged with the re-

sponsibility of carrying out the definitely Hberal declaration of principles set forth in the 1936

right to speak in those

Democratic platform,

few

between candidates for

a

I

would be

my own

certainly

erence in a state primary merely because

I

a candidate,

more concerned about

practical needs attended to in a practical

who

may

indicate a pref-

otherwise liberal

me on any

own inward way.

We

desire to get

all

know

that

be blocked by outspoken reactionaries and also by those

say 'yes' to a progressive objective, but

who

always find some

reason to oppose any proposal to gain that objective. of candidate a

single issue.

the general attitude of a candi-

date toward present day problems and his

progress

have every

name.

would not

had conscientiously disagreed with far

I

where there may be a clear issue Democratic nomination involving these

not misunderstand me,

in outlook,

feel that

instances

principles, or involving a clear misuse of

"Do

I

'yes, but'

fellow."

I

call that

type

Purge

New

and

failure

Deal rout

141

There was more about Copperheads and the campaign of defeatism against the President, Congressmen, and Senators. On the whole, however, he

found that the Seventy-fifth Congress had done better than

any Congress between the end of the World 1933 even though

had

failed

There was more,

ganization.

won

it

and the spring of

him on the Supreme Court and reorI

said,

but the fact that he had been

over to the purge wholeheartedly was enough for me.

to go to Alaska with Eddie

hoped

it

would be

cooler.

tain that the purgers

was

as

War

Roddan and Ambrose O'Connell, where I As I surveyed the coming primaries, cer-

were headed for

trouble,

I

wondered

if

Alaska

far enough.

"Happy" Chandler plumped him-

In Covington, the irrepressible self into

the President's automobile between Roosevelt and Barkley

although he

knew

the President had

come

to

throw the weight of

favor in the scales for the Senate's Majority Leader.

Not even

the President had declared he had no doubt that Chandler a

prepared

I

good Senator but

.

.

.

his

after

would make

was the smile tightened on "Happy's"

face.

That night the President, from the rear platform of his train, pulled the rug from underneath the Governor by praising Senator M. M. Logan for standing "square like a rock" when Chandler came to the White House with a proposal that Logan be made a federal judge, so that Chandler could go to the Senate. Logan and the President had refused "to traffic in judicial appointments," said Logan, spoke.

The

President's Special left

tain that the

In

Kentucky

a

few minutes

day had been saved for Barkley; and so

Oklahoma Senator Thomas was

the President caused Senator

when he announced from

Tom

called

"my

developed.

Connally's face to drop into his lap

Connally was not

a federal judgeship.

date and did not greet his chief during the latter's

who had

visit.

a candi-

In Colorado,

the silent treatment. In Nevada, McCarran,

marked for the same treatment, maneuvered

skillfully to turn a

velt reception at Carlin into a rally for himself.

into the "old friend" tribe at

reading in Alaska.

later, cer-

old friend." In Texas

consulted on the appointment. Neither was Garner,

Adams

also

the rear platform at Wichita Falls that he

had offered Governor Allred

Roosevelt gave

it

who

Los Angeles. All

From San Diego

McAdoo was this

made

Roosehailed

interesting

the President embarked on a fish-

Jim Farley's story

142 ing trip

down

Panama Canal and to a dock Washington he stopped off at

the west coast through the

On

at Pensacola, Florida.

way

his

to

Athens, Georgia, to accept an honorary degree at the University of Georgia, where he avoided

politics.

He more

than made up for the

omission the next day at Barnesville.

A goodly crowd heard him refer to George, who was on the speakers'

platform along with his opponent. Camp, as

"my

old friend" and

then proceed to excommunicate the senior Senator from his party.

George was uncrushed.

He

reached over to take the President's hand,

expressing regret that the Chief Executive had seen

fit

to attack his

standing in the party and accepting the challenge. George reported that the President accepted this gesture with, "Let's always be friends."

And George was sure I

he heard him add,

"God

bless

you, Walter."

when

went up to the him on the phone August

did not see the President until August 25

I

home at Hyde Park. I had talked to when I mentioned the victory Worth Clark had won over Senator Pope, who had the White House blessing (which was rapidly becomfamily 20,

by phone, to send the President a wire and letter explaining his vote in the House on different measures, telling him I thought it would help and might

ing a kiss of death)

.

After the

call I

advised Clark, also

eliminate the possibility of Pope's entry into the field as an independ-

ent in the election. Such a in the party in

At

the family estate

I

Mrs. James Roosevelt,

women who were dinner at the

home

a minute."

was determined

certainly bring a split

to avoid.

Jr.,

Mrs. Ellen

WPA

Woodward, and

four or five

directors. In the evening

we had

of Mrs. James Roosevelt, sister-in-law of the Presi-

building for himself.

why

I

had lunch with the President, Mrs. Roosevelt,

regional

dent. In the afternoon

"Jim,

move by Pope would

Idaho, which

we

We

took a drive to the retreat the President was

had

a

long conversation in

don't you run for Governor?" he began.

his study.

"Now,

hold an

This cut short an interruption he saw was coming. "I'm

you can be elected. You know anything can happen in 1940 and you ought to take the chance and run for Governor now. You would make a good governor, Jim. And by taking the proper posi-

sure I

think

tion in relation to power, electric light, and utility interests; and urg-

ing reorganization of the government, eliminating towns, and cutting

Purge

New

and

failure

Deal rout

143

down overhead expenses of government, way, Jim. You could become a very positive gov-

municipal costs; and getting

you could go

a

long

ernor and get the proper background for 1940." "Frankly, I'm not interested in 1940,"

said. "I can't afford to

I

be

interested."

"A

lot of

you

other people are interested in

for 1940, Jim; and

Fm

not sure whether as Postmaster General and Democratic National

Chairman you have

sufficient

background

to be

nominated and elected

President."

'The White House can't think of

The

direction.

the least of

is

my

troubles,"

I

told him. "I just

even though the governorship might be a step in that

it,

plain fact

is

that

have reached the age in

I

my

should be thinking of myself and

life

where

I

family."

"The governorship might not be as expensive as you think, to say nothing of the White House," he said. "Regardless of the money involved, Bess would not want to go to Washington even if you gave her the Capitol," I said. "And she has no use for Albany."

"The

social life isn't so strenuous,"

dinners during the year

— one

he

said.

"There

are only three

for the Court of Appeals, one to the

Cabinet, and one more. I'm speaking of Albany, of course. it's

necessary to be up there only one afternoon a

who

devote

much

as

or as

little

as I

would

for once and for

"Well,

if

you

time to social

any use

"Boss, there just isn't

"As much it

The

occasionally drop in around tea time.

like to

life as

to see callers,

she wishes."

about

this," I said.

do

Let's forget

just can't

I

then

governor's wife can

in talking further

be Governor

week

And

it.

all."

feel that

way

.

."

.

He

left

the sentence unfinished

and assumed an injured look. In a discussion of the political situation, to

make a swing around

after the primaries.

would have

to

He

In our mention of

left,

attempted to persuade him

put

me

off saying

if

he went into one state he

go into another.

Kentucky he was

acknowledging applause

furious over the conduct of

"Happy" had bowed to the right of the crowd when he drove with

Chandler, because the irrepressible

and

I

the country in behalf of Democratic candidates

J™

144

Farley's story

the President and Barkley to the Latonia

Race Track.

I

was surprised

homage he felt was his. made up his mind to put Harry Hopkins in as Secretary of Commerce when Roper submitted his resignation. He wanted to know if it would be all right to name Louis Johnson Secretary of the Navy in case anything happened to Claude Swanson. He said he had not removed the ailing Swanson because the Secreto find the President feeUng so deeply about

The

President reported he had

tary and his wife were without income other than that he had as a

Cabinet

officer.

The defeats followed in the next week. In South Carolina "Cotton Ed" Smith had little trouble winning renomination. The President one-sentence comment, "It takes a long, long time to build the

had

a

past

up

"Dear Mac," Senator McAdoo,

to the present." In California

was soundly trounced by Sheridan Downey and his pension program. The President accepted Downey as a liberal. As National Chairman I

offered

Downey

election support.

That week end the President, bloody but unbowed, set out to do Maryland in behalf of Lewis against Ty dings. On September 4, 1938, we motored down to A^organtown, jMaryland, with candidate Lewis and Governor Nice riding with the President. I rode with Senator F. Ryan Duffy of Wisconsin. That night was the only night battle in

I

ever spent on board the presidential yacht Poto7nac, except the night

we went down Court

harmony meeting

after the

fight.

The a

to Jefferson Island for the

next day. Labor Day, the President delivered what he termed

"sermon" on the courthouse lawn

Denton, eastern shore home of

at

Congressman T. Alan Goldsborough. The President pointed an cusing finger at Tydings as one of "those in public

golden

rule,

but take no steps to bring

"It's a bust," I

On

September

I

call

around

8, I

who was 5:

closer."

who

ac-

quote the

Lewis beamed.

confided to reporters. received a phone

porting the President was in low

son Jimmy,

it

life

suffering

from Miss Le Hand

call

re-

spirits because of the illness of his

from

a

30 that afternoon, which

stomach I

did.

health, and he confessed himself upset over

I

it.

ulcer.

She suggested

inquired about Jimmy's

Otherwise he was

good frame of mind and asked about the Maryland

situation.

I

in a said

Purge was bad, noting

it

been unable to

That night

money because

145

Lewis against Tydings had

those from

whom

they might get

sympathy with what was being done there. called Vice President Garner to suggest he wire the

I

"How

Deal rout

in

He

President about Jimmy's health. asked,

New

that those supporting

raise

money were not

and

failure

said he

would do

so

do things look?"

"All depends on which side you're looking from,"

"From your I've

and mine the whole situation

side

gone through

my

keep

feet

a

still

"Yes, and

I

family, and

is

making

a great mistake,"

my I

about

feel

of the party together again,"

best to

bless

he

said.

"Don't you?"

answered.

"After

my

church,

my

it,"

he

said.

going to try to put the pieces

I said.

to you," he exclaimed.

"Remember me

to the family

you."

"Thanks and my best to A4rs. On the night of September 13, ter,

am doing my

country, the party comes next."

way

"More power

I

flag flying," I replied.

after the primaries are over, I'm

God

most aggravating.

is

Democrat?" he asked.

a

have

my

"That's the

and

hectic weeks, but

with you one hundred per cent,"

"Are you

"And

number of

countered.

I

on the ground."

"I think the Boss "I agree

and then

Garner." 1938,

1

called the President at

Roches-

Minnesota, and, after inquiring about the condition of Jimmy,

had undergone an operation,

I

who

reported that the Maine election was

disappointing in showing Republican gains and that Maryland had

come out even worse than we expected. Tydings was renominated by a

thumping three "Boss,

ings,"

I

it's

to one majority.

necessary for

me

"I think

know why I

should

it

should be," he retorted.

at least express

"Leave out the 'hearty' and "Boss, all

I

think

I

all

hearty congratulations,"

ought to send him the same kind of wire

"Suit yourself but leave

next day

I

I

me

persisted.

the other adjectives," he snapped.

the other successful primary candidates,"

The

Tyd-

said.

"I don't

to

to send a congratulatory wire to

out of

it,"

I

I've sent

said.

he closed.

had lunch with Secretary Morgenthau who, to

my

Jim Farley's story

146

surprise, expressed himself

he had received

calls

very

much opposed

to the purge.

from Hopkins and Corcoran asking him

ternal revenue collectors to

come out for Fay

York, which he refused to do. This led to

against

said

to get in-

O'Connor

a discussion of

He in

New

Hopkins's

was convinced

that the President would like to run was not possible to do so. He said the President was very fond of Harry. The same day I saw Jesse Jones on his return from Europe. I kidded him about the endorsement of the Texas conrole,

him

and

I

said

I

in 1940, but

it

just

vention of Gamer, rather than Jones, for the Presidency. After some banter

I

him

told

I

was sure Garner did not want the nomination him-

but was willing to take the delegation so that he could swing

self

any way he wanted

to

go

in the 1940 convention. Jones agreed

it

with

much opposed to the purges and, like Henry, felt would be harmful to the President in the next Congress. That week the purge campaign blew up completely. In Georgia first returns put Camp in third place and he never got out of it. George won and anti-New Deal Eugene Talmadge was second. In Colorado, Adams was nominated without opposition. In Connecticut Lonergan was renominated by the Democratic state convention. Of those marked for purging only Representative O'Connor still was to face the voters. me. Jesse was very that they

Of

others so marked. Senators Gillette, Smith, Tydings, George,

Nuys, Clark, McCarran, Adams, and Lonergan had unscathed. Representative Smith

Cox

in Georgia.

His victories

Along the

—Barkley,

won

in Virginia

all

come through

and Representative

minor

rebuffs.

others —were

not in-

line the President suffered

Pepper, Thomas, and

Van

volved in the purge.

When ment on

the Georgia results

were

in

I

"Well, they are about over now," *'Did

was asked by reporters to com-

the primaries.

you

say,

I said.

was asked. Thank God,' " I said and

'Thank God'?"

I

"All right,

make

Although

am not a political philosopher, but one schooled in pracme pause here to point a moral. I knew from the be-

I

it

I

meant

it.

tical politics, let

ginning that the purge could lead to nothing but misfortune, because in

pursuing

his

poHtical creed

course of vengeance Roosevelt violated a cardinal

which demanded

that he keep out of local matters.

Purge Sound doctrine

failure

sound

is

the rules of the game, violating the rules,

politics.

When

Deal rout

faith in him.

I

147

Roosevelt began neglecting

When

began to have doubts.

I

I lost

New

and

trace

all

the

he persisted in

woes of the Demo-

cratic party, directly or indirectly, to this interference in purely local affairs.

In any political entity voters naturally and rightfully resent

the unwarranted invasion of outsiders.

The

attempt to establish a per-

sonal party, the neglect of party leaders, the assumption of control

over the judiciary and Congress, and the gratification of personal ambition in the third

and fourth terms

—

all

were the

evil fruit of his

ing the rules of the game. Party leadership has as its privileges. ters;

He

its

obligations as well

should have kept his hands out of regional mat-

he should have observed the regularity, which

the essence of

is

the two-party system, and he should have encouraged other

grow

the party to

labor as

as tall as himself.

This

is

as

sound

men

in business

in

and

in politics.

it is

The end

break-

of the

in Rochester

month found me at the New York State convention to persuade Governor Lehman to reconsider his

working

decision to run for the Copeland vacancy and to seek reelection against

Thomas

E.

Dewey. In and was

responsibility

the convention and conferences

a long time since the state

Lehman was

finally

of

ing the negotiations.

everywhere.

I

was

He

few weeks

On

all

it

was

chairman had so dominated a convention.

in

Poletti, as

Lieutenant Governor, instead

communication with the President dur-

expressed pleasure at the outcome.

and Mead were named for the Senate. In the next

assumed the

persuaded to accept the nomination but insisted

on the nomination of Charles

M. William Bray.

I

complete charge. Old timers noted

in

I

I

felt

we had a strong state ticket.

was busy doing

sides reports

Wagner

all I

could for Democrats

gave cause for concern.

I

reported

He pitched in to help, avoiding the unOn election eve, speaking from his home stint over the air to elect Democrats who

faithfully to the President.

purged Democrats, however. at

Hyde

Park, he did a

would help him carry out his program. "If American democracy ceases to move forward as a living force, seeking day and night by peaceful means to better the lot of our citizens, fascism and communism aided, unconsciously perhaps, by old line Tory Republicans, will grow in strength," he said.

Jim Farley's story

148 In I

my

went

drive to leave no stone unturned to help put over the ticket,

to

Al Smith

him

to ask

to support

Lehman.

knew

I

this

would

not only have a salutary effect on the state ticket but would help the

Democratic cause throughout the country. ily

was going

lic

support.

to vote for

He

said he

with him for years. ernor were to

make

He

said that while his

Lehman and Wagner, he could

was very fond of Wagner,

He

he would not change

said

not offer pub-

had roomed

that he

his

mind

if

the

Gov-

a personal appeal.

During an hour's chat

in Al's office, he said

he never had any feeling

about

my

else I

could have done or should have done except follow

ment.

He

activity in behalf of Roosevelt, saying there

was nothing

my

judg-

revealed he never expected to be nominated in Chicago in

1932, especially after the two-thirds rule

no feeling

New

fam-

was invoked.

He

said he

against Roosevelt personally, but could not agree with

Deal policies or with

a lot of things that

had

many

were going on with

his

knowledge or acquiescence. Election night I was at my offices in the Biltmore. From the first was evident that the tide was ebbing and it was a question of how far out the Democrats would ride. In New York the governorship was nip

it

and tuck with Lehman

finally squeezing out

ahead by over 68,000

Mead and Wagner both rode through. But elsewhere there was little to rejoice about. The Republicans won 81 House seats, 8 in the governorships. It was a great turnover, but the DemoSenate, and votes.

1 1

crats

were

still

comfortably in control. During the long night

He

several times to the President.

sweep, far more surprised than

however.

He so it

I

took

it

up the

I

He

was.

well enough.

a defeat,

party.

it

was

The

It is I

still

not in

my

I

spoke

at the extent of the

was by no means stunned,

joked with him about defeat of some of

found what humor

was

tor

I

was surprised

his

New

nature to cry over

Dealers.

spilt milk,

could in the situation, remarking that while far

from

final

and

we had two

years to build

President said that he had expected to lose one Sena-

and perhaps sixteen Representatives, but was not prepared for a

deluge.

That was

his public face.

hair at a Cabinet meeting.

On November

The

session

11, 1938,

opened with

he

let

down

his

a discussion of the

Purge

New

and

failure

Deal rout

149

foreign situation. Politics were not discussed until the President reached

me

going

in

down

the line of

"Have you got anything "No,

sir," I

I

due in every case to

as

me

almost accusingly.

lot of

time to the study of the election re-

find they demonstrate the result around the country

Massachusetts

him back

his official family.

answered. "Nothing in particular."

"Well, I've been giving a turns and

members of

to say? " he asked

local conditions,"

—our

losses

Governor

so

were due

we

lost all

was

he declared challengingly. "Take

to Curley.

down

The

people didn't want

the line."

at the table nodded as he seemed to demand some expresby the vigor of his statements. "It was the race track scandal in Rhode Island," he went on. "And Connecticut it was the Merritt Parkway squabble. In New Jersey

Everyone sion

in

defeat could be attributed to

Mayor Hague.

In Pennsylvania

brought about by the trouble within the party.

was I

And

in

it

was

Ohio Davey

to blame."

interjected a note of agreement

"So

on the

continued. "In Michigan the defeat of

Committee and

the Dies strikes.

last state.

goes everywhere you look into the real causes," the President

it

Murphy had

its

Murphy was brought

about by

sensationalism in investigating the sit-down

not recovered from the

loss

he suffered in the

strikes.

"The Minnesota

was caused by the opposition of the churches. They were aroused by reports that Governor Benson had the support of people with Communist leanings." "Also Benson had three or four Jewish assistants and they were responsible for giving

defeat

him advice

that hurt him,"

Wallace put

in.

"In the farm belt the result was due to farm prices," the President

went

on.

"We

a general

nodding

in agreement.

businessmen in small towns and every effort them back for the next campaign," Wallace said. "In Iowa the Maytag strike hurt Krashel," the President said. "And Wisconsin the Democrats voted Republican to get rid of La Follost the small

should be

in

There was

made

to get

lette."

No

explanation was offered for

Wyoming

or Colorado, where

we

Jim Farley's

150 lost.

Harry Hopkins

sat in

story-

on the Cabinet meeting, but did not

pate in this phase of the discussion.

I

contribution of the purge to the defeat, but thought better of

it.

was nothing to be gained by churning up unnecessary hates. afford to swallow the injuries done

up

to build

a personal

partici-

debated asking him to discuss the

me by

the purgers,

if

I

There could

the attempt

we were

machine was to be abandoned and

returning to the building up of the Democratic party. However,

was soon a

to find that the

mere training

up for and

a third term.

less

against,

the

of me, as

White House crowd looked on

and they were off to a

From

if I

that time

were

rout.

My

start in

the purge as

whooping

on the President began

blame for the defeat

I

it

to see less

had counseled

appointments became further and further

was no longer consulted on appointments. And I found mywithout a voice in political policy. Yet, there was nothing I could I

put a finger on. Outwardly that

to

new

and to see more and more of those actually responsible for

November

apart. self

lap

I

I

we were

as friendly as ever. It

found myself outside the White House door. True,

been slammed in

my

face,

but

it

it

was

just

had not

was locked and barred nonetheless.

CHAPTER FIFTEEN

THIRD TERM REGINNINGS NOW COME to to

shall tell

I

tell.

the story of the third term. This

I Wherever

own words how

it

concerned

as fairly to all

from

can,

I

my

not an easy story

is

voluminous notes,

as I I

know how.

shall tell in his

Franklin D. Roosevelt put by third term suggestions

"every time gentler than the other," then entered on a long period of

own nomination. I want to be fair to myself, for, had it not been for the man many have credited me with putting in the White House, I might have been Vice President enforced silence, and finally engineered

or even President.

happened

to

me

I

say that without rancor because

has happened for the best.

my

family,

life

to preside over the Senate, or even

which

could not have done

I

White House. As a matter of cold and

this

that

is

his

I

fact, I

if

I

believe

am now

I

had remained

if I

my

what has

providing for

address were

in public

now

the

have only one regret about public service

did not participate in the

war

effort. I offered to

forego politics at the outbreak of the war to devote myself to organizI was confident I could do a good was ignored. Again, after Pearl Harbor, I volunany capacity where I might be of value, but my

ing the nation's productive capacity. job, but

my

offer

teered to serve in

opposition to the third term evidently induced the President to turn his

thumbs down on me. This action of the President hurt me deeply.

After

all, I

had

a right to serve

have been useful.

me,

as

than

my as

I

The

my country and,

loss of political

in

all

modesty,

I

could

advancement has not troubled

is more aware of my shortcomings for the Presidency would have tried my best had the office fallen to me, but

no one am.

best

I

might not have been enough.

I

have been widely criticized for remaining with Roosevelt

I

did.

Let

me

say

I

had

faith in the

man. This was shattered

as

long

in 1937

and 1938, and I made up my mind that I was going to carry on into 1940 for the country and the party. I felt I could be helpful. I also felt 151

Jim Farley's story

152 I

owed

it

to those

who had

me

confidence in

to remain as long as

I

might be of help.

The

third term issue

began simmering almost before the second was

assured in the 1936 landslide election.

term ambitions did

A

presidential denial of third

to discourage the political hot stove league

little

which runs the year round. In June, 1937, the question was dramatically thrust before the nation at a White House press conference when Fred

you

W.

Perkins of the Pittsburgh Press asked, "Mr. President, would

care to

comment on Governor

Earle's suggestion that

you run

for

a third term?"

"The weather

is

*'Mr. President,

very hot," the President said laughingly.

would you

tell

us

term? " spoke up Robert Post of the death heroically as a

now

you would accept

if

a third

New York Times, who was to meet

war correspondent on an

air

mission over Ger-

many. *'Bob Post should put on a dunce cap and stand in the corner," the presidential answer

which was

become celebrated

to

in stories

was and

cartoons.

"Mr. President, did your statement

last

winter fully cover the third

came from the undaunted Perkins. "Fred Perkins should don a dunce cap likewise," he retorted. This incident provoked more third term speculation than it quieted. While some professed to see in it a renunciation as final as William T. term situation?"

Sherman's "If nominated it

I

will not accept;

was more widely interpreted

ponement of the

From

if

elected

I

will not serve,"

nimble evasion or colorful post-

issue.

the election of 1936 on, Roosevelt was concerned with his

succession. After the

came

as a

Democratic reverses

in the 1938 election, he be-

increasingly interested in the 1940 Democratic national conven-

tion and the presidential

every

man

ing in

White House

as the

campaign to follow.

He saw

found each one want-

to achieve stature in the country but

quahfications.

campaign approached

suaded there was only one

He became more

until, at length,

man

his successor in

he

possessing both

let

critical

of others

himself be per-

the qualifications

and

the experience necessary to administer the nation.

Men

are not, as a rule,

nominated for the Presidency because they

Third term beginnings

men in

are the outstanding

experience.

Many

the party

men,

fine

153

from the standpoint of abiHty and

who would

have made great Presidents,

could never be nominated. This was true in the past and

National conventions of both parties usually pick a sidered the most available

secondary emphasis upon

At

the end of 1938,

is

con-

view with

a vote-getting point of

competency

true today.

a

as President if elected.

appeared that the Democratic nominee for

would be Garner, Hull, or myself. This was the verdict of the consensus of pohtical leaders, and the judgment of

President

many

it

from his

it is

man who

polls,

poHtical writers.

Of the three, I had reason to believe Roosevelt would me nominated. This does not mean I was his

have preferred to see

choice, except in that group and at that particular time.

don't think

I

he would have taken Garner under any circumstances. I think he would have preferred Hull to Garner, although he believed Hull would have made a poor Chief Executive because Hull, he said, pondered long and moved slowly. He objected to Garner's conservatism. As for myself, I am sure he felt my religion and my background would be a handicap if I were the nominee. I can perhaps best give the picture of that period as it looked to me, by quoting from a memorandum I dictated at the beginning of 1939: *'I

am

my own

satisfied in

mind

that the President will not be a

voluntary candidate for reelection, but might be willing to listen to

argument.

I

don't

him. If he had to select

know if he make

has anyone in mind, definitely, to succeed

a selection at the

moment,

I

believe he

Harry Hopkins, Robert Jackson or Frank Murphy,

would

in the order

named. "But

a situation

either Garner,

doubt

in

Hull or Farley,

my mind

nomination,

I

can develop in 1940 whereby the nominee will be

that

if

going to be placed

But Roosevelt

named. There

in the order

is

a

isn't

any

about Garner's or Hull's

in bringing

can have second place with either man,

think the President, is

if I assist

if I

want

it.

I

he doesn't take the nomination and run himself, in the position of

choosing

among

very strong character, and he might

his successor." If a choice

had to be made,

I

am

those named.

on naming would have

insist

sure he

selected Hull.

Following the 1938 Congressional election

I

wrote to Democratic

J™

154

Farley's story-

leaders throughout the country.

write and give letters,

which

me

called

I

on every county chairman to

passed on to the President.

I

hundreds of

his reasons for the defeat. I received

The

reasons they gave for

the Democratic reversals were: Criticism of the administration's spending program.

1.

2.

The

3.

Widespread

battle

between the

AFL

and the CIO.

CIO

feeling that the

exerted tremendous influence

on the administration. 4. Low farm prices.

WPA workers with their rate of pay. Public dissatisfaction with the WPA program. Dissatisfaction of

5.

6.

among those receiving Federal bounty in the form of when called upon to make payments. The protest of business large and small against regimentation. The business unrest created by the administration in its regulaDiscontent

7.

loans

—

8.

9.

—

tory programs.

The continued pounding of the New Deal in the press. With all this information in his hands, the President nonetheless 10.

viewing the adverse

sisted in

case to local conditions.

knew I

better,

results of the 1938 election as

While

I

he never admitted

did not see

him alone

was

it

to

who was

very

every

me.

after the election until

much

in

certain that deep in his heart he

Before going to the White House for dinner Wallace,

due

per-

I

November

had

disturbed about the

New

15, 1938.

from Henry

a visit

Deal.

He

ex-

pressed the belief, which surprised me, that the President was leaning

too

much

him

to

to the left and expressed the

do

differently.

House and would

told

I

him

hope that we could persuade

was having dinner

I

talk to the President.

I

at tlie

White

gathered Wallace had done

so without effect.

At what

the

distant.

He

him.

come an not,

I

White House

He

I

found the President preoccupied and some-

talked less than he had at any time

ate slowly.

He

interruption.

I

kept looking about

waited for

his

as

mood

I

had been with

though he would wel-

to pass; but

when

it

did

carried the conversational ball.

"Boss,

began.

*'I

you wouldn't mind, Fd like to offer a little advice," I just want to give you an idea or two, based on the way things if

Third term beginnings

my

look from

corner and

"Shoot, Jim," he

"Well,

hope you won't misunderstand me."

I

invited.

you

think the thing for

I

155

to

do when you come back from

Warm Springs is to get together with members of Congress.

who were opposed

ing particularly of the Senators and Congressmen to

you on the Supreme Court, wages and

the like.

"Fd

.

hours, reorganization, and

r

.

them all urged. "Hear me

like to see

"Wait!"

I'm speak-

I

.

."

.

he interrupted.

out. I don't

want you

to

make up your

mind now. Just think the matter over. I'd like to talk this over in detail with you later on. Right now I'd like to have you think over the necessity of securing a friendly attitude toward you and your program in Congress.

you and but

I

am convinced

I

to the party.

He was

silent.

"That's

all I

want

know what you know this."

don't

I

you ought

think

that the present condition

to

to say at this time.

I

is

detrimental to

are being told

want you

to

by

others,

know how

I

you take the initiative. I would like to see you avoid any arguments with Congress over patronage. Such wrangles could only bring you a loss of feel. I

think the situation can be corrected and forgotten,

if

dignity."

won't go along with Carter Glass on any appointment

"I just

He was

Virginia."

George

almost peevish.

"And I won't go

in

along with Walter

in Georgia. That's final."

"Well, then you

just

won't get any appointments by the Senate that

Glass and George label personally obnoxious."

"We'll see about that," he said with "I don't anticipate in the lap of it is

to see

"I have

and that

Congress and

whether

a

determined thrust of

his chin.

any trouble from Congress. Reorganization

it

will

I

am

work

one thing more on

willing to let the farm

bill

is

now

go along

as

out."

my

the Vice President,"

mind

in

connection with Congress

said. "I think Jack Garner could be most helpful to you. He's looked up to by everyone in Congress and is

he could do you

have a long

a lot of

talk, if I

I

good. I'd see him

as

soon

as

he gets back and

were you."

"Yes," he said vaguely.

I

knew from

his

tone that he did not have too

Jim Farley's story

156

much

confidence in Jack and that he

While he did not say

his legislation.

Garner for the

final defeat

felt that

Gamer was opposed

so, I

was

fully

of the Court

bill,

when

aware he

still

to

blamed

the facts were there

was nothing Garner could do but throw in the presidential towel. We talked about a successor to Cummings, and a successor to Roper, and

Cabinet

if

he couldn't purge Congress. Even

most slowly about the anything I

Woodring. Roosevelt could purge

a possible successor to

being one

shifts,

he was proceeding

who was

forever putting off

distasteful.

more than

did not see the President again for

Cabinet meetings. During

month, except

a

at

period the situation was growing more

this

in Europe. Renewed persecution of Jews in

critical

own

his

so,

Adolf Hitler brought Ambassador

Hugh Wilson home

Germany by for a consul-

which proved to be a recall. William Phillips was summoned same time from Rome. Cabinet meetings were solemn considerations of the Rome-Berlin axis, larded with gloomy predic-

tation

home

at the

what the Tokyo partner might do. I did not keep notes of these fateful meetings, feeling that what was said concerned the country and the world so deeply that it should not be carried from the room. tions of

While is

regret that this chapter of history, a most important chapter,

I

missing from

it all

to

do

While

I

my files,

would probably not make

I

contributed to the discussion, feeling that

reahzed that the conduct of international the

White House and

the danger that

embarrass

my

my

notes,

if I

had

war was

in the

did not

I

close, I

province of

want

to run

kept them, might get out and possibly

if I

country.

of the Neuo York Times,

Harry Hopkins over tax,

was

affairs

Department and

State

Thanksgiving Day, November

and

the notes

over again.

and elect and

24, 1938, 1 talked

who was

elect."

The

still

"We

the remark,

with Arthur Krock

engaged in controversy with will spend

and spend, and tax

remark, carried by Krock in a

Wash-

ington report, was widely quoted by the opposition. Hopkins had denied

me

it

and was

still

denying

it

the story of the remark and

fidence, but

believe

it

I

was

am

satisfied

said

it

weeks

how

was made

by Hopkins

to

after the election.

he got as

it.

I

quoted.

Max Gordon

Krock

must respect I

his

told

con-

have every reason to

and

at least

one other

Third term beginnings person

at the

New

Yonkers,

157

York, Empire Race Track in August of

1938-

On December dent of

i,

1938,

1

had luncheon with Wendell Willkie,

Commonwealth and Southern Corporation.

presi-

In a general dis-

cussion of the political situation, Willkie professed great admiration for the President and his program.

on the power astray

He

where Willkie

question,

with him only

said he disagreed

Roosevelt was being led

felt

by Thomas G. Corcoran and Frank McNinch

of the National

Power Policy Committee. Willkie told me he was a firm Democrat and had cast his vote for Governor Lehman and the rest of the Democratic ticket.

Early in December the aftermath,

which

New

York

election had a most interesting

on the Roosevelt char-

offers a pertinent sidelight

The close race made by Thomas E. Dewey against Governor Lehman clearly made the former a contender for the Republican nomacter.

ination in 1940.

George Holmes of the

News

Interiiational

president of the Gridiron Club, invited the

New

Yorker

Service,

to deliver

the opposition speech at the select gathering of newspapermen, an

occasion which blends foreign

affairs.

When

humor and

gravity in skits on domestic and

Roosevelt heard that he was expected to meet

Dewey in the political debate, which is a part of every Gridiron he

first

employed persuasion and then exerted pressure on Holmes invitation.

When Holmes

would not speak

at the dinner. I

withdraw the said he

dinner,

bright, graceful address.

I

to

rightfully refused, Roosevelt

was

drafted.

did not do so well.

I

Dewey made

a

should have spoken

extemporaneously, instead of attempting to read a witty speech, which is

my style. On December

not

16,

1938, the Cabinet meeting

foreign situation and the resignation of

most generous

in his

remarks about

Dan would

even though he would not be

well.

Dan had

an appreciative

still

remain

a

President was

paying tribute

member

Cabinet table.

warm and

word

to the

him and the administration.

sitting at the

mings, soon to go himself, paid a sociate.

Dan Roper. The

his parting servant,

to Dan's long and valuable service to

expressed the hope that

was devoted

He

of the family

Homer Cum-

graceful tribute to his as-

for everyone in a friendly fare-

CHAPTER SIXTEEN

MORE RUMBLINGS

Two

DAYS

pleasant in a "I

Fm

afraid

found the President extremely cordial and luncheon conference at his desk.

later

I

saw Jack Garner

we

as

you

suggested, Jim/' he began, "but

didn't get anywhere. Jack

is

very

much opposed

to the

spending program; he's against the tax program, and he's against the

He

program.

relief

much

seems to be pretty

against everything and

he hasn't got a single concrete idea to offer on any of these programs. It's

I

one thing to

criticize

but something

had talked to Garner about the

else

visit.

again to offer solutions."

Garner

said he

about opposition feeHng on the administration program. I

was

a

toward Congress and had spoken rather plainly

friendlier attitude

accounts

had urged

satisfied that,

while the

visit

was

From

pleasant, the

the

two

two

did

not get anywhere because they held decidedly different views.

We name

discussed a

When

I

brought up the

of Franklin B. Lane, son of the Secretary of the Interior in Wil-

waved

son's Cabinet, he

ing."

number of appointments.

He

his

gave no explanation.

Those about him

in dismissal

The

as

head of the powerful

World War, had been rather Navy Franklin D. Roosevelt.

In turning to foreign

affairs,

said,

"Nothing do-

President was a nurser of grudges.

in the first

Secretary of the

and

coolness toward Bernard Baruch was

felt that his

due to the fact that Baruch,

Board

hand

War

Industries

casual with Assistant

Roosevelt discussed the increased per-

He

was show of firmness. "Have you had any conversation with Ambassador Kennedy?" I

secution of Jews in

most

delicate,

Germany.

but he thought

it

said the international situation

could be handled by

a

asked.

"Oh, tion.

Of

yes,

we've had

course, Joe

is

a

very pleasant conversation, without any

very definitely of the opinion that

we

will

fric-

have

Europe and everything will go to pot. He's very gloomy." "Things don't look any too well over there to me and I'm no expert,"

war

in

158

More rumblings I said.

mark to me. She can make war or way, have you made up your mind on the am-

"Russia's the big question

keep the peace. bassadorship to

"No,

I

By the Moscow?"

haven't got around to that yet," he answered. "I'm going

from the Lima conference."

to wait until Hull returns I

159

brought up the name of

a

prominent lawyer for the vacancy on

To my

the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia.

the President

waved

dismissal.

"I will not appoint a

do

"I can't

it.

There

surprise

is

Jew on

the District Court of Appeals," he said.

a strong feeling

throughout the country,

a feel-

ing against the Jews."

"Well, you don't have to decide now," ter

go over

"That's I

until

all

we

I said.

have more time to discuss

right with me," he

the mat-

let

it."

ended the matter.

At the end of the meetweek later at dinner. went to the White House and

plans to continue our discussion a

On the evening of December

28, 1938,

found the President's mother,

1

came There

chatted, Mrs. Roosevelt

hall.

up and

was waiting for me

said the President

widow, and Daniel

his half-brother's

While we

Roosevelt, a cousin, in the

I

can

spent an hour and a half with the President.

ing we made

we

"We

in his oval study.

had dinner.

found the President looking

tired

and drawn.

He

said

he had not

been feeling well, but felt he was improving. I never saw him in such good humor, so I decided to let down my hair on the election. He took no offense at my remarks, nor did he sulk as he had before. He was more open-minded on the defeat than I had ever seen him. "Boss, for a long time

on the don't

election and

I

results

I

have wanted to give you

feel there's

know whether you

with me, but

I

would be

less

as

me

observations

like the present,"

I

began. "I

you want did not tell you

or whether

than frank

if I

to agree

that the

gave very definite signs of dissatisfaction with the Federal ad-

ministration, although not with

it

no time

agree with

my

popular

as ever, if

would be another

He laughed,

not more

case of 'As

you

so. If

personally.

the election

Maine

are personally

were held tomorrow,

goes, so goes Vermont.'

puffed at his cigarette and quoted,

ready, Gridley."

You

"You may

"

fire

when

Jim Farley's story

i6o

"There

are several fundamental factors,

responsible for the results,"

there

is

I

ing increase in the national debt.

resentment and the

CIO on

its effect,

"I

its

my judgment were

The supposed

effect at the polls.

the administration

—and

I

influence of

say 'supposed* advisedly

—had

particularly with farmers and small businessmen. This espe-

cially so because

say she

had

it

in

"Whether we agree or not the spending pohcy and the resultWhether we hke it or not, there is

feehng against

a definite

which

continued.

but

is,

hope that

Frances Perkins

being tied in with the CIO.

is

I

don't

that's the impression." it

may

be possible to effect a reconciliation among the

labor groups and clarify the situation," he said.

"God knows,

it

needs

clarification."

"Then satisfied

feels

there's the

WPA,"

I

continued. "Those on the rolls are dis-

because they are not getting more, and the rest of the public

they are getting too much.

lost votes. I don't

Nobody

know whether

the

satisfied

is

and

as a result

name should be changed

we

or not,

but something ought to be done." "Yes," he agreed, "there's a lot of dissatisfaction there. lot of

due to the supervisors, about

it is

plaints.

The

situation

is

something

whom

like the

there are

I

think a

many com-

feehng against draft boards

in the war."

"Well,

on

I

think a lot of our trouble comes from the type of person

relief," I said.

who

"In every section of the country there are those

might best be described

steadily in their lives

from

and

who

never worked

a larger

monthly wage

as the ne'er-do-wells,

who

are

now drawing

WPA than they ever did. Most

would not they did they would not do a good of these are lazy and

work regularly if they could. And if job. They are not desirable anywhere." "That's so," he acknowledged.

County and even "I admit

I

in

Hyde

"We

have that kind

in

Dutchess

Park."

don't have the answer to the

situation, or

even a sugges-

how the lazy can be sifted from the deserving needy," I said. "Right now I was merely making an observation as to the cause of our defeat. I have no remedy at the moment. And to continue the analysis,

tion as to

there has been widespread dissatisfaction with farm prices in the South to grains in the Middle

West and

cattle in the

from cotton West."

More rumblings "I

know,

out the

know," he

I

AAA,

We

solved.

the Court threw a

up

Now

many

people.

wants to throw

it

Garner

."

feels

.

.

is dumped out on a down no matter what is breaking down Hull's reciprocal

where

you?"

are

have not studied the situation to the extent that said. "I

I

in.

cotton

that. If surplus

trade treaty program and then

opinion,"

have talked

said. "I

will drive the price of cotton

done. This will have the effect of

"I

I

the cotton into the market," he broke

all

"Well, you just can't do

when

have been interested

I

affects the country,"

as to cotton.

to solving this

machinery."

in the

farm expert, but

as a it

''Jack

sick market,

were on the way

monkey wrench

can't set myself

in the situation because

to

Supreme Court had not ruled

said. "If the

the farm problem, particularly in relation to cotton,

would have been ''I

i6i

am merely gathering information. we will be

I

thing can be done about farm prices or

I

have any firm

hope that some-

face to face with

trouble in the next election."

We

switched to a consideration of appointments.

I

had a long

list

of judges, marshals, collectors of internal revenue, collectors of customs, and other posts. "I

want

to take

up each

velt said. "I

want

in Savannah,

who worked

case individually as they

to talk particularly about the collector of customs

for George.

"I think that's just foolish," "I

I

said.

I

want him reappointed."

don't

"That's

water over the dam."

all

won't appoint him again," he affirmed.

"What

about the judgeship in Virginia?"

remind you that Glass won't confirm

That

come up," Roose-

is,

I

asked. "I don't need to

anyone you might appoint.

just

he will block confirmation of someone not agreeable to him."

"Then

I'll

appoint

not confirmed,

I'll

my

selection's

law partner and

appoint the cousin of the

man

if

the latter

originally selected or

the cousin of the second choice and so on," he declared. "I ing to

let

Glass or Byrd

make any appointments

is

am not goAnd that

in Virginia.

goes for a lot of Senators." I

saw

subject.

his I

chin was

all

the

way

out, so

shifted the conversation

by

I

decided not to pursue the

asking,

"What about

the Su-

preme Court?" "I'm having a

difficult

time there," he

said.

"Felix Frankfurter

1

Jim Farley's story

62

wants to get on

Hyde

at

the I

feeling.

or

die,

appoint him for

I

had to

many

tell

him

reasons. In

appointment has to go west. In the second place, could not appoint him in view of the anti-Semitic

couldn't appoint another Jew, but

I I

I

just couldn't

I

place, the

first

told Felix that

worst way. Some months ago

in the

Park that

told Frankfurter

I

if

would appoint him

Brandeis should resign that

same day without

hesitation."

"What about Sam

Bratton out in

New

Mexico?"

I

asked. "That's

enough west."

far

"Bratton belongs to a judicial school of thought that ought not to

be represented on the bench," was

"You could ming,"

I

give

his

comment.

some consideration

to Joe

O'Alahoney of

Wyo-

suggested.

many

"Black has dissented

times since

I

put him on the bench, but

would be a drop in the bucket to what O'Mahoney would he were on the Court," he smiled. "What about Burt Wheeler of Montana?" I asked. "I won't appoint Wheeler." There was no smile on his lips or in his

his dissents

do

if

eyes.

(Later as

I

would not be one

like

"I

surprised

if

the President appointed

said she

Wheeler "or some-

him.")

"What trict

was leaving the White House, Mrs. Roosevelt

about Harold Stevens of the Court of Appeals for the Dis-

of Columbia? "

I

persisted in

my

questioning.

have given considerable thought to him, but

appointment because

I

just can't

make

that

doesn't seem to be the right one."

it

After some discussion of lesser appointments, the President reached into a drawer of his desk and brought out a draft of his message to gress. his I

He

Con-

read excerpts at length from one of the most memorable of

annual reports on the state of the Union. In the quiet of the study

heard him read, for the

first

time, his

warning of "storm

signals

from

across the sea."

This brought us to ing year

a

review of the world-shaking events of the clos-

—the annexation of Austria, the

partition of Czechoslovakia,

the Japanese invasion in China, the Spanish Civil

domination in central and eastern Europe.

We

War, Germany's

agreed

it

was not

a

More rumblings happy

picture.

He

163

answer was adequate defense, amendment

said the

of neutrahty legislation, and serving notice on dictators that "if another

form of government can present

a united front in its attack

on

a de-

mocracy, the attack must and will be met by a united democracy."

The message was As

went

I

to

appointments

and

tions

well received before a joint session of Congress.

my apartment, I made

votes.

I

up

he get the idea that

lest

decided

I

my mind

not to press him on

was trying

to control delega-

would make no recommendations and inhim do whatever he saw fit. If I

I

dicate no preferences, but rather let

should that

start pressing

him,

I

decided, he might get the erroneous idea

was working for myself rather than for him. After

I

Cabinet and was not going to use or abuse

his

vantage,

when there were men in the

party

my

was

all, I

in

post for personal ad-

who had

claims above mine.

Between the opening of Congress and the Jackson Day dinner, Janu7, 1939, the President named Frankfurter to the high Court. The

ary

appointment came

as a

House and learned

that

complete surprise to me. it

was made

dent secured a blank appointment, it

up

I

checked

just as Black's filled

the

name

news of the

to Capitol Hill so that the first

at the

White

had been. The in himself,

selection

Presi-

and sent

came from

the reading of the appointment on the floor of the Senate.

At ner,

the Jackson

Day

dinner, seated

between the President and Gar-

questioned Roosevelt about his selection, asking

I

because the fellows out west did not measure up to

He said that was so, because

I

but did not elaborate.

I

did not

if it

was made

his qualifications.

want

to press

him

thought he might not want to speak frankly in front of the

Vice President. There was

a lot of

good-natured kidding during the

dinner. In the course of this. Garner, at one point, shook his finger at the President.

"If

it

were not for your damned Dutch stubbornness," he laughed, all do more with Congress. We could handle the Senators

"we could

and the Congressmen.

We

that fellow Carter Glass

could

We

all

is

go home and go

had to laugh

"The judgeship

could get

bills

passed.

We

could even get

fighting appointed Federal judge.

Then we

fishing."

at that. isn't all

sense to playing with the

of

it,"

Garner continued. "There

is

no

Governor down there because he won't

Jim Farley's story

164

control the delegation in 1940.

They have

crowd.

machine

city

in solidarity of organization. It

was Senator

tion. It

I

by the Glass-Byrd

is

They

are in control

a large

man' organiza-

a *one

Martin's, then Claude Swanson's, and

longs to Glass and Byrd.

The

will be controlled

It

machine down there which compares to

a

now

and the Governor

be-

it

is

not."

President said nothing.

He

did not see the President's speech in advance of delivery.

us that he thought Garner and pleased with his speech.

we Democrats

told

and the crowd generally would be

I

We were especially interested in the line,

lay for each other

now, we can be sure

that 1940

is

"If

the

corner where the American people will be laying for us." Later Garner

me that he

confided to

laugh on that because crossed his

my

crossed his fingers on that remark.

was forced

I

fingers at the

words with

vehemence

his

to

same time,

acknowledge as

that

I I

had a hearty

had mentally

could not help but contrast

I

and George a few days

against Glass

before.

Without reference

to anything in particular, he launched into a

Van Buren in conversation with Gamer Van Buren was a smart fellow but a poor

lengthy discussion of Martin

and myself.

He

said that

President; that while he carried out Jackson's policies and wishes,

or

less,

he got into

difficulties

because he was not running the show

completely in sympathy with Jackson.

became apparent

that the President

that Jackson should have picked

than

Van

Buren,

have run again himself. cratic

With

was

the latter statement

telling

someone more

he was not trying to

if

tell

in

Gamer and

a real liberal,

I

felt at

it

myself

sympathy with him

us that Jackson should

He was trying to point out that the

nominee must be

more

the time.

I

1940

Demo-

also felt the

would make little difference at the was sure the delegates would want a real Demo-

President's selection of a liberal

convention, because

I

crat to head the ticket

and not someone

who would

run out on the

party after he was elected, like Wallace or Hopkins.

On

January

Lehman I

found

at

2,

1939,

Albany.

less

It

I

had attended the inauguration of Governor

was the twelfth inauguration

enthusiasm than at any of the others.

Lehman's fourth may have accounted for

it.

I

had attended and

The

On

fact that

January

tended the inauguration of Governor Herbert O'Conor

at

11,

it I

was at-

Annapolis,

More rumblings

165

where there was much enthusiasm. On the way back I rode with Under who amazed me by stating that affairs had

Secretary of State Welles,

been mismanaged,

in his opinion.

that unless Hull or

I

He was

serious trouble.

Hopkins or Wallace,

much

very

as against

country. This was the in

He

expressed himself as convinced

should be nominated, the country would be in

the best interests of the party and the

time he had ever indicated any interest

first

me

or in politics as such, and

On

January

I

found

it

surprising to say the least.

day before the President's fifty-seventh

29, 1939, the

him from

against the nomination of either

New York to

him on the eve of his impending anniversary. I always called him and sent him a congratulatory message on his birthday, just as I always called him and sent him a message on Christmas, New Year's Day, and St. Patrick's Day, his wedding anniversary. birthday,

I

called

congratulate

"Thanks for your good wishes, Jim," he said when 1 called. "Tomorrow I'm going to be fifty-seven and I guess I'm old enough to pack away with Heinz's pickles." "Well,

I

see you've

Hollywood," into

imported fifty-seven

my

President's Birthday Bali.

*must'

program for tomorrow," he laughed. "Fm

going to devote tomorrow to the female to

beauty from

quipped on the motion picture performers moving

I

Washington for the

"They're on

varieties of

do with the male

"Turn them over

stars,

but

I

don't

know what

stars."

to

Grace Tully,"

I

suggested.

"And you might

turn the female stars over to Marvin 'The Hunter' Mclntyre."

He name

roared with laughter over this play on his secretary's middle

—Hunter.

"That's simply grand," he

and pass

it

off as

"You can have From the first

my own it

for

said. "I

love

it.

what

of the year

it's

I

worth,"

saw the President except at name was being featured more and

scarcely

my

as his successor in 1940.

over the country political leaders came in to pay respects and

stay to pledge support. A4any of these earnest.

Jim,

I said.

more, along with those of Garner and Hull, all

it,

on Mac."

Cabinet meetings. Meantime,

From

I'm going to steal

were genuinely friendly and Others were merely building up character with me against

1

66

Jim Farley's story

when

the day

lightning might strike and they

jobs for themselves or their constituents. fences, the average politician

Those who came

to see

would be looking for When he isn't mending

putting up lightning rods.

is

me were organization leaders and

office hold-

up my daily list of appointments. There were hordes of newspapermen and a variety of federal office holders. All were looking for the answer to 1940. By far the majority were out of sympathy with the third term or said they were. They held it would be a mistake. My invariable answer was ers.

Governors, Senators, and Congressmen

filled

that nothing could be said about 1940 until the President spoke and, as I

saw

there

it,

was no necessity for him

to speak until early in

1

940.

At this time I made several long trips, during which I sounded sentiment on the administration and on 1940. Leaders all spoke of the chances of Hull, Garner, and myself. In consideration of tion, leaders indicated that

much

as it

was

against

my

Al Smith because

deal of the prejudice against a this. I

must confess

I

might be

religion

Roman

was pleased

at

I

a factor,

I

posi-

down

a great

was pleased

to hear

had broken

Catholic.

my

but not as

being considered a presidential

with men of the stamp of Garner and Hull. It made me feel good to know that the rank and file of the party would support possibility along

me,

if I

were

number

port in a either

At

to be the candidate.

I

was

if I

satisfied

wanted

he went to

physicians.

fleet

to contest selection of

had no intention of doing.

maneuvers and

Warm Springs,

which threw

his

a fishing trip in

partly to recuperate

He made

On

He went

February. In April

from

a persistent cold

temperature off normal for weeks, to the concern of frequent week-end trips to his family

Park. In this period he was beset

troubles.

could receive sup-

I

time Roosevelt was also doing a bit of traveling.

this

south for the

Hyde

of states, even

Garner or Hull, which

I

home

at

by foreign and domestic

the foreign front. Hitler's partitioning Czechoslovakia

was an ominous warning; on the domestic

front, he

was occupied with

tax legislation,

WPA appropriations, the national defense, and the na-

tional income,

and he was concerned with neutraUty

I I

did not see

talked to

sions.

On

him for

a chat alone

him by phone

at least

February

1939,

12,

I

from January

until

once and took part called

legislation.

March, although

in

Cabinet discus-

him to advise him that

New

More rumblings York Congressmen and most of the

city's

leaders

167

were complaining that he was giving

patronage to Representative Fay

who had

beaten

John J. O'Connor. O'Connor was the only member of Congress purged by the President. "You can just tell them Vm not going to give any patronage to any leader

who

supported O'Connor and

he

said.

New York

City

that's that,"

"But there are plenty of Congressmen

in

who went

along with you and they are annoyed because they feel they are getting

no consideration,"

way it

I

protested.

in Fay's district should not

to Fay to handle in any

go to the

who was

any leader

by

situation could

way

this, it's

want to give a single job some Congressmen are hurt

don't

with O'Connor.

If

with you about Fay's

would argue about the other

men have been with you

all

want Curry (John are

district,'* I tried again,

districts, particularly

no more Curry

by Jim Dooling and Christy Curry's men are gone."

where

"but

I

the Congress-

along." F. Curry, former

or his leaders to have any jobs," he

"There

to."

too bad."

"I can't argue

"I don't

said. "I

go along the

you feel the patronage you could turn it over

if

leaders,

he wants

"That's not the point," he to

"The

has been going in the city, except that

leaders,"

Tammany Hall leader)

said. I insisted.

Sullivan succeeded

"Curry was defeated

when Dooling

died.

"Well, that's the way I feel," he said. "And in view of the trial of Jimmy Hines, nothing should be given to the Hines district in the way of appointments." On March 29, the President called me over to the White House where we talked about stamps and patronage and finally about 1940 politics. At that time the topics intermingled, as was the case with stamps.

I

urged consideration be given to the inclusion of Frances E.

Willard in the great American

series as a friendly gesture to the drys.

"That's a perfectly wonderful idea, Jim," he

be friendlily disposed toward us decision as quickly as

He

asked

me

I

if

said.

we honored

"The drys might I'll give you a

her.

can."

about the Legislative Correspondents' dinner

bany, particularly after the speeches

at

Al-

made by Lehman, La Guardia,

1

Jim Farley's story

68

Al Smith, and

Attorney Dewey.

District

Guardia, and Smith did

all

which

view.

I

added that

some pot

Dewey

shots at Republican

considered unwise from Dewey's point of

I

Dewey

couldn't be fair with

I

him Lehman, La

right in short speeches, but that

talked for seventeen minutes and took leader Simpson,

told

I

because his attitude

irked me. ^'That's exactly

how

arrogant and ambitious. "I understand

see you,"

I

I

about him," the President

feel

He wants to be President,

Ed Birmingham,

switched the subject

"Yes, he asked

me what would

said.

"He's

or thinks he can be."

chairman for Iowa, was

state

in to

slightly.

have to be done for 1940 and

I

told

him it was too early," he answered. "I did tell him that the Democrats would have to have a liberal platform and a Hberal candidate." "Boss, I am constantly being interviewed by newspapermen about 1940 and I have told them consistently that anyone who made an an-

nouncement before you have spoken ought

to have his

head examined."

"That's right, Jim," he observed.

when you

"Boss,

get back,

I'll

be glad to

1940 situation with you in a general way,"

sit

is

nothing to do but "I'll

be glad

let

discuss the

"Meanwhile, there

I said.

matters take their course."

Jim," he

to,

down and

"What do you

said.

think of Garner's

candidacy?"

"To be wholly this time," I is

frank,

I

don't think Jack

answered. "Naturally, he

receiving in the press, but

I

is

is

a serious candidate at

by the

flattered

don't think

has gone

it

attention he

to his head.

I

think the people around Garner are more concerned with his candidacy

than he

is.

For your information

brought up, entirely of

me

in his eyes, he told

his

own

I

talked to

him recently and he

accord, the Presidency.

With

tears

he hoped that nothing would happen to you

would have to take over the reins of the government. I know he was absolutely sincere. He has a very deep affection for you.

so that he that

Boss."

"I'm glad to hear

it,"

he

said. "I feel

the same

candidacy that you do. I'm sure Garner

when he

says he doesn't

On June 7,

1939,

1

was

want

is

way

about Garner's

speaking from

his heart

to succeed me."

called

by

the President as

I

was having dinner

More rumblings

my

in

Mayflower Hotel apartment

friendliest of

in

169

Washington.

end on the Fotomac for This was the

first

ton for more than

invitation Mrs. Farley

six years.

"I'm sorry, Boss, but

I

me

But

I

Yankee Stadium Sunday. can change

"What about have

"I

my

the next

a lot of

going to attend a

work

over the week

and

had to

I

I

had received for a

had been

in

Washing-

refuse.

agreed a few weeks ago to present a watch to

Joe McCarthy, manager of the Yankees, in

I

in the

a cruise.'*

cruise aboard the presidential yacht, although

don't feel

was

moods.

"Jim," he began, "I'd like to have you and Bess join

plate in

He

I

a

ceremony

at the

appreciate the invitation a

plans at this late date,

week end?" he

much

home

lot,

but

I

as I'd like to."

pressed.

me

week end," I said. "I'm postal convention in Maine a week from Sunday. the state into the right column in 1940 and leave cut out for

that

Maybe I can pull Vermont all alone."

On June As

usual

from

a

23, 1939, 1

was

we began by

called to the

White House

discussing stamps.

Mrs. Casper Whitney suggesting a Cape

"Jim, there's not a Democratic vote at

think the next stamp "Just a minute,"

but

I

I'd just as

I

we

issue

for a conference.

reported receiving a letter

Cod

postage stamp.

Cape Cod," he laughed.

"I

should be for Farley and Roosevelt."

cut in with a laugh. "I don't

know how you

soon that stamp won't be issued for

a long,

feel,

long time.

you could have the law amended to permit living persons to be portrayed on stamps. Then it would be all right with me." Unless, of course,

"Objection sustained," he chuckled. I

told Roosevelt

York

I

was being pressed by Charles Harwood of New I knew nothing of Harwood's $25,000

for a judicial appointment.

loan to Elliott Roosevelt, or the $200,000 loan of John Hartford of the

Atlantic and Pacific

Tea Company,

until the story

became public

in

1945.

much to help Charlie, but I just don't know where am anxious to find something for him and will

"I'd like very

to turn," he said. "I

get around to

it."

There was no mention of politics in our talk except when the Presihis one and one-half billion dollar pump priming

dent brought up

Jim Farley's story

170

Lend-Spend program. The theory was

to advance loans for self-

liquidating projects, so that the Federal budget

would not be further

unbalanced by administration spending. "I think

he

it's all

and the one thing necessary to win

right

the program

said. "If

not passed,

is

we Democrats

will

in 1940,"

have plenty

of trouble."

A few days later, when he was entertaining King George and Queen Elizabeth, he

was cold and

Along with other Cabinet memI went down to Mt. Vernon

distant.

bers and their wives, Mrs. Farley and

aboard the Potomac. dent's

The day was

manner toward me.

hot, but there

enjoyed the

I

visit

was

of the

ice in the Presi-

King and Queen

and thought they handled themselves extremely well under or

let

us say trying, circumstances.

I

laughed heartily

difficult,

at the

famous

Embassy garden party when Jack Garner slapped the King on the back in telling him a story not so much at the gesture or the story but at the looks on the faces of the astounded Britishers. In July, as I was preparing for a European tour with my daughters, Betty and Ann, and Edward Roddan of the Democratic National Committee, the third term talk was boiling under Capitol Dome. In fact, it boiled over, sweeping down Pennsylvania Avenue into all British

—

executive offices and departments. Various Democratic Senators and officials

up

the third term, predicting party.

I

advised

a

row with

a

few months.

On July

came

to Cabinet rank

them

all

it

to

me

declaring themselves against

could bring nothing but disaster to the

there

was no necessity for

the President about a situation

6,

Paul

McNutt came

of candidates for 1940

if

to see

my

which might

me and

talk

clear itself in

about the number

the President did not run.

nothing to be done until the President made

getting into

I

known

said there

was

his intentions

around the first of the year. He agreed. A few days later McNutt was named Federal Security Administrator, which occasioned no little surprise in official circles, but

was no

surprise to me, because

the move an adroit maneuver to silence nation. As a member of the President's rank, he

was bound not

the President.

to

I

saw

in

Paul's campaign for the nomiofficial

family of near Cabinet

campaign unless he had the blessing of

More rumblings That noon I went up

to Capitol Hill for a lunch with the

He

dent, at his invitation. I

was preoccupied during

had an idea of what was on

him

problem

to approach the

171

his

own way

at his

Presi-

a pleasant meal.

mind, but said nothing,

in his

Vice as

own

wanted

I

time. After

Garner pulled out one of his long cigars, lit it carefully; through the smoke and from under his picturesque eyebrows he dessert,

me and

studied

then plunged into the heart of

his subject,

which

I

had expected him to do. "I

have no intention of playing poker with you, Jim, but will lay

my cards on the table,"

all

self

"You don't have to commit yourto let you know just where I stand

he began.

way or the other. I w^ant how I feel. I mean on

one

and exactly

term business. Jim,

this third

can't

I

support a third term and will fight any third term bid for the good of the party. First

There were

want you

off, I

to believe

God knows how

to be President.

tears in his eyes

me when

true that

and

his

I

say

I

want

don't

is."

voice was charged with con-

viction.

"Jack, lieve

if

you

me you

want

don't

to be President, then

I

do be-

"Your word is good enough for me." "Mrs. Garndr would like me to give no considerathe Presidency because she would like to go back to Uvalde.

you,"

I

said.

"Thanks," he tion to

tell

said.

She has no liking for the third term. I'm sure she wouldn't vote for Roosevelt, Jim."

would

"I don't think Bess I

would get back

away from

stay

to private Ufe,

be happy. Sometimes

I

wonder

to our own disadvantage." "You may have something politics for forty years

and

if

we

the

tion.

I

moment,

owe

"That

is

it

I

my

to

so,"

feel

I

laughed. "If

I

in politics neglect

there," he agreed, "but

me.

I

I

would

our families

have been in

proceedings

at this stage of the

down the people who have helped down by silence on such a vital and At

the polls,"

think she and the children

I

I

can't let

them

particularly can't let

far-reaching issue, the third term.

I'm the only one

who

can head up any opposi-

friends and to the party."

acknowledged. "However, I'm not sure when any

decision has to be made. Early in the year,

the deadhne on which the President

I

thought August

would have

i

was

to declare his in-

Jim Farley's story

172

have changed

tentions. Since then I

might wait

"On

my

mind and now

feel that

we

until January."

the strength of that Ve,'

said. "If it's

I

want

to ask

you

a question," he

out of order, you don't have to answer. Jim, are you against

the third term?"

"Yes,"

won't and

"I

two

answered, "but don't

I

tell

a living soul."

appreciate your confidence," he said earnestly.

I

"The

of us can pull together to stop Roosevelt."

we

"I'm not sure that

will

need

to,"

I said.

"If the President doesn't

talk to me by the early part of January, I'll have to go to him as Chairman of the National Committee and ask him what his plans are. I don't know whether I should announce my own candidacy. Frankly, I have

no feeling

about the nomination for the Presidency or the Vice

at all

am concerned over the precedent that might be established by a third term. And no one can question my loyalty or faithful service to the President. I must confess I am a bit piqued over the Presidency, but

I

neglect and the kicking around

"Why,

Jim,

you mean

to

I

have been getting."

say you don't know why you

are out in

the cold?" he asked.

"Truthfully

I

don't,"

I said.

"I'm deeply grateful to the President

for the opportunity of serving in his Cabinet and as party chairman,

and I

have returned thanks by performing

I

feel

I

am

entitled to a

as

well as

my own

few thoughts of

I

know how. But

on matters of con-

cern to the country and the party."

"The said.

plain

"No

and simple truth

have, nor could any chairman

You he

is

is

that he's jealous of you, Jim,"

compare with you

have grown tremendously in just

office

in party

achievement.

and before the country, and

downright jealous of your popularity."

"I find that hard to believe,"

"Well,

Garner

chairman has ever made the contribution to the party you

just think

it

I

said.

over," he said. "He's jealous of Hull for his

standing before the pubHc. Cordell and he's jealous of

glad to see

men

me

for

my

in the party

but actually he doesn't

A few days later

I

I

have talked that over.

popularity in Congress.

coming along and

He

And

ought to be

fancies that he

is

glad,

a postmasters'

con-

like it."

was

in

Columbus, Ohio, for

More rumblings

When I put in my daily call to the Post Office Department my administrative assistant, told me that Cardinal iMundelein

vention. Bill

173

Bray,

of Chicago was having lunch with the President and had asked to see

me.

He

asked

had

if I

call call

switched to the White House where the Cardinal

on him.

I

said

I

would be

in

New York on July

1

2,

would be glad to visit him. He told me to come to the VanHotel, where he always stayed when in New York City.

1939, and derbilt

my

could

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN

THE CARDINAL AND THE PRESIDENT FOUND THE Cardinal reading

I

laid

it

alone after

friends.

came '*I

his

breviary in his hotel room.

tucking in a ribbon to mark

aside,

I

was ushered

We

in.

his place.

were

exchanged greetings

inquired as to his health and, without

I

We

much more

He left

as old

ado, he

to the point of the meeting.

had

a

most enjoyable

with the President," he

visit

"Although

said.

he must be extremely busy he spent two hours or more with me.

He

found every minute enjoyable. admire in him he

and

is

I

at

every

visit. I

hope he remains.

is

think

It is

truly a great man.

it is

my

I

more to he is where

find

most fortunate that

belief that he will

I

run for

a third

term."

"Did he say so?"

"No," he he does.

you

this

said slowly.

The

—

asked eagerly.

I

"No, but

hope that you

I

President was extremely generous

in his reference to

—

I

will support feel that I

you and spoke of you

in

him

can

if

tell

very flattering

terms." "I

am

glad to hear

it," I said.

"I

wouldn't mind hearing

it

from him.

There is no reason why he should not be generous to me; I have always done what he has asked me to do, and I certainly have given him no cause for complaint."

"James," he studied

me

and open with me, so that fidential

matter to you.

earnestly, I

It is

"you have always been most frank broaching a most con-

feel entirely free in

my

sincere feeling that a

Roman

Catholic

could not be elected President of the United States at this time or for

many

years to come.

I

hope, therefore, that you will do nothing to in-

volve the Catholics of the country in another debacle such

as

we

experienced in 1928."

At

the tone of his "James"

and resolved that contrary to

my

I

I

braced myself for what was to come

was not going

to be persuaded into taking a course

better judgment. 174

The "Your Eminence, term, but

Cardinal and the President have

I

do not think

I

other reason than that hear them, although

my

to discuss

on the third them if for no

definite views,

proper time to

this is the

air

do not think you are the proper person to

I

you

my own views,

175

are a respected friend.

views until the President has told

do not

I

feel at liberty

me what

he will do.

"Last winter he indicated strongly he would not be a candidate again.

A

week ago Friday he

me how often he had Presidency when he knew

told

Democratic candidates for the

in

there was

plumped for Bryan in 1908, Cox 1920, Davis in 1924, and Smith in 1928; that he had run with Cox 1920 when he knew it was hopeless, and that he had run for Gov-

no chance of in

supported

their election; that he

He

ernor in 1928 only to help Smith out.

had worked for

said he

the party nominees on losing tickets and yet maintained that ticket should be

port

it.

in 1940,

larly in that

it

a losing

if

he did not feel obligated to sup-

told the President he did not have to

I

not want to; but

gift the

nominated

all

do anything he did

find such an attitude difficult to understand, particu-

I

comes from one

party can bestow.

I

who

has twice received the greatest

cannot imagine him upsetting party tradi-

tion to be a candidate for a third term." "I

am

satisfied

"I can't

and

beheve

Not

hints.

he

going to run," the Cardinal

is

it,

and

my

is

based on his

own

intimations

that there isn't plenty of activity for a third term

the part of a lot of the fellows close to the

belief

said.

White House. But

without the President's

full

who I

are close to

him and want

can't imagine a third

knowledge and approval.

on

to stay

term happening It

may

be that

he

is willing to let it develop and see if it is possible and then announce what he will do. Perhaps he might even blow on it as one would blow on a dying fire to kindle it into flame. Until he speaks, as I think he

will speak

and

as

he should speak,

''Now, for myself,

I

I

must rely on

his intimations.

frankly do not care what happens to

me

politi-

cally. A place on the national ticket does not concern me too much. My wife and children would be far happier, and without a doubt better off, if

I

forgot

all

about public

life. I

hope you

will believe

me."

"I do."

"Now

I

want you,

as

an old and respected friend, to

been kicked around by the President and the so-called

know

New

I

have

Dealers

Jim Farley's story

176

for some eighteen months.

do not deserve such treatment.

I

done much, certainly too much to deserve such treatment. a matter of great

me

concern to

cause

anyone quaUfied but himself.

would be

Federalist

difficult for

not

me him

do not say that unkindly, be-

I

Democrat and Republican,

has been so with every President,

it

have

that Roosevelt does not regard

as qualified for the office of President. It

to find

I

It is

and Whig. There are many other people of

intelligence, wis-

ability, whose judgment is above question, who believe I am qualified. I do not think the President should take the position that I am not. I am not asking him to do anything for me. He certainly

dom, and

should not be the one to say I

cannot win,

I

if

nominated, in view of what

have done for him."

"Why "I

don't you tell the President how you feel?" he would and will if he ever raises the question."

"James,

"A

I

great

do not believe

many

could win."

a Catholic

among them

people,

the Vice President, Senators,

Representatives, and party leaders, feel differently.

something about

politics.

ten or twelve years ago.

Men who know

Conditions are not the same

When

suggested.

Smith

ran, the

as

they were

Democratic party was

not in power; Smith was in the front in the fight for repeal of the pro-

was prosperous; Smith's choice of Raskob, a Republican, for National chairman was an affront to the old time Democrats; Smith's conduct of the campaign was anything but skillful and diplomatic; it was doubtful that any Democrat could have been elected in that year, and the religious issue alone should not be blamed hibition law; the country

for Smith's defeat.

"On

the other side of the picture, there

the Democratic party will not

win

and whether or not they

no reason

in 1940; the party

there are hundreds of thousands of rolls

is

is

to beUeve that

now

in

power;

Democrats on government pay

like the

name

Farley, they

would not

vote themselves out of office just because the candidate happens to be a

Roman

Catholic.

There

are thousands and thousands of persons

working for the government of no vote for

me

set political affiliations,

feeling reasonably certain they

the Democratic party remains in control. a year

around the country;

I

I

would keep

who would their jobs

if

travel at least 75,000 miles

have been in several thousand communi-

The and

ties

Cardinal and the President

177

have personally met hundreds of thousands of persons and

I

shaken their hands

—

have a larger acquaintance than any other

I

man

in the country.

have contacts with members of the national committee, with state

"I

chairmen and other party workers. Regardless of what anyone think,

I

am known,

saying, and

say

I

I

I

have no hesitancy in

without egotism, that no other Democrat has any

it

better chance than

be against me.

respected and trusted; and

have. In view of

I

said

what happens

don't care

I

the President has no right to

this,

to

not planning to secure the nomination for myself.

my

plans. Nonetheless,

am

I

"Loyalty

is

not

all

on one

not going to take this lying down.

side," I continued.

me on

he has not consulted

a half

two appointments have been made

I

all

on

my

is

I

six

else.

year and

months,

no reason

is

why

the loyalty

time that the President be loyal to me. I

have been

'if I would forget Roosevelt,' and would get out and fight Roosevelt,

attractive offers

huge fund could be mine

which

last

I

New York, my own state, which

have been loyal in the face of a most trying situation.

made some very a

side. It

'Tor the

appointments. Within in

have been most displeasing to me. There should be

—

me actually I am Time will disclose

myself be kicked around by Roosevelt or anyone

will not let

may

do not for

and loyalty should

if I

moment propose to do. I am still being loyal, work two ways, even if Roosevelt doesn't recoga

nize that principle."

The

Cardinal repeated that

I

should talk to the President.

He

said

was interested in me and, as a friend, felt he could speak frankly; he hoped the situation could be settled so that I would support

that he that

the third term he "If

I

you have I

talked to

hope you

"I

as

we

would attempt. Your Eminence, should I tell him

certain the President

me?"

will not

I

do

know whether

do not

that he did in

Even

was

talk to the President,

asked. so,

James," he

I

said.

he talked to the President about me.

view of what happened, but

spoke,

that

I

have no

way

I

feel

of knowino-.

had the feeling the President had asked him to

speak to me.

"Before as

I

I

go,"

I

said,

looking him

know how. Your Eminence.

I

full in the face, "I

want

want

to be free

to be perfectly frank. Per-

Jim Farley's

178 haps you will not like

You

it.

this,

but

me on

in my mind and you should know Church who has ever attempted to

it is

are the first person in the

influence

story-

a political matter

and

I

have been in

politics for thirty

years."

only because

**It is

I

am

interested in

always been considerate of me," he

you and because you have

said. "I

have heard something,

which I hope you will not object to my mentioning. I understand there has been some criticism of Mrs. Farley some things she has said, or

—

is

supposed to have

"That

is

said,

perfectly

all

about the President." right,"

I said,

complaint from the White House

this

up. Mrs. Farley

is

a loyal

wondering

"Fm

itself.

he was carrying

if

glad

you brought

it

wife and feels strongly resentful of what has

been done to me. She has never forgotten the way the President acted when Huey Long attempted to bring about an investigation of me. Long was not aiming at me, but was trying to get at the President. He chose

me

because

I

was the most vulnerable

to pick on, in

he would injure Roosevelt

if

he could tear

my

view of

Long was aware

dual role as Postmaster General and party chairman.

me down.

"Mrs. Farley could never condone the President's silence in the face of Long's accusations.

Even

splendidly they did so

view of

felt that in

even

am

after the Senate

—Roosevelt

my services,

my

my

support,

he were not moved by loyalty and friendship. Apparently

if

when needed and then

a bottle of tonic to be taken

needed again.

word

said nothing in

—and

defense. She

he should have rallied to

Now I have come to the point where

shaken well before or after using. a

me

had vindicated

The

don't care to be

me

President has never written

of appreciation or thanks for what

have given freely of

I

my strength, my time,

I

have done since 1930 and

and

I

shelved until

I

my abihty at great per-

sonal sacrifice." "I can't believe that," he exclaimed. "I

told

me

it

was

mean

I

couldn't

more's the pity,"

"It

is

At

the conclusion of the foregoing discussion,

so,

if

you hadn't

so." I said.

we had

a

very nice

chat about the current situation and the world generally.

extremely well informed on for

me

to visit with him.

all

Our

matters, and

friendship

it

was always

was not

at all

He

was

a delight

disturbed

by

The the discussion

we

Cardinal and the President

had, and

close, intimate friends.

tion to His Eminence,

I

from

very

my

that

day

much

179

until his passing

we

remained

resented the President's sugges-

close, personal friend, that

he try to change

my

course of action on a matter of principle which the President him-

self

should have freely discussed with me. There was no reason for a

third person to be brought in for such a discussion.

Some months later,

at

Cardinal Alundelein's funeral, one of the priests

who had accompanied him which

I

I

New

have herein related told

day, the Cardinal told

which

to

explained

than ever.

my

him

York

me

at the

that after

time of the meeting I

left

the hotel that

that he appreciated the candid

position and that his regard for

me was

way

in

greater

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN

HYDE PARK CONFERENCE, 1939 IN

THE DAYS

filled

torial

with

between the President and myself. Edi-

and news columns wtrt heavy with speculation that

way

dissatisfied at the

derstatement, and that

things I

White House were to his

cited.

home

night of July 23. Later,

ment of

a rift,

When

my

infrequent appearances at

showed every the President sent for me, sumthe speculation

Hyde Park for dinner and to spend the understood Norman Littell of the Depart-

at I

who was most

Justice,

was

had quarreled with the President, which was

sign of increasing rather than abating,

moning me

I

were being handled, which was an un-

wide of the mark. As evidence of the

were

that followcd, the newspapers and magazines stories of a rift

anxious to avoid a party

split,

had

White House with other mutual friends in promoting the conference. I visited my son, Jimmy, in camp in New Hampshire that Sunday, leaving about noon to drive down to Hyde Park by way of Vermont. been active

I

at the

arrived at

Hyde

Park about four-thirty

in the afternoon.

The

President was not at the family home, but at the field-stone cottage retreat

where he had served hot dogs

to

King George and Queen

Eliza-

beth a few weeks before. Monte Snyder, the President's chauffeur,

me

started to drive

young Christmas able, efficient

over along a winding dirt road between acres of

trees.

At

who said the came whirling down the ice detail,

was

a fork in the

road

we were

flagged

down by

Michael Reilly, Chief of the White House Secret Serv-

at his side.

He

"Hello, Boss,"

I

President was coming. In a

few minutes he

lane in his hand-braked Ford. Missy Le

beckoned

to

me and

I

Hand

climbed into the back

seat.

said.

you aboard, Jim," he greeted. "I guess I'm safe in RepubHcan Dutchess County," I wisecracked, "inasmuch as I just left Vermont without getting into difficulty. You know, ever since Vermont and Maine got out of step with the rest of *'Glad to have

180

Hyde the country in 1936,

I

Park Conference, 1939

don't like to walk around

181

up

there, especially

after dark."

"Why,

Jim," he laughed, "I believe you've inherited the prejudices

of your Irish forebears against the north country."

"Only in you may be at his

camp.

the electoral college,"

We were talking about this and that,

sky, he asked me, 'Dad, what's this

Roosevelt?'

hand

at

By

when, out of

see in the papers about

I

had to laugh, because Jimmy

I

at his

age

isn't

a clear

you and

much

of a

reading the papers."

The President threw back "I love

"And speaking of politics, Jimmy and I had under a tree

said.

I

interested in a conversation

this

head in hearty laughter and exclaimed,

love it!"

I

it!

his

time

we

reached the graveled driveway, curving in front

We had iced tea and cake on the

of the house.

porch. Missy was with

Once At seven we had dinner, being the President; Aunt Polly, sister

us almost continuously during an hour and a half of conversation.

or twice she was called to the phone. joined

of his

by Laura Delano, a cousin of mother; Harry Hooker, schoolmate and former law partner

of

the President; Mrs. Roosevelt, and the President's mother. Dinner conversation

was

general.

After dinner Roosevelt and wing.

The

I

headed for the small study

night was hot but not unpleasant.

hum

massive trees awhispering and the ing

lulls in

The

the chat.

He

now

north

light breeze set the

of insects could be heard dur-

President toyed with a bottle of Danziger

Goldwasser, watching the gold flakes dance every

A

in the

as

he poured a thimbleful

and then.

hopscotched over the

political situation.

purge, explaining that he started stringing his

program and he

to be successful.

He

told

me

felt

it

He

talked about the

because conservatives were ham-

the Democratic party must be liberal

he wanted Alben Barkley of Kentucky

Senate iMajority Leader because he

felt

as

Pat Flarrison of Mississippi was

against his tax and spending policies.

"Let

me

interrupt

you

right there,"

I

broke

in. "I

think

you made

mistake by projecting yourself into what was the Senate's

affair.

would not have opposed Pat Harrison's candidacy, although nothing in the world against Alben Barkley. He's my close

I

a I

have

friend.

1

Jim Farley's story

82

The

simple fact of Harrison's service before and during the Chicago

convention in 1932 would have moved

me

my

to hold

hand

if I

had

You may recall that on the third ballot the Miswas within a vote or a fraction of a vote of leaving tremendous pressure within the delegation. Pat got out

been in your

shoes.

sissippi delegation

you, due to

of bed, came to the convention hall late at night and stiffened the delegation into holding the line for you. astrous shifts

fore and

I

might have followed

repeat

now

that, in

Had

they shifted their vote,

in other delegations.

my opinion,

his action

I

told

dis-

you be-

placed you under

everlasting obligation to him."

He was by saying

my

frigid during

that

I filled

in a conversational

gap

thought he had made a mistake by interfering in Ohio,

I

and expressing regret Tydings, saying

I

my small

at

part in the attempt to purge Senator

should always be sorry that

accompanying him on bitter against

remarks.

his

I let

him

talk

He

purge tour into Maryland.

me

into

was quite

Tydings, but admitted there had never been

much

chance for Representative David Lewis to beat the Senator, adding

Lewis candidacy was the best thing

that the

He

the circumstances.

that could be

done under

then drifted into consideration of his fight

He said he had seen O'Connor a number of York Congressman was opposing his wage and hour legislation and during the contest for House leadership against Sam Ray burn in 1937, but had been unable to get anywhere with him. John O'Connor.

against times,

I

when

the

knew nothing

New

of these

visits

and

might have been handled

situation

said so,

adding that

I

thought the

O'Connor was

differently, because

disposed to be friendly.

The

misunderstanding arose

had the

enough

The

state's

President confirmed this assumption

because

it

was

all

way Rayburn

water over the dam.

situation could have

was behind the Texan.

by saying O'Connor could

had. I

said, naturally

I

I

did not argue the point,

repeated that

I

been handled better had there been

thought the a little give

take.

"Jim, the

Senator Guffey of Pennsylvania

led to the assumption that the President

not have led Congress the

and

when

delegation support Rayburn, which,

way

you know

Tommy

in the fight against

Corcoran

O'Connor."

feels

He

you did not go along cocked

his

all

head and meas-

Hyde ured the effect of tone

this shaft

was evident

it

Park Conference, 1939 out of the corners of his eyes.

was

that he

183

From

the

Corcoran what he him-

attributing to

self felt.

"To be plained

entirely frank,

my

didn't,"

I

my

the party chairman, whose

do

my

hands out of the fighting within the party.

Getting back to Corcoran, there

to

recall I ex-

you approved

position at the time of the purge and

determination to keep

mony,

acknowledged. "You

I

first

his dirty party-splitting

"Mr. President, John O'Connor

is

why

no reason

is

consideration

he should expect

to maintain party har-

is

work.

my friend and he was your friend,

Chicago and before Chicago. As you know, John F. Curry,

too, in

Tammany, tried to deprive him work on your behalf. The truth

then leader of because

of his

would have won renomination and campaign direction given

if it

his

of his seat in Congress, of the matter

is

that he

wasn't for the financial assistance

opponent, James Fay, by Corcoran

and Ed Flynn.

"Between you and me I'm getting his

crowd. They have not been

stories against I

know

me.

I

I

up with Corcoran and

know

I

don't think

my own

I'll

it

they have inspired

you and me

definitely they haven't got the influence

of their influence prevails. at

with me.

think they have done

attributed to them, but

and

fair

a bit fed

a great disservice.

with you which

is

healthy that such an impression

be able to handle them in

my own way

time. They're merely peanuts in a sugar barrel."

few moments, evidently turning over in his mind what I had said. I was glad to have a chance to speak out as I did, because I wanted to set myself straight with him and because I was hopeful that I could help him to a realization of the damage some of the brain trusters were doing. There was always the possibility that he might be induced to veer away from them and steer in the direction Roosevelt was

of those

who had

silent for a

been truly helpful to him, including myself. At heart

the President was a boy, sometimes a spoiled boy. Although he had

tremendous charm and

vitality,

were continually getting him was forever trying fancied.

by

that he

than

his

a

few petty

into trouble.

to get even with

Another was

his heart rather

he had

One

all

of these

someone for some

was motivated on mind,

attributes

was

which that he

slight, real

or

decisions, large or small,

too frequently, and

by hunches

Jim Farley's story

184

by

rather than ple,

reason.

Surrounded by genuinely loyal and able peo-

he would have encountered far

less trouble.

Roosevelt was slow in getting to the point, which

The

knew must come.

I

was determined to do was to impress upon him that I would follow whatever course of action I decided was right and honorable. He knew, for example, where I stood on Hull, but was not sure, thing

I

would stand on a third term. Also, he was not sure how far I would go w^th him in supporting any candidate he might suggest. He began by considering the candidates. "To begin with, there's Garner," Roosevelt said as though he were I

beUeve, where

counting on

I

"Just a minute," a candidate. if

"He's

his fingers.

I

am

cut

I

He

am

certain of this.

necessary and only

a third term.

in. "I

just impossible."

if

is

not interested in being

willing to let his

by

name be

used,

those opposed to

being encouraged by about a dozen Democratic

is

so," he

He

is

necessary, as a candidate

Senators, including Byrnes and

"Maybe

sure Jack

George and Bankhead."

acknowledged. "Then

there's Senator

Byrd,

who

would not be acceptable, nor Senator Tydings; and I think Senator Wheeler is a candidate." "I know it," I contributed. "While I have no feeling against Wheeler personally, I'm not entirely sure of him because he voted against me when Huey Long was attacking me in the Senate. Incidentally, if you are concerned about the stories which have been appearing about me casting my lot with Wheeler, because I had lunch with him on the Hill the other day, you should know that there isn't a word of truth in was not Wheeler's guest as the papers had it, but Guffey's. Wheeler just happened to be one of the party and we talked casually." "Glad to hear it," he said. He went on telling off his fingers. "Then there's Wallace. What do you think of Henry? I don't think he has It'' them.

I

"I don't think he has balance

sonal liking for

don't

know where

the feehng around it

and

I

and judgment,"

Henry and we have always been he stands from day to day.

I

said. "I

it

carried back, because

hurt him. However, you asked

my

I

must confess

I

the country that he's a dreamer.

wouldn't want

have a per-

friendly, but

I

I

frankly I

share

don't like to say

would not want

opinion and there

it is."

to

Hyde

Park Conference, 1939

185

we come to Governor Stark of iMissouri," he went on. "Somehow or other I don't know much about the Governor." *'Well, personally I'm much incensed at Stark because at the time **Next

of the Pendergast investigation leader's

nephew,

had

I

a visit

from the Kansas City

who asked me to intercede to me by Senator Truman.

in the tax case.

The

Harry I must report that when he found out what the young man had been up to, he called me and apologized at length, saying he would never have sent him if he knew what the nephew was going to ask me to do. I told Harry to forget it. "Well, to make a long story short, I told the nephew that the case would have to take its course, that I could do nothing even if I were

nephew was

sent

disposed to do so.

A

few^ days later Stark called

takable terms intimated that

him up. I'm

telling

you

this

interested in that case or

with the

told

way

was

I

me

and

I

want you

to

know

He down

to

worry

no unmisI

burned

that I'm not

similar case."

"Stark called

said.

me

to express dis-

the Treasury Department was proceeding.

him the department was proceeding along regular

was nothing

in

interfering in the case.

because

any

do understand, Jim," he

"I

satisfaction

In justice to

about,

which was

lines

and there

true."

then brought up the name of Paul AIcNutt and slowly turned

thumb

the

He

of his right hand.

did not mention Hull, Jesse

Jones, Robert Jackson, Frank Murphy, Harry Hopkins, or myself candidates. Finally,

"We

we

reached the third term

must save democracy," he

were on the platform. "I think

it's

"It's

issue.

said in ringing tones as

way

the only

the country

maybe

I

though he

to save the country."

I

put

"And

in.

I

am more concerned with

the country than with the party, because success will

or

as

necessary to have the Democratic party successful in

order to save the country,"

if

I

is

come

to the party

secure and prosperous as surely as night follows day

should have put

it

the other

way around

— day

follows

night."

"Jim," he

"you and

I

said,

dropping

his voice

and speaking slowly for emphasis,

have got to be together in 1940 to work for the good of

the country and the party, just as

we

have in the past."

1

86

Jim Farley's story said nothing, waiting for

I

on me most

"Now,

intently and set

they're trying to

what was

want

fixed his eyes

down his cigarette. ." make me run. .

.

"Just one interruption. Boss," I

He

to follow.

broke

I

you

to say that sooner or later

"Before you go any further,

in.

will have to declare yourself.

when that day should be, I am not prepared because I am not satisfied in my own mind, except Just

to say at this time,

most general

in the

sort of w^ay."

"Jim,

am

I

going to

tell

living soul," Roosevelt

you something

dropped

I

his voice to

^^Of course, I will not run for a third term. pass this

on

decision

were known

to anyone, because

as I could, little

to others within a

it

dle

it is this.

when

I

my

would make

few

my word

want you

don't

role difficult

if

to

the

of honor on that,"

I

said as sol-

expecting that he would repeat the same words days.

"Now the way I'm going to

"Thanks, Jim," he acknowledged. along,

an impressive whisper.

Now

prematurely."

"Mr. President, you have

emnly

have never told another

han-

Along about the time the North Dakota primary comes it is

necessary for

me

to

file

file,

I

won't

were sharing

a

huge

or not to

file,

thereby indicating I'm not a candidate."

He

smiled gleefully as though he and

"That's

one

way

all

right in

its

way, but

joke.

think you ought to say something

I

or the other at that time,"

a letter to the state

I

I

said. "I

think you should write

chairman of North Dakota saying that you are not

a candidate."

"Yes, that

do

now

is

would be another way," he

to get friendly delegations.

for the party, the same as

"The

have

friendly delegations are

"Who are they He laughed. "I suppose the said.

we

"Do you

all

agreed.

You and

I

"The

thing for us to

must work together

in the past."

right with me, too,"

I

said lightly.

supposed to be friendly for or against?"

Georgia delegation will be for Walter George," he

think the Florida delegation will be friendly?"

"I think so."

"And what about Alabama?"

he asked again.

"I think they will be for Speaker

Bankhead,"

I

said.

"And

I

think

Hyde

Park Conference, 1939

187

Tennessee will be for Hull, Arkansas for Bailey, Byrd and Glass will

Ohio will be for Senator Donahey." them up," he said. "But you must understand one thing, Jim. / do not ivant to campaign for a losing ticket.'' "Boss, as the party's leader, you'll have to campaign for whatever ticket is selected," I argued. "We cannot compromise on the platcontrol Virginia, and

"That's the

form;

must be

it

In turn

way

you

size

I

wholehearted endorsement of your administration.

a

will just

have to go along with the party. Cox and yourself

received such support from the party and

known

that

it

was

a losing ticket.

its

The same

leaders, although

it

was

goes for Smith and Robin-

son in 1928. Frankly, the party would be disappointed and rightfully so, if

you

did not support the ticket, particularly

if it is

a ticket that

you

could support."

He made

no answer.

He

switched the conversation to an entirely

different subject.

"Jim," he

"you're the only

said,

member

reason to criticize for any pubHc utterance.

who,

at soqie

And I want more than you know." Later,

I

And

I

have no

you're the only one

time or other, has never asked for anything from some

other department. it

of the Cabinet

had cause to believe

to say, here

his

and now, that

I

appreciate

immediate reference was to Solicitor

General Robert Jackson, because Harry Hooker, the President's onetime law partner, told

me

the next day that Mrs. Roosevelt was dis-

pleased with Bob's speeches against business, believing they had done the President

much damage. Hooker described her as very much

Corcoran and Cohen, the Gold Dust Twins,

as

against

they were

called.

my

official

In reply to the President's generous remarks about

con-

him there was nothing any other department had that I wanted. As for my own department, I went on to say that there was one agency which should never be touched and that was the Postal duct,

I

told

Inspection Service.

I

had appointed K. P. Aldrich

without ever having seen him. I

called

him

into

my

office

When

spected

me

the

more

for

said he it.

Chief Inspector

he arrived to take over the post,

and told him that

understood he would get no interference

from me. The President

as

was glad

I

wanted

in the

to hear

it

thoroughly

conduct of it,

his office

adding that he re-

1

88

Jim Farley's story

brought the conversation back to 1940, asking bluntly what kind of a candidate he wanted. His answ^er was, "All I have to say is that I

I

hope they don't nominate

sympathetic to

just a

my administration and who will

Since he had solemnly assured date,

I

it

continue

who

is

my policies."

me that he was not going to be a candi-

gathered the impression that he had not anyone in mind for

the Presidency at the moment. that

yes man, but pick someone

would be

rounded

they are by

as

It

was only natural

that he should feel

difficult to find a successor to himself. Presidents, sur-

not prone to underestimate their

flatterers, are

As a dynamic and dramatic Chief Executive, Roosevelt had attracted more than his share of flattery. At this point he switched to a consideration of the picture in the Repubhcan camp. He named Dewey as the most important figure in that party. I disagreed, feeling that the RepubHcans would not nominate Dewey, but would choose Senator Vandenberg. "Dewey might get second place," I said, "but I can't see him in first place, because he is such a middle-of-the-roader, a liberal when among liberals and a conservative when among conservatives. I have influence

on

history.

a feeling that the

they don't

RepubHcans

know whether

"You've got him figured

Dewey and "That

will

he will

make

make the

it all

will not take a

jump

he'll

a

just

chance with him because

right or left."

about right, but

I still

think

it

will be

formidable opponent," the President

more necessary for you and me

to

said.

work

to-

gether in 1940." I

made no answer

"Boss, before

we

to this.

It

was

my

get off politics

which may give you

a laugh,"

some correspondence

I

I

I

said,

turn to change the subject.

want

to

show you something

reaching into

my

brief case for

had with OHver Quayle, Treasurer of the

ocratic National Committee. "Here's a letter

from Quayle

Dem-

to Ickes

asking for a $100 donation to the party, and here's Ickes's answer saying he could not afford such a large donation and asking that

all

further

correspondence should be addressed to him at his office."

"Don't you old? is

just love it?"

You know

he

is

he laughed.

"And

isn't that just like

Har-

serving his purpose as far as the administration

concerned, because his speeches are of a kind no one

else

can make;

Hyde but sometimes

And

I

may

think they

189

be more detrimental than helpful.

the same goes for him."

The

President mentioned the

posed to clean up

him

Park Conference, 1939

to veto

it

politics,

Hatch

which was popularly sup-

bill,

saying that Charley Michelson had urged

on the ground that

it

should never have been passed on

for signature. ''Personally, Boss,

I

feel the

same way,"

will turn out to be another Volstead Act;

I

it

"In

said.

my

and can only promote hypocrisy rather than honesty.

Fd get an opinion from the Attorney General's either "I'll

judgment

it

can't possibly be enforced If I

were you

office before acting

way." do

it,"

he promised.

Roosevelt confessed disappointment over

his failure to get the

through the Senate, declaring

trality legislation

his defeat

neu-

would only

serve to help the aggressor nations.

He

had with Garner and

group of Senators, saying that he

and Hull had painted

a bipartisan a

summarized the conference he

sombre picture of the

predicting that w^ar might

come

at

situation in Europe,

any time. Senator Borah, he

said,

took exception to the prediction, maintaining the information he received was just

many

authentic and, in

as

instances,

came from the

same sources tapped by the State Department. Hull deeply resented Borah's attitude, Roosevelt said.

This brought up consideration of explained that

it

I

my

impending European

tour.

I

had taken up the itinerary with Hull and had been advised

would be

all

right to see Mussolini, but that

I

should find some

excuse for ducking Hitler, should the latter extend an invitation to me. It

was

my

was going

intention,

I

said, to

directly through

head off an invitation by announcing

Germany

I

into Poland.

"Good, good," the President approved. "Be my eyes and ears on up as much information as you can for me. See as many people as you can. See Winston Churchill. See Chamberlain or anybody in his Cabinet. You know there are many people in the country who, for various reasons, do not approve of our deahng with

the trip, Jim, and pick

England, but

it is

necessary to stand firm against the aggressors."

Conversation began to

lag.

Taking

a hint

from

a

long silence,

I

re-

Jim Farley's story

190

marked

it

was getting late and

"Keep everything under

rose.

He stuck

control,"

I

out his hand.

"Take

said.

I

grasped

it.

easy while I'm

it

away."

when you

"We'll have another nice, long conversation Jim," he

said. "I

—too long

have been waiting

get back,

long time to hold

a long,

this

one

a time."

"Don't take any wooden nickels,"

was

I

in the hall before his

chuckle died away.

"Take keer of I

spent a

little

yourself, Jim," he quoted in farewell.

time with the family, before

for the night. Waiting for sleep, I

was glad no argument had

self to

any course of

ness. I

had demonstrated

and without any I felt

he was

I

arisen

action.

went up

and that

I

ill

room

had not committed my-

willingness to talk freely and frankly,

bitterness over his neglect of

a bit

to a guest

was grateful there was no unpleasant-

I

my

I

mentally reviewed our conversation.

me.

On

the other hand,

at ease, so to speak, in trying to clarify a situation

without admitting that he had been guilty of any offense toward me.

He was

confer with I

all

me and of the

stories in the press

about

significance attached to the

his failure to

whole

situation.

wanted to have the appointment with me behind went abroad, so as to give the country the impression was well in our relationship and we were as friendly as ever.

was sure

that he

him, before that

aware of the

fully

I

Considering

his

statement on the third term,

I

figuratively crossed

my fingers. Except for Hull and myself, he had more or less effectively disposed of

all

the candidates

who were leading all

most frequently mentioned by the party dicated to the press I

lessen

my

had clearly intimated

my words were was I

all

and

who were

had never

I

had

definite

in-

knew.

views and that

hoped to express them in a way which standing before the American people. Privately,

the proper time

would not

I

position against the third term, as he

had said repeatedly for publication that

when I

my

polls,

faithful.

came

my

I

know

that

White House, and

that

opposition to the third term.

frequently carried back to the

I

right with me.

was sure

that the third term issue could not be settled until the

President declared himself one

way

or the other, and that

remain a riddle until he chose to speak.

I

remember

that

I

it

would

remarked

Hyde to myself that

I

Park Conference, 1939

191

to cover a lot of ground, literally and

would have

figuratively, before I had to meet the problem. I took solace from the fact that I had kept my temper and had conducted myself to the

my

best of

ability in a trying period.

pressed dissatisfaction or disapproval.

The

my

next morning

When

custom.

table.

I

After breakfast

was up early and slipped out was

returned, Mrs. Roosevelt

ticularly

went

I

when

he was asked

friction

in the world.

I

me. war.

is

at the breakfast

farewell

I

and found

to the President

remained for the show.

He

if I

"He

is

were going not!" as

to resign. Fie tossed his

the suggestion that there

if

between himself and me was the most ridiculous idea

the country

I

good-by

could not help but consider

have loved to have

Our

for a walk, as

and handled the questions very well indeed, par-

head back and snapped,

was any

to say

to hold a press conference.

in high spirits

how

so to sleep.

joined her.

I

him about was

I

had not once publicly ex-

I

And

sat in

the reporters

would

on the conference of the night before and

would have

was

how

brief. I

relished the story.

took Hooker

down

to

New

York with

did not see the President again until after the outbreak of the

At

my sailing with my daughters and Edward Roddan,

the following wire

I

received

from him:

NBQ72 20 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON DC 26 IO35 A HON JAMES A FARLEY SS

MANHATTAN

A GRAND TRIP TO YOU, THE GIRLS AND EDDIE. WISH YOU ALL. BRING ME A SHAMROCK.

I

WERE

FRANKLIN

D.

SAILING

WITH

ROOSEVELT

CHAPTER NINETEEN

TAKES A HOLIDAY

POLITICS UNANIMOUS

BY

consciit, poHtics

took an enforced holiday

With war immediately

outbreak of the war in Europe.

and with the presidential campaign more than

inet meetings, the conflict S.S.

seemed very

Manhattan of the United

far

at

a year

no motion had to be put for an adjournment of politics. While we had talked of the possibility of war frequently

at the

Cab-

at

away, indeed,

hand

away,

as

the

States Lines sailed at noon, July 26,

1939.

The holiday mood was nipped for me by the frost of war when we docked at Hamburg, Thursday, August 3. best describe my journey through Germany at that time by air

in the I

can

saying

there was a mounting apprehension that something fearful was about to happen. In Berlin,

American Charge

d'Affaires Alexander Kirk

gloomily apprehensive, wanting us to get out of possible.

He

sensed trouble ahead and warned

me

Germany

as

was

soon

his influence

as

would

war fever mounted in German blood. In Poland uniforms were everywhere but there was none of the grim purpose of Germany. And there were almost no planes in the

be pretty ineffectual

air

and no

there

At

as

ceaseless shuttling of military equipment.

was calm resignation a

what was considered

to

garden party given by Anthony Drexel Biddle,

Ambassador

to Poland,

and

his wife,

I

On

every side

inevitable. Jr.,

American

had an opportunity to con-

verse with Poland's leaders. President Moscicki, Premier Beck, and

Marshal Smigly-Rydz. At one point Beck, Biddle, and

I

were

to-

gether. **Mr. Premier,

I

am going

to ask a rather

which you need not answer,"

I

said.

presumptuous question,

*'What do you think of Hitler

and Mussolini?"

Beck looked

at

me, turned to Biddle, and then chuckled. "The ques-

tion isn't indiscreet, but the answer I

would

be," he said.

then asked about Poland's situation in the event of war. 19Z

Politics takes a holiday

"What Poland

needs

we

credit in England, but

our war equipment. I

We

became convinced of

not look

me

money," Beck

is

193

"We

said.

have received

need cash to keep our factories turning out

must have arms, because Hitler

will attack.

He would

that at our conference last January.

in the eye, as in

former meetings.

He

kept looking around

the room, at the floor, at the ceiling, at the walls, at anything but me. I

meant no friendship toward Poland.

realized then Hitler

been preparing I

asked

"We

why

we

as best

Great

Britain,

I

know

France, and the United I

was bent on war.

not getting the true picture of the position

is

of other nations," he answered. "I

be in the event of war.

have

can since then."

the Poles were so certain Hitler

feel that Hitler

We

doubt

if

what the

just

States,

attitude of

and other nations

will

Hitler knows."

had interviews with Moscicki and Smigly-Rydz and Beck, privately

as well as at the

Hitler

garden party. All told

would attempt

and Gentiles

alike

to kill

me

Poland by

the Poles were aware that

killing

all

would be "walking wolf." Russian demands would be

they could not

—Jews

—although he would probably begin with the Jews.

All said aUiance with Russia to escape a

Polish males

live in

peace and freedom.

and

fident in the face of odds

into a bear's

so great, they said,

The General

said the Poles

mouth

would

appeared con-

fight to the end,

aware that Germany would be defeated eventually, and peace and

freedom would certainly be restored to might take many

their country, although

years.

From Warsaw we journeyed on the tomb of Marshal

to

Cracow, where we placed

Pilsudski. In this ancient city

Jewish settlement, where

I

saw Jews

anywhere

them no

else

on

my

determined to

less

patriots. In the short stay,

fection for the Poles in the time

I

I

travels. I resist

visited the

closely after the

has been

my

privilege

was greatly impressed. a

I

found

com-

tremendous respect and

Warsaw and Cracow. would be

ple with the spirit they have, never die." I

it

I

wreath

a

the Nazis than their Gentile

developed

expressed the hope they

every time

more

living

customs and traditions of their ancestors than to see

it

In notes dictated at

victorious.

Many

af-

I

noted, "Peo-

of them did.

I

shudder

consider what happened to that unfortunate nation,

especially in the

Cracow

ghetto.

J™

194 Leaving Poland to Italy.

The

we

Farley *s story

halted briefly in Austria and then proceeded on

highlight of our ItaHan journey

His Holiness, Pope Pius XII. then Eddie and the

girls

I

had twenty minutes alone with him and

joined us for about ten minutes.

of the trouble facing the world "I

was an audience with

—the war.

We

talked

am more concerned now than at any time before," the Pope said am doing everything I can to avoid a conflict by prayer

solemnly. "I

and by diplomacy."

At

Holy Father

this point the

astonished

me by

posing a third term

question.

"Will the President run again?" he asked. "I

do not know," was

Personally

I

my reply.

"It will all

depend on circumstances.

do not think he would want to run and,

would be breaking unwritten

if

he does, he

law, because no one has ever done so

within our party system."

The Pope

laughed quietly and then

said,

"You know,

I

am

the

first

ItaHan Papal Secretary of State to be elected Pope." I

have often thought since that on that day he was a far better po-

litical

In

prophet than

Rome,

Phillips

I

was.

was gravely concerned over the impending pros-

pect of war. In Paris war clouds were so low one could almost touch

them. Ambassador Bullitt was busy holding the hands of Daladier,

Reynaud, Paul-Boncour, Blum, and the hive. All diplomatic messages

tinental embassies

the

Avenue

des

rest.

from the

The embassy was

State

Department

a bee-

to con-

and legations funneled through the structure

Champs

filysees

and the Rue Boissy d'Anglas.

at

Bullitt

dispatched couriers throughout Europe, as telephone and telegraph

wires were

known

to be tapped.

The embassy had

a direct

wire to

Washington through which Roosevelt and BulUtt maintained constant

communication. From what

I

saw, Bullitt was closer than any-

one in the diplomatic service to the President.

work impressed me tremendously. We sailed from Le Havre for Cobh.

Eamon De "It will

Bullitt's

In Ireland

Valera, an old friend, certain that

I

found Premier

war was on

be a long war," he told me, "but in the

capacity for

its

way.

final analysis, the

Politics takes a holiday allied

195

powers should win. From our point of view

By

stay out of the war.

we

so doing

will be able to

We

same time be friendly to England.

at the

any other

helpful, in this or

actual participation in war.

crisis in

it

so far as

will

be best to

keep intact and

are desirous of being

we

are able, short of

That would be ruinous for us and

injurious

to England."

Poland was invaded September

we were homeward

Britain declared war,

country,

caught the

I

1939.

i,

first

train for

On

September

Upon

bound.

Washington

turn to

I

could get

I

the various leaders

I

I

my trip.

For

saw them and about what

had seen.

I

my

fifteen or

twenty

He

then shut

me

I

had been told by

off with, "I

want

to

you next week." had lunch with the President September

attention to our food,

chops and peas, a "Boss,"

we

came

answered penetrating questions about the temper and char-

acter of the people as

see

it

"Now, Jim, please tell us all about it." under way he started with questions and

could not give a connected account of I

arrival in this

the President said,

talk,

However, before minutes

when

after a family re-

When

union breakfast, and went to a Cabinet meeting.

3,

are to

I

which was

and

salad, dessert,

13.

all

intents

be adjourned.

The

hearty cordiality.

The

little

want you to know of war. That I hope we

state

I

think that at this time politics should

people aren't interested in politics; they are in-

terested in their country

"Jim, you have

paid very

coffee.

and purposes in a I

We

desk luncheon of clear soup,

opened, "before you say anything,

can stay out goes without saying.

way you

a typical

and

in their families."

on the head," he replied with "You were never more right. I feel exactly the hit the nail right

—

in the months mind as to what would happen abroad. Now what I expected to happen has happened." I was not clear as to his exact meaning and waited for him to explain himself. When he showed no disposition to do so I turned to the domestic scene and asked, "I haven't made up my mind as yet myself, but I wonder whether it would not be a good idea to cancel

behind

do.

reason

I

didn't say anything before

—was that there was

the Jackson

Day

dinner?"

a

doubt

in

my

— Jim Farley's story

196

"I don't think there will

"We

slowly.

be any necessity for that," he answered

could bring in a few Republicans and make

a bi-

it

partisan affair."

"I'm afraid at a

might look

minute,"

a decision this

we

"Jim,

though

as

when we were urging

time

make

it

are

said seriously.

on

said.

foreign policy

The same

is

trying to talk politics

national unity, but there's no need to

day-to-day basis

a

"Our

or within an hour.

I

we were

now

at

may shift

home and

abroad," he

within twenty-four hours

true of domestic matters. Everything

depends upon the course of the war. Problems will have to be met they come along, including politics. You remember, before you went away, I said I would have to make my position clear on the third term by passing up the first presidential preference primary in North Dakota, I think it is early in the year. Now it looks as if as

—

I

could do nothing until the spring, March or April.

"That makes sense to have

to

me,"

I

agreed. "I think

speeches at this time.

I

think

you were wise

scheduled speech before the Democratic in the administration has engagements,

opinion.

would be

a mistake political

making your

in not

women

recently. If

anyone

they should keep them, in

my

don't see any objection to officials talking about depart-

I

mental problems, but they should not bring connection at

it

anyone connected with the administration make

I

War

think Assistant Secretary of

Boston was bad.

It

politics into

it.

In this

Louis Johnson's speech

reeked of war, and such speeches are bound

to be detrimental at this time."

He

nodded. Taking advantage of

his

good humor,

I

decided to risk

I

said.

advice.

"Boss,

"Go

want

I

"Well,

I

"The time Congress

and ator

I

you may not

like,"

can take anything these days," was

his invitation.

think the time has arrived to forget bitterness," has

and try to help in

to say something

ahead, Jim;

come in

for everyone along the

every

way they

who opposed you

can.

I

in the past

I

said.

line to forget the past

think that you'll find those

more than ready

to

do so

you should meet them more than half way. I have SenWalter George in mind for one. He has undergone an eye opera-

I

think

Politics takes a holiday tion in

New York.

were to write him "I'll

send him

*'And

I

think

I

a note

a telegram,"

I

tells

and helpful gesture

a fine

he promised.

me

Pat

is

is ill

in Biloxi," I said.

from high blood

suffering

Washington,

"And

will

it

will be

fulfill his all

having been low in

spirits

has

to,

because

how

things

him

told

I

were going

to go,

over the world picture for over a year.

wanted

if Bill

to see

first

him," Roosevelt confided.

ambassador whose

Kirk, and Cudahy.

Bullitt, Phillips,

was one of the

"You know he

duties again.

observations abroad, noting, in particular, the

work being done by Phillips

by White would

that the President's secretary

right in a couple of months," he said.

my

reported on

he comes back

asked, having been told

I

House physician Ross T. Mclntire

"Mac

asked.

probably be to die."

Aiarvin Mclntyre?"

never be able to

I

"When

"In a bad way, I'm afraid," was the reply.

want

pressure.

idea," he said.

"Speaking of health, how's Harry Hopkins?"

I

"Fve talked

you might write him."

"Good

to

you

if

wishing him well."

hear Senator Pat Harrison

with George and he think

would be

it

197

to resign as ambassador, but

"He

can't resign

Phillips resigns

I

now

even

would have

if

I

won't

let

he should

to appoint a

new

would recognize the conquest of Ethiopia. I can't do that at present at any cost. "I'll tell you a story about Bill you don't know. About the time of the Munich conference, I sent a message for delivery to Hitler and credentials

Mussolini through our ambassador. Phillips had gone to Florence to visit his

wife

when

it

came

in; late at night,

secretary, took the message

eign Office. deliver to

Very

down

to

Alan Rogers, the second

Count Ciano

at the Italian

For-

cleverly Rogers told Ciano he had a message to

MussoHni

in person

position in the career service

if

and that he (Rogers) would he failed to do

so.

lose his

Ciano said Mussolini

couldn't possibly see Rogers, and the second secretary had to be content with Ciano's promise of delivery. Phillips felt very badly about it,

thinking Mussolini might have seen him, which

"And my

story has a

happy ending, because

I

am

I

doubt.

sure that Mussolini

Jim Farley's story

198

had the message before him when he talked to Hitler the next morning

by

telephone.

marching I

as

I

think the message prevented Hitler from

he doubtless intended.''

was aware of the

said I

"The

And

ItaHans

know my

delicate situation involving Ethiopia.

views, whether they understand

not," he said. "I told the Italian ambassador inherited

from Herbert Hoover what

my

position.

You know

the Stimson

I call

them or I

(Henry L.

Stimson, former Secretary of State) policy, under which this country

would not recognize Japan's conquest of Manchuria. If I recognize Italy's conquest of Ethiopia, which was made in a regular fashion, I would have a Japanese problem on my doorstep. I told the Italian ambassador to so advise II Duce, that time would take care of the situation." I

did not understand

what the President meant by "regular

ion," but did not seek an explanation.

for his policy

was

there

bassador

on every

criticism of

Hugh

"Is that so?"

I

fash-

heard praise

Germany and Italy. I told him Germany for failure to return Am-

side except in

him

in

he asked. "I wanted to return Wilson, but Cordell it."

had not heard that before.

were grateful

reported that

Wilson.

Hull was opposed to I

I

to Hitler for

told the President the

I

many

German

things, but bringing

them

people

into the

war was not one of them, so far as I could learn from Americans in Germany. I told him the Italians were speaking rather openly against Germany and gave it as my opinion that Mussolini was sitting on the fence as far as the war was concerned. "That's exactly what he's doing," the President said. "If it looks as if

Germany

as if the I

told

that

I

whom

will lose, he will

Germans him

with the opposition;

I

had not had

if it

looks

with them." chance to

a

visit

England;

should have liked to have called on Winston Churchill, to

he had given

Kennedy was he never "I

in

will win, he will pitch in

regretted that

I

go

me

a letter,

getting along.

As

and

others.

usual he

I

asked

was

how Ambassador

critical

of Joe,

whom

liked.

want

to

you something," he confided, "and don't pass it on Some weeks ago Joe had tea with the King and Queen,

tell

to a living soul.

Politics takes a holiday

who were Sir

199

terribly disturbed about the situation.

Samuel Hoare and

Afterwards he saw

several others connected with the British gov-

ernment, and they, too, were quite worried. After

his talks

Joe sat

down and wrote the silliest message to me I have ever received. It me to do this, that, and the other thing in a frantic sort of way."

urged

Here

the President grabbed his

phone and asked

tary of State \\'elles be put on the wire.

him

to send over a

When

that

Under

Secre-

he had Welles he asked

copy of Kennedy's message and the White House

reply for the presidential

files.

"You know," he explained confidentially, "Joe has been taken in by the British government people and the royal family. He's more British than

in

Walter Hines Page (American Ambassador

World War

I)

was.

The

trouble with the British

for several hundred years been controlled

upper

classes control all trade

to Britain

that they have

is

by the upper

classes.

The

and commerce; therefore the policy

of the British government relates entirely to the protection of this class."

The

President was never very generous before

me

in his reference

prewar days, hit was forever expressing doubt would ever go through for anyone else, declaring they England and England alone all the time. However, he

to the British in the that Britain

were for

always had the highest admiration and respect for Winston Churchill.

The

War

President switched the conversation to a consideration of the

by Edward R. Morgan and Company partner.

Industries Board, headed

former

J. P.

"When

they turn in their report,

I

think

shelf," he said musingly. "I realize fully that

gan influence.

A

number

Stettinius, Jr.,

I'll

son of a

put them on the

they are under the Mor-

of people have told

me

this,

thinking

I

was

situation. Of course, if the war industries are domby the Morgan crowd, they w^ould do all the business and make the money. The Morgan crowd have been bitterly opposed to me

unaware of the inated all

and

all I

have advocated.

genthau made there's

He

someone

left

I'll

a mistake in

take

all

the necessary steps.

naming one of an

else definitely of

Morgan

influence

the sentence hanging in the air and

My mind raced.

Here was

the opportunity

I

Henry Morcrowd and

associated .

.

."

went into a brown study. was looking for.

200

Jim Farley's story

"Boss,"

I

quite well

began

word

lightly, "I'd like to say a

for a fellow

I

know

—James A. Farley."

"Why,

Jim," he laughed.

"If you set up any organization to control the activities of government and business, I believe I could head it up and do as satisfactory a job as anyone else you might select. Boss, I'm deadly serious. While I

am I

ordinarily a modest fellow and find

say to "Jim,

you I

think

you have something

"Further, as a

member

there," he said.

of your Cabinet,

would be

the policy meetings and

I

would be sitting in on on the organization's

able to report

went on. "You know how

activities," I

hard to talk about myself,

it

have the qualifications to do a good job."

I

I

on the outside might not have the same

can work for you. Anyone

and might want to

attitude

run the whole show."

"What man?" he

come from your being Democratic Chairwant you to give that up." would be any objection, although I'd be glad

opposition would

asked. "I wouldn't

"I don't think there

to step out,"

I

said. "I

could handle the matter by saying politics had

as far as I was concerned. I think the people and the would have confidence in me and beheve me, even though they

been adjourned press

might disagree with "I think

And

might be worked out," he

it

"I'm sure

went

politically.

I

would

see to

it

that con-

was not abused."

fidence

I

me

I

on. "I

could handle the situation efficiently and satisfactorily,"

would bring

and get the thing rolling "Jim,

I

said.

think

it's

in

into the organization the right businessmen

no time."

the ticket," he said with enthusiasm.

He

picked

up

a pencil

and began outhning an organization on paper. "At the

top

we have

you. Let's

see,

we

could

call

you Coordinator. How's

that,

Jim?" "I don't think the title

means

a thing,

except that you will have to

have a name for the organization and for the

We

at its

head."

talked about the steel industry, railroads, machine tools, rub-

ber, tires, his

man

and nearly every important

Cabinet to see

if

anyone

missed as having too

many

else

line of industry.

He went

could handle the post. Hull he

duties.

over dis-

Alorgenthau had enough to do

Politics takes a holiday

201

The War and Navy secretaries had their own man for the job; business would have no confidence in him. Wallace had his own problems. Secretary of Labor Perkins was not discussed. Secretary of Commerce Hopkins was too ill and Attorney General Murphy would be occupied with prosecuwith financial problems.

problems. Ickes was not the

tions

and espionage.

Department were

moment.

I

in

I

told the President the affairs of the Post Office

good order and did not need

my

attention every

asked him not to give his decision at once but to give

my

He said he would do that, making a my initials at the head of his diagram. I never heard of it again.

suggestion every consideration.

note of

That same afternoon

I

had a long telephone conference with Secre-

interference of

Tommy

with the government.

who was

by the influence and Corcoran, of the White House "palace guard,"

tary of Agriculture Wallace,

He

said

partment of the government.

I

disturbed

Corcoran had pipelines

was not quite sure

just

in every de-

what Wallace's

complaint was. He closed by saying he was going to take the matter up again with the President and also with Secretary of State Hull.

CHAPTER TWENTY

RETURNS

POLITICS

ON

SEPTEMBER

1

6,

1

939,

1

received a phone

call in

my New York

from General Edwin M. Watson, Secretary and

office

tary Aide to the President.

He

said the President

Mili-

had asked

him to talk to me about the situation in the New York City district in which Congressman James Fay was running against William Kenneally for the Tammany district leadership. Watson said the President was disturbed because Steve Gibbons, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, had promised to put up several thousand dollars to aid Fay but had not done so. I told Watson that the President had told me politics were to be forgotten during the war. Watson replied he had

just talked to the

Boss and received his instructions, the President

being very definite on the point that he did not want

coran to come up to

Tommy

Cor-

New

York and get the money. I was not clear on Tommy's connection but said I would call Steve. I felt that it was best to do so, though I had no wish to take even such an indirect part in a primary fight, because I was aware the President bore

me

resentment for

my

Representative John

refusal to take part in the successful

J.

any help from me. From the information ing certain defeat

with the President. the utility man,

anyway and I

was

Watson. Meanwhile, general

what

I

to put

I

had, Kenneally

who

told

me

was

fac-

worth

a quarrel

that Victor

Emanuel,

the situation wasn't

called Steve,

I

purge of

O'Connor. Fay defeated O'Connor without

up the money. I suggested Steve call White House myself and told the

called the

had done, expressing myself certain Steve would take

care of the situation as desired.

The

President had asked

behalf of neutrality revision.

White House

me

members of Congress in September 22, 1939, I went to the

to talk to

On

to report that there

were about

ate for the repeal of the Neutrality Bill.

Senators

Donahey

I

sixty votes in the Sen-

said that

I

had no advice on

of Ohio, Gerry of Rhode Island, or 202

O'Mahoney

Politics returns

Wyoming.

of

I also

said

I

a

wry

face at the mention of the

name.

"Boss,

if I

may

say so again,

my

relations with Congress,"

terfere with

will be for repeal. at a

on Ed Johnson of Colorado

line

He made

or Wheeler of Montana. latter

had no

203

think

I

it is

I

wouldn't

my

let

personal feelings in''All

your friends

absolutely necessary that

you carry on

I said.

high level and do everything possible to avoid friction in order to

And

have a united country behind you. strengthen the Democratic party.

I

to be perfectly frank,

think

you made

a

good

it

will

start see-

ing Senator Glass." 'Tes, he's

had an interesting talk with Carter," he

I

going to make

a short

"You know,

said.

speech in favor of neutrahty repeal. That's

real progress."

We talked about a number of routine appointments. up our conversation about war would

situation ride, certain he

any move

industries, feeling

talk to

me

about

he had promised the week before.

as

He

cordial than he had been the week before, but

portance to pressure

this fact,

by

"Boss,

before he

was

made

slightly less

attached no im-

being aware that he was under considerable

virtue of the war.

was delighted when you

I

I

did not bring

best to let the

it it

I

neutrality debate,"

"Yes, Bailey

I

called in Senator Bailey during

said.

going to go along and he will be very helpful,"

is

he laughed.

"How

are

you

getting along with

O'Mahoney?"

"Splendidly," he said. "Joe came in and asked

on neutrality

repeal, then

I

asked.

how

he could help

answered the question by saying he thought

he could help by talking to Senator Maloney of Connecticut. he had

and

me

there.

You know Maloney

he's really quite sincere

honey. Aialoney

him

I felt

is

I

saw him before

I

said

mind yet saw O'Ma-

his I

worried about the attitude of the Church.

I

told

Church would not oppose it." you should see some of the others who have been on the

other side of the street," "I

it.

made up

the

"I think

his

about

hasn't

would be glad

answer.

to

if

I

said.

"How

about seeing Senator

there was something

we

Ty dings?"

could discuss," was

Jim Farley's story

204 "Well,

I

had

a talk

with Senator

Wagner

the other day,"

"Bob says Tydings is strong for national defense and you a common ground to meet on." "That might

fill

On

2,

October

I

said.

might give

that

the ticket," he said. 1939,

called

I

former Governor Alfred E. Smith to

congratulate him on the radio speech he had delivered the night before in behalf of neutrality revision.

and bowled

me

He

he w2ls glad

said

liked

I

it

over by reporting he had received a congratulatory

message from Roosevelt.

When I next saw the President I Before

went

I

reported

acknowledging the congratulatory wire as

can remember, "Thank you very

I

sure

you

will

win your

fight." In a

my

conversation with Al.

Watson showed me

into the office. General

in

which Al wrote,

much

a letter

as

nearly

for your kind wire.

few minutes

I

am

seated myself at

I

the President's desk.

Vm

"You know, here,"

I

getting suspicious of

said laughingly.

ning in and out of

"There

are

what

There seems

this office.

going on around

is

some mighty strange to be

no

faces run-

dull

moment

around here. Bailey and O'Mahoney and Glass are trooping regularly,

and

now

I

in here

suppose you'll throw out the welcome mat for

your old friend 'Happy' Chandler." He joined in the laugh. I told him that Governor Chandler,

whom

he had defeated in a race against Senator Barkley, would succeed Senator Logan, I

who had

just died. In this

connection

I

remarked that

planned to attend the funeral of Cardinal Mundelein in Chicago.

He

urged

me

to

do so by

was most pleased

I

split

all

means.

to see the President so interested in

within the party.

He

told

me

he had had

Senator Walsh of Massachusetts during day, he continued,

Walsh made

a

vision, which was most annoying.

which any I

I

promised to do, though

I

a

heahng the

very nice chat with

my European

tour.

The

other

speech against the neutrahty re-

He said

asked that I

I

see the Senator,

was not sure

it

would be of

avail.

went

to Chicago,

where General Watson was the

sonal representative at Cardinal Mundelein's funeral.

found

that with winter settling over

President's per-

On my

return

I

Europe and the Nazis making

Politics returns

no conquest

after dividing

205

Poland with Russia,

again be-

politics

came a topic of conversation in Washington. House Majority Leader Rayburn was certain that Roosevelt would be a candidate and would win reelection. If the President turned down the nomination, Rayburn said he thought it would go to Garner, Hull, or me. I told him and others, who were just as certain that the President would not run, was not one for

that the time

in the national defense picture

Two

days

October

later,

politics.

I

confidently expected to be

and was willing to

let politics rest.

rode up to the Capitol to have lunch

20, 1

is what I invited you up here where exactly I stand, so that you can you for," he govern yourself accordingly. As you know, I am opposed to the third

with Jack Garner in said. "I

term business. for the Boss.

he doesn't

courage

It's

I

his office. ''Politics

want

to tell

bad for the country and bad for the party and bad

don't

dislike

know what

the Boss

is

going to do, but

know

third term talk and he's doing nothing to dis-

It.

"That's only natural,"

anyone can

fill

put

I

in.

"Presidents find

AHce Longworth

their chairs.

him (Theodore Roosevelt)

Tumulty

said that

me

her father be-

as the

time came for

turn over his office to Taft. Joe

to

Woodrow Wilson

had similar

fears,

that they

wanted

and

down

stand Coolidge spent restless nights in his final days

Not

hard to beheve

it

told

gan to worry about the future of the country

nue.

I

I

under-

the Ave-

to stay particularly; they didn't like to see

themselves replaced."

"Maybe Boss.

It's

so,"

he said thoughtfully. "I

those people around him.

I

am

have no confidence in them.

he should be reelected, the situation which tinue. All

they are interested in

is

I

him

He's

a

to the people, which, thank

"I agree said. "I

They have no

climb onto Wallace's coatif

they thought they could

God, they won't be

dangerous character, Jim, not because he's bad

because he doesn't

know where

able to do.

at heart,

but

he's going."

with you thoroughly on the

am convinced

If

today would con-

don't think that they give a

They would

without giving him a second thought,

tails sell

for the Boss at heart.

exists

staying in power.

interest in the party or the country.

damn

not worried about the

that those about

men around

him have no

the President,"

I

c^enuine affection

2o6

Jim Farley's story

for

him or they would not ask him

he's

had four years

years in the

as

Governor of

to carry

them

along. After

New York and will have

White House. That's twelve

all,

had eight

long, trying years.

I

doubt

if he can stand the strain of another four years, particularly war years. Those around him shouldn't ask him to put himself in a position where he would be shortening his days." "God knows I hope nothing happens to him," Garner said earnestly. "I don't want to have to go down there. Jim, he and I have had our

you know, but

differences, as

he has been receiving.

finger than they have in their

little

anything happen to him and this third

term

a third

term

do

I'll

it,

be better off be

my

recoup

would

I

But

his job. I

can't

I

to have

swallow

know whether

don't even

absolutely will not run for

I

I

don't

want

him for

against

am

I

to run for

a third term,

personally concerned

find

my way.

it

It

either place, because

finances,"

I

hard to turn

would be

"Of

said.

down

a great

I I

would would

course, to be

either nomination,

honor and one which

may

couldn't bring myself to turn down. That

it's

not be modest,

truthful."

know," he

Tears stood in ever,

as far as

were not nominated for

if I

they should come

I just

"I

want

want

don't

I

my

only for the record."

if it's

in a position to

but

bodies.

come out

else will

same way;

absolutely frank, if

don't

he were nominated.

if

no one

if

even

"I feel the

I

whole

Vice President with him.

as

anything, but

they have been due to bad advice

Vice President with him.

as

vote for him,

I'd

I feel

have more honest affection for him in

I

said.

*Td

his eyes.

like to

go back to Texas and

"But there must not be

I

hope

a third term.

I

will."

How-

we could go on like this all afternoon. We've talked this over much before. What I want to know is a number of things.

pretty

you

a

my best,"

I

I'd like to ask as

you

see fit."

"I'll

do

"First,

what

will

few

questions,

which you can answer or

not,

invited.

your

attitude be

if

the Boss doesn't

come out?" he

asked.

"Well, that would be hard to say right now,"

tween us and

in the strictest

confidence

—Roosevelt has indicated he

will

—

I

I

answered. "Just be-

have not told another soul

make known

his attitude after the

Politics returns first I

of the year. Since time must pass,

would

207

hard to say right

it's

now what

do, as circumstances will naturally play a large part in

my

decision."

"Fair enough," he said. told

me you

then,

take

I

it

you

still

feel as

you

some time ago on the third term?" would be a mistake," I said. gathered," he said. "Finally, can you be persuaded or brought

"I think

"So

"Now

I

did

it

around to the conviction that Roosevelt will have to run for

a third

term to keep us out of war?" "Don't disturb yourself about me,"

me and

fidence in

time. Frankly,

Fm

trust

me

make

to

answered. "Just have con-

I

the right decision at the right

sure the Boss doesn't

a lot of pressure will be brought to bear

want

by

to run again, although

those around him, as

you

The whole situation may clear itself in time." "That may be, but I am concerned about the United States, and so Cordell Hull. He's very much worried that the President may be

are aware.

is

talked into running. iMrs. Hull had talked very frankly to Mrs. Garner

about "I

his

concern for the country."

know how

Cordell feels,"

us can help but be concerned.

one thing that would cause

term and that I

mean

don't

is if

I

me

must to

say,

you and

I

do.

None

however, that there

is

of

only

my

mind about the third of the country were threatened.

change

the very existence

a threat,

"Just as

I said.

but actual danger."

—

want him to run again nohow," Garner said. "I don't want him to run, whether we are at war or not. I don't foresee any "I don't

possibility of

our national existence hanging by a horse's

see dangerous precedent in this third spite of all this talk, the

could come along

We

do

You know,

in

but

Boss could never be a dictator, but someone

who might

be."

I would probably go more than he or Hull, adding I would have

talked about delegates. Garner said that

into the convention with to

term business.

I

hair,

make

the decision in time, perhaps, as to whether

the nomination myself, or as to

"Jim,

I

which way

have great confidence

in

I

I

should not take

should throw

my strength.

you," he said earnestly. "I

feel that

you would probably be the best President of the three of us. I have a high regard for you personally, for your ability, for your judgment,

2o8

Jim Farley's story

for your loyalty, and for your integrity. Yes,

you could do

a great

job." I

must admit

happy

I

was pleased and

man

to have this great

No man

highest office.

how much

matter

he

the convention

considered

me worthy

consider

protest.

I

that

I

but I was inclined to think that would decide between Hull and himself, and that I a

choice should be made.

was

in the convention, that It

no

office,

Garner quite honestly

told

If a situation

me

develop where there would be positive strength for

myself.

of the nation's

his confidence,

proper such

it

words, and was

his

mention of himself for that

resents

may

was deeply moved by

by

flattered

might be that

I

a decision

would have

I

would have

to take

it,

for

should

first

place

to resolve for

although

I

saw no

reason for daydreaming over that possibility.

On

October

27, 1939, I

Henry Wallace With the 1940

had lunch with the President, right

presidential election a year

and eleven days

situation obviously

makes

"The

clear that the President's talents

it

the

off,

Secretary of Agriculture told an audience at Berkeley, California,

war

after

shattered the unnegotiated truce on partisan politics.

and

training are necessary to steer the country, domestically and in

its

foreign relationships, to safe harbor." Republicans sputtered indignation.

At

the

White House Steve Early

told

newspapermen,

"It

would

have been kind and polite of the speaker to have consulted the victim before he spoke."

I

was not

so sure that the President had not been

consulted, feeling that Henry, although prone to fly off at a tangent, would hardly take such a step without authorization. Finding the President in an excellent humor, I brought up Wallace's third term

statement.

by the papers Henry Wallace is out stumping," "I wonder if you ran across the item." The President chuckled. "What did you think of it?" "I see

"I think it

it

was very

was unwise

stupid,"

I

to talk politics at this time.

ammunition by putting us

in a position

that we were the first to begin political And it was bad to bring up the third term

moving

him

said studying

so well within the party."

He

I

opened.

closely. "I think

gave the RepubUcans

where

it

could be charged

activity in the

war

period.

question, just as things

were

Politics returns

'Tes,

Vm

"The

situation will continue

with the present situation in the party," he

satisfied

anything controversial in the

bad

political

Roosevelt said *'If

along

you all

said.

you don't introduce next Congress, and if there is no more all

right, too, if

timing on the part of Wallace and others."

Henry means

'*Oh,

209

well, but he just isn't politically minded,'*

airily.

Congress will get

just confine yourself to defense matters.

right,"

I

said.

"You know I'm a bit disturbed about that," he said. "Congress would like to run away with appropriations for defense. I'm worried about the budget. I don't want to give the Repubhcans an issue by having its

get too far out of line, as

it

mouth on defense

it

appropriations.

Congress takes the

if

We

ought to have some sort of

plan to keep the Republicans from making an

Maybe we

bit in

will

issue of the budget.

could get some additional funds by raising income taxes

for the fellows in your class and mine."

"Boss," in

your

I

said jokingly, "I don't care

class,

but I'm in trouble in

borrow money "I didn't

pay

have to borrow

ought to have party nominee, there has been

get

to

my

a plan of if

what they do about the fellows

my

class as

it

is

now.

I

had to

taxes this year." this year,"

some

sort,

he

said,

"but

I

did

though, to make

it

last year.

We

easier for the

Congress runs away on defense appropriations; and

some suggestion of readjusting income

more revenue, without dipping

tax brackets to

into the mass of people in the

lower brackets."

The

President said nothing about his

went away

own

candidacy and neither

unaware of what Wallace was going to say, although he was apparently a bit annoyed over its reception. If he had sent up a trial balloon, he must have come to the conclusion that the move was ill-timed. did

I.

I

The

feeling that he had not been entirely

Cabinet meeting was given over that afternoon to a lengthy

consideration of the case of the United States freighter City of Flint,

which had been overhauled by a German warship and made a prize of war because it was carrying a large quantity of oil to Britain. The Germans put it into the Russian port of Murmansk, posing a neutrality problem for the

Soviets. President Roosevelt called for a strong

hand

2IO

Jim Farley's story with the Russians, not only because the

in dealing

can crew w^ould be endangered

the

if

lives of the

Germans decided

running the British blockade, but because he held

Ameri-

to attempt

necessary to be

it

firm with Russia, which he then regarded as an aggressor nation. this

At

meeting the points of the indignant note, ultimately sent to the

Kremlin, were outlined.

November

Early in

I

dropped

on Secretary of

in

found him exercised over the proposal to the flag of

Panama

was

ships

circumvent the Neutrality Act.

in order to

said that the President

and

State Hull

American

to transfer

in favor of

making the

He

transfer, disclos-

ing he had argued that to do so would be an indefensible violation of law. Hull said he had told the Boss that the party situation

was

all

right again, with the passage of the joint resolution lifting the arms

embargo, which had been signed

up

a

few days before

Congress

as

wound

work. Hull had warned that transfer of American ships might

its

up everything again. "His mind is evidently made up," Hull been listening to those people around him

stir

sion

on him

—not the

My

slightest dent.

said.

"Apparently he has

again.

situation

made no impres-

I

not good to say

is

the least."

"No

"under no circumstances should you resign

I said,

carried

and

matter what situation develops between you and Roosevelt,"

on for almost seven years

now

in the face of

in protest.

many

You

have

disappointments

not the time to be getting out of the picture. That would

is

be surrendering to that group, and the country needs your advice and counsel going into the "It

is

ments

my

White House, whether

intention to follow

House," he

said slowly. "I

am

leave the picture at this time. I

was

situation.

to

sit

I

he had

as

well as

pleased that

hope

Hull would

him quite frankly

I

I

you do not want me

to

can maintain that confidence."

stay.

We

discussed the political

that he, Garner,

and

to be the case. In his round-about

in the past, that

followed."

can to the White

I

time and decide upon a course of action.

would seem

clear, as

term.

told

down some

that such it

satisfied that

I

it is

international phases and develop-

all

have in the past and to report

as I

or not

might have

He

agreed

way, he made

he had no sympathy with a third

211

Politics returns

On November son

Day

President Rooisevelt asked

10, 1939,

He

the Cabinet meeting.

me

to stay after

asked what was being done about the Jack-

dinners, saying again that

would be

it

a

good

idea to have

Republican leaders present to give evidence of united national

ment

European war.

in the face of the

He

senti-

said the presence of

Re-

would have a wholesome effect on the defense program. I said I would have to take the question up with Charley Michelson. I did not like the idea. I felt it was a shallow subterfuge at best, but he would not let me forget it. He went so far as to suggest names, including Senator McNary of Oregon and Congressman Joe iMartin publicans

On November

of Massachusetts.

21, 1939,

for a brief conference on the invitations.

he called told

I

me

him

I

into his office

would try

to

handle the matter by phone as the situation was delicate and one which required

"By

tact.

He

approved.

the way, Jim, Fve been thinking about the meeting of the

Democratic National Committee," he right to have I

think

it

it

You

in January.

would be

good

a

publicans hold theirs.

said. "I

think

it

would be

could then pick the convention

idea to have the convention after the

We

all

city.

Re-

might postpone our convention until the

Republicans meet." "I think that's perfectly silly,"

for

it.

As

it is, it

campaign

in

will take

August.

open the campaign "Well,"

If

said.

"The

leaders won't stand

of July to get in shape for opening the

wait until August,

we won't

be ready to

until the first of September.'*

his face fell,

Maybe we can

all

we

I

word about this to anyone. I would keep his suggestion who do you think the Republicans will nom-

about

talk

to myself. "Incidentally,

"don't say a it

later."

I

said

inate?" he asked.

"At the moment

it

looks like Taft or Vandenberg,"

I said.

Dewey will make it." "You may be right," was his only comment. As I was leaving the Cabinet meeting on December

"I don't

think

President beckoned to me, signaling

I

"Jim, I've got quite a problem on others had to succeed

left. "It's

my

the appointment of a

Swanson."

8,

1939, the

should remain behind. hands," he said after the

new

Secretary of the Navy,

2

Jim Farley's story

12

wrong with Charley Edison? "

*'What's

"Nothing, exactly," was

and

done

he's

me, Jim,

it

a

good job

asked in surprise.

I

answer. "I have a high regard for him

his

But between you and

as Assistant Secretary.

rather difficult to carry on with

is

him because

hard of hearing. He's a perfectly wonderful fellow and

I

he's so

wouldn't

hurt him for the world, but I'm afraid he won't do."

"I'm sorry to hear

mind?" "I

of Frank to

countered.

I

want

to

"Frankly,

know, I

am

really," he said.

not keen for bringing a Republican into the Cabinet or

at this particular time,

I

might

say, at

and able Democrats for the

qualified

on

"Have you anyone in mind?" Knox?" he asked. know or have you already made up your

it," I said.

"What do you think "Do you really want

that, let's

look at the

difficulties in

any time,"

But while

job.

the

I said.

way

I

"There are

feel strongly

of the appointment of

Knox."

"They can be taken care of," he broke in. "Maybe they can, but there's a question as to whether you would want to do it," I persisted. "If you name Knox, you would have to have Edison's resignation, because I'm sure he expects the appointment.

he

If

is let

out,

it

might have a bad

You might

effect.

be sub-

jected to considerable criticism."

"Oh,

I

have that

Hague name him

figured out," he said lightly. "There won't be

all

the slightest trouble.

The

as a

way to

would be to have Frank candidate for Senator or Governor and he'd best

handle

it

resign to run for office."

"Have you talked to Hague?" I asked. I could think of nothing else to ask at the moment, because I was thrown for a loss by the boldness of the scheme.

"No, but

"You "I

call

suppose so,"

be back by

I

him

want

in,

Jim," he smiled engagingly.

I'm sure

he'll

acknowledged. "I understand

he's

tell

I

it.

go along." away, but will

Christmas."

"That's too find out

where you come

that's

him up and

late,

Jim," he said. "I want to do

where Hague

is

it

and get him on the phone."

this

week.

You

Politics returns "I'll

talk to

ment, Boss.

Hague,"

promised, *'but

I

213 can't see the appoint-

I just

Knox was Landon's running

mate, and you'd have a

Republican observer in your Cabinet."

"Aw, come now, Jim," he chided mockingly. "Republicans aren't Remember that under our democratic form of government

that bad.

they have votes too." "Yes, but they only count in Maine and Vermont,"

"Why, Knox may be

said jokingly.

I

Republican nomination and

a candidate for the

participate in party primaries."

"Oh,

him beforehand

I'll tell

that

if

he participates in Republican

me

primaries, he'll have to get out," he looked at his eyes. "Besides,

the

RepubHcans

don't think he'd get out and

I

"Boss, he just couldn't

do

that,"

by

his

would be

"Well, you'll

you about it

this

I

had

all,

he was nominated strict

regu-

Anyhow,

I

a great mistake."

call

Hague," he

some time

in shape for next

Mayor

"After

I said.

party and owes the party

He's under obligation to the party.

larity for that honor. it

would embarrass

a lot."

for the Vice Presidency

think

out of the side of

it

said.

ago, but

it

"By

just

the way,

kept slipping

I

meant

my

to tell

mind. Get

week."

Hague.

a little trouble reaching

When

I

did, Jersey City's

if that was what the by phone and reported Hague's

agreed to nominate Edison for governor

President wanted.

I

called Roosevelt

willingness.

"Good work. Now I can go ahead." "Boss, if I could say a word and I have given this thing a lot of thought I wish you wouldn't do it," I said. "You know how I feel about the Republican end of it, although I have nothing against Knox personally; I don't know him." "Knox might not accept, but I think he would," he said. "If Knox wouldn't take it, that would be good news to me," I said. "Fine, Jim," he said.

—

—

"I think

you should give the job

won't hear any better

ment and that

New

Hague

is

a

Jersey

in is

to Edison.

I

think he deserves

Trenton than he does an important

state. I

in the

want

Navy to

it.

He

Depart-

remind you

hard taskmaster and he might want Charley to keep

2

J™

14

Farley's story

certain obligations that Charley wouldn't

would be

it

fair to

want

to

fulfill. I

don't think

Charley to get him involved. He's an honorable

fellow."

"Well, we'll see," he

said.

Shortly afterwards, Ickes and

He

parently distressing him.

I

had lunch.

He

sought the meeting

candidacy of Paul McNutt, which was ap-

in order to talk over the

could not see AlcNutt for

first

place, or

for Vice President in the event the President tried for a third term.

Ickes

was

McNutt, and held the

bitter in his references to

would be "a

selection for either place

terrible thing,"

and "the worst

He

thing in the world that could happen to the country." himself for the third term. inated, but

I

He

said he

would hate

latter's

to see

declared

Garner nom-

gathered he would support Hull.

Ickes volunteered that the thing that disturbed him most about

would make promises and not keep them. when he came to Washington was Forestry Service shifted from the Agriculture to the In-

the President

was

that he

Ickes said the one ambition he had to have the terior

Department.

The

President, he said, blessed the proposed shift

and promised to support

Wallace about

it

it.

He said

and the President

izing the transfer died.

Some time

said he

would. But the

bill

ago, Ickes said, he asked

author-

Wallace

the President had spoken to him on the matter. Wallace said the

if

President had never mentioned

On December him

8,

1939,

I

it,

Ickes concluded.

spent an interesting hour with Hull.

that a situation could develop at the convention

Hull, and myself

would have most of the

no matter what the President

"Now, I

he had asked Roosevelt to speak to

I

want

best. I think

of us can

sit

told

where Garner,

delegates in the convention

did.

to be entirely frank

can to get delegates for myself. At

be

I

with you," least that

is

I

said. "I will

what

I

think

do

all

would

you and Garner should do the same. Then the three determine what is best for the country and

down and

the party." "I've

rU

let

done nothing, but

my I

think that after the Jackson

Day

dinner

friends speak," he said slowly.

"Neither have spring,"

I

said. "I

I,

and

I

don't think

I

will

do anything

until the

have said nothing publicly that would permit any-

Politics returns

Nor

one to do anything for me. been getting

all

on the

have

I

been active privately.

situation, so that

find myself in a

I

things

most delicate

situation," he said.

do not want the impression created that

I

I

am

my

handling of the situation abroad, nor do

appear that

am

capitalizing

I

am

I

content to

proper, because

knowledge

my

no disposition

"That

is

it is

on

let all credit

do

is

go to the President

is

his

frank, I

by

want

time,

is

he chooses to acfar,

he has shown

"From my you are play-

I said.

your worth,

as

is

you for

out.

I

think there

work

for him, he

A

for

boom

have done a job for him

shadow of I

am

a

is

evidenced, to be entirely the Presidency." his

would have secured the nomination Hull would have gathered the momentum

of a landshde and the President could not have opposed him.

in 1940.

and

fitting

had Hull declared himself, and permitted

feel certain that

slightest

to

it

know the great part situation. I am aware of the value of your I am confident, the country will know

realization of

hands down.

as

I

the widening mention of

friends to

If

way,"

whether or not the President chooses to speak

growing

I

so."

ing in the international In

all.

another thing. So

not surprising, because that

contribution.

"Above

achievements in the State Depart-

his administration after

services, that

to

my

attendance at Cabinet meetings

a

I

trying to get

glory out of

ment.

have

I

will be ready to act.

I

with you and Garner again in January."

will talk

"Jim,

a line

215

as I did for

doubt, in

my mind,

equally convinced he

I

could

Roosevelt in 1932. Without the

Hull could have been elected

would have made

a great Presi-

dent.

On December

I

14,

had a half -hour conference with the President,

largely given over to consideration of appointments.

I

found him

chuckling over clippings of editorials taking McNutt's presidential

candidacy over the jumps. "Paul seems to be getting into trouble in a lot of places," he

"He's getting

"I hate to say,

"Paul didn't

'I

if

he

isn't

told

make

either," he laughed.

even

said.

a general razzing around the country."

a

you

so,'

"

I

said.

very good impression

"Well, he's getting

getting any place."

at the

a lot of

Gridiron dinner

experience in running,

2i6

Jim Farley's story

Supreme Court Court

Justice Pierce Butler had died,

seat at the top of the

list

"What

about Senator O'Mahoney?"

"Joe

is

your friend," he countered.

"Of

course, but don't hold that against him,"

about

J.

F.

I

a

suggested.

I

laughed.

"What

T. O'Connor of California? He's another friend of mine."

know that he'd be for us," he smiled. "I for me to do but to appoint Frank Murphy."

"I don't

nothing

which placed

of unfilled jobs.

guess there

is

CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE

GARNER'S HAT IN RING

ON

THE MORNING of December 1 6, Jack Garner called me from his Washington Hotel apartment, saying he had arrived in town in advance of the opening of Congress and that he wanted to see me before he went to the White House, where he had an appointment.

We

had breakfast and explored the

political situation

two hours. A day or two later came real action on the political front. Vice President Garner tossed his familiar Stetson into the 1940 ring with, for almost

nomination for President.

"I will accept the

The

control any delegates.

should be selected

and

I

Hull called

was

bad, that

me it

to get

would

and conventions

Democrats

all

my

The

people should decide.

at primaries

sincerely trust

make no

will

I

effort to

candidate

provided by law,

as

will participate in them."

reaction.

I

told

him

I

thought the timing

receive a bad press and that

I

didn't think

it

would help Jack's position. I told Garner the same thing by phone. On December 22, the Garner statement came up as I sat with the President between the silken American and presidential flags flanking his desk.

"Now that Jack

Garner has become an author,"

I

think

said, "I

you

him make the Jackson Day speech. You should yield to younger men." 'Trankly, Jim, what do you think of Garner's chances?" he asked. "Meeting frankness with frankness, I don't think Jack wants to ought to

let

be President,"

I

answered. "I

ment only because of

am convinced

he made

his opposition to the third term.

wants everyone to understand that he before the convention,

if

is

willing to

I

announce-

think he just

let his

name go

necessary, in order to stop a third term."

Roosevelt was thoughtful. Finally he shook don't understand Jack," he said. fidence.

his

Once when he was

"And

in the 217

I'll

his

tell

head sadly. "I

you why,

White House attending

in

just

con-

a lunch-

2i8 eon ers.

Jim Farley's story

we

The luncheon was with

discussed 1940.

After

all

the others had

Congressional lead-

with the possible exception of Barkley,

left,

Jack came over and patted me on the shoulder asking, *Are you going back to Hyde Park after 1940?' I told him I was. Then Garner said he was glad because he was going back to Uvalde. Now, in view of that, you'd think he'd understand I was telling him, in so many words, that I was not going to run. I have proceeded on the theory that he would not, in view of his words. I think he should have accepted my assurance, provided he was thinking clearly." *'Boss, I have known Garner a long time and I have never seen him when he was not in full possession of his faculties," I said. "He's very careful of his health, as you know, and is a nine o'clock fellow." I did not reveal that Garner had told me the story himself, because the Vice President had repeated the conversation in confidence.

Roosevelt said he was going to name

Myron

C. Taylor, retired head

of United States Steel Corporation, as his personal representative at

the Vatican, to

was

He

work

for peace in Europe.

satisfactory in every also told

Murphy on

me the

that he

way

to

me

I

told

had definitely made up

Supreme Court and

him the appointment

and bound to be well received.

to

his

mind

move Robert

to put

Frank

Jackson, present

SoUcitor General, in as Attorney General. "Boss, to return to politics,"

the

first

of the year

you and

I

I said.

"I think that

had better have

a talk

sometime

on

after

the political

situation."

"Grand idea, Jim," he make it a long one."

agreed. "Suits

me

"I haven't discussed the conversation

you confided you would not be been asking

me

for advice

to a 'T'

we had

a candidate,"

— Senators,

But there

the sooner

will

come

you and

I

a

time

clear

I

hope we can

July in which

said.

have been

when we have

up the

last

I

"People have

Congressmen, national com-

mitteemen, state chairmen, and other leaders. off.

I

and

stalling

them

to face the facts, and

situation, the better

it

will be

all

around." "I agree

one hundred per cent," he

"I think that there will

dinner,"

I

said.

said.

be plenty of time after the Jackson

Day

Garner's hat in ring

"Oh, rU want ''We ought

you before

to talk to

to get

it

out of the

way

219

that," he said thoughtfully.

before that time."

Harry Hopkins in his Georgetown home. When I called. Miss Marguerite Le Hand, the President's personal secretary, was also paying a visit. Hopkins looked pale and feeble, but his eyes were alive with energy, which gave indication that he might return to his post, though none of us had expected him to sit in the That same day

Commerce

visited

I

chair of the Cabinet again.

In a jesting

way

Hopkins

told

I

that

campaign, but was wondering whether

"McNutt "You are

is

bottom of

at the

my

1

was managing Garner's

should not shift to McNutt.

I

list,"

he said somewhat shortly.

quite complimentary, because he isn't even

on mine,"

I

laughed.

"He had no blessing,"

A

week

business going around telling people he had the Boss's

Harry

said.

"He

hasn't

had

a

kind word."

later I reported to the President that I

had called a meet-

ing of the Democratic National Committee for February 15, 1940, to select a

convention

He

site.

report that the Jackson

approved and was pleased

Day

at

dinners were getting along

my

further

right.

all

"By the way, Jim," he said, "rumors are reaching me that Senator Wheeler and your friend, McNutt, are giving the impression that the administration "I

thought

is

for their candidacy."

McNutt was your

friend,"

I

countered.

"Yes, just as close a friend as Burt Wheeler," he laughed.

On December

30,

1939,

Edward

J.

Flynn, Bronx leader, told

he was of the opinion that the President would not run. should

let

could not

my name fail

go before the convention.

to support

me

He

He

me

said

I

said the President

for the Vice Presidency,

if I

were nom-

inated with Hull.

On

the last day of the year, the President appointed Charles Edison

as Secretary of the

Navy, which was

pleasing to me.

I

called to con-

gratulate Charley and learned that the President had sent for Edison

and

at the

end of

a chat, told

him he would be named

Edison expressed appreciation of

On

January

3,

1940,

dent's only daughter,

I

had

my

a visit

to the Cabinet.

efforts in his behalf.

with Anna Boettiger, the Presi-

and her husband John. They asked

me how

I

2

Jim Farley's story

20

thought the President looked.

said

I

I

thought he looked

tired, that the

was telling on him. Anna said that when she first came east on vacation, she thought her father looked well, but when she saw him under pressure in Washington, she thought he looked tired. John

strain

and Anna

said

it

was quite apparent

Later in the morning

Thompson, like to see

was

to

them the President was anxious

away from Washington.

to get

received a telephone call from Malvina

I

Airs. Roosevelt's secretary,

me.

My

afternoon was

relayed, Mrs. Roosevelt

came on

to dinner for a discussion of

dent, Missy

and

the

I

so reported. After this

phone and asked me

Democratic women's

plans.

to

The

come Presi-

Le Hand, and some young fellow connected with

Navy Department were myself. The Boss was in "Jim,

full

saying Mrs. Roosevelt would

at the table,

high

the

along with Mrs. Roosevelt and

spirits.

have the grandest joke for you," he confided. "I had Garner,

I

Rayburn

Barkley, and

lynching

bill.

And

in this

morning for

you'll never guess

conference on the anti-

a

what Jack

Very

said.

he said that he had given considerable thought to the

seriously

legislation

and

that he felt that the colored vote in the border states and in northern cities

was such

"Don't you love face on soul,

it

now

it?"

his

head and laughed

"Boss,

bound went

came

to his eyes.

that he's out looking for votes. Don't mention

it's

really childish not to it,

it

to a

I

mention

it," I said.

"You

are going

because some of the Congressional leaders are

to talk."

upstairs

I

had disposed of the women's problems,

with the President to

message to Congress on the of

tears

he asked. "Jack has done a complete about

After Mrs. Roosevelt and

it.

till

though."

to be reading about

I

had to be passed."

that he thought the legislation

Roosevelt threw back

state of the

have never been able to

joyment, but he was

his

listen to a

own

listen to

rebroadcast of his

He enjoyed every bit my own voice with any en-

Union.

best audience.

He

rehshed every

bit

of

Republican applause for his statement on budget balancing.

"That shows you can have your cake and put them into a hole with that one."

still

eat it,"

he

said. "I

221

Garner's hat in ring

He was

delighted with the shot he took at Senator Borah

who

erence to people

professed to have

more and

by

his ref-

better information

than the State Department and were positive there would be no war.

"Well, Jim,

while back

a

you we'd have

told

I

What do you

political situation.

a

long talk about the

think about a date for the conven-

tion?''

"Boss,

think

I

don't think

it

would be

it

a mistake to set

it

back too

far,"

I

said. "I

should be in the latter part of July."

week in June and I hope to be at Hyde Park then," he mused. "Maybe it could be about July 15 or July 8. Set it when you like. What about "Let's see, the boat races will be

the city?

I

"So do

on

in

Poughkeepsie the

last

prefer Chicago." I,

but

I

don't

know

Fm not keen for Philadelphia, see anything to

do but take

is

but

if

they put up more money,

"Fd

Chicago and

like

I

I

don't

a late convention,

out of the way."

"Congress was in session during the 1932 convention," him. "Again,

I

it."

"Possibly so," he agreed. after Congress

Chicago will give us the money,"

if

and San Francisco will offer more money.

said. "I think Philadelphia

must say we

I

reminded

can't hold a convention too late, because,

we can't put it in operation before know who the nominee will be." Then I looked him square in the eyes and said, "And there will be a new national chairman and the new chairman will want to set up his own show."

while

we

can

set

up

a headquarters,

the convention because

He made to remain

we

don't

no comment on

at the

my

announcement

temporary and permanent chairman.

I

I

did not expect

We

talked about a

that

helm of the party organization.

maintained that

we would

have

to consider Senate Majority Leader Barkley and Speaker Bankhead

because of their positions in Congress. "Barkley's long-winded and will have to be told to hold himself in,"

he

said.

On January

17, 1940, I

his opposition to a third

President, but added,

had lunch with Jack Garner.

He

term and again said he had no

"No man

could refuse the

call

reiterated

desire to

be

of his party and

Jim Farley's story

222 country,

his

Uvalde and

if it

should come."

live for ten

and the Vice President

Day

dinner.

velt's

low

He

said he preferred to

or twenty years. sat

The

one on either

go back to

next day the President

side of

me

at the

Jackson

We chatted lightly during the course of the meal. Roose-

laugh rang above the rest

candidates."

when I opened my remarks

with, "Fel-

CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO

HAT

FARLEY'S THE NEXT fcw weeks

I

saw

IN RING

literally

hundreds of persons,

INwhom had the same major concern—the ination.

There were members of Congress,

to

me

that the time

had come for

friends in Massachusetts

preferential primary. at

political leaders, busi-

am going

seemed

the President, since

to enter the state's

his fifty-eighth birthday.

*'Boss, a situation has arisen

"I

showdown with

were pressing me

It

sought an appointment and saw the President

I

lunch the day after

a

of

nom-

1940 presidential

nessmen, professional men, and newspapermen by the score.

my

all

to be frank with

which

I

you and

must discuss with you," I

want you

I said.

to be equally frank

with me." "Sure thing, Jim," he invited. "I don't

month tion

want

or in

to get into a discussion as to

March

on which

ever position

or in April.

I

must make

I

take.

The

I

am now

a decision.

I

what

will

happen next

confronted with a proposi-

want your approval of whatNew Hampshire pri-

Massachusetts and

maries are coming up." *'Is

Garner going

**That

I

don't

to enter?" he asked eagerly.

know,"

I

said. "I

*'I

don't think Garner could

**I

don't either,"

should enter

my

I

imagine he will enter

don't."

if I

win in Massachusetts," he said. "The problem is, however, whether I propose to file in both states unless you have

agreed.

name.

I

any objection."

"Go

ahead, Jim," he laughed.

"The

water's fine.

I

haven't an objec-

tion in the world."

"Now, Mr.

President, do not say yes to this arrangement unless

are thoroughly in accord with the course of action,

which

is

by William Burke, Democratic chairman of Massachusetts," tioned.

"Burke says that

if

a delegation

"3

is

not

filed, a half

you

suggested I

dozen

causets

2

J™

24

of delegates in the

would enter the primary and

November

"I think

Farley's story

election.'*

grand idea," he

a

it's

disturb the party's position

want you

said.

you are thoroughly in accord," I persisted. "I don't want somebody coming to me a couple of weeks from now saying that you said you could not say no at the time." "I don't

am

"I

to say so unless

in accord, Jim," he said.

"Go

to

Nobody

it.

will be running

you with anything different." (Within two weeks of the conversation. Senator David I. Walsh of Massachusetts came to my office saying he wanted to discuss the state's delegation. He said he had just seen the President and would to

my

like

came

side of the story.

I

gave the story

Walsh

to the final words,

as I

have told

it.

When

I

interrupted me.

("Stop, Jim," he said, putting up his hand like a traffic poHceman,

what happened. His version was not quite the same tell me that he could not say no to you.")

"that's exactly

but he did

as yours, I

in

must make

any degree with

as in line

clear that

it

did not regard the President's approbation

I

my

candidacy, although

did regard

I

it

statement that he would not be a candidate. As a

his

matter of fact,

I

approval of

as

was not asking him

my

to approve

candidacy in

seeking his approval to enter the Massachusetts primary.

We discussed the convention date, agreeing that me it

it

would be

best for

to appoint a committee to set the date, with the understanding that

would come

a

week

after the

Republican meeting.

the place and he declared himself against

New

We also discussed

York, San Francisco,

and Philadelphia, regardless of what money they might tempt the committee with.

He

said he

cluding the fact that leries. I

home

gave

me

to

little

in

was for Chicago for

Mayor Kelly would be

thought to the remark

Chicago

in July.

We

a

number of

reasons, in-

able to control the gal-

at the time,

but

it

was brought

then came to the candidacy of

Wheeler. "If

Wheeler should be nominated

for President, I'd vote for a

Re-

publican," he said. "Boss,

"Oh,

A

you couldn't do

yes,

I

few days

that as the head of

your party,"

I

interjected.

could," he snapped. later Senators

Clark of Missouri and Johnson of Col-

Farley's hat in ring

orado came to sound ticket.

I

said

I

me

225

out on the possibiHty of a Farley-Wheeler

could not make a combination with anyone.

My filing provoked quite a flurry in the press, as was to be expected. It

was considered

some quarters

in

that

vention votes in the bag. Hardly had

I

had

New

acted

I

England's 82 con-

when

the third termers

got busy. Pressure was brought to bear on Democratic leaders.

Some

yielded and hastened to get in hne, with what they considered might

be the trend, by announcing various votes were pledged

and second to Farley.

velt

The

first

to Roose-

efforts of these leaders to "get right"

were more amusing than anything

else.

They were

in a bit of a panic,

being desirous of holding White House favor and yet having no desire to offend me. I

was unmoved by

praise or criticism until Ernest

K. Lindley, the

President's official biographer, published an article purporting to be

the answer to the third term riddle. Supposedly, the President was an-

swering direct questions from a Democratic stalwart.

I

understand

by an exchange between the President and veteran Congressman Bob Doughton of North CaroHna. I want to be most fair about this episode because nothing which ever happened to me politically so wounded me as this article, not so much that the article

for

itself

spired

inspired

but because

by the

The

was

it

was generally beheved

President, and he took

no

that

it

had been

in-

step to offset that impression.

had declared he would not run again were overrun by Nazis, that Hull was his choice for his

article said the President

unless Britain

successor, that the

Vice Presidency lay between Jackson, McNutt,

and Wheeler, and,

finally, that I

candidate because of

owed more

that he

even excepting

my to

religion.

me

his wife,

was not

a

sound vice-presidential

Roosevelt was reported to have said

politically than to

but in the event of

might say "we were using Cordell Hull

any other person, not

my

nomination, people

as a stalking horse for the

Pope."

At

his press

article.

He

conference the President was asked to

said he

true. If he hadn't,

done

so.

A

had not read

it.

Newspapermen

comment on felt this

he was the only person concerned

dozen people called

o'clock the morning

it

appeared.

it

to

It is

my

the

was not

who had

not

attention before eight-thirty

hard to imagine the White House

2

Jim Farley's

26

people had failed to bring

to his attention at once.

it

was why, once

to understand

did not do something about

As

want

I said, I

story-

What was

had been brought to

it

harder

he

his attention,

it.

to be as fair as

I

can.

Many of my friends were

con-

vinced that the President had deliberately inspired publication of the story in order to take

know

prefer not to

nor did I

I

me

out of the picture, either by giving the story

by sending Lindley

to Lindley or

the worst.

I

to get

from Doughton.

it

question Lindley as to the source of his piece.

sincerely hope that he did not. If he did,

moved

I

say

as

this,

aware that the story probably did

went over

I

someone.

to see Hull, feeling

me

I

want

I said.

way

it

but

I

say that he was guilty

I

he did not,

If

I

say he

me more good

And

than harm

defense.

had to

talk out the situation

want

to think of

I

with

can about a matter which

do not believe the President told the

*'I

was published, but

the story presents his view.

don't

I

my

to be as objective as

deeply,"

story exactly the

I

him

tell

found him puzzled.

I

"Cordell,

touches

did

to correct the impression the story created.

raUied the forces of toleration to

it

I

it;

do not say that Roosevelt inspired

I

of one of the most unfriendly acts in politics.

should have

would

have never asked Doughton about

believed his story was accurate.

it. I

I

believe that, in general,

can't conceive of

I

him

I

counting

as

can believe he discussed

it.

What

me I

him

.

.

.

no,

say

let's

out on religious grounds;

can't understand

is

why

he

was printed." "Without doubt the President should have done something about

didn't say something after the story

it,"

Hull

said.

"Well, one thing to prevent I

me from

is

definite,"

I

said.

"I'm sure the President will try

having a place on the

ticket.

want you

I

to

know

understand that and want you to govern yourself accordingly.

have had no understanding and that

is

just as well in

view of

We

this situa-

tion."

"Jim,

I

want you

to

know

that

I

do not share

.

.

."

go into that now," I broke in. "I want to be able to say have made no commitments and I want you to be able to say the "Let's not

I

same us

thing. I'm not sure but

from across the

street."

what

this

thing

is

being shaped against

Farley's hat in ring

**What Hull

don't understand

I

said. "I

"With

am

that

I

all

agree,"

himself,

it

"I find

which

Most of the understand

difficult to

"He owes you "Since 1928

own group

Wallace

like

delegates will be for Garner, Hull,

turning against you," Hull

my

have given unceasingly of

I

the years

that, too."

feeling that things

happened. Well,

his

said.

much."

so

my

to advance his cause, even to

aware of

he has told

won't take Garner; he won't take me; that leaves you."

it

"Through

may move beyond me he will not, then

the situation

said. **But

I

for me,"

is

want me."

likelihood put over one of his

or Jackson or Douglas.

He

the story that Roosevelt

is

sure he doesn't

him. Unless he takes

he can't in

or me.

looked in the direction of the White House.

we both

Involuntarily,

227

I

personal disadvantage,"

have been told

I

how

ungrateful he

Hull nodded. "I dismissed

would work out

time and loyalty

all

all

said.

I

You

is.

are

those observations,

right in the end.

don't propose to go off the track.

Now will

I

this has

do

all I

its traditional course. I hope you will do the want you to know that if I think that the proper course name go before the convention, all the Roosevelts in the

can to keep the party on same. But is

to let

I

my

world couldn't stop me."

Former Governor Cox of Ohio

told

me

he had mentioned

my name

for second place to Roosevelt, and the President had said he afraid of the religious issue but felt a Hull-Farley ticket

pleasing to liberals.

At

this

time

Ed Flynn had

was not

would not be

talked with the Presi-

Hyde

dent and reported that Roosevelt told him he wanted to retire to Park, as of the

moment, but

which might cause him

At

first I

cooled

my

I

time.

At

was for

a

to

that a situation could develop abroad

change

his

showdown with

mind. the President, but as

my

decided the proper course was to keep I

resolved, however, to let

the Cabinet meeting of

the President got to me.

I

March

said

I

him know 8,

1940,

I

I

my

was annoyed.

made no comment

had nothing to

mind

temper and bide

offer, in

such

a

until

way

wanted no conversation with him. He remarked, rather vaguely, we were getting out a lot of interesting stamps and made

as to indicate I

some comment on the Pan-American stamp which he had designed. I studied the table in front of me. It was obvious to all that I was ir-

2

Jim Farley's story

28

ritated.

He

talked about joining in the celebration of

Canada, mentioning that he and broadcast marking the event.

I

was

I

penny postage

in

could participate in an international as

cold as

ice,

saying

I

thought he

should go on the program alone. see

you

tonight, Jim," he said after an

evident to

all I

was

"I'll

awkward

pause. It

was

which he had allowed

resentful of the situation

to

develop.

you

"Air. President,

go to

a social

are not going to see

gathering of Democrats

me

tonight,"

I

said. "I

Queens Borough and

in

must I

am

going to broadcast in connection with the anniversary Farm Dinners

New

from

in

York."

He shrugged and went on to Secretary of Navy Edison. On March i6, 1940, I talked to Frank C. Walker, who had

assisted

the financing of the Roosevelt campaign for the nomination

in 1932.

In discussing the President's failure to repudiate the Lindley story, said

wasn't going to say anything about

I

handle to get

it

my own way

in

angry but

back what

I

I

at

my own

did feel very

it

I

I

made

told

him

I

would

wasn't going

hurt. I was aware he would carry White House, so I told him I would

my own after proper considered my friends.

That Saturday night

I

much

was saying to the

follow a course of

with those

to the President, but

time.

I

consideration of the picture

the principal speech at the annual ban-

Patrick in the iMayflower Hotel in

quet of the Friendly Sons of

St.

Washington. The

some may not know, was founded by colonial days, to give comfort and aid

men

society, as

of Irish descent back in

on their arrival at American George Washington was an honorary member of this organizaof good Samaritans, which is now a social organization in Boston,

to Irish immigrants, regardless of religion, ports.

tion

New

York, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, and Washington, meeting every

St. Patrick's

Day

the gentle Patrick

except, as falls

was the

on Sunday.

to answer the Lindley article in

group and over

my

a

case that year, I

my own

nationwide hookup,

when

the day of

took the time and the occasion

I

way. Before that friendly

said,

with

all

the sincerity in

soul:

We must never permit the ideals of this Republic to sink to a point where every American father and mother, regardless of race, color, or

Farley's hat in ring

229

creed, cannot look proudly into the cradle of their a future President of the

United

As might be expected, to the other. I

It

newborn babe and

see

States.

the sentence rang from one end of the country

was not new, but

it

was

a truth that

needed restatement.

had uttered the right words with the right accents and they could

not

fail

to find a

warm

reception in

all

morning White House Secretary Early dent's congratulations

on

my

and minds. Monday

hearts

me

called

to give the Presi-

remarks, adding that Roosevelt was pre-

paring to answer the Lindley article at his next press conference.

him

told

that

nial to carry

it

was too

late,

that too

I

I

time had elapsed for a de-

any weight, that the harm had been done and the

matter could be forgotten, as far as his

much

entire

was concerned. Nonetheless,

at

next press conference, in answer to a "planted" question, the Presi-

dent belatedly said that not one

was made out of whole

cloth."

word

He

of the story was true; that "it

grasped the opportunity to hit at

columnists generally, saying that they were right only twenty per cent of the time and soft-pedaled their errors. Lindley stood his ground, as

knew he was voicing the man in the White House.

well he might, because he the actual words, of the I

did not see the President again until April 16.

found him studiously cordial

by mentioning

in

manner and overly

that he w^as prepared to appoint

Federal marshal for our district in

make

New

York.

sentiments,

We

He

not

had lunch.

friendly.

my

if

He

brother,

Tom;

as

had promised to

the appointment earlier in the year. After the Lindley story

discussed the matter with it

was perfectly

satisfied

in

Tom

and

we

agreed

view of the circumstances.

idea to accept

I

I

began

might not be

I

a

good

told the President

Tom

it

on the Boxing Commission and advised him

to

forget the appointment.

We talked

about everything and nothing.

dent wanted to talk to

how

me more

or where to open up.

I

was evident the

Presi-

about the situation but he didn't

know

studied

him

It

closely.

He

appeared to have

much of his former fire. He looked tired and his color was bad. remember thinking that it was a crime that the people around him were urging him to be a candidate again. After all, he had or would

lost I

have had twelve long years in Albany and Washington, which had taken their toll, and he should not be called upon to face another four

Jim Farley's story

230 years, possibly

We

more exacting than

all

those which had gone before.

He

talked about routine appointments.

mentioned Senators

Barkley and Byrnes for temporary Chairman of the convention.

him

told

I

you heard talk of giving Governor Lehman mentary vote of New York State at the convention?" he "Jim, have

"It hasn't

been brought to

my

attention,"

"Several people have talked to

another cigarette. so

1

thought the place ought to go to Speaker Bankhead.

thought

I

his

me

I

about

the compliasked.

reported.

it,"

he

He

said.

lighted

remark was going to lead somewhere

waited.

I

"You know," he resumed, "I think there are about ten or twelve men who have a good chance of getting the nomination. I'm going to put the

names

in

an envelope and take them out after

"There's no sense in putting more than

six

names

in it,"

it's all

I

said.

over."

"Will

you put down Garner's name?"

"He

can't be nominated," he said

whole thing

"Maybe

so,

but

I

made to take the Texas delewould be a mistake," I said. "I think

hear efforts are being

gation from him, and

he

dismissal. "I think the

balmy."

just

is

by way of

I

think that

entitled to the vote of the delegation, a courtesy vote in recogni-

is

tion of his long service to the party and the nation."

we went to the opening ball game. I rode out to the with him. As we passed the Washington Hotel, where the Vice

After lunch

park

President lived, he brought didn't have a chance.

Then

up Garner

again, saying the

Vice President

he lowered his voice to confide that he was

for Hull.

"That's one candidate you and

I

can agree on,"

I

said.

"You

couldn't

find a better choice." I

reported the conversation to Hull,

in 1939,

when he and

President said, "That

worry about, and to

sit

tight

who

told

me

that once, late

Roosevelt were discussing some problem, the is

something the next President will have to

that will be you, Cordell." Hull said he

was going

agreed that was the

and rely on the President's word. I understand Roosevelt never discussed the PresiI

only thing to do.

dency with Hull again until the day he told Hull he was going to run for a third term and asked Hull to take second place on the ticket.

Farley's hat in ring

231

In this period Mrs. Farley happened to be seated at the President's

an

left at

official

White House dinner one

He

night.

remarked

"I'm having a terrible time, Bess; they're trying to make don't

want

He looked

to."

at

me

to her,

run and

I

her with an engaging smile.

''Well," Mrs. Farley answered, *'you're the President, aren't you?

All

you have

to

do

them you won't run."

is tell

and turned to the lady on

On

He

blinked surprise

his right.

April 30, 1940, Basil O'Connor, former law partner and close

friend of the President, to patch the rift "I talked

came

to see me, saying that he

with him about what

nor reported. "I asked him over with you.

I

had attempted

between the President and myself.

told

answered that there

him

why

he did not

sit

down and

talk things

that he could explain his position to you.

no reason

is

do anything about the

O'Con-

called the Farley situation,"

I

situation;

to I

do

it

now.

I

must admit

didn't

I

got just exactly nowhere in

He

my

ef-

forts."

O'Connor

said the President indicated

he would reluctantly take

Hull. Roosevelt talked about Jackson and Wallace for the Vice Presi-

dency, mentioning Rayburn as a possibility. O'Connor was of the opinion that Roosevelt would not be a candidate unless an unforeseen situation should develop abroad.

What Basil told me confirmed my suspicions wanted me on the

ticket.

O'Connor

that the President never

said that the President

had not

asked him what he thought of running for a third term. Basil said that

had Roosevelt done

so,

be a terrible thing.

know

I

he would have told him frankly that

he would have done

never hesitated to speak the truth to the end.

I

feel

his

so,

long-time friend.

he was possibly the only person

it

would

because O'Connor

who

He

did so to

did so in Roose-

velt's last years.

From me.

I

the time of the Lindley story the President virtually ignored

White House except when my position made an invitation imperative. Taking a cue from the

was not invited

in the Cabinet

to the

White House were many who had professed to be my friends. They avoided me as though 1 were the plague. Some channels of information dried up.

which

I

One

was cut

off

of the most amazing evidences of the extent to

came from the

State Department.

Some time

back.

Jim Farley's story

232

an Assistant Secretary of State had promised to help tion of a couple of speeches, one

man

of Alissouri

was

to be

would

I

on foreign

in the prepara-

had promised Senator Tru-

I

Another one

deliver at Fulton, Missouri.

The

affairs.

Assistant Secretary reported the

my New York office. They did not show

speeches had been sent to

Ambrose O'Connell,

Finally,

which

up.

went

First Assistant Postmaster General,

who frankly confided he was under White House orhelp me and asked that I should not embarrass him by call-

to the official,

ders not to

ing on him. I I

I

sent

word

that

would

I

not.

was no longer consulted on even the most

of appointments.

trivial

found the White House was dealing directly with

political leaders

and members of Congress and members of the Cabinet on these matters. It

was evident

that the President didn't

he was going out of a discussion.

much

as

I

met the

I

could.

not to lose

his

my

I

way

situation

my

made up

me word

that the

to take the slant that

The

I

who remained

antiliberal

mind

keep

my

me had

1940,

He was

faithful in spite of the fact

campaign gave

1

and that they were going

me

one of I

my

many good

was out of

a laugh, because

all legislation,

I

favor.

had supported

and a great deal of

it

might

efforts.

had another long talk with Hull,

so worried over the foreign situation that he had

who

said he

was

no time to give to

was naturally grateful for the many generous ofof support and approval he had been receiving from people

politics.

fers

as

humor and

"palace guard" realized the

failed

a liberal.

never have been enacted without

He

sense of

to

Housing Administrator Nathan Straus

was not

the President faithfully on

On May 9,

to

White House

anti-Catholic campaign against

friends

to talk to me, that

temper. Stories and editorials began to appear in the

press about neglect of me.

brought

want

any meeting that might lead by staying away from Washington

to avoid

said he

throughout the country.

We

talked about the Gallup poll results,

which showed Hull stronger than Roosevelt. He disclosed that he had learned from sources within the White House that the President was not pleased over them.

"The said.

President has never talked a

"He may

to believe."

be assuring others that

I

word

am

of politics to me," Hull

his choice,

but

I

find

it

hard

Farley's hat in ring

am

"I I

sure that he will accept you,

said. "I

am

not going to

you

tell

he

if

233

not himself a candidate,"

is

that he prefers you, but

will have to take you. Meantime, there

I

think he

nothing for you to do but

is

you have been and see what happens. I think you should go along, unless you decide to announce yourself or let your friends announce you. Should you do that, which you have shown no disposition to do, you would get the nomination, as I have indicated to you." go along

as

"jim, I've told I

should use

trust in fit

my

you

feel

position to seek office," he said. "I can only put

my

what the President

to confide that trust in

"There's no denying the author of

all

view of the world

do not

that in

my

is

situation

even

telling everyone,

he does not see

if

me."

it;

Roosevelt

is

a strange

man,"

troubles are. Roosevelt

is

feeling,

with in

"He's

said.

going directly to

"you don't know what Welles and Berle. I was

Then

never even consulted on the Welles trip to Europe.

me by going to ambassadors.

British leaders

I

present troubles."

"God, Jim," Hull exploded with

passing

I

and others.

He

he's

by-

He's in communication constantly

doesn't consult with

me and I have to feel my way in the

dark.

I

have the

me

or confide

devil's

own time

keeping him from issuing statements that would be most detrimental.

He to

only discusses matters with

do so because of

me when

he

he

feels that

You

their importance. Troubles!

don't

is

obliged

know what

they are!" I

was forced

much

truth in

and went on character

what he had

my way

to say.

I

told

him

to keep the flag flying,

comforted, but regretful that so splendid a

was receiving such treatment.

In the middle of

and Milwaukee.

Mayor

and acknowledge that there was

to laugh at myself

I

May

I

went out on post

office business to Detroit

stopped in Chicago, where

I

received a

visit

Kelly. Kelly expressed himself convinced the President

be nominated, and urged

me

to remain so

of influence during the next four years.

could talk to the President for me. to find Roosevelt,

I

I

would

could maintain a position

He wanted

answered bluntly

and added that no

run again for many reasons.

I

from

real friend

to I

know if he knew where

would urge him

said he could retire to

Hyde Park

to

to a

well-earned rest and maintain a position of great influence, confident

2

Ji"^ Farley's story

34

of having earned a great place in history. Kelly said Roosevelt could

win.

I

acknowledged

this,

would not be as easy Hull could win more easily than Roose-

but said

as that of 1936. 1 also said that

his victory

velt.

The

Cabinet meeting of

May

17, 1940,

was concerned with the

sit-

uation in France. Roosevelt said there was about a fifty-fifty chance

would hold out. He brought up the possibility of a German victory and what our attitude might be if a German purchasing commission came over in search of materials. He did not reach any conclusions, but contented himself with making observations on the possibility. It was evident that the President was running the Army and the Navy, and that he would try to direct all the efforts which would be made in connection with the coordination of government the French

and industry.

I

dictated

my

"I think the President

the President

is

observations of that date as follows: getting jittery.

is

I

elected for a third term he

am may

really fearful that

if

not be able to stand

up physically under the strain and he will let those around him get into a situation which will be bad for the country and himself." After the Cabinet meeting he asked me to talk to him about George Starr, postmaster at Seattle,

ment.

He

said he

Washington,

who was up

for reappoint-

understood there were some objections to the re-

appointment of Starr.

were none, except

that Starr and

John Boettiger, Roosevelt's son-in-law, had had some differences over newspaper mail charges.

I

I

said there

showed him

a report of the inspection division

of the Post Office revealing Starr's office

was one of the

best

conducted

He brushed this off by saying inspections didn't amount to much. I said that Starr's rating was high and that there was no valid excuse for not reappointing him. Roosevelt went into a long involved story, which I did not consider to the point. He then suggested giving consideration to Howard Costigan of the Washington in the country.

Commonwealth

Federation.

"Mr. President, while

way

I

don't think Costigan

to the left, as has been brought out in

is

a

Hugh De

Communist,

he's

Lacy's campaign

for mayor of Seattle in the last few weeks," I said. "And the Commonwealth Federation has tried to usurp functions of the state Democratic organization.

I

don't think that should be tolerated."

Farley's hat in ring

Somewhat grudgingly he acknowledged

that

235

was

correct.

you would be you do not reappoint him," I said. "All you have against him is the complaint from John Boettiger. If John had not complained, he would have been reappointed without ^'Personally,

have no interest in

I

doing a faithful servant

a

Starr, except that

grave injustice

if

question." *'Well, a lot of objections have

"One

been raised against Starr," he said

them is that he didn't cooperate "What about the Hatch Act?" I challenged.

doggedly.

He

of

had no answer for

have to reappoint

Starr.

I

that.

said

I

left after

politically/'

he said he guessed he would

he wouldn't regret

it.

(The appointment

was made.) Before

I

left

we

talked about Speaker

Bankhead for temporary

chairman and Senate Majority Leader Barkley for permanent chair-

man.

He

had told Charley Alichelson they would do.

"Charley told

me you

are satisfied with Barkley

and Bankhead,"

I

said. "They are fine with me, because wc will be taking the two top men in the party." "What do you mean, 'top men in the party'?" he snapped. "The two top men in the legislative branch of the government," I

amended. "That's better," he said.

CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE

MY

MAKING

DECISION

THESE WEEKS and the weeks before the convention

INwas

my

in

on

called

to

make

the most difScult decision

was evident

life. It

me

to

I

just ahead, I

had ever faced

was going

that the President

to

run again, or rather that he was going to permit himself to be persuaded to run

by those about him, on

man.

find

far

I

back

as

it

hard to say

1937

I

just

Still I

had to decide

was not

my

when

was an indispensable

this realization

dawned on me. As

was suspecting things from the way he spoke of

possibilities for a successor.

not run.

the ground that he

Then I had

his personal assurance

easy. Suddenly, the fact

he would

was before me and

I

course of action.

My decision was not an easy one. There was no doubt that if I came out against the third term, of the country. But

knew

that

if I

fessed to be

stay

left

my

I

the Cabinet

friends,

away from me

walked the I

could make myself a big

man

in the eyes

was not seeking personal aggrandizement.

I

I

streets of

I

would be deserted by many who proI would have to ask true friends to that I might injure their futures. Days I

and that

for fear

stretched into weeks as

myself.

I

turned the problem over in

New

my mind. Nightly

York and Washington debating with

tramped miles around the reservoir

in Central Park.

I

paced

from Washington Monument to the Lincoln Alemorial for many more miles in Washington. I took to dropping into the reflecting pool

churches

at late hours.

many who make up

I

must have aroused much conjecture from

recognized me. For a

for

it

by

a rapid pace.

tall I

watchers to be going somewhere,

man,

I

have

a short stride,

but

must have appeared to the casual

when

the truth

was

I

had no idea

where I was going. I was and still am opposed to a third term. I honestly do not believe that any real friend of the President should have urged a third term upon him. I was aware that the Republicans could conduct a formida236

my

Making ble

campaign on the third term

bring about

his defeat,

although

decision

A

issue. I

237

most

campaign could

bitter

felt that at that

moment he could be

war continued. The Republican candidate had not been selected, but it appeared to me then it would be Senator Taft or Senator Vandenberg. I did not want Roosevelt to place the party in jeopardy by running for a third term, when a candidate like Hull elected, provided the

could have been certain of victory. A4odestly,

I

say

I

could have helped

were on the ticket as Vice President, but I believe Hull could have made it with any one from a field of candidates.

Hull

if I

On May

went

mittee,

"Chip" Robert, Secretary of the National Com-

21, 1940,

to the

White House

for a chat with

Harry Hopkins,

who was regarded as the master mind of the third term drive. Chip was as much in the dark as I was about what was going on of a political nature in the White House. He told me the story of the meeting. "Is

Jim

running for President?" Harry asked derisively.

still

"I don't

know," Chip answered. (And he honestly

ever happens, Jim will be

more

In a

situation

He was

pleasant tone

Tommy

(Of a

was "too bad

it

my

course,

"What-

didn't.)

criticized."

Chip that he regarded the "an appalling thing."

as

Corcoran for the situation and

about Ben Cohen, Corcoran's partner

said

but to be tarily

told

between the President and Farley

bitter

judge."

and can't be

Hopkins

then proceeded to blame

Hopkins

I

right

all

in the administration.

named

Farley's brother had not been

brother

Tom

was not

a

aspiring to a judgeship

United States marshal, an ambition which he had volun-

abandoned.)

had lunch with Garner on

May

28,

two days before

my

fifty-

second birthday. "Jim, what's the Boss going to do?" asked Garner.

"Your guess

is

good

as

as

mine,"

I

answered. "I've given up guess-

ing."

He

looked

at

me

sharply and read what was in

my

eyes.

I

was

smiling. "I guess he's going to run," he said.

"Well,"

I

to look that

laughed, "to quote our old friend Cordell Hull,

it

begins

way."

"Hell, he's fixed

it

so

nobody

else

can run now," Garner

said. "I

Jim Farley's story

238

wouldn't have gotten in myself or

Ah,

wouldn't have handled myself

I

no use watering spilt milk." went along with the assurances he gave me that he wouldn't run," I said. "So did you and so did Cordell. And we are all left high and dry. Al Smith warned me never to rely on Roosevelt's word. I laughed

.

.

.

well, there's

"I

at

him. So did others and

and

laughed

I

at

them.

Now

he's laughing at

me

at us."

Garner ripped savagely

at his cigar.

"What

are

you going

to

do

if

the Boss wants the same ticket reelected?" "I'll

answer that with

a question:

be presented for President?"

am," Garner

"I certainly

to

go back to Uvalde, and

your name

to let

asked in turn.

I

said.

am

I

Are you going

"And

for

two

reasons

—

really

I

against this third term business.

want

What

about you? Are you with me?" "I'll

know

when

better

swered.

"The way

front of

me and

feel

I

that

is

the President makes his decision,"

now

an-

is

only one honorable course in

my

protest against the third term

there

to register

I

without injuring the party. I'm not

satisfied

how

that

is

best to be

done. Put your trust in Farley, though."

We shook hands on

it.

Senator Chandler of Kentucky was called to the White House at this

time for a bedside conference with the President. Roosevelt told

him he was not going date.

"Happy"

suggested

that this suggestion

for advising

to run, but

me

was

in search of a good, strong candi-

be given consideration, reporting to

I

awoke no

presidential enthusiasm.

of the conversation, and told

him

I

me

thanked him

I

hardly expected

enthusiasm for anyone from that quarter short of one

man

—Franklin

D. Roosevelt.

On June 5, 1940, I had Both argued at length that if

visits I

from Ed Flynn and Frank Walker.

should manage the Roosevelt campaign,

the President should decide to run.

treated badly, although

"I'm going

Roosevelt

is

down

said

to the

I

They acknowledged

I

had been

was not complaining.

White House and demand

to

know what

going to do," Flynn told me. "I'm not going to take orders

from Hopkins,

"Maybe

I

Ickes, Wallace, Corcoran,

he'll tell

you what

he's

Cohen, and the

rest of

going to do, but he won't

them."

tell

me,"

my

Making "I'm not sure whether

I said.

I'm not going to

239

him or wait and

ask

I'll

make any

decision

decision today that

him

let

tell

me.

can put off until

I

tomorrow."

Walker

told

me

he would hate to see

though he wouldn't blame be bad for the party.

me to

I

me

a bit for

my

made

so.

He said

a

would not be

it

one of these days

al-

break would pleasant for

would have

I

decision.

"I'm not going to kid you, Frank," has

break with Roosevelt,

doing

acknowledged that

to break with the President, but

make

me

leaders feel they can

do

I said.

"The

President's attitude

nothing but string along with him.

—

—

want him for the candidate many of them don't but they have no choice unless he makes an announcement of his attitude,

They

don't

which apparently he doesn't choose

to do,

which

in itself

is

an unde-

clared candidacy."

On June I

12, 1

should do.

that

I

asked Frank Kelly, Brooklyn leader, what he thought

expected him to follow the

I

should overlook

all

that

Ed Kelly-Frank Hague

line

had happened and take over the conduct

of the campaign for the sake of remaining in the national scene and retaining

"Fm

my

Cabinet post and party leadership.

not one given to passing out advice unless

"Straight

from the shoulder, Jim,

paign being run without you. built will

Of

kicked around the

way you have by

down

looked

had to laugh.

I

it

I

Jim,

it is,

Roosevelt and

his

Avenue.

you have

I

this

followed

appreciated his frank statement

if I

had been

I would window."

crowd,

would jump out of

into Vanderbilt

cam-

won't be the same with-

But, and a big 'but'

seat.

no more run the campaign than

He

course, the organization

run along for some years yet, but

out you in the driver's

asked," he said.

it is

I'd hate to think of a national

his

gaze and

more than he ever

knew.

On June

14, 1

Washington "Jim," he

and is

I

to

ran into

New

said, "I

Henry Wallace on

York.

We

don't like

think he will run, but

I

it.

the six o'clock train from

had dinner together. I

am very

want the President discouraged

at the

being handled. Harry Hopkins, Ben Cohen, and

are doing the contact

other bosses.

work

They have

a

for

Tommy

Mayor Hague, Mayor

group working out the

to run again

way

the thing

Corcoran

Kelly, and the

details in

an office

240

Jim Farley's story

in the Interior building.

You know Ben Cohen

counsel for the Federal told Wallace that

I

I

Power Commission." didn't feel that the third term

country or the party.

interests of the

has an office there as

the President's confidence so

I

said

I

best

had not been taken into

I

know

did not

was for the

his plans,

but

I

had

my

suspicions.

"There's no justification for the lace said. "It

difficult to

is

way you have been

derstand with Roosevelt. There's Ickes trying to grab

and I'm not sure which

ice,

stand what he

me

way

the President

but I'm not going to take

final analysis,

is

going to do politically

over the phone and in writing

me

he practically told delegation for me.

—that

it

it

is

On

June

rangements

I

19,

either. In

—maybe

would be

I

a nice fellow,

1940,

when

I

was

but in

I

my Forest

lying down.

I

Serv-

I

don't under-

my own

case he told

should say indicated, but

all

right to have the

A few days later he talked to

was

Wal-

going to decide in the

Iowa

Senators Gillette and

Herring, Congressman Jacobson, and State Chairman

and told them

treated,"

understand. iMany things are difficult to un-

Ed Birmingham

didn't have a chance."

Chicago making convention

ar-

received a call from the President saying he had had a

meeting with Congressional leaders the day before and Speaker Bankhead had remained behind to make

"The dear

man

old Speaker wants to

a request.

make

a

speech

of the convention, Jim," he said, "and

as

temporary chair-

you know the dear old

Speaker doesn't make a very enthusiastic talk." "Well, Boss, you will remember that you and

I

had an agreement

Bankhead and Barkley would be temporary and permanent chairmen respectively," I reminded him. "Bankhead may make an uninteresting speech but it will be a Democratic speech." that

"Sure, sure, but

along the Hne," he

maybe we could get someone to make a good talk said. "Maybe we could get a fellow like Senator

Byrnes, or possibly Senator Josh Lee."

These were the

first

words we had exchanged privately

in a

long

time.

was away Frank Knox and Henry L. Stimson were named the Cabinet in what was widely regarded as a maneuver calculated

While to

I

to upset the Republicans in the midst of their selection of a candidate

my

Making

decision

241

which was becoming more obvious as each day passed. I returned to Washington June 2 1 and received a visit from Harry Woodring, who was ousted from the War Department to make room for Stimson. to oppose the third term, a project

"It all started

with

a

phone

Watson (Edwin M. a few days

got from Ta'

call I

Watson, Military Aide and Secretary to the President), back,"

Woodring

began.

"Watson

get together with iMorgenthau to

England.

I

wanted me army planes

said the President

or transfer some

sell

to to

Watson right off that I could not go along with it unless could be made without affecting our defenses. I took the

told

the transfer

matter up with the department and told the generals that whatever decision they

made should not be changed

later on,

in the best interests of the country's defense

adhered

promised

to. I

"Watson

I

would stand

my

ground.

me

called several times, urging

thau and give the British the planes. This

day ing

I

but should be made

and should be rigidly

to

sit

down with MorgenThen next

refused to do.

I

received a letter from the President, written in longhand,

tell-

War

De-

me how much

he appreciated what

I

had done

in the

partment, but stating that things were moving fast abroad and he

wanted

to

War Department. my resignation. I took and that night I sat down with my wife and we wrote

make some

He wound up by the letter home,

the answer.

I

changes, particularly in the

saying he would like to have

wrote

it

in longhand, too.

he wanted the resignation,

I

was happy

for his past expression of confidence.

the hope he felt

would continue

was the

it

I

saw

"As soon

because

in the offing. as

I

I

Among

his policy of

I

did not

made

told

to give

best thing for the country.

satisfied to resign

things

I

want

it

him

to him.

I

I

other things,

I

I

had sent

in

my

memorandum

thing from to be

cause

to the President saying

my office

was planning

was not going

on the resignation, and stating that

done from the White House. I

I

to leave

my

I

asked that

office

it

was

it.

Secretary

resignation

and advised him to take the necessary steps to protect himself. a

I

I

some of the

don't like

letter, I called Assistant

Louis Johnson on the phone and told him

expressed

told him, too, that

to be a party to I

as

thanked him

nonintervention because

that very clear, Jim.

had prepared the

inasmuch

that

I

sent

to release anyit

be done

would have at

once be-

immediately and was in the

Jim Farley's story

242

moving

process of

out. I said

I

would not do anything

that

would em-

barrass the President.

"Then

received another letter from the President which was type-

I

written. This, as

you probably saw, was

for public release.

He

offered

ship of Puerto Rico, but

night

when

third one

my I

I

got home,

was again

I I

told

me

him

definitely

in his handwriting

to get out of

I

would not take

it.

That

got another letter from the President. This

decision not to take another job.

am going

a conventional letter designed

an ambassadorship or the Governor-

me

and begged

did not answ^er

I

Washington by the end of

this

"I have not seen Roosevelt or talked to him. All our

to reconsider

and will not.

it

week or

next.

communication

by correspondence or through Pa Watson or Steve Early. I got a White House call asking me over to the Cabinet meeting. I said I wouldn't go. Watson asked me if I was sore, and I told him I was not but I didn't want to attend the meeting. Just before Stimson s appointment was announced. Early called Louis Johnson and told him the President was appreciative of his loyalty and service and hoped he would carry on if it would be agreeable for him to do so. Later Roosevelt called Johnson to the White House where he did not indicate whether or not he had anyone in mind, but made it rather plain to Louis that he would not get the place." has been

I

listened to

with to

Woodring's story with great

his exhibition of

go against

his

courage and

interest.

I

was impressed

his stand for principle.

convictions even though he was aware

it

He

refused

would mean

the end of his Cabinet career.

Vice President Garner, with

whom

I

lunched, told

inet meeting was concerned with the transfer of

me

fifty

that the

Cab-

American de-

conveyed from New London, Connecticut, were the destroyers in exchange for which the to a British port. These United States secured the right to lease and build bases in British possessions from Newfoundland to New Guinea. This transfer was being stroyers to Britain, to be

worked up

at the

same time the White House was seeking to give army

planes to Britain.

"The Boss

said that the transfer

had been cleared

legally

by the At-

torney General, and Charley Edison spoke up and said the transfer

my

Making

decision

243

was being arranged over his protest," Garner told me. "The Boss didn't like what Edison said, any more than he liked what Woodring did.

The

interesting part

Jackson came to

me and

he had approved the a decision.

him

told

I

sale

Cabinet meeting and

that after the meeting.

is

said that in spite of the statement

and held

now

say

icy,

who

also

less

later

and did not write

a scorching

firm against a policy which he did not

Woodring would have been

men

was never made pub-

letter of resignation

believe to be in the best interests of the country.

other to bring

that

was moved out for opposing White House pol-

However, he was no

son and

made

had not made such

he should have said he had not held

had expected to go sooner or

letter.

to be legal, he

he did not."

if

Woodring's handwritten Edison,

it

that he should have so declared himself at the I

the transfer to be legal,

lic.

Attorney General

I

am

satisfied that

Edi-

eased out on one pretext or an-

into the Cabinet,

who were

convinced that the

United States should enter the war and would work toward that end, while the President was treading softly in the campaign year. say this critically, but state

it

merely

I

do not

as a fact.

few days the Republicans nominated Wendell Willkie at PhilaI must confess that I was surprised by the nomination. I thought the regular Republican leaders like Taft, Dewey, Vandenberg, Joseph Pew, and the rest would not possibly go along with him. Yet he was nominated. I was not in on the inside of that nomination In a

delphia.

and

cannot speak with any accuracy about

I

many

stories

about the capture of the

it,

although

I

have heard

GOP by a man who had been

Democrat up to two years before the convention met and had he was a member of my party at our only meeting.

On the day of the nomination Steve Early called me and read ment the White House had prepared nomination greatly

good and

thing.

The

clarifies

question

is,

for

me

"The

—which

is

a

of course, what sets of forces, economic

—

conduct our government the historic American some new and somewhat foreign methods of concencontrol. Most of the rank and file Republicans will understand

social, are to

this as

me

a state-

to release. It read,

the issue before the nation

processes or trated

told

a

well as most of the rank and

file

Democrats."

J™

244

Farley's story

word

objected to the use of the

I

ing with the

"foreign," but there

was no argu-

White House.

That afternoon, June

28, 1940, at the

Cabinet meeting, poHtics re-

placed the foreign situation.

"We

will

down

have to try and break

the aura they are trying to

build up around Willkie," Roosevelt said. "1

Congressmen

to start in

want the Senators and

on him Monday."

Ickes said that a vigorous campaign should be directed at once against Willkie, because it

would be

to

if

the Democrats were put

a distinct gain for Willkie.

The

on the

defensive,

President told him to "go

it."

My contribution and

was

that Willkie

would not be wise

it

Minority Leader Charles

to discount him.

McNary added

ticket as candidate for the

Late that same day

I

had

at his

a formidable candidate

We

all

agreed that Senate

strength to the Republican

Vice Presidency. long talk with Cordell Hull.

a

thoroughly disgusted with the taken the President

might be

political situation.

word when

the latter said he

a candidate and, as a result, he had not lifted a hand.

knew them

nothing of the in the papers.

run with him

no

as

I

it

was

would not be

He

Knox and Stimson appointments

said he also

until

he saw

asked him whether the President wanted him to

Vice President. Hull answered, quite simply, he had

political ambitions. I

and there had

He

Like myself, he had

am

sure he

would have

left

the Cabinet then

not been for the war situation.

made up my mind on my question. I decided I would permit my name to go before the convention as evidence of my protest against the third term. I also decided that I would leave the Cabinet and the party chairmanship. However, I also made up my mind that I would not work for the defeat of my party. Once my mind was made up, I had no cares. I realized that I had been fortunate to play a part in the national picture. I was determined to make my exit as

At

this

time

gracefully as

The

could without any sacrifice of principle or honor.

long wait for the

end July I

I

I

was on

i.

first

move from

the

White House came

Bray,

my

executive assistant, while

Steve Early called

my way

Bill

to Chicago.

During the course of

to an

their conversa-

\ ^^^S^s^w.

'f

iki. {^International

July

7,

1940

—Hyde Park, N.Y. —During

his small study,

FDR

"Jim,

first said:

I

News

Photo.)

our two-hour private conference in don't want to run, and I'm going to tell

But later in the same talk he volunteered, "Undoubtedly I will accept the nomination by radio and will arrange to talk to the delegates before ." (See page they leave the convention hall. 249.) the convention so."

.

July

—At the

.

1940 convention in Chicago, Harry Hopkins and Jimmy Byrnes set up unofficial headquarters to "draft" Roosevelt (see page 260). 15,

1940

koto.)

x.% Sy a.

=:=