Jewish Contributions to Civilization: An Estimate 9781463214555

Concerned with the continuing, and growing, anti-Semitism of his day, Jacobs laid out a statement of the Jewish contribu

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Jewish Contributions to Civilization: An Estimate
 9781463214555

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Jewish Contributions to Civilization: An Estimate

Jewish Contributions to Civilization: An Estimate

Joseph Jacobs

gorgias press 2009

Gorgias Press LLC, 180 Centennial Ave., Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2009 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. 2009

-X.

% ISBN 978-1-59333-954-8

Printed in the United States of America

PREFATORY

STATEMENT

JOSEPH JACOBS was a thinker and writer of unusual breadth and versatility. Among the subjects to which he gave his attention as early as 1 8 8 6 was the comparative distribution of Jewish ability, as the result of researches he had undertaken in association with Sir Francis Galton. T h e present work was the natural outcome of these studies which appeared in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute and were afterwards republished as Studies in Jewish Statistics, 1891. D r . Jacobs at the time intended to write a comprehensive work, entitled " T h e Jewish R a c e — A Study in National Character," m sixty-seven chapters, the outline of which was printed privately in London, 1 8 8 9 . Unfortunately he never went any further with this plan. Similarly his idea of an even more ambitious work, "European I d e a l s — A Study in Origins," did not go beyond the outline which appeared in 1 9 1 1 . It was perhaps his occupation with this general subject which again turned his thought to Jewish contributions to European civilization. This subject engaged the attention of D r . Jacobs during his last years, and, while he did not live to complete the work, it is fortunate that he at least left the first of the three books he had in 3

PREFATORY

STATEMENT

mind in such form that it can be published without change. One of its chapters appeared in the first volume of the Menorah Journal, December, 1 9 1 5 (pp. 298-308), under the title "Liberalism and the Jews." T h e careful reader will notice that the Introduction and various parts of the book show the polished style of the master, while here and there the absence of his revising hand is keenly felt. Nevertheless, the brilliant mind, the wide reading, and the broad information of the author are manifest everywhere, and his calmness and objectivity of judgment will make this, his last work, a valuable contribution, not only to Jewish literature, but to the history of modern civilization. Joseph Jacobs was not an apologete—his wish was to point out the share of the Jews in the world's progress. H i s occupation with the general subject had convinced him that the part played by the Jews had never been adequately acknowledged. O n the other hand, he was careful to bring forward no claims which could not be substantiated by solid facts. It is a matter of deepest regret that he was not to finish his task and to bring the later chapters to the high level of the Introduction. L e t us be sincerely thankful f o r what we have. A s stated in his Introduction, D r . Jacobs had planned to divide this work, dealing with Jewish 4

PREFATORY

STATEMENT

contributions to European civilization, into three books. In the first book, entitled " J e w s of the Past," he intended to dwell upon Jewish achievement in the various fields of research during the past two thousand years and to show that the J e w s have made themselves a constituent element of that civilization to which they are heirs equally with other nations, creeds, and peoples. T h e second book was to be devoted to the evaluation of the contributions of individual J e w s to modern European culture in the immediate past and present. T h e third book was to determine the value of J e w s in the modern cultural State and thus meet the question raised by the modern higher antiSemites who, in consonance with their mediaeval ideals, are opposed to Jewish influence in the Church-State which they would like to see revived. When, in January, 1 9 1 6 , D r . Jacobs died, this task had been but partially accomplished. Book I was practically ready for publication, though, had the author lived, he would undoubtedly have subjected many parts to a thorough revision. Of Book I I he left notes, which would have served him as an outline. These notes show the masterly fashion and the thoroughness with which he had intended to treat this important subject. Nothing has been found of Book I I I . Book I, being complete in itself, is herewith offered to the public, with the express statement that 5

PREFATORY STATEMENT it has not been altered in w o r d or fact. T h e author embodied in it a wealth of k n o w l e d g e and i n f o r m a tion, accumulated during a busy and energetic life, a n d the arguments are m a r s h a l l e d with the brilliancy characteristic of D r . J a c o b s . I t m a y indeed be said that the question raised by the h i g h e r antiSemites, which w a s to be dealt with in the last book, has been adequately answered in the present volume. D u r i n g the last f e w years the political situation in many E u r o p e a n countries has undergone radical changes, and it is t h e r e f o r e natural that some of the statements in this book should a p p e a r o b s o l e t e — such as the numerous references to the treatment of the J e w s in Russia under conditions which h a v e since been materially changed. January, 1 9 1 9 .

6

CONTENTS CHAPTER

PAGE PREFATORY

STATEMENT

INTRODUCTION : T H E I. II. III. IV. V.

3

HIGHER ANTI-SEMITISM

THE

P E O P L E OF T H E BOOK

THE

C H U R C H AND THE J E W S

J E W S BECOME EUROPEANS MEDIEVAL

9 61 90 114

J E W S AS I N T E L L E C T U A L I N T E R M E D I A R I E S . . .

138

I N F L U E N C E OF J E W I S H T H O U G H T IN THE M I D D L E A G E S

16+

VI.

JEWS

AND C O M M E R C E

190

VII.

JEWS

AND

218

CAPITALISM

VILA.

E X C U R S U S ON SOMBART

247

VIII.

T H E B R E A K - D O W N OF T H E C H U R C H E M P I R E

268

JEWS

293

IX.

AND L I B E R A L I S M

INDEX

325

7

INTRODUCTION THE

HIGHER

ANTI-SEMITISM

THERE is among the peoples of the world one which has preserved its individuality throughout the ages with remarkable persistence. T h i s people is among the nations, and of them, but yet in some way apart from them. U p to a time within the memory of men still living, members of this people were set apart as unworthy to possess all the rights of citizenship in all lands in which they dwelt; even at the present day, a majority of them are still debarred from the higher rights of human beings. T h e only excuse or explanation for this discrimination against them was that they refused to bow down in the H o u s e of Rimmon, to worship strange gods, and to give up their way of thinking about the highest things which had approved itself as right and true to their fathers. Rather than abandon that faith they have, for the past millennium and a half,'suffered continuously contumely and moral 8

INTRODUCTION

segregation, and from time to time torture and even death, while at successive periods they have been obliged to shake off the soil of their native land and seek refuge in other countries which for the time were less intolerant. These men are known by the name of Jews. 'Tis a little people, but it has done great things. When in the land in which it first came to national consciousness, it created a conception of the Highest Being of the universe, which has been adopted in essence by the foremost races of humanity. It had but a precarious hold on a few crags and highlands between the desert and the deep sea, yet its thinkers and sages with eagle vision took into their thought the destinies of all humanity, and rang out in clarion voice a message of hope to the down-trodden of all races. Claiming for themselves and their people the duty and obligations of a true aristocracy, they held forth to the peoples ideals of a true democracy founded on right and justice. Their voices have never ceased to re-echo around the world, and the greatest things that have been done to raise men's lot have been done always in the spirit, often in the name, of the Hebrew prophets. 10

INTRODUCTION

Nor did their beneficial activities cease when they were torn away from their own land by all-powerful Rome. For nearly two thousand years they have taken their share in all the movements that have made the modern European man. A t times they have helped to spread culture from one nation to another; at others, they have helped to light it anew in a fresh land. On some occasions they have even been leaders in these movements, but mostly they have been content to take their share in the cultural development of their fellow-men, contributing to it by the qualities which their unique position among the nations had developed in them. In the intricate warp and woof of civilization Jewish threads have been at all times constituent parts of the pattern, and to attempt to remove or unravel them would destroy the whole design. By these contributions they have earned their right to continue to work for the European culture that they have helped to develop. Yet, though the Jews have taken their due share in the culture and economic development of the nations among whom they dwelt, they have been pursued by hatred and persecution throughout the Diaspora. The origins of this 11

INTRODUCTION

Jew-hatred and antipathy are rather obscure. All imperialistic systems necessarily tend toward toleration of the different creeds of the divergent races, which they weld into empires. Yet we find traces of antipathy to Jews in the three great ancient empires, Persian, Hellenistic, Roman, as reflected in the Book of Esther, the Books of Maccabees, and in Josephus against Apion. Other aliens became natives a f t e r a couple of generations; other enslaved captives became freedmen, and their children full citizens; other religious cults were regarded as "licit" in the Persian, in the Hellenistic, and in the Roman empires; other races or sections were permitted to be autonomous within limits if only they provided their due quota of taxes and recruits. T h e Jews alone stood out and apart from the nations among whom they settled, and were regarded with disfavor by the ruling classes and, as a consequence, with hatred or contempt by the mob. T h e ancient city-states had their chief bond of union in the common worship of the local deity, and no Jew, while he remained a Jew, could share in this worship. Other citizens, together with this civic cult, could combine adhesion to widespread national or imperial 12

INTRODUCTION

deities; the J e w alone worshipped One God. H e was the sole exception to the increasing tendency of the ancient world to syncretize local, national, and imperial deities into one Pantheon. It is probable, however, that there was much less anti-Semitism among the peoples of antiquity than might appear from the scanty records of Jew-hatred, which consist mainly of contemptuous or inimical references by satirists like Juvenal, or embittered partisans like Tacitus. Men cannot live together in the common occupations of every-day life without engendering kindly feelings of communion. T h e wide spread of Jewish propagandism in the early Roman empire, of which there is increasing evidence, is sufficient proof of the friendly bonds between J e w and Gentile. T h e quick spread of Christianity among the resulting proselytes was a striking result of these friendly relations. 1 But for the action of the Church these assimilative tendencies would, doubtless have continued till Jews would have been distinguished from their lThe map of the early Christian churches attached to the seventh volume of Renan, Origines du Christianisme, is still the best representation of the Jewish Diaspora of the second century.

13

INTRODUCTION

fellow-citizens only by a difference of creed and religious practice. Anti-Semitism indeed throughout the ages has been forced from above downwards as a part of political or ecclesiastical policy. T h e mob easily takes up State or Church cries without fully appreciating their bearing. T h o u g h persistent hatred is as rare as perfect love, it is easy enough to arouse ill-will in lower natures whose chief excitement in life is afforded by their enmities. W e find an instance of this artificial creation of anti-Jewish feeling in the earliest record of anti-Semitism, the Book of Esther. A s interpreted by Dr. Jacob Hoschander, 1 this romance embodies an actual stage in the relations between the Persian J e w s and the Persian state. W h i l e willing to accept the monotheism of Zoroaster, they refused to accept the syncretizing religious tendency of the Persian Imperialists, and were thus persecuted as " L i t t l e Persians." Something similar seems to be at the bottom of the conflict with Antiochus Epiphanes, who evidently wished the J e w s not so much to give up their own God as to accept the Hellenic gods [' Jewish

Quarterly

Review,

New Series, he, p. 1, seq!]

14

INTRODUCTION

in addition to Him. The struggles against Rome under Vespasian and Hadrian were of a more purely national character, but, according to Jewish tradition, the last conflict had also its religious aspects. Once, however, the purely national conflict was over, there was no reason why the Jews should not have amalgamated with other races of the Roman empire in all respects except religion. They were, indeed, in a more favorable position to do so than any other of the multifarious elements which constituted the empire of Rome. They alone could worship their God wherever they resided; their creed was connected with a book and not with a city or a land. Hence they rapidly acquired citizenship throughout the empire, and, before long, reached the final distinction of acquiring the Jus Honorum. For two hundred and fifty years, between the fall of Bethar and the emeute at Alexandria under St. Cyril, there are no signs of popular antipathy against: the Jews in the later Roman empire. So, too, in Babylonia, Jews and Gentiles lived at peace for eight hundred years up to the persecution of Yezdegird II. These instances seem to prove that there is no innate 15

INTRODUCTION

tendency to anti-Semitism among the peoples unless forced from above downwards. But all these assimilative tendencies were

at

once checked when the Christian Church became dominant

in

the

later

Christian

emperors

Roman

deliberately

empire.

The

deprived

the

Jews of the right to serve the State, and by 4 1 8 they were excluded from all public employments that could in any way give them authority over true

believers.

While

allowed to remain

their

synagogues

were

(though no new ones were

to be built), they were not allowed, under penalty of death, to make converts even of

their

slaves, while every encouragement was given to apostasy from Judaism.

T h e s e signs of the ill-

f a v o r of the rulers were soon interpreted in the usual way by the mob, and the long series of Jewish

massacres

beginning

of

the

by

Christians

fifth

century

instigated by the bishop St. Cyril. empire

began at

at

the

Alexandria, In the pagan

religion was but a department

of

the

State; in the Christian empire State and Church became

identified,

and

the

principle

was

laid

down that none could belong fully to the State who was not a true member of the State-Church. Henceforth no Jew, while he remained a Jew, 16

INTRODUCTION

could have full citizenship in a Christian state; and Israel entered into a spiritual ghetto, not to emerge f o r a millennium and a half. Islam borrowed from the Church the theocratic principle, and even bettered the instruction. T h e unbeliever was to be put to the sword, or, if one of the "Peoples of the B o o k " (Jews, Christians, S a b s a n s ) , was accorded a contemptuous and degraded tolerance. Henceforth both Church and Mosque put the J e w s of Christian and Muslim lands outside the pale of citizenship. Under the Caliph Omar, J e w s were ordered to wear a distinctive dress, and in 849 the E m i r Mutawakkil emphasized the distinction by ordering the J e w s t:o wear a badge as a sign of infamy. This diabolic expedient was adopted by Innocent I I I at the Vatican Council of 1 2 1 5 , and henceforth in Islam and Christendom the Jews were marked out as objects of contempt and degradation whenever they went forth among their fellow-countrymen. A t the same time the callings f o r which they were eligible were more and more restricted, till at length the only methods by which they could earn their living were disreputable (usury, pawnbroking, peddling second-hand gopds). Every 17

INTRODUCTION

Easter the pulpits of Christendom resounded with the outcries against the killers of Christ, and soon the myth of the "blood accusation" caused them to be regarded as infra-human by the credulous mob. T h e belief that they were affected by a mystic curse on account of their non-belief was encouraged by the Church as affording a perpetual object-lesson of the terrible results of infidelity. N o wonder the mob f r o m time to time carried into terrific deeds the broad hints given by the Church. T h e r e is scarce a city of Europe whose stones have not been stained by the blood of innocent Jews and Jewesses, slain to enhance the glory of the Cross. But the important thing to observe is that all these horrors were the direct result of the deliberate policy of the Church to mark out the Jews as objects of hatred and degradation. T h e anti-Semitism of the Middle Ages came f r o m above downwards; it was no natural outcome of the clash of racial tendencies or temperaments. Again and again we find Jews and Christians joining together in friendly communion, even in common sport, the great equalizer of social distinctions. 1 1 One of the most striking examples of this occurred in a stag hunt at Colchester in 1267, which I have described in Je