James McCosh and the Scottish Intellectual Tradition: From Glasgow to Princeton [Course Book ed.] 9781400855421

Table of contents :
Contents
List of Illustrations
Preface
Part I. Scotland
Chapter One. THE Heirs of Knox
Chapter Two. A Scottish Education
Chapter Three. The Gospel Ministry
Part II. Ireland
Chapter Four. Intuitional Realism
Chapter Five. Protestant Scholasticism
Chapter Six. Nature and Nature's God
Part III. America
Chapter Seven. Academic Reformer
Chapter Nine. The New Princeton
McCosh Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

JAMES M C C O S H AND TH E SCOTTIS H INTELLECTUAL TRADITION

James McCos h (abou t 1870 )

JAMES M C C O S H AND TH E SCOTTIS H INTELLECTUAL TRADITIO N from Glasgow to Princeton J. DAVI D HOEVELER , JR .

PRINCETON UNIVERSIT Y PRES S PRINCETON, N E W JERSEY

Copyright © 1981 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey In the United Kingdom. Princeton University Press, Guildford, Surrey All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data will be found on the last printed page of this book Publication of this book has been aided by the Whitney Darrow Publication Reserve Fund of Princeton University Press This book has been composed in Linotron Bembo Clothbound editions of Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and binding materials are chosen for strength and durability Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey

This book is for my parents— JOHN HOEVELE R AN D VIRGINIA THORNBURG H HOEVELE R

Contents List of Illustrations vii Preface i

i x

Part I SCOTLAN D Chapter One · THE HEIR S O F KNOX 3

Chapter Two · A SCOTTIS H EDUCATIO N 3 Chapter Three · TH E GOSPE L MINISTR Y 6

3 6

Part II IRELAN D Chapter Four · INTUITIONAL REALIS M 11 Chapter Five · PROTESTANT SCHOLASTICIS M 14 Chapter Six · NATURE AN D NATURE' S G O D 18

1 7 0

Part III AMERIC A Chapter Seven · ACADEMI C REFORME R 21 Chapter Eight · ACADEMIC POLITICIA N 27 Chapter Nine · THE N E W PRINCETO N 31

5 2 2

McCosh Bibliography 35 Index 36

1 1

List of Illustrations James McCos h (abou t 1870) . Britis h Museu m 1. Thoma s Chalmers . Nationa l Gallerie s o f Scotlan d 5

1

2. Si r Willia m Hamilton . Joh n Veitch , Memoir of Sir William Hamilton (Edinburgh an d London: C . Black wood an d Sons , 1869 ) 5

6

3. Thoma s Guthrie . Nationa l Gallerie s o f Scotlan d 7

6

4. Jame s McCos h (abou t 1845) . Nationa l Gallerie s o f Scotland 9 5. Rober t Chambers . Nationa l Gallerie s o f Scotlan d 18 6. Hug h Miller . My Schools and Schoolmasters (Boston : Gould an d Lincoln , 1864 ) 18 7. Jame s McCos h (abou t 1890) . WheatonJ . Lane , ed. , Pictorial History of Princeton (Princeton : Princeto n University Press , 1947 ) 33

2 2 5 6

Preface JAMES MCCOSH' S LIF E spanned mos t of the nineteenth century . It embrace d thre e countrie s an d conclude d wit h tw o decade s o f leadership a t on e o f America' s mos t renowne d institution s o f higher education . I t also interacted criticall y wit h majo r intellectua l and cultura l movement s o f hi s period : th e Scottis h philosophy , i n whose tradition McCosh wa s reared ; Protestant evangelicalism , fo r which h e prepare d a philosophica l foundation ; an d evolutionar y science, whic h h e se t i n a theisti c framework . T o thi s extent , th e prolific McCos h command s ou r attention a s a subject o f intellectual history. H e i s clearl y th e las t majo r voic e o f th e Scottis h Enlight enment an d th e system o f philosophical realis m fo r whic h i t i s best known. McCos h stand s squarel y i n th e traditio n o f Thoma s Reid , Dugald Stewart , and , mor e uncertainly, Si r William Hamilton . Bu t he wa s a n independen t thinke r a s wel l an d recas t olde r mold s o f thought t o mee t th e challenge s o f ne w philosophica l currents . H e is, i n fact , ou r bes t vehicl e fo r answerin g th e question , Wha t hap pened t o th e Scottis h intellectua l traditio n a s it confronted th e ne w direction o f ideas in th e middle an d later nineteent h century ?

McCosh wa s a product o f lowlan d Scotland . Fro m hi s youthfu l experience in the farming lif e o f the southwest h e acquired his keen observation an d th e practica l sens e o f thing s tha t animat e eve n hi s most technica l philosophica l works . H e pursue d a n educationa l course that wa s typical o f his time and place, passing fro m th e local parish schoo l o n t o Glasgo w Universit y an d th e Universit y o f Edinburgh. McCos h thu s kne w firsthan d th e commercia l an d in dustrial lif e o f Scotland' s larges t cit y an d th e intellectua l vitalit y o f its cultural and political capital. His experience with both shaped his religious an d philosophica l careers . A t Edinburgh , McCos h thre w in his lot wit h th e insurgent reformis t part y i n th e Churc h o f Scot land. Th e Evangelicals , unde r th e organizational an d spiritua l lead ership o f Thoma s Chalmers , McCosh' s mento r a t th e university , were enjoyin g thei r greates t gain s i n th e 1830s . Unde r Chalmers , McCosh imbibe d th e neo-Puritan fait h o f the rising party an d afte r a decade o f agitation joined wit h th e ministerial rank s wh o forme d the Fre e Church o f Scotland . Conceivably, McCos h migh t hav e lived th e remainder o f his lif e a servan t o f th e Scottis h parish . Bu t h e ha d a restles s intellec t an d read prolificall y i n philosoph y an d othe r fields . A t Edinburgh , an -

χ

Preface

other influence, that of Sir William Hamilton, was crucial. Hamil­ ton was achieving his brilliant merger of Reid and Kant and taking the Scottish school in a significant new direction. Indeed, McCosh spent years wrestling with the implications of Hamilton's ideas. McCosh's first effort was a massive contribution, The Method of the Divine Government, published in 1850. It won him immediate atten­ tion, both in Britain and in the United States, and it led directly to an academic career, launched at Queen's College in Belfast, Ireland, the following year. His sixteen years as professor of logic and metaphysics at Queen's embroiled McCosh in the most lively philosophical dis­ putes of the day. In this, his most productive period, McCosh gave his attention to the ideas of Kant, the German idealists, Hamilton, and John Stuart Mill and sought to counteract their influence by re­ drawing the outlines of Scottish intuitionism and realism. His most profound work, The Intuitions of the Mind, systematically summa­ rized these positions, and, more than any other product of the Scot­ tish school, employed realism to outline the intellectual possibilities of theism. Also at Queen's, with the collaboration of Professor George Dickie, McCosh wrote Typical Forms and Special Ends in Creation, a scientific treatise. This large tome contributed significandy to an issue in which McCosh became conspicuous. In the United States he was known to many as an important religious thinker who welcomed the insights of evolution. In 1868 McCosh began a twenty-year presidency of Princeton College. From the moment of his inauguration, McCosh was a re­ former at Princeton. As this study explains in detail, McCosh pushed Princeton in new directions. He built a faculty without the inbred and parochial character of the one he inherited. Scholars with advanced European training arrived at Princeton and helped McCosh expand and modify its traditional curriculum. McCosh organized new fellowships for Princeton's best students, sent many of them to London, Berlin, and elsewhere, and then, in the second half of his administration, brought them back to Princeton as allies in the conflict that had grown at home over the nature, purpose, and future direction of the school. Also, because McCosh encoun­ tered such heavy opposition, he found it necessary to redefine Princeton's external relationships. He made new contacts in the world of American money, he cultivated regional alumni groups, he organized feeder schools for Princeton, and he toured the coun­ try many times over to gain money and students for his school. By the end of his administration he had set the stage for another classic

Preface

χι

battle at Princeton. As this study concludes, an assessment of McCosh's transforming role at Princeton must take account of the efforts of Woodrow Wilson, and other students of McCosh, to give substance to his academic ideals in the years that followed. But at no time was the situation at Princeton a simple one. Al­ though McCosh might appear to certain members of Princeton's board of trustees as a dangerous modernizer, compared to such contemporaries as Charles William Eliot at Harvard or Andrew Dickson White at Cornell, he may look quite the contrary. McCosh encouraged religious revivals at Princeton. In his debates with Eliot, he urged that religion have a central place in American col­ leges, and he required all Princeton students to study the Bible. He believed that no gentleman was truly educated who did not know the classical languages. For all his flexibility and skillfulness at adapting, McCosh could be arrogant, prideful, and stubborn. He who gave quiet encouragement to the scholarly careers of some of Princeton's leading future academics, could also be a tyrant in the classroom. Altogether, I have found McCosh a fascinating individ­ ual, and a challenging one. His life—his career in the church, his intellectual evolution, and his academic leadership—is, I believe, a story worth telling. I would like to add that what I have attempted here is something more than an intellectual biography. Very early in my study of McCosh it became clear that critical to the history of the Scottish philosophy were the changing social and institutional arrangements of Scotland, to which I give much attention in the opening chapter. Most students of ideas in America know the general place of the Scottish philosophy within the intellectual climate of the eighteenth century and appreciate the dominant place that philosophy came to have in American academic thought in the early and middle nine­ teenth century. Less appreciated, however, is the genesis of the Scottish system within the reconstructed Scottish society of the ear­ lier period and the attendant cultural divisions within the nation. But this background permanently affected McCosh's intellectual and administrative career. The years of his university training at Glasgow and Edinburgh saw the culminating warfare between Scottish Moderatism, represented by the philosophes of the uni­ versities and the rational ministry in the Church of Scotland, and Scottish evangelicalism, represented by the pietistic ministry and its occasional academic allies. These persons disparaged the Enlight­ enment and decried its social effects. At Edinburgh, McCosh saw these contending factions in the ideas and writings of the dynamic

XII

Preface

neo-Puritan, Thoma s Chalmers , and the cerebral Sir William Ham ilton. Alway s McCos h fel t th e pul l o f eac h an d carve d hi s uniqu e place i n th e Scottis h schoo l throug h hi s effort s t o merg e th e tw o cultural tradition s o f his native countr y tha t thes e men represented . Those effort s bor e result s no t onl y i n McCosh' s writing s o n epis temology, metaphysics , ethics , religiou s experience, an d evolution , but in his institutional rearrangemen t o f Princeton College . The in tellectual wor k i n fac t i s th e indispensabl e backgroun d fo r Mc Cosh's caree r a t Princeton . I have tried to keep two large concerns in focus in this biography . The recentl y publishe d volum e o f essays , New Directions in American Intellectual History (Baltimore , 1979) , urges in several places tha t historians o f idea s demonstrat e th e organi c characte r o f thei r sub ject, th e relatio n o f though t t o it s extende d milieu . W e nee d t o know, man y o f the contributor s urge , ho w idea s becom e incorpo rated int o th e variou s categorie s o f huma n life , ho w the y mov e from thei r contemplative t o their activist habitat. Biograph y i s per haps the bes t vehicle w e have fo r fulfillin g thi s command . Ther e i s a strikin g unit y i n McCosh' s career , bu t i t i s no t a mer e unit y o f ideas. I t is one, rather , o f ideas an d institutions , an d it i s evidence d by hi s ministr y i n th e Fre e Churc h o f Scotland , hi s academi c an d social concern s a t Belfast , and , mos t strikingly , hi s presidenc y a t Princeton. For McCosh assure d his legacy at Princeton not so much by th e syste m o f philosoph y h e erecte d ove r th e years , bu t b y th e institutional reorientatio n tha t registere d th e impac t o f hi s entir e Scottish experience . Second, I hav e endeavore d t o addres s i n thi s wor k a n issu e o f concern t o scholar s o f America n highe r education . On e schoo l o f thought, bes t articulate d b y Danie l Boorstin , describe s th e Ameri can university wit h referenc e t o the flux and formlessness o f Amer ican societ y i n general . America n college s an d universities , h e be lieves, have been characterize d b y a certain amorphou s quality , on e derived fro m thei r inconstan t an d uncertai n interactio n wit h th e pluralistic worl d aroun d them . I n short , the y hav e lacke d institu tional identit y an d purpose ; the y ar e mor e th e shape d force s o f American societ y tha n th e self-define d autonomou s creation s o f their ow n wills . O n th e othe r hand , Laurenc e Veyse y believe s tha t American universitie s achieve d thei r distinctio n precisel y becaus e they maintaine d aloofnes s fro m th e anti-intellectua l o r indifferen t world outsid e them . A t a critical perio d i n th e lat e nineteent h cen tury the y ha d a uniqu e opportunit y fo r self-definitio n an d mad e significant achievement s whe n the y seize d it . Bot h historian s thu s

Preface

χιη

raise critical questions about the American university in American society. (See the first section and note 1 of Chapter Eight for further remarks and references.) McCosh's Princeton provides us with only one example, but I think it is instructive. McCosh brought to Princeton in 1868 a fairly clear conception of his presidential role and the institution he hoped to fashion. Gradually he gave that ideal concrete form. But at a crit­ ical juncture he met virulent opposition from a powerful group of Princetonians. McCosh then achieved his critical reforming role when he brought Princeton into an extended network of new ex­ ternal alliances. The heterogeneous character of these individuals and groups is rather bewildering and may appear to confirm Boorstin's thesis of institutional confusion. But the process was executed with a clear sense of purpose, one that extended directly, in fact, from McCosh's unique philosophical position and the academic program drawn out of it. Princeton in the McCosh years reflected, in its style and character, both of the cultural traditions of Mc­ Cosh's native Scotland. But in the very act of extending the col­ lege's environment in order to achieve these purposes, McCosh in­ troduced new forces into the college, ones that took Princeton in a direction he could not have anticipated and would not necessarily have endorsed. M Y ACCUMULATED DEBTS in this study are many, and it is a great

pleasure to acknowledge them. Over the several years of my work I have visited libraries, archives, and other depositories of needed materials. For their cheerful and competent assistance, I wish to thank the individuals of the following institutions: the British Mu­ seum, London; the Center for Historical Research, University of London; Colindale Newspaper Library; British Museum of Natu­ ral History, London; National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh; General Register House, Edinburgh; Scottish Record Office, Edin­ burgh; University of Edinburgh Library; Edinburgh Central Public Library; Scots Ancestry Research Library, Edinburgh; New Col­ lege Library, Edinburgh; Arbroath (Scotland) Public Libary; Mitchell Library, Glasgow; Glasgow University Library; Brechin (Scotland) Public Library; Carnegie Library, Ayr (Scotland); Na­ tional Library of Ireland, Dublin; Trinity University Library, Dub­ lin; Queen's College Archives, Belfast; Yale University Library; Princeton University Library and Archives; Harvard University Archives; The Johns Hopkins University Archives; Library of Congress.

XIV

Preface

I ow e a special , persona l acknowledgmen t t o thre e individuals : Mr. an d Mrs . Alexande r Lowso n o f Arbroath an d Mr . A . M. Law son o f Brechin . The y gav e o f thei r tim e an d effort s t o assis t m e i n obtaining churc h record s o f McCosh's ministr y an d ar e a reminder to me o f the kindliness an d goodwil l o f the Scottish character . The graduat e schoo l o f th e Universit y o f Wisconsin—Milwau kee provided m e wit h summe r salar y i n 197 2 to begi n researc h fo r this book. It s assistance wa s o f critica l importance . I also than k th e American Counci l o f Learned Societie s fo r a valuable contributio n to trave l expense s i n pursuit o f m y research . In 1973-197 4 I was a fellow i n th e Institution fo r Socia l an d Pol icy Studie s a t Yal e Universit y an d participate d i n th e progra m i n Historical an d Comparativ e Stud y i n Higher Education , organize d by Professor s Burto n Clar k an d Georg e Pierson . Thi s uniqu e op portunity fo r researc h an d discussio n aide d m e immeasurably , an d I am mos t gratefu l fo r it . At a lat e stag e i n th e preparatio n o f th e manuscript , Professo r Harold Wechsle r o f th e Universit y o f Chicag o gav e i t a carefu l reading and made useful suggestions . An d for thei r painstaking car e and conscientiousness in typing th e manuscript I am most apprecia tive o f Mrs. Ilg a Strazdins , Ms . Pa t Checkvala , an d Ms . Jacqueline Sokol. For al l th e labo r an d inevitabl e frustration s tha t on e encounter s along th e wa y o f scholarl y research , I shal l nonetheles s cheris h many memorie s associate d wit h thi s work, abov e all because of m y wife, Professo r Dian e Lon g Hoeveler . W e share d a summe r o f travel an d investigatio n i n th e Britis h Isles , and her e an d elsewher e she was a masterful historica l sleuth . He r encouragemen t an d intel lectual interes t i n this wor k hav e sustaine d m y effort s throughout . Finally, th e dedicatio n o f thi s wor k t o m y mothe r an d fathe r ex presses a long-standing deb t o f love and gratitude . Milwaukee October 1979

Part I SCOTLAND

Chapter One T H E HEIR S O F K N O X

IN TH E FIFTH DECADE of his life James McCosh embarke d on " a labo r o f love." It wa s a work o f history an d philosophy , an d McCosh gav e to it the care and concer n demanded b y a n age stray ing dangerousl y fro m "firs t an d fundamenta l truths. " H e require d more tha n twent y year s of work, crowde d int o a busy academic ca reer, t o complete th e project, bu t McCosh's The Scottish Philosophy, from Hutcheson to Hamilton i s even today one of the richest an d mos t reliable guides t o tha t incredibl y fruitfu l perio d o f Scottish intellec tual life . McCos h wrot e an d searche d widel y t o obtai n detail s o f genealogy, biography , personality , an d loca l an d regiona l history , but th e wor k wa s abov e al l a n exploratio n o f th e Scottis h mind . When i t appeare d i n 1875 , McCosh ha d move d anothe r ste p fro m his native land , comin g fro m Irelan d t o th e Unite d State s a s president o f one o f America's oldes t colleges . S o he offered th e book t o the world , h e said , a s the onl y remainin g mean s "o f testifyin g m y regard fo r m y country—love d al l th e mor e becaus e I am no w fa r from it—an d m y country' s philosophy. " Bu t ther e wa s somethin g else at stake. McCos h wishe d "t o mak e m y wor k a contribution t o what ma y b e regarde d a s a new departmen t o f science, th e histor y of thought , whic h i s quit e a s important a s th e histor y o f wars , o f literature, o r o f civilization." 1 THE WORL D tha t McCos h describe d i n hi s Scottish Philosophy wa s one corne r o f th e cosmopolita n eighteenth-centur y cultur e know n as th e Enlightenment. I t wa s th e age that brough t internationa l re nown t o th e Scottis h universities , secure d Edinburgh' s labe l a s th e Athens o f th e North , an d o f cours e gav e a national designatio n t o the idea s o f it s leadin g philosophers . I n it s cultivatio n o f reasona bleness, it s obsessio n wit h socia l an d civi c virtue , it s concer n fo r improvement an d faith i n progress, its confidence i n human nature , and it s generall y benevolen t spirit , th e Scottis h Enlightenmen t ' James McCosh , The Scottish Philosophy, Biographical, Expository, Critical, from Hutcheson to Hamilton (Ne w York , 1875) , pp . iii-iv .

4

Scotland

shared th e intellectua l tempe r o f its age . But w e shal l observ e pre sently some of the unique characteristics and distinguishing feature s of th e Enlightenmen t i n Scotland . It s relationshi p t o th e Churc h and th e universitie s wa s especiall y significan t an d affecte d Mc Cosh's ow n socia l attitudes . Th e name s o f Franci s Hutcheson , David Hume, Thoma s Reid, an d others will recur frequentl y i n this study, bu t i t is important t o introduce the m i n thi s chapter . Amer ican student s ar e les s familia r wit h Reid , Dugal d Stewart , an d Hamilton tha n the y ar e wit h Locke , Voltaire , an d Rousseau , al though i t i s undeniabl e tha t th e Scot s exercise d a profoundl y greater influenc e i n thi s countr y tha n an y othe r grou p o f Enlight enment spokesmen . Fro m th e introductio n o f Hutcheson' s work s to Harvar d Colleg e i n th e mid-eighteent h century , throug h Joh n Witherspoon's appearanc e a t Princeton , throug h th e extende d us e of Reid's, Stewart's , an d Hamilton' s writing s i n countles s Ameri can colleges , t o McCosh' s ow n twenty-yea r tenur e a t Princeton , the Scottis h thinker s wer e familia r t o five generation s o f America n college students . Indee d the y dominate d America n academi c thought fo r almos t a century. 2 Bu t th e socia l contex t o f th e En lightenment i n Scotland , th e burde n o f thi s chapter , i s especiall y important an d provide s th e settin g fo r McCosh' s earl y career . Th e background i s Scottish religion . Presbyterianism impresse d itsel f indelibly o n Scotlan d in the sixteenth century , bu t i t had t o fight fo r it s birth an d later fo r it s righ t to live. Even whe n it secured tha t righ t it continued t o think like an institution a t war an d left a permanent mar k o n th e Scottish popu lation. Thi s ha d no t bee n th e cas e wit h th e Kir k i n Catholi c Scot land. I n 150 0 wealth an d powe r la y wit h th e Churc h an d nobility , and increasingl y ecclesiastica l lif e becam e remot e fro m th e middl e and lowe r classes . Bishops cam e largely fro m th e noble and lande d classes, an d thi s grou p allie d itsel f wit h th e Church . Th e Churc h was als o a n avenu e fo r ambitiou s careerists , an d man y employe d their tide s t o accumulat e benefice s o r t o become commendator s o f abbeys and priories. They als o found th e means to acquire heritabl e rights t o ecclesiastical wealt h an d property . Th e roya l lin e to o found th e Church , whic h owne d mor e tha n hal f th e rea l estat e i n the countr y an d possesse d twent y time s greate r wealt h tha n th e crown, a n obviou s sourc e t o tap . N o les s tha n si x o f Kin g Jame s 2 Se e D. H . Meyer , The Instructed Conscience: The Shaping of the American National Ethic (Philadelphia, 1972 ) fo r th e development o f America n mora l philosophy , an d Sydney E . Ahlstrom , "Th e Scottis h Philosoph y an d America n Theology, " Church History, 2 4 (Septembe r 1955) , 257-72 , fo r tha t subject .

The Heirs of Knox

5

V's illegitimate sons held abbeys as commendators. Here as throughout Europe the low moral condition of the Church was be­ coming a public scandal or at least causing much of the population to become indifferent to its spiritual offerings. The twelve of the seventeen Scottish bishops who had fostered illegitimate children at the time of the Reformation openly invited the moralistic reaction that followed. 3 But these reasons alone do not explain the rapid Protestant takeover in the 1560s. Middle and lower classes alike aided the Reformation in Scot­ land. As the medieval social structure weakened in the sixteenth century, the newer merchants, master craftsmen, and some of the lairds and gentry became rivals of the upper nobility. While that group tightened its grip on the state and the ecclesiastical offices, the gentry, finding resistance to increased rents and services from their tenants, turned to the affluent bourgeoisie for loans. Aliena­ tion from society and the Church was most acute in this new edu­ cated middle-class element. Far too often the local churches had been entrusted to impoverished, poorly educated vicars. "Neither intellectually nor religiously," writes John Knox's most recent biographer, "was the church speaking relevantly to the energetic burgesses," and these were the first people to receive the Protestant reform ideas from Germany. Suffice it to add that the Church was further negligent in its responsibilities to the poor, and this at a time when poverty, in the north especially, was severe. Church reform­ ers pointed to the contrasting conditions of prelatical wealth and apostolic wretchedness, and the poor resented the comfortable friars who professed the ethics of poverty. 4 That bitterness, even among the middle classes, often took the form of violent acts of public hostility against the churches, and the flames that began in Dundee soon spread to Edinburgh and other places, where destruction of church buildings showed the extent of Protestant wrath. But there was also a quiet revolution taking place, and it left a permanent legacy in Scottish social life. The Ref­ ormation was a popular movement and was accompanied by clear democratic consequences, especially in the religious life of the na­ tion. As the movement spread throughout the country, it left eccle­ siastical disorganization in its wake; formal authority broke down, to be reconstituted at the local level. After 1558 a congregational 3

Gordon Donaldson, Scotland: James V to James Vll (Edinburgh, 1971), pp. 12, 135; W. Stanford Reid, Trumpeter of God: Λ Biography of John Knox (New York, 1974), pp. 7-9. * Reid, Trumpeter of God, pp. 2-3, 9; Donaldson, Scotland, p. 138.

6

Scotland

system o f churc h polit y exercise d a n informa l authority , an d kir k sessions assume d som e o f th e function s o f th e ol d churc h courts . Ministerial authorit y derive d directl y fro m th e loca l flocks, an d when th e distinguishing mar k o f the Church o f Scotland, th e presbyterial system , emerged , th e lait y playe d a prominent role . Whil e supporting a ne w democrati c structur e th e Reformatio n churc h breathed veno m agains t royal authority , an d a distinctly liberal po litical movemen t parallele d th e religious . Fro m John Kno x (1505? 1572) throug h Georg e Buchana n (1506-1582) , Andre w Melvill e (1545-1622), an d th e Covenanters , th e defianc e o f kingl y preroga tive attaine d legendar y proportions . Buchanan' s De Juri Regni (1579) too k th e uncommo n positio n tha t th e king rule s by popula r will an d fo r th e goo d o f th e people . An d Melville , wh o inherite d the mantle o f Knox an d stands i n several respect s as the command ing figur e o f th e Scottis h Reformation , pai d ofte n fo r th e sin s o f royal rebuke . Melville reorganized th e Scottish churc h an d th e universities an d outspokenl y attacke d prelac y an d roya l supremacy , while assertin g th e independenc e o f the Church. 5 It wa s Melvill e als o wh o institute d reform s o f th e ministr y tha t actually anticipate d th e substantia l par t th e libera l clerg y woul d later pla y i n th e Scottis h Enlightenment . Th e Scottis h preache r quickly secured hi s reputation fo r hellfir e sermon s and a moral vig ilance tha t coul d tyranniz e a neighborhood , bu t i n educationa l at tainments h e wa s probabl y th e equa l o f hi s counterpar t anywher e in Christendom . Melvill e himsel f le d th e Genera l Assembly , th e governing bod y o f th e Churc h o f Scotland , i n institutin g require ments tha t eac h ministe r hav e a knowledg e o f the Lati n language , and i n th e secon d Boo k o f Disciplin e impose d strict , hig h educa tional standard s a s prerequisites fo r th e profession . Thes e include d "sufficient testimonial s of . . . time wel l spen t i n Dialectick, Math ematics, Physics, Ethics, Economics, and Politicks, and th e Hebre w tongue," an d furthe r outline d a course o f study tha t pointe d t o si x years' work . Simila r standard s wer e redefine d a centur y late r i n 1696, althoug h ther e i s evidenc e tha t the y wer e no t alway s en forced. Nonetheless , ne w condition s di d prevai l i n th e ministry . Not onl y wa s its mora l an d educationa l statur e enhanced , it s social situation als o changed. Th e earlie r disparity betwee n th e upper no bility tha t staffe d th e episcopate , an d th e humbl e element s tha t staffed th e ran k an d file , yielde d t o a clergy o f th e middl e classes . 5

G. D . Henderson , The Burning Bush: Studies in Scottish Church History (Edin burgh, 1957) , p . 121 ; Donaldson, Scotland, p. 103 .

The Heirs of Knox

7

The economi c attraction s improve d immensel y overall , bu t n o longer include d th e eas y an d lucrativ e post s tha t ha d lure d th e ar istocracy heretofore. 6 The zea l fo r refor m o f cours e touche d mor e tha n th e churches , though th e reinvigoration o f religious life was the key to new Prot estant ambitions . Th e Reformatio n sough t th e conversio n o f th e country, an d no t b y th e gospel wor d alone . Althoug h Catholi c ef forts a t education ha d achieve d creditabl e result s an d severa l o f th e cathedrals ha d attache d schools , amon g th e poo r an d i n th e coun tryside the record wa s not so good. Knox' s ambitio n t o see a parish school in every communit y mad e remarkable stride s over the years, and th e firs t Boo k o f Discipline supporte d th e goal b y prescribing , in every town , a schoolmaster competen t t o teach Latin. I n countr y parishes th e ministe r himself , o r th e reader, woul d assum e th e tas k of elementary education. 7 Th e result s wer e impressive, thoug h th e schools di d a s much t o exten d th e wor d o f John Calvi n a s to teac h Latin and arithmetic . McCos h considere d himsel f a direct benefici ary o f thi s Reformatio n idea l an d accounte d i t amon g th e majo r blessings o f Scottish Protestantism . The Book o f Discipline further outline d th e specific ecclesiastica l and socia l reform s fo r th e ne w order . I t calle d fo r th e abolitio n o f all abbeys, friaries , nunneries , an d cathedra l kirks . The loca l churc h was t o b e th e ar m o f reform , supplementin g th e magistrat e i n se curing goo d mora l behavior . Drinking , brawling , swearing , licen tious living , an d fraud agains t th e poor : thes e socia l an d persona l lapses coul d b e controlle d b y privat e admonishment , publi c cen sure, o r excommunication. An d thi s disciplining wa s taken up wit h energy an d dispatc h b y a n eage r ministry , s o that b y th e earl y par t of the seventeenth centur y fe w parishe s lacked a kirk session . Gor don Donaldso n writes : "Thu s th e people wer e bein g exhorted , in structed an d discipline d a s never before." 8 Thi s traditio n persiste d tenaciously ove r th e succeedin g decade s an d wa s th e centra l occu pation, ofte n t o his regret, o f James McCosh' s earl y ministry . Lutheran work s ha d introduce d Scotlan d t o Reformatio n ideal s by th e tim e o f John Knox' s famou s addres s t o th e St . Andrew s University facult y i n 1547 . Bu t ultimatel y Scottis h Protestantis m was o f th e Calvinis t variety . Kno x an d Melvill e too k muc h fro m 6 Stewar t Mechie , "Educatio n fo r th e Ministry i n Scotland since the Reformation , I," Scottis h Churc h Histor y Society , Records, 14 (1963) , 115-16 , 123; Donaldson , Scotland, pp. 150-51 . 1 Donaldson, Scotland, pp. 262-63 . 8 Ibid., p . 150 .

8

Scotland

Theodore Bez a i n Switzerlan d an d incorporate d idea s o f divine in itiative i n salvatio n int o th e Scot s Confessio n o f 1560 . An d Knox , the fiery "trumpete r o f God," denie d tha t th e pope wa s head o f the Church, rejecte d an y religio n no t base d o n th e singl e authorit y o f Scripture, labele d th e mas s a n abomination , an d devise d hi s ow n format o f worshi p emphasizin g th e centralit y o f th e sermon . Fur thermore, th e Scottis h Reformer s wen t th e ful l rout e agains t civi l authority i n ecclesiastical affair s b y proclaimin g Chris t "th e onli e Head o f his Kirk, ou r onli e hi e Priest, Advocat e an d Mediator. " A history ful l o f troubl e wa s anticipate d i n thes e word s fro m th e Confession. Jame s McCos h prepare d t o sacrific e hi s plac e i n th e Church o f Scotlan d t o defend them. 9 McCosh alway s looke d bac k wit h prid e t o hi s country' s heroi c age. King James I of England crie d "No bishop , no king" as he con trived t o enforc e episcopac y an d th e Book o f Commo n Praye r o n his reluctan t neighbor s t o th e north . Hi s so n Charle s wa s n o les s unrelenting. Bu t th e Scot s wer e o f a different mind , an d protester s became martyrs. Popula r rebellio n showe d th e depths o f Reforme d sentiments i n Scotlan d an d joined religiou s ideal s t o patriotis m i n the National Covenan t o f 1637. Twelve year s later th e Westminste r Confession mad e Scotlan d th e world' s preeminen t Calvinis t coun try. 10 The remainin g year s o f th e seventeent h century , however , di d not brin g religiou s peac e t o Scotland . Charle s I I reaffirmed th e be lief tha t Presbyterianis m wa s inconsisten t wit h monarchy , an d hi s foes concurred . Fo r "th e peace of the realm" he wa s resolve d t o re store the true church o f the bishops; hereafter onl y recognize d syn ods an d religiou s meeting s wer e tolerated , an d al l acts favorabl e t o Presbyterianism rescinded . I n th e are a o f McCosh' s birt h th e ne w policies raise d agai n th e standard s o f rebellio n an d throughou t southwestern Scotlan d ope n meeting s defie d th e law . Jame s II , seeking t o remov e al l restraint s agains t Catholics , intensifie d th e wrath agains t th e Stuarts , i n Englan d an d north o f th e Tweed . Hi s forced departur e no t onl y secure d repea l o f th e Ac t o f Supremac y in 1690 , alon g wit h th e approval o f the Westminster Confessio n i n Scotland an d th e reestablishmen t o f presbyterian polity , i t als o in troduced a decad e o f zealous , eve n vengefu l religiou s reactio n i n 9 Rod, Trumpeter of God, pp. 48-49 , 76 ; Phili p Schaff , ed. , The Creeds of Christendom with a History and Critical Notes, 1877 , 3 vols., vol. 3, The Evangelical Protestant Creeds, with Translations (Grand Rapids , Mich. , 1966) , pp . 437-85 . ,0 J.H.S. Burleigh , A Church History of Scotland (New York , 1960) , pp . 204-14 ; Donaldson, Scotland, pp. 313 , 316 .

The Heirs of Knox

9

Scodand. I n the universities, an d at Edinburgh especially , ther e began a thorough housecleaning a s Anglican sympathizers confronte d a "Presbyteria n inquisition " determine d t o purg e th e lan d o f all prelatical influences. u Bu t as religious extremis m nourishe d i n the 1690s ther e wa s little indicatio n ho w nea r a t han d wa s the grea t transformation o f Scottish life and culture. In fact, though , Scotlan d was at the dawning o f a new age. SEVERAL DEVELOPMENT S explai n th e emergenc e o f th e Scottis h En -

lightenment, bu t we notice firs t tha t nearl y al l its participants wer e weary of the religious warfare tha t had so long marked Scottis h life . They reacted , however , no t s o muc h agains t religio n itsel f a s against the petty debate s ove r doctrina l smal l points , an d proposed instead to elevate religious consideration s t o the more worth y issu e of the spiritual nature of humanity. A s McCosh note d in discussing the backgroun d t o the Scottish Enlightenment , th e first par t o f the eighteenth centur y sa w serious attack s mad e o n Christianity , bu t those year s also produced th e first great modern defens e o f religion. The ne w grounds o f discussion "le d the great thinker s o f the age, such a s Samue l Clarke , Berkeley , an d Butler , t o spen d thei r strength, no t s o muc h i n discussin g doctrine s dispute d amon g Christians, a s in defending religio n i n general, an d in laying a deep foundation o n which to rest the essential principles of morality and the eternal truth s of religion, natura l and revealed."12 Thes e consid erations in fact governe d th e Scottish Enlightenmen t mor e than any other concern , fo r o f al l th e nationa l phase s o f tha t intellectua l movement in Europe, the Scottish was most sympathetic to a theistic interpretation o f life, an d its leading spokesme n wer e majo r in fluences i n eighteenth - an d nineteenth-centur y religiou s philoso phy. The warmer wind s cam e first fro m th e south. I t was the English thinker Anthon y Ashle y Cooper , thir d Ear l o f Shaftesbury (1671 1713), who, McCosh believed , "exercise d th e most influence o n the early philosophi c schoo l o f Scotland." Shaftesbury' s outlin e o f the moral sense , whic h h e linked t o the aesthetic faculty , anticipate d a major emphasi s in the later writing s o f the Scots . But McCosh detected als o in this early forebea r th e pretentiousness an d affectatio n 11 Burleigh, Church History, pp . 236-54; D . B . Horn , A Short History of the University of Edinburgh, 1556-1889 (Edinburgh , 1967) , pp . 36-37 ; Willia m Ferguson , Scotland: 1689 to the Present (Edinburgh , 1968) , pp . 103-7 ; Mechie, "Education , I, " 3. 12 McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, pp. 13-14 .

10

Scotland

of the Enlightenment, a style toward which he was ever cool. Shaftesbury, he said, "has the jaunty air of one who affects to be a man of elegance and fashion." After all, as the earl himself con­ ceded, " t o philosophise . . . is but to carry good breeding a step higher." 1 3 His ideas clearly impressed Gershom Carmichael (16721729), on whom McCosh penned an appreciative chapter in his book, and whose "Notes and Supplements" for an edition of Pufendorf's De Officio Homines et Civis, was, Francis Hutcheson be­ lieved, more valuable than the original work. 1 4 The connection was important in McCosh's intellectual genealogy, for it was Hutche­ son whom he labeled the founder of the Scottish school. And with Hutcheson's career at Glasgow, Scotland began to emerge from the glacial age of Calvinism. The "founder" deserved the title in part because his influence on Scottish thought and on Scottish religion was so great. Francis Hutcheson (1694-1746) was born to a family that had long roots in Ayrshire in the southwest but with thousands from that area mi­ grated to Ulster. Both his grandfather Alexander and his father John were Presbyterian ministers. Francis studied at Glasgow, then taught at a private academy in Dublin, returning to Glasgow in 1729 to succeed Carmichael in the chair of philosophy. Among his writings, three contain his major ideas: his Inquiry into the Original of Our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue (1725), the Essay on the Nature and Conduct of the Passions and Affections, with Illustrations of the Moral Sense (1728), and his lectures, edited by his son and published in 1755 as Λ System of Moral Philosophy. When McCosh gathered ma­ terials for his section on Hutcheson he found among Hutcheson's letters one that was especially revealing, for it announced as the au­ thor's purpose, to "put a new face upon theology in Scotland." 1 5 What Hutcheson had in mind was intimated in his early works by a reference to philosophy and religion, which he says, we have made into so "austere and ungainly a form that a gentleman cannot bring himself to [them] . . . so much have they changed from what was once the delight of the finest gentlemen among the ancients." For Hutcheson, the concerns of philosophy were beauty, reason, utility, and morality, and he unquestionably looked to a new soci­ ety wherein those principles would govern. Such a state was surely within reach; but it required first that we gain a just understanding 13

Ibid., pp. 29-30; John Herman Randall, Jr., The Career of Philosophy: From the Middle Ages to the Enlightenment (New York, 1962), pp. 742-52; the quotation is on p. 743. ls " McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, pp. 36-42. Ibid, p. 64.

The Heirs of Knox

11

of human nature. Indeed, we could know the human constitution as we know the Newtonian universe, by careful inquiry into its in­ ternal structure, its multiple component parts of the conscience, reason, intellect, will, and imagination. From these we can gauge the purpose of the whole and the proper course of action that God intends. Hutcheson therefore began his System of Moral Philosophy by directing his readers to observations and conclusions discovera­ ble from the constitution of nature, "without any aide of supernat­ ural revelation." 1 6 The nature of man was sufficient for theology. Hutcheson's moral philosophy was a distinct movement away from the Calvinistic understanding of human nature, for the Scot­ tish philosopher believed that individuals naturally aspire to selfless motives and that aesthetic perception is a uniform condition in all beings. But though Hutcheson was breaking new paths (or at least giving a more systematic outline of Shaftesbury's ideas), the conti­ nuity with Scotland's intellectual past has been clearly overlooked in the several commentaries on Hutcheson. The critical point of Hutcheson's moral philosophy was his idea of disinterested benev­ olence, though he was not the first to employ it. But for the mor­ alist, this idea had all the self-effacing qualities that defined the Calvinist theology, especially its virtual extinction of the self in the face of a magisterial God. For Hutcheson, attaining the moral state, though human nature tends toward this supreme good, involved a conscious struggle against the individual's lower but powerful and irrational drives. The sinful nature of a fallen humanity, which, in the Calvinist account could be relieved only by the supernatural grace of God, was still, in a naturalistic sense, a reality for Hutche­ son. For "appetites and passions" arise constantly, "and the check­ ing, examining, and balancing them, is a laborious exercise." True benevolence cannot come from the will and its self-interested con­ cerns; Hutcheson's "grace" derives from an independent faculty, the moral faculty, which is a pure and natural instinct wholly di­ vorced from the human ego. We therefore approve of good acts in­ dependent of how they affect us, and the most selfless motivations always appeal to our consciences as the purest. But Hutcheson dared not allow the conscience too great an independence; it had to find its way with the other faculties as their governing control. Moral considerations must touch the heart and its "affections" so 16 Francis Hutcheson, An Inquiry Concerning Beauty, Order, Harmony, Design (1725; The Hague, 1973), p. 25 η (vol. 1 of the two-volume Inquiry into the Original of Our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue); idem, A System of Moral Philosophy (1755; New York, 1968), p. 1.

12

Scotland

as t o check th e countervailing force s o f the lower self . I t is impor tant therefor e tha t Scotland' s illustriou s moralis t wa s also its chie f architect o f a n aestheti c philosophy . Th e goo d an d th e beautifu l were th e twin ideals of his new system, an d Hutcheson hope d the y would provid e th e basis for a new social culture. 17 Hutcheson wa s indee d a majo r influence , an d n o les s i n th e Church tha n elsewhere . A whol e generatio n o f student s fo r th e ministry, comin g fro m Scotlan d an d Ireland , studie d unde r Hutcheson a t Glasgow an d absorbed hi s dispassionate ethics . Alex ander Carlyle, a major voic e in the age of the Moderates, had found the divinit y professo r a t Edinburg h "dul l an d Dutc h an d prolix " and wen t ove r t o Glasgo w t o pursu e mora l philosoph y wit h Hutcheson. 18 An d ther e i s n o doub t tha t Hutcheso n ha d th e Church i n min d whe n h e looked t o ne w liberalizin g influence s i n his country . A t the university h e gave Sunday lecture s tha t reache d outside th e regula r curriculum , bu t afforde d hi m th e opportunit y to illustrate th e "truth an d excellency o f Christianity" an d to dra w the Ne w Testamen t int o hi s ow n mora l system . Hutcheso n trie d especially t o involv e th e divinit y students . H e urge d tha t the y deemphasize speculativ e essay s delivere d fro m th e pulpit, an d try instead t o inspir e mora l activity , "whic h i s the mai n thin g th e sacred orato r shoul d b e concerne d about. " I n thi s way , Hutcheso n wrote i n anothe r o f his letters, " I hop e I am contributin g t o pro mote th e mor e moderat e an d charitabl e sentiment s i n religiou s matters in this country, wher e yet there remains too much warmth , and commonl y abou t matter s o f no great consequenc e t o real reli gion." 19 H e wa s doin g that , an d more . Fo r Hutcheson' s lecture s cast a wide net that included reflection s o n politics and just govern 17 Hutcheson, Moral Philosophy, pp. 37, 55-58; W. Leechman, "Preface, " i n Moral Philosophy, p . xxxi . (Leechma n wa s a contemporar y o f Hutcheso n a t Glasgow. ) These norm s wer e als o importan t t o Hutcheson' s theology , thoug h the y nee d no t greatly concer n us here. The principle of benevolence, Hutcheso n believed , wa s the quintessential qualit y of the Creator, who , out of disinterested love, will s and works for th e happines s o f hi s creatures . Th e huma n exercis e o f thi s qualit y doe s itself , therefore, mak e u s like God . Hutcheso n use d thi s suggestio n t o bridg e th e chas m that separate d huma n natur e fro m divin e nature i n Calvinist theology . Hutcheson' s point o f view , though , wa s clearly humanocentric , for , beside s concedin g t o "design" a method o f demonstrating God' s existence , h e argues tha t i t is from huma n nature tha t w e deduc e th e existenc e o f a benevolen t deit y wh o fashion s u s afte r himself. Hutcheson , Moral Philosophy, pp. 174-76 . " Andre w L . Drummon d an d James Bulloch , The Scottish Church, 1688-1843: The Age of the Moderates (Edinburgh , 1973) , p. 47; Mechie, "Education , I, " 121-23. " Quotation s fro m Leechman , i n Hutcheson , Moral Philosophy, p . xxxvii i (th e first); an d McCosh , Scottish Philosophy, p. 67 (the second).

The Heirs of Knox

13

ment; h e articulate d fo r hi s reader s th e ideal s o f civi l an d religiou s liberty, an d he broadened youn g horizon s b y quotin g widel y fro m the ric h an d eloquen t literatur e o f ancien t Greec e an d Rome . H e numbered amon g hi s student s Ada m Smit h an d Matthe w Stewart , father o f Dugald , an d th e so n late r credite d Hutcheso n fo r spread ing " a liberalit y o f sentiment , an d a refinement o f taste , unknow n before i n this part o f the island." 20 But i t wa s just thi s influence , fro m th e perspective o f a hundre d years, tha t disturbe d McCos h an d largel y determine d hi s assess ment o f Hutcheson . Fo r Hutcheso n helpe d t o inaugurat e a move ment whos e worst effect s McCos h spen t a lifetime combating . Th e confident optimis m o f th e Moderates , thei r cul t o f socia l decoru m as the greatest o f virtues, an d th e mil d an d secur e sens e of a benevolent deity : all these wer e later wri t larg e in th e generation o f min isters wh o learne d fro m Hutcheson . Amon g som e i n th e wealthie r and learne d classe s tha t influenc e le d t o a n abandonmen t o f th e Church altogether . Reflectin g bac k o n Hutcheso n i n hi s Scottish Philosophy, McCos h describe d th e developmen t metaphorically : "The moderat e party i n the Church o f Scotland is being crystallize d by coldnes s ou t o f th e floating elements. " I t wa s Hutcheson' s im pact surely tha t blinded McCos h t o the self-negating qualitie s of his system. McCos h sa w to o littl e o f th e Christia n virtue s o f repent ence, humility , an d meeknes s i n Hutcheso n an d labele d hi s philos ophy "self-righteou s i n it s injunctions , an d paga n i n it s spirit. " I t was surel y dangerou s t o all y th e conscienc e t o th e "anima l organ ism," no t simpl y becaus e it prepared th e way fo r a naturalistic eth ics, bu t becaus e it left to o littl e place for th e reason an d th e "highe r intelligence." Wha t McCos h sa w i n Hutcheso n h e sa w late r i n al l the Scottis h philosophers : a correc t emphasi s i n defendin g th e moral natur e o f man , bu t a n insufficien t groundin g o f tha t nature . McCosh himsel f trie d t o fill thi s deficiency, bu t a t the very least h e found somethin g suspiciou s abou t a syste m tha t coul d inspir e David Hum e t o writ e Hutcheso n sayin g tha t " I hope [you r views ] will nex t ge t int o th e world , an d the n int o th e churches." 21 Ther e was to o muc h tru e prophec y i n that . While thes e quie t change s i n Scottis h intellectua l lif e lai d foun dations fo r mor e spectacula r development s t o follow , visibl e out ward manifestation s o f a new societ y appeared . Fo r th e eighteent h 20

Dugald Stewart , "Accoun t o f th e Lif e an d Writing s o f Willia m Robertso n . . . ," i n The Collected Works of Dugald Stewart, 1 1 vols. (Edinburgh , 1858) , 10:105 . 21 McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, pp . 66 , 85-86 . Th e quotatio n o f Hum e i s o n p . 86.

14

Scotland

century was Scodand's "ag e o f improvement." A s never before th e country wa s prosperous , an d i f wealt h doe s no t alway s lov e cul ture, th e tw o a t leas t coexis t handsomely . Greatl y responsibl e fo r the transformatio n wa s th e famou s 170 7 Act o f Unio n tha t joined Scotland an d Englan d int o Grea t Britain . On e parliamen t an d on e nag united th e countries; complete freedom o f trade guaranteed th e entrance o f Scottis h textil e an d agricultura l product s int o Englis h markets; coinage , measures , an d weight s wer e no w uniform . Th e act, however , preserve d muc h o f Scottish la w an d officiall y recog nized th e Churc h o f Scotland . Evidenc e o f Scotland' s emergenc e from th e economi c dar k age s appeare d everywhere , perhap s mos t strikingly i n th e rural areas where agricultural improvement s mad e Scodand th e envy of Europe. New , roomier , an d more comfortabl e homes dotte d th e landscap e wher e th e huts o f impoverished tiller s and shepherd s ha d prevaile d a fe w decade s before . Bu t th e capita l city itsel f advertise d bes t th e increase d affluence . Edinburg h wit nessed a n architectura l revolutio n tha t introduce d splendi d Geor gian structure s an d generate d a passio n fo r Englis h fashio n an d styles. I n fac t th e apin g o f Englis h an d als o continenta l taste s wa s one aspec t o f th e driv e fo r improvement , sparke d frequentl y b y embarrassment abou t thing s Scottis h an d thei r reminder s o f cul tural an d socia l inferiority . Mor e critically , th e year s followin g th e Union sa w th e stead y departur e fo r Londo n o f muc h o f th e hig h Scottish nobility , whil e man y wh o staye d behin d indirectl y par took o f the anglicanizin g influence s b y joining th e Churc h o f Eng land. 22 These facts ar e worthy o f our attention fo r the y explain the social roots o f th e Scottis h Enlightenmen t an d eve n muc h o f its intellec tual temper . Th e departur e o f th e hig h nobilit y lef t Edinburg h a s the resort of the minor nobility and gentry, suddenl y thrust int o the uncertain positio n o f social leadership in th e community. Bu t thes e individuals assume d thi s positio n wit h a sense o f cultura l inferior ity, fo r the y lacked th e traditional institution s o f church, court , an d cosmopolitan connection s familia r t o a governin g elite . Nichola s Phillipson ha s written a provocative essa y showing ho w thi s grou p consequently neede d an d sough t a new socia l identit y an d publi c function, an d cam e t o fin d tha t identit y i n a n allianc e wit h a ne w literati draw n fro m th e universities , th e lega l profession , an d th e Church. An d her e was an even more significant sourc e of the ques t for improvement , generate d no w b y ne w societie s o f letters , sci 22 Ferguson, Scotland, pp. 48-50 ; Drummon d an d Bulloch , Scottish Church, pp . 83-84.

The Heirs of Knox

15

entific and mercantile organizations, salons, lodges, theaters, librar­ ies, and patronizing academies. In all of this activity was a self-con­ scious effort, a quest for a collective identity and a distinct national style peculiar to this provincial culture—cosmopolitan, rational, and tolerant, but also local and particular. The social sources of the new literati in fact were manifold; coming from the rootless ele­ ments of the city were students, the younger ministers, doctors, schoolmasters, lawyers, the rising bourgeoisie, and others on the threshold of the professions. They played a critical role in a yet unshaped, new aristocratic city, and their alliance with the new social elite gave a distinct sense of purpose to that group also. 2 3 Outlets for this enthusiasm abounded, and among the most in­ teresting was the Select Club. Organized in 1754, its members in­ cluded David Hume, Adam Ferguson, William Robertson, Adam Smith, Allan Ramsay, Lord Monboddo, and later Henry Home (Lord Karnes). McCosh called them "the bright literary constella­ tion of their age and country." 2 4 A large number of the group went into state bureaucratic positions where the passion for progress seemed to afford a practical arena for their ideas. The publications of the Select Club confronted social rather than metaphysical prob­ lems and soon won it a national reputation with many requests for admission. The interest it generated led the following year to the establishment of the Edinburgh Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Sciences, Manufactures and Agriculture, and it too bore wit­ ness to the cult of modernization. Under the leadership of the duke of Hamilton and Lord Karnes, the Edinburgh Society incorporated multipurpose committees that offered prizes in chemistry, belles lettres and criticism, mathematics, history, and politics. 25 This en­ ergy, furthermore, illustrated a reformist spirit in the Scottish En23 Ν. T. Phillipson, "Culture and Society in the 18th Century Province: The Case of Edinburgh and the Scottish Enlightenment," in The University m Society, 2 vols., vol. 2, Europe, Scotland, and the United States from the 16th to the 20th Century, ed. Lawrence Stone (Princeton, 1974), pp. 410-12, 421-25. Phillipson also suggests, though this idea is questionable, that the popularity of philosophy at the University of Edinburgh derived from the new and uncertain social situation that prevailed in that city. "The intense and continuing preoccupation of students with rationalist and empiricist metaphysics and with the foundations of knowledge was expressive of a society anxious to acquire through philosophy the certainty and stability that seemed to be absent from the wider world in which they moved." Ibid., p. 429. For another effort to explain the Scottish Enlightenment with reference to its social origins, see John Clive and Bernard Bailyn, "England's Cultural Provinces: Scotland and America," William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 11 (April 1954), 200-213. 24 25

McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, p. 256. Phillipson, "Culture and Society," pp. 444-46.

16

Scotland

lightenment tha t nonetheles s shunne d th e radica l an d ferven t anti institutional characte r tha t ofte n appeare d elsewhere . Fro m the tim e of Carmichael and Hutcheson the Scottish philosophes merged met aphysics, mora l philosophy , politics , an d economics ; an d wer e i t more appropriat e t o thi s study , a thoroug h revie w o f th e Scottis h Enlightenment woul d certainl y includ e th e pioneerin g wor k o f Adam Smith , th e mora l philosophe r an d autho r o f The Wealth of Nations (1776) , an d Ada m Ferguson , whos e Principles of Moral and Political Science (1792 ) man y credi t a s a seminal wor k o f sociology . But ho w di d thes e socia l change s affec t th e Scottis h Church , i n which McCos h spen t hi s earl y career ? Th e prominen t plac e o f th e Scottish Enlightenment in the Church criticall y altered the religious style o f th e countr y an d generate d a reaction tha t brough t schis m in th e nineteent h century ; bu t i t als o gave t o th e Enlightenmen t i n Scotland it s distinguishin g qualities . Her e w e mus t recal l anothe r important even t o f the early century, th e Patronage Ac t of 1712. By this highly controversial enactment , Parliamen t restored the ancient patronage o f th e heritors , th e Protestan t nobles , an d confirme d their powe r t o nominat e minister s t o th e loca l congregations . Al though th e congregation s coul d stil l exercis e th e righ t o f vetoin g the designees, tha t right languished unti l it became th e center of the storm tha t spli t th e Churc h later . Th e ac t wa s intende d t o buttres s the loca l powe r o f th e laird s an d compensat e fo r allege d depriva tions suffere d i n 1690 . I t was a n imprudent measure , an d it s effect s quickly becam e clear . I t afforde d a happy occasio n fo r th e nobilit y and gentry , lookin g fo r a cultura l leadershi p worth y o f thei r elit e status, t o all y themselve s wit h th e reformis t ministr y tha t incline d to th e moderat e view s o f Shaftesbur y an d Hutcheson . Thi s mar riage o f tast e an d convenienc e als o blesse d th e othe r party , wh o now foun d th e mean s t o voic e thei r libera l sentiment s withi n thi s institutional structur e o f th e Church . Fo r McCos h later , an d fo r many throughou t th e res t o f th e century , th e result s wer e al l to o clear: "Youn g me n [now ] sough t th e offic e [o f th e ministry ] be cause o f it s respectabilit y an d wit h n o zea l fo r th e conversio n o f souls." 26 But thi s group, th e new party o f "Moderates," clearl y in tended t o put a new fac e o n th e Church. I t wished t o b e done wit h the pounding o f the pulpit and the theology of damnation; i t sought to liberat e th e Churc h fro m th e popula r prejudice s o f th e masses , and i n concer t wit h th e culture d an d educated , i t wishe d t o ex 26

Burleigh, Church History, pp . 277-78; Ferguson, Scotland, pp . 100-111 ; McCosh , Scottish Philosophy, pp . 13-15 ; idem, John Witherspoon and His Times (Philadelphia , [1890]), p . 14 .

The Heirs of Knox

/7

pound th e practica l dutie s o f th e Christia n life . Th e Church , too , would be a party t o th e age of improvement. 27 For a portrait o f th e Moderat e clerg y mos t chronicler s fin d tha t Hugh Blai r (1718-1800 ) supplie s th e essence . H e doe s so , bu t onl y in th e mos t extrem e manner , sometime s t o th e point o f caricature . Blair doe s infor m u s greatl y abou t th e new religiou s styl e i n Scot land. A product o f the University o f Edinburgh, h e was inspired t o classical literar y taste s b y John Stevenson' s lecture s o n Aristotle' s Poetics and Longinus' s writing s o n th e sublime. Alexande r Carlyle , John Witherspoon , an d Willia m Robertso n als o sa t i n Stevenson' s classes. Blair' s dissertatio n i n 1739 , describin g benevolenc e a s on e of th e natura l law s o f ou r mora l nature , showe d th e influenc e o f Shaftesbury, Hutcheson , an d Joseph Butler . W e may discove r thes e laws withou t th e ai d o f Christia n scripture , thoug h tha t sourc e fa cilitates th e growt h an d exercis e o f th e mora l nature . Afte r a ter m of servic e i n Collessie , Blai r assume d th e pulpi t i n th e fashionabl e Canongate section o f Edinburgh, an d ther e presided ove r a congregation characterize d b y its distinctly non-Scottis h gentility . Indeed , Blair outdi d th e other Moderate s i n apin g Englis h styles , includin g the accent. H e wa s anxious t o purge th e local cultur e o f embarrassing provincialism s an d lik e Ada m Smith , Hume , an d Robertson , sought t o import model s o f Englis h taste . Blair mad e his own con tribution b y editin g i n 175 4 th e firs t complet e editio n o f Shake speare t o b e publishe d i n Scotland . Thi s lov e o f literary eloquenc e led Blair t o polish hi s sermons an d reflecte d a Moderate motto , ex pressed b y Robertson , Vita sine litteris mors.28 Blai r move d ove r t o the St . Gile s Church , th e churc h o f John Knox , bu t th e change d style wa s obvious. Blai r shunne d th e Calvinisti c doctrine s o f orig inal sin , divin e election , reprobation , an d arbitrar y grace , an d "never harrangue d hi s parishioner s wit h fire-and-brimston e ora tory." H e avoided an y manifestation s o f "enthusiasm." An d surel y Blair foun d hi s tru e callin g whe n h e assume d th e professorshi p o f rhetoric an d belles-lettre s a t th e Universit y o f Edinburgh i n 1760 . Here h e becam e th e hig h pries t o f Scotland' s improvin g taste , fo r his ow n Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles-Lettres (1783 ) incorporate d the essentia l these s o f Lor d Karnes' s Elements of Criticism and en deavored t o show, a s Hutcheson ha d shown with th e moral faculty , that standard s o f hig h tast e had a foundation i n human natur e an d 27

Drummond an d Bullock , Scottish Church, p . 37 . Robert Morel l Schmitz , Hugh Blair (New York , 1948) , pp . 11 , 15 , 18 , 20 , 61; McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, p . 108 . Blair' s expressio n i s "Lif e withou t literatur e is death. " 28

18

Scotland

could b e discovere d b y observin g th e commo n aestheti c sens e o f mankind throughou t th e ages . Fiftee n o f th e forty-seve n chapter s of Blair's boo k deal t with "style " and ten wit h "eloquence." 29 An d Blair's eas y gravitation fro m th e pulpit t o the university introduce s one o f the fascinating aspect s o f the Scottis h Enlightenment . James McCos h wa s a graduate o f two Scottis h universities , bot h of which had helped giv e Scottish higher education its internationa l renown i n th e eighteenth century . St . Andrew s Universit y wa s th e oldest in Scodand, founde d i n 1411 , Glasgow Universit y followin g in 1451 . Th e Universit y o f Aberdee n comprise d King' s College , established i n 1483 , and Marischa l College , 1593 . The youngest in stitution wa s the University o f Edinburgh, founde d i n 158 3 and directly unde r th e jurisdiction o f th e Edinburg h Tow n Council . A s did th e Scottis h Church , s o als o di d th e universitie s i n Scotlan d provide a n importan t institutiona l settin g fo r th e Enlightenment . To a remarkable degree , th e spiri t o f improvemen t tha t generate d the variou s societie s fo r art s an d industr y wa s directl y reflecte d b y the curricula r innovation s tha t brough t student s t o Scotlan d fro m many part s o f th e world . Th e Glasgo w Chemica l Society , fo r ex ample, me t i n th e universit y an d include d leadin g Glasgo w indus trialists a s wel l a s professor s lik e Ada m Smit h an d student s fro m the campus . Thi s wa s a major poin t o f contrast t o th e Englis h uni versities, where a heavily classical curriculum maintained its hegemony throughou t th e eighteent h century , especiall y a t Oxford , an d restricted devotee s of practical science and technological researc h t o the scientifi c club s an d societie s outsid e th e universities. Scotland' s outstanding contribution s t o medicin e i n th e eighteent h centur y came throug h th e wor k o f he r universities , Glasgo w a t first , the n Edinburgh, wher e William Cullen and James Alexande r added gen uine luster t o each. The medica l chair at Edinburgh ha d been established i n 1685 , but accomplishe d instructio n bega n wit h Alexande r Monro's appointmen t t o the anatomy chai r in 1720. Scotland thereafter attracte d a n internationa l studen t body , a s th e Universit y o f Edinburgh matriculate d mor e Englishme n tha n Scots , an d a nota ble handful o f Americans, includin g Benjamin Rush. 30 Out o f the medicine program crystallize d a host of new academi c 29

Schmitz, Hugh Blair, pp . 66 , 98 . Douglas Sloan , The Scottish Enlightenment and the American College Ideal (New York, 1971) , pp . 11-13 . Th e Scottis h universitie s dre w heavil y fro m th e noncon formist rank s o f th e Englis h an d Iris h population . Barre d fro m Anglica n Oxford , Cambridge, an d Trinity, thes e sons from middle-clas s homes predominate d heavil y in th e north . Ibid. , p . 65 . 30

The Heirs of Knox

19

branches o f the sciences , an d materi a medica , chemistry , an d natu ral history emerge d a s separate disciplines. Th e practical bent of the Scottish universitie s becam e mor e pronounce d wit h th e establish ment o f ne w academi c chair s a t Edinburgh , includin g one s i n nat ural history , astronomy , agriculture , an d even , i n 1739 , mid wifery. Actually , thes e reform s derive d fro m othe r Scottis h innovations. Sinc e th e earl y Reformatio n perio d whe n Andre w Melville's reform s too k effect , specialize d professor s ha d bee n re placing, slowly at first, th e "regent"system b y which one instructo r guided th e sam e clas s throug h th e entir e colleg e course . Althoug h this syste m lapse d fo r a while , Willia m Carstare s (1649-1715) , a leading figur e o f th e Churc h an d principa l o f th e Universit y o f Edinburgh, cooperate d wit h th e Town Counci l i n 170 8 to place the arts curriculu m unde r si x specialize d professorships . Thi s chang e meant tha t student s coul d tak e th e course s the y chose , creatin g a kind of "electiv e system" tha t reinforce d th e practical tendencie s o f Scottish highe r educatio n an d helpe d brea k th e hold o f the classics. By 173 1 probably mor e than half the students at Edinburgh had no t studied Gree k an d Latin , an d many , fro m hom e an d abroad , wer e taking advantag e o f opportunitie s t o pursu e rhetori c an d belles lettres, mathematics , an d "universa l civi l history, " eac h o f whic h had becom e separat e subjects . Whil e elsewher e th e Enlightenmen t was inspired by th e pagan spiri t of the ancient classics , the tendenc y in th e Scottis h universitie s wa s awa y fro m tha t emphasis , whic h diminished, thoug h o f cours e di d no t eliminate , th e influenc e o f Greece and Rome i n the national culture. 31 Furthermore, w e shoul d not b e surprised t o fin d tha t i n th e Scottis h universities , wher e th e bent towar d th e practica l an d th e empirica l wa s s o strong , an d a concern fo r th e ideal an d theoretica l fa r les s pronounced, a paralle l quality emerge d i n th e Scottis h philosophy , wit h it s concer n fo r "common sense " and its faith i n th e veritable report o f reality pro vided b y th e senses . McCos h late r hope d tha t tha t characteristi c could b e th e basis of a reconstructed America n philosophy . In th e ag e o f th e Moderate s th e Churc h wa s a partner wit h th e universities i n providin g th e foru m fo r Enlightenmen t ideas . W e have see n tha t th e prominenc e o f th e libera l clerg y brough t th e Church ou t o f its Calvinist intellectua l past , bu t it s influence i n th e universities als o preserve d i n th e Scottish Enlightenmen t a postur e friendly t o religion . Freedo m o f discussio n a t Edinburgh , Lor d Cockburn recalled , "wa s not i n the least combined wit h scepticis m 31

Horn, Short History, pp . 40-41, 48, 53; Sloan, Scottish Enlightenment, pp . 18, 23 .

20

Scotland

among th e students." 32 We will notice presently how importan t t o the developmen t o f the Scottis h philosoph y wer e intellectual s wh o launched thei r career s i n th e Protestan t ministr y an d maintaine d a cordial connectio n wit h it . Bu t thi s important institutiona l allianc e is best reflecte d i n th e perso n who , a s much a s any other , provide s us wit h a n individua l portrai t o f th e Scottis h Enlightenment . Wil liam Robertso n (1721-1793 ) wa s th e principal o f th e Universit y o f Edinburgh fo r thirt y year s afte r 1762 , and , afte r Gibbon , th e mos t famous historia n o f th e eighteent h century . Bu t h e wa s als o th e highest authorit y i n th e Churc h o f Scotland , wher e h e firml y de fended th e right of patronage. Robertso n wa s born in Borthwick i n Midlothian, an d hi s earl y interes t i n intellectua l matter s le d hi m t o follow hi s fathe r int o th e ministry . H e typifie d th e man y libera l clerics wh o joined th e Selec t Society , an d h e himsel f founde d th e Royal Societ y of Edinburgh, "fo r th e cultivation of every branch o f science, erudition , an d taste. " H e move d easil y int o th e principal ship o f th e Universit y o f Edinburg h wher e hi s scholarshi p im mensely enhanced hi s prestige. Robertson ha d published in 175 9 his History of Scotland during the Reigns of Queen Mary and King James VI, an d this he followed b y his three-volume masterpiece , The History of the Reign of Charles V, and , later , th e History of the Discovery and Settlement of Amenca (1777) . Thoug h Robertso n engineere d a more libera l Churc h policy , whic h terminate d religiou s test s fo r new professor s an d relaxe d th e Church' s mora l prescriptions , h e nonetheless rigorousl y enforce d churc h disciplin e and defended th e Westminster Confession . Hi s twi n positio n o f leadershi p i n th e churches an d universities in Scotland wa s by no means exceptional , and i n fact Robertso n continue d hi s Sunday preaching i n th e Edin burgh churche s throughou t hi s tenur e a s head o f the university. 33 If the Churc h an d universit y gav e birt h t o th e Scottis h Enlight enment, wha t the n o f David Hum e (1711-1776) ? If the spirit o f th e European Enlightenmen t wa s the spirit of criticism and skepticism , then certainl y Hum e wa s it s pures t voice . Pete r Gay' s celebrate d interpretation o f th e Enlightenmen t call s Hum e "th e firs t moder n pagan" an d conclude s wit h a special sectio n o n Hume' s critiqu e o f religion. An d thi s consideratio n get s u s t o th e hear t o f th e matter ; for th e Scottis h Enlightenmen t wa s almos t everythin g tha t Hum e was not, an d Gay's thesi s seems quite plausible only because he vir tually ignore s th e othe r Scottis h philosophers ; Hutcheson , Reid , 32

Henry Cockburn, Memorials of His Time (Edinburgh, 1856), p. 38. Stewart, "Account of Robertson," 10:103-12, 134, 185-90; Horn, Short History, p. 76; Drummond and Bulloch, Scottish Church, pp. 65-66. 33

The Heirs of Knox

21

and Stewar t receiv e n o consideratio n i n hi s treatment . Hum e wa s much influence d b y Hutcheso n an d enjoye d intimat e friendship s with Blai r an d Robertson . Bu t i t wa s Hutcheso n wh o counter mined Hume's effor t t o gain a philosophy chai r at Edinburgh whe n he sough t i t i n 1745 . An d Hum e despise d th e churche s a s muc h as they feare d him . I n fac t h e left a deathbed regre t tha t h e had no t liberated hi s native countr y fro m "th e Christia n superstition. " N o doubt, Hum e wa s utterl y ou t o f plac e i n Scotland , intellectuall y above all . McCosh attribute d t o Hume' s happ y year s i n Franc e hi s materialism an d skepticism an d regrette d tha t Hume did not liv e to see the terribl e legac y o f his philosophy i n th e social disorder s an d degeneration o f tha t country . McCos h nee d no t hav e bee n s o se vere, fo r th e good-nature d Hum e suffere d i n lonelines s an d live d "affrighted an d confounde d wit h tha t forlor n solitude , i n whic h I am plac' d i n m y philosophy." 34 Hum e lamente d tha t hi s famou s Treatise on Human Nature came "dead-born fro m th e Press" in 1739, but w e need fee l n o pity o n thi s count . Mor e tha n an y othe r work , it se t th e stag e an d define d th e term s fo r th e secon d phas e o f th e philosophical movemen t i n Scotland . The subtitl e of Hume's wor k wa s "A n Attemp t t o introduce th e experimental Metho d o f Reasoning int o Mora l Subjects. " Th e in spiration o f Newto n an d th e ne w vogu e o f th e inductiv e science s set Hume, and after hi m the other Scottis h philosophers, t o erectin g a science o f human natur e b y a n empirical an d introspectiv e meth odology. Hum e an d th e other s reache d dramaticall y differen t con clusions, bu t McCos h t o th e en d o f hi s lif e defende d th e metho d that Hum e force d ont o th e Scottis h school . Hume' s discoveries , shocking t o hi s ow n generation , nee d no t detai n u s here , fo r the y are a shado w tha t hang s ove r muc h o f thi s history . W e not e onl y that Hum e describe d a most uncertai n world , fo r hi s thinkin g dis posed wit h al l genera l abstrac t o r intuitiv e ideas , mad e ligh t o f al l epistemological theorie s tha t trie d t o confir m th e certitud e o f ou r knowledge o f th e externa l world , an d deprive d tha t worl d o f firs t and last causes. For Hume there were no absolutes; he was a thinker who found i t far easier to doubt tha n to believe. Hume's ethica l theories actuall y too k thei r cu e fro m Hutcheson' s contentio n tha t moral thinkin g i s grounded i n th e affections, bu t h e then ran t o th e extreme wit h tha t hypothesis. I n the end h e had no use for Hutche son's mora l facult y an d derive d benevolenc e fro m sympath y an d social utility, an d justice fro m utilit y alone . But Hum e to o rejecte d 34

Peter Gay, The Enlightenment: An Interpretation: The Rise of Modern Paganism (New York, 1968), pp. 401, 403, 65.

22

Scotland

the simplistic self-love theorie s o f morality, an d his thoroughgoin g skepticism wa s intentionall y constructive , seekin g th e sures t grounds fo r philosophizing . Thoug h Hume' s "Essa y o n Miracles " and hi s powerful Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion (1779 ) con firmed hi s endurin g reputatio n a s a criti c o f theism , McCosh , a t least, feare d thes e work s les s the n Hume' s others . Fo r lik e th e res t of th e Scottis h school , McCos h looke d fo r a defens e o f religio n through a mor e carefu l inquir y int o "fundamenta l truth. " Hume , though, wa s setting th e terms o f the debate . tell s ho w th e Enlightenmen t entere d a secon d phase whe n th e Scottis h northeas t becam e philosophicall y articu late. Th e Highlands , an d it s cultura l cente r a t Aberdeen , ha d lon g exercised independenc e i n politica l an d religiou s matters . Cu t of f by mountain s an d firth s fro m th e south, th e northern regio n com municated directl y b y se a with Englan d an d France . Her e als o Jacobinism an d Episcopalianis m flourished, fo r th e stron g Calvinisti c and Covenantin g principle s tha t reigne d amon g th e Lowlander s had mad e littl e advanc e beyon d th e Grampia n Mountains . Onl y when th e counterrevolutionarie s breathe d thei r las t a t Cullode n i n 1745 did the northern regio n becom e one with th e rest of the coun try. I n th e meantime, th e graduates o f King's an d Marischa l sprea d their influence. 35 McCos h greatl y appreciate d th e work an d signif icance o f th e earl y leade r o f thi s group , Georg e Turnbul l (1698 1748), an d regrette d tha t hi s nam e ha d gon e th e wa y o f hi s dis carded stud y o n ancient paintings, as depicted by Hogarth's famou s "Beer Street " painting . McCos h credite d Turnbull' s work s a s th e first ful l commitmen t t o th e inductiv e metho d i n th e investigatio n of the huma n mind . Ye t anothe r admire r o f Turnbul l wa s his stu dent Thoma s Reid. 36

M C C O S H ' S HISTOR Y

Thomas Rei d (1710-1796 ) als o constructe d a scienc e o f th e hu man min d an d hoped tha t it would und o tha t of David Hume. Rei d 35 H. Trevor-Roper , "Th e Scottis h Enlightenment, " Studies on Volatire and the Eighteenth Century, 5 8 (1967) , 1651-52 ; McCosh , Scottish Philosophy, pp . 91-95 ; Sloan, Scottish Enlightenment, p. 24 . Trevor-Rope r strain s t o show tha t nearl y ever y inspiration fo r th e Scottis h Enlightenmen t cam e fro m th e peripher y o f Scottis h culture an d societ y an d henc e emphasize s th e Jacobite nort h a s a majo r influence . His argument is clearly overstated, an d this chapter reflects my belief that the Scottish Enlightenment cam e overwhelmingl y fro m libera l element s tha t gre w ou t o f th e Scottish Presbyteria n cultur e an d th e tension s withi n it . Eve n th e majo r figure s o f the Aberdee n school , Turnbull , Campbell , Reid , an d Beattie , al l serve d i n th e Presbyterian ministry . Bu t se e Trevor-Roper, "Scottis h Enlightenment, " 1652-58 . 36 McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, pp. 99-101 .

The Heirs of Knox

23

was bor n i n Strachan , Kincardineshire , no t fa r fro m Aberdeen . Here i n th e Grampian Mountain s hi s fathe r fo r fift y year s had pre sided over a parish, continuin g a family affiliatio n wit h the ministr y that extended back to the Reformation. Hi s mother, Margare t Greg ory, wa s descended from on e of Scotland's most famous intellectua l families, an d tw o o f he r younge r brother s pioneere d i n physic s a t St. Andrews an d Edinburgh. Rei d entere d Marischa l Colleg e at th e age o f twelv e an d ther e studie d unde r Turnbull . H e serve d a s col lege librarian fo r tw o year s afterwar d an d in 173 7 began a ministr y at Ne w Machar . No t unti l 1752 , afte r Rei d ha d rea d an d publishe d on mathematics an d ethics, did he gain an appointment a s professo r of philosophy a t King's College . Despit e its curricular innovations , King's stil l employe d th e regen t syste m (on e tha t Reid , inciden tally, defende d becaus e h e believed i t afforde d greate r opportunit y for th e instructo r t o influenc e th e mora l growt h o f hi s students) , and thi s enable d Rei d t o teac h mathematic s an d physics , tw o fa vorite subjects. 37 Bu t lik e othe r Scottis h professors , Rei d worke d outside th e universit y too , an d h e wa s on e o f th e founder s o f th e lively Aberdee n Philosophica l Society . Established i n 175 8 wit h si x members , includin g Reid , Joh n Gregory, an d Georg e Campbell , th e societ y expanded , addin g James Beatti e i n 1760 , an d becam e th e majo r foru m fo r a surpris ingly large number o f philosophers i n the Aberdeen region . I t mad e precise provisions fo r it s activities, meeting twic e monthly i n an appropriate taver n i n on e o f severa l towns , an d securin g ampl e pro visions for culinar y enjoyment . (Hal f the funds wer e earmarked fo r the port. ) Regulation s als o allowe d tha t "an y membe r ma y tak e a glass a t a by-table whil e th e presiden t i s in th e chair , bu t n o healt h shall b e drun k durin g tha t time. " Member s o f th e societ y too k turns readin g philosophica l dissertations . Examinin g th e records o f the society , McCos h note d tha t "man y o f th e speculation s o f th e Aberdeen philosophers , afterwards give n t o the world i n their pub lished writings , wer e firs t lai d befor e thi s society. " Amon g th e most suggestiv e o f th e record s h e foun d wa s a lette r tha t Rei d penned t o Hum e i n 1763 ; i t tells u s muc h abou t th e emergin g course o f Scottish philosophy . Your friendl y adversaries , Drs . Campbel l an d Gerard , a s wel l as Dr. Gregory , retur n thei r compliment s t o you, respectfully . 37

Ibid., pp . 194-95; Dugald Stewart, "Accoun t of the Life and Writings of Thomas Reid, D . D . , " i n The Works of Thomas Reid, D. D., ed . Si r Willia m Hamilto n (Edinburgh, 1854) , pp . 3-5 .

24

Scotland

A litde philosophica l societ y here , o f which al l three ar e mem bers, is much indebted t o you for its entertainment. You r com pany would , althoug h w e ar e all good Christians , b e more ac ceptable than tha t o f Athanasius; and since we cannot have you upon th e bench, yo u ar e brought, oftene r tha n an y othe r man , to th e bar; accuse d an d defended , wit h grea t zeal , but withou t bitterness. I f yo u writ e n o mor e i n morals , politics , o r meta physics, I am afrai d w e shal l be at a loss for subjects. 38 Reid removed t o Glasgow Universit y in 1764 where he succeeded Adam Smit h i n the mora l philosoph y chair . On e year late r he published hi s Inquiry into the Mind on the Principles of Common Sense. I n moving t o th e growin g Glasgo w metropolis , Rei d wa s enterin g a different society , an d hi s reactio n reflect s th e differences o f th e northern an d souther n culture . Fo r Hutcheso n an d th e Moderate s notwithstanding, sout h o f th e Grampian s i n lowlan d Scotland , th e popular cultur e o f Calvinis m stil l flourished. Rei d reacte d harshl y to th e taste s o f th e genera l populac e an d th e "fanatic " characte r o f its religion. I t was even more regrettabl e that "th e clergy encourag e this fanaticism to o much , an d find i t the only wa y t o popularity." 39 Reid therefore fel l in easily with th e Moderate party, and the second phase o f th e Enlightenmen t continue d lik e th e firs t t o b e reflecte d in th e styl e o f th e Church . Reid' s affiliatio n wit h th e Churc h ma y have bee n a disturbing facto r t o Hume, wh o wishe d a t firs t t o dis miss Reid' s Inquiry when th e author sen t him a copy an d asked if he had don e justice i n th e wor k t o Hume' s ideas . Hum e wishe d tha t the "parsons " would leav e him alon e and in peace, but concede d o n reading th e Inquiry tha t i t ha d muc h merit , eve n i f it wa s no t ulti mately convincing . Rei d publishe d hi s majo r philosophica l works , Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man an d Essays on the Active Powers of the Human Mind, i n 178 5 an d 178 8 respectively . Reid's ideas , lik e Hume's , wil l b e a n importan t them e i n thi s work, an d i t i s bette r t o explor e the m i n greate r detai l later . W e note here only that Reid, like Kant, awoke from hi s dogmatic slum ber b y readin g Hume ; h e concede d i n hi s introductio n t o th e Inquiry tha t h e ha d bee n a t on e tim e wholl y persuade d t o Berkeley . But i f Hume an d th e Europea n Enlightenmen t registe r th e wil l t o skepticism, the n Rei d an d th e Scottis h Enlightenmen t registe r th e will to believe. Reid took u p Hume's epistemological challeng e and carefully distinguishe d betwee n perceptio n an d sensatio n t o brea k 58 39

McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, pp . 227-29 . Quoted b y McCosh , Scottish Philosophy, p . 205 .

The Heirs of Knox

25

the Humea n confinemen t o f ou r knowledg e t o ou r impression s o f external objects . H e als o clarifie d th e distinctions , inherite d fro m Locke, betwee n primar y an d secondar y qualities . McCos h would fin d bot h distinction s suggestive , i f no t entirel y accurate . Reid wa s movin g i n a n importan t directio n i n tryin g t o sho w tha t we kno w th e external worl d directly , an d he even wen t s o far a s t o demonstrate tha t w e hav e n o reaso n a t all to believe in the "menta l states" tha t theoreticall y separat e u s fro m externa l objects ; ye t an other distinction , betwee n conceptio n an d othe r menta l acts , wa s needed t o allay th e confusion. Baruc h Brody ha s shown tha t Reid' s most importan t effor t transcende d th e debat e wit h Hume , sinc e that skepti c merely registere d a long traditio n tha t dated fro m Des cartes. Fo r Descarte s wishe d t o ge t alon g wit h a s fe w intuitiona l judgments a s possible, an d Reid insiste d tha t suc h a meager residu e as h e lef t coul d no t b e th e basi s o f a constructiv e philosophy ; i t could neve r ta p all the resource s o f our knowledge . Fo r thes e judgments o f commo n sense , thoug h usuall y incapabl e o f proof , wer e the essentia l construct s o f al l ou r reasonin g an d knowledge. 40 The flowering o f th e Scottis h intellec t i n th e las t decad e o f th e eighteenth centur y bring s ou r subjec t bac k t o Edinburgh . Soone r or late r al l intellectua l movement s becom e fashionable , object s o f finery t o be consumed and flaunted. Th e capital city was now flourishing a s neve r before , th e winte r hom e o f Scotland' s wealthies t families an d th e receivin g por t o f their sons , wh o cam e t o th e uni versity. Ove r thi s happ y societ y preside d th e hig h pries t o f th e Scottish Enlightenmen t i n it s las t years , Dugal d Stewar t (1753 1828). Stewar t i n fac t brough t togethe r man y o f th e theme s w e have outline d s o far , and , mor e tha n an y othe r individual , h e per sonified th e society and cultur e o f his country. Stewar t wa s born i n Edinburgh wher e hi s father , th e mathematician , taugh t a t th e uni versity an d wher e Dugal d enrolle d a t th e ag e o f twelv e t o pursu e 40 Baruch A. Brody , "Introduction, " Thoma s Reid, Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man (1785 ; Cambridge, Mass. , 1969) , pp . x-xvi , xxxiii . Tw o othe r product s o f the Aberdeen Philosophica l Societ y reinforce d th e Scottish philosophy's cas e against Hume. Georg e Campbel l (1719-1796 ) wa s th e so n o f a n Aberdee n Presbyteria n minister an d entere d th e ministr y himsel f i n 1746 . H e graduate d fro m Marischa l and becam e principa l o f th e unversit y i n 175 9 afte r havin g alread y succeede d Rei d in th e philosoph y chair . Hi s Dissertation on Miracles (1763) wa s a direc t repl y t o Hume's piec e on tha t subject . James Beatti e (1735-1802 ) wa s als o a Marischal grad uate an d professo r o f mora l philosoph y an d logi c ther e afte r 1760 . Hi s Immutability of Truth, in Opposition to Sophistry and Scepticism (1770 ) wa s a n intemperat e attac k on Hum e tha t mad e Beatti e a s renowne d a s an y o f th e philosopher s i n hi s day . McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, pp . 239-45 , 230-38 .

26

Scotland

studies wit h John Stevenso n an d Ada m Ferguson . Th e latte r wa s the greate r influence , fo r Ferguson' s instructio n embodie d ethics , history, an d politics , an d Stewar t trie d late r t o mak e hi s politica l philosophy exten d directl y fro m mora l philosophy . I t was Steven son's encouragement , however , tha t sen t Stewar t t o Glasgow fo r a year t o lear n wha t h e coul d fro m Reid . Stewar t returne d t o Edin burgh afte r on e semester t o assis t his ailing fathe r i n the mathemat ical course s an d too k ove r th e chai r i n 1775 . A decad e later h e wa s appointed t o th e chair i n mora l philosophy , bu t th e versatile Stew art continue d t o teac h mat h an d astronomy . I n 179 2 appeare d hi s Outlines of Moral Philosophy, which followe d b y a year th e first vol ume o f hi s Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind. H e wa s a member o f the General Assembl y o f the Church o f Scotland wher e he acted a s representative elde r fo r th e university. Bu t i t was in th e classroom tha t Stewar t mad e a truly unforgettabl e impression. 41 McCosh though t Stewar t representativ e o f th e bes t an d th e worst o f Scottis h societ y an d tast e i n th e ag e o f th e Moderates . Stewart cultivate d languag e an d styl e t o th e poin t o f ceremony . Lord Cockbur n remembere d tha t "hi s gestur e wa s simpl e an d ele gant . . . an d hi s whol e manne r tha t o f a n academica l gentlema n . . . ther e wa s eloquenc e i n hi s ver y spitting. " Hi s hom e wa s th e resort o f th e bes t societ y o f Edinburgh . "Th e weekl y reunion s i n his house," McCos h wrote , " . . . happil y blende d th e aristocracie s of rank an d letters [and ] were for man y year s the source of an influ ence that mos t beneficiall y affecte d th e society o f the capital." A t a time whe n revolutio n an d wa r ravage d th e Continent, son s o f aristocrats departe d fro m traditio n an d staye d i n Scotlan d fo r thei r ed ucation. Other s cam e fro m Englan d an d som e eve n fro m abroad . The well-to-d o an d th e usual middlin g rank s tha t characterize d th e Edinburgh studen t bod y al l ha d thei r roug h edge s smoothe d b y Stewart's polishe d decoru m an d rhetorica l grace . Fro m hi s class room wen t som e o f the mos t influentia l me n of British cultur e an d politics: Lor d Palmerston , Ear l Russell , Si r Walte r Scott , Sydne y Smith, Franci s Jeffrey , Cockburn , Thoma s Brown , Jame s Mill , Henry Brougham , Thoma s Chalmers , an d Henry Jardine. But the y received mor e tha n eloquenc e fro m Stewart . Cockbur n foun d hi m "uniformly grea t an d fascinating " an d relishe d hi s lecture s o n eth ics, economics , an d politics . "H e breathe d th e lov e o f virtu e int o the whole generatio n o f his pupils." 42 41 John Veitch , " A Memoi r o f Dugal d Stewart , wit h Selection s fro m Hi s Cor respondence," i n The Collected Works of Dugald Stewart, 10:vii-xxxii . 42 McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, pp. 282-83 ; Cockburn, Memorials, pp. 19-22 .

The Heirs of Knox

21

He breathe d mor e tha n that . Stewar t reflect s bette r tha n an y o f the othe r Scottis h thinker s th e opposin g spiri t o f th e Scottis h an d French enlightenments . Frenc h philosophical materialism , religiou s skepticism, an d th e temper o f revolution wer e th e lurking menace s that Stewar t resolve d woul d neve r despoi l hi s nativ e land . H e wa s the veritabl e tempe r o f the Whi g conscience , devote d t o libert y i n politics an d trade , obsessed wit h socia l order. Hi s aristocratic clien tele worshipe d him , bu t h e wa s th e voic e o f th e aspirin g Britis h bourgeoisie. Hi s philosophy cam e from Reid , bu t he did more tha n the teache r t o sprea d th e Scottis h philosophy . Stewart' s lecture s pressed indelibl y o n hi s student s th e mora l an d spiritua l natur e o f man, defende d natura l religion , and , McCos h believed , thoroughl y discredited th e "lo w sensational , materialistic , an d utilitarian " viewpoint. I n fac t McCos h credite d Stewar t wit h almos t singl y checking th e radical spiri t i n Scotland. 43 THE WORL D o f th e Moderate s an d th e philosopher s wa s th e happ y and benevolen t exterio r o f a nation whos e inne r sou l lived wit h al l the uncertainties o f life an d feare d desperatel y fo r it s salvation. Th e popular min d o f Scotlan d wa s o n th e whol e unconcerne d wit h th e comfortable cultur e of the Enlightenment an d listened instead to its own minister s pronounc e upo n th e terribl e fat e tha t awaite d th e sinners o f thi s world . Civi c virtu e an d th e accoutrement s o f tast e loomed fa r less consciously i n the minds of Scotland's rura l farmer s and smal l traders, it s common housewive s an d cotters, fo r the y ha d long heard othe r voice s than thos e who cultivate d decoru m an d lit erary fashion . W e misconstru e th e cultura l pictur e o f Scotland , i n fact, i f we los e trac k o f th e persistence o f olde r habit s an d way s o f thinking throughou t th e eighteent h century . McCos h kne w to o well tha t i n a sense the Enlightenment wa s largely irrelevant t o th e Scottish population . Ther e wer e alway s element s wh o kep t aliv e the old Covenantin g spirit—Ralp h an d Ebeneze r Erskine , Thoma s Boston, th e Calvinis t Seceders , plu s a dedicated part y o f Evangeli cals. And , wrot e McCosh , "fro m th e tim e o f Hutcheson, ther e is a felt an d know n feu d . . . betwee n th e ne w philosoph y an d th e ol d theology." 44 Th e Erskine s ha d n o tim e fo r "th e dr y saples s ha rangues o f a heathenish morality, " an d th e popular preacher s gen erally stresse d th e falle n an d corrupte d stat e of humanity, th e nee d for repentance , an d th e divin e merc y o f God . Lik e Bosto n the y "James McCosh , "Introduction, " "Outline s o f Mora l Philosoph y b y Dugal d Stewart," i n Outlines of Moral Philosophy (London, 1865) , p . iii . 44 McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, p. 86 .

28

Scotland

looked t o Scriptur e fo r it s saving knowledge , whic h n o ethica l ac count o f human natur e coul d furnish , an d emphasize d "convertin g grace" a s the critica l elemen t o f experientia l religion . Th e Moder ates, Bosto n charged , kne w n o mor e o f Chris t tha n a man know s of hone y an d vinega r withou t tastin g th e two . An d o f Ebeneze r Erskine i t wa s sai d tha t i f yo u neve r hear d hi m preach , the n "yo u never hear d th e gospel in it s majesty." 45 In the eighteenth centur y al l the tensions between Moderate s an d Evangelicals tha t woul d late r spli t th e Churc h wer e festering . Th e Patronage Ac t was never popular outsid e the ranks of the Moderate ministers an d arouse d bitte r oppositio n fro m th e beginning . Joh n Bisset's Modern Erastianism Unveiled (1732) proclaimed tha t patron age mad e th e churche s slavishl y dependen t o n th e aristocrati c an d powerful, an d insulte d th e dignit y o f th e popula r ministr y b y re quiring refinement an d polished prose in the pulpit. Splinte r group s emerged, a s wel l a s independen t prayin g societie s lik e thos e i n Glasgow. Ralp h Erskine' s party , suspende d fro m th e Churc h b y the Moderate s i n th e Genera l Assembly , forme d th e "Associat e Presbytery" an d recalle d th e memor y o f th e Covenanter s i n as serting th e right o f congregations t o elect thei r ministers. 46 Nor shoul d w e forge t th e immense estee m i n which th e popula r preachers wer e hel d b y man y i n th e lowe r rank s o f th e Scottis h population. Thes e surprisingl y literat e an d educate d peopl e kne w Scripture t o a degree tha t wa s legendary. John Wesley' s Arminian ism coul d no t den t thei r stubbor n Calvinism . No r di d th e popula r minister o f Scotlan d confron t wha t plague d hi s Englis h counter part, a tradition o f popular disdai n fo r th e cleri c that mad e him , i f not a n object o f neglect, a n object o f ridicule. Libera l historians lik e Buckle too easily dismissed th e Scottish ministr y for its narrownes s and bigotry . McCos h though t otherwise . "Th e evangelical an d th e seceding minister s of these days are quite as erudite as the academi c men wh o despise d them , an d ar e holdin g firml y b y ol d truth s which th e ne w philosoph y i s overlooking." No r di d th e moralis m of the popular preacher mak e him a s drab as the familiar caricature , for man y congregation s though t thei r ministe r "nan e th e waur fo r his tune s on th e wee sinfu l fiddle." 47 Many o f ou r familia r impression s o f th e Scottis h fol k deriv e o f 45

Fei.^uson, Scotland, p. 121 ; Henderson, The Burning Bush, pp . 141-42 , 148-49 . Henderson, The Burning Bush, p. 129 ; Drummond an d Bulloch, Scottish Church, pp. 41-42 , 50-51 . 4,1 Pete r Bayne , The Free Church of Scotland: Her Origin, Founders, and Testimony (Edinburgh, 1893) , pp . 22-24 ; Burleigh, Church History, p . 294 ; Ferguson, Scotland, p. 109 ; McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, p. 89 . 46

The Heirs of

Knox

29

course from the earthy poems and songs of Robert Burns (17591796). He was the voice of the people in their secular habitats and culture, and he provides us with another perspective of the world beyond the philosophers and Moderates. McCosh recalled that "in my boyish days" he had " 'kissed the cup to pass it by' " with those who had drunk and been drunk with Burns. Kissed but not con­ sumed, he said. For the evangelical McCosh laid on Burns much responsibility for the "national vices" of the late eighteenth cen­ tury. 4 8 Burns did speak for a lively, ribald, fun-loving strain in the Scottish population, and certainly for many whom the Moderates in the Church never reached. For McCosh this neglect was the most serious mark against the Church in the era of high culture, and one for which it paid dearly. But as a witness to his times and his people, Burns's insights are wonderful, his poetry a delightful, refreshing, unforgettable portrait of the age and place. For example, probably no description, however much a caricature his may be, can match the parade of popular preachers that Burns summons in his "Holy Fair." There is "Moodie." Here how he clears the points o' Faith Wi' rattlin and wi' thumpin! Now meekly calm, now wild in wrath, He's stampin, an' he's jumpin! His lengthen'd chin, his turned-up snout, His eldritch [unearthly] squeel an' gestures, Ο how they fire the heart devout, Like cantharidian plaisters And there is "Russell." But now the Lord's ain trumpet touts, Till a' the hills are rairin And echoes back return the shouts; Black Russell is na sparin: His piercin words, like Highlan' swords, Divide the joints an' marrow: His talk o' Hell, where devils dwell, Our vera "sauls does harrow" 4 9 Joy and sorrow, the hedonism that the Church disdained, the plight of the poor and the heavy burdens of life: as do people every­ where, Scotland lived with these realities, and Burns sketched them in memorable rhyme. The preachers preached the straight and nar48 49

McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, p. 270n. The Poems and Songs of Robert Bums (London, 1906), pp. 51, 54.

30

Scotland

row path and warned against the broad one that leads to perdition, while the poor lived with reminders of their mean estate. And there is a simple wisdom, perhaps, in the philosophy of "The Jolly Beg­ gars." What is title, what is treasure, What is reputation's care? If we lead a life of pleasure, 'Tis no matter how or where! 5 0 But we find these respites of pleasure but seldom. Burns set one of his famous poems, "Man Was Made to Mourn—A Dirge" "along the banks of Ayr," where McCosh grew up. The poet meets an aged traveler who sobers the young man's blithe spirit by re­ minders of the cruel injustices of life. See yonder poor, o'erlabour'd wight, So abject, mean, and vile, Who begs a brother of the earth To give him leave to toil; And see his lordly fellow-worm The poor petition spurn, Unmindful, though a weeping wife And helpless offspring mourn. S 1 Sometimes a kind of secular Calvinism comes through in Burns's perspective. The ways of God are arbitrary and not accountable to human reason; divine justice is not of this world. So Burns con­ cludes his poem by a stark reminder that if there is any universal justice, it comes in a cruel way, in death. Ο Death! the poor man's dearest friend, The kindest and the best! Welcome the hour my aged limbs Are laid with thee at rest! The great, the wealthy fear thy blow, From pomp and pleasure torn; But, oh! a blest relief for those That weary-laden mourn! 5 2 Thus the popular ministry and the secular Burns stood as notable exceptions to the prevailing confident and optimistic mood of the Enlightenment in their country. 50 51

Ibid., p. 85. Ibid., p. 11.

52

Ibid., p. 12.

The Heirs of Knox

31

McCosh mad e i t th e centra l purpos e o f hi s earl y caree r t o rec oncile thes e opposin g movement s i n Scottis h culture , t o infus e Moderatism wit h th e spiri t o f th e Gospe l an d th e sens e o f huma n sin an d nee d fo r grace , t o smoot h th e roug h edge s o f th e popula r preaching b y a respect for cultur e and high taste , and t o enliven th e work o f the churche s wher e th e injustices tha t Burn s decrie d frus trated th e ideal of a Christian society . Bu t for all the intellectual luster o f the Moderates, McCos h believe d tha t th e popular preachers , the childre n o f this world , wer e wiser i n thei r ow n generatio n tha n the childre n o f light . "Th e philosopher s wer e laudibl y engage d when the y wer e unfoldin g man' s intellectual , esthetic , an d mora l nature; bu t the y misse d th e deepes t propertie s o f huma n nature , when, i n th e fear o f the ghosts o f fanaticism, the y too k no notice o f man's feeling s o f want , hi s sens e o f sin , an d hi s longin g afte r Go d and immortality." I n their confidence an d faith i n moral human na ture, th e Moderate s overlooke d th e darke r personalit y o f th e hu man soul , an d it s irrational strain . Th e evangelical preacher s o n th e other hand, "erre d s o far a s they opposed th e refinement an d libera l sentiments whic h th e moral philosophers wer e introducing." 53 Bu t Scotland wa s now enterin g a new perio d whe n thes e less attractiv e realities coul d no t b e ignored . Th e firs t inroad s o f th e Industria l Revolution i n Grea t Britai n wer e manifes t i n Edinburgh , an d es pecially i n Glasgow' s Clyd e Rive r region . A swellin g population , much o f i t comin g fro m Ireland , crowde d th e cit y district s an d spread violenc e and immorality , t o say nothin g o f poverty, amon g the workin g classes . Ho w remot e wa s thi s worl d fro m tha t o f th e Moderates i n th e Church , an d ho w neglectfu l towar d i t wa s th e Church, wer e al l to o clear . "Thes e things, " writ e Drummon d an d Bulloch, "wer e to bring t o an end the world whic h [th e Moderates ] knew." 54 McCosh late r experience d th e effect s acutely . A t th e ver y sam e time tha t Dugal d Stewar t wa s dissertatin g wit h eloquenc e o n th e beauty of moral virtue, there was growing u p around his universit y a new population , "sun k i n vic e an d degradatio n . . . which i s no t to be arrested by any remedy whic h th e mere philosophic moralist s have propounded." 55 I n its social consequence s bu t als o in its intellectual, McCos h believed , thi s was th e severest shortcomin g o f th e Enlightenment i n hi s country . "Th e Glasgo w professor s ma y no t have bee n directl y responsibl e fo r th e growin g wickedness ; bu t 53

McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, pp . 86-87 . Drummond an d Bulloch , Scottish Church, p . 68 . 55 McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, p . 299 .

54

32

Scotland

there wa s nothing i n thei r teaching , mora l o r theological , adequat e to th e tas k o f purifyin g th e pollutio n coagulatin g al l aroun d them." 56 Fo r thes e reasons , w e shal l see , McCos h joined th e evan gelical ministry . And s o ha d McCosh' s predecesso r a t Princeton , Joh n Wither spoon (1723-1794) . McCos h i n fac t delighte d t o quot e fro m With erspoon's famou s Ecclesiastical Characteristics (1753) , a sharp satirica l offering tha t measure s th e depth s o f the cultura l an d socia l warfar e of Scodand's tw o religiou s parties . With tongu e clearl y in cheek , i t summarizes th e Moderates' "credo" : A ministe r mus t endeavo r t o acquir e a s grea t a degre e o f politeness i n his carriage and behavior, an d to catch as much o f the ai r an d manne r o f a fine gentlema n a s possibl y h e can . Good manner s i s undoubtedl y th e mos t excellen t o f al l ac complishments. A moderat e ma n i s quit e a t libert y t o indulg e i n wha t hi s forefathers regarde d a s sin, bu t which have now bee n called by a hopeful yout h good-humored vices. You mus t b e very gentl e i n dealing with heretics , an d spea k of them a s men o f exalted genius . As t o preaching , yo u shoul d no t dwel l muc h o n si n and re pentence: thes e topic s ma y b e like d b y th e vulgar , fo r whos e favor w e d o no t care , bu t the y ar e obnoxiou s t o th e uppe r classes, wit h who m th e patronag e o f th e kirk s lie s an d wit h whom w e wis h t o associate . You must , abov e al l things, us e refined an d polite language , and no t tal k o f grace , bu t o f virtue—no t o f convictio n o f sin , but a sense of hono r an d beauty . You mus t spea k wit h Franci s Hutcheso n o n morality , . . . order, proportion , taste , an d th e nice balance o f the affections . It i s thu s w e d o al l w e ca n t o mak e religio n respectable , es pecially t o th e bette r classes . W e neve r mentio n hel l o r dam nation i n the ears polite o f my lord s an d ladies. 57 Not t o mak e religio n respectable , bu t t o mak e i t respected . Tha t was one goa l of the ne w religiou s party , an d it was now it s turn t o "put a new face " o n th e Church . «Ibid., p . 206 . 57 Quoted b y McCosh , i n Witherspoon, pp. 14-17 .

Chapter Two A OTTIS H EDUCATIO N

THE SOUTHWESTER N PAR T of Scotland i s a land o f rollin g hills and meadows, smal l valleys intermixed wit h rugged moorlan d terrain. Her e fo r centurie s farmer s ha d struggle d t o wres t a livin g from stubbor n bu t no t unfruitfu l soil , an d her e shepherd s tende d their numerous wooll y flocks. Her e too the enduring characteristic s of the lowlan d Sco t ar e writ large . Ove r man y year s th e people o f this regio n ha d wo n fo r themselve s a reputation fo r dogge d deter mination, fo r dou r resolution , an d fo r a n obstinateness equa l to th e land the y tilled . Suc h i s th e naturalisti c roo t o f thei r character . I t shows i n thi s descriptio n o f th e Lowlanders : "sever e i n aspect , re strained i n manner , seriou s i n thought . . . . A t th e sam e tim e the y are ful l o f dee p feelin g whic h i s sometime s show n i n a passionat e and silen t concentratio n o f thei r energies , thei r spirit , an d thei r in tellects upo n som e task." 1 I n th e extrem e fa r wes t o f thi s lowlan d territory i s th e tow n o f Ayr , nestle d comfortabl y o n th e Firt h o f Clyde an d lookin g ou t t o th e souther n tip s o f th e Wester n Isles . Twenty mile s inlan d i s th e villag e o f Patna , where , just abov e th e banks o f th e Rive r Doon , stand s a sturdy ston e farmhouse , wher e James McCos h wa s bor n o n Apri l 1 , 1811 . McCosh lon g retaine d in hi s memor y th e peacefu l bucoli c settin g o f thes e Ayrshir e envi rons, bu t hi s life and personality reflecte d anothe r qualit y o f the re gion—the religiou s tenacity , th e defian t Protestantis m fo r whic h the peopl e o f the southwes t ha d onc e bee n famous . Fo r i n thi s re gion a formidable dissentin g traditio n date d bac k t o th e Lollards o f Kyle, renewin g it s vigo r late r whe n Knox' s reform s le d t o prohi bitions against th e celebration o f mass. Presbyterianism here , in defying th e Stuarts, produced man y martyrs, an d McCosh, eve r ready to invoke th e memories o f the Covenanters, coul d recit e the names from th e ver y tombstone s o f the paris h churc h wher e h e wa s bap tized.2 1

Moray McLaren , The Scots (Harmondsworth, England , 1951) , p . 63. W. Stanfor d Reid , Trumpeter of God· A Biography ofJohn Knox (Ne w York , 1974), p . 22 ; Gordon Donaldson , Scotland-James V to James VII (Edinburgh , 1971) , 2

34

Scotland

McCosh wa s bor n fiftee n year s afte r th e death o f Robert Burns , whose poem s an d song s hav e provide d livel y an d lastin g impres sions o f the Ayrshir e region . Burn s kne w bot h th e people an d th e landmarks o f th e territor y an d give s u s i n "Th e Bridg e o f Ayr " a quaint littl e dialogu e abou t th e ol d an d ne w monument s o n th e river o f tha t sam e name . Th e wor d derive s fro m th e Celti c "ar, " meaning "clear, " i n contras t t o th e Celti c "dhu, " o r "dark, " th e origin o f "Doon. " Thi s river , flowing jus t dow n th e hil l fro m th e McCosh farm , wander s throug h dee p bo g a t it s head , acquirin g a black, moss y ting e tha t i t retain s th e res t o f it s course . Almos t within sigh t o f the McCosh far m wa s Loc h Doon , onc e the seat o f one o f Scotland' s ancien t castles , bu t late r destroye d b y Rober t th e Bruce in 129 8 to keep it from th e possession o f an invading Englis h army. Here , wher e McCos h fishe d a s a boy, stoo d th e ruin s o f a n important memoria l t o the distant history o f his country. 3 The McCoshe s o f Scotlan d follo w a n uncertai n lin e o f descen t that trace s back to Ireland . Black' s Surnames finds th e earliest use of the nam e i n Erad MacCoise , th e firs t o f several of this family liste d as voter s i n th e paris h o f Quilton , i n th e sixteent h century . "Mc Cosh" mean s "so n o f the footman," o r "courier. " I t is not uncom mon i n the southwest o f Scotland, bu t not usually foun d elsewhere . The earlies t traceabl e ancesto r o f James wa s Jasper McCosh , wh o died i n 1729 . H e i s burie d wit h hi s so n John an d wif e Janet Niva n in th e smal l cemeter y o f th e Straito n paris h wher e McCos h at tended wit h hi s family . Bu t interestingly , th e inscriptio n o n th e p. 338 ; J.H.S. Burleigh , A Church History of Scotland (New York , 1960) , p . 246 ; Andrew L . Drummon d an d Jame s Bulloch , The Scottish Church, 1688-1843: The Age of the Moderates (Edinburgh , 1973) , p . 40 . 3 New Statistical Account of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1846) , 6:1-3 , 21 ; James McCosh , "Incidents o f My Lif e i n Three Countries, " unpublishe d typescrip t i n the Princeto n University Archives , 9 . Thi s i s apparentl y th e origina l an d onl y typescrip t o f McCosh's autobiography , an d it s histor y i s rathe r mysterious . I t arrive d a t th e Princeton Universit y Archive s in February 1974 , sent by some very distant relative s of McCosh . Ther e i s n o indicatio n o f it s whereabout s befor e thi s time . On e ca n recognize readil y tha t i t i s th e basi s o f Willia m Milliga n Sloane' s The Life of James McCosh: A Record Chiefly Autobiographical (Ne w York , 1896) . Sloane , wh o edite d and rearrange d th e work , wa s o n McCosh' s facult y a t Princeton an d publishe d th e manuscript tw o year s afte r McCosh' s death . Th e front pag e of the work ha s a large gold sea l an d bear s a ver y larg e signatur e o f McCosh . I t als o ha s thi s curiou s inscription: "Youn g Me n o f Princeton ! Thi s I leave fo r the e upo n th e occasio n o f my visi t t o th e Satur n Clu b o f Buffal o o n Apri l 18 , 1888—fo r I se e tha t yo u wil l call fo r i t twent y year s hence , t o th e hour , bein g i n th e vicinit y o f midnigh t Apri l 18, 1908 . Dean Murra y i s with me. " "M y Life, " th e for m use d i n futur e citations , contains som e detail s tha t Sloan e omitte d fro m hi s edition .

A Scottish Education

35

tombstone refer s t o John McCos h o f "Carskeoch, " a n indicatio n that th e farmhous e o f tha t name , owne d b y John's so n Andrew , James McCosh' s father , wa s lon g i n th e famil y possession . Th e McCoshes ha d n o aristocrati c title s an d seeme d quit e typica l o f the large grou p o f prosperous, rural , an d middle-clas s Presbyterian s i n the southwest. McCosh' s mothe r wa s Jean Carson McCosh, als o of Straiton parish , wh o marrie d Andre w July 19 , 1796. She gave birt h to seven children includin g a son who died after thre e years in 1811, leaving James the only surviving male . James wa s the fifth oldes t o f the children . Jean's father , John Carson , ha d larg e farm holding s i n the moorlan d are a o f Loc h Doon . O n he r mother' s side , th e Mc Clymonts, sh e wa s joined t o a famil y wit h stron g connection s t o the earlier Covenanters. 4 Andrew McCos h wa s unquestionabl y a n enterprisin g an d hard working farme r wh o di d muc h t o improve hi s family' s condition . The home , stil l standin g toda y i n Patna, ha s had onl y a small addi tion sinc e hi s day , and , wit h it s sixtee n room s an d th e smal l servants' quarter s tha t ru n dow n fro m th e hous e alon g bot h side s of th e driveway , i t suggest s tha t on e referenc e t o James's fathe r a s "wealthy" i s no t inappropriate. 5 Th e late r eighteent h centur y sa w important change s i n Scottis h agricultur e an d th e ris e o f a class o f farmers wh o mad e thei r wor k a scientific art , employin g technol ogy fo r greate r efficienc y an d farmin g fo r profit . Andre w McCos h typified thi s business-minde d grou p an d share d th e advantage s o f those i n th e southwes t wh o ha d a read y acces s t o th e boomin g Glasgow marke t i n the Clyde distric t t o the north. Th e breakdow n of th e olde r way s mean t als o tha t smalle r farm s wer e bein g ab sorbed int o large r ones . Man y landlord s wen t t o Londo n o r Glas gow an d lef t thei r propert y unde r th e managemen t o f large r ten ants, findin g i t easie r t o collec t thei r rent s fro m on e larg e tenant . Andrew McCos h manage d a considerable amount o f property and , it appears , wa s abl e t o dra w enoug h remuneratio n t o purchas e ad ditional lands for himself . In any case, as the documents of the Scottish Record Offic e indicate , he accumulated not only new lands, but two house s i n Maybol e an d Whitehall. 6 I n th e Patna are a Andre w 4

George F. Black, The Surnames of Scotland (New York , 1964) , p. 477; "Parochial Register of Straiton, Count y o f Ayr 1644-1819, " in the Register Office , Edinburgh ; McCosh, "M y Life, " 1-4 , 9 . 5 J. M . McBain , Eminent Arbroathians: Being Sketches Historical, Genealogical, and Biographical, 1178-1894 (Arbroath, 1894) , p . 317 . 6 William Ferguson , Scotland: 1689 to the Present (Edinburgh, 1968) , pp . 171-74 ; McCosh, "M y Life, " 3-4 ; "Sasines , Ayrshire , 1781-1806, " i n th e Scottis h Recor d Office, Edinburgh .

36

Scotland

McCosh, o r "Carskeoch " a s he was always calle d by his neighbors, was bot h well-know n an d wel l liked . Andrew McCos h die d whe n James wa s onl y nin e year s old, bu t the so n retaine d som e memorie s o f hi s fathe r an d th e family' s lif e together o n th e farm . Jame s remembere d "a n intelligen t man , much addicte d t o quie t reflection. " H e wa s modes t i n tast e an d moderate i n styl e despit e hi s affluence , trait s tha t probabl y owe d much t o hi s stric t Presbyteria n habits . Andre w "too k th e book " every Sabbat h evenin g an d hel d famil y worshi p wit h th e childre n and servant s gathere d i n attendance . " I remembe r th e graphi c expressions whic h h e ofte n use d i n hi s prayers, " McCos h late r wrote, "especiall y i n confessin g hi s shortcomings. " McCos h re called wit h eve n greate r intensit y th e weekl y tre k tha t th e famil y made ove r hil l an d dal e t o th e neares t paris h churc h i n Straiton . This village , from th e Gaelic wor d meanin g "dee p valley, " lay fiv e miles t o th e sout h o f the McCosh farmhous e an d require d a painstaking journey of several hours throug h rock y moorland . "Som e o f my mos t interestin g recollection s gathe r roun d thes e Sabbat h ex cursions. M y fathe r an d mothe r wh o wen t regularl y t o th e hous e of God, rod e o n horseback . W e young peopl e walke d o n foo t (ex cept tha t afte r m y father' s deat h I rod e o n hi s pony)." 7 Fro m hi s father als o McCosh derive d som e of his intellectual interests. Man y years later he told a Yale College commencemen t audienc e that hi s first acquaintanc e wit h Americ a cam e through a large book tha t hi s father brough t hom e one day, a copy of Timothy Dwight' s Systematic Theology.8 A generous man , Andre w McCos h share d hi s pros perity with others. James remembered tha t almost nightly a beggar, sometimes familie s o f beggars, appeare d a t the farm . Thes e unfor tunate products o f a changing econom y were always sure to receiv e a be d i n th e stabl e an d a "substantia l suppe r an d breakfast " fro m the proprietor. 9 Young James assume d importan t responsibilitie s a t a n early age , for upo n hi s father' s deat h h e too k charg e o f th e shee p an d cattl e and learned through thi s and other tasks the business and workada y aspects of farming. H e neve r cam e to love the work, bu t h e always credited th e experienc e wit h givin g hi m a practical sens e of thing s and sharpenin g hi s observation . Perhap s fro m thi s earl y trainin g comes tha t remarkabl e qualit y o f McCosh tha t none can miss, even when readin g hi s mos t comple x philosophica l works . Fo r alway s his writin g wa s leavene d wit h th e graphi c an d ordinar y exampl e 7

McCosh, "My Life," 20-21 ' McCosh, "My Life," 5-6.

8

New York Observer, July 28, 1870.

A Scottish Education

37

from everyda y life , bu t neve r s o a s to spoi l th e technica l treatmen t of the issues under consideration . Eve n wit h th e pressin g demand s of the farm , however , McCos h foun d tim e fo r self-indulgenc e an d for a romanti c abandonmen t ami d th e rivers , hills , an d glen s tha t he alway s cherished . "Ther e I wandered a t m y ow n fre e will , fol lowing m y thought s an d fancie s amon g gree n an d heather hill s and valleys, amon g tree s . . . and brooks . . . . Here I became intereste d in wil d plants , suc h a s lillies , roses , meadow-swee t an d fox gloves." Ther e wer e auditor y pleasure s t o b e ha d also . " I wa s ac customed t o hear a flock of geese cackling in my father' s house , an d on the romantic hills in the neighborhood I ever heard th e lapwing, the curlew , an d th e grouse. " Al l aroun d Carskeoc h scurrie d hens , ducks, geese , an d turkeys . An d t o complet e thi s circl e o f intimate s the Scottis h la d enjoye d a colli e name d Famou s an d a pony calle d Cuddy. 10 Andrew McCos h di d no t inten d hi s so n t o b e a farmer , an d th e intellectual encouragemen t h e gav e hi m anticipate d a caree r i n th e ministry fo r James . Preparatio n fo r tha t caree r wa s a long-estab lished patter n tha t le d throug h a parish o r burg h schoo l t o on e o f the Scottis h universities . Th e paris h schoo l wa s on e o f Scotland' s celebrated institutions , lon g esteeme d a s an emblem o f the nation' s social democracy . Thes e school s wer e egalitaria n i n thei r socia l composition, fo r wit h th e exceptio n o f a distinctl y wealth y class , both th e rich an d poor o f Presbyterian Scotlan d too k i t for grante d that the y woul d b e educate d i n th e sam e classroom . Th e lon g leg acy o f Kno x ha d secure d th e attendanc e a t school s o f th e childre n of Scotland in every region , an d in far greate r proportion tha n thei r English counterparts . Thi s fac t mad e entr y o f th e poore r classe s into th e busines s an d professiona l rank s mor e ope n tha n anywher e else i n Europe . Th e paris h school s wer e neithe r compulsor y no r free, bu t the y were an honored traditio n an d universally recognize d as a parental obligation. u The qualit y o f any individual schoo l depende d o f course on loca l conditions, especiall y sinc e th e Educatio n Ac t o f 180 3 confirme d parish contro l o f th e school s an d entruste d thei r well-bein g t o th e local patrons. Some patrons took grea t pride in their trusts, an d this 10

James McCosh , "Th e Associatio n o f Ideas, an d It s Influence i n th e Training o f the Mind, " i n Lectures Delivered Before the Dublin Young Men's Christian Association (Dublin, 1862) , 16 ; idem, "M y Life, " 2 , 22 . 11 Ferguson, Scotland, p. 204 ; Laurenc e James Saunders , Scottish Democracy: The Social and Intellectual Background (Edinburgh, 1950) , p. 242; Drummond an d Bulloch, Scottish Church, p . 187 .

38

Scotland

seemed t o b e particularl y th e cas e i n Ayrshire . McCos h provide d few detail s o f his parish schoo l education , referrin g onl y t o th e in tense study o f catechism an d Scripture , wit h Lati n als o a major fo cus of the curriculum . Bu t i t wa s likely tha t h e reape d som e o f th e advantages o f th e changin g educationa l pattern s i n th e lat e eight eenth century . Man y school s wer e no w introducin g practica l in struction i n suc h technique s a s bookkeeping, surveying , an d navi gation. Inculcatio n o f a literat e piety , however , remaine d th e fundamental ai m o f th e schools , s o th e intellectua l an d mora l em phasis persisted . School s lik e McCosh' s wer e typicall y one-roo m structures, an d i n Ayrshir e wer e ofte n unde r th e directio n o f a recent Glasgow Universit y graduat e who taugh t al l subjects. Willia m Boyd's histor y o f education i n Ayrshir e cite s a local advertisemen t that give s u s som e indicatio n o f prevailin g practices : "Wante d fo r the parish o f Dundonald, a schoolmaster qualifie d t o teac h Englis h grammar, writing , arithmetic , book-keeping , Latin , an d th e ele ments o f mathematics : i f Frenc h an d Greek , a n additiona l recom mendation. Correc t principle s an d mora l characte r ar e indispensa ble." 12 The parish schoo l education , McCos h noted , wa s not likel y to produce th e genius of a Burns o r Carlyle, bu t it did instill logical and commonsensica l habit s o f mind. 13 McCosh alway s boaste d that he knew th e Scottish characte r wel l and wa s neve r a t a loss fo r illustration s draw n fro m th e ric h stor e of memories fro m hi s youth. Centurie s of struggle with a harsh cli mate an d stubbor n soi l ha d give n th e Ayrshir e peopl e a kin d o f grim tenacit y tha t perfectl y complemente d thei r ster n religion . McCosh admire d th e sobe r habit s o f work tha t prevaile d i n his re gion, bu t admonishe d hi s countryme n fo r thei r excessivel y dou r exterior. Late r the American Ne w Englande r woul d sugges t to him an appropriat e comparison , th e mor e s o whe n th e distinctiv e can niness of each type wa s considered. Th e Sco t exude d a dogged an d stubborn independenc e a t time s an d wen t t o extreme s t o contai n his feelings within . I f he had better self-discipline tha n th e Irishman, he wa s th e latter' s inferio r i n displayin g warmt h an d lov e t o hi s friends an d neighbors . Th e trai t rankle d McCosh , wh o recalle d a n incident whe n h e wen t t o consol e a bereaving fathe r a t th e funera l of his son. Th e man' s onl y comment : "Thi s i s a fine day Sir! " Bu t McCosh knew tha t a tender heart and fierce loyalty thrived beneat h the col d oute r surface . No r di d h e find hi s communit y lackin g i n 12

Ferguson, Scotland, p. 201 ; Saunders, Scottish Democracy, pp . 242-43 ; Willia m Boyd, Education in Ayrshire through Seven Centuries (London, 1961) , pp. 96-98 , 101. 13 McCosh, "M y Life, " 13 .

A Scottish Education

39

intellectual nourishmen t outsid e th e hom e an d school . O n th e farms an d i n th e villag e shop s h e encountere d mind s tha t engage d him i n profound subjects , mundan e an d metaphysical. 14 But i n th e lon g run , McCosh' s assessmen t o f his earl y situatio n .was a negativ e one . Thi s owe d nothin g t o hi s persona l situation , which wa s happy ; rathe r i t wa s a judgment tha t gre w wit h th e years. Fo r eve n i n hi s yout h McCos h sense d th e contras t o f ideal s and fact, o f past and present. Everywher e i n th e Patna an d Straito n region wer e memorial s o f a heroic past, an d beyond, wher e he visited wit h hi s father, wer e Drumclo g an d Bothwel l Brig , where , h e was told , la y th e ashe s of his valiant forefathers . Bu t no w th e local tombstones "wer e mos s grow n an d littl e attende d to. " The peopl e were mostl y immersed i n the cultivation o f their land. The y admit ted tha t thes e ol d worthie s wer e goo d men , bu t congratulate d themselves o n livin g i n mor e enlightened , mor e "moder ate" times. 1 5 McCos h ha d additiona l visibl e evidenc e o f th e local an d disquietin g impac t o f Moderatism . Th e ministe r wh o baptized him , late r a mora l philosophe r a t St . Andrews , "neve r pressed hom e th e doctrine s o f grac e i n hi s hearers, " an d religio n waned i n his parish. McCos h preserve d a volume o f the man's ser mons an d foun d "no t on e word o f gospel fro m beginnin g t o end. " Nowhere in his district did the ministers preach of sin and salvation , and thi s group of ministers, "commonl y well-educate d an d of good manners," ha d n o movin g influenc e o n th e genera l populace . McCosh kne w eve n a t thi s tim e tha t her e wa s th e sures t legac y o f the Patronag e Ac t o f 1712. Here also were the roots of his own concern s for th e ministry and his eventua l involvemen t i n th e evangelica l cause . Mor e wa s a t stake, however, tha n th e mere fac t o f religious decline . The level of moral value s wa s low , by-produc t o f a smug an d comfortabl e age . Intemperance ha d becom e fashionable , McCos h lamented . A farmer coul d no t sell a horse or co w without bein g oblige d t o offe r a drink t o th e buyer , an d teacher s gav e todd y t o th e student s wh o presented th e larges t Christma s gifts . McCos h eve n recalled , wit h dead seriousness , a situation i n whic h peopl e gathere d fo r a funera l in such a state of inebriation tha t the y forgot t o bring th e coffin an d corpse. Almos t a s ba d wa s th e prevailin g "illici t intercourse " among th e younger set . Local standards did not permi t ope n court ship, so uncompromising lover s took a cue from Rober t Burns, an d "Ibid., 13-14 , 20 . 15 James McCosh , Christ the Way, the Truth, and the Life: A Sermon (London , 1867), p . 24 ; idem, "M y Life, " 10 .

40

Scotland

"whistle an d I'll com e t o you , m y lad " secure d th e mean s fo r un detected romance. 16 McCosh' s judgment s cam e fro m a late r per spective, bu t hi s prejudice s wer e clearl y se t b y th e tim e h e se t of f for Glasgo w t o begi n hi s universit y education . Vexe d a t th e sign s of declinin g time s an d trouble d abou t th e stat e o f hi s ow n soul , young James no w entere d a worl d fa r remove d fro m th e rura l fa miliarity o f farm an d community . spanne d eigh t year s a t Scotland' s tw o most famou s universities . I f w e ar e lookin g ahea d t o hi s year s a t Princeton, w e ca n se e in hi s academi c experienc e o f tw o Europea n institutions th e seed s o f som e o f th e significan t reform s tha t Mc Cosh trie d t o introduc e i n th e America n school . Bu t thos e effort s at refor m derive d i n part fro m th e particular natur e o f th e Scottis h universities, distinc t i n some important way s fro m bot h th e Britis h and th e Continental . Moreover , McCos h pursue d hi s studie s ami d an intensive cultural debate that raised fundamental question s abou t the nature an d purpose o f university training . Althoug h onl y muc h later di d th e significanc e o f thi s debat e becom e apparen t t o him , i t was b y the n clea r tha t McCos h ha d internalize d muc h o f the Scot tish style of higher education, an d he rejuvenated Princeto n wit h it s spirit. MCCOSH'S STUDEN T CAREE R

McCosh wa s completing hi s third yea r a t Glasgow Universit y i n 1826 when a British Roya l Commission issue d a lengthy repor t tha t summarized it s investigatio n o f th e fou r Scottis h universities . Th e controversy surroundin g thi s repor t onl y brough t int o sharpe r fo cus a long-standing quarre l o f cultures. The report wa s detailed an d precise, givin g account s o f th e administrativ e structure s o f th e Scottish institution s an d ver y specifi c dat a abou t individua l profes sors, courses , an d pedagogica l arrangements. 17 Bu t fo r mos t inter ested persons th e heart o f the matter was the ancient questio n of the classical languages. Th e contrast s betwee n th e British an d th e Scot tish universitie s ca n easil y b e overstated , an d studie s suc h a s G. E . Davie's The Democratic Intellect ofte n er r i n tha t direction . Bu t Davie i s right t o th e exten t tha t th e Scottis h institution s an d thei r defenders ofte n di d conscientiousl y articulat e ideal s b y whic h the y distinguished a norther n educationa l emphasi s fro m th e English . Their objective , specifically , wa s a democratic syste m tha t stresse d 16

McCosh, "M y Life, " 16-18 . See Report Made to His Majesty by a Royal Commission of Inquiry into the State of the Universities of Scotland (London, 1831) . 17

A Scottish Education

41

philosophy an d professional trainin g i n contras t t o a heavily classi cal progra m appropriat e t o social-clas s elitism . A well-know n work i n Scotlan d wa s th e Outlines of Philosophical Education, Illustrated by the Method of Teaching the Logic Class in the University of Glasgow, (1818 ) b y Professo r Georg e Jardine (1742-1827) . McCos h probably me t Jardine , thoug h h e ha d retire d fro m th e logi c an d metaphysics chai r in 1824 . McCosh certainl y kne w Jardine's work , however, an d endorse d i t strongly . Jardin e wa s a stron g advocat e of includin g Englis h literatur e an d compositio n i n th e curriculu m and successfull y defende d th e Scottis h preference s i n educatio n against th e "almos t exclusive" degree of attention give n to the classics in England . Th e Scots , Jardine said , believ e i t to b e "o f greate r consequence t o the student t o receiv e instruction i n the elements o f science both physica l an d mental , tha n t o acquire even th e most ac curate knowledg e o f the ancient tongues , whe n al l that i s most val uable i n the m ma y . . . be obtaine d withou t s o grea t a sacrific e o f time an d labour." 18 The Scottis h universitie s b y n o mean s ignore d th e Gree k an d Latin languages , bu t the y cultivate d the m les s intensel y an d eve n judged the m t o hav e a function differen t fro m tha t assigne d b y th e English. Davi e argue s tha t "i n Scotlan d . . . th e nationa l tast e fo r philosophy, aide d b y a fairly thoroug h trainin g i n it , coloure d th e whole approach o f the native classica l an d mathematica l Professor s to their respectiv e subjects , an d gav e thei r teachin g . . . a character istically humanis t flavor." 19 Som e Scot s criticize d th e Englis h clas sics-dominated curriculu m a s excessivel y philological , to o muc h a study o f word s an d language a t th e expense o f intellectual content . The Roya l Commissioners , o n th e othe r hand , believe d tha t th e Scottish curriculu m plunge d to o fas t int o stressin g master y o f con cepts; the y eve n denied th e premises o f philosophical cultur e as th e substance o f a university education . Bu t th e Scot s di d emphasiz e a philosophical underscorin g o f thei r professiona l preparation , mak ing educatio n a n exercis e i n masterin g firs t principles . Franci s Jeffrey, edito r o f the Edinburgh Review, defende d th e universities o f his country. Thei r broad an d philosophical program , h e said, coincide d with a democrati c concer n tha t educatio n b e accessibl e t o a fairl y large portio n o f th e population . Th e nee d wa s fo r a n educatio n t o 18 Quoted i n Drummon d an d Bulloch , Scottish Church, p . 191 ; James McCosh , The Scottish Philosophy: Biographical, Expository, Critical (New York , 1875) , p . 316 . 19 George Elde r Davie , The Democratic Intellect: Scotland and Her Universities in the Nineteenth Century (Edinburgh , 1961) , p . 13 .

42

Scotland

liberalize an d promot e th e intellectua l advanc e o f "th e mas s of ou r population." 20 T o th e English , wh o ofte n judge d th e strenuou s Presbyterianism o f thei r neighbor s fro m th e rationa l an d milde r perspectives o f Anglicanism , classica l educatio n i n Scotlan d wa s shallow. Th e Roya l Commissio n undoubtedl y fel t tha t th e roug h edges o f the people beyon d th e Tweed migh t b e honed an d refine d by th e mellowing influenc e o f ancient civilization . Young Jame s McCos h surel y bor e man y roug h edge s himsel f when h e arrive d fro m th e rollin g far m countr y o f th e Doon i n th e booming metropoli s o f Glasgow . A s recentl y a s th e earl y eight eenth centur y Glasgo w ha d bee n a smal l an d ver y lovel y town . Daniel Defo e coul d stil l cal l i t th e mos t beautifu l littl e tow n i n Great Britain , an d Tobia s Smollet t concurred . Note d fo r it s cathe dral an d it s university , Glasgo w evidence d th e ton e an d teno r o f a church an d academi c community . Bu t alread y th e trader s o f Glas gow, smal l businessmen an d craftsmen , wer e turning th e town int o a por t an d settin g it s fac e westwar d towar d th e ne w worl d an d southward towar d England . Th e Union of 1707 in fact soo n prove d to b e a boon t o Glasgo w commerce , openin g th e market s o f Eng land t o free trade . B y mid-centur y Glasgo w merchant s wer e at th e height o f thei r prosperity , importin g heavil y fro m th e America n colonies an d shippin g o n t o Franc e an d th e Netherlands . Th e to bacco trade, especially, spawne d a hardy new aristocracy , quit e distinct fro m th e landowners, wh o regarde d thi s new elite as upstarts. The new group di d win a reputation fo r haughtines s and arrogance , flaunting thei r brash new clothin g styles all over the city, but out o f their investment s develope d anothe r phas e o f Glasgow's economi c explosion. No w ne w industrie s i n clothing , furniture , footwear , glassware, an d hardwar e intensifie d th e commercia l an d industria l spirit o f th e place . Cotto n to o playe d a n importan t role , givin g birth t o spinnin g mill s al l ove r th e Clyd e Rive r region , an d i n th e rest o f th e countr y also . Thes e mill s dre w worker s fro m th e rura l 20 Saunders, Scottish Democracy, pp . 307-9 , 358-59 ; Davie, Democratic Intellect, pp . 16, 27-28, 31-32, 212. Further indication of British, an d especially British aristocrati c opinion o f Scottis h highe r education , i s supplie d b y Joh n Hamilto n Grey , wh o attended bot h Glasgo w an d Oxfor d i n thi s period . Th e Scottis h universities , h e said, "wer e goo d fo r impartin g genera l knowledg e t o th e middle an d lowe r classe s . . . bu t the y ar e no t calculate d t o educat e gentlemen . . . . Th e Englis h syste m i s more successfu l i n givin g t o th e studen t th e ton e an d styl e o f learnin g an d literat e association." Quoted b y W. H. Mathew , "Th e Origins and Occupations of Glasgow Students, 1740-1839," Past and Present, 33 (1966), 79. For a dissenting British opinion, one tha t disparage s a n archai c Britis h syste m an d praise s th e Scottish , se e "Stat e o f the Universities, " Quarterly Review, 3 6 (1827) , 216-68 .

A Scottish Education

43

areas an d produce d anothe r grou p o f ambitious an d talente d capi talists exemplifie d b y th e industriou s Montieths . Meanwhile , th e efforts o f James Wat t an d Willia m Murdoch , plu s a host o f others, confirmed Glasgow' s reputatio n fo r mechanica l genius . Th e city' s business classe s wer e a sophisticate d lot , entrepreneuriall y an d so cially. Th e famou s Tontin e Hote l i n th e cit y gathere d prou d an d black-velveted merchant s int o it s coffeehous e exchang e an d wit nessed th e grandes t ball s o f th e century . Man y citizen s me t i n weekly politica l an d economi c club s wher e th e spiri t o f Ada m Smith an d th e passion fo r improvemen t wer e manifest. 21 These tendencie s ha d accelerate d i n Glasgo w b y th e tim e o f McCosh's arriva l i n 1824 . The populatio n ha d expande d fro m 43, 000 in 178 0 to about 175,00 0 in the latter year , makin g i t Scotland' s largest cit y and securing i t the name "second city " o f Great Britain. The Napoleoni c war s ha d impaire d Glasgow' s economy , bu t th e marks o f recover y wer e eviden t soo n thereafter . No w anothe r boom period was underway; th e spirit of the place was buoyant an d optimistic, self-confident , aggressive . "Ambitio n . . . animate d al l classes." There wer e example s everywher e o f prosperous captain s of industry wh o had once walked th e city streets barefoot, an d wh o now inspire d loft y hope s i n th e imagination s o f thousand s wh o came fro m Highland s an d Lowlands , Borde r Hill s an d th e Hebri des. 22 (Soon thousand s more woul d com e from Irelan d out of sheer economic necessity. ) Glasgo w als o boasted o f its democratic spirit . Its society wa s in constan t flux; i t ha d littl e o f the reserv e o f Edin burgh no r th e stabilit y tha t moderate d th e pac e o f chang e i n tha t city. Naturall y i t becam e th e aren a o f large r ambitions , bu t thes e dangerously conceale d th e appalling an d oppressive conditions tha t lurked beneath , an d th e invariabl e outlet s fo r huma n despai r tha t grew i n thei r midst . Fe w too k not e o f th e fac t tha t ever y twelft h house in Glasgow ha d become a drink shop. 23 These condition s wer e mor e apparen t though , t o on e i n Mc Cosh's situation . McCos h arrive d i n th e cit y wit h hi s olde r cousi n Samuel Walke r McCos h wh o wa s appointe d t o hel p th e thirteen year-old throug h hi s adjustmen t t o hi s ne w situation . Th e tw o found a roo m togethe r i n a "confine d an d unhealthy " par t o f th e city. Thi s wa s norma l procedur e fo r th e Glasgo w scholars . Th e Scottish universitie s ha d no t adopte d th e residentia l colleg e syste m of Oxfor d an d Cambridge , an d student s traditionall y fende d fo r 21

C. A. Oakley, The Second City (Glasgow, 1967), pp. 2-3, 6-7, 15, 24-27, 87. Ibid., pp. 31-32, 82, 152. 23 Ibid., p. 41; Saunders, Scottish Democracy, pp. 97, 109-10. 22

44

Scotland

themselves b y findin g quarter s i n th e city . McCos h fro m th e ver y beginning the n kne w firsthan d wha t wa s becomin g on e of the ma jor socia l problem s i n th e country . Th e cit y swelle d wit h th e ne w industrial workin g classe s whos e arrival , compounde d b y th e pre carious situation o f labor i n th e earl y phase of the Industria l Revo lution, create d condition s of extreme poverty an d crowded housin g equal t o an y i n Grea t Britain . Th e humbl e studen t quarter s o f McCosh an d hi s cousi n se t hi m i n clos e proximity t o th e poor dis tricts an d th e appallin g squalo r the y displayed . Thei r memor y never lef t him , an d the y influence d significantl y hi s ow n career i n the Church o f Scotland. Soo n McCos h wa s to be one of a growin g number o f Evangelicals wh o flayed th e Churc h fo r it s indifferenc e to these conditions. 24 McCosh vaguel y anticipate d a career in th e ministry a s he bega n his cours e o f studies a t Glasgow. N o othe r profession , a t least, ap pealed t o him . An d thoug h confirme d i n hi s religiou s convictions , he needed conscientiousl y t o cultivat e piety . H e praye d "earnestl y but no t regularl y an d systematically " an d wa s conscienc e stricke n over hi s lac k o f consistency. 25 I f McCos h eve r underwen t a con version experienc e h e neve r mentione d it ; ye t b y th e tim e h e fin ished universit y trainin g ther e wa s no wan t o f faith i n his outlook . McCosh spen t hi s firs t yea r a t Glasgo w i n th e preparator y de partment, the n matriculate d i n the Greek clas s with Professor Dan iel K . Sandford . Hi s academi c progra m too k hi m throug h Gree k and Lati n an d th e usua l doubl e philosoph y dosag e o f th e Scottis h universities, whic h embrace d separat e course s i n logi c an d meta physics, plu s mora l philosophy . H e als o pursue d mathematic s an d physics. The classic s did not com e easily t o him, thoug h h e di d no t complain tha t he was ill-prepared. H e preferre d Gree k t o Latin an d relished Home r fo r hi s super b portraya l o f huma n types . Fo r th e most part , though , h e judged th e curriculum uninspiring, a fact tha t owed muc h t o th e timidit y o f the professors, wh o dre w fee s fro m each studen t an d feare d dissolutio n o f thei r sustenanc e b y expan sion o f th e curriculum . James di d wel l i n hi s courses , bu t wa s no t overall a stellar student , a fact h e attribute d late r t o hi s youn g age . The priz e list s o f Glasgo w Universit y mentio n McCos h twice , i n his junior an d senio r years . They indicate , interestingly , tha t he ex celled mos t i n mathematics an d natura l philosophy. 26 Saunders, Scottish Democracy, p. 113; McCosh, "My Life, " 30-31 . McCosh, "My Life," 22. 26 Ibid., 24-25 ; Saunders , Scottish Democracy, p . 317 ; Prize Lists of the University of Glasgow, (1788-1833), collected by W. Innes Addison (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 29596, 308. 24

25

A Scottish Education

45

The Glasgo w year s wer e a turnin g poin t i n McCosh' s lif e i n a t least one important respect , fo r the y produce d a n intellectual awak ening, an d a lov e fo r philosoph y especially , tha t carrie d hi m through hi s ministeria l caree r an d int o universit y teaching . Jame s Mylne wa s th e professo r o f mora l philosophy , towar d who m McCosh remaine d somewha t ambivalent . H e wa s on e o f th e fe w political liberals on the faculty, an d by the strongly religious minde d was labele d a Socinian . Mylne' s analysi s o f th e huma n mind , McCosh believed , wa s "meagre, " an d ther e wa s littl e tha t wa s stimulating in his system of ideas or his manner of presenting them . But i n a narrow sens e Mylne, wh o hel d th e chai r fro m 179 7 to hi s death i n 1839 , fulfilled hi s task. H e covere d a wide rang e of philosophy, an d McCos h foun d muc h "wisdom " i n hi s treatmen t an d critique o f th e differen t schools . Myln e als o employe d a techniqu e popular amon g man y Scottis h professors , th e requirement tha t stu dents prepar e weekl y essays , som e presentin g the m t o th e class . McCosh believe d the practice highly useful, keepin g his mind shar p and active . Interes t i n philosoph y a t th e universit y wa s suc h tha t this clas s had it s own ampl e library. 27 But beyon d Mylne' s classroom ther e was much mor e to explore. McCosh wa s discoverin g Thoma s Brown' s sophisticate d treatise s on metaphysics an d menta l science, and, in his fourth year , plunge d into Hume . Her e h e recognize d immediatel y hi s greates t intellec tual challenge , on e tha t haunte d hi m th e res t o f hi s lif e an d ener gized hi s own philosophica l efforts . McCos h cultivate d philosoph y amid th e quie t inspiratio n tha t come s i n solitude . H e wa s a large, shy young man , wh o mad e no permanent friend s a t the university . But he was also a young ma n of drive and resolution. Hi s insatiabl e appetite fo r book s prompte d impatien t demand s o f th e libraria n that th e newest work s b e immediately a t his disposal. Thes e effort s of course wer e unproductive, s o whe n th e desir e demanded instan t satisfaction, h e dipped int o hi s own pocket s fo r th e pennies t o bor row fro m th e city's circulatin g libraries . B y thi s means he also succumbed t o a persistent romanti c bent . H e devoure d th e novel s o f Scott an d th e poetr y o f Byron , an d thi s indulgenc e supplie d som e of the most excitin g materia l fo r hi s education. 28 As McCos h remembere d th e institution , Glasgo w Universit y exuded th e spiri t o f Moderatism . Thoma s Chalmers' s movemen t 27

Royal Commission Inquiry, p . 247 ; James Coutts , A History of the University of Glasgow: From Its Foundation in 1451 to 1909 (Glasgow, 1909) , pp. 349-50 ; McCosh , Scottish Philosophy, p . 365 . 28 McCosh, "M y Life, " 25 , 28 .

46

Scotland

had struc k th e cit y onl y recently , an d th e ne w generatio n o f Scot tish academics tha t woul d introduc e evangelica l influence s int o th e universities ha d no t ye t mad e a n impact . Tw o Presbyteria n minis ters wh o taugh t a t th e university wer e uninspiring an d "jejune " i n their instruction , typical , fo r McCosh , o f th e Moderat e style . Th e university ha d a chape l fo r student s an d faculty , bu t service s wer e so blan d an d unnourishin g tha t McCosh , wit h severa l othe r stu dents, attende d th e Glasgow churche s o n Sunday s an d ther e foun d spiritual nourishment. Th e divorce of religiosity from th e life of the university, a legacy , McCos h judged , o f th e Moderat e era , re mained fo r a long tim e a troublesome facto r fo r him , an d i t wa s a tendency h e struggled energeticall y t o resist whe n h e himself exer cised academi c responsibilities. 29 McCosh perceive d th e disturbing influenc e o f Moderatism i n the lives o f th e student s themselves . Tha t influenc e wa s no t th e sol e cause of the students' mora l laxity , bu t i t did promote a general in difference towar d thei r welfare . McCosh' s ow n situation , a s w e noted, wa s typica l o f the Glasgow undergraduate , cas t into the cit y to provid e fo r feedin g an d clothin g himself . Th e complet e lac k o f any in loco parentis supervisio n o n th e par t o f th e facult y allowe d dangerous vice s t o flourish amon g thi s ver y youthfu l studen t pop ulation. McCos h sa w th e result s firsthand . H e wa s on e o f abou t two doze n student s wh o ha d com e u p fro m th e lan d o f Burn s t o the big city , al l acquainted wit h eac h other . On e evenin g severa l o f them me t i n one of the students' homes and began a card game tha t led t o a resolution t o conven e nightl y fo r thi s purpos e an d t o pla y for money . McCos h discovere d pervasiv e cheatin g amon g hi s friends whe n thes e winning s becam e substantia l an d notice d shortly tha t thi s evenin g indulgenc e wa s inauguratin g a lapse int o worse habits. "I t i s one o f the bitterest recollection s o f my life, " h e later wrote , "tha t o f those who associated together, mor e than one half fell int o vic e o f various kinds , suc h a s drinking, licentiousnes s and gambling , an d neve r cam e t o hol d an y positio n o f impor tance." 30 McCosh undertoo k t o rescu e his friends b y alertin g som e of hi s professors , bu t h e me t universa l indifference . Mos t sai d di recdy tha t i t wa s no t thei r business . Writin g a t Princeto n man y years late r McCos h recalle d thes e event s an d asked : "Whos e busi ness was it?" 31 29

x Ibid., 28-30 . Ibid. , 31 . James McCosh , Religion in a College: What Place It Should Have . . . (New York , 1886). Thi s pamphlet , abstracte d fro m McCosh' s debat e wit h Presiden t Elio t o f Harvard, summarize d McCosh' s lifelon g belie f tha t colleg e student s mus t b e con stantly unde r th e mora l an d religiou s surveillanc e o f thei r professors . 31

A Scottish Education

47

McCosh lef t Glasgo w Universit y i n 1829 . H e had mad e consid erable strides i n his intellectual growth , thoug h b y his ow n admis sion ha d achieve d nothin g tha t mad e a lastin g impressio n o n hi s professors. Mostl y h e ha d acquire d fro m th e Scottis h universit y what the Scottish universities wer e best at providing—an educatio n in philosophy an d th e sciences . Muc h o f the effort, t o be sure, wa s his own, bu t Glasgo w generall y mad e th e human an d instructiona l resources available . H e ha d als o learne d an d perceive d enoug h t o recognize tha t a social and spiritua l crisi s was mountin g i n his ow n country. I n man y way s Glasgow wa s uniquely situate d t o magnif y and dramatiz e tha t crisis . McCosh coul d se e already th e revitalize d role the churches would have to play to meet th e problems a t hand. But th e public polic y o f both churc h an d state , he believed, hinge d on th e resolutio n o f fundamenta l intellectua l questions . Th e war fare o f skepticis m an d fait h alread y attaine d i n hi s thinkin g broa d philosophical an d scientifi c outlines . James McCosh , th e Glasgo w University graduate , woul d b e a ministe r i n th e Churc h o f Scot land, bu t h e woul d firs t equi p himsel f wit h th e mos t advance d ed ucation h e could obtain . Tha t resolutio n no w too k hi m fort y mile s eastward, dow n th e road t o Edinburgh . i n Scotland' s grea t capita l city . Thes e were year s tha t wer e t o prepar e hi m fo r a ministeria l caree r i n th e Church o f Scodand, an d McCos h a t tha t tim e coul d no t anticipat e that th e intellectua l experienc e woul d lea d furthe r t o a n academi c life an d t o a colleg e presidency . Bu t preparatio n fo r th e Scottis h ministry di d no t lea d alon g a narro w pat h o f theologica l studies . McCosh foun d hi s riches t reward s a t th e universit y i n th e oppor tunities i t afforde d fo r advance d studie s i n science an d philosophy , and s o thoroughl y di d h e immers e himsel f i n thes e field s tha t b y the tim e h e left Edinburg h i n 183 4 he had outline d th e general phi losophy tha t h e labore d thereafte r t o expound . I n fact, th e Univer sity o f Edinburg h durin g th e year s McCos h attende d gav e th e young schola r a uniqu e opportunit y t o develo p hi s system . Th e evangelical movemen t wa s explodin g everywher e i n Scotland , an d at th e universit y it s mos t dynami c leade r an d it s mos t importan t intellectual defender , Thoma s Chalmers , occupie d th e chai r o f di vinity. Bu t th e Moderat e er a wa s als o enterin g it s las t illustriou s phase, an d Si r William Hamilton , i n th e chair o f universal an d civi l history, assure d Scottis h preeminenc e i n philosophy . McCosh , who wa s influence d b y bot h thes e men , woul d eve r afte r mediat e their thought . Chalmer s an d Hamilton , th e on e profoundl y spirit ual, the other th e pure breat h o f intellect, virtuall y exemplifie d tw o M C C O S H SPEN T FIV E YEAR S

48

Scotland

models o f life . McCos h dre w upo n bot h an d wov e Chalmer s an d Hamilton togethe r i n suc h a wa y a s t o mak e evangelica l religio n and Scottis h Moderatis m compatible . Tha t wa s t o be his own con tribution t o th e Scottis h intellectua l traditions . McCosh alway s though t Edinburg h "th e grandes t cit y i n th e world." Indeed , fe w wh o visi t i t eve r forge t th e magisterial splen dor tha t i s Edinburgh. "Wit h it s imposing castl e rock; wit h its picturesque mountain, Arthur' s Seat , overlooking it; with its deep ravines o n whic h it s ancien t cit y i s built ; it s historica l palac e o f Holyrood; it s massiv e university, " Edinburgh , McCos h believed , was a visua l distillatio n o f Scottis h history . Th e easter n "haar " (fog) tha t "creep s u p fro m th e se a an d searche s u s throug h an d through wit h its chilliness" oozes into the eerie atmosphere that en velops muc h o f thi s countr y o f th e fa r north. 32 Wherea s Glasgo w had become th e city of commerce and industry, Edinburg h wa s th e city o f th e professions . Glasgo w looke d ou t t o th e Atlanti c an d t o the new world ; Edinburgh , tucke d unde r th e Firt h o f Fort h a fe w miles to the north, looke d ou t t o the North Se a and back t o the ol d world. Onl y fort y mile s apart, th e two citie s sat with thei r back s t o each other . Glasgo w wa s buoyant , bustling , volatile ; Edinburgh , serene, imperturbable . A visito r onc e contraste d th e shouting , laughing, josding, an d unselfconsciousnes s o f th e stree t crowd s o f Glasgow t o the stif f rectitud e o f th e stroller s o n Prince s Street , th e formal ai r of the bankers , lawyers , financiers , an d scholars of Edin burgh. Th e ver y moo d o f Edinburg h take s it s note fro m th e mas sive castle that survey s th e cit y fro m o n high an d sets the moderat e and even-tempere d pac e o f it s life . Merel y t o wal k th e street s o f Edinburgh i s to b e conscious o f the long, lon g past. 33 The youn g divinit y studen t a t th e universit y experience d Edin burgh durin g a second phas e o f its great cultura l century . Th e cit y had los t some international prestige , bu t remaine d wholl y secur e as the cultura l an d politica l capita l o f Scotland, cente r no w o f its edu cational, religious , an d lega l institutions . An d eve n withi n Grea t Britain, Edinburg h wa s th e publishin g leader , publishin g mor e than al l othe r place s combined . I n literatur e th e grea t ag e o f Si r Walter Scot t wa s enjoyin g it s las t years . N o on e thrille d wit h greater excitemen t t o tha t writer' s resurrectio n o f Scotland' s ro mantic pas t tha n McCosh . H e neve r me t Scot t personally , bu t re marked tha t h e sa w hi m occasionall y a t hi s clerica l des k a t th e Court o f Session. 34 32 34

McCosh, "M y Life, " 33 . » McLaren , The Scots, pp. 83-84 , 88-89 . Ferguson, Scotland, p. 219 ; McCosh , "M y Life, " 34 .

A Scottish Education

49

But th e endurin g legac y o f Edinburgh' s ag e o f splendo r lie s about th e cit y i n it s architectura l monuments . Grea t publi c build ings an d magnificen t privat e homes , mos t o f them concentrate d i n the Ne w Town , describe d th e socia l aspiration s o f th e capital . Th e Georgian classica l reviva l enhance d th e discipline d an d controlle d exterior o f th e city , bu t thes e ne w edifices , Mora y Place , Ansli e Place, Saxe-Cobur g Place , unquestionabl y denote d a n aspiratio n for eleganc e tha t wa s Edinburgh' s distinguishin g mark . McCos h could se e all this firsthand, fo r th e university to o shared i n the classical renaissance . Th e famou s Rober t Ada m ha d lai d plan s fo r th e university befor e th e French Revolution , bu t thes e had t o wait unti l 1816 fo r Rober t Playfai r t o complete . No w a spectacula r library , with heav y squar e an d circula r column s linin g th e uppe r interior , and a magnificent museum , combinin g elevate d Venetian window s with Corinthia n columns , embellishe d th e campu s aroun d Char lotte Square. 35 As a studen t McCos h foun d th e moo d o f Scotland' s tw o mai n cities roughl y represente d i n th e academi c lif e o f their universities . The atmospher e o f Edinburgh, h e wrote , wa s "literar y an d philo sophical, and t o a small extent scientific. " Ther e was less here of the "commonplace" tha n a t Glasgo w University . O n th e othe r hand , the Edinburgh campu s was more personal, especially in the divinity department, wher e a corps of students met frequently an d discusse d intellectual matter s a t professors' homes . McCos h partoo k o f thes e events, eve n carrie d hi s concer n an d interes t int o som e o f th e stu dent societies.Outside , momentou s issue s wer e pressing , especiall y in th e Church' s impendin g crisis , an d th e divinit y students , through th e Theologica l Societ y whic h McCos h joined , ha d a ready foru m fo r debatin g al l o f these . McCos h wa s alread y takin g the radica l stan d o f th e Evangelicals , an d argue d wit h fello w stu dents th e merit s o f th e congregationa l vet o an d th e spiritua l inde pendence o f th e Church . I n hi s fiv e year s a t Edinburgh , McCos h matured fro m th e sh y an d timi d studen t o f Glasgow , t o a formi dable an d self-confiden t thinker . H e wo n increasin g respec t fro m classmates an d fro m hi s professors. 36 Chalmers an d Hamilto n wer e th e tw o foca l point s o f McCosh' s academic lif e a t Edinburgh , bu t ther e wer e othe r opportunitie s t o be had, an d McCosh seize d them. Student s were free to take a great 35 A. J . Youngson , The Making of Classicial Edinburgh, 1750-1840 (Edinburgh , 1966), pp . 193-202 . Thi s entir e wor k i s a full, beautifull y picturesqu e treatmen t o f the subject . 56 McCosh, "M y Life, " 41 , 44-45.

50

Scotland

variety o f course s and , nex t t o philosophy, McCos h foun d th e sci ences mos t stimulating . McCosh , wh o collaborate d late r a t Queen's Colleg e o n a length y scientifi c treatise , an d wh o wa s re nowned i n th e Unite d State s fo r hi s evolutionar y views , foun d Edinburgh aliv e wit h pre-Darwinia n scientifi c hypotheses . Jame s Hutton firs t articulate d th e uniformatarian theor y o f terrestria l ev olution an d wit h Joh n Playfair' s vigorou s effort s t o disseminat e that theory , gav e th e Scot s a prominen t plac e i n th e controversy . But Scotlan d reflecte d divers e views , an d whil e McCos h attende d the lecture s o f Rober t Jameson, h e hear d th e theorie s o f a Werner ian, o r catastrophist , geologist . Jameso n wa s somethin g o f a loca l celebrity, an d townspeople , fro m silversmith s t o civi l engineers , joined student s a t his lectures. Drawing fee s fro m al l who attended , Jameson pu t togethe r a popular cours e o f n o les s tha n 27 3 lectur e topics, coverin g a n incredibl y wid e arra y o f scientifi c subjects . H e was als o keepe r o f th e Natura l Histor y Museum , givin g i t a de servedly hig h reputatio n a t hom e an d abroad . An d onl y hi s stu dents enjoye d fre e acces s t o it . Anothe r eminen t scientis t a t Edin burgh wa s Si r John Leslie , wh o mad e significan t stride s i n physics, though i t is not clea r whethe r McCos h studie d wit h him . McCos h studied wit h him . McCos h did , however , rea d Lyell' s Principles of Geology, whos e thre e volume s appeare d whil e McCos h wa s stil l a t Edinburgh. Alread y i t wa s becomin g clea r t o him tha t scienc e wa s immensely usefu l t o th e defense o f faith. 37 Besides Chalmers , anothe r partisa n o f the evangelical movemen t in th e universitie s wa s Davi d Wels h (1793-1845) , professo r o f church history . McCos h kne w Wels h befor e hi s arriva l i n Edin burgh i n 1831 , for Wels h preache d a t St . David' s Churc h i n Glas gow, drawin g McCos h an d severa l other s o f th e student s int o th e town. Welsh , th e so n o f a shee p farme r i n th e Clyd e region , ha d studied unde r Thoma s Brow n a t Edinburg h an d late r becam e hi s biographer. He , like Chalmers, wa s joining in the effort t o combin e piety an d intellect , t o offe r a reasone d defens e o f evangelica l reli gion. McCos h describe d hi m a s " a philosopher , teaching , no t phi losophy, bu t th e doctrine s o f th e cross , alway s i n a philosophi c manner an d spirit. " Welsh's majo r influenc e an d his role in the dis ruption o f the Church la y ahead, bu t McCos h foun d hi s work wit h Welsh a t th e universit y extremel y satisfying . H e receive d fro m th e professor enthusiasti c encouragemen t fo r hi s scholarly efforts. 38 37

J. B . Morrell , "Scienc e an d th e Scottis h Universit y Reform : Edinburg h i n 1826," British Journal of the History of Science, 3 (1971) , 48-51 ; McCosh , "M y Life, " 43. 38 McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, pp . 408-9 ; idem, "M y Life, " 37-38 , 41.

51

A Scottish Education

Thomas Chalmer s O N GEORG E I V STREE T i n Edinburgh , on e o f th e city' s mai n thor oughfares, stand s a large statu e o f Thomas Chalmer s (1780-1847) , who rank s wit h John Kno x a s the mos t commandin g figur e i n th e religious histor y o f Scodand . Mor e secula r time s hav e mad e bot h of these men see m rathe r quaint , bu t th e nineteenth century , whic h witnessed suc h spectacula r gain s i n science , technology , an d mate rial culture , als o witnessed , especiall y i n th e English-speakin g countries, a pervasive revival o f religion. I n Scotland, i n fact, Chal mers wa s merel y th e mos t strategi c personalit y i n bringin g int o a sustained movemen t th e popular religiosit y tha t ha d endured , eve n

52

Scotland

in th e Moderat e era . H e wa s alread y nationall y know n whe n McCosh entere d Edinburg h University ; indee d hi s ver y presenc e there first motivate d McCos h t o continue his studies at that univer sity. " I a m incline d t o loo k upo n Chalmer s a s upon th e whol e th e greatest ma n I eve r me t with, " McCos h said . H e wa s "th e mos t eloquent preache r o f hi s age. " Bu t Chalmer s wa s mor e tha n th e popular orator . H e wa s "th e scientifi c inquirer , th e philosopher an d divine, standin g firml y o n eart h whil e h e measure d th e heavens. " This wa s alway s critica l fo r McCosh , fo r "i t wa s a n ag e tha t boasted o f its science," and i t wa s thu s imperativ e tha t th e spiritua l leader of the age should b e the master o f mundane learnin g a s well. "It wa s i n combinin g an d harmonizin g philosoph y an d revelatio n that hi s geniu s a s a deep an d origina l thinke r wa s chiefl y drawn. " An impassione d preache r an d lecturer , Chalmer s projecte d himsel f into hi s subject , usin g a roug h an d distinc t Scottis h brogu e tha t often rankle d fine r Moderat e sensibilities . Tha t neve r bothere d McCosh: " I embrace d ever y opportunit y o f hearin g him . I wa s more move d b y hi m tha n an y ma n I have eve r listene d to. " Chal mers indee d wa s almos t a father figur e t o th e youn g ma n o f nine teen, an d thei r relationshi p extende d beyon d th e classroom . Mc Cosh ha d a n ope n invitatio n fro m th e Chalmer s famil y fo r Frida y dinner o r Sunda y breakfast . Certainl y Chalmer s excite d McCos h about th e work o f the ministry. Whil e Chalmers was still living, his protege coul d conclud e tha t "h e ha s give n Evangelica l fervo r t o a cold an d secula r age." 39 Chalmers wa s born a t Anstruther, wher e th e Firth of Forth lose s itself in th e Nort h Sea . H e attende d St . Andrew s University , onl y ten mile s fro m hi s home , an d wa s classmat e t o Joh n Lesli e an d James Mylne . Onl y late r di d Chalmer s realiz e ho w muc h h e ha d imbibed th e spiri t an d "chillin g influence " o f Moderatism , al though his journal u p to 1825 shows the strains of his quest for spir itual growth . Tha t effor t le d hi m i n intellectua l direction s an d t o the publicatio n o f hi s Astronomical Discourses. It als o le d int o th e great evangelical campaig n tha t too k Glasgo w by storm . Chalmer s wanted th e churche s t o take u p th e challeng e o f urban povert y be fore th e state made it its business. A superb organizer , h e was well equipped t o lea d tha t task , an d h e energize d th e churche s fo r tha t difficult challenge . McCos h di d no t shar e Chalmers' s outspoke n 39

McCosh, "M y Life , "35-37; idem, The Method of the Divine Government, Physical and Moral (New York , 1851) , p. 102 ; idem, A Tribute to the Memory of Dr. Chalmers, by a Former Pupil (Brechin , 1847) , pp . 4 , 6 .

A Scottish

Education

53

Toryism, but he wholly endorsed the new social role for religion that Chalmers was charting. 4 0 What did McCosh acquire from Chalmers as a student at Edin­ burgh University? Chalmers assumed the chair of divinity there in 1827 and delivered the famous Bridgewater lectures during McCosh's last year at the university. McCosh, though, thought that his later Natural Theology had far more substance. Chalmers placed himself in the natural theology tradition and believed that the sci­ entific structure of the universe illuminated divine design and pres­ ence. But it is clear, especially from students' notes of Chalmers's lectures, that he used such stalwarts of natural religion as Joseph Butler (1692-1752) and William Paley (1743-1805) as foils for a neoCalvinist portrait of God. Both the Analogy of Religion and the Evi­ dences of Christianity, which McCosh read in Chalmers's classes, could give some useful examples of the external evidence of God. But Paley, for one, rested theology on little more than expediency and morals. Chalmers then threw out to his students the essential challenge of religious thought, the internal evidence of spiritual reality. Jonathan Edwards was introduced to meet this need, and McCosh recalled later that Chalmers never spoke of Edwards with­ out "an enthusiasm which communicated itself to his pupils." Reading Edwards in fact was momentous for McCosh, though he would never accept Edwards's rigid determinism. But there was a heavy dose of Puritan literature, besides Edwards, that students re­ ceived from Chalmers. His constant advice to his students, Mc­ Cosh said, was to "fill their hearts with the practical writings of the great Puritan divines." Baxter, Howe, Owen, Charnock, Marshall—all were useful. 41 And, as one study has made clear, Chalmers accepted the Scottish philosophy as perfected by the Moderates, but insisted that the moral and spiritual reality it de­ scribed merely prepared the way for the realization of the Christian notions of grace, atonement, and repentence. 4 2 40

Quoted by McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, p. 394. "Notes from Dr. Chalmers's Lectures on Theology, 1827," in the University of Edinburgh Department of Manuscripts and Rare Books; William Hanna, ed., Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Thomas Chalmers, 4 vols. (New York, 1851), 3:279, 388n; New York Obsever, July 28,1870; James McCosh, Whither? Ο Whither? Tell Me Where (New York, 1889), p. 15. 42 See Daniel F. Rice, "Natural Theology and the Scottish Philosophy in the Thought of Thomas Chalmers," Scottish Journal of Theology, 23 (February 1971), 2346, for a complete statement of this theme. One distinction between Chalmers and McCosh is the rather greater willingness of the student to use philosophy in the defense of biblical truth. Chalmers seems to be more reluctant to allow the fallen 41

54

Scotland

Here wa s no t onl y th e great challeng e tha t th e Edinburgh divin e threw ou t t o th e Moderates, i t wa s als o th e challeng e that McCos h himself picke d up . Whe n McCos h wrot e hi s first philosophica l work, h e dedicate d th e 600-page tom e t o Chalmers , fo r i t wa s th e result o f hi s ow n grapplin g wit h th e problem s Chalmer s ha d out lined. Bu t i n fac t McCos h alway s ha d mor e confidenc e i n philoso phy, and in the Scottish tradition especially, tha n did the evangelical leader. Tha t McCos h staye d muc h mor e closel y within th e Intellectual traditio n o f hi s ow n countr y wa s du e t o anothe r majo r influ ence o n hi s lif e an d thought , on e tha t cam e durin g th e Edinburg h years. Si r William Hamilto n wa s the intellectual gian t o f his day, as McCosh ver y soo n acknowledged . EDINBURGH continued t o t o be an intellectually excitin g plac e in the early nineteent h century , fo r no w th e Scottis h Enlightenmen t wa s moving i n a new direction . Fro m th e classroo m o f Dugald Stewar t emerged a n ambitious grou p o f young men , lawyer s not ministers , who too k th e arden t liberalis m o f thei r mento r int o th e politica l campaigns o f th e ne w century . Thei r yout h an d thei r passio n fo r literary expressio n ofte n se t the m apar t fro m th e Whi g establish ment o f Scotland , bu t th e powe r o f th e pe n soo n mad e the m th e voices o f that party . Thei r vehicl e of influence wa s the widel y rea d and alway s stimulating Edinburgh Review, whic h cam e from th e designs o f Franci s Jeffrey , Henr y Brougham , Sydne y Smith , an d Francis Horner , al l forme r student s o f Stewar t an d all , excep t Smith, Edinburg h attorneys . Th e Review entere d th e politica l fra y with a n arden t ple a t o en d th e slav e trad e an d emancipat e th e Iris h Catholics. I t waved th e banner o f free trad e an d spok e increasingl y for th e economi c interest s o f th e commercia l an d industria l ele ments agains t lande d wealt h an d th e interest s o f protection . Bu t most important , th e Edinburgh Review pursue d ne w standard s o f public seriousness , mora l energy , an d literar y taste s i n Britain . I t castigated th e aristocrac y an d th e gentr y fo r thei r indolenc e an d backwardness, thei r effet e cul t o f fashion , an d thei r lac k o f mora l fiber. Thoug h th e new Scottis h reviewer s chide d th e middle classe s for thei r indifference t o the poor, a t the same time they opene d their pages t o Thoma s Malthu s an d proclaime d th e inutility o f outdoo r relief. Unquestionably , th e commercia l an d industria l groups , ad mired fo r thei r drive , ambition , an d practica l talents , ha d th e bes t human intellec t t o wande r freel y fro m th e tether o f revealed truth . Again , se e Rice, "An Attemp t a t Systematic Reconstruction i n the Theology o f Thomas Chalmers, " Church History, 4 8 Qunt 1979) , 175-88 .

A Scottish Education

55

press. The Review's yardstick s fo r socia l approbation, a s John Cliv e has noted , wer e culture , virtue , an d industry . Wit h respec t t o reli gion, skepticis m wa s th e prevailing tone , a fact, however , tha t onl y suggests a secularizatio n o f th e mora l rigor tha t Presbyterianis m had fostere d i n Scotland . Eve n Jeffrey remarke d tha t "ou r fashion able reader s ma y detec t th e extrem e rigou r o f ou r Calvinisti c edu cation." Th e Whi g liberal s wer e b y n o mean s levelers . The y de fended th e alliance of wealth and culture , and scentin g heresy in th e perversion tha t woul d fin d wisdo m i n th e intuitio n o f shepherd s and peddlers , gav e a hostile receptio n t o Wordswort h an d th e ro mantic movemen t i n its early stages. 43 McCosh, wh o eagerl y con sumed eac h issu e o f th e Review, recognized , a s others did , tha t th e secular Whi g movemen t forme d a counterpoin t t o th e evangelica l reform effort s tha t h e was no w joining. One o f the majo r voice s of th e Scottis h Whig s durin g McCosh' s Edinburgh year s wa s Si r Willia m Hamilton . Hamilto n i n fac t ha d a distinc t plac e withi n thi s circle , fo r h e wa s Scotland' s mos t for midable philosopher , an d i n a certai n sense , th e las t grea t voic e o f the Moderates. Hamilto n wa s bor n i n 178 8 in Glasgow Universit y where hi s father , a professo r o f anatom y an d botany , ha d wo n a distinguished reputation , an d wher e hi s grandfather , holde r o f th e same chair , ha d pioneere d wit h Culle n t o establis h th e medica l school. Bu t becaus e hi s fathe r die d whe n Willia m wa s onl y three , his upbringin g an d educatio n wer e entruste d t o hi s mother , t o whom Willia m ha d a lasting attachment . H e attended th e Glasgo w public school s an d entere d th e universit y i n 1803 , studying philos ophy wit h Georg e Jardine an d James Mylne , bu t stil l anticipating a career i n medicine . H e wo n a Snel l Exhibitio n scholarshi p t o Ox ford an d during hi s years at Balliol becam e a brilliant student o f the highest rank . H e astonishe d hi s examiner s wit h th e scop e o f hi s mastery o f th e Lati n classics , i n whic h h e wa s examine d i n fou r times th e usua l numbe r o f books . Interestingl y though , Hamilto n gave little credit t o Oxford. It s instruction, eve n in the classics, wa s trivial an d uninspiring . I n philosophy , wher e Hamilto n wa s no w discovering his tru e love, its efforts wer e negligible, furnishing hi m nothing i n logic , ethics , o r metaphysics . Her e to o Hamilto n wa s essentially self-taught , bu t th e job wa s brilliantl y done. 44 43 John Clive , Scotch Reviewers: "The Edinburgh Review," 1802-1815 (Cambridge, Mass., 1957) , pp . 27 , 84 , 87 , 131 , 139 , 141 , 145 , 149 , 164-69 . Th e quotatio n i s o n p. 145 . 44 John Veitch , Memoir of Sir William Hamilton (Edinburg h an d London , 1869) , pp. 1-6 , 8-12 , 18 , 20-21 , 23-24 .

56

Scotland

.-.««..xs!,*svf

Sir Willia m Hamilto n

When h e returne d t o Edinburgh , Hamilto n entere d th e lega l profession an d joined wit h th e brigh t youn g se t tha t include d Jeffrey, Brougham , an d Henr y Cockburn . Thoug h th e drea d fea r o f the French Revolutio n hun g heav y o n th e city an d mad e th e youn g Whigs virtua l outcast s i n thi s Tory-dominate d establishment , th e group nonetheles s espouse d libera l view s an d trie d t o remin d it s contemporaries o f som e o f th e positiv e benefit s o f tha t grea t event. 45 Bu t no t fo r politica l reason s alon e di d Hamilto n fai l t o 45

Ibid., pp . 76-78 ; Chve , Scotch Reviewers, p . 95 .

A Scottish Education

57

flourish a s a lawyer. H e wa s not a great speaker , an d more , hi s fas tidious temperamen t an d a passio n fo r exhaustive , detaile d re search, wer e frustrate d b y th e need fo r summar y preparatio n o f legal briefs. Hamilton , i n fact , increasingl y succumbe d t o th e appea l of abstrac t thought , an d mor e an d mor e h e gav e hi s min d t o th e rarefied an d esoteric . Eve n befor e h e published , Hamilto n wa s known a s a great philosophica l thinker , an d i n 181 0 he emerged a s a strong , perhap s eve n th e obviou s choic e t o succee d Thoma s Brown i n th e mora l philosoph y chai r a t Edinburgh . Bu t thi s wa s not a n issue to b e decided o n merit . Th e contes t becam e on e of th e most celebrate d i n th e history o f the university, Hamilto n oppose d by John Wilson , th e "Christopher North " o f Blackwood's magazine. North ha d alread y helpe d establis h Blackwood's as a deliberate riva l of the Edinburgh, and now th e Tory majorit y o n th e Town Council , vigorously backe d b y Si r Walter Scott , pushe d Wilson' s candidacy . Dugald Stewar t himsel f supporte d Hamilton , bu t tha t di d no t pre vent th e twenty-one-to-eleve n vot e i n favo r o f hi s opponent . Nonetheless, th e next yea r Hamilton , throug h a n appointment tha t came from th e Faculty of Advocates, took the chair in universal an d civil history. Late r in 183 6 he won a more prestigious post , th e professorship o f logic and metaphysics. 46 In 182 9 Hamilto n becam e a caus e celebr e i n th e philosophica l world wit h hi s famous review , his first publishe d writing , o f Victor Cousin's Corns de Philosophic Thi s Edinburgh Review essay intro duced Hamilton's "Philosoph y o f the Unconditioned," an d it demonstrated tha t philosoph y i n Scotlan d ha d take n a new turn . I t wa s neo-Kantian i n it s critique , bu t use d thi s perspectiv e t o questio n some o f th e mor e ambitiou s transcendentalis t direction s tha t Ger many ha d take n sinc e Kant' s ow n famou s effort s t o circumscrib e the realm of the knowable. Th e larger outlin e of the essay will con cern us later, fo r McCos h mad e painstaking effort s t o show its limitations an d thereb y mad e himsel f a part y t o a majo r controvers y that involve d Hamilton , Henr y Mansel , an d Joh n Stuar t Mill . Hamilton, however , di d no t see k t o und o th e Scottis h school , an d in som e significan t way s actuall y extende d it . Hi s writing s sho w him t o b e a followe r o f Reid , an d late r i n hi s Edinburg h caree r Hamilton gav e severa l year s o f har d wor k t o editin g th e writing s of Reid and Stewart . Unti l his deat h i n 185 5 Hamilton perpetuate d the prestige o f Scottish philosophy. 47 * Veitch , Memoir, pp . 74-75 , 97-107 ; Alexander Grant , The Story of the University of Edinburgh During Its First Three Hundred Years, 2 vols. (London , 1884) , 2:332-35 . 47 Veitch, Memoir, p . 207 .

58

Scotland

What kin d o f a person wa s Si r William an d wh y di d h e so muc h impress McCosh ? Hi s Edinburg h followe r ha d n o reservation s about th e grea t man . H e wa s "th e mos t eminen t ma n i n Philoso phy," McCos h wrote , "no t onl y i n Scotland , bu t throughou t th e world." H e preserve d a "ver y vivid " recollectio n o f Hamilto n i n the classroom. 48 "Ther e wa s an evident manliness in his person an d his whol e manne r an d address . Hi s feature s wer e marked , h e ha d an ey e o f a ver y dee p lustre , an d hi s expressio n wa s eminentl y in tellectual. H e rea d hi s lectur e i n a clear, emphati c manner , withou t show, pretension , o r affectatio n o f any kind. " Hi s lecture s wer e i n fact intellectuall y rigorou s an d difficult . McCos h observe d tha t a flurry o f scribbling pen s accompanie d th e beginning o f the lecture, but a s Hamilton proceede d th e slowe r student s fel l on e b y on e b y the wayside. 49 McCosh wa s no t alon e in his enthusiasm fo r Hamil ton. Th e philosophe r James Ferrie r sai d o f Hamilton: " I kne w hi m in hi s gloriou s prime , whe n hi s bodil y fram e wa s lik e a breathin g intellect, an d whe n hi s sou l coul d travel , a s on eagle' s wings , ove r the top s o f al l the mountain s o f knowledge." 50 Wit h Hamilto n th e love of knowledge wa s contagious ; h e was th e living mode l o f th e cerebral man. Hamilton's passio n for book s was limidess, an d fro m his very earl y yout h h e amasse d a collection draw n fro m dar k an d hidden corners o f old bookstores. He had an irresistible urge for th e antiquarian, an d hi s expandin g stoc k include d ancien t Germa n 48 It has been very difficult t o determine exactly what was the relationship betwee n Hamilton an d McCos h whil e McCos h wa s a studen t a t Edinburgh . I hav e foun d nothing t o sugges t tha t McCos h wa s actuall y a student o f Hamilton . O n th e con trary, a few reference s forc e th e conclusio n tha t h e wa s not . Thus , McCos h wrot e in hi s autobiographica l memoi r tha t whe n hi s first book , The Method of the Divine Government, wa s published , Hamilto n an d Hug h Mille r receive d gif t copies . Ham ilton apparentl y sen t favorabl e comment s t o th e publisher, comment s tha t McCos h quoted i n th e memoir , an d tha t appea r i n advertisement s o f severa l o f McCosh' s works. Bu t McCos h wrot e o f thes e two men : "wit h neithe r o f who m I was a t tha t time acquainted , bu t wit h who m I now becam e intimate. " "M y Life, " 107 . Also , before h e describe d Hamilton' s classroo m appearance , a s quote d nex t i n th e text , McCosh wrote: "The writer of this article has a very vivid recollection of Sir William Hamilton i n happenin g t o pas s int o hi s classroo m a year o r tw o afte r hi s appoint ment." Tha t dat e would hav e been 183 7 or 1838 , three or four year s after McCosh' s graduation fro m Edinburgh . An d finally , i n a letter dated March 11 , 1850, Hamilto n supplied som e sentence s t o b e use d i n promotin g McCosh' s book . A t th e en d h e says, "I t woul d giv e m e grea t pleasur e t o becom e personall y acquainte d wit h Dr . McCosh." W . Hamilto n t o ? , i n th e "Correspondenc e o f James McCosh. " De partment o f Rar e Book s an d Specia l Collections , Princeto n Universit y Library .

McCosh , "M y Life, " 39 ; idem , Scottish Philosophy, p . 428 ; se e als o Veitch , Memoir, p . 202 . 50 Quoted b y Davie , Democratic Intellect, p. 261. n

A Scottish Education

59

theses an d rar e edition s o f classica l an d historica l authors . H e de lighted t o discove r a n unknow n o r forgotte n thinker , an d t o trac e the histor y o f a n ide a bac k t o it s origins . Hamilto n th e bibliophil e assembled on e o f th e mos t valuabl e privat e philosophica l librarie s in Great Britan. His total collectio n of works McCos h remembere d as about 10,00 0 volumes. An d t o McCosh i t seemed tha t Hamilto n had mastered the m all . " No ma n has ever done more in clearing th e literature o f philosoph y o f commonplac e mistakes , o f theft s an d impostures." 51 Nor di d an y ma n prob e th e pas t mor e deepl y t o brin g fres h thoughts o n a matte r o f increasin g concer n i n hi s country . Th e Scottish universitie s ha d lon g bee n th e prid e o f th e nation , bu t charges circulate d durin g McCosh' s year s a t Edinburg h tha t the y were i n a state o f decline . McCos h himsel f concurre d i n thes e sus picions, fro m th e perspective o f his Glasgow experienc e especially . Edinburgh ha d a fe w academi c star s t o uphol d th e standards , bu t even here McCosh experience d som e glaring weaknesses. A decline in enrollmen t complicate d th e discussion s o f universit y purpose , furthermore, b y inducing call s for greate r practica l emphasi s i n th e curriculum. But an offsetting forc e came from th e growing prestig e of th e Germa n universitie s an d th e principles o f pure learnin g an d research tha t the y exemplified . Hamilton , wh o ha d alread y intro duced th e Kantia n ideal s o f Germa n philosophy , no w appeale d t o German academi c standards , albei t no t uncritically , a s a mean s t o reconstruct th e Britis h institutions . Beginnin g i n 183 6 h e wrot e a series o f article s fo r th e Edinburgh Review, mos t o f the m centerin g on Oxfor d University , tha t enable d him t o outline a broad univer sity philosophy , wit h specia l attentio n t o th e curriculu m i n th e British and th e Scottish institutions. Th e articles brought Hamilto n still greate r fame . The y wer e hard-hittin g an d forthright , an d th e public attentio n the y receive d influence d th e decisio n t o appoin t a Royal Commissio n t o investigate Oxfor d an d Cambridge i n 1850 . Hamilton's critiqu e of higher education reflecte d hi s own person ality an d life . H e dre w th e line s o f universit y purpos e narrowly , proscribing bot h th e utilitarian an d th e professional emphasis . Stu dents mus t com e t o th e universit y motivate d b y a love o f knowl edge fo r it s ow n sak e an d determine d t o disciplin e thei r intellect s by th e rigors o f academi c pursuit . Th e universit y itsel f mus t b e s o constituted a s t o mak e thes e end s feasible , an d thu s mus t purg e it self of any possible competin g interests . Hamilton wante d a tightl y 51

416.

Veitch, Memoir, pp. 23-24, 38, 45-46, 75-76; McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, p.

60

Scotland

knit academi c communit y an d reprove d th e Scottis h universities , more tha n th e English , fo r allowin g student s t o liv e i n scattere d communities beyond th e campus. Hamilton was clear on one point : the en d o f educatio n i s menta l discipline , an d whateve r cours e o f study assist s tha t en d i s justified. "Knowledge, " Hamilto n wrote , "is onl y valuabl e a s it exercises , . . . develops, an d invigorate s th e mind." Thi s standar d enable d Hamilto n t o plead agains t th e vogu e of practicality , bu t als o t o delineat e th e point s o f distinctio n be tween his model an d the German. Hamilto n neve r venerated as valuable i n themselve s th e possessio n o f scientifi c trut h o r th e accu mulated minutia e o f knowledg e tha t ne w tool s o f researc h an d investigation mad e availabl e i n th e world's storehous e o f learning. Too littl e o f thi s learning , h e believed , resulte d fro m worthwhil e mental effort . Hamilto n wrot e tha t th e contribution o f education i s to narrow an d refin e th e sens e o f what i s truly valuabl e i n life , bu t there wa s for hi m littl e of worth beyon d th e cerebra l pleasures . T o save us from th e worldly snare s tha t seduc e and dissipate the mind , the thousan d pett y amusement s tha t detrac t u s fro m th e pursuit o f wisdom: tha t wa s education' s essentia l function. 52 His essays o n universit y educatio n mad e Hamilto n know n a s a critic o f th e nationa l culture , an d whe n thes e essay s ar e supple mented b y hi s view s o f religion the y ad d a n importan t elemen t t o the histor y o f Scottish Moderatism . Hamilto n wa s not a t all a religious polemicist . H e wa s no t sympatheti c t o Calvinism , but , sig nificantly, respecte d it s intellectua l rigor s a s a for m o f systemati c theology. I n th e emergin g schis m o f the Church , Hamilto n playe d only a small role , bu t on e tha t showe d hi m partisa n t o th e Moder ates. Hamilton' s concer n centere d o n th e philosophical foundation s of religion, fo r lik e all aspects of life and learning religio n presente d itself t o hi m unde r tha t consideration , an d i n pursuin g thi s ques tion, Hamilto n furthe r embellishe d th e Moderat e critiqu e o f th e popular culture . For Hamilton's essay on classical learning wa s als o asking th e question , Wh y ha d Scodan d s o little distinguishe d itsel f in theology ? Th e religiou s fervo r o f its clerg y o r populac e ha d sel dom bee n i n doubt , o f course . Bu t Hamilto n observe d tha t Scot land's religio n wa s imported ; i t di d no t sprin g fro m indigenou s roots, bu t cam e ready-made . Also , i t neve r foun d itsel f in th e po lemical positio n o f the Church o f England, surrounde d i n a hostile 52 Veitch, Memoir, pp. 163-67; Sir William Hamilton, "O n a Reform o f the English Universities: wit h Especia l Referenc e t o Oxford ; an d Limite d t o th e Facult y o f Arts," i n Discussions of Philosophy and Literature, Education and University Reform . . . (London, 1852) , pp . 674-77 , 694 .

A Scottish Education

61

atmosphere b y othe r Protestan t churche s whos e theologica l per spectives radicall y oppose d it . Scotland' s religiou s wars , Hamilto n implied, wer e popula r struggles , no t intellectua l encounters . Mor e instructive b y compariso n wa s th e Reformatio n i n Germany , s o much a n affai r o f the intellectuals and academica l divines . There , i n contrast t o Scotland , th e determination o f religious dogm a wa s th e privilege o f erudition, an d i n German y religio n remaine d a subjec t of learned investigation. 53 It wa s clea r wher e Hamilto n wa s directin g hi s essay , fo r h e echoed sentiments t o which Moderate s ha d long been sympathetic . The Reformatio n i n Scotland , h e said , wa s th e choic e o f a n unlet tered people . I t orginate d neithe r i n nativ e learnin g no r i n th e learned authorit y o f it s propagators , thoug h Melville , educate d abroad, wa s th e possibl e exception . Scottis h religio n ha d alway s shown th e mark s o f popula r belie f an d assent , defendin g itsel f b y the dogge d tenacit y o f dogm a o r th e violenc e o f th e sword . Th e Covenanters, wrot e Hamilton , "wer e unlearne d a s the y wer e en thusiastic" an d s o smu g an d satisfie d wer e thei r peopl e wit h thei r political victor y tha t thei r clerg y ha d n o occasio n t o invite the m t o the tabl e o f learne d disputations . Th e standard s o f Scottis h ortho doxy remaine d s o clear and lucid in th e public min d tha t the y fore closed an y adventure s o f the intellect int o th e realm o f the specula tive. Hamilton's mai n poin t wa s t o sho w tha t i n Scottis h religiou s controversy, whe n i t existed a t all, popular opinio n wa s alway s th e final arbiter , th e las t an d highes t tribunal . Th e preachin g o f a popular sermo n wa s judge d th e mar k o f clerica l accomplishment . "Theological learnin g remaine d superfluous , i f no t unsafe. " Th e Scottish clerg y wer e not , o f course , defectiv e i n learning (an d thei r English counterpart s wer e generally mor e ignorant), bu t the y wer e certainly undistinguished . Hamilton , i t shoul d b e noted , wrot e hi s essay shortly afte r th e passage o f the Veto Ac t tha t confirme d con gregational contro l ove r ministeria l selectio n an d deal t a sever e blow t o th e Moderates . No r coul d Hamilto n hav e faile d t o b e aware that th e Evangelicals were at the same time appropriating th e Scottish philosophy , wit h it s emphasi s o n commo n sens e an d moral intuition , t o defen d th e right o f th e plai n untutore d con science t o exercis e judgment agains t a higher socia l wisdom . Her e was bot h a kin d o f romanticis m an d provincia l philistinis m tha t 53 Sir William Hamilton, "On the Conditions of Classical Learning," in Discussions, pp. 334-36, 340.

62

Scotland

never sa t wel l wit h th e Moderates , th e devotee s o f th e Edinburgh Review, o r Hamilton, th e protagonist o f high intellect. S4 Hamilton wa s an enduring influence o n McCosh. H e represente d the fines t achievement s o f Scotland' s late r philosophica l ag e an d upheld uncompromising, hig h standards of intellectual life and per formance. Fo r th e tim e bein g i t wa s Chalmer s wh o capture d th e imagination o f th e youn g divinit y student , bu t eve n a s McCos h looked towar d a caree r i n th e Churc h o f Scotland , th e challeng e that Hamilto n thre w ou t t o him , th e challeng e t o unit e a traditio n of learning t o th e religiou s lif e o f th e country , woul d bea r fruit i n McCosh's life . I n fact , eve n befor e McCos h lef t th e Universit y o f Edinburgh, h e entere d th e popula r religiou s controversie s o f th e day. Hi s earlies t publishe d writing s sho w McCos h clearl y a partisan o f th e evangelica l reformers , bu t McCos h chos e t o ente r th e fray b y bringin g t o tha t sid e a precisely reasone d defens e o f its re ligious principles. McCosh' s firs t effor t t o explore th e nature of religious experienc e reflecte d hi s trainin g unde r Chalmers , bu t th e terse academic styl e reflecte d hi s immersion i n philosophy . M C C O S H WO N HIG H DISTINCTIO N fo r hi s academi c wor k a t Edin burgh an d wa s proud t o wi n honor s throug h Hamilton' s endorse ment o f hi s master' s thesi s o n Stoi c philosophy . Th e attentio n drawn t o McCosh , eve n a t thi s tim e activ e amon g th e loca l Edin burgh divines , le d t o a reques t tha t h e undertak e th e revie w o f a new publication, John Howar d Hinton' s The Work of the Holy Spirit in Conversion, for th e Edinburgh Christian Instructor, th e majo r pop ular an d intellectua l publicatio n o f th e evangelica l party . Hinto n was a Baptis t minister , traine d a t Edinburg h an d a t tha t tim e preaching a t th e Hosie r Stree t Chape l i n Reading . Thi s wor k wa s one o f severa l tha t marke d a productiv e caree r o f writin g o n reli gious philosophy . McCos h use d th e occasio n t o dra w som e fin e distinctions respectin g th e nature and mean s o f experiencing divin e grace. His perspective a t this time was clearly neo-Calvinist i n con trast t o th e Arminianis m o f Hinton . Thu s althoug h Hinto n con ceded tha t a ma n canno t repen t an d b e converte d b y hi s ow n ef forts, o r withou t th e influenc e o f th e Hol y Spirit , h e rejecte d th e stricter vie w that no effort t o this end is even possible without suc h assistance. McCosh pu t th e question thi s way: "Ca n an y man com e 54 Ibid., pp . 337-39 ; Veitch , Memoir, p . 274 ; Davie, Democratic Intellect, pp. 288 90, 309 .

A Scottish Education

63

to Chris t excep t th e Fathe r dra w him? " Hinton affirmed ; McCos h denied.55 Conforming t o the general practic e o f the day, McCos h use d th e review o f Hinton's wor k t o embar k o n a n independent cours e an d present hi s ow n analysi s o f a n intellectua l problem . H e wishe d t o delineate the distinction th e Evangelicals were drawing between th e divine an d th e natural an d thu s undercu t th e natural theis m that in spired muc h o f th e Moderates ' religiou s philosophy . Fo r McCos h this wa s n o smal l issue . H e wa s bringin g t o bea r o n thi s questio n the whol e weigh t o f hi s culminatin g academi c caree r an d th e seri ous an d ofte n disturbin g effort s h e had mad e t o confron t th e intel lectual challenge s thes e issue s presented . Bu t th e essay wa s surel y anticipatory a s well a s retrospective. McCos h wa s mappin g ou t i n rough outlin e th e challenge s o f th e religiou s lif e a s th e futur e preacher woul d confron t them , an d i n a profoun d wa y th e essay struck a t th e hear t o f th e widenin g division s o f th e tw o religiou s parties i n Scotland . McCosh bega n b y saying tha t Go d work s in th e world an d deals with huma n being s b y tw o methods—b y natura l mean s an d b y miracles o r specia l acts . The on e is distinguished fro m th e other b y law, tha t is , by event s tha t occu r accordin g t o th e pattern ordaine d by Go d fo r th e norma l conduc t o f hi s worl d an d th e patter n b y which ma n accommodate s himsel f t o it . W e fin d nothin g miracu lous here becaus e b y familiarit y wit h thi s patter n w e see a universe of order, law , an d rationa l behavior . Bu t McCos h wa s anxiou s es pecially t o sho w tha t int o thi s clas s fall s th e experienc e o f wha t h e calls "natura l grace. " Natura l grace , which , lik e th e phenomeno n of gravit y o r an y natura l event , indicate s a certai n wa y b y whic h God ha s arrange d things , i s capabl e o f producing highl y usefu l ef fects, an d i s effectiv e i n inducin g a higher spirituality . I t proceed s by natura l causes , an d it s result s ar e clearl y evident . Bu t natura l grace i s no t "efficaciou s grace. " McCos h reprove d Hinto n fo r making n o rea l distinctio n her e an d fo r suggestin g tha t natura l grace automaticall y bring s ful l conversion . Thi s equatio n wa s no t acceptable t o th e evangelica l McCosh , wh o judged th e attainmen t of grac e impossibl e b y an y suc h natura l course . A falle n an d de praved human natur e could not generate of itself the means of complete transformation ; th e stubbornnes s o f th e human hear t an d th e 55 James McCosh , Revie w of The Work of the Holy Spirit, by John Howard Hinton , Edinburgh Christian Examiner, 2 , n.s . (Decembe r 1833) , 831-32 .

64

Scotland

resistance o f natura l ma n t o spiritua l influence s preclude d suc h a course. Yet McCos h coul d no t den y tha t grac e was irresistible, tha t even sinfu l huma n natur e mus t succum b t o God' s reachin g out . Therefore, w e ca n onl y conclude , h e said , tha t natura l grace , be cause it does not produc e a total conversio n o f the heart, wa s neve r intended t o d o so. I t produces onl y th e effects intended . And wha t ar e thes e effects? McCos h believe d tha t Go d use d nat ural grace for importan t purposes—t o increase morality, t o advanc e human wisdom , t o ameliorat e socia l intercourse , eve n t o advanc e civilization. McCos h di d no t hav e t o belabo r th e point . H e wa s making a n obliqu e referenc e t o al l th e celebrate d virtue s o f Mod eratism, al l th e effect s tha t th e devotee s o f th e Enlightenmen t de scribed as the essence of the religiou s life, th e general improvemen t of social well-being an d th e cultura l an d mora l advancemen t o f th e individual an d th e race. These o f course have a kind o f divine sanction, fo r eve n th e ordinary an d natura l workin g c f things expresse s divine intention . Bu t miraculou s grac e is something quit e different . It doe s no t hav e a caus e o r a n invariabl e anteceden t i n nature ; in stead, i t uses "occasions" tha t ar e not joined t o a chain o f causal sequences. McCos h thu s sai d tha t tw o person s i n th e sam e natura l state ma y hea r th e sam e reading o f the Word, sin g the sam e hymn , attend the same religious ceremony . On e ma y yet remain estrange d from God , or , h e ma y eve n b e inspire d t o goo d work s an d Chris tian benevolence . Th e other , however , ma y experienc e th e sense o f total an d absolute regeneration , th e consummation o f the self in th e divine presence . An d t o reinforc e th e earlie r point , McCos h main tained that this experience of divine grace does not deriv e from nat ural man' s sens e o f th e beaut y o f natur e o r fro m an y merel y aes thetic respons e t o th e world . Tru e holines s come s onl y whe n th e breath o f Go d infuse s th e hear t o f natura l ma n an d effect s a tota l transformation o f th e inne r being . McCosh' s analysi s o f thi s poin t shows th e unmistakabl e influenc e o f th e Purita n traditio n an d o f Jonathan Edward s especially , an d i t strike s on e ver y definitel y a s a paraphrase o f Edwards's A Divine and Supernatural Light.56 McCosh als o dre w upo n som e o f his own philosophica l trainin g to bolste r th e evangelica l theology . Hinto n lef t a wid e doo r ope n for human initiativ e in the quest for divine grace, to which McCos h countered tha t "i t i s vain t o think tha t anythin g ca n change th e nat ural state of man, shor t of the direct interferences o f God i n the very processes o f ou r menta l nature. " Th e proble m i s a simpl e on e o f 56

Ibid., 832-35.

A Scottish Education

65

causation. N o stat e of the unconverted ma n has the power t o mak e him converted ; th e sinne r canno t o f himsel f effec t regeneration . Every effec t mus t contai n withi n itsel f th e qualitie s an d character istics o f its causes , an d n o cause s o f th e natura l worl d an d natura l man suffic e therefor e t o produc e effect s denote d b y th e attainmen t of distinctly nonnatura l an d spiritua l qualities . Or pu t th e matte r anothe r way . Th e unconverte d ma n canno t have a love o f holiness fo r it s own sake ; in a state of sin he must b e blind to God's beauty, havin g a love of natural things , but no more . Natural man , tha t is , canno t desir e what hi s ow n hear t know s not , a fact tha t negate s th e efficac y o f huma n initiativ e i n renewin g th e individual's heart . W e conclude , McCos h said , tha t in th e transfor mation o f th e natura l ma n "Go d i s th e rea l physica l cause , no t in termediately, bu t immediatel y an d directly. " I n thi s part o f th e es say McCos h quote d directly , an d severa l times , fro m Edwards . And h e concluded o n a note simila r t o tha t b y whic h Edward s ha d earlier mad e himsel f America' s mos t thoroughgoin g criti c o f th e age o f reason . Thos e wh o ac t onl y unde r th e directio n o f natura l grace wil l imagin e nothin g highe r a t stak e in th e religious lif e tha n the experienc e o f its norma l effects . Thes e people , McCos h noted , are usually goo d churchgoers, an d practitioners o f good deeds ; the y do muc h t o embellis h th e worl d wit h ar t an d cultur e an d t o im prove an d refin e it s taste . Ther e were , t o b e sure , man y positiv e benefits t o b e ha d fro m thi s "mer e worldl y honest y an d amiabil ity." 57 Bu t McCosh , leavin g th e Universit y o f Edinburgh , wa s now lookin g ou t o n a worl d h e believe d wa s spirituall y dying . I t needed mor e tha n wha t natura l grac e coul d offer . H e ha d see n th e blight o f the cities in Glasgow an d Edinburgh, an d he recalled fro m his yout h th e religiou s indifferenc e o f th e olde r rura l populations . But a ne w movemen t wa s stirrin g i n Scotlan d an d resolvin g t o change al l this. McCos h wa s read y t o lend hi s hand t o th e cause. Ibid., 3, n.s. (January 1834), 34-36 .

Chapter Three T H E GOSPE L MINISTR Y

IN TH E PERIO D betwee n hi s graduatio n fro m Edinburg h and hi s first academi c appointmen t a t Queen' s Colleg e i n Ireland , McCosh becam e embroile d i n Scotland' s greates t religiou s contro versy o f the nineteenth century . Thi s controvers y produce d schis m in the Church o f Scotland an d the establishment o f a new ecclesias tical order. Unquestionabl y th e evangelical movement that spawned these event s reinvigorate d th e religiou s lif e o f th e countr y an d brought th e gospe l messag e t o area s wher e i t ha d lon g bee n i n de cline. Ne w churc h leaders , Thoma s Chalmers , Thoma s Guthrie , and others , carrie d Scotlan d fro m it s ag e o f Moderatis m t o a ne w era o f revivalism , fro m a n ag e o f decoru m an d gentlemanl y man ners towar d a ne w middle-clas s democracy . Jame s McCos h gre w to maturity ami d these changes. More than that, he worked activel y to bring the m int o being . The seventee n year s o f McCosh's servic e i n th e gospel ministr y critically shape d th e contour s o f hi s entir e career . Th e Churc h struggle tha t consume d hi s energ y an d emotion s becam e a perma nent legac y o f hi s personalit y an d hi s socia l attitudes . Eve n hi s work i n th e Princeto n presidenc y i s incomprehensibl e withou t knowing th e earl y backgroun d whos e shado w extende d t o th e en d of his life. At no time was McCosh mor e immersed i n the life of his native land , i n th e hope s an d fears , th e sorrow s an d sin s o f th e masses amon g who m h e lived . Th e proverbia l Scottis h preacher , justly renowne d fo r hi s grim determinism , hi s ofte n col d exterior , and his rigid dogmatism , wa s nonetheless educate d b y th e world a s well a s the Book . I n his dail y ministeria l routin e McCos h cam e t o know th e strength s an d frailtie s o f huma n nature . Ther e wa s littl e occasion fo r idealis m t o thriv e ami d th e gri m realitie s o f life . Th e man o f the clot h taugh t th e later philosopher t o keep a grip o n th e world o f experience.

But thi s period wa s important t o McCosh fo r yet another reason . Although h e forsook fo r a while th e comfortable an d cerebra l con fines o f th e university , h e looke d o n hi s gospe l wor k a s a n exten sion o f hi s education . I t wa s no t alway s eas y t o d o that , an d Mc -

The Gospel

Ministry

67

Cosh admitte d a s much . Bu t h e di d tr y t o kee p th e tw o world s together, an d th e end of this period, concludin g hi s formal caree r as a preacher, sa w th e publication o f his firs t book . Th e length y trea tise, bearin g th e idea s o f th e academ y bu t als o th e vigo r an d colo r of th e preacher' s rhetoric , no t onl y marke d hi s transitio n fro m th e pulpit bac k t o the university, bu t prefigure d th e essential outlin e o f his intellectua l life . Th e wor k unmistakabl y exude d th e spiri t o f Chalmers o n th e on e hand an d Hamilto n o n th e other . Fo r eve n i n the gospe l perio d McCos h wa s attemptin g th e difficult reconcilia tion o f th e Scottis h Enlightenmen t wit h th e neo-Calvinis m o f th e evangelical movement . I n a larg e sense , McCosh' s ensuin g caree r in philosophy wa s a refinement an d enlargemen t o f this initial out line of his ideas. McCosh's caree r i n th e Church bega n wit h th e onse t o f the Victorian age . Th e er a o f England' s grea t financia l splendo r an d im perial worl d leadershi p was , i n it s cultural , social , an d intellectua l characteristics, als o on e o f grandeu r an d accomplishment . Marke d by a n immens e diversity , Victoria n cultur e embrace d a variet y o f antithetical spirits: the Brontes and Dickens , Arnol d an d Pater, Mil l and Newman , Coleridg e an d Huxley . Historian s hav e looke d fo r the elements of unity throug h theme s that cut across these contrast ing pattern s an d giv e u s th e sens e o f "Victorianism. " Walte r E . Houghton's super b study , The Victorian Frame of Mind, successfull y taps th e moo d an d outloo k o f thi s ag e b y identifyin g prevalen t ideas, concepts , emotions , locatin g thei r source s i n th e severa l cor ners o f th e cultur e an d society . Prominen t amon g thes e coexistin g elements, Houghto n find s "optimism, " "anxiety, " "fea r o f revo lution," "th e strai n o f Puritanism, " "th e dange r o f atheism, " "re liance o n authority, " "anti-intellectualism, " "th e wil l t o believe, " "dogmatism," "th e commercia l spirit, " "earnestness, " "enthusi asm," "her o worship, " and , alas , "hypocrisy. " An y cultur e wil l have thes e element s i n variou s degrees , bu t the y stan d ou t some how wit h specia l relevanc e i n th e Victoria n period . Certainl y th e major socia l an d intellectua l movement s o f th e era furnis h th e rea son. Democracy , utilitarianism , industrialism , Darwinism , imperi alism, an d evangelicalism—al l o f thes e gav e Victorianis m it s per sonality an d spirit * No movemen t mor e inclusivel y embrace d Houghton' s charac teristics tha n evangelicalism . Althoug h it s zealou s partisan s coul d be foun d al l ove r th e world , i t ha d particula r forc e i n th e English 1 Walter E. Houghton, The Victorian Frame of Mind, 1830-1870 (Ne w Haven, 1957).

68

Scotland

speaking nations . An d amon g these , Scotland , Ulster , an d th e United State s emphatically fel t it s impact. McCosh , i n each of these places, participate d actively . Evangelicalis m everywher e joine d with othe r force s o f a romantic ag e to reject reaso n a s the arbiter o f all things. It s gospel-centered religio n pursue d a new authority , re newed a special kind of dogmatism, an d flourished ofte n i n an antiintellectual mediu m tha t i t had helpe d t o create . I t coul d denounc e with on e voic e th e godles s inroad s o f modernism , a concep t tha t the evangelica l min d mad e elasti c enoug h t o includ e everythin g from avowe d atheism to Unitarianism. T o recal l Houghton's term s once more , evangelicalis m di d furnis h a new wil l t o believe , ofte n translating th e article s o f faith int o th e promise o f a new millennia l kingdom o f God. It did supply earnestness and enthusiasm t o refue l a worl d it sa w numbe d b y rationalism , scientism , an d materialism . Its Purita n strain , joined t o a middle-class spiri t o f uplift, mad e th e gospel preache r a n activis t socia l reformer , fo r th e ne w Kingdo m would not com e by God's hands alone. It even molded its own kin d of hero worship a s it recovered th e temper o f radical Protestantism , looked bac k t o th e mode l o f th e earl y church , an d foun d i n Chris t of th e Ne w Testamen t a persona l mode l fo r th e regeneratio n o f a fallen world . Evangelicalism inaugurate d a religiou s reviva l whil e i t playe d a very definit e socia l role . By th e nineteenth centur y Methodis m an d other dissentin g bodie s i n Englan d ha d los t thei r radica l reputatio n without compromisin g thei r antiaristocrati c prejudices . Evangeli calism, i n short , ha d foun d a ne w allianc e wit h th e risin g middl e classes. Entirel y comfortabl e wit h it s Purita n strain , equall y ob sessed with socia l uplift throug h ambition , mora l reform , industry , and work , th e bourgeoisi e pursue d evangelicalism' s ideal s a s as pects of a worldly an d spiritua l faith . T o thi s extent, moreover , th e Evangelicals becam e complement s t o the othe r sid e of the middle class ethos , th e utilitaria n vogue . S o seemingl y dissimilar—evan gelicalism's emotionalis m an d supernaturalism , utilitarianisms ' an alytical an d rationa l temperament—th e tw o nonetheles s share d a feeling fo r socia l efficienc y an d improvement , fo r orde r ove r clas s warfare. Utilitarian s kne w tha t mora l characte r woul d tur n th e wheels o f industry, tha t a sober workin g clas s put it s money i n th e bank, no t i n th e loca l pub . Bot h element s therefor e ha d a stak e i n the grea t temperanc e crusade . Th e Evangelical s pursue d man y so cial reforms , fro m th e abolishmen t o f slaver y t o the eradicatio n o f cockfighting, bullbaiting , an d bare-fiste d boxing , bu t non e s o mo tivated thei r reformis m a s th e crusad e agains t liquor . Chea p gi n

The Gospel

Ministry

69

may have been th e quickest wa y out of Manchester fo r th e workin g classes, bu t it s rol e i n murde r an d socia l mayhe m wa s abundantl y evident. Whethe r on e spok e o f a mora l Christia n societ y o r th e spirit o f enterprise an d commerc e a s the ends of this world' s work , apologists fo r bot h stoo d o n a common platfor m fo r reform. 2 In 184 4 th e evangelica l Free Church Magazine, summarizin g th e events tha t ha d produced th e Disruptio n o f the preceding year , de scribed "God' s quarre l wit h th e Churc h o f Scotland. " Fo r ove r a decade before thi s pronouncement, anyon e coul d read , i n countles s samples fro m th e prolifi c religiou s literatur e o f th e day , simila r judgments. Th e Magazine her e pointe d t o "th e lon g an d drear y pe riod o f spiritua l letharg y i n whic h [th e Church ] la y supine. " Ove r the long reign of Moderatism th e Church produced man y minister s who wer e "stranger s t o real , persona l religion " an d therefor e in capable o f inspirin g i t i n others . Evangelicalis m everywher e ex pressed these feelings, bu t in Scotland they flourished i n a particular context. Thu s in another essay , "Th e Banner o f the Covenant," th e Magazine recalle d th e memor y o f th e heroi c fighter s fo r tru e reli gion i n Scotlan d an d contraste d thei r unyieldin g resistanc e t o th e king wit h th e pliant Churc h o f the latter day. 3 Antagonists debate d th e ecclesiastical issue s largel y o n thes e terms, bu t al l kne w tha t i n Scotland , a s elsewhere , th e pervasiv e forces o f socia l chang e no w mad e thes e matter s acute . A s muc h a t issue a s churc h la w wa s th e questio n o f religiou s styles . McCosh , from th e tim e o f his colleg e day s a t Glasgow , kne w tha t th e pric e of Moderatis m wa s th e declin e an d neglec t o f religio n beyon d th e comfortable circle s of fine tast e and cultura l refinement. Th e Evan gelicals o f hi s kin d approache d th e religiou s questio n wit h a sens e of desperation . The y looke d ou t o n th e citie s an d declinin g rura l regions and saw the worsening conditio n o f the poor. I n their mids t spread radica l refor m societie s tha t promise d brea d withou t th e cup. Wit h a mixtur e o f fea r an d genuin e concer n th e Evangelical s undertook t o win thes e masses back t o the Church an d t o revitaliz e the gospe l amon g them . No w i n th e fourt h decad e o f th e centur y the work tha t Chalmer s helpe d t o sprea d foun d a whole ne w gen eration o f ministers armed wit h th e cause of religious and socia l reform. Glasgo w now teeme d with industrial workers, man y of them Irish immigrants . Th e versatil e weaver s face d a dreary future , an d 2 For a general outlin e o f th e evangelica l ethos , se e Richar d D . Atlick , Victorian People and Ideas (New York , 1973) , pp . 165-85 . 3 Free Church Magazine (Jun e 1844) , 134-45 , (Octobe r 1844) , 289-96, (Novembe r 1844), 342-43.

70

Scotland

the coa l industr y wa s introducin g Scodan d t o th e ag e o f gra y an d black. Th e Church' s respons e t o th e ne w socia l conditions , th e Evangelicals believed , mus t b e th e democratizatio n o f religion . They woul d mak e th e gospe l messag e intelligibl e b y whateve r means. The y woul d broade n it s bas e b y a huge missionar y effort . This wa s b y n o mean s simpl y a measur e t o wi n votes . Th e Free Church Magazine's ple a fo r th e Factor y Bil l sough t t o preven t th e waste o f God-given facultie s tha t occurs whe n worker s ar e throw n into endles s toil . "Existence, " i t reminded it s readers , "wa s no t in tended t o b e a ceaseles s roun d o f anima l effort, " an d wo e t o hi m who caused his brother to hew woo d an d draw water t o the neglect of the contemplatio n an d love o f his Maker. Th e Evangelical s pur sued a Christian economics whil e a very disma l science proliferate d elsewhere.4 The emotiona l zea l o f th e Scottis h Evangelicals , thei r commit ment t o missionar y wor k an d churc h extension , an d thei r puritan ical strea k ver y likel y sugges t a movement bes t describe d i n term s of sheer energy. Evangelicalis m ha s always carrie d tha t suggestion , one tha t i s true enough , thoug h i t unfortunately belie s othe r quali ties i n it s leaders . I n Englan d John Henr y Newma n dismisse d th e pietism of Methodism an d Puritanism a s essentially nonintellectual , and somewha t late r Mar k Pattiso n cite d "th e professe d contemp t of al l learne d inquir y whic h wa s a principl e wit h th e Evangelica l school." 5 Much trut h ma y lie in these statements as general descrip tions, bu t the y wil l no t hol d u p i n referenc e t o th e Scottis h coun terparts. The Evangelical s o f the Free Church movement , wit h nu merous exception s undoubtedly , wer e no t prepare d t o sacrific e intellect t o thei r cause . Thei r commitmen t t o paris h educatio n an d university trainin g constitute d element s o f continuit y wit h thei r Scottish religiou s pas t Th e Evangelical s themselve s wer e invaria bly products o f the Scottish universities . Chalmers ha d an extensive interest in an d som e master y o f science. Hugh Miller , w e shal l see, made suggestiv e contribution s t o evolutionar y theory . Davi d Welsh wa s Scodand' s mos t accomplishe d churc h historian , an d McCosh foun d th e influence o f these persons most useful . Throug h the Witness and th e North British Review th e Scottis h Evangelical s provided learne d and scholarly commentar y o n the developing cul ture an d society o f the Victorian era . Fo r al l these reasons McCos h would fin d th e Free Church movement , an d his participatio n i n it, 4

William Ferguson , Scotland: 1689 to the Present (Edinburgh , 1968) , pp . 273-77 ; Free Church Magazine (Ma y 1844) , 131 . 5 Houghton, Victorian Frame of Mind, p . 125 .

The Gospel

Ministry

71

"the greates t even t o f m y life. " A s w e mov e no w t o the inaugura tion o f his own career i n the ministry w e note this fact. A s McCos h graduated Maste r o f Arts in Divinit y fro m th e University o f Edin burgh i n 1834 , the swelling rank s of the evangelical party wo n tha t year a numerica l majorit y i n th e Presbyteria n Genera l Assembly . Religious development s i n Scotlan d ha d take n a decisive turn . THE BOILIN G CAULDRO N o f religio n an d politic s tha t marke d th e emerging schism in the Scottish churches beset McCosh's minister ial career at its very beginning. A s a duly graduated divinit y studen t McCosh wa s licensed b y th e Presbytery o f Ayr a s a member o f the Church o f Scotland . Bu t McCos h ha d reservations . H e kne w th e history o f his countr y wel l and doubte d hi s own abilit y t o translat e his university learnin g int o effectiv e popula r preaching . Fo r al l hi s sympathy t o the evangelical effort s h e was nonetheless a product o f the ag e o f Moderatism , educate d i n th e universitie s an d inheritin g the intellectual apparatu s o f the eighteenth-century Enlightenment . McCosh lingere d in the comfortable an d cultured environs o f Edinburgh fo r nearl y a yea r befor e pursuin g a paris h appointment . When finall y h e looke d ou t t o th e province s h e hope d a t leas t t o receive a cal l fro m on e o f th e churche s i n hi s ol d territor y o f Ayr shire. Bu t whe n tha t even t occurre d i t wa s quickl y marke d b y dis appointments. Th e young ministe r mad e a favorable impressio n o n his prospectiv e ne w flock, bu t hi s associatio n wit h Chalmer s an d his declared preference fo r th e Evangelicals raise d th e opposition o f the local patron wh o vetoe d th e appointment. Fo r a while McCos h filled a paris h vacanc y i n Kirkmichael , an d tha t to o seeme d t o promise a full-tim e appointment . Bu t everywher e i n Scotlan d b y now th e divisivenes s o f th e religiou s partie s complicate d th e nor mal procedures . Her e agai n th e congregatio n o f thi s villag e o f farmers an d tradesme n recommende d th e appointmen t o f th e young Edinburg h graduat e onl y t o provok e th e interference o f th e Tory heritors . McCos h wa s still withou t a parish. 6 Renewed hop e cam e i n June 183 5 whe n McCos h receive d a request fro m th e kir k sessio n o f th e Abbe y Churc h i n Arbroat h t o preach befor e th e congregation . Th e Arbroat h churc h wa s follow ing th e standar d for m fo r announcin g a vacancy an d invitin g can didates t o tr y fo r th e position. I n this instanc e McCos h wa s on e o f 6 James McCosh , For Love's Sake- Being a Farewell Sermon Preached in the West Free Church, Brechin, August 24, 1884 ([Brechin], 1884) , p . 11 ; idem, "Incident s o f M y Life i n Thre e Countries, " unpublishe d typescrip t i n th e Princeto n Universit y Ar chives, 49-53 .

12

Scotland

seven person s s o invited . Th e even t als o ha d mor e tha n th e usua l seriousness an d scrutin y tha t surrounde d suc h procedures , fo r thi s kirk ha d recentl y endure d a nasty affai r tha t brough t th e dismissa l of its preacher , Rev . James J. McFarlane , afte r a trial fo r attempte d rape, falsehood , an d chroni c act s o f drunkenness . Th e evangelica l sympathizers mos t activel y pursue d thes e charges , believe d b y th e historian o f the churc h t o have bee n mostl y trumpe d up . But eve n i n the ag e of Moderatism th e ac t of selecting and judging a ministe r ofte n ha d th e aur a o f sacre d rite i n Scotland . Fro m Edinburgh t o th e distan t countrysid e th e proces s wa s marke d b y solemnity an d vigilance . I n a period befor e electora l democracy , n o event wa s deare r t o th e heart s o f a people tha n th e selectio n o f th e local pastor. No r shoul d any preacher, whethe r visito r or candidate , ignore th e local way s an d th e provincia l wisdom . Thoma s Guthri e told a n anecdote about a visitor t o Glenisla wh o preache d i n the absence o f th e infir m pastor . Calculatin g tha t her e wa s a smal l pas toral parish , h e figure d tha t th e twenty-thir d psal m woul d surel y be appropriate. Bu t h e faile d t o detec t tha t th e sheep o f this are a o f moist gree n herbag e attende d t o th e stream s onl y whe n sic k an d went o n a t lengt h abou t th e "stil l waters " an d thei r necessit y fo r the flocks. A s the y stoppe d o n leavin g th e servic e t o ligh t thei r pipes, on e of the farmers sai d to another , "Pui r bodie ! Hear y e eve r the likeo'yo n abou t th e shee p drinkin? " McCos h ma y no t hav e been learned i n the local way s a t Arbroath , bu t a t least h e mad e n o such fau x pa s as Guthrie's example . Whe n al l candidates fo r th e Ar broath positio n ha d bee n heard , a direct vot e o f th e proprietor s o f pews foun d McCos h wit h forty-si x vote s t o fifty-tw o vote s fo r a Mr. Bel l an d fort y vote s fo r a Mr . Burns . Thes e forme d th e to p three in the circle of candidates, an d each was invited t o return. Bel l either chos e no t t o retur n o r fare d miserably . McCos h emerge d a clear choic e a t a meeting tha t selecte d hi m o n Octobe r 1 3 by a vote of eighty-tw o t o twenty . A cop y o f th e lette r informin g McCos h of his success remains i n the Abbey Churc h minut e book . I t prom ises hi m a salar y o f £10 0 annuall y an d convey s th e hope s tha t hi s heavy majorit y i n th e electio n wil l hel p "t o consolidat e an d kee p together, o r rathe r brin g back , th e congregation." 7 Arbroath i s a n attractiv e an d quie t littl e seacoas t tow n tha t lie s 7

Andrew Douglas , Centennary of Arbroath Abbey Church: Outline of the History of Abbey Church, Arbroath (Arbroath, 1897) , pp. 33-34, 51-52; "Minute Book o f Abbey Church, 1829-42, " a t th e Abbe y Church , Arbroath , Jun e 10 , 1835 , July 15 , 1835 , October 13 , 1835 , Octobe r 28 , 1835 ; Thoma s Guthrie , Autobiography of Thomas Guthrie and Memoir by His Sons . . . , 2 vol s (Ne w York , 1875) , 1-10 7

The Gospel

Ministry

73

about on e hundred mile s northeast o f Edinburgh. It s population o f about 7,00 0 toda y i s barely large r tha n a t the time o f McCosh's ar rival in 1835 . Readers o f Sir Walter Scott' s novel The Antiquary ma y recognize Arbroat h a s th e "Fairport " o f tha t work . A s on e walk s along th e coas t nort h o f th e harbo r on e encounter s th e awesom e cliffs tha t ris e high abov e th e rough water s o f the Nort h Sea . Scot t aptly chose this location, wher e McCosh recalle d walkin g often an d surveying th e Bell Roc k Lighthous e i n th e distance , t o se t th e dra matic scen e o f th e nove l wher e Si r Arthur , Mis s Wardour , an d Ochiltree ar e precariousl y entrappe d belo w an d fac e impendin g death fro m th e risin g tid e o f th e rain y da y an d wind y night . Bu t Arbroath ha s other distinction s a s well. Here lie the ruins of a magnificent abbe y wher e in 132 0 the celebrated Assembl y o f the Estates declared th e independenc e o f the Scottis h Churc h an d Kingdo m i n the historic Declaratio n o f Arbroath . Willia m th e Lion, founde r o f the abbe y i n 1178 , lie s burie d within . Th e Abbe y Church , whic h still stand s directl y nex t t o th e abbey, wa s buil t i n 179 7 and rebuil t in 183 1 in a peculiar neo-Gothic style, described a s "one o f the mos t elegant structure s o f its kind t o b e seen in Scotland." 8 McCosh wa s arrivin g i n a communit y wit h a very pronounce d working-class socia l climate . I t boaste d n o famil y o f nobl e blood , though landownershi p b y absente e aristocrat s affecte d th e eco nomic life. Nearl y al l families depende d o n their own businesses fo r a livelihood. Th e Parochia l Registe r fo r Arbroat h i n th e County o f Forfar tell s som e importan t fact s abou t th e communit y an d eve n about th e kind o f work i n which McCos h wa s soon involved. List ing th e deat h record s an d occupation s o f th e deceased , i t indicate s the prevalenc e o f independen t tradesmen—carpenters , grocers , shoemakers, farmers , mil l spinners, vintners , masons , wrights , sea men, carters . Bu t clearl y th e mos t prevalent , numberin g a ful l 3 0 percent o f th e liste d occupations , wer e th e weavers . An d thes e es pecially wer e th e mos t seriousl y afflicte d b y th e changin g pattern s of th e Englis h Industria l Revolution . Th e independen t weave r i n Scodand ha d lon g enjoye d a comfortabl e life . Weaver s wer e ofte n amateur student s o f th e sciences—botany , ornithology , geolog y —and wer e known fo r thei r inquirin g minds . Bu t i n the 1830 s they 8

Si r Walte r Scott , The Antiquary (1816 ; Ne w York , 1967) , pp . 68-82 ; Georg e Hay, History of Arbroath to the Present Time . . . (Arbroath , 1876) , n . pag. ; J. M . McBain, Eminent Arbroathians. Being Sketches Historical, Geneaological, and Biographical, 1178-1894 (Arbroath , 1897) , p . 320 ; idem , Bibliography of Arbroath Periodical Literature and Broadsides (Arbroath , 1889) , p . 60 ; New Statistical Account of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1846) , 11:74-82 .

74

Scotland

faced declinin g markets , a n overcrowde d vocation , an d abov e al l the chea p competitio n o f th e ne w mills . Man y los t thei r homes , gave u p thei r activit y i n literar y an d cultura l events , an d lef t th e Church. Their s wa s a n increasingl y depressin g lot , an d drinkin g often too k it s toll . Th e write r fo r th e Arbroat h sectio n o f th e New Statistical Account of Scotland, betrayin g a ministerial perspective tha t nonetheless seem s no t t o hav e misconstrue d th e facts , wrot e wit h respect t o th e communit y tha t "i n a grea t man y case s wher e ex treme povert y i s observable, th e people ar e the mai n caus e of thei r own wretchedness . Th e hea d o f th e famil y frequent s th e tippling house, wher e h e spend s n o inconsiderabl e portio n o f hi s earnings ; and thi s whil e th e wif e an d childre n ar e left i n misery . Youn g me n and women i n the 'operative ' classe s never thin k o f saving an y par t of their earnings. " Th e resul t als o was a generally poo r diet . Pota toes sprinkle d wit h sal t sometimes constitute d th e entir e meal . Bu t for all his gloom, th e writer o f the account perceive d signs of mora l improvement. Thirt y o r fort y year s ago , h e remarked , smuggler s of gin from th e Continent wer e held in such social esteem tha t the y could marr y ver y well . No w the y wer e subjecte d t o publi c scorn . A financial clas s of would-be aristocrat s then mocke d religio n wit h "vulgar scorn, " bu t wer e no w n o longe r heard . Voluntar y givin g for benevolen t an d publi c purpose s wa s recoverin g fro m earlie r neglect. Th e evangelica l movemen t ha d alread y begu n t o mak e a n impact i n Arbroath , bu t th e challeng e tha t McCos h face d wa s stil l a demanding one. 9 In contemplatin g th e lif e o f a ministe r i n nineteenth-centur y Scotland, w e ar e likel y t o reflec t exclusivel y o n th e endles s roun d of sermonizing an d th e incidentals o f keeping th e parish life in motion. But attention to these details alon e obscures th e immense human challenge involved. This was not a life for weak hearts and refined sensibilities. Any research into the local history of Great Britain, whether the smoky towns of the industrial midlands or the remoter dens of the bleak and misty Highlands, becomes very soo n a reminder o f th e precariousnes s o f life a t thi s time . Our s i s an ag e that easil y become s num b t o violenc e becaus e i t i s broadcas t lou d in th e public media . Bu t ther e i s nothing ne w unde r th e sun. Loca l Scottish newspaper s contemporaneou s wit h McCosh' s earl y min istry ar e replete wit h assault s o n life . Th e deat h o f childre n fro m a 9 New Statistical Account of Scotland, 11:84-87; "Parochia l Registe r o f Arbroath , County o f Forfar , 1825-54, " i n th e Registe r Office , Edinburgh . I hav e take n th e figures fro m th e record s fo r th e yea r 1835-1836 , coincidin g wit h McCosh' s arriva l in Arbroath .

The Gospel

Ministry

75

multitude o f diseases, the almost weekl y new s o f robbery, murder , and suicide , industria l accident s an d drownings a t sea, acts of mad ness an d insanity—al l thes e recu r wit h arrestin g frequenc y i n th e chronicles o f loca l life . Journalisti c report s brin g thes e reminder s with th e col d realis m tha t on e find s i n Michae l Lesy' s Wisconsin Death Trip. I n Arbroath, th e wave of influenza tha t struc k th e com munity i n 183 7 was only on e variety o f the many danger s that bese t the peopl e o f thi s area . Mor e familia r t o th e dail y routin e o f th e young ministe r wer e the special hazards of a fishing town . McCos h knew thes e hazards and recalled later: "At on e part of my life it was my painfu l dut y t o intimat e t o man y a poor woma n wh o though t herself a sailor's wife , tha t sh e wa s a widow, tha t he r husban d ha d perished i n th e waters o f the Baltic Sea." 10 Increasingly, McCosh' s pastora l wor k involve d hi m i n the larger organizational structur e o f th e Church . Withi n th e Presbyter y o f Brechin an d th e large r Syno d o f Angu s an d Mearns , McCos h joined a party o f the younger minister s eager t o reform th e Churc h and mak e it "thoroughly evangelica l and popular." The clear leader of this religiou s circl e was on e o f the mos t strikin g figure s i n Scot land, th e energeti c an d charismati c Thoma s Guthri e (1803-1873) . Already, Guthri e ha d take n th e lea d amon g th e loca l Evangelical s in th e fight agains t patronage, an d thi s nonintrusion issue , as it wa s called, unite d McCos h an d Guthri e i n commo n cause . The y be came intimat e colleague s an d friends . McCos h ofte n invite d th e fiery Guthri e t o charg e hi s ow n paris h agains t patronage , an d McCosh, "wheneve r I ha d a n idl e half-day, " walke d th e severa l miles over t o Guthrie's place . There the y spen t an afternoon o f discussion and laughte r a s they sa t amid th e yellow field s an d enjoye d the warmt h o f a sunny Scottis h day. 11 Thomas Guthrie , whos e statu e stand s toda y alon g Edinburgh' s famous Prince s Street , wa s th e product o f one of the most remark able families o f the northeast. Th e Guthries had bee n farmers o f the "braes o f Angus" fo r man y generation s unti l Davi d Guthri e cam e to Brechin , abou t fiftee n mile s inlan d fro m Arbroath . Her e h e ap plied hi s kee n busines s sens e t o becom e th e town' s leadin g mer chant an d one of the few me n o f wealth wh o owe d nothin g to lineage. Hi s famil y o f fiftee n als o include d th e so n Alexander , wh o 10 McCosh, "M y Life, " 56 ; idem, The Ulster Revival and Its Physiological Accidents (Belfast, 1859) , pp . 3-4 . 11 McBain, Bibliography of Arbroath, pp . 40-41 ; James McCosh , "Dr . Guthrie' s Early Ministry," New York Observer, August 14,1873 ; Guthrie, Autobiography, 1:324, 338-40, 343-44 .

16

Scotland

S®USiv··'

Thomas Guthri e

pursued a highl y successfu l caree r i n medicine . Thei r mothe r wa s the daughte r o f the Reverend James Burns o f Brechin an d wit h he r husband contrive d t o ru n a household o n th e strictes t line s o f pu ritan discipline . Parent s an d childre n me t togethe r morning s an d evenings a t th e famil y alta r and , Thoma s recalled , "n o departure s from th e strictest habits of virtue and religion would hav e been tol erated fo r a n hour." 12 Wit h thes e influences , Guthri e becam e a 12 Genealogy of the Descendants of Thomas Guthrie . • . (Edinburgh , 1902) , pp . 17 19; Guthrie, Autobiography, 1:18-19 , 248-49 . McCosh' s caree r almos t too k a sigmf -

The Gospel

Ministry

77

lively exampl e o f th e Scottis h provincia l character , a major ingre dient o f th e evangelica l movement . H e pursue d a n activ e ministr y in Brechi n befor e transferrin g t o Edinburg h an d launchin g a spectacular caree r a t th e Ol d Greyfriar' s Church . Guthri e her e le d th e evangelical movemen t i n a major ne w directio n wit h hi s progra m of ragged schools , fo r whic h h e is today bes t remembered . The McCosh-Guthri e friendshi p wa s i n man y way s a friendshi p of opposites . McCos h remembere d tha t Guthri e wholl y disdaine d "metaphysical disquisitions, " fo r whic h McCos h ha d a consumin g love. Moreover , McCos h sa w i n Guthri e th e vigorou s an d charis matic preache r tha t h e kne w h e coul d neve r be . Eve n Si r Willia m Hamilton, wh o liked his religion in milder doses, called Guthrie th e best preacher he had heard. Guthrie, sporting heav y leather countr y boots an d trouser s bespattere d wit h mud , trul y appeare d a man o f the people. He intersperse d hi s gospel sermon s wit h loca l colloqui alisms, and, McCos h swore , h e could mov e a n audience fro m tear s to laughte r withi n minutes . Bu t Guthri e als o had "soun d commo n sense [and ] a profound knowledg e o f human nature. " H e wa s gen erous wit h hi s possessions , and , a s McCos h foun d whe n th e tw o were visiting som e poor children , generou s wit h th e possessions o f others. Guthrie gav e them McCosh' s dinner! 13 The Arbroat h perio d o f McCosh' s caree r wa s a brie f one . Hi s pastoral wor k wa s energetic , an d he proved t o b e popular wit h hi s flock, winnin g th e confidenc e o f the congregation . I n Arbroat h h e became a n activ e partisa n o f th e evangelica l movement , but , sav e one instance whe n h e made th e churc h availabl e fo r a public meet ing o n th e patronag e issue , hi s pastorshi p wa s devoi d o f bitter ness. 14 It was already clear , as the Church move d toward crisis , tha t icant turn i n 1837. I n June he recieved a request fro m th e prestigious Ol d Greyfriar' s Church i n Edinburg h t o preac h o n th e Sabbat h o f th e twenty-fifth . Th e Tow n Council wa s anxiou s t o fill a n openin g i n th e church , an d McCosh' s forme r pro fessor, Davi d Welsh , sa w a n opportunit y t o enhanc e th e Evangelicals ' strengt h i n the cit y b y urgin g McCosh' s consideration . Bu t McCosh , onl y twenty-si x a t th e time, lacke d the self-confidence t o pursue this opportunity, an d strongl y pushe d th e name o f hi s olde r frien d Guthrie . The n bega n Guthrie' s energeti c ministr y i n th e slums of th e Cowgate sectio n o f the capita l city . Lette r fro m th e kirk sessio n clerk , Old Greyfriar' s Church , June 20, 1837 , in the "Correspondence o f James McCosh, " Department o f Rar e Book s an d Specia l Collections , Princeto n Universit y Library ; McBain, Eminent Arbroathians, pp. 320-21 ; McCosh , "M y Life, " 64-66 ; Guthrie , Autobiography, 1:370 . " Guthrie , Autobiography, 1:259 , 352 , 338n-339n ; McCosh , "Guthrie' s Earl y Ministry." 14 Douglas, Centennary, p . 56 . Th e issue s surroundin g th e meetin g ar e describe d in th e "Minut e Boo k o f Abbe y Church, " Ma y 9 , 1838 .

78

Scotland

McCosh woul d exce l no t a s th e zealou s popula r preache r o f th e Thomas Guthri e kind , bu t a s a n organize r an d administrator . Hi s next appointmen t teste d thos e skill s t o the fullest . wa s t o b e McCosh' s hom e fo r th e nex t twelv e years . From here he joined wit h hundreds o f his pastoral brethren t o bring the Fre e Churc h o f Scotland int o being , an d fro m her e h e pursue d an arduous itineran t ministr y tha t too k him t o villages and farms i n the easter n coasta l regio n an d int o th e Grampian Mountain s t o th e north o f the town . McCosh' s ne w positio n agai n owe d somethin g to th e effort s o f David Welsh , althoug h b y virtu e o f his ow n wor k in th e are a h e wa s no t a n unfamilia r figure . A t th e Cathedra l Church o f Brechi n McCos h no w becam e first charg e an d ha d a s a colleague th e Reveren d Alexande r Leit h Ros s Foote , a resourcefu l man, graduat e o f Aberdeen, an d later autho r o f four book s o n reli gion. O n January 24 , 1839 , th e Presbyter y o f Brechi n gathere d t o ceremonialize McCosh' s ne w ministry , an d Rev . Mung o Parke r from th e neighborin g Eas t Churc h o f Brechi n delivere d th e ser mon. 15 BRECHIN

Thomas Guthrie , wh o gre w u p i n th e cente r o f thi s smal l com munity o f 6,50 0 persons , remembere d " a nois y street , wit h dul l grey house s on eithe r side , in an old provincial town. " Brechin ha d long bee n a familiar sigh t t o traveler s o n th e old coac h rout e nort h to Aberdeen , bu t th e ne w Eas t Coas t Railwa y soo n diminishe d it s prominence, passin g fou r mile s t o th e wes t an d affordin g onl y a glimpse o f the town . McCos h though t Brechi n perfectl y typica l o f provincial Scotland . H e remembered a flax mill , a bleach field, sev eral linen manufacturers , a whiskey distillery , thre e banks , an d th e usual numbe r o f shop s an d stores . Th e singl e Episcopal Churc h i n the communit y serve d mos t o f th e gentlemen' s familie s i n th e town, an d som e o f lesse r rank s a s well . Th e Reveren d Mr . Burn s drew a n uneven portrai t o f Brechin's inhabitant s i n th e New Statistical Account of Scotland i n 1833 . "Not muc h ca n be sai d i n favo r o f the habit s o f th e ordinar y clas s o f inhabitant s a s t o cleanlines s i n their person s an d habitations. " Inn s an d public house s proliferate d to a scandalou s degree , an d "thei r effect s o n moral s ar e i n man y cases ver y bad. " Nonetheless , th e write r foun d a fairly wel l disci plined population , muc h o f i t shrew d an d intelligent , wit h man y 15 Thomas Brown , ed. , Annals of the Disruption . . . (n.p. , 1843) , p . 5 ; "Repor t of th e Acting s an d Proceeding s o f th e Presbytery o f Brechin, Fro m Februar y Thir d One Thousan d Eigh t Hundre d an d Thirt y Years, " i n th e Scottis h Recor d Office , Edinburgh, Januar y 8 , 1839 .

The Gospel

Ministry

79

readers of history an d practical theology. Th e available temptation s notwithstanding, th e populace generall y rate d high o n temperance , certainly bette r tha n mos t place s o f its kind. 16 Brechin als o ha d som e prominen t historica l monuments . Th e town slope s dow n t o the River Sout h Esk , which , widening , flows on pas t th e precipitou s roc k o n whic h stand s Brechi n Castle . Thi s edifice, the n the home o f the powerful Panmure , wa s earlier the site of Thomas Maule' s unsuccessfu l defens e agains t th e invading Eng lish armies of Edward III . In the upper regio n of the town stoo d th e ruins o f th e ancien t chape l Maiso n Dieu . Brechi n indee d ha d dee p roots i n th e Protestan t an d pre-Protestan t period s o f Scottis h his tory. I n th e tenth-centur y reig n o f Kennet h II , th e Scottis h kin g gave "th e grea t monaster y o f Brechi n t o th e Lord. " Th e Pictish Chronicle suggested tha t th e kin g eithe r founde d a religiou s com munity her e or gav e his blessings t o one already established. Davi d I in 115 3 mad e Brechi n th e se e o f a ne w bishopri c fo r th e severa l towns in north Angus . Then the early decades of the thirteenth cen tury sa w th e firs t constructio n o f th e Cathedra l Churc h (know n later a s the Wes t Church) , on e o f th e country' s fines t example s o f the Scottis h Gothi c style . Fo r thre e centurie s thi s structur e re mained a bishop's se e in the Roman church . I n the Reformation pe riod an d throug h th e Anglica n war s whe n Brechi n wa s th e head quarters of the Covenanters i n Angus, th e cathedral lost its prestig e and muc h o f its wealth. B y th e nineteenth centur y th e origina l me dieval fabri c ha d clearl y deteriorated . Th e heritor s an d privat e sea t holders mad e extensiv e alteration s bu t a t th e pric e o f th e origina l character. Nonetheless , i n visitin g Brechi n toda y on e ca n stil l ap preciate th e beaut y an d traditiona l Gothi c richnes s o f thi s sit e o f McCosh's secon d ministry. Th e nav e and chancel beautifully reflec t the medieva l splendo r o f thei r origina l design . Also , th e adjacen t eleventh-century Roun d Towe r make s Brechi n nearl y uniqu e i n Scottish architecture. 17 Strang e i t i s t o reflec t tha t thi s ancien t edi fice was , i n 1839 , abou t t o becom e th e cente r o f an experimen t i n radical Protestantism . McCosh's ne w ministr y ha d al l th e characteristic s o f that exper iment. His religious style, reflected i n his "gospel sermons," offere d 16 Guthrie, Autobiography, 1:241 , 243 ; McCosh , "M y Life, " 68 ; New Statistical Account of Scotland, 11:134-41 . 17 New Statistical Account of Scotland, 11:129-33; Th e Societ y o f th e Friend s o f Brechin Cathedral , A Guide to Brechin Cathederal (n.p., 1972) ; D . H . Edwards , Historical Guide to Brechin with Notes on the Scenery, Antiquities, and Traditions of the District (Brechin, n.d.) , p . 105 .

80

Scotland

a Christocentri c messag e an d emphasize d th e conversio n experi ence a s th e necessar y conditio n o f salvation . Hi s energeti c socia l work i n Brechi n carrie d th e banner s o f temperance , Sabbatarian ism, an d educationa l effort s tha t motivate d th e evangelica l move ments i n Scotlan d an d elsewhere . An d a specia l kin d o f domesti c missionary wor k gav e a democrati c accen t t o McCosh' s activitie s that als o reflecte d th e spiri t o f uplif t i n th e revivin g religiou s age . On hi s arrival i n Brechin th e twenty-eight-year-old ministe r estab lished a fairl y constan t routine , settin g asid e on e da y a wee k fo r general visit s t o hi s parishioners , anothe r fo r call s upo n th e sick . Other day s h e gav e t o itineran t wor k i n neighboring communitie s and t o visit s t o the townspeople generally , makin g i t a point t o cal l on persons outside his fold. Mostly , though , his work involve d hi m with th e artisa n classes , and , outsid e th e town , wit h farmer s an d servants. He did of course have business with th e middle-class mer chants an d bankers , bu t virtuall y non e wit h th e wealthy , th e younger Fo x Maule, son of Lord Panmure, bein g an exception. Th e affiliations wer e important , fo r bot h i n Scotlan d an d America , though h e may hav e seeme d t o these groups a n incessant an d ofte n cranky moralist , McCos h judged thes e middling element s th e hop e of th e world . Thei r purita n virtue s an d har d work , whe n h e coul d bring the m into play , thei r mixtur e o f gospel fait h an d appreciatio n of science , goo d literature , an d secula r learnin g generally , late r be came ingredient s i n th e model s o f hi s socia l an d educationa l work. 18 McCosh's visitatio n progra m an d hi s growin g immersio n i n th e life o f th e communit y brough t t o hi s attentio n on e fac t tha t vexe d and trouble d hi m profoundly . Th e profus e drinkin g habit s o f th e town blighte d th e moral s an d sappe d th e energ y o f it s inhabitant s and insulte d it s Christia n pretensions . McCosh' s lamen t wa s no t merely th e agonizin g o f a perfectionist-minded minister . Brechin' s historian refer s t o th e nearl y ruinou s drinkin g habit s tha t ha d se t into th e tow n earlie r i n th e century . Thes e ha d improve d some what, a s he and th e Statistical Account noticed, bu t amon g th e work ing classe s th e persistenc e o f th e patter n cause d concern . McCos h thought th e issu e ha d becom e seriou s enoug h t o warran t a specia l session t o confron t it , s o h e calle d hi s ow n congregatio n an d a s many o f the townspeopl e a s he coul d assembl e t o a meeting. "Th e evil i n thi s paris h [ a referenc e t o th e genera l area , no t th e congre gation] an d elsewhere, " h e warned , "ha s grow n t o a n exten t tha t 18

McCosh, "M y Life, " 70-72.

The Gospel

Ministry

81

must astonis h all. " Nothin g impresse s lik e statistics , s o McCos h did som e research . H e pace d th e are a an d counte d fifty-on e place s where liquor wa s sol d (th e Statistical Accountfor 1833 counted mor e than sixty) . "Now , wha t a lamentable vie w doe s thi s ver y circum stance giv e o f th e mora l an d spiritua l conditio n o f th e people. " A spirit sho p fo r ever y thirty-si x adults ! McCosh als o calculate d th e "lamentable an d appallin g fact " tha t Brechi n citizen s spen t £1,00 0 a year o n intoxicants. Tha t wa s forty time s thei r gift s t o the church . But thes e wer e statistic s only . Th e rea l evil , McCos h asserted , la y in th e live s lost , th e childre n rendere d orphans , th e wive s mad e widows. I t was tim e that drinking cease d to be an expected ritua l at social gatherings . Mus t w e "tip " a t ever y occasion ? N o remedie s could produc e dee p an d radica l chang e excep t th e spreadin g o f th e gospel an d th e grac e o f God . An y other s woul d b e palliative onl y and short-lived . A reviva l o f religio n woul d mea n th e conversio n of th e sinner' s stat e o f being an d th e spiritua l reconstructio n o f hi s personality. Tha t alon e woul d b e equal t o th e challeng e a t hand. 19 It ma y appear tha t McCos h wa s employin g th e method o f social improvement fo r whic h th e Evangelicals have often bee n criticized . Religious conversio n o f the kind he pursued looke d to an individual salvation tha t mad e i t possibl e t o avoi d an y confrontatio n o f th e underlying socia l an d economi c root s o f the evils in question . Tha t the Evangelicals di d bring mora l improvemen t i n thei r work s can not b e denied, bu t n o fundamenta l reconstructio n o f class an d eco nomic powe r wa s bor n o f thei r reforms . Thei r activis m wa s o f a different kind , bu t McCosh a t least did not choos e to rest his effort s for socia l bettermen t o n exhortatio n alone . His wor k wit h th e Me chanics' Institute in Brechin consumed a s much of his energy as any other projec t an d constitute d a n importan t adjunc t o f his ministry . The Mechanics' Institute , complete d i n 1833 , was the gift o f the inhabitant o f Brechi n Castl e an d patro n o f th e Cathedra l Church , Lord Panmure. Hi s endowmen t provide d a meeting hall , a library, and othe r rooms . Th e institute , typica l o f the man y o f its kind tha t were popula r i n Britain i n thi s period , wa s part o f a wider effor t o f the middl e an d uppe r classe s t o channe l th e frustration s an d bore dom o f th e worker s awa y fro m th e pu b an d towar d usefu l activi ties. It s recreational , leisure , social , an d cultura l activitie s mad e th e institute a kin d o f surrogat e fo r th e churc h i n it s socia l functions , " Davi d D . Black , The History of Brechin to 1864 (Edinburgh, 1867) , p. 186 ; Report and Addresses by the Kirk-Session of the Old Church, Brechin, on the Subject of Intemperance, April 18, 1841 (Brechin, 1841) , pp . 1-10 .

82

Scotland

although, a s in McCosh' s case , thes e institutes ha d th e cooperatio n and suppor t o f th e religiou s interest s i n thei r communities . Mc Cosh no t only organize d a great variet y o f cultural programs i n th e institute, sponsorin g individual s wh o spok e o n psychology , his tory, art , an d nearl y anythin g else , h e himsel f wa s a frequen t speaker. H e wishe d t o make th e institute a center of humanistic-religious cultur e an d t o tha t exten t secure d himsel f a position o n th e library committee , perusin g th e shelve s t o wee d ou t "infidel " books an d som e o f th e to o plentifu l novels . Ever y indicatio n sug gests tha t th e institute was highly popula r wit h a sizable portion o f the community. 20 Were ther e littl e mor e tha n thi s t o th e busines s o f socia l an d moral improvemen t th e work migh t have been rather pleasant. Bu t the burden o f this wor k wa s centere d i n th e local congregation an d honored a sacred Scottis h traditio n tha t mad e th e minister th e vig ilant an d omnipresent disciplinaria n o f his flock. There is no reaso n to assume the churches wher e McCosh served were untypical. Kir k session minute s i n ever y villag e an d hamlet i n Scotlan d recoun t a n unchanging pattern . I t i s striking t o rea d throug h th e Brechi n Ca thedral Kir k Sessio n Record s an d confron t th e endles s processio n of case s o f mora l delinquenc y tha t passe d unde r th e revie w o f McCosh an d th e session meeting . Thes e invariably fel l t o the min ister for action. Time and time again McCosh had to deal with case s of "pre-nuptia l fornication. " A t th e Wes t Fre e Church o f Brechin , where McCos h wa s servin g i n July 1843 , fo r example , a youn g woman, An n Young, wh o had give n birt h t o a child with a partner whom sh e identifie d a s John Buile , appeare d befor e th e session . McCosh, adherin g to usual procedure, admonishe d he r and ordere d her t o repor t t o th e nex t meeting . Sh e di d s o an d McCos h "dis missed he r fro m th e disciplin e o f th e Church, " meanin g onl y tha t she wa s pardone d an d restore d t o th e lis t o f communicants . Tha t same July da y McCos h ha d n o les s tha n fou r othe r mora l offense s to consider . Th e extensiv e an d endles s recurrenc e o f thes e case s must spea k fo r th e remarkable , and , on e suspects , ofte n morbi d vigilance o f th e goo d me n o f th e churc h regardin g th e persona l conduct o f thei r members . McCos h fulfille d hi s assignmen t duti fully bu t foun d th e incessant routin e tryin g an d tedious. Eventuall y he decided ther e wer e better thing s t o d o with his life. 21 20

Black, History of Brechin, p. 205 ; Brechin Advertiser and Angus and Meams Intelligencer, December 5 , 1848 , Apri l 3 , 1849 ; Dundee Warder and Arbroath and Forfar journal, Decembe r 17 , 1844 . 21 "Records o f th e Kirk Sessio n o f Brechin : Beginnin g wit h th e Year 1821 , at th e

The Gospel

Ministry

83

With a vigorous ministr y suc h a s his, McCos h coul d no t expec t to escap e som e o f th e peril s o f preaching . H e wante d t o brin g everyone i n Brechi n t o churc h an d boaste d tha t h e nearl y suc ceeded. Bu t villag e atheist s an d loca l scoffer s remaine d beyon d hi s reach. Tw o suc h persons , McCos h late r related , wer e a pai r o f wealthy wome n wh o kep t a pawnsho p tha t lodge d vagrants . McCosh di d no t lik e th e appearanc e o f thi s arrangemen t an d re solved o n a bold cours e o f action. H e persuaded th e two wome n t o allow hi m t o hold a meeting i n thei r plac e an d t o invit e th e neigh bors to attend. Som e told McCosh tha t thi s was quite unbecoming , and McCos h ha d n o idea tha t th e tw o pawnbroker s wer e plannin g some entertainmen t o f thei r own . McCos h ha d barel y begu n hi s talk when h e noticed tha t a large monkey , th e possession o f one o f the lodgers an d obviousl y wel l traine d b y his owner , wa s precisel y mimicking ever y movemen t an d gestur e o f th e preacher. Whethe r lifting hi s hand , movin g hi s head , o r stompin g hi s feet , McCos h found th e monkey i n perfect cadence , and all "with a face of deepest gravity." Muffle d laughte r soo n sprea d ove r th e room , an d i t wa s clear tha t th e simia n wa s stealin g McCosh' s show . Som e though t McCosh deserve d a s muc h fo r bringin g th e gatherin g t o s o unsa vory a place. But th e ministe r emerge d triumphant . Wit h a sudden jerk t o th e side , h e thre w hi s shado w violentl y t o th e floor, fro m which h e wa s carrie d i n disgrac e b y hi s owner . McCos h garnere d respect fo r hi s resourcefulnes s an d eve n som e admiratio n fro m th e attending vagrants . H e eve n claime d tha t th e inciden t enable d hi m afterward t o wi n convert s amon g som e o f th e los t soul s i n th e area.22 But beyon d Brechi n th e evangelica l caus e fare d no t s o well . While gaining i n numbers it was losing i n the courts. I n the famou s Auchterader cas e of 183 8 the Court o f Session in effect declare d fo r the legal right o f patronage, an d th e next yea r th e Hous e o f Com mons di d th e same . Bu t Scotlan d wa s onl y divide d al l th e more . Thomas Chalmers , mor e vigorousl y tha n ever , proteste d agains t establishment, an d hi s "Clai m o f Right " mad e th e mos t elaborat e case yet for th e spiritual independence of the Church. Tha t cas e met the rebuttal o f Chalmers's universit y colleagu e Si r William Hamil ton. I n a pamphle t entide d Be Not Schismatics, Be Not Martyrs By Mistake, Hamilto n employe d hi s ow n lega l expertis e an d carefull y Brechin Cathedral, " locate d a t th e Brechi n Cathedral ; "Minute s oi f th e Wes t Fre e Kirk Session " (Brechin) , i n th e Scottis h Recor d Office , Jul y 31 , 1843 , Augus t 28 , 1843. 22 McCosh, "M y Life, " 73-74 .

84

Scotland

demonstrated th e state's legitimate authority i n ecclesiastical affairs . By mistak e o r not , however , i t wa s clea r tha t schismatic s wer e i n the making. 23 While th e Evangelical s foun d thei r victorie s rebuffe d a t th e na tional level , the y rallie d thei r force s i n score s o f towns an d village s throughout Scotland . McCosh' s wor k i n Brechi n wa s a smal l bu t effective par t o f the total effort . H e counsele d his congregation an d guided them through th e conflict an d collaborated closel y with oth ers i n th e region . Althoug h th e situatio n fo r th e Evangelical s wa s grim, Guthri e wrot e t o McCosh fro m Edinburgh , urgin g tha t the y not ye t "rashl y procee d t o dissolve th e connection" wit h th e established Church . Ye t i n th e lon g run , schis m seeme d unavoidable . "Unless th e Government an d th e Legislatur e shall , withi n a give n and specifie d time , redres s th e wrong s w e complai n of , w e shal l dissolve th e union , an d leav e al l th e sin s an d consequence s a t th e door of an Erastian and oppressive State. " In the meantime a united front wa s needed . " I pra y you, " Guthri e urge d McCosh , "tur n over th e subject , an d tal k o f i t wit h you r friends , an d le t u s pra y that th e Lord wil l bring u s all to one opinion." 24 To the Evangelicals, steadfastness o n the Headship principle (tha t Christ i s the only head of the Church) invoke d a whole wider arra y of ideas. At stak e wa s the entir e religious heritag e of their country , so th e warfar e o f th e 1830 s wa s no t a ne w battl e bu t a n ol d one . While th e Auchterade r cas e wen t befor e th e Cour t o f Sessio n th e bicentenary o f th e Covenantin g Assembl y o f 163 8 celebrate d th e heroes and martyr s o f an earlier age, and Thomas McCrie' s lives o f Knox an d Melvill e enjoye d wid e circulation . Thoma s Guthri e bes t summarized th e feeling s o f hi s part y a s the y rallie d t o sav e th e Church an d sprea d a revival o f religio n ove r th e land : "Ther e wa s no mistak e abou t th e matter . Th e controvers y wa s neithe r ne w t o us nor ne w t o Scodand . Fo r on e long an d wear y century , fro m th e days o f Popis h Mar y dow n t o th e blesse d Revolution , ou r stou t fathers ha d fough t th e ver y sam e battle . Th e whol e bloo d o f th e Covenant ha s been shed on thi s field. W e had nought else to do bu t pluck th e weapons fro m th e dead men' s hands; and whe n th e Stat e came down o n us in its pride and power [w e had only to] man onc e more th e moss-grow n rampart s wher e ou r father s ha d ble d an d died." 25 ^J.H.S. Burleigh, A Church History ofScotland (New York, I960), p. 349; Andrew L. Drummond and James Bulloch, The Scottish Church, 1688-1843: The Age of the Moderates (Edinburgh, 1973), p. 241; John Veitch, Memoir of Sir William Hamilton (Edinburgh and London, 1869), pp. 267-69; McCosh, "My Life," 76. 24 Guthrie, Autobiography, 2:40-41. * Ibid., 2:12-13.

The Gospel

Ministry

85

Beginning late in 184 2 McCosh an d Foot e called a series of meet ings wit h thei r congregatio n t o revie w wit h the m th e develop ments withi n th e Church an d th e principles a t stake in th e conflict . McCosh wishe d t o impres s emphaticall y o n th e mind s o f hi s pa rishioners th e magnitud e o f the ideals a t stake. A t th e first meetin g he summarized th e main poin t concisely : "W e fin d i t written i n th e Confession o f Faith , als o ratifie d b y th e Ac t o f Parliament , tha t Christ i s th e onl y Kin g an d Hea d o f th e Church : tha t h e hat h therein appointe d office-bearer s distinc t fro m th e civi l magistrate , and no t subjec t t o th e civi l magistrate ; an d w e fin d th e civi l powe r forbidden t o th e power o f the keys o r o f discipline." I t wa s o n thi s understanding, h e said , tha t h e an d othe r minister s entere d th e church. "W e canno t continu e i n a churc h whic h doe s no t ac t o n these principles . W e believ e the m t o b e Scriptur e principles. " Bu t principles aside , th e stat e hindered th e church' s wor k o f mora l an d social improvement. "Whe n w e woul d shu t out th e drunkard fro m the communio n table, " McCos h said , "h e appeal s t o th e civi l courts, an d becaus e w e canno t follo w hi m there , hi s reques t i s granted, an d we are commanded t o throw ope n our tabl e to receiv e him." 2 6 McCosh wa s clearl y intimatin g a break i n th e Church. B y January o f 184 3 that event seeme d unavoidable , an d people everywher e were talkin g o f the forthcomin g meetin g o f the General Assembl y in March. McCos h kne w what wa s in store and now sought t o rally the Cathedral Churc h b y an appeal to religious patriotism. A meet ing t o discus s th e issue s agai n o n January 2 9 wa s followe d b y an other th e nex t week . Thi s on e witnesse d a n emotiona l addres s b y the head pastor. Th e Church o f Scotland, McCos h said , is "the fair est daughte r o f th e Reformation. " "I t ma y b e said o f us , a s it wa s said of Israel of old, Go d neve r s o dealt with an y people." Scotlan d has been blesse d wit h th e fruits o f th e earth an d wit h hig h intellec t in it s people . Bu t McCos h di d no t s o muc h inten d t o flatter a s t o warn. Ha s Go d a quarre l wit h Scotland ? "Hav e w e improve d s o much a s we should have done the privileges w e enjoy? O r hav e w e become wis e i n ou r ow n esteem ? Hav e w e bee n trustin g i n ou r privileges instea d o f trusting i n God?" 27 McCosh di d not say so specifically, bu t his remarks expressed hi s condemnation o f th e ag e o f Moderatis m i n it s socia l an d religiou s consequences. Th e principle s wer e important , bu t significan t 26 James McCosh, Recollections of the Disruption in Brechin ([Brechin, 1842]), pp. 1-2. This is a compilation of several essays by McCosh. 27 Ibid., p. 5.

86

Scotland

mostly withi n th e contex t o f th e powe r o f th e uppe r classe s through their patronage privileges in the Church. A t first tha t effec t meant th e steady advanc e o f religious indifferenc e amon g th e mid dle and lower classe s of Scotland, an d now, wit h th e evangelical re vival makin g grea t stride s amon g thos e elements , patronag e wa s the sures t obstacl e t o it s complet e success . S o McCos h adde d hi s voice to the vast chorus of religious propagandizing tha t fanne d th e quarrels i n this highly literat e nation. Th e immens e proliferatio n o f the religiou s literatur e astounde d eve n Guthrie . "Thin k o f seve n hundred an d eight y pamphlet s o n thi s on e subject , printe d durin g three years , an d fallin g lik e snowflake s al l ove r th e land." 28 I n th e midst o f th e crisi s McCos h adde d a tract o f his own, entide d Does the Established Church Acknowledge Christ as Its Head?29 McCos h here claimed that th e Church operate d throug h a spiritual authorit y vested i n i t b y Christ . Th e magistrat e ca n clai m non e o f tha t au thority. Rather, Chris t continue s in the Headship by ruling throug h laws an d disciplin e draw n fro m th e Bible . No r coul d th e Churc h give up any of that authority t o the state, for it was not th e Churh' s to give . Hence , n o "marriage " o f Churc h an d state , a s th e Evan gelicals' opponent s wanted , wa s possible . Bu t eve n i f it wer e pos sible, McCos h said , wha t no w prevail s i s certainl y n o marriag e o f equals. Th e Churc h betraye d it s ow n trus t i n yieldin g s o muc h t o the state , whil e th e stat e ha s yielde d nothin g i n return . Wha t the n of th e stat e endowment s tha t supporte d th e whol e ministr y o f th e Church o f Scotland ? The y ar e "th e colla r whic h th e do g wears, " McCosh said . An d her e h e assumed a clearly mor e radica l positio n than Chalmers . If endowment s t o th e Churc h com e onl y wit h pa tronage attached , the n dam n th e endowments . I t woul d b e far bet ter t o have a free church. 30 Amid th e heate d exchange s McCos h wen t of f t o Edinburg h i n March t o atten d th e Genera l Assembl y meeting . B y no w i t wa s clear, however , tha t th e tw o partie s ha d reache d a complet e im 28

Guthrie, Autobiography, 2:17 . I quot e her e fro m th e secon d printin g o f th e pamphlet , date d 1843 . Th e first 2,000 copie s o f th e pamphlet , accordin g t o thi s edition , sol d ou t quickl y an d th e second appeare d afte r th e Disruptio n too k place . I n th e absenc e of a copy fro m th e first printing , I have bee n unabl e t o determin e it s exac t dat e o f publication . 30 James McCosh , Does the Established Church Acknowledge Christ as Its Head? . . . (Edinburgh, 1846) , pp . 4-9 . Th e Free Church Magazine too k not e o f McCosh' s essay, judged it s argumen t "completel y incontrovertible, " an d expresse d th e hop e that McCos h woul d continu e a s a "vigorous polemicist " fo r th e Fre e Church. Free Church Magazine (Marc h 1846) , 94-95. For an elaborate statement o f the Establishe d Church's positio n o n thi s issue, se e Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, 5 0 (1841), 127 42. 29

The Gospel

Ministry

87

passe, an d compromis e o n principle s s o heavily supporte d b y eac h was ou t o f th e question . Al l looke d wit h a quiet drea d t o th e Ma y meeting whic h the y kne w woul d registe r th e complet e break . McCosh convene d hi s congregatio n afte r th e Marc h breakdow n and reporte d o n th e failur e t o mak e an y progress . Th e outcom e now, h e told th e gathering, wa s inevitable . "W e mus t thro w u p al l the benefit s o f a n Establishment , becaus e w e ca n n o longe r hol d them withou t changin g ou r principles. " But he urged th e people t o welcome th e ne w challeng e befor e them : "t o buil d u p wha t I shall ever regar d a s the true Churc h o f Scotland." 31 In th e fe w day s befor e Ma y 18 , 1843 , minister s fro m al l ove r Scodand, man y wit h heav y hearts , prepare d fo r th e tri p t o Edin burgh. McCos h packe d fo r a four-day visi t an d boarde d th e coac h for th e capita l city . Thoma s Guthri e lef t hi s hom e ther e o n Lauris ton Lane and remarked to his wife: "Well , Anne , this is the last tim e I g o ou t a t thi s doo r a ministe r o f a n Establishe d Church! " Th e events o f thi s Genera l Assembl y meetin g wer e dramatic , eve n i f foretold. Th e gatherin g wa s centere d a t St . Andrew' s Churc h o n George Stree t wher e Moderato r Davi d Wels h convene d th e meet ing a t 2:30. After completio n o f the services a t the High Kir k o f St. Giles, a processio n accompanie d b y militar y ban d brough t th e Lord Hig h Commissione r t o St . Andrew's . Alread y thousand s o f people line d th e street s alon g th e way . Insid e St . Andrew' s Wels h read the opening prayer , bu t the n brok e from al l normal procedure , and instea d o f constitutin g th e Assembly , rea d a statement o f pro test agains t infringement s o f th e Church' s liberties . H e announce d that h e would procee d n o further . Chalmer s wa s in attendanc e an d rose t o join Wels h i n th e marc h ou t o f th e church . Quickl y on e whole sid e o f th e crowde d buildin g wa s emptied , a s hundreds ex panded th e exitin g throng . McCos h ha d awaite d thi s momentou s turn an d marche d wit h th e protesters a s they squeeze d throug h th e waiting audienc e outside . Fro m ther e a walk o f nearly a quarter o f a mil e too k th e group dow n Georg e Street , the n north o n Hanove r to Canonmills, an d into Tanfield Hall , which had been prepared fo r it an d no w fille d wit h 3,00 0 peopl e more . Whe n a measur e o f re pose finall y setde d o n th e mass , Wels h opene d th e ne w Assembl y with praye r an d calle d fo r th e electio n o f Chalmer s a s moderator . At the meeting' s en d each of the party signe d the Act of Separatio n and Deed o f Demission. Affixe d thereo n wer e th e signatures of the two minister s o f the West Churc h o f Brechin. 32 McCosh, Recollections of the Disruption, p . 7 . Drummond an d Bulloch, Scottish Church, pp. 246-49; Norman L . Walker, Chapters from the History of the Free Church of Scotland (Edinburgh , [1895]) , p . 17 . 31

32

88

Scotland

Thus occurre d th e Disruption , an d thu s wa s bor n th e Fre e Church o f Scodand . Fo r thos e involve d i t wa s a n unforgettabl e event. Other s though t i t foolish , a ras h an d headstron g defens e o f principle. Bu t fo r th e duratio n o f hi s lif e McCos h wa s prou d t o have bee n on e o f th e participants . Eve n thos e remot e fro m th e in cident o r indifferen t t o th e issue s a t stak e wer e ofte n highl y im pressed by th e courage and resolution o f the Free Churchmen. Wit ness Lor d Cockburn : " I kno w n o paralle l t o it . Whateve r ma y b e thought o f thei r cause , ther e can be no doub t o r coldnes s i n the ad miration wit h whic h al l candi d me n mus t applau d thei r heroism . They hav e abandone d tha t publi c statio n whic h wa s th e ambitio n of their lives , and have descended fro m certaint y t o precariousness , and most o f them fro m comfor t t o destitution, solel y for thei r prin ciples." 33 Cockburn effectivel y summarize d th e predicament o f the seceders. Bac k i n Brechi n a multitud e o f ne w challenge s awaite d the ma n wh o wa s no w withou t a church. i n hi s lif e Jame s McCos h confronte d a situatio n marked b y institutiona l disorganization . Th e Disruptio n o f th e Church o f Scodan d dissevere d hundred s o f minister s an d thou sands o f people fro m thei r loca l an d national churc h structure s an d required everywher e th e constructio n o f ne w institutions . I n Bre chin an d i n th e whol e centra l northeas t are a o f Scodan d McCos h had t o take steps t o fill th e vacuum lef t b y the schism. Simila r chal lenges awaited hi m i n th e years ahead—one whe n h e undertook a n academic appointmen t a t a newly create d institutio n i n Ireland , an d another whe n h e assume d th e presidenc y o f a n ol d bu t declinin g college i n th e Unite d States . Bu t i n condition s lik e thes e McCos h thrived. H e becam e a master a t using th e skills an d abilitie s o f dif ferent peopl e an d a t coordinating thei r efforts , an d he was expert a t planning an d administering . On e o f th e loca l churc h historian s o f Brechin, reviewin g th e year s afte r th e Disruption , conclude d fro m his survey o f McCosh's wor k tha t h e was " a bor n organizer." 34 Both McCos h an d hi s colleagu e Foot e returne d t o Brechi n im mediately afte r th e Disruption . The y ha d no w relinquishe d thei r state stipend s an d ha d forfeite d thei r right s t o ministe r i n th e Wes t Church. Callin g anothe r meetin g fo r Ma y 21 , McCosh an d Foot e told thei r parishioner s tha t the y wer e fre e t o follow thei r ow n con THREE TIME S

35

Quoted i n Drummon d an d Bulloch , Scottish Church, pp . 248-49 . An unpublished , handwritte n histor y o f th e Eas t Fre e Church , Brechin , b y a relative o f Thoma s Guthrie , i n th e possessio n o f Mr . A . M . Lawson , sessio n cler k of th e Cathedera l Church , Brechi n (n.p. , n.d.) , 22 . 54

The Gospel

Ministry

89

sciences. They coul d remai n as members o f the established Church , or the y coul d joi n the m i n th e Fre e Church . Th e tw o minister s would begi n righ t awa y t o pla n fo r th e constructio n o f a ne w church i n Brechin an d th e raising o f funds t o suppor t it . Th e Wes t Church ha d alread y pledge d it s support t o th e Clai m o f Right, an d McCosh wa s countin g o n a majorit y t o wal k ou t wit h him . Tha t he secured. Abou t 80 0 persons in the West Churc h joined McCosh , while 600 remained behind . Bu t th e numbers obscur e th e genuin e hardships o f the decision. Families , friends, an d lovers split ove r th e issue, and McCosh recalle d "painfu l scenes " in a community wher e many practice d thei r fait h wit h utmos t seriousnes s an d dedication . One youn g woman , McCos h related , tol d hi m tha t he r fathe r wa s threatening t o giv e he r onl y brea d an d wate r unti l sh e returne d t o the establishe d Church . O n June 4 McCosh rallie d thos e wh o sup ported him . Ami d th e prevailin g uncertainty , an d eve n unhappi ness, he tried to impress on hi s friend s th e significance o f their ne w undertaking. H e believe d earnestl y tha t th e growin g reviva l ha d reached it s natural fruitio n i n the Disruption an d tha t Scotlan d wa s recovering he r sacre d past . I n a n impassioned conclusio n t o his ad dress, McCos h reveale d al l hi s dedicatio n an d emotiona l commit ment t o the cause before th e new church. Summonin g hi s follower s to that cause , the minister announced: "I t is our earnest and burnin g desire t o preac h th e everlastin g Gospe l throughou t th e lengt h an d breadth o f the land, i n ever y city , an d village , an d glen , o f our be loved country." 35 Within hi s ow n are a o f th e countr y McCos h himsel f cam e clos e to doin g tha t Bu t fo r th e momen t pressin g problem s wer e grow ing i n hi s ow n backyard . Hundred s o f congregation s throughou t Scotland no w lacke d churc h buildings , an d everywher e necessit y gave birt h t o invention . I n on e plac e parishioner s use d a herrin g store fo r a church , i n anothe r a n abandone d publi c house , an d i n another nothin g less than a distillery o f the John Grant Company. 36 After McCos h an d Foot e dul y constitute d thei r ne w bod y a s th e West Fre e Church o f Brechin, the y divide d thei r membershi p int o two group s and availe d themselves o f the generous offe r o f the tw o Secession churche s i n th e town . Thes e offer s wer e apparend y judged mor e suitabl e tha n tha t o f th e Nort h Por t Distiller y Com pany, whic h offere d it s ample granaries an d meltin g barns fo r tem 35

William Ewing , ed. , Annals of the Free Church of Scotland, 1843-1900, 2 vols . (Edinburgh, 1914) , l.n . pag. ; McCosh , "M y Life, " 79-81 ; idem , Recollections of the Disruption, pp . 9-10 . 36 Drummond an d Bulloch , Scottish Church, p . 252 .

90

Scotland

porary accommodation . McCos h an d Foot e preached separatel y i n the two smal l churche s i n the morning , switchin g i n th e evening . McCosh i n th e meantim e ha d undertake n a campaig n t o rais e funds fo r th e ne w churc h buildin g tha t John Eaton , a local citizen , had designed . H e had super b succes s in his efforts, securin g £500 in his first contact s an d gainin g supplementar y mone y fro m th e Cen tral Buildin g Fun d o f th e Fre e Churc h Centra l Organizatio n i n Edinburgh. Constructio n o f th e buildin g bega n immediatel y an d progressed rapidly , an d b y Novembe r th e new edifice , combinin g what on e local newspaper calle d "Scotc h cheapness and utility wit h English elegance, " received its first worshippers . On e cannot fail t o be impresse d b y thi s exampl e o f local energ y an d sacrifice , an d es pecially s o whe n on e consider s tha t o n th e othe r sid e o f town , th e East Churc h o f Brechin underwen t a similar divisio n tha t resulte d in th e constructio n o f anothe r ne w building , th e Eas t Fre e Churc h of Brechin. O n Novembe r 1 3 the tw o Fre e Churc h congregation s held a joint communio n i n th e Eas t Fre e Church , an d tw o week s later th e Wes t Fre e Churc h hel d it s firs t services . Twelv e hundre d persons hear d Foot e preac h i n th e morning , an d 1,40 0 listene d t o McCosh tha t afternoon. Th e new era now dawning , he proclaimed, was aki n t o th e grea t period s o f th e Reformation , th e Covenant , and th e Gloriou s Revolution . An d th e gathere d peopl e responde d with equa l enthusiasm . Th e sessio n minute s lis t some o f the dona tions to the church b y its members, amon g thes e a "splendid pulpi t Bible an d Son g Book , a Baptismal Fountain , Fou r Valuabl e Com munion cups. " I t wa s a memorabl e da y i n th e littl e tow n beneat h the Grampian Mountains. 37 Efforts lik e thes e wer e duplicate d al l ove r Scodand . B y 184 5 about 500 ne w churche s wer e i n use ; 70 0 wer e finishe d b y 1848 . But to reach the people of the very small villages often require d he roic dedication . I n recallin g hi s travels t o th e upper hinterland s an d his effor t t o preach an d rais e ne w churc h building s there , McCos h remarked tha t "th e wor k o f Mose s i n th e deser t wa s scarcel y a more difficult one. " " I preache d i n places o f which I believe I may truly sa y tha t th e pur e gospe l o f Jesus Chris t ha d neve r bee n pro 37

Brechin Advertiser and Angus and Meams Intelligencer, [1843] , ( a clippin g i n th e possession of A. M. Lawson) ; "Deacon's Sessio n Records, Brechin, West St. Colum ba's Church" (a n introductory sectio n outlines thes e events), June 26, 1843 , Octobe r 30, 1843 , November 27 , 1843; "Minutes of the Presbytery of Brechin Fre e Church, " August 1 , 1843 ; Montrose, Arbroath, and Brechin Review, [Novembe r 1843] , i n th e possession o f Mr . Lawson ; McCosh , Recollections of the Disruption, p . 8 .

The Gospel

Ministry

91

claimed ther e before. " McCosh , th e preacher o n horseback , woul d have certainl y bee n take n i n Americ a fo r a backwood s Methodis t circuit rider. Bu t th e experience furnishe d McCos h lastin g memo ries of his native country an d indulged his love of the outdoor's nat ural beauty. An d a s early a s August o f the Free Church's firs t year , McCosh wa s reporting t o the new presbyter y tha t he had preache d in Menmui r t o a hundred persons , on e grou p gathere d b y th e sid e of th e road , anothe r i n th e mor e comfortabl e quarter s o f a tent . Other service s too k plac e i n th e ope n fields , i n barns , o r fro m th e elevated pulpi t o f a prominen t doorste p o n a loca l mai n street . McCosh's work , joined t o tha t o f a large and omnipresen t part y o f evangelizers i n Scotland , le d th e Free Church Magazine t o boas t i n 1844 tha t th e messag e o f Go d no w reache s t o "man y a forgotte n inlet an d neglecte d corner " o f the country. 38 McCosh ha d no qualms about preaching i n his impromptu chap els, bu t alway s looke d fo r th e mean s t o erec t ne w churches . Suc h an effor t automaticall y mad e hi m th e enemy o f th e local lord s an d factors, th e heritor s wh o hel d patronag e right s i n whateve r loca l churches existed . Everywher e i n Scotlan d th e refusa l o f thos e par ties t o gran t th e us e o f thei r land s raise d majo r obstacle s t o estab lishing ne w churc h sites . I n th e centra l northeast , Panmure' s land s were extensive . McCos h wa s reportin g t o th e presbyter y i n Sep tember o f 184 3 on th e obstacles he encountered i n his work amon g the surrounding villages . But i n many case s his resourcefulness pre vailed. McCos h secure d th e site s an d helpe d t o rais e th e fund s fo r new churche s i n Fettercairn , Menmuir , Lochlee , Fourdoun , Law rencekirk, Bervie , an d Stonehave n (scen e o f th e nove l Sunset Song by Jame s Lesli e Mitchell) . McCosh' s organizationa l talent s wer e widely recognized , an d hi s appointmen t b y th e Fre e Churc h Gen eral Assembl y a s convene r o f suppl y fo r th e whol e syno d are a o f Angus an d Mearn s entruste d hi m wit h a heav y responsibilit y fo r the work of church extension. H e also headed a committee t o study the best mean s of making presbyterial visitation s to the new sites. 39 McCosh conducte d mos t o f his home missionar y wor k afte r hi s transferral t o the East Free Church o f Brechin in 1844 . That call fol38 Walker, Chapters, p. 47 ; James McCosh , The Duty of Irish Presbyterians to Their Church at the Present Crisis in the Sustentation of the Gospel Ministry (Belfast , 1868) , pp. 13-14 ; idem, "M y Life, " 97-98, 93; "Minutes o f the Presbytery o f Brechin, Fre e Church" (Augus t 1 , 1843) ; East Fre e Churc h History , 23 . w "Minute s o f th e Presbyter y o f Brechin , Fre e Church, " Septembe r 5 , 1843 , November 5 , 1844 ; Ewing, ed. , Annals of the Free Church, 1: n. pag. ; McCosh , For Love's Sake, p . 11 .

92

Scotland

James McCosh (abou t 1845)

lowed the increasing menta l deterioration o f Rev. Mungo Parker i n the Eas t Church , an d th e kir k session , whic h wa s thoroughl y fa miliar with McCosh and his work, looke d no further tha n the other side of town fo r a replacement. McCos h spok e t o his own congre gation i n a New Year' s addres s i n 184 4 and announce d tha t he wa s accepting th e call. He feare d tha t the stil l unsettled conditio n o f th e

The Gospel

Ministry

93

Free Churc h woul d possibl y lea d t o a reques t tha t h e locat e else where. Th e remova l t o th e Eas t Fre e Churc h woul d fil l a neede d position an d enable him t o remain with friends an d continu e his association wit h Foote . Furthe r inducemen t ma y hav e com e i n th e form o f a £160 annua l salary. 40 But eve n stronge r incentive s possibl y affecte d McCosh' s deci sion. Hi s clos e associatio n wit h Thoma s Guthri e an d hi s wor k i n the tow n wher e th e Guthrie s wer e th e leadin g famil y ha d intro duced McCos h t o th e livel y daughte r o f Thomas' s olde r brothe r Alexander, th e famou s physician . Isabell a Guthri e reflecte d al l th e energy an d vitality o f her notable family an d was a woman o f enormous resourcefulness. Sh e was gifted wit h remarkabl e practical tal ents and had serve d wit h he r fathe r a rudimentary medica l appren ticeship. Friendshi p wit h th e soft-spoke n ministe r o f th e Eas t Fre e Church le d t o marriag e o n Septembe r 29,1845 ; their lov e an d mu tual respec t laste d throughou t th e remainde r o f McCosh's life . Isa bella was a stabilizing forc e in McCosh's life, and her ow n expertis e assisted thei r domesti c existenc e and playe d a n important par t late r in the Princeton community. Mar y Jane McCosh wa s the first chil d of thi s marriage , bor n i n July 1847 . But th e McCoshe s soo n wer e victims o f the kind o f tragedy James ha d witnesse d o n man y occa sions i n hi s ministry . Thei r so n Andrew , bor n i n Apri l 1848 , die d in October o f the next year. I n January o f 1850, the year of the publication o f McCosh' s first book , Alexande r Guthri e McCos h wa s born. 41 THE AR T of the sermon: non e was more sacred to the Protestant tra dition o f Scodand . Fro m th e earl y day s o f John Knox' s preaching , the master y o f popular rhetori c ha d alway s bee n th e mean s o f an y minister's appea l t o the hearts o f his people. I n the practice that th e Free Churc h o f Scotlan d fough t vigorousl y t o reviv e an d defend , the pulpit performanc e marke d th e first an d majo r tria l of any can didate fo r th e loca l kirk . Provincia l Scots , however , looke d fo r more tha n flash. Inspiration withou t illuminatio n wa s nothing. Th e minister neede d t o demonstrat e th e forc e o f hi s ow n conviction s and th e activity o f the holy spiri t withi n him , bu t h e also needed t o supply his listeners with some reflections worth y o f the learned tra dition tha t produce d him . McCos h wel l knew thi s middle line tha t 40 "Minutes o f th e Presbyter y o f Brechin , Fre e Church, " Novembe r 9 , 1843 ; "Deacon's Sessio n Records, " (Wes t Fre e Church) , Decembe r 17 , 1843 , January 1 , 1843; unidentifie d newspape r clippin g i n th e possessio n o f Mr . Lawson . 41 McCosh, "M y Life, " 75 .

94

Scotland

he needed t o walk. Th e Churc h ha d suffere d badl y in forsaking th e power an d vigo r o f the older styl e for th e elegance and informalit y that spoke only t o "th e polite, th e gay, and the refined." Th e Mod erates had betrayed thei r calling in pursuing so narrow a n audience. The minister , McCos h believed , mus t wea r th e dres s o f hi s age , "but h e mus t neve r forge t tha t h e i s a minister o f th e Word, " an d must delive r th e good s unransomed . McCosh , reare d o n th e liter ature o f a n earlie r Puritanism , looke d bac k t o it s health y blen d o f learning an d enthusias m a s usefu l guideline s fo r thi s middl e way . "The preachers who hav e caught the spirit of the Puritans, but hav e avoided thei r technicalit y an d mannerism , hav e commonl y bee n the mos t successfu l i n rousin g th e sunke n an d dea d fro m thei r ap athy, an d i n stirrin g the m t o anxiet y an d prayer. " Ha d th e Purita n tradition survive d mor e generally , McCos h believed , w e shoul d not no w hav e i n ou r mids t th e ills o f th e ne w age : a populac e tha t takes its pleasure in reading novels , a business clas s devoted onl y t o its shop s an d it s amusements , an d a neglecte d rura l populatio n growing u p in ignorance. 42 McCosh believe d h e knew wha t ha d t o be done. H e wished ear nestly t o be a successful an d popula r preacher , bu t wishin g di d no t make i t so . Hi s firs t year s i n th e province s steere d hi m throug h a sometimes painfu l proces s o f tria l and error . Fo r h e too wa s partl y a produc t o f the age he wishe d t o undo. H e ha d absorbe d muc h o f the smoot h an d sophisticate d styl e o f th e capita l city , it s lov e o f learning an d culture . I n th e cours e o f hi s studies , immerse d a s h e was i n th e philosophica l traditio n o f th e Scottis h Englightenment , McCosh prepare d severa l sermon s tha t h e wa s anxiou s t o mak e a part o f hi s preachin g repertoire . Bu t th e result s wer e disastrous . Out o f thi s package o f twent y sermons , McCos h foun d t o hi s dis tress tha t som e fiftee n o f the m "woul d no t preach. " The y move d nobody. McCos h therefor e burne d the m an d bega n th e proces s anew. Thi s tim e he was precise and systematic. H e took a cue fro m his frien d Guthrie , wh o painstakingl y worke d an d reworke d hi s sermon th e Saturda y nigh t befor e th e delivery , memorize d an d re cited man y time s ove r th e ke y passages , an d carefull y dre w ou t practical and lively illustrations o f his ideas. McCosh now too k thi s pragmatic approach . H e learne d t o watch hi s audience a s a chemist watches his bubbling tes t tubes. He observed th e lines that mad e n o impact. He marked th e sections tha t opene d eyes , and those that his listeners seemed t o retain in their minds . (Hi s parishioners were no t "James McCosh , "Introductio n t o Charnock' s Works, " i n The Complete Works of Stephen Chamock, B.D., 4 vols . (Edinburgh , 1864) , l:xxx-xxxni .

The Gospel

Ministry

95

slow t o tel l hi m whic h thes e were. ) Bu t i f thi s kin d o f dedicatio n helped mak e McCos h a mor e popula r preacher , i t nonetheles s never mad e hi m a Guthrie. A historia n o f Arbroat h charitabl y de scribed McCos h a s "to o soli d an d abl e t o b e wha t i s calle d popu lar." McCos h late r wa s his ow n severes t critic . H e wa s fa r to o se rious, h e said, too stern and strict t o laugh at the follies o f the worl d and live with it s ways. H e believed h e was to o muc h lik e Paul, no t enough lik e John o r Jesus, "wantin g i n tenderness," he later admit ted. 43 The Scottis h Evangelical s sough t t o reviv e th e style o f the olde r Reformers an d muc h o f thei r messag e a s well . Her e a s elsewher e the religiou s reviva l turne d bac k t o th e Protestant emphasi s o n th e scriptural foundation s o f the fait h an d invoke d a pronounced sens e of the sinfulness o f man an d th e power o f a wrathful deity . Bu t th e later standard-bearer s softene d th e hars h determinis m o f Calvin ism. Th e conversio n experienc e was still decisive, but its occurenc e was no t lef t wholl y t o th e whi m o f a n arbitrar y deity . Chris t worked t o bring grace to the hearts prepared t o receive him, t o persons wh o forsoo k th e lov e o f th e world , abandone d th e prid e o f self, an d acquiesce d full y i n th e will of God. Th e Evangelical s pre served al l the tensions and fears that rule d the Calvinist sens e of life, but the y outline d a more certai n world . Fo r McCosh , a decade an d a half in th e ministr y ha d mellowe d th e rigid intellectualist Calvin ism o f the Edinburg h revie w o f Hinton. H e and the other Evangel icals delivered a message of voluntaryism tha t merge d wit h th e ad vancing democrati c tempe r o f the age and the spirit of assertivenes s and uplift . Nonetheless , a s McCosh' s earl y sermon s show , th e whole weigh t o f the religiou s pas t o f Scotland bor e heavil y o n th e new movement . Bu t als o i n McCosh' s earl y sermon s w e perceiv e the roug h outline s o f hi s ensuing intellectua l career , an d th e essen tial structur e her e emerge s i n th e larg e treatis e tha t mark s th e en d of the ministerial perio d of his life. The young preacher i n Arbroat h and Brechin reflecte d bot h th e spirit o f Knox an d th e spirit o f Reid. A strongl y Christocentri c emphasi s pervade d nearl y al l Mc Cosh's sermons . Fait h i n Chris t wa s th e essenc e o f th e Christia n life, an d McCos h warne d hi s popula r audience s agains t extendin g the gospel authority b y human reaso n and the creeds of men. In our faith i n Chris t w e receiv e fro m Christ , an d w e thereb y mak e th e first critica l transcendenc e o f ou r falle n huma n nature . Bu t w e ar e 43 James McCosh , "Relatio n o f th e Churc h t o th e Capita l an d Labo r Question, " in Problems of American Civilization (Ne w York , 1888) , p . 117 ; idem , "Guthrie' s Early Ministry" ; idem , For Love's Sake, p . 24 ; idem, "M y Life, " 53 .

96

Scotland

nothing withou t thi s sourc e an d drif t aimlessl y a t th e natura l hu man level . Further , McCos h mad e muc h us e in his sermon s o f th e divine an d spiritua l realms , theme s importan t t o hi s late r writing s too, an d her e especiall y th e mediatin g rol e o f Chris t wa s essential . How ca n man, s o enfeebled b y natura l sin , relat e in any usefu l wa y with th e awesom e an d majesti c deity ? Ho w i s an y reconciliatio n between the m possible ? Th e Calvinist , s o overwhelme d b y th e very question , coul d appea l onl y t o th e occasiona l merc y o f an ar bitrary Go d an d hi s specia l an d gratuitou s providences . Th e Cal vinist therefor e wa s les s incline d t o us e Chris t tha n wer e th e late r Evangelicals. McCosh' s sermo n "Th e Lam b i n th e Mids t o f th e Throne" stresse d th e critica l offic e o f Jesus. "I n th e Mediato r th e divine an d huma n office s ar e unite d i n suc h a manner tha t th e on e does no t destro y o r overpowe r th e other , bu t eac h retain s it s ow n properties, whil e th e whol e i s a unity." W e ar e not s o awe d there fore i n comin g t o Jesus, fo r her e i s ma n comin g t o ma n an d als o finding divin e nature . Bu t th e knowledg e an d discover y o f Chris t were stil l th e greates t challeng e t o th e Christian . Th e mean s wer e important, an d McCos h staye d withi n th e Calvinist contex t a t least to th e point o f making n o appea l t o good work s a s the sure path t o salvation. Non e o f his sermon s stresse d th e Christia n lif e i n its ex ternal manifestations . McCos h th e preache r becam e instea d th e prober o f the inne r soul. 44 In this endeavor McCosh wante d firs t t o rip th e mask off the fac e of the Moderate age . The essential feature of the Moderate man wa s his self-righteousness , th e titl e o f on e o f McCosh' s sermons . Th e self-righteous perso n pursue s hi s religio n earnestl y an d wit h goo d intention. Ever y goo d dee d done warms his heart and i s a source o f self-congratulation. H e take s prid e i n hi s servic e t o th e worl d an d the improvement s h e furnishes . Bu t th e lif e centere d outwar d ob scures fro m hi s attentio n th e lif e within . A n eas y comfor t wit h one's sel f follows, an d it obviates th e need t o probe inside . But thi s was the real stubbornness of heart that most besets all human behav ior. Perhap s w e are all Moderates b y nature. Eve n so , McCosh wa s unsparing in his assault. "Determine d t o cherish th y self-righteous ness, thou ar t waiting for self-indulgence , waitin g fo r earthly good s and pleasures . Go d offer s the e grace , bu t tho u wishes t t o remai n graceless. Tho u mightes t b e made humble, bu t tho u art determine d to remai n proud . . . . Friend, I would stri p the e o f thes e fals e pre 44 James McCosh, Christ the Way, the Truth, and the Life: A Sermon (London, 1867) , pp. 13-14 ; idem, Gospel Sermons (New York , 1888) , pp. 21, 145. This work contain s many o f McCosh' s earl y sermon s an d i s a very usefu l guid e t o hi s ministr y

The Gospel

Ministry

97

tenses by whic h tho u ar t deceiving thyself , bu t b y which tho u can not deceiv e God." 4 5 Ther e i s somethin g i n th e Scottis h sou l tha t delights to b e tol d how sinfu l i t is. We ar e ofte n imperceptiv e o f th e stat e o f origina l sin , McCos h said, bu t eve n ou r consciousnes s o f thi s fac t to o ofte n lead s t o a n exercise o f ou r huma n power s t o overcom e it . Thos e power s ar e not unavailin g i f properl y employed . Bu t fo r McCos h an d th e Evangelicals th e firs t ste p t o persona l salvatio n wa s a supreme ac t of self-effacement. Preparatio n fo r salvation , i n th e language o f th e Puritans, wa s preparation o f th e heart. Mer e goo d work s to o ofte n conceal " a self-righteou s spiri t unconsciousl y cherished " an d on e that crowd s ou t th e lov e o f God . N o othe r motivation , though , i s possible o r necessary . I n th e end , McCos h said , w e wil l fin d relie f only i n trustin g in Christ , relinquishin g al l faith i n ourselves . "Th e crowded bosom no w find s an outlet, th e confined hear t experience s enlargement, an d th e fettered spiri t is free." Indee d th e discovery o f our ow n wretchednes s ma y b e th e mar k o f th e quickenin g spiri t within. Bu t w e must b e constantly o n guard , w e mus t loo k fo r th e marks an d stain s o f si n i n ou r constan t an d vigilan t self-examina tion. McCos h entitle d on e o f his sermons afte r th e Syrophoenicia n woman whos e display o f humility ultimatel y win s Jesus' healing o f her daughter . Bu t suc h humilit y assuredl y herald s th e conversio n of the sinner and th e building o f the "ne w man. " Indee d i t is a new personality tha t result s an d eve n th e full restoratio n o f the sel f and its plac e i n th e world . Th e ne w man , McCos h said , "take s a ne w view o f ever y object . H e take s a new vie w o f himself . Before , h e may hav e regarded himsel f wit h complacenc y . . . now h e sees tha t his hear t i s corrupted , an d eve r temptin g hi m t o evil . H e take s a new vie w o f God . Befor e h e wa s alienate d fro m hi m an d di d no t care for intercous e with him; now h e is reconciled t o God in Christ . . . . He take s a new vie w o f the world. H e live d for i t and sought a s many o f its pleasures and honors a s possible; now h e sees that thes e cannot satisf y th e immorta l soul , an d h e i s seekin g fo r highe r en joyments an d mor e enduring. " Th e new ma n i s also renewed b y a new lov e fo r hi s fellows , a new benevolenc e tha t spring s no t fro m abstract lov e but fro m th e new knowledg e tha t the y lik e he are im mortal beings. 46 McCosh's gospe l sermon s ar e not characterize d b y an y remark able innovations o f thought . Certainl y h e wa s telling hi s audience s what the y expecte d t o hear . Man y o f th e sermon s ar e graphicall y 45 46

McCosh, Gospel Sermons, pp. 247 , 105-6 . Ibid., pp . 112 , 91 , 154-56 .

98

Scotland

written, especiall y thos e i n whic h McCos h explore s th e hear t an d mind o f the sinner . Th e anxiety , th e fear , th e moroseness , th e am bition an d self-love—thes e McCos h like d t o prob e i n al l thei r nu ances. I t can b e no surpris e tha t th e gospel ministe r wh o employe d these tool s gravitate d easil y i n hi s later lif e t o th e stud y o f th e hu man min d an d it s infinite facets . Th e McCos h wh o introduce d th e new method s o f empirical psycholog y t o student s a t Princeton de scended fro m th e pulpit preache r o f eastern Scotland . Finally, i t mus t b e note d tha t eve n a t thi s poin t i n hi s caree r McCosh's lif e reflected bot h o f the main cultura l forces o f his country. Th e Moderate s o f th e Churc h i n th e ag e o f th e Scottis h En lightenment coul d ge t alon g ver y wel l without th e sens e of sin an d the God wh o condemn s it . The y wer e fa r mor e impressed wit h th e achievements o f man' s rationa l faculties , hi s creativ e ability , hi s good an d charitabl e deeds . Here , t o b e sure, th e divin e an d huma n natures blended , fo r wha t wa s ma n bu t th e nobles t reflectio n o f God's ow n being ? McCosh's sermon s wer e also a dialectic of thes e two traditions . Th e recognitio n o f si n wa s th e beginnin g o f wis dom, bu t i t was not th e end of living. The Calvinist's gloom mixe d with th e philosopher' s optimis m i n McCosh' s preaching . Fo r i t i s Christ's lov e that win s us. The Lam b is as important a s the throne ; it is the symbol o f God's gendeness an d his promise t o save all wh o seek him . "Go d give s grace , an d t o thos e who as k it , mor e grace. " But mor e tha n thi s McCos h share d th e rationalist' s sens e o f th e magnificence o f the human conditio n whe n al l its fine powers hav e been pu t t o work . Nothin g i n al l God' s creatio n outshon e man . "Ye ar e of mor e valu e tha n mer e sparrows," he told hi s congrega tion. "[Man ] i s of mor e valu e tha n al l the beast s an d planet s o f th e earth, o f mor e valu e tha n th e su n o r moo n an d al l th e star s o f heaven; fo r whe n al l living thing s hav e die d and th e heavenly bod ies have been changed as a garment thrown aside when it has served its purpose , thi s sou l shal l b e in it s youth , it s infancy still , wit h a n eternity befor e it. " S o wha t the n i s huma n existence ? A waverin g struggle betwee n th e tw o awesom e extreme s o f depravit y an d grandeur. W e al l occup y middl e positions , ye t mor e tha n thi s lif e alone i s a t stake . I n a passag e tha t anticipate s th e substanc e o f McCosh's ow n caree r i n philosophy , th e ministe r describe d th e Christian life. "I t i s a contest between th e lower principle s of man' s nature an d th e higher , quickene d an d sanctione d b y th e Spiri t o f God. I t is a struggle between th e animal ma n and the spiritual man ; between pleasur e an d duty ; betwee n selfishnes s an d benevolence ; between appetit e and conscience ; between lust and reason; betwee n

The Gospel

Ministry

99

love of ease and zea l for good ; betwee n decei t an d candor ; betwee n selfishness an d love ; betwee n th e fea r o f ma n an d th e fea r o f God ; between eart h an d heaven." 47 MCCOSH'S ACTIVIT Y as a Scottish Evangelica l an d his efforts t o wi n the victor y o f evangelica l principle s i n th e earl y year s o f th e Fre e Church absorbe d hi s time an d energies . He believe d thes e were heroic ventures , an d h e thrille d eve r afterwar d t o thei r memory . Bu t in th e late r 1840 s muc h o f thi s wor k wa s becomin g routine ; fur thermore, tha t work alon e had neve r wholl y commande d hi s spirit. McCosh ha d departe d th e Universit y o f Edinburgh excite d b y th e love o f knowledge . Th e head y metaphysica l atmospher e o f th e place had enriche d hi s youth, an d hi s intense philosophica l interes t survived. Althoug h h e burne d th e earl y sermon s bor n o f hi s thoughts o n divine and supernatural things , McCosh eagerly hope d that th e pastora l lif e woul d hav e it s ow n intellectua l excitements . Throughout hi s year s i n Arbroat h an d Brechi n McCos h mad e every effor t h e coul d t o squeez e int o th e rounds o f local visitation s and horsebac k itinerar y a time fo r concentrate d readin g i n philos ophy. Usuall y h e wa s quit e successfu l an d nearl y ever y wee k lib erated a t least a day or tw o fo r readin g an d writing . I n this period , and extendin g int o hi s year s i n Ireland , McCos h collecte d hi s out lines an d reflection s fro m differen t work s an d place d the m int o what h e labeled "Note s o n Books." These files, no w i n the Princeton Universit y Library , indicat e th e considerabl e rang e an d dept h of his stud y program. 48 Bu t McCos h kep t al l o f thes e pursuit s t o 47

Ibid., pp . 16-17 , 20 , 23 , 163 , 268-69 , 160 . Except i n a few cases , it is not indicate d exactly whe n McCos h rea d a particular item. Bu t th e extensiv e note s sho w tha t McCos h rea d heavil y i n philosoph y an d religion, an d muc h poetr y a s well . Th e "Notes " contain , amon g othe r item s an d in n o discernibl e order , th e followin g author s an d titles : The Life of Schleiermacher, Comte, Corns de Philosophic; J. S . Mill , Political Economy; Manse l o n Hamilto n an d J. S . Mill; Bacon, Logical Treatises; Faraday, Lectures on Non-Metallic Elements; Ruskin (four work s ar e listed) ; Carlyle , Frederick the Great; Wordsworth's Life; Whatley' s Autobiography and Logic; Jeremy Taylor' s Sermons; Hume's Essays; Cuvier, Theory of the Earth; Malthu s o n population ; Cicero , De Natura Deorum; John Taylo r o n original sin ; Literature of Geology; Play fair's Illustrations; Mage e o n th e atonement ; Newton's Dissertations; Literature of Predestination; Dwight's Life ofEdwards; Brougham, Discourse on Natural Theology; Jouffroy's Melange Philosophique ("finished 1 9 June 1848"); Whewell , Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences and Elements of Morality; Hugh Miller, Footprints of the Creator, Carlyle, Heroes and Hero-Worship; Coleridge, Aids to Reflection; Brown o n Puseyite episcopacy; Grote's Greece; Lyle's Travels in America. Perhaps wha t i s conspicuou s i n thi s lis t i s th e absenc e o f Germa n philosophica l books. McCos h onc e sai d tha t h e coul d barel y stan d t o rea d Hegel . 48

100

Scotland

himself. H e di d no t tel l anyon e tha t h e wa s writin g a book , an d when th e volume appeared th e Free Church Magazine registere d sur prise tha t s o hefty an d ponderous a work ha d com e from th e pen o f one heretofor e unknown . Th e reviewe r sai d h e ha d hear d Mc Cosh's nam e before , bu t nothin g mor e than that. 49 The Method of the Divine Government appeare d i n 185 0 an d brought McCosh immediat e and wid e acclaim. An d althoug h i t led direcdy t o a n importan t academi c appointmen t fo r McCosh , thi s work properl y belong s t o his life in the gospel ministr y an d stand s as the termina l landmar k o f tha t perio d o f hi s life. Th e work , firs t of all, receive d fa r greate r consideratio n i n th e religiou s pres s tha n in th e academic. The Free Church Magazine judged i t "th e most val uable contributio n t o natura l theolog y wit h whic h w e ar e ac quainted." I t value d th e wor k a s a usefu l repl y t o Rober t Cham bers's Vestiges of Creation and August e Comte' s Positive Philosophy. According t o McCosh , th e work , a s McCos h ma y hav e intended , found it s audience among th e nonacademic public—ministers, law yers, teachers , businessmen , an d a t leas t on e hig h an d influentia l man o f state . I t sol d extremel y well , wit h th e largest consumptio n in th e United States . The first editio n was exhausted in six months , and seve n mor e followed. An d i t is the most readabl e of McCosh' s books. I t bear s al l th e mark s o f the rhetorica l styl e o f his ministry . It shun s th e scholasti c rhetori c an d abound s i n livel y an d practica l illustrations fro m th e commonplac e o f life. I t i s wordy, bu t fluent. Above all , it occupie s a significant, transitiona l plac e i n McCosh' s intellectual life . Fo r despit e it s popula r styl e an d manne r i t di d in vestigate som e weight y problems , an d Divine Government wa s McCosh's firs t effor t t o correc t th e premise s o f th e Scottis h En lightenment fro m th e perspectives o f the evangelical movement. 50 McCosh had read widely in the physical and natural sciences , and the first part of his work was an effort t o relate these to his religiou s understanding o f the world. Hi s effort t o move beyon d th e kind o f evidences o f desig n fo r whic h Willia m Pale y ha d becom e famou s took McCos h eventuall y t o a n apologeti c scienc e tha t wa s full y oudined i n his philosophy o f evolution. Alread y McCos h wa s calling for a more thoroughly organi c sense of the creation, a unity no t of mechanica l part s bu t o f progressiv e an d systemati c transforma tion o f typical forms. I n later work s McCos h illustrate d thes e pat terns with immense scientific detail , so we will postpone for a while the richer analysis that ensued . * McCosh , "M y Life, " 105 ; Free Church Magazine (Apri l 1850) , 101 . *> Free Church Magazine (Apri l 1850) , 97-98 ; McCosh, "M y Life, " 108 .

The Gospel Ministry

101

The Method of the Divine Government is essentially a book o f evi dences. Unlik e McCosh' s late r works , i t is a religious rathe r tha n a philosophical work . Bu t McCos h deliberatel y avoide d specifi c scriptural reference s becaus e h e di d no t wis h t o link th e fat e o f hi s theistic argument s t o th e authorit y o f th e reveale d Word , whic h held a n autonomou s status . H e di d inten d o f cours e t o bolste r th e Christian worl d vie w an d t o sho w tha t God' s goveranc e of-th e world parallele d a particular kin d o f Calvinisti c Christianit y com patible with his own evangelica l perspective. Th e book divide s into two sections , on e exploring th e external, th e other th e internal evi dences o f God' s existenc e an d activity . Bot h part s wer e draw n i n large outline s tha t becam e increasingl y technica l i n succeedin g works. I n each of them McCosh wante d t o explore with his readers the possibilities o f an ordered univers e tha t allowed bot h fo r God' s sovereignty an d man' s freedom . H e wishe d t o show bot h th e maj esty an d meannes s o f th e huma n condition , it s freedo m an d de pendence. He wishe d to demonstrate th e necessary compatibilit y o f a rational an d mora l huma n nature , an d th e important corollar y o f the will's freedom, wit h the fact of a controlling, independen t deity . McCosh woul d sho w tha t ther e wa s something t o b e said fo r bot h of Scotland' s intellectua l an d religiou s traditions , an d tha t eac h needed th e suppor t an d refinemen t o f the other . The secon d par t o f his book explore d th e subjects o f mental an d moral science , psychology , an d ethics . Her e to o McCos h outline d issues an d answer s tha t h e refine d an d elaborate d i n later , mor e technical works . A glanc e a t hi s view s a t thi s point , however , shows clearl y how muc h th e neo-Calvinis m o f the gospel ministe r informed th e view s o f the earl y philosopher . McCosh inherite d fro m hi s Scottis h philosophica l predecessor s not onl y th e introspectiv e metho d o f tha t schoo l bu t th e facult y psychology that characterized its analysis of the human constitution . By this approach th e mind wa s divided into its several component s or "faculties, " an d menta l philosoph y becam e th e scienc e o f thes e faculties, th e nature o f each an d its interaction wit h th e other parts . Intellect, will , conscience, imagination, th e sensibility, o r emotions , constituted th e majo r division s an d wer e ofte n th e subject o f sepa rate treatises . Investigation s o f thes e facultie s wer e ofte n highl y technical an d toda y see m antiquate d an d somewha t tedious . Bu t much was at stake in the various interpretations. Wa s the moral fac ulty a n independen t faculty , an d di d it s statu s a s suc h confir m th e freedom an d mora l independenc e o f huma n nature ? Wa s th e wil l determined, an d wha t the n became of individual moral responsibil -

102

Scotland

ity? Ofte n a t stak e wer e importan t religiou s issues . Doe s th e exist ence o f moral law s pronounce d b y th e conscience confir m Christi anity's contentio n tha t w e inheri t fro m Go d a certai n ethica l framework tha t i t i s ou r obligatio n t o obey ? I n answerin g thes e questions, McCosh introduce d tw o considerations tha t meri t atten tion here. They concern the nature of the will and the nature of conscience. McCosh believe d tha t despit e thei r contrastin g point s o f view , both the naturalism o f French thinker s like Condillac and the deter minism o f th e neo-Calvinis t Jonathan Edward s di d equa l violenc e to a correc t understandin g o f th e huma n wil l an d th e attendan t question o f moral freedom . Recentl y Cousin and Jouffroy i n Franc e and Thoma s Brow n i n Scotlan d ha d endeavored t o explain th e will in term s o f sensibility, o r emotion , an d t o reduc e it s status fro m a n independent facult y t o th e su m produc t o f th e prevailin g inclina tions o f th e whol e psyche . A crud e determinis m woul d see m b y this effor t t o undermin e an y plausibl e notio n o f huma n responsi bility derive d fro m a conditio n o f freedom an d capacit y t o choose . But McCos h di d no t wan t t o discoun t th e rol e of some causa l fac tor. McCos h wishe d t o eschew bot h the naturalistic determinism o f the Frenc h thinker s an d th e logica l determinis m o f Edwards . W e can imagin e a conditio n i n whic h thought s an d volition s follo w each othe r a t random , bu t w e canno t assig n t o a being i n tha t con dition either rationality o r moral responsibility. Lik e the universe at large, th e huma n conditio n rest s i n a middle positio n betwee n de terminism an d flux. "Huma n natur e expect s an d find s tha t th e la w of causality reign s amon g th e wishe s o f the heart an d th e purpose s of the mind , a s it reigns in ever y departmen t o f the soul." Further more, we cannot expect tha t th e law of cause and effect, assigne d t o us by God , coul d b e the grounds fo r undermining , throug h a n un yielding determinism , ou r mora l responsibility . Bu t i n wha t sens e can it be said that th e will is under thi s law, ye t also free ? Here McCos h place d himself agai n directl y i n th e Scottish tradi tion by appealing t o a radical dualism of spirit and mind . That dual ism derive d i n par t fro m th e critica l distinctio n betwee n spiri t an d mind a s "self-actin g substance " an d iner t matter . Revertin g t o Plato, McCos h argue d tha t an y bod y tha t i s move d fro m withi n and o f itself possesse s a soul, whil e ever y bod y tha t ca n be move d only fro m withou t possesse s n o soul . Suc h i s th e natur e o f the hu man soul that its will is free, no t determined by other agents. 51 This 51 James McCosh , The Method of the Divine Government, Physical and Moral (Ne w York, 1851) , pp. 279-88 . McCos h di d not anticipat e here the possible objection tha t

The Gospel

Ministry

103

is no t th e sam e thing , McCos h insisted , a s sayin g tha t i t i s un caused. Causation applies to the human soul as it does to everythin g in creation . W e asser t onl y tha t change s i n th e min d ca n b e pro duced b y th e min d itsel f an d accordin g t o "menta l laws. " I t i s th e nature o f God alon e t o be uncaused, bu t i n havin g th e attribute s o f self-action th e min d share s a n attribut e o f divinity . Thes e link s i n fact regres s agai n t o the "eterna l self-operatin g cause s in th e Divin e mind" an d ar e extensions , lik e th e physica l law s o f nature , o f tha t mind. McCos h i n this manner preserve d th e identity of God as sovereign creator , bu t als o preserved man' s mora l freedom . T o defin e the situatio n i n differen t terms : God's natur e a s pure spiri t i s to b e free acting , an d i n creatin g spiritua l ma n i n hi s ow n image , h e im parts t o human natur e th e sam e quality . McCos h thereb y affirme d not onl y a radical dualism in the human constitutio n (on e central t o Scottish philosophy ) bu t furthe r outline d th e element s o f freedo m and contingenc y i n the human will. 52 To giv e th e scienc e o f ethic s a secur e foundatio n McCosh , lik e many i n th e Scottis h school , fel t tha t he needed t o demonstrat e th e independent authorit y o f conscience . It s status , h e believed , wa s like tha t o f reason , whic h give s u s certai n axiomati c idea s o r law s that "admi t o f n o demonstration " an d canno t b e challenged . Al l reasoning proceeds on thes e principles. But philosophers have read ily concede d thi s trut h whil e the y hav e bee n reluctan t t o allo w a similar authorit y t o th e mora l judgment. Th e tw o faculties , how ever, ar e analogous , eve n thoug h strictl y independent . Th e mora l faculty i s not th e product o f th e sensibilit y o r th e intellect, no r an y hybrid combination . N o combinatio n o f color s i n natur e ca n pro duce sound , an d n o compositio n o f odor s ca n produc e color . Th e mind, throug h th e conscience , declare s an "indelible distinctio n be tween goo d an d evil " i n th e sam e manne r i t declare s a distinctio n between truth an d error. Law s of the conscience even hold the same authority a s suc h intuitiv e truth s a s caus e an d effect ; the y to o ar e bestowed b y God a s the certain means by which he assures th e har mony o f his creature s an d his creation . Mora l law s have a n inflexi ble character tha t confirm s th e supremacy o f God's decrees and tha t lifts thes e laws "abov e everythin g tha t i s fleeting an d variable." 53 McCosh's assertion s merel y recapitulate d th e essential outlin e o f the Scottis h philosophers , Hutcheso n especially . H e pursue d th e the soul , consistin g o f th e su m o f it s faculties , o r parts , acte d o f it s ow n bu t i n a manner determine d b y thos e part s constitutin g a self-acting whole . H e di d not , i n short, wholl y overcom e Edwards' s cas e fo r a determinism o f thi s kind . 52 3 Ibid., p . 291 . 5 Ibid., pp . 297-303 .

104

Scotland

question, though , wit h a particular interest in the functioning o f the conscience an d th e condition s tha t mak e th e mora l lif e possible . The Scottis h tradition , h e felt , ha d don e muc h goo d i n defendin g the mora l authorit y o f th e conscience , bu t tha t wo n onl y hal f th e batde. Fo r McCosh' s evangelicalis m ther e wa s somethin g to o au tomatic an d superficia l i n a mer e defens e o f mora l principle s an d their inviolabl e plac e i n th e huma n constitution . Hutcheson' s dis interested benevolenc e remaine d onl y a n instinctive element whos e operation coul d rende r muc h goo d whe n full y exercised . Bu t McCosh suspecte d tha t unles s th e mora l facult y wa s unite d wit h the othe r component s o f th e soul , i t wa s likel y t o b e inefficaciou s and dormant . I t wa s likel y als o t o b e brough t int o operatio n onl y as it relate d t o specia l socia l situations , t o hav e a merely utilitaria n valuf an d wor k fo r socia l convenienc e only . No r coul d i t effec tively withstan d th e countervailin g powe r o f a n essentiall y sinfu l human nature . Hutcheso n ha d correctl y define d th e moral qualitie s in terms o f personal disinterest , bu t he an d his followers ha d insuf ficiently fortifie d th e sou l agains t countervailin g forces. 54 Th e En lightenment an d Moderatis m ha d lef t th e mora l lif e i n a precarious condition. The moral facult y ca n exercise true authority onl y whe n it unites with th e affection s an d th e will . Indee d i t mus t dominat e both . McCosh wa s takin g a n interestin g positio n here , becaus e althoug h he inherite d fro m th e philosophers th e structure o f the faculty psy chology an d th e habi t o f viewin g th e element s o f th e sou l i n thei r distinctive characteristic s an d functions , h e als o inherite d fro m th e religious thinkers , an d probabl y Edward s especially , a sense o f th e entire internal stat e of the individual. Th e Evangelicals, specifically , wished t o describ e th e perso n onl y i n term s o f hi s statu s a s con verted o r unconverted , i n o r ou t o f grace . Th e distinction s wer e emphatic; w e liv e eithe r a s "natural " me n an d women , o r w e liv e in th e transforme d stat e o f grace . In unitin g thi s perspectiv e t o Scottis h psychology , McCos h sa w that it was inadequate merel y t o defend th e conscienc e and the possibility o f an absolute moral authority . Th e conscience coul d deriv e 54 Hutcheson ha d don e n o suc h thing , a s w e note d earlier . McCos h to o readil y exaggerated th e Enlightenment' s confidenc e i n huma n nature , a confidenc e tha t Hutcheson, fo r one , severel y qualife d a s he pointed t o a passionate self-interes t an d intemperate expansivenes s tha t pervad e th e huma n soul . McCos h an d Hutcheson , in fact , differe d onl y wit h respec t t o th e mean s o f overcomin g thes e characteristic s and locatin g th e mora l bas e fro m whic h t o d o so . A s show n i n Chapte r 5 , th e evangelical McCos h argue d fo r a biblica l foundatio n a s th e onl y groun d o f mora l certitude.

The Gospel

Ministry

105

its power an d fulfil l it s assignment onl y whe n linked t o a particular inward conditio n o f the individual. Conscienc e mus t dominat e an d join wit h th e othe r faculties , th e emotions , th e intellect , th e will , even thoug h thes e have independent status , in order t o produce th e fully transforme d perso n who m th e Evangelical s describe d a s i n a spiritual state . McCos h readil y admitte d tha t thi s interpla y occur s in an y human behavior ; emotion s atten d man y action s a s a kind o f echo o f th e conscience . Th e mora l facult y "i s th e maste r powe r o f the human soul , an d i t i s fitting tha t i t should neve r mov e withou t a retinue o f attendants." McCosh' s evangelicalis m le d him then , t o move beyon d a descriptio n o f ethic s i n term s o f th e outwar d be havior o f the benevolen t principle . H e wishe d t o shif t attentio n in ward, t o th e whol e interna l makeu p o f th e individual. I n this way , too, no t deed s alone , no r an y doctrin e o f works , coul d b e th e cri teria o f mora l valu e an d ultimatel y meritorious . Th e motivatio n and intention s o f th e heart wer e critical , fo r i f these did no t receiv e primary attention , an y ethica l theor y wa s likel y t o becom e a utilitarian on e measurin g no t intention s bu t results . I t wa s no t legiti mate t o cal l a person virtuou s merel y becaus e h e di d right . Virtu e is not a n actio n bu t a quality. McCos h hope d her e t o discredi t th e Moderates i n thei r preoccupatio n wit h decoru m an d civilize d be havior, an d hi s account confirme d th e challeng e tha t th e Evangeli cals set for themselve s i n undertaking th e full transformatio n o f the individual. Centerin g o n th e wil l and th e affection s i n their allianc e with th e conscience , th e ethica l lif e emerge d a s a rough descriptio n of what th e religious party calle d th e state o f conversion. ss McCosh's view s parallele d Hutcheson' s mor e tha n h e realized . Both pursued a n ethical system in which behavior motivated by th e least degre e o f persona l interes t wa s th e mos t virtuous . Bu t onc e more th e evangelica l perspectiv e influence d McCosh . Th e sinful ness of human natur e complicate d an y ethica l situation . Fo r th e in teraction of the conscience with th e other facultie s embroil s it in the self-interest an d attendant deceptio n o f the fallen personality . Pride , vanity, an d passio n preven t th e pur e voic e o f th e mora l facult y from havin g it s say . Thoug h i t ma y tr y t o rul e ove r th e emotion s and th e will, i t may eve n obscur e its own intention s b y its involve ment wit h thes e othe r faculties . "Muc h o f huma n wickednes s i s displayed i n th e ingenious scheme s whic h ar e contrive d t o deceiv e the mora l faculty , an d avoi d it s humblin g judgments. " McCos h was n o longe r askin g wit h th e philosophers whethe r th e moral lif e 55

Ibid., pp . 303-34 , 316-17 .

Scotland

106

was possible ; h e was asking wit h th e religious thinker s whethe r i t was probable . McCos h the n onc e mor e linke d th e philosophica l concepts with th e religious. Ethic s does consist in disinterestedness, but becaus e th e human constitutio n make s disinterestednes s s o dif ficult t o attain, Go d has provided a more certai n means . Virtur e in its highest form , McCos h wrote , exist s "whe n th e will is exercised in reference t o the Divine Being. " Tha t referenc e come s first i n our obedience t o the highest impersona l sourc e of authority, th e will of God a s expressed i n Scripture. Thi s "voic e fro m heaven " provide s a "pure and holy law" that transcends th e compromises tha t huma n nature force s o n the voice o f conscience, an d it alone ca n furnish a motive powe r sufficien t t o counterac t th e appea l o f self-interest . When th e human sou l ha s lost it s direction , i t need s th e magneti c attraction o f a force outsid e itself . Hutcheson' s ques t fo r a self-ef facing ethica l philosoph y pursue d no t th e wron g end s bu t th e wrong means . Th e huma n sou l shoul d fin d it s fulfillmen t i n th e only effectiv e mean s availabl e t o transcen d an d delimi t ou r ow n concerns and interests. The Bible to that extent, McCos h said , "restores t o th e conscienc e it s ow n primitiv e discernmen t an d sensi bility, an d it becomes a constant monito r agains t evil. " This appea l alone suffice d t o complete a n ethical philosophy fo r a fallen huma n nature, an d it joined th e moral lif e t o biblical faith. 56 This summar y o f McCosh's firs t majo r publicatio n describe s his efforts t o correc t th e Scottis h philosophy' s rationalis m an d confi dence b y th e Evangelical' s sens e o f huma n si n an d th e fac t o f a n omnipotent deit y wh o judges sin . His loyalty t o the first traditio n should no t be neglected, eve n though McCos h perceive d it s weaknesses. Hutcheso n wa s much preferre d t o Hobbes o r Hum e fo r he and th e othe r Scot s ha d rescue d humankin d fro m th e pit o f a relentless self-interest tha t recognized no transcendent moral realities . Our sens e o f huma n weaknes s an d depravit y nee d no t fal l int o a pervasive cynicism. Ca n we not have a realistic sense of human na ture withou t yieldin g t o a flattering an d overconfident portraya l o f its manifold virtues ? McCosh intimate d his own position concisely : "Every thinkin g min d ha s felt a s if there wer e a gap to fil l u p between suc h writer s a s Hutcheson, Reid , Stewart , Brown , Mackin tosh, Kant , Cousin , andjouffroy , o n th e one hand ; an d th e com mon treatise s o f divinity , suc h a s thos e o f Augustine , Calvin , Owen, an d Edwards , o n th e other." Thu s spok e th e Scottish phi losopher and the Scottish preacher. 57 James McCosh , wh o celebrated contrivanc e an d arrangement i n 56

Ibid., pp. 339, 486, 317-18, 323-25. 5

7

Ibid., p . 408 .

The Gospel

Ministry

107

the way s of God's governance , foun d himsel f th e lucky beneficiar y of timel y events . Th e publicatio n o f Divine Government brough t him considerabl e fame , an d in recognition h e received a n honorar y doctorate fro m St . Andrew s University . Bu t event s probably quit e beyond hi s awarenes s coincide d wit h hi s advancing reputatio n an d accrued t o his advantage. On e of the readers of McCosh's book wa s the earl o f Clarendon , entruste d wit h th e approva l o f academic assignments t o th e ne w Queen' s Colleg e i n Belfast , Ireland . Th e story o f his readin g McCosh's wor k i s cited b y s o man y source s as not t o be judged apocryphal . Clarendo n becam e so absorbed inDi vine Government on e Sunday , th e stor y goes , tha t h e wholl y neg lected t o g o t o church. S8 H e immediatel y judged McCos h suitabl e for th e ope n philosoph y positio n a t th e colleg e an d offere d i t t o him. McCosh seem s not t o have hesitated i n accepting. H e had serve d the ministr y wit h dedicatio n an d energy , bu t ha d no t attaine d th e kind o f prominence tha t foretol d an y great renow n i n ecclesiastical circles. Already h e was witnessing a different kin d of struggle in the world, a battle of ideas that promised a s much fo r goo d o r ill as any work th e churche s migh t undertake . Bu t mixe d feeling s attende d McCosh's departure . H e wa s devote d t o Scotlan d an d t o Scottis h things. Fo r nearly seventee n year s he had lived and worked happil y among th e peopl e o f th e easter n regions . An d whe n McCos h an nounced hi s intentio n t o leave , hi s friend s an d acquaintance s re sponded wit h lov e an d kindness . Hi s Bibl e classe s presente d hi m with a farewel l gif t o f tw o handsom e religiou s book s beautifull y inscribed in gold wit h th e words, "i n testimon y o f their esteem and gratitude fo r hi s indefatigable labor s in the promotion o f their eter nal welfare. " Th e Brechi n citizen s mad e McCosh a life membe r o f their Mechanics ' Institut e an d gathere d fo r a farewel l servic e fo r him i n th e West Fre e Church. Th e meeting , a s the local newspape r reported, wa s ope n t o th e publi c an d attende d b y al l th e denomi nations i n town , an d "wa s crowde d t o th e door s b y a n immens e assemblage." McCos h reviewe d som e o f the trials and successe s o f his ministr y an d th e event s o f th e Disruption . Th e nex t Sunday , December 29 , 1851 , he delivered th e traditional farewel l sermo n t o his congregation. H e close d th e message saying : "Finall y brethren , farewell. B e perfect , b e o f goo d comfort , b e o f on e mind , liv e i n peace; an d the God o f love an d peace will be wit h you." 5 9 58

Among th e source s givin g thi s accoun t ar e The Northern Whig [Belfast], Nov ember 19 , 1894 ; McBain, Eminent Arbroathians, pp . 324-25 ; New York Sun, Novem ber 17 , 1894 ; and als o McCosh , "M y Life, " 110 . 59 Brechin Advertiser and Angus and Meams Intelligencer, January 6 , 1852 .

Part II IRELAND

Chapter Four INTUITIONAL REALIS M

JAMES M C C O S H tro d a well-wor n pat h i n hi s remova l from Scodan d t o norther n Ireland . Sinc e th e day s o f th e Tudo r monarchs, th e efforts o f the English crow n t o establish a Protestant stronghold i n Catholi c Irelan d ha d promote d th e settlemen t o f Scottish Lowlander s acros s th e Nort h Channel . Cu t of f fro m th e rest o f Irelan d b y a natural barrie r o f mountain s an d lakes , Ulste r became a n are a o f Presbyteria n strength . Onl y recently , however , had th e Presbyterian part y fel t it s rea l muscle. Lon g exclude d fro m full economic , political , an d educationa l opportunities , th e dissent ing Presbyterians ha d endured a n often bitte r enmit y wit h th e privileged Anglicans . Bu t i n th e lat e eighteent h century , whe n Danie l O'Connell joine d a vigorou s Iris h nationalis m t o th e Catholi c cause, th e unfriendl y Protestan t side s forgo t thei r quarrels . Th e 1800 Unio n immensel y benefite d th e commercia l an d industria l north an d b y th e middl e nineteent h century , whe n McCos h ar rived, Belfas t ha d becom e th e leadin g exportin g cit y o f th e nort h and a major manufacturin g area . Less dependent tha n the rest of the country o n potat o agriculture , i t wa s spare d th e horror s o f th e 1840s famine , an d it s econom y enjoye d boo m year s fo r th e nex t two decades. 1

Higher educatio n fel t th e effect s o f thi s ne w spiri t o f uplift. Th e establishment o f Queen's Colleg e in 184 6 testified t o tha t spirit an d also proclaime d th e institutiona l gain s o f Presbyterianism . T o b e sure, th e issu e o f it s foundin g registere d al l th e politica l antago nisms an d th e tragi c religiou s rivalries tha t marke d th e histor y o f Ireland. An d wit h it s nonsectarian policie s the college was intende d to bypass these . But it signaled a triumph fo r th e Presbyterians wh o had lon g calle d fo r a colleg e i n th e north . The y wer e expecte d t o dominate th e institution , an d the y did . Nonetheless , othe r issue s motivated th e founding . Th e Belfas t campu s wa s par t o f th e ne w Queen's Universit y system , whic h als o included campuse s a t Cor k ' J . C . Beckett . A Short History of Ireland (London, 1952) , pp . 145-56 ; F S. L Lyons, Ireland since the Famine (London, 1971) , pp . 15-16 , 49 .

112

Ireland

and Galway. Queen's of Belfast responded to a city noted for its lively intellectual circles and its intelligent working-class popula­ tion. Protestant young men of Ulster had long pursued higher ed­ ucation in Scodand; now Queen's enhanced their opportunities while perpetuating the major characteristics of the Scottish univers­ ities. And it sought to blend the classical with the practical. The first meetings to determine the course of instruction at the new school resolved that, without sacrificing the traditional courses in ancient languages and philosophy, the college should also provide instruc­ tion in "those branches of modern literature and science now es­ sential to be known by every well-educated man." The new school, in fact, made the study of Greek optional, and its trustees pro­ claimed its modernism. Their memorandum remarked that the ac­ ademic reforms at Belfast spoke to the "practical wants of the mid­ dle classes" and to the needs of a community "busily occupied with practical science, with commerce, with agriculture, and with man­ ufacturers." 2 McCosh's career at Belfast would greatly extend the Scottish in­ tellectual influence in the area. Among some sensitive nationalists his appointment sparked a reaction, and a noted English writer satirized these feelings in verse.3 Nevertheless, McCosh's reception was enthusiastic. An overflow audience gathered at the college on January 12, 1852, to hear McCosh present an introductory lecture that ceremonialized his appointment. The address, reported in full by the local Belfast Mercury, was an energetic plea for the Scottish method of inductive philosophy, its intuitionism, and its dualistic humanism. The issues and the philo­ sophical warfare of the day, apparently, were not unfamiliar to the assembled group, for the Mercury reported that cheering frequently 2 Theodore William Moody and James Camlin Beckett, Queen's Belfast: 18451949, 2 vols. (London, 1959), 2:1-44. The quotations are on pp. 41 and 43. 3 Scots at Queen's were highly represented, and the consequent nationalist laments of the Irish inspired Thackeray's "The Last Irish Grievance," which refers in two places to McCosh: As I think of the insult that's done to this nation Red tears of rivinge from my faytures I wash, And uphold in this poem, to the world's daytistation, The sleeves that appointed Professor M'Cosh

Ο false Sir John Kane! is it thus that you praych me? I think all your Queen's Universities Bosh; And if you've no neetive Professor to taych me, I scawurn to be learned by the Saxon M'Cosh The Works of William Makepeace Thackeray, 26 vols. (New York, 1911), 20:185-86.

Intuitional

Realism

113

interrupted McCosh' s talk . An d th e tal k itself faithfully anticipate d McCosh's philosophica l caree r a t Queen's . H e woul d rescu e phi losophy fro m it s contemporar y pitfalls—fro m th e indiscriminat e materialism tha t honor s n o spiritua l reality , an d from th e overzeal ous intuitionis m tha t defie s experience . H e woul d fin d a middl e course betwee n th e ol d Frenc h sensationalist s an d th e romanti c Germans, and his fellow Scot s must lead the way. 4 The middle path was a difficult path , however . McCos h woul d fin d himsel f caugh t in th e crossfir e a s he fough t th e tw o stronges t impulse s i n th e phi losophies o f his day . Undoubtedly McCos h di d mak e Queen' s Belfas t a bastio n o f strength fo r th e Scottis h philosophy . H e taugh t classe s in logic an d metaphysics ther e fo r sixtee n years . H e usuall y ha d fro m fift y t o one hundred student s in any given semester , lecture d t o them twic e a week in each course, an d held examinations o n the other two clas s days. McCosh defende d thi s approach . Th e constan t examinations , he believed, prevented th e students from fallin g into idle habits; and he judged thi s device one improvement o n the Scottish universities. The student bod y wa s religiously diverse , an d McCosh ha d severa l Catholic student s i n his courses , includin g "som e o f m y best. " H e claimed tha t h e awarde d th e highes t grade s t o thos e wh o demon strated a n independen t judgmen t i n thei r examinations . Bu t Mc Cosh i s no t t o b e take n a t his wor d o n thi s issue . Witnes s thi s ex amination questio n fro m hi s metaphysic s class : "Wha t servic e wa s done to philosophy b y Reid, mor e especially i n rescuing it from th e defective o r erroneou s view s o f Locke , pushe d t o a n extrem e b y Berkeley an d Hume?" 5 Surel y ther e wa s n o doub t a s t o wha t th e professor wa s looking for ! McCosh believe d tha t muc h wa s at stake in his intellectual wor k at the college . Beyond it s ques t fo r intellectua l truth , th e new insti tution, h e believed, ha d a precise place t o play in the communit y a t large. The professor o f metaphysics looke d ou t o n a city consume d by materia l ambitio n an d enamore d o f industria l progress . Muc h hard wor k an d disciplin e flourished ami d th e manifes t prosperity , and McCos h gav e hi s blessing s t o thes e enterprisin g people . Bu t the materialisti c spirit , h e feared , threatene d t o drow n th e college . It wa s unde r continua l pressure s t o mak e practicalit y it s guidin g principle. McCos h counsele d resistanc e t o these pressures. Alread y 4

James McCosh, "O n th e Method i n Which Metaphysics Shoul d B e Prosecuted, " Belfast Mercury, January 13 , 1852 . 5 The Queen's College Commission Report. . . (Dublin, 1858) , pp. 30-36; The Belfast Queen's College Calendar (Belfast, 1853) , cxxv .

114

Ireland

a stifling materialis m dominate d th e colleg e curriculum , especiall y in th e heav y emphasi s o n th e physica l sciences . Th e schoo l ha d n o established chai r o f divinity , an d philosoph y wa s optional . To o many students , McCos h felt , "devot e themselve s exclusivel y t o studies whic h wil l neve r brin g the m nea r th e huma n min d an d it s spiritual nature " an d pas s throug h thei r colleg e year s ignoran t o f history's greates t thinkers . An d th e worl d coul d no t b e mad e saf e for Christianit y i f higher education di d not somehow abat e the taste for affluenc e an d infus e th e middle-clas s societ y o f money , trade , and manufactur e wit h a taste fo r idea s an d literature . Suc h a n alli ance wa s McCosh' s grea t socia l hope . H e designe d a pla n a t Queen's b y whic h loca l merchant s wer e aske d t o reduc e b y on e year th e apprenticeshi p term s o f a boy wh o pursue d classes , eve n evening classe s i f necessary, a t th e school . I n th e new urba n worl d of industrial capitalism , th e moder n universit y ha d a critical rol e t o play. Mammo n mus t li e down wit h th e muse. 6 soo n becam e a period o f prodigious outpu t fo r McCosh, witnessin g th e publicatio n o f al l hi s majo r philosophica l writings. The y wer e excitin g years , too , thoug h hazardou s fo r th e tradition h e defended . Ne w direction s i n ideas , severa l alread y prevalent i n Scotlan d itself , place d McCos h an d th e intuitiona l school on th e defensive. Bu t McCosh boun d himself to no rigorou s system tha t recalle d a n earlie r age . Th e tas k h e se t himsel f looke d to a flexible stance tha t coul d adop t fro m th e new whil e protectin g the bes t o f th e olde r ways . Th e resul t wa s a new formulatio n an d one tha t give s McCosh a distinctive plac e among th e Scottis h phi losophers. W e ma y rightl y emplo y th e labe l "intuitiona l realism " to designate tha t place. McCosh's philosophical effort s hav e a definite contex t withi n th e

THE BELFAS T YEAR S

6 James McCosh , "Th e Art s Cours e i n th e Queen' s Universit y an d th e Queen' s Colleges," summarized i n the Transactions of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science, 1867 (London, 1868) , p . 447 ; Moody an d Beckett , Queen's Belfast, 1:248-49. Queen's College Commission, pp. 36, 43, 352. On th e larger curncula r issue s McCosh als o defended th e ancient languages an d criticized th e increasing prevalenc e of th e moder n ones . Thes e point s addresse d a reform effor t i n th e college, on e tha t McCosh dismisse d a s a n effor t t o "wate r down " th e academi c standard s o f th e school. "Fo r th e first tim e i n th e histor y o f an y university, " h e wrote , "Frenc h i s put o n th e sam e footin g a s Greek. " Idem , The Mental Sciences and the Queen's University in Ireland: Being a Letter to the Secretary of the Queen's University (Belfast , 1860). McCosh' s conservativ e stanc e dre w a direct pamphle t repl y fro m Professo r William Nesbit t o f Queen's Colleg e Galway : A Reply to the Strictures of the Rev. Dr. McCosh on the Recent Ordinance ofthe Senate of the Queen's University in Ireland (Dublin, 1860).

Intuitional Realism

115

literature o f mid-nineteenth-centur y Englan d an d on e tha t lend s some drama t o the great debates of that time. The publication o f Sir William Hamilton' s Discussions on Philosophy in 185 2 brough t re newed attentio n t o tha t grea t Scottis h mind , a s di d hi s Lectures on Metaphysics and Logic in 1859 . The Lectures, a n editing of Hamilton' s classroom discourse s a t Edinburgh , i s the mos t complet e synthesi s we hav e o f Hamilton's ideas . I t clarifie s man y obscur e points , an d although a t time s i t i s somewha t simplistic , th e posthumou s vol umes bolstere d th e Scottis h methodolog y agains t th e growin g ap peal o f empiricism . McCos h als o mad e i t hi s avowe d purpos e t o strengthen th e Scottis h system , an d hi s Intuitions of the Mind (1860 ) constitutes hi s mos t exhaustiv e philosophica l treatise . Certainl y i t was McCosh' s mos t technica l work , clearl y differen t fro m th e breezy, evangelica l styl e o f th e Divine Government. Bu t th e battl e was soon joined fro m anothe r quarter , fo r i n 186 5 John Stuar t Mil l (1806-1873) employe d al l hi s analytica l skill s i n hi s effor t t o brin g the Scottis h intellec t unde r Englis h judgment. Mill' s An Examination of Sir William Hamilton's Philosophy (1865) registere d th e alar m of th e leadin g spokesma n o f th e empiricis t tradition . H e believe d that Hamilton' s popularit y outstrippe d an y warrante d acceptanc e of his syste m an d endeavore d t o tur n philosophica l attentio n fro m a fruitless concer n with the analysis of consciousness t o a systematic study o f sensation s a s th e onl y legitimat e dat a o f menta l philoso phy. Mill of course set into renewed comba t force s tha t had warre d before. Bu t th e struggle di d no t res t here . Wit h th e death o f Ham ilton in 1856 , the Scottish positio n neede d a new defender , an d tha t role McCosh assigne d t o himself. He followe d th e Intuitions with a direct repl y t o Mill . I n 186 6 McCosh publishe d An Examination of Mr. J. S. Mill's Philosophy; Being a Defence of Fundamental

Truth.7

McCosh intende d no t s o muc h t o rescue Hamilton, wit h who m h e had severa l grievances , a s to prepar e th e buria l ground s fo r sensa tionalism an d it s attendan t dangers . Al l o f thes e exchange s wo n considerable attention , an d th e periodica l journal s especiall y charted th e progress o f the debates b y man y penetratin g reviews . As th e nex t chapte r wil l show , th e religiou s aspect s o f philoso phy wer e als o ver y muc h i n view . Hamilton' s "philosoph y o f th e unconditioned," probabl y th e most controversia l thesi s in his writ ings, ha d profoun d theologica l implications . Henr y Longuevill e Mansel (1820-1871 ) firs t realize d th e ful l exten t o f thes e implica 7 The Londo n editio n o f thi s wor k invert s th e titl e an d subtitle . Mill' s wor k extended man y o f th e point s alread y elaborate d i n hi s earlie r A System of Logic, published i n 1843 .

116

Ireland

tions, an d hi s famou s Bampto n lecture s o f 1858 , published a s The Limits of Religious Thought Examined, translate d Hamilton' s ide a o f the Absolut e a s a negatio n o f though t int o th e essentia l unknow ableness o f God . McCos h perceive d som e disturbin g implication s here an d feare d th e Germa n idealisti c tendencie s i n thes e philoso phies as much a s he feared Mill' s sensationalism. Bot h confirme d i n his mind th e need to establish antimaterialisti c intuitionis m on a realistic basis. McCos h publishe d a volume o f religious speculations , a seque l t o th e Divine Government entitled The Supernatural in Relation to the Natural (1862) , an d gav e considerabl e spac e in his phil osophical publications t o th e theological question . The religious reflections, indeed , complet e th e philosophica l system . McCosh , whose caree r stoo d a t th e juncture o f th e Scottis h philosoph y an d nineteenth-century evangelicalism , integrate d th e tw o tradition s into a Protestant scholasticis m tha t house d both. 8 Close inspectio n wil l revea l tha t McCos h modifie d Rei d an d Stewart i n important ways , thoug h al l thre e face d somewha t simi lar challenges . Fo r th e Scottis h philosoph y poise d itsel f betwee n what i t considere d a loose an d air y idealism an d a low an d shallo w materialism. Th e Scottis h thinker s intende d t o disciplin e th e unearthly qualitie s o f on e b y a n appea l t o th e rea l worl d an d t o common sense ; they woul d chec k th e deadenin g naturalis m o f th e other b y upholdin g a n independen t spiritua l reality , i n ma n an d i n the univers e a t large . I n mos t o f thei r effort s th e Scot s sa w them selves laborin g t o prov e wha t wa s obviou s t o th e genera l sens e o f mankind. I t wa s onl y th e deviou s wile s o f philosopher s tha t ha d rendered suc h a n effor t necessary . Thoma s Reid , i n a rare momen t of passion, inveighe d agains t th e abuses o f genius . Wha t ar e w e t o think, h e asked, when w e find intelligen t mind s asserting tha t ther e is no heat in fire, o r no colo r i n th e rainbow; whe n me n o f acume n seek t o disprov e th e existenc e o f a materia l world , an d asser t tha t we ourselve s ar e onl y idea s i n a mind withou t substance ? " I say, " Reid lamented , "whe n w e conside r suc h extravagance s o f many o f the mos t acut e writer s o n thi s subject , w e ma y b e ap t t o thin k th e whole t o b e onl y a drea m o f fancifu l men , wh o hav e entangle d themselves i n cobweb s spun ou t o f their ow n brain." 9 Reid mistruste d speculativ e effort s eve n whe n the y serve d th e 8 Much o f McCosh' s theologica l interes t centere d i n hi s writing s o n science , th e subject o f Chapte r 6 , wher e The Supernatural an d Typical Forms and Special Ends in Creation (1855) ar e discussed . 9 Thomas Reid , Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man (1785 ; Cambridge, Mass. , 1969), p . 64 .

Intuitional

Realism

117

cause o f theism . Fo r fancifu l o r undiscipline d speculatio n o f an y kind shoul d b e discouraged , les t th e danger s alread y apparen t i n Berkeley an d Hum e b e intensified. S o much, then , fo r al l the goo d efforts o f Nicholas Malebranch e (1638-1715) . He had trie d t o sho w that w e ma y kno w th e rea l worl d absolutel y becaus e al l huma n minds ar e united wit h a Being possesse d o f all perfection, wh o ha s in himsel f th e idea s o f al l create d things . Bu t Rei d believe d tha t Malebranche faile d i n th e mos t crucia l matter . Fo r hi s syste m di d not full y certif y th e existence of a real world. Th e divin e ideas wer e the same before th e worl d existe d an d did not necessaril y postulat e the existence of that world. I t was no surprise t o Reid therefore tha t the large r oudin e o f Malebranche' s idea s emerge d i n Berkeley' s more aggressiv e an d dangerous idealism. 10 Reid in fact s o despaired o f the tortuous an d bewildering way s o f genius tha t hi s appeal t o common sens e took o n a note of urgency. He create d fo r hi s reader s tw o classification s o f men : "O n th e on e side, stan d al l th e vulgar , wh o ar e unpractise d i n philosophica l re searches, an d guide d b y th e uncorrupte d primar y instinct s o f na ture. On th e other side , stand al l the philosophers ancien t and mod ern; every ma n withou t exceptio n wh o reflects . I n thi s division , t o my grea t humiliation , I fin d mysel f classe d wit h th e vulgar." 11 Painful confessio n indeed , fro m thi s voice o f Scottish Moderatism ! Far mor e disturbin g t o Reid, however , wer e th e gain s o f a n ad vancing materialism . Rei d coul d choos e widel y fro m th e Frenc h philosophies fo r examples , bu t referre d specificall y t o th e Englis h physician David Hartley (1705-1757) . Hartley's Observations on Man (1749) linked th e behavior of the mind to the vibrations of the nervous syste m an d thereb y suggeste d a deterministic relatio n betwee n physical effect s o n th e medullar y substanc e an d th e mind' s thoughts. Rei d di d no t labe l Hartle y a thoroug h materialis t bu t took issue with a system tha t seemed to reduce the mind to a "mer e mechanism, dependen t o n th e law s o f matte r an d motion. " Fo r Reid an d fo r th e Scots generally th e exemption o f mental an d spir itual phenomeno n fro m suc h law s wa s essential . Bu t Rei d als o thought Hardey' s effort s discredite d b y th e implausibilit y o f uni form vibration s o n th e brai n producin g th e grea t pluralit y o f sen sations w e experience. 12 10

Ibid., p . 129 . "Ibid. , p . 221. Ibid., pp . 86-87 . James Beatti e believed tha t even mor e momentous issue s wer e at stak e i n thi s question : "Tha t I a m a fre e agent , i s wha t I not onl y believe , bu t what I judge t o b e o f suc h importance , tha t al l moralit y mus t b e founde d o n it , yey, an d al l religio n too . T o vindicat e th e way s o f Go d t o man , i s not s o difficul t 12

118

Ireland

For Reid and others the epistemological question rested on the laws of the mind and consciousness. But McCosh, we shall see, had a more critical problem to meet. For merely to prove against Hume, for example, that our notion of causality is not derived from experience was not to prove that it had any real bearing on the ac­ tual world. Hamilton, we shall also see, made much use of his con­ viction that it did not, and McCosh was left to deal with that asser­ tion too. How can we know that the laws of the mind, certain though we be that they exist, do in fact describe the actual consti­ tution of the world outside, the way that it is ordered and arranged? For the Scots it was essentially a matter of faith that they do. John Gregory said that God has so ordered the world that its laws cor­ respond to those of the mind and we can have certain knowledge of the external creation. For Reid it seemed that we should have no more reason to doubt the authentic report of the intuitions than the report of our senses, which give us the actual object and not some shadowy extraction from it. "The Supreme Being intended," he wrote, "that we should have such knowledge of the material ob­ jects that surround us, as is necessary in order to our supplying the wants of nature, and avoiding the dangers to which we are con­ stantly exposed; and he has admirably fitted our powers of percep­ tion to this purpose." 1 3 McCosh always believed that Reid was essentially correct, but knew that his ideas needed stronger fortification. Challenges came not only from without, but from within Scotland itself, and two philosophers particularly made an impact. Hamilton, we have seen, was one; the other was Thomas Brown (1778-1820). Brown, al­ luded to earlier, was an imaginative thinker who reached the height of his influence in the 1830s, a full decade after his death. Since then he has suffered undeserved neglect. McCosh thought him highly important to the course of Scottish philosophy and gave him a sep­ arate chapter in his book on the Scottish philosophy and additional attention elsewhere. Brown came from Kirkudbrightshire in the south, where his father was parishional minister at Kirmabreck. He attended the university at Edinburgh, and there his genius for po­ etry flourished, spilling over later into the lively prose of his phil­ osophical writings. Another product of Dugald Stewart's philosoa thing when we acknowledge human liberty; but on the principle of fatality, it seems to me absolutely impossible." Quoted in Richard Olson, Scottish Philosophy and British Physics, 1750-1880: Λ Study in the Foundations of the Victorian Scientific Style (Princeton, 1975), p. 29. 13 Reid, Intellectual Powers, p. 118; Olson, Scottish Philosophy, p. 45.

Intuitional

Realism

119

phy classes , Brown circulate d prominentl y amon g th e rising Whi g set o f th e earl y centur y an d counte d Brougham , Horner , Jeffrey , and Smit h amon g hi s clos e friends. H e succeede d hi s mentor i n th e moral philosoph y chai r in 1810 . But Brow n soo n demonstrate d a n independent spiri t tha t vexe d th e olde r man , an d man y other s too. 14 Brown's Lectures on the Philosophy of the Human Mind (1820 ) ex udes th e typica l Scottis h disdai n fo r th e abstrac t an d remote . Phi losophy shoul d lear n t o ge t alon g withou t al l abstractions , Brow n believed, an d h e eve n lamente d th e continuin g credenc e give n Ar istotle's notio n o f form s an d th e realit y attribute d t o them. 15 H e contributed t o th e Edinburgh Review a n article very critica l of Kant , which outline d th e emerging warfar e betwee n th e Scottis h an d th e German schools . Bu t i n hi s reactio n agains t on e system , Brow n opened himsel f t o th e influenc e o f another . H e wa s probabl y th e first o f th e Scot s t o tak e Hum e positivel y an d seriously , an d Mil l mentions Brow n wit h approva l i n man y section s o f hi s writings . McCosh though t tha t Brown' s immersio n i n medica l studie s ben t him towar d "Frenc h Sensationalism." 16 Brown' s fascinatio n wit h physiology an d psychology illuminate d hi s lectures. "Certai n state s of our bodil y organs, " h e writes , "ar e directl y followe d b y certai n states or affections o f our minds;—certai n state s of affections o f our minds ar e directl y followe d b y certai n state s o f ou r bodil y organs." 17 Ultimately, though , Brow n wante d t o limit philosoph y to th e immediatel y knowable , an d tha t determinatio n seem s t o have generate d hi s insistenc e tha t al l w e ca n kno w ar e th e law s o f the min d itself . H e therefor e assume d a skeptica l postur e towar d knowledge o f the externa l worl d an d acknowledge d onl y tha t sen sations indicate , bu t d o not verify , th e existence of a world outsid e the self. 18 McCosh di d not approv e o f Brown's skepticism , bu t di d value hi m fo r hi s dualis m an d fo r som e excellen t reflection s o n natural theism. 19 Brown's abilit y t o bridge differen t school s o f thought i s best ex emplified b y his theory o f causality. Mos t commentator s sa w in his 14 James McCosh , The Scottish Philosophy: Biographical, Expository, Critical, from Hutcheson to Hamilton (Ne w York , 1875) , pp . 317-25 . 15 Thomas Brown , Lectures on the Philosophy of the Human Mind, 2 vols. (Hallowel , England, 1835) , 1:67 . "James McCosh , "Scottis h Metaphysicians, " North British Review, 2 7 (1857) , 404, 408-9 . 17 Brown, Lectures, 1:171. 18 McCosh, Scottish Philosophy, p. 334 . " McCosh , "Scottis h Metaphysicians, " 410-11 .

120

Ireland

theory th e direc t influenc e o f Hume, fo r Brow n describe d th e no tion of cause and effect i n terms of a sequence o f change. The adde d notion o f power , employe d b y Rei d (an d discusse d late r i n thi s chapter), wa s fo r Brow n anothe r o f those abstraction s tha t philos ophy coul d do without. Fo r power is to relations occurring in time, what for m i s t o object s o f simila r traits— a meaningles s addition . The invariable antecedent i s the cause, the invariable consequent th e effect, Brow n insisted . Natur e gives us only substances, not any ad ditional powe r separat e o r differen t fro m these ; n o mor e a t leas t than Aristotle' s abstracted forms . Th e more we study any phenom enon, Brow n said , th e mor e w e kno w tha t al l w e se e i n i t i s th e immediate sequenc e o f chang e wit h th e certaint y o f th e futur e re currence o f th e effec t whe n th e anteceden t present s itself . Thi s seemed t o echo Hume, bu t Brow n chos e not t o be tied to th e Scot tish skeptic . Fo r i t i s a power o f th e mind , no t merel y th e impac t on th e min d o f repeate d experiences , tha t furnishe s th e notio n o f causes and that leads us to perceive as cause and effec t wha t are only relations in time . An d lest there by any doubts about God' s place in this, Brown added : "It is thus we are able to exercise that comman d over nature, which He, wh o is its only rea l Sovereign, ha d designe d in th e magnificence o f his bounty, t o confer o n us." 2 0 Again Brow n mixed skepticis m towar d experienc e wit h a stron g an d positiv e faith i n laws o f the mind, th e only certaint y availabl e t o the inquir ing philosopher . That Brown' s sta r diminishe d late r probabl y wa s owin g bot h t o the fact tha t man y strain s o f hi s though t foun d a more precis e for mulation i n Mill and to the fact tha t Hamilton, wh o emerge d a s the brighter figure , completel y disavowe d Brown' s ideas . An d Hamil ton i s s o critica l t o thi s study , affectin g bot h McCos h an d th e de tractors o f th e Scottis h school , tha t hi s plac e i n tha t schoo l merit s careful attention . Le t u s conside r firs t th e philosophica l tempera ment o f the man , an d the n loo k mor e closel y at his majo r ideas . If on e characteristi c describe s Hamilton' s plac e i n th e Scottis h school, i t i s certainl y hi s middl e positio n regardin g th e tw o tradi tions w e hav e examined . On e o f Hamilton' s importan t Edinburgh Review essays examine d idealism . Hamilton , employin g a favorit e device, went no t t o Berkeley fo r illustratio n bu t t o th e less familia r Arthur Collie r (1680-1732) , a n obscur e bu t ver y origina l formula tor o f idealistic philosophy . Idealists, Hamilton said , diffe r fro m natura l realists (lik e Reid and Brown, Lectures, 1:67-68 .

Intuitional

Realism

121

himself), no t reall y i n denyin g th e existenc e o f th e rea l world , bu t in arguin g tha t w e d o no t kno w i t directly . W e kno w i t instea d through som e ideal objec t (tha t is, "perception" ) i n the mind itself . That intermediat e source is judged variousl y t o be either a veritable or a nonveritabl e repor t o f th e externa l objec t i n question . Thes e different judgment s distinguis h betwee n "cosmothetic " idealis m and "absolute " idealism , th e first o f which acknowledges th e exist ence o f th e externa l worl d (an d make s th e idea l objec t a n empiri cally derive d "representation " o f it), th e second o f which doe s not . But onl y absolut e idealism , Hamilto n believed , i s philosophicall y consistent, eve n i f profoundl y wrong . Fo r nearl y al l cosmotheti c idealists confir m tha t we have a natural belief in the external worl d (alleging tha t whe n w e ar e consciou s o f sel f we ar e als o consciou s of somethin g tha t i s not-self ) eve n whil e sayin g tha t immediat e knowledge o f such a world i s not available , o r mor e likely, tha t ou r immediate convictio n tha t suc h a world exist s ca n yield onl y a hy pothetical truth. Hamilto n replie d that the external world canno t b e doubted i f it is also admitted tha t w e have knowledge o f the worl d as immediately existin g (tha t is , knowledg e tha t derive s fro m im mediate consciousness). Cosmotheti c idealists , Hamilton said , den y the validit y o f ou r natura l belie f i n a n externa l world ; ye t a t th e same time, man y o f them, lik e Descartes an d Brown, allo w that w e must believ e in such a world becaus e our consciousnes s s o dictates. The absurdity , fo r Hamilton , wa s al l th e greate r becaus e th e belie f from consciousnes s exist s "i n an d through " th e perceptions whos e reliability ar e her e questioned . Wrot e Hamilton : "I t migh t b e thought tha t philosophers , whe n the y maintaine d tha t on e origina l belief wa s illusive , woul d no t conten d tha t anothe r wa s veracious,—still les s tha t the y woul d assum e a s true a belief whic h existed onl y a s a resul t o f a belief whic h the y assume d t o b e false . But thi s the y did." 21 This point , however , wa s preliminar y t o a larger one . Hamilto n wanted t o rest all philosophy o n the authority o f consciousness an d on thi s issu e especiall y carrie d fort h th e banne r o f th e Scottis h school agains t ne w departure s i n th e earl y nineteent h century . Hamilton, w e shal l see , wa s himsel f influence d b y som e o f thes e new currents , bu t the y di d no t compromis e hi s centra l plac e in th e Scottish school . Al l philosoph y mus t star t wit h th e testimon y o f consciousness. W e canno t explai n wh y consciousnes s tells us wha t 21 Sir Willia m Hamilton , Discussions on Philosophy and Literature, Education and University Reform . (London , 1852) , pp . 192-94.

122

Ireland

it does , bu t th e heavie r burde n rest s wit h those , th e cosmotheti c idealists, who alleg e the essential mendacit y o f consciousness. "Th e truth o f consciousness , i s th e conditio n o f th e possibilit y o f al l knowledge." 22 Hamilton oppose d al l representativ e theorie s o f knowledg e an d dealt a n effectiv e blo w t o thei r proponent s i n a devastating articl e in th e Edinburgh Review.23 W e nee d no t paus e her e t o revie w th e subtle casuistr y o f tha t essay , an d merel y not e fo r no w tha t Ham ilton improve d considerabl y o n Rei d i n makin g th e sam e points . Ultimately th e blo w agains t th e representationist s fel l o n Thoma s Brown a s th e mos t recen t proponen t o f tha t position . Brown , i n insisting tha t certitud e o f knowledg e ca n neve r ge t outsid e o f th e mind an d its contents, violated, accordin g t o Hamilton, th e one absolutely critica l la w o f consciousnes s itself-—tha t th e object s o f which w e ar e consciou s i n perceptio n are external realities . Thus , whereas Brow n maintaine d tha t w e ar e conscious onl y o f our ow n minds an d tha t consciousnes s o f external thing s i s only conscious ness of their modification s o f our minds , Hamilto n replie d tha t th e first dictat e o f consciousnes s i s th e realit y o f the object s i t present s to us . Brow n neve r refute d th e realit y o f th e externa l world ; h e simply sai d that consciousnes s i s an insufficient guaranto r o f its existence. Fo r Hamilton thi s was th e ultimate philosphical sin . "Con sciousness, onc e convicte d o f falsehood , a n unconditiona l scepti cism, i n regar d t o th e characte r o f ou r intellectua l being , i s th e melancholy, bu t onl y rational , result . Any conclusio n ma y no w with impunit y b e draw n agains t th e hope s an d dignit y o f huma n nature." 24 It wa s note d earlie r tha t Si r Willia m Hamilto n first reflecte d th e gains o f Germa n philosoph y i n Scotland . Specifically , i t wa s a Kantian variet y o f metaphysic s wit h whic h hi s share d som e affin ity. Hamilto n di d muc h servic e t o th e Scottis h philosoph y b y hi s defense o f direct perception , b y hi s appea l t o th e authorit y o f con sciousness, an d by his attack on th e subjectivity o f Brown's system . But amon g mor e direc t defender s o f the Scottish school , includin g McCosh, Hamilto n wa s alway s suspect , specificall y becaus e o f hi s connection t o Germa n thought . Hamilton' s philosoph y o f th e un 22

Ibid., pp . 62-63 . Reprinted i n Discussions, pp. 38-97 . Representativ e theorie s o f knowledg e ar e those that maintain that what w e can claim actually to know are only representation s of possibl e rea l objects . 24 Hamilton, Discussions, pp. 55 , 94-96 ; idem , Lectures on Metaphysics and Logic, ed. H . L . Manse l an d John Veitch , 2 vols . (Edinburgh , 1861) , 1:278-79 . 23

Intuitional Realism

123

conditioned had very important theologica l implications as we shall see, bu t it wa s th e heart of his metaphysic s also . Th e philosophy o f the unconditione d wa s a doctrin e o f th e relativit y o f knowledge . We know al l things, Hamilton believed , i n relation, an d onl y i n relation. Relatednes s i s involved i n consciousness itself , i s its very essence. Thus, we know sel f only as we know not-self. We are always conscious o f two existences i n "th e same indivisible momen t o f intuition." Likewise , "subjec t an d object , min d an d matter , ar e known onl y i n correlation an d contrast—an d b y the same commo n act." 25 Therefore , t o think i s to condition ; i t i s to limit som e real m of being by relation t o another; though t involves subject an d objec t mutually limitin g eac h other. Consciousnes s implies differentiatio n and plurality. 26 But th e corollar y i s eve n mor e important . W e canno t kno w ab solute, o r ««conditione d existenc e a t all . Fo r th e unconditione d i s one, universal , unrelated ; i t i s it s natur e t o b e undefine d b y any thing bu t itself. But therefore th e Absolute is not a positive concept ; it i s no t availabl e t o huma n conceptualization . Consciousness , whose essenc e is plurality, canno t b e identifie d wit h th e Absolute , whose essenc e i s unity . Th e Absolut e then , is , i f possible , onl y a negative idea. 27 Further conclusion s followe d Hamilton' s destructio n o f the positive conception o f the Absolute. Time , as the notion o f an absolut e endurance i n itself, has no positive statu s in our mental framework . It has a positive existenc e onl y a s a relation t o thing s i n time , o r i n temporal relatio n t o each other. I t fades into nonentity whe n w e tr y to conceptualiz e i t a s a n absolute . Likewis e i s space , considere d i n itself, a nonentity. I t canno t presen t itsel f t o ou r mind s a s whole , therefore a s eithe r absolutel y bounde d o r infinitel y unbounded , a s absolutely commencin g o r absolutel y terminating . Spac e i s posi tively conceivabl e onl y a s a means betwee n extremes , a s a relation of actual object s i n a spatial relation . W e can , to put i t simply, con ceive space and time only wit h rea l things in them, an d not withou t them. Thi s challeng e t o philosoph y wa s controversia l enough , bu t Hamilton furthe r added , i n a manner tha t suggeste d hi s relation t o Kant, tha t althoug h w e kno w positively , w e d o no t kno w abso lutely. W e kno w onl y th e conditione d an d no t a possible realm o f the unconditioned. "Beyon d thes e modes w e know, an d ca n assert, the reality o f no existence. " The exten t o f our menta l faculties, i t is 25

Hamilton, Discussions, pp . 53, 49. Ibid., pp . 13-15. 27 Ibid., pp . 28-30. A similar situation prevaile d wit h respect to the Infinite . 26

124

Ireland

clear, is inadequate fo r th e external worl d a s it migh t exis t i n som e absolute nature . Les t ther e appea r t o b e som e contradictio n be tween Hamilton' s defens e o f Rei d o n direc t an d certai n perceptio n and thi s apparent skepticism, Hamilto n reverte d in both cases to the common groun d o f consciousness; fo r i t is consciousness itsel f tha t assures us that we know onl y th e conditioned, thing s tha t are in relation t o others , an d no t a possible absolute , o r self-containe d por tion o f reality. 28 Finally, th e questio n o f causalit y define s Hamilton' s positio n i n the Scottish school . He disagreed emphaticall y wit h Hume tha t ex perience wa s powerful enoug h b y itsel f to generate so implacable a notion o f th e huma n mind . Bu t shoul d w e therefore , aske d Ham ilton, conclud e that causalit y is a primary an d positive datum o f the mind? He thought not, and his provocative analysis further agitate d the controvers y surroundin g hi s metaphysics . Causatio n doe s de rive from th e nature of the mind, t o be sure, but mind , w e recall, is restricted t o th e conditioned ; i t ca n thin k onl y i n certai n forms , i n the conditione d interva l betwee n tw o unconditione d extreme s o r poles. " N o w th e phaenomeno n o f causality, " h e asserted , "seem s nothing mor e tha n a corollary o f th e law o f th e conditioned. " W e cannot conceiv e o r kno w a thing excep t unde r th e attribut e o f ex istence. Bu t w e ca n kno w existenc e onl y i n spac e an d time , an d these only under the relative conditions respecting them. If we wer e to imagin e tha t a thin g merel y come s int o being , the n w e woul d have t o sa y tha t a t on e tim e i t ha d n o being , tha t i t wa s ou t o f al l relation. Bu t th e min d ca n conceive no suc h possibl e absolut e fact . So the n w e sa y tha t th e objec t existe d unde r a different form , an d here precisel y i s ou r whol e notio n o f causality . Causalit y derive s from ou r inabilit y t o think i n term s o f absolutes, i n this cas e of any absolute commencemen t i n tim e o r an y infinit e extensio n back ward i n time . W e ca n conceiv e nothin g a s comin g int o bein g un caused, an d nothin g a s having existe d fro m forever , o r noncaused . Causality, therefore , i s merely a "negative impotence" of the mind . It canno t b e a positiv e law , a s th e othe r Scot s believed . Further more, as we shall see, Hamilton believed his idea did greater servic e to theolog y becaus e i t extricate d i t fro m th e proble m o f a causa l regression t o God a s an uncause d existence , o r "firs t cause. " Ham ilton, i n fact , mad e i t clea r tha t becaus e causalit y derive s fro m th e very limitations of the mind, becaus e it is able to know only relativ e and no t absolut e existence , w e canno t conclud e anythin g wit h re 28

Ibid., pp . 581-82 ; idem , Lectures, 1:141.

Intuitional Realism

125

spect t o th e actua l causa l natur e o f th e worl d itself . Hamilto n be lieved tha t an y theor y tha t s o asserte d bot h th e positiv e natur e o f the causa l la w o f th e min d an d th e rigi d pla y o f causatio n o n th e world gav e credenc e t o fatalism . Bu t a s a negative la w o f the min d and onl y problematica l wit h respec t t o th e ultimat e natur e o f real ity, causality , i n Hamilton's description , stil l preserved th e more sacred possibilitie s o f moral freedo m an d the freedom o f the will. 29 Here in essenc e was the challenge that Hamilton thre w ou t t o his philosophical contemporaries . H e ha d partl y confirme d an d partl y challenged th e secur e an d confiden t worl d o f the Scottis h philoso phy b y limitin g th e ultimat e authorit y o f min d an d throwin g int o precarious uncertaint y th e intellectua l absolute s lon g cherishe d b y his countrymen . T o a large exten t th e reconstructio n an d rehabili tation of the Scottish school undertaken b y McCosh wa s a response to th e legacy o f this mos t ingeniou s o f the Scottish thinkers . In th e first fe w page s o f his Intuitions of the Mind, McCos h out lined tw o powerful force s i n the contemporary philosophica l worl d and th e "struggl e fo r mastery " i n whic h the y wer e engaged . The y were the perennial an d familiar enemie s of the Scots. There was th e one, "earth-born , sensational , empirical , utilitarian , derivin g al l ideas fro m th e senses , an d al l knowabl e trut h fro m man' s limite d experience, an d holdin g tha t ma n ca n be swaye d b y n o motive s o f a highe r orde r tha n th e desir e t o secur e pleasur e o r avoi d pain. " And ther e wa s th e other , "i f not heaven-born , a t least cloud-born , being ideal , transcendental , pantheistic , attributin g man' s lofties t 29 Hamilton, Discussions, pp . 585-88 , 595-97. To som e people reading Si r Willia m Hamilton there must appear, as there did to John Stuart Mill, an apparent discrepanc y between th e Scot' s tenaciou s natura l realis m (hi s presentativ e theor y o f knowledg e and his faith i n the veracity o f consciousness), an d his Kantian hesitancy t o speculate on ultimat e reality . I have found onl y on e sectio n i n Hamilton's writing s wher e h e seems t o confron t thi s apparen t discrepancy , an d i t show s Hamilton' s resourceful ness. I n brief , wha t Hamilto n insist s i s tha t th e philosoph y o f th e unconditione d must suppor t a natura l realism . Fo r just a s w e canno t presen t t o ou r mind s an y object strippe d o f its qualities and attributes—any "absolute " thing, suc h as an apple without th e colo r re d o r withou t it s smooth texture—neithe r ca n w e present t o ou r minds an y qualit y a s absolute i n itself , suc h a s th e colo r red . W e know re d onl y i n relation, an d therefor e b y wha t i s not red . W e mus t posi t re d i n relation , o r mor e generally, w e ca n posit colo r only a s a relation t o something else . Hence, w e retur n to rea l object s an d ca n kno w qualitie s onl y i n relatio n t o them . Se e Hamilton' s "Dissertations o n Reid, " i n The Works of Thomas Reid, ed. Si r Willia m Hamilton , 2 vols . (Edinburgh , 1863) , 2:934-35 . W e note, however , tha t onc e again , althoug h Hamilton fortified th e Scottis h epistemology , h e di d s o o n th e basi s o f menta l impotency. McCos h wante d a mor e positiv e defense .

126

Ireland

ideas t o inwar d light , appealin g t o principles whic h ar e discovere d without th e troubl e o f observation , an d issuin g i n a belie f i n th e good, instea d o f a belief in God." 30 McCosh i n fac t foun d muc h meri t i n bot h thes e schools . H e thought muc h wa s t o be gaine d b y th e many ne w inroad s of physiological psychology, an d his interest increased through hi s years at Princeton. Bu t hi s willingnes s t o lear n never overrod e hi s ultimat e reliance o n introspectio n an d th e law s o f consciousnes s a s th e proper metho d o f psychologica l study . An d fo r th e transcendenta l and idealisti c system s associate d mostl y wit h German y McCos h also had muc h praise . Agains t a n advancin g materialis m the y cen tered huma n sight s o n spiritua l realms , an d agains t th e low cours e of utilitarianis m an d relativis m the y pursue d th e real m o f th e ab solute and universal. But McCos h feare d th e ambitious an d unreal istic claim s o f this school. Kan t bega n a dangerous cours e i n mod ern philosoph y whe n h e claime d tha t th e laws of the min d reorde r experience by imposing thei r ow n specia l forms o n the phenomen a of experience . Kant , McCos h believed , merel y prepare d th e wa y for greate r offenses , an d Ficht e carrie d th e absurdity t o the point o f imagining th e worl d itsel f t o b e a projectio n o f th e mind . Ther e seemed fo r McCos h onl y on e mean s o f avoidin g bot h extremes . One mus t certif y th e realit y o f the law s o f the min d an d thei r pre cise and conjunctiv e relatio n t o th e world o f experience. McCosh' s efforts t o execut e suc h a vi a medi a resulte d i n hi s ow n intuitiona l realism, an d i t gave him a distinct plac e in th e Scottish school . Intuitions assum e man y forms—"primitiv e cognitions, " "prim itive judgments," "mora l convictions"—bu t fo r McCos h the y al l had a precise relatio n t o experience an d di d no t functio n merel y a s laws o f th e min d independentl y o r autonomousl y displace d fro m the real world. Al l intuitions ar e of some thing, existing, and on this fact alon e i s a realistic philosoph y possible . "Ou r intuitiv e convic tions," McCos h wrote , "ar e thu s no t ideas , notions , judgments , formed apar t fro m objects , bu t ar e in fact discoverie s o f somethin g in objects, o r relating to them. "31 McCosh included a variety of persons among thos e who he believed had erred fundamentall y i n thei r interpretations o f intuitions—Locke fo r sayin g tha t th e mind look s at ideas an d no t things , Kan t fo r supplyin g th e min d wit h a priori forms. Eac h ha d constructe d a philosophy o f min d tha t prevente d mind fro m penetratin g t o th e rea l world . Bu t equall y deceptiv e 30

James McCosh , The Intuitions of the Mind, Inductively Investigated (1860; 3rd ed. , rev., Ne w York , 1874) , p . 4 . 31 Ibid., p . 26 .

Intuitional Realism

127

were thos e wh o gav e th e min d a direc t acces s t o som e highe r o r fundamental real m o f bein g behin d th e phenomena l world . Plat o therefore lef t th e Western mind wit h an impossible confusio n whe n he postulate d a reaso n tha t contemplate s immutable , eternal , an d suprasensible entities , an d when, furthermore , h e mad e the discov ery o f these entities th e special goal of the philosopher an d the con templation o f them th e highest ac t of wisdom. Plat o erre d no t onl y in settin g u p thi s unearthl y unrealit y bu t i n claimin g fo r th e min d some overreaching gras p for thi s transcendent realm of being. Late r and mor e ambitiou s theorie s i n th e Platoni c tradition , McCos h noted, gav e th e min d a direct apprehensio n o f th e true , th e good , and th e beautifu l a s rea l entities . " I hop e t o b e abl e t o show, " h e said, "tha t thes e theories ar e altogether mistaken." 32 To McCos h th e intuitions wer e analogou s t o th e eye . Th e ey e is a power with a certain function t o perform, an d it realizes that func tion unde r condition s i n whic h ligh t present s object s t o th e ey e from outside . W e shoul d see intuitions workin g i n th e sam e man ner. Th e ability to see may antedate the object viewed , a s intuitions antedate experience . Bu t intuitions , lik e th e eye , hav e n o content , and consciousnes s know s nothin g o f their laws , until i t has experi ence. Intuition s i n this sense are really capacities for experience . Bu t they ar e als o restricte d t o thi s experienc e an d ca n clai m n o specia l insight beyon d th e dat a provided . McCos h illustrate d thi s poin t i n numerous ways , bu t th e special emphasi s alon e was important . H e sought t o save the possibilities o f an intuitional philosoph y fro m it s discredited associatio n wit h Germa n transcendentalis m an d t o sal vage fro m th e materialisti c psychologie s th e derivatio n o f al l knowledge fro m sensations . H e furthe r warne d tha t intuition s should no t b e confuse d wit h vagu e feelings , unaccountabl e emo tions, blin d instincts ; fo r intuitions , i n contras t t o these , ar e accom panied b y knowledg e o r judgment. No r ar e th e intuition s specia l truths o f the individual o r even the special property of the race; they are truths o f reality, an d these truth s obtai n whethe r o r no t th e hu man min d seize s them. 33 A majo r strai n i n McCosh' s philosoph y center s i n hi s effor t t o preserve a direc t relatio n betwee n th e interna l worl d o f th e min d and th e externa l world . Becaus e s o muc h o f his mental philosoph y anticipated it s application t o religious ideas , an d because tha t appli 32

James McCosh , An Examination of Mr. J S Mill's Philosophy; Being a Defence of Fundamental Truth (Ne w York , 1866) , pp. 259-60; idem, Intuitions, pp. 82-83 , 27 28. Furthe r elaboratio n o f McCosh' s poin t i s i n th e nex t chapter . 33 McCosh, Intuitions, pp . 299 , 46-48 .

128

Ireland

cation move d inductivel y fro m th e certifiabl e fact s o f huma n ex perience towar d th e larger truth s o f mora l realit y an d divin e exist ence, McCos h wa s actuall y restin g th e burde n o f hi s religiou s philosophy o n th e ultimat e validit y o f his philosophy o f mind . T o that extent it was imperative not to fall into speculation, t o preserv e a "marriag e o f min d an d nature, " a s Baco n pu t it , t o groun d th e points o f his menta l philosophy o n th e hard roc k o f the real world . Conclusions abou t divin e existenc e extrapolate d fro m thes e facts , therefore, woul d no t encounte r th e charg e tha t the y wer e mer e products o f th e speculativ e imaginatio n o r som e unteste d fabrica tion o f th e min d i n it s independen t operations . Al l law s o f th e mind, McCos h therefor e insisted , ar e know n throug h thei r ex tended media , b y the objects throug h whic h the y operate. But ther e were danger s here . McCos h insiste d wit h th e othe r Scot s tha t in trospection, th e examinatio n o f consciousnes s itself , afford s th e only acces s t o th e law s o f th e mind . Hi s intuitiona l realis m woul d endorse n o wholl y sensationa l basi s o f psychology howeve r muc h it insisted o n keeping it s grip o n th e real world. Second , in preserv ing a direct relatio n betwee n interna l an d externa l reality , McCos h had t o avoi d th e dange r o f a monisti c philosoph y tha t woul d dis solve the spirit-body dualis m so central to Scottish metaphysics . H e needed t o preserv e a relational balanc e betwee n bot h realm s whil e avoiding a merger o f the two . These concern s necessaril y le d McCos h int o a consideratio n o f the natur e o f ou r knowledg e o f sel f and ou r knowledg e o f th e ex ternal world , a s well as the authority o f that knowledg e an d the relation o f these realm s t o eac h other . McCos h insiste d emphaticall y that w e have a direct an d certai n knowledg e o f self as distinct fro m all else, a separate entity. H e believe d that his own predecessor s ha d not sufficientl y asserte d thi s fact , an d failur e t o insis t o n i t opene d the wa y fo r numerou s errors . Reid , McCos h noted , allowe d onl y that sensations within th e mind itself allow us to "infer" a mind an d to establish a belief in its existence. 34 An d Stewart : "W e are not im 34 Reid wrote : "I t appears , then , t o b e a n undeniabl e fact , that , fro m though t o r sensation, al l mankind , constantl y an d invariably , fro m th e first dawnin g o f reflec tion, d o infe r a powe r o r facult y o f thinking , an d a permanen t bein g o r min d t o which tha t facult y belongs ; an d tha t w e a s invariabl y ascrib e al l th e variou s kind s of sensatio n o r though t w e ar e consciou s of , t o on e individua l min d o r self. " Rei d disclaimed t o kno w b y wha t rule s o f logic w e mak e thi s inferenc e (the y ar e simpl y "judgments o f nature, " "immediatel y inspire d b y ou r constitution") . Bu t Rei d di d insist tha t th e data als o carrie d a n inevitable belief in the existence of the faculty an d the mind. Works, 1:100. However, McCosh , i t will be noted, intended his philosophy to discove r a precis e rul e o f min d tha t woul d serv e mor e positivel y fo r a realisti c philosophy tha n Reid' s "inference. "

Intuitional

Realism

129

mediately consciou s o f [the mind's] existence , bu t we are conscious of sensation, thought , an d volition, operation s whic h impl y th e existence of something whic h feels , thinks , and wills."35 But from hi s own mid-nineteenth-centur y perspective , McCos h believe d tha t such a timid defens e o f the knowledge an d reality o f self permitte d later heresies . Kan t asserte d tha t w e know th e soul onl y a s a phenomenon an d not a s it is in itself. Soo n th e soul los t it s autonom y completely, an d eve n i n Scotlan d Jame s Ferrie r (1808-1864 ) a t Edinburgh denie d absolut e existenc e t o min d an d matter an d con tended tha t bot h coexis t i n al l experience. 36 Hamilto n wa s a fa r greater help to McCosh fo r he had maintained tha t we do not know attributes withou t knowin g substance , an d h e ha d take n Rei d t o task o n thi s point. 37 So likewis e McCos h insisted , "W e kno w sel f a s havin g being , existence." And we so know i t because consciousness itsel f dictates it. "Th e knowledge [o f self] w e have i n self-consciousness , whic h is associate d wit h ever y intelligen t act , is not o f an impression , a s Hume woul d say , not o f a mer e qualit y o r attribute , a s certai n o f the Scottis h metaphysician s affirm , no r o f a phenomenon , i n th e sense o f appearance , a s Kan t supposes , bu t a thin g o r reality. " Nothing i s mor e surel y ascertaine d b y th e introspectiv e ac t tha n this certificatio n b y consciousnes s o f an existin g sel f immediatel y perceived. But McCosh wen t one step more than Hamilton too . He maintained tha t consciousnes s give s us not only thi s knowledg e o f self, bu t knowledge o f self as not dependent o n our observatio n o f it and , hence, mor e positively , knowledg e o f self as an abiding existence. McCosh , i n short , wante d t o emplo y wit h Hamilto n th e authority o f consciousness bu t not b y mean s o f the dreaded "neg ative impotency " o f relations. 38 But ther e wa s mor e a t stak e her e o n purel y metaphysica l grounds, an d these other point s furthe r illustrat e McCosh' s precar ious positio n betwee n extreme s o f thought . Th e Scottis h schoo l had traditionall y fortifie d it s dualis m b y contendin g tha t ther e ex35

McCosh, Intuitions, p . 128n. Ibid., pp . 128-29 . Probabl y th e point wa s not lost o n McCosh tha t Ferrie r was in th e thic k o f th e struggl e fo r powe r a t th e universit y an d a leading criti c o f the evangelical party . Ferrier , Georg e Elde r Davi e claims , sa w th e mantl e o f Rei d i n Scotland pass to the Evangelicals and saw their kind of common sense gospel wisdo m applied against the higher philosophy o f him and others of the "Hamiltoman circle. " See George Elde r Davie , The Democratic Intellect· Scotland and Her Universities in the Nineteenth Century (Edinburgh , 1971) , pp . 283-84 , 288-89 , 297 , 309-11 . 37 Hamilton, Discussions, pp. 46-47 . 38 McCosh, Intuitions, pp. 128-30 . McCosh elaborates these last points on pp. 13032. 36

130

Ireland

isted a qualitative differenc e o f min d an d matte r an d consequently , different method s o f apprehending them—on e by us e of the senses, the othe r b y introspection . McCos h wishe d t o d o n o violenc e t o this dualism , bu t foun d i t necessar y o n occasio n t o narro w it . In creasingly i t lost forc e a s a critical element i n his thinking. Th e rea l existence o f bot h min d an d matter , McCos h believed , i s know n through qualities , fo r consciousnes s assert s tha t w e neve r kno w qualities without knowin g substance . McCosh returne d t o this idea many times . Furthermore , consciousnes s als o asserts tha t substanc e is denoted no t only by existence, but by power (whic h also includes the abilit y t o b e acte d upon ) an d enduranc e a s well . Descartes , i n maintaining tha t substance is denoted onl y by extension thereby se t up a radical dualis m tha t exclude d consciousnes s fro m th e categor y of substance. Bu t th e notions o f power an d endurance, McCos h be lieved, are in our original cognitions ; the mind canno t consider substance a s no t possessin g these . Bu t also , hi s maintainin g tha t th e mind inseparabl y link s qualities wit h substance enabled McCosh t o avoid a dualism s o sharp tha t it would eithe r leav e the mind unabl e to know anythin g underlyin g empirica l data , o r leav e th e data sus pended i n a void . H e ha d Hum e an d Berkele y i n min d certainly , but als o Kant . Ther e wa s n o groun d whatever , h e wrote , fo r be lieving tha t ther e mus t exis t somethin g mor e interna l o r centra l than the substance tha t is known immediatel y wit h an d a s its qual ities. Possibl y som e "occul t powers " d o exis t i n objects, an d thes e we ma y no t wholl y know ; bu t t o sugges t tha t the y constitut e something differen t i n kind fro m th e revealed object, som e "thing in-itself," o r somethin g inherentl y necessar y t o the existence o f th e object, i s to postulat e i n a manner tha t i s unwarranted, unproduc tive, an d unnecessary. 39 Both subject and object, then , ar e substances; they have existence, power, an d endurance . Bu t the y ar e not qualitativel y th e same substances, an d an y effor t t o establis h th e identica l natur e o f th e tw o would certainl y give credence to the varieties of pantheism an d ma terialism tha t ha d alread y flooded th e philosophica l landscape . Fo r to confe r o n subjec t an d objec t a commo n natur e i s t o confe r o n them a commo n fat e o r a relatio n o f mutua l dependence . Bu t tha t was clearl y dangerous . Bot h subjec t an d objec t exercis e autono mous function s independentl y o f each other . Likewise , shiftin g th e meaning somewhat, permanenc e o f body doe s not depen d on min d observing it, an d neither, t o reiterate, does spirit depend for it s continued existenc e o n th e bodil y frame . Bu t ultimatel y nothin g s o 39

Ibid., pp . 147-48 , 148n-149n , 141-43 .

Intuitional Realism

131

strongly certifie s th e distinc t nature s o f spiri t an d matte r a s con sciousness itself . It s whole lif e revolve s aroun d them . "I n the cognition o f the knowing mind , whic h eve r coexist s wit h ou r cogni tion of matter, w e always kno w th e two to be different." T o view the beautifu l hill s agains t th e sk y is t o kno w th e hills an d sk y as different fro m self , an d t o kno w sel f a s viewin g them. 40 Wit h these distinction s clarified , McCos h believe d tha t philosoph y coul d stand on more certai n grounds tha n any of his predecessors permit ted. And fo r thi s reaso n McCos h coul d no t hel p bu t b e critica l o f Hamilton. H e believe d Hamilto n wa s earl y "smitten " wit h th e German spiri t an d never shoo k himsel f fre e o f it. Hi s doctrine o f relatives, McCos h believed , wa s destructive o f any positive philosophy an d deprive d min d o f it s abilit y t o kno w fully . McCos h wished to show tha t mind has cognitions tha t are positive and complete, tha t knowledg e i s not restricted to what we know onl y in relation, an d tha t w e d o no t kno w a thin g onl y b y wha t i t i s not. McCosh too k a stronger stand , asserting , i n contrast t o Hamilton , that consciousnes s shoul d b e considered a separate faculty , capabl e of knowing itsel f distinct from it s acts and its contents. Conscious ness is not consumed b y its apprehension o f material an d spiritua l substances; rathe r i t embrace s thes e whil e certifyin g thei r distinc tive natures. He believed tha t Hamilton, i n insisting tha t conscious ness canno t b e separated fro m it s qualities and faculties, mad e self consciousness itsel f dependent o n relations and therefore a negative potency o f th e mind . McCos h o n th e contrar y claime d tha t "w e hold . . . tha t b y self-consciousnes s w e kno w self ; th e thing self , the ego , an d no t a mer e phenomeno n o r relatio n o f sel f t o th e knowing subject. " McCosh , again , wa s not pointin g t o som e occult elemen t behind th e mental phenomena, an d avoided a Kantian agnosticism b y assertin g tha t consciousnes s i s an empirical entity , "the sourc e o f importan t experientia l knowledge , whic h ca n b e submitted t o all kinds o f logical processes." Further, McCos h said , failure t o defend thi s substantive realit y degraded th e philosophy of Condillac and other sensationalists and, passing from the m to Kant, "has confuse d th e whole philosoph y o f Germany." 41 McCosh als o challenged Hamilton' s clai m that he was upholding the Scottish traditio n o f natural realism . H e clearly read int o Ham ilton mor e tha n Hamilto n allowe d an d reacted mor e t o the large r implications o f the philosopher's word s tha n to their letter. But his «Ibid., pp . 146-47. 41 Ibid., pp . 211-12, 212n; idem, "Scottis h Metaphysicians," 428-29.

132

Ireland

concern registere d significan t fears . McCos h charge d tha t i n Ham ilton's system th e very notion o f substance arose onl y fro m a mental impotency , th e inabilit y t o conceiv e a n objec t existin g abso lutely i n itself . Substanc e arise s onl y unde r th e condition s o f relation an d i s therefor e no t a positiv e notio n i n itself . Bu t wha t then becomes of our whole notion of the external world, fo r which, as Locke had said, th e notion o f substance i s central? Ou r very belief in the external worl d become s mer e menta l impotency . An d if through thi s impotenc y w e kno w noneg o a s th e contradictor y o f ego, the n eg o to o hold s th e sam e statu s o f relation , an d "i t too , then, i s a nul l notion , th e vai n issu e o f incapacity." 42 Hamilton , then, ha d buil t a hous e o f cards . I t coul d no t protec t a natura l realism fro m th e violent wind s no w blowing agains t it . McCosh the n endeavore d t o demonstrat e th e positive natur e o f our fundamenta l ideas , showin g thei r conten t t o derive fro m bot h experience and intuition and necessarily consistin g of both fo r thei r operation. W e may use his discussions o f space an d time an d cau sality t o illustrat e hi s thesis . O f bot h spac e an d time , believe d McCosh, w e have a n immediate knowledge . W e know al l object s as occupying space , and the senses carry convictions wit h respec t to space. Ou r own self-consciousness supplie s throug h it s data a conviction o f tim e inseparabl e fro m th e property o f endurance nativ e to consciousness. Both notions are positive and concrete. But, mor e important, tim e and space, McCosh urged , have a reality independ ent o f th e perceiving mind . Intelligenc e doe s no t creat e spac e and time an d merel y establis h the m a s ideas affixe d t o th e data o f experience. Intelligenc e discover s the m an d know s the m a s havin g existence outsid e an d independent o f itself. Thi s fact , McCos h be lieved, is one of the strongest an d most compellin g nativ e habits of the mind . Furthermore , i t is directly relate d t o consciousness' s as sertion tha t qualitie s carr y th e notion o f substance an d power. W e know substanc e onl y a s existing i n time an d space. Anyone , there fore, wh o denies the independent existenc e o f time and space mus t also, accordin g t o McCosh, den y th e reality o f the objects i n them. He cannot , a t least , mee t th e charg e o f the skepti c wh o contend s that event s in time are quite as unreal a s the time in which the y are perceived a s having occurred. 43 42

James McCosh, "Sir William Hamilton's Lectures," North British Review, 30 (February 1859), 554-55. 43 McCosh, Intuitions, pp. 177-86. Here McCosh fell into using his own construction of mind and its laws as given facts, and showed that any other construction, because it would seem to violate these rules, must be invalid. His case against Kant in the next paragraph depends for its validity on McCosh's original assumption.

Intuitional

133

Realism

McCosh coul d se e n o warran t fo r Kant' s describin g spac e an d time as forms impose d b y the mind on the phenomena presente d t o the senses . Spac e an d time derive d fro m innat e an d specia l power s of the mind, bu t these merel y deriv e fro m experienc e o f the structured worl d a s it i s and functio n a s the mind' s capacitie s t o relat e the dimension s o f reality t o itself. Spac e and time, a s ideas, d o not have th e sam e statu s a s thos e menta l image s derive d fro m th e senses, whic h ar e equipped t o receiv e thos e image s directl y fro m the object s o f experience ; spac e an d time , instead , requir e nativ e ideas for thei r realization . Neithe r mod e of presentation t o the perceiving consciousness , however , i s favored ove r th e other a s a veritable repor t o f th e rea l world . T o thi s extent , a theor y suc h a s Kant's, whic h allow s n o necessary existenc e t o space an d time and derives the m strictl y fro m th e min d itself , playe d havo c wit h phi losophy. S o McCosh lamented : "Thos e wh o wer e taugh t tha t th e mind coul d creat e th e space and time, soo n learne d t o suppose tha t the min d coul d creat e th e object s an d event s cognize d a s in spac e and time, til l the whole external univers e became ideal, and all reality was supposed t o lie in a series of connected menta l forms." 44 For McCosh , though , Hamilto n wa s still the troublesome facto r in hi s effort s t o demonstrat e th e positiv e concept s o f spac e an d time. McCos h mad e n o ambitiou s claim s fo r th e powers o f min d and accepte d wit h othe r philosopher s th e impossibility o f conceiving tim e an d spac e a s without commencemen t o r termination . T o deny thi s impossibilit y woul d b e t o remov e bot h spac e an d tim e from al l relation s an d thus , b y Hamilton' s account , remov e the m from th e real m o f the conceivable. Fo r Hamilton , then , spac e and time were negative concepts , essentiall y altogethe r beyon d the purview of the human intelligence . Bu t McCosh, wh o had a theological stake in the possibility of absolutes, also had a stake in the notion of spac e an d time a s positive idea s o f the mind. Ou r positive sens e of space and time appear s i n several ways , h e said. W e know bot h as continuous , an d thereby distinc t fro m empirica l object s tha t ar e always capabl e o f division. Th e divisio n o f space an d time , how ever, i s impossible, fo r w e canno t reall y divid e spac e fro m space , time fro m time ; onl y thing s in space and events in time mak e a division possible, but they make no change in the quality of space and time themselves . W e know spac e and time as qualitatively unifor m throughout. Further , w e know intuitivel y tha t spac e an d tim e ar e such i n thei r ver y natur e tha t n o furthe r spac e an d tim e coul d b e added to them. Thes e facts confir m fo r us a sense of time and space as absolute an d positive. 45 44

Ibid., pp . 178-79 .

45

Ibid., pp . 182-83 .

134

Ireland

McCosh did not have definitive answer s to the difficult problem s in dealing wit h spac e and time . Nor , i n fact, di d he wholly repl y t o Hamilton's case . For instance, McCos h argue d that we can in imagination plac e ourselves at an y poin t i n space and from ther e projec t an indefinit e beyon d s o that althoug h w e canno t seiz e in one gras p the infinit e natur e o f space , w e ca n have a sense o f it fro m it s seg ments, segment s tha t th e mind , however , canno t lin k togethe r a s whole. Thu s w e ca n kno w th e infinit e eve n i f we canno t conceiv e it. No t onl y di d McCos h fai l t o se e tha t h e wa s slippin g her e int o a kind o f Kantia n thing-in-itsel f (w e do no t kno w th e infinite , bu t do kno w it s attributes) , h e als o skirte d th e majo r poin t mad e b y Hamilton. Specifically , Hamilto n insiste d tha t anythin g havin g de pendence, o r anythin g consistin g o f parts tha t constitut e it s whole , is definitionally no t absolute, is not ««conditioned. Fo r the absolut e must exis t out o f relation t o everythin g else , and it mus t b e simple, having no plurality, an d it cannot b e a compound dependin g fo r it s existence o n it s severa l constituents . Bu t b y thi s las t method , i t would seem, McCosh sa w the only effective mean s to construct th e possibility o f the Absolute and with it our sens e of time having tha t status. 46 McCosh first outline d hi s philosoph y o f causalit y i n th e Divine Government, but th e intervening year s provided th e opportunit y t o refine hi s thoughts. H e believed tha t Rei d wa s essentiall y correct i n joining powe r t o th e notion o f causality. Hi s differenc e wa s one o f emphasis, bu t i t wa s a critica l differenc e nonetheless . W e d o no t have a complete awarenes s o f th e mind' s sens e o f caus e and effect , Reid said , unles s w e observ e ho w th e notio n o f powe r necessaril y accompanies tha t sense . Bu t Rei d believe d tha t th e min d derive d the notio n o f powe r fro m itself , fro m a n awarenes s o f its ow n na ture an d it s own operations , an d attribute d i t to th e external worl d as well. "I t is certai n tha t w e ca n conceiv e n o kin d o f active powe r but wha t i s similar o r analogou s t o that whic h w e attribut e t o our selves." 47 McCosh, however , wante d t o ground causalit y in a more certain source , i n th e real m o f experience . Reid' s approach , i t seemed, wa s to o subjectiv e an d depende d o n analogy . Ou r notio n of power as necessarily contained i n causality, McCos h insisted , de * McCosh , "Hamilton' s Lectures, " 555-56 ; idem , "Scottis h Metaphysicians, " 429; idem , Intuitions, p . 184 . 47 Thomas Reid , Essays on the Active Powers of the Human Mind (1788 ; Cambridge, Mass., 1969) , pp. 267-72 . Rei d explicitl y addresse d Hum e o n thi s point an d insiste d that the native notion o f power demonstrate s tha t we are not dependen t on sensatio n or impression s fo r th e sourc e o f ou r notio n o f causality .

Intuitional Realism

135

rives fro m th e mind' s intuitiv e constructio n o f substance . Sub stance come s t o u s fro m ou r empirica l knowledg e o f qualities, bu t substance alway s carrie s wit h i t existence , power , an d endurance . To b e note d first , however , i s the fac t tha t ou r origina l convictio n of causality "i s not a general truth , bu t relate s solely t o the individ ual fact s presente d t o o r contemplate d b y th e mind. " Ou r judg ment, McCos h said , doe s no t asser t tha t ever y caus e ha s a n effec t and tha t ever y effec t ha s a cause ; rather , i t assert s tha t "thi s thin g having power , ma y produc e a n effect , an d tha t thi s thin g appre hended a s a new thin g o r a s having bee n change d mus t hav e had a cause." 48 McCosh, essentially , di d no t wis h t o divorc e th e mind' s notio n of causality to o muc h fro m it s contact s with actua l thing s o f expe rience. H e eve n admitte d tha t experienc e itself , a s Hume an d Mil l believed, coul d probably functio n withou t th e intuitions to provid e us the notion o f causality. But experienc e could not provid e the ful l notion an d coul d never furnis h th e natural an d universal manne r o f causality's operation in our consciousness . "An y experimenta l con viction woul d necessaril y wan t certai n essentia l element s eve r found i n ou r convictio n regardin g causation." 49 Nonetheless, cau sality wa s wholl y misconstrue d i f describe d a s a la w o f th e min d only. Theorie s tha t den y th e mind' s direc t acces s to realit y prepar e dangerous conclusions . Kan t erre d fundamentall y i n thi s respect , for i n supposin g th e min d t o kno w onl y phenomen a an d no t things, h e constructe d a menta l la w only , wit h applicatio n t o ap pearances bu t no t t o reality , an d wit h powe r referre d onl y t o phe nomenal substance . Th e unhapp y resul t o f suc h metaphysic s wa s the further denia l o f the fact tha t intuitio n inform s u s that whe n th e effect i s real the caus e is also real and mus t be a substance. Thi s fac t entides us to infer a real cause of the world, th e world tha t w e kno w as havin g substanc e an d existenc e an d no t a s mer e appearance , whose essenc e an d therefor e whos e caus e i s known . "Metaphy sicians wh o suppos e tha t th e min d primitivel y know s onl y phe nomena (tha t is , appearances) , ca n neve r satisfactoril y g o beyond a phenomenology, o r reac h a Go d wh o ha s an y othe r sor t o f exist ence tha n th e phenomena , an d th e menta l law s which bin d them. " No suc h problem exist s for thos e who adhere to a natural realism. 50 McCosh use d th e exampl e o f Kan t i n illustratin g som e weak nesses in causality theory , bu t i n doing s o he hoped t o chec k error s among th e Scottis h thinker s tha t reflecte d o r corresponde d t o th e 48 50

McCosh, Intuitions, p . 228. « Ibid., pp . 235, 238 (the quotation).

Ibid., pp . 228-29.

136

Ireland

German's ideas . Hamilton' s wer e th e mos t seriou s o f these , bu t Brown als o illustrate d th e fault s o f a syste m tha t wa s a t onc e to o materialistic an d to o subjective. Fo r while Brown gav e muc h spac e to intuition s i n his psychology , h e never connecte d the m wit h rea l things, insistin g tha t we kno w sensation s only . A large ga p existe d in hi s epistemolog y a s a consequence, an d hi s theor y o f causatio n demonstrated it . Fo r i n certifyin g th e intuitio n o f causalit y Brow n imposed thi s la w o f th e min d o n sensations , no t o n rea l things , fo r we hav e n o knowledg e o f these. Brow n therefor e misse d th e criti cal facto r o f powe r an d coul d com e u p onl y wit h invariabl e an tecedence an d consequenc e a s th e ingredient s o f caus e an d effect . McCosh accuse d Brow n o f ignorin g th e mai n questio n o f th e agents actin g a s th e caus e t o produc e th e effect . Hi s notion s wer e hollow an d essentiall y subjective . T o deriv e necessit y fro m an tecedence reverse s th e whol e priorit y o f factor s i n causality . Fo r McCosh, causalit y "i s th e result o f a necessity arisin g from th e po tency of substance." 51 Finally, w e ma y examin e a periphera l conclusio n t o thi s discus sion b y notin g tha t McCosh' s effort s t o defin e intuitiona l realis m related directl y t o a problem tha t ha d lon g agitate d an d ver y muc h divided th e Scottis h thinker s an d th e university communit y gener ally. Thi s proble m wa s th e relatio n o f mathematic s t o philosophy . For Reid , mathematica l reasoning , relyin g o n axiomati c firs t prin ciples an d buildin g carefull y o n these , wa s analogou s t o commo n sense philosophy. Bot h confir m inviolabl e laws of the mind tha t are the foundation s o f an y knowledg e o f th e externa l world . "Mathe maticians," sai d Reid , "befor e the y prov e an y o f th e proposition s of mathematics , la y dow n certai n axiom s o r commo n principles , upon whic h the y buil d thei r reasonings. " Thes e ar e self-evident , and althoug h th e mathematica l an d philosophica l axiom s d o no t have precisel y th e sam e status , the y diffe r i n natur e fro m th e first principles of the empirical sciences. 52 But tha t very difference raise d serious problem s fo r Beattie , Brown , an d Hamilton . Brow n fel t that philosophy' s rigi d law s ar e ultimatel y tru e becaus e w e kno w them a s such, independen t o f experience, t o which the y have no application. Brow n divide d th e object s o f human though t int o sepa rate categorie s o f mental an d empirica l entities . H e was no t uniqu e in th e Scottis h schoo l fo r doin g so , but assume d th e more skeptica l position tha t w e hav e certai n knowledg e o f th e law s o f th e mind , uncertain knowledg e o f thing s derive d fro m th e senses . Conse 51 52

Ibid., pp . 235-36 , 23 8 Olson, Scottish Philosophy, pp . 57-60 ; Rei d i s quote d o n p . 5 8

Intuitional Realism

137

quendy, mathematic s i s only a n exercis e o f the mind' s laws , with out relatio n t o experience ; mathematic s i s a certain science becaus e it i s wholly divorce d fro m th e contingencie s o f empirical data . "I t i s from ou r ideas o f figure tha t w e reason, " Brow n said , "an d i t i s o f no consequence, whethe r thes e resemble real external existences." 53 Hamilton concurre d wit h Brown tha t mathematics doe s not pur sue it s busines s amon g th e object s o f sense , an d tha t fac t fire d hi s celebrated diatrib e agains t mathematica l reasonin g an d hi s disdai n for it s place i n th e universit y curriculum . Fo r mathematic s t o tha t very exten t incapacitate s u s fo r thinkin g abou t lif e an d th e world , and just tha t kin d o f thinkin g i s th e busines s o f philosophy , usin g the authorit y o f consciousness . Mathematics , characterize d b y axi omatic absolute s an d ironcla d principles , deprive s u s o f the menta l equipment t o dea l wit h th e worl d o f contingencie s an d relativities . Mathematics i s deductiv e an d encourage s a passiv e acceptanc e o f first principles , whereas philosophy, properl y conducted , build s inductively o n th e pluralit y o f fact s an d observation s furnishe d b y consciousness an d th e real world . Philosoph y woul d prosper , con sequently, th e further i t was removed fro m th e method an d device s of mathematics. 54 McCosh wante d t o en d thi s feudin g no t b y statin g a preferenc e for eithe r mathematica l o r philosophical reasoning , bu t by showin g their essentia l kinship . A s t o whethe r mathematica l axiom s ar e th e results o f generalization s fro m experienc e o r separat e intuition s o f the mind , McCos h answere d tha t bot h view s have merit . If we ex amine the mental processes b y which we arrive at an axiomatic law , such a s th e statemen t "i f equal s b e adde d t o equals , th e sum s ar e equal," we find tha t "it has been by the contemplation o f individual instances tha t th e min d ha s attaine d t o th e comprehensio n an d th e conviction o f th e genera l proposition. " W e ca n arriv e a t thi s con clusion empirically , bu t tha t fac t doe s not mea n tha t th e axiom, th e law o f the mind, i s a mere generalization fro m experience . McCos h explained tha t i t i s no t b y experimentin g wit h tw o straigh t rods , one o r a millio n times , tha t w e formulat e th e axio m tha t tw o straight line s cannot enclos e a space; nor d o we need t o extend tw o parallel lines indefinitely t o conclude that they will never meet. No , we nee d th e actio n an d participatio n o f intuitio n t o ai d i n ou r s o construing th e worl d o f experience . Fo r intuitio n seize s th e fact s before u s and o n bar e contemplation o f them declare s the laws. "I n mathematical truth , th e mind , upo n th e object s bein g presente d t o 53 54

Ibid., p . 65. Hamilton, Discussions, pp . 274-76, 284-86.

138

Ireland

its contemplation , a t onc e an d intuitivel y pronounce s th e judg ment." I t conclude s immediatel y tha t wha t i s tru e fo r on e i s tru e for all . Ther e thu s occur s a generalization tha t i s no t a mere sum mary o f experienc e bu t a universa l extensio n o f it , an d th e rol e o f the intuition i s the agent o f the extended generalization . An d henc e arises the difference betwee n mathematica l laws and laws of general observation. W e ma y neve r hav e witnesse d a horned anima l tha t i s not a t th e sam e tim e ruminant , bu t w e woul d no t conclud e tha t such a n anima l coul d no t exist . W e woul d never , however , reaso n that tw o straigh t line s coul d i n fac t enclos e a space . Mathematica l laws, then , hav e th e sam e statu s an d characteristic s a s thos e intui tive laws of the mind that demand tha t for ever y effect w e postulat e a cause. They represent th e precise and critical juncture of the worl d of experienc e an d th e worl d o f primitiv e judgments , beliefs , an d cognitions. 55 OUR REVIE W o f McCosh's philosoph y t o thi s poin t ha s emphasize d mostly th e mean s b y whic h a n intuitional realis m coul d sav e phi losophy fro m a fruitless divorc e from experience . McCosh claime d no extraordinary power s for th e mind, n o transcendental reac h int o some occul t real m o f existence. H e di d tr y t o show , however , tha t the mind' s intuitiv e power s ar e necessar y fo r th e successfu l trans mission o f experienc e t o ou r tota l consciousness . Bu t i n securin g this ground , McCos h ha d t o avoi d to o stron g a pul l i n th e othe r direction. Fo r th e reactio n agains t subjectivis m ha d alread y gon e further tha n h e wishe d t o tak e it . Significantly , therefore , whe n John Stuar t Mil l undertoo k hi s Examination of Sir William Hamilton's Philosophy h e selecte d fo r hi s subjec t th e ma n wh o ha d gon e far t o merg e th e traditio n o f Rei d wit h th e traditio n o f Kant . Bu t both thes e tradition s honore d varietie s o f intuitionis m tha t Mil l wished t o discredit . Hi s recours e t o a stric t sensationalism , then , showed th e ful l recoi l fro m idealisti c an d intuitionis t models . Mil l would tr y t o rel y wholly o n th e data of experience. McCosh , how ever, believe d tha t Mill' s pat h mad e n o improvement s o n th e im possible claims of the other parties and in fact resulte d in a new sub jectivism. Fo r whe n Mil l looke d int o th e min d an d foun d onl y impressions, h e allowe d himsel f n o avenu e o f escap e fro m thos e impressions t o a n externa l objectiv e reality . N o mor e tha n Kan t could h e certif y a worl d o f rea l things . Bu t McCos h recognize d Mill's boo k a s a deft an d trenchan t assaul t o n th e whol e possibilit y McCosh, Intuitions, pp . 364-66 .

Intuitional

Realism

139

of a n intuitionis t syste m o f knowledge . T o tha t exten t th e defens e of the Scottis h traditio n wa s at stake in McCosh's reply . And ther e wa s no mistaking tha t i t was th e Scottis h traditio n es pecially tha t Mil l wen t after . Fo r he believe d tha t Hamilton , i n hi s repeated defens e o f consciousnes s a s the ultimate authorit y fo r phi losophy, wor e th e largest labe l of the Scottish schoo l and surpasse d even Reid in his determination t o defend it. 56 Mill welcomed Ham ilton's Lectures fo r providin g th e cleares t demonstration s o f the in trospective metho d o f philosophy. An d lik e McCosh an d th e othe r Scots, Mil l pleade d fo r a n inductiv e approac h t o philosoph y tha t used th e immediat e dat a o f menta l experienc e t o formulat e large r truths. T o thi s exten t McCos h acknowledge d Mill' s an d al l othe r varieties o f empiricis m a s usefu l allie s agains t deductiv e philoso phies tha t elaborate d gran d system s fro m larg e an d vagu e princi ples. Bot h th e Scottis h introspectiv e an d th e Britis h empiricis t schools therefor e conteste d fo r th e mantl e o f Bacon ; the y woul d build meticulousl y fro m th e particular fact s o f experience. Mill ha d first oudine d hi s methodology i n his System of Logic (1843), a majo r document i n th e literatur e o f empirica l philosoph y an d on e tha t McCosh so valued that he used it in his advanced classes at Queen's. 57 But wha t exactl y di d a n inductiv e stud y o f th e min d reveal ? O n that questio n wage d th e whol e critica l warfar e o f the two schools . Mill's majo r idea s wer e familia r t o his reader s b y th e time o f his examination o f Hamilton, bu t h e elaborated the m now wit h partic ular force . Th e boo k sparkle s wit h brillian t insight s an d twist s o f logic an d scrutinizes Hamilton thoroughly , fro m hi s law of the un conditioned t o hi s theor y o f perception . Bu t th e startin g poin t i s Mill's contention tha t a thorough analysis of mind, thoug h th e only proper basi s o f philosophica l reasoning , canno t determin e wha t truths, i f any, ar e intuitively derived , wha t idea s are "original" an d antedate an y experienc e o f the world . I n so stating, Mill revived a n older issue, on e tha t McCos h woul d cit e also, between Cousi n an d Locke. Cousin (1792-1867) , the major translato r o f the Scottish philosophy into French, charge d that Locke erred significantly i n seeking t o lear n th e origi n o f ou r basi c ideas befor e h e had ascertaine d what thos e ideas are. But Mill replied tha t we have no means what soever for doin g this . We cannot filter ou t ou r acquire d knowledg e from ou r origina l knowledge . W e cannot sa y tha t wha t seem s cer tain t o u s now wa s always a part o f our menta l makeup , wa s ther e M John Stuart Mill, An Examination of Sir William Hamilton's Philosophy, 2 vols , in 1 (New York, 1874), 1:135. 57 McCosh, Examination of Mill, p. 26n .

140

Ireland

from th e beginning . "Th e proo f tha t an y o f th e allege d Universa l Beliefs, o r Principle s o f Commo n Sense , ar e affirmation s o f con sciousness, supposes two things ; that the beliefs exist, an d that the y cannot possibl y hav e bee n acquired . Th e firs t i s i n mos t case s un disputed, bu t th e secon d i s a subjec t o f inquir y whic h ofte n taxe s the utmos t resource s o f psychology. " Moreover , Mil l believed , Locke was right, fo r becaus e we are unable t o study th e mind i n its earliest an d most primitiv e state , we mus t retrea t t o the first stage s of consciousness wher e our basi c ideas are fully formed . W e canno t study th e first, origina l fact s o f the min d i n th e facts o f our presen t consciousness. Th e origina l ca n come t o light onl y fro m a study o f those tha t ar e admittedly no t original . B y a direct compariso n Mil l believed w e migh t b e abl e "t o determin e whethe r som e o f [th e al leged origina l ideas ] ma y no t hav e bee n generate d i n th e sam e modes, s o early as to have become inseparable from ou r conscious ness before th e tim e a t whic h memor y commences. " Thi s metho d Mill labeled the "psychological, " in contrast t o the "introspective. " "It is the known an d approved metho d o f physical science, adapte d to the necessities o f psychology." 58 The result s o f Mill' s undertakin g ar e wel l known . Mil l discov ered no ideas of the mind tha t coul d no t be traced to sensations an d their subsequen t associations . Fo r wha t w e no w b y habi t hav e learned t o equat e wit h universa l o r origina l fact s o f th e min d ar e merely th e hardened product s o f experience, empirical dat a of con sciousness fashione d int o law s b y th e associativ e power s o f th e mind. I n contrast t o Hamilton, wh o believed tha t a mental law wa s established b y ou r inabilit y t o conceiv e it s opposite , Mil l rejoine d that "al l inconceivabilit y ma y b e reduce d t o inseparabl e associa tion." Mil l gav e a wid e applicatio n t o thi s principle . W e canno t conceive time or space as having an end because the idea of any por tion o f spac e o r tim e i s inseparabl y associated , b y ou r experience , with th e idea o f a time o r spac e beyond it. 59 McCosh sa w a large symbolical clas h in Mill's engagemen t wit h Hamilton. Bot h philosophers, h e believed, wer e the best recent representatives o f thei r schools . McCos h place d Mil l i n th e traditio n of Hobbes, Hardey , Priestley , Hume , an d James Mill, but believe d him especiall y indebted t o Hume. McCosh appreciate d Mill's influ ence at Oxford an d Cambridge, wher e at long last some stron g re action agains t scholasticis m wa s settin g in , an d i n othe r place s where practica l spirit s sough t escap e fro m th e thi n ai r o f Germa n » Mill, Examination, 1:184-85.

» Ibid., 1:88-89, 102.

Intuitional Realism

141

metaphysics. S o McCosh to o argue d fo r practica l thinking , fo r a philosophy tha t gav e experienc e it s ful l due , and for a n inductiv e psychology buil t o n th e certai n fact s o f consciousness . H e eve r avowed tha t hi s syste m wa s positivistic an d realisti c an d me t the tests o f scienc e tha t Mil l claime d fo r hi s own . Bu t Mil l an d too many o f his naive follower s seeme d capabl e of understanding onl y matter an d sensations , an d if Mill's syste m gaine d ascendanc e th e materialistic spiri t tha t wrough t suc h mischie f i n Franc e woul d likely recur . McCos h therefor e trie d t o fortify th e Scottish syste m against the new assaults upon it. McCosh wishe d firs t t o remove som e confusio n create d b y Mill in his discussion of sensations. Mil l did not duplicate Hume directl y but concurre d a t leas t t o th e poin t o f affirmin g tha t w e ar e con scious onl y o f feelings , an d of these , sensations , th e awarenes s o f the mind as being affected fro m without , hol d the largest place. But at least, Mill believed, o f sensations alon e are we directly conscious . This fundamental point , McCos h believed , create d impossibl e con fusion i n the manner o f Mill's applicatio n o f it, and misleading implications aros e fro m it . H e replie d tha t w e ar e neve r consciou s merely o f an impression o r sensation 60 bu t o f a thin g impressed , not of a sensation apart, but of self as sentient. Anticipatin g charge s from som e wh o woul d sa y tha t th e child , fo r example , ma y be aware o f impressions withou t a consciousness tha t simultaneousl y affirms "thi s i s I," McCosh observe d tha t neithe r i s the child con scious to the extent o f affirming "thi s i s an impression" o r "thi s is a sensation. " I f one is wea k s o i s th e other , bu t unvariabl y con sciousness o f sensation i s also and necessarily consciousnes s o f self as sentient. Thi s interplay not only avoid s the conundrum o f a metaphysical self, a ghostly somethin g behin d th e data of impressions, it als o confirm s a self o f empirical qualities . If we hav e rea l sensa tions w e have a real sel f that i s known i n and through them . Thus , "we ca n never b e conscious o f the self, excep t as sentient o r other wise affected." Bu t also, "w e can never be conscious of a sensation except as a sensation of a sentient self." 61 The self , o f course, is not, however, constitute d b y sensations or impressions. McCos h wen t t o som e lengt h t o sho w tha t ou r thoughts canno t b e derive d fro m sensations, 62 no r ca n memory , 60 Reid identifies the distinctions between these two terms in his Intellectual Powers, pp. 21-28. 61 McCosh, Examination of Mill, pp. 81-83. 62 McCosh said that a sensation may be the occasion for a new thought, but must not be equated with the thought itself. The same element acting on a plant, or on

142

Ireland

belief, imagination, judgment, emotion , o r volition, b e so confined . All thes e activitie s o f th e min d carr y th e notio n o f sel f as so func tioning an d behaving, eve n though the y do not bear particula r sen sations. Her e als o i s th e essentia l clu e t o persona l identity . Fo r i n every ac t of memory w e hav e memor y o f a past self ; we recal l no t only th e tri p b y coach , bu t ourselve s a s makin g th e trip . An d thi s is more tha n a recollection o f a particular fac t o r feeling. 63 But just thi s point raised th e real issue between McCosh' s schoo l and Mill's . Fo r Mil l wa s reluctan t t o attribute an y suc h substantiv e existence to mind an d certainly di d not believe that we have a ready intuitional apprehensio n o f it s existence . Furthermore , hi s pro foundly skeptica l stanc e on the existence of mind paralleled his crit icism o f Hamilton, an d o f all philosophers wh o allege d a direct ap prehension o f external reality . Mil l used the occasion o f his critiqu e of Hamilto n t o outlin e hi s doctrin e o f th e belie f i n a n externa l world i n term s o f our belie f "in th e permanent possibilitie s o f sen sation." Thi s la w seem s t o b e i n par t a corollar y t o th e la w o f as sociation. A t an y rate , Mil l recognize d tha t sensation s a s actuall y experienced nee d no t b e presen t t o th e whol e su m o f ou r menta l activities. W e neve r doub t tha t th e fir e continue s t o bur n i n th e room below , thoug h w e hav e retire d t o th e roo m above . Bu t w e have learne d t o grou p sensation s aroun d thi s collectiv e phenome non i n a manner tha t legitimate s a n inference a s to thei r continue d existence o r recurrence. Nature , w e therefore learn , consists of such groups o f possibilities. I n fact , "th e sensations , thoug h th e origina l foundation o f the whole, com e t o be looked upo n a s a sort o f accident dependin g o n us, and th e possibilities as more real than the actual sensations. " We ma y eve n sa y tha t th e possibilities ar e the rea l substance o f whic h th e sensation s ar e the qualities , appearances , o r effects. Mil l the n summarized : "Th e belie f in suc h permanen t pos sibilities seem s t o m e t o include all that is essential o r characteristi c in th e belie f i n substance. " And , h e claimed , i t give s u s acces s ou t of ourselves t o an externa l world. 64 In a comple x sectio n McCos h endeavore d t o sho w tha t Mil l failed wholl y t o bridge the inner and the outer worl d an d coul d aca lowe r for m o f organism , woul d giv e ris e t o n o suc h though t a s i n th e huma n mind. "Th e sensation ca n originate the thought onl y by stirring up a mental capacity in th e soul , whic h menta l capacit y i s t o b e regarde d a s th e mai n elemen t i n th e complex cause . An d ye t thi s essentia l elemen t i s inexcusably, culpabl y overlooke d by th e Sensationa l School , whe n the y deriv e al l ou r thought s fro m sensations. " Examination of Mill, p . 86 . 63 Ibid., p . 90 .