Jewish Budapest: monuments, rites, history 9789639116375, 9789639116382

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
A Hakdome (page 1)
I. Castle Hill (page 3)
II. Óbuda (page 41)
III. Király utca: The Old-Old Jewish Quarter of Pest (page 67)
IV. The Jewish Triangle in Pest (page 105)
V. Erzsébetváros (page 157)
VI. Józsefváros (page 201)
VII. Terézváros (page 214)
VIII. The Pest Jewish Community (page 253)
IX. Lipótváros, Új-Lipótváros (page 319)
X. Józsefváros, beyond the Boulevard (page 341)
XI. Neighbors of the Pest Jewish Community (page 350)
XII. Pest, 1944, Ghetto (page 359)
XIII. Jewish Cemeteries (page 426)
XIV. Jewish Life in Budapest Today (page 446)
XV. The Invisible Jewish Budapest (page 468)
XVI. Comments on the Illustrations (page 498)
XVII. Bibliography (page 546)
Index (page 566)

Citation preview

| Jewish Budapest

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V VICS, V5 Viktoria Pusztai

b Kinga Fro] imovics, Géza Komor6écz ikt6ria P and Andrea Strbik

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Edited b V Géza Komorocz V

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Central Europea Uni ity P

No. 101. “Atlantic Studies on Society in Change” of the Atlantic Research and Publications, Inc.

Editor in Chief Béla K. Kirdly |

Highland Lakes NJ 07422 USA

Associate Editor in Chief Kenneth Murphy Editor Laszl6 Veszprémy

First published in Hungarian as A zsid6 Budapest

in 1995 by Varoshadza and MTA Judaisztikai Kutat6csoport, Budapest ,

Hungary USA : |

English edition 1999 by

Okt6ber 6. utca 12 |

Central European University Press ; :

H-1051 Budapest | 400 West 59th Street New York, NY 10019

Translated by Vera Szab6 Translation edited by Mario Feny6 and the authors

Typography and cover design by Istvan Kiss , 7 © 1994 by Kinga Frojimovics, Géza Komoréczy, Viktéria Pusztai and Andrea Strbik English translation © 1999 by Vera Szab6 and Center of Jewish Studies at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences Distributed by Plymbridge Distributors Ltd., Estover Road, Plymouth PL6 7PZ, United Kingdom All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the permission of the Publisher.

c ] 51. Frankfurter Buchmesse 1999.

. mre aaa : - : ‘ Published with the support of the

Hungarian Ministry of National Cultural Heritage- .

Frankfurt 99 Non-Profit Organization , for the Frankfurt Book Fair, 1999: Hungary in Focus

ISBN 963-9116-38-6 Cloth , ISBN 963-9116-37-8 Paperback

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book is available upon request

Printed in Hungary by Akadémiai Nyomda Kft. :

Preface to the series

The present volume is part of a series that, when completed, will constitute a comprehensive survey

| of the many aspects of East-Central-European society. _ The books in this series deal with peoples whose homelands lie between the Germans to the West, the Russians, Ukrainians and Belorussians to the East and North, and the Mediterranean and Adriatic seas to the South. They constitute a particular civilization, one that is an integral part of Europe, yet substantially different from the West. The area is characterized by a rich diversity of languages, religions and governments. The study of this complex area demands a multidisciplinary approach, and, accordingly, our contributors to the series represent several academic disciplines. They have been drawn from universities and other scholarly institutions in the United States and Western Europe, as well as East and Central Europe. The editor of the present volume is professor at the Eétvés Lorand University of Budapest and director of the Center of Jewish Studies at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, his co-authors are his former students. The editors of the series, of course, take full responsibility for ensuring the comprehensiveness, cohesion, internal balance and scholarly quality of the series they have launched. We cheerfully accept this responsibility and intend this series to be neither justification nor condemnation of the policies, attitudes, and activities of any persons involved. At the same time, because the contributors represent so many different disciplines, interpretations, and schools of thought, our policy in this, as in the past and future volumes, is to present their contributions without substantial modifications. Béla K. Kirdly Editor-in-Chief

Acknowledgments This book was prepared and written in the Center of Jewish Studies at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences between 1992 and 1994 and reflects an important aspect of the teaching and research activ- | ity of our Center. The Hungarian version of the book appeared early in 1995, and saw a second edition within less than a year. The three young co-authors, Kinga Frojimovics, Vikt6éria Pusztai (now Banyai)

and Andrea Strbik, were still students majoring in Jewish studies back in those years, by now they are young scholars in their own right. The editor and the four authors owe special thanks to the staff and the students of the Center, first of all, to our secretary Zsuzsa Egyed-Aranyi. Without her assistance it would have been difficult to

prepare and handle the complex material used for the book, including organization, library research , and dealing with the photos. There were times, weeks and months, during which everyone connected

ures, respectively. ,

with the Center was doing some research for the book. Special thanks is due to Tamas Turan and | Tamas Dezsé6, both assistant professors, who helped in rabbinical matters and drew some of the fig-

In different phases of the preparation, substantial intellectual help came from R. Joseph Schweitzer, , that time director of the Rabbinical Seminary, Budapest, now emeritus in this quality and the Chief Rabbi of Hungary; and from R. Hermann Imre Schmelzer (of St. Gallen), an alumnus of the Rabbinical

Seminary in Budapest. R. Schweitzer was ready to answer our questions at all time, and further- , more, in long, detailed discussions, shared with us his recollections on Jewish life in the pre-World War II period and treasuries of his knowledge on Hungarian Jewish history. R. Schmelzer commented on the printed Hungarian version of the book in a series of long letters; his remarks proved to be most useful during the preparation of the English version. Advice and information on earlier and contemporary Jewish life, rich in intimate, sometimes hidden details, and personal recollections were given to the editor by the late Meir Weiss of the Hebrew University (R. Pal Weisz), R. Istvan Domdn, R. Gyérgy Landeszman, R. Baruch Oberlander; and in connection with his novels and stories by the late G. Gyérgy Kardos. Art historian Ferenc David and literary historian Miklés Szabolcsi read the entire preliminary manuscript in Hungarian, their wide knowledge was a gold mine of information. Parts of the manuscript were read by Jézsef Schweitzer and Laszl6 Jélesz as well. Important information and advice relating to the architecture of the capital came from the late Gabor Preisich; to literary history from Béla Stoll; to the architecture of the synagogues and the organizing potential of the Jewish community in nineteenth-century urbanization from the late Aniké Gazda—it was our honor to edit and publish her last manuscript on this subject—; to economic history from Yehudah Don (of the Bar-Ilan University); to Jewish history of Budapest from the late Karoly Vérés, from Laszl6 Varga, Gyula Zeke, Gyérgy Bence, Gyorgy Haraszti; to the history of the Holocaust from Laszl6 Karsai, who allowed us to use, and in part to excerpt, his

late father’s and his own collection of documents on the period following October 15, 1944, still , awaiting publication; to Polish emigration during World War II from Tamds Salamon-Rdcz, who as a high-ranking civil servant took part in these rescue actions; to certain moments of the Budapest stay of the Belz rebe from Joseph Silber (New York) and the writer Istvan Gabor Benedek; to the history of the Jewish hospital from Andras Losonci; to theater history from Tamas Gajd6. The architect Anna Perczel’s extensive research into city planning and the history of streets and houses in J6ézsefvaros, and—already during the preparation of the English edition of our book—in certain neighborhoods of

Erzsébetvaros and Lipétvaros, and in the old Jewish quarter proper, helped us to check and complete the available data. ‘Zsigmond Csoma, Zita Dedky and Gyula Zeke made available their collections of photos, that of Csoma & Dedaky, a rich documentation of Jewish ethnography, and Zeke’s, a representative photoV1 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

graphic archive on Jewish urban life in the early twentieth century. Gabor Izsak put at our disposal his

unpublished extensive catalogue of historical postcards of synagogues and Jewish topics in Hungary. For the English version the editor was given very useful advice by T. Ivan Berend (UCLA), Shlomo Spitzer (Bar-Ilan University) and by the respected translator of Hungarian literature Ivan Sanders (New York).

Research activity of the Center, including research for this book, has been sponsored by the , Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture (New York). The editor thankfully acknowledges institutional support from the Memorial Foundation and advice from its executive vice-president, Jerry Hochbaum; grants from the Soros Foundation (New York-Budapest); support from Brown University, Program in Judaic Studies, and its earlier director, Ernest R. Frerichs. The editor, while working on the manuscript, during his long stays there, enjoyed the hospitality, the excellent library background and the warm, cordial atmosphere at Professor Frerichs’ Brown Judaic Program, that of the Wissen-

schaftskolleg (Berlin) and of the Institute for Human Sciences (Vienna). . The Hungarian version of the book was a joint publication of the Vdroshdza (City Hall), Office of the Mayor of Budapest and our Center of Jewish Studies. Work on the book was first suggested by Gabor Demszky, the Mayor himself; he and his editorial staff gave us support throughout the project. GyOngyvér Torok of the City Hall helped in editorial work of the Hungarian version. The second Hungarian edition was sponsored by the literary weekly Elet és Irodalom. The English translation of the book was sponsored in 1995 by the Nemzeti Kulturdlis Alap (National Culture Fund of Hungary) on the initiative of its then president, Andrds Torék. During preparation of the English edition, for additional research and updating, our Center received a special research

grant from Ferenc Glatz, the President of the Magyar Tudomdnyos Akadémia (Hungarian Academy of Sciences). Editorial work of the English version was supported, in preparation for the Frankfurter | Buchmesse, 1999: Schwerpunkt Ungarn (Frankfurt Book Fair, 1999: Hungary in Focus), by the Nemzeti

Kulturdlis Orékség Minisztériuma - Frankfurt 99 Kht. (Ministry of National Cultural Heritage— Frankfurt 99 Non-Profit Organization). We would like to thank the photographers who made the original photos for this book: Zoltan Egyed, Annie Fischer-Ban6, Aliona Frankl & Laszl6 Lugo Lugosi, Csaba Gedai and Endre Labass. , Thanks are due to all those museums, libraries and institutions, which, through the generous help of their staff, have enabled us to collect and identify the illustrations used in this book and gave their — permission to publish photos from their collections. These are as follows. Magyar Nemzeti Muizeum (Hungarian National Museum), its director general Istvan Gedai and deputy director Tibor Kovacs;

its collections, the Eremtdr (Numismatic Collection); Kézépkori Régészeti Osztdly (Department of . Medieval Archaeology); Legttjabbkori Torténeti Muzeum (Museum of Modern History); Magyar | Torténelmi Képcsarnok (Hungarian Historical Gallery), and in particular its earlier director, the late , , Gizella Cenner-Wilhelmb; Torténeti Fényképtdr (Historical Photo Archives): Ertékpaptr gytijtemény (Numismatic Collection. Collection of Securities), and in particular Lajos Pall6s.—Budapesti Toérténeti Muzeum (Budapest Historical Museum), its Kiscelli Muzeum (Kiscell Museum) and Kézépkori Zsid6 Imahdz (Medieval Jewish Prayer-house).—Magyar Zsid6 Muzeum (Hungarian Jewish Museum), and in particular Frigyes Porscht, Anna Sandor and Robert B. Tur4n.—Szépmiivészeti Muzeum XX. szdza-

di Alapitvdnya (Museum of Fine Arts, Twentieth-century Art Foundation), and in particular Judit Gesk6.—A Magyar Tudomdnyos Akadémia Kényvtdra (Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences), | Oriental Collection.—Orszdgos Széchényi Kényvtdr (National Széchényi Library).—Févdrosi Szab6é Ervin Kényvtdr (“Ervin Szab6” Municipal Library), Budapest Collection.—Edtvés Lordnd Tudomdny-

egyetem (“Lordnd Eétvés” University), its Egyetemi Kényvtdr (University Library) and Torténeti _ K6nyvtdr (Faculty of Humanities, Library of the History Department).—Orszdgos Rabbiképzé Intézet

(Rabbinical Seminary, Budapest), and its library, in particular its director emeritus R. Ldszl6 Remete.—Magyar Orszdgos Levéltar (Hungarian National Archives).—Budapest Févdros Levéltdra (Budapest Municipal Archives), and in particular Laszl6 Varga.—Magyar Zsid6o Levéltdr (Hungarian Jewish Archives), in particular Zsuzsanna Toronyi.—Magyar Kereskedelmi és Vendégldtdipari Muzeum (Hungarian Trade and Catering Museum).—Magyar Mezégazdasdgi Muzeum (Hungarian Agricultural ACKNOWLEDGMENTS VII

Museum).—Andrds Szdnt6, collector, owner of a large collection of printed postcards.—Hild-Ybl Alapitudny Archivuma (Hild-Ybl Foundation Archives).—Orszdgos Mtiemlékvédelmi Hivatal (National

Office for the Preservation of Historic Monuments), and its Photo Collection.—Kunsthistorisches Museum (Vienna). Reproductions of objects from museum and archival collections and from printed books were made by Z. Laszl6 Nagy and Istvan Moricz; by Csaba Gedai for the Hungarian National Museum, Numismatic Collection; and by the staff photographers of the collections, Laszlé Jaksity and Arpad Farkas for the Museum of Modern History; Mrs. Tibor Kolthay for the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences; Mrs. Andrds Markus for the Kiscell Museum; by Mrs. Gabor

Pechan for the Budapest Municipal Archives. |

The translator of this book into English, Vera Szab6, a Yiddishist, did her best to make the material of the book accessible to the English reader. Her translation was edited by Mario Fenyé (New York), and then again and again by the editor and the authors, partly in order to update information and integrate recent research into the text of the book. Vera Benczik, an advanced student in our Department of Assyriology and Hebrew, took part in preparing the indexes of the English version. Atlantic Press, and its director, Béla K. Kirdly, initiated the present English edition. The publisher, Central European University (CEU) Press, its staff, the director, Klara Takacsi-Nagy, Péter Tamdsi publication manager, and Dolly Salg6, the proofreader, were of great help throughout the process of publishing. Typography of both the Hungarian and English versions was designed by Istvan Kiss. We owe special and warm thanks to all of them. The fact that there were two Hungarian editions indicates a certain interest in the book, which was well received by the public. Nevertheless, it was much disputed, first of all from the point of view whether the title Jewish Budapest is justified at all, and whether speaking of Jews as such in an—as critics have insisted—assimilated society was ahistoric. Yet, recent books of the type “Jewish Rome”, “Jewish Venice”, etc., or the Suhrkamp Verlag / Jiidischer Verlag series in German: Jtidisches Stddtebild on Jewish cities (Amsterdam, Krakau / Cracow, Prag / Prague, Wien / Vienna), the map of Jewish Vienna, or guides to Jewish places in the United States and in Europe all speak in favor of our choice of title. Speaking of Jewish Budapest refers, on one hand, to a distinct component in the society of Hungary, and, on the other, to a Hungarian variant of the universal Jewish culture in the Diaspora. Last but not least, the editor expresses his very special thanks to his daughter Szonja Rdéhel Komoroczy, herself an advanced student in Jewish studies, for her substantial help in editing this English version and updating information on present-day Jewish life, including its reflection in English usage. Without wanting to diminish the importance of the contribution of the three co-authors or the consultants, the editor would like to emphasize that responsibility for the data, for the views presented, and for the text with all the possible mistakes and faults rests with him.

January 16, 1999 Géza Komoroéczy

V1ll ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Contents

A Hakdome 1 |. Castle Hill 3 (1) The Old Jewish Quarter on Castle Hill 3 (2) Jewish Cemetery in Krisztinavaros 5

(3) New Jewish Quarter 7 ,

(4) The Jewish Prince of Buda 9 )

(5) The Mendel Houses 14 , (6) “Great” Synagogue 15 (7) Rabbinical Learning in Budavdar 17 (8) In Szent Gy6rgy utca 19

(9) Jahudiler Mahallesi 22

(10) The Settlement Flourished, like a Green Olive-tree 27 | (11) Next Year in Jerusalem 34 (12) “Small” Synagogue: Medieval Jewish Prayer-house 35

(13) The Gravestone of Lady Sarah (1656) 36 ,

, (14) The Gravestone of Lady Freudel (1672) 36 (15) Mazl Tov! 38 (16) The Recapture of Buda (1686) 38

Il. Obuda 41 (1) Institutions of a Jewish Community 42

(2) The Obuda Synagogue 44 (3) Inscription on the Facade 49

(4) The “Dressing” of the Torah 50 (5) Jewish Burghers of Obuda 52 (6) The Jewish School Opened, Closed, then Reopened Again 57 (7) The 1838 Flood of Pest-Buda 58 (8) The New Cemetery of Obuda 60 (9) A Noted Rabbi of Obuda: Gyula Wellesz (1872-1915) 62 (10) Rabbi Miinz as Supervisor of the Jews of Pest 63

Ill. Kiraly utca: The Old-Old Jewish Quarter of Pest 67 (1) Marketers, Innkeepers 67

(2) The Orczy House 71 | (3) Synagogue and Temple in the Orczy House 75 (4) Prayer-houses in Kirdly utca and Its Neighborhood 82 (5) The Orczy Café 84 (6) Out of the Ghetto 87 (7) The Pest Reform Society 96

: (8) In 1848, in front of the Orczy House 100 | , IV. The Jewish Triangle in Pest 105 (1) Synagogue or Temple? 105 | | (2) The Dohany utca Synagogue 107 CONTENTS 1X

(3) A Small Portrait Gallery of the Rabbis of Dohany utca 113 | (4) The Reading of the Torah 117 (5) Rejoicing of the Torah 120 (6) General Jewish Congress, 1868/69 121 (7) What is Jewish? 127

(8) Theodor Herzl in Pest 127 (10) In the Synagogue 138 (9) The Rombach 132

(11) The Priestly Blessing 142 (12) Tallit, Tefillin—Shema, Kaddish 143

(13) Orthodox Synagogue in Kazinczy utca 147. (14) Mikveh 150 (15) Wedding 151

, V. Erzsébetvaros 157 (1) Shops and Nightclubs, also Cafés, Restaurants, etc. 157 (2) Purim in Kirdly utca 165 (3) 4 Holl6é utca 169

(4) Secondhand Bookstores, Book Sellers 173 (5S) Hebrew Printing Houses 175

(6) The Jewish Home: the Mezuzah 179 | (7) Oneg Shabbat 180 (8) Havdalah 182 (9) Hanukkah 182 (10) Seder 184 (11) Jewish Names 190 (12) Berit, Pidyon ha-ben, Bar mitzvah 191 (13) Kosher and Treyfe 193 | (14) A Hat, a Skullcap 196 (15) The Synagogue in Vasvari Pal utca 197 (16) Sukkot 198

VI. J6zsefvaros 201 (1) The Rabbinical Seminary of Hungary 201 (2) Hungarian National Museum: A Roman Gravestone from Aquincum 212

Vil. Terézvaros 214 (1) Sugar ut / Andrdassy ut 214 (2) Wahrmann Palace 214 (3) 43 Andrdssy ut and Two Neighboring Buildings, nos. 39 and 41 217 (4) The Transformation of Terézvaros 218 (5) The Baumgarten Foundation 218 (6) Parisiana 220 (7) Two Jewish Journals: Egyenléség and Mult és J6vé 222 (8) Café “Japan” and Ernst Museum 223 (9) Behind Andrdssy ut 224 (10) The Synagogue in Dessewffy utca 226 (11) A Kosher Eatery: “The Niszel” 226

X CONTENTS

Vill. The Pest Jewish Community 253 (1) 12 Sip utca 254 (2) Assembly Hall 256 (3) The Sequence of the Rashekols 257 (4) Population 262 (S) Prayer Groups, Organizations, Institutions 265

(6) The Jewish Hospital 274 | (7) Schools 276

(8) Zsid6 Gimndzium: The Jewish Secondary / High School 281 } (9) The Age of Design and Construction 287 | (10) The Heroes’ Temple 293 (11) Hungarian Jewish Museum / National Jewish Religious

and Historical Collection 297 (12) Sabbatarian Codices 300 (13) Goldmark Hall 301 (14) Time Reckoning, Calendar, Luah 304 (15) Order of Holidays 306 (16) Beyond Nagyk6rtt, the Outer-Erzsébetvdros 316

IX. Lipétvaros, Uj-Lipétvaros 319 (1) The Plan that Was Never Realized: The Lipétvaros Synagogue 323 (2) The Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences 327 (3) Aurél Stein (1862-1943) 332 (4) Kagal and the Nyugat 333 (5S) The Bourgeois Casino of Lipétvaros 334 (6) The Pulitzer House 335 (7) Uj-Lipotvaros 336 (8) Alfréd Hajé6s Swimming Pool 339

X. J6zsefvaros, beyond the Boulevard 341 (1) Jewish Quarter of the Petit Bourgeois 342 (2) The Refuge of the Belzer Rebe in Pest 344

(3) The Former Apartment of Sandor Scheiber 347 | (4) Sephardi Prayer-house 348 (5) Teleki tér 348 (6) Anti-Semitic Party in the Pub 349

XI. Neighbors of the Pest Jewish Community 350 (1) Buda 350 (2) Ujpest 355

Xll. Pest, 1944, Ghetto 359 (1) Laws against the Jews 359

(2) Theater of the Exiled 364 | (3) Forced Labor Service 369 (4) The Era of Catastrophe, I 370 (5) Yellow-star Houses 382 (6) The Era of Catastrophe, II 383 (7) Death March 389 (8) Righteous Gentiles 394 (9) Protected Houses 401

, ConTENTs Xi

(10) Red Danube 407 (11) The Glass House 408 (12) Terrible Responsibility 411 (13) In the Ghetto (December 5, 1944-January 18, 1945) 413 (14) Fateless 424 (15) Briha: A Chapter from the So Far Unwritten History of Hungarian Jews

after World War II 424 ,

XIll. Jewish Cemeteries 426 , (1) Death 426 (2) The Hevrah Kaddishah 427 (3) Purification of the Dead 428 (4) The Cemetery 429

(5) Funeral 430431 . | (6) Mourning

(8) Gravestone, Inscription 433 (7) Visiting the Grave 432

(9) Symbols on Gravestones 434 (10) The Old Orthodox Cemetery in Csérsz utca 436 (11) The Cemetery in Salgétarjani utca 439 (12) The Cemetery in Kozma utca 442 (13) The New Orthodox Cemetery 445

XIV. Jewish Life in Budapest Today 446 (1) Some Recent Events Indicating the Changes in the Setting of the Jewish Community 446 (2) What Is the Situation Today? 454 (3) Ashkenazi and Sephardi—or How to Pronounce the Hebrew of the Bible? 457 (4) The Yiddish in Pest 461

(5) Jewish Hospitality 463

(6) Tshulent and Gefilte Fish 465

XV. The Invisible Jewish Budapest 468 (1) Houses, All Over the City 469 (2) Hebrew or Yiddish Loanwords in Hungarian 476 (3) The Jewish Joke 482 (4) Corpus Juris Hungarici 485 (5) Still Visible, But Not What It Used to Be 486

XVI. Comments on the Illustrations 498

XVII. Bibliography 546 ,

Index 566

Xll_ ConTENTS :

|

A Hakdome

Buda, Obuda, Pest: the population of the historical Budapest was rather diverse during the past centuries. Indeed, the city’s socio-ethnic character can be defined in many ways. In any case, a person living in Buda, whether a subject of the Hungarian king or a citizen of Hungary, was hungarus, Hungarian. The inhabitants of Buda speak Hungarian—wrote Evliya Chelebi somewhat surprised in the seventeenth century, after a century or so of Turkish rule. But there were times during the occupation when Buda was a Turkish-speaking city. In those times, though, as Evliya notes, its population was mostly Bosnian. From the late Middle Ages on its burghers generally were Germans: the “Law Book of Buda” was written in German and the nineteenth-century Hungarian poet, Janos Arany, too, referred to Pest as a city where “there were stink and German and litter on the streets”. At the same time the medieval and modern towns eventually united as Budapest were Jewish cities, too. There was a Jewish quarter in each one of them. In Europe and over the world several great cities still have Jewish quarters or neighborhoods: Antwerp,

Lower East Side and Harlem of earlier days) and have had them oom Gey ABS See eee

in the Middle East until very recently: as in Cairo or Baghdad. Mere tf apa

On weekdays the streets are swarming with a busy crowd, [LMP L™ AMT TT buying and selling, hurrying to and fro. Men in black or biber f° f 7m Digi) “een

car which just broke down or in the subway—men wearing te, a : Se ee NT

kaftans, velvet kippahs under their black hats, boots or breeches, aon fe is ee ga) \\ ae

black stockings. Boys with curly sidelocks among the regular a 2 i : { ra . | :— ee

metropolitan crowd, on foot, by bicycle or riding a bus. Bearded i ei 6

or satin. Women whose head is carefully covered with ker- _ wT ve 8 chiefs, beautiful hats, or they are wearing wigs (shaytl), per- rie ‘- a. F

prayer-houses (shtibl) around the corner. Saturday morning | shines with festivity. Men wearing their shabesdik, festive clothes: white stockings (zokn) and flat shoes (shikh), white wool threads, the tsitses hanging from 1. Street vendors on under their coats. In Brooklyn or in Mea Shearim, Jerusalem, one can see men in wide, flat, fur- Tlek! ter 1912. edged hats (shtrayml)—with velvet in the middle, occasionally sable tails hanging from the sides, s weatna lemme. altogether thirteen: this is what the distinguished Hasidic rebe wears. They too are Jews: a people. Such scenes are rare in Budapest. Occasionally one may catch a glimpse of it in the Wesselényi or Kazinczy utca, in the courtyard behind the Orthodox synagogue. An iron frame in the back of the courtyard—the frame of a huppah. Steps leading up to a small prayer-house and the “Hannah” restaurant. But the people in black kaftans are mostly tourists, Hasidic pilgrims visiting the graves of the rebe of Liszka or Kdll6 (Kalev). Similar might be the atmosphere once a year, on a late summer eve in front of the Romantic Moorish synagogue in Dohdny utca, when hundreds or perhaps thousands A Haxpome 1

of people gather for Kol nidrei. People here never wear the special garb of the Ultra-Orthodox but they,

too, dress up for the festive occasion. Men in black hats, women in lace kerchiefs. Someone unfa- , miliar might pass by without noticing: they are gathering for a Jewish holiday, a service. Yet a Jewish quarter does exist in Budapest; moreover, Jewish life here is not restricted to the Jewish quarter. Budapest does have a Jewish face as well: it may not be visible to everyone, but those who know about it will recognize the Jewish traits immediately. A sefer on a hakdome iz vi a guf on a neshome, “A book without a foreword is like a body without soul”—says a Yiddish proverb. Therefore, let us continue with the following. This book is about the Jewish face of Budapest: in other words, about the Jewish Budapest, about the Hungarian capital as a Jewish city. Naturally, this is only one aspect, one flavor of the metropolis. There is also a Roman- and a Greek-Catholic Budapest, a Lutheran and a Calvinist Budapest, a German, a Serbian and a Gypsy Budapest and some people may know that there was—and maybe still is— a Greek Budapest, as well. We chose to write about Jewish monuments and relics, about the history of Jews in Buda, Obuda

and Pest: past and present Jewish life as an organic part of the life of the Hungarian capital, Budapest—be it memory or living reality. We will also write about Jewish life in general, about every-

day life which is the same or very similar anywhere in the goles, in the Diaspora. Our intention is not to write a guidebook, for such books already exist. Nor do we want to describe historical processes in a comparative perspective. We are to write only about those parts of the city where there is a story to tell: glimpses of Hungarian Jewish history. We will mainly talk about places where history is still visible, where it can be located, where its traces still exist or at least we know what happened there: in other words, we will describe the history of places that surround us, that

Budapest. }

are part of life in Budapest today. ,

We shall proceed according to the chronological sequence of the birth of Jewish quarters in

2 A HAKDOME

|. Castle Hill

(1) The Old Jewish Quarter on Castle Hill (Szent Gyargy tér' / Szent Gydrgy utca’)

In medieval Hungary, like in the rest of Europe, the ee Ouae. rad 7 — Ay “keeping” of Jews, that is, giving Jews permission Zz 7 ~ , / ~ eee ces on a . i: to settle down, was the right of the ruler, the king. KY: a "cos pee | From the fourteenth century on the king occasion- PAG wis 2 ) Bee AA seca ~ =

the not. Fictaney: Je tal Ih Af ey = ally renounced this right and gave itto members of BANE] . ~4 Loe PS ee. |

Jews settled in the new capital, Buda, i.e. on today’s Ce ee Ea) ope | = : (1241/42) as part of the reorganizational program oe eee peel ena Le © \!

Castle Hill, after the Tartar invasion of the country Ze oy Pe A ry 4 = | under King Béla IV (1235-1270). At that time Buda es P hie 5 + oe oh aa A

was called Uj-hegy (New Hill) or Uj-Buda (New tag ils yg bs ead AN Buda) of “Pest”—this was how the territory that is ig WY | Kema QER YP _-! FN

now called Obuda (Old Buda) gained its name. fe e 3 mame. ONE € eE- 7]

Jews may have lived here even before, during the des fe er ary

(ge “| ‘eee

special protection of the king. He allowed Jews to -F>—— = / oe oo ONS ae ee Ree: 4

practice their religion, to choose their own “priests” Caen __- A (rabbis) and judges, to build synagogues. In certain legal disputes among Jews their own judges were allowed to decide; this basically meant that the 2. Mint, 1515 king accepted traditional Jewish customs and law. He reserved himself the right to hand down sentences in certain serious cases. Jews were considered serfs of the Chamber (servus camerae), therefore they were called “Jews belonging to the Royal Chamber (Judaei ad cameram regiam pertinentes)”. The consequence of this status was a special tax Jews were expected to pay. In commercial transactions their situation was similar to the rest of the city burghers. Several measures were taken to protect them from atrocities and abuse. King Béla’s Charter of Freedom for Jews, based on the privileges issued by the Duke of Austria, Frederick II (the Belligerent) of Babenberg (1230-1246) in 1238, and its modified version from 1244 remained in effect in Hungary until the Battle of Mohacs (1526); the Jewish community managed to renew it with every monarch. A certain Count Teka / Theka (comes or comes camerae / Kammergraf), a rich gentleman who was supposedly Jewish at least by birth, played a considerable role in the financial affairs of the Hungarian

Kingdom at the beginning of the thirteenth century, in the 1220s. King Andrew (Endre) II (1205-1235) mentions him in one of his charters under the name Teha, calling him a “Jew” (iudeus)° and “a count, because he has been placed in charge of the treasury”. A coin, from the times of King Béla (Belae rex), i.e. Béla IV, has the Hebrew letter tet on its reverse, probably the initial of Teka. ' Hungarian tér means square. ? Hungarian utca means street.

> When quoting from Medieval sources we retained the original spelling. Consequently, several names and words are given in a form different from the classical spelling, e.g. iudeus for Judaeus.

CasTLe Hitt 3

3. Denarius of King | 7 erranN Around 1235 this Teka can be traced in Austria, at the court of Frederick sehen (Istvan) V, Sh fk OO. of Babenberg. He may have played a role in transmitting the charter of

Fal ‘gement. ia the Frederick to Béla IV. But the main reason for issuing privileges to Jews mint-mark the po fo a an must have been that Béla—aware of foreign models—realized that “keep-

Hebrew letter a/ef ON ing Jews”, allowing Jews to live in the country entailed advantages for

ee After the Tartar hordes left the country, the king, returning from exile, Nee moved from Esztergom to Buda. He established several new institutions —a—_ in his new residence, in the Castle of Buda, including a mint (fabrica). Soe Earlier the only mint was in Esztergom. Around 1250 Béla invited Henuk (Hanokh / Henokh) or Henel Le (Hanele) from Vienna to Buda‘? It seems likely that Henuk, earlier in the service of Frederick II, won

mi, ane position by lending money to the king. It must have been he who introduced minting in } i ee In those times the mint was somewhere in the southwestern part of the Castle. Today this is the area Loom between Szent Gyorgy tér and Szent Gyérgy utca. Henuk, the Lord of the Chamber (Hungarian kamaralife prmce’ ispdn) or Count of the Royal Chamber (comes camerae regiae) rented the thirtieth (tricessimatura, Vege part of the foreign trade customs duty) from the Queen, and lent further amounts of money to King aw Béla IV for which in return he received castles, land and mills in Veszprém, Komarom and Tata. There eer is evidence that the Count of the Royal Chamber, his sons and other descendants, a certain Altman

Obverse and reverse. . .

4. Denarius of King among them, were Jewish. Their names but also the fact that Hebrew signs appear on the copper Stephen (Istvan). = coins of Béla, the so-called “Tartar coins”, and on the silver coins of Stephen (Istvan) V (1270-1272)

Original size “including Hebrew letters, e.g. alef, het, kof, mem and even a pe, could not be explained any other way. Each letter appears on the same mintage. The Hebrew letters may have stood for the name of the Count of the Royal Chamber or some other high dignitary who issued the coin, most definitely

5 Denarius of kin ita a Jew. The letter het could stand for Henuk, alef for Altman (Oltman). Béla IV. Obverse. ; i ee, The letter pe may have stood for “Fredmanus (iudeus comes camerae)”.

Enlargement. fn ON Throughout the thirteenth century the king regularly appointed Jews to nie nova the Ng ON | head the Chamber and they were put in charge of minting as well. The

ee a | Bishop of Olmiitz complained to Pope Gregory X (1271-1276) that in eo SS Austria, like in Bohemia and Moravia, there are too many Jews in the Wee mints. It is possible that King Ladislaus (Laszl6) IV (1272-1290) prohibWN Ug ited the use of Hebrew mintages. His successor, Andrew (Endre) III iT d (1290-1301) defended the monetarius people: “A Jew is in charge of our el currency and it is his merit that our city is praised everywhere.”

6. Denarus of King ee. | The earliest J ewish quarter of Buda was near the mint, between what Bs IV. Ohverse. BE yt. today times—in Szent Gyorgy ter and Szent Gyorgy utca, on the western side. Enlargement. 2 =~... +=.isnthose the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries—it was called In the mintmark the eo Jewish street (platea Judeorum / Juden Gasse). Judging from the Jewish Sag te }, charter issued by Béla we may assume that there was a synagogue, too.

bet The Illuminated Chronicle of the Hungarians by Marc Kalti (1358) does oe So indeed refer to a synagogue (Synagoga Judeorum): it mentions a certain ca allel gate which stands next to the synagogue. The building itself could have

see been under what is Disz tér today or under the former building of the

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as Laszl6 Zolnay, the archaeologist who excavated in the area meant. Others, e.g. Andras Kubinyi, a historian, locate the synagogue further to the North. The gate mentioned in IJIJuminated Chronicle as the predecessor of Fehérvari gate was called Jewish gate or Sabbath gate. (Occasionally it was called Logodi gate, after the neighboring village.) * The transliteration of Hebrew names and words throughout the book follows the system applied by the Encyclopaedia Judaica, modified if necessary and omitting the diacritical signs. Yiddish, on the other hand, is transliterated according to the vivo (New York) standard. The Germanized spelling of Hebrew and Yiddish, traditional in Hungary, is indicated only in some rare cases.

4 Caste HILt |

near the Sabbath gate. “pe |

Another name that survives is Sabbath place, probably an open space

The name Sabbath gate (Porta Sabbatina, Porta Sabbati / in Hunga-

rian: Zombath kapw) refers most probably to the fact that the Jewish A | quarter was closed for the Sabbath (from Friday evening until Satur-

. . . , . Middle Ages .

day evening): it was surrounded by a chain or segregated by some ~ Jewish quarter in the late other means, as was customary up until modern times. (In Kis-Marton/

Kismarton / Eisenstadt, today in Burgenland, Austria, one can still see Ae ,

pillars which held such chains.) . Oar The enclosure for the Sabbath (eruv, “inclusion” or “unification”) \\ NY 2

unites public and private domain and thus allows some freedom from ef : the traditionally strict Sabbath rules. On the Sabbath it is forbidden e to certaintothings from private domain (reshut ha-yahid), suchway as \\, \\ , an carry apartment, public domain (reshut ha-rabbim) or the other

. . 1250-1360

around, because this would be considered work and thus break the Jewish (Fehérvari) gate SS r\ ,

commandment of resting on the Sabbath (Genesis 2,2-3; Exodus .

20,10). The Sabbath chain or Sabbath rope achieves the “unification Old Jewish quarter, OM

of the domains (eruv hatzerot)” and thus allows smaller things to be \ 2 carried from one place to another within the private domain. It is for- Xs bidden to go further than two thousand cubits or steps from one’s y dwelling place (Exodus 16,29). Another way of ritually uniting a terri- : tory larger than the city within the Sabbath boundaries (tehum shabbat) is to place food on the border point, thus uniting the two separate two thousand step domains 7. The two Jewish

(eruv tehumim). Streets and

The first Jewish quarter in Buda must have evolved by the end of the thirteenth century. In 1279 ian

the Synod of Buda, called together by the Holy See, forbade Christians to dwell under one roof with

Jews and to communicate with them in a friendly manner—a sign that Jews and Christians must

have lived together peacefully in Buda earlier. The growth of population and the desire to avoid conflicts must have justified segregation from the Jewish point of view as well. Moreover, the Synod of Buda ordered Jews to wear a discriminating badge: a patch of round red cloth (circulus de panno rubeo) on their upper garment, above their heart. The first Jewish source concerning the Jews of Buda also dates from the thirteenth century. Yitzhak ben Moshe, author of Or zaru'a (“Spreading light”, ca. 1260), a collection of responsa (for the source of the title see Psalms 97,11), was a rabbi in Vienna, who visited Hungary (eretz Hagar), Buda (Buda in the Hebrew text too) and Esztergom sometime before 1217. He was asked a Halakhic question (she'elah), whether the hot springs (in Latin texts: calidae aquae) may be used by women for their monthly ritual bath instead of cold water. His answer was affirmative: the Talmud, too, permits the use of the good thermal waters of Tiberias. The story bears additional information for us, namely that the Jews of Buda did not have a rabbi to decide over the important question of the daily and monthly use of the mikveh. In any case, the thermal waters of Buda were now considered ritually pure.

(2) Jewish Cemetery in Krisztinavaros (Alagut utca-Pauler utca-Roham utca-Attila utca)

The cemetery of the old Jewish quarter (sepoltura Judeorum) lay beyond the city walls, West of the Castle Hill, in Krisztinavaros, along the Szent Pal creek, which was covered and renamed Ordégérok in the nineteenth century. This is the area between Alagtt utca, Pauler utca, Roham utca and Attila utca today. Its oldest known gravestone is dated 1278. It shows the name of R(av) Pesah b(en) r(av)

Peter, i.e. “Master Pesah, son of Master Peter”; this is the oldest gravestone in all of Buda with a date on it. It was found in its original place (in situ) on the corner of Alagtit utca and Pauler utca in 1894. Today it is on display in the Budapest Historical Museum.

Castle Hitt 5

ighteenth century the Jews

ing in thejustify eig ir claims for theto king ‘ustifv their to , A ferred to thes Jews receive _ In aneal app e gravestones ‘ved an entire Re eee of Buda re cestors of the poor Jews stic and most gloSoh. a” operty: “The an eisfrom the maje here are A emus. "Saar pr nagogu : ause the CNS ish street and a sy is certain bec fl. Se Jewish s Hungary; this is c he gravestones (die RA eh EE ak rious kings of HuWud old inscriptions on t ne the houses of that CoE lite cava ae d-yearAE OS Marie five-six-hundre n Stein gehauen) next i in (he OP NET Gi ek eam iften i , 1713 e to King J otis Grabinschriften Heiisern)’—they wro les VI. The dates

Pea ootaaime: tetPe (nebst denen Helse 0) /2Emperor Charles VI The date ge et at be Vi ae istorical c at pera MT (Karoly) II (171 ort the historic 7 A) ae fe tones served to brew they ha "

\. Zing. a Deg e ve en, Satie ws of Buda. tones and :converting the d Re OOO On ficulty rea nological sy ° ravepA Seer tot kde on the graves Being well versed in He erting the date;

Oe ene aay at al de ding the text on | system, the “minor

bt cde cae aTi.bs, BAA Se Ic chronolog t only theno gf PN rrcnhoe dine _ Le dost the same ly knew CEN 2 Te OE ae they use probably Recapture 0 Sal hee ¢ The Jews of Buda m of the Castle after the vs in the

OU aeees oo eee pealsoildings veston APOE from the buil vwe seen the graerao tion compared aRagu - stones "84>, MUS _ dir years Mmday ort property C . ce ione e ’ 4 . se nN ° 2 tone to ble. new one, entury.

| The “five-six hundre estimation to supp ot the old Jewish

, metery in eee ete ah teenth century, but a loo d in the text was probably ’s Tancsics Mihaly S The earest the reality, namely the t The Jewish street mention ne, Werb6czy utca, today By the eighteenth

Jewish beapp accepta a, but theunti id-eighteenth c erewused of Buda, thaGyorgy . szent sh ;grav: t ealgraves may utca, ilGy the mid-eig estones of “Rav Pesah, street, what is today d to as Juden Gasse up o longer known. Jewi thine Church, the

ce.) utca. ion of the firs Istvan / St. a, 1.2 an 9038 (1278 the location thers the utca, 1, , onastery), entury 14: among o }3832Uriand melite m

son of Rav Peter’ The latter was referre first Jewish quarter was n St. Stephen’s Chapel o d 4 Hess Andras tér,

' Nn. ° ~

: ting newfor buildings, utca, (the former tle, Car inin thethe former sumJewish graveerec entharomsag -11 and 13 Sz° 4z} utca -9 Szinhaz

in in Buda on ihalyMi utca, 4,Cas tleonand ev K6lt6 utca). vations t the 4b-hegy of Turkis the ,ions former =]Bu TGAncsics . Gyorgy P;throughou , 4kai Svdabm(19 theiod perio display in the t tér, list Mér Joka d partly fro the idarium in the 1-2 Szent us novelis iddle Ages and p ingle site? If so, Jews vaionsinBuiaon HOUSES underne tca, 4, 5 and 7 Disz ter, d even further away fro tca). The gravestones h

Lapidarium in f the famo the Mid Na sing -

rom cen ight: gravestone of = pute.stones using the Tur | build the right: graves from eded to gravesto re mus wos tbeen thetha grave lals were ne and its Lady| Buda Freude oft have ibility is materia inavdros its°gnes are a sibility hen isztinavaro _ he Ch. |, 14, below "a The Je itnesses as tion w eS — es . d by eye-witne f some construc _ ine Sa nineteenth century. eteenth century stone f the Rabbinical ~~ d of Professor o . h . een at the enthe Davidnin Kaufmann, t first in a daily, the Spek) oe were oun Budapest, published an jai Ertesité, a journal (ae inary Budapest, haeologi niet Te aof) ° ° e e b] ]

° e e e ° . . e e e°ee°°°°

° J ° e e e .e°°. .e. ° °° !eeef eh

° . ° ° . ° ' (eq b>) h . h

CastLeE Hit 11

“hortts kinder Israhel”, “Hear, sons of Israel”—in Hebrew, Shema Yisra’el. The banner in Prague confirms Seybold’s translation. The Jews of Buda could have chosen the name Shekhinah instead of God’s name; shekhinah “(God’s) dwelling place”, symbolically means God himself. But it is more likely that the person who explained the meaning of the words to Bonfini did not understand them fully either and thus mistook the letter mem in shema for the letters kaf and yod in shekhinah. The strange embroidery must be a five- or rather six-pointed “shield of David (magen David)”. The five- or six-pointed star or, for that matter, the pentagon or hexagon was an emblem in the banner and so was the pointed Jewish hat; the six-pointed star was not yet among the important Jewish symbols in those times. It is possible that Mendel’s pointed hat was an ordinary, if rather fancy, Judenhut. The Jews of Buda must have carried a Torah scroll with them, a real scroll in a mantle, i.e. “dressed up”; it even had a golden Torah shield. They held the Torah in front of the royal couple waiting for them to kiss it—this is how Jews themselves honor the holy book. They chanted ritual songs and prayers. They wore clothes which are normally worn to pray: the “ephod” or “hood” must have been the tallit, a huge prayer shawl which covered their head and shoulders. Though they participated in a celebration of the court, a Christian ceremony, their behavior was strictly traditional. It is obvious that leaders of the Jewish community of Buda were accepted in the court of King Matthias as Jews. True, the Queen did not want to kiss the Torah—she probably did not even understand why it is being held in front of her and rejected the obtrusive gesture. The authors who reported on the festivities, all members of the court, some of them foreigners, admired the wealth of the Jews of Buda. Their garments and accessories were completely unfamiliar to them. 1490: Uldaszl6 II is elected king. The J ews greeted the king outside Uj-Buda, carrying the “tablets of Moses” (Mosis tabulae) and asking him to observe their privileges (Bonfini, Decades, IV, x,32). September 21 (day of the coronation): The Prefect escorted the king to Fehérvdr leading a banderi-

, um with weapons of such pomp as man had never seen. 1502: The wedding of Ul4szl6 and Anne of Candale. The king received his bride in Székesfehérvar on September 27. The Jewish Prince was present, too, accompanied by other Jews in ceremonial garb (Pierre Choque). The imprint of Jacob Mendel’s seal is preserved on a contract (December 12, 1496); his initials in Hebrew characters are J M. Mendel’s often-mentioned sword was in possession of the Andrdssy family (Mano Andrassy) until after World War I. Today the Jewish Museum exhibits a sword of honor, an antique one, with two inscriptions on its steel blade, Hebrew intarsia in silver: “Juwu, my Lord, the strength of my deliverance” (Psalms 140,8) and, among the words of the first inscription in an oval frame, the second: “Let the name of Juwu be blessed now and forever” (Psalms 113,2). Was this Mendel’s sword? Several older scholars expressed their opinion or hope that it was. Actually, it dates from the seventeenth century. The inscription is a fine intarsia, which could only have been manufactured together with the sword, maybe for a Jewish customer. In those times Jews never wrote down the four holy letters (the Tetragammaton). This way of spelling could only have been known to someone who looked it up in the Hebrew Bible. In fact, the learned customer certainly knew the continuation of the short quotations as well, which suits a sword perfectly: “You protected my head on the day of battle.” (Psalms 140,8)

The Andrdssy sword could not have been Mendel’s, but it reveals much about the level of familiarity

with the Hebrew Bible in the seventeenth century. The literature mentions another sword in the Andrdassy collection: a short, curved scimitar. (If it is not identical with the previous one, its location is unknown.) According to the descriptions this sword has the same inscription:

12 Caste Hitt |

pW) OPI WRIYD ANDO CNW? TY "ITN 7 “H' [Ha-SHEM], my Lorp, the strength of my deliverance,

You protected my head on the day of battle.” (Psalms 140,8)

God’s name is written according to Jewish tradition. It is impossible to tell the origin of the sword from the short descriptions. The Mendel family had a great career: members of the family were leaders of the J ewry of Buda and Hungary for about three quarters of a century. Andras Kubinyi argues that it was the treasurer (thesaurarius) of King Matthias, Janos Ernuszt (Hamp6), who helped them settle in Buda, possibly because of their previous business contacts. Ernuszt was a Jew from Vienna who converted to Christianity; he became a burgher of Buda, purveyor by special appointment, merchant, royal treasurer. He must have advised King Matthias to establish the Jewish prefecture. The goal of this change was to ensure the collection of taxes: this way one person was responsible for collecting taxes from the Jewish communities of several cities. In King Matthias’s times there were 10-15 of them. Half of all taxes collected in Buda were paid by Jews. The situation was probably similar in other towns. This meant a lot of money. Like Ernuszt, Mendel was a financier, which is why he was in the service of the king. After the death of King Matthias someone wrote about him: “He must have been as wealthy as the two counts (graf) of the country together.” It was the 1251 privilege issued by Béla IV that encouraged Jews to engage in financial transactions, money-lending and pawnbroking. According to Biblical law Jews may not collect interest on loans to each other (Deuteronomy 23,20-21). Interest could be collected on certain conditions on loans of cash, but never on loans of grain; based on the principle of solidarity, there were different regulations for transactions among Jews and non-Jews, rich and poor (Mekhilta, ad Exodus 22,24). Christianity accepted the same principle. In Hungary, as well as in the rest of medieval Europe, the Christian Church forbade Christians to collect interest from each other. The privilege of Béla IV as well as the Law Digest of Buda permitted Jews to carry out financial transactions. They could take pledges for money-loans. They had to renew their claims every year, or else forfeit their right. In case their loan was not paid back, they were allowed to sell the pawn or collect their claims some other way. In the fifteenth century maximum interest rate was—according to the regulations of King Sigismund (Zsigmond)—2% weekly, which could amount to over 100% a year, although this rarely happened due to the usually shorter periods of loans. With other loans the amount of debt doubled whenever the due date was extended. The high interest rate was matched by high risk: the king, exercising his pardoning privilege, often canceled interest payments to Jews. This was called “letter-killing” (Brieftéten), maybe because canceling the debt meant literally punching a hole in the contract. Apart from trade which was made difficult in many ways, financial transactions were the only other way Jews could make a living; lending money to royal courts, towns and aristocrats also meant a chance to win permission to reside. King Matthias’s decree ordered the Prefect to apportion taxes among Jews. The Prefect was granted official help to collect taxes. But he also had the right to see to it that the privilege of Jews was observed everywhere. Harassment of Jews would have reduced the taxes they pay. The Prefect was a mediator between towns and Jews in legal disputes and he relayed Jewish complaints to the king. He also took measures against Jews who converted to Christianity if they meant to harm the Jewish community. In matters concerning the whole of Jewry he asked for the opinion of each

community. He lent money to Christian burghers and nobles, towns and the royal court. King Uldszl6 owed large sums to his Prefect. Louis (Lajos) I (1516-1526) had to pledge even his silver ware. The Prefect, a man of high rank, had a say-so in state matters as well. As a privilege of his rank he and his family were exempt from the obligation of wearing identification badge, even when traveling abroad. In Hungary, like in the rest of Europe, Jews were required to wear identification badges time and again during the Middle Ages. The first such regulation after the Golden Bull (1222) was issued by CastLtE Hit 13

Andrew (Endre) II on the request of Pope Gregory IX (1227-1241) in 1233 (Oath of Bereg). The Council

of Buda (1279) prescribed that Jews wear a round patch of red cloth; the yellow patch marked other “Eastern” foreigners—Saracens and Ismaelites. According to the Law Digest of Buda the Jewish badge is a red coat (rother mantel, J ewish coat) with a yellow patch (gilber fleck, Jewish patch) which may not be hidden—a sign of German influence. Later it was a hood, csuklya in Hungarian (capucinum quod vulgariter cuclya vocatur) or a pointed hat, the Jewish hat (Judenhut). All these marks implied strong negative discrimination, those who wore them were placed at a serious disadvantage compared to others. The charter issued by Béla IV, naturally, did not contain anything like that; Matthias and later the Jagellos extended the privileges of the Jewish Prefect to all Jews, at first only to those living in Buda, but later, after the time of Louis (Lajos) II—despite the strong resistance of the German inhabitants of the city—to the Jews of all Hungary (1520). The burghers of Pozsony protested: Jews should not be allowed to dress the way they do in Buda, i.e. walk around without wearing the Jewish insignia. Louis II calmed them down: “Wearing the Jewish hood in this country is unheard of’—wrote Pal Vardai, at that time Royal Treasurer in Buda, later, after the Battle of Mohdacs,

Archbishop of Esztergom. And when King Ferdinand prescribed wearing the Jewish insignia, a round yellow patch over the heart, in the Austrian provinces, his order did not apply to the Hungarian ter-

ritories of the country. (5) The Mendel Houses (23, 26, 28 Tancsics Mihaly utca)

The Mendel family had several residences in the (new) Jewish street, in Hebrew rehov ha-Yehudim, “street of the Jews”, near the city wall, on both sides of the street. We must assume the huge building-complex served multiple functions: it was the home of the Jewish Prefect, the dwelling place of people in service of the community, as well as a synagogue. Excavations so far could uncover only parts of the buildings. Next to some buildings from times long before the Mendel family some archaeological remains were found which could not have belonged to ordinary houses of those times, for instance, arches over octagonal stone pillars. These arches served to create one large room out of several small ones on the ground floor. The “great” synagogue was built in one of the courtyards. This was the center of the “holy community”. The Prefect was entitled to appoint the chief rabbi of Buda. Ulaszlé6 even gave him the right to appoint the chief rabbi of Hungary, as an extension of the rights of the chief rabbi of Buda. He also appointed the employees of the community, in those times the cantor (hazzan) and other community servants (shammash / judex ordinarius / subjudex / Meister, in Hungarian: kisbird). These servants (beadle / shames)—there was more than one—acted from time to time on behalf of the Prefect as delegates (shaliah, delegate). The building even had a jail, should the Prefect need to imprison someone (a Jew) for unpaid taxes or some other minor transgression.

* Under the Jagellos there were several pogroms in the Jewish street. The mob never missed the Mendel Houses. One of the pogroms, that of August 1496, is described by Bonfini (Decades, V, v, 102-109) in the final passage of his historical work. He names general dissatisfaction as the cause of the tragic events. The Bishop of Eger as well as the king himself took energetic measures against the raging mob. “In the street of the Jews some irresponsible Christian youngsters caused a riot, shouting disrespectfully in front of the doors of the Jews, throwing stones at their windows. When the Jews tried to chase them away, a crowd of shady characters, mostly poor people who were ready to destroy and plunder, attacked them.

14 CastLe Hit , |

| (...) The fight lasted till midnight. At dawn some people, not satisfied with the unsuccessful attack of the night before and hoping for more plunder, launched a new attack on the houses of the Jews; the crowd grew

from hour to hour, they smashed the doors and windows, stole their belongings, jumped on the pawned articles, gold and silver dishes, silk dresses; others, waiting for the bandits at some distance from the houses, attacked them and took the stolen goods—thinking this was a safer way to rob (...). Moreover, the servants

of the elegant Jews, who were ordered by their masters and the king to help fight against the riot, started plundering themselves, pretending to protect the house. Due to the horror and fear which ruled over the whole city the king decided to take measures himself and sent down the captain of the Castle with his guards-

men. The mob, seeing these men hang some of the plunderers, dispersed very quickly.”

(6) “Great” Synagogue (23 Tancsics Mihaly utca) The building was found by Melinda H. Papp and excavated by Laszl6 Zolnay, Istvan Gedai and R6zsa

Feuer Toth (1964/65). Built in the fifteenth century, the synagogue stood in the courtyard of the Mendel Houses. Today it is in the garden of the former Zichy palace. Its floor lies four meters (13 feet) below ground level. The “great” synagogue was built when the building was already owned by the Mendel family. It 18. Gound-plan of the stood in the back of the courtyard, against the city wall. Its ground floor was one or two steps above “reat” synagogue on the courtyard. Its central hall consisted of two huge naves, separated by three pillars. These pillars the Castle Hill, Buda supported at least eight arches aligned along the

axis of the building. The tall, square base held

a pyramidal element and an octagonal shaft. Courtyard The crossbeams and ribs holding the vault ex- < tended directly from the fluted shaft, without a 7 art ~ —~— -|- f | , 7 crown. The vault was supported by similar half- Prayerroom for women (below a house in use} ° Ouse

pillars along the walls. Both the wide crossbeams ==

and narrow-fillet ribs were jointed by deep grooves. = == The hall, constructed the strictperiod, archi- | Garden oO [1] O O == Garden tectonic canons ofaccording the latetoGothic must i)Synagogue sce

have been at least 7.5 to 8 meters (25-26 feet) Li = | | high. The size .ofBabits the prayer-house m x 26 m, a a > Mihaly(10walkway 33 x 85 feet) suggests that it was used by a large

congregation. Next to the main building there Was a separate prayer room for women. Small

apertures were cut on the wall between the men’s Temporary shelter | and women’s prayer-rooms to enable the women (during the excavations) _ : _-.

to hear and keep up with the men’s prayer. This ee. Sr. ~L 7 — , type of segregation was customary and can still 7 _ UU

be seen in the Altneuschul in Prague. Street level - s {| ~~ ~~C« Courtyard ofthe

Similar two-nave synagogues were often | Hy iu if Lae Ie synavone above built by Ashkenazi Jews, from the twelfth cen- a Syn rs ita 7 oo eee . tury on, wherever the size of the community, | Protecting wall _ aes their rights and economic means allowed it— (during the excavations)

initially in Worms, Cologne, Regensburg; the Altneushul in Prague from the thirteenth century; the Kazimierz Synagogue in Cracow under Kazimierz Wielki (Casimir the Great, 1337-1370). 17. Cross-section of These buildings towered over the small, 60-70 square meter (650-750 square feet) prayer-houses of te “great” synagogue

the shtetlekh with metropolitan grandeur. The two-nave construction was intentional: a Jewish house of prayer should not look like a Christian cathedral, three naves would remind people of the holy trinity, also there should not be a transept resembling the cross. In all other respects, however, the architectural style of the age was dominant. Following foreign models meant that the Jews of Buda claimed a leading position among Hungarian Jewry. CastLE Hit 15

JeE= SEES fA sf Ne LAER TO EN LU ARAOA Wl J §)Powe 8% 9)poe Bey Se us4 | —EE ————_—_— / AWE UE ONOV OU UP TP Oa wee Se 4 1 7 ef Le a meme i | eed te | Sees Fee pets eect

fo3 a : . : FS at < ay \ en pee Pa ae Peet = - oe PEERS 2 sec Sa ee ee ees

nal mmo \0 ns | ee rw os a eee (i ieee eC

YiUMti zg wien it: atl sy >= ne OSgeAee eeaeee ie:= ?ml fileAS - Be 2 “Te i 4 Zot a a ee eerc: (tl) Beefa. See

—. “et een or: 4jpTC “ co

Heer teseeWe HeLlTie Iaioa Lifi |—_ ia Sey Whee iiod, faites ULL iyeee eeee .* i =ee hh i 2= “.|d ae ni— arsSel) Yb ee¢ee eee,

fetta oma | if: Ho ty sii! Ar) Uae _— asd Sat cee | ae Bh a SFE, | 4

18. Interior of the One of the middle pillars bears two inscriptions: Hebrew letters which have been interpreted by

econstruction, , es we . woe le

eo Synagogue. Sandor Scheiber as numbers. One of them is a shin (= 300) and an alef (=1) giving the year 301 accortimber ceiling version ding to the “minor era”, i.e. 1541. The other inscription is equally short, two, or rather one letter: bat pe.

19. Interior of the , . «< . , . ae .

The numerical value of the letter pe is 80. In Scheiber’s interpretation “Eighty years old”. (The Hebrew

“great” synagogue expression literally means “daughter of eighty”.) Based on these two inscriptions Scheiber and Zolnay Reconstruction, concluded that in 1541 the synagogue was eighty years old, consequently it was built in 1461. vaulted ceiling version § The synagogue in the Mendel House must have been built by wealthy people of refined taste for

it is the most beautiful relic of the late Gothic period in Buda and there are but few as impressive in the whole of Europe. In view of its age we have to call this the “new” synagogue. Jews returning to Buda in 1541, when the city was already under Turkish occupation, could not maintain the synagogue in its original, impressive form. The evidence for this are some minor repairs and brickwork from the Turkish period. But it is likely that they continued to use the building as a synagogue, at least for a while. This must have been the Ashkenazi synagogue in those times, the place where the chief rabbi of Buda used to preach, the building that Yitzhak Schulhof, the chronicler of the 1686 siege, refers to when he mentions “the synagogue”. | The building was heavily damaged already during the 1684 siege. A male skeleton was found in the ruins covering the floor; the man was buried according to tradition, with a tefillin on his left arm.

a " ” ~. * ~

20. Remains of the _~aeoe~S southern, longitudinal ae wa wall of the “greata an S| |rae SN synagogue. _ uo \. The on thece) pillar: faaJares OSE ‘‘\ 301date (-1541 on So EO bast i name a \ Ch = os BY} HWY . \ Sow ant =e aoe on ho —_ AY pee A i aa ‘ Sain oon ooh one re RT Lo oes apes Wns OOF Mea, 0S Wee say eee we ee a fi oe ee eg ‘ -==: 12 me “ L= | i Caco aaesSos | ae Soa nr pore 1 pe| $s | ee eno ‘aun sn anions sass somes =e mon, = OD ‘bye. A | {

!:!i CoP peel Ell eer e ! ee || IG [eee ea= 1 Hl eee ! ORTH LSet EH) ° SI eee : !_Wien -S“sltitiin a Ty '724 \ | : the king had him imprisoned. As Eliah ha-Levi of Stambul aN. wy jigs “AN ) ~ - (Istanbul) puts it, “he was imprisoned because of a Christian es ay i boca’ \ JIE vy. . v fv PI : woman”. The Diet of Rakosmezé wanted to sentence him to

E ed “ he ; WT : death by burning. This was when Istvan Werbéczy first used : V2 iN LAL SSES - . © By A; ; (1517) the term “half-Jew” derogatorily, complaining that they

E . NN Sis LEE ess = § are now “allowed to hold public position”, that “we have to turn ae F rap Ne tj 4 RSE weal to them for money, for usury”. But after two weeks of prison

= Pawn % 1% Be oA iy . . 4s . . . . . .

= Nea iE=12 Ws the king released Szerencsés in exchange for a large sum of

: SS | Ae \y money. He was celebrating his liberation with his friends in his penal BSS - j home when the servants of nobles participating in the Diet, ‘ i | pl ND OLO /iA, y 5 bailiffs, hussars and the mob fell upon his house; Szerencses 7“ SR ee Sy f himself managed to escape but the rampage continued, gold

A em was taken by the sackful and, on the third day, the mob broke

into the Jewish street. A pogrom ensued. It was the army who 25. The Fortunate stopped them after a whole day’s fight. Shortly after the pogrom Szerencsés was still able to conOne (fortunatus}, vince the magnates that he could restore the financial situation of the royal court. He based his plans

Man sitting under . . Z .

a canopy, holding on the copper mines of the Fuggers in Hungary. These were entrusted to Szerencsés on the advice a money-pouch of none other than Werbéczy. The success of these adventurous transactions strengthened his position. In exchange for his debts the king awarded him the thirtieth of the taxes collected in Buda and some other compensation. A few weeks before the Battle of Mohacs, in June-July 1526, Szerencsés donated a large amount of money to the king to support the campaign against the Turks. This was

one of his last acts. |

Szerencsés died around the time of the Battle of Mohdacs. A rabbinical responsum later claimed that in the hour of his death, crying and praying in the presence of several Jews, he returned to the Jewish faith according to the traditional ceremony of teshuvah. Still in his lifetime, a Halakhic dispute emerged in Buda about the situation of Imre Szerencsés. According to Ashkenazi custom his two sons (Avraham and Efraim), who remained members of the © Jewish community, were called to the Torah by their grandfather’s name rather than by their baptized father’s. The sons, embarrassed since their grandfather’s name was well known, did not accept this and declined to make aliyah. Finally, after the death of Szerencsés, the rabbi of Buda, Naftali haKohen, permitted the use of the name ben Shelomo when calling the sons to the Torah. Other rabbis were consulted about the issue, as customary. The rabbi of Padua, Meir Katzenellenbogen (1473-1565), a cousin of R. Naftali, noted that even the king and other nobles are mentioned in blessings in the synagogue, though they are not Jews. If their names can be pronounced, R. Shlomo deserves it all the more since he did so much for the well-being of his people and he was friendly towards all honest and kind persons. His benevolence was described in a responsum by Eliah ben Benjamin ha-Levi, rabbi of Istanbul, after the death of Szerencsés: every Friday afternoon before the Sabbath he would give charity to poor Jews. After the death of their baptized father Szerencsés brought two children from Austria to Buda and raised them as Jews. He saved Jewish men and women from the death penalty. He saved the Jewish community from the charge of sacrificing Christian children; he spared no trouble or money to clear the Jews from the accusation and he was able to prove that it was the 20 CasTLe HILL

-denouncer himself who tried to frame the Jews by hiding blood among them. One of his sons wrote - ee that his father warned the Jews in a secret Hebrew letter when they were in danger. He prevented the _ expulsion of Jews from Prague, when the city was under Hungarian rule. Szerencsés always acted in favor of Israel, both personally and through his wealth. It was announced in every synagogue in Buda , that whoever considers Szerencsés lost for Israel will be punished in person and in his belongings by the Prefect. Szerencsés was attacked by Christians, thrown into prison and almost burnt because they claimed that he was still a Jew. He could escape only at the cost of major financial sacrifice.

The decision in favor of the sons of Szerencsés embraced merit over the strict law: “We may , mourn him for mixing with Christians, but we should not forget that he had always cared about the well-being of his folk and helped people close or far away from him. His deeds show that he regretted his conversion and he feared God. He deserves to be accepted in the community, not rejected.” It is interesting to note that since Szerencsés was a Sephardi Jew, his second marriage would not have violated Jewish law: in those times Sephardi Halakhah allowed polygamy, Sephardim were not subject to the prohibition of Rabbenu Gershom. His only sins were that he got baptized and married a Christian woman on the second occasion. Looking at the manuscript left behind by Szerencsés we

| can see that all his personal notes are written in Hebrew script. The Halakhic decision in favor of his: sons was later confirmed by Moshe Isserles, rabbi of Cracow. The distinguished scholar knew about the case only from R. Meir’s responsum but he accepted the decision due to the authority of the rabbi of Padua: “Once he gave his permission, who can have a word after the king?” In any case, for the Ashkenazi world this teshuvah meant, at least theoretically, opening new doors for apostates to return

to Judaism. , 7 -

- The two Jewish sons of Imre Szerencsés left Buda after the Battle of Mohacs and changed their - name to Zaksz (Sachs). They claimed that the name was an abbreviation of “Holy seed of Seneor _ (Zera Kadosh Seneor)”. One of them, Abraham, got permission from the widowed Queen Mary to set- ; tle down in Kismarton (Eisenstadt) with his family, children, household and wealth. Some of his off-

spring moved as far as Vilna. | a a In spite of their dependence, the life and behavior of Jews, their relations with the surrounding - -

society in the renaissance Buda of King Matthias or the Jagellos manifest the forms we see in modern bourgeois societies. Their livelihood was determined by the surrounding society and was basically restricted to professions connected to trade and finances. Otherwise there was wide room to maneu- © ver. Beyond the ordinary members of the community, rich and poor, there were the learned rabbis, the Jewish leaders who adjusted their appearance to the expectations of the royal court where they were accepted, the Jews who converted to Christianity for the sake of a career but maintained Jewish contacts and the assimilationists who were Jewish only by birth. Though individuals left, the Jewish

community of Buda remained a traditional one, surrounded by a society which can be considered bourgeois already around 1500. A foreign responsum mentioned that in the 1500s in Hungary and the surrounding countries the hazzan, holding the Torah scroll, used to ask for a blessing over the king or the prince of the country and his retinue. The Jews of Buda were grateful and faithful to the ruler who admitted and accepted them. This world did not exist in isolation. To characterize the surrounding atmosphere we should also mention an ardent enemy, the anti-Jewish demagogue Istvan Werbéczy (1458-1541). He was a mem-

ber of the gentry, a jurist and high state official. His xenophobia and his envy of successful Jews | drove him to constant accusations, fighting against persons rather than for causes, even though occasionally he himself could be charged with the same violations as the accused Jews. His preju- | diced views were expressed in the form of restrictive laws in the Tripartitum opus turis consuetudinari (1517). The code ruled that when a Jew appears in court with a Christian he has to take an oath prior to the process wearing a short coat, Jewish hat, barefoot, facing East, swearing on the five books of Moses, saying that the Biblical curse should strike him if he is guilty. The Jewish oath of Werbéczy was mandatory in the Middle Ages. Its text was based on the Jewish oath of Erfurt elaborated by Conrad, Archbishop of Mainz (twelfth century), and the Buda Law Book.

Caste Hitt 21

History played a trick on Werbéczy, for he is said to have been buried in the cemetery of the old Jewish quarter (auf dem Judenfriedhof), in Krisztinavaros (Hans Dernschwam, 1555). His elegant summer house and garden, which he received after the Battle of Mohdacs, stood nearby. (He owned another house on Castle Hill.) Werbéczy died during an epidemic (1541), but his death may have been hastened by a glass of refreshment handed to him by the pasha of Buda at a feast. The pasha did not appreciate the constant legal skullduggery of the “old jurist”, he was not used to this in other countries. Whatever the case, Turkish authorities did not allow his remains within the city walls. His tomb has not been found since.

(9) Jahudiler Mahallesi Jews did not leave Buda in the late summer days following the Battle of Mohacs (Wednesday, August 29, 1526), as did so many others. Josef ha-Kohen’s chronicle (1554) is explicit about this: “Jews stayed

in the city.” They did not escape because pogrom followed upon pogrom in Western Hungary

(Pozsony, Sopron, etc.); people fled from Western Hungary to Buda instead. | After the rout of the Hungarian army and the death of the king the city must have been left without public authorities and administrative institutions for weeks. The official report of Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent (1520-1566) said, “the coward inhabitants of Budun realized that the Padishah of the world is approaching them and they scattered like the stars of the Great Bear; some of them went to the mountains or other hidden places while others entered the inner Castle begging for mercy. (...) The king, tired of his life, sent the keys of the Castle to the footstool of the Padishah’s throne begging for mercy.” “King” is probably meant symbolically here since the King of Hungary, Lajos

(Louis) II was dead by then. A Turkish official chronicler, efendi (that is, Mr.) Ferdi writes (1542): “Nobody stayed in the Castle of Budun (...) apart from some faithless persons of easy virtue, the poor and the Jews. When the banners, shining like the Sun, came into sight around the city, the above mentioned Jews, wearing white death robes (kittel / pallium Judaicum) came to meet the victorious army, threw themselves to the earth and begged for mercy.”

There are other chronicles of the events. “Jews, who were numerous in Buda, fought heroically for their lives and freedom. Before Solomet the Turk marched into the city, two hundred of those who were too poor to escape occupied the Royal Castle. When

the Sultan wanted to enter the Castle, he was prevented by cannonade and gunfire, even though they did not have enough food for more than a few days. The Sultan promised them their lives if they let him march into the Castle without further obstacles and he kept his promise after entering the Castle, sitting on the throne. Finally he convinced them to accompany him to Turkey.” (Johannes Cuspinianus / Spiessheimer, Oratio protreptica, 1527)

This diplomat, trying to convince the Christian princes with this “Stimulating Speech” to fight against the Turks, probably exaggerated the heroism of the Jews of Buda: even if they did try to defend the city they could not have done so for long. Based on various independent European, Turkish and Jewish reports which seem to be well informed about several details we may suppose that after Lajos died and the widowed queen fled, the Jews of Buda, formerly serfs of the Chamber, remained the only representatives of public authority for a while. Buda was empty, surviving members of the Royal Court having fled the country. The Jews, realizing what had happened, went to greet the victorious army approaching Buda. An “alaman” of Buda, i.e. a German (Ashkenazi) Jew, Jasif ibn Solomon (Josef ben Shlomo), probably accompanied by a few members of the community, appeared before the Turks and handed them the 22 CASTLE HILL

keys of the city. He was granted exemption from taxes as a reward. Where were the keys given to the Turks? Already in Féldvar, or only in Buda? The Jews visited the Turkish camp in death robes (kittel), in ceremonial garb. At first they only met Ibrahim pasha, but after a few days, on September 11, , after a fast—the Fast of Gedaliah (Tishri 3)—, they met the Sultan who marched into Buda in the |

meantime. Did they really hand over the keys? Maybe. But the Padishah needed neither submission | |

nor the Keys: he was the victor. |

Suleiman “was merciful” towards the Jewish population of Buda, as we know from ha-Kohen’s chronicle, so he sent them to his country, Turkey. They left at the end of September (September 21/22, 1526), on the first day of Sukkot, by boat. The official diary of the Padishah notes as follows: “On the 14th of the month zil hidzhe in the year 932 (September 21, 1526), Saturday: (...) the Jews of Buda were taken to ships, to be shipped to Turkey.” Cuspinianus says that the Sultan “perstad-

ed” them to accompany him. a | , , , . There were several legends about these events in Europe. [0

acorn German newspaper f thego time TOE ae Ofna soy. “offered(9a a choice” to the Jews: they could withSuleiman him or stay|in(ya fs SALhartige VWniseog Buda. They were to decide within three days. Of course, they all UNG Wie esim Leger

_ divided the Jews into three groups. One group consisted of peo- porOfenerqang.

younger than twenty, the thied group was made up of women | UNF, took the women, children and men under twenty with him. ee Q Wris/ aarti : Po Johannes Kessler in Switzerland heard that the Turks occu- oe : ff A Ni y ‘| |

pied Buda after a siege. Jews participated in the heroic defense PS Mie ey

of the city, though they did not have an army of their own | POS} (Ae Pan i oS (kriegsliit). “Of the three and a half thousand Jews barely twen- BS) aaa S| a oe

ty survived”, he says. The number of the victims must be an | | SEL NON No OL BG oe exaggeration but it gives us an idea about the size of the Jewish «BS PAT Se AW Re Poe community before the Turks invaded Buda. Various leaflets, the |. Ks Me y gt RM phe aS similar figures. A Turkish source, Ferdi, also mentions two thou- oo reported : perce WetoS | SAE A OS oe oe newspapers (zeyttung) of sixteenth-century Europe, f Avie sand Jewish “families” in Buda. It is possible that in Kessler’s as | See SANS EES SV BLA OC in Ferdi’s chronicle events of the weeks directly after the Battle | 49 me of Mohdcs got mixed up with some later events. But the figures (oo

are comparable in the various European sources and Turkish reports confirm these numbers. We are probably not far off the mark if we presume that half athou- 26. Jews and Turks

sand or more Jews lived in Buda. defending Buda Sixteenth-century European newspapers as well as later chronicles tell the story of the fall of Buda carina wdc my

as was appropriate in the case of defeat: resorting to customary elements of journalism, with trite 1541 phraseology, exaggerating the havoc and losses suffered. The only incontrovertible fact seems to be that, after the Battle of Mohdacs, the Sultan took the Jews remaining in the abandoned city of Buda as hostages. Or rather he resettled them, just like the Babylonian ruler Nebukhadnezzar had resettled the craftsmen of Jerusalem (587/586 B.c.E.). Suleiman, too, needed merchants and craftsmen,

which was why he took the Jews with him.

Interesting evidence of the scattering of the Jews of Buda in the Balkans and the Ottoman Empire can be found in the sixteenth-century responsa; an increased number of women whose husband disappeared (agunot) turned to the rabbinical courts (bet din) asking to be considered widows. Their husbands had disappeared several years earlier, they were not likely ever to return and the women wanted to remarry. War and deportation had ruined several Jewish families in Buda. Castle Hint 23

According to the Turkish chronicler Kemalpashazade (1483?-1534) “by leaving their home country the merchant-craftsmen escaped great poverty” (Mohdcs-Name, ca. 1530). The situation of the Jews changed after the Turkish occupation of Buda. The Turks were sure to win the Jews over to their side by granting them certain advantages: “It is considered a great wonder that after occupying Buda and bringing the Jews to Constantinople the Turks

did not sell them as serfs but let them free; they were only obliged to pay taxes. Had they been sold into slavery, this would have caused the decline of all of Turkey’s Jewry because—according to their customs— they would have been obliged to redeem them. (Hans Dernschwam, Tagebuch einer Reise nach Konstantinopel, 1555)

After the establishment of Turkish administration in Hungary the Jews of Buda, or rather the former Jews of Buda, were free to trade throughout the Ottoman Empire. Jewish sources mention several “holy communities of Hungarians (ungarus)”. Jewish communities from Buda could be found in Istanbul (Constantinople), Salonika (Thessaloniki), Vidin, Sofia and Kavala (Greece) as well as in the Holy Land. Turkish documents from the mid-sixteenth century from Safed (Tzfat) mention ten to fifteen Hungarian families. They maintained contacts with the rest of their families in Buda, receiving help from them. With financial help from R. Noah from Buda Hungarian Jews opened a separate yeshivah in Safed (1619) and their foundation (keren kayyemet) helped the poor in Jerusalem, too. Some sixty Hungarian Jewish families together with R. Naftali ha-Kohen ended up in Sofia. They became members of the German (Ashkenazi) community. The fame of the Buda rabbi reached even Josef Karo or Caro (1488-1575), the author of the Shulhan Arukh, who lived in this area, in the Balkans, in Adrianople (Edirne) for an extended period before moving to Safed (1536).

* The religious customs (minhagim) of the Jews of Buda (benei Budun) differed from those of other communities. Josef Caro mentions that three weeks before Tish'ah be-Av, between Tammuz 17 and Av 9, the Jews of Buda refrained from business and trade, though Halakhah prescribes only one day of rest. Work is not prohibited on this fast day, not to mention business, which is a “much smaller issue”. But if the “Hungarians” want to make this day of mourning even harder, says Caro, they may do so. If a man gave a ring to a woman it was not considered an act of engagement among Hungarians living in Turkey, i.e. the Jews of Buda, though this custom prevailed in other communities. This resulted in disputes between them and other Jews. Hungarians interpreted the instructions regarding kosher meat somewhat loosely. Glancing onto the top of the neighbor’s house from their window was acceptable to Hungarians here, just like in Buda. (The difference between Buda and the Turkish lands being that while in Buda people sleep inside the house, in the Balkans and the South

it was customary to sleep on the roof most of the year.) , The “hard” pronunciation of the Hungarian Jews (compared to the pronunciation of German Jews) was striking. They said bedzh (as in Hungarian: Bécs) instead of Wien. Whether the Duna / Donau / Dunaj was identical with the river Tuna was debated for a long time by the scholars. This lack of clarity, too, was caused by the difference between voiced and unvoiced pronunciation. Instead of Ofen (Buda) they wrote Oben, which suggests that they pronounced the letter b in the middle of the word not like it was customary, as v (Oven), but in the German manner, as f (Ofen). Or the other way around, they used a voiced v instead of the f sound. The usual Ashkenazi / Yiddish pronunciation of the name

is Oyun / Oyfn. , In 1554 the Hungarian synagogue of Constantinople burned down. From this date Jews of Buda started to attend the German synagogue and founded a joint Burial Society (in Aramaic: Hevra Kaddisha), but when it came to electing the head of the community some tension arose and the Jews of

Buda no longer wanted to belong into one group with the German and Spanish Jews. As a consequence, certain communities decided to break off all contact with the unsociable Hungarian Jews. The excommunication was lifted only later by the joint decision of the most influential rabbis of the 24 Caste HILL

Balkans who quoted the Biblical story of Benjamin’s tribe (Judges 20-21): never again can a whole tribe be excommunicated from Israel. Slowly, by the end of the sixteenth century, the alienation of and discrimination against the Jews of Buda had vanished.

* As for Buda, the earlier community having left the city, practically no Jews remained. King Janos (John) (1526-1540) and Ferdinand (King of Hungary between 1526 and 1564) took turns in distributing the homes of the Jews among their subjects. The new owners occasionally even went to court to argue their rights to the donation-house on Jewish street. The fortress was extended up to the Jewish cemetery. The Jewish street got a new name for a while: Szent Marton (St. Martin) utca. After August 29, 1541, when the fate of Buda under Turkish rule was sealed, Jews started moving in from neighboring towns like Rackeve or Esztergom or returning from other parts of the Ottoman

Empire. The documents of Jews resettling in Buda show Sarajevo, Szendré (Semendria), Belgrade, | Vidin, Kavala, Sofia, Salonika, Adrianople (Edirne), Istanbul, even Safed as their former place of res-

idence. They moved back to the place where they had lived before, the Jewish quarter, the Jewish street (the lower, north-western segment of today’s Tancsics Mihaly utca). This is when they carved the date, 1541, into a pillar of their old synagogue.

A German traveler, writing about Turkish Buda a quarter of a century later, states that “there are plenty of Jews and Turks in the city but only a few good Christians...” (Stephan Gerlach, 1573). Around 1569 the rabbi of Buda was R. Hayyim Hatsman ben Yitzhak. The first Jewish Prefect appointed by

the Turks (kethiida) was Abraham ibn Jusuf. The district (mahalle) around the Vienna gate was named after the Jews. In Turkish it was called Jahudiler mahallesi / Mahallei jehudian, “Jewish city”, i.e. “the Jews’ street”, “Jewish quarter”, “Jewish street”, or in Hungarian spelling Mahalle Zsid6 ucsa. It occupied two large blocks East of the Jewish gate (Porta Judaica), Bécsi kapu tér, next to the city wall. It was not a ghetto, but a separate quarter. In SAndor Scheiber’s opinion the new cemetery of the Jewish quarter was in Vizivdros, East-northeast to it, in the space between today’s Hunfalvy and Batthyany utca. But they may have used the old cemetery for a while. Why did they have to open a new cemetery? We can only guess. A possible explanation is that the bodies of those who fell during the siege of Buda (1529), Christians and Turks, were all buried in the Jewish cemetery (judenfreithof) which made the cemetery ritually unfit for further use by Jews. Jews lived in other parts of

around the Csaszar bath. | .

the city, too, in the Taban and Vizivaros which had an area called civitas Judeorum, and possibly Jews of Buda who ended up in other parts of the Ottoman Empire remained attached to the city. They retained their seats in their synagogue for a long time and even paid taxes. This tradition was continued by some of their children. If circumstances allowed they moved back to Buda. It was often disputed whether they could keep their rights, whether they could remain full members of the Jewish community. The Jews of Buda would have been happy to get rid of them. Legal conflicts arising from this situation were discussed by Halakhic authorities all over the world. From a responsum (ca. 1630) of Hayyim ben Shabbetai (ca. 1555-1647), rabbi of Salonika: “(...) Among those who fled were people whose grandfather lived in Buda and they still have houses, shops and other property in Buda, and are still paying taxes after these to the (Hungarian) king. (...) And when the Almighty took stock of His people and Edom [the Christians] and Yismael [the Muslims] made peace [Peace of Zsitvatorok, 1606], these people took their families and set forth to return to their country and properties. Seeing this, those who stayed at home and liked to quarrel said to each other deceitfully: Let us take measures among ourselves that those who return should not be entitled to occupy their property until we discuss their cases. Those who are returning said that they would never have left if they were not forced to, they never wanted to leave the city of Budun but they were forced to, they had to save their lives.

Response (teshuvah): Law supports those who are returning, people who stayed in the city can not keep them from returning.”

Caste Hitt 25

PIR irre teen menses | pines | mire however, were Sephardi (Spaos Ar herine BY | Spe NR HEAT ARNO nism) Jews: they were identified

RRS mt SABE | crus” theaconus fr asyne wile Pe eaRy | ee| epee iemereetn | fever Jewsinad separate

er ta | rect suey erie pyle | _gogue (26 Tancsies Mihaly utca, where

a 4 F a & ao . me | keer today); this was the “small” or “old”

(23 Tancsics Mihaly utca).

a | eye ton ainton pho Ashkenazi “great” or “new” synagogue By the end of the Turkish occupa-

27. Hebrew manuscript tion the Spanish Jewish community of Buda consisted of some thirty families. They prayed accord-

The date: Oven, “ 15s . . . wes

from Buda. ing to their own rites, in their synagogue, as mentioned later by Yitzhak Schulhof (Megillat Ofen, 403 (= 1643 ce) Buda Chronicle”, 1686). They translated documents into their language (Ladino), if it was necessary.

Memorabilia of the Jews of Buda show little Turkish influence. Maybe the name Haszldn (in Hungarian: Arszlan / Araszlan), which is the Turkish version of Low / Leyb / Aryeh, “lion”, or occasion-

ally the Arabic or Turkish spelling of a Hebrew name (Ibrahim, Jakub, Jasif / Jusuf, Musi, Suleiman, etc.), or some minor spelling mistakes on the Hebrew gravestones are indicative of Turkish influence. The Ashkenazi and Sephardi Jewish communities lived close to each other in Buda, like in other

cities of the Ottoman Empire, which must have stimulated certain conflicts. R. Efraim ha-Kohen found it necessary to call for the mutual tolerance of the two different synagogue rites in a responsum (ca. 1670). If a Sephardi Jew says his prayers in an Ashkenazi synagogue, or the other way round, he is considered to have fulfilled his obligations, since there is no Halakhic difference between them

which would disqualify the prayers. The Shema and the Tefillah (or Amidah / Shemoneh Esreh) are part of both rites, they are recited together with all the blessings, though there are minor variations in their texts. R. Efraim’s words suggest that the Ashkenazi and Sephardi communities of Buda had close relations with each other, probably marriage and other social ties, which warranted the occasional or regular participation in the other community’s rites. This was a segmented Jewish society, not segregated communities, living in the same street, their synagogues next to each other. Isaac (Yitzhak) Schulhof’s description tells us that most houses in the Jewish quarter were built from rubble-stone and had cellars for storage. During the Turkish occupation the largest Jewish community of the three Hungarian lands—that under the Habsburgs, under Turkish rule and the Hungarian principality of Transylvania, respectively—lived in Buda under Ottoman rule. Population figures may be traced through the Turkish taxrolls. (Jews paid a yearly poll-tax to the Turkish authorities.) Based on the documents we know of 80 permanent resident families by the end of the sixteenth century, amounting to six or seven hundred people. These numbers changed constantly but, by the time of the reconquest of Buda, the number of Jews, including Ashkenazim and Sephardim, reached and even exceeded a thousand people, In other words, Jews constituted 4-5% of the entire population of twenty thousand in Turkish Buda. According to the Moslem tradition and general practice in the Ottoman Empire, authorities considered Jews a separate social group, an independent community. Jews were granted autonomy in their communal affairs but this status (zimma) meant certain restrictions on their personal freedom: zimmi enjoyed rights only as members of the religious community. The secular head of the Jewish community was the kethtida. Islam and the Turks continued the Babylonian tradition; the kethtida 26 Castie HILL

authorities than the medieval Jewish | "z‘wmemimmnmincie | agg

fore only few of their names survived anh eek FES en en ye BO

| ne | fiaen neo) onan) | Sagal lead 1S rabbis were to decide. The Turkish name : aaa pel nek ee ee - SS

. | ee ee lee lee lt meth Ae Ven ~S Se

of the rabbi was papas or hakham,us- | Sel OR aawel | By SS Sonn pow sign ESE

ing a Greek or Hebrew term. Some of | "Fy wre tempered i ri) bal STH Re their names were preserved only in the | “#77 eerrmes sre be cemtermerne

Turkish censi: Musi (Moshe), David | MA | SDs century, when theemergenceofJewish |

mystical philosophy in Safed and other | circumstances drew Jews from all over Europe to Palestine, the German and French aliyah usually 28. Hebrew manuscript assembled in Buda and formed groups here to continue their journey to Turkey. Those who spent a_ 0m Buda. The date:

longer period of time in Buda waiting for their groups and occasionally participated in Jewish com- Frees Baal munal life in Buda, and their rabbis even had an opportunity to teach. Buda needed foreign rabbis 5403 (= 1643 ce) anyway. Hakham Tzvi said: “No Hungarian Jew was learned enough to become rabbi of Buda.” During one of the sieges of Buda, in October 1598, when the Hungarian and Austrian troops— Prince Matthias (Matyas) (1557-1619), later King of Hungary (1608-1619) and Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire (1612-1619) and others, among them Lord Chief Justice Mikl6és Palffy (1552-1600) and count Ferenc Nadasdy (1555-1604), captain of Transdanubia—the famous Black Bey—tried to recapture Buda, the Jews fought against them heroically from within the city walls. Buda was not occupied. In Vienna the Jews were blamed for the defeat. The following story is from Josef ha-Kohen’s book, Emek ha-bakhah, “Valley of Tears” (1563/1575), from a supplement by an unknown author. “(...) The Turks ran into the Castle. When the Jews who lived there saw this, they rose to defend their lives, saying: Let us fight for our children, wives and property and let God do whatever he sees fit. They fought against the army of the Emperor with great bravery and strength and won, so that that army was forced to run

disgracefully. Then there were people in the Palace who accused the Jews as follows: Your High Majesty!

The Jews supported our enemies and that is why we could not capture Buda. Therefore, all the Jews should | be exiled from our country! Upon this the wise Emperor replied, like an Angel of God, as follows: On the contrary, we have to appreciate their loyalty to their Emperor. I have no doubt that if the time comes, the Jews who are our subjects will fight for us loyally, too. Therefore they should not be accused. Blessed be

he who planted this idea into the Emperor’s heart.” |

(10) The Settlement Flourished, like a Green Olive-tree , In the Turkish period the Jewish community of Buda enjoyed the right of free commerce and trade. The Jews maintained lively trade relations with other parts of the Ottoman Empire. “The Jews of Buda are exempted from the province tax”, records Evliya Chelebi, and Yitzhak Schulhof wistfully remembers how the “settlement flourished, like a green olive-tree, safe and untroubled—we could truly say: Every man sat under his vine and under his fig-tree”. Schulhof was alluding to a Biblical phrase (see II Kings 18,31; Jes. 36,16; Mikha 4,4) referring to the call of the Assyrian troops besieging Jerusalem to surrender, and to their tempting promises; yet Schulhof knows very well that the Jews were in exile (galut), CastTLe Hitt 27

even in the midst of prosperity. This was a fact known to each and every Jew; a sixteenth-century Turkish textbook (Birgevi, Risale) clearly states: “To be a Jew is even worse than to be a Christian.”

Of course, Jews, too, had to pay the poll-tax and various other taxes—this was what the Turkish authorities gained from them. But otherwise they enjoyed religious and economic freedom within the Ottoman Empire, and they could, for example, enlist Turkish support for recovering debts from Christians. (Christians, of course, were entitled to receive similar help, if necessary.) We know about Jewish physicians active in Buda: one of them, accused of poisoning some forty persons, was executed by the Turks in 1547—this seems to have been an obvious slander, a trumpedup charge, for according to the testimony of the single written source, all forty of the victims were named Mehmed. Gabor Bethlen (1580-1629), Prince of Transylvania, also knew of a Jewish physician in Buda (1625). The Jews of Buda apparently specialized in manufacturing decorative braids for uniforms, an article for which there seems to have been widespread demand. Evliya Chelebi records that Jewish women made a particular type of broadcloth (shaiak or shaia) that was unknown elsewhere. Most Jews of Buda, however, were probably money-lenders or merchants. Almost everyone borrowed from them since they always had money, all their wealth being vested in money-capital; | the interest they charged was 3% a month. It was the Jews who brought felt and cotton from Vienna , to Buda and to Turkey; on the way back they carried cordage, cotton, colored threads, morocco leather, Turkish scarves to Vienna. They played an active role in driving cattle to Vienna and to other parts of Western Europe. (A certain Yitzhak, a Jew of Buda, paid duty on a thousand heads of cattle in 1571.) It was the Sephardi Jews who established and maintained trade relations with the Ottoman Empire. The Jews of Buda regularly traveled to the Eszék (Essek) market by boat, bringing back articles of clothing and various garments, animal hides, metals (copper, lead, iron), they did not disdain the contraband goods that could be acquired along the southern course of the Danube either. In the Jewish quarter of Buda one could buy almost everything: Persian carpets, kilim, velvet, muslin, fine - jinen, atlas, felt, aba cloth, frieze cloth, Moroccan leather. Fruits, even the most exotic ones that grew in the remotest corner of the Sultan’s empire, were sold there, as well as cattle, hide, flour, salt, timber. Credit was also available, against promissory notes. Jewish merchants played an important role ~ in the ransoming of Christians who had been taken captive. Servants, too, were sold on the market. Trade in wine, however, was prohibited even to the Jews. In order not to tempt the virtues of the , Moslem population, the Turkish authorities forbade the use of wine even in Jewish ceremonies. “A decree came from the Emperor that anyone who has wine shall be decapitated.” We can only guess how R. Efraim made kiddush on Friday evenings. Perhaps he used boza, fermented Turkish elderberry beer. Or did he risk a glass of wine, in spite of the prohibition? Schulhof mentions that the wealthier Jews of Buda acquired Christian servants if the opportunity arose. He himself had bought a Christian servant-girl from among the Christian prisoners captured during the siege of Vienna who, after some time, had become familiar with “the laws regarding dish- , es and cooking prescribed by the Jewish religion”. R. Efraim says that these servants were often converted to the Jewish faith by their masters. The life of the community was regulated by the Jewish calendar. The Sabbath and other festive

, days were all celebrated, and the dates were given according to the Jewish calendar and the weekly segment of the Torah. The years, in accordance with the prevailing practice, were calculated according to the “minor era”, starting with the Jewish creation of the world. Schulhof recounts with sorrow how on one occasion in 1683, during the Austrian-Turkish wars, everyone, including the Jews, had to bake as much bread as they could in their ovens so that the soldiers returning from battle would

have enough to eat, even though that particular day happened to coincide with the day of Rosh ha-Shanah. “It was the custom there,” says Schulhof about the (Great) synagogue, “that scholars, when explaining the Bible to the congregation, did not stand before the Ark, as is our custom (in Prague), for it is disrespectful to turn one’s back to the Holy Ark containing the Torah. Hence they made a lectern, two or three steps high, on the western side (i.e. on the left), where the preachers stood.” 28 CastLe HILL

out of the mosque. ,

This was a minor adjustment to the Sephardi rite and, through it, to Moslem customs, to the lay-

In his “Great lament (Kinah gedolah)” Schulhof mentions that hundreds of sacred books were :

destroyed during the 1686 siege; taking the estimated number of the Jewish community of Buda into

consideration, and allowing for some exaggeration on Schulhof’s part, each family had a Hebrew book, a Bible or a prayer-book (siddur / mahzor), most of them probably printed, although there may

have been some manuscripts among them, for the victors “plastered the windows of the houses” with the pages torn from the books, perhaps with the parchment of Torah scrolls taken from the syn-

, agogue. It seem probable that the Hebrew books were kept not in the homes, but in the synagogue. The “new” synagogue even had a separate room for keeping Hebrew manuscripts no longer in use (genizah). The leader of the troops besieging Buda, Prince Charles of Lorraine (1643-1690), also con-

fiscated thirty-five Torah scrolls to ensure the ransom of the captive Jews. Some codices were allegedly saved by Count Luigi Ferdinando Marsigli (1658-1730), at least according to his own account

of the siege in which he mentions the library (Discorso intorno all libreria famosa di Buda, 1686). The numbers quoted above suggest that the holdings of the Buda synagogues reflected the situation of the Jewish community; and each congregation probably had over ten Torah scrolls. Some Hebrew manuscripts from Buda are perhaps still hidden somewhere in the world. Samuel Krausz, and later Séndor Scheiber, painstakingly sifted through numerous codices and their fragments in various libraries, checking old references. Based on their findings we can confidently assert that some manuscripts as well as a few printed books definitely originate from Buda—either from the palace of the Kings Matthias and Louis II, or from the Jewish quarter. The text of the colophon of two manuscripts furnishes ample evidence for this. According to the colophon of one of the manu-

scripts, an astronomical treatise (Shesh kenafayim, “The Six Wings”), currently housed in the Vatican, : was copied by Yisrael ben Yosef “in the castle of Ofen” in the year 5324 (= 1564). The other, a prayerbook (Selihot), which is now kept in the municipal library of Mainz was copied by Yehudah bar / ben

Meir ha-Kohen “in the castle of the city of Ofen” in 5403, at the very beginning, on the third day of the month of Sivan (May 19, 1643). The latter had undoubtedly been pocketed by one of the leaders

of the liberating forces, General Johann von Thiingen, the military commander of Mainz, as a |

memento of the successful siege of Buda. |

The religious laws governing Jewish life were strictly observed in the Buda community. This can be seen, for example, from the meticulous care with which the writing of place-names was regulated, for the precise spelling of each and every name was vital to the validity of a divorce certificate (get). The various writing systems (Latin, Arabic, Hebrew), differences in pronunciation, the occasional variations in the name, did lead to some confusion every now and then. Moreover, the rabbis would not accept the “monks’ writing”: every name had to be transcribed from Latin into Hebrew. A conscientious rabbi fasted before writing the divorce certificate in order to ensure that he would not corrupt the writing of the names through his own negligence. Whenever there was doubt concerning place-names, the rabbis preferred to issue two versions of the divorce certificate with the different spellings of the place-name or names in question. The eventual “refusal” (me'un) by a girl to stay married to the husband picked by her parents when she was a child was no longer allowed in Ashkenazi legal practice, after the fifteenth century. In Buda this was still possible as late as the seventeenth century (1676)—even if amidst considerable scandal, quarreling and passionate debates—as shown by a case in R. Efraim’s responsa; in fact, the Buda me'un is the last known case of this practice in the Jewish world. Turkish tax rolls serve as sources indicating adherence to the dietary laws for, among other professions, they list the Jewish “butcher” (kasab in Turkish), implying that Buda had its own shohet who supplied the community with kosher meat. The inscriptions on some gravestones suggest that the dead could not always be buried within the prescribed short period of time, and had to be buried into a communal grave—undoubtedly a necessity brought on by extraordinary times. According to a decision of R. Efraim, servants who had converted were not obliged to observe the seven and thirty days of mourning (shivah and sheloshim) prescribed for close relatives when their master died. CasTLeE Hitt 29

In the seventeenth century the former Mendel Houses were connected by an archway resting on massive stone pillars. The archway spanning over the street was considered by many to mark the boundary or entrance of the Jewish quarter. One of Efraim ha-Kohen’s responsa offers a vivid descrip-

a tion of this passage: “A question has been posed to me. Here, in the Jews’ street, an arch (kipah) springs from the wall of the

| | house incorporating the synagogue (bet ha-keneset) to the other side of the street. In other words, it is built in the following manner. A separating wall (mehitzah) (a buttress), one or two cubits (ammah) ’ thick, stands

a beside the house incorporating the synagogue; on the other side of the street (le-rohav ha-rehov) there stands another high wall (homah) (also a buttress), ee ok ee ee i ee a tes tm umbecauag | Ne cubit thick. An archway, perpendicular to the

WIP MED BD PIONS PMO MIP :;

D3 1b i DoIEY ONO 31073 op “ph WS TORY street, spans the street between the house incorpospd D3) opp 9") B. 31 Jp MPD Wy O21 OPE 1b On Fv walk under this archway. The width of this arch-

TD) PHO'E Dpwpor Do OTS YY Os Mp d}py) V5 NP 3°D1_ the far side of the street to the side where the

Croco (gag) was built over the two walls, from the

, two ends of the archway.

29. Efraim ha-Kohen, I have seen that there is some question as to what happens if someone dies on the other side when the Sha ar Efraim. Kohanim enter the synagogue, whether we are then faced with the same situation for which the rabbis, who

pete eye were here before I came, brought a decision: that the thatch (roof) (shindel) be removed from the top of the “great” synagogue if it wall. (...) For there is no opening on either side of the separating wall (mehitzah), and both are high walls, is connected to the the (ritual) impurity (tumah) cannot penetrate the other side, where the synagogue stands, upwards from

‘deol tte sre by below: (the building) cannot be called a house (bayit) and there is no reason for us to have reservations; an archway? the Kohanim may enter the synagogue (without apprehension).” (Sha'ar Efraim, 1689, Lemberg edition, 1887, question 94)

The background to the Halakhic question (she'elah) posed to R. Efraim is the traditional prohibition of Kohanim to come into contact with the deceased or even to be under the same roof. The passage supported by the archway and the arched wall connected the building of the synagogue with a residential building in which a death may occur. If there was a deceased in the house, the Kohanim could obviously not go to pray since the roof above the passage connected the two buildings; in this case it would have become impossible for the Kohanim to recite the daily prayers which require the presence of a congregation (minyan). This misgiving had already arisen earlier and, in order to solve it, the previous rabbis had ruled that the upper part of the narrow passage, the thatch roof over the archway in the street, must be dismantled. Later, the more punctilious asked R. Efraim whether the same situation does not recur with the archway and the passage (the “arched wall”) itself. R. Efraim’s answer (teshuvah) and decision (pesak) was reassuring: the dismantling of the roof brought an end to the “unification of the domains (eruv hatzerot)” and the buttress erected along the two opposite houses were, from a ritual point of view, to be considered “separating walls (mehitzah)”, meaning that there was no need for further demolition. In the 1670s and 1680s, in Schulhof’s time, there were several Talmudic societies, similar to the Shas hevrah; in one of them some thirty men “studied every Wednesday night, from evening to morning, the five books of Moses (Torah), the prophets (Neviim) and the writings (Ketuvim) (the three great units of the Hebrew Bible, abbreviated as Tanakh), the Mishnah, the Aggadah, and the Midrash”, and at dawn they immersed themselves in the Zohar, the fountainhead of Jewish mysti? 1 cubit (ammah) = ca. 50 cm (ca. 1.6 feet).

30 Caste HILL

cism; when they finished their studies they stood up and sang with a resounding voice the pleasant , melody of the song beginning with the line “Lover of my soul (Yedid nefesh)” from the prayer-book

“The Gates of Zion” (Sha' are Zion). Others gathered for study on other days of the week: “betrothed a young men and young husbands, who had recently married, some twenty of them” would study on 7 , Mondays, while the Talmudic scholars would get together on Thursdays; and thus in the community

of Buda the men studied the holy writings “three nights each week in a public congregation”, and _ they even swore an oath that this custom would never be broken. We know of at least eight or ten i” , ~ well-trained rabbis who were active at the same time in Buda. Renowned scholars, forced to flee = from other towns, also found refuge in Buda. Rabbis (Shlomo Amarilio, David Segal) in other towns } and cities spoke of seventeenth century Buda as “the great city of the wise and learned (sofer)”. The decisions of the Buda rabbis in a given

case were heeded and respected everywhere in the Jewish world; in ey eee 6 RLTTS

22 ee PEN

fact, R. Efraim wrote most of his responsa in answer to questions inne eee eee mee i

from Jews living abroad. - , | : | |

, We know from these responsa that a number of “holy societies hips oe a eens

(hevrah kaddishah)” were active in the city, together with voluntary ‘a : 3 associations for charity (gemilut hesed / hasadim), for burials (hal- co ee vayat ha-met), for caring for the sick (bikkur holim), as well as for car- | ; a er ae , ) ing for the poor and needy (malbish arummim, literally “the dressing | a ° | co ue sy / of the naked”). These associations chose their officials each year; the , an \. -- 4 + ee. 2 ane we

finances were managed by two officials, one of them entrusted with : io. — fo

the moneybox, most probably a wooden chest, the other with its | oy : keys. The magistrates of these associations were called Kabribashi in an | : Turkish (“the head of the Hevrah”). Each year the rabbi would give ra Poy two speeches, encouraging his congregation to support the societies, “a { and the next week a communal feast (se’udah) would be held where rt i their contributions would be collected. (In contrast to the prevailing “ yh ps

custom R. Efraim brought a decision that also rabbis other than the ~ é rabbi of the Society could be asked to give the speech.) Clothes were 7 distributed among the poor during Hanukkah and the Jews of more distant lands also received help from Buda, a city that was considered “one of the most distinguished communities of the galut, whose members were respected and held in high esteem abroad”, wrote Alexander Biichler, the well-known 30. Covered passage-

Jewish historian (1901). way In the Jewish One of the greatest Talmudic scholars in Buda during the Turkish occupation was R. Efraim ha- ccanstruction Kohen. Born in Vilna, he soon became renowned for his Talmudic erudition. He was forced to flee the town in 1648, at the time of Chmielnicki’s pogroms in Ukraine. He traveled extensively and the Buda community, aware of his reputation, invited him to be their rabbi. He accepted the invitation

and moved to Buda in 1667, together with his family. His son-in-law, Yitzhak Schulhof, came to Buda , with him. One of his sons, Judah, soon married into one of the town’s distinguished families. Sometime earlier (1655) a Viennese rabbi forbade by herem (curse) the election of a rabbi who had relatives in the Buda community. This decision was necessary because any dispute that might arise among the Jews came under the rabbi’s jurisdiction, and if he had relatives in the community his impartiality might be impaired, or his relatives might take advantage of this connection. “Az a rov tut a shidekh mitn beder, halt zikh der beder far a rov’, if the rabbi becomes related to the bath attendant, the bath attendant (the employee of the mikveh) soon holds himself for a rabbi— states a Yiddish proverb. R. Efraim’s predecessor, R. Simhah, voluntarily resigned from his job following the decision (pesak) of the Viennese rabbi. This decision, when applied to R. Efraim, generated a debate that swept through several countries, but international scholarly opinion eventually approved and endorsed the choice of the Buda community. As far as Halakhic questions were concerned, R. Efraim corre-

Castte Hit 31

sponded with almost the entire Jewish world, from Jerusalem to Venice and from Salonika to Frankfurt. He maintained that a (ritual) curse (herem) cannot be imposed on scholars and that a well-

grounded opinion, formed in good faith, concerning matters of religious life cannot be persecuted and that he who errs should be admonished in private. His insightful Biblical and Talmudic interpretations generally show tolerance: for instance, he allowed a girl to reject a marriage that was not to her liking if she was betrothed while still a child (me'un). In his responsa he occasionally cites the Zohar; although he respected the mystic Biblical interpretations of the Kabbalah, he did not consider himself a mystic. He was invited to Jerusalem, to become the Chief Rabbi of the Holy Land, but he rejected the offer because he would first have liked to see his books printed. He died in Buda, during an epidemic. His tomb, lying somewhere near the wall of Castle Hill, was still visited in the nineteenth century—he may have been laid to rest on the highest point within the Jewish cemetery of the Vizivaros. His son, R. Judah, who survived one of the sieges of Buda (1684), settled in the land of Zion but returned to Prague after the reconquest of Buda to fulfill his father’s last wish that his writings be printed. His answers and decision (teshuvot / responsa) in matters of the Halakhah, the most important scholarly document of the Buda community that is still quoted, were printed under the title Sha'ar Efraim (“The Gate of Efraim”) (1689). The collection of his speeches, Mahane Efraim (“The Camp of Efraim”) has been lost. It appears that R. Efraim did not learn Hungarian during his years in Buda, certainly not enough to write his works in that language. This suggests that members of the city’s Jewish community spoke German / Yiddish among themselves. Beyond that Spanish, Portuguese, Hebrew as well as some Turkish influence can be perceived in the inscriptions on Hebrew gravestones. R. Efraim mentions that German was customarily the tongue of the bet din, whereas Hebrew was the language of (ritual) law, and the decisions were always translated. The minutes and regulations were always set down in Hebrew; extensive excerpts from the statutes of the community have survived as lengthy quotes

in the works of R. Efraim and others. | Geographical and military borders meant little, if anything, in Jewish religious and intellectual life. The prohibition of the Viennese rabbi also aimed to keep the Jewish world universal, at least as far as the training and the contacts of rabbis were concerned, and ensured that local traditions contradicting the universal did not emerge even under the protection of the minhag. Visits by foreign rabbis helped maintain this universality. R. Efraim’s horizon extended well beyond the borders of empires. The Jewish world was universal and uniform even in its variety. The road from Western Europe to the Holy Land led through Hungary and, with a small detour, through Buda. The rabbis making their way from the German towns to Eretz Yisrael, a journey that normally entailed a lifelong commitment, would stop for a year or two at Buda and work in the Ashkenazi community. It was not difficult to maintain contact with the Holy Land within the Ottoman Empire, and Buda was no exception. Since Suleiman had rebuilt Jerusalem and placed it under his own protection, the Jews, too, had a natural imperial framework. The Buda community made donations (halukkah) each year to the Jews in Safed, Tiberias, Jerusalem and Hebron, to help the poor and those who devoted their life to the study of the sacred books. Emissaries from the Holy Land would also come to Buda to collect charity. At that time the fame of Safed eclipsed even that of Jerusalem. There was a pious and wealthy man in Buda who took pains to ensure that his body (his bones?) would be taken to Safed and buried there: R. Noah, known as “the pious” by his contemporaries, who had regularly sent charity to former members of the Buda community living in the Holy Land. He died in 1630. A certain Levi traveled to the Holy Land himself to have his father-in-law buried there, at great financial sacrifice. The ship was near Sidon when the customs officials searched a woman and found her husband’s bones, and he too had to pay customs’ duties to avoid being harassed by the officials. The local Hevrah (that is, Hevrah Kaddishah) also demanded money for the burial place, and he had to ask for a donation from the heirs—his brothers-in-law—to cover these unexpected costs. The Buda community also took up collections to ransom their brethren who had been taken captive (pidyon shevuyyim).

, 32 CasTLe HILL —

The redemption of all captives is a command (mitzvah), a sacred obligation. Maimonides says: “One who is willfully slack in assisting in the ransom (of a captive) becomes liable forthwith for the trans-

gression (of the Scriptural commandment): Do not harden your heart and close your hand against your needy kinsman; as well as for his failure to fulfill (the Scriptural command): Do not allow your brother to be forced to labor in front of your eyes; and: Rescue those who are taken off to die; and for his failure to heed

the exhortation of the prophet: Deliver those who are bound in chains.

| (Mishneh Torah: Zeraim, Hilkhot Matnat aniyyim, 8,10) A number of details about life in Turkish-Jewish Budapest is known from a Halakhic work by R. Efraim’s immediate predecessor, R. Simhah ha-Kohen of Belgrade (his other names, also in a Turkish series were Freudemann (Simhah) Efraim ben Gershon ben Shimeon ben Yitzhak) (ca. 1622-before 1669). R. Simhah’s mother was Hungarian, the daughter of a learned rabbi who himself married into the Buda community, and who lived for some years in Buda on account of his father-in-law. In his book, Sefer shemot (“The Book of Names”) (Venice, 1657), he surveyed the orthography of Jewish male

and female names, as well as of European and Asian place-names. The practical purpose of the exercise was the regular publication of information necessary for the precise issuing of divorce certificates (get). The divorce certificate must contain the name of the river or some other natural feature next to the town in which the document had been issued. In order to clarify the minute details of orthography R. Simhah

had to sift through his erudition, observations and recollections, including his memories of Buda. It was the fame of this book that earned R. Simhah an invitation to Buda, which he accepted. After two months, however, given the warning implied in the Vienna decision, he returned to Belgrade. The scattered references in his work constitute an encyclopedia of Jewish Buda in the seventeenth century. In Hebrew documents Buda is generally written as Budn, pronounced as Budun and, in one case,

as Budan (probably following the declined form of the Hungarian name). Sometimes the German name is used: Ovn, pronounced Oven or Ofen, perhaps Ofenstadt, the Hebrew variant being Oven ha-birah, Buda Castle. The two names were occasionally used side by side: “Budun or / otherwise Ofen”; and the reason why Hungarian comes first, writes a contemporary, is that in Buda Hungarian is spoken more common than German. The city was also called Old Buda (Alt Oven), and the adjective “old” is declined according to German grammar (Simhah ha-Kohen). In fact, the name Ofen was used more extensively in the Ashkenazi tradition, while Budun was more common in the Sephardi and Turkish tradition. The description in the divorce certificates, always referred to the river flowing near the city, as follows: Buda, that is called Ofen, lying beside the river Danube and springs and thermal springs. Buda was sometimes described as “Mount (har) Bud(a)”. And even though the custom of using both names (Budun / Ofen) survived for quite a while in Hebrew sources even after the Turkish occupation, the name Buda gradually took precedence. R. Meir of Kismarton (Eisenstadt) argued in several responsa (Panim me'irot, “Sparkling faces / Faces of Meir”, 1733) that although the name of the city once again became Ofen, as it had been earlier among the Ashkenazim, after Buda had been occupied by the Germans, he would nonetheless recommend the name Buda because, R. Meir argued, it was the Sephardim who had “originally” formed a majority in the town. In spite of the unexpectedly rich excavation results there is some uncertainty in the identification of the Buda synagogues. According to one source there was an “old” and a “new” synagogue in Buda in 1647. Evliya Chelebi, too, speaks of two synagogues. R. Efraim mentions three synagogues (1674), as does Schulhof a decade later. This number would correspond to what we know of religious movements within the Jewish community of Buda. The Ashkenazi community was reorganized after 1541; the Sephardi Jews who arrived with the Turks probably had their own synagogue; and we know that the town also had a “Syrian community” (Kahal, or perhaps more correctly: kehillah siriatike). However, only two buildings have so far been identified—the third may have stood outside of the Castle district, somewhere in the outlying Jewish town (Tabdn or Vizivdros), although its exact site has not been located yet. R. Efraim mentions that it was not customary to recite the prayers in private houses, lest the Turkish authorities become suspicious about a clandestine meeting. CasTLe Hint 33

(11) Next Year in Jerusalem Around 1665 Shabbetai Tzvi (1626-1676) of Smyrna (Izmir) started proclaiming in the Jewish com-

munities of Asia Minor that he was a direct descendant of David and, as such, none other than the Messiah. Jews from all over the Ottoman Empire, as well as Europe flocked to join his movement. He preached that the Messianic age had arrived and that for the little time left on this earth one should act exactly to the contrary of all religious commandments. His activity is mentioned by David Rozsnyai (1641-1718) who happened to be studying Turkish at that time in Istanbul and who was extremely well informed: “And they brought the Jew, considered to be the king of Jews, before the emperor.” Shabbetai Tzvi’s fame spread quickly. His popularity did not diminish even after he converted to Islam, the faith of the sultan. The rector of a Calvinist school in Transylvania, Istvan Eszéki (Nagybdnya), mentions the new

| Messiah in one of his school plays performed at Christmas, 1667 and printed in Kolozsvar (today Cluj) (1669). “(...) But why am I bringing up such an old issue? — Not so far, three years ago — A false preacher arose —

| His name was Sabetha Sebi, a swindler. — What happened, even the children know, — Because you were then completely fooled; — The Turk is still laughing at you, — He just wanted his treasury full. - He changed religion and became a Turkish Moslem — He left his mission as Messiah soon, — Because he was in great dangers, — And he saw he could not complete what he had planned.”

| - (Rhytmusokkal val6 szent beszélgetés [Holy Talk in Rhymes]) , Eszéki was of course attacking not only Shabbetai Tzvi, but the Jews as well, whom he would have ; liked to convert. But as far as the conversion of the Jewish Messiah was concerned, his information was

| precise and admirably up-to-date: he must have received the news straight from Turkey. Throughout most of Europe, his non-Jewish contemporaries tended to consider Shabbetai Tzvi an impostor,

swindler and deceiver. |

The appearance of a Messiah in Turkey elicited an immediate positive responsum in Buda, too. A son-in-law of R. Efraim, R. Jacob ben Benjamin Zeev Ashkenazi, became a follower of Shabbetai Tzvi. Paul Rycaut, the English consul in Smyrna who in 1666 sojourned briefly in Buda on his way

: home, recorded in his diary that he felt a strange unrest among the Jews of Buda: as he saw it, there was hardly a single soul who was not abandoning his customary trade and preparing to travel to Jerusalem with his whole family. In their conversations, dreams and daily transactions they were preoccupied with nothing but moving to and settling in the Promised Land. One particularly notorious Shabbatean, Nehemyah Hayyon, later claimed that in the summer of 1666, on the Fast of the 9th of Av (Tish'ah be-Av)—the day when Nebukhadnezzar had occupied Jerusalem—the Jews were rejoicing and partaking in festive meals, flouting all religious precepts. The fanatic followers of the new Messiah killed an observant Jew—allegedly with the tacit consent, if not at the instigation of R. Jacob—who was sitting in the synagogue and refused to recite a benediction over the Messiah of Smyrna. Taking the exhortation recited on the eve of Yom Kippur and Pesah, “Next year in Jerusalem!”, literally, they wanted to be in Jerusalem by the beginning of Hanukkah of the next year (December, 1666). They planned to travel through “the land of Edom”, through Christian lands, probably taking a sea route, rather than through the Ottoman Empire. Poor R. Efraim must have lived through some difficult days... Some decades later, as an established rabbi in Belgrade and, later still, as rabbi of Altona~-HamburgWandsbeck, towards the end of his life, R. Jacob’s son, Tzvi Hirsh Ashkenazi (Hakham Tzvi, “the Wise”), became known as an implacable opponent of the Shabbateans.

34 CastLe HILL

(12) “Small” Synagogue: Medieval Jewish Prayer-house (26 Tancsics Mihaly utca) |

| 31. Hebrew

the bow a Biblical quotation, Hannah’s prayer: ee i

PH VIN ow Onn O33 nwP : inscriptions on the wall of the “small”

“The bows of the mighty are broken, synagogue

, (1 Samuel 2,4) :

| : And the faltering are girded with strength.” |

, TI

The other drawing is a star of David with the Priestly Blessing inside:

| JINN PIR PAD TIN? ow 7? owe) POX PID NW?

“The Lorp Bless you and keep you! The Lorp deal kindly and graciously with you! The Lorp bestow his favor upon you and grant you peace!”

(Numbers 6,24-26)

The remnants of the building were discovered during excavations in 1964/65. Sandor Scheiber identified the script as Eastern cursive script and dated it to the sixteenth-seventeenth centuries. The content of the texts confirms this interpretation: in those times Buda was often under siege, which explains why the Jewish community was constantly prepared for war and praying for peace. The inscriptions suggest that this synagogue was used according to the Sephardi rites (minhag) but it is hard to know whether it housed the Spanish or the Syrian Sephardi community. Stylistic features of the building suggest that it was built around 1400 as a residential house. Later, after the synagogue in the courtyard of the Mendel Houses was built, or even later then that, during the Ottoman rule, it was occupied by the Sephardi community of Buda. They made some minor alterations to suit the new functions. The apertures or windows of the women’s gallery are still visible. Since the renovation of the “small” synagogue in 1966, the building houses a small collection of liturgical and personal objects, mostly the heritage of the Jews of Buda. Jewish gravestones are displayed in a small niche to the left of the entrance. The closely packed steles with their Hebrew inscriptions evoke a stylized Jewish cemetery, with the gravestones piled next to each other. Most of these gravestones were unearthed in the late nineteenth century during renovation and reconstruction work in Buda. Some were found after World War II, while clearing away the rubble of houses hit by bombs in the Castle area. They come from the medieval and Turkish period cemeteries of the Jewish quarter of Buda (Krisztinavaros, Vizivaros), and they constitute a major source for the medieval history of Hungarian Jewry. Some of the stones of the “great” synagogue are displayed in the courtyard; these were removed before the building was reburied.

Caste Hitt 35

(13) The Gravestone of Lady Sarah (1656) © The expulsion of the Turks from Buda in 1686 also entailed the end of the earlier Jewish settlement. Their cemetery was destroyed and some of their gravestones were carried away to be used in con-

struction work. Most were used in the buildings around Matthias Church, with some incorporated into the wall of the St. Stephen’s chapel. The gravestone of Lady Sarah was found in the wall of the ground floor corridor of the wing facing the Danube in the building at 5-7-9 Szinhaz utca, a former Carmelite monastery. A Franciscan monastery had stood here since the thirteenth century, with Werbédczy’s house next to it. During the Turkish occupation this house had been the residence of the Pasha of Buda. Both buildings were destroyed in 1686, when Buda was recaptured, and the plot, together with the ruins, was given to 32. Inscription on the Carmelite Order. The gravestones of the nearby J ewish cemetery were used in the construction Lady Sarah's grave- of the new monastery. These gravestones were discovered in the course of clearing away the rubble stone and renovation after World War II. They are currently exhibited in the Medieval Jewish Prayer-house.

sn ORS, New nv map) MVE Tees, wow na iw

BG EMR AN panera | Siecchcein » 5? Ton nw 7 bap ti: & his memory is blessed. She died ,

a MN ee 23 on the fifth day (Thursday), the 22nd day

ge ee oe , to the minor era (1656).” (14) The Gravestone of Lady Freudel (1672) The gravestone of Lady Freudel (1672) was formerly placed in the lapidarium of the Budapest Historical Museum (Fishermen’s Bastion), and is currently exhibited in the Medieval Jewish Prayerhouse. Broken in two, it came to light at 1 Hess Andras tér in 1887. The building, originally a Jesuit college, was built between 1686 and 1702, and the gravestone was incorporated into its walls. The gravestone is ornamented with three flower petals (rosetta), the inscription itself is framed by an arc. The most personal inscription from Buda is to be found on this gravestone.

(Among the three flowers:) , 259 29n DION D2 OP TAX

“On the eve of Tuesday, on the 28th of Elul, in 432, according to the minor era (September 20, 1672).

(On the upper part of the frame:)

WAT TW IWR tO M15 Here is hidden the valuable and distinguished woman, 36 CastTLe HILL

(On the left side of the frame:)

ON PD ONT TIT AW Na PID NW the Lady Freudel, daughter of R. David, the memory of the just is blessed,

from the commune of Aussee, ]

(On the right side of the frame:)

WW. 2772 TAD VAI VARNA NWR the wife of the illustrious master R. Leb of Lichtenstadt (or Nikolsburg), may his Rock and Redeemer guard him.

(Within the frame:) by PND MPDID IN TON

UNI NYOD YY AIDA

MYA TIA IDI ANN TVA TWIT TOY n>Dinon TINIAN

nnnp mp nya TY? .ecsceees

For these things I weep without intermission, because the wife has died, the tender and delicate, dear

(Break) : and straight, the pure lamp,

virtuous and laudable, a crown to ,

her husband, she opened her mouth (with wisdom).

MDD 39 °C PNA

ny Soa cay nw

MAA RSYIN TW ras JT} Who could recount her good qualities? She stretched out her hand to the poor always (and at every) time. Can one find her equal? May her soul be bound up with the bond of life.”

This distinguished lady had a typically German name, and had probably moved to Buda together with her husband who, as indicated by his name, was a rabbi. The inscription reflects not only his deep grief, but also his erudition. The text, which rhymes in Hebrew, reveals a number of Biblical quotes. One rabbinical genre, displaying familiarity with the sacred texts, was to spin an entirely new text laced with Biblical words, expressions and quotes, similar to the classical Latin genre of the cento, a “patchwork of poems”. R. Leib’s quotes are the following: “for these things do I weep” (Lamentations 1,16); “without respite” (Lamentations 3,49); “dainty and delicate” (Isaiah 47,1); “a crown for her husband” (Proverbs 12,4); “her mouth is full of wisdom” (Proverbs 31,26); “her hands are stretched out to the needy” (Proverbs 31,20). The Bible was known by all, the quotes could be easily identified and the art of Biblical citations was undoubtedly admired.

CastLe Hint 37

(15) Mazl Tov! Aside from the gravestones, very few inscribed objects have survived from the period of the Ottoman

rule. One of these, a golden wedding ring (tabba'at kiddushin), is on display in the Hungarian National Museum. It was found in 1861 in Buda during groundwork for a house (Iskola utca). The ring is from the sixteenth or seventeenth century. Nine bumps, alternating with granulation, ornament

the wide solid gold hoop. ,

The head of the ring is a miniature house, indicating marriage. The Jewish custom of giving a ring to the bride during the wedding ceremony (under the huppah) is an old one, it dates back at least to the early Middle Ages. The ring is not only a symbol, it carries value too. It can only be made of pure gold or silver, it may not have a precious stone in it because the value of the latter is uncertain. The inscription in the ring from Buda is the well known Jewish wedding greeting and wish: Mazzal tov—Good luck! You should be lucky! As one says today: Mazl tov. The word mazzal used to mean the lucky conjunction of the stars, mazzalot is the Zodiac. The word as well as the image it suggests is part of the Babylonian heritage of the Jewish tradition.

(16) The Recapture of Buda (1686) During the earlier sieges (1598, 1602, 1684) the Austrians treated the Jews similarly to the Turks, their

enemies. But even in more peaceful times, “the Hungarians, Germans and Czechs are apt to impale and roast the Jew from these lands, should he fall into their hands,” writes Evliya Chelebi. In the summer of 1686 the Jews took part, as far as the Turks allowed them, in the defense of Buda, carrying water, wood, stones and ammunition, except on the Sabbath, when they were exempt from this work. The Castle Hill could best be approached from the Vizivaros. The city walls had lain in ruins since the 1684 siege, and the Christian troops began their assault from this direction. They did not bother to distinguish between the “Ismaelites” (Turks) and the Jews of Buda—neither could expect mercy. During the last phase of the siege, when the Brandenburg soldiers were fighting in the vicinity

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ep peas PR ows a EBS RD (OE) [es rp Hoon op eel vere ays on Aenea ye Ge 36. A Jewish flyer gy PER AG TI pinoeuro Bb Mineo me SE Vi pinD wr oy We TNs (peer in aha an qin) jerk ort fag,

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in Buds, 1686 Make RU aoeiy Soa ysion an un (Ada) peor nerks hs (PYRE) Boom ie Hasyn dh ood rm miaarc diag The Jewish community of Buda was completely destroyed in 1668. The siege was called hurban, “destruction”, as the siege of Jerusalem. The victors imposed a ransom on the Jews, an enormous amount to be paid to the commander of the Christian forces; this amount could only be raised by loans from Jewish communities abroad, and while the sum was being raised the Jews of Buda had to rely on the guarantees put up by Prague, Nikolsburg and other towns. Those who were unable to escape in time and who were not killed during the siege, were taken captive as part of the booty. Some four hundred Jews were taken captive. For many years after the fall of Buda, fund-raising continued in the Jewish communities of Europe in order to ransom the captives taken by the Austrian and Hungarian troops. R. Efraim ha-Kohen’s son-in-law, R. Jacob Ashkenazi, was captured by the Brandenburgians, but he eventually managed to make his way to the Holy Land, even if not the “next year”, as he had once hoped when still under the influence of Shabbetai Tzvi’s ideas; after he was ransomed, he made aliyah. Shemuel (Samuel) Oppenheimer (1630-1703), a Viennese banker and army contractor living in Heidelberg, was especially active in ransoming the prisoners of Buda: he undertook to muster a

| fully equipped musketeer for each Jewish prisoner, and offered to cancel a significant portion of the war debts of the court at the pertinent imperial committee. The prisoners who were ransomed by him and by his agents—one by the name of Sender (Alexander / Sdndor) Taussig / Tauszk, an able young Jew who repeatedly courted danger in his dealings—were scattered all over the world. Some of them had the surname Oven, “of Buda”, which they kept even after their arrival to the Holy Land.

40 Caste HILL

|..Obud Obuda

The Golden age of the Jewish community of Obuda came in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth

centuries. In those times Obuda was the largest Jewish community in the country, perhaps after Pozsony / Pressburg. This is when their famous rabbi, Moshe Miinz, was active. When the Turks left the country, Buda and Pest came under the jurisdiction of the Hungarian Kingdom

where Jews were not permitted to settle in royal free boroughs. In fact, Jews did not settle in Buda in the eighteenth century until the times of Joseph II. Landowners, however, were not subject to the restrictions of the royal free boroughs; it was them who settled Jews on their own estates during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This is how the Jewish communities of Western Hungary emerged: on the Esterhazy estates in Kismarton (Eisenstadt) and in the “seven communities (sheva kehillot)” in Burgenland, Austria, on the estates of the Batthyany family in Rohonc (Rechnitz, Austria) and Némettjvdar (Giissing, Austria), under the protection of the Palffy family in Pozsony (Bratislava, Slovakia), and elsewhere. The contractual relationship between the landowner and the Jewish community (communitas), defined when these communities were established, served as models for similar contracts throughout the eighteenth century. Landowners were happy to take advantage of the Jewish communities for they tied their production into the international commercial network. The Jews of Obuda, too, settled on a manorial estate, under the protection of the Zichy family. Some fourteenth- and fifteenth-century documents testify that Jews did live in Obuda (Ofen Yashan / Oven Yoshen by its Hebrew name, Alt Ovn in Yiddish) before the Ottoman rule. In addition to written sources (tax registers), the goblet of their Holy Society (Hevrah Kaddishah) survived, to become part of the collection of the Jewish Museum in New York City. The goblet, inscribed with a date (1626), is not an ultimate proof because it may have belonged to the Jewish community of the Castle. After the recapture of Buda it was the Austrian authorities who promoted the settlement of Jews in Buda. They needed the Jews as suppliers for the army. The Jews of Obuda came mostly from Bohemia and Moravia. Among them there was also a Sephardi Jew, an Italian merchant called David of Rome, who traded in coffee. After 1746, when Maria Theresa’s decree expelled the Jews from Buda, a number of Jewish families moved to the neighboring Obuda. Prominent eighteenth-century rabbis included Issachar Dov (Ber) Oppenheim (ca. 1740), Mattityahu Giinsburg, Izs4k Kicse (K6éce / Kittsee / Yitzhak Katz) (ca. 1786) and finally Moshe Miinz. During the eighteenth century the Jews of Buda lived in an autonomous community. They called

their city by its Turkish Sephardi name. R. Meir of Kismarton (Eisenstadt) allowed the use of both , names, Budun and Ofen (i.e. Ofen Yashan) in divorce certificates.

The first Jew of Obuda identified by name was a certain Jacob Flesh who delivered oil, sugar, almonds, lemon, hair powder, and other goods to the Zichy Palace in Zs4mbék. The market town Obuda, together with about ten other villages, belonged to the Zsambék estates of the Zichy family of Zics and Vasonk6. In 1726 Count Zichy leased an abandoned ale-house (brewery and inn) to the Jews. He needed the income from the rent of the apartments and shops. Jews who chose occupations that ultimately served the landowner were not only granted rights to settle but also enjoyed certain privileges and the landowner’s protection. According to the orders (1745) of Zsuzsanna Bercsényi, the widow of Count Péter Zichy, which were confirmed after her death (1746 and 1765), the Jewish community was entitled to elect public officials (hithadshut / hishadshus), turn to their own courts in domestic disputes and build synagogues. They were granted free practice of religion, they could run slaughterhouses and inns, they could buy a license to sell alcohol, although it was restricted to selling wine or beer to fellow-Jews. They were allowed to surround their dwelling place with a Sabbath-rope (eruv). In return they were obliged to pay considerable sums in the form of all sorts of annual taxes, they had to maintain a fire brigade, keep their shops closed on Christian holidays and

Osupa 4]

always report giving shelter to foreign Jews. They were even allowed to own property. They retained their rights after the estate came under the control of the Treasury (1766).

In Obuda, Jews and Christians lived side by side, they had equal rights. The partial dependence of Jews on Christian society emerged relatively late, after the 1840s and only in connection with the military tax. The head of the community was the Jewish Judge (Juden Richter / judex judaeorum), assisted by a council, composed of jurors and five assessors. Further organs of self-government were the larger exterior council (24 people), led by the speaker (Vormund) and the board of deputies (60 people). By the end of the eighteenth century the population attained almost two thousand. Ferenc Schams (1780-1839), an apothecary, estimated the population of Obuda in 1822 at 7,356 people, including 4,000 Catholics and 3,210 Jews. Most people in the town were merchants and craftsmen by profession. The merchants were mostly peddlers, carrying “small articles on their back from village to village”. They traded in hare-skin, leather, shells for making buttons, and scrap iron. Some maintained shops or inns or delivered grain and wine to faraway places. Among the craftsmen were tailors, cobblers, brandy distillers, furriers, goldsmiths, silversmiths and bookbinders. According to the 1767 census the Jewish community of Obuda could even support two jesters (musicians). The situation of Jews living on the estate of a landowner and under his protection was far more favorable than that of the Jews of Buda or Pest: they were less exposed to the extremes of daily events. In market towns Jews even had an opportunity for upward mobility into the middle class. True, the main attraction of Obuda, the “harbor”, was the proximity of the two bigger cities, mostly of Pest. “They lingered here like in a hallway, waiting to enter Pest and Buda, but the Germans would not let them” (Antal Szerb, Budapesti kalauz Mars-lak6k szdmdra [A Guide to Budapest for Martians], Budapest: L6bl David és Fia, 1935).

A Hungarian saying bears testimony: “They are as numerous as Jewish kids in Obuda.”

| “A large community with many persons learned and wise, rich and well-off—God Almighty should keep them”, wrote a Jewish chronicler about Obuda in 1746. “The Jewish community of Obuda is one of the oldest in the country and it had become independent not only as a religious congregation but as a political unit, too. They elected their own judges, they were granted self-government, later they even practiced criminal law, inflicting punishment, including caning and prison terms. They communicated with county and city officials in writing, lived peacefully, practiced their professions and multiplied. (...) They accumulated great wealth and people came from all over the world to borrow their money. The sales registers of the goldsmith Totisz, kept in our museum today, contains the names of the most prominent nobles of Transylvania from the 30s.” (Gabor Haldasz, Vazlat Obuddrol [Sketch of Obuda], 1935)

(1) Institutions of a Jewish Community Whenever Jews settle in a new place, they first try to establish the basis of Jewish communal life, the institutional framework of the “Holy Community” (Kehillah Kedoshah), to ensure life according to Halakhic rules and customs (minhag). The most important Jewish institutions are a prayer-room, ritual bath, slaughterhouse, and cemetery. Building a synagogue is never the concern of newcomers but of established, wealthier communities and only if external circumstances permit. The only requirement for communal prayer is the presence of ten adult men, a minyan, meaning “number”, “number of people”. Thus, any ordinary room where there is a Torah scroll is suitable. Prayer-rooms or small prayer-houses were often set up in private homes; they served as a meeting place for the men of the community. The word “synagogue” itself, derived from the Greek synagogue, means “assembly”, “congregation”, “place / house of gathering”. In large villages this room or building also served as the center of the community (kahal / kehillah / edah) and as the headquarters of various institutions. Ritual, educational, judicial institutions as well

as tax-related issues and social welfare were directed and supervised from here. , 42 Osupa

The two most important institutions of ritual life are the ritual bath (mikveh) and the slaughterhouse together with the slaughterer, the person in charge of ritual slaughter (shohet, Yiddish shoykhet, Hungarian sakter, a Germanized version of the Yiddish term). In Hungarian he is also called “metsz6é” [cutter] because according to Judaic law he cuts the trachea and the neck artery of the animal with one quick slice, to avoid unnecessary pain. An equally important person is the mohel / moyhel, the person trained to circumcise newborn baby boys when they are eight days old. Since circumcisions happen relatively rarely, not every community has its own mohel, he can be invit-

ed from another community.

children are taught to read and write in Hebrew withthehelp | == = san dbudal

of some simple prayers and Biblical texts, guided by the | = =

melammed, the teacher. The yeshivah, the Talmud school, is a —O——OS

the higher institution of learning. A boher “young man” or | = 5 gg yeshivah boher—teenager or elder boys, young men or even | 7 = some of older ones—study the Talmud for several years witha | rabbi. It was not customary to “maintain” a yeshiva—this was eT the term they used—in a large town like Obuda or Pest | = =

because the temptations of city-life would have distracted the | = = = =

students’ attention from the Talmud. Therefore there is no lr r— mention of a single yeshiva in the whole of Budapest, with | _ ee

the exception of the Orthodox school on the corner of Dob | = ——— and Kazinczy utca, which used to be called a yeshiva. rr—“‘CC—i—C—C—C—COCOCOCOCUCOCizéC “CR

The officials of the community were headed by the presidemt [22:2 Sissies sie so oes (rosh ha-kahal / rashekol). A general name for the officials is parnas. Members of the council are called “elders” (zaken, plural zekenim), the officials are gabba'im. It was the dayyan who decided in civil matters. To qualify for this position one had to have a good moral and critical sense as well as familiarity with the Talmud, Mishnah and earlier responsa. Questions of ritual were to be examined by the moreh hora'ah. Gabba'im (“tax collector”, Yiddish gabe) were entrusted with collecting communal taxes, alms and some other organizational tasks. The full name for this position was “charity collector (gabbai tzedakah / tsedoke gabe)”. This was a confidential post, every

Osupa 43

community had at least two gabba'im. It was the gabbai who indicated the text when the Torah is read. The sexton in the synagogue is called shammash / shames; he is in charge of opening and closing the synagogue, he takes care of the building. Another paid communal official or emissary (sheliah tzibbur) is the cantor (hazzan / khazn, in Obuda: Schulsinger, “synagogue singer”). He is the person who leads the prayer, the services. In his modern role the rabbi is the religious and spiritual leader of the community, he preaches, conducts wedding ceremonies and burials. His original role, however, was different: he helped his congregation understand and interpret traditional texts and laws. He participated in the daily Talmud study (shi'ur) of the community, held lectures before Pesah and the High Holidays and gave replies (teshuvah, plural teshuvot, Latin responsum) to Halakhic questions (she'elah, plural she'elot, Latin rogatio) addressed to him. The rabbi was the president of the

rabbinical court (bet din / beys din) which consisted of three people. Since the other two members of the bet din were rabbis, too, the president was usually called chief rabbi. The Turkish-Jewish name for chief rabbi (hakham bashi) was not unknown in Buda during the Turkish occupation. Rabbis were addressed by the title morenu or morenu ha-rav, “our teacher”. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the Neolog communities of Pest, like the Dohany utca community, would employ a preacher in addition to the rabbi. Registers—birth- and marriage-registers, death certificates—were kept by the rabbi or his deputy. Orthodox communities would keep a register of circumcisions (mohel book), in addition. (Actually, keeping Jewish registers grew out of this practice.) Obuda was the first modern Jewish community in the region of the capital of Hungary. Here, in

| this market town, there was no separate Jewish quarter as there had been everywhere else, including Buda. Jews lived among the non-Jewish population but their communal life was organized around a center, the Jewish institutions. This center was in the Zsid6 utca / Lajos utca, near the synagogue. The rabbi’s apartment, the Jewish hospital and apothecary were on a huge ground-plot, overlooking the street, next to some dwelling houses, and the synagogue behind them; this arrangement was typical in the eighteenth century.

Next to this complex stood the slaughterhouse (Fleischbank) and the Jewish community house (Gemein-Haus). In the first half of the eighteenth century there was an additional small prayer-room and a little further, of course, the cemetery. From the second half of the eighteenth century on there was a Hevrah Kaddishah, a hospital and, due to the decrees of Joseph II, a Jewish public school in

the neighborhood. This complex grew with time. Not to the North, where the St. Peter and Paul Roman Catholic Church and the Zichy Palace stood, but to the South, towards Ujlak. Many Jews lived in Lajos utca, Mékus utca and Korona utca; this was the “Jewish courtyard (Judenhof)” where Jewish institutions, shops, beer- and wine-cellars dominated the streets.

(2) The Obuda Synagogue (163 Lajos utca) The first prayer-house was opened on the cartwright- (“Wagenmeister’-) plot in the first decades of the eighteenth century. Documents call it Judenshul or oskola, “school”, though it could hardly have been anything but a traditional Jewish study house (German Schule, Yiddish shul / shil / shiil), i.e. a prayer-house. It is mentioned that the “tools of the Jews”, books and “robes”, were kept in the “school”, which confirms that it was a prayer-house. The building, with adobe walls, was probably erected for some other purpose. The first synagogue proper was built in 1732-1733 on the Zsid6 tér (Jewish square) which was more or less the area South to the present synagogue, on the Danube side. The second one was built in 1769 on a privately owned lot, according to the plans of Matyas Maté Nepauer (ca. 1719-1792). Nepauer was a popular architect, almost all the eighteenth-century churches in Buda are hallmarked by his name (St. Anne Church in Vizivaros, the parish church in Ujlak, St. Florian Chapel in F6 utca, the Augustine, later Franciscan Church on Margit kértt). The fact that he was commissioned to build the synagogue is an indication of the developing bourgeois status of Jews. Unfortunately, parts of Nepauer’s modest synagogue had to be demolished in 1817 because its walls cracked, due to poor soil conditions. The winner of the competition to design a new synagogue was

44 Osupa

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a |... ee | oe SSeS ee. Sf ol ge eS Se SS S

_ ynagogue, ca. 1899 ing, against Miha SS Ands V voneo-Classicist Landherr’ ICi buil |

1S S10 e Z ee Ee Ee es ee Se Eo ee Eee a

OEE eSSe —— SS ee4 eS Ses —— as ee egoC» SsSSSS SSSe eSSee ESSSS Se Oe ES)gS eee

aca e Eee SS ee Pe ee SSS SS SR eS See ee

: . oy ‘co . . Ct a ~—~—rt—i‘—‘“‘_OCOCOCOCC. co mmu ni | a a ee st EE).. a

i. ynagogue, ca. 1920

completed the work in accordan _ ———r—“‘“‘_OCOCOCOCO*wO*OCOC*t(CW The Obuda

ern standards. . The the mm times } ispirit .The a aofspiri ee = coea _gE

ne Sa AU es

. . . |.eeee EEN en SeEE Ee ie, ee ERIS GS LEE peerEee eta Bea8eeeee 8

Lh SS Eg es SO OES EE) e EEO e SRE EEes Le Ss eeESE ee SSCC Se t at S Cc a . EE ED UA EE eeCESe gs EOE ee

Cs ee ee

: 2 |. _ a. |. ee SSS = SSS ES PE HEeET,

. 2 =o eo i=ss So| -=... |... oe _-

} oo ___-sisitzs | | os Saas SS 2S eS Se

e 5) e#@#— te e —See = SS — Se 2 a. 2sss a SS eee SSS ee aeee SeSe ae wide — eeLeSe ———S

. O AS

fp s—isi‘CO;OOOOCC#C#CN. Sgaiiery was on the northern and western

Oe ===, ides. An open portico, supported by six

synagogue, 1981 EE 7 ea ee ee rated with a lute, the wrought-iron steps with a lute and trumpet (shofar). The synagogue must have been a remarkable sight near the free royal boroughs of Buda and Pest around the time of its construction. The Archduke Joseph (1796-1847), the Palatine, would proudly show it to his guests visiting from abroad. Ferenc Schams wrote in his guide-book: “(In Obuda) several Jewish houses stand out by their pomp from the street view, but the most magnificent _ novelty is the new synagogue. Contemporary Jews differ from their ancestors—very rightly, I suppose—in their principles; for while the ancient Hebrews, being monotheist, would not tolerate more than one place of worship, and their religious practice and love of their home was united in the Temple of Jerusalem, these

days we find synagogues in every community of more than a few hundred members. This new synagogue is undoubtedly the most beautiful one of all the similar Jewish religious establishments in the Austrian Monarchy; not even the Jewish temple of Temesvdr [today Timisoara, Romania] can compete with it in pomp, not to mention the old synagogues of Prague. The only building that may outdo it in grandiosity is the building of the Jewish community of Amsterdam.” (Vollstiindige Beschreibung der k6nigl. freyen Haupt Stadt Ofen, Buda, 1822)

A Russian traveler, Piotr I. Keppen visited the synagogue in May, 1822, guided by the same Schams. In his account Keppen says that only “a synagogue

ae GY aa | every traveler must see it”; referring to the Nether-

yy ee §=E A painting of the synagogue by F. Weiss appears a Seems ee | eee ee Vasquez published in 1838 (in the collection of

, “bie bee om ) the National Széchényi Library). Among other

ae Rae frame. The painting, just like turn-of-the-century ——=) te . F.. graphic print of the synagogue was a valued treaee sure decorating his parents’ house. 46 Osupa

been preserved in the Budapest Municipal Archives. The -

would renew their seats for the next (ritual) year at the end te hs | of the summer, before the High Holidays. The owner’s name Soo C25 ste ee

was usually inscribed into the benches, too. Each bench had PE oxo Wa eee. te a small drawer where its owner could keep his prayer-book eae | Meee Ste Se

and, if he davened every day, as was customary in the aio covey * * ighteenth century his atisand etn. Seats wee sokiat gg” ff MM

. 14: . | ee... eo i e.éeeégee 8.88

The Obuda synagogue is one of the most beautiful Neo- i 0 Ae A 2 Not far from the synagogue, in the former Zichy utca (no. a

tory the Jewsand ofJewish Obuda. Some of objects formerofsynagogue community arethe nowritual in the OY ee of the Pte = collection of the Jewish Museum of Budapest, including Torah crowns, breastplates, a curtain of the Ark (parokhet / paroykhes) as well as boxes and bowls for 45. The bimah / alms. Some of the inscriptions on the goldsmith’s works are “Made by Hayyim ben Yehuda and Levi, #7#79r in the aldermen of the Obuda Hevrah, in the year 5536 [=1776]” (silver alms bowl); “This was given to the Ubuda synagogue

Hevrah Kaddishah by Moshe Abeles upon his becoming a member of the society to redeem the costs of his burial” (silver cup with cover, late eighteenth century); “Made by Moshe Kan and Moshe Tsoref [whose name means “goldsmith”], Ferenc Holics, aldermen of the Obuda Hevrah Kaddishah, in the year 5560 [=1800]” (silver alms bowl); “Jicek K6ce [Yitzhak Katz / Kittsee] donated this to the Torah AB. The former study society. Cup of the blessing and the food. (The Almighty) ordered us to say a blessing upon this pyilding of the Gbuda (cup)” (silver kiddush cup, decorated with gold, Lipdét Fischer’s work, Pest, ca. 1800); “A present of synagogue now

Mordecai Holics and his wife, Sarah, to the Hevrah of Obuda, in the year 565 [1805]” (silver alms aie y the bowl); “The possession of Shmuel Gran’s widow, Lady Rezl, her mother’s name is Bele, made in honor Huncevian Television of the Torah in the year 5574 [= 1814]” (parokhet). “This beautiful box was given as an offering by Yosef 1993

Gran, Mikhael Leser, Hayyim Zilc, Yeshaya Rosenthal, Avraham Spitz, David Bergl. On the first day take the fruitof. ("7

In 1848 the violence against Jews of Pozsony and Pest | cgi

spread to Obuda as well Someone, a nonJew, who vised | qt =n anneROORRRSRSRSRSS

the famous synagogue on a Saturday morning, wrote as fol- | gaa. uae cere

prayer, came up to me and talked to me kindly in Hungarian. We fF PEGG. be able to worship their God peacefully anymore for they feared — ——“ai—i—— Osupa 47

j.

ianes*{«SP . oe .seen ° e,e { ;.‘ . ‘ \ hs ree . . . 4 i: ;

fe a f—-# In the fall one could hear verbunkos or recruiting music

a BT on the square in front of the synagogue: twenty young

yoo i ee eee Jewish musicians played recruiting songs led by the silver-

1 | knobbed walking stick of the Jewish Judge, inviting all to

| po Ueecee rT ee join the army, to become a hussar. At the beginning of May

of the following year the Jews of Obuda gave shelter to

1 { Wwe ee a , } " \ ! _] Buda. —=— es \ a4 = The synagogue underwent major renovation in 1900.

! _-< ~n . . . :

nes, Beas many of the two thousand refugees escaping the siege of

oa fever AB ee. This is when the secessionist or Art Nouveau decoration of

IE the tympanum by Gyula Ullman was added. Before that the PL BR nee facade was decorated with a clock within a rosette. At the

Jenne wee re . . : ' I \ tia ' ' . .

= lL | same the oldwindows copper roof replaced by sheet iron. ‘ eeetime The square on thewas second floor were replaced - a ae - } by round ones. The walls were decorated with secessionist

eens a no ort iN oo paintings (inside) and stained-glass windows were installed.

ify &s . : , : . 7 Tt eon Ae he me , ° .

!a ae\ ‘Uy. i ‘| interior ‘ J ‘I it.°. furniture was partly restored and partly replaced.

a : bets vt i! ptf Electricity was installed to replace the old candelabra. The eee ere a ; otittty, The report of Jézsef Parczel, the notary of the community,

| \ fret + ut | atoot; serves -—= vio: _~. i as an important document of the renovation, in spite t— — 4 a of the awkwardness of its intended lofty style (1901).

ii ofboth ote ti ot

(o] |e] le - jw lel Ie “The temple’s interior makes a great impression on the visitor.

~ _ = = Officials and experts made every effort and acted with great care

to preserve the original character of the synagogue while up-dat47. Ground-plan of ing it to meet all contemporary needs. The old seats had been replaced by new, modern ones (402 of them); the Obuda synagogue one of them is a heavily decorated, closed seat for the chief rabbi of the community. Among the new pieces of

the synagogue’s furniture are a new pulpit in front of the Ark and a stand for the cantor on the right side of the widened steps leading up to the pulpit. The artistic paintings compiled tastefully from beautiful colors as well as the golden decoration on the paintings and other objects, illuminated by fifteen chandeliers hanging from the ceiling and 286 electric lamps around the walls offer a fairy-tale view. The Israelite community of Obuda can justly be proud of its synagogue and say that The glory of the Lorp filled the house (II Chronicles

] 7,1) because a special, grand pathos

(formerly 9 Zichy tC lc CLL rr—“ai‘“‘“ i ff prayer-book for regular services, and of Mahzor, = £j~—F ~6~—~6 7&* | prayer-book for the holidays is individual (in Hungary

) i ey G | Torah scroll and the Megiliah, on the contrary, do have a eet ee Le Fg The preparation of the Torah scroll for reading (Keri'a

RE ae be-tzibbur) happens according to a very old tradition. P i FO It is inscribed on parchment from a ritually clean anioe ~=6—E—rté‘(emh©h©h—~—6h6h—™6hm€hCU__ towards the meat) with the tendon (gidin) of an equal-

l? 29 [~~ 3 te ;3,ee _ oe ;;

oe : ES VM SS ly clean animal, written in special ink with the conos A eee!) - | sonants only. It has to be an impeccable text, correcteo VOLE Hi nae at ed, if necessary, without interpunctuation. The manu72 _-~—~_--_—_—~—_=~X~ -_____ Script may not be decorated except for the little three-

oo —rr—“—~™st—t—T——L_L-___________ | Pointed crowns (tag, plural tagim / tagin) which are

ee Soused to ornament certain letters (gimel, zayin, tet,

nun, ayin, tzade, shin). Some letters are only topped with one tag, these are called ziyyun, “decoration with the letter zayin”. (Both signs are actually very tiny and thin zayins, one or three of them.) Tradition requires that more than one Torah scroll be kept in the synagogue. The number of Torah

51. Torah crown from eS --*" TTT"_ Scrolls kept in the Ark indicates the rank

the Obuda syna =o -— = & 7 7 the synagogue, the wealth and devotion

7 ff, |. ;

” re > wee | C66 CF of the community members. It is prohibitieee —. + +4, ~~~ ed to read from a fragmentary manuscript

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Ta eoge i ee ag* atC IBigP ae y es oy igEN EeatIE A I ARNG eear,ee* ‘ACe | ater' ‘ Ys ea i ef reaeeejae ere ‘t™Mii 13 ean eae oa imi Sri A Ol stig rae, 2erie Cafe 2 gt Le EOS i aa eame Se Be aa OE ei EER, beset aae a PEE eR RE eke oem Map.| Kees iheaeyenat ;a ‘S pigs Tae , eae | tianity as a viable course for social assimilation. late nineteenth Mi Ra y yi Fie i. In the case of certain positions or jobs it was an

century F Nem SN ™ BOG explicit or implicit prerequisite that the candi-

aCS) \ =Fk -< Mk \Aie‘ijrn1 VG date beJewish the member of a Christian denomination. f\ :-\g The community considered conversion a

y OS Wax oo “religious rebellion (shemad / shmad)”. By the fia Tee :: Bass Ss % As 1930s conversion was, more often than not, dic-

ri ie Gs 7 ej. Li tated by downright fear. According to official data ay ae oeSRE re 2y) Sig and other sources, Thirdsome (Anti-)Jewish a Pag pases i 190,theteed 2.000 Law, pens

i ol ae boa Se 18,000 of whom were born to Israelite parents, oar implying that their conversion had been fairly OTN. “NS, Haigh aa recent. This figure corresponds more or less to the sd Me qe iow decrease in the number of persons affiliated with

BS 55 © ae the Jewish community in the period between 1920

= 2 Le Oe in and 1941.although The number of conversions steeply SS 1944, the hopes attachedrose to conver-

sion proved illusory. ,

The population figures for the year 1944 must be treated separately. In April the Jewish communities in Hungary were ordered to provide official population data to the German authorities. According to the figures received from the Pest community the number of taxpayers was 54,000, while the overall population figure was indicated as 162,000. The actual number of Jews living or staying in Pest

must have been much higher, given the number of refugees and the number of persons from the provinces and from abroad in hiding. (The majority of Jewish refugees in Hungary came from Poland and a significant number among Polish refugees staying in Hungary were Jews.) The ranks of the Pest Jews was also swollen by those who were given a Jewish identity by the (Anti-)Jewish Laws, either because they themselves, or their parents or grandparents were of Jewish origin. > Ga'on, “religious leader”, “famous scholar”. * “Book (of religious content).” > Ba'al shem, “famous person”. 264 Tue Pest Jewish ComMMUNITY

(5) Prayer Groups, Organizations, Institutions : In the last third of the nineteenth century the great new synagogues and places of worship for the High Holidays were able to meet the religious needs of the observant members of the Jewish community of Pest, whose numbers had swollen enormously. The Jewish community also maintained the necessary infrastructure for leading a traditional Jewish life and operating smoothly, without encountering major difficulties. Kosher meats and other foods were available in the shops almost as a matter of course; ceremonies—such as weddings, circumcisions, bar mitzvahs, burials—calling for institutional participation gave little cause for concern. Even though its policies did not always meet with general approval, the leadership of the Jewish community also undertook the political representation of the community. The problems encountered in metropolitan life were of an entirely different nature. The fast-growing population of the Pest community made it almost impossible to maintain the traditional life-style of a small community. Besides the need for a main synagogue that could be visited on the High Holidays, Jews who strictly observed the traditional obligation of the recital of prayers, also needed a place of worship that could be visited daily. The morning service (shaharit / shakhres), that

marked the beginning of the day, called for a more intimate place of worship, no more than a few minutes from one’s home, where a minyan would be sure to gather for the service. The metropolitan Jewish community could preserve the important ele-

smaller communities. For Jews adhering to their tradition- — «ff : — in 17 Sip utca. al way of life a small place of worship in the neighborhood —. fa, | Photo, 1997

living in the place, same neighborhood it was find an — =an| co occasional such as a room in enough a largertoapartment, ee We tie empty warehouse or the like, as was the practice for some ml OO1OG_EI FE

ship early in the nineteenth century were the forerunners Si. Ne Sere of new synagogues. Once the occasional place of prayer, as Pi\\|/ Jin well as the congregation, proved lasting, the premises were ae

small groups or cells of traditional Jewish life (yidishkeyt). ait il t4 a , The statutes accepted by the General Congress of 1868/69 je, Ht 4

hdzi egyesiilet, “prayer-house association” in Hungarian) | a) | by establishing a separate place of worship, by employinga Lo Si ritual slaughterer, a preacher or a dayyan. Generally these congregations had a charitable side, like smaller organizations within any major denomination. There was no further rift within the Neolog community. The variations of religious life were embodied in different synagogues and congregations. A synagogue was opened in 1870 in the courtyard of 23 Dessewffy utca, for the veres sipkds or “redcap” porters, messengers and delivery boys or porters working in the more elegant parts of Terézvdros. It seems likely that these simple men did, indeed, go to the synagogue daily, and some of them prayed three times daily as prescribed, even on weekdays. There can be no other explanation for the fact that a synagogue was established near their stand, in a building whose social prestige obviously ranked below that of the majority of the bourgeois apartments in the vicinity. The “Dessewffy” shows that these places of worship were warranted by a genuine need. Several Neolog places of worship and congregations were established on the territory of the Pest community. (The Hebrew-Hungarian, in cases also German, names below, with italics, hold up the original spelling with respect to its historical value.) THE Pest Jewish Community 265

IN THE EARLY 1900S , In Erzsébetvaros: 37 Kertész utca: Chinuch Neorim Egylet (Association for Education of the Youth) (hinnukh ne'urim, | “education of the youth”); 12 Sip utca: Ahdvdsz Réim Orszdgos Felebardati Szeretet Egylet (National Association of Fraternal Love) (ahavat re'im, “fraternal love”);

44 Wesselényi utca. ,

All three were schools. In general, all Jewish schools had a synagogue or a prayer-room, and even

if it was not filled on weekdays, the parents and other people from the neighborhood certainly recited their prayers here on the Sabbath. Other places of worship could be found in Erzsébetvdros at 32 Akacfa utca; 57 Dob utca; 26 Erzsébet kérut: Zion Jotékonysdgi Egylet (Zion Charity Association);

27 Erzsébet k6rut;

1 Hollé utca: Lindsz Hacedek Imaegylet (Vigil of Truth Prayer-Association), an Orthodox prayerhouse (linat ha-tzedek, “vigil of truth”); 11 Két Szerecsen utca (today Paulay Ede utca): Titen Emesz Egylet (To Give Truth Association), an Orthodox prayer-house and congregation (titten emet, “You will give truth to Jacob’, see

Micah 7,20); Talmud-Toéra Egylet (Talmud-Torah Association); 6 Kirdly utca: Chevre Misnajesz, an Orthodox prayer-house (hevrei mishnayot, “friends of the laws”); 7 Kirdly utca: Chevre Tohilim Egylet (Friends of the Psalms Association), an Orthodox prayer-house (hevrei tehillim, “friends of the Psalms”); 17 Wesselényi utca.

In Outer-Erzsébetvaros: 2 Bethlen Gabor tér (or simply Bethlen tér, that is, the Bethlen tér Congregation in the building of the Institute for the Deaf and Dumb); 7 Huszdar utca: Szombat Megtartdsi Egylet (Association for the Observance of the Sabbath), an Orthodox prayer-house (shomrei shabbat, “keepers of Shabbat”, “strictly Orthodox men”). In Terézvaros: 67 Andrassy tt; corner of Andrdssy ut and Epreskert utca (today 5-7 Munkdacsy Mihaly utca, the building of the Jewish Orphanage); 3 Hunyadi tér: Hazkdrah Egylet / Imaegyesiilet (Association / Prayer-association for Commemoration) (hazkarah, “commemoration” / “prayer for the dead”); 1/B Teréz kortt. AFTER WORLD WAR I

In Erzsébetvaros: — 4 Jésika utca: Kattler Erzsébet Templomegyesiilet (“Erzsébet Kattler” Temple Congregation), an Orthodox ,

prayer-house founded by Berndt Kattler in memory of his daughter Erzsébet; , 16 Nefelejts utca: Réim Ahuvim Egylet (Affectionate Friends’ Association), an Orthodox prayer-house (re'im ahuvim, “affectionate friends”). In Lipdétvdros: 23 Alkotmdany utca: Budapest-Lipotvdrosi Imahdz-Egyestilet (Prayer-house Association of Budapest-

Lip6étvdros);

33 or 34 Arany Janos utca.

266 Tue Pest Jewish COMMUNITY

i, ,

In Varosliget (City Park): 49 Hermina tit: MIKEFE Imaegyesiilet (Prayer Congregation), etc. AFTER WORLD Wak II

22 Akacfa utca: Or Chadas Templomegyesiilet (New Light Temple Congregation), an Orthodox prayer-

house (or hadash, “new light”);

64 Rak6éczi ut: Somre Sabosz (Observance of the Sabbath), an Orthodox prayer-house (shomrei shabbat,

“keepers of Shabbat”, “strictly Orthodox men”); 15 Kolt6i Anna utca: Sevesz Achim (Brethren’s Union), an Orthodox prayer-house (shevet ahim, “being together with brethren”) (for the name see Psalms 133,1); etc.

The growth of the Jewish population of the Outer-Erzsébetvaros (Istudnmezé, the neighborhood of — Istvan ut) called for remodeling of the old prayer-room in the right wing of the Institute for the Deaf and Dumb into a special district synagogue (1931). The winter prayer-room and the Cultural Center of the district were built at the same time. There can be no doubt that the Imaegylet / Templomegyestilet (Prayer / Temple Association) here was the forerunner of the distinguished Bethlen Gabor

tér synagogue, and it also determined its location. An Orthodox synagogue, Bész Hakneszesz (bet ha- a keneset, House of the Congregation), with a large room on the ground floor that could be accessed from the courtyard, was established at 48 Garay utca near the Garay tér market (the premises formerly functioned as the warehouse and showroom of the Rieger Organ Factory [1873]). Most of these prayer-associations had a definite character of their own. Members of the Shas Hevrah studied the Talmud. The Hevrei tehillim, the Psalm Association read the Psalms each week, according to a strict sequence (Psalm 24 on Sundays, Psalm 48 on Mondays, Psalm 82 on Tuesdays, Psalm 94 on Wednesdays, Psalm 81 on Thursdays, Psalm 93 on Fridays and Psalm 92 on the Sabbath). A prayer-association could also be formed where the congregation was not large enough to maintain a synagogue. One such case is the prayer-association at 83 Thok6ly ut. The Bész S6muel Imaegylet (Bet Samuel Prayer-Association) (bet Shemu'el, “House of Samuel”) bought a villa in 1930 and transformed it into a synagogue, while the villa-character of the building remained intact. Similar smaller congregations, almost-synagogues, were to be found in several places: 32 Szatmar utca: Erzsébet kirdlyné uti / Szatmdr utcai Imahdz Egyestilet (Prayer-house Association); 8 Utasz utca: Utdsz utcai Imaegyesiilet (Prayer-association); 12 Bosnyak tér: Zugl6 és Kornyéke Izraelita Templomegyesiilet (Zugl6 and Neighborhood Israelite Temple Association); 4 Luther utca: Haladds Imahdz (Progress Prayer-house); 15 Sobieski Janos utca: Ferencvdrosi Izraelita Imaegyesiilet (Israelite Prayer-association of the Ferencvaros), founded by Mor (Moritz) Burger; 35 Soroksari ut: Soroksdri uti Imahdz Egyestilet (Soroksdri ut Prayer-house association); etc.

The Jewish community of Pest registered over 40 such congregations in the interwar period. Observant Jews, who recited their prayers daily, generally spent the High Holidays in their accustomed, neighborhood shul. Other Jews, however, who only visited the synagogue on the High Holidays, generally preferred to visit a special, representative synagogue on Rosh ha-Shanah and Yom Kippur. Again, a genuine need called for the building of the Heroes’ Temple right next to the Dohany utca synagogue—this became the district prayer-house of the Wesselényi utca neighborhood. The “Rombach’, though the number of its tax-paying members was less than half of that in the Dohdany utca synagogue, always was more of a kile than the “Dohdany” did: it was a simple place of worship, with an appropriate room for everyday prayers. Probably this is why the community liked it more than the Dohdny Temple. And it was only an ironic twist of fate that the Heroes’ Temple—or the small prayer-room in the building housing Goldmark Hall—eventually united the rest THE Pest Jewish Community 267

of the congregations of both the “Dohdny” and the “Rombach” for daily prayers: the survivors of the “Rombach” community use that room as their place of prayer. In the early 1930s even the former Reform Association seems to have been revived in Pest. Erné Naményi, himself a rabbi’s son, organized a small group called the Ezsajds Valldsos Tarsasdg (Isaiah Religious Association), with probably a consid-

, , | --,._-~-~—__ erable membership, definitely more than need-

, ee seed for a minyan. Their ranks included several

Yo ee — 2 wealthy Jews, high up on the social ladder. They ge a —“—C;™”™SS SS __ iii private apartments. They consciously revived

— . a ae ? v's the traditions of the Pest Reform Association 4 . aad 4 fue 5 aS | Lic Wil Br and of Ede Einhorn / Horn. Naményi outlined i ae 8 - ves eee we | Ml HM their history in a lecture held at the rmir and in

—e_ ee fe an article published in 1941. They submitted a

- Fe | Se petition to the Jewish community of Pest to | —— | wee - be allowed to hold services on Fridays and ho. ,es, eee ma in © athe Mesynagogues. lidays according to their concept in one , of Since theyown were extremely | — ge H secretive, their main ideas are known only from an article written by Naményi (Egyenldség, 296. The Hunyadi ter ~May 19, 1934). There does not seem to have been anything particularly original in their activities: brief

Synagogue. services with prayers recited in Hungarian, lots of Bible exegesis, Psalms instead of the medieval acar Peyor | piyyutim, no separation of men and women, no hat and the omission of all elements referring to association Zion from the service for, as Naményi once pointed out, “religion and Zion have nothing in common”. These are all elements that have been since then incorporated into various tendencies of “Reform Judaism” abroad. Naményi cited England where “also women can deliver a sermon”. Why did they choose the name Isaiah? Perhaps because it was the prophet Isaiah who spoke most often and most effectively of the salvation of Israel. It is a fact that this religious group was never formally organized into a congregation since the Neolog community of Pest strongly clung to its traditions and did not tolerate any kind of Neo-Neology. The Association, and Naményi himself, played a key role in the publication of the Kner’s Haggadah (1936). Their story, although veiled in the mists of the past, shows that in the interwar period even the assimilated Jews of Pest tried to find new variations to the traditional forms of maintaining a Jewish identity. To quote Naményi: “We are not one iota worse or less religious Jews than those who diligently visit the synagogue.” However, events soon took a turn for the worse, leaving no opportunity for separate organizations or for a slightly different identity.

Buda remained an independent community in the interwar period. It was smaller than the Pest community and it could not entirely cut free from the unified structure of the capital. Many of its mem-

bers visited the Dohdny utca synagogue from time to time. There were no significant differences between the rabbis’ status in the two communities. * As a result of the organizational reforms following World War I, the Pest community was divided into eight administrative districts (“temple districts”) around 1940. These districts were as follows: the Belvaros (Inner City) district, the Csaky utca district, the Aréna ut district, the Inner-Erzsébetvaros, the Bethlen Gabor tér district, the Nagy Fuvaros utca district, the Pava utca district and the Bosnyak tér district. There was generally also a cultural center beside the district synagogues. Various activities were organized around the synagogues and the culture centers. Each district maintained a handful of associations or societies with a religious and / or charitable purpose. One good example is the Nagy Fuvaros utca synagogue in the more densely populated 268 Tue Pest Jewish COMMUNITY

’,

Outer-Jézsefvaros, a synagogue that seems to have functioned as a smaller center within the capital. (The rabbi here was Lajos Scheiber, father of Sandor Scheiber.) There were associations here like the Jozsefvdrosi Izraelita Imahdz Egyesiilet (Jozsefvaros Israelite Prayer-house Association), the Jézsefvdrosi Izraelita Szeretet N6egylet (J6zsefvaros Israelite Women’s Charity Association), the Jézsefudrosi Izraelita Néegylet (J6zsefvdros Israelite Women’s Association), etc. All of them were based at 4 Nagy Fuvaros utca. Other district synagogues fulfilled a similar role.

Traditional Jewish solidarity found expression in the activity of various volunteer associations and societies. Kol Yisra'el arevim zeh ba-zeh—“Jews are all responsible for one another” (Talmud, Sanhedrin, 16b). One variant on this maxim is Kol Yisra'el haverim, “Jews are all companions to each other”, and a Yiddish proverb, Tsvishn yidn vert men nit farfeln, “One cannot perish among Jews.” The narrowest, most natural circle of solidarity has, obviously, always been the family. For long Jewish tradition has been concerned with harmonizing the interests of family and community. The Bible explicitly states: “Do not turn your back on your own” (Isaiah 58,7). At the same time, the ancient principle that relatives could not officiate together, could not be witnesses, not even at a wedding, was also strictly observed. Anyone who had relatives in the community, could not be appointed rabbi—as set down in a pesak, a rabbinical decision, in Buda in the seventeenth century. Brother or brother-in-law amounted to one and the same in this respect. Solidarity within the family was strong, especially if help was needed to set up an independent livelihood, although the traditional framework for solidarity was erected from the intricate network of community relations. Conditions in the Diaspora called for the preservation of such networks. The binding link was the mitzvah, the command of hospitality and charity.

The size of the Jewish population of Pest and their breakdown by profession and residence eventu- , ally led to the establishment of non-religious groups and organizations. Certain institutions were called to life by the Jewish community itself, while others were formed as civil organizations. The structure

of Jewish society in Pest and, in a wider sense, in Budapest during the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was somewhat more articulated than that of other social groups. The tradition of solidarity, as well as ~ of an urban lifestyle and the adoption of Western, especially German, models, played important roles.

The organizations and institutions of solidarity emerged much in the same way in Pest as they did | in Obuda at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. First to be organized was the Hevrah Kaddishah, followed by the Bikkur Holim and the school. At first, these institutions and organizations were restricted to Terézvdros (in an area that later became Erzsébetvdros), but they eventually fanned out from the Kiraly utca neighborhood. The oldest among the Jewish charitable institutions was—as everywhere—the Hevrah Kaddishah. The dead have to be buried in every community and, consequently, each has a Hevrah Kaddishah or a similar association. The Bikkur Holim associations likewise have a long tradition, as they were generally formed right after the Hevrah. The name, “Visiting the Sick” (bikkur holim, “examining / caring for / visiting the sick”), comes from the fulfillment of a religious commandment, a mitzvah. The Bikkur Holim took upon itself caring for the sick, the maintenance of hospitals and providing kosher meals for hospital patients. The Hevrah Kaddishah Jewish Holy Brotherhood of Pest was organized in 1788, before the community itself was established. It looked after the cemeteries as well. A communal census from 1833 (published in Egyenléség, January 27, 1934) registered the societies and associations in the city; their function or role are indicated by their Hebrew and German names (in the following list the names are given according to their original Hungarian or German spelling): Chevrah Kadischa—Heilige Briiderschaft: burial society (hevrah kaddishah, “holy brotherhood”) Menachem Avélim—Troster der Trauenden Verein: (menahem avelim, “comforter of the mourners”) Bikkur Cholim—Kranken Besuch Verein: hospital-care society (bikkur holim, “visiting the sick”) Cheszed Neurim—Verein der Ledigen: youth’s association, a society for the religious education of young people (hesed ne'urim, “devotion of the youth”) THE Pest JewisH Community 269

Sandekoausz—Verein zum Gevattersein: members of this society undertook the duties of the sandak

at the circumcision ceremony of a newborn boy of parents in need (sandekaut / sandakut, “godfathers’ association”).—It is known that in the early twentieth century Le6 Goldberger was the sandak for several children of his factory’s workers, as well as for some other kids of Obuda Jews Hachnoszdsz Kdll6—Braut-Ausstattungs-Verein: (hakhnasat kallah, “providing dowry for the bride”) Ansé Mékaum—Armen Hausirer Verein: Association of Peddlers in Need (in Obuda) (anshei makom, “men of the place”) Ansé Cér6—Invaliden Verein: Association of Disabled (anshei tzarah, “people in need”) Nauszéim—Nause Masso / Triger Verein: Porters’ Association (nosei massa, “carriers of load”) Hdchnoszdsz Aurchim—Fremde Begastung Verein: a society that provided accommodation, etc. for travelers who happened to stay in the city for Sabbath or a holiday (hakhnasat orhim, “taking care of travelers”). Earlier, or in towns, villages, there was a modest room beside the synagogue or

prayer-house (called hekdesh) awaiting travelers , Ec Chdjim—Baum des Lebens: society that supported students in a Yeshivah (etz hayyim, “rod of the Torah scroll”)

porters of orphans”) ,

Taumché Jeszaumim—Waisen Unterstlitzungsverein—Orphanat Institut: (tomkhei yetomim, “sup-

On January 1, 1863, the Pesti Izraelita Betegdpol6 és Temetkezési Egylet (Israelite Nursing and Burial

Association of Pest) elected Mér J6kai as an honorary member. In his speech, the renowned writer remarked: “We Hungarians have indeed much to learn from the social life of the Jews. How a kinless nation can pro-

tect itself by solidarity, how to heal its wounds by its inner strength, and how to mitigate the anguish of

loneliness by communal compassion...” (A Hon, January 2, 1863) Jen6 Rakosi, the conservative author of a chapter on “The Districts of Budapest” in the deluxe book Az Osztrak-Magyar Monarchia irdsban és képben |The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in Writing and Pictures] (1893) noted with admiration: “Here, in Dohany and Rombach streets are the splendid synagogues. One of the remarkable features of this district is the abundance of charitable institutions, such as an almshouse for the poor, a shelter for the homeless, Protestant and Jewish orphanages, the national training institute for housewives, the Jewish Institute for the Deaf and Dumb, etc.”

Around the middle of the nineteenth century some of these associations became official institutions, most often thanks to a generous private endowment. The largest and most important among them, the Hevrah Kaddishah, became inextricably linked with the Jewish community and its organizations. In 1869 the Hevrah Kaddishah established an Aggok hdza (Old Age Home) from a private endowment by. Armin Kann. Its office building before World War II (27 Erzsébet kérut), where it moved in 1931 coming from the Orczy House, is currently a movie theater. The Orthodox community had its own Hevrah Kaddishah, based at 12 Dob utca, while the Hevrah Kaddishah of Obuda had its offices at 6 Mokus utca. The activity of the Bikkur Holim associations in Pest were closely linked to the Orthodox community. They were, for a long time, based in the Orczy House. The national organization, Orszdgos Bikur Cholim Betegeket Gydmolit6 Egyestilet (National Bikkur Holim Association for Care of the Sick), was founded in 1871, moving out, when the Orczy House was demolished, to new premises at 34 Erzsébet k6rtit. Founded in 1901, the Ahdvdsz Réim Felebardti Szeretet Egylet (Association of Fraternal Love) of Pest played a similar role in the Neolog community: to provide kosher meals for poor Jews in the hospitals and to assist the poor and their families upon leaving the hospital. This organization was based at 12 Sip utca. Founded in 1872, the Els6 Pesti Izraelita Pincér-, Betegsegélyz6 és Halotti Egylet

(First Pest Israelite Waiters’, Sick Relief and Burial Association) was a kind of cross between the 2/0 Tue Pest Jewish ComMMUNITY

Hevrah Kaddishah, the Bikkur Holim and a trade union. This organization also reflects the importance of trades within the Jewish population.

From the mid-nineteenth century on an increasing number of women’s associations were formed, with separate girls’ associations; cultural and educational associations appeared in major towns and cities from the end of the same century. The women’s associations undertook several tasks, ranging from the support of hospitals and children’s homes to orphanages and homes for the elderly. Most of the welfare institutions (such as soup kitchens, old age homes, shelters, etc.) were supported by these women’s associations. Based at 12 Sip utca, the Magyar Izraelita Noegyletek Orszdgos Sz6vetsége (National Alliance of Hungarian Jewish Women’s Associations), founded in 1922, had some eighty member-associations. The Pesti Izraelita Néegylet (Jewish Women’s Association of Pest) was founded in 1866 and had its offices in Terézvdros (41 Dessewffy utca) in the interwar period. This association maintained the Ledny drvahdz (Girls’ Orphanage), which, founded in 1867, offered accommodations to one hundred girls, first in a building at 26 Damjanich

utca and, later, at Jokai ut / 29 Uzsoki utca, anew building whose [gee construction was funded by Klara Hirsch, the widow of Count Mor | _ . a a - S : Hirsch, and finally at 149 Hungaria krtt. It also maintained a pub- | — . as eer ee : lic hospital, the Weiss Alice Gyermekdgyas Otthon (“Alice Weiss” | ae 3 xP 4 SS

Maternity Hospital) (1910); a Lednyotthon (Girls’ Home) (1923); a Fa ey soup kitchen for the needy, regardless of religious denomina- —— Gee o /' tion (41 Dessewffy utca); an employment agency for Jewish wo- | _ a -'.— LUDr—r—Fi—ONENNCrsSs=isaiaisiéaCN‘CCC & = = -— ==. ~~. AJANDEKA ‘foe be tarts ‘pg Acesztre —rt—“_OOOCOUhUhrh lL LCs ee we BARS Sh Aenet,

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320. The staircase, by the rigid Jené Zsoldos (1896-1972). Zsoldos became the principal of both schools in 1957 and then view from the court’ =f the united schools until 1965, when he retired. He saw to it with great care that, as conservative

Y tradition requires, girls and boys should not mingle with each other in school or even outside of it. ine ena '0 In this respect he had little success, indeed. His handbook for teachers, Magyar irodalom és zsidésdg

courtyard in the Girls’ [Hungarian Literature and Jewry] (1943) is a valuable intellectual contribution as far as it demon-

High School strated the assimilation process and acceptance of Jews in the shadow of the imminent exclusion. 399 Sticker inthe Me faculty and principals of the Jewish secondary schools were all celebrities of Hungarian schol-

the school year, . tae . ; yas books presented as arship and of Jewish education.

ae 1 the avo On the occasion of the Roman Catholic Eucharistic Congress held in Budapest between May and June, 1938, the entire building of the Jewish High Schools was used to lodge the guests. The building of the Boys’ Gimndzium was requisitioned by the army in 1941, the Girls’ building a year later, in 1942. The latter was then used as a military hospital, a protected house of the International Red Cross, a transit (gyzijt6) station / camp for forced laborers, barracks for the forced labor unit in charge of col-

lecting clothing, a Soviet (Red Army) military hospital. On the day of the German occupation of Hungary, on Sunday, March 19, 1944, students were sent home with the excuse that there was a shortage of coal. The next day, on Monday, the birthday of Lajos Kossuth was brought up as justification for canceling classes, and even though classes started again on Tuesday, final reports for the school year were distributed as early as April 4. April 5 was the first day when the yellow stars had to be worn. But the graduating class did take their final exams that year, too, teachers and students wearing the yellow star. Immediately after the war all the classes were transferred to the “Wesselényi” except for students of the special branch in Személyn6k utca who were offered a place in the public school at 21/B HolJan Erné utca. In 1946 the two Jewish schools could return for a short while to their old building. The graduating class lined up under three flags that year, red-white-green, blue-white and red, symbolizing three different political orientations: national Hungarian, Zionist and communist, respectively. But very soon, in 1952, everyone had to move over to ROkk Szilard utca from where the Teachers’ College had disappeared without trace by then. The two schools were united in the 1959/60 academic year and in 1965 it was named after Anne Frank (1929-1945). The building in Chazar Andras utca-Abonyi

utca was occupied by another school already in the years following the war, the Nemzetiségi Tanit6képzo (Teachers’ College of Nationalities) and then, between 1952 and 1956, it was used by the legal

successor to the former Angolkisasszonyok kir. kath. Tanitt6képz6 és Gyakorlé Altaldnos Iskola (Royal Catholic Teachers’ College and Training-school of the English Young Ladies) as well as the Istvan I (today Szent Istvan) Secondary / High School. Radnéti Mikl6s Secondary / High School, the training-school of E6tvés Lordnd University, was organized from parts of these schools in 1961. “Zsidgim’, the term of endearment for the Zsid6 Gimndzium, is still used by its former students, wherever they may dwell in the wide world. The Jewish secondary school was one of the most 286 Tue Pest Jewish ComMMUNITY

ity in Budapest. ts former students formed an | i? SS

dar for almost twenty years, until after World (MMMM [gy le

there, as is the molding of the roof, which resem- — — ste ee Cae ene

bles the molding of the Heroes’ Temple. The a acey ate ee

menorah and the symbols of the twelve tribes, the wrought-iron gates are still there and some documents are displayed in the hall to remind the 323. The entrance to visitor that this was once the Jewish high school. Most recently the “Radnoti” and the Magyar Zsid6 _ the Girls’ High

Kulturdlis Egyestilet (Hungarian Jewish Cultural Association, MAZSIKE) put up a slab to the right of mn ae the entrance with the inscription: “In memory of the home of Hungarian Jewish culture, the Jewish Miriam and Esther Gymnasium of Budapest (1919-1949).” The Hebrew text on the slab runs as follows:

, OY Iv? OONPD1 ONIN N77 7D “(...) For that will be proof of your wisdom and discernment to other peoples...” (Deuteronomy 4,6)

Although the words are not spelled out, whoever reads this Biblical quotation knows that the preceding words are, “(...) the laws and rules, as the LorD (...) has commanded”, i.e. commanded Israel. The message is hidden, but neither the community nor the alumni of the Jewish Secondary / High

School give up their claim to the school that they had built for themselves. The former Zsidé Gimndzium still belongs to the Budapest Jews.

(9) The Age of Design and Construction , In 1867 the law of emancipation practically opened up the city of Pest for the Jewish community; new institutions no longer had to be confined to the Jewish quarter. The community, thanks mostly to the donations of private individuals for communal purposes, was in a position to choose good spots for its institutions. The visible Jewish Pest meant mostly the Jewish institutions. The city expanded towards the East as far as the “Liget” (Vdrosliget / City Park) and beyond. Damjanich utca was still bordered by trees along its entire length; the green was reduced only later. The two Jewish orphanages and the vocational school were built here, in Damjanich utca and Vilma kirdlyn6 ut, while the Jewish hospital was somewhat further away, in Szabolcs utca; even further, in streets recently gained from the sandy fields of Herminamezé were the Old Age Home, the Girls’ Home, the Institute for the Blind, the Hospital and Nursing Home, and the Shelter. Even though the railroad lines from the Western Railway Station had already split Herminamezé in 1847, the area was still a peaceful, quiet zone with elegant villas. Around 1900 the Pest community was considering two major architectural projects. One of them, a synagogue in Lipétvdros, was not carried out, but the other one, the renewal of the area in the “Jewish triangle”, was completed by the early 1930s. THE Pest Jewish Community 287

“Jewish architecture has only lately come into a position where it could be applied to Jewish institutions as well. Our temples, schools and other religious public buildings are no longer hidden in dark courtyards or narrow lanes. Architecture was probably the last one to get out of the ghetto. (...) In this new era of the Pest

Israelite community’s undertakings we intend to place great emphasis on architecture. We adopted major architectural projects in the spirit of our general program: out of the ghetto! (...) These constructions are planned in the spirit of freedom and pride. Out of the ghetto! Faithful adherence to the religious traditions of our forefathers, but open window to the spirit of modernization in our economic conduct. (...) The goal is to unite the new Cultural Center and the Dohany Temple (.:.) in harmony with the greater architectural

: beauty of our denomination, our community and our beloved capital.” (Aladar Kaszab, in: Zsid6 évkényv az 5689. bibliai évre [Jewish Yearbook for the Biblical Year 5689], 1928/29)

ee : Ce By the time when it came to construction | ee - | on the corner plot of Wesselényi utca’s new,

eo as Fe oe : eos | lower part and Dohdny utca, commissioners | a o — a — ee, ~—|_—sandarchitects alike gave up their insistence on

| ee 7 Be , 4 | eS S the historicizing Jewish architectural styles of

s ve ES ; weg, the previous decades. They maintained only so ae bet wee much of tradition, including Lajta’s Hungarian

es ; wes gi a | | tinuity and coherence. This time the Jewish for’) gee—Hi Ye: before World War Il—and until recently—that VAL : | : : va gt @ See 2 ee fia, own space and in shaping the appearance of

po By that time there were quite a few architects in Budapest who were committed to modern 324. MiddleEasten © architecture. The mainstream Neo-Conservativism, the historical styles and even Odén Lechner’s type bazaar atthe =» national architecture had become barren. There were architects who were familiar with the latest

ome Aessliny trends, e.g. the Weimar Bauhaus, the program of the c1am (Congres Internationaux d’Architecture

utca, on the plot Moderne) and its executive branch, the cirpac (Comité International pour la Réalisation des | where the Jewish = Problémes d’Architecture Contemporaine), or the Hungarian Egyhdzmtivészeti Hivatal (Office for

eu was Ecclesiastical Art in Hungary) founded in 1929 to reinvigorate the art of the Roman Catholic Church, and the Roman School. These architects maintained that even the task itself should be formulated by the architect rather than the commissioner. Functionalism operated with simple forms. Residences were built for the upper-middle class in Uj-Lipétvaros. Functionalism almost overcame the neo-historic styles even in the case of public buildings like temples, hospitals, or office buildings.

The real architectural breakthrough was the design of an Orthodox synagogue by Lajos Kozma (1884-1948), even though it was never realized. Until then Kozma had planned only one synagogue, and even that only abroad, that is, outside of post-Trianon Hungary, in Kassa (1925-1929). With its irregular, quadrangular ground plan, asymmetric facade and flat roof, the synagogue that he planned for Pest in 1928 was a complete stylistic departure from his previous works. After the Great Depression major construction projects were initiated in Budapest. The great projects of the Jewish community, construction on the corner plot at Wesselényi and Dohdany utca and elsewhere came just at the right time. There were architects in Budapest who had studied or at least seen modern architecture in the West and who were able to carry out the architectural tasks set by the Jewish community in a modern way. The climate in which the conservative NeoBaroque style of the time was rejected was described clearly by Kozma during a debate about the

Kassa synagogue. , 288 Tue Pest Jewish COMMUNITY

“(...) Many of those modern architects who had already practiced stylish, modern architecture back in the

days of peace [i.e. before World War I] returned to traditional taste in the rather depressing atmosphere of , the national revival following the Commune [1919]. (...) Several years had to pass before they were in a posi-

tion to rejoin the flow of great Western architectural innovations.” (In: Tér és Forma, 1929) In 1927, following some internal dissension during the presidential term of Sandor Lederer, the Jewish community received a significant loan from London. Memoirs mention 300,000 pounds sterling or a million dollars, but the documents are more accurate: it was 200,000 pounds equaling 5 and a half million pengé. The construction works around Wesselényi and Dohdany utca were financed out of this money: the Heroes’ Temple, the Museum, the Cultural Center (Goldmark Hall) as were

ge eet a Ll peo) we RE we oe ie UAE oi ee ee : 7 o (gee a ££ =... hh.rmrmrmrmrm—m—m~—~—~—O—O—O—O—OOCOCOCCC

oS Popes oo eke. Las Be rrr rrrt—.Following the publication of Azarel, the Hungarian Zionist Association held a so— called “literary trial” in the case of the novel. Mult és Jév6 reported on the trial in _) sx Ee | sSCs1938. The prosecutor, Dénes Friedmann (1903-1944), rabbi of Ujpest, a respected scholar, teacher at the Rabbinical Seminary, accused the novel of violating the fifth

438. Karoly Pap commandment (“Honor your father...”, Exodus 20,12) by portraying the figure of the father, a rabbi, in a critical manner. The real problem, however, as Endre S6s—the expert at the trial—pointed out,

was that it provided material for the enemies of the Jews. The defense quoted from R. Imre Benoschofsky’s lecture on the novel: “The book depicts people, the Jews, in a masterly manner. (...) I can feel it: numen adest. (...) It is judged : by a tribunal, but they do not ask whether this book is good, fair or true according to the criteria of authenticity, i.e. whether it is true from an artistic point of view. Instead they ask whether it is true word by word, whether it reflects life realistically. (...) Karoly Pap’s vision of Jewry is powerful, astounding and beautiful, consequently it is true.”

The writer himself gave an impassioned defense of his novel during the trial. “(...) This book is cruel, indeed. Nevertheless, it was exactly with the aid of such cruelty that I was able to attain my objective. Namely, that my book should reach the depth of the Jewish soul at a level deeper than our economic and social anxieties, at the level of common eternal humanity. It is me who regrets most that

this level is buried so deep in Jews, that the ruins of ghettos and assimilation buried it to such an extent that it became impossible to reach it with gentle hands. Who else could regret it more than me, the writer of the Jewish people? And how else could I be this writer, if I had not

439. Oszkar Beregi rr’ eee chiseled myself with the same cruel knife to wake up from my sleep a : fe : / = under the ruins of lies, double lives and self-deception, as this novel

| yy chisels the Jewish reader.” Kin Fi 7 Two plays of Karoly Pap were performed in the Goldmark Hall,

, > | a ; “Batsheba” (1940) and “Moses” (1944). The writer was deported , j —eee = to Bergen-Belsen where he disappeared. -_ | =) Oszkar Beregi (1876-1966)

f y : Beregi was a great Shakespearean actor, member of the Nema ; = §=67eti Szinhaz (National Theater) since 1899. He had a powerful 8 ‘i Se voice and a dignified appearance. The Ebredé Magyarok Egyesiiae & : oe | lete (Association of Awakening Magyars) organized protests

rg oe a - against him merely because he was Jewish. He left for abroad

a iil (Transylvania, Vienna, Berlin, the USA) and returned only in ee 1930 when, in a milder political climate, he felt safe. Although 368 Pest, 1944, GHETTO

he could not return to the National Theater, he played with private companies (Magyar Szinhaz / Hungarian Theater), Belvarosi Szinhaz / Inner City Theater). In the Goldmark Hall he played King David

in Karoly Pap’s “Batsheba”, among others. He directed several performances and taught young actors. After World War II he returned to the scene of his former successes in the USA.

(3) Forced Labor Service Soon after Hungary had entered the war on June 27, 1941, reserve labor service, in other words, forced labor service was introduced according to the provisions of Act 1! of 1939. This service concerned mostly Jews who were excluded from regular military service. Initially, the upper age limit was 25 years, which was raised to 37 in April 1943, to 48 in April 1944, and to 60 years on October 21, 1944. Supplied and equipped much worse than soldiers, captives of the forced labor battalions did hard physical work mainly on the Eastern front. They were deprived of their former military rank and were forced to wear a yellow armband. Many died under the terrible conditions or as a result of the brutality of the cadres (keretlegény in Hungarian). “(...) The 30-kilogram people [ca. 66 pounds] form a separate community. These are the former Jewish forced

laborers who had marched one thousand kilometers [ca. 625 miles] returning from Russia, who were driven into cattle wagons at one of the railway stations. The wagons were sealed and transported to Hungary.

Upon arrival, these wagons remained idle on the rails for several days before they were opened at last. Skeletons staggered out of the enormous filth and stench, from among the corpses of their fellows who had

died during the journey. The survivors are these 30-kilogram-people, who had worked for 18 months in Russia under incredible, unbearable conditions... It was them who came home without any food or drink, in sealed cattle wagons, among the sick and dead. And it was them who were let out of this vicious prison four days after their arrival. They, the survivors, are the “30-kilogram-people”. They will often be spoken of and written about all over the world, for there is hardly another case in the rich history of martyrdom com-

parable to theirs.” (Simon Kemény, Naplo [Diary], June 14, 1943) Among those who died in forced labor service on the Eastern front were Gyorgy Balint, writer and journalist (1906-1943) and Attila Petschauer (1904-1943), Olympic champion in fencing. His torture happened to be ordered by one of his former Olympic teammates in Amsterdam.

The Hungarian Jewish manpower reserves attracted the attention of the German Organisation Todt, a labor army organized by Fritz Todt. On special request (February, 1943) he was authorized to use a unit of 3,000 persons who were sent to Serbia to work in the Bor copper mines. The agreement was signed on July 2, over the objections of the Minister of Defense, Vilmos nagybaczoni Nagy : (1884-1976), after he resigned. The first Hungarian unit consisted mostly of Jews from the provinces but at the very end of May, in the first days of June 1944, several groups of Jewish captives wearing a yellow star and baptized Jews wearing a white armband were taken from Budapest as well, through transit camps in Vac and Jaszberény. Their number was almost the same as that of the first Bor unit. They had to work “in the mountains” (Miklés Radnoti), under miserable circumstances until the German units were forced to retreat early in the fall of 1944. Captives of the Bor forced labor battalions were then sent on their way, in several groups, towards German labor camps through Belgrade and Transdanubia in the middle of September, as the German army was retreating from the Balkans. In the first group there were younger people who were expected to work in Germany, the poet Miklés Radnoti among them. The second group was captured by Yugoslav partisans soon after they had left, thus they survived. Many of them found their way to Temesvar, and from there to other places in Romania; this was the group from which Gyorgy G. Kardos (Klein) (1925-1997)—who was to become a writer—escaped to Palestine. Others, for instance Sandor Szalai, sociologist (1912-1983), the physician Laszl6 Levendel (1919-1994), could return, in the tracks of the Soviet army through Mak6 and Szeged, to Budapest. Pest, 1944, GHETto 369

“(...) It was late night by the time we reached the village called Heidenau. Here six hundred other Jews joined us from other camps. Thus our number increased to three thousand and six hundred. It was the

| evening of Rosh ha-Shanah, and religious Jews had already started their prayer, as usual. We slept in the open air. It was very cold and nobody had more than a coarse blanket, we were all shivering. Morning came at last. Jews had been praying for a long time, even the shofar was blown, since we had one with us. Then

we set off, and crossed Zagubica...” |

(Zalman Teichman, “The Story of the Sad Journey from Bor to Cservenka-Temesvar” [A Memoir in Yiddish], 1945/1949)

In the Hungarian areas the first group was supervised by a Hungarian unit, yet some one thousand people from this group were shot by SS soldiers into the clay pit of the brickyard at Cservenka, Bdcska County.” A few days later Raoul Wallenberg recorded the events of the Cservenka massacre and sent his report abroad. Those who arrived in Mohdcs on foot were driven into wagons and were

transported further, under inhuman conditions, to Szentkirdlyszabadja, Veszprém County, to the labor camp set up at the airport. There they had to wait until the rest of the group arrived, then continued their journey in cattle cars or on foot, through the Bakony mountains and Gyér towards Hegyeshalom, to the building site of the defense line along the border, or to German camps (Flossenburg, Sachsenhausen / Oranienburg, Bergen-Belsen). One of the units was allowed a one-day rest on November 7 at the brickyard of the Benedictine Monastery in Pannonhalma. On November 9, however, they were West of Gy6r already, on the highway, near the village Abda. Radnoti was among them.

| (4) The Era of Catastrophe,’ | , From a letter of the Regent Miklés Horthy to the Prime Minister Count PAl Teleki dated October 14, 1940: “(...) [have been an anti-Semite all my life. I find it unendurable that here in Hungary virtually all the factories, banks, properties, shops, theaters, newspapers and the entire economy should be in Jewish hands. Nevertheless, since I am convinced that the most important task of the Government is to improve the standard of living and become prosperous, it is impossible (...) to eliminate Jews, and replace them with incompetent, mostly worthless and big-mouth individuals. Otherwise we will go bankrupt... We cannot tolerate cruelty against Jews or their pointless humiliation in a sadistic manner since we shall need them later.”

A dispatch of the German ambassador and plenipotentiary to Hungary sent to Berlin, dated June 1,

1944: |

“The Hungarian Ministry of Interior has the intention of cleansing the area of G6d6ll6 of Jews earlier than the date determined in previous plans. This suggestion comes from someone in the Regent’s circle. As the Regent’s summer residence is in G6dGll6, they wish that the Regent should not have to see Jews there any-

* In his novel called “Oly korban éltem én...” {I Lived in Such an Era] (Budapest: Szépirodalmi Kényvkiad6, 1984), Imre Magyar (1910-1984), a physician and university professor, also recounted the events of Cservenka in detail (pp. 291-296). > The years of World War II, the era of the systematic extermination of Jews, was named, as soon as it was over, vészkorszak, “Era of Catastrophe” by the Hungarian Jewish community. In Israel the term Shoah, or with the definite article, ha-Shoah (“total destruction”, “disaster”) was spread and accepted officially. The Hebrew word itself comes from the Bible (Isaiah 10,3). The usual English term, Holocaust, also derives from the Bible, from its Greek translation, where the word holocauston / holocaustoma is a technical term for a type of sacrifice, “that has been burnt entirely (olah / olah ve-kalil)” (see Genesis 8,20; Psalms 51,21, etc.). The figurative meaning is “that which has been destroyed in the fire”. The English expression spread all over the world after the title of an American TV film in 1979.—In fact, it is impossible to find a good—fitting or suitable—word to denote the evil that happened. 370 Pest, 1944, GHETTO

.,| more, that he should, at last, have the opportunity to experience the impact of the (Anti-) Jewish Laws personally.”

Ott6 Komoly’s diary entry about his hearing by Miklés Horthy, jr. on September 15, 1944:

“Horthy jr. said: As a matter of fact, I have been an anti-Semite since I was born, by virtue of my education. This is how it was, how Jews were spoken of in our house. For instance, I found it completely impossible to marry a Jewish woman lest my children be of Jewish blood...”

The attitude of Hungarian authorities towards Jews living in Hungary, who were mainly Hungarian Jews, was adjusted to Nazi Germany’s plan for the final solution (Endldsung) of the Jewish question, which was taking definite shape in the course of the war. Most of the significant Hungarian politicians, including the Regent, Mikl6és vitéz nagybdanyai Horthy himself, nurtured anti-Semitic attitudes or were at least indifferent towards the fate of the Jews. And all the leading officials would certain-. ly have liked to get rid of Jews fleeing to Hungary from abroad. Nevertheless the fate of Hungarian Jews, at least of those living in Budapest, differed from the fate of Jews in other satellite countries of Germany. It is a fact, though no symbolic meaning should be attributed to it, that in 1943 on the High Holidays, on Rosh ha-Shanah (September 30) and on Yom Kippur (October 9) policemen with white gloves directed traffic and maintained order in the region of the main synagogue in Dohdany utca.

There was no other country in the large area under the sphere of influence of National-socialist Germany where Jews, Hungarian citizens and others, could remain out of reach of the efficient German organization established for the final solution of the Jewish question for as long as they did in Hungary. Here, even if only within the tight confines determined by the restrictive (Anti-)Jewish _ Laws, Jews lived in relative security, as one of the leaders of the Jewish Agency put it. Indeed, until the spring of 1944 the immediate danger to life was less in Hungary than anywhere else. On the other

hand, there was no other country where, willingly cooperating with the Germans, the state played such an important and independent role in the deportation and murder of hundreds of thousands of its citizens, as the Hungarian Government did in the spring and summer of 1944. Of course, the fact that a state guarantees security to its citizens and protects their rights and lives in case of emergency, is no special merit, but a foremost duty. It was precisely by failing to perform this duty, by accepting the (Anti-) Jewish Laws, that Hungary violated her constitutional order and European traditions.

In 1944, when Hungary was already under German occupation, Hungarian political leaders still clung to the illusion of making independent political decisions. But whether the autonomy of the country was real or false, it does not diminish the responsibility of the Hungarian political leadership and the entire Hungarian nation for the destruction of 500,000 to 600,000 Hungarian Jews. Nevertheless, it remains a fact that a part of Hungarian Jewry, at least of the Jews of Budapest, survived the war, even if in the midst of enormous sufferings. SS Lieutenant-Colonel (Obersturmbannftihrer) Adolf Eichmann came to Budapest right after the Germans had occupied Hungary on March 19, 1944. He was the commander of the Reichsicherheits- , hauptamt Sondereinsatzkommando IV/B/4 or simply Judenkommando, a Gestapo unit established for special tasks and sent to Budapest from Mauthausen. Their headquarters were on Svdb-hegy (called Szabadsag-hegy for several decades after World War II). They occupied several buildings for themselves and their Hungarian assistants in a remote part of the exclusive residential area just in the Buda woods, in the neighborhood of the former summer villa of Baron Jézsef Edtvés, the Kar- , thauzi-lak—“Villa Seclusion”, called after the title of a novel by Edtvés (1839-1841)—(14 Karthauzi utca) centered around the pension Majestic (2 Karthauzi utca, today 4/A Karthauzi utca) and Little Majestic (1 Evetke utca), a smaller building nearby, in a relatively concealed location. (On the side facade of the Little Majestic the big black letters of the building’s original name may still be read out. The woodsheds, mentioned occasionally in the memoirs of forced laborers who were ordered here,

. Pest, 1944, GHEttro 371]

are still there in the garden.) The Majestic, constructed shortly beforehand of bauxite concrete, then a fashionable material, became the general headquarters of Eichmann’s commando in Hungary, shared with Péter Hain’s delegation for a while. It was from here that Eichmann directed the last major operation of the supposedly final solution to the so-called Jewish question, the transportation of Hungarian Jewry into the concentration camps. He did it obsessively, and, given his previous performance, more skillfully than at his earlier posts. The organizations led by Eichmann and Hain got hold of some other luxury hotels, pension condominiums in the immediate neighborhood as well, such as the Hotel Mirabel (6 Karthauzi utca), the Rege tidiilészdll6 (Rege Resort-hotel) (10 Rege utca), the pensions Lomnic (2 Evetke utca), Uj Majestic (New Majestic), Bijou (24-26 Melinda ut) and Melinda (30-32 Melinda tt), the condominiums Suvdb-hegyi Tarsashdz (16 Melinda tt), etc. The Hotel Bellevue (53 Béla kirdly ut) was also seized by the Gestapo. They could feel secure in the relaxed atmosphere of the Svab-hegy. Nevertheless, they constructed a narrow route of escape for themselves, in order to avoid the heavy traffic on Istenhegyi ut in case of an emergency. (At least this is what the people living in the neighborhood assumed. In any case, the little street between Melinda ut and Martonhegyi tt has still no name. Only since very recently has it been linked organically to the city.) In November and December members of the Judenkommando drove groups of captives out of the houses on Melinda tt, took them to the Széchenyi lookout and shot them. In the center of Pest Eichmann and his men used the building of Golyavar for their purposes, which is located in the garden of the Faculty of Arts on Mizeum kérut. Eichmann himself had an apartment on R6zsadomb, at 13 Apostol utca. The owner of the villa, Lipét Aschner (1872-1952), a banker and industrialist, president of the Ujpesti Torna Egylet (Gymnastics Club of Ujpest, ure) was deported to Mauthausen. Forced laborers were ordered to work regularly in the villa. (Here he beat to death his gardener, a Jewish boy—this was the only murder with his own hand in that he was proven guilty in the trial in Jerusalem.) Dieter von Wisliceny, one of the officers of Eichmann’s commando, was quartered with his soldiers on the 6th and 7th floors of the apartment building at 16 Szent Istvan park. One of the very first measures taken by the invading German authorities in Budapest, as in all the other places before, was to set up the Zsid6é Tandcs (Jewish Council / Judenrat). The headquarters of the Jewish Council, made up of former leaders of the Jewish

AAO. Portrait of i _ . , community, was in the community’s office building at 12 Sip Samu Stern aes es a. S f utca. Its president was Samu Stern, until then the president of — ‘-—_ ~=sétthe Pest Neolog community. He was replaced in October, when

—_ oy : as f= threats indicated that he was in immediate danger of life, by \¢ po ae & Lajos Stéckler. Within the confines determined by the Germans, we : tw =f i : . they organized the everyday life of the Jews. The title of the CF on [| newspaper in which they published announcements had to be eS ‘ a , S changed from A Magyar Zsid6k Lapja [Newspaper of Hungarian : ~ = . : | rejoice and be respected. But at the moment I am mostly concerned about the | lig ba future. I fear that the injustice you are about to commit—let God shield us from j lS it—shedding innocent blood might not bring God’s blessing upon this country.” “i ¥ Gees om Ge of the Roman Catholic Church in Hungary were reluctant to voice their

cn . a i. 3 SES objections clearly, or cared only about baptized Jews, he made no distincud _ omaail Pt _—s tion between categories of persecuted. Though he specifically asked the p Government to take a clear stand. During the fall the office of the nuncio

- ath Seo — issued several thousand safe-conducts. d Tin. a v In 1992 the Hungarian Government and the Council of Roman Catholic Vi | % ee 4 : | or Bishops erected a memorial slab in honor of Angelo Rotta on the wall of

y eet > = tha the building at 4-5 Disz tér. Its inscription says: “He faithfully served his : "Ola die “Egy t church during the hard years of the war and he took an active part in help-

scoundrels, dishon- meruba: “Hebrew (and Arab) letters”, “quaDON i) Oe as Ke KK est people. “If so, dratic (script)” (Hebrew merubba)

Li “Oe. PR asks the guest, why messids: “redeemer”, “Saviour” (Hebrew NG ae Sal sid you accept tobe mashiah, “anointed”)

Paee

émai slab ae" oo. a _. |. a oo (ee n the lI e origi ee | Pe be C€ ga 4 e lin _ _ . _ Lt ee ivorgen bl. Insti n styliz e origi ription fie Pe eee aa

Blind. Sid edoor for“H the raille al inscri the — Hee. _a ontrance tthe script riptions iom foundati — Le2erOa rance to , are mi s in th ation pe ose 542 © gym e who vi issing e wrou are still Pe a 7 Blind hong for the (Lajta’s) its the W iron fen ere on th Foca Hu ent composi e -ag for th ilding ance ngs, t ngari e eBli , also aositio anded gym rontbuildi of theand colors for nstitut buildi e entr as he crea 00. As an deco n. The e ind or t written

adjus 10ns pand Old }on eiroeated cr he adi rati Xx he and left jiately ligh warm, ted theor rebani tellin ,,Spacio , in bri ooms fstai the spirit. B age ms, wid immedi ethgarden theo anisters t But hisHom e e corri se

Th andth ld Ss.” and oethe labthdor was ar iof trans,

t € synago even on th nd sick, an € msecur orate care s, lots of li “

ower gue of e itute wallether e steps eft itsbli ight tio attach e Insti flow e sm ces on hi n, th ed. T w ers eve all is an e origin . Today it | as once | rywhere nd children, origi fr the iontheofr bypied (Pa wind riginal er d om the tonnex the ri 4l NAdai ows,

, the J b ym. I 543. Hospi ntalizi e Jewl retai spi ain ildi bui t . Hospital ing shtter sgate tain .reThe pite Old and mod ymb ed itv1lous is. Info of th ing, Pest H of the yle iro e ; ginal tranc pletetru cha addish a a ati tent , albeit i from K evrah n decor with a rm.a e to it recons ah (57 | 7 on are sti -sha in p the CAmerikai tt“A _ a | fly ped oor condi nstitu Desi rezy p .toand iitditi te esign| oY |still oe,the EV on . Moses. S . oa eeSeyi 7J |... e gate j by Ede Ti . otatue Co__ “se : _ | ie ae e 1S on theacade f 11) _th 8we_| ae a __ 27eeele idee =aae = Hospi of —— [oe i. ae 7 se 7_ . |ee _= __. a _ 2 ee : a ag |. Pee * _ ul ae oo ie /_ — a a... co. turyecorati street school’ right ofthe i, ca. Orie ion, th oom . Theislasti still obvi Ss sym m 19 40)

.Faeoo hale :ae_i ;Lae a—-a_ : i_.| i|| To _7mi :bee 7oo.ee oe. ee ae_: a:a = oe ce is a. |e es a. -: .|. a.7. a..-||_ge ss of_|_7i.a|aa_a; cs' ee ee TF— a aeood FR

Lo a _ aN. . | a . oo |. i | | |. |. ae!my mh ofiaaee _

beivrtartaaie .

the original, its pattern shows a menorah. This gate is not in use cur-

this purpose. ~ ere ere ees rently, it is protected by big trees which were planted there exactly for Tee) = |

. a, . : : Co a a Pe ee ee eee eg ee ret

57 Amerikai tt: National Neurosurgical Research Institute. The E-shaped ama DR Ae pew of hospital building was designed by Béla Lajta in 1911. At its foundation it ee

was the Szeretethdz (Old-age Home) of the Hevrah Kaddishah (Gyégyit- Elam 8 Soe = hatatlan Betegek Intézete / Institute for the Incurably Sick) with 75 beds; AastRaaasaaen eR

during World War I it housed the military hospital of the Red Cross; Fo RSS ok 545. Hospital and since 1919 a well-equipped sanatorium occupied a part of it, with 60 beds + Ee ae i. age Home, Wall

(Szeretetkorhdz). the ow northwestern , , eq: cogsSee, .ee~~ ce Every little detail of the building has Lajta’s imprint on it. The en- Eamitor. SASS TAS) gate

trance to the left, the nicer gate leads to the synagogue. Its original form and its interior are Known only from photos. (Directors of the Institute today think that there was a

mortuary in it.) The stone reliefs of the gate are decorated with Jewish motifs (six-pointed star, , menorah) and references to Biblical stories (serpent and tree, Noah’s Ark), all in Lajta’s favorite Hungarian folk-art style. Above the main entrance there is a statue of Moses by Ede Telcs. The other side-gate is decorated with a relief, too. Both side-gates are protected by a semicircular copper roof. The staircases appear to be towers. Above them the intricate wood beam structure is a refined version of Transylvanian Hungarian folk architecture. The two pairs of columns of the main entrance

9 a. a oo Pe Oe

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