Jain Paintings and Material Culture of Medieval Western India: 1100–1650 1032282282, 9781032282282

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Title
Copyright
Dedication
Contents
List of Figures
List of Plates
Foreword
Preface
Author’s Acknowledgements
List of Abbreviations
1 The Historical Background
2 Costumes and Footwear
3 Textiles
4 Ornaments, Ornamentations, Coiffure and Headgear
5 Architecture, Furniture and Interior Furnishings
6 Vessels, Containers and Objects of Ritual and Household Use
7 Musical Instruments, Arms and Armour, Conveyances and Emblems of Royalty
Epilogue
Appendix: Reference to Objects of Material Culture in Jain Canonical Literature
Bibliography
Colour Plates
Index

Citation preview

JAIN PAINTINGS AND MATERIAL CULTURE

OF MEDIEVAL WESTERN INDIA

Through a curated collection of key Jain paintings, this volume offers a glimpse into the way people lived in western India during the medieval times: What they wore, how they ornamented themselves, what they amused themselves with, what furniture they sat on, which modes of transport they used. It includes Jain paintings from various collections in India and abroad to underscore the value of pictorial evidence in piecing together the past. The book takes the reader on a breath-taking visual journey through the varied costumes, exquisite textiles, handcrafted ornaments, curiously shaped vessels and con­ tainers, musical instruments, arms and armour, conveyances, and many such articles of everyday use. These articles of everyday use are corroborated with the descrip­ tions left by foreign travellers passing through western India at that time. It explores contemporary lexicons and vernacular literature from this period, for possible names in vogue for the articles of Material Culture. The work is richly illustrated with line drawings by the author to highlight the objects being referred to. What comes across clearly through this book is that art is the mirror of the times, and as such, paintings reflect the society in which they are created. A magnificent read, this book will be essential for scholars and researchers of Indian painting, art history, Indian art, arts and aesthetics, Jainism, visual arts, South Asian history, Indian history, heritage studies and cultural history. It will also be a must-have for history and visual arts enthusiasts all over the world. Lipika Maitra studied History at the Panjab University, Chandigarh, India, receiving top honours at both the graduate and post-graduate levels. She went on to receive her Ph.D. in 1995 from the same University. After completing her Ph.D., she taught Cul­ tural History to undergraduate classes at DAV College, Chandigarh, for a while. Her interest in History of Indian Art began during her Ph.D., while researching Jain paint­ ings, and peaked while she was working at the Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, Can­ ada. Upon returning to India, she worked as an Academic Consultant in the regional headquarters of the Centre for Cultural Resources and Training (under the aegis of the Ministry of Culture, Govt. of India) in Hyderabad for more than seven years. At CCRT, as Course Director, her work involved designing and conducting various cul­ tural training courses for in-service government school teachers. She also taught visual arts to each batch of teacher trainees attending the training courses. At present, she is a full-time writer and frequently gives lectures on various aspects of Indian art to interested audiences.

Frontispiece “A  king and a monk”, Uttaradhyayana Sutra, C. 1450, Gujarat, ink and opaque watercolour with mica on paper, Gift of Gursharan and Elvira Sidhu, AC1993.225.1, South and South East Asian Art, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles. Photo credit: Photo© Museum Associates/LACMA.

JAIN PAINTINGS AND

MATERIAL CULTURE OF

MEDIEVAL WESTERN INDIA

1100–1650

Lipika Maitra

Designed cover image: “Princess Bhadra requests Muni Harikesi Bala to marry her”, “Uttaradhyayana Sutra”, 1492 CE, paper, Patan, Gujarat, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.55.11, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Source: Image courtesy L.D. Institute of Indology. First published 2024 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2024 Lipika Maitra The right of Lipika Maitra to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. The author has attempted to trace the copyright holders of all material reproduced in this publication. If any copyright material has not been acknowledged please write and let us know so we may rectify in any future reprint. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-1-032-28228-2 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-54127-3 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-41528-2 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003415282 Typeset in Sabon by Apex CoVantage, LLC

To

Karuna Goswamy

my mother of choice

CONTENTS

List of Figures List of Plates Foreword Preface Author’s Acknowledgements List of Abbreviations

viii

xxx

xxxiv

xxxvi

xl

xlii

1 The Historical Background

1

2 Costumes and Footwear

31

3 Textiles

91

4 Ornaments, Ornamentations, Coiffure and Headgear

126

5 Architecture, Furniture and Interior Furnishings

175

6 Vessels, Containers and Objects of Ritual and Household Use

209

7 Musical Instruments, Arms and Armour, Conveyances and

Emblems of Royalty

228

Epilogue Appendix: Reference to Objects of Material Culture in Jain

Canonical Literature Bibliography Colour Plates Index vii

278

282

286

296

336

FIGURES

2.1 Line drawing from the painting, “Damitari watching the dance of Barbari and Kirati”, painting on the wooden book cover, Sri Santinathacharitra—Citrapattika, 1260 CE, Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad. 2.2 Line drawing from the miniature, “Jinadatta Suri and his disciples”, painting on a wooden panel, C. 1112–1154 CE, Jain Jnana Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 190 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 2.3 Line drawing from the miniature, “Mahavira in the initiation palanquin”, Kalpasuta and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 34 obv., Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 2.4 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalpasuta and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 97 rev., Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 2.5 Line drawing from the miniature, “Six lesyas or thought colours”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa. 195.23, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pl. IX in Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Painting.) 2.6 Line drawing from a miniature of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1492 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa. 55.2, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.7 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalakacharya Katha, 1499 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa. 416.2, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.8 Line drawing from the painting, “Battle between Srivijaya and Ashanighosa”, painting on the wooden book cover, Sri Santinathacharitra—Citrapattika, 1260 CE, Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad. 2.9 Line drawing from the painting, “Battle between Bharata and Bahubali”, painted on the wooden book cover, 12th century CE. (Reproduced as Figure 14, pp. 38–39, in Saryu Doshi, Masterpieces of Jain Painting.) 2.10 Line drawing from the miniature, “The Hell Tortures”, Sangrahani Sutra, 1650 CE, Folio 41b, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Figure 88 in Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Painting.) viii

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2.11 Line drawing from the miniature, “Mahavira in the initiation palanquin”, Kalpa Sutra and Kalakacharya Katha (C. early 15th century CE), Ms. No. 425, Folio 49, Jnana Bhandara, Jaisalmer. 2.12 Line drawing from the miniature, “The fourteen ratnas (jewels) of a Chakravartin”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.195.33, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.13 Line drawing from a miniature of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra 1492 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.55.26, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.14 Line drawing from the miniature “Kalakacharya and the Shahis”, Kalpa Sutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 91 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 2.15 Line drawing from the miniature “A sermon in the forest”, Supasanahacariyam, 1423 CE, Sri Hemachandracharya Jaina Jnana Mandira, Patan. (Reproduced as Pl. III in Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Paintings.) 2.16 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1649 CE, Acc. No. 38.19, Folio 57, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 2.17 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra 1639 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.199.7, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.18 Line drawing from the miniature, “Gardabhi-Vidya”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1452 CE, National Museum, New Delhi. (Reproduced as Col.illus.26 in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III). 2.19 Line drawing from the miniature, “Dancers and musicians”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.20 Line drawing from a miniature of the Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra, C. early 17th century CE, Acc. No. 38.20, Folio No. 27 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 2.21 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalakacharya Katha, 1499 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.416.2, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.22 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, late 15th century CE, Acc. No. 22.3260 B, Folio No. 92 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 2.23 Line drawing from the painting, “Learned disputations between Jain Monks”, painting on a wooden book cover, second quarter of 12th century CE, The Goenka Collection, Mumbai. 2.24 Line drawing from the painting of “Battle between Bharata and Bahubali”, painted wooden book cover, 12th century CE. (Reproduced as Figure 14, pp. 38–39, in Saryu Doshi, Masterpieces of Jain Painting.) 2.25 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalaka retrieving the ball fallen in the lake, for the shahi chief”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Plate 5, in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) ix

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2.26 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalakacharya Katha, 1502 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.95.6, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.27 Line drawing from a miniature of the Vijayachandra Kevali Charita, 1499 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.58.27, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.28 Line drawing from a miniature of the Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra, 1499 CE, Acc. No. 38.20, Folio No. 28 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 2.29 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.199.7, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.30 Line drawing from the miniature, “Shahi King and his courtiers”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1382 CE, Cat. No. 411, p. 67, Nemi Darsana Jnansala, Palitana. (Reproduced as Pl. III H in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 2.31 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalaka and the Shahi chief”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Plate 1 in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 2.32 Line drawing from the miniature, “King Yashodhara with his entourage”, Yashodhara Charitra, 1596 CE, Pvt. Collection. (Reproduced as Col.illus.37 in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.) 2.33 Line drawing from the miniature, “Dancers and musicians”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.34 Line drawing from the miniature “Mahavira in the initiation palanquin”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 34 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 2.35 Line drawing from the painting, “Damitari watching the dance of Barbari and Kirati”, Painting on a wooden book cover, Srisantinathacharitra-Citrapattika (1260 CE), Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as PIC-12 in Pamnyasa Sheelachandra Vijayagani, Srisantinathacharitra—Citrapattika.) 2.36 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalakacharya and the Shahis”, Kalpasutra and Kalacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 91 rev., Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 2.37 Line drawing from the painting, “Learned disputations between Jain Monks”, painting on a wooden book cover, second quarter of 12th century CE, The Goenka Collection, Mumbai. 2.38 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.199.7, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.39 Line drawing from the illustration of Jain Panchatirthipata, Cloth painting, 1433 CE, Jain Tadapatriya Pustak Bhandara, Patan. (Reproduced as Figure 180 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) x

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2.40 Line drawing from the illustration of Jain Panchatirthipata, Cloth painting, 1433 CE, Jain Tadapatriya Pustak Bhandara, Patan. (Reproduced as Figure 186 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 2.41 Line drawing from “border decorations” of folios from the Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Plate 6C in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 2.42 Line drawing from “figures of the female dancers in various poses”, border decorations of folios from the Kalpasutra C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Figure 117 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 2.43 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1587 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.196.7, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.44 Line drawing from the miniature, “Penance of Bahubali”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha from Devasano Pado Bhandara C. 1475 CE, Acc. No. 70.64, Folio 135 reverse. National Museum, New Delhi. 2.45 Line drawing from the miniature “Kalaka retrieving the ball fallen in the lake, for the Shahi chief”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Plate 5, in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 2.46 Line drawing from the miniature “Marriage of Chandraprabha”, Chandraprabha Charita, 1498 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.39.4, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.47 Line drawing from the miniature, “An incident from the story of Muni Harikesi Bala” Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1492 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.55.11, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.48 Line drawing from the miniature “A sermon in the forest”, Supasanahacariyam, 1423 CE, Sri Hemachandracharya Jaina Jnana mandir, Patan. (Reproduced as Pl. III in Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jain painting.) 2.49 Line drawing from the miniature, “Balamitra and his wife”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Plate 1, in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 2.50 Line drawing from the miniature, “Dancers and Musicians”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.51 Line drawing from the illustration of Jain Panchatirthipata, cloth painting, 1433 CE, Jain Tadapatriya Pustak Bhandara, Patan. (Reproduced as Figure 186. in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) xi

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2.52 Line drawing from the miniature “Kalaka retrieving the ball fallen in the lake, for the Shahi chief”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Plate 5, in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 2.53 Line drawing from the miniature, “Balamitra and his wife”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Plate 1 (Bottom) in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 2.54 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalakacharya Katha, 1499 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.416.02, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.55 Line drawing from the miniature, “Coronation ceremony of Rishabhanatha by Indra”, Kalpasutra, 1464 CE, Acc. No. 51.21, Folio 55, National Museum, New Delhi. 2.56 Line drawing from “border decorations” of folios from Kalpasuta, C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Figure 138 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 2.57 Line drawing from border decorations depicting “warriors and bathing scenes”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Figure 59 and 60 in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal; Figure 136, in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 2.58 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1649 CE, Acc. No. 38.19, Folio No. 47 obverse Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 2.59 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalaka and the Shahi chief”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Plate 1 (top) in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 2.60 Line drawing from the painting, “Battle between Bharata and Bahubali”, painted wooden book cover, 12th century CE. (Reproduced as Figure 14, pp. 38–39, in Saryu Doshi, Masterpieces of Jain Painting.) 2.61 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalakacharya Katha, 1499 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.416.02, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.62 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.199.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 2.63 Line drawing from the miniature, “King Yashodhara with his entourage”, Yashodhara Charitra, 1596 CE, Pvt. Collection. (Reproduced as Col.illus.37 in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.) 3.1 Line drawing from a textile fragment of Indian origin (Gujarat) from Egypt, with pattern of leaves, hamsa and quatrefoils, Newberry Collection, Acc. No. EA 1990.844, C. 15th century, Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford. xii

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3.2 Line drawing from the painting, “Damitari watching the dance of Barbari and Kirati”, painting on the wooden book cover, Sri Santinathacharitra—Citrapattika, 1260 CE, Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pic. 12 in Pamnyasa Sheelachandra Vijayagani, Sri Santinathacharitra-Citrapattika.) 3.3 Line drawing from the miniature, “Penance of Bahubali” (obverse), Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, probably from Devasano Pado Bhandara, C. 1475 CE, Acc. No. 70.64, National Museum, New Delhi. (Reproduced as Col. illus. 28A in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture.) Vol. III. 3.4 Line drawing from the miniature, “Gardhabhilla and Kalaka”, Kalakacharya Katha, probably from Devasano Pado Bhandara, C. 1475 CE, Acc. No. 70.64, National Museum, New Delhi.

(Reproduced as Col.illus. 28C in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi,

“Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.) 3.5 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalakacharya and the Shahis”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 91 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 3.6 Line drawing from the miniature, “Plucking of hair by Mahavira”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio 37, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 3.7 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, probably from Devasano Pado Bhandara, C. 1475 CE, Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varanasi. (Reproduced as Figure 11, p. 81 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 3.8 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalpasutra, 1400 CE, Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 20, p. 86 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 3.9 Line drawing from the miniature, “Shahi King and his courtiers”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1382 CE, Cat. No. 411, p. 67, Nemi Darsana Jnansala, Palitana. (Reproduced as Pl. III H in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 3.10 Line drawing from the miniature “Transfer of the Embryo”, Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE, Acc. No. 63.591, Folio 18, National Museum, New Delhi. 3.11 Line drawing from the miniature “Kalakacharya and the Shahis”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 91 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 3.12 Line drawing from the miniature “The initiation ceremony of Mahavira”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 55 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. xiii

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3.13 Line drawing from the miniature, “Balamitra and his wife”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Plate 1 (bottom) in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 3.14 Line drawing from the miniature, “Balamitra and his Wife”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya. (Reproduced as Plate 1 (bottom), in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 3.15 Line drawing from the miniature, “obeisance of Indra”, Kalpasutra (1400–1425 CE), Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 3, p. 77 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 3.16 Line drawing from the miniature, “Indra and Harinaigameshin”, Kalpasutra 1417 CE, Acc. No. 50.191, Folio 9, National Museum, New Delhi. 3.17 Line drawing from the miniature, “Amlaki Krida”, Kalpasutra, C. 1425–1450 CE), Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varanasi. (Reproduced as Figure 13, p. 81 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 3.18 Line drawing from the miniature, “Gardabhi Vidya”, Kalakacharya Katha, 1453 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.426.04, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.1 Line drawing from the miniature, “Obeisance of Indra”, Kalpasutra, 1400–1425 CE, Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 3, p. 77 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 4.2 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala worrying over nonmoving foetus”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 26, obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 4.3 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala and her friend worrying over non-moving foetus”, Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE, Acc. No. 63.591, Folio 48, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.4 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala worrying over nonmoving foetus”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 26 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 4.5 Line drawing from the miniature, “Plucking of hair by Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, 1591 CE, Acc. No. 49.19/326, Folio 48, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.6 Line drawing from the miniature, “obeisance of Indra”, Kalpasutra, 1400–1425 CE, Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 3, p. 77 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.)

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4.7 Line drawing from the miniature, “Plucking of hair by Mahavira”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio, 37, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 4.8 Line drawing from the miniature, “The Lord of the Nagas protecting Parshva”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Figure 22, p. 86 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 4.9 Line drawing from the miniature, “Annual alms-giving”, Kalpasutra, 1400 CE, Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 14, p. 81 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 4.10 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1587 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.196.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.11 Line drawing from the miniature, “Plucking of hair by Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, 1591 CE, Acc. No. 49.19/326, Folio 48, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.12 Line drawing from the miniature, “Harinaigameshin”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, Acc. No. 58.20/16a, Folio 38, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.13 Line drawing from the miniature, “shravika” (a donor lady), Trisastisalakapurusacarita, 1241 CE, Cambay Cat. No. 186, Folio 234A, Santinatha Jain Bhandara, Cambay. (Reproduced as Pl. IA in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 4.14 Line drawing from the miniature, “Nativity of Mahavira and Indra taking newly born Jina for birth bath”, Kalpasutra, 1346 CE, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pl. IV K in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 4.15 Line drawing from the miniature, “Transfer of the Embryo”, Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE, Acc. No. 63.591, Folio 19, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.16 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala worrying over nonmoving foetus”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 26 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 4.17 Line drawing from the miniature, “Driving stakes in the ears of Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, 1464 CE, Acc. No. 51.21, Folio 60, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.18 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala recounting her dream to Siddhartha”, Kalpasutra, 1465 CE, Acc. No. 58.20/15, Folio 24, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.19 Line drawing from the miniature, “Some common features of gods”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.24, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pl. X in Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Painting.)

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4.20 Line drawing from the miniature, “Indra giving order to Harinaigameshin”, Kalpasutra, C. 1425–30 CE, Hemachandracharya Jnana Bhandara, Patan. (Reproduced as Figure 87 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 4.21 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, Acc. No. 58.20/16a, Folio 16, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.22 Line drawing from the miniature, “Plucking of hair by Mahavira”, 1417 CE, National Museum, New Delhi. (Reproduced as Col.illus.27 in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.) 4.23 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.199.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.24 Line drawing from the miniature, “Interpretation of Trishala’s dream by the astrologers”, Kalpasutra, C. 1400 CE, Private Collection. (Reproduced as Figure 9, p. 79, Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting” Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 4.25 Line drawing from the miniature, “Nativity of Mahavira and Indra taking newly born Jina for birth bath”, Kalpasutra, 1346 CE, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pl. IV K.in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 4.26 Line drawing from the miniature, “obeisance of Indra”, Kalpasutra, 1400–1425 CE, Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 3, p. 77 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 4.27 Line drawing from the miniature, “Transfer of the Embryo”, Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE, Acc. No. 63.591, Folio 19, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.28 Line drawing from the miniature, “Indra and Harinaigameshin”, Kalpasutra, 1417 CE, Acc. No. 50.191, Folio 9, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.29 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.199.27, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.30 Line drawing from a miniature of the Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra, C. Early 17th century CE, Acc. No. 38.20, Folio No. 20 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 4.31 Line drawing from the miniature, “Shravika” (a donor lady), Trisastisalaka purusacarita, 1241CE, Cambay Cat. No. 186, Folio 234A, Santinatha Jaina Bhandara, Cambay. (Reproduced as Pl. IA in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 4.32 Line drawing from the miniature, “The lord of the Nagas protecting Parshva”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Figure 22, p. 86 in Saryu Doshi. “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 4.33 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala recounting her dreams to Siddhartha”, Kalpasutra, 1404 CE, Royal Asiatic Society, London. (Reproduced as Figure 7, p. 79 in Saryu Doshi. “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) xvi

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4.34 Line drawing from the miniature, “Plucking of hair by Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, 1591 CE, Acc. No. 49.19/326, Folio 48, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.35 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.199.27, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.36 Line drawing from the miniature, “The birth of Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, C. End of the14th century CE, Sheth Anandji Mangaljini Pedhi na Jnana Bhandara, Idar. (Reproduced as Figure 59 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 4.37 Line drawing from the miniature, “Shravika” (a donor lady), Trisastisalakapurusacarita, 1241 CE, Cambay Cat. No. 186, Folio 234A, Santinatha Jaina Bhandara, Cambay. (Reproduced as Pl. IA in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 4.38 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala worrying over nonmoving foetus”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 26 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 4.39 Line drawing from the miniature, “Interpretation of Trishala’s dream by the astrologers”, Kalpasutra, C. 1400 CE, Private Collection. (Reproduced as Figure 9, p. 79 in Saryu Doshi. “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 4.40 Line drawing from the miniature, “Dancers and musicians performing in front of Indra”, Kalpasutra, 1464 CE, Acc. No. 51.21, Folio 6, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.41 Line drawing from the miniature, “Nemi on his way to the marriage pavilion”, Kalpasutra, 1502 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.227.19, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.42 Line drawing from the miniature, “The lord of the Nagas protecting Parshva”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Figure 22, p. 86 in Saryu Doshi. “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 4.43 Line drawing from the miniature, “Harinaigameshin”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1415 CE, Acc. No. 58.20/16a, Folio 38, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.44 Line drawing from the miniature, “Nativity of Mahavira and Indra taking newly born Jina for birth bath”, Kalpasutra, C. 1346 CE, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pl. IV K. in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 4.45 Line drawing from the miniature, “Nativity of Mahavira and Indra taking newly born Jina for birth bath”, Kalpasutra, 1346 CE, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pl. IV K in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 4.46 Line drawing from the miniature, “Some common features of gods”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.24, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pl. X in Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Painting.) xvii

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4.47 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalaka and the Shahi chief”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Plate 1 in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—a Reappraisal.) 4.48 Line drawing from the miniature, “Shravika” (a donor lady), Trisastisalakapurusacarita, 1241 CE, Cambay Cat. No. 186, Folio 234A, Santinatha Jaina Bhandara, Cambay. (Reproduced as Pl. IA in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 4.49 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalpasutra, 1459 CE, Acc. No. 50.194, Folio 33, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.50 Line drawing from the miniature, “Indra in his court”, Kalpasutra, 1417 CE, Acc. No. 50.191, Folio 5, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.51 Line drawing from the miniature, “A sermon in the forest”, Supasanahacariyam, 1423 CE, Sri Hemachandracharya Jaina Jnana Mandira, Patan. (Reproduced as Pl. III in Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Paintings.) 4.52 Line drawing from the miniature, “Varshidaana”, Kalpasutra, 1464 CE, Acc. No. 51.21, Folio 63, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.53 Line drawing from the miniature, “Interpretation of Trishala’s dream by the astrologers”, Kalpasutra, C. 1400 CE, Private Collection. (Reproduced as Figure 9, p. 79, Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 4.54 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalpasutra, C. 15th century CE, Acc. No. 15021, Indian Museum, Kolkata. 4.55 Line drawing from the miniature, “Dancers and Musicians”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.56 Line drawing from the miniature, “Indra instructing Harinaigameshi to exchange the embryos”, Kalpasutra, C. 1425–1450 CE, Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varanasi. (Reproduced as Figure 4, p. 77 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting” Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 4.57 Line drawing from the miniature, “Plucking of hair by Mahavira”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio, 37, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 4.58 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala and her friend worrying over non-moving foetus”, Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE, Acc. No. 63.591, Folio 48, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.59 Line drawing from the miniature, “Indra in his court”, Kalpasutra, 1417 CE, Acc. No. 50.191, Folio 5, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.60 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala recounting her dreams to Siddhartha”, Kalpasutra, 1404 CE, Royal Asiatic Society, London. (Reproduced as Figure 7, p. 79 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting” Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 4.61 Line drawing from the miniature, “Plucking of hair by Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, 1591 CE, Acc. No. 49.19/326, Folio 48, National Museum, New Delhi. xviii

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4.62 “Learned disputations between Jain Monks”, painting on a wooden book cover, second quarter of 12th century CE, The Goenka Collection, Mumbai. 4.63 Line drawing from the miniature, “Plucking of hair by Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, 1591 CE, Acc. No. 49.19/326, Folio 48, National Museum, New Delhi. 4.64 Line drawing from the miniature, “Dancers and Musicians”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.65 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.199.22, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.66 Line drawing from the miniature, “Six lesyas or thought colours”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.23, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pl. IX in Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Painting.) 4.67 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalakacharya and the Shahis”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 91 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 4.68 Line drawing from the miniature, “Shravika” (a donor lady), Trisastisalakapurusacarita, 1241 CE, Cambay Cat. No. 186, Folio 234A, Santinatha Jaina Bhandara, Cambay. (Reproduced as Pl. IA in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 4.69 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala worrying over nonmoving foetus”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 26 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 4.70 Line drawing from the miniature, “some common features of gods”, Sangrahani sutra, 1587 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.196.7, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.71 Line drawing from the miniature, “Goddess Lakshmi”, Kalpasutra C. 1425–1430 CE, Hemachandracharya Jnana Mandir, Patan. (Reproduced as Figure 85 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 4.72 Line drawing from the border decorations of folios of the Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Plate 7f in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 4.73 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalaka retrieving the ball fallen in the lake, for the Shahi chief”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Plate 5 in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 4.74 Line drawing from the miniature “Kalaka retrieving the ball fallen in the lake, for the Shahi chief”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Plate 5 in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) xix

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4.75 Line drawing from the miniature “The fourteen ratnas (jewels) of a Chakravartin”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.195.33, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.76 Line drawing from the miniature, “The retinue of the bhavanavasin sovereign”, Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.199.7, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.77 Line drawing from the miniature, “Gardhabhilla brought by the Shahis”, Kalakacharya katha, 1502 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.95.6, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.78 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalakacharya and the Shahis”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No 91 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 4.79 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalaka changing bricks into gold”, Kalakacharya Katha, 1499 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.416.2, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 4.80 Line drawing from the miniature, “Shahi King and his courtiers”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1382 CE, Cat. No. 411, p. 67, Nemi Darsana Jnansala, Palitana. (Reproduced as Pl. III H in U.P. Shah, ed. Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 4.81 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalakacharya and the Shahis”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 91 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 4.82 Line drawing from the miniature, “Capture of Gardhabhilla”, Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, P.C. Jain Collection, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Col.illus.25 D in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.) 5.1 Line drawing from the miniature illustrating, “Episodes from the life of Parshva”, Kalpasutra, Palm leaf manuscript, No. 82 (6), C. 1275– 1300 CE, Jain Trust, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 19, pp. 40–41 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 5.2 Line drawing from the miniature “Battle between Srivijaya and Asanighosha”, painting on wooden book cover, Sri Santinathacharitra—Citrapattika (1260 CE), Courtesy Sri Sheelchandra Suri, Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad. 5.3 Line drawing from a miniature of the Vijayachandra Kevali Charita, 1499 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.58.27, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 5.4 Line drawing from the miniature, “Marriage procession of Neminatha”, Subahu Katha, 1288 CE, Sanghavina Pada, Jnana Bhandara, Patan. (Reproduced as Figure 50 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 5.5 Line drawing from a miniature of the Vijayachandra Kevali Charita, 1499 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.58.17, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. xx

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5.6 Line drawing from the miniature, “Santinatha’s nirvana”, painting on wooden book cover, Sri Santinathacharitra—Citrapattika, 1260 CE, Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pic.33 in Pamnyasa Sheelachandra Vijayagani, Sri Santinathacharitra—Citrapattika.) 5.7 Line drawing from the miniature, “Siddha-Haima carried in procession on an elephant’s back”, Siddha-Haima, Palm leaf, C. End of the 14th or beginning of the 15th century CE, Tapa Bhandara, Patan. (Reproduced as Figure 84 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 5.8 Line drawing from a cloth painting, the Vividha-Tirtha-Vastrapata, 1641 CE, Anandji Kalyanji Pedhi, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pl. IX (V) in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of the Jaina Bhandaras.) 5.9 Line drawing from a cloth painting, Panchatirthipata, 1433 CE, Jain Tadapatriya Pustak Bhandara, Patan. (Reproduced as Figure 178 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 5.10 Line drawing from the miniature, “Tirthankara and eight auspicious symbols”, paper, C. 1450 CE, Private collection. (Reproduced on Page 2, in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 5.11 Line drawing from the miniature, “Deities and Devotees”, Wooden book cover, C. 1250–1275 CE, Jain Trust, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 17, PP. 38–39, Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting” Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 5.12 Line drawing from a miniature of the Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra, C. Early 17th century CE, Acc. No. 38.20, Folio No. 20 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 5.13 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalaka retrieving the ball fallen in the lake, for the Shahi chief”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandar, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Plate 5. in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 5.14 Line drawing from the miniature, “The game of gendi danda”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1501 CE, painted at Patan, Folio No. 4a, Ancala Gaccha, Jamnagar. (Reproduced as Figure 26, in Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Painting.) 5.15 Line drawing from the miniature, “Transfer of embryo”, Kalpasutra, 1417 CE, Acc. No. 50.191, Folio No. 13, National Museum, New Delhi. 5.16 Line drawing from the miniature, “The Jewels of Vasudeva”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.34, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 5.17 Line drawing from the miniature, “Some common features of gods”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.24, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pl. X in Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Painting.) 5.18 Line drawing from the miniature, “Vajra in his cradle”, Kalpasutra, 1498 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.233.42, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. xxi

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5.19 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalaka and the Shahi chief”, Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, P.C. Jain collection, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Col.illus.25C in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings” Jain Art and Architecture, Vol. III.) 5.20 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala and her friend worrying over non-moving foetus”, Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE, Acc. No. 63.591, Folio No. 48, National Museum, New Delhi. 5.21 Line drawing from the miniature, “Siddhartha in the gymnasium and bath-chamber”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1444 CE, Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 8, p. 79 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 5.22 Line drawing from the miniature, “A sermon in the forest”, Supasanahacariyam, 1423 CE, Sri Hemachandracharya Jaina Jnana Mandira, Patan. (Reproduced as Pl. III in Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Paintings.) 5.23 Line drawing from the miniature, “Jinesvara Suri and Vimalachandra”, Dvyasrayavrtti, C. Early 14th century CE, Jaisalmer collection No. 340, L.D. Series No. 36, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pl. II E in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 5.24 Line drawing from the miniature, “Deities and Devotees”, wooden book cover, C. 1250–1275 CE, Jain Trust, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 17, PP. 38–39, Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting” Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 5.25 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalakacharya and the Shahis”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 91 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 5.26 Line drawing from the miniature, “Annual alms giving”, Kalpasutra, 1591 CE, Acc. No. 49.19/326, Folio No. 51, National Museum, New Delhi. 5.27 Line drawing from the miniature, “Transfer of the Embryo”, Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE, Acc. No. 63.591, Folio No. 18, National Museum, New Delhi. 5.28 Line drawing from the miniature, “Capture of Gardhabhilla”, Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, P.C. Jain collection, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Colour illus. 25D, in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.) 5.29 Line drawing from a cloth painting of Jain Panchatirthipata, 1433 CE, Jain Tadapatriya Pustak Bhandara, Patan. (Reproduced as Figure 181 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 5.30 Line drawing from the miniature “Kalakacharya and his disciples”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 10 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. xxii

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5.31 Line drawing from the miniature, “Teacher and Taught”, Avasyaka Laghuvritti, 1388 CE, Cambay Cat. No. 410, Santinatha Jaina Bhandara, Cambay. (Reproduced as Pl. II F in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 5.32 Line drawing from the painting, “Learned disputations between Jain Monks”, painting on a wooden book cover, second quarter of 12th century CE, The Goenka Collection, Mumbai. 5.33 Line drawing from the miniature, “obeisance of Indra”, Kalpasutra, 1400–1425 CE, Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 3, p. 77 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 5.34 Line drawing from the miniature, “Astrologers interpreting the dream of Trishala”, Kalpasutra, 1459 CE, Acc. No. 50.194, Folio No. 15, National Museum, New Delhi. 5.35 Line drawing from the miniature, “Annual alms giving”, Kalpasutra, C. 1400 CE, Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 14, p. 81, in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 5.36 Line drawing from the miniature, “Nativity of Jina”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1382 CE, Nemidarsana Jnanasala, Palitana. (Reproduced as Pl. III I in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 5.37 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalpasutra, 1400 CE, Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 20, p. 86 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 6.1 Line drawing from the miniature “Santinatha’s birth festivity”, painting on a wooden book cover, Sri Santinathacharitra— Citrapattika, 1260 CE, Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pic. 23 in Pamnyasa Sheelachandra Vijayagani, Sri Santinathacharitra-Citrapattika.) 6.2 Line drawing from the miniature “Santinatha’s birth festivity”, painting on a wooden book cover, Sri Santinathacharitra— Citrapattika, 1260 CE, Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pic.23 in Pamnyasa Sheelachandra Vijayagani, Sri Santinathacharitra—Citrapattika.) 6.3 Line drawing from a miniature of the Kalpasutra, 1415 CE, Acc. No. 58.20/16a, Folio No. 16, National Museum, New Delhi. 6.4 Line drawing from a miniature of the Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra, C. Early 17th-century CE, Acc. No. 38.20, Folio No. 20 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 6.5 Line drawing from the miniature, “Nativity of Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, 1464 CE, Acc. No. 51.21, Folio No. 41, National Museum, New Delhi. 6.6 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala worrying over nonmoving foetus”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 26 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. xxiii

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6.7. Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalaka and the Shahi chief”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Plate 1 in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 6.8 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1649 CE, Acc. No. 38.19, Folio 23 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 6.9: Line drawing from a miniature of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1492 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.55.24, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 6.10 Line drawing from the miniature “Driving stakes into the ears of Mahavira” Kalpasutra, C. 1450–1475 CE, Pvt. Collection. (Reproduced as Figure 17, p. 82 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 6.11 Line drawing from the miniature, “Marriage procession of Neminatha”, Subahu Katha, 1288 CE, Sanghavina Pada, Jnana Bhandara, Patan. (Reproduced as Figure 50 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 6.12 Line drawing from the miniature, “Nativity of a Jina”, Kalpasutra, 1459 CE, Acc. No. 50.194, Folio No. 35, National Museum, New Delhi. 6.13 Line drawing from the miniature, “Episodes from the life of Parshva”, Kalpasutra, Palm leaf manuscript, No. 82 (6), C. 1275– 1300 CE, Jain Trust, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Plate 271B in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.) 6.14 Line drawing from the miniature, “Episodes from the life of Parshva” Kalpasutra, Palm leaf manuscript, No. 82 (6), C. 1275–1300 CE, Jain Trust, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 18, p. 41–42, in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Miniature Paintings”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI. No. 3.) 6.15 Line drawing from a miniature of the Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra, C. Early 17th century CE. Acc. No. 38.20, Folio No. 28 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 6.16 Line drawing from the miniature, “The deer, Baladeva muni and the Rathakaraka”, Subahu Katha, 1288 CE, Sanghavina Pada, Jnana Bhandar, Patan. (Reproduced as Figure 52 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 6.17 Line drawing from the illustration, “Deities and Devotees”, wooden book-cover, C. 1250–1275 CE, Jain Trust, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 17, pp. 38–39 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 6.18 Line drawing from the miniature, “Jinesvara Suri and Vimalachandra”, Dvyasrayavrtti, C. Early 14th century CE, Jaisalmer collection No. 340, L.D. Series No. 36, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pl. II E in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.)

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6.19 Line drawing from a miniature of Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra, 1499 CE, Acc. No. 38.20, Folio No. 28 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 6.20 Line drawing from the miniature “Shravika” (a donor lady), Trisastisalakapurusacarita, 1241 CE, Cambay Cat. No. 186, Folio No. 234A, Santinatha Jaina Bhandara, Cambay. (Reproduced as Pl. IA in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.) 6.21 Line drawing from the miniature, “Fourteen dreams of Trishala”, Kalpasutra, C. 1575–1600 CE, Spencer Collection, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations, New York. (Reproduced as Figure 6, p. 79 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 6.22 Line drawing from a miniature of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1492 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.55.24, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 6.23 Line drawing from the miniature, “Vajrayuddha’s Royal Court”, painting on a wooden book cover, Sri Santinathacharitra— Citrapattika, 1260 CE, Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pic.18 in Pamnyasa Sheelachandra Vijayagani, Sri Santinathacharitra—Citrapattika.) 6.24 Line drawing from the miniature, “Fourteen dreams of Devananda”, Kalpasutra, 1400 CE, Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 1, p. 75 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 6.25 Line drawing from a miniature of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1492 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.55.2, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 6.26 Line drawing from the miniature, “Fourteen dreams of Devananda”, Kalpasutra, 1400 CE, Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 1, p. 75 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 6.27 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala relating her dream to Siddhartha”, Kalpasutra, 1459 CE, Acc. No. 50.194, Folio No. 28, National Museum, New Delhi. 7.1 Line drawing from the painting, “Learned disputations between Jain Monks”, painting on a wooden book cover, second quarter of 12th century CE, The Goenka Collection, Mumbai. 7.2 Line drawing from the miniature, “Harinaigameshin”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1459 CE, Acc. No. 58.20/16a, Folio 38, National Museum, New Delhi. 7.3 Line drawing from the painting, “Learned disputations between Jain Monks”, painting on a wooden book cover, second quarter of 12th century CE, The Goenka Collection, Mumbai. 7.4 Line drawing from the miniature “Gods Celebrating the birth of Suparsva”, Suparsvanatha cariyam, 1423 CE, collection of Tapagachhiya Jain Jnana Bhandara of Sri Hemachandracharya Jnana Mandir, Patan. (Reproduced as Figure 89, Plate 65 in Sarabhai, M. Nawab, The Oldest Rajasthani Paintings from Jaina Bhandaras.)

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7.5 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1649 CE, Acc. No. 38.19, Folio No. 47 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya., Mumbai. 7.6 Line drawing from the miniature “The prowess of Prince Arishtanemi”, Kalpasutra, 1506 CE, Ms. No. 5354, Rajasthan Oriental Institute, Jodhpur. (Reproduced on p. 226 in Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu, ed. and trans. by Mahopadhya Vinayasagar.) 7.7 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1649 CE, Acc. No. 38.19, Folio No. 47 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya., Mumbai. 7.8 Line drawing from the miniature, “Nativity of Mahavira”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, Devasano Pado, C. 1500 CE, Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varanasi. (Reproduced as Figure 11, p. 81 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 7.9 Line drawing from the miniature “Dancers and musicians”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 7.10 Line drawing from miniature, “Evils resulting from idleness and procrastination”, Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1492 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.55.5, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 7.11 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.199.7, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 7.12 Line drawing from the miniature, “Mahavira in the Samavasarana”, Kalpasutra, C. 1475–1500 CE, Detroit Institute of Art, Detroit. (Reproduced as Figure 18, p. 82 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 7.13 Line drawing from the miniature, “Harinaigameshin”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, Acc. No. 58.20/16a, Folio No. 38, National Museum, New Delhi. 7.14 Line drawing from the miniature, “Attack of Sakas on Gardhabhilla and Gardabhividya”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya katha, late 15th century CE, Acc. No. 22.3260B, Folio No. 93 reverse Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 7.15 Line drawing from the painting, “Battle between Bharata and Bahubali”, painted wooden book cover, 12th century CE. (Reproduced as Figure 14, pp. 38–39 in Saryu Doshi Masterpieces of Jain Painting.) 7.16 Line drawing from the miniature, “Capture of Gardhabhilla”, Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, P.C. Jain Collection, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Col. illus. 25D in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.) 7.17 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala recounting her dreams to Siddhartha”, Kalpasutra, 1404 CE, Royal Asiatic Society, London. (Reproduced as Figure 7, p. 79 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.)

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7.18 Line drawing from the miniature, “The Jewels of Vasudeva”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.34, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 7.19 Line drawing from the miniature, “Attack of Sakas on Gardhabhilla and Gardabhividya”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya katha, late 15th century CE, Acc. No. 22.3260B, Folio No. 93 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 7.20 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1649 CE, Acc. No. 38.19, Folio No. 47 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 7.21 Line drawing from the miniature, “Army of Gardabhilla on the march”, Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, P.C. Jain Collection, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Col.illus.25B in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.) 7.22 Line drawing from the miniature, “The fourteen ratnas (jewels) of a Chakravartin”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.195.33, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 7.23 Line drawing from the miniature, “King Yashodhara with his entourage”, Yashodhara Charita, 1596 CE, Pvt. Collection. (Reproduced as Col.illus.37 in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.) 7.24 Line drawing from the miniature, “King Yashodhara with his entourage”, Yashodhara Charita, 1596 CE, Pvt. Collection. (Reproduced as Col.illus.37 in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.) 7.25 Line drawing from the miniature, “Indra and Harinaigameshin”, Kalpasutra, 1417 CE, Acc. No. 50.191, Folio 9, National Museum, New Delhi. 7.26 Line drawing from the miniature, “Plucking of hair by Mahavira”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio 37, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 7.27 Line drawing from the miniature, “The fourteen ratnas (jewels) of a Chakravartin”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.195.33, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 7.28 Line drawing from border decoration depicting, “Hand-guns”, Folio from the Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Figure 62 in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 7.29 Line drawing from a miniature of the Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra, C. Early 17th century CE, Acc. No. 38.20, Folio No. 27 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 7.30 Line drawing from the miniature, “Mahavira in the initiation palanquin”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 34 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai.

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7.31 Line drawing from the illustration of Jain Panchatirthipata, cloth painting, 1433 CE, Jain Tadapatriya Pustak Bhandara, Patan. (Reproduced as Figure 181 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India.) 7.32 Line drawing from a miniature of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.199.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 7.33 Line drawing from the “border decorations” of a folio from the Devasano Pado Bhandara, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE, Acc. No. 70.64, Folio No. 135 obverse, National Museum, New Delhi. (Reproduced as Col.illus.28B in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.) 7.34 Line drawing from border decoration depicting, “ships at sail”, Folio from the Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Figure 73 in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 7.35 Line drawing from the “border decorations” of a folio from the Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Plate 6f in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 7.36 Line drawing from the miniature, “Obeisance of Indra”, Kalpasutra, C. 1400–1425 CE, Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer. (Reproduced as Figure 3, p. 77 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 7.37 Line drawing from the miniature, “Kalaka and the Shahi Chief”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. (Reproduced as Plate 1 (top), in Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.) 7.38 Line drawing from the miniature, “The fourteen ratnas (jewels) of a Chakravartin”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.195.33, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 7.39 Line drawing from the miniature, “The fourteen ratnas (jewels) of a Chakravartin”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.195.33, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 7.40 Line drawing from the miniature, “Mahavira in the Samavasarana”, Kalpasutra, C. 1475–1500 CE, Detroit Institute of Art, Detroit. (Reproduced as Figure 18, p. 82 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.) 7.41 Line drawing from the painting, “Learned disputations between Jain Monks”, painting on a wooden book cover, second quarter of 12th century CE, The Goenka Collection, Mumbai. 7.42 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala worrying over nonmoving foetus”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 26 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai.

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7.43 Line drawing from the miniature, “Nativity of a Jina”, Kalpasutra, 1460 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.5.36, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 7.44 Line drawing from the miniature, “The prowess of Prince Arishtanemi”, Kalpasutra, 1506 CE, Ms. No. 5354, Rajasthan Oriental Institute, Jodhpur (Reproduced on p. 226 in Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu, ed. and trans.by Mahopadhya Vinayasagar.) 7.45 Line drawing from a miniature of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1492 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.55.26, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 7.46 Line drawing from the miniature, “The jewels of Vasudeva”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.34, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 7.47 Line drawing from the miniature, “Trishala recounting her dreams to Siddhartha”, Kalpasutra, 1404 CE, Royal Asiatic Society, London. (Reproduced as Figure 7, p. 79 in Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain Painting”, Marg, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3.)

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Cover Illustration

“Princess Bhadra requests Muni Harikesi Bala to marry her”, “Uttaradhyayana Sutra”, 1492 CE, paper, Patan, Gujarat, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa. 55.11, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Frontispiece “A king and a monk”, Uttaradhyayana Sutra, C. 1450, Gujarat, ink and opaque watercolour with mica on paper, Gift of Gursharan and Elvira Sidhu, AC1993.225.1, South and South East Asian Art, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles. 1 “Learned disputations between Jain Monks”, 8.2 × 77.5 cm. Painting on a wooden book cover, second quarter of 12th century CE, Gujarat. Goenka Academy of Music and Art, Mumbai. 1a One of a Pair of Jain Manuscript Covers (Patli), 5.5 × 32.4 cm. Painting on a wooden book cover, early 12th century CE, Gujarat, Acc. No. 1984.496.33b, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 2 “Battle between Srivijaya and Asanighosha”, 8 × 1.25 inches, Painting on wooden book cover, Sri Santinathacharitra—Citrapattika (1260 CE), probably painted at Jalore, Rajasthan, Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad. 3 “Worship of Parshvanath”, Folio from a Jain text on Sanskrit grammar, the Siddhahemashabdanushasana by Hemachandra, Gujarat, C. 1350 CE, Palm leaf, 6.35 × 5.72 cm. Museum Associates Purchase (M.88.62.1) Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles. 4 “Plucking of hair by Mahavira”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 37 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 5 “Kalakacharya with the Shahis”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio 91 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 6 “Trishala worrying over non-moving foetus”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 26 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 6a “King Siddhartha listens to an astrologer forecast the conception and birth of his son, Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, late 14th century, Gujarat, Paper, 8.6 × 35.1 cm, Credit line: Evelyn Kranes Kossak gift, 1997. Acc. No. 1997.133, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. xxx

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“Trishala lying on her bed”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 58.20/16a, Folio 37, National Museum, New Delhi. 8 “The bathing ceremony of Mahavira”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya

Katha, 1415 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 58.20/16a, Folio 16, National Museum, New Delhi. 8a “Transfer of Embryo”, Kalpasutra, 1417 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 50.191,

Folio 13, National Museum, New Delhi. 9 “King Gardabhilla brought captive to Kalaka”, Kalakacharya

Katha, C. 1450, Gujarat, Paper, 10.8 × 25.4 cm. From the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection, Museum Associates Purchase (M.72.53.21.3), Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles. 10 “Trishala relating her dream to Siddhartha”, Kalpasutra, 1459 CE,

Paper, Acc. No. 50.194, Folio No. 28, National Museum, New Delhi. 11 “Astrologers interpreting the dream of Trishala”, Kalpasutra,

1459 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 50.194, Folio No. 15, National Museum, New Delhi. 12 “Nativity of Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, 1464 CE, Paper, Acc. No.

51.21, Folio No. 41, National Museum, New Delhi. 13 “Dancers and Musicians performing in front of Indra”, Kalpasutra,

1464 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 51.21, Folio No. 6, National Museum, New Delhi. 14 “Indra paying obeisance to Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, 1465 CE, Paper,

Acc. No. 58.20/15, Folio No. 6, National Museum, New Delhi. 15 “King Siddhartha at his toilette”, Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE,

Paper, Acc. No. 63.591, Folio No. 37, National Museum, New Delhi. 16 “Transfer of Embryo”, Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE, Paper, Acc.

No. 63.591, Folio No. 19, National Museum, New Delhi. 17 “Harinaigameshin”, Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE, Paper, Acc. No.

63.591, Folio No. 17, National Museum, New Delhi. 18 “Distribution of alms by Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, 1473 CE, Paper,

Acc. No. 51.232, Folio No. 33, National Museum, New Delhi. 19a Border decoration of a folio from the Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya

Katha, Devasano Pado, C. 1475 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 70.64, Folio No. 135 obverse, National Museum, New Delhi. 19b “Penance of Bahubali” and dancers in the border decorations,

Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, Devasano Pado, C. 1475 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 70.64, Folio No. 135 reverse, National Museum, New Delhi. 19c “Kosa’s dance”, Kalpasutra, C. 1475–1500 CE, Paper, Gujarat

or Rajasthan, From the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection, Museum Associates Purchase (M.72.53.16.1-.81), Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles. 20 “Cradle ceremony of Vajra”, Kalpasutra, C. 1475, Paper, Acc. No.

48.29, Folio No. 94 reverse, National Museum, New Delhi. 21 “Siddhartha and Trishala in conversation”, Kalpasutra, 1490 CE,

Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.237.12, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 7

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21a “Evils resulting from idleness and procrastination”, Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1492 CE, Patan, Gujarat, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.55.5, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 21b “A folio from the manuscript of Uttaradhyayana Sutra”, Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1492 CE, Patan, Gujarat, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.55.24, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 21c “Panchajanya conch”, Kalpasutra, 1496 CE, Paper, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.63.35, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 22 “Marriage of Chandraprabha”, Chandraprabha Charita, 1498 CE, Patan, Gujarat, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.39.4, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 23 “A scene from the manuscript of Vijayachandra kevali Charita”, 1499 CE, Patan, Gujarat, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.58.27, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 23a “Mahavira’s Samavasarana”, Kalpasutra, 15th century, Gujarat, Paper, 11.1 × 27 cm, Ink, opaque, watercolour, gold on paper, Credit line: Rogers Fund, 1955, Acc. No. 55.121.38.18, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 24 “Mahavira rides in his initiation palanquin”, Kalpasutra, 15th century CE, Gujarat, Paper, size 11.1 × 27 cm, Ink, opaque, watercolour, gold on paper, Credit line: Rogers Fund, 1955, Acc. No. 55.121.38.16, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 24a “Two Raginis”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha (verso), Devasano pado Kalpasutra, C. 1500 CE, Patan(?), Gujarat, paper, size 7.3 × 4.6 cm, Gift of Dr. and Mrs. Pratapaditya Pal (M.87.275.3), Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles. 25 “Attack of the Sakas on Gardhabhilla”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, late 15th century CE, paper, size 25.5 × 10.5 cm. Acc. No. 22.3260 B, Folio No. 93 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. 26 “Nemi on his way to the marriage pavilion”, Kalpasutra, 1502, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.227.19, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 27 “Gardhabhilla brought by the Shahis”, Kalakacharya Katha, 1502 CE, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.95.6, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 28 “Fourteen jewels of a Chakravartin”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Matar, Gujarat, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.33, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 29 “The Jewels of Vasudeva”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Matar, Gujarat, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.34, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 30 “Dancers and Musicians”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Matar, Gujarat, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. 31 “Some common features of gods”, Sangrahani Sutra, 1587 CE, Cambay, Gujarat, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.196.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. xxxii

321 322 323 324 325

326

327

328

329 330 331 332 332 332 333

P L AT E S

32 33 34

“A Jain teacher receives a Prince and his retinue”, Yashodhara Charitra, 1636 CE, Paper, 15.9 × 26 cm, Gujarat, Acc. No. 1990.595, San Diego Museum of Art, San Diego. “The retinue of a Bhavanavasin Sovereign”, Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.199.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Textile fragment with pearl garland and stylised mythical animal (Gajasimha), second half of the 10th century to 15th century CE, cotton cloth, block printed with resist, and dyed blue. Size: 12.5 × 7.5 cm. Place of creation: Gujarat, Find spot: Egypt, possibly Fostat, Acc. No. EA1990.166, Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford.

xxxiii

333 334

334

FOREWORD

In a finely made four-part film on the great 15th century saint-poet, Kabir, that I saw once, there were passages where the film-maker went about interviewing people— common people in the countryside for the most part—asking them if they had heard of Kabir, or what they thought of his poetry, if they knew it at all. At one place, some village in Rajasthan, a kindly looking peasant, said, in response to the questions, that of course he knew Kabir, although it was not always easy to understand, in full meas­ ure—he lay emphasis on the full measure—the meaning of all that he had uttered. And then added, thoughtfully, that this is not surprising: “after all he was a kavi”—a word that means both poet and seer—and recited a couple of lines on his own, tossing them off rather casually: Keley ke paat paat mein paat, kavi ki baat baat mein baat [Inside a banana leaf, there are other leaves, all curled up; Inside a poet’s words, there are others, many others, that lie hidden.] It has been years since I saw that film or heard those words, but I have never forgot­ ten them, for there is such truth in them, such insight. As I see it, what is true of poetry is, in equal measure, true of painting. For, in truth, as has often been said, they are siblings—poetry and painting—sahodara, born of the same womb. There are layers everywhere, all there to be discovered, made sense of and savoured. When I am looking at a painting—a folio from a great Ramayana series—in which the princely exiles, Rama and Sita and Lakshmana, are seen cross­ ing a river, I can see the boat of course, rendered by the painter as just a thin sliver gliding across a vast expanse of water. But, somewhere, within myself, I also can see the painter reminding us, as the legend has it, that when, at the end of the journey, Rama asked the boatman what he owes him for service rendered, the poor boatman, a humble devotee of the Lord, turned around, folded his hands and spoke these words: “I, Lord, have only ferried you across this little river; but it is You who, at the end of it all, are going to take us across the ocean of sorrow that this life, this birth, is”. The vast, unending expanse of water in this painting, I am certain, is that ocean. All layering may not be of this order, but it is there, just under the surface, thrum­ ming with vibration, palpable. The almost natural thing that happens when we see Jain paintings, the first thing we do perhaps, is to ask questions: Questions about the subject, about style, about period, about who might have commissioned it, or where xxxiv

FOREWORD

it was made. But we know, or at least need to remind ourselves, that there are other aspects to the work, other dimensions, that need to be looked at. For a work does not exist in a vacuum of time or space, or social context. Each work is a product of its times, and of a society. The objects that one sees in them—from costumes to utensils, from furniture to food, from carriages to collyrium—are, in a sense, real, however styl­ ised or abstract their rendering might be. The dreams that Queen Trishala is believed to have dreamt might be part of a great myth or imagination, but their forms—the dhvaja, the purna-ghata, the elephant with his caparison, for instance—must have been based on what the painter saw, even if he refined, aestheticized them, in his own manner; the shapes of the bows and arrows that the Shahi forces in the Kalaka katha might be exaggerated or stylised as rendered, but surely they, or something very close to them, must have been around the painter. It is not simply a question of the materiality of these objects: Through them, we enter the world of levels, influences, connections and meanings. What Lipika Maitra has done in this fine and detailed study is something that has virtually not been done till now: Drawn attention to these levels and influences, con­ nections and their meanings. It all amounts to what one sees beyond simple appear­ ances, and it is valuable. The great Urdu poet, Ghalib, said something like this once: sad jalwa ru-ba-ru hai jo mizhgaan uthaaiye laazim hai bas keh deed key saamaan laaiye There are sights without number out there; all that you need to do is to lift your eyelashes a little; have the wherewithal with which to see.

xxxv

B.N. Goswamy

PREFACE

The focus of this study is on the Material Culture of western India in the period between 1100 and 1650 CE. Miniature paintings made on palm leaf, paper, cloth and wooden book covers form the principal source material for this study. These miniature paintings pertain to the time when Jainism was fairly widespread in areas like Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi as well as Karna­ taka. However, this study is confined to only those Jain Paintings that have a distinct “western-Indian” affiliation, geographically as well as stylistically. The geographical connotation of the term “Western India” is taken to include the geographical region mainly comprising what is today known as the province of Guja­ rat and some parts of Rajasthan. It is emphasised here that the Kingdom of Gujarat of those days was much larger than the province of Gujarat today and at times many neighbouring areas of modern-day Rajasthan were also a part of the kingdom of Gujarat. The kingdom changed hands several times and with each new ruler, some areas were annexed or some lost. Because of the changing boundaries of the kingdom, during the period of our study, it makes better sense to take a larger view and name the area of study as western India—while within western India, Gujarat remains the special focus of our study. Thus, most of the paintings chosen for this study have been chosen because of their western Indian provenance so as to set a territorial boundary for the study. Another reason for this nomenclature is that western India in the period between 1100 and 1650 CE was a prolific producer of illustrated Jain manuscripts, which connects this area with Jain miniature painting from fairly early on. Stylistically, the group of Jain miniature paintings that forms the focus of this study has been labelled at various points of time as “Jain”, “Shvetambara Jain”, “Apabhramsa” and “Guja­ rati school” as well as “Western Indian” by great scholars like A.K. Coomaraswamy, Norman Brown, Moti Chandra, Saryu Doshi and Karl J. Khandalavala. Out of these labels, I would be using the term “Western Indian” to refer to this broad style, limit­ ing my study only to paintings of Jain themes, to differentiate from other paintings of Hindu or secular themes done in the western Indian style. Through these paintings, it is western Indian society and its Material Culture that is studied at length. Material Culture refers to physical objects that are made and used by a society. These objects were present at a pivotal moment in the past and serve as tangible links to that history. A study of Material Culture helps us to understand society better. It addresses many questions like how did people live, what did they use, what did they eat in, what did they wear, what did they produce or consume and how xxxvi

PREFACE

did they travel. This work is an attempt to enter that field and get acquainted with the Material Culture of those times. For historians, objects have many stories to tell: There is the story of an object’s invention; procurement of its raw material is another; its usage, its value in terms of trade; discontinuity of its use or its continuation, all make fascinating stories. Collecting and uncovering these stories is what makes the study of Material Culture so meaningful. In the present work, Jain miniature paintings, having affiliation to western India, have been thoroughly scoured for locating objects of Material Culture. The value of pictorial evidence in the reconstructing and fuller understanding of a period has not yet been fully realised. Pictorial evidence is an extremely important contemporary statement made by the artist, reflecting the world around him. One has to assume that even if a painter was not a realist in the strictest sense of the word, most of what he was rendering of the world around him was from his close observation of his life and times. This is best illustrated by the fact that the painter while illustrating mythologi­ cal texts of ancient India clad the main characters of the texts in garments worn by people that he saw around himself. This is clearly seen in the area of Pahari painting, where Nanda, the father of Krishna, is shown wearing Mughal “type” costume, which was the contemporary mode of dressing at the time of the painting. The question thus naturally arises, whether the paintings were a result of the painter’s observation or of his attempt at reconstructing the past, which he also clearly seems to have done as can be seen from the fact that baby Krishna is shown sporting a peacock feather in his hair, in correspondence with his image in texts of early times. This was obviously not the mode of dress for children at the time that the painting was made. Both observation and reconstruction seem to have played their part, with the emphasis of the painter being more on observation than on reconstruction as will be highlighted in the fol­ lowing pages. In this sense, this kind of evidence is just as valuable, if not more, than the literary and archaeological evidence. Many a time, visual evidence can be seen as providing corroborative evidence to contemporary literary sources. In some cases, it becomes the sole evidence for various aspects of society which otherwise would not have been known to us. Jain paintings, however, have been most inadequately studied from this point of view. It is thus a significant area of enquiry to go into. Initially, it would seem that the study of Jain paintings do not hold the same promise as the Ajanta paintings; probably because Jain paintings are seen as hieratic, bound within strict conventions and changing very slightly over a period of several centuries. But on closer examina­ tion, this does not appear to be the case. The subject matter of Jain paintings itself gives a far varied scope to the painter than is generally seen at a cursory glance. The single most important manuscript is the Kalpasutra, which deals with the lives of the Tirthankaras. A thoroughly hagiographical text, it is repetitive in character and nar­ rates cycles of stories of similar content but gives a great subject matter to the painter for rendering the social setting of the story that unfolds. Apart from this, there is the other major hagiographical text, the Kalakacharya Katha, which is a much livelier tale containing descriptions of palace scenes, monks’ quarters, the arrival of foreigners, battles, magic and the like, thus giving far greater scope to the painter as he embarked upon a visual rendering of these descriptive passages. Since several manuscripts of the Kalpasutra and the Kalakacharya Katha are known, it has been of great interest to see how the same scene changed in the hands of different painters, from the point of view of xxxvii

PREFACE

the descriptive content. There are other illustrated Jain texts like the Uttaradhyayana Sutra, Yashodhara Charitra, Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra and Sangrahani Sutra, which likewise have been explored for yielding further information on the Material Culture of that period. Most of the illustrated Jain manuscripts, as well as cloth patas and wooden book covers, consulted for this study are spread out principally in the Shvetambara jnana bhandaras and also in various museum collections like those of the L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad; the National Museum, New Delhi; Chhatrapati Shivaji Maha­ raj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai; the Oriental Institute, Baroda; Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varanasi and Indian Museum, Kolkata as well as in the collections of Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles; San Diego Museum of Art, San Diego and Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, in the United States. In addition to these, there are the collections of the Jain bhandaras at Jaisalmer, Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad, Naya Mandir at Delhi and Baroda and some private collec­ tions as well. Since this period is marked by the coming of Islam into India and one of the major Sultanates being established in Gujarat, it has been of great interest to see whether there was any impact of Islam on the Material Culture of as conservative a community as the Jains. This impact seems to be reflected especially in architecture, furniture, ves­ sels and costumes etc. of the period. It was also intended to refer to comparable mate­ rial from Ajanta paintings, from Sultanate paintings and from early Mughal paintings as well. For the purpose of this study, a number of literary texts, both Sanskrit and Gujarati belonging to roughly the same time period as the miniatures, have been consulted to look for the objects of Material Culture, mentioned therein. Some of the texts used in this work, for collating objects of Material Culture, are a little earlier in point of time than the period under study. Some texts are from areas other than Gujarat, as, for example, Northern Bihar and Konkan. This material only serves to give substance to the study and provides many points of agreement and departure. Foreign travellers, who visited western India during the period of our study, have left eyewitness accounts of what they observed. These accounts also augment what the literary texts of this area say and then these are compared to what actually can be seen in the various Jain paintings consulted to piece together the Material Culture of western India. The book is profusely illustrated with line drawings faithfully drawn from the various Jain miniatures, consulted for the study, to draw attention to the object being discussed. Jain paintings from various collections in India and abroad are included in the book to highlight the value of pictorial evidence. Each chapter dealing with some aspect of Material Culture ends with a well-drawn-out conclusion which re-emphasises the value of pictorial evidence as an invaluable source of history. There goes a popular phrase, “better late than never”, which describes the publica­ tion of this book quite aptly. Publishing this work has been on my mind for the last 25 years or so. The material collected painstakingly over the years sometimes hiber­ nated and at other times nudged me to share this labour of love with the world. Now that the book is getting published, I can say that “Time” served as an anvil to hammer it into its present shape. Owing to this delay, I was able to include some unknown and rare miniatures from collections in India as well as abroad.

xxxviii

PREFACE

I am aware that a work of this nature may have many shortcomings, but I sincerely hope that the already existing knowledge of the western Indian society is enhanced to some extent by my efforts. Through this establishing and confirmation of the vari­ ous objects of Material Culture in use, in Medieval Western India, I have attempted to provide a systematic and chronological survey of the social context in which Jain painting flourished. This documentation of the various articles that were in use could also provide the basis for a future study. What emerges as a result makes to my mind a significant contribution to our study of the Material Culture of that area. Hyderabad December 12, 2022 Lipika Maitra

xxxix

AUTHOR’S ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Before I start acknowledging my indebtedness, to all the people and institutions that have made this book possible, I have to mention first and foremost my teacher, my mentor, who taught me all that I  know and much more—Prof. Karuna Goswamy, without whose vision, scholarship and generosity, this work would never have reached fruition. Unfortunately, I also lost her while this work was nearing completion. So, the joy of showing her the first copy is something that I am never going to experience. I was indeed fortunate to have her in my life. I am also very grateful to Prof. B.N. Gos­ wamy, who, with his masterly perception, offered valuable suggestions throughout my work. I am indeed fortunate that I was introduced to the world of Jain miniature paintings by him. It would have been difficult to give shape to this study without his help. With tremendous patience, he would listen to every roadblock that I would hit and suggest a way out. Whenever I think of his input to my work, words appear shal­ low and an inadequate vehicle for my gratitude. I consider myself fortunate for having received generous help from distinguished scholars. My work has been enriched greatly by the help provided by Mr. Karl J. Khandalavala and Dr. Saryu Doshi, whom I had met in Bombay in the early part of my research in the year 1991. A special word of thanks to Dr. Usha Bhatia, who went out of her way to help me at the most crucial juncture of my work. Her suggestions and inputs have made a valuable contribution to my work. Around the same time, I had met Dr. Jyotindra Jain at the Craft Museum in New Delhi, and I profusely thank him for his advice and help regarding my work. I also wish to mention the help given by Dr. Kalpana Desai who showed me the rare manuscripts in the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai, known as Prince of Wales Museum back then. Around the same time, I had received help from Ms. Gira Sarabhai who allowed me free access to the fabulous collection of textiles in the Calico Museum of Textiles, Ahmedabad. My heart swells with pride at the help received from L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, in two phases. In the early phase of my data collection, I was greatly helped by Dr. S.K. Andhare and Mr. Laxmanbhai Bhojak, who very patiently showed me the rare Jain manuscripts. In the second phase—during the writing of this book, I am grateful to Sh. Girishchandra Shah, Sh. Hiren Doshi and Sh. H.N. Sharma for the unconditional help they provided me in locating some paintings that I needed. I specially thank Mr. Harish Mistry for translating the Gujarati texts consulted for this book. I also thank Dr. (Mrs.) V. Rehani for helping me with the Sanskrit texts. My sincere thanks to Shri Arvind Goenka for allowing me to publish a patli in the Goenka collection, which is of great importance to this book. My deepest appreciation for xl

AUTHOR’S ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Sri Sheelchandra Suri of Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad, who allowed me to publish a rare patli in their collection. I also thank Dr. Satyavrata Tripathi for helping me with the Jain Collection at the National Museum, New Delhi and also with Sanskrit words used in the text. Now that the book is complete, I must mention that it would not have been possible without the encouragement and help of Prof. A. Raghuramaraju. I also deeply appreciate the invaluable help provided by Mr. Prava­ kar Patra with his mastery over art as well as technology, during the writing phase of this book. He made navigating through the rough spots much easier than it actually was. Many thanks to my younger brother Arin Chaudhuri, who spared time from his busy schedule to help me in seeking permission for publishing images, from various museums in the United States. Lastly, I deeply appreciate the tremendous support I received from my family mem­ bers especially my husband, Dr. Sanjay Maitra, my brother Anirudh Chakravartty and my children Dhruva and Anika, without whose help and encouragement I would not have been able to undertake the writing of this book. I am equally thankful to my par­ ents, Sh. Bimal and Madhuri Chakravartty, who encouraged me to forge ahead even when circumstances appeared pretty bleak and finally to the publishers who made my dream come true.

xli

ABBREVIATIONS

Abhi. Desi. Dvya. Hudud. Karpura. KP. Mana. Med. Paiya. Pari. PPS. Pr.Ch. R.V. Sama. Tilaka. Vaija. VR. VS.

Abhidhanachintamani Desinamamala Dvyashrayakavya Hudud al Alam Karpuramanjari Kanhadade Prabandha Manasollasa Medini Paiyalacchi Namamala Parishishtaparavan Prachina Phagu Samgraha Prabandha Chintamani Rig Veda Samaraichchakaha Tilakamanjari Vaijayanti Varna-Ratnakara Varnaka- Samuhcaya

xlii

1

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

A Brief Historical Survey of Western India “Western India” is a loosely defined region of India consisting of its westernmost part. Geographically speaking, western India is bound by the Thar Desert in the north, Vin­ dhya Range in the east and Arabian Sea in the west. Historically speaking, the term “Western India” has been used to denote different areas at different times. According to Hiuen Tsang, the Chinese traveller in the 7th century CE, western India referred to the areas of Sindh, Gurjjara and Ballabhi. Sindh comprised the entire Indus Val­ ley from the Punjab to the sea, including the area of Kutch; Gurjjara consisted of Western Rajputana and the Thar Desert; and Ballabhi consisted of the peninsula of Gujarat along with a small portion of the adjacent coast.1 In Art History, the term “Western India” includes only Gujarat and Rajasthan, as stylistically the area was considered “one”.2 Historically, the boundaries of the area that constituted western India have always been rather fluid, as the area has been under multiple ruling dynas­ ties with varying sizes of empire. Presently, the states of Gujarat, Goa, Maharashtra, Dadra and Nagar Haveli, and Daman and Diu are included in the term western India.3 Some surveys include the state of Rajasthan,4 within western India, while some include Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh5 and exclude Rajasthan.6 In all this confusion of inclusions and omissions, what remains constant is the presence of the state of Gujarat within the term “Western India”. Lying on the west coast of India, Gujarat, which constitutes the major part of the region referred to as “Western India” for the purpose of this study, has for its modernday boundaries the Arabian Sea to its west, Pakistan to its north-west, Rajasthan to its north, Madhya Pradesh to its east and Maharashtra to its south. The etymology of its

1 Alexander Cunningham, The Ancient Geography of India, Vol. 1, p. 248.

2 See, Richard, T. Blurton, Hindu Art, p. 187 and George Michell, The Penguin Guide to the Monuments

of India, Vol. 1, Buddhist, Jain, Hindu, p. 262. 3 As per the Western Zonal Council Administrative division, of the Ministry of Home Affairs, Govt. of India. 4 According to the West Zone Cultural Centre, Ministry of Culture, Govt. of India. 5 R. Parthasarathy and Sudarshan Iyengar, New Development Paradigms and Challenges for Western and Central India, Vol. 1, p. 85. 6 According to the Geological Survey of India.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003415282-1

1

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

name can be traced back to the Sanskrit term “Gurjara rashtra”, the kingdom of the Gurjaras,7 who were known to be a sub-tribe of the Hunas and who ruled the area between the 7th and 10th century CE. The Kingdom of the Gurjaras was a territory of much larger extent than the Gujarat of today.8 We know for sure that in the 10th cen­ tury, the entire area known as Rajputana was called Gurjaratra (a Sanskritised form of Gujarat).9 For some time, the kingdom of the Gurjaras included the region of Malwa as well.10 The Kingdom of Gujarat changed hands and boundaries several times during the course of its history in the medieval times. With each ruler, some areas were annexed while some were lost. Because of the changing boundaries of the kingdom, during the period of our study, it makes better sense to take a larger view and name the area of study as western India—while within western India, Gujarat remains the special focus of our study. The terms Gujarat and western India are often used interchangeably in this book. The earliest literary references to Gujarat are found in the Mahabharata.11 One knows only too well of Krishna’s connection with Dwarka. Puranic legends12 inform us of the grandson of Manu being the first king of Gujarat. Well-known Indus Valley sites in Gujarat, like Lothal, Rangpur, Amri and Rozdi,13 firmly establish its place in the history of the subcontinent. The known history of Gujarat begins with the control of the area passing into the hands of the Mauryan dynasty. This is evidenced by the edicts of Emperor Ashoka (C. 250 BCE) carved on the Girnar rocks,14 in the Saurashtra peninsula. Mauryan hegemony perhaps extended over Gujarat, Kathiawar, as well as Malwa. The latter area is mentioned as being a part of Chandragupta Maurya’s empire. Ashoka’s grand­ son, Samprati, is known to have continued to exercise Mauryan control over western India.15 Both Chandragupta and Samprati are believed to have been devout Jains by religious inclination, a possibility which establishes the connection of Jainism with western India at a fairly early point of time. There is some doubt in the minds of the scholars on the question of the political power in control of western India after the fall of the Mauryas. Whether or not it was the scions of the ruling houses of the Bactrian Greeks or those of the Sungas,16 who held sway over Gujarat and Kathiawar, one knows for certain of the area being under the control of the Shakas17 and their Kshatrapas (provincial governors). The connection of Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman I, their greatest scion, with Gujarat, Kathiawar, Kutch, Sindh and Marwar is firmly established by the epigraphic evidence of the Girnar rock inscription near

7 See The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. by Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. 1, pp. 108–109.

8 Ibid.

9 Rajputana was not known by this name in the ancient times. See R.C. Majumder, The History and the

Culture of the Indian People: The Classical Age, Vol. III, p. 158. 10 Ibid., p. 154. 11 Edalji Dosabhai, A History of Gujarat, p. 2. 12 James M. Campbell, ed., Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency: History of Gujarat, Vol. I, Part I, p. 8. 13 Devavrat Nanubhai Pathak, “Gujarat”, The New Encyclopedia Britannica, Macropaedia, VIII, 478. 14 Ibid. See also M.S. Commissariat, A History of Gujarat: Including a Survey of Its Chief Architectural Monuments and Inscriptions, Vol. I, pp. xxv–xxvi. 15 Cambell, op. cit., pp. 14–15. 16 Commissariat, op. cit., I, pp. xxix, xxxi, 29, 31. 17 Cambell, op. cit., pp. 20–22. See also Devavrat Nanubhai Pathak, loc. cit.

2

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Junagadh.18 Rudradaman I dominated the seaboard from the mouth of the Indus to the Daman Ganga, along with the inland country from Multan to Bhilsa. Between C. 230 and 400 CE, Kshatrapa power replaced that of their rivals, the Satavahanas, in the pen­ insula. The Kshatrapas encouraged European trade at Broach. With the extinction of the main Kshatrapa line (C. 300 CE), commerce fell into decay.19 Persian influence filtered in fairly early on in western India because of the Kshatrapa’s recognition of the overlordship of the Persian rulers of the Arsacid and Sassanian dynasties. During the 4th and 5th century CE, Gujarat was conquered by the Guptas, who held it not without difficulty till 460 CE.20 A severe blow to the Gupta Empire was caused by the disruption of Central Asian trade as a result of the repeated Huna inroads. The Guptas were succeeded by the Maitraka dynasty of the Kingdom of Vallabhi, who are known to have ruled over Gujarat and Malwa for a period of three centuries. Their capital, Vallabhipur (near the eastern coast of the Saurashtra peninsula), was a great centre of Buddhist, Vedic and Jain learning. The Gurjara-Pratihara (the Impe­ rial Gurjaras of Kanauj, who ruled during the 8th and 9th century CE) succeeded the Maitraka dynasty.21 From the period of around 600 CE, Gujarat had been gradually overshadowed by the power of the Gurjaras, who overran north-eastern Kathiawar, received the submission of the Vallabhis and set up a branch at Broach (585–740 CE). The Gujarat branch of the Gurjaras encouraged literature and especially patronised the Jains. A struggle for political power and control of the area took place between the Gurjaras and the Rashtrakutas, who shared with the former an interest in the Jains and their culture.22 In this period, Jainism evoked a clear interest in almost all segments of western Indian society. Western India in the late 7th and early 8th century CE encountered a new threat in the area of Sindh. This was the arrival of the Muslims on the Indian scene. Inscrip­ tions of the western Indian dynasties of the period speak of controlling the “tide of the mlechhas”. The term has been interpreted to mean the Arabs. The conquest of Sindh made it the eastern-most extremity of the Arab empire. The Arab hold was initially loose, and the local chiefs were virtually independent. By 724 CE, the local chiefs were deposed as direct Arab rule was established on behalf of the Caliph.23 Arab influence in coastal Gujarat is reflected in the early inscriptions of the area. The influence of the Arab Muslims appears to have been more peaceful than vio­ lent, more social than political in nature. Not really interested in the political events of Western Asia, the Indians failed to make a correct assessment of the gravity of the Arab threat. Even in the field of commerce, they saw the Arabs purely as traders and not as competitors in an economic sense. The competition they would ultimately provide to Indian trade was not yet fully comprehended.24 Though the Arabs raided Gujarat and destroyed the famous city of Vallabhi, their permanent conquests were

18 Commissariat, op. cit., I, pp. 34–36.

19 Campbell, op. cit., p. 279.

20 Frank Raymond Allchin, et al., “History of the Indian Subcontinent”, The New Encyclopedia Britan­ nica, Macropaedia, IX, 359, 478. See also Commissariat, op. cit., I, pp. xxxv–xxxvi. 21 Commissariat, op. cit., I, pp. 358, 478. 22 Cambell, op. cit., pp. 280, 281. 23 Frank Raymond Allchin, et al., op. cit., IX, 358. 24 Ibid.

3

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

related to Sindh. The Mohammedan raids caused great confusion in the Gurjara king­ doms.25 Fissiparous tendencies came to the surface; old political units split up and new territories were carved out. This is also the period in which trade was revived with the Persian Gulf. The influx of Parsi refugees who came in as an indirect result of this was welcomed by the chieftains of the area, despite their own leanings towards Shaivism, Buddhism or Jainism. The Solankis (961–1242 CE) were the next most important political power in this area.26 Under Siddharaja Jayasimha (1094–1143 CE) and Kumarapala (1143–1174 CE), the best known Solankis, remarkable political expansion was achieved and the boundaries of Gujarat were extended to their furthermost limits. Political expansion went hand in hand with remarkable progress in the economic and cultural fields also. Hemachandra Suri27 (1088–1172 CE), a famous Jain monk and author of several important Jain texts, flourished during this period. The Solankis emerged as great patrons of Jainism. Despite internal feuds and struggles for power, the influence of the Jains kept on increasing. Jain statesmen, ministers, generals, traders and merchants figured everywhere. Commerce flourished, and merchants spent money on temple building. It was the day of the court poet and the panegyrist. Learning flourished and vernacular literature proliferated. The Solankis witnessed first the inroads of Mahmud Ghazni and later those of Qutb-ud-din Aibak. The Solanki hold over the area weak­ ened, and the control of the area passed on to the Vaghelas,28 who had begun their rule almost like the “regents” of the Solankis but gradually came into their own during the time of Vishaladeva (1243–1261 CE). In this period, one knows of the social and political power enjoyed by the two brothers, Vastupala and Tejpala, who were com­ mittedly Jain by religious affiliation. It was during Karna Vaghela’s reign that Gujarat passed into the hands of the Mus­ lims.29 In 1297 CE, Ulugh Khan, the brother of Emperor Alauddin Khalji, occupied Anahilavada, the capital city, and plundered Cambay and the Somnath temple in Kathiawar. At Anahilavada, a mosque was made out of the white marble pillars taken from the Jain temples. This event was almost like an overt statement about the rise of Muslim influence in the area. A branch of the Vaghelas continued to hold on to the ter­ ritory to the west of Sabarmati, while other branches of the Vaghelas continued their independent existence in the northernmost region of Gujarat. Muslim domination of Gujarat began in 1298 CE and continued until the conquest of Ahmedabad by the Marathas in 1758 CE. Information given by the author of Dhar­ maranya, a Puranic history of the Modh Brahmins written between 1299 and 1443 CE, chastises Madhava, the minister of king Karna Vaghela, who, by inviting Alauddin Khalji to come and take over the Vaghela kingdom, has destroyed “Kshatriya-rajya” by replacing it with “mlechha-rajya”.30 This fact is corroborated by Merutunga, who,

25 Campbell, op. cit, p. 281.

26 Ibid, pp. 181–189. See also Commissariat, op. cit, I, pp. IXIV–LXIX. See also Frank Raymond Allchin,

et al., op. cit., IX, p. 362. 27 H.L. Jain, “Jainism”, The Struggle for Empire, The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. V, p. 433. 28 Campbell, op. cit., pp. 165, 198, 203.See also Commissariat, op. cit., I, p. LXXVII. 29 Campbell, op. cit., p. 229. See also Commissariat, op. cit., I, pp. LXXXIX, 3–4. 30 K.M. Munshi, Glory That Was Gurjaradesa, Vol. II, p. 488.

4

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

in his Prabandha Chintamani, refers to Madhava inviting the Yavanas into Gujarat.31 Ibn Battuta, indirectly in his account, refers to the presence of foreign merchants and the excellent city architecture of Cambay.32 Clearly, the inducement for Alauddin to conquer the kingdom of the Vaghelas must have been the tales of the fabled wealth of the seaborne kingdom and the offer of help from the treacherous minister, Madhava, of the Vaghela king. The conciliatory policy adopted by Alp Khan, the general of the Khalji forces, towards the prosperous and influential trading community of the Jains, is reflected in many Jain accounts. There are many references to the renovation of the Jain pilgrimage centre of Shatrunjaya in Muslim accounts.33 Cordial relations appear to have been established between the influential Jain community and the Muslims, whereas between the Rajputs and the Muslims, there remained a relationship of bitter struggle. The Jains pragmatically did not lament, for too long, the expulsion of the Vaghelas. Kakka Suri,34 in his work, even praises Alaud­ din Khalji as the conqueror of Deogir, the vanquisher of Raja Hamir and the cause of Raja Karna’s fleeing his land. For nearly a hundred years, governors were sent to Gujarat, first by the Khaljis and later by the Tughlaq Sultans of Delhi, who secured control over western India. The area under the control of the Muslims included the open country around Patan, Cambay, Baroda, Broach and the lower Tapti. Multiple problems, like the disloyalty of the governors, suspicion on the part of the Delhi Sultans, turbulence among the mercenar­ ies, hostility of the Hindu chiefs of Kathiawar and the eastern hills, all contributed to a state of general confusion in the region. Despite all this, trade and manufacturing appeared to be in a flourishing state.35 An important personality from the period of the Tughlaq dynasty was Zafar Khan, who became the governor of Gujarat and enhanced his power enough to assume the title of King of Gujarat dominion.36 This was possible because of the weakness of the central authority in Delhi. Encroachment into Rajput territory, exacting a tribute from the Rav of Junagadh, attacking the temple of Somnath, and building a mosque on that site all contributed to his strength, and he maintained but a nomi­ nal allegiance to the Delhi Sultanate. Disintegrating forces were operative, and this resulted in the dismemberment of the Delhi Sultanate. The final break came in the period of Nasir-ud-din Muhammad Shah, when Jaunpur, Dipalpur, Malwa and Guja­ rat became virtually independent.37 The severing of ties was speeded with Timur’s invasion in 1399 CE. This independent Sultanate of Ahmedabad experienced both the advantage of a strong government, power and prosperity from 1403 to 1530 CE, and the

Prabandhachintamani of Merutunga, ed. by Muni Jinavijaya, Part I, p. 30.

S.C. Misra, Rise of Muslim Power in Gujarat, pp. 10–11, 69.

Ibid., p. 16.

The Jain scholar, Kakka Suri, wrote the Nabhi-nandana-jinoddhara-prabandha in 1336 CE, which not

only records the repair of Shatrunjaya temple but also throws light on the military conquests of Ala­ ud-din Khalji. 35 S.C. Misra, op. cit., pp. 68, 94. 36 Misra, op. cit., pp. 127–128. 37 M.R. Majmudar, Cultural History of Gujarat, p. 108. See also Campbell, op. cit., pp. 232–234. See also Commissariat, op. cit., I, pp. 55–56. 31 32 33 34

5

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

disadvantage of a period of disorder and misrule from 1530 to 1573 CE, till Akbar finally conquered the province. The period of prosperity was due chiefly to the unu­ sual capacity of two of Zafar Khan’s descendants—Ahmad Shah I (1411–1441 CE), the founder of Ahmedabad, and Mahmud Shah Begada (1459–1513 CE).38 Ahmad Shah displayed an attitude of religious intolerance. A large number of Hindu temples in the area were destroyed, and mosques were built on their sites.39 In this period, the Jains, a predominantly commercial community, demonstrated their capacity to adapt to the changed pattern of political relations and began to co-operate actively in the business of governance. This was done out of their realisation that it was necessary for them to gain the favour of those in the high echelons of power, even though their induction into the hierarchy of governance was only at the secondary and executive levels. The beginnings of the prosperity of Ahmedabad were made under Ahmad Shah, and in the years after him, Ahmedabad continued to retain its position as a premier city of Gujarat. The Gujarat Sultanate made a marked leap forward in progress under Mahmud Begada, the grandson of Ahmad Shah, who consciously made Juna­ gadh (Mustafabad) into a centre for the propagation of Islam in Saurashtra. Elegant handicrafts and the arts flourished in Ahmedabad. Colleges, mosques, caravanserais and lodging places for travellers were in abundance.40 Further down in the line of Ahmedabad’s royal descent, Bahadur Shah’s (1527–1536 CE) reign saw Gujarat reach the zenith of prosperity. The Sultanate of Gujarat, having a seaboard of 84 ports within its empire, prompted Sikandar Lodhi of Delhi to remark that “the magnificence of the kings of Delhi consists of wheat and barley, whilst that of the kings of Gujarat has its foundation on coral and pearls”.41 Bahadur Shah, young, arrogant and ambitious, however, was preoccupied with his attempts to frustrate the Portuguese from establishing themselves on the coast of Saurashtra. Yet another foreign element, in the shape of Turks, came to Gujarat under Mustafa. Whether they were there to help the Sultan of Gujarat against the inroads of the Portuguese or as traders is not certain. Bahadur Shah also aroused the ire of the Mughal Emperor Humayun, who not only defeated him in the course of a battle but also forced him to flee. Bahadur Shah would have lost his kingdom entirely had fate not intervened in the form of the revolt of Sher Shah Suri against the Mughal Emperor, to quell which Emperor Humayun had to hasten back to Agra. Meanwhile, Bahadur Shah had sought the help of the Portuguese against the advance of Humayun. In return, they were granted the right to erect a port at Div. Upon Humayun’s return, Bahadur Shah was able to regain much of his kingdom, and he attempted to go back on his word to the Portuguese by persuading them to go back to Goa. Bahadur Shah’s game with the Portuguese cost him his life. Successive weak kings after Bahadur Shah led to the fragmentation of the kingdom into areas of control, led by different members of the nobility.42

38 39 40 41 42

Campbell, op. cit., pp. 235–239, 243–248.

Commissariat, op. cit., I, pp. 78, 80, 82.

Ibid., pp. 169–170, 207. See also Dosabhai, op. cit., pp. 94–95.

Dosabhai, op. cit., p. 116.

Campbell, op. cit., pp. 253–256. See also Commissariat, op. cit., I, 347–360.

6

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The existing political vacuum opened up possibilities, which were seized by Euro­ pean powers like the Portuguese. They sacked Cambay, and tributes normally meant for the Gujarat kingdom began to flow into European coffers. At Delhi, the star of the Mughal Emperor Akbar was shining in the firmament. Adapting India as his own land, he was busy consolidating his hold and achieving a synthesis between the two streams of culture—the Islamic and the Hindu. After acquiring Rajasthan almost completely, Akbar turned his attention to the prosperous province of Guja­ rat, which was an emporium of commerce with the countries of West Asia and Europe. Ahmedabad fell easily (1572 CE) because of a lack of opposition, and Akbar moved on to Cambay to defeat his kinsmen Ibrahim Mirza and on to the capture of Surat.43 As soon as Akbar’s back was turned, a rebellion broke out in Gujarat. Ibrahim Mirza returned and besieged Ahmedabad, forcing Akbar to return and demand the final submission of Gujarat. With this conquest, Akbar’s western frontier was pushed to the sea. It also brought him in contact with the Portuguese, with whom he thought it politic to make peace. The province of Gujarat under the Mughals was much smaller in size than that over which the Gujarat Sultanate ruled, yet its importance could be estimated by the high rank accorded to its viceroys. Ahmedabad continued to prosper, and during the Mughals, its industry and wealth were to become almost proverbial. Central Gujarat was also given the revenue set­ tlement made by Todar Mal, and this lasted till the Marathas swept away all traces of Muslim rule.44 It was under Jahangir’s regime as Emperor that the English made their very first contact with Gujarat, when Captain Hawkins was given official permission to sell his goods in Surat. The East India Company gained the right to establish a factory at Surat in 1612. It was also around this period that the factory of their Dutch rival was also established in Surat.45 Both these events were of great importance in the his­ tory of western India. The general attitude of Jahangir towards the European traders was one of supportive friendliness, and the churlish treatment of the Europeans by his own officials caused him much displeasure. Shah Jahan visited Ahmedabad in 1627 CE.46 Unlike Jahangir, he greatly enjoyed the climate of Ahmedabad, where he built the beautiful Shahi Bagh Palace. It was during Shah Jahan’s reign that Gujarat experienced a severe famine in 1631–1632 CE, which adversely affected its cotton and indigo industries. The period from 1642 to 1644 CE was generally a period of prosperity for Surat, when the port duties were doubled from earlier years. Throughout the greater part of the 17th century, the prov­ ince of Gujarat was generally prosperous, and its cities were a source of great wonder to European travellers.47 This period of prosperity was marred by religious distur­ bances during the viceroyalty of Aurangzeb (1644–1646 CE).

43 Commissariat, op. cit., 1, pp. 520–527. See also Campbell, op. cit., pp. 264–266. Also, Frank Raymond Allchin, et al., op. cit., IX, 380. 44 Majmudar, op. cit., pp. 111–112. See also Campbell, op. cit., p. 287. 45 Campbell, op. cit., pp.  273–274. See also Commissariat, op. cit., II, p.  52. Also, Frank Raymond Allchin, et al., op. cit., IX, 393. 46 Majmudar, op. cit., p. 112. 47 Campbell, op. cit., p. 225.

7

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Trade The short resume of the history of western India would be incomplete without an insight into the trading activities which centred in and around western India. A focus on the long-distance trade of the area would necessarily shed a significant light on the foreign influences manifesting themselves on the various objects of Material Culture from the area. The demand for a particular commodity, fashioned by the “taste” of the people in that age, would affect its production and thereafter its sup­ ply to regions which needed that commodity. These cultural and social needs of the people affected almost every aspect of overseas trade, be it the selection of a trade route or the area to be trading with. If we take the example of textiles, the taste of the importing country would fashion the texture, patterns and colours of the textiles. The need for a commodity, especially if it had a universal usage, like, for example in the case of incense, which was used by the Muslim, Christian and Hindu worlds alike, would therefore direct them to the import of gum resins from the Arab world. Habits associated with particular culture systems and social conven­ tions thus dictated the routes as well as the flow of trade. Another significant factor affecting trade was the rise of Islam, which led to the political integration of Western Asia. The Arab conquests had created an enormously powerful zone of economic consumption.48 Great urban centres and new capital cities, which were a universal feature of Islam, gave rise to an expanding demand for precious objects and commodities of all kinds. This led to a hastening of the pace of long-distance trade. Indonesia, with its new-found affiliation to Islamic belief and its production of spices like cloves and nutmeg, became an area of trade interest for the Arabs of the Western World. This fact, combined with the necessary awareness of the practicality of shorter voyages and a growing demand for things Indian, led to the practice of using ports on the western coast of India as a halting house for trade between the Arab world and Indonesia.49 The memoir of Lieutenant Leech presents an evocative picture of trade and trade items in the area of Kutch in the period of our study. The Mandavi argosies brought bullion, dates, grain, timber, rhinoceros hides, cardamom, pepper, ginger, silks and drugs from Malabar, Mocha, Muscat and the African coast, taking in return the cotton cloth, sugar, oil, butter and alum of Kacch and its hinterland which extended into Sindh, Jaisalmer, Marwar and Gujarat. He further says that the rich merchant fleet owners of Mandavi would usually climb the lofty tower near the light house (still known as the Tower of Wagers) and would stake fortunes over whose ship in the Suvali (African) fleet would be sighted first, laden with goods from Zanzibar. On the return journey, these ships would be loaded at Cambay with gean-beads, hard stone jewels, trinkets made of wood, ivory and

48 K.N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilization in the Indian Ocean, pp. 18, 19, 36. 49 Ibid., p. 37.

8

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

shells, and arms and perfumes.50 The medieval trade of Asia banked heavily on four great products of eastern civilisation: Silk, porcelain, sandalwood and black pepper— which were exchanged for incense (Arabian gum resins), thoroughbred horses, ivory, cotton, textiles and metal goods.51 The Arabs participated in the trade from the Red Sea to Malacca via Gujarat, but they were dominant in it only as far as Aden. For the rest of the route, it was the Persians, the Turks and above all the Gujarat vanias. Though the majority of the trade with the western Indian ports—Goa, Dabhol and Chaul—was dominated by Muslims, non-Muslims were important in the trade with the Coromandel, Bengal, Indonesia and China. Trade with East Africa was completely controlled by Gujaratis—both Hindus and Muslims. The Gujaratis with their cloths were seen everywhere because the people of East Africa would not want anything but the cloths from Cambay.52 The spices of south-east Asia—mace, nutmeg and cloves—were carried by Gujarati ships. Overseas trade was a vital part of the total economy of Gujarat, which had “84 ports under its control”.53 The customs revenue figures support this view. The overseas trade of Gujarat was based on Gujarat’s own products. Cambay seems to have been a major port in western India. Tomé Pires, the Por­ tuguese traveller, in his writings, sees Cambay as the greatest commercial city on the western coast of India. He writes, Cambay (i.e., Gujarat) chiefly stretches out two arms, with her right arm she reaches out towards Aden and with the other towards Malacca, as the most important places to sail to, and the other places are held to be of less importance.54 Gujarati ships entirely handled the trade between Gujarat and Malacca on the one hand and between Gujarat and Aden on the other. Other important Gujarat ports were those of Surat, Rander, Div, Gogha, Somnath, Mangrol and Porbandar.55 The European factor in trade in the Indian Ocean initially manifests its presence with the Portuguese and later with that of the Dutch and the British. The Portuguese especially had no intention of trading peacefully alongside the dominant Muslim mer­ chants in the Indian Ocean. They attempted but failed to monopolise and tax Asian trade, with one exception, and that was in the area of Gujarat, where they did come to control the sea trade from the Gulf of Cambay.56 Initially, the Gujarati merchants showed a lot of defiance towards the Portuguese. This resistance gradually buckled down because of the feeling created by the Portuguese that there was something to be gained from this contact with them. The Dutch and the English merchants meant little

50 Rush Brook Williams, The Black Hills: Kutch in History and Legend, pp. 41–42.

51 Chaudhuri, op. cit., p. 39.

52 M.N. Pearson, Merchants and Rulers in Gujarat: The Response to the Portuguese in the Sixteenth

Century, pp. 12, 14. 53 Ibid, p. 24. See also S.C. Misra, “The Mirat-i-Sikandari and Shaikh Sikandar and Its Predecessors”, in Mohibbul Hassan, ed., Historians of Medieval India, pp. 309–310. 54 Pearson, op. cit., pp. 14, 11. 55 Majmudar, op. cit., pp. 70, 72. See also Commissariat, op. cit., I. p. 267. 56 Pearson, op. cit., pp. 1, 2.

9

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

for the Gujaratis. The English especially were often in debt to the local merchants and were bullied by them for this reason. Though the merchants in the ports of Cambay, Surat and Rander were drawn from the ranks of both the Hindus and the Muslims in the 16th century CE, it is quite clear that the Hindus and the rich Jains of Gujarat formed the more important group. There are numerous references to several impor­ tant Jain merchants and millionaires. In fact, on all the international routes with the exception of two, it was the Gujarati merchants who were important, carrying not only their clothes, indigo and opium but also the goods of others, especially spices.57 Gujarati traders of the Vania caste formed two distinct religious groups—the Hin­ dus of the Vallabhachari sect and the Jain shravaks. With their gentle ascetical values, “It seems that the travellers often confused them (the vanias) with the Jains who assumed the same roles and were like them, of virtuous life style”.58 Besides the international trade carried on mainly through its “84 ports”, Gujarat had a flourishing internal trade as well. It was linked to the neighbouring states by various ancient overland routes. The most important route was the one that con­ nected Gujarat with Sindh and Punjab via Rajputana. The eastern route connected Gujarat with Malwa and the Gangetic Basin. Then, there was the northern route, which followed the river Meshwo and the upper reaches of the Hathmati, through Idar, Khedbrahma, Harsol and Shamalaji. Besides, there was also the route offered by the rivers Narmada and Tapti. Another important route was the main northsouth route that went along the north Konkan coast and joined the two routes from the Gangetic Basin and Deccan at Sopara. The trade routes became the main arter­ ies for cultural influences and migrations into Gujarat from Sindh and Punjab via Rajputana in the north, the Malwa and Gangetic basins in the east and the Deccan in the south.59 Dholka, Asawal, Sihor and Ahmedabad were important centres of trade.60 Goods were carried from Ahmedabad to Cambay by land to be transported on big vessels. Gujarat imported grains from Malwa and Ajmer.61 Excellent baftas were produced by Broach, Navsari and Baroda, known for their superlative bleaching—fabrics from other areas in India were brought to Broach. Silk was brought mostly to Ahmedabad and Surat, where it was made into fabrics such as carpets of silk and carpets of silk with gold and silver work. Surat and Ahmedabad were two great centres for the manufacture of silk goods. The patolas of Ahmedabad were only too well known. Ahmedabad was also known for its beautiful velvet pavilions. These velvet pavilions/ tents were embroidered with gold or silver and found a market in the imperial court at Agra. Saltpetre, an important ingredient in gunpowder, which was in great demand, came from Malpur, a small town in Sabarkantha district of Gujarat.62 Another impor­ tant feature of medieval internal trade in Gujarat was the role played by the tribe of Banjaras, who carried the goods on the internal trade routes on carts, pack animals

57 58 59 60 61 62

Ibid., pp. 26–27, 10.

A. Dasgupta and M.N. Pearson, India and the Indian Ocean, p. 63.

Majmudar, op. cit., pp. 65–66.

Ibid., p. 64.

M.N. Pearson, Merchants and Rulers in Gujarat, p. 13.

Commissariat, op. cit., II, pp. 306–307.

10

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

etc. The Banjaras, Carana bullocks, Sindhi and Rajput camels were the main trans­ porters of trade goods. They carried dyed cloth, opium, sugar, grain, oil seeds and dyes over the hills of Dungarpur into the plains of Gujarat and into Saurashtra. They went out of Gujarat carrying salt, tobacco and seaborne produce. The Banjaras were also carriers of grain for the Muslim army, right from the days of Muhammad Tughlaq to the time of Aurangzeb.63 Thus, western India, in the period of our study, was like a clearing house for a great many influences, filtering in from different cultures. These get reflected in the cosmo­ politan nature of the motifs, patterns and forms of the objects of Material Culture from this area.

A Brief Historical Survey of Jainism Jainism, the “religion of the Jinas” (conquerors), was so called because its adherents, known as Jains, follow the path shown by the Jinas, or mortals who were able to conquer their “self” by subjugating the world of passions. It is one of the ancient religions that finds its roots in the cult of Shramanas and Munis, which was, in ori­ gin, non-Vedic and possibly pre-Aryan and completely indigenous.64 Remnants of the faith, as we know it today, can be traced as far back as the 6th century BCE. The religion is believed to have been first articulated by Parshvanatha and later reformed and systematised by Vardhamana Mahavira, who is identified from correspondences in Jain and Buddhist traditions with Nigantha Nataputta, the leader of a rival sect from the time of the Buddha himself, making Jainism thus a faith contemporary with Buddhism.65 The Jains today constitute a small percentage of the total population of India, being concentrated mostly in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Maharashtra. Etymologically, the word Jain can be traced back to the Sanskrit root Jina, which means conqueror, a term used to refer to all the revered beings of the religion who have overcome the pain of worldly existence. Other words synonymous with “Jina” are reflective of the basic philosophy of the faith, that is “Kevalin” (Omniscient), “Buddha” (Enlightened), “Mukta” (Delivered), “Siddha” (Perfected), “Arhat” (Adept) and “Tirthankara” (the finder of the ford by which to cross the ocean of rebirth).66 Jain philosophy thus seems to be intended more for ascetics and those who are “freed of all bonds”, enabling them to leave the world after spending their lives in

63 Majmudar, op. cit., p. 72.

64 Noted orientalists like Prof. Ramaswami Ayengar, Sir Sanmukham Chetty, Maj. Gen. J.G.R. Furlong, G.

Satyanarain Murti, S.N. Gokhale and Dr. Hermann Jacobi are of the opinion that “Jainism was related to the primitive philosophy of India, because of certain of its metaphysical conceptions, animistic belief, hero-worship in the form of worship as deities of perfected mortals, and of its being a very simple faith, be it in terms of worship, rituals or morals”. As quoted in Jyoti Prasad Jain, Religion and Culture of the Jains, pp. 1, 2. Also see A.N. Sinha, “Historical Survey of Jainism”, Jainism, pp. 2–3. See L.M. Joshi, “Jaina Literature and Art”, Jainism, p. 109. Also see Saryu Doshi, Masterpieces of Jain Painting, p. 9. 65 Jyotindra Jain and Eberhard Fischer, Jaina Iconography, Part-1, Iconography of Religions, XIII, 12, p. 1. See also A.K. Coomaraswamy, Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Part IV: Jaina Paintings and Manuscripts, p. 3. 66 Coomaraswamy, loc. cit. See also Jyotindra Jain and Eberhard Fischer, loc. cit.

11

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

pursuit of an understanding of the true nature of this world and its being. The Jains believe that there are 24 such Tirthankaras with a period of 2,500  years elapsing between Rishabha,67 the first Tirthankara, and Mahavira, the last one. Information on the life of Mahavira is scattered and has to be re-constructed through a number of texts.68 Keeping in mind the minor variations of the different accounts about the life of Mahavira, we know of his perhaps being initially conceived in the womb of a Brahmin mother. Considering the belief of the time that a Chakravartin or a Jina must neces­ sarily be of the Kshatriya clan, the embryo, through divine agency, appears to have been transferred69 into the womb of a Kshatriya queen, Trishala, wife of Siddhartha, a local chieftain of a province in modern Bihar. The Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu is almost poetic in its description of Mahavira, his bent of mind, his wanderings, his medita­ tions and ascetic practices and other deeds right till the time he attained Kevala Jnana (supreme knowledge). Mahavira is known to have travelled far and wide, spreading the message of his enlightenment. The founding of a monastic order is also attributed to him. Mahavira is said to have attained moksha (final liberation) at the age of 72.70 Jain philosophy, as Mahavira propounded it, advocated a much more extreme path of ascetic practices than Buddhism did. Though based on the Brahminic doctrines of Karma (deeds and causality) and Samsara (the ocean of life and death) and seeking Nirvana or Moksha as its highest goal, Jainism is in complete opposition to the com­ plicated polytheistic aspect of Brahmanism in which sacrifices and rituals appeared to be the means of attaining material blessings from gods and goddesses. The agency through which these favours were sought were the Brahmins, who were seen as being at the very apex in terms of social hierarchy. As a reaction to this, Mahavira’s teach­ ings propounded that liberation from the miseries of the world could be achieved through “voluntary participation in worldly life” through various karmas that cen­ tred around right knowledge, right faith and right path. The Jains denied any beliefs centring around a creator God, caste system and sacrifices. To them, self-discipline through meditation and ascetic practices appeared to be the only way of attaining the highest freedom.71 To elaborate further, Jain philosophy conceives of the spiritual

67 According to the Jains, Rishabha was the first Tirthankara and the founder of the Indian Civilization, founder of the institution of kingship, creator of a social organisation and teacher of the various arts and crafts, discoverer of the science of numbers and the art of writing. After having ruled for many years, he is supposed to have got disinterested in worldly life and renounced the world. He became a monk and practiced severe penances and austerities. After attaining omniscience, he created a religious order. He is believed to have attained nirvana at Mt. Kailasha. The Hindu Purana, Shrimad Bhagavata, describes his life in detail and considers him the eighth incarnation of Vishnu. See Saryu Doshi, “The Iconic and the Narrative in Jain painting”, Marg, XXXVI, No. 3, p. 23. 68 Kalpasutra and Acaranga Sutra, trans. by H. Jacobi, Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII. 69 Modern historians refuse to accept this theory of the transfer of embryos. They feel that Mahavira’s real mother was Devananda but was later adopted by Kshatriya Siddhartha and Trishala as their son. This is further strengthened by an account in Bhagavati that records the meeting of Mahavira with Devananda after he had become a kevalin, in which he tells his chief disciple Gautama that Devananda was his mother. It seems that story of embryo transfer originated a century or two after Mahavira’s demise, around 300 BCE, when Jainism became thoroughly anti-Brahmanical. See A.K. Chatterjee, A Comprehensive History of Jainism, Vol. 1, pp. 18–19. 70 Coomaraswamy, op. cit., pp. 5–11. See also Jyotindra Jain and Eberhard Fischer. Op. cit., pp. 1, 5. See also, Doshi, op. cit., pp. 74, 76, 83, 85, 87. 71 Jyotindra Jain and Eberhard Fischer, op. cit., p. 1. See also Doshi, op. cit., p. 22.

12

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

duality of a human personality. It very consciously ascribes to Man himself the respon­ sibility for all that is good or bad in his life. Man is conceived as being possessed of a free will and as being capable of freeing himself from his physical involvements through the exercising of this will. He then becomes an Arhat in this world and a Sid­ dha in Nirvana. On the issue of dualism, Jain philosophy is different from that of the Upanishads and closer to Samkhya in this aspect. Like Buddhism, Jainism accepts the idea of the existence of human soul and rejects the idea of a Supreme Creator. Just as it happened in Buddhism, in Jainism too, the Jina, who was believed to be a mere man, subsequently got deified and became an object of a devotional cult. Other similarities with Buddhism are in matters of establishing the monastic order and attitudes towards lesser gods. As in most Indian religions, Jainism has, as its goal, the spiritual freedom and perfection of every individual.72 Mahavira’s teachings were canonised only in the 3rd century BCE, several years after his death. A severe famine is supposed to have gripped Bihar soon after Mahavira’s attainment of Nirvana. During the time of Chandragupta Maurya, a large group of monks, under Muni Bhadrabahu, is believed to have migrated to Karnataka. Another group led by Sthulabhadra stayed back in Magadha. The first group continued to observe the regu­ lations of nudity and, begging and eating food and were referred to as the “sky clad” ones or the Digambaras. The group that stayed behind in Magadha adapted itself to the needs of the environment, wore white clothes and were referred to as the “white­ clad” ones or the Shvetambaras. Thenceforth referred to as the Mula Sangha, their rules regarding diet were also different from the Digambaras. These differences, or the “Great Schism”, as it was referred to, were never reconciled, even when the group migrating to the south returned to the north. The schism became more marked with the passage of time and manifested itself in differences attempted to be solved at the councils called at Patliputra and Vallabhi. The oral tradition of the Jains, because of the migration and subsequent “schism”, became scattered and consequently was in danger of being lost. Sthulabhadra, in his attempt to reconstruct the Jain canon, reorganised it by replacing the 14 Purvas (formal texts) with the 12 Angas (sections). This change, however, was acceptable only to the Shvetambaras, being rejected by the Digambaras, who questioned the very basis of this change. Thus, the corpus of Jain canon that came into being was further refined and finalised at the council of Vallabhi in the 5th century CE. Prakrit, the language of the common man, was used for these works, but with the passage of time, both Digambara and Shvetambara works began to be written in Sanskrit. Jain works written in the south of India were composed in Tamil, Telugu and Kannada. The bulk of the Shvetambara texts, besides the commentaries on the canonical texts, included works on “ethics”, monastic rules, narratives in verse, grammar, astronomy and philosophical literature. The most popular and best-known work in the entire range of Jain literature is the Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu. It is divided into three sections: the first dealing with the life of the Jinas, the second with the life of Mahavira and the third with rules for the ascetics, as well as rules on their utilisation of the rainy season.73 The Shvetambaras are of three kinds—the Samavegis or temple worshippers; the Sthanakvasis or teacher worshippers; and the Terapanthis, who are a later derivation

72 Coomaraswamy, op. cit., pp. 3–4.

73 Jyotindra Jain and Eberhard Fisher, op. cit., pp. 1–2.

13

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

of the Shvetambaras. The Shvetambaras and their sects are located mainly in Gujarat, Rajasthan and Mumbai. The Digambaras are also split into three major sects, namely the Terahapantha of Suddhamnaya, the Bishapantha and the Taranapantha.74 The Digambaras are located mainly in south India and Madhya Pradesh.75 Further sub­ division of the Shvetambaras includes gacchas (subsects)—the Kharatara Gaccha and Tapa Gaccha. The gacchas, 84 in number, stand for different acharya paramparas. It is difficult to assess the actual number of gacchas since many of their pattavalis are not easily locatable. The Digambaras at a later point of time got divided into eight major subsects: Dravidasangha, Kasthasangha, Mathurasangha, Yapaniyasangha, Terapan­ tha, Bisapantha, Samaiyapantha and Gumanapantha. These different sects came into origin under the guidance of senior monks (acharyas) between the 5th century CE and the 18th century CE.76 This division and further sub-division of the two major Jain cults into various subsects did not help to ensure harmony between them. Time and again, we get indications of disagreement and discord between the sects. One knows, for example of the Yapaniya77 sect, which tried for centuries to bring about reconcili­ ation between the two divergent sects, without much success.78 The spread of the Jain faith was a remarkable phenomenon in as much as it seeped into almost every area of India. Even as early as the time of Parshvanatha, we know of Jainism being present in Uttar Pradesh and North Bihar. During the period of Mahavira, there is a marked expansion of the faith in West Bengal, Bihar, Mathura and Western Uttar Pradesh. This is attributed to Mahavira’s personal visits to these places. One knows of Mahavira’s visit to the region of Sindhu-Sauvira, an important area in western India and also the kingdom of king Udayana. This is the earliest explicit reference to the spread of Jainism in western India.79 The large-scale regional distribution of Jainism can be pieced together from ample literary, epigraphical and archaeological evidence, which comes up from almost every corner of India. Between 200 BCE and 600 CE, there is consistent evidence of the faith being present in Punjab (under the Audumbara tribe), in Madhyamika and Bhinmal in Rajasthan, Bengal, Kalinga (Orissa), Ahicchchhatra (modern Ramnagar), Shravasti, Sankasya; Kahaum, Kaushambi, Kampilya in Uttar Pradesh, Kapishi, Simhapura, Taxila in north-western India, Rajagriha and Bhojpur districts in Bihar, western part of Madhya Pradesh, parts of Maharashtra and Vidisha.80 Mathura emerges consist­ ently as a stronghold of Jainism from 200 BCE, right through the Gupta period, and there is enough archaeological and historical evidence to support this.81 Around the 3rd century BCE, there is evidence of Saurashtriya, a shakha or branch of the Jains

74 75 76 77

78 79 80 81

Jyoti Prasad Jain, op. cit., p. 4.

Jyotindra Jain and Eberhard Fischer, op. cit., p. 2.

Sinha, op. cit., p. 10.

Some scholars hold that there was also a third sect of the Jains, called the Yapaniya that existed in

Western Karnataka and is now extinct. The existence of this sect is based on a few epigraphic evidences that point to its existence from the 5th to 14th century CE. Perhaps it got assimilated into the existing sects over time. Jyothi Prasad Jain, op. cit, p. 19. Chatterjee, op. cit., I, pp. 35–37. Ibid., pp. 36–39, 66, 78–79, 84–85, 87–88, 90–95, 97, 99, 103–107, 110–111. Jyoti Prasad Jain, op. cit., p. 19.

14

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

located in Saurashtra. This implies the presence of the Jains at that early period in Gujarat. Jainism thus had already established a stronghold in Gujarat, where its foot­ hold kept steadily entrenching itself to become one of its bastions.82 There is also enough evidence to show that a flourishing Jain community existed in Ceylon around this time.83 Jainism spread into south India through itinerant Jain monks moving through Orissa and Bengal southwards along the coastal areas. The Sangam texts also contain information on this spread of Jainism into the Tamil-speak­ ing areas of south India as early as the 1st century BCE. Madura was one such impor­ tant centre of Jainism. From the Chola, Pandya and Chera kingdoms, we get evidence of the Jain ratha yatras (car festivals) being organised. Within Kerala, Vanji, the head­ quarter of the Cheras, was an important centre of Jainism. The Pallava dynasty, the Western Chalukyas, the Kadambas and the Western Gangas also extended their pas­ sive, if not active, patronage to Jainism during this period.84 The proselytising mission of Shaiva Nayanars and the Vaishnava Alvars forced Jain­ ism to recede into the background in south India during the 7th century CE. Slowly, Jainism began to lose the royal support it had previously enjoyed.85 Similarly in north India, from 600 CE to 1000 CE, with the exception of Gujarat and Rajasthan and a few pockets in places like Uttar Pradesh; Kangra in Himachal Pradesh; Bargaon and Rajgriha in Bihar; Kapishi, Simhapura in north-western India; some parts of Bengal and perhaps some parts of Kashmir; Orissa; Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, Jain­ ism was fighting a losing battle. In Rajasthan and Gujarat, because of the “encourage­ ment” of the merchant class, this religion continued to prosper. In the rest of India, Shaivism and Vaishnavism, on the ascendant in the 8th century CE, had displaced other religious systems. In eastern India, the Palas patronised Bud­ dhism. In central India, the Kalachuri, Chahamana, Guhila, Chandela and other dynas­ ties did nothing to promote Jainism, whereas even the northernmost parts of India did nothing to propagate the religion. Comparatively, south India fared better during this period. Jainism received some patronage under the Imperial Cholas, Pallavas and Pan­ dyas. The Chalukyas of Vengi and Vemulawada also patronised Jainism. In this period, Shravanabelagola and Kopana remained great centres of Jainism in Karnataka.86 From 1000 CE to 1300 CE, Jainism continued to hold out in both the Deccan and south India under the patronage of the Western Chalukyas and the Hoysalas.87 Jainism in western India, and specifically in Gujarat, occupied a tremendously popu­ lar position. This comes across from the innumerable works of literature that were cop­ ied or composed during this period, and the innumerable epigraphic references to the faith. In fact, a majority of the Jain munis all over India were natives of Gujarat.88 The pattern of the spread and entrenchment of Jainism in western India between 1000 and 1300 CE remains consistent and unchanged during the span of the reigns of the Solanki/

Chatterjee, op. cit., I, pp. 39, 96.

Jyothi Prasad Jain, op. cit., p. 22. See also Chatterjee, op. cit., pp. 118, 121.

Chatterjee, op. cit., I, pp. 119, 120, 121, 123, 125, 131, 132, 145.

A.M. Ghatage, “Jainism”, in The Classical Age, The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III,

pp. 406–409. 86 Chatterjee, op. cit., I, pp. 151–152, 162–172, 193, 194, 195 199, 214, 217, 218. 87 H.L. Jain, op. cit., p. 429. 88 Chatterjee, op. cit., II, p. 1.

82 83 84 85

15

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Chalukya and Vaghela dynasties of western India. This royal patronage to the Jains was expressed through land grants bestowed upon Jain establishments for their upkeep and through the commissioning of manuscripts for Jain Jnana-bhandaras (libraries). The history of the spread of Jainism as well as of Jain miniature painting in western India has been possible to trace because of the unique institution of Jnana-bhandaras. These were formidable repositories of handwritten manuscripts, both painted and otherwise, which form the principal source of information for this book. It was in the safe haven provided by these libraries of the Jains that these manuscripts not only survived but also proliferated. But for this institution, the manuscripts would have met with the same fate as the Buddhist manuscripts of the Pala period. It is therefore justified to talk about this very institution in some detail. The tradition of Jnana-bhandaras or cit-koshas, so typical of the Jain religion, was extremely conducive to a large-scale proliferation of Jain texts, manuscripts, which were copied and written, with the aim of gaining spiritual merit. The Jains were a highly literate community, priding themselves in the fact of being patrons of learning of the highest kind. Jnana-bhandaras came into existence in the 5th cen­ tury CE from the need to preserve important texts that had previously existed only as oral traditions. The need arose after the great famine of the 5th century CE, in which many scholars died, so did the sacred lore along with them. To prevent such a mishap in the future, a council was held under Acharya Devardhigani in Circa 453 CE at Vallabhi. Henceforth, Jain texts began to be written and deposited in these Jnana-bhandaras.89 From the 2nd century CE to the 8th century CE, the property attached to the Jain order grew immensely owing to land grants and state patronage. In order to manage the ever-burgeoning properties and religious establishments, a senior member of the Jain clergy was entrusted with this responsibility, who came to be known as the bhat­ taraka. Over time, he became the administrative head of the Jain religious establish­ ments. The genealogical charts of the bhattaraka tradition tell us that the office came into being in the eighth century CE. Most of these bhattarakas were learned men, and they utilised their position to encourage the votaries to donate images and manu­ scripts of religious texts as an act of spiritual merit (punyartham). The bhattarakas played a seminal role in emphasising among the intellectual class the importance of antique secular and religious texts. Encouraged by the bhattarakas, Jain bankers and laymen commissioned the copying of sacred texts for the purpose of being preserved in the bhandaras.90 To further sustain this interest in the perpetuation of learning, Jnana-pujas or “wor­ ship of learning” were performed frequently.91 Fairly quickly, it became a common practice among the Jains to commission manuscripts of religious texts and donate them to the temple libraries (bhandaras). Occasionally, these manuscripts were illus­ trated with paintings. The collection of the libraries centred mostly around works pertaining to the Jain religion. The Bhandaras also collected works on subjects other than religion, primarily focusing on grammar, mathematics, astrology and rhetoric.

89 M. Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Paintings, p. 1.

90 Jeremiah P. Losty, The Art of the Book in India, p. 16; See also Doshi, op. cit., pp. 27, 30.

91 Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, loc. cit.

16

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Gradually, the bhattarakas also strove to acquire for the bhandaras texts belonging to religions other than Jainism—as well as on diverse subjects of a secular nature.92 The Jnana-bhandaras of the Shvetambaras are found all over Gujarat, Rajasthan, Malwa, Delhi and Agra (Uttar Pradesh). The important bhandaras are situated at Patan, Cambay, Jaisalmer, Baroda, Ahmedabad, Idar, Surat, Kutch, Chanasma, Limdi, Channi etc. The Digambara bhandaras are located mostly in Delhi-Agra, Rajasthan and Karanja near Nagpur, and Mudbidri in Karnataka.93 The Jnana-bhandaras also received royal patronage from the kings of those times. We have evidence of Siddharaja Jayasimha (1093–1143 CE), the Solanki ruler of Gujarat, commissioning 300 scribes to make copies of religious and secular texts pre­ sent in his imperial library. Several copies of a work were made and then distrib­ uted to scholars throughout India. His successor, Kumarapala94 (1143–1172 CE), had established 21 Jnana-bhandaras and acquired the services of about 700 scribes to copy manuscripts.95 From the Mughal India, we have epigraphical evidence to prove Akbar’s setting up a special Jain library,96 which housed books important to the Jains. Despite this spurt of literary activity, only a fraction of the manuscripts that were created have survived.97 The reasons are quite comprehensible. The life of any manu­ script was limited to a century or, at the most, two. This is because of the inability of the materials used to withstand the rigours of the heat and the humidity of the Indian climate, which made it a breeding ground for all kinds of insects, which could eat into the manuscripts. Wholesale destruction of manuscripts and therefore a depletion in the number of manuscripts also might have occurred in the 11th–12th century CE, during the Islamic invasions and then again in the 18th century CE during the politi­ cal turmoil generated by wars. To keep the basic stock of the bhandaras up, the Jains meticulously first got copies made of the manuscripts that were damaged before they immersed the old ones in the water. One is thus eternally thankful to the institution of bhandaras for keeping the majority of the manuscripts safe from falling into the wrong hands. The earliest surviving illustrated palm leaf Jain manuscript belongs to the date 1060 CE and has the goddess Sri and love god Kama, elephants and vases etc. drawn on it. The earliest surviving Jain manuscript on paper, with painting, dates from the middle of the 14th century CE and is the Kalpasutra. Very few Jain manuscripts give us infor­ mation about their artists. The colophons of the manuscripts indicate that the script­ ing of the manuscripts was perhaps done by the Jain monks. They may have been the artists as well. Many Jain manuscripts bear instructions from the calligraphists to the painter on the margins. It appears that the calligraphists left blank spaces for paint­ ings, at the time of writing, which were then filled in by the painter, who was guided

92 Doshi, op. cit., p. 30.

93 M. Chandra and U.P. Shah, op. cit., p. 3.

94 There is a manuscript, which was written in 1237 CE. It gives us a portrait of Kumarapala and his guru

Hemachandra Suri, in which his guru is shown expounding the dharma to his royal disciple. See H. Shastri, Indian Pictorial Art as Developed in Book-Illustrations, p. 11. 95 M. Chandra and U.P. Shah, op. cit., pp. 1–2. 96 Chatterjee, op. cit., II, p. 167. 97 Doshi, op. cit., p. 30.

17

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

by the instructions written on the margins. It is also possible that the painters were also from among the Jain munis.98 Another area in which the Jains strengthened themselves and their community was the area of learning. Besides copying, preserving and donating manuscripts, learned Jain scholars composed extraordinary literary works and thus contributed to Sanskrit, Prakrit and Gujarati literature.99 Honours were also heaped on prominent Jain savants through the building of new Jain shrines and repairing of old ones. Innumerable ref­ erences from epigraphs thus underline the position of strength occupied by the Jain munis at royal courts. They appear to have functioned as advisers and arbiters. Much attention and respect were given both to their words and their wishes. One knows, for example of a king attending the funeral of a Jain monk, thereby emphasising his position and social importance.100 By the year 1300 CE, the importance of Jainism had decreased all over north India except in Gujarat and Rajasthan. At this juncture, things took a different turn. North­ ern India succumbed to Muslim dominance, even though Rajasthan put up a valiant resistance. The three and a half centuries of rule of the Delhi Sultanate saw the sun rise and set on several dynasties of Turko-Afghan descent, such as the Mamluk, Khalji, Tughlaq, Saiyid, Lodhi and Sur. This period also saw the rise of several provincial sul­ tanates, carving out their own independent spheres of influence. What was common between these new rulers, whether in Delhi or in the provinces, was their distrust for the indigenous religions, whose followers were labelled as heretics or kafirs. In Guja­ rat, after the downfall of the Vaghelas, the Jains lost the patronage of royalty; instead, they now sought to woo influential merchants and landlords. The dominant figure in 14th century CE Gujarat, and especially in the history of Jainism, was Samara Shah. One knows of the firman to rebuild a temple of Adinatha at Palitana, given to Samara Shah, by the Muslim governor, Alp Khan, after it had been destroyed. Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlaq, a contemporary of Samara Shah, is known to have had a fairly good rap­ port with him. The poet Kakka Suri writes about the time when Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah, the son of Alauddin Khalji, invited Samara Shah to Delhi in 1320 CE. Samara Shah’s career demonstrates the practical good sense of the Jains in being able to main­ tain a good relationship with their Muslim rulers. A number of other Jains in Gujarat in the 14th century CE are known to have worked for the promotion of Jainism in the state, for example Jesal Shah of Cambay.101 Besides, Jains, forming a small yet influen­ tial minority, comprising bankers, traders and merchant class, enjoyed a fair amount of tolerance from their Muslim rulers. Repeated examples of Jain pragmatism and the political opportunism of the Mus­ lims of the period between 1300 and 1650 CE can be found. There are also numerous references to Muslim kings, installing Jain images and issuing firmans, ensuring the safety of the Jain tirthas.102 In contrast to their role as agents of destruction in other

98 Losty, op. cit., pp. 17, 21, 43, 45. 99 C.B. Sheth, Jainism in Gujarat, p. 171. 100 Siddharaja Jayasimha attended the funeral of the great Shvetambara monk, Maladhari Hemachandra. See Chatterjee, op. cit., II, p. 5. 101 Ibid., pp. 155–157. 102 Muhammad Tughlaq (1325–1351 AD) issued a firman for the Shvetambara monks, which made all the important Shvetamabara tirthas safe places. The image of Mahavira at Kanyanayana (a Shevatambara

18

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

parts of India, the Muslim rulers of western India were cast into a new and alien role as protectors and benefactors of the Jains.103 It is not that the Jains did not suffer any deprivation under the Muslim kings—but it was fairly minimal. Because of their placatory policy towards the Muslims, they managed to continue with their trading, worshipping in their temples, building new temples and carrying on with the repair of the old ones. The Jains appear to have been conscious of the need to be generous in spending money for the cause of their community and their religion.104 It was during this period that the two major sects, Digambaras and Shvetambaras, were divided into several subsects, some of them surviving to this day. While on the one hand the subsects like Taranapanthis and Lokagacchis (Sthanakavasis) very pru­ dently opposed temple and image worshipping in order to save their religion from the wrath of their iconoclastic Muslim rulers, on the other, the bhattarakas and yatis (stationery monks) caused many temples to be built and numerous images to be made and consecrated. We have the well-documented instance from 1490 to 1491 CE, when thousands of new images were made and distributed to the Jain temples all over India, hundreds of them existing even today. Different genres of art flourished; among them, of special mention are the arts of calligraphy, miniature painting and music. A large number of new manuscripts were prepared, and the old ones were copied in big bhandaras with the special intent of preserving them. Some Jain laymen served Muslim rulers and held important positions in the government, particularly under the Khaljis, Tughlaqs, Lodhis and the Sultans of Gujarat and Malwa.105 The comfortable position enjoyed by the Jains under the Delhi Sultanate further improved under the aegis of the Mughals, and especially under Akbar (1556–1605 CE), whose interest in religions other than Islam is only too well known. Abul Fazl’s Ain-i-Akbari, containing a long, well-informed, sensitively written passage on the Jains, is an indication of the eclectic tone of Akbar’s regime. He was by far the most tolerant of all the Mughal monarchs. His religious policy facilitated peace and reli­ gious freedom for all his subjects, including the Jains. The capital cities of Delhi and Agra saw prosperous Jain communities, and so did several important trading centres of the Mughal Empire. The Jains are known to have celebrated their festivals with gaiety, undertaken pilgrimages to far-off places and also received imperial firmans that greatly benefited their community. Akbar as well as his son Jahangir had the distinction of having invited and hon­ oured several Jain gurus, and a considerable amount of literature was produced by

holy site) that had been sent to Tughluqabad in 1328 AD was restored with full honours. Ibid., pp. 157–158. 103 We have some evidence to prove that a few Muslim Sultans, even if grudgingly, did extend their patronage to some Jain monks and shravakas. Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah (1316–1320 AD), the Sultan of Delhi, honoured Jinachandra and his followers. Then Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlaq (1320–1325 AD) granted a firman to the Jain monk Jinakushala Suri and gave patronage to Samara Shah. Firuz Tughlaq (1351–1388), known for his hatred for non-muslims, honoured Munibhadra of the Brhadgac­ cha. Ahmad Shah I (1411–1441 AD), the Sultan of Gujarat, helped Gunaraja, a rich Jain merchant, when he went for pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya in 1421 AD. This in spite of his being reputed as one of the greatest iconoclasts among the Sultans of Gujarat. Ibid., pp. 159–162. 104 C.B. Sheth, Jainism in Gujarat, p. 71. 105 Jyothi Prasad Jain, op. cit., p. 28.

19

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Jain scholars during their period.106 Akbar remained under Jain influence for several years and even gave up eating flesh for many days in a year. In fact, one of the princi­ ples of Din-i-llahi was vegetarianism, and the followers of Din-i-llahi were asked to abstain from meat eating.107 Jain missions under the celebrated pontiff Hiravijaya Suri and his disciples were sent to the Mughal court. Hiravijaya Suri himself remained at Akbar’s court for more than two years and propounded the Jain philosophy to him. After Hiravijaya Suri’s return to Gujarat, Akbar continued to receive instructions in Jainism from the for­ mer’s pupils, Santichandra and Bhanuchandra. Bhanuchandra enjoyed considerable influence at both Akbar’s and Jahangir’s courts. In 1593 CE, Hiravijaya Suri sent another disciple, Vijayasena Suri, who stayed at Akbar’s court in Lahore for a period of about two years. Akbar was so impressed by him that he bestowed on him the title of Kali Saraswati. Siddhichandra, another Jain seer, was also sent to Akbar’s court in C. 1593 CE by Hiravijaya Suri. Siddhichandra stayed on at the courts of Akbar and Jahangir for a very long time.108 Akbar is also known to have welcomed the Jain monks from the Kharatara sect to his court. Jinachandra Suri, the head of this sect, was invited to Akbar’s court at Lahore on 14 February 1592 CE. He secured from the emperor orders for the protec­ tion of Jain temples and sacred places. Akbar gave Jinachandra the title of Yug-Prad­ hana (“the Lord of the Age”). Akbar’s involvement with the Jains lasted almost till his last days. As late as 1604 CE, we come across a firman issued to Jinachandra Suri on the issue of the prohibition of animal slaughter for a period of seven days annually.109 The high regard in which Akbar held Jainism made many believe that he had been converted to Jainism!110 Consequently, the Jains were able to exercise great influence upon Akbar for a period of more than 20 years. On Jahangir’s accession to the throne, Bhanuchandra and Siddhichandra, who had been staying at Akbar’s court for the past 20 years, sought leave to return to Gujarat. Jahangir granted this permission and issued a firman, confirming the concessions given to the Jains by Akbar. Bhanuchandra and Siddhichandra remained in Gujarat between 1607 and 1610 CE. In 1610–1611 CE, the Emperor issued an order calling both Bhanuchandra and Siddhichandra back to his court at Agra. This second visit of the Jain munis to Jahangir’s court is referred to in Siddhichandra’s biography, Bhanuchandracharita. They most probably stayed on till 1613 CE. Once under the influence of alcohol, Jahangir is supposed to have banished all the Jain monks from his court—a situation which reversed on recovery from his state of inebriation.111 We find references to the presence of several influential Jains at the Mughal court. For example, the Jain magnate Shantidas Jawahari wielded considerable influence at the Mughal court during the reigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan. By implication, one realised that Jain merchants and financiers were continuing unharmed, undeterred

106 107 108 109 110 111

Ibid., p. 29.

Sheth, op. cit., pp. 269, 272.

Commissariat, op. cit., II, pp. 236–237.

Ibid., pp. 236, 241–242.

Sheth, op. cit., pp. 269, 272.

Commissariat, op. cit., II., pp. 255–256, 260–261.

20

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

with their trade activities. Important political and administrative duties, however, were still denied to them.112 During the 30 years of the peaceful reign of Shah Jahan, the Jains enjoyed complete rights over the hill at Palitana. As the Emperor grew old and sick, Shantidas Jawa­ hari, the head of the Jain community, began to entertain serious doubts about the guarantee and continuation of the rights granted to important Jain centres in India. He sought confirmation of these rights several times in the following years, thereby ensuring security for his community. In 1630 CE, Shantidas Jawahari used his influ­ ence to ensure that his spiritual mentor, Muktisagar, was given the rank of an acharya by the great pontiff Vijayadeva Suri, successor of Vijayasena Suri. Shantidas Jawa­ hari, an extremely high-profile member of the Jain community in India, was the first nagarsheth of Ahmedabad and also the court jeweller. He enjoyed an important posi­ tion at the court of the four Mughal Emperors.113 From the period of Shah Jahan, we get an interesting firman carrying a complaint by the Mahajan of the Lumpaka sect of the Jains of Ahmedabad against another sect to which Shantidas Jawahari belonged, complaining about the latter’s refusal to establish any matrimonial relations with the Lumpakas. The Mahajan was requesting the Emperor to make them change their policy.114 The Emperor is supposed to have refused to get embroiled in such internal matters of the Jains. Under the governorship of Aurangzeb, the Jains of Gujarat experienced a period of intolerance generated by official policies. The temple of Chintamani–Parshvanatha in Saraspur was desecrated by cow slaughter and converted into a mosque. Even though Shah Jahan ordered the reconversion of the mosque into a temple, the temple’s doom had already been spelt.115 However, even though Aurangzeb reversed the policy of Akbar, his Jain subjects, being harmless and peaceful citizens, without any political design or involvement, appear to have escaped the wrath of his fanaticism.116 It becomes increasingly apparent in the preceding pages how the history of the region set the stage for the development of Jainism in western India. The Jains, owing to their pragmatic approach towards the new Muslim rulers, were able to escape their wrath and managed to continue with their trading, worshipping in their temples, as well as commissioning and storing Jain manuscripts. A large number of new manuscripts were prepared, and the old ones were copied in the Jnana bhandaras with the special intent of preserving them. Some Jain laymen served Muslim rulers and held important positions in the government, particularly under the Khaljis, Tughlaqs, Lodhis and the Sultans of Gujarat and Malwa. The comfortable position enjoyed by the Jains under the Delhi Sultanate further improved under the Mughals and especially under Akbar, whose policy of religious tolerance is known only too well. Had it not been for the institution of the Jain Jnana bhandaras, so many Jain manu­ scripts would not have survived. Thus, the Jnana bhandaras further impacted the story of the development of Jain miniature painting in western India. Jainism, along

112 113 114 115 116

Ibid, p. 140.

Ibid., pp. 143, 145, 148.

Commissariat, op. cit., II, p. 148.

Ibid., pp. 141–142. See also Edalji Dosabhai, op. cit., p. 155.

Jyothi Prasad Jain, op. cit., p. 29.

21

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

with the massive trade that was the lifeline of this area, seems to have created an interdependent system, with both getting a leg up from each other. It is these paint­ ings, thus, that would hold a mirror to the eclectic times and the objects of Material Culture therein.

A Brief Historical Survey of Jain Miniature Painting Jain miniature paintings form the primary source in the present study of Material Culture in western India. In the words of A.K. Coomaraswamy, “It is hardly necessary to lay stress upon the value of the Jaina paintings as illustrations of the manners and customs, costume, textile designs, architecture and furniture of mediaeval India”.117 The main focus of the present study is the miniature paintings, illustrating the various Jain manuscripts, as well as the wooden book covers (Patlis) and cloth patas from the region of western India between 1100 and 1650 CE. Most of these miniature paintings are manuscript illustrations, illustrating various Jain texts and have their antecedents in wall paintings of an earlier period. Remnants of pre­ historic art with some “Jain” influence can be seen in the Singhanpur and Jogimara caves of Chhattisgarh. Faint traces of paintings are also visible in the Jain caves at Udayagiri, Orissa; in the Tarapur caves and in one of the Jain caves at Ellora. But the most promi­ nent example of early Jain painting, however, is, in the Jain caves at Kanchipuram, Sittan­ avasal (C. 7th century CE) and Tirumalai (11th century CE). There is a close resemblance in style and technique between the paintings in these caves and those at Ajanta and Bagh. A similar style of mural painting continued and later found expression on the walls of the Jain matha at Shravanabelagola. These murals depict symbolic representations of religious texts, scenes from the Jain Puranas and the lives of the Tirthankaras. Secular subjects also were handled just as skilfully by Jain artists.118 The artists responsible for Jain manuscript illustrations appear to have been influenced to some extent by the con­ temporary wall paintings. The feature of the farther projecting eye, so prominent in the Jain manuscript illustrations till the late 16th century CE, is present as a stylistic feature at Ellora, as well as in cave 2 at Ajanta. The influence of the wall paintings is also clearly visible in the 12th century Jain wooden book covers (patlis).119 Jain miniature painting, in the period between 1050 and 1350 CE, mostly occurs as illustrations in palm-leaf manuscripts and on the wooden book covers (patlis) used for holding these manuscripts. Even though the tradition of transcribing manuscripts among the Jains may well have begun in the pre-Christian era, most of the extant illus­ trated manuscripts belong to the period after the 10th century CE. How and when this tradition started is not known. Contemporary literature of the 8th and 9th century

117 Coomaraswamy, op. cit., p. 35.

118 Jyothi Prasad Jain, op. cit., p. 148.

119 The wooden patlis which form the cover of the Ogha-niryukti text, in the Jaisalmer bhandara bear

fair traces of the Bagh-Ajanta-Ellora tradition of painting, which continued to exist in Western India, though in a highly stylised form. In this early period, the patli painters enjoyed a certain freedom of expression, which was lost in the later years. See Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings” Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III, pp. 398–399.

22

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

CE contains descriptive passages regarding the themes and style of painting, thereby indirectly indicating the existence of painting at this time.120 The earliest known illustrated palm-leaf Jain manuscript (Ogha-niryukti) is from Jaisalmer bhandara and is dated 1060 CE. Manuscript illustration prior to the 10th century CE may not have existed because of the narrow format of palm leaves on which these manuscripts were written. The practice of illustrating palm-leaf manu­ scripts appears to have begun with the Buddhist monks and was later emulated by the Jain monks who came into contact with them.121 During this early phase, only a handful of manuscripts were illustrated. Most of these being canonical texts, the min­ iatures contain portrayals of Tirthankaras, iconic representations of divinities from the Jain pantheon, monks, worshippers etc. and are hieratic in character. The miniatures bear no relationship to the text. However, the (wooden book covers) patlis, not being bound to making iconic representations alone, exhibit a certain freedom in style. The patlis also represented events which were historically significant for the Jain Church.122 Stylistically, the palm-leaf manuscripts are in the “Western Indian style” of painting, which is characterised by a certain linear energy, angularity, exaggerated body propor­ tions, facial features and a projecting farther eye.123 The style attained its final mature expression in the illustrated manuscripts executed between the 12th and 16th centuries CE. The importance of “Western Indian school” of painting in the history of Indian painting can hardly be overemphasised. In the words of W. Norman Brown, For one thing it contains all the western Indian Painting, whether of large or small dimensions, known to exist over a period of some centuries, continuing the sequence of the frescoes at Ajanta, Bagh, and Elura. For another it is the parent, on the Indian side, that in union with the Persian schools, on the other side, gave birth to the Rajput and Mughal styles, so prolifically cultivated and so well known.124 The colophons of many Jain manuscripts suggest a Gujarat-Rajasthan provenance, even though some isolated examples suggest a provenance in Karnataka and some parts of eastern India. These examples, though conforming to the “Western Indian Style”, have a distinct regional flavour. By the beginning of the 12th century CE, the basic expression of Jain painting for the next 400 years had already been formed.125 Jain miniature painting underwent a change towards the end of the 13th century CE, when the narrative content of the text, hitherto ignored, especially in the palm-leaf manuscripts, began to get illustrated. The best example is the manuscript of Subahu

120 Doshi, op. cit., pp. 31, 33.

121 Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, op. cit., pp. 396–397.

122 Such as the famous dispute between Vaddideva Suri and Kumudchandra (the Shvetambara and Digam­ bara munis), and consecration of the temple of Mahavira at Marot in Marwar by Jinadutta Suri. See Doshi, op. cit., p. 33, 34. 123 Here, even when the face was shown in profile, the farther eye would be shown protruding beyond the outline of the face. 124 Brown, W.N., “Miniature Painting in Western India” (12th–17th AD) Jain Journal, Vol. IV, No. 4, p. 200. 125 Doshi, op. cit., p. 43.

23

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Katha dated 1288 CE. The composition now gets more complex with the inclusion of the descriptive details of landscape, architecture, furniture, interior furnishings and objects of everyday use. The illustrations now freely use conventions like continu­ ous narration.126 In the treatment of human figures, the angularity of the figures and the protrusion of the farther eye get more pronounced. Washes of colour along the outlines now become a standard usage. However, some basic characteristics do not change. The field of composition is still not enlarged, and the format of illustrations remains the same. Rapid changes were impossible since Jain painting was slow in accepting innovations. Till the end of this period, only those portions of the text were illustrated, which contained the devotional or the magical aspect.127 The vast change on the political scene, with Muslim rule being steadily and firmly established in various parts of India, affected the development of painting also. A great part of India was under the Delhi Sultanate, which disintegrated into smaller king­ doms as a result of Timur’s invasion in 1399 CE. Thus, instead of one kingdom, multiple smaller kingdoms came into being, offering patronage to multiple artists, musicians, scholars and the like. Art of all kinds flourished. The effect on painting was the emergence of new styles and the further development of the already existing styles, now infused with fresh vitality. The impact of the political change on the Jains was minimal; judging from the prolific output of their manuscripts, the patronage of art and the commissioning of copies of religious texts seem to have continued.128 The tradition of manuscript production among the Jains seems to have been par­ ticularly prolific after 1350 CE, and since these manuscripts were stored away safely in underground temple libraries, they escaped destruction at the hands of intolerant rulers. The manuscripts continued to be illustrated in the “Western Indian style”, but this style was losing its consolidated character and was giving way to two regional idioms: one located in Gujarat and Rajasthan and the other in Delhi-Gwalior. Stylisti­ cally speaking, the Gujarat-Rajasthan idiom of the “Western Indian style” was more refined, using a varied palette along with rich colours like gold and silver, whereas the northern variant, though rougher in execution, was more vigorous.129 Another distinct style used for the illustration of manuscripts, known as the “Chau­ rapanchasika style”, was also prevalent in North India at this time. This intensely expressive style presented a sharp contrast to the rendering of the illustrations in the “Western Indian Style”. The Jain painting tradition uses both the “Western Indian style” with its two regional idioms and the “Chaurapanchasika style” for its manu­ script illustrations. This style was characterised by vibrancy, firm line drawing, angu­ lar figures, the use of contrasting colours and the absence of the farther projecting eye. When this style originated is not known, but its earliest dated example is from the end of the 15th century CE. Where it originated is also debatable, but the majority of experts seem to veer towards the Hindu courts of Mewar and Gwalior.130

126 Also called progressive narrative, it shows two or three episodes compressed within one painting, often repeating the main characters of the narrative, as many times as needed within the same frame, without any marked division between episodes. 127 Doshi, op. cit., pp. 43, 44. 128 Ibid., 45. 129 Ibid., p. 46. 130 Doshi, op. cit., pp. 43–45, 52.

24

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

The introduction of paper was a significant development, which led to the writ­ ing of manuscripts on paper in the 12th century CE. However, for some reason, the production of illustrated manuscripts on paper occurred only around the mid-14th century CE. Perhaps the initial scarcity of paper led to this.131 Once the medium was accepted, it replaced the palm leaf owing to the larger format it offered for painting. The early paper manuscripts were modelled on palm-leaf manuscripts. The division of the folio into two columns with narrow margins, the copying of the text in lines across the folio, the pagination of the manuscripts, and the painting of dots in place of the earlier holes for strings were all vestigial remains, a carry-over from the past tradi­ tion. With the realisation of the full potential of paper, around the 15th century CE, the manuscripts became broader and shorter, as redundant elements were discarded. Already around 1350 CE, a change occurred in the western Indian style of painting. The line became smooth and flowing, and a wide spectrum of colours began to be used, including touches of gold and silver. This style reached its peak between 1375 and 1425 CE. The composition of the paintings also underwent dramatic changes and was discernible in both palm-leaf and paper manuscripts. The contemporary architec­ tural style prevalent in Gujarat, with turreted pavilions and ornate wood work, gets reflected in these paintings. The interiors depict, with minute details, beautiful textile canopies, furniture and objects of everyday use. The costumes and textiles depicted in these paintings also reflect a clear relationship with the contemporary designs and styles of the period.132 Along with a realistic depiction of things, imagination also played an important part in the depiction of events. For example, in the illustrations of Kalakacharya katha, while depicting the Shahi soldiers—who were foreigners from beyond the Indus—the painter clothes them in Jamas, pyjamas, belts and high boots in keeping with the con­ temporary dressing style of the Sultanate court in western India. In the depiction of the Shahi kings, a new figural type with mongoloid features, clothed in long robes, is created. Here, one sees in operation an amalgamation both of archaistic and observed elements.133 Interestingly enough, the Shahis are never shown with the farther protrud­ ing eye. Despite these innovations, the compositions still retained hieratic elements. The main protagonists are shown as being huge in size, indicating thereby their impor­ tance in the scheme of things. The human figures retain their pertness and angularity. The farther projecting eye is still highly pronounced.134 By the 15th century CE, the ornamentation of the manuscripts betrayed a strong Islamic influence. Perhaps the mercantile connections of the wealthy Jain community of western India brought them into contact with the Persian sumptuary art.135 How­ ever, the refinement process that began in the last quarter of the 14th century contin­ ued in the 15th century CE as well. There was now a restrained draughtsmanship, as a result of which the body contours became more sober. Extensive use of gold for body

131 Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, op. cit., p. 405.

132 These seminal changes are noticed first of all in the Shvetambara illustrated texts of Kalpasutra and

Kalakacharya Katha, hitherto never illustrated. See Doshi, op. cit., pp. 46, 47. 133 B.N. Goswamy, A Jainesque Sultanate Shahnama, p. 8. 134 Doshi, op. cit., pp. 46, 47. 135 Philip Rawson, Indian Painting, p. 90.

25

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

colour and ultramarine for filling empty spaces became a marked feature. Human figures, though retaining all the features of “Western Indian style”, are shown with remarkable elegance. Landscape also begins to get an importance.136 Another marked feature of this period is the attention paid to the border designs, which became more intricate, depicting varied subjects such as dancers, musicians, cavalrymen (most probably modelled after the army of the Sultan of Gujarat), wrestlers, animal trainers, lovers sitting in a garden or bathing in a stepped pool, as well as sailing ships. The repertoire of portrayals seemed to have no limit. Sometimes the motifs were borrowed from contemporary architecture, Islamic carpets or indigenous textiles.137 Since the border decorations did not have any connection to the episodes in the narrative, they acquired a life of their own, with varied subjects popping up in the margins like a curi­ ous surprise. This point is proved by the Devasano Pado138 manuscript of Kalpasutra, which became a trendsetter for the future development of painting in the 16th century CE.139 This new movement is marked by sumptuousness and is influenced by Persian painting. It did not remain confined only to the Gujarat-Rajasthan belt, but spilled into Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, as is clear from a Kalpasutra from Jaunpur dated 1465 CE and another Kalpasutra from Mandu in Madhya Pradesh dated 1439 CE.140 Western Indian painting shows a significant step forward in terms of the facial rendition, costumes, landscape and architectural setting in the Devasano Pado, the Mandu and the Jaunpur manuscripts between the periods C. 1435 and 1475 CE.141 In Jaunpur Kalpasutra, new stylistic features came into the drawing of the human figure, which forms the intermediate stage in the evolution of the human figure in Rajasthan painting. The Jains now began to illustrate several other texts besides the Kalpasutra and the Kalakacharya Katha. Among these were Damayanti Katha, Upadesamala, Dipavali Katha, etc.142 It seems that, towards the end of the 15th century CE, the Digambaras also began to illustrate in the “Western Indian style”, manuscripts of the Maha purana, the Adi purana and the Yashodhara Charitra.143 The Digambara manuscripts were produced in limited numbers as compared to the Shvetambara manuscripts. This may have been due to the Shvetambaras being more inclined towards the production of hand­ written manuscripts as a form of religious expression.144 An Adi-Purana manuscript, created in Yoginipura (Delhi) in 1404, is the earliest example of an illustrated manu­ script on paper from the Digambara tradition. The style is the Delhi-Gwalior idiom of the “Western Indian style”. It is characterised by typical features, such as a linear

136 Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal, p. 43.

137 Doshi, op. cit., p. 47.

138 The Devasano pado manuscript refers to one of the most celebrated manuscripts of Kalpasutra and

Kalakacharya katha done in the western Indian style of Jain painting. It was executed on paper. The bulk of the original 201 folios are preserved in the temple library of the Devasano Pado temple, in Ahmedabad, which accounts for the manuscript being referred to as the Devasano Pado manuscript. It was probably painted at Patan around C. 1475 CE. 139 Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, op. cit., p. 43. 140 Doshi, op. cit., p. 50. 141 Karl Khanadalava and Moti Chandra, op. cit., p. 43. 142 Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, op. cit., p. 8. 143 Ibid., pp. 10–11, See also Doshi, op. cit., pp. 50–51. 144 Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, op. cit., p. 426.

26

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

technique, angularity, the farther protruding eye and a limited palette. It differs from its western Indian counterpart only in the scheme of its illustrations.145 Then, there is a fragmentary Maha-Purana executed in C. 1420 CE. Compared to its GujaratRajasthan counterpart, this style is much coarse. The line drawing is hasty and rough, the palette limited, and the compositions larger and simpler. The paintings are marked by a certain movement and vigour. Differences can also be observed in the textile pat­ terns, costume designs, architecture, structure of chariots etc., bringing out clearly the regional variations of the two areas. This regional idiom spread to Gwalior also, as is proved by Pasanaha Chariu dated 1441 CE, painted at Gwalior. The costumes here also undergo a change, reflecting the local variety. The Gwalior idiom finds some parallels in the styles of the Mandu Kalpasutra of 1439 and Jaunpur Kalpasutra of 1465.146 This idiom developed constantly through innovations and experiments with the compositions. What is interesting to note here is that each idiom is different as far as its depiction of the local culture is concerned. Since these depict the objects of everyday use and costumes with regional flavours, as faithfully as they can, instead of being mere copies of each other, they are of tremendous value to the historians. In 1556 CE, with Akbar ascending the throne of the Mughal empire, his dream of a composite culture for India found expression in many areas, including painting. A  synthesis took place between the Indian and Persian idioms. Artists from Persia, Gujarat, Kashmir and Delhi-Agra collaborated under Akbar’s patronage to develop a national school of painting. The new technique of painting was practiced by a large number of painters in the royal ateliers. Many of them, unable to get employment in the capital, had to migrate towards other areas of patronage. Migration to Gujarat took place in the last quarter of the 16th century CE.147 The effects of this migration on the “Western Indian style” of painting are discernible in the treatment of human figures and their costumes in many manuscripts, more specifically in the Sangrahani Sutra of 1583 from Matar and the Yashodhara Charitra of 1596 CE from North Gujarat.148 By 1600 CE, this style gave way to the Mughal and Rajput forms of album paint­ ing. In the seclusion of the Jain libraries, a debased and rigid form of Jain painting survived.149 In the 17th century CE, the illustration of Rasas containing Jain stories became very popular. However, these miniatures, done in the folk style, with fewer characters presenting the entire story,150 showed definite signs of drifting further away from the style known as the “Western Indian style” of painting. If we talk of the technical intricacies that went into the making of miniature paintings, we have quite a few treatises to refer to, such as: The Chitrasutra,151 the

145 146 147 148 149 150 151

Ibid., pp. 415–416.

Doshi, op. cit., pp. 50–51.

Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, op. cit., p. 27.

Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, op. cit., p. 426.

Philip Rawson, op. cit., p. 90.

Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, op. cit., p. 35.

Chitrasutra is that part of the Vishnudharmottara Purana (C. 6th century CE) that deals with the art

of the painting. It has received great deal of attention from the art historians. The text of Chitrasutra was first published in 1912, and its earliest translation into English was rendered by Stella Kramrisch in 1924.

27

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Manasollasa,152 the Shilparatna153 etc. It was an art, where besides knowing the theory, one had to learn the nuances, under the tutelage of a guru or mentor. One is also sure that the elaborate process involved in painting a miniature, was region as well as style specific. As far as Jain painting is concerned, one knows for certain that the palm-leaf manuscripts were either written in ink with a reed pen or a stylus was used to incise the leaf and then smeared with powdered ink. The script used was a variant of the Nagari script, called the Jain Nagari. The palm-leaf manuscripts were made from the long leaves of the talipot palm or from the short leaves of the palmyra palm. First of all, these leaves were cut, then processed and burnished, and then trimmed into folios of equal size. After that, the scribe divided the folio into two or three columns, each separated by narrow vertical margins. The external sides of the first and the last folios were left blank. The writing began on the reverse side of the first folio and was written in lines from left to right across its full length, leaving the margins. On the reverse side of the folio, cinnabar was used to mark the places for string holes and pagination; on the obverse side, markings were done only for string holes. After completing the man­ uscript, the folios were arranged in a pile, secured together by a cord and put within wooden covers. Then the entire manuscript, including the wooden covers (patli), was bound in a cloth for safekeeping.154 The later manuscripts on paper were initially modelled on the palm-leaf manu­ scripts. This included the size of the folios; the division of the folio into two columns with narrow vertical margins; writing of the text in lines from left to right, across the folio; system of pagination and marking the places for string holes. It was only dur­ ing the 15th century CE that the paper folios became larger. Page numbers started appearing in the lower right-hand corner, and the mark for string holes became a mere decorative cliché—a vestigial remain. The areas for text and illustration were now demarcated clearly. Most probably, the scribe demarcated the areas, wrote down the text and then the artist took over.155 The colours used in Jain painting were natural pigments, obtained from vegetable extracts and compound minerals, and artificial pigments, obtained from manufac­ tured salts and vegetable and insect dye-stuff. White, commonly used in the Jain paint­ ings, was obtained probably from burnt conch shell, kaolin and chalk. Lamp black was most often the source for black pigment. Perhaps, antimony, a mineral, was also used for procuring the black colour. Red, used extensively in Jain paintings, came from varied sources. Red lead (Sindura) gave a yellowish red and was used mostly in paper miniatures. Bright red was provided by vermilion or crude cinnabar (hingola). Brilliant red was rarely used and was obtained from red arsenic or realgar. Dark red was obtained from lac dye or laksharasa. Red was also derived from the kermes insect (carmine) and used on an extensive scale in paper manuscripts. Blue was obtained from lapis lazuli, azurite and indigo.156 For the colour yellow, orpiment, a sulphide

152 Manasallosa was written by Someshvara, the Western Chalukyan King who ruled from C. 1124 to 1138 CE. 153 Silparatna was a medieval text on painting and allied subjects authored by Srikumara in the 16th century CE. 154 Doshi, op. cit., p. 33. 155 Doshi, op. cit., pp. 33, 46. 156 Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India, pp. 75, 77, 78, 80, 81, 83.

28

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

of arsenic found in the form of a stone, was used. Other sources of yellow include turmeric, saffron and flowers of the Palash tree.157 Deep yellow was obtained from peori158 around the 15th century CE. Green, created by the careful admixture of colours, was used in palm-leaf manuscripts before the 14th century CE. Later on, green was obtained from terre verte159 and malachite green.160 Zangal or verdigris161 was a favourite green in the 15th century CE and also later. Though it produced a beautiful green when fresh, it was discovered that it ate into the paper and would render the paper fragile in the course of time. Gold was used only towards the end of the palmleaf period. It was introduced by the Timurids in the 15th century CE. Nothing in the form of brushes, pencils and styluses has survived to indicate exactly the tools used for Jain painting. Various Sanskrit texts, however, give us an idea. According to the Manasollasa,162 the stylus consisted of a brush handle made of bam­ boo and was the size of a small finger. A copper nail was struck inside the tip of the brush handle. This kind of stylus was called the tindu and was probably used to scratch the design on palm leaf.163 About the pencils used for drawing, Shilparatna164 describes the procedure for making the pencil called Kittalekhani. Cow dung and old powdered slag were mixed and pounded into a thick paste with water in a stone mill and shaped into a pencil. The Manasollasa165 describes another method using lamp black and boiled rice, which was then given the shape of a pencil. As far as the painting accessories go, the brushes used for painting were of varying thicknesses and sizes. They could be made of the soft hair obtained from the ears of bulls and asses or could also be made from the fibres of the bark of certain trees. Prob­ ably, the soft hair on the ears of a calf or the underside of the goat provided for the thick brushes. For a very fine pointed brush, the fine hair from the muskrat’s tail was used. In the Mughal period, the hair from the squirrel’s tail was most preferred.166 The variety and the details are endless; however, they give a fair amount of idea about the level of refinement and precision involved in the art of miniature painting. Jain miniature paintings from western India assume greater significance in the light of it being the only painting tradition in India, with an unbroken history from 1050 to 1750 CE.167 Also, the value of Jain miniature paintings as a source for studying the Material Culture can hardly be overemphasised, because of the very nature of the

157 B.N. Goswamy, The Spirit of Indian Painting, p. 66. 158 Peori was obtained from the urine of a cow, fed on mango leaves for a few days. The urine was col­ lected, boiled and then evaporated. The sediment was later rolled into balls, which were dried on charcoal fires and then in the sun. The colour produced was deep yellow. Moti Chandra says that Peori was not used in the palm leaf miniatures, as no Sanskrit text makes a mention of it. The colour was introduced probably from Persia in the 15th century CE. Moti Chandra, op. cit., p. 83. 159 Different varieties of green earth.

160 Malachite is a mineral occurring in several modifications in nature, some pale and others bright, grassy

green also called harabhata. It was used as a mineral pigment for the colour green since ancient times. 161 Zangal or verdigris is an acetate of copper, prepared by treating pieces of copper with vinegar. 162 Manasollasa, ed., by G.K., Shrigondekar, Vol. II, p. 1. 163 Moti Chandra, op., cit., p. 91. 164 A.K. Coomaraswamy, Citralakshana, pp. 35–37. 165 Manasollasa, op. cit, II, pp. 1–14. 166 Moti Chandra, op. cit., pp. 91–93. 167 Saryu Doshi., op. cit., 32.

29

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

manuscripts they illustrate. The manuscripts mostly deal with the lives of the Tirt­ hankaras and the important events related to the Jain canonical church. The scope of giving details of the costumes, textiles and other articles of Material Culture grew sub­ stantially ever since the narrative content of the manuscripts began to be given impor­ tance. For instance, if we take the most frequently illustrated Jain manuscript, the Kalpasutra, ample opportunities are found within the story to depict several objects of Material Culture. Since the Kalpasutra deals with the lives of the Tirthankaras, who were of royal lineage, we see the routine of a king’s daily life in the miniatures—exer­ cises in the gymnasium, elaborate toilette, court scenes, dance performances for his entertainment, consultation with Brahmins, receiving instructions from holy men, worship of the symbols of the Jina, distributing alms, riding forth in state on richly caparisoned horses or elephants, riding on a palanquin or in a chariot—the possi­ bilities of depicting objects of Material Culture are plenty. The same manuscript also shows the queen mother’s bedroom in the nativity scenes, where a plethora of objects of everyday use can be seen. The garments and ornaments of the queen mother and her attendants are very carefully delineated by the painter and prove to be a very important source for our study. In the words of Moti Chandra, “I also found that the miniatures from western India conserve rich material for the study of western Indian costumes and textile designs”.168 Thus, as we will see in the following chapters, Jain miniature paintings have preserved for posterity the images of the various articles in use, which have helped us to reconstruct the Material Cultural history of the area. It is these paintings that reflect the eclectic times and the objects of Material Culture therein, providing thereby an insight into the level of cultural advancement of a defin­ able region, in a specific period—western India, in the Medieval period.

168 Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Painting from Western India, p. 2.

30

2

COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

Costumes Costumes, defined as “a person’s ensemble of outer garments”, and referred to as vesha, nepathya and akalpa1 in Indian texts, were an important invention, marking a distinct stage in the development of the story of civilisation. They form a fairly reliable index to the tastes and trends of any given society in a given period of time. Therefore, changing fashions are as interesting to observe as any other aspect of social change. The importance of tracing this historical development and change in costumes and textiles can, therefore, hardly be overemphasised. Any historical account of Indian costumes would be fraught with difficulties of all kinds, the pre­ dominant problem being the perishable nature of the fabrics. There is also no dearth of visual sources providing information on sartorial fashions. Early sculpture and later paintings help greatly in forming an adequate idea of sartorial styles. As a source of information, painting has a distinct advantage over sculpture because of the vis­ ibility of the patterns and colours of the textiles and the cut and the styles of the garments. The frescoes of Ajanta are a classic example of a richer source material compared to the sculpture of that period. In the area of contemporary literature, lexicons and other related texts, folk lit­ erature and accounts of foreigners travelling in and around western India form an important source. The information on costumes and textiles provided by foreign and Indian chroniclers, geographers, travellers passing through India, and native writers recording their observations between the 12th and 17th century CE is both interest­ ing, evocative of a distinct flavour, and, therefore, useful, even though it may not be necessarily accurate. Some of these accounts do not contain consciously recorded information but only incidental observations. The personages who wrote directly on Gujarat were Marco Polo, Athanius Nikitin, Duarte Barbosa, Mandelslo, Thévenot, Henry Lord and Thomas Herbert. Others, though not coming to Gujarat, wrote in general about Indian costume and textiles. In this category are Bernier, Varthema and Nicolò de’ Conti. From among the Muslims, we have the accounts of Alberuni, the anonymous author of Hudud-al-Alam, Ibn Hawqal, Al-Qalqashandi and Al-Umari,

1 The words occur in the Sanskrit lexicon Abhidhanachintamani, written by Hemachandracharya (1088– 1172 CE), who was a contemporary of Siddharaja Jayasimha (1094–1143 CE) and Kumarapala (1143– 1174 CE), the famous Solanki rulers of Gujarat. See Abhidhanachintamani, of Shri Hemachandracharya, III, 269. Hereafter referred to as Abhi.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003415282-2

31

COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

who with their sharp observations left behind an important account of indigenous and Islamic costumes. General observations on sartorial styles, as well as textiles of the area of Delhi and its adjoining regions, were recorded by Amir Khusrau and Abul Fazl. These form extremely interesting comparative material. An equally interesting reference comes from the 12th century CE from the account of the Chinese, Chao JuKua, who was the inspector of foreign trade at Fukien in that period. The lexicons, essentially compilations of long lists of the names and synonyms of various garments and fabrics, as well as of other objects of Material Culture, at best contain oblique references or brief “en passant” remarks, which are extremely ambig­ uous and difficult to use. The attempt in this study has been to collate information from various literary and historical sources and to compare it with the observable visual evidence provided by the Jain miniatures of the period and area under study. The difficulty occurs during the collation of information culled from different sources because clear correspondences between the various sources are difficult to establish. Literary descriptions often may be so general, as to fit more than one costume, which in actuality may be quite different from each other. While it is possible to form a gen­ eral idea of the kinds of costumes worn and the textiles available in the various his­ torical periods of Indian history, it is also not very easy to go into the many subtleties that Indian costume and fabrics by nature possess. This is also so, because of the wide range of regional fashions and styles, the bewildering range of diverse ethnic groups and the coming in of foreigners into India at regular intervals over different periods of time. This difficulty is compounded further by the fact that costumes and fabrics did not form a part of the general trade of antiques being sold to museums. Yet another problem was that while a few examples of royal costumes were still to be found in the toshakhānās of various royal dynasties, the costumes and fabrics in use by the middle or common classes were not seen in any collections. From the earliest period of Indian protohistory—the Harappan period there is scant but important evidence about textiles and dress. In a sense, Harappan seals are among the earliest visual representations of Indian costumes. A simple kind of skirt for women and an upper garment draped around the body like a shawl for men, combined with fibres of cotton excavated from the Harappan sites, confirm the use of costumes by the people as early as the 3rd millennium BCE. These costumes are reminiscent of the gar­ ments that are referred to in the literature of the Vedic period, which, combined with Pauranic and classical literature, yields a wide range of beautiful words describing and defining, costumes and textiles.2 For instance, the Rig Veda uses the words vasas, vasana and vastra for a garment. Finding words like suvasana (splendid garment), suvasas (well dressed) and surabhi (well-fitting) in the Rig Veda denotes that the Vedic Indians had the vocabulary to describe not only beautiful garments but also someone who was well dressed. Thus, in spite of no fabric or dress surviving from this period, one can get a fair idea of their clothes from the innumerable textual references to them.3

2 The words used are tantu (yarn), tantra (warp) or loom, otu (weft), Vasas (costumes) and kambala (blan­ kets). See B.N. Goswamy and Kalyan Krishna, “Indian Costumes in the Collection of the Calico Museum of Textiles”, Historic Textiles of India at the Calico Museum, Ahmedabad. Vol. V, p. 8., 1993. 3 The three garments most worn by the Vedic Indians were nivi (an undergarment) vasa (the garment) adhivasa (an overgarment, which was probably like the chadar or dupatta of today). See Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 7–8.

32

COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

An issue for discussion among serious scholars of Indian costumes has been the question of the use of stitched garments in the Indian tradition. Scholars like Forbes Watson have stated that stitched garments came in with the Muslims. Strict Hin­ dus, according to him, would consider “a garment composed of several pieces sewn together as an abomination and defilement”. Quite obviously, the art of sewing seems to have been known in early India.4 There are many representations of men and women wearing stitched garments in early Indian art. One must here make the distinction between unstitched “timeless garments”, which “leave the loom ready for wear”, for example the dhoti, the uttariya, the sari and stitched garments falling in the “time bound” category of garments. It appears as if, despite the knowledge and use of stitching, early Indian society may well have preferred the use of “timeless”, ready-to-wear garments, which may well have been more comfortable and practical under Indian climatic conditions. An extremely important aspect to be kept sight of in the historical development of early Indian costume is the coming in of sartorial fashions and influences from outside. While it is not easy to identify what came with which group, one can safely say that incoming foreign invaders not only brought with themselves their own fashions in clothing but also retained them for purposes of retaining their identities, till such times as the new climatic conditions unobtrusively dictated a change in the fashion of the garment. Very often, over a period of time, the garment changed slowly and subtly and got absorbed into the Indian mainstream. It was no longer identifiable as a foreign import. A great deal of this happened in the first two centuries of the Common Era, where, at least in the north, many different foreign tribes came and gradually settled down. Even though stitched garments may have been in existence before the coming in of the Shakas or Kushanas, their arrival must have provided a fresh impetus to the usage of stitched clothing by the people. The classical period witnessed a considerable addition to our knowledge of textiles and costumes, but the total range of costumes seems to have expanded considerably between the 8th and 12th centuries CE, a period which is marked by the advent of Islam in India. With the establishment of the various Sultanates and the principal Sul­ tanate at Delhi, the Muslims acquired a controlling voice in the affairs of many parts of the country. This interaction between varied groups coming from outside and the local population produced many new situations in area of costumes—as in the other fields. New terms were added in the lexicons, which were modified versions of some of the foreign terms that had become Indianised through this interaction.5 The additions of new fashions, the changes or modifications in costume, get reflected in the paintings of the Sultanate period as well as in the Jain miniatures of western India. Interestingly, the Jain text of the Kalakacharya Katha provided ample scope for the depiction of this new sartorial style, as the Shaka clan in the story was modelled on the Muslim Sultans and their courtiers in Gujarat, post-13th century CE.

4 There are innumerable references to the art of sewing in the literature of early India; also sewing needles have been found as far back the Harappan sites. See B.N. Goswamy and Kalyan Krishna, “Indian Cos­ tumes in the Collection of the Calico Museum of Textiles”, in Historic Textiles of India at the Calico Museum, Ahmedabad, Vol. V, pp. 5–7. 5 For instance, the word kaba, described in Varna Ratnakara (VR., 32) as an upper garment, seems to have been the same as the Islamic qaba. Similarly, the word kabicha occurring in Varnaka-Samuhcaya (VS., II, 41) originates from the Arabic word qamiz.

33

COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

Another important stage is reached in the history of Indian costumes with the com­ ing of the Mughals in the 16th century CE. In the reigns of the first two monarchs, Babur and Humayun, a conscious effort to retain their native dress could be observed. Babur is surprisingly observant though contemptuous in his memoirs, of everything Indian, including styles of garments. Humayun’s accounts contain many references to “foreign sounding” garments. With Akbar, many things changed, and these for­ tunately have been documented by Abul Fazl, as also seen in the paintings surviving from his times. Synthesis and a desire to merge his foreign identity with the Indian one, which he now considers his homeland, is the dominant strand in Akbar’s thoughts. Without really planning to do so, Abul Fazl documents a great deal of information on these experiments and innovations brought in by Akbar, whose interest in synthesis also extended itself to terminologies and names of garments. The new names were a blend of Hindi with Persian and Arabic in exactly the same manner as the styles of the garments.

Some Important Lexicons and Related Texts In the area of Sanskrit and Prakrit lexicons and the like, one comes across a great many texts of that nature, the more important ones are Hemachandracharya’s Abhidhana Chintamani6 (12th century CE), Desinamamala7 (12th century CE) and Dvyashraya Kavya8 (C. 12th century CE); Dhanapala’s Paiyalachchinamamala9 (972–973 CE) and Tilakamanjari10 (972–973 CE); Yadavaprakasha’s Vaijayanti11 (C. 11th century CE); Sri Medinikara’s Medini12 (late 13th century CE) and Jyotirishwar Thakur’s Varna Ratnakara13 (early 14th century CE). Other related works are Somesvara’s14 Manasol­ lasa (C. 1124–1138 CE); Haribhadra Suri’s Samaraichchakaha15 (7th century CE); Merutunga’s Prabandha Chintamani16 (1304 CE). Another important source of information are the Varnakas or stock lists of vari­ ous objects of Material Culture. The Varnaka-Samuhcaya,17 a compilation of various varnakas of the 14th to 18th century CE is rich in information of many kinds. The Vividha Varnaka, perhaps the earliest of its kind and datable to the 14th century CE, along with the Jimanavaraparidhanavidhi of the late 14th and early 15th century CE contains important lists relevant to our study.

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

15 16 17

See footnote 1, Chapter 2. Desinamamala of Hemachandra, ed. by R. Pischel. In future referred to as Desi. Dvyashrayakavya of Hemachandracharya, ed. by A.V. Kathavate. In future referred to as Dvya. Paiyalacchi Namamala of Dhanapala, ed. by D. Buhler. In future referred to as Paiya. Tilakamanjari of Dhanapala. In future referred to as Tilaka. Vaijayanti of Yadavaprakasha, ed. by G. Oppert. In future referred to as Vaija. Medini, of Sri Medinikara, ed. by G. Pandeya. In future referred to as Med. Varna-Ratanakara of Jyotirishwara Thakur, ed. by S.K. Chatterjee and Babua Misra. In future referred to as VR. Someshavara, in his encyclopaedical work, Manasollasa, gives details of costume and textiles, which were not only common in Karnataka but almost all over India. See footnotes 152 and 162, Ch. I. In future referred to as Mana. Samaraichchakaha of Haribhadra Suri, ed. by H. Jacobi. Hereafter referred to as Sama. Prabandhachintamani by Merutunga, ed. by Muni Jinavijayaji. Hereafter referred to as Pr.Ch. Varnaka-Samuhcaya, ed. by B.J. Sandesara, 2 vols. Hereafter referred to as VS.

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COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

The Phagus and Rasas, poetic forms in old Gujarati, meant to be performed in song and dance, written in abundance by Jain monks, form another important body of literature. They sketched, for the instruction of the public, the life stories of the Jain saints as well as interesting accounts of legendary history. The more important Phagus are the Neminatha Phagu18 of Rajasekhara (C. 1348 CE), the Sthulabhadra Phagu19 of Jinapadma Suri (1333–1343 CE), and the Chaupai Phagu20 of the 15th century CE. Other Gujarati works eloquent on the subject of costumes and textiles are the Panchapandavacharitasu21 (1353 CE), the Vidyavilasa Pavadau22 (1420 CE) and the Kanhadade Prabandha23 of Padmanabha (1455 CE). Prithvichandracharita24 (1421 CE) also gives important information. In addition to the texts listed above, we have the Padmavat25 of Malik Muhammad Jayasi, which is also rich in information on costumes and textiles. Information on the costumes of Jain nuns and monks is available in the Jain Cheda Sutras26 especially in Jinadasa ksamasramana’s Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya27 written most probably during the Gupta period. The lexicographers took great pride in giving detailed and “graphic” descriptions of the subtle distinctions in the types of textiles and garments. Technical terms were also used by them to describe the entire range of activities involved in the manufacture of cloth, from the loom to the final finishing stage. There is also information on the art of stitching.28 The interest of the lexicographers in minute details, while listing various materials and fabrics, is indicative of the fact that costumes and textiles were objects of close scrutiny and observation. Despite this interest, we do not get an accurate picture of the precise form of the costumes. This is so, because the lexicons were not illustrated encyclopaedias, and there was scope for misinterpretation in determining whether certain terms used to describe a certain costume were synonymous or not. Also, the same dress may have been known by different names to different authors, in different regions of the country. Again, variations in sartorial fashions, so important to historians of costume, may not have been of great importance to the lexicographers.

18 19 20 21

22 23

24 25 26 27

28

See Prachina Phagu Samgraha, ed. by B.J. Sandesara, II. Hereafter referred to as PPS.

Ibid., I.

Ibid., XXII.

See Gurjara Rasavali, ed. by B.K. Thakore, M.D. Desai and M.C. Modi, I. The Gurjara Rasavali con­ tains six important works in old Gujarati, such as Panchapandavacharitasu, Virataparva, Neminatha Phaghu, Arbudachal Vinti, Chinhugati Chaupai and Vidyavilasapavadau. These works range from the latter half of the fourteenth century to the end of the fifteenth century of the Christian era, representing different forms of literature such as Rasa, Kavitta, Phagu, Vinati and Chaupai. Ibid., VI. Written in the early 16th century CE, it described the fight between the last Hindu King of Gujarat and the Muslims under Ala-ud-din Khalji. See Kanhadade Prabandha of Padmanabha, ed. by K.B. Vyas (referred to as KP. in text). Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, ed. by C.D. Dalal, p. 93.

Padamavat of Malik Muhammad Jayasi, with the Hindi comm. by V.S. Agrawala.

There are six such Cheda-sutras, the most important of them being the Brihat Kalpa Sutra.

The authorship of Brihat Kalpa Sutra is ascribed to Bhadrabahu, who was a contemporary of Chan­ dragupta Maurya in the 4th century BCE; however, the Bhasya on the Brhat Kalpa Sutra by Jinadasa Ksamasramana is of a much later date, perhaps 1st or 2nd century CE. Tunnavavya or suchaka (tailor), suchi (needle), suchi-sutra (sewing thread), Kripani or Kartari (scis­ sors). See B.N. Goswamy and Kalyan Krishna, op. cit., p. 19.

35

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These problems apply to the area of textiles as well, especially as far as patterns and designs are concerned. It is here that a close scrutiny of the visual evidence of paintings and the attempt to collate these observable representations with the existing verbal descriptions is a significant contribution to the study of costume, textiles, as well as other objects of Material Culture.

Costumes in Lexicons and Other Related Sources Costumes of Men Lower Garments The ubiquitous lower garments worn by men in early India, generally referred to by the lexicographers as the nivasana (Abhi., III, 673; Vaija., 168.242) or simply as sahuli (Paiya., 69; Desi., viii, 52), was an unstitched piece belonging to the “timeless category” of costumes, today commonly referred to as the dhoti.29 In western India, as in the rest of the country, the dhoti appears to have been worn extensively at that time. The textual sources contain several references to this lower garment. The word dhoti, however, does not seem to occur in the lexicons of the earlier period. Trousers of the close-fitting kind were also not unknown in early India. The following garments, which find a mention in various texts, all seem to be lower garments in men’s attire and were variously referred to as adhomsuka (Abhi., III, 673; Vaija., 168.242), antariya30 (Abhi., III, 673; Vaija, 168.242) and ardhoruka (Abhi., III, 673; Vaija, 168.243; 169.260). From the description in the lexicons, the ardhoruka31 appears to be a tight, short lower garment. The avaach­ chham is defined simply as a male lower garment (Desi, 1, 26). The text further clarifies that when the avvachchham had its end tucked in from behind, it took on another name and was called the kakshavastram. The term avarardhya (Dvya, XV, 71) apparently also referred to a lower garment. Bilhana (C. 990–1065 CE), who visited Gujarat, made an interesting statement in his work (Vikramankadevacha­ ritam) in which he condemned the Gujaratis for not tucking the ends of the dhoti behind them.32 The carana, a kilt-like lower garment, is mentioned as being a garment worn by footmen (VR., 34). The term chandatam (Pr.Ch., 119) once again appears to be a synonym for men’s shorts. It was among the many presents made to the king of Kol­ hapur. While talking of the garments of ascetics, one comes across the word china, which seems to have been a cloth worn around the trunk and knees of an ascetic while sitting in a yogic posture (Vaija., 95.299) and similar in use to a yogapatta.

29 A great deal of variety existed in the style of tying the dhoti.

30 Talking of the costumes of Ancient India, Roshen Alkazi defines antariya as a lower cloth used by Bud­ dhist monks and nuns. She mentions the other variations: Calanika which she defines as “antariya” worn in between the legs and then wrapped around the hips; Hathishundaka was an “antariya” worn in elephant trunk style; Satavalika was an “antariya” worn with many folds and Talavantika was an “antariya” worn in fan-shaped style. See Roshen Alkazi, Ancient Indian Costume, p. 204. 31 Ardhoruka is also explained in the sense of short drawers, See G.S. Ghurye, Indian Costume, p. 31. 32 Vikramankadevacarita of Bilhana, ed. by G. Buhler, XVIII, 97.

36

COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

The word dhoti, the most accepted term today for the indigenous male lower gar­ ment, occurs in the Jain Cheda Sutras, especially in the Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya.33 It is described there as a part of a monk’s garment. Dhati, a word similar in sound to the word dhoti, occurs in Sri Medinikara’s Medini (Med., 41, 19) to denote most probably a waistcloth.34 This word was also mentioned in Sanskrit lexicons to mean an old cloth or a piece of cloth worn over the privities.35 The devanga was, perhaps, a white patterned lower garment (nimmala vichittadevanganivasana) worn by the bridegroom (Sama., 522). The dvipadi, as the name suggests, referred to trousers worn by the hunters (Mana., II, 279, s. 71). The gadhavanddha referred to a tightly worn garment (Tilaka, 164).36 The term kaccha, apparently used to describe a loincloth, had many variations, for example kaksha denoted a cloth covering the privities (Vaija., 169.261). The above two words, along with the word kachatika (Abhi., III. 675), were also sometimes used to simply describe the “other end” of the garment (Paridhana-Paranchala), which was possibly used for tucking into the waist at the back. Kakshyapata (Vaija., 169.257) once again denoted a small piece of cloth worn over the privities. Its variants were kachchapata (Abhi., III, 676) and kaupina (Vaija., 169.257). All these words appear to denote a “langota”, which is simply a narrow strip of cloth suspended from a waist cord and drawn between the legs. The word kachaoti,37 occurring in the Varnaka­ Samuhcaya38 (VS., II, 41), is similar in sound and form to the words mentioned above, describing a langota. The term kadillam denoted a waistcloth or kati vastra (Desi., ii, 52). This perhaps signified the extra cloth covering the hips and tied in front over and above the dhoti or any other lower garment. The kaipika-Kosika referred to trou­ sers of various forms (Mana., II, 89, ss. 31–33). The katitra (Med., 160, 26) perhaps referred to a waistcloth. The kumarapachedu (VS., I, 184) denoted a short dhoti in cotton or silk worn by men. The lugadu (VS., 1., 180) referred to a short waistcloth. The niamsanam and the niandhanam (Desi., iv, 38) were perhaps the general names for the male lower gar­ ment. The nichaddi, also sometimes referred to as chaddi, was used in the sense of a short lower garment and sometimes even referred to a narrow waistcloth (VR., 122). Pachheo meant a dhoti made of a stuff referred to as taramandala,39 which was

33 Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 3968.

34 Waist cloth was a long piece of cloth tied at the waist, which came down and covered the hips. This

cloth was tied rather tightly at the waist in a knot and the ends of it were allowed to fall in front. 35 There is some similarity in the word dhoti and dhati to the word “dutties” of English commerce. It was a strong coarse calico usually sold in length of 12 × 15 yds. × 1 yd., woven at Dholka. See John Irwin, “Indian Textiles Trade in the Seventeenth Century: Western India.” Journal of Indian Textile History, No. 1. p. 28. 36 The text refers to the costumes and textiles of Malwa but the types described are equally true of other parts of India. 37 The word kachoati signifies a manner of wearing a garment in the fashion of a loincloth, with the ends passing between the legs and tucked behind. A person wearing a loincloth is described as being “sakac­ cha”. See Moti Chandra, “Indian Costumes and Textiles from the Eighth to the Twelfth Century”, Journal of Indian Textile History, No. V, p. 23. 38 Varnaka-Samuhcaya, ed. by B.J. Sandesara, Vol. II, p. 41. 39 Apparently, a blue star-spangled stuff, perhaps the same as asmantara. See T.C. Dasgupta, Aspects of Bengali Society from Old Bengali Literature, p. 83.

37

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folded (dovalakai) and tied (VR., 46). The paridhana (Abhi., III, 673; Vaija., 168.242) referred to a lower garment, while the pattika (Med., 6, 56), most probably referred to a cotton dhoti. The pattamvara was a silk dhoti (VR, 12). The poti, potima and potu referred to a short waistcloth (VS., I, 34–35, 180). The upasamvyana (Abhi., III, 673; Vaija., 168.242) appears to have been a male lower garment while the virakac­ cha (Mana., II, 155 ss. 7–8) was a short lower garment worn by the king at the time of his entering the gymnasium. The yogapatta, a piece of cloth used by yogis to bind the body and knees together, in a seated posture of dhyana, featured among the many gifts made to the king of Kolhapur (Pr.Ch., 119). Upper Garments The upper garments, or vasanam parishesya,40 as they were generally called, include attire ranging from things tied around the waist, covering the shoulders and, later on, stitched garments covering the torso. Coats and Jackets The agasha/agakha (KP., I, 24) appears to be some kind of a long coat. There is a pos­ sibility that this might be the same as the anga, which was referred to as the long coat of a soldier in the Kanhadade Prabandha (KP., I, 188). Both of these costumes belong to the 15th century CE. The angi appears to have been a related garment, something like a tunic, and is described as a garment worn by a dog keeper (VR., 35). The angika appears to be an open jacket (Mana., II, 89, s. 32). Avarillam was yet another word used to describe an upper garment (Paiya., 175). Apparently, long robes were also in vogue at that time. A robe reaching the forepart of the feet was called aprapadina (Abhi., III, 675; Vaija., 168.240). Not only is the range of garments fairly large, but the lexicons go into the minute details in listing the categories of garments and thereby show their inclination towards listing even subtle variation in a dress,41 for example, the word chira is listed as a dress mended with rags (Abhi., III, 666–667; Vaija., 169.259). The Chivara denoted the Sang­ hati of the Buddhist monks (Abhi., III, 678). The gati or gatrika was a horseman’s jacket (VR., 32). The Gopalakanchuka (Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 3795) was a kind of “cowherd tunic” worn by the monks while they were in attendance on a sick nun. It was perhaps a long, full-sleeved tunic worn to avoid contamination.42 A related word, desig­ nated as a cloak worn by herdsmen, was the govillam (Desi., ii, 94). The word jhanga, a variant of the Hindi word jhaga (meaning a coat), was used to describe a horseman’s tunic (VR. 32). A name similar in sound to the word jhaga described above, but most probably denoting a very different garment worn by the bowmen, was the jhagala-kani­ ara (VR., 33). Perhaps this was the same as the “chaqdar jama”43 of the Akbari period.

40 See Dvya., XVI, 34.

41 Dhanapala in Tilakamanjari, while describing a tunic mentions that a firmly tied tunic is called a drid­ hakrishtakanchuka. See Tilaka., pp. 232–233. 42 See Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancient and Mediaeval India, p. 66. 43 Chaqdar jama referred to a jama whose hemline had four to six pointed ends. Moti Chandra, “Cos­ tumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, Journal of Indian Textiles History, No. VI, p. 19.

38

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The kaba, mentioned by Jyotirishwara Thakur in the Varna-Ratnakara (VR., 32), denoted an upper garment. This could possibly be the same as the Islamic qaba.44 Another word, kabicha (VS., II, 41), originates from the Arabic word Qamiz. This garment may well be like today’s collarless shirt, the kamiz. Kaphai (VS., II, 40) per­ haps referred to the angarakha and may have been derived from the Arabic root qafa.45 For a jacket, the word kuppasam was used by Dhanapala in Paiyalachchinamamala (Paiya, 68). The word nichola was used to denote a tunic (Vaija., 169.255). Perhaps it was also used to refer to a cover or a wrapper (Vaija., 169.252). The same word was used to refer to long robes in the Abhidhana Chintamani (Abhi., III, 676). The slight variant of the abovementioned word nichula was used by Sri Medinikar in the sense of a long-sewn garment (Med., 186, 102). Pati, used in Merutunga’s Prabandha Chintamani (Pr.Ch., 168), referred to an upper garment. Vaga (VR., 33) denoted a jacket reaching the knees, and varabana (Paiya., 68) was a thick quilted coat. Vrihati was designated simply as an upper garment (Med., 7736). UTTARIYA/SCARVES

The uttariya or the “upper garment” has been around in India from very early on as an unsewn piece of cloth, of uncertain length and width, to loosely drape the upper part of the body. Uttariya like the one “made of splendid white silk” worn by Duryo­ dhana in Bhasa’s Dutavakyam is the image evoked when one thinks of the standard upper garment for men in early India. Generally worn with a certain elegance, loosely draped around the shoulders, folded over the arm and draped across the chest, the uttariya is very similar to the angavastram that one knows of even today. Poets and dramatists describe the elegance of this item of apparel, when they conjure up images like the fluttering of the garment in a strong breeze, as a messenger moves hastily forward “appearing as if equipped with wings”. Poets like Magha have mentioned how this upper garment was used by lovers to shield their beloved from the harsh rays of the sun. One comes across this garment in many a poetic work, where it is used to fan the heroine as she perspires.46 Classical Sanskrit literature is replete with the term Uttariya as an upper garment for both men and women. This garment over the centuries was also known by several other names like dupatta, odhani, chuniri and chadar, all denoting an unstitched garment of varying length covering the upper part of the body. Dupattas, loosely translated as scarves, and chadars, which can be understood as modern-day shawls, are among the more important garments in this category. Dupatta, originating from Sanskrit, is made up of the two words du, meaning dou­ ble or twined, and patta, meaning a piece of cloth. Dupatta, as one understands today, is an evolved form of the Uttariya, whereas the chadar would signify an allenveloping piece of cloth, broader and thicker than dupatta. A lot of information on

44 The VR. mentions that the kaba was made of different kinds of silks such as deva, sevanga, suri, sena­ suri, gadipalli and sonapali. Possibly these varieties of silk take their name from the places of origin. See VR., op. cit., p. 32. 45 See Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate period”, Journal of Indian Textile History, No. VI, p. 44. 46 B.N. Goswamy and Kalyan Krishna, op. cit., pp. 14–15.

39

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all these names occur in the lexicons of the period under study. Adhotari referred to a fine cotton dupatta (VS., I, 181). It seems to have originated from the Hindi word addhi, meaning fine muslin and uttari derived from the Sanskrit uttariya. Ahoranam referred to an uttariya in Desinamamala (Desi., i, 25). In the same work, the word anaraho was used to denote a variegated or patterned head scarf (sirasichitrapat­ tika) (Desi., i, 24). The Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya (IV, 3968) enumerated chadar as an upper garment for the Jain monks. Choda was used by Sri Medinikara in the sense of a chadar while a chadar knotted in the middle was called kakshya by him (Med. 49, 13; 137, 10). Dotim was another word used in the sense of a chadar (Puratana Prabandha Samgraha, 19). Dadimahula udhanai referred to pomegran­ ate coloured chadar.47 Lovadi was the name given to short woollen chadars (VS., I, 180) while nisara was a warm chadar (Vaija., 169.252) and oddhanam48 denoted a wrapper (Desi., i, 155). Padmottara (VS., I, 34) perhaps meant a dupatta decorated with lotus rosettes. Pati has simply been described as uparitana-vastra (Hindi: uparna meaning a stole or scarf). It is perhaps the same as the dupatti of the present day (Dvya., XVIII, 23). Merutunga in his work also described pati49 as a male upper garment. Prachch­ hadana (Abhi., III, 672) and Pravarana were used to describe an unstitched upper garment used as a wrapper. A  variety of the dupatta, the rauchanikotapati, had a “wetty” appearance (dravika). Saphara unchapadhi was a chadar with a huge border and was supposed to have been worn by a musician (VR., 46). Saura and Savatu were used in the sense of all enveloping chadars.50 Suchipali was perhaps a narrow piece of embroidered silk used as a dupatta (VR., 21, 22) or a stole. Supauti perhaps meant a chadar (VS., I, 34). Uintanam (Desi., i.98), was another word used for utta­ riya. Umavadi was the name used for a linen chadar (VS., I, 35). Upavita (Vaija., 274.33) was the term used for an overgarment worn across the chest like the sacred thread. Urasala also referred to an uttariya (VS., II, 40). Uttariyapatta (VR., 12) appears to have been a dupatta while Uttariyaverapottam (Sama., 80) referred to a dupatta of good “potta” stuff and of fine silk. Vaikakshya (Vaija., 168.245) referred to a garment worn over one shoulder and under the opposite arm. Vrihatika (Vaija., 168.245) also meant the same. A very coarse chadar was designated as varasi (Abhi. III, 672; Vaija., 169.252). Costumes of Women Lower Garments The lower garment worn by women is described by the lexicographers with a great variety of terms. Poets took particular delight in the description of the lower gar­ ments of young maidens slipping in all kinds of situations. The type of lower garment

47 See Prachina Phagu Samgraha, XXII, 47. 48 Odhana or odhani of later days is the same as oddhanam. See Moti Chandra, “Indian Costumes and Textiles from the Eight to the Twelfth Century”, Journal of Indian Textiles History, No. V, p. 23. 49 A Brahmin referred to his pati having at place unspun yarn and at another place, unsewn yarn. See Prabandhachinatamani of Merutunga, ed. by Muni Jinavijaya, p. 168. Hereafter referred to as Pr.Ch. 50 See Bisaladeva Raso of Narpat Nalha, ed. by M.Prasad, V. 23.

40

COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

generally described was close to a very short sari whose hems could be set into motion as in the case of Vasantasena being pursued by Shakal “owing to the wind gener­ ated by her quick movements”. The seductive movements of Gandharva females are described by Bharavi, who writes of the lower garment “with its gathers or knot at the navel, coming loose through the knot giving way and being held partially and precari­ ously by the girdle at the waist”. This lower garment seems to have been worn in an elegant fashion, with one of its ends hanging loose over the thigh in such a manner that it could be blown aside from its place by the wind so as to expose the thigh. The extraordinary variety of designs and materials used for the lower garment of women is referred to very frequently in poetic literature. This reminds one of the wide range, in terms of both design and material, achieved by the sari in India today. In the lexicons and other related texts, ardhoruka51 was used in the sense of tight shorts. (Abhi., III, 673; Vaija., 168.243;169.260). It was also designated as a short petticoat (Desi., iii, 44). It has been described as a garment resembling a wrestler’s shorts (Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 4084), with its broad end firmly tied between the two thighs and resembling the modern langota. It was a garment that was pre­ scribed for Jain nuns. Antarnivasani (Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 4087) has been described as another article of wear for the Jain nuns. It starts at the waist and reaches up to the mid-thighs. Avagraha (Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 4084) was a cover for the private parts and was also prescribed for Jain nuns. Bhairnivasini (Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, 1V, 4087) has been described as a garment beginning from the waist and reaching up to the ankles. It was tied with the help of a string. Calanika (Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, 1V, 4084), also to be worn by the Jain nuns, was an unsewn garment that reaches up to the mid-thigh region. Chalanaka, chalani and chandataka were used in the sense of a sewn skirt (Abhi., III, 674; Vaija., 168.243). The term cha­ lani52 was also used in the sense of a skirt by Sri Medinikara (Med., 195, 62). Chhaila has been mentioned in the sense of a printed sari worn by unmarried girls in Gujarat (VS., I, 181). Chimphullani has been described as a short skirt (Desi., iii, 13). Chira Patuliya was a silk sari (Jambuswami Phaga, PPS., VI, 51). Dunniattham has been described as a loincloth used by women (Desi., v. 53). The term ghaghara was used to describe a skirt (VR., 51). Ghaggharo was another variant of the word for skirt, which was often described as a kind of garment for covering the privities (Desi., ii, 107). Jahanaroho was described as a short petticoat53 (Desi., iii, 44). Janghika was used in the sense of shorts (Sama., 75–78). Kachhani has been defined as a garment worn by a dancer along with a ghaghara. This was probably a kind of tight-fitting long pyjama, reaching till the ankles, worn by dancers under the ghaghara. A piece of cloth worn over the privities was called a kakshyapata (Vaija., 169.257). Kausumbhavasana has been described as the red garments worn during the marriage. It possibly meant a red-coloured lower garment (Pari., II, 138).54 A black sari was called a Kasaturi sari (PPS., II, 18). Kuvala was described as a very short sari,

51 According to Roshen Alkazi, it was a langoti type of drawers worn by women. See Roshen Alkazi, op. cit., p. 204. 52 A skirt made of jewelled damask was called manipattayammi nimiya chalana (Sama., 75, 78) and was worn by the bride. 53 It is equated with ardhoruka. 54 Parishishtaparavan of Hemachandracharya, ed. by H. Jacobi, hereafter referred to as Pari.

41

COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

covering the privities (Desi., ii, 43). The term lugada was used in the sense of a sari (Vidyavilasa Pavadau, Gurjara Rasavali, VI, 218). Patoliya55 appears to have been a kind of sari that was very popular (Neminatha Phagu, PPS., IV, 39). One wonders if it referred to the famous double-ikat patola sari of today. Patta was a lower garment prescribed for the nuns. It was four fingers in breadth and its length was equal to the size of the nun’s waist (Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 4084). Phaladi56 has been mentioned as a skirt (Vidyavilasa Pavadau, Gurjara Rasavali, VI, 326). Phaliya was mentioned as a skirt not sewn in the front (Panchapandavacharitasu, Gurjara Rasavali, I, 346). Could it mean the wrap-around skirt of today, which is not sewn in the front? Phadiya, another variant of the same word, also denoted a skirt (K.P., IV, 15). Phari was also mentioned by Jayasi in Pad­ amavat (329.3) in the sense of a skirt not sewn in the front. Sringarakodi was prob­ ably a silk sari manufactured at Sinnar (Pr.Ch., 131). Suthani (K.P., II, 6) referred to trousers worn by Turkish women. In some parts of rural north India even today, suthani refers to a salwar, a type of lower garment akin to a trouser. Upper Garments This category of feminine attire included within itself three to four different kinds of garments, ranging from veils to cover the head to breast bands, tunics and bodices. Hemachandra described amsuka57 as a bodice as well as a chadar for covering the breasts (Stanpidhayakamvastram) (Dvya., X, 37). Angiya was the word used in the Jambuswami Phaga (PPS., VI, 39) to denote a bodice. Ardhya was another name for an upper garment (Dvya., XV, 71). Aupakaksiki (Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 4088) has been described as a garment similar to kanchuka made of a piece measuring one and a half hands square. It was to be worn by a nun, and it covered a part of the chest and the back. The garment was tied over the left shoulder. Cholaka58 was used in the sense of a tunic covering the whole body, worn by a young girl perhaps still in puberty (Dvya., IX, 145 [12]; VI, 44). The word chola appears to be a variation of the word cholaka. Perhaps the word nichola too referred to a chola, but of a blue colour.59 Choli was used to denote a bodice (Padavali, 5, 7, 112). Choliya was a word used for the bodice worn by Rajasthani women.60 This kind of costume would be in use in Gujarat too since the attire of the Gujarati women was similar to that of the women in Rajasthan. Gatrikabandha61 has been described as a woman’s breast band (Tilaka, 306). Genthulla was used in the sense of a bodice or a tunic (Desi, ii, 94).

55 A poet mentions that a young woman wore a silk sari called chira patuliya (in Jambusvami phagu). See PPS., VI, 51. 56 It is mentioned that a woman is shown wearing a skirt (Phaladi) made of gajavada, which according to the editors of the Gurjara Rasavali, is a kind of silk cloth known in Gujarat as gajiyani. 57 It is also used to denote thin muslin, silk or cotton cloth by Hemachandra. 58 “She wears a cholaka, therefore, she has not yet come out of maidenhood”, See Dvya., X, 145: Dvya., VI, 44. 59 Vidyapati ki Padavali, ed. by G. Sinha, v. 71. 60 Bisaladeva Raso, op. cit., v. 70. 61 Kalidasa and poets from the classical period of Sanskrit literature took great delight in sensuous descrip­ tions of the breast-band, describing all kinds of provocative situations occurring with the displacement of these.

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COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

Kanchuka (Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 4088) has been mentioned as an arti­ cle of clothing for the nuns. It was unsewn and firmly tied on both sides of the waist. It measured three and a half hands in length and one hand in width. Kan­ chuyau appears to have been a bodice (Bisaldeva Raso, v. 72; Sthulabhadra Phagu, PPS., I, 20). Kachali, kanchuka62 and kanchuki were other terms used for a bodice by Vidyapati (Padavali, 57, 112). Kanchuki was mentioned as a bodice in Jayasi’s Padamavat (329.1) also. Kanchuliya was probably a variation of the word kan­ chuka in Sthulabhadra Phagu (PPS., I, 13; Karpuramanjari,63 I, 20). The word kanchuka also finds a mention in other texts like the Tilakamanjari of Dhanapala, where he further elaborates it as being a tunic but tight in fit (Tilaka., 160; 306). The word kanchuka has been equated with cholaka by Sri Medinikara and has been described as a body garment with fasteners for tying (Varddhapakagrihitangasthi­ tavastra Med., 7, 62). Kasania has been used in the sense of a tight breast band in the same work. Kuppasam was also used in the sense of a bodice (Karpura., I, 13). This garment has been mentioned in the context of being worn during the cold season. Could the root word be kapasa, meaning cotton? This might then imply a quilted bodice. It also appears to have been a tight fit, “bursting open at the mere thought of a lover”. Kalhana, Bilhana, Rajasekhara and Amaru mention this gar­ ment. Pahirana Pairhan has been described as a long robe worn by Turkish women (KP., II, 6). Ulapata has been placed in the category of breast cloths by Narpat Nalha (Bisaldeva Raso of Narpat Nalha, v.127). Vaikaksiki (Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 4089) has been prescribed as a nun’s upper garment and was worn over the patta, kanchuka and aupakaksiki. Veils and Upper Cloths The veil worn by women in India is yet another “timeless” unstitched garment. It is the dupatta or the odhani of modern times, and its earliest prototype is to be found in the Vedic period. Sanskrit writers like Bhasa, Shudraka, Bana and Bharavi wrote long passages describing the veil worn by women. For example, Bana, while describing the ladies of Thaneshwar, says very poetically that the blue veils they had put on were mere “customary appendages” and were not really necessary because of a dark veil being formed by bees, hovering around their faces, drawn there by their sweetsmelling breath.64 The chadar was an upper scarf or cloth covering the face and shoulders in female as well as male attire. One reads of a chadar of Manikyapata that was presented to Kumarapala’s queen by the king of Konkan (Pr.Ch., 131). Changiya udhani was the term used for a beautiful odhani in Jambuswami Phaga (PPS., VI, 51). Holiyu has been defined as a deep brown-coloured woollen chadar (VS., I, 35). Kalavadi means a chadar or dupatta of black silk (VS., I, 180). Nirangi was used in the sense of a wimple-like veil that would, in a nun-like fashion, form a close covering of the head and shoulders (Desi., IV, 31; Paiya., 116). The nirangi is also

62 It is difficult to tell the difference between the various terms. 63 Karpuramanjari of Rajashekhara (C. 900 CE.), ed. by Stein Konow. Hereafter referred to as Karpura. 64 B.N. Goswamy and Kalyan Krishna, op. cit., p. 5.

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supposed to have been worn by a bride, and in certain texts, it is even supposed to have covered the entire face. Phari65 occurs in the Padamavat of Jayasi in the sense of an odhani or chadar. According to Moti Chandra, phari is an odhani or chadar used in Braj and Bundelkhand. Pravara was a term used to denote a wavy chadar (Sama, 75, 78). Samghati (Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 4089, 4090), to be worn by the Jain nuns, has been described as a garment worn while attending religious discourses that could cover the whole body. Saula (VS., I, 35, 181) meant a wimple-like veil. SauraSupaiti is used in the sense of a chadar in Padamavat.66 Sahuliya also perhaps meant a wimple-like veil (Karpura, I, 20, 23). Skandhakarani (Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 4091), listed as an article of wear for the Jain nuns, has been described as a square piece of cloth measuring four hands in length that was four-folded and kept on the shoulders to protect against strong winds. Sirovagunthanam has been defined as a wimple (Desi., IV, 31). Tava is defined as a chadar of jhina (fine) muslin (Bisaladeva Raso, v.127). Udhaninavarangiyaghataki referred most probably to a freshly dyed odhani made out of ghata67 cloth, which was the name for a cloth having a yellow background with red flowers on it (KP., I, 243). Waistbands (Kamarbands/Patkas) This category of attire was used both by men and women. Generally speaking, the three words: waistbands, kamarbands and patkas actually describe the same thing. This was a piece of long cloth tied around the waist, with ends crossing one over the other and dangling in front or at the back. One sees great many variations from the Mughal times onwards in the appearance and style of wearing the patka. The function of the garment was both to serve as a belt holding the lower garment in place and to decoratively accentuate the entire outfit, like a modern-day belt. Avasakthika was the term used in the sense of a ruby-coloured patka (Pr.Ch., 131). Paryanka and Paryastika were synonyms used for the Kamarband (Abhi., III, 679). Jain monks were allowed to use Paryastaka (Kamarband), as is written in the Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya (IV, 3968). Phada was also used in the sense of a waistband. (VS., I, 180).68 Tanubandha (VS., I, 180) was used in the sense of a waistband to which the quiver was attached. Varali was used to describe a horseman’s kamarband (VR., 32). Vastragrantha has been men­ tioned as a woman’s waistcloth (Vaija., 169.20), probably tied over the lower garment. Abhayatilakagani, commenting on the costume of the women of Gurjararastra in the mid-13th century CE, mentions that they “wore girdles which made jingling sound when the wearers moved in excitement or hurry”, hereby confirming the item of wear in question.69

65 See Padamavat, op. cit., 296.1;199.2; 335.2; 354.1.

66 Ibid., 340.2.

67 Mandavi was famous for freshly dyed odhani made of ghata cloth (udhani navaraga ghataki). See Kan­ hadade Prabandha, op. cit., I, 243. 68 According to Moti Chandra, the Phada which is the same as the Phadu in Gujarati is a sort of rough dhoti used by the Rabaris and others. See Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, op. cit., p. 34. 69 See G.S. Ghuriye, op. cit., p. 248.

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Costumes as Seen in Paintings Costumes of Men Lower Garments The costumes of India excited a great deal of interest and curiosity in the minds of foreigners, ordinary travellers or geographers, whatever they may have been. To the outsider, Indian costumes escaped precise description. Almost groping for words, they struggled to define and describe what they observed of Indian apparel. The amorphous lower garment for men, featured as the “izar” in the Hudud- Al­ Alam70 and in the account of Ibn Hawqal,71 was, however, described most inter­ estingly by Alberuni.72 In his account of the dress of the Hindus, he wrote a very interesting and contrasting description of the way Indian men dressed in the 11th century. He says that they wear “turbans for trousers” and those who like to dress up well wear trousers lined with as much cotton as would suffice to make a number of counterpanes and saddle-rugs. The trousers have no (visible) openings, and they are so huge that the feet are not visible. The string by which the trousers are fastened is at the back. He also goes on to say that those who want to dress little “are content to dress in a rag of two fingers’ breadth, which they bind over their loins with two cords”. Obviously, he was referring to the ubiquitous dhoti as the “dressier” garment, while the sparse garment of “two fingers width” referred to langota, variously called Kakshyapata and Kaupina by the indigenous texts. If Chao Ju-Kua73 in the 12th century CE spoke of the Indians wearing “tight clothes” and as being “wrapped in cotton sarong”, Athanius Nikitin74 in the 15th century CE wrote: In the winter, the people put the fata (fautah) and wear it around the waist, on the shoulders and the head; but the princes and nobles put trousers on, a shirt and a kaftan (a long coat) wearing a fata on the shoulders, another as a belt round the waist, and a third round the head. It appears that the fata referred to a waistcloth, a turban and a chadar when worn by the commoners, and in the case of noblemen, it referred to a waistband, a dupatta and a turban, all made from an unstitched length of cloth.

70 Account by the anonymous writer of Hudud al Alam (982–983 CE). Hudud al Alam, ed. by V. Minorsky, p. 88. Also referred to as Hudud. 71 M. Reinaud, Memoire’Geographique, Historique, et Scientifique sur Inde, pp. 237–238. 72 Alberuni (972–1048 CE) was a contemporary of Mahmud Ghazni. E.S. Sachau, Alberuni’s India, Vol. 1, pp. 180–181. 73 Chao Ju-Kua, His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the 12th and 13th Centuries, Entitled Chufan-Chi, trans. By F. Hirth and W.W. Rockhill, p. 92. 74 Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Costumes and Coiffure in Ancient and Mediaeval India, p. 167.

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COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

Duarte Barbosa75 talking about the attire of the Brahmins said that, waist down­ wards “they clothe themselves with cotton clothes”, perhaps referring to the dho­ tis. The Muslims, according to him, wore “drawers”, whatever that word may have signified for him, perhaps he meant pyjamas. Henry Lord, in the 17th cen­ tury, describing the banias/vanias of Surat, said that they wore “low reaching linen garments, somewhat womanly in appearance”. The loincloth got described as “a rag of two fingers breadth, which they bind over their loins with two cords”.76 Perhaps all these foreigners were describing any one of the several variations of the lower garment for men, which were described with more precision and exacti­ tude by the lexicons of that period. Hemachandra, in his work Dvyashraya Kavya (12th century CE), makes an interesting observation about the costume of the men of Saurashtra when he likens it to the costume of the women of Gurjararastra,77 thereby confirming the description of the later traveller Henry Lord. Compar­ ing and collating the verbal descriptions of the travellers as well as the lexicons, with the visual evidence provided by the paintings, is of great interest and would perhaps serve to enhance our understanding of the enormous variety of Indian sartorial fashion.

Figure 2.1

A short garment tightly wound around the legs, reaching only up to the mid-thighs, with loose pleats hanging in front between the legs, is seen fairly often as a popular lower garment worn by men, especially in the paintings executed between the 13th and 15th centuries CE (see Figure  2.1). This tight, short lower garment was plain, single-coloured or had a simplified check, striped pattern. Sometimes even a simple floral design can be seen on this style of garment. This garment is seen to be worn by a wide range of people of varied status such as laymen, musicians, drummers, male attendants, deities, kings and even warriors. Perhaps it facilitated easy movement (see Plate  1). Also donned by men carrying swords and shields, in animated postures; this appears to be a garment preferred during moments of physical aggression (see Plate 23). Mahavira in the diksha scenes of the Kalpasutra is mostly shown wearing a tight, short lower garment (see Plate 4). Visually, this garment comes close to the textual definition of the term ardhoruka.78

75 See The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. By Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. 1. pp.  113–114, 116, 119–120. 76 M.S. Commissariat, A History of Gujarat: Including a Survey of its Chief Architecture Monuments and Inscriptions, Vol. II, p. 343. 77 G.S. Ghurye, Indian Costume, p. 248. 78 See footnote 31, Ch. 2.

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COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

Another male lower garment seen in our period of study is a tight, short boxer sort of a garment tied perhaps in such a way that the front pleats are taken from between the legs and tucked behind at the waist. This kind of tying is termed as the kakshya style of tying. The garment thus tied looks more like tight shorts, with both legs separated. This garment reaches up to the mid-thigh region. In the paintings, it is seen being worn by common men, musicians and drummers (see Figure  2.2). This garment, however, is infrequently illustrated, which makes us wonder if this garment may have ceased to be popular as an item of dress, with the category of people mentioned above. Could this garment have been used only by people of the working class in later years? This lower garment can be identified with the kakshavastram of the texts, mentioned earlier. Figure 2.2

Figure 2.3

A short, loose dhoti, tightly secured at the waist with a very visible knot, reaching barely up to the knees, with pleats hanging centrally in front, is another lower garment found in the paintings (see Figure 2.3 and Plates 3, 4 and 17). It appears that the dhoti was perhaps taken around the waist lengthwise, a knot was made with it at the front centre and the remaining part was simply allowed to fall between the legs. An uttariya tied around the waist prevents us from being very definite about its method of tying. This garment is seen to be worn by a wide range of people such as the commoners, especially palanquin bearers, male attendants, bridegrooms, musicians and warriors and even royal personages. The short length of the dhoti again may have facilitated movement. A vast variety of patterns are seen in the fabric used for this garment. The patterns range from stripes to checks and dots; sometimes, they were even of a single colour with an edging in a contrasting colour. Though mostly made of thick fabric, dhotis made of a finer, transparent material can also be seen. This style of dhoti, which can perhaps be identified with the Kumarapachedu, made of silk or cotton and mentioned in the texts, appears to be worn by almost everyone in the 13th century, after which it appears to decline in popularity, even though it is seen in the paintings right up to the 15th century CE.

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COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

Figure 2.4

Another style of male lower garment, worn in a way that is a common way of wearing the ubiquitous dhoti even today, has central pleats formed breadthwise, hanging downwards in front between the legs. This garment, which appears to be a form of dhoti, generally reaches up to the mid-calf region. At times, it is long enough to reach the ankles (Figure 2.4). This style, appears from the paintings, to have become more common from the 14th century CE onwards. Fabric wise, both a thick, rich material and a thin, transparent one seem to have been used. At times, one can also see a royal bridegroom sporting this garment as a part of the ceremonial attire. Many a time, the central pleat displayed an edging or a border too. Mainly worn by royal personages, this garment appears in the paintings, throughout the period of our study (see Plates 13 and 18).

The dhotis of musicians, drummers and attendants were generally made of thin fabrics, but rarely they could be seen sporting thick dhotis too. The dhotis of the laity, like those of the royal personages, can be seen in both thin and thick materials. Bridegrooms also wear dhotis made of both thin and thick materials. Perhaps weather dictated the usage of thick or thin cloth. The patterns on the fabrics, as seen in the paintings, appear to be technically of a more advanced kind and very similar to the patterns seen on the fabrics of Gujarat today. The thin ones sported by royalty were perhaps made of fine muslin and the thicker ones of silk. Attendant figures can be seen wearing this garment right up to the 16th century CE. Similarly, laymen too can be seen wearing this dhoti right up till the end of our period of study. Warriors or soldiers too are seen wearing this kind of dhoti. The musicians and drummers generally wore short dhotis but at times they are also seen clad in long loose dhotis of the kind just described (see Plate 13). This dhoti, depending on whether it was made of cotton or silk, could well have been the pattika or the pattamvara of the texts. A slight variation of these longer dhotis can be seen in the Mandu Kalpasutra79 of 1439 CE. The dhoti apparently seems to be of thick material, tied in the same fashion; however, there seems to be a pouch attached to the waist. The patterns on the dhotis appear to be simpler as compared to the dhotis seen in the manuscripts from Gujarat. One also does not see the diaphanous drapery that one sees in the manuscripts from Gujarat. Towards the end of the 16th century CE and more certainly towards the beginning of the 17th century CE, there seems to have been a decline in its popularity. Perhaps the influence of the Mughal court was making its presence felt even in the provincial attire. From the 17th century onwards, its appearance in Jain miniatures visibly decreases.

79 Though the Mandu Kalpasutra belongs substantially to what is known as the Western Indian or Guja­ rati manuscript illustration tradition, it has a local flavour of its own.

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COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

Figure 2.5

Figure 2.6

A tight dhoti, almost reaching the ankles and worn in such a way that it envelops each leg tightly, can be seen in the paintings. Because of its slenderness, its length and the absence of pleats hanging in front, it can almost be mistaken for a trouser (see Figure  2.5). Careful observation does show a hint of a pleat hanging in the front, between the two legs, made from the same material as the dhoti. A  waistband or patka was sometimes tied around the waist and allowed to fall in front between the legs. If one looks carefully, one can see the contours of the legs separately from within the lower garment, distinguishing it thereby, from pyjamas or trousers (see Plates 28, 29). A similar dhoti is worn by men especially of the working class in Gujarat even today. This style of tying may have facilitated better movement. This dhoti starts appearing in painted manuscripts of the late 16th century CE and specifically after Gujarat is annexed to the Mughal Empire. Could this style have evolved under the influence of Mughal fashion, more specifically, it may have been made to look like pyjamas. This dhoti is seen to be worn by royal personages, attendants as well as by the commoners—all of them bare-chested, except for an occasional uttariya flung across the chest (see Pls., 28, 29). The fabrics used appear to have been plain, patterned with dots, stripes and florals. One sees the use of both thin as well as thick material in the making of this garment. The Shahi kings depicted in Jain miniatures of western India offer an eclectic range of garments making the miniatures a veritable storehouse of information on the Muslim sartorial fashions in the Sultanate period since they are the models on whom the Shahi figures are based. In the Uttaradhyayana Sutra dated 1492 CE (see Figure  2.6), the figure of a Shahi80 soldier is shown wearing a short skirt, barely reaching down to the knees. The skirt has a fish-scale pattern. It could possibly have been made of chain mail. The upper garment is made of plain cloth and appears to be a double-breasted shirt with overlapping lapels tucked in to the lower skirt-like garment. The garment is worn in conjunction with high leather boots and is not seen to be worn by any other figure in earlier or later paintings. It is quite possible, that this form of lower garment, shown exclusively worn by the Shahi soldiers in the paintings, was brought in by the Sultanate rule in Gujarat. This garment comes close to the description of carana in the contemporary texts consulted for this study.

80 The Shahis depicted in the Kalakacharya katha paintings appear to have been modelled on the new Muslim rulers of Gujarat post 1399 CE, when a Sultanate is established in Gujarat. These paintings are invaluable for showing the current sartorial fashion among the Muslims in Gujarat.

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COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

In many paintings of Kalakacharya Katha (see Figure  2.7, and Plate  9), some of the Shahi figures are wearing a rather remarkable garment. The complete garment appears to be made of two pieces. The lower garment looks like a long skirt, tight at the waist and flaring out near the ankles. The dress begins from the waist downwards and ends slightly above the ankles.81 It is sometimes worn in conjunction with a tight, fullsleeved upper garment with visible fasteners in the front, or with a double-breasted half-sleeved shirt tucked into a belt at the waist (see Plate 9). At times, the lower skirtlike garment seems to have been made of chain mail with no visible opening in front.82 Quite obviously, this form of dress was not common among the indigenous styles current at that time and so the contemporary literature has no mention of anything like it. Figure 2.7

Figure 2.8

Another type of lower garment is seen to be worn by the warriors in a wooden patli showing the “battle between Srivijaya and Ashanighosa” in Sri SantinathacharitraCitrapattika, 1260 CE (see Figure 2.8 and Plate 2). This garment looks like a skirt made of leaf-shaped pieces of cloth or leather that hangs from the waist region, each leaf separating out towards the hem of the garment. Lengthwise, the garment barely reaches the thigh. Possibly it was styled to ensure freer movement on the part of the wearer. It is not quite clear if this skirt-like dress was just a separate lower garment or attached to the belt at the waist. This garment also bears a close resemblance to the baltea (dangling leather straps) worn by the Roman soldiers. Could it be identified with a garment called Carana,83 which is described as a kilt-like lower garment worn by the foot soldiers in the contemporary texts? It is infrequently illustrated after the 13th century CE.

81 Also seen worn by Shahi soldiers in a Kalakacharya Katha, Acc. No. 78.284, C. 1500–1525 CE in the collection of National Museum, New Delhi, reproduced in Satyavrata Tripathi and Pawan Jain, Kaivalyam, p. 45. 82 See Ibid., p. 45. 83 VR., p. 34.

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COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

Figure 2.9

An interesting short lower garment, worn by soldiers, is seen in yet another battle scene from the wooden patli depicting the battle between Bharata and Bahubali84 (see Figure 2.9). The garment, either in a plain solid colour or made of cloth with vertical or horizontal stripes, ends in the mid-thigh region. It appears to be more like a pair of stitched shorts that may have been secured by drawstrings. There is no exact description of this in the contemporary texts, but appears to be close to the description of a garment termed virakaccha, which basically is supposed to be worn during physical exercise by a king. The other drawer-like garment mentioned in the texts is the nichaddi or drawers. It is also quite possible that the garment may not be a stitched garment, but may simply be a short, tightly worn garment (gadhavanaddha), perhaps a dhoti, tied in the kakshya style, with the cloth between the legs tucked behind. This garment appears commonly in the 12th and 13th century CE, especially on the wooden book covers (see Plates 1 and 2).

Yet another similar short male lower garment is seen to be worn in what appears to be a place for exercise—a gymnasium. It appears to be a stitched garment resembling modern-day shorts. Both the legs are clearly separate. The garment ends in the mid-thigh region. The shorts are made of plain black cloth, as well as of a checked material and a plain material with a very rudimentary design. These shorts can perhaps be identified with the virakaccha of the texts, which is described as a short lower garment worn by the king while entering a gymnasium. Manuscript after manuscript, showing King Siddhartha in the gymnasium shows this garment. A type of lower garment, at times visible in the paintings, is a very narrow piece of cloth tightly tied over the privities and secured at the waist with a string (see Figure  2.10). The garment brings to mind Alberuni’s description of the natives wearing “a rag of two fingers’ breadth, which they bind over their loins with two cords”. This item of wear, which can be identified with the modern-day langota, seems to be made of cotton cloth, either solid coloured or with a simple pattern. It can be collated very well with the words used by the contemporary texts such as kaccha, kakshyapata, Kachchapata, kaupina and Kachaoti. Figure 2.10

84 “Battle between Bharata and Bahubali”, painted wooden book cover, 12th century CE (Reproduced as Fig. 14, pp. 38–39, in Saryu Doshi, Masterpieces of Jain Painting).

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COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

Figure 2.11

An important item of sartorial style in the garments of early India was a long piece of cloth tied at the waist, coming down and covering the hips. This cloth was tied rather tightly at the waist in a knot and the ends of it were allowed to fall in front. These appear in Jain miniatures, as generally worn over a short dhoti, sported mostly by people of the working class, for example the palanquin bearers (see Figure 2.11). This kind of waistcloth is also seen to be worn by warriors (see Plate 2). The waistcloth made of striped or dotted fabric generally forms a contrast in colour and pattern to the dhoti worn below. This item of wear seems to have been popular between the 12th and the 15th centuries CE, but may well have continued into modern times. Such an item of dress can still be seen today in rural India. Referred to as kadillam/ kativastra and katitra in the contemporary texts, these can be both long and short. The shorter waistcloths are referred to as poti, potima and potu in the literary texts. A long, narrow cloth band is seen to be worn by a man in an illustration of the Laghu Sangrahani Sutra dated 1583 CE, binding the knees, drawing them close to his chest. The seated man is bearded and is identified as the family priest and one of the 14 jewels of a Chakravartin (see Figure 2.12 and Plate 28). This type of cloth seems to correspond with a cloth named ‘yogapatta’, prescribed to the Yogis in early texts, as an aid to concentration while they sat in yogic posture. The Yogapatta is seen as early as the period of the Ajanta murals.85 One can also see the yogapatta around the knees of the five seated men in the patli from the 12th century CE (see Plate 1a).

Figure 2.12

85 M.K. Dhavalikar, Ajanta: A Cultural Study, Fig. XI, 15.

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COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

The Jain Cheda Sutras classify the garments to be worn by Jain monks as a distinct category, clear and individualistic by itself. The word used for the lower garment is “dhoti”. They prescribe a short (see Figure 2.13) or a medium-length dhoti (see Figure  2.14) to be worn over a short drawerlike garment (Figure 2.15). It generally seems to have been made of cotton material, white in colour and tied not too tightly, with the pleats hanging in front between the legs. A chadar is worn in conjunction with this, covering the upper torso and the lower dhoti. With the beginning of the 14th century CE, a red border begins to appear on the edges of this dhoti, though the basic garment remains the same (see Plate 21a). At times the dhoti has a white dotted design like weave, perhaps a “self-design” (see Plate 5). In some paintings, the short undergarment is not visible. Figure 2.13

Figure 2.14

Figure 2.15

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COSTUMES AND FOOTWEAR

An interesting variation in the monk’s lower garment can be seen in a 17th century CE miniature (see Figure 2.16), where the dhoti, if it is one, acquires a skirt-like appearance. It may, however, only be a very loosely tied dhoti with the front pleats tucked into a waistband. Could this be what Duarte Barbosa calls as a short skirt-like garment, in his account?

Figure 2.16

Figure 2.17

Fashions and styles of garments changed rather markedly in the 17th century CE manuscripts. The style of the Mughal court appears to have filtered in as a marked influence. A  tight, short garment resembling the European breeches/drawers, ending just above the knees, appears in the paintings from this period. They are seen to be worn mostly by attendants/soldiers. Some of these figures appear to be carrying a spear or a mace. In one of the illustrations of the Sangrahani Sutra dated 1639 CE (see Figure  2.17 and Plate  33), a kind of a string with a pompom is visible at the knee end of the garment. The garment is seen made from both plain and dotted materials. This kind of apparel is seen more in the period of the early 17th century CE. The breeches/drawers are seen to be worn in conjunction with a coat/jama-like upper garment. The length of the jama is up to the midthigh region. It has a tail on the rear, which is longer than the front hem, reaching to the back of the knees. This entire costume can also be seen in the paintings of Baburnama and Akbarnama.86 It can also be seen in the illustrations of the Vijnaptipatra of 1610 CE from Agra. This garment could be placed under the broad generic category of Kaipika-Kosika of the contemporary texts.

86 Som Prakash Verma, Art and Material Culture in the Paintings of Akbar’s Court, p. 120, footnote 17, Pl. XXI, Fig. 3, Pl. LXXV, Fig. 3.

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Loose, pyjama-like trousers with a flare at the ankles are seen to be worn by the Shahi soldiers in the paintings of the 15th century CE (see Figure 2.18). Perhaps these widelegged pyjamas are the same as the izar87 figuring in the Hudud-Al- Alam and in the account of Ibn Hawqal. In some paintings, these trousers of the Shahi soldiers appear to be extremely loose as if they were padded (see Plate 19a). The fabric generally used for this garment is either in stripes or checks or even in solid colour. This garment is only seen to be worn by the Shahi soldiers and in some of the paintings, one can see the trouser being secured at the waist end with a drawstring, which is left hanging in front. Could this be the dvipadi of the contemporary texts and izar mentioned by the Islamic geographers? The term izarband was the drawstring that secured this trouser to the waist.

Figure 2.18

In some manuscripts of the Kalakacharya katha, the trousers or the lower garment of the Shahi soldiers have a clear fish-scale pattern on them. Could this be some kind of an armour made of chain mail88 to protect the legs (see Plate 25)? Invariably, we can see the Shahi soldiers wearing it during the scene depicting the “siege of Ujjain”. Most probably, the soldiers of the Gujarat Sultanate army, on whom the Shahi soldiers are modelled, wore this kind of an armour during battle. Here, the footwear also appears to be made of the same material.

87 The pyjama is usually referred to as an Izar in the Islamic tradition. See B.N. Goswamy, Indian Costumes in the Calico Museum of Textiles, p. 145. 88 Chain mail was a flexible armour made up of small metal rings linked together.

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Another variety of tight trousers/pyjamas is noticed in the paintings from the second half of the 16th century CE. This was around the time when Gujarat became a part of the Mughal Empire. These trousers, which are tight, come down in length up to the ankles. These are worn by a wide range of people, for example dancers and musicians, attendants, royal personages and commoners (see Figure 2.19 and Plate 30). The garment seems to have been tied at the waist with a string, as pyjamas are often tied. They were usually made out of solid-coloured cloth. Sometimes these long, tight trousers/pyjamas have chudis or folds at the ankles, like the chudidara pyjama of the later years (see Figure 2.20). This garment would also fall under the category Kaipika-Kosika of the contemporary texts.

Figure 2.19

Figure 2.20

Upper Garments and Their Variations The lexicons and literary texts of the period under study yield interesting information with regard to the upper garments of men living between the 12th and 17th centuries CE. There seem to be basically three or four different categories of upper garments— their classification depending upon their lengths, their openings, and on the presence or absence of sleeves. One comes across a fair amount of mention of these upper gar­ ments in the accounts of the foreigners. One of the descriptions is of a garment called the “sidar”, which appeared to have been a piece of dress covering the upper part of the chest as well as the neck and was fastened at the back by buttons.89 One also reads of jackets, “tartaric gowns”, Islamic qabas of Khwarizm—tucked in the middle of the

89 E.S. Sachau, op. cit., pp. 180–181.

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body,90 of tunics and robes of fine cotton, of “makati” robes of Baghdad,91 so on and so forth. Athanius Nikitin talks about shirts, kaftans and talach (long gowns of striped half silk, half cotton material) and Duarte Barbosa mentions “jackets quilted with cot­ ton” and “moorish shirts”.92

Figure 2.21

In the category of upper garments, two interesting types are seen to be worn exclusively by the Shahi soldiers in the paintings. One type is a tight fitting short jacket, reaching to the waist, open in the front with visible fasteners, seen both with long as well as short sleeves (see Figure 2.21). The fabric used is mostly of one plain colour, though at times a simple checked material in red and white is seen and a rudimentary design combining dots and flowers is also used. The two front lapels of the jacket are always shown close together, side by side, as if they were fastened together by visible fasteners. This could well be the jacket referred to as gati-gatrika by the contemporary literary texts of the period. The texts define this garment as being worn by horsemen. The paintings too show soldiers on horses wearing it. The second variation of this garment is a half-sleeved short jacket, double breasted, with crossed over front lapels, which gave the garment a tight fitted look (see Figure 2.22 and Plates 25 and 9). This garment is always worn over some lower garment starting from the waist down, either a pyjama/trouser or a skirt kind of lower garment. It appeared to be in vogue in the late 15th century CE. It is seen to be worn mostly by the Shahis in the paintings and may well have been sported by the Muslim gentry of Gujarat.

Figure 2.22

Figure 2.23

Another type of upper garment seen in the paintings is a tight, close-fitting garment with an open front, usually half-sleeved and of waist length. A  large expanse of the chest is visible through the opening. There appear to be no buttons or fasteners. The fabric used is both plain and printed. It is seen to be worn by commoners, attendants, drummers as well as kings (see Figure 2.23 and Plate 1). This garment is not seen after the early 14th century CE. Perhaps it could be defined as the angika of the texts. A similar garment is seen to be worn by a soldier in the wooden patli belonging to the 12th century, depicting the battle between Bharata and Bahubali. The garment is quite similar to the one discussed above, except that it is longer and reaches up to the mid-hip region.

90 Al Qalqshandi, in his Subh ul A’sha quoting Sheikh Mubarak ul Anbati and Ash-Sharif Nasir-al-Din Muhammad Al-Husayani al-Adami, speaks about the dress of the soldiers including the Sultans, Khans, Maliks and other officers as well as the nobility. See “An Arab Account of India in the Fourteenth Cen­ tury”, translated by Otto Spies. The Muslim University Journal, pp. 69–70. 91 Umari in Masalik al-Absar speaks of the costumes of the nobles. See Ars Islamica, XI–XII, pp. 136–137. 92 Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 167, 176.

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Figure 2.24

Figure 2.25

A short, round-necked, half-sleeved blouse-like garment, barely covering the chest, leaving the stomach exposed, is shown being worn by men in the wooden patli depicting the battle between Bharata and Bahubali (see Figure 2.24). The garment appears to be made out of plain as well as printed stuff. Most of the people shown wearing it are warriors; possibly it was a garment only worn by them on the battlefield. Perhaps it was a variation of the indigenous “angika”. Could this be the garment called “sidar” by Alberuni, which was supposed to have covered the upper part of the chest as well as the neck and was fastened at the back by buttons? The painting does not show any fasteners on the front of this garment so they must be on the back. A variation of an upper garment for men, seen in paintings, is a round-necked sleeveless garment. This slip-on garment, with no opening in the front, can be defined as a tunic. In paintings, it is seen to be worn by the Shahi chief. It is also seen to be worn by the horsemen. Of waist length, it is worn over and above a long-sleeved garment (see Figure 2.25). The tunic appears to be rather stiff and retains its own shape even after being worn. Since it is shown being worn by soldiers on the battlefield, could it have been made of chain-mail or some kind of an armour? Could it be simply a cotton stuffed garment? (See Plate  19a.) This kind of tunic was perhaps referred to as a Jhaga or jhanga by the indigenous contemporary texts. The term angi, used to describe tunics, appears to have been a generic one. Varna Ratnakara93 mentions the word Jhavaka for the body armour of a cavalier. Duarte Barbosa94 says that the soldiers at Cambay wore coats of mail and jackets quilted with cotton. Could he be talking about this garment?

93 VR., p. 32.

94 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol. 1, p. 119.

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Figure 2.26

The Kalakacharya katha of 1502 CE shows a Shahi chief wearing a garment that looks like a loose shirt with loose half sleeves and an elaborate collar spreading around the neck and shoulders. The garment has no visible fasteners in the front. It could be a slip-on tunic. One wonders if it is a short tunic tucked into a matching loose trouser or a one-piece jumpsuit with a belt since the lower garment is made out of the same material as the above tunic. The belt having a zigzag pattern, without a buckle, around the waist is quite eye-catching. A matching patka also seems to be tied around the waist as its two ends can be seen fluttering around the sides (see Figure 2.26 and Plate 27). Except for this example, this kind of upper garment is usually shown as the upper part of the long gown worn by the Shahi kings (Figure 2.31). This could well be another variant of the garment called jhanga in the texts to describe a horseman’s tunic.

Also seen in the border decorations of Devasano pado Kalpasutra-Kalakacharya katha manuscript are some cowherds wearing a solid-coloured, round-necked, half-sleeved, onepiece jump-suit-like garment, where the trouser part of the garment ends just below the knees, with a kamarband around the waist, completing the ensemble (see Plate 19a). A long. tunic-like garment, almost reaching the ankles in length, is seen in the Vijayachandra Kevali Charita dated 1499 CE (see Plate 23 and Figure 2.27). It is roundnecked, half-sleeved and appears to be tight at the waist, showing a slight flare at the hem, near the ankle. The dress is made of a striped material. It is seen quite infrequently in the paintings. This garment corresponds in description to the “talach” of Athanius Nikitin, which is described as a “long gown of striped, half silk, half cotton material”. This could be the same as the nichola of the lexicons, which is described as a garment belonging to the category of tunics. It could also be the same as the nichula described as a longish, sewn garment in the lexicons.

Figure 2.27

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Figure 2.28

In the Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra, C. early 17th century CE (see Figure  2.28), Jain monks are shown wearing a medium length, plain white cotton garment, reaching till the mid-calf region. The tunic seems to be double-breasted, with the upper flap going over the lower flap and tied under the left armpit in non-Muslim style. It appears to be a variation of the jama. The monks also have chadars resting lightly on their shoulders, with one end draped over the left arm. It is not easy to identify this garment because it does not corroborate with anything mentioned in the Jain Cheda Sutras, as apparel prescribed for Jain monks. The garment coming closest to this in description is the gopalakanchuka,95 a kind of “cowherd tunic”, which was to be worn by the monks when they were in attendance of a sick nun. In the abovementioned manuscript, the monks appear to be begging for alms. A similar garment is also seen in one of the border decorations of the Devasano Pado Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE,96 where the monks appear to be getting some instructions from an acharya, seated on a low seat. A garment worn mostly by attendant figures, with cross over fronts, tied under the right arm pit, is seen in the paintings of the Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE (see Figure  2.29 and Plate  33). The sleeves are long and the garment reaches the mid-thigh region. It has as interesting feature in its cut and style. On the rear side, it has a longish flap, making it look something like a tail coat. A  short patka is tied over it, at the waist. Generally made in plain colours, it was also made in striped material. A garment similar to this was worn in the Akbari period by attendants exclusively,97 where it is described simply as a short jama. A similar garment is seen to be worn by palanquin bearers in the Vijnaptipatra of 1610 CE from Agra and is very commonly seen in the manuscripts from the end of 16th century CE onwards.

Figure 2.29

95 Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 3795.

96 See Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal, Fig.

70. 97 S.P. Verma, op. cit., p. 120.

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Figure 2.30

A half-sleeved long robe, almost reaching the ankles, double breasted, with cross over front panels and tied mostly under the right armpit, is seen in the paintings of the Kalakacharya Katha (see Figure 2.30, Plate 5, the Shahi in the background). Worn over a full-sleeved white shirt, this garment appears to be a variation of the jama discussed above and was tied at the waist with a belt. It is seen made out of floral, plain and striped fabric and could be generally placed in the category of a long coat, that is an agasha/agakha, or an anga—if it were a name used in the Indian context. It could also be a jhaga, the name given to a coat, since the garment is worn coat like, over a lower long-sleeved white garment. Worn mostly by the Shahis, this is possibly the garment mentioned as qaba98 by the contemporary travellers and therefore may not have an exact nomenclature in vernacular or Sanskrit texts. Seen in manuscript after manuscript of the Kalakacharya-katha, the dress appears to be quite common.

Another variation of this garment occurs in the border decorations of Devasano-pado Kalakacharya katha, where the garment is round-necked, half-sleeved robe reaching almost till mid-thigh region and is worn over loose trousers/pyjamas. Secured in place by a patka (waistband) (see Figure  2.56), the dress sometimes is shown with full sleeves also (see Figure 2.57). Could it be the Kaftan mentioned by Athanius Nikitin, “princes and nobles put trousers on, a shirt and a kaftan (long coat), wearing a fata on the shoulder, another as a belt around the waist”. Perhaps by fata around the waist, he meant a kamarband. He saw people in Cambay wearing “Talach”, long gowns of striped material.

98 Qaba is described by S.P. Verma as a quilted coat, worn with or without a folded collar. See S.P. Verma, op. cit., p. 48.

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Figure 2.31

In many a painting of the Kalakacharya katha, the Shahi kings are shown wearing a half-sleeved long gown over a full-sleeved white shirt. The gown appears to be made of a thick rich looking fabric, and it reaches almost till the ankles. This gown appears to have rich, intricate embroidery on its four-pointed collar covering the shoulders and sleeves. The gown is tied at the waist with a belt, perhaps a metallic one. This dress of the Shahi king corresponds to a great extent with Ash-Sharif Nasir-al-Din al Husayni al-Adami’s99 description of the contemporary sartorial styles affected by the Muslim aristocracy. He wrote that they donned Tartaric gowns, which at times had gold embroidered sleeves and occasionally gold embroidery (a tiraz inscription?) between the shoulders like the Mongols. The dress that we see worn by the Shahi chief matches completely with this description of the tartaric gown called Takhlawat100 (see Figure 2.31, Plate 5, the Shahi in the foreground).

Speaking of the Muslim attire, Duarte Barbosa says, “they go very well attired in rich cloth of gold, silk, cotton and camlets (mixed silk and wool)”. The rich and beautifully styled garments worn by the Shahis in the paintings are a proof of this statement of Barbosa.101 An interesting variation of the robe can be seen in another manuscript of Kalakacharya Katha,102 worn by the Shahi soldier, bringing the captive Gardabhilla. The Shahi is wearing a double-breasted long robe with a belt. Waist down the garment opens in the front and reaches almost till the ankles. In the words of Ash-Sharif Nasir al—Din al Husayni al-Adami, the judges and the learned men wore an Arabic garment called durra, described as a garment opening in front and buttoned.

99 100 101 102

See, footnote 90, Ch. 2. Takhlawat is described as a garment which is of mid-calf length with short sleeves. The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol. 1, p. 119. “Capture of Gardhabhilla”, Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, P.C. Jain collection, Mumbai. (Repro­ duced as Col.illus.25D, In Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.

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Figure 2.32

Another garment, seen in the Yashodhara-Charitra,103 is a full-sleeved jama,104 double–breasted, with the upper flap coming over the lower flap and tied under the right armpit, with fasteners. Of knee length, the jama has a round even hemline and perhaps can be called a gherdar jama and has no side slits. It is tight, well-fitted at the chest and flares like a skirt, waist downwards (see Figure 2.32). A waistcloth or kamarband completes the garment (see Plates 32 and 33 upper register). A similar garment is seen in the paintings of the Akbarnama and Baburnama from the time of Akbar, where it is tied at the waist with a short patka called the katzeb.105 This garment is perhaps the same as the angarakha or protector of the body, already known to the Hindus, as similar garment can be seen in the paintings of Ajanta. The agakha/agasha and anga of the lexicons probably refer to the same garment. In our paintings, this garment is seen to be worn by kings, attendants, warriors, musicians, drummers and commoners too. This garment in some illustrations appears to be tied under the right armpit and in some, under the left armpit. The length of the jama also varies a little. It always reaches the knees but at times reaches well below the knees. Mostly made of plain solid colours, it was sometimes made of patterned fabric as well, especially if the wearer was royalty. This was perhaps the same as “takauchiya or takanchiya”, a garment, described by Abul Fazl106 as a coat without lining. It is a garment that is seen to be worn in the paintings right through the 16th century to the middle of the 17th century CE and seems to have been a popular garment especially after the Mughal rule comes into Gujarat. It is worn along with tight chudidar pyjamas with the folds or chudis quite prominent (see Plate 32).

103 “King Yashodhara and his entourage”, Yashodhara Carita, 1596 CE, Pvt. Collection, reproduced as Col.illus.37 in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architec­ ture, Vol. III. 104 Jama can be defined as a formal upper garment, very popular among the Mughal nobility. It looked like a tunic, well fitted at the chest with a flared skirt beginning at the waist. Distinguishing features would be the long sleeves and double-breasted top, where one flap went over the other and was securely tied with fasteners under one of the armpits. This garment was used above a tight trouser or even a dhoti. 105 S.P. Verma, op. cit., p. 51. 106 According to Abul Fazl, Akbar had changed the name takauchiya/jama to sarbagati and had ordered it to be tied to the left side, instead of the right. See Ain-i-Akbari, trans. by Blochmann, I, p. 94.

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Figure 2.33

A distinctive jama with the pointed ends at the hem, possibly four of them, projecting downwards, referred to as chaqdar jama by the historians of costume, is seen for the first time in Jain miniatures of western India, in the 16th century CE (see Figure 2.33 and Plates 30 and 29). It is a full-sleeved jama with a patka or katzeb tied at the waist. Of medium length, it reaches till the knees and has long sleeves. It is seen in the paintings, round necked as well as double-breasted, with the upper flap crossing over the lower flap and tied under the right armpit. In the paintings under study, it is seen to be worn by the musicians and drummers, attendants and royal personalities. It appears to be made of transparent cloth, possibly fine muslin, both plain and patterned. Thick fabric is also used at times. The Varna-Ratnakara refers to a garment, which sounds very similar to the one described above as the jhagala-kaniara, that is, a jama with prolongations. Dr. Moti Chandra identifies this with the chaqdar jama.

Scarves This category of upper garment, used by men, is seen all through the period under study. The scarf or the dupatta, generally known as uttariya, ahoranam, uintanam, urasala, uparitana-vastra, pati and oddhanam, appears to have been an almost essen­ tial and popular article of male attire. It is not very easy to discern from the visual material the finer nuances of weave or embroidery in the fabrics used for this garment. Clearly, attire was considered a little incomplete without this upper garment. One notices two or three different modes of wearing this upper garment. The style most commonly seen in the paintings is of the uttariya being draped around both shoulders. One end of the scarf flows towards the back after being lightly held in place over the right shoulder. The end draped over the left shoulder comes transversely across the chest from left to right, and after forming a loose loop in front, it then goes on across the right hip to cover the back, emerging as a flowing end on the left side of the body (see Figure 2.34). The name from the lexicons that comes to our mind is Adhotari, which referred to a fine cotton dupatta. Figure 2.34 In some cases, the uttariya may have been gathered up over the left forearm to hold it in place. A simpler and less stylish variation of this style of draping the uttariya was simply to cover both shoulders, leaving both ends flowing in the front (see Plate 30).

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Two other styles of wearing this upper garment are also seen in the paintings under study. One is defined in the texts as the upavita in which it is worn across the chest like a sacred thread107 (see Figure 2.35). The texts also mention a style called the vaikakshya, vrihatika in which the uttariya is worn over one shoulder and under the opposite, as can be seen in the paintings depicting some Jain monks (see Figure 2.36 and Plate 5). Some other facts about the uttariya, emerging from the close observation of the painting, are that this garment in the 12th and 13th centuries appears to have been made from materials which were not transparent and at some places even appear to be coarse (varasi). The uttariya at this time is also generally shown as being quite narrow in width (see Plate 1a). The fabric used in the making of uttariya, often has stripes, checks and rough, rudimentary floral patterns. A contrasting narrow edging is noticed all along the length and the breadth of the uttariya.

Figure 2.35

Figure 2.36

Between the 14th and 15th centuries CE, the uttariya expands dramatically in dimensions, both lengthwise and breadthwise, but it still remains short of entering the category of chadars, which would generally be taken to mean an all engulfing long and broad piece of cloth. In these centuries, the fabric mostly used for the “uttariya” was finely woven and printed. It appears to be made of fine “muslin” cotton (adhotari) (see Plate 14). Though not so commonly seen, in some cases, one can see that it could have been made of thick cloth, either silk (uttariya verapottam) or linen (see Plate 17). In the 16th and 17th century CE, with the coming in of influences from the Mughal court, one notices in the painting, a distinct change in the style of this upper garment. The “uttariya” once again becomes narrow and short but the fabric appears to be finely woven. One comes across the term suchipali in the texts, which referred to a narrow silk dupatta, sometimes having embroidery on it (see Plate 30).

107 Worn by young Brahmins, after the sacred thread ceremony called upanayana.

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In the category of Chadars, only the ones worn by Jain monks are discernible. These are broad, and seem to be covering the entire upper body, barring the right shoulder. Most of them are white with a self-pattern and made of very fine fabric. At times there appears to be a red edging to the cloth (see Plate 5 and Plate 21a). As mentioned earlier, Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya enumerated Chadar as an upper garment for the Jain monks. One fact that emerges rather clearly from careful observation of the paintings is that this item of apparel was worn by almost every person from the lowest to the highest rung of society.

Costumes of Women Lower Garments and Their Variations Duarte Barbosa, the Portuguese traveller in his account of the “kingdom of Guzer­ ate”, records his observations on costume, which are both evocative and possessed of a certain flavour. Speaking of the lower garment worn by the women in that area, he says that women wear “a dress . . . as long as that of their husbands”.108 The descrip­ tions of the lexicographers have already shown that this simple garment was capable of infinite variations.

After careful observation of the miniatures under study, one cannot help but notice a tight, short lower garment, tightly wound around the legs, reaching from the waist downwards till the middle of the thighs. The front pleat is left to hang in front between the two legs. The garment is so tightly draped that it almost gives the appearance of shorts. This garment coincides with the garment described as ardhoruka by the lexicons (see Figure 2.37 and Plates 1, 13, 19c). In the paintings, one observes that both plain and simple printed fabrics were being used for the ardhoruka. The garment must have facilitated easy movement. Seen mostly worn by dancers except for a manuscript of Yashodhara Charitra from 1494 CE, where a deity is shown wearing this kind of garment.109

Figure 2.37

108 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, op. cit., pp. 113–114. 109 Illustration showing king Maridatta making preparation for sacrifice to the Devi. See colour illustra­ tion 30 B, Jain Art and Architecture, Vol. III.

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In the Sangrahani Sutra of the 17th century CE (see Figure  2.38 and Plate  33), one comes across a fairly modern looking garment that can be seen even today in western India. The figures wearing it are those of dancers. It appears to be a shorter, knee-length version of the ghaghara mentioned in the texts. It definitely appears to be a stitched garment. The skirt, quite obviously, is put together by stitching together different coloured fabrics and is used by the nomadic Banjara community even today. This style is visible only in the manuscripts belonging to the late 16th century and early 17th century CE. According to Varna-Ratnakara,110 the costume of a dancer comprised a skirt (ghaghara) and kachhani. Figure 2.38 Another short lower garment, worn by women in the 15th century CE is an extremely short, slightly flared skirt reaching only to the mid thighs (see Figure  2.39). The skirt is seen to be worn by a female hunter and one can see similar short skirts worn by the female hunters and musicians in early medieval Hoysala period temple sculptures from Belur and Halebidu in Karnataka.

Figure 2.39 A skirt similar to this, but of knee length, made out of a plain, coloured fabric is seen to be worn by a lady playing the cymbals (see Figure 2.40). This kind of skirt is visible again as a part of the costume of the women attendants in a scene showing a royal procession in a manuscript belonging to the end of the 16th century CE. It is worn in conjunction with a small, tight blouse, leaving a part of the waist exposed. Quite obviously, the short-length skirt, which appears to be sported by dancers, hunting women and attendants, had lasted for a couple of centuries.

Figure 2.40

110 VR., op. cit., p. 51.

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Yet another variation of short-length skirt is worn by the dancers in the manuscript of the Devasano Pado Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya katha, C. 1475 CE (see Figure  2.41). It can best be described as a trefoil patterned skirt. The garment is rich and sumptuous looking. It could either be a silk brocade cloth or even zardozi embroidery on silken cloth. The skirt is also reminiscent of the sari with flared pleats in front, worn by Bharatanatyam dancers, even though this is much shorter in length. It is perhaps not a common garment because it does not recur again in our paintings. All three garments seen and described above may well coincide with the term chimphullani mentioned in the Desinamamala, where it is described as a short skirt. Figure 2.41 Another garment worn by women as seen in the paintings is a long skirt reaching to the ankles. In the paintings of the 15th century CE, this form of lower garment is seen to be worn only by dancers (see Figure 2.42). In the second half of the 16th century CE, this style of lower garment appears to have been worn by a large segment of society. It appears to have been made of thick, mostly plain-coloured fabric (see Plate  29). Worn in conjunction with a short blouse and a transparent odhni, this dress looks very similar to the half-sari worn in South India, by young girls even today.

Figure 2.42 Although rare but patterned skirts are also visible. This type of skirt is seen to be worn by ladies of the royal household and their attendants (see Plate  31). At times, one can see in the centre front, a broad panel of cloth, in contrasting colour and print, to the main garment. This could well be the end of a long cloth, tucked in at the waist, and hanging in front of the skirt (see Figure 2.43). This skirt could simply be the ghaghara, mentioned in the texts. Another possibility could be that the broad panel in front may well have been stitched on to the front of the skirt. Worn along with a short, half-sleeved blouse and a dupatta, this kind of garment could be identified with phadiya, phaladi and phaliya of the contemporary texts. This skirt makes its appearance only in the 16th and 17th century CE illustrations. Figure 2.43

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The women dancers depicted in the paintings offer a visual treat as far as their ensemble is concerned. Another interesting lower garment, from the category of the chalani, chalanka and chandataka mentioned in the contemporary texts and described as a sewn skirt, is seen to be worn by the women dancers, in the paintings of the Devasano pado Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE. This garment is a white skirt of gossamer thin material, probably muslin, beginning at the waist and flaring at the ankle. The fabric has a delicate floral pattern in a subdued red colour on it. In some ways, the attire is quite reminiscent of the diaphanous outer garment worn by a Kathak dancer today. It is also seen in the Mughal miniatures. Figure 2.44

This skirt is seen to be worn in conjunction with a tight, close-fitting long pyjama, which is visible through the transparent, diaphanous skirt (see Figure  2.44 and Plate  19b). The pyjamas are obviously stitched and are pretty similar to the pyjamas worn by dancers even today. The contemporary texts label this pyjama specifically as the kachhani. The fabric of the lower garment is rich looking, blue in colour, patterned with white dots. Could it have been patterned with tie and dye? The Devasano Pado Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya katha (C. 1475 CE) depict a Shaka princess and her female companion. The two ladies appear to be wearing a baggy salwar like garment, which is often seen as an item of apparel for Islamic women (see Figure 2.45). This dress, made out of a vertically striped cotton material, is described quite precisely by the contemporary texts as a suthani (a trouser worn by Turkish women).

Figure 2.45 Hemachandra, in his work Dvyashraya Kavya, mentions that the lower garment of the women of Gurjararastra was very similar to the male lower garment of Saurashtra. Abhayatilakagani, commenting on Dvyashraya Kavya in the middle of the 13th century CE, is more eloquent in his comments on the clothes of the women of Gujarat, when he says, “The females of Gurjararastra wore a broad piece of cloth as the lower garment. It was broad enough to cover the ankles. They wore it in such a fashion that there were no pleats to be tucked, in all probability neither the hind ones nor even the front ones. The lower garment was simply a broad piece of cloth. It was held in its place by its own knot”.111

111 See Ghurye G.S., Indian Costume, p. 235.

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Figure 2.46

Figure 2.47

The above statement is borne out rather remarkably in painting after painting of the Jain manuscripts. One of the most popular garments, this is seen in the paintings of the 12th through the 16th centuries CE (see Figure 2.53). The garment in question is something that comes quite close to the “dhoti” of today. It consisted of a broad piece of cloth with a thin border, starting from the waist, reaching either up to the ankles or at least up to the mid-calf region. It was long enough to encircle the loins once and then probably knotted at the waist. Perhaps it was tied like a “lungi”. Whether this “dhoti” was tucked into some waistband or tied with the help of a knot made out of its one end, one cannot say as the pattern of tying as well as the pleats are not very clearly shown. At the ankle end, the illustrators show the garment as being slightly “pushed forward”, as if representing the front pleats, and at the same time having a balloon-like appearance back at the heel. This can be seen in manuscript after manuscript. For example, in the scene depicting the “Marriage of Candraprabha” (Candraprabha Charitra, 1498 CE) (see Figure 2.46 and Plate  22), we can see this garment. In some paintings, one can see the lower pointed end sometimes standing out at the back instead of in the front, as in the painting illustrating “Princess Bhadra, requesting Muni Harikeshi Bala to marry her”, Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1492 CE (see Figure 2.47 and cover illustration). This garment appears to have been a very popular garment and seems to have been worn by a wide range of women such as deities, brides, royal ladies, attendants and even dancers. The garment was mostly made of thick, opaque material (see Plate 22) but can be seen occasionally in thin, transparent material as well. The patterns seen on this garment range from the complex geese pattern to simple dots. The garment is shown worn in conjunction with an uttariya and a tight bodice. The uttariya is draped around the hips, goes across the chest covering it lightly, and finally goes over the shoulder with its end coming out rather stiffly from behind. From the paintings, one thing is very clear, though, that the uttariya is usually made out of a different fabric than this “dhoti”, and so it is a garment that is distinct from the uttariya.

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The sari,112 as we know it today, cannot be spotted with any certainty except in the Kalpasutra from Mandu, belonging to 1439 CE. Here, only one maid attending to the queen is shown wearing the sari in the fashion in which it is worn today in western India with a “seedha pallu”.113 A garment similar to a sari is also visible in the murals of the Veerabhadra Swamy temple114 in Lepakshi, Anantapur district, Andhra Pradesh, which were executed during the Vijayanagara Empire (C. 1530 CE). Here, the lower dhoti like garment is used like a modernday sari, as the other end of the same garment is used to drape the upper body covering the breasts and going over one shoulder, leaving one arm and shoulder uncovered, a fact borne out by the description of Duarte Barbosa who describes the sari worn by the women from Vijayanagar rather eloquently.115 This dhoti/uttariya/bodice combination seen in the Jain paintings of western India seems to have been worn right from the beginning of our period of study (see Plate 1a) and gradually seems to have become less popular from the 17th century CE. That speaks volumes about the popularity of the garment across western India. The texts do not provide an exact name for a female lower garment draped in this fashion. However, Duarte Barbosa, writing about the costumes of Gujarati women, says, “Their dress is as long as that of their husbands; they wear silken bodices with tight sleeves, cut low at the back, and other long garment called chandes (chadar) which they throw over themselves as cloaks”.116 This description matches exactly with the dhoti, blouse and uttariya worn by the women in the paintings described above. (Plates 6, 7, 10, 12, 16.)

112 Here, it is important to differentiate between the dhoti and the sari. The dhoti would be a long, wide piece of unsewn cloth worn around the waist, after having tied a knot with one end of the cloth. The other end is made into pleats and then either tucked in at the front or taken in between the legs towards the back and then tucked in. Each part of India has a distinct style of wearing the dhoti; the one mentioned above is the more common one. Whereas the sari would also be a long, wide piece of unsewn cloth, where one end would be wrapped around the waist to form a skirt and the other end draped across the chest and going over the shoulder, falling over the back like an uttariya. Essentially, it would be two garments, dhoti and an uttariya, rolled into one. 113 One end of a single long cloth is draped horizontally around the lower body, with pleats hanging in front, while the other end of the garment, after covering the back of the hip, crosses over the shoulder and covers the chest like a broad band and finally one corner of the pallu or anchal gets tucked in the waist below the blouse, much like the sari worn in Gujarat today. 114 See C. Sivaramamurti, South Indian Paintings, fig. 71, 72, pp., 95, 96. 115 Duarte Barbosa while writing about the women of the Vijayanagar Empire, says, “The women wear white garments of very thin cotton or silk of bright colours, five yards long; one part of which is girt round their below, and the other part on their shoulder and across their breasts in such a way that one arm and shoulder remain uncovered as with a scarf” (The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol. 1, p. 205). 116 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol. 1, pp. 113–114.

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In the 15th and 16th centuries CE, a distinctive kind of lower garment seems to have been worn by the dancers. Of ankle length, it appears as if a long unsewn cloth, probably a sari or a dhoti, was tightly wound around each leg, almost resembling tight trousers. A kamarband or patka is tied around the waist and its ends are made to fall between the two legs, turning it into a very graceful attire. In some paintings, it appears that a garment broader than a waistband, perhaps an uttariya, was draped around the waist, covering the hips, and its ends were made to flutter on the sides or at times even the end of the dhoti-like garment may have been allowed to fall as a pleat in between the legs. The wounding of each leg separately may have facilitated easy movement for the dancers. This garment worn by one of the dancers in the border decorations of Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE (see Plate 19b) is sumptuously patterned with bold dark floral spirals on a dark background. This garment is often seen to be worn by the dancers (see Plate 19b and Plate 30). One does not come across an exact nomenclature for this kind of garment in the texts of the period. No other female personages professing a different status in life are shown wearing this garment.

Figure 2.48

Though often represented in the paintings, the attire of the Jain nuns is not very clearly seen. However, broadly speaking, they seem to be covered in a single white cloth from head to toe. Perhaps this is the samghati, an overall amorphous garment prescribed by the Jain Cheda Sutras, especially the Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya.117 This garment is supposed to measure four hands and was supposed to be worn by nuns attending religious discourses. It was meant to cover the entire body (see Figure  2.48). Underneath the Samghati, the nuns seem to be wearing some kind of undergarments. These are visible in the illustration showing “Vajra in the cradle”, where the nun rocking the infant Vajra is seen wearing these clothes (see, Plate 20). What is visible through the samghati is a lower garment coming up to the region of the midthighs. The texts talk of at least three different kinds of underclothes, for the lower part of the body, perhaps worn, one on top of the other, but they obviously are not all visible. These undergarments were known variously as avagraha, patta, calanika and antarnivasini. However, from the descriptions in the texts, which seem to fit with what can be seen in the paintings, one can say with some certainty that an antarnivasani-—a garment supposed to begin at the waist and end at the mid-thigh region—is seen to be

117 Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 4091.

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worn by the nun in this particular painting. A longer version of this can also be seen in this painting, which is referred to as bahirnivasani, which begins at the waist and ends at the ankles. It was worn over the antarnivasini. The samghati covered all. No part of the body can be seen exposed. These garments are sometimes seen made up of cloth patterned in white. The samghati at times has an edging of red. The material used seems to be a fine cotton. These standard prescribed garments for nuns are seen throughout, in the paintings under study.

Upper Garments and Their Variations The upper garment of women does not figure very much in the already rather scanty descriptions of Indian costumes by the foreigners. Alberuni,118 noticing a short upper garment of women, describes it thus, “the lappets of the kurtakas (short shirts from the shoulders to the middle of the body with sleeves, a female dress) have slashes both on the right and the left side”. Duarte Barbosa in the 16th century CE described per­ haps the same upper garment for women elaborating on its cut and style, “they wear silken bodices with tight sleeves, cut low at the back.” Referring perhaps to a chadar, Barbosa goes on to mention, “other long garments called chandes which they throw over themselves like cloaks when they go out”.119

Figure 2.49

The women featured in the Jain manuscript illustrations are seen wearing a tight-fitting bodice with the neckline being round and close to the neck. The garment is generally half-sleeved, and even though it is waist-length, it still leaves a part of the stomach exposed. Generally made of a plain, single-coloured fabric (see Figure  2.49 and Plate 19c), some of the bodices are made of patterned cloth. Sometimes, one can see long sleeves reaching till the wrists (see Plate 19b). This particular type of bodice is seen to be worn by the dancers, deities, royal ladies, maids, attendant figures and brides (see Plate 13, Plate 19b, Plate 22). This bodice is rarely seen in paintings after the end of the 16th century CE. According to the Manasollasa,120 Gujarati women wore a full-sleeved tight bodice called apanikrita­ kanchukah, and what we see in the paintings matches well with this description.

118 E.S. Sachau, op. cit., pp. 180–181.

119 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, op. cit., pp. 113–114.

120 Manasollasa by Someshvara (C. 1124–1138 CE), Mana, II, p. 102, s. 87.

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Figure 2.50

Another variation of the bodice is revealed by our study of western Indian Jain painting. It is a kind of tight bodice, round necked and half-sleeved. Very short, it barely covered the breasts, leaving the stomach exposed. The fastenings appear to be on the back side of the bodice (see Figure 2.50). This garment, made both of plain and printed fabric, seems to have become popular from the second half of the 16th century CE onwards. It is seen to be worn by dancers, laywomen, royal ladies and maids (see Plates 29 and 30). In some manuscripts from the late 16th century, the maids have pompoms121 attached to the sleeves. These bodices can be described by probably the generic names angiya, choli, choliya, kanchuka, kanchuki, kachali, kanchuliya and kanchuyau of the contemporary literary texts. A tight-fitting upper garment, with a V-shaped neck and tight three-quarter sleeves is seen to be worn by a young girl, holding a veena in her hand. The garment flares out in an A line, from the waist downwards ending in the midthigh region. The appearance of the garment is that of a tight-fitting, “A” line shirt of today (see Figure 2.51). It is made of a thick, single-coloured, non-transparent fabric and belongs to the category of garments defined as tunics, since there are no fasteners visible and the garment has a large enough neckline to be just slipped over the head. Could this perhaps be identified with the kanchuka of Dhanapala’s Tilakamanjari? Dhanapala defines it as a tight-fitting tunic. This garment is not very commonly worn and is seen only in a cloth pata of the 15th century CE.

Figure 2.51

121 The wearing of the pompoms was a new trend probably springing from contact with Akbar’s court. In the words of Charles Fabri, “The great innovation is the pompom, a court fashion that also touched the remoter village women”. See Charles Fabri, The History of Indian Dress, p. 76.

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A long robe is seen to be worn by a Shaka maid in the Devasano Pado, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE (see Figure  2.52). It is shown as a full-sleeved round-necked robe, almost reaching the ankles. Could this be the Pahirana Pairhan described as a long robe worn by Turkish women, in the Kanhadade Prabandha? This garment also corresponds with the long, striped gown mentioned by Athanius Nikitin in his account.122

Figure 2.52 As mentioned earlier,123 the upper garments worn by the Jain nuns are not very clearly visible in the miniatures, since they were covered on top by an all-enshrouding samghati. In fact, every precaution seems to have been taken to ensure that the body of the nun was covered completely. The only garment visible is a kind of long-sleeved, close-fitting, round-necked blouse. No fasteners are visible on the garment (see Figure 2.48 and Plate 20; Vajra in his cradle being rocked by a nun). Jain texts mention a garment called Aupakakshiki—which is described as a garment made of a piece of cloth measuring one and a half hands square. It covered a part of the chest and the back. The garment was tied over the left shoulder. Another similar garment was the kanchuka. The garment in question is either kanchuka or aupakakshiki.

Scarves Abhayatilakagani,124 commenting on the costumes of women in Gurjararastra in the 13th century CE observes that “There was another piece of apparel called uttariya ‘upper garment’ which was used to cover the upper part of the body”. The above garment was small enough to have been managed by the ladies using only one hand. Proving the above writer’s observation, the miniatures reveal that it was indeed a compulsory item of apparel for women and is worn with slight variations throughout our period of study.

122 See Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancient and Medieval India, p. 167. 123 See the section “Costumes in Lexicons and other related sources”, discussed earlier in this chapter for the costume of the Jain nuns. 124 See G.S. Ghuriye, op. cit., p. 248.

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This upper garment is seen generally as a long, flowing piece of cloth, wound lightly around the waist, taken over the chest, and sometimes made to cover a part of the coiffure, and then left to hang downwards with its ends fluttering gracefully (see Figure 2.53).

Figure 2.53 It generally appears to be made of a thin, transparent stuff. It was usually decorated with a simple pattern consisting of dots. Not surprising, since the region is famous even today for its tie and dye dupattas which have dotted patterns. At times the scarf or dupatta was single-coloured, transparent, devoid of any pattern, with a thin edging all around. Sometimes, the scarf and the lower garment were made of the same material (see Plate 6). At other times, the scarf was plain with no border whatsoever and slightly more voluminous, as is seen in the Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE (see Plate  29). Perhaps it would come in the category of chadar rather than dupatta. In most of the earlier painted manuscripts, the covering of the head with the scarf seemed to be optional but from the second half of the 16th century CE, the scarf usually covered the head. In this period, the scarf also gets bigger in size, having more complex designs, and is perhaps also made from thicker materials (see Plate 31). The scarf is seen to be worn by almost everyone—laywomen, brides, deities, maids, royal women and sometimes even dancers. However, in the manuscripts belonging to the early part of the period under study, dancers were not seen wearing this garment. This may have been so because their movements were hindered or merely because it was not the fashion for them to wear it at that time. The thin scarf of transparent material could well be identified with the tava of the contemporary texts. The scarf could also have been the phari, saura-supaiti of the contemporary texts. Possibly the latter category was made out of thick stuff.

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Waistbands The cloth belts, generally referred to as kamarbands and patkas, as one knows, seemed to serve both a decorative and a useful purpose. These waistbands seem to have been made of cloth and were generally long enough to go around the waist at least once. In most paintings of the early period, these waistbands seem to have been long and broad with breadth-wise borders and patterns all over. The mode of tying was to wind them around the waist, perhaps tying a knot after bringing the ends at the back. This can be seen in the patli depicting “the story of the disputation between the monks, Vadi Devasuri and Kumuda-Chandra” (see Plate  1). The ends of these belts were, in many cases, long enough to reach the knees. This type of patka/kamarband appears to have been worn by a large number of people, for example female dancers, male musicians and drummers, palanquin bearers, horse riders and Jain monks. The kamarband worn by the Jain monks was referred to as a paryastaka by the Jain Cheda Sutras.125 Royal persons can also be seen wearing kamarbands on non-formal occasions as can be seen to be worn by King Gardhabhila in the scene where he is brought before Kalakacharya. It appears also in the scenes where King Siddhartha is shown engaged in physical exercise in the gymnasium. It appears that sometimes the scarf around the upper body was taken off in times of intense physical activity and tied around the waist like a patka. The fluttering ends of the patka can be seen in front of the lower garment in many a painting. The waistbands were also part of the attire of children as one can see baby Vajra in his cradle sporting one, in a painting of Kalpasutra.126 Here too, the purpose was most probably to keep the lower garment in place. Some Shahi figures also seem to have worn a similar patka over their trousers (see Figure 2.54). Generally, Shahi kings are seen sporting metallic belts instead of cloth ones.

Figure 2.54

125 Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, IV, 3968. 126 “Vajra in his cradle”, Folio 107a, Kalpasutra, dated 1490 CE., L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Reproduced as Pl. IV B in Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Painting.

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Another variation of the waistband can be seen in the scene showing the “coronation ceremony of Rishabhanatha by Indra” (Kalpasutra, 1464, CE) (see Figure  2.55). It is a broad piece, made of patterned cloth, tightly wound around the waist of Indra. Most probably, it was secured at the back of the waist with fasteners.

Figure 2.55 Another variation of the waistband, which was neither as broad nor as long as the earlier ones and was tied in front, is seen worn by a wide variety of people, such as cowherds, animal trainers, mahouts and warriors (see Plate 19a). In the same painting, a mahout on the back of an elephant has such a cloth belt tied around his waist. Warriors are also seen to have worn a similar belt (see Figure 2.56) as are horsemen with both bows and arrows (see Figure 2.57). This perhaps can be identified with the tanubandha (waistband to which quiver was attached) mentioned in the texts. Most of the Shahi figures seen in the paintings wear this kind of kamarband. They wear it either over their long robes or over their trousers. The horsemen’s waistband, wherever it is seen without arrows, is identified with the term varali (see Plate 19a). Waistbands were very commonly worn by dancers and musicians, laymen, palanquin bearers, warriors and attendants (see Plates 30, 28 and Figures 2.5, 2.11). Perhaps, instead of uttariya, they wore narrow scarves that could double up as kamarbands whenever required. It became a more important item of apparel after the Mughal rule was established in Gujarat.

Figure 2.56

Figure 2.57

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In the paintings of the Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, one can see the waistband being worn over the jamas (see Plate  30) as well as over tight long dhotis. As we approach the 17th century, it becomes an integral part of the costume; as can be seen in a painting from Yashodhara Charitra, 1636 CE where one can see very beautiful kamarbands being sported by royalty (Plate 32). Among the women figures portrayed, mostly dancers seem to have had worn it (see Figure  2.58). These patkas which were tied in front were usually plain, without border or pattern, though rarely, in some paintings, we can see a breadthwise border as well. Figure 2.58

To sum up, one can say that the costumes seen in the paintings reflect not only the local sartorial culture but also the changes that came into it with the area coming under Muslim rule. The paintings show that over time, the jackets and short gar­ ments seen since the beginning of the 12th century CE got replaced by long, flowing, finely woven, transparent dhotis and uttariyas. The uttariyas, which in the 12th–13th centuries were narrow and made of thick, opaque material, seem to have expanded almost dramatically both lengthwise and breadthwise into a finely woven, transpar­ ent, flowing sort of overgarment in the 14th–15th centuries. The narrow and opaque uttariya made a comeback in the 16th and 17th centuries, perhaps with a dual func­ tion—sometimes, these would double up as kamarbands as well. The beginning of the Sultanate rule in the area did not reflect much change in the local clothing trends, but the costumes of the Muslim gentry at the Sultanate court surely got reflected in the costumes of the shahis depicted in the story of the Kalakacharya katha in the Jain miniatures. We see the appearance of new garments like long tunics, robes, qabas, gowns and trousers after the establishment of Sultanate rule. Especially noteworthy in the paintings are the costumes of the soldiers—their armour, jackets, padded trousers, long boots etc., all of which point to the existence of foreign influence in the attire of the soldiers of the Gujarat sultanate. The kamarbands or waistbands also have an interesting story to tell. In the beginning of our period of study, we see the kamarband/ patka usually being worn by the working classes, like the attendants, palanquin bear­ ers, drummers and warriors, probably to hold the lower garment in place. Its role in the costume of the general population remained ambivalent in the ensuing centuries, and sometimes people would give this piece of apparel a miss. It became an important item of apparel after the establishment of Mughal rule in western India, and especially after the 17th century, it became an integral part of the men’s costume. One can see a great many variations in the style of wearing the kamarband from the Mughal period onwards. Interestingly, after the establishment of the Mughal rule, one can also see new garments being created, fusing the old with the new. At this time, distinctive upper garments in the shape of various kinds of jamas make their appearance, like the gheradar jama, chaqdar jama and angarakha—all bearing the stamp of the eclectic times of Akbar. Among women, the dancers are shown wearing a wide range of costumes, out of which the short skirt-like garment predominates. Sometimes they are also shown

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wearing tight short garments greatly resembling modern-day shorts, which prob­ ably facilitated easy movement. The Shaka princess in one of the paintings is shown wearing a salwar-like garment called suthani, perhaps reflecting the lower garment of the Muslim women from the area. During the Mughal rule in western India, the skirt or “ghaghra”, made its appearance as an essential lower garment and contin­ ued till the end of our period of study. This period saw the origin of certain interest­ ing garments, which not only made their mark in those days but also proved their longevity by surviving in India till this day. However, since the indigenous culture of the people was too deeply rooted, it could not be completely wiped out and ordi­ nary people went about dressed as usual with perhaps a few subtle changes here and there. Hence, with very slight modifications, the ubiquitous sari and dhoti live on still today.

Footwear Today, we cannot imagine an attire to be complete unless footwear is a part of it. Thus, a chapter on costumes can never be complete without mentioning the footwear. Feet and footwear have a unique position in the Indian cultural context. Feet are a part of the human body that are revered and reviled at the same time. We know of instances where feet are considered sacred and therefore venerated and paradoxically, we also know of occasions where the very touch of the feet is considered despicable. Thus, we hear of the younger generation touching the feet of the elders as a mark of respect, as well as a person being shown the deepest, most humiliating disrespect by being aggressively touched by the feet. In literature, we also come to know of the feet being a symbol of affection and playing a role in amorous activities between lovers. In many a painting, we see Radha sitting at Krishna’s feet or Krishna gently massaging Radha’s feet. At times, bestowed with magical powers, we know from the Ramayana how Ahalya was liberated from her curse by the mere touch of Rama’s feet, and how the Shalabhanjikas127 helped trees to blossom with a slight kick of the feet—the stories of feet and their possibili­ ties are endless. Thus, this self-contradiction within the subject is worth exploring and becomes more interesting when we look at the footwear that adorns the feet throughout history in the Indian context. There are several references to footwear in Indian literature. The word paduka occurs in the Vedic literature, where it is considered to be the equivalent of small feet. In the later centuries, the word paduka came to mean sandals, or more specifi­ cally the toe-knob sandals, also called Kharawan, Khadau or Kharom. It was a very simple footwear—that consisted of a sole with a post and a knob that was engaged between the big and the second toe. This footwear, having no covering and open from all sides, ideally suited the central Indian climate. The raised sole helped protect the feet from the scorching ground and also prevented small insects or other forms of life from being trampled. The paduka were usually associated with the Indian sadhu or

127 In ancient India, it was believed that a chaste maiden, when she touches a tree with her feet, can bring it to blossom. This belief was embodied in art by showing a tree spirit, beautifully decked, with ample jewellery kicking the shala tree with her foot and the tree shown in full blossom.

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the itinerant ascetic, who wandered the countryside. The paduka suited the minimal footwear allowed to them in keeping with the injunctions of whichever religious order they followed. Paduka could be made in a variety of forms or materials. Usu­ ally made of wood, they could also be made of ivory or silver or inlaid with precious stones or gold/silver wire. These could also have interesting shapes—like a fish or an hourglass or a foot. Some could also be a part of the bride’s trousseau or serve as a ritual object being worshipped by a devotee.128 Coming to the period of the epics, one knows only too well the story of Bharata worshipping Rama’s paduka/khadau in his absence. At another place in the Ramayana, we hear that men’s attire was not com­ plete without the wooden or leather footwear.129 The Mahabharata also includes a story of the introduction of shoes. According to it, the sage Jamadagni was presented with shoes made of skin, for protection against the heat induced by the sunrays, by the Sun God Himself.130 Interestingly, from the historical period of the Mahavira and the Buddha, we get to know of the types of footwear worn through the strict monastic rules of both the Jains and the Buddhists. The rules that disallow certain footwear implicitly imply that these were worn by the general population. Thus, we know that the Buddhist monks were not permitted to wear shoes that covered the ankles (moccasins), full boots, shoes pad­ ded with cotton wool, shoes shaped like the wings of a partridge, shoes decorated with the horns of rams and goats, shoes shaped like a scorpion’s sting, shoes decorated with peacock feathers and shoes of any colour. They were also forbidden to use wooden sandals (paduka), sandals made of palm as well as bamboo leaves, or sandals made up of certain grasses like munja, kamala and balvaja. They could not use sandals made of gold, silver or any other precious metal or decorated with precious stones or gems. These detailed injunctions against the use of these footwear make one realise that they must be popular with the laity.131 The importance of footwear as a part of the costume of men can be gleaned from the inclusion of upanah (shoes) in the list of requisites of a man’s dress given by the great grammarians Panini and Patanjali. The list includes darpana (mirror), anjana (collyrium), mala (garland), gandha (perfume), danda (stick), asi (sword) and upanah (shoes).132 Coming to the visual representations, the sculptures of Bharhut (Sunga period) have preserved a very clear picture of early Indian costume and its mode of wearing. Among other details, one can see a male figure, identified with Mihira, the Sun God133 of Utt­ arapatha, being clad in high boots. As is well known, except for the Sun God, most of the Hindu gods are always shown barefoot. The iconography of the Sun God invari­ ably includes high boots reaching up to the knees. In the Sanchi sculptures (Satava­ hana period), shoes are shown only once and there too, foreigners are shown wearing

128 129 130 131 132 133

Jutta, Jain-Neubauer, Feet and Footwear in Indian Culture, pp. 84, 90. In future referred as FFIC.

Ibid., pp. 82, 83.

Anushasanaparvan, Ch. 95–96.

Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancient and Medieval India, p. 14.

Jutta Jain, FFIC, p. 83.

Among the Indian gods, the Sun God Surya is always shown wearing full boots. Probably, the early

imaging of the sun god was based on the Kushana rulers, who originally came from central Asia, Ibid., p. 94.

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them. Probably the act of worship or the sacred nature of the stories being represented prevented the sculptor from showing the figures wearing footwear.134 In both places, women continue to be shown without any footwear but with heavy anklets embellish­ ing their feet.135 The Kushana-period sculptures of Buddha from the Gandhara region (1st–4th cen­ tury CE) are a very good source to know about the kind of footwear in vogue among men of holy status. Buddha is shown wearing a pair of simple strapped sandals with a sole. The strap goes across the instep and another strap goes through the gap between the big and second toes. A  number of sculptures of Buddha and the Bodhisattvas found in the Gandhara area show them wearing these simple strapped sandals. This design was so economical and basic that it is found all over India even today.136 As far as representation in art goes, the Gandhara sculpture is the rare example which shows men of holy status donning footwear. The Greco-Roman input into the area must have led the sculptors to show the Buddha and the Bodhisattvas with Romanlooking sandals. In the Mathura sculptures from the Kushana period, we get to see the Shaka kings and their soldiers wearing high boots along with a tunic, trousers and cap. The head­ less image of Kanishka, the great Kushana ruler, is also seen wearing similar garments, including the heavy boots. But these garments and shoes were not so popular with the indigenous people as is apparent from the numerous sculptures.137 Jain literature, especially the Brihat Kalpa Sutra ascribed to Bhadrabahu, a con­ temporary of Chandragupta Maurya in the 4th century BCE, tells us about the rules laid down for the rightful conduct of the monks. The Bhasya138 (commentary) on the Brihat Kalpa Sutra, probably belonging to the Gupta period, gives detailed information on the Jain monastic costumes as well as the costumes worn by the lay­ men. According to the Bhasya, leather obtained from the hides of cows, buffaloes, goats, sheep and wild animals seems to have been very common for making shoes. It also tells us that shoes made of coloured leather seem to have been in vogue. The Jain monks and nuns were not allowed to wear leather goods of any type and colour. From this, we infer that shoes of coloured leather were in demand among the laity. There were four kinds of leather shoes: Sakala krtsna, pramana krtsna, varna krtsna and bandhana krtsna, of which the Sakala krtsna or the single-soled shoe was allowed to the Jain monks only during emergencies. These were made to exact meas­ urements and were without any joints. The pramana krtsna had two, three or more soles. Varna krtsna were shoes made of white or coloured leather. Bandhana Krtsna were shoes that had more than three fasteners. Other types of shoes mentioned in the Bhasya are the khallaka, which were further classified into two types: the ardha khallaka (covering half the leg), the samasta-khallaka (covering the entire leg) and the khapusa (covering the knees). It is believed that the khapusa were boots of Ira­ nian origin and were probably bought into India by the Shakas and the Kushanas,

134 135 136 137 138

Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 19, 22.

Jutta Jain, FFIC, p. 36.

Ibid., p. 90.

Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 38–39.

Written by Jinadasa Ksamasramana, for more information, see Moti Chandra, Ibid., p. 66.

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whose connection with Iran is well known. Besides these, we also get to know about the Kosaka type of shoes that covered the toes to protect the nails while walking. Kosaka and Khapusa types of shoes provided protection from the cold, snow, snakes and thorns.139 The coins of the Gupta period shed some light on the costumes of the Gupta kings, including their footwear. In some coins, Chandragupta I is shown wearing trousers and boots of ardha khallaka type, covering half the leg,140 whereas in some coins Samudragupta is shown wearing full-sleeved tunic, tight fitting shorts and full boots (khallaka type). Thus, the coins prove beyond doubt that the Gupta kings wore high boots after the fashion of the Kushana kings. The paintings of Ajanta show that women did not wear shoes at all and men used them rarely.141 In some paintings, we do see men wearing full boots of the khallaka and khapusa types, mentioned earlier. In these representations, most of the men donning boots were usually of foreign extraction, for instance in cave 1, we see a king of foreign origin, probably Iranian,142 seated on a diwan wearing a long coat, cap and soft leather boots. Another example is from cave 17 of Ajanta, which shows one of the two horsemen probably of foreign origin wearing a full-sleeved white coat, trousers and high boots. In cave 1 of Ajanta, we also see a child wearing tight shorts, skull cap and full boots. The frequent use of caps, tunics and boots by people in the Ajanta paintings shows the influence of Central Asiatic costumes on Indian costume.143 For information on costume from the post-Gupta period, we rely heavily on the works of Bana Bhatta, who was the court poet of King Harsha Vardhana (605–647 CE) and who gives accurate details on cos­ tumes that can further be corroborated by the paintings of Ajanta.144 Describing the costume of Bhairavacharya, a sanyasi, Bana Bhatta tells us that the holy man wore sandals (padukas) on his feet. The 8th century poet Damodargupta, a minister of King Jayapida of Kashmir (779–813 CE), describes the shoes of an affluent character in his drama, Kuttani­ matam, as being embroidered with gold thread and decorated with a floral pattern, softened with beeswax, painted with storax and provided with iron horseshoes. Jain sources also mention shoes embroidered with gold thread and inlaid with jewels.145 Regarding the attire of the people of the Vijayanagar Empire, in the south, Duarte Barbosa, the Portuguese traveller to India in the 16th century, mentions that the common man wore rough shoes and the women wore leather shoes decorated with beautiful silk embroidery. Interestingly, from the same place, we have the account of Ludovico Varthema, another Portuguese traveller to India (1502–1508), who says that the kings of the Vijayanagar Empire wore nothing on their feet. This information

139 Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 65, 66, 72, 73. 140 Ibid., pp. 77–78. 141 M.K. Dhavalikar, Ajanta: A Cultural Study, p. 44. 142 Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancient and Medieval India, p. 80. 143 Ibid., pp. 88, 92 144 Caves 1 and 2 at Ajanta are assigned to the rule of Pulakesin II, who was a contemporary of Har­ shavardhana, Ibid., p. 54, 101. 145 Jutta Jain, FFIC, p. 100.

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is corroborated by another Portuguese traveller, Domingo Paes (1520–1522), who mentions that King Krishna Deva Raya of the Vijayanagar empire was clothed in beautiful, fine, white garments with delicate embroidery done in gold and wore a beautiful diamond necklace but was barefoot. He also mentions the custom that any­ body approaching the king had to remove their footwear as a mark of respect. Further, he says that shoes with pointed ends and simple strapped sandals were worn by the people of that kingdom.146 In the area of western India, we have several important eyewitness accounts of the footwear being in use. According to the Arab traveller and geographer Masudi (who visited Cambay in 916 CE), Cambay was famous for the production of sandals. In his words, “This city is celebrated for its sandals named after it”.147 This informa­ tion is repeated by the anonymous author of the Hudud-al-Alam, who writing in 982–983 CE comments, “In Kanbaya (Cambay) shoes (na’lain) are produced which are exported to all the countries of the world”.148 Chao Ju-Kua, the inspector of foreign trade in Fu-Kein, in the 12th century CE, writes about the Gujaratis, saying that they wore “on their feet shoes of red leather”.149 Amir Khusrau, who flourished during the Delhi sultanate (13–14th centuries), talks of kafsh, which are described as high-heeled slippers shod with iron and na’lain described as shoes with wooden soles.150 In the 14th century, Qalqashandi writing in his Subhul-A’sha, about the costume of the nobility, says that they wore long, gold embroidered gowns, with gold and silver belts, and they had shoes and spurs on their feet.151 Gujarati and Hindi literature of the 15th century talk about the Islamic rulers of Gujarat as wearing full boots (khalyai paijjara) along with their long gowns.152 Duarte Bar­ bosa, the Portuguese traveller who came to Gujarat in the beginning of the 16th century CE, also provides some information on the footwear of the Muslim gentry of Gujarat. He says that they wore “boots up to the knee of very thick cordovan leather, worked in very dainty devices, within and without the tip of the shoe”. Regarding the rest of the people of Gujarat, he says, “they wear embroidered shoes of very good leather, well worked”,153 pointing thereby to the existence of a fairly well-developed industry of footwear. This is further corroborated by another con­ temporary source, Mirat-i-Sikandari, which refers to Firuz Shah Tughlaq wearing long hunting boots.154 Since the costumes of the Shahi figures in the Jain paintings were based on the contemporary Sultanate dressing style, this information proves to be quite significant. From the Mughal period, we have detailed information on shoes. We come to know from the account of Abul Fazl in Ain-i-Akbari that a man’s costume was considered

146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154

Ibid., p. 111.

G. Ferrand, Voyage du marchand Arabe Sulayman en Inde et en Chine, p. 195.

Hudud al Alam, ed. by V. Minorsky, p. 88.

Chao Ju-Kua, His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the 12th and 13th Centuries, Entitled Chu­ fan-chi, trans. by F. Hirth and W.W. Rockhill, p. 92. Jutta Jain, FFIC, p. 97. Ibid., p. 102. Ibid., p. 100. The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. by Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. 1, p. 120. Mirat-i-Sikandari of Sikandar Bin Muhammad, trans. by Fazlullah Lutfullah Faridi, pp. 1–2.

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complete only after wearing sandals or shoes. The most common form of footwear depicted in Mughal miniature paintings were boots that were fashioned in the Timuri tradition, with a slightly pointed toe and low heel. Another common footwear of the nobles in this period were shoes with low sides, made of colourful leather, a pointed toe and low heels. Also found in the paintings are shoes made with their backs folded down so as to make the process of putting on and taking off easier. Another type of shoe, seen to be worn by the commoners, foot soldiers and attendants, had a colourfully decorated front and an extended back, ending in a strap or loop. The Mughal princes are usually shown wearing light slippers made of rich looking material, either brocade or gold-embroidered leather. Sir Thomas Roe, the English ambassador to the Mughal court (1615–1619), describes Jahangir’s footwear in these words, “On his feet a pair of buskins embroidered with pearls, the toes sharp and turning up”.155 The trend of wear­ ing prominently upturned shoes was started during Jahangir’s period, and soon many courtiers and nobles emulated him and the fashion reached provincial courts as well. Such shoes also got his name: Salimshahi shoes. Paintings from Shah Jahan’s period also show a great variety of shoes, the prominent among them being light shoes; shoes with closed back and extended heels having a leather strap to facilitate easy removal; and boots with and without heels. The miniature paintings usually show Shah Jahan as wearing delicately embroidered “jutis” with a golden front and patterned upper in black. In the paintings, one often notices that the courtiers near the emperor were always shown barefoot while those waiting outside wore shoes. This brings to mind the custom that required a person of lower rank to show respect to a person of higher rank by going barefoot.156 Niccolao Manucci (1638–1717), the Venetian Traveller describ­ ing the costume of the Hindu population, says that they wore shoes of velvet or red leather. He also talks about the custom of removing one’s shoes before entering a house or speaking to a superior. Further, he says that women of all classes, including royal ladies, wore no shoes, but instead decorated their feet with many jewels.157 Besides the above-mentioned eyewitness accounts, the lexicons and the literary texts also provide us with some interesting names in use for the footwear current at that time. Lexicographers like Jyotirishwara Thakur, author of Varna Ratnakara (early 14th century), talking at length about the costume of a cavalier also mention that they wore stockings (moja) and riding boots (sarmoja) on their feet, thereby proving that during battles, care was taken so that the feet of the soldiers were protected.158 However, the references to footwear in comparison with the other items of costumes are scanty in the literature of the period under study. Footwear in Lexicons and Other Related Sources Abaddha (Abhi., III, 915) was the word used in the Abhidhana Chintamani to denote a shoe. It has been interpreted as a footwear that could be strapped on.159

155 156 157 158 159

Jutta Jain, FFIC., pp. 102–105.

Jutta Jain, Ibid, pp. 102–106.

Jutta Jain, FFIC, p. 115.

Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancient and Medieval India, p. 148.

Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, Journal of Indian Textile History,

No. VI, p. 26.

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Anupadina (Abhi., III, 578) referred to full boots or a buskin. This word also occurred in the Gupta period lexicon Amarakosha, denoting the same meaning. In the Dvyashraya Kavya (Dvya., VII, 84), outsized shoes were called anupadinika, while Sanskrit lexicons mention aranatranam as a generic name for a shoe.160 The most common term used for shoes in India even today since medieval times is juta (an Urdu word), which meant a proper shoe while a smaller version would be called a juti.161 Khadau (VR., 3) denoted a wooden-soled slipper, open from all sides. The Chhi­ taivarta162 of Narayandas refers to full boots by the name khalyai-paijara. Khasru (Vidyavilasapavadau)163 was the term used for shoes. Kafsh, a Persian word, also used in medieval India, referred to a shoe, sandal or slipper. These could also have heels. From various literary sources, one comes to know that the kafsh was a proper shoe that was used outside the house while travelling. The office of Kafsh-bardar during the Mughal times referred to the person who took care of the shoes of the emperor.164 Mocota was another word used for shoes in classical Indian literature. Kshemendra (C. 990–1065), a Kashmiri poet, while describing a miserly shop­ keeper, talks about his torn, blackened and loose socks and shoes (mocota). Fur­ ther, in his work, Narmamala, Kshemendra uses the word, mayuropana, to describe shoes shaped like a peacock. The Desinamamala of Hemachandra uses a similar word mocham to describe boots reaching up to the thighs.165 Red boots were called mozahae l’al (Afif., 268).166 The Arabic word moza was absorbed into the Persian language and denoted a boot, stocking or a shoe. From the Mughal literature, one comes to know that the mozas were soft coverings of the feet, either of leather or of cloth such as velvet or brocade, but with no attached soles. These were prob­ ably worn like socks within the house to guard against the cold in the winter.167 The terms laghu-paduka, laghupadatram and laghupadapa all stand for slippers or light shoes.168 Padaka, literally meaning a small foot in the Rig Veda, denotes a sandal or shoe in later Sanskrit. In the Mahabharata, it stands for a sandal or shoe.169 For shoes and slippers, the Abhidhanachintamani used several words such as padu and paduka (Abhi., III, 578). The term paduka also figures in the Varna Ratnakara (VR., 3) and most probably refers to the khadau, described earlier. The Gujarati words pagarkha as well as panai probably came from the Sanskrit word upanah (shoe). Again, the Gujarati word pavdi seems to have been derived from the Sanskrit word paduka.170 In the Kirtilata of Vidyapati,171 shoes were called paijjala.

160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171

Monier Williams under “shoe”, See Jutta Jain, FFIC, p. 83.

Jutta Jain, Ibid, p. 101.

Chhitaivarta of Narayandas, ed. by M. Prasad, pp. 376–377.

Gurjara Rasavali, ed. by B.K. Thakore, M.D. Desai, and M.C. Modi, VI, 88.

Jutta Jain, FFIC, p. 101.

Ibid., pp. 100–101.

Shams-i-Shiraj Afif, Tarikh-I Firuz Shahi, ed. by Vilayat Husain, p. 268.

Jutta Jain., FFIC, p. 101.

Ibid., p. 83.

Ibid.

Ibid., p. 101.

See, Kirtilata aur Avahatthabhasha, ed. by S.P. Singh, pp. 41, I.68.

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Padabandhanam also figures in the Sanskrit lexicon as shoes, probably meaning feet tied with many fasteners.172 Padarakshanam (Abhi., III, 578), literally mean­ ing protector of the feet, referred to shoes. Pannaddha and Pranahita (Abhi., III, 578) were other names for shoes. Patasangin173 (Atharva Veda, v.21.10), literally meaning sticking to the feet, probably referred to some kind of light or strapped footwear worn by the foot soldiers. The word pa-posh, a Persian word, meant a foot cover, shoe or slipper. It comes from the root words pa, meaning foot/leg, and posh, meaning to cover.174 Ratnakhachitapadukayugalam (Pr. Ch., 119) referred to san­ dals inlaid with jewels. The riding boots of a cavalier were known as sarmoja (VR., 32). Shoes embroidered with gold were called svarnopanad.175 Upanat176 (Abhi., III, 578) meant shoes. The word upanah or upanat is derived from the root nah (to bind, to tie around, to fasten). The word Upanah figures in the work of Panini (C. 4th century BCE), the grammarian, to refer to a sandal or shoe, as well as in Yajur Veda Samhita, the Atharva Veda and the Brahmanas. Upanah was probably the most common type of footwear in ancient India. It was worn as a ritual footwear dur­ ing religious occasions and by mendicants.177 Vaanhi (Vidyavilasapavadau)178 was another term used for shoes. Vaturinapada (Rig Veda, 1, 133.2), a word made out of vaturin meaning dressed or covered and pada meaning feet, probably referred to some kind of heavy foot guards worn in time of combat.179

Footwear as Seen in the Paintings As already mentioned, Jain paintings show very few types of footwear. Women, the Jain monks and the Tirthankaras are rarely shown wearing any kind of footwear. Most of the shoes seen in the paintings are worn by the Shahi figures.

172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179

Jutta, Jain, FFIC, p. 83.

Ibid., p. 83.

Ibid., p. 101.

Puratana Prabandha Samgraha, ed. by Jinavijaya, p. 9.

Abhidhanachintamani uses the term Padukakrit and Charmakrit for a shoe maker.

Jutta Jain, FFIC, Ibid., p. 83.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., VI, 243.

Jutta Jain, FFIC, p. 83.

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Figure 2.59

Figure 2.60

Figure 2.61

Seen in the paintings is a high leather boot, apparently made of soft leather, of mid-calf length. In some cases, the toe of the shoe curls up backwards in the manner and fashion of traditional Indian “Jutis” (see Figures 2.59 and 2.6) available even today. Some of these shoes also had stirrups attached to them. These full boots are mostly seen to be worn by the Shahi figures (see Plates 5 and 9)—with a few exceptions, where non-Shahi personages are also shown wearing this high boot. In the painting illustrating the “army of Gardabhilla on march”,180 we can see Gardabhilla on horseback wearing a high boot. Again, in another painting from Kalpasutra, depicting “Neminatha on his way to marriage pavillion”, we see Neminatha on horseback,181 wearing high boots. However, these exceptions are few. These full boots correspond to the descriptions of Duarte Barbosa and Mirat-i-Sikandari. Could this be the anupadina or khalyai-paijara of the texts? Another interesting high boot can be seen in the wooden patli from the mid-12th century CE, showing the battle between Bharata and Bahubali, where the warrior is shown wearing a knee length high boot. The front flap of the boot is covering even the knees (see Figure  2.60). The boot appears to have been some kind of an armour for the leg since it is worn during a battle scene. This boot brings to light the fact that the high boot was in use even before Muslim rule came to the region. Could this be the khallaka or the khapusa type of footwear mentioned in the Jain literature? Another shoe seen in the paintings is a very plain, unobtrusive looking shoe worn by a Shahi figure in a Kalakacharya Katha manuscript (see Figure 2.61). Painted in a very indistinct fashion, the seeming appearance of the shoe is like that of a modern-day loafer shoe. The shoe is absolutely flat, covering the forepart of the feet and is perhaps made of a single piece of leather. The side and the back of the foot are also covered with leather, but the leather attachment at the back is not very high, something like the modern slip-on loafer of today. From the names mentioned in the lexicons and literary texts, it is not possible to give any name to this shoe.

180 Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, P.C. Jain Collection, Mumbai, Reproduced as Col.illus.25B, in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings” Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III. 181 Kalpasutra, 1498, LDII. SaHa. 233.33., L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad.

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Figure 2.62

Figure 2.63

Another variety of shoe is seen in a painting, worn by two men, who appear to be attendants (see Figure 2.62). Here, the shoe has a pointed toe and low sides. The upper part appears to be made of a single piece of coloured leather. The shoe is flat with no heels. The back of the foot is supported by an elongated attachment or flap, which almost seems to touch the calf muscles. From the eyewitness accounts discussed earlier, we know that in the Mughal period, there were shoes with low sides, made of colourful leather, a pointed toe and low heels. This kind of a shoe is also seen in the paintings from Akbar’s court, worn by common people and attendants. Could this be the pay-afzar, which was renamed by Akbar as charandharan?182 An interesting slipper is shown being worn by a chauri bearer in a manuscript of Yashodhara Charitra (see Figure 2.63). The slipper has a slightly curved toe, and the upper flap covers almost the entire front part of the feet. The upper flap is adorned with small decorative buttons. The slipper is absolutely flat soled and seems to be made of black leather. We have already discussed that in the Mughal paintings we can see shoes made with their backs folded down so as to make the process of putting on and taking off easier. This shoe seems to be more like the ones seen in the Mughal paintings. From Bernier’s account, we know that due to excessive heat in India, people did not wear socks and greatly preferred the slippers to shoes.183

We can see that Jain paintings reveal very few samples of footwear; perhaps it had something to do with the Indian tradition, which forecloses the notion of footwear. Deities, people of spiritual standing and women are usually not shown wearing shoes, a fact corroborated by the evidence of the sculptures and paintings. But that does not mean footwear did not exist. Ancient literature is replete with references to footwear. As seen in the preceding pages, literary evidence proves that shoes of various forms and materials were commonly used. One explanation for the lack of representation of footwear in paintings could be that the use of shoes at the time of worship was prohibited in those days, as it is today. Both the ruler and the common devotee, while approaching the divinity, went barefoot as a sign of respect and submissiveness. Since the Jain manuscripts are religious in nature and most of the characters shown in the paintings are holy, or are engaged in some act of worship, they have purposefully been represented without shoes. In all likelihood, the Indian aristocracy had developed a taste for footwear around the early centuries of the common era, as is evident from literature. However, for the common people, shoes were worn only for protection of feet against severe climatic or topographical conditions in certain areas of the coun­ try, and many people went barefoot. From the eyewitness accounts as well as from

182 S.P. Verma, Art and Material Culture in the Paintings of Akbar’s Court, pp. 52–53. 183 F. Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire, tr. Archibald Constable, p. 240.

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representation in art, it appears that women of all classes abstained from wearing footwear, yet they wore many foot ornaments. Indian house was, and still is, consid­ ered a sacred place as it houses the family deity. No one is allowed to go inside with shoes on. Even today in many parts of India, all the family members, as well as visi­ tors and guests, come inside barefoot, leaving the shoes outside as they are considered impure.184 In spite of the utilitarian and functional aspects of footwear being overshadowed by the religious, ritual and ceremonial dictates, one is amazed to see the rich variety of footwear found in India. Probably, this abundance in style and creativity was helped by the climatic variations in a geographically diverse country like India. One must also emphasise here the steady inflow of foreign influences that kept coming in from outside; whether it was the Graeco-Roman, Persian, Kushana, Shaka, Arab, Turk, Afghan, Mughal or the British, it seems to have infused a new life into the indigenous shoemaking traditions.

184 Jutta Jain, pp. 53.

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3

TEXTILES

The piecing together of the history of textiles is an endeavour full of many difficulties for those who attempt its writing. Belonging essentially to the category of perishable things, there are not too many samples of fabric surviving through the ages. This is especially so in countries with warm and humid climates such as India. Consequently, the reliance of the scholar on literary texts of the period, both religious and otherwise, is greater. Of great value also are the contemporary accounts of travellers who, from time to time, left behind a record of their vivid impressions of things seen and noticed. Lastly, the pictorial evidence of contemporary paintings fills in wherever there is a lacuna in our knowledge of textiles used in India. The researcher also has to be con­ scious of the fact that the labels and the descriptions concerning various aspects of fabric production may have had connotations in the past, which were perhaps very different from what these words may have come to mean today. Whether it is the recovery of cotton fibres from the Harappan sites,1 references in the Vedas to well-dressed men, or Herodotus2 referring to the growing of cotton in India in the 5th century BCE, there is evidence enough of the existence, use and therefore manufacture of textiles in early India. India and good textiles were synonymous and interchangeable terms in the awareness of the society in the ancient world. Classical Greek accounts, like the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea (1st century CE), mentioned, “Indian cotton cloth of great width, cotton for stuffing, sashes or girdles, dress of skin with the hair or fur on, webs of cloth mallow-tinted and fine muslins”.3 Indian textiles, in the period of Gupta hegemony, appear already to have been the end result of highly sophisticated and advanced techniques in printing, painting, dye­ ing, weaving and embroidery. Literary texts mention that the art of calico printing in particular seemed to have been at its zenith at this time. Many of the typical designs4 and motifs of Indian textiles appear to have already evolved. Highly skilled techniques of dyeing, brocade weaving and fine embroidery appear to have been already in exist­ ence. Particularly worthy of notice in this period was the manufacture of an extremely

1 John Marshall, Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization, Vol. I, p. 33. 2 According to Herodotus, “There are trees which grow wild, the fruit of which is a wool exceeding in beauty and goodness that of sheep. The Indians make their clothes of this tree wool” See Herodotus, Historiae, ed. by C.E. Godley, VII, 65. 3 R.C. Majumdar, Classical Accounts of India, p. 290. 4 Such as the checks, stripes, geese, swans, deer and elephants. See Roshen Alkazi, Ancient Indian Cos­ tume, p. 154.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003415282-3

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fine transparent muslin, which was in great demand outside India.5 Even in this early period, the textile industry seemed to have got identified regionally in western India with Gujarat, Rajasthan and Sindh; in northern India with the Gangetic valley, Bengal and Orissa; in southern India with the Coromandel Coast.6 Western India, in particular Gujarat, appears to have been a major centre of highquality textile production. This fact is borne out by the numerous references to trade between Gujarat and the outside world. The Greek account of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea mentions the exporting of textiles in large quantities to the West from the Ariake country, that is country around the Gulf of Cambay.7 This trade seemed to have been in existence despite the Gulf of Cambay being difficult to navigate. The Periplus also mentions the heavy demand, around the islands of Socotra and other ports of the Red Sea, for Indian muslins.8 The manufacture of high-quality textiles in India, and particularly in Gujarat, is underscored by their remaining an impor­ tant item of export through the ensuing centuries. Time and again, the importance of Gujarat in the export trade of textiles is emphasised. Writing in the 13th century CE, Marco Polo9 said, “There is a great trade in this country (Cambay) . . . and they also make much buckram. There is also a great quantity of cotton which is exported hence to many quarters”. The textile trade of India in the 14th century CE seemed to have been almost a monopoly of Gujarat and to some extent of Rajasthan also. Nuwayri (died 1332 CE) mentioned a stuff called Barodji as originating from Baroc or Barodj and a stuff called Kanbayati10 as originating from Cambay. From the 13th century CE onwards, one finds copious references to the trade in Indian textiles, in the accounts of foreign travellers—European as well as Chinese; and in the accounts of Muslim historians and geographers. Confirming the existence of Indo-Arab trade in cotton textiles, the Chinese traveller Chao Ju-Kua wrote in the mid-13th century CE about the land of Hu-ch’a-la or Gujarat “the native products comprise great quantities of indigo, myrobalans and foreign cotton stuffs of even colour. Every year these goods are transported to the Ta-Shi (Arab or Persian) countries for sale”.11 The 14th and 15th century CE saw an increase in the export of textiles to Malaya and Indonesia. The importers were chiefly Muslims.12 In the early 16th century CE, Duarte Barbosa mentions a number of western ports like Malindi, Ormuz and Aden maintaining an active trade contact in textiles with Cambay and other places of Guja­ rat.13 At roughly the same time, Ludovico Varthema (1502–1508) wrote “An immense quantity of cotton is produced here, so that every year forty or fifty vessels are laden with cotton and silk stuffs, which stuffs are carried into different countries”.14 Tomé

We know of even the Egyptian mummies being wrapped in Indian muslin. See Alkazi, op. cit., p. 155. Alfred Buhler and Eberhard Fischer, The Patola of Gujarat: Double Ikat in India, Vol. I, p. 1. See Majumdar, op. cit., p. 290. Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India, p. 115. H.Yule, ed., The Book of Ser Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 398. G. Ferrand, Relations de Voyages, pp. 394–395. Chao Ju-Kua, his work on the Chinese and Arab trade in the 12th and 13th centuries, entitled Chu-fan­ chi, trans. by F. Hirth and W.W. Rockhill, Vol. I, p. 92. 12 Alfred Buhler, “Patola influences in South-East Asia”, Journal of Indian Textiles History, No. IV, p. 26. 13 The Book of Durate Barbosa, trans. by Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. 1, pp. 22, 55, 92. 14 The Itenerary of Ludovico Varthema, ed. by Sir Richard Temple, p. 45. 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

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Pires also from the early 16th century CE wrote about Muslims from almost all coun­ tries living in Cambay. He mentioned the business acumen of Hindu merchants, who also controlled the trade and ships sailing between Cambay, Aden, Ormuz, the Deccan ports, Goa, Bhatkal, Malabar, Ceylon, Bengal, Pegu, Siam, Pedir, Pase and Malacca. Cambay appears to have produced, according to Pires, silk and cotton of 20 different varieties, but “The life line of the Cambay trade was Java”. Gujarat seems to have exported to Banda all kinds of cloth in the 16th century CE.15 At the beginning of the 17th century CE, Gujarat seems to have been a major force in the textile trade with the west. Its calicoes, cheap in price but superior in quality, seem to have been a major item of export. The devastating famine of 1630–1632 CE affected the textile industry of Gujarat and witnessed the springing up of other centres of textile production outside Gujarat. The economic vicissitudes and the aftermath of the famine compelled weavers, dyers and washers to migrate out of Gujarat. In this period, Gujarat seemed to have cut down on the production of a large variety of tex­ tiles and concentrated mainly on the production of chintz.16 Reeling under the effect of famine, the production of cotton in Surat dropped from 15 bales to three bales in a month.17 The recovery of the Gujarat textile industry was prolonged and painful, but the earlier glory was never again achieved. With the increases in prices and a decline in the quality of textiles, the principal market of Gujarat with the East India Company was lost. Other centres of textile manufacture, such as Sindh, Agra and Samana in Patiala, had usurped that place.18 The existence of a highly developed and flourishing textile industry in western India emerges rather clearly from these references to the trade of textiles between Gujarat and areas both inland and overseas. The fact that the industry was highly skilled in areas such as dyeing, printing and weaving is borne out by the vernacular literary texts of medieval Gujarat and the accounts of the Dutch, French and British traders vying for the economic control of the Indian subcontinent. Between the 13th and 17th centuries CE, one comes across a mention of cotton, silk19 and mashru cloth.20 Also known was the manufacture of asbestos cloth and wool.21 The art of dyeing being

15 Tome Pires (1512–1515). See The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires, ed. and trans. By Armando Coretesao, Vol. 1, pp. 34, 207–208. 16 John Irwin, “Indian Textiles Trade in the Seventeenth Century”, Studies in Indo-European Textile His­ tory, p. 27. 17 W. Foster, ed., The English Factories in India (1630–33), p. 122. 18 Irwin, op. cit., p. 12. 19 Silk must have existed in India since the 5th century BCE. South Gujarat had silk weavers in the 4th to 5th century CE, as can be proved from the famous Mandasor Inscription. See Buhler and Fischer, op. cit., pp. 306, 341. 20 Mashru means permitted. In this sense, it would mean a textile permitted to be worn by the Muslims (as the Muslims were forbidden to wear pure silk). They were permitted to wear mixed silk and cotton textiles. It also means “mixed” in Sanskrit. In this sense, it would mean a fabric which was “mixed”. See Marie-Louise Nabholz-Kartaschoff, Golden Sprays and Scarlett Flowers: Traditional Indian Tex­ tiles, p. 223. 21 According to Pliny, asbestos cloth originated in India. According to the Chinese sources, it was procured from the hair of an animal that lived in fire and died in water. Later on, it came to be known as “stone wool”. Woollen stuffs like katif, saqlat and suf were famous products from Gujarat. See Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles and Coiffure in Ancient and Mediaeval India, pp. 119, 170.

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highly developed emerges from the references to a dyer who is called a nirnejaka and a rajaka (Abhi., III, 914). The colours used in printing at Ahmedabad are documented by Rocques22 (1678 CE) in great detail, testifying to a rather advanced understand­ ing of the manufacture and use of colours.23 Further confirming the advanced state of colour technology in 17th-century India, R. Pfister mentioned in his account24 that India was the only country which could produce cotton fixed with non-fugitive dyes. Also mentioned in great detail is the vast spectrum of shades that could be achieved by dyeing in medieval India.25 In addition to the simple dyeing of cloth into luminous colours, the ornamentation of textiles through printing, hand painting, tie-dyeing, weaving and embroidery is documented extremely well in several primary and secondary, both contemporary and later, works26 dealing with the history of textiles in Gujarat. The block printing27 technique of decorating textiles at that time appeared to have been a highly evolved process and was used for decorating large areas of cloth rather quickly. There were three or four variations of this technique involving the use of mordants28 and various resist dyeing methods.29 The Gujarati printers were aware in this period (prior to the discovery of synthetic dyes) of using mordants as catalysts, enabling the adherence of dye-stuff to the fibre, as an insoluble colour. They also knew how to achieve different colours by using different mordants. This

22 Rocques was an agent of Compagnie des Indes, employed in Western India, and his manuscript of 333 pages was written between 1678 and 1680 CE. It is a detailed account of the textile trade and manufac­ turing processes witnessed by the author mainly at Ahmedabad, Burhanpur and Sironj. 23 According to Rocques, at Ahmedabad, colours were made with ochre, verdigris, alum, gall nuts, pome­ granate rind, myrobalan, copperas, wheat flour, iron rust, turmeric, Saranguy (locally called ail or al) and indigo. See Paul, R. Schwartz, Printing on Cotton at Ahmedabad, India in 1678, Calico Museum of Textiles, Museum Monograph No. 1, p. 8. Regarding the use of indigo, it must be mentioned that before the 18th century CE, direct block printing with indigo was not possible. Since “indigo blue” is insoluble and could not be put on the fabric directly, it had to be reduced to “indigo white” by soaking its leaves in an alkaline solution, which produced a dye stuff that could dye a cloth when dipped into the dye vat. But indigo white oxidised and became indigo blue so quickly that it was not possible to charge a block with the dye and block print the colour directly. For more information, see John Irwin and Margaret Hall, “Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics”, Historic Textiles of India at the Calico Museum, Vol. 1, pp. 5, 177. 24 R. Pfister, Les toiles imprimees de Fostat et t’ Hindoustan. 25 Some of the important shades were red, like the flower of pomegranate; fast pink; orange; henna; pur­ ple; bluish green; green pistachio; bottle green; emerald green; colour like resin; colour like poppy seeds; sandal colour violet; violet with blackish tinge; brinjal colour; camel colour; walnut colour; amberi colour. See Hameeda Khatoon Naqvi, “Dyeing of Cotton Goods in the Mughal Hindustan (1556–1803)”, Journal of Indian Textile History, No. VII, pp. 49–56. 26 For more information on later works on textiles, see Bibliography. 27 Block printing, as a technique, involved the carving of a negative of a pattern onto a wooden block, which was then dipped into either a dye, pigment, mordant paste or resist substance such as wax, mud or paste, after which the block was pressed onto a cloth. 28 Mordant, a chemical agent (usually solutions of metallic salt), helped the dye to adhere to the cloth. The same dye would produce different colours if treated with different mordants. 29 To protect those parts of the cloth that need not have colour, the resist process was applied. For this, a paste-like semi-liquid substance having clay, lime, chalk, gum, resin or wax was applied on those parts, which needed to be protected from dye-stuff. After applying resist, the fabric could be dipped in the dye and no colour would appear on the parts where the resist was applied.

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skill was indicative of a highly advanced technological know-how in an age when the achievement of non-fugitive, permanent colours and prints was not within eve­ ryone’s reach.30 Another class of textiles produced in Gujarat at this time were hand-painted cali­ coes, where the dyes and mordants were applied freehand with a brush. Sometimes in a fabric both techniques of printing and painting were applied.31 These calicoes, printed and manufactured at Surat, formed the most important group of textiles and were also the single largest item of export from that area till the 17th century CE, as can be borne out by the several pieces of cotton textiles excavated from Fostat32 and Quseir al-Qadim33 sites in Egypt. These textiles, excavated from various sites in Egypt, are believed to be of Gujarati origin and are datable to around the 13th and 14th cen­ turies CE.34 Many of these excavated cotton fragments have old traditional patterns that can be corroborated from the Jain miniatures from western India belonging to roughly the same time period. The wax-resist35 dyeing technique had perhaps originated in south west China, from where it had travelled into India, achieving its full potential in western India, in the conducive atmosphere of an area already far advanced in the skills of decorating textiles. However, the mordant-resist36 and paste-resist dyeing techniques appeared to have developed completely on Indian soil. Yet another form of resist dyeing, which was peculiar to India, was the tie-resist dye­ ing technique. This process involved protecting certain areas of cloth from the effect of colour, by tying up that portion with a thread. This technique, known as bandhani, developed especially in Gujarat and Rajasthan. A variation of this technique was the stitch-resist dyeing, which involved the use of a running stitch to form folds and pleats on a cloth, thereby creating areas that were resistant to colour. The pattern formed by this method emerged as a row of dots and was called tritik in Indonesia.37

30 Agnes Geijer, “Some Evidence of Indo-European Commerce in Pre-Mughal Times”, Journal of Indian Textiles History, No. 1, p. 35. 31 Early European trade records called these painted and printed calicoes as “chintes” or “pintadoes”. See Irwin, op. cit., pp. 15–16. According to the 17th century CE travellers, the painted cottons of India were of much superior quality to the printed ones. See Schwartz, op. cit., p. 17. 32 Excavations in the late 19th century CE, at a place called Fostat, on the outskirts of Cairo, yielded some cotton fragments. The first study on these fragments was made by the French scholar, R. Pfister, who separated the Indian fabrics (which he believed were of Gujarati origin) from the other textiles found at the site and wrote about his finds in the work entitled Les toiles imprimees de Fostat et l’ Hindoustan. See Irwin and Hall, Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics, pp. 1, 3–4. 33 Quseir-al-Qadim, a small seaport on the Red sea, also yielded textile material datable between 1200 and 1500 CE, which are comparable to the textile pieces of Indian origin discovered at Fostat. The first excavation took place in 1978, led by D. Whitcomb and J. Johnson and the second excavation was in 1980 and 1982. See Kartaschoff, op. cit., p. 205. See also Eastwood, op. cit., p. 4. 34 Gittinger, op. cit., p. 31. 35 Wax resist refers to the use of wax as a resist on the cloth. The area of the cloth that has wax applied to it prevents the dye from permeating into the cloth, when the cloth is dipped in the liquid dye. 36 In this process, only those parts of the cloth are covered with mordants which need to be dyed; as a result, when the cloth is dipped in dye, only those portions get dyed, where the mordant has been applied. 37 See Alfred Buhler, Eberhard Fischer and Marie-Louise Nabholz, Indian Tie-Dyed Fabrics, Historic Textiles of India at the Calico Museum, Vol. IV, pp. 2, 5.

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An extremely important and celebrated textile of Gujarat is the patola, used mostly as ceremonial wear. This form of textile originated from a combination of the weav­ ing and dyeing techniques (the warp and the weft threads being tied and then dyed in consonance with a pre-determined pattern). Ancient texts contain many words that appear to be close to the term patola, but the attempt to link the present-day textile with these terms is full of conjecture. There is no definite information about the origin of patola. There is, however, more definite proof about patola from the 10th century CE onwards. Gujarati literatures from the 11th century onwards contain words like patolu, patola and patauliya, which are suggestive of the term patola. One cannot, however, be sure that this term occurring in early literature refers to the pure silk, double ikat technique, that the word patola today signifies.38 Thus, though one cannot be sure of the actual nature and technique of patola, one can perhaps conjecture that the term has been derived from a word that means colourful or floral. Interestingly enough, the fact that the terms describing these textiles and the motifs used therein are almost always in Gujarati and rarely in Sanskrit, connects the manufacture of patola, firmly to the area of Gujarat, as one of its traditional crafts.39 Patan has been, for a long time, an important centre for the manufacture of patola.40 A related, though simpler technique is used in the creation of the mashru cloth, which also entails the use of the yarn-resist-dyeing technique as in the patola. The dif­ ference is that only one set of threads, for example the warp threads, is tied for resist dyeing. The motifs are achieved by shifting the tie-dyed warp threads into patterns of choice. Another important form of patterning a cloth is through the weave, of which bro­ cade weaving is the classic example. Ahmedabad, during Jahangir’s rule, remained a great centre of fine brocade (kimkhab)41 weaving and continued its position until the 19th century CE. Gujarat has had the reputation of producing good embroidery long into the past. Marco Polo too records that leather mats made in Gujarat were used to sleep on the floor. These were made of red leather with beautiful embroidery in gold and sil­ ver threads. The motifs depicted birds and beasts. Cushions were also embroidered with gold.42 Duarte Barbosa refers to this embroidery in superlative tones when he refers, among the products of Cambay, to “very beautiful quilts and testers of bed finely worked”. These quilts according to him were embroidered by “Moorish washer women”.43 In 1585 CE, Linschoten refers to bedspreads worked with many coloured

38 Ibid., pp. 20–21. 39 See Buhler and Fischer, op. cit., pp. 309, 339. 40 Mattiebelle Gittinnger, Master Dyers to the World, p. 152. 41 Kimkhab is a silk fabric brocaded with silver and gold. The metal thread used for broaching is made by flattening the metal into a fine strand. The metal strand is then wound over a core of silk. Towards the end of the 19th century CE, cotton was used as a core instead of silk. See John Irwin and Margaret Hall, Indian Embroideries, Historic Textiles of India at the Calico Museum, Vol. II, pp. 211, 216. 42 The Book of Ser Marco Polo, ed. by H. Yule, Vol. II, p. 394. 43 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. by Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. I, p. 142.

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silks on cotton grounds.44 In 1622 CE, the Dutchman Schouten45 referred to embroi­ dered goods, which formed the principal export of Gujarat. During the 16th and 17th centuries CE, Gujarat was a renowned centre of commercial embroidery. The best-known item in the 16th and 17th centuries CE were its silk thread chain-stitch embroideries on cotton. Cambay and Patan were the main centres of this production. During Akbar’s rule, various royal workshops or kharkhanas carrying out this work were established under the royal patronage, including one at Ahmedabad.46

Textiles in Lexicons and Other Related Sources Western India, and especially Gujarat, as one already knows, was a well-established centre known for the production of textiles, coveted by countries overseas in both the east and the west. The processes concerning textile production, from the beginning to the end, were being carried out in their entirety at the various centres within Gujarat. This brisk and highly popular industry thus was an integral part of the general aware­ ness of the common man, and it is not at all surprising that references to textiles find their way into lexicons and other vernacular literature. Fairly detailed information on textiles is also available in the records of the English East India Company though the Indian terms become anglicised in these accounts. The generic terms used for “cloth” in the lexicons were amsuyam, ambaram, chelam (Paiya., 69), dosi etc. (KP., IV, 15). British records refer to “guinea stuffs”,47 which were actually a class of cheap textiles patterned with stripes and checks and mostly exported. The entries concerning textiles in this period are extremely interesting. Some of the more important ones have been culled out for the purpose of this book. An attempt has also been made to understand the kind of textile these terms referred to, as for example, adana probably referred to an imported stuff from Aden (VS., I, 180). The Prithvichandracharita48 recorded a very similar word atana, which referred to a silk stuff from Aden. Quite obviously, this was a variation of the word adana. Addhachina seemed to have represented gauze silk in Haribhadra Suri’s Samaraich­ chakaha.49 Adhotari50 (VS., I, 181) represented a kind of fine cotton dupatta, whereas agala was a stuff dyed deep brown (VS., 1, 181). Agnisaucha (Vaija., 168, 237) meant asbestos cloth imported from China. According to Hemachandra in Parishishtaparvan

Irwin and Hall, Indian Embroideries, pp. 2–3.

Voyage de Gautier Schouten, Vol. I, pp. 400, 407.

Irwin and Hall, Indian Embroideries, pp. 29–30, p. 5.

Such as Brawles, Capperees, Chirans, Chuckerees, Hussanees and Populees etc. The name “Guinea

Stuffs” is given after Guinea, a part of the Western coast of equatorial Africa, which was the main source of the slaves sent to the West Indies. “Guinea Stuffs” was the generic name for a wide range of cheap, brightly coloured Indian calicoes mostly striped or chequered and very popular with the Africans. They were first shipped to London; then they were sold to slave traders, who sent them to Guinea and the West Indies. 48 Prachina Gurjara Kavya samgraha, ed. by C.D. Dalal, p.  102. Abul Fazl mentions a cloth stuff called atan. This may be the same as adana. See Ain-i-Akbari, tr. by Blochmann, Vol. I, p. 84. 49 See Moti Chandra, “Indian Costumes and Textiles from the Eighth to the Twelfth Century”, Journal of Indian Textile History, No. V, p. 14. 50 The word seems to have originated from a combination of the Hindi word Addhi, meaning fine muslin and Sanskrit, uttariya. 44 45 46 47

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(Pari., VI, 91), asbestos cloth51 has been mentioned as something that could be cleaned by fire. The term ahinvala probably referred to silk manufactured at Anahilavada or modern Patan (VR., 21, 22). Similarly, ajayameru was perhaps silk made in Ajmer (VR., 21, 22). The term aksun featuring twice in the works of Amir Khusrau perhaps denoted black silk.52 Produced in western India, alachas, a derivative of Turki; alcha, alacha (meaning stripes), referred to in the English trade records53 of the seventeenth century CE, has been described as a mixed cotton and silk cloth having red and white, blue and white stripes. Sometimes it had floral motifs and at times it was decorated with gold and sil­ ver threads. According to Bernier, it was used for vests and summer trousers. Amaria (VS., I, 180) perhaps referred to a stuff manufactured in Bihar during the 14th century CE. The word amsuka54 probably meant a muslin-like cloth, either in silk or in cotton (Dvya., X, 37). Aradhakansikavastra (Pari., I, 186) has been described as a cheap, inexpensive fabric, referring perhaps to the impurity of the fabric. Aradhi or adadhi, meaning “half” in Gujarati, probably referred to plain white cloth from Gujarat and Rajasthan that was dyed to order. This was probably the same as the word ardeas55 occurring in the English records of the 17th century CE. The Sanskrit term ardhapatta may literally be translated as “half silk” and conse­ quently may have referred to a cloth made with mixed cotton and silk, woven in Sindh and exported chiefly to Persia. In the English trade records, it is called adputtaes.56 The term astar was generally used for any kind of silk lining; however, the Medini used this word to describe a carpet. Atlas was the generic name for satin (Hudud., p. 134). The Varnaka-Samuhcaya (VS., I, 181) used the word atlas khasu to refer to black satin and also the term atlas papadi to describe what may have been some kind of crisp satin. Auchin (VS., I, 34) was perhaps derived from the Sanskrit akunchita, meaning curled or wrinkled. This may well have been a wrinkled cloth. Bafta, a word of Persian origin also occurring in the English records of the 17th cen­ tury CE (the boefta of Spanish/Portuguese records), referred to a white cloth of Guja­ rat, manufactured specially at Broach and Nosari (modern Navsari). For bakrakota

51 According to the Chinese sources, asbestos cloth was obtained from the hair of an animal, which lived in fire and died in water, though later on it came to be known as “stone wool”. See F. Hirth, China and the Roman Orient, p. 249. 52 See M. Wahid Mirza, Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, p. 11, footnote1. Perhaps, the term Aksun was a derivation from Abaskum, which was a port on the Caspean Sea-described by Hawqal and others as a busy market for silk trade. 53 The words mentioned in the 17th-century English trade records have been taken from a glossary of Textile terms complied by John Irwin. These lists of Indian words (which got integrated into the popular usage of the English language) have been based on the pattern of Yule and Burnell’s Hobson-Jobson and other local lists. See Irwin, op. cit., pp. 57–62. 54 Amsuka and Chinamsuka have been mentioned in the Harshacharita and are translated as both muslin and thin silk. According to the Jain text anuyogadavara, 37, amsuga is silk of Indian origin while chi­ namsuya is silk from China. See Moti Chandra, “Indian Costumes and Textiles from the English to the Twelfth Century”, Journal of Indian Textile History, No. V, p. 15. 55 See Irwin, op. cit., p. 58. 56 Ibid., p. 57.

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(VS, I, 35), Moti Chandra57 conjectures that this may well have been the stuff from Bagalkot, in Karnataka, which was famous for its silk and cotton products. Band­ halaga (VS., I, 180) was perhaps the famous bandhani or tie-dye work of Gujarat. The Varnaka-Samuhcaya (VS., I, 180) mentions another word kothalaga, which also was a bandhani work and may have referred to a pattern forming checks and squares. Bara­ bati (VS., I, 180) perhaps was a stuff imported from Barab or Farab of the Jaxartes area. Bhairava58 has been mentioned as “shuddha” (Prithvichandracharita),59 perhaps meaning pure cotton stuff. One hears of a bodice made of bhairava stuff (Bisaladeva Raso, v. 123).60 In the Varnaka-Samuhcaya,61 there is a mention of the compound term bhairava kamasu misru-lahi (VS., I, 181). This term obviously has a complex meaning that per­ haps indicates fine cotton, silk or a mixture of cotton/linen or silk. Bihari was a cloth mentioned specifically for its loveliness in the accounts of Amir Khusrau.62 Boriavadi (VS., I, 35, 180) perhaps referred to some stuff made in Boriavi near Anand, Gujarat. The other conjecture is that the name may have been derived from bora or rosette, which formed the design on the cloth as we hear of a kachuliya made of boriavadi.63 Bulbul chashma, a cloth popular in Gujarat, perhaps had a diagonal diamond/cheq­ uered pattern with dots in the middle, the pattern was most probably woven. The cloth is probably the same as the “Bird’s eye” mentioned in the English records. In one of the letters, we find an interesting observation made by a servant of the East India Company in 1662 CE, “we formerly received from your parts [Gujarat] a striped or chequered sort of calicoes called Birds eyes”.64 Foreign terms and words were also absorbed into the Indian languages, and bulgara chira (VS., I, 180) perhaps referred to silk or velvet imported from Bulgaria.65 Citrapata (Vaija., 168, 238) may have been a printed calico. There is, however, an element of doubt in this identification. The term chakavata (VS., I, 180) denoted a cloth with a chakra (wheel) and rosette pattern. Chakresvari (VR., 22) and chakrapata were variants of chakavata and also meant a silk cloth decorated with chakra motif. Chala­ valia (VS., I, 180) perhaps referred to a light stuff prone to flutter. Champavati (VS., I, 34, 180) was a stuff, which derived its name from the fact that it was perhaps made in Champaner, Gujarat, or at the port of Chaul, which was also known as Champavati. Charasa or Chorasa (VS., I, 180) perhaps indicated a square chadar. Charulia (VS., I,

57 Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, Journal of Indian Textile History, No. VI, p. 24. 58 It appears that the Sanskrit word Bhairava may be the same as the words used in Portuguese—Bierames, Persian—Bairam and Byrams of the English records. At a certain point, all these records describe it as a superior white calico. The connotation of the word changes, however, in the 17th century CE, when it came to mean a coarse and inferior cloth usually dyed, red, blue and black and used for exports to Asian markets. 59 Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, op. cit., p. 102. 60 See Bisaladeva Raso of Narpat Nalha, ed. by M. Prasad, V.123, p. 53. 61 Varnaka Samuhcaya, ed. by B.J. Sandesara, hereafter referred to as VS. 62 Moti Chandra, “Indian Costumes and Textiles from the Eighth to the Twelfth Century”, op. cit., p. 15. 63 The Sthulabhadra Phagu of Jinapadama Suri (1333–1343) mentions a Kachuliya made out of boriavadi. See Prachina Phagu Samgraha, ed. by B.J. Sandesera, I, 13. Hereafter referred to as PPS. 64 G. Birdwood and W. Foster, ed., The First Letter Book (1600–1619), Vol. III, p. 163. 65 Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, op. cit., p. 25.

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180) once again derived its name from a region. It was perhaps the cotton stuff manu­ factured in Chirala town (Guntur district) of Andhra Pradesh. Could this have been an ikat fabric, as this place until recently was known for producing double ikat fabric called Telia rumaal? Could there have been an interaction between the ikat weavers of Gujarat with the ones at Chirala in Andhra? Chaukapadiya (VS., I, 35) traces its root to the Gujarati word chokadi meaning a “group of four”. It referred to a cheap chequered calico, patterned on the loom. It was perhaps the same as the chaukadiya mentioned in the Prithvichandracharita.66 Probably it was also the same as the Chuckerees mentioned in the English records, which was described as a blue/white chequered or striped design, patterned on the loom.67 Chaulahira (VS., I, 181) perhaps meant a stuff having four wavy patterns, woven in the loom. Chautara (VS., I, 181) derived from the Gujarati word chotari, meant a weave pattern formed by four threads each, in the warp and the weft. It has been mentioned as “chautars/chowters” in the English records. It signified a superior white calico used for shirting.68 Chhagala (Med., 185, 91) most probably denoted a blue cloth (nilavastra). Chhana-chhani (Desi., iii, 34) perhaps meant hempen cloth. Cheuli (VS., I, 180) referred to the stuff made at modern Chaul (close to Mumbai). Moti Chandra mentions a silk fabric with a bright satin sheen called cheoli, manufac­ tured at Benares69 until recently. Could both the cheuli and cheoli mean the same cloth? Sindh is known to have produced the best “chelloes” which were of a kind of strong and glossy silk. Interestingly, the word “chelloes”70 mentioned in the English trade records stands for a cheap cotton cloth with red, blue or black stripes patterned on the loom. China was a generic name used for Chinese silk. Another name used for Chinese silk in the period of this study was chinamsukapatta.71 Similarly chini mentioned by Barani was a general name for silk stuff from China. Chinidama (VS., I, 181) meant either a knotted silk stuff or just an embroidered border. Chira mentioned in the Var­ naka lists datable to the late 15th century or 16th century CE perhaps meant muslin of narrow width used for making turbans.72 In Vidyapati’s Padavali,73 it is mentioned that women wore beautifully dyed chira muslin, thus establishing chira as muslin. Chhita, also occurring in the Varnaka lists, was perhaps one of the earliest references to chintz.74 In the 17th and 18th century CE, chhita was used to designate a spotted cloth. Basically, it could mean any painted or printed calico. Chittalam (Paiya., 94) was described as a variegated stuff. Chudabhati (VS., I, 180) was perhaps a stuff deco­ rated with a bangle pattern (bhati). Dadima (Prithvichandracharita)75 was referred to as a pomegranate-coloured stuff. Dandaprakara (VR., 21–22) referred to striped silk. By devadushya (Vs., I, 35,

66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75

See Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, op. cit., p. 102.

Another word used for this was Capperees. See Irwin, op. cit., pp. 61–62.

Irwin, op. cit., p. 61.

Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, op. cit., p. 26.

Irwin, op. cit., p. 62.

Moti Chandra, “Indian Costumes and Textiles from the Eighth to the Twelfth Century”, op. cit., pp. 14,

17. Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, op. cit., pp. 15, 43. See Vidyapati ki Padavali, ed. by G. Sinha, p. 104. Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, op. cit., p. 43. Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, op. cit., p. 102.

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180), diba76 silk of Persian origin was meant. Devagiru (VS., I, 35) also called deogir referred to a fine muslin manufactured in Devagiri (modern Daultabad), Maharashtra. Devanga mentioned in Samaraichchakaha referred to silk, either imported from Persia or an indigenous silk. It appears to have been brocaded silk worn by the king, as is evident from the Varna-Ratnakara (VR., 22). One reads of the Devangachira (VS., I, 34) in Varnaka-Samuhcaya, where it has been mentioned as diba silk. In the Samarai­ chchakaha, devadusa has been referred to as a smooth stuff.77 Devanayake (VR., 12) meant brocaded silk. Dhanaveli (VS., I, 181) literally meaning “precious creeper” referred to a stuff that had some kind of rhizome, that is, a horizontal, elongated pat­ tern on it. Dhauta-karpasa-vasas (Dvya., XIX, 58) referred to a well-bleached cotton stuff. Dhautakauseya (Vaija., 168.236) meant bleached silk or wild silk. Dhautavata (VS., I, 35) or dhota-patta referred to bleached silk. Dhumarai (VS., I, 180) meant stuff dyed emerald green. Dibahae-chin78 meant Chinese brocade. Dindilliam (Desi., IV, 10) has been described as some kind of embroidered cloth (khalikhachitavastram). Divyam­ bara most probably meant diba brocade.79 Doria80 was a striped stuff that could be white, black, yellow and green. Dukula mentioned in Vaijayanti (Vaija., 168.244) was woven silk or simply a white cloth. Another variant, dugulla has been mentioned by Paiyalachchhinamamala (Paiya., 266) as a fine cloth while Desinamamala (Desi., v, 41) described it as a kind of cloth. Abhidhanachintamani (Abhi., III, 669) equated it with linen and mentioned that it was made from bark fibre. According to Medini (Med., 186, 99), it was linen and of a smooth texture. Mankhakosa81 also referred to it as a fine-textured material and equated it with linen. By dukulatrayam (Pr.Ch., 136), linen was meant.82 Gajabandha (VR., 21, 22) was a pattern, woven, printed or embroidered, consisting of rows of elephants. Could this be made in the “bandha” (tie/dyed) technique? Simi­ lar sounding word, Gajakarni (VS., I, 180) was a kind of silk cloth known in Gujarat. Gajavadi (VS., I, 34, 35, 180) was perhaps a stuff decorated with elephant pattern or was a closely woven cotton stuff.83 This was also equated with the word Gajiyani, which perhaps was a silk cloth. Gangasagara (VR., 21, 22) referred to a fine silk produced in Bengal; perhaps this was a gauze-like silk. Garbhasutra (VS., I, 35) was a fine variety of muslin, also mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari as garba-suti.84 Gaunaka (Dvya., XVIII, 34) has been described as a very rough material (atisthultvad gonyas­ tulaym). Goji (VS., 34, 35) appears to have been a calico chiefly woven at Gokul in

76 For a discussion on the etymology of the word diba, which generally describes brocade, see Moti Chan­ dra, “Indian Costumes and Textiles from the Eighth to the Twelfth Century”, op. cit., p. 14. 77 In Trishashtisalakapurushacharita of Hemachandra, it is described as a milky white stuff. Ibid., p. 14. 78 See Nuh Siphr, ed. by M.W. Mirza, p. 373. 79 It is mentioned in the Kirtilata of Vidyapati. See Kirtilata aur Avahatthabhasha, ed. by S.P. Singh, p. 40, I. 36. 80 Padamavat of Malik Muhammad Jayasi, with the Hindi comm. by V.S. Agrawala, p. 329. 81 The Mankhakosa (C. 1150 CE), ed. by T. Zachariae, p. 831. 82 Prabandhachinatamani of Merutunga, ed. by Muni Jinavijaya, p. 136. Here after referred to as Pr.Ch. 83 In the Vidyavilasapavadau, a woman is shown wearing a skirt made of gajavada cloth. See Gurjara Rasavali, ed. by B.K. Thakore, M.D. Desai, and M.C. Modi, VI, 326. 84 Ain-i-Akbari, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 100.

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Mathura district and usually dyed at Ahmedabad. Even today, coarse cotton cloth of uneven length is called goji85 in Gujarat. The word may be identified with “Guzees” of the English records. Gule-baqli mentioned in the cloth control order of Alauddin Khalji, by Amir Khusrau, has been identified by Moti Chandra as probably being a flowered jamdani silk.86 Gunjara (VR., 122) was a plain cotton stuff made in Gujarat. Hamsatula (Tilakmanjari) perhaps referred to a cotton stuff painted with geese motif. Related to this pattern was the hamsavadi (VS., I, 35, 180), which was possibly a fabric decorated with the hamsa motif, which had been a favourite textile pattern from the Gupta period till the 15th century CE. This word has also been mentioned in Prithvichandracharita87 with the same meaning. Harir88 referred to silk. Harir or hariri was a generic term used for certain kinds of silk stuff.89 Holiyu (VS., I, 35), derived from the Arabic root hulliyah, perhaps was a deep-brown woollen chadar. Jadara (Prithvichandracharita)90 was a silk stuff in black, yellow and grey colours. This word also occurs in Varnaka-Samuhcaya (VS., I, 34). It has been frequently men­ tioned in old Gujarati literature. The editors of the Gurjara-Rasavali,91 in a note, describe it as a white silk, usually worn by the bride during the marriage ceremony. Varieties of the jadara mentioned in the Varnaka-Samuhcaya are Jadara mathau (VS., I, 34), a stuff with sheen (mathau), jadara dadimasara (VS., I, 181), pomegranate col­ oured, and jadara bhatigatu (VS., I, 34, 35) apparently meant patterned. It was also emerald green (maragada).92 Jarabapha (VS., I, 180) originating from the Persian root zarbaft meant gold woven. Jhamaratali (VS., I, 181) was a fine muslin from Bihar. This word occurs in the Prithvichandracharita93 too, with the same meaning. Jhanbar­ tali was a very fine kind of muslin. It has been mentioned by the contemporary Jain stock lists as well as by Amir Khusrau.94 Jhuna95 has been mentioned in the sense of a muslin. Other related words for muslin are jhilli (Med., 152, 38) equated with chiri, a fine muslin and jhuni (Med., 54, 14) mentioned frequently in later literature. Jhurana (VR., 122) was also a fine muslin of medieval times. Juz, mentioned by Amir Khusrau and by Ibn Battuta, has been described as a silk piece that was dyed in five colours.96 Kachi (VR., 122) was cotton stuff perhaps made in the Kanchipuram area. Kadali­ garbha (VR., 21, 22) literally meant silk as soft as the interior of the banana tree. It obviously referred to a very soft stuff. Kajala ambara97 was black silk, which was a great

85 Gajjhi in Hindi is applied to a very closely woven thick calico, the word apparently derived from gajjhina, coarse, closely woven, exactly in the same sense as gaji in Gujarati. See Moti Chandra, “Cos­ tumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, Journal of Indian Textile History, No. VI, p. 28. 86 Ibid., p. 15.

87 See Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, op. cit., p. 102.

88 Nuh Siphr., op. cit., p. 373.

89 Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, op. cit., p. 15.

90 Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, op. cit., p. 102.

91 Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., p. 193.

92 See, PPS., op. cit., II, 20.

93 Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, op. cit., p. 102.

94 Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, op. cit., p. 15.

95 It is mentioned that the breast cloth (ulapata) and chadar (tava) were made of jhuna muslin. See Bis­ aladeva Raso, op. cit., p. 53. 96 See Ars Islamica, XI–XII, p. 137. 97 Kirtilata, op. cit., p. 37.

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favourite of the Turks. Kalagai kokachi (VS., I, 180) probably denoted a pashm (fine goat hair) shawl decorated with a pine cone or kalgi pattern. Kalakamsuka (Dvya., XV, 71) meant black muslin or silk. Kalavadi (VS., I, 180) meant chadar or dupatta of black silk. Kamakha (VS., I, 180) was brocade imported from China and Persia.98 Kamalaveli (VS., I, 181) probably meant a stuff decorated with lotus rhizomes. Kambala (Abhi., III, 670; Vaija., 169.258) referred to a blanket made of sheep’s wool. This was perhaps the same as the Kamvala of the Varna Ratnakara (VR., 14), where again it referred to a blanket. Kanakapatra (VR., 21, 22) perhaps referred to some kind of jamdani stuff, with leaf design in gold, and possibly also to a tinsel printed silk. Kapuriya (Prithvichandracharita)99 referred to a cheap blue and white chequered or striped cloth of western Indian affiliation, patterned in the loom and exported mainly for the slave traders. Karyari (Desi, ii, 16) referred to a thick cloth. Karmadana (VS., I, 180) perhaps referred to a gold-embroidered stuff and seems to be related to the Persian word Kamdan. Karpasa (Abhi., III, 669; Vaija, 131, 211) referred to cotton stuff. Karppura-chauka (VR., 21, 22) most probably meant silk as white as camphor slab or chequered camphor white silk, but decorated with rosettes. Kasabi vastra men­ tioned in the late 15th or 16th century CE, Varnaka lists, referred to a pure silk fabric generally of red colour, used for making shirts, and manufactured till the beginning of the 20th century in Agra and Farrukhabad. Kasiam (Desi., ii, 59) perhaps referred to a thin stuff made in Benares in the medieval times. Kasturia has been mentioned as a musk-coloured stuff in Prithvichandracharita. The word katan, from the Persian root qutni, probably denotes linen.100 Katana Jhuna was a variation mentioned in the Prithvichandracharita describing what appears to have been fine linen muslin.101 Another variant, katani-jhuna (VS., I, 180, 181), referred to thin linen that was dyed coral (magavana) and decorated with lotuses (kamalavana), or striped (dariya khana). During British times, it was an important cloth exported from Gujarat. The English records call it “cuttanees”102 and describe it as a silk-cotton mix with a satin weave. It was usually striped but sometimes interspersed with flowers. The term kathivala (VR., 122) perhaps referred to a textile that proclaimed its regional affili­ ation to Kathiawar. Kathivu (VS., I, 181) seems to have been some richly embroidered stuff, perhaps velvet. It has been called katipha elsewhere.103 Katif referred to a woollen stuff very famous in Gujarat. Mahmud Begada, the Sultan of Gujarat, is supposed to have sent these woollen stuffs to Zain-ul-Abidin,104 the Sultan of Kashmir. Kauseya (Abhi., III, 670) was woven silk. Kausumbha (Dvya., XVIII, 34) meant safflower-coloured cloth. Kausumbha-vasana105 meant a red garment worn at the time of marriage. Khadaki (VS., I, 180) perhaps referred to a silk piece for making bodice in later times. Kharma (VS., I, 34, 35, 180) was a floss silk, that is a fluffy fibrous material, the softer variety

98 Kamkha was a generic name for brocades. Barani mentions it as a costly stuff, so does Ibn Battuta. See Ars Islamica., XI–XII, p. 137. 99 Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, op. cit., p. 102. 100 Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, op. cit., p. 16. 101 Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, op. cit., p. 102. 102 Irwin, op. cit., p. 63. 103 Varnaka-samuhcaya, Vol. I, p. 216. 104 Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sulatanate Period”, op. cit., p. 42. 105 Parishishtaparavan of Hemachandracharya, ed. by H. Jacobi, II, 8.

103

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was called narmma kharmma or kharamu naramu. A  variation like the ubhaya kharama was a material that was fluffy on both sides. Vama kharma was perhaps an imported stuff from the district of Bam or Bamm on the eastern frontier of Kerman. Khasata (VS., I, 35) was a fine variety of muslin known as khasa, woven mostly in Dacca district. Khazz106 referred to Persian silk. Khazz was also said to have been a kind of heavy plush velvet made of silk and wool.107 By kimiharavasanam (Desi., ii, 33), silk was meant. Kinham (Desi, ii, 59) perhaps meant thin black silk. Kirpas was a generic name for all kinds of cotton stuffs.108 Kshauma (Abhi., III, 669) equated with dukula-dugula is said to have been a kind of bark-fibre cloth. Kshauma (Dvya., XV, 44) is said to have been white linen. According to the Medini, kshauma (Med., 131, 9) not only was linen but also had a wider connotation. It is said to have been made from the bark fibre as well as from hemp. Kshirodaka (VR., 21, 22) was a light silk material known in Indian literature since the 7th century CE. Kusabhia (VS., I, 180) referred to a safflower-dyed cloth very popular in medieval times. Laksakrmija (Mankhakosa) meant a silk cloth dyed in lake and kermes. Lauhitaka (Dvya., XIX, 73) referred to red cloth.109 Lovadi (VS., I, 180) referred to short woollen chadar. Madvia (VS., I, 180) referred to a fabric made in Mandavi, a port in the Kutch area. Magalika (VS., I, 34), according to Moti Chandra, either referred to “auspicious” material used during auspicious occasions such as marriages or was a printed calico from either Mangrol in Rajasthan or Mangrol in Gujarat. Mahimudisahi (VS., I, 180) referred to the finest variety of muslin of Bengal origin. Mahyu-salu (VS., I, 181) referred to red cloth from Mau.110 Majhotari (VR., 122) referred to cloth of middling size. Maka­ bala (VS., I, 180) referred to Persian makhmal or velvet. Makadhana (Med., 117, 201) referred to a very expensive cloth. Malabari lachhari (VS., I, 181) was a subcategory of ginghams defined as a kind of cotton or linen cloth that was woven of dyed yarn, often in stripes or checks. Malamala sahi (VS., I, 181) was perhaps the finest quality of Bengal muslin. Malavidyadhara (VR., 21, 22) apparently referred to the motif of a row of fly­ ing figures of the heavenly musicians (vidyadharas). Mandalia (VS, I, 180) referred to a stuff made at Mandali, a place in north Gujarat. Mandila (VS., I, 35) was a striped fabric of mixed silk and cotton, usually colourful. Mani and manijala (VR., 21, 22) perhaps referred to motifs of lozenges in the former and lozenge meshes in the latter fabric. Manjira (VS., I, 181) referred to a stuff probably adorned with floral blossoms. Maragadajadara111 meant emerald green silk. Masanjara, figuring in the Varnaka lists of the late 15th and 16th century CE, referred to a kind of silk cloth with leaves and branches woven in it. Mashru-shari was mixed silk and goat hair stuff. Meghauna was black silk.112 Meghavana (Prithvichandracharita)113 referred to a stuff as black as the

106 107 108 109

110 111 112 113

Nuh Siphr, op. cit., p. 373.

The Rehla of Ibn Battuta, trans. by Madhi Husain, p. 151.

Kirpas seems to have been derived from the Sanskrit karpasa.

The insect Kermes produced a beautiful shade of red. See Moti Chandra, Costumes Textiles, Cosmetics

and Coiffure in Ancient and Mediaeval India, p.129; the Lauhitaka was dyed in madder or any colour equivalent to its shade. There are a large number of Maus in Uttar Pradesh. Mau in Azamgarh district is famous for cloth weaving. See Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, op. cit., p. 31. Neminatha Phagu of Rajshekhara Suri, PPS., op. cit., II, 20. Padamavat, op. cit., 329–324. Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, op. cit., p. 102.

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cloud. Megha-udumbara114 and meghavarna (VR., 21, 22) referred to black silk made in Bengal, perhaps also emulating the colour of dark clouds. Miniya (VS., I, 180) was most probably a cloth decorated with gold designs only on the surface.115 Misaru (VS., I, 181) referred to mixed cotton and silk stuff. Moliya (VS., I, 180) was perhaps the same as “morees” of the English commerce, which was one of the types of staple cot­ ton cloth woven on the Coromandel Coast. Motichuri Tamaru (VS., I, 181) referred to some white cloth for export to the Timor Islands. Muganau (VS., I, 34) perhaps meant coral-coloured silk or the famous muga silk of Assam or perhaps the famous saris of Mugipattan (Paithan), which was famous for weaving in the medieval period. Muktaphala (VR., 21, 22) compared the texture of the silk with the brilliance of the pearls, perhaps the same as the muktajari of Orissa. Mumavadi (VS., I, 35) perhaps referred to waxed rain-proof cloth. Nagavata (VS., I, 35) referred to muslin made at Nagapattinam116 in Andhra Pradesh. Nalibadha (Prithvichandracharita, 102) literally means “kept inside a bam­ boo receptacle”. According to Moti Chandra, the stuff named thus was the khasa muslin of Bengal.117 Narikunjara (VS., I, 117) meant a stuff decorated with the pecu­ liar western Indian motif of the 15th century CE, consisting of a composite figure of women, in the shape of an elephant ridden by a hero.118 Narmma-haripha (VS., I, 35) referred to some soft material, perhaps silk from Hira or Herat. Nasij was a kind of silken stuff embroidered with gold, according to the Nuh Siphr.119 Navaaurnavasas (Dvya, XVI, 20) meant a new woollen stuff. The navaaurnavasas of Karantapa has been praised.120 Nejaka referred to the renowned niz cloth made in Baghdad. Neta was a kind of silk.121 It was also called netaka basanu and has been mentioned as an article sold at the Jaunpur market.122 Netra (VS., I, 34, 35, 180) also referred to a type of silk available in different hues such as golden (sauvannachchhaleu), blue (nilau), red, purple (vaiganiu) and black (kahli). Other names used were netrapata (VS., I, 35) and netrambara (VS., I, 181). Netra also figured in the Varna Ratnakara (VR., 122), where it is described with great clarity, making fine distinctions in the various types and colours; as for example brown (harina), purple (vangana), dark brown (nakhi), sarvanga, heavy (guru), bleached or embroidered (suchina), silvery (rajana), five coloured (pancharanga), indigo blue (nila), green (harita), yellow (pita), red (lohita) and variegated (chitravarna). Netra has been mentioned by Dhanapala in his Tilakamanjari, where once again it has been described as a kind of silk. A canopy made of spangled netra has been mentioned (Tilaka., 91) as well as a chadar made of

114 Megha-dambur sari, mentioned in VS., I, 31 was a common sari figuring in old Bengali literature. It was black in colour, something like nilambari of the present times. 115 The stuff was brought in the Cambay area and exported to Malay Archipelago. 116 Nagapattina is mentioned as a centre for cloth manufacture in the Manasollasa of Someshvara. 117 See, Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, op. cit., p. 41. 118 It is said that Rana Kumbha (1433–1468 CE) sent to Zain-ul-Abidin a stuff called narikunjara, which is said to have been so attractive that it made the king actually yearn for practicing the narikunjara form of amusement. Ibid., p. 42. 119 Nuh Siphr, op. cit., p. 373. 120 Karantapa is mentioned as a Punjab village (Vahikagrama). 121 Kirtilata, op. cit., p. 37. 122 See Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, op. cit., p. 42.

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bleached netra (Tilaka., 276, 279).123 Nilapatora has been mentioned in Vidyapati’s Padavali (26) as a blue silk liked by the women. Nilavata (VS., I, 180) was indigo dyed silk.124 Niluhura (VS., I, 181) was a stuff dyed in indigo. Pacchedi (VS., I, 181) was the same as “pitcharies” of the English commerce and has been described as coloured calico, exported mainly to the Malay Archipelago.125 In the 14th and 15th centuries CE, it was used as a bedspread (khata-pachhedi). Its pattern was closely printed and had no interspaces (nijhari). It also had golden stripes (sonadori). It could also be tie-dyed (chunadi) (VS., I, 180). It seems to have been quite rich stuff. Padamsuka (VS., I, 34) referred to a fine gauze silk. Padavatte (Karpura., I, 209) was a kind of silk. Padmavali (VS., I, 34) referred to a stuff with repeat lotus motifs. Padua, figuring in the Varnaka list of the late 15th or 16th century CE, probably referred to a kind of muslin woven in Pandua in the Malda district of Bengal.126 Padura (Prithvichandracharita)127 meant a white stuff. Pan­ chauna (VR., 21, 23) referred to five-coloured silk. Similarly, panchavarna padi (VS., I, 34) literally meant a five-coloured silk stuff. The old Varnaka lists also mention five-coloured chintzes called panchavarna, which were the same as the “Panchvelizes” mentioned in the Portuguese accounts described as printed cloth. Paravalia (VS, I, 180) denoted a coral-coloured stuff, perhaps muga silk. Paravau Pata (VS., I, 34) referred to pigeon grey silk. Parijata (VR., 21, 22) has been classified in the category of country-made silk. Perhaps it had the coral shade of the Parijata flower or perhaps the pattern imitated the flower. Amir Khusrau128 mentioned parni­ yan as a kind of silk. Pataniya sachopa (VS., I, 35) was an embroidered silk or velvet made in Patan. Sachopa perhaps meant gold embroidery. Patapatu (VS., I, 180) was apparently some kind of silk stuff, perhaps a brocaded one. Pattamvara (VR., 12) has been mentioned as a silk. Pata-patambara129 has also been mentioned as silk. Patkul and pattakul too denoted silk fabrics.130 Kanhadade Prabandha mentioned a pattakula of black colour (meghavanna). It also mentioned pataulade, a stuff of five colours.131 Patolu, patula (VS., I, 181) referred to a well-known type of silk cloth, the warp and weft being tie-dyed before weaving, according to a pre-determined pattern.132 Black, blue and white patolas (VS., I, 53) have been mentioned. Maragadaguchcha (VS., I, 34) referred

123 At another place the front border made of netra is mentioned (netrakanchukagrapallava) in Tilaka­ manjari of Dhanpala (Tilaka., p. 125). 124 It was favoured by Indian men and women in ancient India. See Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Tex­ tiles in the Sultanate Period”, op. cit., p. 33. 125 It was perhaps similar to a calico available in Ahmedabad called pachhedi or pachhodi, sold in two sizes; of waist cloth and dhotis with a plain field of white, red, blue, maroon with plain borders and wide cross borders. See Moti Chandra, “Costumes and textiles in the Sultanate Period”, Journal of Indian Textiles History, No. VI, p. 33. 126 Ibid., p. 44.

127 Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, op. cit., p. 102.

128 Mirza, op. cit., p. 69, footnote 5.

129 Bisaladeva Raso, op. cit., p. 53.

130 According to B.J. Sandesara in the Varnaka-Samuhcaya, Patkul and Pattakul referred to in the Guja­ rati literature between 15th and 18th-centuries CE, meant silk fabrics. For more information, see Buhler and Fischer, op. cit., pp. 308–309. 131 See Kanhadade Prabandha, op. cit., III, 150, 155. 132 However, it is not certain that whether in the older days, the double ikat technique of weaving was followed. For more information on patola, see, Buhler and Fischer, op. cit., p. 325. At times the patola designs were imitated by stamping rather than by the traditional ikat weaving. See Gittinger, op. cit., p. 139.

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to a patola with floral sprays in an emerald green colour. Patola is also mentioned in the 17th century CE English records.133 Another similar-sounding word, patoliya, has been mentioned in Bisaladeva Raso,134 where it is said that women often wore patoliya which was tie-dyed. Patorna (Abhi., III, 667) referred to bleached silk. Pattadukula (Pr. Ch., 3) referred to a mixed linen and silk stuff. Varnaka-Samuhcaya (VS., I, 34) also used the word in the same sense. Pattahari, patthira (VS., I, 34) apparently referred to the silk of Herat. Hirapatta (VS., 1, 35) perhaps meant a silk with a diamond pattern. Pattamsuka (Tilaka., 164) referred to a parrot green silk. Pattamsuya (Sama., 80) referred to fine silk. Pharodasti (VS., I, 180) perhaps meant fine muslin of Bengal. Phudadi (KP., III, 153) has been mentioned as a rich stuff in which gold and gems were used (kanaka sakomala phudadie-vichi ratana baitha). Phudadiya (Prithvichandracharita)135 has been mentioned as a rich silk stuff with a jewel setting. Phutadu (VS., I, 34) was a cot­ ton stuff that was dyed either black or red. Pimpalia (VS., I, 180) was a cotton stuff dyed to the green shade of a peepal leaf. Popatiya (VS., I, 180) referred to a parrot green stuff. Prota136 has been used for both plain and slightly figured silk or texture. In the Medini, it has been used to depict an embroidered or patterned stuff. Puriya (VS., I, 180) perhaps referred to cloth stuffed with cotton, apparently for making quilts.137 Pushpapatta (VS., I, 35) perhaps referred to the pushpapatta of ancient times, with floral patterns woven in the loom. Putaliu (VS., I, 34) perhaps referred to a stuff with a repeat design of female figures, typical of late Gujarat kimkhab and embroideries. Rajakakshalitakshauma (Dvya., IX, 30) meant well-bleached linen. Rajiu (VS., I, 35) referred to the striped cloth equivalent to the Persian dariyai. Raktambara (VS., I, 181) referred to red silk. Rankava (Abhi., III, 670) denoted goat hair cloth. The word savatu, which figures in the old Gujarati literature, referred to the stuff from which sava-patta or bed-spreads were made. The word “Sabones”138 occurring in the Portuguese accounts was perhaps derived from savatu. It was exported from Gujarat to Banda. Sachopakachi (VS., I, 34) perhaps meant stuff with gold embroidery of Kanchi ori­ gin. Sakalata (VR., 122) has been mentioned in the Varna-Ratnakara. Moti Chandra feels that it was a stuff of foreign origin. However, according to Parasinamala, a lexi­ con by Krsnadasa, it meant a woollen stuff.139 Salura (VS., I, 181) was a fine muslin, usually embroidered or brocaded. It was perhaps the same as “sallowes” mentioned in the English records.140 Samiani mentioned in the Varnaka lists refers to stuff named after Samana in Patiala, and was perhaps the same as “Semianoes” of English records, which referred to a broad plain calico, sometimes as broad as one and a half yards. Sanapana (Kanhadade Prabandha) referred to rich fabric decorated with gold leaves. Sania (VS., I, 180) referred to hempen cloth. Sanigoni (Abhi., III, 679) also meant

133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140

Irwin, op. cit., p. 69.

Bisaladeva Raso, op. cit., V.23, 59.

Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, op. cit., p. 102.

The Prabhavakacharita uses pota (a word similar to prota) in the sense of a texture. See The Prab­ havakacharita of Chandraprabha Suri, ed. by Hirananda Shastri, pp. 59, 199. In the 17th century CE embroidered quilts and coverlets were in demand in England. See Moti Chan­ dra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate period”, op. cit., p. 35. See The Suma Oriental, op. cit., pp. 207–208. Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles and Coiffure in Ancient and Mediaeval India, p. 152. Irwin, op. cit., p. 70.

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a rough hempen cloth. Sanjharavau (VS., I, 34) apparently meant some kind of red cloth. Sanubapha (VS., I, 181), the same as sanbaf in Persian, was a superior-quality muslin, also perhaps the same as shanbaf—a thin muslin produced in Bengal. Saphura (VR., 12) referred to a towel kind of thick absorbent cloth. Saphur-saura (VR., 11) meant a chadar or a rezai made from ruby-coloured cloth. Saphura virala (VR., 14) meant a thin chadar. Saranala (VS., I, 45) perhaps referred to cotton cloth woven in Sarnala, now a village in Kaira district, Gujarat. Sauvarnapatta (Dvya., III, 11) meant gold brocade on silk. Shesa (VS., I, 181) was a thick cotton stuff, used for making chadars. It was of the colour of diluted milk. Shitita-katiyani (VS., I, 34) meant fine linen of Chinese origin. Shirinbaf was a very fine muslin mentioned by the Ain-I-Akbari. Shustari was a kind of silken stuff made in Shustar in Persia.141 Sonapali (VR., 21, 22) perhaps referred to the gold brocade or silk made at Sonargaon in Dacca. Sribapha (VS., I, 181) was the same as the “serribaff” of the English records, which referred to a good quality fine muslin from the Deccan, at times dyed in red or blue. Suchisona (VR., 21, 22) meant silk embroidered with gold. Sukshinavastratamah (Dvya., III, 72) referred to a very fine muslin. Supha-kamkha (VS., I, 181) meant a brocaded woollen stuff. According to Sthulabhadra phagu,142 variegated silk was called surangiya jadara. Suryamandala (VR., 21, 22) referred to country-made silk with the design of the sun or a circle with a rim. Suryavandha (VR., 21, 22) referred to silk decorated with a solar pattern embroidered or woven in a tiedye technique. Suthila (Prithvichandracharita)143 referred to any kind of cotton stuff. Suvarnapadi (VS., I, 34, 180) perhaps meant gold-brocaded or tinsel printed stuff. Svetachinamsuka (Tilaka., 276) has been mentioned as white Chinese silk. Tanasukha144 (VS., I, 180) meant a fine muslin, apparently very comfortable to wear, as the name suggests. Taramandala (VR., 21, 22) was a blue, star-spangled fab­ ric. Tasta mentioned in the Varnaka lists of the late 15th or 16th century CE perhaps referred to taffeta, satin or an expensive stuff made of beaten golden and silver tissues. Tastu (VS., I, 180) perhaps stood for tas or brocade.145 Tabrizi was most probably silk or brocade imported from Tabriz, Persia. Tilavasa (VS., I, 35) perhaps meant zarbaft or brocade. Titatragiu (VS., I, 35) literally meant a stuff with three threads. Tuku, mentioned in the Varnaka lists of the late 15th or 16th century CE, was perhaps the same as the “Tuckeryes-tuckrees” of the English records. It has been described as striped silk pieces.146 Tusser (Karpura., I, 209) has been mentioned as a kind of silk. It has also been mentioned in English trade records.147 Udasala (Prithvichandracharita)148 is the Indian name for camlet, which was a light cloth of various materials, such as camel hair or angora wool, for cloaks etc. Udga­ maniyaka (Abhi., III, 668; Vaija., 168.240) has been described as a pair of bleached cloths. Urasala (VS., I, 181), perhaps a variation of udasala, also meant a camlet.

141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148

Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Textiles in the Sultanate Period”, op. cit., p. 16.

PPS., VI, 39.

Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, op. cit., p. 102.

Ain-i-Akbari, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 100.

It is also mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 98.

Irwin, op. cit., p. 72.

Ibid., p. 72.

Prachina Gurjara Kavya Samgraha, op. cit., p. 102.

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Urmika (Med., 6, 53) has been defined as a creased cloth. Urnayu (Vaija., 240.25) was a cloth made from sheep’s wool. Vajramsuka (Vaija., 168.237) perhaps meant asbestos cloth from China. Vakala (VS., I, 180) meant pure gold or silver cloth. Vakravalli (Vaija., 168, I, 237) referred to cloth having floral meanders. Vala (VS., I, 181) perhaps referred to a cloth from Vala (ancient Vallabhi in Saurashtra). Vatalia (VS., I, 180) most probably referred to cloth made of gold and silver wire (badla). In its making, no thread was used. Vayarajiu (VS., I, 35) meant a stuff with woven (vaya) stripes. Vettam (Desi., vii, 75) referred to some kind of very white stuff. Vichitra-kuta-hi-trapattika (Pr.Ch., 129) referred to a brocade with a complex design. Vidyapuria (VS., I, 180) perhaps referred to a stuff made either in Bijapur (Mysore) or Vijayanagar (ancient Vidyanagar) or Bijapur in Gujarat. Vichitra (VR., 21, 22) perhaps referred to variegated or figured silk. Vichi­ trangada (VR., 21, 22) also perhaps meant figured silk. Zarbaft has been described as short silk in Nuh Sipihr.149 It has been listed in the category of foreign stuffs and was perhaps the famed brocaded cloth from Persia.

Textiles as Seen in Paintings A large variety of textile patterns are visible in Jain miniature paintings from western India. Miniature after miniature displays a bewildering range of textile designs, some with geometric leanings such as stripes, checks, zigzags, spirals and circles; others with animal motifs such as geese and imaginary animals like the Gajasimha.150 Still others show textiles with floral and scroll patterns. Despite this plenitude of research mate­ rial, the scholar studying textiles through paintings encounters a lot of difficulty in the identification of the fabrics depicted therein. One can at the most, through very careful observation, ascertain the thickness or the thinness of the textile in question. Whether it was silk, cotton or velvet, one cannot ascertain. Hypotheses have been based on facts like characters in the illustrations belonging to a higher stratum of society would understandably be more inclined to use silks and fine varieties of muslin, whereas the lower classes would have been content to use coarser varieties of cloth. In the period of our study, the miniatures executed prior to the mid-16th century CE depict textile designs painted on an enlarged scale. Perhaps the textile designs themselves were large at that point in time or it may have been the painter’s effort to enlarge his designs in the interest of clarity.151 However, after the middle of the 16th century CE, the same textile designs are depicted as being much smaller in scale. Either the painter no longer felt the need to draw attention to the textiles in the paintings or a change may have actually taken place in the scale of patterns. Thus, the same patterns seen in earlier paintings occur at times in the later paintings, but on a smaller scale. It is extremely difficult to divine from the paintings, whether the textiles shown, are woven, printed, hand painted, brocaded or embroidered ones. The only thing one can make out clearly is the thickness or the thinness of the texture of the textile. Thus, in

149 Nuh Siphr, op. cit., p. 373.

150 Gajasimha, a mythological animal with the body of a lion and head of an elephant. See footnote 161

of this chapter. For more information on Gajashima, see Gittinger, op. cit., p. 47. 151 Ibid., p. 66.

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this study, of the textiles, an attempt has been made to broadly classify the textiles under two headings: I. Thick fabrics II. Thin, transparent fabrics Thick Fabrics Thick textiles appear to have been popular and worn right through the period of our study. These thick fabrics may well have been silk, cotton or linen, depending upon the status of the wearer. It is not possible to distinguish the difference pictorially. These thick textured fabrics display a wider range of patterns as compared to the thinner fabrics. Plain, single-coloured, thick fabrics also appear to have been in vogue. One of the most beautiful textiles seen in the paintings is patterned with geese motifs. The goose or the hamsa is an important symbol in religion and philosophy. It was also a popular motif from fairly early on. Writing about the Hamsa Laksana sari, Coomaraswamy said, “the hamsa, or sacred goose, is both real and a mythological animal; as the former, a palace pet, a symbol of pure whiteness, the living ornament of parks and lakes, the image of a woman’s gait, and a constant motif in decorative art of all kinds from the Mauryan periods onwards, and as the latter, the vehicle of Brahma, a type of insight (in as much as it can drink only the milk from a mixture of milk and water), and a former incarnation of the Buddha in the Hamsa Jataka.152 There are several literary references to textiles decorated with hamsa motif in literary texts, through ages, including the Jain text Antagada-Dasao. In this text, it is mentioned that during the hair cutting ceremony of Prince Goyame, his mother received the cut hair in a hamsa patterned robe. It is this “geese” or hamsa pattern which occurs as a textile motif between the 14th and 16th century CE in numerous paintings consulted for the purpose of this study (see Plates 8, 11, 12, 13, 22). At times, this pattern is also seen embellishing the upholstery of thrones (Plate 14). The pattern consists of a stylised goose holding a stalk in its beak. The stalk held in the beak goes over its head, all the way to the middle of its back. The stalk could be a representation of the pearl necklace supposed to be carried by the hamsa in its beak. Representing purity and perfection, it was believed to be the vehicle of Hindu god Brahma.

152 A.K. Coomaraswamy, “A Hamsa-Laksana Sari”, Bulletin of Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, p. 25.

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In the paintings, this pattern is seen mostly worn by people of a higher status, such as queens, kings, goddesses, brides, princes and astrologers (Brahmins); it is less frequently worn by commoners, even though there is a stray example of an attendant lady waving a chauri, wearing this kind of textile pattern in a painting from the Kalpasutra,153 (C. 1460–1470 CE), showing the marriage procession of Neminatha. This textile motif, associated with aristocracy, in the paintings, is seen mostly embellishing thicker fabrics, which could have been both silk and cotton. Interestingly, this motif also occurs on some pieces of fabric excavated in Egypt, believed to be of Gujarati origin.154 The fabric in question shows a similar “stylised” geese motif. Here also, the goose holds a stalk in its beak, which goes over its head all the way to the middle of its back. The fragment is made of coarse cotton, and laboratory analysis shows that the pattern was stamped first with a resist medium and later dyed (see Figure 3.1).

Figure 3.1

As we can see from its repeated occurrence in Jain paintings, it was a popular motif in Indian textiles from early on and right through the 16th century CE. Auspiciousness was perhaps attached to this motif as it is seen to be worn mostly by mothers in nativity scenes of the Jinas, “goddesses” or brides during wedding ceremony (Plate 22), or astrologers interpreting auspicious dreams (Plate 11). The contemporary literature of that period from Gujarat155 refers to a cotton stuff painted with geese motif as hamsatula and hamsavadi. This motif is one of the rare animal representations that can be seen with some regularity in the paintings as well as the excavated textile pieces from Egypt.

Another pattern that can be seen on thick fabrics is a grid-like pattern with blue floral motifs strewn within each grid (see Plate 7). It is not a very common pattern. Could this have been the manijala of the texts, explained by Moti Chandra as a lozenge mesh? Textiles depicted in 13th century CE paintings clearly demonstrate the popularity of checks and stripes. The paintings reveal striped patterns being worn by royal figures, commoners and deities.

153 See Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India, Fig. 156.

154 Gittinger, op. cit., fragment 15, p. 35.

155 Varnaka Samuhcaya, I, 35, 180; Prachina Gurjara kavya samgraha, op. cit., p. 102.

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Literary texts and lexicons of the period describe striped textiles as vayarajiu, cheuli, chelloes, alachas etc. Chequered pattern was also fairly common in the early period. It is seen sported by a wide range of people irrespective of their status, for example the musicians, drummers, laymen and royal figures (see Plates  1 and 3). Chequered textiles are mentioned under the following names in the texts of the period: Chaukadiya and kapuriya. It is perhaps identical with the “Chuckerees” and “Capperees” of English commerce.156 An interesting design comprising a round medallion, with short lines radiating from the central dot, is seen in the paintings (see Figure 3.2). This disc-like pattern appears on the garments of the royalty as well as a dancing woman. These round discs usually form a part of a continuous repeat pattern on a large field. One can also see a similar design among the fabrics found in Egypt.157 Figure 3.2

The design was perhaps block printed with a resist and then dyed, as is apparent from the fabric found in Egypt. From the lexicons, it can perhaps be identified with the words Suryavandha or Suryamandala mentioned earlier in the chapter. Many a time, one sees in the paintings a white dotted pattern on a coloured background (see Plate 19b right margin and Figure  3.3). Here, in this particular example, a woman in a dancer’s pose is wearing a lower garment patterned with dots. The lower garment is visible, as the upper garment worn on top is transparent. A  similar pattern can be seen on some fabrics recovered from the Fostat158 and Quseir-al­ Qadim159 excavation sites. Subjected to laboratory analysis, these fabrics appear to have been first stamped with a resist and then dyed.

Figure 3.3 In the paintings, sometimes the dots are also seen in arrangements of clusters (see Plate 30). A similar dotted pattern is also found in the fabrics from Fostat.160

156 Moti Chandra, Costumes, Textiles, Cosmetics and Coiffure in Ancient and Mediaeval India, p. 168. 157 Newberry collection, EA. 1990.483. 158 Gittinger, op. cit., Fragment 14, p. 35; Fragment 34, p. 40. See also Irwin and Hall, Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics, PL. 5A (No. 11). 159 Eastwood, op. cit., Cat. No. 47, p. 109. 160 Gittinger, op. cit., Fragment 16, p.  36. See also Irwin and Hall, Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics, PL. 5A (No. 11)

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Another very interesting textile motif seen in the paintings is that of the Gajasimha.161 A mythological animal, with the head of an elephant and the body of a lion, the Gajasimha, appears to have been a popular design (see Plate  17). In the painted example, from the manuscript of the Kalpasutra chosen here, it appears on the lower garment of Harinaigameshin, who himself is a composite, mythological being, with a deer head and a human body. The pattern of Gajasimha appears on a bright red fabric that has quite a sumptuous look. Again, apart from the fact that it is a thick fabric, one cannot throw much light on the material, whether it was silk or cotton. A corroboration of the evidence of painting is found in the fabrics discovered in Fostat, Egypt. In the example chosen here (see Plate 34), from the Ashmolean Museum,162 Oxford, where this interesting composite animal is seen on the cotton fabric excavated; the motif appears to have been achieved by a resist technique, which was either stamped or painted with a mordant and then dyed. The excavated fabric is dated 15th century CE and so is the miniature chosen here (see Plate 17). Looking at the uniqueness of this design, it appears from the miniatures that it was mostly worn by people of higher status and can be seen to be worn by gods like Indra, queens, kings, goddesses, brides and princes. Usually associated with aristocracy, this pattern is seen only on thick fabrics. Once again, this unique example proves the authenticity of the painter’s observation. One thing that emerges rather clearly from this study is that animal representations on fabrics in the miniatures are few and far between. There is a fabric excavated from Egypt163 that shows a central field with multiple animals. One can clearly see a dog, lion, fish, and bird as well as stars, rosettes and a heart shape. We do not get to see such a pattern in the miniatures. Perhaps the complexity of the design was not suited for representation in miniatures. Representations of single animals on miniatures appear to have been the norm.

161 According to Hindu mythology, Narasimha was one of the ten avatars of Vishnu with the head of a lion and the body of a man. The Gajasimha is most probably a twist on this mythical being with the man being replaced with an elephant. Unfortunately, there is not much information about this hybrid creature, except for its various sculptural and painted representations, mostly found in the temples of South East Asia and India in particular. 162 Mythological animal, with elephant’s trunk and Lion’s tail, cotton block printed with resist and dyed blue, dated 15th century CE. EA 1990.166, The Newberry Collection, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. 163 Newberry Collection, EA, 1990.267, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.

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In the paintings, though not very common, a complex pattern made up of alternating bands of criss-crosses and meandering vine can be seen. It is seen to be worn by Gardabhilla, the king of Ujjain in one of the folios from the Kalakacharya katha (see Figure  3.4). A  similar design comprising parallel bands of meandering vine and chevrons is also seen in a miniature from Kalpasutra (bedspread of Trishala, see Plate 16).

Figure 3.4

Figure 3.5

Looking at the fabrics discovered from Egypt, one sees an extraordinarily beautifully patterned textile fragment, which has narrow parallel bands quite similar to the one seen in the paintings, though more complex. The first band is red and has a white continuous meandering vine. The second band is plain blue followed by a plain red band. Thereafter is the fourth band, with small interlinked white rosettes on a dark background. This is followed by the last band that has a row of white tear drops. The pattern has been analysed as block printed with a resist and mordant-dyed red, and then finally dyed blue.164 Another miniature showing Rishabha has a similar pattern165 though less complex than the one seen in the fabric fragment from Egypt. Perhaps the small area available to the painter dictated such simple rendering. Judging from the plethora of names occurring in literary texts of this period, floral patterns of various kinds appear to have been popular in western Indian society at that time. This trend is also reflected in the paintings, where floral motifs of many kinds are visible. One of the floral designs seen fairly regularly is an 8 or 12-petalled rosette in a rhombus shape with a small circle at its centre. This rosette etched out sharply against a dark background is seen to be worn by a Shahi figure in a painting from the Kalakacharya Katha (see Figure 3.5 and Plate 5). This particular design also appears on the lower garment of a queen and at times also figures in the textiles used for upholstery. A similar motif is seen in a fragment from Fostat, where the rosette is set into a grid of small stars and dots. The pattern is light against a brown background. The laboratory design analysis says that it has been block printed with a resist and mordant-dyed brown.166 This design also has a variation, where the rosette is red in colour, set against a light background.167 This textile can perhaps be identified with the fabric called manjira by the Varnaka-Samuhcaya.168

164 Newberry Collection, EA, 1990.930. 165 “Coronation of Rishabha by Indra”, Kalpasutra, 1464 CE, Acc. No. 51.21, Folio 55, National Museum, New Delhi. 166 Newberry collection, EA, 1990.280, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. 167 Red 12-petalled rosettes with a dot in the centre set into squares formed by linked circles. Newberry Collection, EA 1990.475. 168 VS., I, 181.

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Figure 3.6

Another thick fabric pattern, appearing commonly in the painting; is a pattern that looks like linked quatrefoils. It can also be read as multiple four-petalled flowers, covering the entire field of fabric. This pattern is mostly seen on garments worn by royal personages. In a painting from Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, it is seen to be worn by Indra (see Plate  4 and Figure  3.6). A  similar pattern is seen among the Fostat fragments,169 where it is analysed as having been block printed with resist, mordant applied through block printing and partly by immersion and then dyed. Could this also be the pushpapatta170 described as floral pattern by the contemporary texts? A small rosette-like design appears fairly commonly in the miniatures. The pattern consists of a small circle in the centre and a rosette around it (see Figure 3.7). The design is seen as a repeat motif spread all over. This pattern is mostly seen against a red background and is almost always on thick cloth. In the paintings under study, this pattern is seen mostly on the garments of dancing women. However, kings, queens and even attendants at times can be seen sporting this design (see Plate  15, lower garment of the person, combing the hair of king Siddhartha). A similar motif can be seen on the border of one of the fragments from Fostat.171 The design has been analysed to have been block printed with the resist, mordant applied by a block and partly by immersion and then dyed. Could this be identified with the boriavadi pattern described in the Varnaka-Samuhcaya,172 a contemporary text?

Figure 3.7 Another floral pattern fairly commonly seen in the paintings is an eight-petalled flower enclosed within a circle or a rim. This pattern also appears only on thick cloth. The background of the fabric is mostly in dark colours—black, red or blue. The pattern appears mostly on the garments of the royal figures (see Plates  10, 14, 16). There are a number of variations to this basic style with sometimes the number of petals going up to 12. Most often, the floral motifs in the miniatures occur within roundels and appear on the fabric field as opposed to occurring mainly within the borders. Similar motifs can be seen on some fragments from

169 170 171 172

Newberry collection, EA. 1990.1099. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.

VS., 1, 35.

Kartaschoff, op. cit., Fig. 86, p. 85.

VS., I, 35, 180.

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Fostat too.173 The Fostat pattern is analysed as having been block printed with a resist substance and then dyed. The fabric with this design appears to be very similar to a fabric called Chakavata described in the contemporary text174 as a fabric with wheel (chakra) and rosette pattern.

Figure 3.8

Lotus like flowers on graceful meandering stems appear to be another variation of the floral type, as is testified by its presence in many Jain miniatures. This design occurs fairly commonly and is seen embellishing mostly thick fabrics seen sported by royal figures (see Plate  18, lower garment) and also dancers. One can see this pattern embellishing the interior furnishings as well (see Figure 3.8). In the fabrics found from Egypt, one can see similar motifs.175 In one particular fabric, fine tendrils meandering all over the fabric with thin leaves and flower heads can be seen. The pattern is red in colour against a white background. Laboratory analysis says that it was block printed with a mordant and then dyed. It would be safe to call such a design as an arabesque.176 Perhaps this can be identified with the kamalaveli of the contemporary literature, which is described as a fabric decorated with lotus rhizomes.177 Meandering stems and tendrils, minus flowers, also form a very common pattern on the textiles of our period and appear mostly on thicker stuffs. Fabrics with this motif are seen mostly sported by royal figures and the Shahis (see Plate 5, the Shahi figure in the background; Plate  4 upper register and Figure 3.9). Considering its numerous appearances on Shahi figure’s garments, this pattern seems to have been popular among the Muslims since the Shahi figures were mostly modelled on the contemporary Sultanate court of Gujarat. A somewhat similar design can be seen among the Fostat fragments.178 The pattern is analysed as having been achieved by a free hand drawing done with the resist and later on dyed, something similar to the Kalamkari textiles from Andhra Pradesh.

Figure 3.9

173 174 175 176

Newberry Collection, EA, 1990.955, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.

Varnaka Samuhcaya., 1, 180.

Newberry EA 1990.972 and EA1990.424, both fabrics show meandering stems topped with flowers.

An arabesque is an ornament or style that employs flower, foliage, or fruit and sometimes, animal and fig­ ural outlines to produce an intricate pattern of interlaced, sometimes angular and sometimes curved line. 177 Varnaka-Samuhcaya, 1, 181. 178 Gittinger, op. cit., Fragment 18, p. 37.

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This can be identified with dhanaveli, a fabric with some kind of a rhizome pattern on it, mentioned in the lexicons179 and the contemporary texts. Another word found in the texts denoting meandering foliage is vakravalli.180

Figure 3.10

A pattern consisting of a cross mark framed within a square, almost always appearing on thick fabrics, is seen in the Jain paintings quite commonly (Plate 26 and Plate 30). At times, one can also see this pattern decorating a bedspread181 in one of the paintings from Kalpasutra (Figure  3.10). A  similar motif is seen in a fragment from Egypt,182 most probably belonging to 13th century where it is a part of a complex design. The design has been analysed as having been achieved by stamping with a resist and then dyed red— using a mordant. Could this be the same as the textile called Chaukapadiya,183 based on the word chokadi meaning a group of four.

Tie-dyed pattern, which comprises a small white circle around a central dot, is quite frequently seen in the Jain paintings. Traditionally, they may belong to a group of textiles referred to as bandhani today. Bandhana and bandhani are Sanskrit words meaning “to tie”. The word refers not only to the technique but also to the finished cloth. As already mentioned, the design is achieved by pinching up the cloth and resist tying areas of the fabric before dyeing. Ultimately, when the ties are opened, circular designs are produced. Rajasthan and Gujarat are still renowned for their production of fine bandhani textiles. When the fabric is tied with simple knots, it is rather inexpensive and one of the cheapest ways for women to adorn themselves colourfully and when tied with many fine knots, the price of the bandhani goes up and is usually a part of the wedding trousseau. Today in Gujarat, Kutch and Saurashtra are the major centres of production. Tie-dyed patterns are found in much abundance from excavation sites in Egypt. In most of the discovered fragments, the bandhani (tie-dyed) pattern appears to have been achieved by stamp resist rather than by actual tie-dyeing process.184

179 VS., I, 181. 180 Vaija., 168, I, 237. 181 “Transfer of Embryo, Kalpasutra, (1469–1479 CE), Acc. No. 63.591, folio 18, National Museum, New Delhi. 182 Newberry Collection, EA 1990, 303. 183 VS., 1, 35. 184 One exception, however, is a silk textile discovered from Quseir-al-Qadim. It seems to have been decorated by both tritik and bandhani technique. See G.M. Vogelsang-Eastwood, op. cit, Cat. No. 14.

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One such cotton fabric185 found in Egypt has a grid of squares made of bandhani imitation dots, white on a red back ground. According to laboratory analysis, the fabric is cotton, block printed with a mordant and then dyed red.

Figure 3.11

In many a Jain miniature from Gujarat, one sees a variety of dotted cluster pattern, set within a grid or loosely covering the entire fabric. Sometimes the design is very cleverly made with white dots on a coloured background to give the look of a true bandhani fabric (Plate  1, jacket of one of the laymen in the procession). At times, we see this true bandhani pattern on upholstery material also (Figure 3.11). The sheer number of figures wearing the dotted pattern is bewildering and speaks volumes about the popularity of this pattern across centuries. In miniatures, this motif occurs both on thick and transparent thin, muslin-like cloth (Plate  8 lower register, Plate  11, upper register, Plate  21) and is seen to be worn by a whole cross-section of people represented therein. This textile could be identified with the bandhalaga186 fabric of the contemporary texts consulted for this study.

The Jain miniatures often show undulating wave-like patterns with different variations (see Plates 10 and 11). Seen on the clothes worn by royalty as well as commoners in the Jain paintings, this pattern can also be seen in the Egyptian fragments,187 where it is analysed as block printed with mordant and dyed red and brown on coarse cotton cloth. Zigzag patterns are even now quite popular and go by the name of “Leheria” (wave like) in Gujarat and Rajasthan. Traditionally, Leheria is a method of resist dyeing whereby material is rolled up and tied tightly at intervals, then dyed, so that the sections that have been tied remain undyed and the untied portions get the colour of the dye bath. Colour must penetrate right through the cloth so the leheria technique can be applied only to thin, permeable fabrics. The Egyptian fabric is coarse and thick, where the pattern is analysed as an imitation of leheria achieved by block printing. Perhaps this pattern was also made on thin fabrics, in the true tie and dye technique, which may not have survived. Contemporary texts have the word Chaulahira to denote a fabric having wavy pattern woven in the loom,188 indicating that the wave-like design was also made on the loom. Since this pattern could be made by tie-dyeing, stamping as well as woven on the loom, its popularity is beyond doubt.

185 186 187 188

Newberry Collection, EA 1990.644.

V S., I, 180.

Newberry Collection, EA 1990.706.

VS., 1, 181.

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No study of textile from Gujarat can be complete without the mention of the celebrated textile called the Patola, used as a ceremonial wear even today. Patola refers to the unique double ikat technique of weaving cloth, mainly silk. Ikat originated out of a combination of the weaving and dyeing technique, where the warp and weft threads are tied and then dyed according to a pre­ determined pattern. We know with certainty that silk patola from Gujarat was extensively exported to Indonesia and Malaysia from the 15th to the 17th century CE, where they were worn as court dresses and were items of prized possession. However, in the fabrics discovered from Egypt, real patola has not been found since these were expensive and made of silk, whereas most of the IndoEgyptian fabrics were in cotton and meant for routine sort of apparel in the Arab world, such as robes, wrappers, underclothing, garment linings, soft furnishings, bedding, curtains and canopies. However, even though we may not have unearthed any real patola fabric decorated in that technique, it is remarkable that we do have some fabrics imitating the patola pattern, unearthed from Egypt. One such fabric has a continuous field of stepped diamond shapes arranged as a diagonal grid. There are three versions of diamonds; solid red, red with white dots, and red with a white cross, and the background is light blue.189 The laboratory analysis of the fabric has placed it between 10th and 15th century CE. The material is cotton and it seems to have been block printed with mordant, and then dyed red and then resist-dyed blue. In the Jain miniatures, it is very difficult to state with any certainty as to the technique involved in making the cloth since it is only a visual representation, unlike the archaeological finds. However, we have a very interesting painting from the marriage ceremony of Chandraprabha, where the groom’s dhoti has diamond-shaped pattern arranged in bands (Plate 22). Looking at the marriage ceremony in progress, it seems very likely that the painter could have deliberately drawn a patola “type” of design to indicate subtly the auspiciousness attached to patola in Gujarat at that time. The designs on patola cloth even today are not simply geometric but also include complex designs like elephants, parrots, geese, flowers, dancing girl, peepal leaf as well as diamond pattern. Most probably, the hamsa motif and the gajasimha motif occurring mainly on the costumes of divinity or royalty in the paintings could well have been examples of patola weaving.

189 Newberry Collection EA, 1990.945.

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Embroidery has always been a popular mode of decorating fabric in western India in the past as well as in the present. In the words of John Irwin and Margaret Hall, “Two of the richest areas of folk embroidery are Western India and the lower Ganges valley, and in both it is possible to trace a coherent picture of the professional styles which emerged from the sixteenth century onwards. In this context, the term Western India is used to cover Gujarat, south-western Rajasthan and the Pakistani province of Sindh. .  .  . For centuries this part of India had the reputation of producing the best embroideries in the world”.190 Evidence of the records of the East India company shows that right since the inception of the company in India, merchants were given special instructions to procure the famed embroideries of Gujarat and specially the “quilts made about Cambay”. By 1641 CE, the quilts embroidered in Cambay reached England in the ships of the East India Company.191 It is very difficult to make out from the miniatures whether a particular pattern is embroidered or not. The only fabrics where we can identify embroideries with some certainty is on the long gowns worn by the Shahi chiefs, where intricate gold embroidery seems to be done around the collars and on the sleeves (see Plate 5). This is borne out by the account of Ash-Sharif Nasir al-Din-al Husayni al Adami, “the nobility usually wore gold embroidered Tartaric gowns which at times had gold embroidered sleeves and others put the embroidery between the shoulders like the Mongols”.192 These gowns were perhaps made of Pataniya Sachopa, which is described in the Varnaka-Samuhcaya as an embroidered silk or velvet of Patan manufacture. Sachopa meant gold embroidery. In the midst of patterns incorporated into a textile through a variety of techniques, plain single­ coloured fabrics also retained their attraction and were worn throughout western India. They are also visible in the paintings from the period of our study. Garments of royal personages, musicians, deities, laymen (upasaka), warriors, attendants, maids, Shahi courtiers and dancing women are seen made in plain solid colour. One of the popular colours appears to have been various shades of green (see Plates 1, 3, 16, 22, 32, 33). The contemporary text, Tilakamanjari, does talk of the popularity of pattamsuka, a parrot green silk.

190 Irwin and Hall, Indian Embroideries, p. 2.

191 Ibid., p. 29.

192 See “An Arab Account of India in the fourteenth century”, trans. by Otto Spies, The Muslim Univer­ sity Journal, pp. 69–70.

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Though not exactly of this hue, there are other kinds of green to be seen in the paintings. A plain red colour is also seen (see Plates 29, 33). Could this be the raktambara and sangharavau of the literary texts mentioned earlier in the second section? Plain black colour is visible mainly on the garments worn by the Shahis; otherwise, plain black garments are not so commonly seen in the paintings. Black plain cloth was very poetically and aptly described as meghavana, kalakamsuka, kajala ambara and atlas khasu by the contemporary texts. Other plain colours, also visible in the paintings, are various shades of blue and maroon. Thin Fabrics A wide range of textiles seen in the paintings appear to be of a thin and transparent variety. Mostly used for scarfs, both for men and women, this kind of cloth was also used for the lower garments. A fact to be noticed is that, this thin material was used mostly for the lower garments of the men. While the lower garments of the women are generally opaque, at times we see instances of some women having worn thin, transparent lower garment also (see cover illustration). This thin material appears to have been used for making lower garments from the 14th century CE onwards. It continues to be worn in the 15th and 16th centuries CE irrespective of the status of the wearer. Royal persons, musicians and commoners are also seen wearing garments made out of this kind of fabric. However, it is not seen too often after the 16th century CE. The lower garments made from thin materials show many more patterns than are visible in the scarves made of thin material. Jain monks and nuns are always shown wearing a thin white muslin (see Plates 1, 5, 21a, 20, Cover illustration) in the miniatures. Could this white muslin be the same as Jhanbartali193 mentioned in the contemporary stock lists of the Jains? However, from the 14th century onwards, we come across illustrations showing the fabric used in the garments of monks and nuns as having become finer. At times it also has a pattern of white dots on it (Plate 5). This appears to be a self-design in the weave. At times the white garments of the monks and nuns in the paintings have a thin red border all around.194 The most common pattern on transparent thin fabric consists of cluster of dots against a white ground (Plates 3, 4 and Cover illustration). Sometimes the fabric has a border of floral meanders or simply a row of small circles with dotted centres (see Plate 4). It is usually shown adorning the fabric for uttariya of both men and women.

193 Jagdish Chandra Jain, Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jain Canons, p. 310. 194 See Kalaka and his disciples, “Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE. reproduced as Col.Illustration 25A, in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Paintings”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.

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In some paintings, the dots are arranged against checks (see Figure 3.12 and Plate 27). Could this be the celebrated Bulbul chashma or the “bird’s eye” pattern, referred to in the preceding pages and described as chequered pattern with dots? This motif resembling the pattern around the Bulbul’s eye has been described in the texts as having been woven.

Figure 3.12 Another pattern visible in the miniatures is made up of small chequered squares in red and blue, against a white background, with a blue border of floral meanders (see Figure  3.13). The Varnaka-Samuhcaya mentions a textile called Kothalaga, which referred to a fabric having a pattern made of checks and squares.

Figure 3.13 Another pattern seen in the miniatures consists of rows of white dots, alternating with rows of chevrons, set against a red back-ground. The cloth has a scroll pattern in blue for the border (see Figure 3.14). The fabric is transparent as the contours of the legs are clearly visible.

Figure 3.14

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A close study of the paintings reveal another popular pattern, consisting of checks and a diamond-shaped pattern within these checks. The border of the cloth has white circles with a red centre (see Plate 6, worn by the queen). This pattern comes very close to the textile described as hirapatta in the Varnaka-Samuhcaya.195 Other patterns seen on the thin fabrics consist of bands of criss-crosses, resembling a mesh, alternating with bands of small cross marks (see Figure  3.15); small circles having cross marks within and surrounded by tiny dots (see Figure 3.16); white stripes on a skin-coloured ground (see Figure 3.17); arabesques (see Plate 19b); alternating bands of pink and green horizontal stripes, separated by thin pearlshaped borders (Plate  21). Another pattern appears to be the quintessential checks all over the field (see Figure 3.18 and Plate 3 extreme right) that seems to have been popular among both men and women. Figure 3.15

From the study of the paintings, it appears that the common people such as laymen, maids, attendants, musicians, drummers and Brahmins generally wore thin garments with dotted or striped patterns (see Plate 18). Contemporary texts mention striped woven textiles as Vayarajiu.196 Occasionally both dots and stripes or dots and checks (Plate 3) decorate their garments. At times they are seen wearing thick fabrics too. When wearing thicker stuffs, the designs on fabrics used by common people generally become more complex and comprise arabesques, lotus motif, chevrons and, rarely, even the geese pattern (see Plate 11, extreme right, lower register).

Figure 3.16

Dancing women are, however, seen wearing a greater variety of motifs, sporting both thick and thin materials; rosettes (see Figure  3.7), square with a four-petalled leaf motif within, as well as a cluster of dots (see Plate 30), being added to the list above.

195 VS., 1, 35. 196 VS., 1, 181.

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Figure 3.17

Figure 3.18

As we can see from the preceding pages, quality textiles and western India were syn­ onymous. High-quality textiles originating from western India are implied by almost all medieval travellers to western India. Cambay, Broach, Ahmedabad, Surat and Patan are mentioned as great centres of textile manufacture. In fact, we have exam­ ples of certain textiles like Kanbayati, Barodji and Pataniya Sachopa that were named after these places. Contemporary literature and lexicons from the area talk about different types of textiles such as silk, mashru, cotton, wool as well as asbestos cloth. However, hand painted and printed calicoes from this area, seem to have been a major force to reckon with, in the textile trade with the west. These were the single largest item of export from this area till the 17th century, as can be borne out by the actual remains of such fabrics excavated from Egypt. The art of dyeing with a wide spectrum of colours seems to have been particularly well developed. Their skill in dyeing, using permanent colours through the use of different mordants, was next to none, and it very surely put western India on the map of most sought-after textile destinations in the world. Resist dyeing, including mordant resist and tie resist dyeing processes, and the creation of fabrics like bandhani as well as the celebrated patola are all indicative of a high level of expertise achieved by the western Indian craftsmen. Ornamenta­ tion of cloth through block printing, hand painting, weaving and embroidery seem to have been quite advanced. The western Indian connection to some of these textiles is beyond doubt as many of them like the patola, bandhani, leheria, the block printed textiles and the embroidered fabrics are very much a part of the art and aesthetics of western India even today. Lexicons are full of names of different varieties of textiles having interesting names like the Tanasukha, Narikunjara, Nalibaddha and Meghavarna—names that are highly evocative in nature. These specialised names point out the existence of a highly specialised textile industry in medieval western India. Besides these literary evidences in the lexicons, the Jain miniatures act as a repository of the bewildering range of textile designs that existed in medieval western India. Some of the patterns like the geese motif, the gajasimha motif, 8 and 12-petalled rosettes, linked quatrefoils, criss­ crosses, lotus rhizomes, arabesques, as well as tie-dyed patterns that are visible in the Jain miniatures, have also been found in the fabrics discovered from Fostat and

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Queseir al-Qadim in Egypt, dating from the medieval period. The similarity of the pat­ terns has actually helped the archaeologists to trace the origin of these fabrics to west­ ern India and especially to Gujarat. In the light of these finds, Jain miniature paintings, as a source for studying the Material Culture of the period in which they were painted, assumes enormous importance. It proves just how accurate pictorial evidence is, in reconstructing the Material Culture of a period and sometimes also the sole evidence for some aspects of society, which do not find mention in any literary source. One is able, therefore, to get a fairly good idea of the kinds of fabrics and patterns that were popular in those times.

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4

ORNAMENTS, ORNAMENTATIONS,

COIFFURE AND HEADGEAR

Ornaments Beautifying and drawing attention to the attractiveness of various parts of the human anatomy has been one of the primary and primitive instincts of the human mind. It is this tendency to “adorn, deck or decorate with” (bhushati, bhushayati) that provides the etymological root to the word bhushan or abhushan. Abhushan, as used today, is generally taken in the Indian languages to be a synonym of the word “ornament”. Initially simply signifying “ornament”, the word came later on to denote “garment” or “dress” (bhusha). The love for adornment, though peculiar to all humans, seems to have been specifically pronounced in the Indian context.1 This fact is borne out initially by the jewellery and seals included in the extant archaeological remains of the Harappan sites. Early Mauryan, Sunga, Kushana and Gupta sculptures reveal a great deal of adornment of the human figure. This visual proof provided by sculptural remains is supported by textual references from both the Brahmanical and Buddhist corpus of literature. These include Vedic texts (inclusive of Panini2 and Patanjali’s works), epics3 and Buddhist texts (like the Jatakas and the Cullavagga and the Mahavagga). References to ornaments proliferate dramatically in the 1st century CE. The Arthashastra4 of Kautilya contains perhaps one of the first detailed lists of ornaments. Along with the names of different kinds of neck strings made out of beads, there is a special chapter describing the production

1 Love for ornament was noted fairly early on by Megasthenes, who noticed that Brahmins in their domes­ tic life used to adorn their arms and ears with ornaments of gold. Arrian spoke about wealthy Indians adorning their ears with ivory rings. See J.W. McCrindle, Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 225. 2 Panini, in his celebrated work Ashtadhyayai, refers to cultured citizens (Praveenanagrakas) as being proficient in the art of personal decoration (shubhaga ankarana) and to the act of adornment (with orna­ ments) as alankaran. See V.S. Agrawala, India as Known to Panini—A Study of the Cultural Material in the Astadhyayi, pp. 129, 370. 3 One knows from the Mahabharata that Arjuna went disguised as a woman to the court of King Virata, wearing earrings, bracelets and a necklace. In the Ramayana, Sita is known to have worn many orna­ ments. “Her ear and nose are resplendent with jewels, her wrists and arms are adorned with bracelets; her slender anklets are circled with golden rings whilst little golden bells tinkle upon her toes as she walks with naked feet over the carpeted floor”. Rama is mentioned as wearing a crown, a necklace, ornament on the forehead, all made of pearls. 4 Arthashastra of Kautilya, ed. and trans. by R. Shamasastry, p. 75.

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technology of ornaments.5 The technique of fixing jewels into a gold surface (ksepana) appears to have been known and practiced on a large scale. So also were the skills of soldering, gilding and making hollow ornaments. By this period, ornaments made from metals, both precious and semi-precious, appeared to have replaced in popular taste those made from beads. The Manusmriti too encouraged the wearing of orna­ ments for certain occasions. Classical Sanskrit literature, especially the works of Kalidasa, contains invaluable references to ornaments and their use by ladies of this world, as well as the celestial ones. In his Kavya Meghadutam, Kalidasa mentions that it was the Kalpa-vriksha alone that was capable of yielding the vast variety of ornaments that were in demand (Ekah sute sakalamabala-mandanam kalpa-vriksha). It is of great interest to note that almost all the ornaments mentioned in the 5th century CE Gupta text were mentioned by later lexicographers and other writers from western India. Early inscriptions also confirm and corroborate the popularity of ornaments. The Manasollasa of Somesh­ vara6 mentions in its third vimsati a list of 20 kinds of upabhogas or enjoyments. Included among these are the bhushopabhoga, which describes various categories of ornaments like necklaces, earrings, girdles, armlets and anklets. The text also lists the varieties of gems and jewels in popular use. Not just a simple statement of human vanity, ornament and ornamentation were on many occasions statements about rank, status and the sovereignty of a person. In later Brahmanical texts, strict rules were laid down, prescribing the use of different types of ornaments for people of different standings in the society. However, men and women seemed equally to have used ornaments for adorning themselves, though men used ornaments for the forehead, waist and ankles much less than the women did. The Shastras often contained injunctions on the use or otherwise of certain orna­ ments by certain segments of society. For example, the crown or the “mukuta” was an ornament that remained the prerogative of persons of royal status or of divine origin. Often there were textual injunctions to upper castes being allowed the use of gold above the waist and silver below it. In Rajasthan, even today, the use of gold on the feet is restricted to members of the royal household alone. The ritualistic and psychological significance of ornaments was mentioned in early texts.7 Neck ornaments, for example were supposed to purify the heart and shield the wearer from demonic effects. Bracelets and armlets were seen as symbols of sov­ ereignty as well as ties of affection and protection between brothers and sisters. Ear ornaments symbolically protected one from hearing evil things. The ring, even today, is seen as a protecting factor against the maleffects of supernatural elements. Leg orna­ ments might have had a practical aspect to them as balances in the movement of the wearer. Head ornaments were clearly seen as symbols of dignity and superiority of the wearer. This connotation is valid even today in the case of the simple turban.

5 Ibid., p. 77. Also see the fact of jewellery being manufactured in India as referred to by the author of The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea. See Schoff, (tr.), The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, p. 223. 6 Manasollasa was written by Someshvara, the western Chalukyan king who ruled from C. 1124–1138 CE. See Manasollasa, ed., by G.K. Shrigondekar, Vol. II, p. 1. 7 See Sachidanand Sahay, Indian Costume, Coiffure and Ornament, p. xvii.

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Ornaments in Lexicons and Other Related Sources Lexicons and other related texts yield a mine of information on ornaments. The sheer quantum of the names of ornaments along with their synonyms testifies to the variety of ornaments as well as to their extensive use by the people. A great deal of serious thought seems to have been given to the coining of the names of each ornament. These names not only appear to be based on poetic fancy but are also related to the design of each object. Quite a few of these ornament designs were based on beautiful forms in nature, from the world of both plants and animals. This fact comes through in some of the names. The different parts of the human anatomy for which the ornament was used also lent their names to the nomenclature of the ornament. For example, kanthi signi­ fying a necklace has obvious connections with the word kantha or neck. Karnaphul, for example referred to the ear and literally meant a flower for the ears. The general terms used for ornaments in lexicons are alankar, abharanam, bhush­ anam and parishkar (Abhi., III, 313; Med., 140, 242). Head Ornaments A jewel or flower string wound around the head was called an aapida (Abhi., III, 318). A  synonym used was shekhara (Abhi., III, 318). Medinikara called the same ornament avantas (Med., 173, 48) and Utansa (Med., 169, 18). Balapashya, as well as paritathya, occurring in the Abhidhanachinatamani (III.319), was used to describe a string of pearls or flowers, worn by women to tie their hair. Chaak (VS, II, 57) has been described as a head ornament of a round shape in the Varnaka-Samuhcaya. Simi­ larly, chudamani has been described in the same work as a jewel adorning the head. The same ornament has been described in Abhidhanachintamani as chudamani and shiromani (Abhi., III, 314). Shiromani was also used as a crest ornament.8 The Pan­ chapandavacharitasu (1353 CE) and Vidyavilasapavadau9 (1420 CE) also described shiromani as a crest ornament. The word chudamani also occurs in the Medini (Med., 52, 94) as a head ornament. Damni (VS, II, 62) appears to have been a jewelled ornament in the form of a string or chain that covered the central parting and had two strings emanating from it, adorning both sides of the head. A string of flowers adorning the hair was called garbhak (Abhi., III, 315). Gofna (VS., II, 57) was a flower garland decorating the hair bun. Kirita (VS., II, 57) was a special type of tiara/ crown/diadem.10 Abhidhanachinatamani used the words kiritam and kotiram (Abhi., III, 314) for crowns. Maoud was used in the sense of a crown in Panchapandavacharitasu.11 Maoti in Viraha Desauri Phagu12 of the 15th century CE has been used in the sense of an

8 According to Ganguli, it was a jewel on the turban. See Kalyan Kumar Ganguli, “Jewellery in Ancient India”, JISOA, Vol. X, p. 145. 9 Gurjara Rasavali, ed. by B.K. Thakore, M.D. Desai and M.C. Modi, I, 363; VI, 52. 10 According to Sir Monier Williams, Kirita is said to be a pointed crown. See M. Monier Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 819. 11 Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., I. 375, 581. 12 See Prachina Phagu Samgraha, ed. by B.J. Sandesara, XXXVI, 46. Hereafter referred to as PPS.

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ornament for the parting of the hair. Mauli was used in Medini (Med., 148, 46) to describe a crown, specifically a three pointed one.13 Mauli, carrying the same conno­ tation, has been mentioned in the Abhidhanachintamani (Abhi., III, 314). Naagpan (VS., II, 57) has been described as a brooch-like hair ornament shaped in the form of a snake. It was worn in the front of the head. Prabhrashtakam (Abhi., III, 316) was a flower garland adorning the braid. Sauthau (VS., II, 57) was an ornament adorning the central parting of the hair. Seesphool (VS., II, 57) has been described as a broochlike ornament to be worn at the back of the head. Trisanthiu (VS., II, 57) has been described as a jewelled string covering the central parting and having three strings emanating from it on either side, loosely adorning the sides of the head, on either side of the central parting.14 Ushnisham was used in the sense of a crown in the Abhidha­ nachinatamani (Abhi., III, 314). Valya was used to denote a head ornament (VR., 50). Forehead Ornaments Khunpu was used in the sense of a flower screen worn by a bridegroom on his fore­ head (Panchapandavacharitasu),15 something like the modern “sehra”. Used in the same sense, the word also occurs in the Neminatha Phagu16 (C 1348 CE) of Rajshek­ hara Suri. A  synonym for this word was khunpa (Jambusvami phaga,17 1373 CE). Lalatika (Abhi., III, 319; Med., 17, 211) was a gold ornament to adorn the foreheads of women. Abhidhanachintamani (III, 319) used the word patrapashya in the same sense. A flower garland decorating the forehead was called mala, malyam (Abhi., III, 315). This was the same as the srak in the Abhidhanachintamani (Abhi., III, 315). Nose Ornaments Kaniaarak (VR., 5) was a word used for a nose ornament.18 Murki (VS., II, 59) was a nose ring piercing through the cartilage between the nostrils. Nakphuli (VS., II, 59) was a nose stud. Sasusali VS., II, 59) has been described as a gold nose ring worn mostly by old women, as the name suggests. Ear Ornaments In the literary texts, the general terms used for the ear ornaments are karnabharan, kar­ napalika, karnapitha, shravanapaal and shravanapitha (VS., II, 58). The term kaneyur denotes an ear ornament (Panchapandavacharitasu).19 Akoota has been described as an ear ornament consisting of three or four pieces joined together. The pieces are shaped like supari (betel nut) (VS., II, 58). A string draped around and hanging from

See Monier Williams, op. cit., p. 819.

Sinthi, a similar ornament, is seen in Didarganj Yakshi. See Ganguli, op. cit., p. 145.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., I, 344.

PPS., op. cit., II, 14.

Ibid., VI, 38.

There is very little evidence of nose ornaments in ancient Indian Sculpture, See Jamila Brij Bhushan,

Indian Jewellery, Ornaments and Decorative Motifs, p. 15. 19 Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., I, 344. 13 14 15 16 17 18

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the ears was called an avantasa and uttansa in Abhidhanachinatamani (Abhi., III, 318). For the earring, Sri Medinikara used the word bali (Med., 148, 40), by which term it is referred to even today, whereas Abhidhanachintamani used the word balika to describe the round earring (Abhi., III, 320). Jhal (VS., II, 58) was used to describe a dangling ear ornament. The same word Jhal with the variation Jhali also occurs in the Mohini Phagu and Chupai Phagu20 of the 15th century CE. Kanaka referred to an ear ornament for women (VR., 4). Karnabhushan referred to an ear ornament (Abhi., III, 319), and karnaveshtak was used to denote an earring (Abhi., III, 320; Med., 76, 23). Karnendu (Abhi., III, 320; Med., 76, 23) denoted a golden chain decorating the ear. Utikshapalika (Abhi., III, 320) was another word for this ornament. Sri Medinikara (Med., 6, 60) used the word karnika to denote an ear ornament. The same word in the same form has been mentioned in the Abhid­ hanachinatamani (Abhi., III, 319), where it also denoted an ear ornament. Khintali (VS., II, 58) was a shield (dhal)-shaped ear ornament. The same word also described an earring made of pearls (Viraha Desauri Phagu).21 Kundala (VS., II, 58) has been described as a big, round-shaped earring for the ear lobe. The Medini (Med., 15, 82) and Varna-Ratnakara (VR., 50) both used the term kundala for an ear ornament. Abhidhanachintamani provided a slight variant in the term kundalam while qualify­ ing that it was a round earring (Abhi., III, 320). According to Samaraichchakaha, the jewelled discs worn by a bride in her ears were raynachakkaliyao (Sama, 75, 78). The Ratanamandita kundala (VR, 7) has been described as a kundala studded with gems. Tadapatram and tatanka (Abhi., III, 320) both denoted round ear ornaments. Tadanka (Neminatha Phagu of Jayasingha Suri, C. 1365 CE)22 also referred to a round ear ornament. Taduka (Chupai Phagu)23 also stood for round earrings. Troti (VS., II, 58) has been defined by the Varnaka-Samuh­ caya as a dangling ear ornament of a sparkling kind. Ugniya (VS., II, 58) represented a sword-shaped ear ornament. Vaala (VS., II, 58) has been described as a round earring worn on the upper part of the ear. Valiya (Neminatha Phagu24 of Jayashekhara Suri, C. 1403 CE) has been used to describe a round earring, probably like the modern bali. Neck Ornaments A vast variety of names occur in the literary texts, defining necklaces of different kinds. These necklaces were of three different lengths: Those that were close to the neck, those of medium length, and finally long necklaces reaching the navel. Adharsar denoted a necklace of 18 strands (VS., II, 60). Ardhaguccha (Abhi., III, 324) was a pearl necklace of 32 strands. Ardhahaar (Abhi., III, 324) was a pearl necklace having 64 strands. Ardhamanav (Abhi., III, 323) denoted a necklace of 12 strands. Ashtasar (VS., II, 60) was a necklace having eight strands. Ashtadashsarak (VS., II, 60) was a necklace with 18 strands.

20 21 22 23 24

PPS.,XX, 7; XXII, 20.

Ibid., XXXVI, 47.

Ibid., III, 20.

Ibid., XX, 24.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., III, 154.

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Bargali (VS., II, 60) was a necklace having small round bells (ghungrooo) attached to it. It was very popular in southern Gujarat. Champakali (VS., II, 60) denoted a necklace with gems shaped like champa flowers. Chandravali (VS., II, 60) was a necklace made of gems shaped like the moon. Chatusar and chatursarak have been described in the Varnaka-Samuhcaya (VS., II, 60) as a necklace made of four strands. Devachhchhand (Abhi., III, 322) was a necklace with 100 stands. A thin gold chain was called doro or dor (VS., II, 60). In Samaraichchakaha, it has been mentioned that the bride was wearing a necklet (dusurullaya) on her neck (Sama., 75, 78). A necklace made of one strand was called an ekavali (VS., II, 59). In the Abhidhanachintamani, a similar necklace made of pearls was called ekavali,25 ekyashtika (Abhi., III, 325). Galsiri (VS., II, 60) was a “choker-like” necklace clinging to the neck. Graveyak (VS., II, 60) has also been described as a necklace close to the neck. Greyeveyakam (Abhi., III, 321) has been described simply as a necklace. Grivabharan (VS., II, 60) has been described as a necklace close to the neck. Gopuchh (Abhi., III, 324) denoted a necklace of two strands. In the Abhidhanachintamani (Abhi., III, 324.3), interestingly, the word gosthan has been used to denote a necklace having four strands. A necklace of 32 strands was called gucchh in the Medini (Med., 28.3) and Abhidhanachintamani (Abhi., III, 324). A necklace with 108 strands was simply referred to as haar (Abhi., III, 323). The Medini (Med., 130, 100) and the Prabandha Chintamani (Pr.Ch., 12) have used the above term simply in the sense of a necklace. Hansa and hansadi (Vs., II, 60) have been described as a thick necklace made of gold and silver. Harphalam (Abhi., III, 324) was a pearl necklace having five strands. Heeravali (VS., II, 60) has been used to describe a one-strand diamond necklace. A pearl necklace with 1,000 strands was called indrachchand (Abhi., III, 322). Jaliya (Neminatha Phagu26 of Jayashekhara Suri) is described as a type of neck ornament. Probably it had a net (jali)-like design. Jhumnu (Chupai Phagu)27 represented a necklace. Kanakavali (VS., II, 60) was a gold necklace made of one strand. Kanadahaar (VR, 68) has been used in the sense of a necklace. Kanthabhusha (Abhi., III, 321) has been used to denote a necklace. Kanthi and kanthika (VS., II, 60) referred to a necklace close to the neck. The gems in it were either round, rectangular, hexagonal or octago­ nal. Kanthika (Abhi., III, 325) denoted a pearl necklace of one strand. Kusumarta (VR., 51) also denoted a neck ornament. Lalamkam (Abhi., III, 316) referred to a garland made of flowers. Lalantika (Abhi., III, 321) simply denoted a necklace. Manav (Abhi., III, 324) and a similar word, manvaka (Med., 17, 209), were used to denote a necklace of 16 strands. Mandar (Abhi., III, 324; Medini 136, 196) has been used to denote a pearl necklace of eight strands. Manimala (VS., II, 60) was a neck­ lace made out of gems. Motisari (VS., II, 60) was a one-strand pearl necklace. Pearl necklaces were variously named as motitanu haar, motihaar and mautrikhaar (VS., II, 60). Muktavali (VS., II, 60) was also made of pearls and had only one strand. In the Abhidhanachintamani, pearl necklaces have been called muktapralamb, muktasrak,

25 It is probably an ekavali that is seen worn by the famous Didarganj Yakshi. Kautilya refers to a single string of pearls with a gem in the centre as being a suddhaekavali See Bhushan, op. cit., p. 64. 26 Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., III, 54. 27 PPS., XXII, 27.

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muktakalap, muktalata and muktavali (Abhi., III, 322). Navsar (VS., II, 60) has been described as a necklace of nine strands. Nagodar (VS., II, 60) was a neck ornament. The same word and its variant nagodaru occur in the Neminatha Phagu28 of Rajshek­ hara Suri, and in the Jambusvami Phagu,29 Chupai Phagu,30 Viraha Desauri Phagu31 and Neminatha Phagu of Jayasingha Suri.32 A necklace made of 27 pearls was called the nakshtramala (Abhi., III, 326). Paprksha (Pr.Ch., 98) was a type of necklace. Patravali (VS., II, 60) has been described as a necklace shaped like a betel leaf. Pralamb (VS., II, 60) was a long, lowreaching necklace. Pralambam (Abhi., III, 316) has been described as a flower garland hanging straight down upon the chest. Pralambika (Abhi., III, 321) was a neck orna­ ment made of gold. Pravalavali (VS., II, 60) has been described as a necklace made out of corals (praval). A pearl necklace of 54 strands was called rashmikalap (Abhi., III, 323). Ratnavali (VS., II, 60) has been described as a necklace of one strand made out of gems. Shatsar (VS., II, 60) was a necklace with six strands. Suryavali (VS., II, 60) was a necklace shaped like the sun. A necklace made of gold has been referred to as Suvarna­ saar and Varnasaar (VS., II, 60). Tankauli (Neminatha Bhramargita of Vinayavijaya,33 1649 CE) represented a necklace made of coins. A necklace made of three strands has been variously referred to as tasar, trisar and trisari (VS., II, 60). Ursarik (VS., II, 60) was a necklace reaching to the chest. Ursutrika (Abhi., III, 321) was a necklace made out of pearls. A pearl necklace having 554 strands was called vijayachchand (Abhi., III, 323). A flower garland hanging at an angle was called Vakksham (Abhi., III, 316). Pendants for the Necklaces These are listed separately as an ornament decorating the necklace. The word nayak stands for a pendant. The chatusranayak has been described as a pendant on a neck­ lace with four strands. The krishnanayak was perhaps a pendant, black (shyama) in colour. The neelnayak was a blue-coloured pendant. Peetnayak has been described as a yellow-coloured pendant. Raktanayak was a red-coloured pendant. Shwetanayak was a white-coloured pendant. Tisranayak and trisarnayak have been described as pendants for a necklace with three strands (VS., II, 60). Armlets Angada (VS., II, 61) has been described simply as an armlet in Varnaka-Samuhcaya. Angadam (Abhi., III, 326) also denoted an armlet. So did bahirakha (VS., II, 61). The Phagus offer a slight variation to this name—bahirasha (Ranapurmandan Chaturmukh

28 29 30 31 32 33

Ibid., II, 20. Ibid., VI, 49. Ibid., XXII, 27. Ibid., XXXVI, 47. Ibid., III, 20; IV, 38. Ibid., XXXI, 11.

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Adinatha Phaga),34 and bihirasha (Chupai Phagu).35 Bahubhusha (Abhi., III, 326) was also used in the sense of an armlet. Bajubanda (VS., II, 61), as the name itself signifies, referred to an armlet. The Medini (Med., 75, 17) also used the word bajubanda to denote an armlet. Keyoor (VS., II, 61) referred to an armlet. A similar word, keyuram (Abhi., III, 326), has also been used in the Abhidhanachintamani to refer to an armlet. Wrist Ornament A thick bangle with the metal strands being twisted to form a design (aaval) was called an aavaliya and also a valiya (VS., II, 61). Aavap denoted a thick bangle (Abhi., III, 326). Chudi has been described as a bangle made of ivory, conch shells or gold (VS., II, 61). Chudo (VS., II, 61) was a thicker version of chudi and was also made of ivory, conch shells or gold. Chudiya has been used in the sense of a bangle (Neminatha Phagu).36 Haathsankali (VS., II, 61) referred to a wrist band resembling the watch chain of present day. Haathsutram (Abhi., III, 326) referred to a thick bangle. Hathuli (Chupai Phagu)37 represented a wrist ornament. Kangan (VR., 4) referred to a thick bangle. Kankan (VS., II, 61) was a bangle with serrated edges. Sri Medinikara used the word Kankan (Med., 48, 40) for a thick ban­ gle. Kankana has also been mentioned in the Prabandha Chintamani (Pr.Ch., 61) for a wrist ornament. A similar sounding word, kankanam (Abhi., III, 326), was used to denote a thick bangle. Karbhushanam denoted a thick bangle. Whereas in the Medini, the word katak has been used (Med., 5, 56) to denote a thick bangle. Katak has also been mentioned in the Varnaka-Samuhcaya (VS., II, 61) to denote a thick bangle made of gold or other precious metals. Katak has also been used in the same sense in Ahbid­ hanachintamani (Abhi., III, 326). Kavli has been used in the sense of a bangle in the Phagus (Surangabhida Nemi Phaga of Dhanadevagani,38 1445 CE). Keyoor has also been used in the sense of a bracelet (Neminatha Phagu).39 Neyoor has also been used in the sense of a bracelet (Panchapandavacharitasu40; Neminatha Phagu41). Parihai was yet another word used to refer to a thick bangle (Abhi., III, 326). Pratisar (Med., 142, 276; Abhi., III, 326) also referred to a thick bangle. Rakhri (VS., II, 57) has been described as a bracelet looking like a rakhi. The term rakhri also occurred in the Vidyavilasapavadau42 (1420 CE). Sankhali denoted a wrist ornament for women in the Sthulabhadra Phagu of Maaldeva43 (second half of the 16th century CE). Valay (Med., 4, 34) referred to a thick bangle. Valyam (Abhi., III, 326) once again denoted a thick bangle. Veervalay referred to a wrist ornament

34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43

Ibid., XVIII, 22.

Ibid., XXII, 46.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., III, 158.

PPS., XXII, 27.

Ibid., XIV, 53.

Gurjara Rasavali., op. cit., III, 143.

Ibid., I, 347.

Ibid., III, 143.

Ibid., VI, 327.

PPS., op. cit., XXVIII, 47.

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for men, in the Neminatha Phagu of Jayasingha Suri.44 Veer in veervalay perhaps indicated that it was an accessory for brave men, which otherwise was a feminine ornament. Hand Ornaments This category included ornaments for the back of the hand as well as for the fingers. In the former category occurs the dashmudrak-sarvanguliyak (VS., II, 61), which was worn by the bride at the time of marriage. This has been described as a hand orna­ ment that covered the back of the hand, being attached on one side to rings worn on all the fingers and the other side to a bracelet kind of an ornament worn on the wrist. Hathpaan and karjalau also denoted the same object (VS., II, 62). Finger Rings Aadhanguliyak was used in the Varnaka-Samuhcaya to refer to a finger ring (VS., II, 61). Angulimudra (Abhi., III, 328) has been described as a finger ring with a name carved on it. Anguliyak (VS., II, 61) simply referred to a finger ring. Anguliyakam (Abhi., III, 327) also meant a finger ring. Anguthala and anguthali have both been described as finger rings (VS., II, 61). Anguthi (VS., II, 61) also denoted a finger ring. Madhyanguliyak (VS., II, 61) was the finger ring for the middle finger. Mudrak (VS., II, 61) has also been described as a finger ring. Similar sounding words that denoted a finger ring were mudranandak, mudrika and mundri (VS., II, 61). Urmika (Med., 5, 53; Abhi., III, 327) also referred to a finger ring. Waist Ornaments Aagak (VR., 5) has been used in the sense of a waist belt. Chuli (VR., 50) too referred to a waist belt. Kalaap (Abhi., III, 328) has been used to denote a waistband worn by women. The Medini also mentioned the same word in the same sense (Med., 103, 17). Kanchi was another word used for a waist belt (Med 27, 3; Abhi., III, 328). Kandora and Kandoru (VS., II, 62) have been described as a waist belt in the shape of a chain. Katimekhala (VS., II, 62) was also a waist belt shaped like a chain. Katisutra (VS., II, 62) was a waist belt of one strand. It was also called kasro in south Gujarat. A simi­ lar word, katisutram (Abhi., III, 328), has been used in the Abhidhanachintamani. Madanmeshli was a waistband made of diamonds (Chupai Phagu).45 Mehala also denoted a girdle (Neminatha Phagu).46 Mekh and mekhala (VS., II, 62) referred to waist belts. Mekhala used in the Medini (Med., 154, 125) and Abhidhanachintamani (Abhi., III, 328) denoted a waist belt used by women. Rasna (Med., 91, 12; Abhi., III, 328) also referred to waist belts used by women. Saptaki (Abhi., III, 328; Med., 99, 121) has been described as a waist belt used by women. Shonisuta (VS., II, 62) has also been described as a waist belt. Shrinkhalam (Abhi., III, 329) referred to a waist

44 PPS., op. cit., III, 16.

45 PPS., op. cit., XXII, 86.

46 Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., III, 159.

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belt used by men. A similar word, shrankhala (Med., 155, 141), has also been used to refer to a waist belt used by men. Foot Ornaments Anklets and Toe Rings The popularity and variety of anklets is brought out rather vividly by Someshvara in the Manasollasa, when he discusses more than six varieties of anklets, along with their names and make up. Minute details about size, gold plating, the number of chains and joints on each anklet are discussed with great care, underlining the fact thereby about the existence of rather advanced and sophisticated designs that were in vogue, fashioned probably by the “taste” of the people. The general terms used for foot ornaments in the Varnaka-Samuhcaya were padakadi, polarkatrik, neyoor, padaveshtak and payak (VS., II, 62). The Sanskrit lexi­ con Abhidhanachintamani mentioned quite a few categories of anklets, as also did texts like the Phagus. The ananvat was a toe ornament (Chupai Phagu).47 Hansakam (Abhi., III, 329) referred to an anklet. Jhanjhar (VS., II, 62) depicted an anklet with small round bells attached to it. Manjiram (Abhi., III, 329) referred to an anklet. Padachudaka (Mana., SS, 18–21) referred to an anklet of the size of the upper part of the leg with gold plating on it. Pada-ghargharika (Mana., S.23) was probably the ancestor of the modern ghunghroo made of tiny golden bells wound with the help of a cord. Padakatakam (Mana., S.21) was a smooth-looking ornament, decked with gems and jewels, and endowed with a jingling sound. Padakatakam (Abhi., 329) in Abhidhanachintamani also referred to an anklet. Padangadam (Abhi., III, 329) was yet another name for the anklet. Padapala (Mana., S. 22) seems to have been the ancestor of the modern payal. It had three or five chains joined together at a point with nails. Padasankalika and pagni have been described as thick round bangles worn over the ankles (VS., II, 62), the type worn by the nomadic and pastoral people of western India even today. In Samaraichchakaha, a jewelled anklet has been called a neura (Sama., 75, 78). Neyoor was mentioned in the Sthulabhadra Phagu48 of Jinapadmasuri (1333–1343 CE) as an anklet. The word nupar has been used in the sense of an anklet in Nemi­ natha Phagu49 as well as in the Varna-Ratnakara (VR., 50, 4). Nupur (VS., II, 62) referred to an anklet with small bells attached to it. Nupur also figured in the VarnaRatnakara (VR., 50, 4) in the sense of an anklet. Abhidhanachintamani also used the word nupuram (Abhi., III, 329) to denote the anklet. Sankali (VS., II, 62) has been described as a thick, broad bangle for the ankles. Shinjini (Abhi., III, 329) too meant an anklet. The names for toe rings were veda (VS., II, 62) and vichia (VS., II, 62). Interestingly, the name vichia is commonly used in northern India even today for toe rings, and it is an indicator of marital status among women.

47 PPS., XXII, 28.

48 Ibid., I, 11.

49 Gurjara Rasavali, III, 159.

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Ornaments as Seen in the Paintings The Indian love for ornaments, underlined by the sheer quantum of the names of ornaments occurring in the lexicons, texts on folklore, poetry and other related texts, was, as already stated, an established fact from fairly early on. In the Indian con­ text, this penchant for ornaments continues into the present day! Foreign travellers of European, British, Arab and other nationalities also corroborated the information available in early texts, about the splendour of the ornaments. Perhaps it was the sheer beauty of their craftsmanship and the abundance of ornaments that caught the atten­ tion of the alien eye. In this surfeit of descriptions, we have accounts like about his neck he carried a chain of most excellent pearls, three double . . . on his elbow’s armlets set with diamonds, on his wrist three rows of several sorts. His hands bare, but almost on every finger a ring.50 Then again, we have accounts mentioning “of brooches for their heads . . . chaines of pearle, and chaines of all sorts of precious stones, and rings with jewels”.51 There are accounts which noticed the ornaments worn by the average man or woman many of the women weare rings upon their toes, . . . They have likewise broad rings of brasse . . . about the small of the legges to take off and on; . . . and such as these they have about their armes. The flaps or nether part of their eares are boared when they are young . . . becomes so large, that it will hold a ring . . . as large as a little saucer.52 Jahangir himself mentioned the gift of a pair of diamond bracelets (Pahunchi) to his wife, Nur Jahan.53 Abul Fazl in the Ain-i-Akbari mentions ornaments for the various parts of the body and also describes the processes involved in their making.54 The situation in the Hindu courts of the same period was roughly similar to the accounts of the Mughal court reproduced above. Domingo Paes, writing in the 16th century CE about the Hindu court of Vijayanagar, talks about collars on the neck with jewels of gold very richly set with many emeralds and diamonds . . . many strings of pearls . . . many bracelets with half of the upper arm all bare, having armlets in the same way, all of precious stones; on the waist many girdles of gold . . . rich anklets. . . . Who is he that could tell of the costliness and value what each of these women carries on her person.55

50 Sir Thomas Roe’s (ambassador to Jahangir’s court, 1615–1619 CE) description of Jahangir’s ornaments, as quoted in Bhushan, op. cit., p. 74. 51 Hawkins’ (a lieutenant general of the fleet sent out to India and Aden for trade in 1607 CE) description of ornaments, quoted in Bhushan, op. cit., p. 74. 52 Edward Terry’s (came to India in 1617 CE as the chaplain of Sir Thomas Roe’s embassy) account, as quoted in Bhushan, op. cit., pp. 74, 77. 53 Bhushan, op. cit., p. 77. 54 Ibid., p. 78. 55 Ibid., p. 84.

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Thus, both before and during the 16th and 17th century CE, the Indian love for orna­ ments was at its zenith. This gets reflected also in the accounts specifically dealing with western India. Duarte Barbosa, who visited Gujarat in the 16th century CE, mentions Cambay as being a place known for its skilled goldsmiths and excellent workmen for stones such as corals and carnelians. According to him, Cambay also seems to have been a great production centre for ivory bracelets and bangles.56 He makes a specific reference to the ornaments of baniyas and women of Gujarat. About the baniyas, he says, “They are much given to golden earrings set with many precious stones, rings on their fingers, and golden girdles over their clothes”.57 Writing about Gujarati women, he says, “on their legs they wear very thick anklets of gold and silver with great plenty of rings on their fingers and toes, and they have holes bored in their ears wide enough for an egg to pass through, in which they wear thick gold and silver earrings”.58 The writer of the Mirat-iSikandari mentions the necklaces and rings worn by men in Gujarat. He also specifically talks of the earrings of the Hindu rajas.59 It was, therefore, only natural that ornaments, which were in great vogue and sought after by both men and women as a part of their attire, should find their way into the paintings from this region. A telling and significant passage from the Kalpasutra text of Bhadrabahu60 explains in a way, the occurrence of a great deal of ornaments in the illustrations of these texts, as they were painted in western India.61 The following passages are illustrative of the literary parallel of the visual documents that accompanied these texts. In a passage from the Kalpasutra, one comes across the following description of Indra, “his price­ less bejewelled ornaments, bracelets, wristlets, the keyoora of the upper arm, earrings, necklaces and the crown”.62 The same text describes the ornaments of goddess Sri and of her thighs being adorned with the ornament called kuruvindavarta as well as a “girdle of gold”. A long passage underlining this “cultural” interest in jewellery men­ tions the adornment of Sri. One each of her limbs glittered ornaments of pure gold, studded with gems and precious stones of a great variety. On her immaculate urn-like breasts shone necklaces and a garland of kunda flowers. She wore rows of pearls interlaced with emerald and a garland of gold dinaras which hung down her bosom. Her neck was adorned with stringed gems. A pair of resplendent ear­ rings hung over her shoulders with dazzling beauty.63

56 Even today, the silversmiths of Kutch are extremely well known for their silver work and especially filigree work. 57 See The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. by Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. I, p. 113. 58 Ibid., p. 114. 59 Z.A. Desai, “Mirat-i-Sikandari as a source for the Study of Cultural and Social Conditions of Gujarat under the Sultanate (1403–1572)”, Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, Vol. X, No. 3, p. 267. 60 Kalpasutra is one of the most revered books of the Shvetambara Jains. It is attributed to Acharya Bhad­ rabahu, who lived during the 4th century BCE. It is actually the eighth chapter of a larger canonical work, the Dasha-Shruta-Skanda. It is read during the eight-day Jain festival of Paryushana. 61 Such as the Kalpasutra dated VS., 1563, MS. No. 5354 in the collection of Rajasthan Oriental Research Institute, Jodhpur. 62 See Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu, ed. and trans. by Mahopadhyaya Vinaya Sagar, p. 27. 63 Ibid., p. 71.

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Since the Jain paintings illustrate texts like the Kaplasutra, they seek to capture visually the verbal descriptions of Material Culture outlined within the Jain Texts. The lavish use of ornaments comes across in a careful study of the paintings. Men and women, regardless of age and status, seem to have shown their preference for ornaments. It appears as if most ornaments were preferred by both sexes, and they were worn alike by men and women. Specific ornaments like the nose rings, jewels for the back of the hand, girdles and ornaments decorating the parting of the hair were restricted in their use to women alone. One cannot, however, with clarity make separate categories for men and women. Even though the general “taste” for orna­ ments and the types of ornaments in vogue are clear from the paintings, one is beset by many problems of detail. For example, it is not possible to easily determine the metal or gems used for the jewellery, except in the broadest terms of it being made of pearls or metals. Very often, the intricate designs are also not very clear because of the size of the painting, or the limited skill of the painter. Also, in almost all the orna­ ments, one sees a large area of coral-hued red, surrounded by pearls or other gems. This is seen in earrings, pendants, necklaces, bracelets etc. It is not very clear from the paintings whether it is just the painter’s device to set off the pearls against a coloured background or whether it is several corals set into the metal band. In the following pages, ornaments both for men and women, under the general category of an ornament adorning a particular part of the body, would be discussed together, drawing attention to those ornaments that were restricted in use to a par­ ticular gender. Head Ornaments

Figure 4.1

The most common head ornament seen in the paintings is a kind of tiara/diadem/crown (see Figure  4.1). This is sported mostly by men and women belonging to the upper strata of the society. Also seen wearing it are divine beings like Gajalakshmi as well as Indra (see Plate  8). Ordinary people such as the musicians, dancing women, laymen, laywomen, attendants, maids and palanquin bearers do not usually sport such crowns. The crown can be described as best as being of a triangular shape. There appears to be two projections on either side of the central peak, giving it the appearance of a three -pointed crown. At times, the crown is seen fringed with pearls. This crown appears to have been the standard type worn from the 13th through the 17th-centuries CE and corresponds to the three-pointed crown, referred to as mauli in the texts64 (see Plates 4, 8, 12, 13).

64 Could this three-peaked crown be the Trikuta, which is referred to by U.P. Shah while discussing a Jain image from Western India. See U.P. Shah, “West India”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. I, p. 137.

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Also seen in some of the paintings depicting Parshvanatha and his worshippers is the same crown but in conjunction with a seven-hooded snake on the upper side of the crown, giving the crown a different appearance to that of the basic triangular crown (see Plate 3). However, the snakes are really an iconographical feature65 identifying Parshvanatha and are therefore a distinct feature, separate from the basic crown. Varnaka-Samuhcaya does mention a snakeshaped head ornament called Naagpan that was described as a hair ornament shaped in the form of a snake. A head ornament seen in the paintings and used exclusively by women, consisted of a jewelled string, covering the central parting of the hair and ending with a jewelled floral ornament on the forehead. Three jewelled strands emanate on to either side of the head from the central strand (see Figure 4.2 and Plate 6). Could this be what is described as the trisanthiu in the contemporary texts? The texts also mention a variation of this ornament referred to as the damni (this ornament has only two strands emanating on either side from the central strand).

Figure 4.2 Also seen in the paintings is an ornament which simply adorns the central parting of the hair and ends in a flowerlike piece adorning the forehead (see Figure  4.3). This is very much like the maangtika of today and is referred to as the sauthau by the Gujarati texts. This ornament is in vogue even today. In several paintings, it looks very similar to the Borla66 worn by the women from western India. The flower-like portion of the sauthau, which adorns the forehead, is perhaps something like the patrapashya and the lalatika67 of ancient India. Perhaps it originates from the early habit of people decorating their forehead with some sort of flowers and leaves.68 Figure 4.3

65 Iconographically, Parshvanatha is represented with a hooded snake spreading itself as a canopy over his head. It is believed that at the time of Parshvanatha’s conception, his mother saw a snake crawling by her side. Moreover, Parshva had once saved a family of snakes during the Panchagani tapas of Kamatha (his enemy from former births). The rescued snake was reborn during Parshvanatha’s life as Dharana, the lord of the Nagas. Legend has it that he once saved Parshva from a storm by spreading his seven hoods over him. 66 Borla is a traditional round, bell-shaped forehead ornament from western India. It is worn even today especially in Rajasthan, Gujarat and Haryana. 67 See Ganguli, op. cit., p. 146. 68 Ibid.

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Figure 4.4

A comb-like ornament is often seen on hair dressed in the shape of a bun. It appears to be a semi-circular ornament composed of short straight pieces of metal radiating like the rays of the sun (see Figure 4.4 and Plate 6). At times, men are also shown wearing this comb-like ornament on their hair (see Plate  3). The ornament seems to serve the same purpose of hair adornment as the garland of flowers (veni) adorning the hair of women today. This ornament is strongly reminiscent of the churika69 mentioned in the ancient Indian texts, which was supposed to be an adornment for the back of the head and was generally made in gold, in imitation of the petals of the lotus. One has not come across a parallel name from the contemporary texts, but in consonance with the continuity and unity of Indian culture, it seems possible that this object seen so frequently in western Indian paintings may well have been similar in shape as well as in name, to the churika of ancient India. It is seen to be worn mostly by the queens. In rare cases, it is seen to be worn by common people such as palace maids as well. It certainly appears to be in vogue in the 14th and 15th-centuries CE.

69 Bhushan, op. cit., p. 179.

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Figure 4.5

Another interesting ornament is seen to be worn by men, at the back of the head, on top of the hair, which has been dressed in a shape of a bun. This hairpiece appears to be a bejewelled metallic object, roundish in shape with three sharp spikes projecting on top. This ornament appears to rest on the top of the bun. It is seen to be worn by men and women of all ranks, of all ages, with the exception of the Jain monks. The object is seen in the paintings dating from the 14th through the 16th centuries CE (see Figure 4.5 and Plate 4). The closest counterpart to this could be from the range of women’s hair ornaments which are worn even today in the rural areas of northern India—the chauk. This chauk and its accompanying flower-like ornament, the phool, are referred to as chaak or seesphool in the Gujarati texts. The chaak is described as a rounded object decorating the crown of the head.

Seen occasionally, worn by men of upper class, as well as by divine figures, is a string of pearls or jewels that has been used to tie and keep the hair dressed in the shape of a bun in place (see Figure 4.6 and Plate 10). It is exactly this function, which has been ascribed to an ornament referred to as balpashya or the paritathya by the contemporary texts. Figure 4.6 Nose Ornaments The nose ornament with its many varieties was an extremely popular ornament worn by women all over India in the past as well as today. Rarely seen in sculpture, it is infrequently seen in the Jain paintings of western India. The lexicons and other Gujarati texts mention several nose ornaments like the murki, sasusali and naakphuli, which strangely enough do not find a visual representation. However, in an illustration of the Sangrahani Sutra of 1587 CE (see Plate 31), three of the four female maids are shown as clearly wearing a black nose stud. Could this be the naakphuli of the texts?

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Ear Ornaments Both male and female figures in the Jain Paintings of western India appear invariably adorned with some kind of ear ornament. Even though in some cultures, the wearing of ornaments after an injury to some part of the body is a relic of barbaric manners, the ancient Hindus did not look down upon the piercing of ears and the nose. The piercing of the ear lobes, so common among the Hindus of both the sexes, was often observed among the upper castes as a religious rite.70 The ornaments of the ear usually simulated the shape of flowers or leaves of trees. The most common type of ear ornament seen to be worn in Jain paintings, is a large circular disc, fringed around the circumference with pearls and studded probably with a large precious stone in the centre. The disc at the top, however, appears to be shaped like a hoop so as to pass through the ear lobe (see Figure 4.7 and Plate 4). This may well be the earrings described as a kundala by the lexicons and other Gujarati texts. This ear ornament is most commonly seen in the miniatures from the 13th through the 16th century CE. It is seen to be worn by both men and women of royal status as well as by people belonging to the common classes.

Figure 4.7

In some cases, a slight variation of this kundala type of earring is seen to be worn by women (see Figure 4.8). This ornament, which hangs from the ear like a pendant, seems to consist of two parts: A flower shaped ear stud, joined with the larger disc-shaped, pearl rimmed, lower part. At times, one can see very clearly a hamsa motif in the centre of the larger disc (see Plate 7, Plate 16). This brings to mind what Duarte Barbosa in his account mentions about the people of Gujarat—that they have large holes pierced in their ears and wear rings of gold and silver large enough for an egg to pass through them.

Figure 4.8

70 Ganguli, op. cit., p. 146.

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In some miniatures, however, some of the men, for example Brahmins receiving alms, as well as commoners are shown not wearing anything in their ears. Perhaps ornamentation of the ear was omitted by men at times. These instances are more common towards the 17th century CE. The female figures, however, are never shown without an ear ornament. This practice continues right through the period of our study. Other figures shown not wearing ornaments are the Shahis and the Jain monks and nuns, for obvious reasons. There is not much variety in the ear ornaments depicted in the Jain miniatures. However, we do come across another type of earrings in the miniatures—a plain, round hoop passing through the earlobes. It appears to be very close to the ornament that we refer today as the bali. Lexicons and Gujarati texts describe a similar ornament, which they refer to as bali, balika and valiya. This particular earring appears to be less popular than the kundala. People of all classes whether royal or commoners appear to sport this ornament and is seen preferred more by women than men (see Figure 4.9). Figure 4.9 Also visible in one of the miniatures (see Figure  4.10, Plate  31) is a large petalled, flower-shaped earring with a red centre which could perhaps be made by the setting of a precious gem. An ear ornament, in ancient India by the name of karnapur or karnaphul roughly corresponds to this description. Could this be the same as karnika or karnabhushan of the contemporary texts?

Figure 4.10

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Sometimes worn separately (Figure 4.11) or in conjunction with the above ornament is a flower-shaped ear stud, piercing the cartilage of the upper ear. It is not very easy to correlate this ear ornament by those mentioned in the contemporary texts.

Figure 4.11 Neck Ornaments Necklets Jain paintings yield a fairly comprehensive sample of necklets, that is, neck ornaments worn close to the neck. Necklets in general seem to have been more popular with the women than with the men as can be observed in the miniatures. At times one can see one or two different kinds of necklets worn together by the same person. The generic names of the more important types of necklets can be categorised as follows: Galsiri, grivabharan, graveyak.

Figure 4.12

Figure 4.13

A single string of pearls worn close to the neck is seen quite often in the paintings, right through the period of our study. This necklet is seen to be worn by a fairly wide range of characters, such as queens, kings, maids and dancing women (see Figure  4.12 and Plate  33). This can perhaps be identified with the kanthi or kanthika, mentioned in the contemporary literature, described as a necklace close to the neck, made of round, square, oblong gems. In this case, it is fashioned out of round pearls. Another necklet seen to be worn by a shravika (laywoman) in a painting of the 13th century CE seems to be made of some precious/semi-precious metal. As far as the design is concerned, this necklet has a plain lower edge and a pattern with what appears to be serrations on the upper edge, close to the neck (see Figure 4.13). It could also be small metal balls strung together. This collar-like necklet can perhaps be identified with the hansa or hansadi, classified as a thick necklet made of gold or silver in the contemporary lexicons and vernacular literature.

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Another necklet seen in the paintings is a broad crescent-shaped band made of precious or semi-precious metal. It is fringed with pearls on both sides, and the upper and lower edges are joined with metal strands. This necklet, exquisite in workmanship, was worn mostly by the royal personages (see Figure 4.14).

Figure 4.14

Another variation can be seen in a painting (see Plate 26), where Rajimati, the bride to be, is wearing a rather distinctive necklet over her blouse. It is a broad crescentshaped band made of precious metal, and in between the upper and lower rim, some red stones seem to be studded on to the metal strands, joining the two rims. These types of necklets seem to have been in vogue between the 13th and early 17th centuries CE. This kind of necklet has been erroneously categorised by various authors as a torque.71 After pondering, one would come close to identifying it with hansadi of the texts.

Figure 4.15

Figure 4.16

Figure 4.17

In some cases, this necklet has an elaborate design of one (see Plate 15) or three rosettes attached to the lower rim of the necklet (see Figure 4.15 and Plate 16). Another necklet quite commonly seen is a choker, that is, a necklet sitting very close to the neck. It is seen to be worn mostly by women such as queens, maids and laywomen, mostly in the 14th and 15th-centuries CE (see Figure 4.16 and Plate 6). The necklet in almost all the paintings has the same design. It appears to be a grid-like pattern, consisting of vertical bars overlaid with horizontal ones. This may well be identified with the galsiri mentioned in the contemporary texts. Another very elaborate necklet seen in the paintings can be described as one—in which the upper edge is round and hugs the neck while the lower edge plunges down the chest in a triangular shape and is fringed on the edges with pearls. The lower and upper edges are joined with longitudinal thin metal strands. At times, a small flower-shaped pendant seems to hang at the lower end. This necklet seems to have been worn mostly by royal men (see Figure 4.17). It is seen mostly in the paintings of the 15th century CE. The next neck ornament is rather simple. Worn mostly by women of royal birth, it is a necklet made of some sort of precious metal, separate pieces of which are linked together like a chain (see Plate 7, Figure 4.18).

Figure 4.18

71 The Dictionary meaning of Torque is a necklace in the form of a twisted band. See Chambers English Dictionary, p. 1550.

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Figure 4.19

Another very simple necklet seen in the paintings of the 16th century CE, consists of a plain gold or precious metal necklet, devoid of any design. It looks like the hollow, metal bangle-like neck ornament worn by some tribal women in India even today (see Figure 4.19). In the example shown here, it is seen to be worn by the maids. This could also be a variation of the hansa or hansadi of the contemporary texts.

Necklaces The broad terms for necklaces, depending upon what they are made of are: Heeravali (diamond necklace of one strand), pravalavali (necklace made of corals), Kanakavali (gold necklace of one strand) and suryavali (shaped like the rays of the sun). Thus, despite the copious information of the lexicons and the depiction of a wide variety of necklaces in the paintings, it is not always easy to spot in the paintings the minute variations arising from design and use of precious metals and gems. Necklaces of medium length One of the necklaces, seen in the paintings under study, seems to be made of pearls with a sun-shaped pendant in the middle. It is seen to have been worn mostly by royalty. The pendant varies in shape from being a “sun burst” (see Figure  4.20) or being diamond shaped with a red stone in the centre. We have the name Suryavali from the contemporary texts, described as a necklace, shaped like the sun. This necklace could perhaps be an example of that. Figure 4.20

Figure 4.21

Another necklace seen fairly regularly in the paintings consists of a single string of pearls, with three rosettes or flower-shaped pendants in the centre. The three flowershaped pendants have a red centre, probably ruby or a coral studded therein, which is framed by pearls. The central pendant or rosette is a little larger than the ones on the side. Exquisitely designed, this necklace is seen to be worn mostly by the royalty and is seen in the miniatures of the 15th and 16th century CE (see Figure 4.21 and Plate 7). Another necklace, though seen very rarely, consists of small rosettes strung together (see Figure  4.22). Could this be the Lalamkam described in the Abhidhanachintamani as a garland of flowers?

Figure 4.22

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Figure 4.23

Seen in the sample of paintings under study, is a double string of pearls with both the strings falling gracefully over the collar bone. It is seen to be worn by a royal figure as well as by a dancing girl (see Figure  4.23 and Plate  33). Could this be Gopuchh of the lexicons, which denotes a necklace comprising two strands?

Long Necklaces The most common type, within the long necklaces seen in the paintings, is one which consists of pearls, probably set in gold because the plain base of the metal is seen very clearly against the pearls. Worn by a wide range of personages such as kings, queens, deities, Brahmins, dancing women, musicians, drummers, male attendants and maids; this kind of necklace can be seen in the paintings, right up to the end of the 16th century CE (see Figure 4.24 and Plates 4, 6).

Figure 4.24 A variation of this long necklace is seen with pearls set on either side of a broad band of precious metal, most probably gold. The metallic portion has a kind of design depicted by horizontal lines placed close together. This necklace of exquisite workmanship is seen to be worn mostly by royal figures from the 14th century till the end of the 16th century CE (see Figure 4.25 and Plates 12, 18). Both these necklaces can perhaps be identified with the muktapralamb of the contemporary literary texts.

Figure 4.25 Another long necklace seen quite often in the paintings is a single strand of pearls reaching below the navel. It is seen to be worn by a whole range of people such as kings and queens, laywomen, maids, dancing women and male musicians. This necklace is seen in the paintings right from the 14th century to the 17th century (see Figure 4.26 and Plate 7). Moving into the 17th century, the representation of this single-stranded pearl necklace becomes quite common (Plate 32).

Figure 4.26

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There is a vast variety of names in the contemporary literature for pearl necklace and especially for a single string of pearls. One can choose from motitanu haar, motihaar and muktavali. These long necklaces can also be put under the generic term for single strand, long pearl necklace called muktapralamb. Subtle shades of differences in the nomenclature of pearl necklaces, based on the variation in design, are not too easy to gauge from the terms used in the lexicons and literary texts. Another elaborate necklace appears to consist of pearls, set on the inner edge of the necklace, fringed by a broad metal band. There are some kinds of stones set in it. The outer edge of the necklace seems to have a floral pattern engraved on a whitish material (see Figure 4.27). Could this be ivory? Not seen very frequently, this necklace seems to have been worn by the figures of royalty in the 15th century CE. In the example shown here, we see it being worn by the queen mother (see Plate 16).

Figure 4.27

The flower garland reaching below the navel is often seen to be worn as a neck ornament. It is usually seen to be worn by royal figures, deities and mythological characters (see Figure  4.28). This too could be identified with the term Lalamkam, used in the contemporary lexicons and vernacular literature, for a flower garland.

Figure 4.28 Seen only in 17th century miniatures, are some royal figures with crowns on their head, sporting two long necklaces of pearls, or perhaps a double-stranded necklace. This necklace is not as long as the ones seen in the paintings from the preceding century. Could this also be a variety of the Gopuchh? (See Figure 4.29).

Figure 4.29

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Another necklace seen only in 17th century miniatures seem to be made of thick beads strung together on a thread (see Figure 4.30). It is seen to be worn by a lay worshipper in a painting from an early 17th century manuscript of the Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra. This can be identified with the word ekavali, used in the lexicons for a singlestranded necklace.

Figure 4.30 Armlets Not a great variety of armlets is seen in the paintings. In fact, during the 13th century CE, comparatively fewer armlets are seen. Perhaps the fashion of wearing half-sleeved jackets made the wearing of armlets unnecessary. Similarly, one notices that more men than women wore armlets, perhaps because women were always dressed in full-sleeved or half-sleeved bodices. The armlet does not seem to have been an essential part of attire at that time. The lexicons yield a few names of armlets but no distinctions based on design comes across in the names. In the light of the available information, the words angada, keyoor and bajubanda can at best only be used as broad generic terms. One type of armlet noticed in the paintings, consists of a single string of pearls, perhaps set in a plain band of precious or semi-precious metal. Most of the miniatures of the 13th century CE show this type of an armlet. It is seen to be worn both by royal personages such as kings and also by commoners (see Figure  4.31). This simple armlet seems to have continued to be in vogue even in the 14th century CE (see Plate 15). Figure 4.31 Another armlet seen in the paintings is a broad one made perhaps out of silver or gold. This armlet has a grid-like pattern, made out of vertical and horizontal bars of metal. This armlet is seen to be worn mostly by men and seems to have been in vogue only in the 14th century CE (see Figure 4.32 and Plate 4).

Figure 4.32

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The armlet most commonly seen in the paintings has a triangular shape, with the triangle having a reddish centre, perhaps representing some semi-precious stone like coral. The sides of the triangles are rimmed with pearls. This armlet is seen right from the 14th century CE through the 16th century CE. It is seen to be worn by both men and women of the higher classes, that is royalty and deities and within them, it seems to have been preferred by men more than the women (see Figure 4.33). In one particular painting (Plate 18), the coral beads are visible very clearly. Duarte Barbosa mentions in his memoirs that the Gujaratis wore large coral beads on their arms. Figure 4.33

A fairly broad armlet seen in the miniatures, consists of a metallic part in the centre, with pearls set into the top and the bottom edges. This type of armlet is seen to be worn mostly by royal figures between the 15th and 16th centuries CE (see Figure 4.34).

Figure 4.34 An armlet seen rarely and that too in the 17th century CE, is in the shape of a long thin piece of metal wound around the upperarm like a coil. The coil itself is devoid of any embellishment (see Figure 4.35). This kind of coiled bracelet, armlet or ring often had the head and the tail of a snake or a crocodile in the examples of jewellery from ancient India. Such an armlet was called sarpangada or makarangada, depending on the animal it represented.72 In the lexicons and other texts, angada or angadam is the only name available to us.

Figure 4.35

72 See Ganguli, op. cit., p. 150.

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Wrist Ornaments Men and Women both appear to have worn wrist ornaments. As observed in the paintings, men generally wore thicker and chunkier wrist ornaments while women had the choice of a larger variety of thick bracelets as well as thin bangles which were worn in sufficient numbers to cover half the forearm. From a study of the paintings, it seems that towards the end of the 16th century CE, the practice of wearing wrist ornaments was on the decline among men and the ornaments they wore were rather simple in look. Interestingly, the paintings also reveal that women often wore more than one type of wrist ornament on the same wrist.

Figure 4.36

A black bangle of medium thickness is seen to be worn by a large number of people both of common and royal status. It is not clear what the material could be. Bangles of varying thickness made of lac are very popular in modernday Gujarat and Rajasthan. These could simply be the chudiya of the literary texts and possibly be made of lac. These bangles are favoured throughout the period of our study and are seen to be worn by both men and women, even though they appear to have been more popular with the women (see Figure 4.36 and Plate 7).

A kind of bangle seen in the paintings, appears to be a thick one with a whitish/creamish central part and a black edging on both sides. Though difficult to identify, this may well be an ivory bangle with black rims! If this is so, then it may well be the chudi or chudo of the texts (see Figure 4.37 and Plate 12).

Figure 4.37

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A fairly thick and chunky wrist ornament seen to be worn by almost everyone including royalty, deities and commoners, is made of semi-circular pearls studded on a gold band. The metal part or the underside of the ornament is also visible. Very much like the kada/kangan of today, though a bejewelled one, this is an item worn popularly in the 13th through the 16th-centuries CE (see Figure 4.38 and Plate 6).

Figure 4.38

Figure 4.39

Figure 4.40

One of the most common wrist ornaments—is a broad band made of precious metal, studded with precious gems and fringed with pearls on both top and bottom circumference. The ornament is in the shape of a tapering wrist cuff, close fitting, matching the contours of the wrist. This bracelet has remarkable similarity to the cuff bracelets from the Mughal period, seen in the museums.73 These have a screw to unclasp the bangle for wear. This ornament is seen to be worn mostly by royal personages, both men and women, from the 14th century CE to the end of the 16th century CE (see Figure 4.39 and Plate 6a). Usually, this ornament is seen to be worn in conjunction with other wrist ornaments.

Another variation of the above bracelet has pearls not only on the upper and lower edges but also on the sides. This is seen to be worn mostly by royal personages. This could well be what is described as the rakhri by the lexicons and literary texts of the period (see Figure 4.40 and Plate 13). The resemblance to rakhi is rather remarkable. This appears to have been tied with a silken thread on the other side which is away from us.

73 Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto has in its collection a similar looking bracelet belonging to the Mughal Period, made of gold and studded with rubies, emeralds, pearls and diamonds.

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A variation of the ornament described as a rakhri above, is a wrist ornament not seen very commonly. The front of the bracelet facing the viewer is like a petalled flower with a jewelled centre and pearls forming the petals. Of exquisite workmanship, it is seen to be worn mostly by royalty (see Figure 4.41 and Plate 26).

Figure 4.41 A wrist ornament very much like armlets, anklets and necklets in terms of design is seen in the paintings. This thin bracelet with vertical and horizontal lines looks very much like the chain of a watch, perhaps made of multiple small chain links. Worn by royal personages, palanquin bearers, musicians etc., this may well be the haathsankali of the lexicons and other texts discussed earlier in the chapter (see Figure 4.42).

Figure 4.42 A broader version of this ornament is also seen in the paintings (see Figure  4.43 and Plate  4). The broad one is tight and seems to fit the outer contour of the wrist.

Figure 4.43 Yet another wrist ornament, seen in the paintings, is quite elaborate in form. It is a very broad bracelet, covering almost half the forearm. It consists of a broad band made out of metal and has a row of pearls on the top and bottom edges,

Figure 4.44

as well as in the middle. Tapering in shape, and designed to fit the shape of the forearm, it is seen to be worn mostly by royal figures, both men and women, and is seen in the paintings from the 14th century right up to the 16th century CE (see Plate 8, Figure 4.44). Perhaps it was worn like a forearm guard by just slipping it on through a wide opening on the ventral side of the wrist.

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Figure 4.45

A variation of the above ornament seen in the paintings, is again a tapering wrist ornament, circular in form, closely fitting the shape of the forearm. It has transverse bars in red, edged by contrasting metallic bands on top and bottom edges (see Figure 4.45). Perhaps, this had a screw clasp for opening and closing since this is such a close fit to the forearm.

Another kind of bracelet seen in the paintings can be described as a plain broad band of gold tightly wound around the middle of the forearm. Worn by a king (see Figure  4.46), this is seen rarely and could well be the veervalay of the texts. Figure 4.46 Waist Ornaments

Figure 4.47

The lower garment of women in ancient India, as well as in the period of our study, was often held in place by a girdle, which is referred to in Gujarati texts as kalaap, katisutra, katimekhala etc. Interestingly, this item is not illustrated by the painters of the Jain paintings of western India. The only figures clearly shown wearing anything approaching a metallic waistband are the Shahi figures in the Kalakacharya Katha manuscript (see Figure 4.47) and (Figure 2.31 in Chapter 2). These appear to be belts made of some precious metal, with jewel encrusted buckles in the front. The belt is tied over the long gowns of the Shahi figures. In one particular painting of Kalakacharya katha of 1502 CE, the belt is in the shape of a broad metallic band having a zigzag pattern and is worn over loose baggy trouser (see Figure 2.26 and Plate 27). As the Shahi figures were clearly modelled on the contemporary Sultanate figures of Gujarat, this corresponds with the description of Muslim attire, given by Ash-Sharif Nasir al-Din-al-Husayni al Adami,74 who says that “They bind gold and silver belts tightly round their waists”.

74 “An Arab Account of India in the fourteenth century”, trans. by Otto spies, The Muslim University Journal, pp. 69–70.

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Foot Ornaments Anklets The popularity of the anklet is only too obvious from the fact that this particular ornament seems to have excited the poetic fancy of many a classical poet. Sanskrit drama is replete with flights of poetic fancy, describing the sound produced by the anklet and leading thereby to various situations of love.75 Observation of the Jain paintings reveal that the wearing of anklets was not perhaps considered seminal to high fashion. Hence, from time to time, they were omitted from use because attire was not considered incomplete without them. There are many paintings in which men do not wear any anklets (see Plates 15 and 17). In the Jain paintings under study, one sees at times figures wearing more than one type of anklet. This is specially seen in people of a higher status. Close observation reveals that the wearing of the anklet became less popular with men towards the end of the 16th century CE.

Figure 4.48

Figure 4.49

Considering the large variety of anklets mentioned by the literary texts, Jain paintings of western India also show a fairly large variety of anklets. A type of anklet seen fairly commonly in the paintings is the one which is long enough lengthwise to allow it to fall low on to the heels and the top part of the foot. Perhaps it was a slip-on variety. In the painting (Plate 7), it appears to be made of metal chain link. This is seen to be worn by men and women across all classes (see Figure 4.48 and Plate 7). This is perhaps the nupur of the lexicons, which is probably the same as neura in Prakrit and old Gujarati. This nomenclature of the anklet contains within itself the connotation of an ornament which produces a sweet sound.76 Another anklet seen in the paintings is a round tubular ring, perhaps hollow, of medium thickness, worn around the ankle. At times, it is seen to be worn singly and at others, two together on one ankle. This kind of anklet is observed more often in the paintings belonging to the earlier period of our study. It is seen to be worn mostly by kings, queens and goddesses, and sometimes by attendants, maids, laywomen and dancing women etc. (see Figure 4.49). This kind of anklet appears to correspond to the padasankalika, pagni and sankali of the contemporary literary texts, discussed earlier.

75 There are abundant references in the Ramayana and in the works of Kalidasa, Shudraka, Bhasa etc. for amorous fancies in Sanskrit literature based on the anklet. See S.P. Tiwari, Nupura: The Anklet in Indian Literature and Art, pp. 84–92. 76 For further discussion, see Ibid., p. 66.

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Another simple yet extremely attractive anklet seen in the paintings is a simple string of pearls worn around the ankles. This is seen to be worn mostly by royal figures. This kind of anklet is seen more in the paintings of the 15th century CE (see Figure 4.50).

Figure 4.50

Figure 4.51

Visible also in the paintings is an anklet tightly wound around the leg, placed slightly above the ankle. This type of anklet is seen to be worn by royal personages, musicians, palanquin bearers and laymen, in fact across all classes and gender. The anklet in question has a kind of a grid pattern formed by the intersection of vertical and horizontal bands of metal, perhaps joined with links. It is seen usually in two sizes, narrow as well as a broad size (see Figure 4.51, Plate 26). This may well be the padakatakam and padangadam of the texts. The Amarakosa, a much earlier lexicon, also contains the word pada-kantaka and defined it as an anklet sitting close to the feet, a little above the ankle. A type close to Padakatakam, seen in the paintings of the 15th century CE—close fitting on the leg, placed slightly above the ankles, is an anklet of medium width, with a design formed by a horizontal row of vertical metal bars placed in between two plain horizontal bands (see Plate  13), or at times the row of vertical metallic bars placed above the plain horizontal band (see Figure  4.52 and Plate 1). This is seen to be worn mostly by men and women of royal status.

Figure 4.52

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Another distinct style of anklet seen in the paintings is a broad band tightly wound around the ankles. Made perhaps of metal and studded with gems, the upper and lower edges of this anklet are fringed with pearls. This anklet is seen mostly worn by royal personages (see Figure 4.53 and Plate 8). This is perhaps the neura of the Gujarati texts, which is described as a jewelled anklet.

Figure 4.53 Female dancers in the paintings are seen wearing an extremely broad anklet, starting almost from the midcalf region and going down to the ankle. It appears to be made up of a cord with small bells tied to it. The cord is then wound around the leg. This is much like the modern ghunghroo worn by kathak dancers today. Someshvara in the Manasollasa mentions a type of anklet called the pada-ghargharika, worn by dancers (see Figure 4.54 and Plate 24a) and its description matches with the one seen to be worn by the dancer in the painting. Other words used in the contemporary literature for anklets are Padangam, Padakadi, Jhanjha, Nupur etc. Figure 4.54 Yet another anklet, seen in the paintings, consists of plain metal rings worn around the ankles. These are rather plain looking rings and look like loose bangles around the ankle. These make their appearances towards the end of the 16th century, when the costume of the region was in any case undergoing a massive change. These are seen to be worn only by the women (see Figure 4.55 and Plate 30). Could these correspond to the Padachudaka of the contemporary texts discussed earlier?

Figure 4.55

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Of rare occurrence is an anklet seen to be worn by a king (see Figure  4.56). Only an ornamental bejewelled flower is seen on the outer side of the leg, tied close to ankle, perhaps with an ordinary thread or a gold chain. This anklet is close in appearance to the rakhri worn on the wrist.

Figure 4.56

Ornamentations Adornment of the body through ornamentation, a common feature in ancient and medieval India, mainly included the marking of the forehead with tilakas or forehead marks. Other parts of the body were also decorated with various sectarian marks, popularly referred to as chapas. This practice goes back to the Vedic Aryans, and continuing down the ages, the tilakas and other related marks became the symbols of all Hindus, irrespective of caste, creed or colour. Beginning in the Rig Vedic period, as a practice observed at the end of a homa or yajna ceremony, these marks were made with ashes and ghee mixed together on the sacrificial ladle and applied to the body with the index finger.77 The Brahma Purana mentions that all offerings and prayers are reduced to naught without the mark of the tilaka being present on the person per­ forming the sacrifice. The Brahma Purana, further elaborating on the tilaka, mentions that the vertical marks were made with mud and the horizontal ones with ashes. A dvija or Brahmin could mark his tilaka with sandal paste. In the Vedic texts, the four varnas are mentioned as having their own identifying tilakas. The one which entailed the marking of two vertical lines on the forehead, which in recent times took on a U shape, was called the urdhapundra. This was to be applied only by Brahmins. Three horizontal, parallel lines, above which a circular spot was drawn on the forehead, was called the tripundra and in the early times was used only by the Kshatriyas. The vaishya tilaka was an ardhachandra (half-moon). The large circular mark, partal, was the tilaka of the shudras. Over the years, the urdhapundra, generally meant for the Brahmins, was taken on by the Vaishnavas78 as their distinguishing mark and the

77 According to the Bhahma Purana, different fingers of the hand were used to mark the Tilakas and the mean­ ing of the application changed according to the finger used, for example, the use of the thumb ensured sound health, the middle finger brought longevity, the ring finger wealth and the index finger emancipation. 78 The Vaishnavite tilakas, “are distinguished by perpendicular lines with or without a dot or circle between them, or by a Chakra or discus or a triangle, shield, cone, heart shaped or any similar form having its apex pointed downwards, since Vishnu is ‘water’, the property of which is to descend”. See G.C.M. Birdwood, The Arts of India, p. 96.

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tripundra79 generally meant for the Kshatriyas was taken on by the Shaivas. Even though the general belief among the Hindus was that both Shiva and Vishnu were practically one, “The heart of Vishnu is Shiva and the heart of Shiva is Vishnu, and those who think they differ, err”.80 The Jains and the Buddhists were generally classi­ fied as Vaishnavas. The Vaishnavite tilaka, defined as the Harimandira by Haribhakta vilasa, a Vaishanava text of 1562 CE, “is really the abode of God, for the open space represents Vishnu and the two side lines represent Brahma and Shiva”. The tilakas worn on the foreheads varied in colour. The colours used were sindura (vermillion), pittavarna (yellow) and krishnamritika81 (blackish soil colour). Sandal­ wood paste (cream-coloured with a white tone) was also widely used for applying tilakas. Duarte Barbosa mentions in his account that the people of Gujarat anointed themselves with white sandal mixed with saffron and other scents. Sometimes, between the two vertical lines, another vertical line was drawn with yel­ low or vermillion in the middle of the forehead. This line is referred to as Sri. The dot or Parm was seen as the mark of the Supreme Being and, combined with the lines of Vishnu or Shiva, indicated that the votary so marked claimed for Vishnu or Shiva, the prerogative of the Supreme Godhead. Tilakas related specifically to the Buddhists and the Jains are the symbol of the swastika, the chakra, a many-petalled flower with a medium-sized centre, and the diamond-shaped Shrivatsa.82 The petalled flower with a centre is also known to be a cognition symbol for the tenth Tirthankara Shitalanatha, whereas the Swastika identi­ fies the seventh Tirthankara, Suparshva.83

Ornamentations in Lexicons and Other Related Sources The general terms used in the lexicons for ornamentations of the body were man­ danam, prasadhanam and pratikarma (Abhi., III, 300). In the Varnaka-Samuhcaya, the tilaka mark on the forehead was called by names such as aadi and aanjana (VS., II, 62). Aanjana in the same work also stood for silver-coloured eyeliner. In Panchapandavacharitasu,84 tilau was the term used for the saffron mark on the fore­ head. Varna-Ratnakara mentioned Travallibhangitilak, perhaps implying the Tripun­ drak used by the Shaivites on the forehead. Chandala (VS, II, 58) was used to represent a bindi mark on the forehead, which could be applied with kumkum, kesar or sandal­ wood paste. In the Abhidhanachintamani, the act of applying a tilaka mark with san­ dalwood paste has been mentioned as charcha, charchikyam and sabhalbhanam (Abhi.,

79 “The Shaivas are distinguished by two or more horizontal lines with or without a dot, below or above the lines or on the middle line; or with or without the oval, or half oval typical of his third eye bisect­ ing the lines; also, by a triangle; or any other pointed or arched object having its apex or convex end upwards, since Shiva is fire, the property of which is to ascend. Also, the crescent moon and the Trishul or Trident indicate a votary of Shiva”. Ibid., p. 97. 80 A popular folk saying among the Brahmins. 81 This was obtained from the ash of dhoop and other incense sticks. 82 For the illustration of various sectarial marks, see G.C.M. Birdwood, The Arts of India, Pl. M. 83 See Jyotindra Jain and Eberhard Fischer, Jaina Iconography, Part I, Iconography of Religions, XIII, Pl.XLVII. 84 Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., I, 345.

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III, 300). In the Medini, the applying of tilaka on the forehead and cheeks in various designs has been variously referred to as chitram (Med., 8, 88), pundra (Med., 127, 59), tamalpatra (Med., 144, 302) and visheshak (Med., 17, 214). Similar words have been used in the Abhidhanachintamani for applying the tilaka on the forehead and cheeks, such as chitram, tamalapatram, tilakam, pundram and visheshakam (Abhi., III, 317). The Samaraichchkaha mentioned an unguent made of agallochum85 and sandal, which was applied to a bride’s face while the forehead was adorned with the tilaka (Sama. 75, 78). Black collyrium was known as Chakshuya, Kulali and Kultithka (Abhi., IV, 128). In the Samaraichchkaha, it has been mentioned that the bride applied collyrium to her eyes (Sama., 75, 78). Black collyrium was also called kapotam, krishnam, sau­ viram, srotoanjanam and yamunam (Abhi., IV, 227). It was also known by the names kaajal in Panchapandavacharitasu86 and Kajrak in Varna-Ratnakara (VR., 5). The applying of kumkum or chandan on the cheeks and the breasts of the women, in vari­ ous designs, was called patralekha, patrabhangi, patravalli, patralata and patranguli (Abhi., III, 318). Beautifying the arms with Chandan (sandalwood paste) was called patrang (Med., 24, 39). The bindi (dot) of chandan (worn by both men and women) was called teela in the Varnaka-Samuhcaya. A small-sized bindi applied with kumkum, kesar and sandal paste was called teeli (VS., II, 58). Abhidhanachintamani used the following names for sindura (vermillion): cheenpishtam, nagjam, nagraktam, shrin­ garbhushanam and sinduram (Abhi., IV, 127). For kumkum, the various terms used in the same work were dhiram, dipanam, ghasrinam, jagudam, kaleyam, kashmirjanma, kunkumam, lohitachandanam, pitanam, raktam, sankochapishunam, vahlikam, van­ hishikhram and varnam (Abhi., II, 308). For sandal paste, the different words used were chandan, gandhasar, malayaja, rohandrum and Shrikhandam.

Ornamentation as Seen in Paintings The popular practice of adorning the forehead with various types of tilaka gets reflected in the paintings of the period. These sectarian marks on the forehead appear as early as the 12th century CE and are less frequently visible in the paintings of the 17th century CE. There is a limited range of sectarian marks seen in the paintings, and most of them appear to fall into the category of Vaishnava tilakas. Since the Bud­ dhist and the Jain sects fall broadly under the category of Vaishnava sects, this is not strange at all. Some scholars87 say that the forehead marks were purely decorative in the beginning but took on a religious affiliation later. It is also pointed out that these tilakas, which resembled the Vaishnava tilakas, could possibly have no real Vaishnava connotations, especially since these marks start appearing in the miniature paintings from the 12th century CE before Vaishnavism took its root in Gujarat. Probably the persons seen sporting these marks were of Vaishnava affiliation, or they could even be Jain because the Jain marks would be similar—though the marks specific to Jainism are only four in number.88

85 86 87 88

A soft, resinous wood of highly aromatic smell, also called agalwood and aloes wood.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., I, 345.

Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Paintings from Western India, p. 127.

See, G.C.M. Birdwood, The Arts of India, Plate M.

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One of the more popular marks at that time appears to be a circular spot popularly known as tika on the forehead. This form of ornamentation appears to have been most popular with the women. Queens, laywomen, dancing women, goddesses and attendants are shown wearing it (Plates 6 and 30). Men also occasionally have this circular spot adorning their forehead (see Plate 1, drummer on extreme right). Mostly seen as a simple red dot, small in size, at places, it is simply a small black dot. In some paintings, it is seen in a slightly more elaborate form; a white circular ring, with a black dot placed in its centre is encircled all around by a red circle. A similar looking mark is classified as a Shaivite sectarian mark.89 Could this be a reference to the Kshatriya-hood of the figure wearing it, or could it simply refer to his Shaivite leanings, one wonders.

Another forehead ornamentation seen fairly commonly is the U mark. Generally shown in red/maroon colours and sometimes with a white colour filled between the U, this mark is restricted to the men folk and seems to be fairly common among men of all classes. Kings, laymen, attendants, Brahmins and musicians are seen wearing this mark (see Figure 4.57 and Plates 4, 15, 6a). This mark is seen more from the 14th century onwards.

Figure 4.57

A rather distinctive forehead ornamentation, seen between the 14th and the 17th centuries CE, is in the shape of a flower. The petals are mostly white, with an outline in black. The centre is red. It is seen to be worn mostly by women of royal lineage or by goddesses (see Figure 4.58 and Plate  7). The mark is highly decorative. Men are also at times seen sporting this forehead ornamentation (see Plate 8). This flower-shaped symbol is representative of Shitalanatha—the 10th Jina and is perhaps the only symbol seen in the paintings which is specific to the Jains.90 Figure 4.58

89 Ibid., Pl. M, No. 44. 90 Ibid., Pl. M.

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Another tilaka seen is an interesting composite mark— perhaps an amalgamation of both Shaiva and Vaishnava marks. It has three horizontal lines touching the sides of the two parallel lines or at times the U mark. Seen mostly worn by royal men and Brahmin figures, this mark (see Figure  4.59 and Plate  11) perhaps refers to Shaivite affiliation. It is seen more in paintings between the 14th- and the 17th centuries CE. Could this be Travallibhangitilak mentioned in the Varna-Ratnakara?

Figure 4.59 Another type of tilaka mark consists of two parallel lines II, mostly marked in red or a blackish red (see Figure 4.60, Plate  1, Plate  14). A  variation of this tilaka consists of a single vertical line, painted mostly in black and in some places in a blackish red on the forehead (Plate  6a, the astrologer). This mark is seen to be worn mostly by men, the royal men as well as the commoners, though at times women are also shown sporting it. Both these marks obviously do not refer to the caste of the person but perhaps to his or her religious affiliation.

Figure 4.60 Another type of forehead ornamentation is a sectarian mark consisting of two parallel lines in red, which in some paintings can be seen joining at the bottom to create the shape of a U. The area between the red lines is painted an off white. Sometimes, a vertical black line is drawn on this off-white surface, placed parallel and equidistant from the two outer red lines, creating a shape resembling the alphabet W. Indra and king Siddhartha are shown wearing this mark. Could this be a reference to their earlier affiliation to Vaishnavism? (See Figure 4.61).

Figure 4.61

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Coiffure The importance of the adornment of the body was understood by man with all its implications, fairly early on. Whether it was simple vanity or the desire to gain a dis­ tinct advantage of superiority over his fellow men—the use of ornaments, costumes, cosmetics and, last but not least, of pleasing coiffure has been just as much at the centre of man’s thinking as matters more sublime. A distinctive care of hair and its styling is quite apparent from the period of the Harappan Culture, more than 5,000  years ago. Subtle distinctions between loose, curled, braided and knotted hair are visible in the seals and sculptures of that period.91 Also found from the archaeological sites are combs and mirrors, strengthening the fact of attention being paid to this aspect of human adornment. Vedic literature from the time of the Rig Veda onwards contains specific terms for different kinds of hair knots and the instruments required to achieve them. One knows from the period of the Jatakas of the existence of the mangala nahapita (the barber), who attends to the royal coiffure with his golden tongs and tweezers. From the Brahmajalasutta, one gets descriptions of the artistic arrangement (sikhabandhan) of coiffure, of combs (koc­ cha), brushes (phanaka), hairpomades (sitthatela) and shampoos.92 In the Mauryan-Sunga period, one gets specific references to the art of arranging coiffures (kesam kartum janami), requiring the services of trained class of female attendants. Bharhut sculpture reveals some very distinctive hair styles, even though there is not much variety in that. The Natyashastra of Bharata Muni is already very advanced in its information of hairstyles—being different for Jain and Buddhist monks, crooks, menials and jesters in addition to people belonging to higher ranks.93 He also mentions the existence of different hairstyles being associated with different geographical regions.94 In the Gupta period and also later on, during the time of Harsha, there is a sudden proliferation in the number of styles. Sophistication, variety and refinement seem to have crept into coiffure. What stands out remarkably is the fact of the increased and heightened use of flowers and perfumes to enhance the hairdos. Another fact to be noticed is that a lot of the names to describe different styles of hair in the Gupta period seem to have been carried over into the lexicons and texts of western India during the medieval period. The meanings of these terms, as they occur in the Amarakosa (a Gupta period text), carry the same meaning, almost exactly, when they occur in the lexicons of our period of study.95

91 John Marshall, Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civilization, Vol. I, pp. 34, 362, Pl. XCIV, 6–8; PL. XCIX, 4–6, also, Vol. III, Pl. XCVIII; Pl. XCIX, 1–6, 8–9, pp. 33–34, 362. 92 Moti Chandra, “Costumes and Coiffure in Ancient India”, Journal of Indian Society of oriental Art, Vol. VIII, pp. 73, 80. 93 The Natyashastra ascribed to Bharata Muni, trans. by Manomohan Ghosh, XXIII, 140–154. 94 For example, young women from Malwa had curled locks, those from Gauda wore their locks in a top­ knot as well as plaited their hair etc. This kind of information extended itself to many other categories. Ibid., XXIII, 64. 95 The terms that are common between the Amarakosa and the lexicons of our period are chikura, kun­ tala, kacha, kesha, churnakuntala, shikhandak, kabri, chuda, veni, praveni etc.

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Abhayatilakagani (mid-13th century CE), commenting on Hemachandra’s work Dvyashraya Kavya, mentions that Gujarati women “wore braids of hair which appeared very crooked like the letter “लृ” of the Sanskrit alphabet”.96 This only under­ scores the fact of the many intricate styles of hair dressing that were in existence at that time. According to Ibn Hawqal97 (11th century CE), Duarte Barbosa98 (1500–1516 CE) and the anonymous author of Hudud-al-Alam99 (982–983 CE), the people of Cambay, both men and women, sported very long hair, which is amply proved by the Jain paintings of that area. Coiffure and Hairstyles in Lexicons and Other Related Sources The various terms used for the hair were chikura (Abhi., III, 231), kacha (Abhi., III, 231; Med., 27.2), kajjalla (VR., 17), karal (Chupai Phagu),100 kesha (Abhi., III, 231; Med., 162.5; VR., 17), krishnasaar (VR., 17), kuntala (Med., 150.79; Abhi., III, 231), tirthavaka and vala (Abhi., III, 231). Grey hair was called palit (Abhi., III, 235). Chopped hair was called keshakatu (VR., 27). Curled locks were called alak (Abhi., III, 233) while curly ringlets were called churnakuntala101 (Abhi., III, 233). Other words for curly hair were karkraal and khangar (Abhi., III, 233). The forelock or the lock of hair falling on the forehead was variously known as bhramarak, bhramaraalak and kurula (Abhi., III, 233). Bhagala kapola (VR., 27) referred to hair arranged in a circular way around the forehead. Clean, untangled hair was called shirasya (Abhi., III, 234; Med., 173.41) and shirshanay (Abhi., III, 234). The braid of hair tied with strings of pearls was called dhammilla. The hair lock worn by the Hindu men on the crown of the head was called chuda (Abhi., III, 235; Med., 41.13), keshi (Abhi., III, 235; Med., 86.53), keshapashi (Abhi., III, 235), shi­ kha and shikhandika (Abhi., III, 235). Sri Medinikara also used a similar word in the Medini such as shikhandi (Med., 98.113) to denote the same meaning. For plaited or braided hair, the words used were veni (Abhi., III, 234; Med., 47.28) and praveni102 (Abhi., III, 234; Med., 49.63). Shankhaviditakesha (VR., 27) referred to hair arranged in the form of a conch shell. Kakpaksha (Abhi., III, 236), literally meaning crow’s wing, referred to a sidelock of hair on the temples of young men. Sir Monier M. Wil­ liams, in his monumental work,103 describes it as three or five locks on each side, left when the head is first shaved and allowed to remain there, especially in persons of military caste. Its synonyms were shikhandaka and shikhaandaka (Abhi., III, 236).

96 As quoted in G.S. Ghurye, Indian Costume, p. 248. 97 For further reference, see M. Reinaud, Memoire Geographique, Historique, et Scientifique sur l’Inde, pp. 237–238. 98 The Book of Durate Barbosa, trans. by Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. I, pp. 113–114. 99 Hudud al Alam, ed. by V. Minorsky, p. 88. 100 Prachina Phagu Samgraha, ed. by B.J. Sandesara, XXII, 35. 101 It was the favourite manner of hair dressing in the Gupta period. See Amarakosa of Amarasimha, ed. by H.D. Sharma and N.G. Sardesai, II, 6, 96. Also see Moti Chandra, op. cit., p. 138. 102 According to Sir Monier Williams, praveni referred to braid of hair worn by widows and by wives in the absence of their husbands. See M. Monier Williams, A Sanskrit English Dictionary, p. 694. 103 Ibid., p. 267.

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Bun on top of the head was called ushnisha (Med., 167.32). The chignon in which the Hindu women tied up their hair was called kabari (Abhi., III, 234). The central part­ ing of the hair was called simanta (Abhi., III, 235).

Coiffure as Seen in the Paintings The Jain paintings from the period of our study do depict fairly clearly the various hair styles sported by men and women. There does not appear to be much variety in these styles, at least not as much as can be seen in the paintings of Ajanta. Styles for Men In the paintings from the 13th century CE, we can see that men had long hair, which they tied in a bun at the nape of the neck. The bun loose and placed low—at times appears to be kept in place by a cloth scarf. At times, the bun seems to be decorated with a whitish flower as well. This kind of style for men seems to cut across all classes. We see almost everyone from royal persons, laymen, palanquin bearers, attendants to musicians donning this hairstyle (see Figure 4.62 and Plate 1). Manuscripts from the palm-leaf period especially show this hairstyle. Figure 4.62

As mentioned by Duarte Barbosa, men kept long hair as can be seen in the paintings showing the “toilette of King Siddhartha” (see Plate 15), where long hair of the king can be seen being combed. In the paintings from the 14th century CE onwards, there occurs a slight change in the coiffure of the men. The bun, which was previously tied at the nape, now is placed a little higher at the back of the head. In some of the paintings, there is a large roundish ornament with one or three spikes coming out at the top (see Figure 4.63 and Plates 4, 14). The ornamentation of the coiffure seems to be coming into vogue. At places, this ornament seems to be coupled with a decorative band which perhaps was used to keep the hair knot in place (see Plates 10 and 18).

Figure 4.63

Common men perhaps wore their hair in the same way by tying a bun a little high up at the back of the head and used some kind of cloth kerchief/fillet or small cap on top of the bun to keep it in place. Since they did not use the crown, the hairstyle is clearer to observe (see Plate  3, Plate  11). Most of the lay devotees, palanquin bearers, astrologers and musicians are shown with this kind of hairstyle. Perhaps this is how ordinary men wore their hair in Gujarat

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at this time. It matches perfectly with what Duarte Barbosa, who visited this area between 1500 and 1515 CE, says, “These Baneanes grow very long hair, as woman do with us, and wear it twisted up on the head and made up into a knot, and over it a turban (cap), that they may keep it always held together; and in their hair they, put flowers and other sweet-scented things”.104 A hairstyle for men, seen rather infrequently in the paintings, consists of the hair combed back (with or without the central parting or simanta,105 which is not visible because of the crown on top) and dressed into two large loose buns resting on the shoulders on either side of the face. In some cases, they are kept in place with a decorative band. This style is seen in the paintings executed between the 13th and 15th centuries CE (see Plate 8). A similar style is visible as a part of a woman’s coiffure at Ajanta.106 Towards the end of the 16th century CE, a change occurs in the hairstyle of the men. The hair appears to be closely cropped much like the hair of men today (see Figure 4.64 and Plates 29, 30, 31). However, one cannot be too sure, since in all the paintings, the hair is partially covered with a headgear.

Figure 4.64

At some places, this style of hair could also be mistaken for a medium-sized bun (see Figure  4.65) or at other places it appears as if the hair is swept upwards and kept in place by the cap (see Figure 4.66). This reminds one of the descriptions of the coiffure given by Duarte Barbosa at the beginning of the 16th century, where he talks about the use of a cap to keep the hair in place. What is seen uniformly throughout these paintings is the cap-like headgear, without which this hairstyle is never shown. In some paintings, there appears to be definite sideburns framing the face (see Plates 32, 33). The lexicons refer to chopped hair as keshakatu (VR., 27). It appears that the cap was now an integral part of the coiffure.

Figure 4.65

104 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, op. cit., p. 113.

105 Abhidhanachintamani, III, 235.

106 See reproduced in Lady Herringham, Ajanta Frescoes, cave 1, Pl. X. 12.

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Figure 4.66

Figure 4.67

A coiffure commonly seen in the Jain paintings is the one sported by the Shahi figures. The hair appears to be tied in a single plait, which is tied with a tassel at the end (see Figure 4.67 and Plate 5). This hairstyle is referred to by Al Qalqashandi in his Subh ul A’sha. While commenting on the costumes of the Muslim kings, courtiers and soldiers, he says, “They plait their hair in hanging locks as it used to be done in the beginning of the Turkish rule in Egypt and Syria expect that they put silk tassels in the locks”.107 This form of dressing the hair is referred to in the texts of our period of study as dhammilla, veni and praveni but most probably these lexicon terms refer to this form of hairdressing as being exclusive to the women, as making of braids and plaits was typically a female mode of hair dressing among the Indigenous people. Styles for Women During the 13th century CE, the hairstyles of women do not appear to be very different from those of men. The paintings depict them as having long hair tied in a bun at the nape of the neck. This style was common to all classes of women such as queens, laywomen, goddesses and dancers (see Figure 4.68, Plate 1). Figure 4.68

107 For this information, Qalqshandi quotes Ash-Sharif Nasir-al-Din-Muhammad Al-Husayni al-Adami. See “An Arab Account of India in the Fourteenth Century”, trans. by Otto spies. The Muslim Univer­ sity Journal, pp. 69–70.

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One particular example seems to have little curls framing the forehead, perhaps the bhramarak of the lexicons. This hairstyle seems to have continued into the later centuries also, perhaps co-existing with other styles as well, for example the chauri bearing maids are shown sporting it in a painting from Kalpasutra from the 14th century (see Plate 6). This can be identified with the hairstyle called kabari by the lexicons. Talking about the Hindu women of Gujarat, Duarte Barbosa, the 16th century Portuguese traveller to Gujarat says, “On their heads they wear nought but their own hair well-dressed on the top of it”.108

In the 14th century CE, women’s hairstyle undergoes a change. The hair is still long, but it is puffed up and dressed into a high bun at the crown of the head. The remaining hair is pleated into a long braid (veni, praveni), which is tied at the end with a tassel. The hairstyle appears to be common to women of all classes—queens, maids, laywomen and dancers (see Figure 4.69 and Plates 6, 12, 13, 19c, 21, 26), and continues to be seen till the end of the 16th century CE. This coiffure usually comprises a few forehead and hair ornaments as well. At times a kerchief seems to be tied over the bun as well (see Cover illustration, Plate 19c, Plate 24a).

Figure 4.69

In the later periods, one continues to see the long plait but the hair is no longer puffed up and is allowed to go down normally as it would in a normal plait (see Figure  4.70 and Plate 30, Plate 31). The hair is usually shown partially covered with the odhani, and ornaments on the hair other than flowers are not visible any more.

Figure 4.70

108 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, op. cit., p. 114.

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A rather uncommon hairstyle (also at times seen sported by men Plate  8) is seen sported by goddess Lakshmi in some paintings from the Kalpasutra. This style consists of two round buns framing either side of the face and resting just above the shoulders (see Figure 4.71). The bun seems to be kept in place by a decorative band running around it.

Figure 4.71 Jain nuns and monks are always shown with very short hair, closely cropped. The Jain canons prescribe the plucking out of the hair-—thus leading to this short uneven growth of hair (Plate 1, Plate 5, Plate 20).

Headgears Headgear was recognised as a symbol of dignity and respect in India since time immemorial. No costume was considered complete in its absence, and going out bareheaded was generally looked down upon. Quite a few different kinds of head­ gear are visible in our sample of Jain paintings, but the scale of the paintings does not bring out the intricacies (especially of the turbans, with their folds and methods of tying) very clearly. Hence, it is not possible to make an accurate assessment of them with any certainty. One of the earliest headgears visible in our sample of paintings is from the wooden patli belonging to the 12th century (see Plate  1a), where the mridangam player is wearing a very interesting turban. The turban seems to be made of a long-coiled cloth, taken around the head several times and allowed to sit on the head. There appears to be a slight conical protuberance at the back of the turban. The coils are visible individually and give a lattice effect.

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Shahi figures don an interesting variety of headgears. Among the turbans, what one can distinguish by and large, is a coned turban with transverse folds, worn by a Shahi king and his attendant (see Figure 4.72, Plate 19a, Plate 24a—border decorations). Perhaps the style of tying the turban was similar to the way Rabaris109 wear their coiled pagdi even today. This kind of turban is also visible in the Sikandar Nama and the Bharat Kala Bhavan, Laur Chanda illustrations.110

Figure 4.72 Another headgear seen to be worn by the Shahi figures (see Figure 4.73, Plate 24a—border decorations), consists of a turban which has a vertical band in the centre, perhaps to achieve a tightening effect. The folds of the turban give a latticed effect. It has a short free hanging end. The vertical band suggests that this form of turban was ready to wear and did not need to be tied every time. At times the turban has two free hanging ends instead of one (Plate  24a— border decorations).

Figure 4.73

Figure 4.74

A slight variation of this turban is also seen in the paintings (see Figure 4.74, Plate 24a—border decorations), where instead of having a central band, the turban has a tight diagonal band, achieved by taking one roll of the turban diagonally across the centre. The folds here too gave a latticed effect. The turban has a short free hanging end. The top of the kulah can be seen protruding in most of these turbans. It seems very likely that these turbans described above reflect the contemporary headgear prevalent in the court of the Gujarati Sultanate. Duarte Barbosa, who visited Gujarat during the Sultanate rule, commented on the Muslim headgear in the following words, “They all wear turbans on their head; these turbans are long, like Moorish shirts”.111 The border decorations in the Jain manuscripts, especially the Devasano Pado Kalpasutra, contain quite a few varieties of turbans (see Plate 19a, Plate 24a—border decorations). Interestingly, in a manuscript of Vijayachandra Kevali Charita, one can see a rather distinguished looking cap, resembling a Gandhi cap of today, donned by a man wearing a striped long tunic. The cap is unique and has not been seen in any other painting consulted so far (see Plate 23).

109 Rabaris are a pastoralist nomadic community scattered across the deserts of Western India. 110 See Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal, Figs. 100, 104. 111 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. by Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. 1, p. 120.

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In some paintings belonging to the end of the 16th century CE, a different kind of turban is seen. It is a low pagadi (turban) of the atpati type112 (see Figure  4.75 and Plate  29). The turban has an asymmetrical form. The front portion of the turban is almost flat, covering the head from the back of the forehead to the middle of the head. The other portion, which covers the vertex of the head, is slightly raised. This type of turban is also seen in a number of paintings from Akbar’s court, worn mostly by the commoners.113 Figure 4.75

Figure 4.76

Another type of pagadi seen in the Jain paintings, is bigger than the one described above (see Figure 4.76 and Plate 33). The turban lies flat, with vertical folds, on the front part of the head, while the portion of the turban covering the back of the head is a little higher and slopes backwards. This also seems to be a Mughal type of pagadi, as similar turbans figure in the paintings from Akbar’s,114 Jahangir’s and Shah Jahan’s courts. A  very clear representation of these splendid regal looking pagadis can be seen in the painting showing the “Prince and his retinue”, listening to the Jain Suri (Plate 32). Besides the turbans, the Shahis are also depicted wearing a variety of caps; one of these is a broad-rimmed band having three peaks. The cap appears to be circular in shape and only the front three peaks are visible (see Figure 4.77). A variation of this can be seen in a painting from the Kalakacharya katha (see Figure  4.78, Plate  5), where the broad circular band encircling the forehead has perpendicular projections emanating from it. Yet another type of headgear resembles a triangular “mukuta” (Figure 4.79). It sits on the forehead and tapers towards the ears. The person wearing it appears to be having short, cropped hair, which is visible from under the headgear.

Figure 4.77

It can be seen on the Shahi figure sitting on a horse (see Plate 9). The colour of the headgear makes one think that it may have been made of some metal.

112 See Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, op. cit., p. 52, Fig. 120.

113 See S.P. Verma, Art and Material Culture in the Paintings of Akbar’s Court, p. 50, Pl. XXXII, Fig. 21.

114 Ibid., Pl. XXXII, Fig. 23.

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Figure 4.78

Figure 4.79

Shahi figures are also shown wearing a headgear which has a boatshaped base, with a dome in the centre, having a plume on top (see Figure 4.80). It looks like a helmet of today and was perhaps made of metal and used as a protection for the head. A slight variation can be seen in another manuscript of the Kalakacharya katha (see Plate 9). The headgear looks like a cloche hat. Seen in another painting, the boat-shaped base has a hollow dome formed by four bands studded with jewels, the apex of which has a plume on top (see Figure 4.81 and Plate 5).

Figure 4.80

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Figure 4.81

Figure 4.82

Another variety of head gear consists of a boat-shaped cap, which has a long conical structure in the middle (Figure 4.82). A similar variety can be seen in a painting from Kalakacharya Katha dated 1382 CE.115 It consists of a close skull-fitting cap having a similar long conical structure emanating from the top middle. Besides these headgears, which could be distinguished clearly, there are some more types, in the border decorations of the Jain manuscripts. But as mentioned earlier, these variations are not very clear to judge (see Plates 19a and 24a) owing to the small size of the miniatures.

The preceding pages make it abundantly clear as to the existence of a culture that encouraged the use of ornaments, ornamentation, coiffure and headgear for adorning and distinguishing oneself. The sophisticated designs and the variety of ornaments also point out that the art of adorning oneself was not a recent phenomenon but the outcome of the accumulated wisdom of centuries. The plethora of names in the contemporary texts, as well as the accounts of the travellers passing through western India, point to this art being extremely advanced. Whether the names of ornaments occurring in the lexicons were based on nature or on various parts of the body they adorned, it is apparent that they were coined with utmost care and thought. Many of these names have survived to this day and are still in use. An important thing to be kept in mind in the use of these texts, is to remember the connotation of the name, in the context of the times in which they were used. One has to be careful about the changes that may have crept into these nomenclatures with the passage of time, as well

115 See “Shahi King and his courtiers”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1382 CE, Cat. No. 411, p. 67, Nemi Darshana Jnansala, Palitana. Reproduced as Pl. III H, in U.P. Shah, ed., Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras.

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as with changed geographical locations. A  particular name sometimes denotes two entirely different ornaments in different geographical regions. For instance, the word kinkini is referred to as both an anklet and a waist ornament in different geographical regions of India. The study of the paintings not only reflects these subtle variations in the ornaments but also signifies the popularity of some articles among both men and women alike. That, ornaments were also popular among men is mentioned by many an eye-witness account. It was what he observed all around that prompted some­ one like Alberuni to comment that the men “use cosmetics, wear earrings, arm rings, golden seal-rings on the ring fingers as well as on the toes of the feet”.116 We also have the eyewitness account of Duarte Barbosa, who says that men wore golden earrings studded with precious stones, rings on the fingers, as well as golden girdles over their clothes. Similarly, we get to know from the Mirat-i-Sikandari that men from Gujarat very commonly wore necklaces, finger rings, as well as earrings. Not just a simple statement of human vanity, ornaments and ornamentation were, on many occasions, statements about rank, status, and the sovereignty of a person. The popularity of turbans as men’s headgear is apparent from their depiction in the border decorations of the Jain manuscripts, especially after the Sultanate rule is estab­ lished in Gujarat. We get to see in the border decorations certain styles of wearing turbans that find echo in the turbans worn in western India even today. As mentioned earlier, perhaps an attribute of respectability was already attached to a man’s tur­ ban. Eyewitness accounts of the travellers coming into western India and commenting about various peculiarities that they observed as regards their sense of dressing and the accessories they used, seem to be corroborated by the evidence of the paintings. Once again, these accounts not only add to our existing knowledge but also strengthen the evidence provided by the paintings.

116 Alberuni’s India, trans. by Edward Sachau, p. 169.

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INTERIOR FURNISHINGS

Architecture Even though Man is surrounded by a world of manifest reality, he had sensed intui­ tively from times immemorial, the existence of a non-manifest world which made his everyday experiences endurable, and which he constantly sought to recreate. The creative process in the Indian context is believed by most traditional craftsmen, to be something akin to a religious experience. Creation, they felt, began in the mind, which had been prepared and trained through yogic discipline to perceive the “Divine” forms. The next stage involved a process by which the artist sought to achieve com­ plete identification with the object that he sought to create. This creative vision was then translated into a perceivable form and into a concrete shape. This being true for all forms of visual art, was naturally true for architecture. The structures created thus were nothing but the myths and symbols underlying Indian philosophical and reli­ gious thought, concretised into stone and wood. Architecture, in the Indian context, was not simply utilitarian or beautiful; it served a greater significance by constituting a model of the cosmos. Since “built-form” was basically perceived as an analogue for the non-manifest, the design decisions were not made on the usual basis of form-structure or materials, but were taken on the basis of the metaphysical parameters represented by the geometry of the mandalas;1 the magic diagrams of the cosmos. Each mandala, a perfect square, sub-divided into identical squares, symbolically represented the cosmos. Of these, the Vastu-Purusha-mandala2 forms the basis of architecture. Its formula could be applied for the proportionate layout of houses, palaces, temples and even cities. In the building of temples, the most commonly used mandalas were those of 64 and 81 squares.3 Apart from being a model

1 The word “mandala” comes from the Sanskrit root “mand” (meaning to mark off) and the Sanskrit suf­ fix “la” (meaning sacred centre). The origin of mandala can be traced back to Indian temple architecture diagrams, which created sacred spaces, linking the worshipper to the larger cosmos. In these temples, time and space were represented through circles and squares. A mandala helped believers visualise the universe and their place in it. 2 Vastu Purusha mandala is one of the five Vastu principles, which are used as a guide for designing and planning proportionate as well as aesthetically pleasing buildings. 3 “Mandala-Architecture as a Model of Cosmos”, Vistara: The Architecture of India”, ed. by Carmen Kagal, pp. 35, 38.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003415282-5

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of the cosmos, the temple was also modelled on Purusha, the cosmic man, outlined within the mandala.4 Many ancient texts contain information on architecture, for example the Diparnava of Vishvakarman, the Rupa-mandana and Prasada-mandana written by Mandana, the Vastu-manjari of Nathaji. The only book devoted exclusively to Jain architecture is the Prakrit text, Vatthu-sara-payarana. It has chapters devoted especially to resi­ dential houses, iconography and temple architecture. These texts also give detailed instructions on all major activities falling under construction. Starting from the basic tools and instruments needed for measurement, they also give detailed descriptions of the material to be used, right up to the selection criteria of the goods that were to be used. Detailed instructions are given on how to select the site, as well as the type of soil to be chosen upon which to construct.5 Residential houses, palaces and even towns feature in comprehensive accounts of Jain texts. The Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya mentions the preliminary steps for building a new house. First of all, the land was examined and levelled, and then the surveyor measured it with the measuring rod and decided the proper direction of the house. Only after the ground was dug and the foundation laid and pressed well, was the plinth raised in brick masonry. Over it, the building was then erected.6 Since western India, and more specifically Gujarat’s landscape, is dotted with many temples, both Hindu and Jain, we need to go into a little detail about the history of temple building in western India. There are literary references to the construction of Jain temples in Gujarat right from the 8th century CE. However, no trace of those temples seems to have survived the vagaries of time. The temple building activity in western India had the most prolific output during the powerful and prosperous reign of the Chalukya/Solanki dynasty (961–1242 CE). Jain temples in this period were more or less similar to the contemporary Hindu tem­ ples built under Solanki patronage. The essential features of the Jain temples built in the Solanki style, consist of a garbha-griha (sanctum sanctorum), gudha mandapa7 (closed porch), a trika mandap (pillared porch of six or nine bays) and a peristylar8 nritya mandapa/ranga mandap in the front. This entire composition formed a quad­ rangle; surrounded by an enclosure of shrine cells (deva kulikas) facing a colonnaded corridor. The mandapa shows an octagonal arrangement of lavishly decorated pillars, the principal pillars having flat crossbeams thrown across them. Large brackets arising

4 According to Hindu mythology, Brahma created a large cosmic man (Purusha), who grew into gigantic proportions. Unmanageably large, his shadow fell on earth, putting the earth in permanent eclipse, thus imperilling creation. Brahma summoned the gods of eight cardinal directions and together they over­ powered the Purusha and held him flat against the earth, while Brahma jumped on his middle. Purusha questioned Brahma’s fairness in inflicting such a punishment on him as he was Brahma’s own creation. Brahma offered him a compromise and made the Purusha immortal with the boon that he would be worshipped by any mortal that built a structure on earth. He was named Vastu Purusha. Vastu Purusha mandala is the metaphysical square plan that illustrates how the Purusha was pinned down by Brahma and the Gods, face down with his head in the northeast and feet towards the south west. 5 See Gopilal Amar, “Architecture”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III, pp. 495, 496. 6 Moti Chandra, “Architecture Data in the Jain Canonical Literature”, JUPHS, Vol. XXII, pp. 65–66. 7 Mandapa referred to a pillared porch-like structure, in front of the sanctum sanctorum. Could be open or closed depending on whether it had walls. 8 A space surrounded by a row of columns.

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from the pillars and meeting at the centre of the crossbeams, create the distinctive ornamental arches called toranas. These mandapas have domical ceiling, consisting of diminishing concentric rings, ending in an exquisitely carved central pendant called Padmashila at the apex.9 The temples were built on high platforms (jagati). The wall faces have several indentations in the form of recesses and projections, as is typical of the Solanki/Cha­ lukyan style. In elevation, the temples display the usual components of pitha (plinth), vedi bandha (moulded basement over the plinth) and jangha.10 Above this, came the varandika,11 followed by the shikhara, which is the superstructure or the roof of a temple, rising like an inverted cup.12 Over the main body of the shikhara can be seen the decorative elements called the karna-rekhas, pratikarnas, uprathas and the minia­ ture shikharas called the uru-sringas.13 On top of the shikhara came the griva,14 over which was placed the amalaka15 and finally the kalasha.16 The dhvaja (the banner with a staff) fluttering atop the shikhara completes the temple.17 Over the mandapa of a fully developed temple, a unique roof design called sam­ varana, consisting of a pyramidal composition of diagonally placed rooflets, crowned by bell-members, can be seen. The earliest extant Jain temple in western India is the Adinatha temple, also known as Vimala Vasahi, built by Vimala Shah, the Solanki minister, on Mount Abu in 1032 CE. It seems to have been a trend setter for the later Solanki Jain temples. The temple building spree under the Solankis continued as one magnificent Jain tem­ ple after another came up at Kumbharia, Patan and Dholaka. Siddharaja Jayasimha of the Solanki dynasty (1094–1143 CE) is credited with the construction of several Jain temples, including a Mahavira temple at Siddhapura, which was a chaturmukha shrine.18 King Kumarapala (1143–1174), the successor of Siddharaja, is credited with the construction of 32 Jain temples at various centres such as Patan, Girnar, Shatrun­ jaya, Prabhasa, Abu, Taranga, Khambat and Dhandhuka. The Vaghelas succeeded the Solankis as the next political masters of the region. During their rule, the ministers Tejahpala and Vastupala had a seminal role to play as far as building activities go. They built more than 50 temples and restored and renovated many more. Tejahpala is credited with building the celebrated Luna Vasahi temple at Mount Abu in 1231 CE.

9 Krishna Deva, “West India-Caulukya Temples”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. II, pp. 300–301. 10 Jangha was the middle portion of the temple above the basement and below the shikhara. Pitha, vedi­ bandha and jangha together were called mandovara in western India. 11 Set of mouldings separating the jangha from the next component called shikhara. 12 Krishna Deva, “West India- Caulukya Temples”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. II, PP. 300–301. 13 Miniature shikharas decorating the main shikhara. 14 Literally the neck, it refers to the constriction below the finial of the temple. 15 Fluted cushion-like element, crowning the shikhara, over which the finial was placed. 16 A pitcher-like finial that crowns a temple shikhara. 17 Gopilal Amar, “Architectural Traditions and Canons”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III, pp. 502–508. 18 Chaturmukha Jain temple is the one in which the central shrine of the temple is open in four cardinal directions, and in front of each opening, is a “mandapa”. Inside the central shrine is the Chaumukh or Chaturmukha (four-faced) image, placed back-to-back, facing four directions, on a square pedestal and visible from all four openings.

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In the Jain context, the existence of numerous temples has a close connection with the idea of spiritual merit being accumulated by one who donated funds for the build­ ing of the temple. Thus, most of these temples sprang up as gifts made by Jain mer­ chants, philanthropists and Jain laity towards the building and maintenance of shrines. Jain monks, with their selfless and inspiring leadership, also had a seminal role to play towards the development of Jain architecture in western India.19 A special feature with the Gujarati Jains is home shrines or ghar-derasars. These are exact replicas of the wooden and stone prototypes and are reproduced in min­ iature form for the purposes of using them for family worship. Most of these are embellished with minute carvings, and the elaborateness varied with the wealth of the family. These derasars, too, have a mandapa attached to them. These man­ dapas are sometimes supported by elaborately carved pillars. The carvers embel­ lished the entablatures, which support the domes, with stories of the lives of the Tirthankaras.20 Another architectural concept exclusive to the Jains is the Samavasarana. This is supposed to be a “celestial” preaching hall of the “Tirthankara” created by the Gods after his omniscience. The structure, more like a vast park-cum-auditorium, is supposed to be circular and spread over 12 yojanas. Its plinth is supposed to be reached by circular flights of 2,000 steps. The description is quite complex, elabo­ rate and detailed and thus quite impossible for an architect or sculptor to achieve. There are, however, some scholars, who feel that since the Samavasarana was too complicated to be represented literally, according to the plan laid out in the sacred texts, it was symbolically represented in the form of a temple, and that was how the concept of the temple originated in Jainism.21 There are some other scholars who see the Samavasarana as developing into the caumukha/chaturmukha image, which has four figures placed back-to-back facing four directions on a square pedestal.22 The Samavasarana is depicted differently in painting as well as in relief panels of sculpture. In both cases, the surface of the depiction being two-dimensional, the dis­ ability of the artist to show the third dimension led him to conceive it as three con­ centric circles. Four gateways led to the centre within which the Jina was seated, fully ornamented in a dhyana mudra. Pairs of animals usually hostile to each other are placed in all four directions, symbolising the reign of peace all around. Interestingly, Jain paintings under study are replete with such examples of Samavasarana, and it occurs without fail in the painted manuscripts of the Kalpasutras. Another related architectural feature commonly seen in Jain architecture is the Manastambha. A Manastambha23 is a pillar that is usually found in front of Jain tem­ ples or large Jain statues. The Digambara text, Adipurana, describes Manastambha as a type of pillar in the first rampart of the samavasarana. At the base of these pillars

19 Krishana Deva, “West India-Caulukya Temples”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. II., pp. 300–306. 20 Ahmedabad, being an important centre of Jainism, has a strong concentration of derasars. See V.P. Dwiwedi, “Wood-Carvings,” Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III, pp. 430–431. 21 Gopilal Amar, “Architecture”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III, pp. 529–533. See also Jyotindra Jain and Eberhard Fischer, Jaina Iconography, Part One, Iconography of Religions, XIII, 12, p. 12. 22 Jyotindra Jain and Eberhard Fischer, op. cit., p. 12. See also U.P. Shah, Studies in Jaina Art, p. 95. 23 Literally meaning a column of honour.

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were placed four golden images of the Jinas on four sides. The pillars were supposed to be lofty and decorated with bells, fly-whisks etc. They were placed on triple plat­ forms and had triple umbrellas on top. Supposedly created by Indra, they were also called Indra-dhvaja. Even today, when a Jina image is taken out in procession in a ratha (car), Indra-dhvaja decorated with flags, carried in a separate ratha, leads the procession.24 Speaking of residential architecture, one can say with some degree of certainty that in basic principles, the residential building did not much differ from the temple. These homes had a wooden façade with the mangala-chinha (auspicious symbols) or a Tirthankara image carved on the door lintel or window frame. The entrance door (simhadvara) was in the east, the kitchen (rasavati) in the south-west, the bedroom (sayanagara) in the south, the bathroom (niharasthana) in the south-east, the dining room (bhojana-shala) in the west, the armoury (ayudhagara) in the north-west, the treasury (koshagara) in the north and the room for performing rituals (dharmasthana) in the north-east. These buildings were generally made in strict conformance with the measurements prescribed by the architectural texts. The house could consist of a single room or several. There could be no window or just a hole in the rear wall (pac­ chit). The important decorative features of a Gujarati home were its pillars and brack­ ets (madal), windows and door frames, door lintels, arches, ceilings and wall panels. The main door was made of square or rectangular panels enclosed by a thick wooden frame running vertically and horizontally. The window frame had exquisite arches framed with a running floral and scroll design.25 The woodcarver had the maximum role in decorating a house with its exquisite designs. Water being one of the five elements, the giver of life as well as its taker, the archi­ tectural constructions of wells (wavs), especially in the setting of dry and arid western India, acquired a deeper significance. The path to this source of water was seen as a ritualistic pilgrimage, and thus the construction of steps leading to water resulted in the erection of structures of extraordinary beauty.26 Western India, especially Gujarat, has been associated with stepwells since antiquity. Gujarat abounds with beautiful stepwells, and more than a hundred stepwells have been found here. The first stepwells in Gujarat were perhaps constructed in the 7th century CE. Construction of stepwells picked up during the Chalukya and Vaghela periods and reached an all-time high between the 13th and 16th centuries CE. The grandeur and ornamentation of the stepwells of this period often rivalled that of the temples. The Muslim rulers of Gujarat also continued to encourage their construction. Not only did these suffice as reservoirs of water during droughts, but they also served social, cultural and religious purposes of the contemporary society, which has earned them a unique position in the architectural history of western India. The stepwell is a linear building characterised by three major architectural parts: The vertical well (kupa) wherein lies the water; the stepped corridor, beginning from the top and coming down several storeys into

24 U.P. Shah, Jaina-Rupa-Mandana, p. 11.

25 See V.P. Dwiwedi, op. cit., pp. 428–430. On the basis of the dimensions and situations, the texts list 64

different kinds of houses. The major categories are only eight: Surya, vasava, veerya, kalaksha, buddhi, suvrata, prasada and dwiwedha. Each of these has eight or 16 varieties, and the total comes to 128. Gopilal Amar, op. cit., pp. 498–500. 26 “Kund-Vapi-Subterranean architecture”, Vistara: The Architecture of India, op. cit., pp. 58, 59.

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the earth, ending at the water level of the well; and numerous open hall-like pavilions (kuta) built in the stepped corridor.27 Much like the stepwell, there was another water structure that was used for bath­ ing rituals as well—the stepped pond, called Kund in Gujarat. Usually found near a temple, the stepped pond was square in shape, its four walls made up of short flights of stairs that meet at small landings. The structure is devoid of any pillars or covered spaces and light fills the entire pond.28 These structures bring to mind the excavated “public baths” of the Indus Valley Civilization and point out to the continued impor­ tance given to the purificatory powers of water in Indian culture.29 Many of these architectural structures are not mentioned in the Phagus and Rasas of western India. The lexicons do contain the names of individual architectural fea­ tures, but information of a comprehensive nature is difficult to come by. Architectural Forms in Lexicons and Other Related Sources These are numerous generic terms used in lexicons and other texts for residential houses, such as aalay, aagaram, aakshya, aavas (Abhi., IV, 55–77), aavasi and avasu (Panchapandavacharitasu).30 Other synonyms used for residences were aavsath, bha­ vanam, dham, gehem (Abhi., IV, 55–77), ghar (Panchapandavacharistasu),31 griham, kshaya, kulam, kut, mandiram, nikayay, nilaya, nivas, oak, pastayam, sabha, shar­ nam, sadnam, shala, sanstayaya, sthanam, udavsitam, vasti and vesham (Abhi., IV, 55–77). Aarohanam and Sopanam referred to stairs (Abhi., IV, 79) while adhirohni and its synonym niksheni referred to stairs made of wood (Abhi., IV, 79). A path or a road had various names such as adhva, aynam, ekpadi, marg, nigam, padhati, padvi, padya, pantha, sarni, srite, vartam and vartani (Abhi., IV, 48). The words arham and arri (Abhi., IV, 72) were used to represent a door. Baar (Vidyavilasapavadau)32 too referred to a door. Some other words referring to door were dva, dvaram (Abhi., IV, 70), kapat, kuvaat (Abhi., IV, 72), pratihar and valjam (Abhi., IV, 70). The inner door had a special name, that is antardvaram and the outer door was called bahirdvaram and toranam (Abhi., IV, 73). The entrance door was called praveshanam and singhadvaram (Abhi., IV, 58). Bhavni (Virataparva)33 referred to a mansion, so did bhuyan (Panchapandavachar itasu).34 A  Jain temple was called a chaityam or a vihara (Abhi., IV, 60). The upper storey of a house was called a chandrashala (Abhi., IV, 61). It was also called shirogra­ ham (Abhi., IV, 61). In the Panchapandavacharitasu,35 medey was the word used to represent the upper floor. Crossroads were called chatushkam, chatushpath and also sansathanam (Abhi., IV, 52). The word chauk denoted a courtyard (Panchapandava

27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

Jain Neubauer, Jutta, The Stepwells of Gujarat in Art-Historical Perspective, p. 2.

Morna, Livingston, Steps to Water: The Ancient Stepwells of India, p. 5.

Purnima Mehta Bhatt, Her Space, Her Story: Exploring the Step Wells of Gujarat, pp. 4–5.

Gurjara Rasavali, ed. by B.K. Thakore, M.D. Desai and M.C. Modi, I, 462, 520.

Ibid., I, 611.

Ibid., IV, 107.

Ibid., II, 391.

Ibid., I, 176.

Ibid., I, 343.

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charitasu).36 A square enclosure in which the bride and the bridegroom were married was called a chauri (Panchapandavacharitasu).37 A temple was called dehrai and deyuli (Vidyavilasapavadau).38 Dhavalharo signified a big mansion painted white (Panchapan davacharitasu).39 Dvipatham (Abhi., IV, 52) represented a meeting point of two roads. Gaukhi (Neminathaphagu)40 represented a trellised window. Gavaksha (Abhi., IV, 78) referred to a window, and its synonyms were jaalkam and vatayan (Abhi., IV, 78). The main gate of the town was called gopuram and purdvaram (Abhi., I V, 47). A well had various names such as koop, prahi, udpan41 as well as andhu (Abhi., IV, 157). A floor made of stone was called kuttimam (Abhi., IV, 58). Kuturdai referred to a hut (Virataparva).42 Khamba (Vidyavilasapavadau)43 represented a pillar, so did the word thamb (Panchapandavacharitasu).44 Abhidhanachintamani uses the words sthamba and sthuna for pillars (Abhi., IV, 80). A pinnacle (shikhar) of the fort was called kosisu (Ranapurmandan Chaturmukh Adinatha Phaga).45 A broad street was called a mahapath (Abhi., IV, 52). Its various synonyms were dsang­ kul, ghantapatha, rajvartam, sansarnam, sripath, upnishkram and upnishkramnam (Abhi., IV, 52). A  stage or platform erected on columns was referred to as mancha and man­ chak46 (Abhi., III, 347). Mandapa (Abhi., IV, 69) referred to an open hall or temporary shed erected on festive occasions. Janasharaya (Abhi., IV, 69) also meant the same. The Neminathaphagu47 uses the terms mandapi and mandai to denote the same. Another word used to convey the same meaning was mandavey (virataparva).48 Ordi (Neminathaphagu)49 meant a room.50 A side door or a private entrance door was called pakshadvaram and pakshak (Abhi., IV, 73). A sort of turret or raised mound of earth or masonry protect­ ing the access to the gate of the city or fort was called parikutam, hastinakh and nagard­ varkutak (Abhi., IV, 48). It was described as being furnished with an inner staircase and had loopholes for discharging arrows. A hut made of leaves and twigs for hermits was called parnashala and utaj (Abhi., IV, 60). Pavli (Neminathaphagu)51 denoted “a step”. Poli (Vidyavilasapavadau)52 referred to a street gate. A deserted road was called prantaram (Abhi., IV, 51). The boundary wall53 of a fort or a town was called prakaar, saal and varan

Ibid., I, 333.

Ibid., I, 376.

Ibid., VI, 249, 268.

Ibid., I, 453.

Ibid., III, 161.

Udpan also features in the epic, Mahabharata. See M. Monier Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 183.

Gurjara Rasavali., op. cit., II, 115.

Ibid., VI, 69.

Ibid., I, 334, 396.

See Prachina Phagu Samgraha, ed. by B.J. Sandesara, XVIII, 30.

Mancha and manchak, also figure in the Mahabharata. See Williams, op. cit., p. 773.

Gurjara Rasavli, op. cit., III, 90, 122.

Ibid., II, 328.

Ibid., III, 118.

In modern-day rural Gujarat, Orado means a living room. See Jyotindra Jain, Folk Art and culture of

Gujarat, pp. 7–8. 51 Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., III, 92. 52 Ibid., VI, 299. 53 The foundation of the boundary wall of fort or town was called chay and vapra. See Abhidhanachina­ tamani of Sri Hemachandracharya, op.cit., IV, 46. 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50

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(Abhi., IV, 46). The coping on top of the boundary wall54 was called Prakaragram and kapishishram (Abhi., IV, 47). Pragriva (Abhi., IV, 78) represented a wooden balustrade or fence around the building.55 Other words with the same meaning were apakshya, mat­ talamb and mattavaran (Abhi., IV, 78). A royal palace was called prasad (Abhi., IV, 58). Panchapandavacharitasu56 used the Gujarati word prasadu. A  street was called protoli, rathya or vishikha (Abhi., IV, 47). Saudham (Abhi., IV, 58) also denoted a palace. A tunnel was called surunga and sanidhala (Abhi., IV, 51). A pond was called a talav (Vidyavilasapavadau).57 A fes­ tooned archway was called torni (Neminatha Phagu58 and Vidyavilasapavadau).59 A meeting point of three roads was called trikam and tripatham (Abhi., IV, 52). A cot­ tage was called an Udva (Panchapandavacharitasu).60 Vaapiya (Neminatha Phagu)61 represented a well. A boundary wall was referred to with names such as vaat, vriti, prachinam and aaveshtak (Abhi., IV, 48). A  road leading to the market was called vaniamarg or vipni (Abhi., IV, 54). Wavi (Vidyavilasapavadau)62 represented a well.

Architecture as Seen in the Paintings Considering the limited space at the disposal of the painter of the Jain miniature paintings, it is not surprising that we do not come across many of the architectural features mentioned in the literature of the period. However, by careful observation, some familiar architectural forms can be recognised. In a palm leaf manuscript of the 13th century CE depicting episodes from the life of Parshvanatha (see Figure 5.1), a pavilion-like structure can be seen. The pavilion has a flat roof and is supported by pillars. Contemporary vernacular texts call the pillars khamba and thamb. Very beautiful brackets (madals) can be seen emerging from the sides of the pillars and supporting the roof.

Figure 5.1

The place made for warriors in the boundary wall was called attalak and kshaum (Abhi., IV, 47).

According to Sir Monier Williams, it also represented a window. See Williams, op. cit., p. 656.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., I, 395.

Ibid., VI, 168.

Ibid., III, 117.

Ibid., VI, 324.

Ibid., I, 543.

Ibid., III, 7. In Arbudachal Vinti, C. 1403 CE (Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit, V, 10), a wheel or a machine

for raising water from the well has been called arhati. 62 Ibid., VI, 157.

54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61

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Another variation is seen in an illustration from Srisantinathacharitra-Citrapattika (see Figure 5.2, Plate 2). In this painting, a pavilion with two pillars on either side, with a low, domed roof, capped with a circular finial can be seen. The pillars seem to have a well-defined base, shaft as well as an abacus. The dome appears to be low and made of wood rather than brick or stone. Perhaps there were other pillars supporting the domed roof but are concealed due to a lack of the technique of perspective. Could this be a temporary pavilion erected on the battlefield since the illustration is that of a battle scene? Figure 5.2

Another example of a pavilion erected for a festive occasion can be seen in an illustration from Vijayachandra Kevali Charita (see Plate 23 and Figure 5.3). Here, the two pillars on either side are quite thick and seem to be made from the stem of the plantain tree. The roof here is also domical and in the centre of the dome, two pots can be seen one on the top of the other. Perhaps they represented the chandan-ghatas. Could this pavilion be what is described as mandapi, mandai and mandavey in the Gujarati texts of our period to describe an open hall or temporary shed erected on a festive occasion?63 Figure 5.3

Figure 5.4

In a painting of Subahu katha (see Figure 5.4), a marriage pavilion can be seen in which the bride of Neminatha, Rajimati, can be seen seated. It has two visible front pillars made out of the stems of the plantain tree. Also visible are five auspicious vessels (chandan-ghatas) stacked one on top of the other. On top is a pyramidal structure made out of the vessels. A  variation of a marriage pavilion can be seen in another painting, depicting the marriage of Chandraprabha (see Plate  22). All kinds of festive decorations can be seen—plantain trees, festoons, auspicious birds etc.

63 Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., III, 90, 122; II, 328.

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Another variation can be seen in yet another wedding scene, from the painting of Vijayachandra Kevali Charita (Figure  5.5). According to the texts, a square enclosure in which the bride and the bridegroom were married was called a chauri. Could the above-described pavilions be called chauri?

Figure 5.5

A Jain temple is quite similar to a Hindu temple in basic concept. It consists of two essential parts, namely the mandapa where the devotees congregate and the principal shrine, where the deity is installed. These are very clearly seen in many miniature paintings consulted for this study. Contemporary texts refer to a Jain temple as Chaityam and vihara.

In a painting (see Figure  5.6), a small temple showing a Jina seated within an open garbhagriha in a padmasana stance can be seen. On top is visible the shikhara of the temple and on it can be seen all the decorative features of the shikhara: The karna-rekhas, pratikarnas, uprathas, urusringa, kalasha, the amalaka etc. Seen also is a dhvaja/ flag on top of the shikhara. Tall, well-delineated pillars called sthamba support the intricately made shikhara. The eave or the chajja is also very prominently drawn.

Figure 5.6

Figure 5.7

In another painting (see Figure 5.7), one sees a temple with a shikhara on top of the open garbhagriha. Urusringas decorate the main shikhara of the temple, which is topped with a kalasha and a dhvaja. Adjoining the garbhagriha can be seen the open mandap with a domical roof. A similar temple can also be seen in a palm leaf manuscript (see Plate  3), where Lord Parshvanatha is seen sitting in the open garbhagriha, with well-decorated pillars. The shikhara is decorated with multiple urusringas. A clearly defined amlaka tops the shikhara, on which rests the kalasha. The roof of the mandapa is domical, under which stand four devotees with folded hands. Another variation of the temple can be seen in yet another painting. This particular painting has two subsidiary shikharas along with the main shikhara (see cover illustration). Multiple shikharas on Jain temples were quite common in western India during this time, as is only too well known from the surviving temples from this area.

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Figure 5.8

Figure 5.9

A slightly modified version of the above temple can be seen in the painting of a Vividha-Tirtha-Vastrapata,64 dated 1641 CE. Here, one can see two mandapas with domical roofs, having devotees on either side of the sanctum in the centre. The curvilinear shikhar over the sanctum is quite elaborately drawn with small urusringas, amalaka, kalasha and dhvaja on top. Perhaps this temple was the chaumukha/chaturmukha shrine, that was open on all four sides and the devotees could see the image from the four directions. In this particular case, the painter seems to have shown only the two side mandapas and in the absence of the technique of perspective, could not draw the mandapa in the front (see Figure 5.8). The temple is drawn with a lot of attention to details. The dhvaja, the kalasha, the shikhara with its decorative elements and the pillars with curved brackets are all delineated with great care. A cloth painting of a Pancha-tirthipata painted in 1433 CE shows a triple-shikhara shrine in the centre of a large double-lined circle, with four openings on four sides (see Figure  5.9). This double-lined circle with a leafscroll pattern on it appears to be a railing or vedika, and the openings would represent the four gateways or toranas, usually shown in the visual representation of the Samavasarana. The painter often resorted to this device of showing a three-dimensional object through a horizontal section. The shikharas rest on solid pillars with prominent brackets (madals). The structure seems to stand on a solid base or plinth. It is of interest here to recollect very briefly one of the stock images of a shrine (Yaksha-Chaitya65) mentioned in the Jain canon. Aupapatika Sutra describes the Yaksha chaitya as being in the centre of an udyana (park), of its being porana (ancient), and its being famous everywhere. It was decorated with umbrellas, banners, bells, flags, whisks or bunches of peacock feathers and had a railing (vedika, vitardika) all around, and it had entrance gates on four sides adorned with toranas (arches).

64 A pilgrimage site in Jainism is called a tirtha. Paintings on patas (cloth) that mapped the sacred pilgrim­ age sites were known as tirtha patas. They started being made from the 15th century CE onwards. They were usually large in scale, with attention to details and were significant for people who could not make the pilgrimage, and yet these patas offered them a chance to see the sacred site visually. The tirtha patas could be about many shrines (vividha), five (pancha) or exclusively about one pilgrimage centre. These patas thus have tremendous historical value. 65 Yaksha Chaityas, also called Yaksha-ayatana, meant a shrine dedicated to one of the Yakshas, who were worshipped as nature spirits in many parts of Ancient India. These shrines existed in the pre-Buddhist period as well. Mahavira is supposed to have visited and stayed in many such shrines in the course of his wanderings. These chaityas were sanctuaries, holy steads, both with or without an icon. See Shah, U.P. Jaina Rupa Mandana, pp. 11–12.

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In a painting (see Figure  5.10) showing “Trithankara and eight auspicious symbols”, the Tirthankara is shown seated within a wooden structure which is standing on a high raised platform. The pillars have exquisite serpentine brackets, probably makar (crocodile) heads that support the arched pyramidical roof which ends in a pointed finial. In the paintings over the centuries, one can observe various deities like goddess Saraswati or Ganadharas, housed within such structures. Could this structure be similar to the gharderasars or house shrines described earlier in this chapter?

Figure 5.10

Figure 5.11

Manasara, a text on architecture assigned to circa 6th century CE, provides a very clear directive as to the manner in which a Jina figure should be depicted. The text recommends that the image should be placed upon a throne, in an erect or a sitting position. At its top should be a pinnacle and a crocodile arch.66 In a painted wooden book cover depicting “Deities and Devotees”,67 an illustration shows Naminatha, Neminatha, Parshvanatha and Mahavira seated in the same way as has been prescribed in the text. The platform on which the Jinas are sitting is reached by a set of three steps, which give the required height to the platform (see Figure 5.11). The façade of the platform bears the identifying symbol of the Jina. In this case, a conch. On either side of the platform are pillars made up of two segments, on top of which are placed chandan-ghatas. There is a crocodile arch on top, connected to both the pillars, with the central arch forming a pinnacle over the Jinas’ figures. Interestingly this depiction of the Jinas corresponds exactly with the depiction in Manasara.

Another architectural form quite common in Gujarat is the wooden façade of houses. Usually constructed on a raised plinth, the structure has a small otta68 in front, where pillars supporting the upper storey stand on stone bases. The front wall is divided into various sections of wooden bands filled in between, by brick work. Usually, the pillars, beams, brackets, door and window frames would have elaborate carvings. Especially notable is the deep undercutting done into the wood while making brackets (madal). The madals often displayed various subjects like animals, birds, human figures and deities intermixed with a generous display of geometrical and floral designs.

66 See U.P. Shah, “Iconography”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III, p. 467. 67 Wooden Book cover, “Deities and Devotees”, C. 1250–1275 CE in the collection of Jain Trust, Jais­ almer. See Doshi, op. cit., pp. 38–39, Fig. 17. 68 Otta refers to an entrance platform, characterised by a narrow-raised plinth with steps. Typically, in an Otta, there are a row of columns supporting a wooden façade. The Otta is usually profusely carved to show the economic and social standing of the household.

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Since the Jain manuscripts offer restricted space for illustrations, there is not much visibility of outer façade of Gujarati houses in its totality. This paucity is, however, more than compensated by the glimpses of its famed wooden architecture in the numerous pictures showing the nativity scenes of the Tirthankaras. A Jain house traditionally has a carved door lintel, which in turn has the image of a Tirthankara or one of the mangala chinhas carved over it. This feature of Jain house is seen in innumerable paintings, especially the ones showing the bedchamber of the queen mother. Often the door lintel shows intricate carving with lattice design in wood (see Plate 8a). Seen in a painting of a Kalpasutra (Plate  7) is the interior of the bedroom (sayangara) of the queen. On top is probably an attempt made to show the lintel of the door, carved in a manner typical to most Gujarati households. More importantly, the ornamental wooden brackets on top of the pillars can be seen. The door lintel has a trefoil archway in the centre. It is beautifully carved with two lattice work panels on either side of a trefoil arch, resting on pillars, giving very much the appearance of a shrine. The central arch has placed under it a bhadrasana (a particular type of seat), one of the ashtamangala chinhas (eight auspicious symbols). In other examples of the same kind, the central arch has different auspicious symbols or decorative motifs placed underneath (see Plates 21a, 12, 10). In yet another Kalpasutra of 1375 CE (Plate 6), showing the bedroom of queen Trishala, we can see three elaborately carved arched pavilions resting on the lintel. All the three arches end in a pointed finial and have carved pillars and carved brackets supporting it. The base of the pillar probably has makar head (crocodile head), a pre-Islamic decorative motif associated with temples in India. Looking at it, one wonders if it was the painter’s way of depicting the celebrated wooden architecture of Gujarat. Perhaps the inner bedroom wall, having the sumptuous carvings, is being shown here. Surely the painter was drawing from his observation of the intricate wooden architecture of Gujarat, of which he gives us a glimpse in these miniatures. In a painting from the Kalpasutra, we can see three concentric circles with a figure of a Jina seated in the heart of the circle. The merlon design on the outer circle signifies the rampart. Four gateways with paths leading to the central circle can be seen. Around the circle are visible pairs of animals generally hostile to each other.

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This can be identified with the Samavasarana or the celestial preaching hall of the Jina. The Samavasarana, an abstract entity, was usually depicted in painting as three concentric circles. Also visible are the four squares at the four corners signifying four wells. Samavasaranas are depicted routinely in innumerable Jain manuscripts and are now venerated as an object of worship in Jain faith (see Plate 23a). As we approach the 17th century, the depiction of architecture in paintings undergoes a change. The paintings represent buildings a lot more realistically.

Figure 5.12

Seen in a painting from early 17th century CE (see Figure  5.12) is a changed representation of a doublestoried residential building. Partially seen, the house has five steps (pavli of the contemporary texts) leading up to it and latticed window (probably jaalkam and vatayan of the literary texts) on each storey with projecting carved eaves. The upper storey of a house was called a chandrashala, shirograham or medey, according to the literary texts of our period of study. Each storey is demarcated with crenelated wall having merlons. Interestingly, the house does not show the carved wooden façade discussed earlier. Most probably, this was the side view of the house. Another painting of the 17th century, of that of Yashodhara Charitra (see Plate 32), has a very interesting depiction of a building. The scene depicts a Jain muni giving discourse to a prince and his retinue. The building shows a flat roof. A low fluted dome sits on the top of the roof. The dome has a finial under which can be seen a lotus petal base. Two pavilions with gradually sloping roof and openings in the wall, on either side of the dome, can also be seen. The edge of the roof has crenelated walls with merlons. A prominent projecting eave all around is also visible. The roof is supported by well-decorated pillars with brackets. The Jain muni appears to be sitting under the roof, perhaps in a veranda or porch-like structure and the prince and his retinue seem to be sitting, just outside, under a colourful cloth awning.

A subtle reference made by the painter to the presence of a fort can be seen in a painting of the Kalakacharya Katha (see Plate 5). A portion of the crenelated wall can be seen with a symbolic bunch of spears tied together in the shape of a tripod stand. Could this be the fort wall? Also, in many a painting from Kalakacharya katha, depicting the scene of king Gardabhilla performing magic, the city of Ujjain is shown as having fortified walls, wherein crenelated walls having merlons are clearly visible (see Plate 25). According to the lexicons of the period, the boundary wall of a fort was called variously as prakaar, saal and varan.

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Water has always played a very important role in the socio-cultural life of Indians, and western India is no exception. As mentioned earlier, from the very early times, the semi-arid area of Gujarat has had a great many systems of water storage and distribution. Hence, stepwells and stepped ponds abound in this region. Stepwells or wavs, as they are locally called, were built in medieval Gujarat as acts of piety and for providing travellers with water and cool resting place. It usually consisted of a domed entrance pavilion, from which a series of steps and pillared stone platforms lead down to the central reservoir. The walls and pillars were usually splendidly carved and ornamented. Stepwells in Gujarat were magnificent combination of utility and aesthetics. The construction of stepwells started under the Hindu kings of Gujarat and continued under the Muslim sultans as well. It soon became an important icon of Gujarati architecture, combining the best of the Hindu-Jain and Islamic tradition. However, in miniatures, it appears that the paucity of space has prevented the painters from drawing the stepwells in all their glory and probably their presence was alluded to by a simplistic representation of a water body with steps leading into it.

Figure 5.13

Seen in a painting of the Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE69 is a body of water with steps leading into it. This appears to be one of the simplistic representations of the either the stepwell or the stepped pond (kund) of Gujarat (see Figure  5.13). In another painting of the Vijayachandra kevali Charita of 1499 CE (see Plate  23), one can see a rather simplistic representation of a water body. Could this also have been a simplistic drawing of a stepped pond? This can well be identified with the wavi and vaapiya of the contemporary Gujarati texts. Sometimes, the miniatures also showcase the level of technological advancement or know-how of a region. We have some rare Jain manuscripts that contain illustrations

69 “Kalaka retrieving the ball fallen in the lake for the Shahi chief”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya katha (C. 1475 CE), Collection: Devasano Pado Bhandar, Ahmedabad, Reproduced as Plate 5 in Karl Khan­ dalavala and Moti Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal.

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of a Persian wheel70 (water wheel), which was used to draw water from a well. We have an extremely important illustration from a folio of the manuscript of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra (C. 1450 CE) which has a clear depiction of a well with the Persian wheel within. The device is made of a chain of water pots attached to a big wheel with spokes. In this miniature, the artist has drawn the pots within the wheel very clearly and the wheel is also shown hitched to an ox or a bullock, to show the animal power that was moving the water wheel (see Frontispiece).

Figure 5.14

In another manuscript of the Kalakacharya Katha71 painted at Patan in 1501 CE, in the scene showing Kalakacharya retrieving the ball fallen in the well, another Persian wheel can be seen, within the well, with all its characteristic features (see Figure  5.14). Since this is a dated manuscript and one of the rare representations of a Persian wheel in a painting, it forms very important evidence of the use of Persian wheel for drawing water in this area. This particular painting proves hereby the existence of the technology of Persian wheel before the advent of the Mughals. Some areas of western India, especially Rajasthan, still employ this mechanical device to draw water and are known commonly by the name of rehat. The main wheel inside the well is moved by another wheel outside, using human or animal power. Arhati is the name that occurs in the contemporary Gujarati texts for referring to a wheel or a machine for raising water from the well.

Looking at the architectural history of western India and its representation in the Jain miniatures, we can summarise that, in spite of the small area available to the art­ ist, the flavour of the unique architecture of the area is well captured. The outdoor pavilions with the pillars (khamba) and brackets (madals), seen in the early wooden patlis and the palm leaf miniatures, point to a marked western Indian affiliation from fairly early on. The prolific temple building in this area during the Solanki and the Vaghela periods, gets reflected in the depiction of various Jain shrines with many rec­ ognisable features like the karna-rekhas, pratikarnas, uprathas, uru-sringas, kalasha, amalaka and dhwaja. One gets to see temples with open garbhagrihas, with or with­ out attached mandapas, in many manuscripts. The various tirthapatas, representing pilgrimage sites, also depict the Jain temples of the area in great detail. Gharderasars, which are so typical of western Indian households, for enshrining the images of the Tirthankaras, find representation in some miniatures. The paintings also depict the

70 The Persian wheel is a water-lifting device, in which small pots are attached to a long chain, around a wheel inside the well. There is another wheel, outside the well and when that is revolved, the wheel inside the well moves and dips the water pots in the well, and at some point, empties the pots into a shaft, which in turn can be emptied into a trough or any other system of water distribution. Its origin in India is controversial, with many historians pointing to its introduction in the early days of sultanate rule, while others suggest that it entered with Babur, the first Mughal Emperor in India. In this context, our dated manuscript of Kalakacharya Katha (1501) is extremely important as it points to the water wheel in existence—definitely before Babur (1526–1530). 71 Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, painted at Patan, 1501 CE, in the Ancalagaccha, Jamnagar, Reproduced as Fig. 26 in, “Game of Gendi danda”, in Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Painting.

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water structures, which are still such an important part of the dry, arid landscape of western India, albeit in a simplified manner. The depiction in the Kalakacharya Katha as well as in the Uttaradhyayana Sutra of a well with a Persian wheel is extremely important evidence of the water drawing mechanisms employed in medieval western India. The stepwells may not have been shown with great exactitude, but the stepped ponds (kunds) are often depicted, suggesting the popularity of this water structure in this area in medieval times. Likewise, the famous wood-carved interiors of western India are also visible in the miniatures. Some of the interiors show a remarkable connection to Gujarat with their beautifully carved pillars and elaborately carved brackets. The door lintels showing intricate carvings with lattice designs, as well as the mangala chinhas, point to a Guja­ rati affiliation in each nativity scene depicted in the Kalpasutras. From the early 17th century, we notice a change in the manner of depiction of architecture in the paint­ ings. The paintings now represent architecture as a backdrop to events unfolding in the foreground. The exterior of the building is depicted with more realism and with a lot more attention to details. The monochrome background depicted earlier seems to have suddenly opened up, and the elements that were not depicted earlier start finding representation in the miniatures hitherto.

Furniture It was with much wonder that Edward Terry,72 while describing the people of India, in his 17th century book, A Voyage to East-India, wrote, The natives there shew very much ingenuity in the curious manufactures. . . . Their skill is likewise exquisite in making of cabinets, boxes, trunks, and standishes, curiously wrought, within and without; inlaid with elephants’ teeth, or mother of pearl, ebony, tortoise shell or wire. . . . They paint staves or bedsteads, chests of boxes, fruit dishes or large chargers, extremely neat, which when they be not inlaid, as before, they cover the wood, first being handsomely turned, with a thick gum, then put their paint on, most arti­ ficially made of liquid silver, or gold, or other lively colours, which they use, and after make it much more beautiful with a very clear varnish put upon it.73

72 Edward Terry was the chaplain to the English Embassy at the court of Jahangir, the great Mughal Emperor. He accompanied the itinerant Mughal court, along with Sir Thomas Roe, the English ambas­ sador to the Mughals, to the present-day states of Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh. He wrote about his experiences in a book called A Voyage to East India. He was in India from 1616 to 1619. 73 Terry Edward, A Voyage to East-India, pp. 127–128. Also see G.C.M. Birdwood, The Arts of India, pp. 133–134.

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Though Terry was writing about Indian craftsmen and crafts in general, his statement finds a very close echo in the account of 16th century traveller Duarte Barbosa, who wrote with specific reference to Gujarat. Speaking about the craftsmen of that area, he calls them “cunning”, obviously meaning skilled. A great quantity of ivory is used here in very cunning work, inlaid and turned articles such as bracelets (bangles), sword hilts, dice, chessmen and chess­ boards; for there are many skilful turners who make all these, also many ivory bedsteads very cunningly turned.74 One is left in no doubt with regard to the use of furniture, skilfully made, beautifully ornamented with various techniques, after reading these accounts. Furniture seems to have been an essential part of the life-styles of refined nagarakas in ancient India. A study of ancient Indian literature reveals a fund of references to the furniture known through the ages. One comes across generic terms for furniture such as senasana (Pali) and sayanasana (Sanskrit). Vedic texts, like the Rig Veda, the Atharva Veda, the Taittiriya Brahmana and Kausitaki Upanishad, all reveal the awareness of the urban societies of those times, of objects like long reclining chair/ sofa (asandi),75 bench (prostha76) and bed (talpa,77 vahya78 and sayan79). The Sutras contain a mention of several articles of furniture that come into use at the conclusion of the Sravana sacrifice. Even household furniture like the bed (sayya), cot (khatva) and the couch (paryanka, palyanka) find reference in these texts.80 Most of these also get represented in early Indian sculpture. Jain and Buddhist literature also provide a great deal of information about furniture. In Jain literature, we come across furniture articles like rich beds, cushions, pillows and chairs. Among the marriage gifts, men­ tion has been made of a foot stool (pavidha), seat (bhisiya), couches (pallankaya) and sofas (padisijja). Various kinds of chairs like swan chairs, heron chairs, eagle chairs, tall chairs (onaya), sloping chairs (panaya), long chairs, fine chairs (bhadda), winged chairs (pakkha), crocodile chairs, lotus chairs and disasovatthiya chairs are mentioned.81 The Vinaya texts of the Buddhists, supplement information on the furni­ ture of that period. They refer to a seat bed (manch) and a footstool (pada pitha). Both these ancient terms are once again found in the lexicons and the literary texts of medi­ eval western India.82 There is a detailed description of houses and furniture in the VIth khandaka of the Cullavagga, which talks about various types of chairs and bedsteads. The Natyashastra ascribed to Bharata Muni gives a detailed prescription on the seats allowed to people in accordance with their status, thereby providing us with

74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82

See The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. by Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. I, p. 142.

The Atharva Veda, XV, 3, 2.

Ibid., VII, 55, 8.

The Rig Veda, VII, 55, 8.

Ibid.

The Atharva Veda, III, 25, 1.

V.S. Agrawala, India as known to Panini—A Study of the Cultural Material in the Ashtadhyayi, p. 144.

J.C. Jain, Life in Ancient India as depicted in the Jain Canons, p. 157.

See K. Krishnamurthy, Ancient Indian Furniture, p. 5.

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information on the variety of furniture known to that period.83 Kautilya’s Artha­ shastra contains, in his references to everyday life, information on “the king seated on litter, throne”. Kalidasa’s works contain copious references to items like thrones, high seats, benches, bedsteads and boxes.84 A later shilpa text like the Manasara85 recounts in its XLIV chapter the prolific use of furniture articles. Ten kinds of thrones are enumerated, and various synonyms of bedsteads are provided, with distinctions being made for beds used by elders and children. Vatsyayana’s Kamasutra also lists the typical articles of domestic furniture in use by the fashionable people like the nagarakas, The articles that Vatsyayana first draws attention to in the nagarakas apart­ ment are; two couches with beds, soft and comfortable and spotlessly white, sinking in the middle and having rests for the head and feet at the top and the bottom. At the head of his bed is a kurcha-sthana, a stand for perhaps a niche for placing an image of the deity he worships, besides, at the head there is also an elevated shelf serving the purpose of a table, whereon are placed articles necessary for his toilet in the early dawn. On the floor is a vessel for catching the spittle. On the wall, on Nagadantakas (brackets) are arranged his vina, a casket containing brushes and other requisites for painting, a book and the garland of the Kurantaka flower. Not far from the couch, on the floor, is spread a carpet with cushions for the head and besides, there are boards, for playing a chess and dice. Outside the room is the Nagaraka’s aviary, where are hung cages of birds for game and sport.86 Varahamihira’s Brihatsamhita also offers fairly adequate information about the furni­ ture prevalent in his time. Words like sayana, khatva, paryank, aasan and pitha occur in his text. He also talks about the shubha and the ashubha categories of wood and discusses the attributes of each kind. His account contains prescriptions like the king’s throne being solely made of chandan (sandal) wood, and he also mentions the pre­ cious materials to be used for the ornamentation of furniture.87 These furniture articles mentioned in early literary texts find their way initially into the sculptures of Bharhut, Sanchi, Amaravati, Nagarjunakonda, Mathura, Gandhara and Ajanta, and many hundred years later in the Jain paintings of western India. Many of the names describing various objects of furniture occurring in Vedic, Bud­ dhist and Jain texts recur in the lexicons and the folk literature of western India. One can discern, quite clearly even through the variations of regional language and dialect, the continuity in some of these terms describing a particular object. Sometimes the object referred to by one term changes over the years, for example asandi in Vedic times meant a sofa/chair and in 15th-century Gujarat, it meant a cane chair. Even

83 The Natyashastra ascribed to Bharata Muni, trans. by Manomohan Ghosh, I, 234–236.

84 B.S. Upadhyaya, India in Kalidasa, pp. 214.

85 P.K. Acharya, Manasara, An Encyclopaedia of Hindu Architecture, Vol. VII, pp. 298–304, 380, 459,

499, 522, 204, 206. 86 H. Chakladar, Social Life in Ancient India, pp. 109–110. 87 A.M. Shastri, India as seen in the Brhatsamhita of Varahamihira, p. 251.

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though a sampling of these terms from the lexicons does not run into much detail, it is enough for us to identify the objects shown in the paintings, which also are not too many in number.

Furniture in Lexicons and Other Related Sources Aadni (Neminatha Phagu)88 was a flat wooden stool on which dishes were arranged while dining. Perhaps it was a smaller version of a dining table. Aasanam (Abhi., III, 348) appears to have been a low, square seat of stone or wood (chauki). A similarsounding word aasandi (Abhi., III, 348) referred to a chair made of cane. Chauki was the word used in the Varna-Ratnakara (VR., 12) to refer to a low, square seat. A swing was called a dola (Abhi., III, 422). Doliya (Neminatha Phagu)89 was another word used for a swing. Hindola (Virataparva)90 also referred to a swing. A bed was referred to as khat in the Prabandha Chintamani (Pr.Ch., 13). The bed of a king was termed a mahashaiyya (Abhi., III, 380). Shaiyya referred to a bed, and the prefix maha means “great”, so together they referred to a bed for someone as great as the monarch. Manch (Panchapandavacharitasu)91 referred to a high seat. A coffer or chest was called a manjoos (Panchapandavacharitasu).92 A  footstool in front of a throne was referred to by names such as padapitham and padasanam (Abhi., III, 382). A low stool was called a peedi (VR., 12). A low, square stool was referred to as pitham (Abhi., III, 348). A swing was referred to as prenkholika (Abhi., III, 422) and prenkha (Abhi., VI, 117). Rajashaiyya (Abhi., III, 380) was another name for the bed of a king while a bed was commonly referred to as shaiyya (VR., 14). When the legs of the bed were made of ivory, the legs were called hathikdantakpava (VR., 14). A bed was referred to as shaiyya, shayniyam and shaynam in Abhidhanachintamani (Abhi., III, 346). A bed was also called a sejdi (Vidyavilasapavadau),93 talimam and talyam (Abhi., III, 346). A cane chair was called Vetrasanama (Abhi., III, 348) while a low, square stool was called a Vishtar (Abhi., III, 348).

88 89 90 91 92 93

Gurjara Rasavali, ed. by B.K. Thakore, M.D. Desai and M.C. Modi, III, 122.

Ibid., III, 191.

Ibid., II, 714.

Ibid., I, 281.

Ibid., I, 309.

Ibid., VI, 286.

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Furniture as Seen in the Paintings

Figure 5.15

Figure 5.16

The beds seen in the paintings, occupied mostly by the queens, were extremely beautiful objects and are still to be seen in modern-day Gujarat. The bed has extremely interesting legs. The shape of the leg is like the alphabet “d” of the English language, with the minor change that the straight line of the “d” does not come right down to cover the mouth of the circle at the base. This leg ends into a flattened out roundish foot. The area between the legs on the lower edge has the usual decorative fringe-like pattern carved in the wood. The two longitudinal pieces of the wooden frame of the bed, project out beyond the parameters of the bed, giving the appearance (in the longitudinal section) of a horizontal bar with decorative knobs at the end, such as those used for hanging scrolls (see Figure 5.15 and Plates 6, 7). Could this be the mahashaiyya or rajashaiyya of the texts mentioned earlier? The intricate design and finish of the bed bring to mind what Duarte Barbosa in 16th century said about the ivory bedsteads made in Gujarat, mentioned earlier in the chapter. Another bed that looks like a charpoy, seen in the paintings, is very similar to the bed called Dholiyo, typically found in Saurashtra today. The bed in the paintings has four heavily turned wooden legs. The surface of the bed perhaps is made of interlaced cotton straps, like the dholiyo’s, but it is always shown with a coverlet thrown over it, thereby giving it an appearance of a couch (see Figure  5.16 and Plate  29). Interestingly, the prominent legs of the bed are visible through the coverlet. Perhaps the legs were also lacquered, the same way that the dholiyo’s legs are. Terry, in his account of India, does talk about the art of lacquering known to the Indians. In one painting (see Figure  5.17), the beam of the longitudinal side of the bed is shown as being lightly carved and having slightly more elaborate legs. This bed has attached to it two decorative posts, a canopy at the top, with a toran-like pointed pendants in the front. This could perhaps be what is described as a shaiyya in the texts. A similar bed with four posts and a canopy can again be seen in another painting of Sangrahani Sutra belonging to 1587 CE (see Plate 31).

Figure 5.17

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An essential part of every Gujarati household, whether urban or rural, in the past or today, is a swing bed. It can also be seen in the Jain paintings under study (see Plate 21). It is a structure very much like the bed with curved legs described earlier (see Figure 5.15), the only difference being that, it has four supports made probably of iron chain, fixed onto the four corners of the rectangular bed. Though the painter has not been able to show very clearly but from a close observation of swing-cum beds of Gujarat today, one can presume that these supports on the width side would generally come together at the top, thereby enclosing a triangular space between them. The apex of this triangle on either width side, then is hung through two iron rings fixed to the beam of the ceiling. Another possibility could be that the vertical supports instead of forming a triangle, went straight up to the ceiling and were hung through four separate iron rings, fixed to the beams of the ceiling. These swing-beds are referred to as khat94 and dhorni in modern-day Gujarat. In the literary texts from our period of study, swings are mentioned by names such as dola, doliya and hindola.

Figure 5.18

In many illustrations of the Kalpasutra, we see Vajra Swami as an infant in a cradle. The most common kind of cradle consists of a high edged central bed for the child, which is supported from four chains (probably made of metal) attached to each corner of the cot. The chains are joined at the top—to an ornate arch-shaped stand, having tripod legs at the bottom (see Figure 5.18). The cord with which the cradle is rocked can also be seen held by the nun in this particular painting (see Plate  20). The legs of the cradle-stand could also be round and broad based like the legs of the chauki as can be seen in some paintings. The horizontal bar of the cradle-stand, usually had decorative objects—mostly toys—hanging from it. At times, we can see decorative parrots (popats) or geese carved on it, designed most probably to entertain the child within the cradle. This cradle is called the paranu in Gujarat today95 and is very similar to the cradle described above.

94 Jyotindra Jain, Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat, p. 205. 95 Ibid, p. 207.

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Figure 5.19

A very typical kind of seat seen in several paintings, with a minor variation in terms of height and breadth, is an hour-glass-shaped seat (see Figure 5.19 and Plates 7, 10). In several paintings, this seat is seen with a cloth cover, which is perhaps appliquéd. In one particular painting (see Figure  5.20), this seat appears to be made of wicker or cane. In Plate  7, it occurs within an arched pyramidical structure, above the lintel, as one of the ashtamangala (auspicious) symbols known as the bhadrasana (the holy seat of the Jina). In several paintings, we see the queens using bhadrasana type of seat for sitting. This seat looks very much like the “modhas” seen even today. It could be identified with manch, which appears to be a generic term for seats of a semi-formal nature.96 This kind of modha was perhaps what was referred to as a vetrasana in the Kumarasambhavam of Kalidasa.97

Figure 5.20 A square medium height stool with straight rectangular legs is seen in a painting (see Figure 5.21) of Kalpasutra, covered perhaps with lightly stuffed plain coloured material. This object is used as seat by king Siddhartha at the moment of his personal toilette. This could perhaps be identified with the chauki of the texts mentioned earlier.

Figure 5.21 In another painting, a low wooden stool with straight legs, is seen being used as a table for writing, by an astrologer holding a pen in his hand (see Plate 11). It is not quite clear, whether it is square or rectangular, because of the angle from which this stool is depicted. The top surface was perhaps just of plain wood. The side facing the viewer appears to have a slight decoration which appears like a chevron-shaped wood carving. A  low stool is called patlo in modern Gujarat today.98 At times we see such a stool under the bed of the queen mother for placing a cup or a spittoon on it (Plate 7).

96 M.K. Dhavalikar, Ajanta: A Cultural Study, p. 96. 97 Kumarasambhavam of Kalidasa, ed. by K.P. Parab, VI, 53. 98 Jyotindra Jain, op. cit., p. 207.

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Figure 5.22

A very beautiful seat seen in the paintings is a low, rather large, square chauki with heavy legs flattened out at the base. The chauki appears to be made of lacquered wood and has beautiful carving on the sides. The rims of the chauki are slanting, jutting out like the eaves of a roof. Some of these chaukis have a chevron-shaped decorative fringe on the lower edge, between the legs, and others are plain (see Figure 5.22 and Plate 15). A similar low seat is also seen in another painting of the 17th century, where a prince is shown sitting on a low seat with a bolster as a back rest. The legs of the seat are prominently shown with an hourglass-like shape with a pinched middle and flattened base. In the same painting, a Jain saint is also shown sitting on a similar low seat (see Plate 32). This is also a kind of seat which can be seen in today’s Gujarat, in both rural and urban houses and is called a maci.99 Could this be the vishtar of the lexicons, described as a low, square stool? A highly decorative high-backed, low chair is seen in the paintings, used mostly by the Jain Suris. In shape and size, the seat seems to be very similar to the chauki described above and identified with vishtar. The spired back, shaped midway between a pointed arch and a rounded arch, has three decorative pinnacles on top, something like the “finals” on top of a temple (see Plate 5). Some of the chairs only have one such “finial” in the centre (see Figure 5.23). The back of the chair which is tilted at an angle of 1200, is in some paintings quite ornately carved. I-Tsing, the Chinese traveller, described some of the chairs he had seen in India as following: “The legs of the seats were rounded and the chair on the whole was not a heavy one”.100

Figure 5.23

99 Ibid., p. 205. 100 J. Takakasu (tr. by), A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practiced in India and the Malay Archi­ pelago (CE 671–95) by I-Tsing, p. 22.

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Placed in front of a Jain monk is a low rectangular table with heavy tiered round legs. The table has an exquisite scroll pattern. This pattern is most probably carved into wood. There is also a wooden fringe on the lower edge of the table, in the area between the legs (see Figure  5.24). This kind of table is called a bajoth in modern-day Gujarat.101 Figure 5.24

Figure 5.25

Seen in the paintings are two kinds of foot stools. One variety is little more delicate and seems to have the top upholstered with fabric. This seems to always lie close to the throne occupied by the king or by an acharya (pontiff) (see Figure  5.25 and Plate  5). The other kind seen in the paintings seems to be made of wood and is devoid of any kind of upholstery and is a little higher than the upholstered one (Plates 6a,  18). This object is referred to by the literary texts of our period as padpitham and padasanam. This name seems to have been in existence from fairly early times. Provided initially as an object of comfort, it almost became a part of royal insignia and was even worshipped by the tributary chiefs. Hiuen Tsang mentions the jewels adorning king Harsha’s padapitha. A Maitraka grant describes king Kharagraha’s foot stool as “being covered with a lustre of the jewels of a hundred kings”.102 Foot stools during the Vakataka-Gupta period, as seen in Ajanta murals, seem to have come in many shapes: Circular, rectangular, oval and octagonal. These were invariably ornamented with precious gems.103

Seen in some paintings is a very distinctive piece of furniture. It appears to be a kind of small table top, with slightly high rims This top is fixed on to a fairly tall tripod, which is decorated probably with jewels. This table is usually shown carrying jewels (see Figure 5.26 and Plate 18) in the scene of Varshikidaan utsav (annual alms giving).

Figure 5.26

101 Jyotindra Jain, op. cit., p. 201. 102 As quoted in Dhavalikar, op. cit., p. 98. 103 Ibid.

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The Jain miniature paintings display a wide range of articles of furniture. Since most of the illustrations deal with the lives of the Tirthankaras, who were of royal descent, the painter had ample opportunity to give us a glimpse of the furniture used by the contemporary nobility in western India. One can see a bewildering range of bedsteads, four-poster beds, foot stools, swing-cum beds, heavy round-legged chairs, straight-backed as well as slanting chairs, different varieties of stools for sitting, low tables for writing or tall tables for keeping goods and even cradles for children. The prolific presence of these articles of furniture in miniature after miniature, conveys that these were an integral part of the interior décor of the rich households. The intri­ cate workmanship on the beds or chairs brings to light the words of Edward Terry and Duarte Barbosa, who were quite impressed by the workmanship of the inlay workers and carpenters of western India. Interestingly, western India, especially Gujarat and Rajasthan, is still home to very intricately carved and delicately painted furniture, which seem to have a long, unbroken legacy from the times when these miniatures were painted. Lacquered and lathe-turned wooden furniture with hand-painted motifs popularly called Sankheda104 furniture from Gujarat today—is curiously reminiscent of the furniture seen in these miniatures and points to a living tradition.

Interior Furnishings Among the many urban and rural communities105 of western India, especially Gujarat, whether it is the ruling communities of the Kathis and the Rajputs, pastoral commu­ nities like the Rabadi and the Ahir or trading communities like the Vaniyas and the Bhatiyas, they all share a common trait—an innate love for decorating both the inte­ riors and exteriors of their homes. They generally decorate their homes with embroi­ dered wall hangings, wall and door friezes of extraordinary workmanship. Exquisite examples of these wall, ceiling, door, window and niche decorations executed with embroidery, appliqué or beadwork can be seen today as a part of important museum collections.106 The objects, however, served a deeper and more basic function than a means of livelihood or a means of decoration. They were part of landmark events such as birth, initiation, marriage, death, seasonal and annual functions and festivals. Such special occasions brought into use a number of items such as clothes, textiles, utensils, vessels, toys, games, furniture and many other objects of everyday use that acquired a sacred status owing to their ritual function. The craft and the craftsmen who pro­ duced such objects, both attained a reverential status. As such, these objects were not just created for the purpose of sale but, over the years, became an integral part of the socio-religious life of traditional and contemporary India.107 Most of these crafts, related to the skill of the hands in relation to a needle and thread, seem to have had long roots into the past. Bronze needles excavated from Mohenjo-Daro point to this craft being ancient. As early as the Rig Veda (R.V.,V. 55, 6)., one finds a mention of the word Hiranyan atkan, as referring to a garment

104 105 106 107

The word Sankheda is derived from the Gujarati word Sanghedu which means lathe.

Jyotindra Jain op. cit., pp. 1, 46, 87, 111, 143, 155.

For example, the Calico Museum of Textiles and the Shreyas Folk Museum, Ahmedabad.

See Jyotindra Jain, “Craftsmen skill of the hands”, The India Magazine, VII (Dec., 1986), 10.

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embroidered with gold. Early Roman records of the beginning of the Christian era also contained a mention of finely woven Indian cotton, embellished with golden patterns. These patterns were probably embroidered with a golden thread. As already discussed earlier, Cambay was an important centre of embroidery fairly early on. So was Patan, the old capital of Gujarat. Accounts of travellers like Marco Polo in the 13th century CE, Duarte Barbosa and Linschoten in the 16th century CE, and Schouten in the 17th century CE, all refer to these embroideries. Refer­ ences filter in from the Sultanate and the Mughal period, of Ahmedabad being an important centre for the embroidery of khemas (tents) and zardozi. Embroidered cotton caps and veils from western India were also among the extant remains from the excavations of Quseir al-Qadim in Egypt, corroborating thereby, the informa­ tion given by historical accounts.108 Many of these embroidered textiles over time became essential items of the wedding trousseau of the bride among many commu­ nities in Gujarat. On festive occasions, camels, bullocks and horses were decorated with embroidered textiles and each pastoral and village community in Kutch and Saurashtra developed its distinctive embroidery traditions, which it preserved until at least the first half of the 20th century.109 The lexicons and the Gujarati texts provide us with the following information on some of these objects. Though many of the objects seen in the paintings are not described in these texts and likewise many of the objects described in these texts do not find their way into the illustrations, there are still adequate terms referring to objects common to both Jain and Hindu households. Interior Furnishings in Lexicons and Other Related Sources Aasan refers to a place to sit (VR., 12). Curtains are described as apti (Abhi., III, 443). A circular cloth seat is called a chakula (Neminatha Phagu).110 A chakala111 refers to a square piece of embroidered cloth in which a new bride generally wraps her clothes. Later on, these decorative pieces were hung on the walls independently or as a part of a long, narrow horizontal frieze of cloth. A small circular or square wall hanging is described as the chakli.112 Another variation of the term is chaklo. It refers to a kind of square cushion with a stuffing of wool, cotton or even grass. This could have four tas­ sels on the corners. This cushion could be kept on stools, chairs, or in fact anywhere for seating. Generally, it was kept on the floor to seat guests, when not in use; it was hung on the wall (most often on the inside of the wall with the entrance door) as a decorative piece. A round or square leather or cloth canopy was called chandroday (Abhi., III, 345). This was perhaps the chandarva113 or candarvar, a canopy or ceiling cloth that was

Jaslin Dhamija, “Embroideries”, India Magazine, VIII (Sept., 1988), 34, 37.

Heidi and Helmut Neumann, Indian Textiles, p. 304.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., III, 121.

See Marie-Louise Nabholz-Kartaschoff, Golden Sprays and Scarlett Flowers: Traditional Indian Tex­ tiles, p. 198. See also Jyotindra Jain, Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat, p. 9. 112 Jyotindra Jain, Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat, p. 6. 113 R.N. Mehta, “The Historical Evidence for Two Jain Velvets from the First Quarter of the 18th Cen­ tury”, Journal of Indian Textile History, No. II, p. 53.

108 109 110 111

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probably made of velvet and specifically meant for suspension over the head of a Jain Suri. A synonym for it was kadak (Abhi., III, 345). A tent was called dushyam (Abhi., III, 345). A  tent was also called by names such as gunlaynika, kenika and patkuti (Abhi., III, 345). Curtains were referred to as kandapat (Abhi., III, 344). A floor mat was called kat (Med., 33.3). Janvi was another word used for curtains (Abhi., III, 344), so was pratiseera (Abhi., III, 344). A bedding made of soft leaves was called sanstar and srastar (Abhi., III, 346). Sthulam (Abhi., III, 345) denoted a tent. Lightly stuffed or padded with old rags, rectangular pieces of cloth were made with appliqué and served a multifunction. Called by various names, for example ochad,114 dharkala,115 dharani116 and dhadaki,117 these were used as mattresses, as quilts, as shawls or blan­ kets, or as a floor spread, or folded up into four and used in a child’s cradle; on a chair or as a seat in a bullock cart. Tiraskarini (Abhi., III, 344) was another name for the curtains. A big bolster cush­ ion was variously known as uchishkam, updhanam and upharham (Abhi., III, 347). A roundish cushion today is simply referred to as gol in Gujarat. The word used for a canopy was ulloch, while ulochini (Panchapandavacharitasu)118 too referred to a canopy. A  similar word ulec in contemporary times refers to an embroidered ceiling cloth.119 Upkarika and upkarya (Abhi., IV, 58) denoted a tent. Vitanam (Abhi., III, 345) also meant a canopy. A decoration of leaves over the top of the door was called vandan­ amalika (Abhi., IV, 74). This term is perhaps the same as vandanavara or bandanavara which even today refers to a string of mango leaves tied to a doorway as an auspicious symbol, on special occasions. Bandanavara is described by Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah as an object that was hung from a ceiling beam.120 At another place, Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra describe the bandanavara as a decorative fringe.121 The object in any case, according to these scholars, appears to consist of a “fringe” and was suspended from the ceiling. Perhaps the allusion once again was to the string of mango leaves. An object featuring rather prominently in the paintings is a long horizontal frieze of cloth. This object is quite similar to an item of decoration visible even today called the pacchitpati,122 a decorative long frieze placed on the wall, at the back of the room facing the main entrance. Sometimes this is simply a horizontal panel—at other times, it has a square, embroidered or appliquéd piece called chakla joined to it and hanging just below the horizontal panel. Jointly, these two things were referred to as besan.123 When this particular object was placed on the outside wall of the house, in the area where the entrance door was, the same object was referred to as bhitiya.124 The land

114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124

Jyotindra Jain, Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat, pp. 16, 216.

Ibid., p. 91.

Ibid., pp. 38, 55.

Ibid., p. 91.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., 1, 332.

Jyotindra Jain, Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat, p. 146.

Moti Chandra and U.P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Paintings, p. 42.

Karl Khandalvala and Moti Chandra. New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal, p. 20.

Pachit means the back wall. See Jyotindra Jain, Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat, pp. 9, 38.

Ibid., p. 9.

See John Irwin and Margaret Hall, Indian Embroideries, Historic Textiles of India at the Calico

Museum, Vol. II, p. 85.

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owning kathis of Saurashtra used to hang large bhitiyas in the portals of their houses on festive occasions such as weddings. Another important object in Gujarati décor is the toran,125 which consists of a hori­ zontal panel placed above the lintel of the entrance door, on the outside. There is a belief that the auspicious sacred-tree-leaf string, decorating the main doorway of houses in many parts of India on festive occasions, was perhaps the inspiration behind the textile toran. The textile toran, an important item of decoration, during all major religious festivals and occasions, still has a special place in western India. Two vertical panels joined to it came down on either side of the doorway. These were referred to as sakha-toran126 or sakhiju.127 A similar but smaller object for the windows was referred to as the tarpado. The decoration for the area meant for the seating of a Jain Suri had certain distinc­ tive decorative hangings. As already stated, the chandarva was the canopy placed over the monk’s head. A large embroidered panel called a puthia128 was placed on the wall behind the seat of the Jain Suri. In front of him was the decorative toran—sometimes with a vandanavara also. Another small decorative cloth hanging, most often used to decorate an interior, was an oblong piece not too high but with a triangle-shaped arch pointing upwards. This was called a sthapana,129 which was a decorative textile piece hung behind the deity of the home, which was first worshipped when a new bride entered the home. Many of these objects, which were a part of Gujarati culture in the past, continue to be part of their consciousness even today.

Interior Furnishings as Seen in the Paintings Considering the Gujarati penchant for an interior decor largely dependent upon soft furnishings, there are not too many objects of this kind seen in the paintings. One gets to see in the paintings coverlets for beds, mattresses, bolster cushions, round cushions/mats, wall hangings and festoons. Made from embroidered, appliquéd or perhaps bead-work techniques, combined with the use of vibrantly coloured cloth, these objects lend a certain vivacity to the interiors depicted in the paintings. Colour­ ful canopies of various shapes and sizes are also depicted quite regularly in the paint­ ings. Interestingly, even though the lexicons have many words for tents, and from Sultanate and Mughal accounts we know that Ahmedabad was a renowned centre for producing finely embroidered khemas (tents/pavilions), their visibility in the paintings is negligible. On the other hand, textile wall hangings decorating the interiors of the houses are abundantly visible.

125 126 127 128 129

Jyotindra Jain, Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat, p. 6 See also, Kartaschoff, op. cit., p. 198.

Irwin and Hall, op. cit., p. 212.

Eberhard Fischer and Haku Shah, Rural Craftsmen and Their Work, p. 180.

R.N. Mehta, op. cit., p. 37.

Irwin and Hall, op. cit., p. 212.

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Figure 5.27

In a painting from the Kalpasutra (see Figure  5.27 and Plate 16), we can see a coverlet for a bed, that covers the bed almost to the ground so much so that the legs of the bed are not visible. It is edged all around with fringes and tassels. This appears to be made from a block-printed material and can be identified with the dharani, dharkala and dhadaki of today that served many purposes as mentioned earlier. The four-leaf pattern seen in Figure 5.27 seems to be a favourite block-printed pattern seen on textiles in Jain paintings. In a painting from the Kalakacharya katha, we can see a canopy stretched over four poles, fixed to the ground. It seems rectangular in shape and is seen with tasselled borders. It is seen spread over Kalakacharya and the Shahi chief. The canopy appears to have been made from the appliqué technique and appears quite regal compared to other canopies (see Figure 5.28).

Figure 5.28

Figure 5.29

A variation of this canopy is one that looks like an elliptical parasol with the centre raised up on a point (see Figure  5.29). This canopy too has tasselled borders all around. These canopies were mainly used for shade from the rays of the sun, and perhaps were also set up outdoors to give respect to someone by seating them beneath the canopy. These canopies correspond to the chandarva or chandarvar described as a canopy made of velvet and hung over a Jain Suri. Ulloch and the ulochini mentioned in the literary texts refer to canopies in general. In a painting of Yashodhara Charitra (see Plate 32), we see a prince and his retinue sitting under a cloth awning, having visible cords on one side, that were perhaps stretched or tied on to some peg or pillar (invisible here).

Another object seen frequently is a long bolster cushion (see Plates 7, 12, 16, 31, 32, 33). This cushion is seen all through our period of study. Seen usually as a back rest in the nativity scenes, sometimes it is also seen as a leg rest (Plate 7). In one painting (Plate 32), the tassels that tie the gathers on the two ends of the bolster are also very clearly seen. It is not very clear what kind of cloth this is made from. Stuffed perhaps with cotton wool, it could be made of plain or printed textiles as can be seen in several miniatures. They could also be made of embroidered material as can be seen in many rural and urban household in Gujarat today. Could this be the uchishkam, updhanam and upharham of the lexicons?

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“They also work cushions embroidered with gold, so fine that they are worth six marks of silver a piece. . . . They also work here beautiful mats in red and blue leather inlaid with figures of birds and beasts, and skillfully embroidered with gold and silver wire. These are marvelously beautiful things; they are used by the Saracens to sleep upon, and capital they are for that purpose”,130 wrote Marco Polo, who visited Gujarat in the 13th century CE. He seems to have been referring to mats and cushions for sitting on the floor and larger mats—used like mattresses for sleeping. Cushions and mats seem to have been an important item of furnishing and were obviously an essential part of most household décor, as the people shown using it range from royalty to divinity, monks and commoners. Generally speaking, it is difficult to distinguish between cushions and mats in the paintings as due to lack of the technique of perspective, the cushions are also drawn flat like mats. We can see Jain nuns sitting on square mats/cushions in a few paintings. Square cushions were called chaklo in the contemporary texts of the period and were also hung on the wall when not in use. These could be stuffed with cotton, wool or even grass. Round mats/cushions can also be identified in many paintings, used for sitting on the floor (see Plates 11, 9b). These can be identified with an object called gol, which refers to a round cushion today. Beds in the 14th and 15th century CE Gujarat, elaborate and beautiful as they were, also seem to have had very well-made mattresses. The ones seen in our sample of paintings are usually seen used by the queens (see Plate 6) in the nativity scenes. Could this be the sanstar and srastar of the texts? An important category in the interior décor of western Indian homes, are several types of wall hangings and decorative fringes.

130 The Book for Ser Marco Polo, ed. by H. Yule, Vol. II, p. 394.

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Figure 5.30

Figure 5.31

The horizontal embroidered/appliquéd panels, which lighten up the rear wall (pachit) of the house, are seen hung in the interiors used by queens, monks, laymen and women alike (see Figure 5.30 and Plate 1, extreme right). At times, this horizontal decorative frieze was shorter in length (see Plate 16). Could this be the pacchitpati discussed in detail earlier? Sometimes, the long horizontal panel is seen with square, rectangle or pentagon-shaped pendants attached to the lower border of the frieze. One such example from the Sangrahani Sutra shows an extraordinarily long frieze, with pentagon-shaped pendants, alternating with narrow rectangular pendants attached to the lower border of the panel (see Plate 28). This kind of pacchitpati with hanging pendants is very much visible in the collections of textile museums. Also used to decorate walls are small square, round or oval pieces of embroidery hung independently or as a part of a long horizontal frieze on the wall. These objects referred to as chakli in the texts, are seen used in some of the interiors shown in the paintings (see Figure  5.31 and Plates 7 and 14). A third kind of wall hanging seen in the paintings is a fringe or festoon made out of cloth, beads, or combined with leaves or leaf-shaped cloth (see Figure  5.32 and Plate  1). Could this be the bandanavara discussed earlier?

Figure 5.32

Figure 5.33

These three objects described above are seen used in various permutations and combinations in several paintings (see Figure  5.33). At times, it was a pacchitpati and chakli together (see Figure  5.34 and Plate  11). Sometimes there were two pachhipatis placed side by side (see Figure 5.35) or placed one above the other (see Figure  5.36) or a pacchitpati and bandanavara together (see Figure  5.37, Plate 4). The options were endless and the painters delight in surprising us with these combinations time and again. Visually pleasing and aesthetically appealing, these wall hangings in various combinations sometimes appear out of nowhere in outdoor scenes as well. Perhaps they were so much a part of the local ethos that it was difficult for the painters to conceive a scene without some article of wall hanging being there. However, the size of the miniatures perhaps restricted the large ceremonial ones, covering the entire walls from being depicted.

Figure 5.34

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Figure 5.35

Figure 5.37

Figure 5.36

Most of these objects, as has already been stated above, could be made of embroidery and beadwork. An important point to be raised is with reference to a pacchitpati and a bandanavara piece hung over a monk (see Figure 5.37). Here the pattern, which is an arabesque scroll, in white on a dark blue background, was probably embroidered and not printed as the motif may tend to suggest. A very similar motif is seen in one of the embroideries executed in Gujarat, exclusively for purposes of export to the west. Both the patterns are almost identical.131 An even more interesting fact is the information collected during an anthropological investigation, that the tracings for these embroideries were often done by young Muslim boys, who took the inspiration for their designs from the prints on textiles.132 In the chapter on textiles, this arabesque motif has been mentioned in detail as sporting the garments of the Shahis. One would safely assume that this pattern was very popular with the Muslims of Gujarat, on whom the Shahis were modelled.

It has also been pointed out that most of the professional embroiderers belonged to the Mochi community. Traditionally, leather workers, they started making embroider­ ies some 400 years ago. Having traditionally worked with ari, a pointed hook used for working with leather, they adapted the instrument to execute some very fine chain stitch. The work they produced was so fine that they were in high demand in the Mughal court as well as in the European market.133 One knows only too well the value of pictorial evidence as well as its shortcom­ ings. The biggest lacuna is that it is difficult to discern clearly the technique involved in the production of these objects, related to the humbler purpose of everyday living. Whether a particular pacchitpati was made by embroidery, appliqué or beadwork, is a little difficult to tell from the paintings. In all probability, judging from these objects of the distant past, as they are still seen in the museums, as well as from a close anthropo­ logical observation of life in those areas even today (keeping the continuity of Indian culture in mind), one can safely conjecture that most of these interior furnishings were made by embroidery, appliqué or beadwork, instead of being made from simple tex­ tile material.134

131 132 133 134

See Irwin and Hall, op. cit., plate 21. Fischer and Shah, op. cit., p. 179. Neumann, Heidi and Helmut, Textiles of India, p. 304. As an interesting comparison, stitched garments rarely carried any embroidery or appliqué. See Eber­ hard Fischer and Haku Shah, Rural Craftsmen and Their Work, p. 179.

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Since most of these items of interior furnishings, like the pacchitpati, chakli, toran and the bandanavara, played an important role in major ritual events and festivals, manufacturing them have survived to this day and even today they form an important part of Gujarati interior decoration. Being thus an integral part of life per se, we see almost all the objects mentioned above getting reflected in the art of the area. In west­ ern India, as in many places elsewhere in India, it is difficult to distinguish between art and life. They are as inextricably linked as the two sides of a coin—the obverse and the reverse. Even today, a traditional Gujarati home interior would be incomplete without its traditional handloom and intricate needlework. In present times, Gujarat boasts of one of the most vibrant and brilliant embroideries, especially in its Kutch area. Today, western Indian textiles, home furnishings and upholstery enjoy a great reputation within India and abroad, quite similar to the fame they enjoyed during the medieval times.

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VESSELS, CONTAINERS AND OBJECTS

OF RITUAL AND HOUSEHOLD USE

The very mention of western India, especially Gujarat, produces a special resonance, which conjures up the image of a land steeped in aesthetic value and a marked sensi­ tivity towards things beautiful. This aesthetic sensitivity combined with a creative urge led to the creation of objects of breath-taking beauty, essential for various aspects of life and especially so in the area of vessels, containers and other objects of daily use. The design of these objects, both functional and aesthetic, also contributed towards efficiency as a marked feature of everyday use. Definite traditions and technological processes lay behind each object thus created. These vessels and containers were mostly made from metal, wood and clay. Each of these materials had a long history of skills acquired in the working of them, through years of practice and experimentation. The sheer quantum of bronze and copper imple­ ments and vessels excavated from the Harappan sites is a testimony to this fact. The occurrence of the words “Ayas” (signifying copper, bronze or iron) and of “Ribhus” (the celestial artificers working in metal) in a prayer of the Rig Veda Samhita highlights the fact that metal and metal working was clearly a part of human awareness in India at that time.1 In the Rig Veda, one finds many references to gold and other metals. Some beautiful hymns from the same text, while describing the chariots of the gods, Mitra and Varuna, say, “At the break of dawn, at the rising of the sun, ascend Mitra and Varuna, your golden bodied, metal-pillared car, and thence, behold the earth and its inhabitants”.2 The Rig Veda also mentions vessels made of gold being used for sacrificial rites in one of the hymns, “bring us condiments, cows, horses, and oil (bring us) with them precious golden (vessels)”.3 Later texts also underline the work of the metalsmiths, which, in the age of the Vedic Kalpasutras,4 was possibly restricted to the manufacture of utensils and other objects of daily use. Panini’s Ashtadhyayi5 mentions the existence of tools made from copper and other metals. The Jatakas6 and the Jain canonical texts7 also emphasise the large-scale use of metal, a fact that is obvious from their detailed description of the processes employed by the metal smiths.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Swarnakamal, Studies in Metallic Art and Technology of Gujarat, p. 26.

Rig Veda Samhita, trans. by H.H. Wilson (5.62.8).

Ibid., (8.78.2)

Ramgopal, India of Vedic Kalpasutras, p. 136.

Ashtadhyayi of Panini, p. 234.

R.L. Mehta, Pre Buddhist India, p. 199.

J.C. Jain, Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jain Canons, p. 187.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003415282-6

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The Shilpashastras8 not only provide the attributes of images but also give prescrip­ tions for the ideal proportion of utensils and tools. Even today, artisans working in metal pray for guidance to Tvastram (one of the five sons of Vishvakarma). The met­ als most popular in the past were brass, copper and copper-based alloys. Copper, in fact, was considered next to gold in purity, making it the obvious choice in the casting of auspicious images as well as of implements of worship. Next to this in popularity, especially in the north, was the ashtadhatu,9 an alloy of zinc, gold, silver, iron, tin, lead, mercury and copper. Apart from the basic casting of these vessels and contain­ ers into different shapes, there was a long tradition of ornamentation of these pots, through the techniques of inlaying, encrusting, chasing, repousse work, embossing and engraving.10 Wood, an important material used mainly in the making of houses and furniture, was also used for making images, both religious and secular, and objects of every­ day use. The use of this medium arose from that period of the Indian belief, which revolved around the padmamula, the earthly germ producing the lotus and terrestrial trees, eventually evolving thereby into animal and human life. The brahmamula, the celestial germ, was credited as being the source of celestial trees and the gods. Amrita (elixir of life) in the form of soma juice or sap was believed to sustain life. To the devo­ tee, the natural tree trunk or carved form, embodied amrita and signified sustenance.11 The wood carver therefore, hewed and decorated his forms very carefully to meet the stringent requirements of religion. The task of carving the image or utensil from the trunk of tree or block of wood was seen as the task of the sutradhar, the carpenter caste, whose mythical ancestor was the son of Vishvakarma.12 Another material very popular for making vessels and other objects needed for daily life was clay. India has been a “clay culture” for several millennia. Images, vessels, architecture and toys are among the diverse objects made out of clay, which is considered a manifestation of Mother Earth. Clay, and the objects made from it, therefore, suggests a certain spiritual symbolism which gets patterned into the shape and the design of the clay vessels. These designs are seen as ideographic icons of formless gods. They are implicitly sacred, regardless of their varied use. The potter strove to create shapes that were utilitarian and worthy of his gods and above all symbolic of their presence.13 At one point in medieval India, in terms of number of persons employed, pottery making was an industry which was at par with the textile Industry.14 The shapes and decorations of these vessels and containers, reflecting their utilitar­ ian and religious functions, also reflected the geographical areas in which they were produced and the people for whom these were produced. One of the functions of many of these vessels was to store goods like grains, spices or oil meant for trade.

8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Robert F. Bussabarger and Betty Dashew Robins, The Everyday Art of India, p. 64. Ibid., p. 64. Jyotindra Jain, Utensils, p. 23. Bussabarger and Robins, op. cit, p. 119. Ibid., p. 119 and F.D.K. Bosch, The Golden Germ, pp. 39–46. See Bussabarger and Robins, op. cit., p. 7. Habib, Irfan, The Economic History of Medieval India 1200–1500, History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, Vol. VIII, Part 1, p. 97.

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These vessels would then be used by traders for sending their goods inland or over­ seas. We have evidence of certain documents related to the transit of goods (dated 1475–1476 CE), one of which mentions that the custom house gave transit clearance to a merchant with his goods that comprised four carts, 10 earthen pots and 15 pack­ ages of Indian madder, thereby confirming the use of earthen pots for transporting certain goods meant for trade.15 In fact, it is because of these overseas and overland contacts that many vessels started absorbing influences from the area where these were sent. For instance, during the Sultanate period, the industry of pottery making was enriched by the introduction of special kinds of glazed ware.16 Similarly, glassware, which was already known in India, got a new element introduced around the 12th century CE, namely enamelling, probably through contact with Syria and Egypt.17 These cultural objects under discussion form an integral part of day-to-day life not only in western India but also in the entire subcontinent. The people of western India demonstrate in a variety of ways their unique love for these objects, which feature in almost every ritual that they perform. Thus, these vessels and containers are put to various uses. In fact, these containers and vessels are a part of the auspicious gifts given at the time of any festivity. In addition to this, any spare money saved up is invested in the buying up of these objects, which then are kept brightly shined and displayed with pride—shining symbols of the prosperity of their owners. They store clothes and jewellery, water, grains, spices, oils or anything else that the family consid­ ers precious. They perform a religious function as transporters of holy waters from pilgrimages. The broad-mouthed pot filled with water, topped with mango leaves and a coconut, takes on the auspicious aspect of the Poorna-ghata or the Poorna Kalasha, a repository of the nectar of immortality. These very pots, stacked in the four corners of the vivaha-mandapa (marriage hall) in groups of five and seven, acquire an auspi­ cious significance. Nine pots, stacked one on top of the other, symbolise the presence of Durga, which is suggested just as much by a lamp burning within a perforated earthen jar. The Kalasha or the kumbha represents itself to Hindus, Buddhists and the Jains alike, as a symbol of wealth, fertility and auspiciousness. The pot in early literature comes across as representing the Embryo. At other occasions, it is seen as a representation of Sri, the goddess of prosperity. The pot also plays an important part in the consecration ceremony of an image when the symbols connected with that image are placed inside it and worshipped at the time of the installation. Another interesting element in the manufacture of these vessels and containers was the careful thought given to their design. Specific shapes and designs among the con­ tainers were used for cooking, bringing water and also as implements of worship. The utensils used for cooking had a bulging bottom with slanting sides and a broad-ringed

15 A remarkable text that gives us information on the economy of 13th century Gujarat in great detail is Lekhapaddhati, an anonymous collection of documents dated between 744 CE and 1476 CE. See Prasad Pushpa, “The Economy of Gujarat in the 13th Century”, The Economic History of Medieval India 1200–1500. Ibid., pp. 18, 19. 16 The glazed ware is described as pottery being covered by a clear silicious glaze, which resembled “an artificial porcelain”, Ibid., pp. 96–97. 17 The use of rough, coloured varieties of glass for making small receptacles was already known as can be traced by archaeological evidence; however, we start getting reference to such receptacles in Sanskrit texts only from the 11th century CE onwards. See Habib, Irfan., Ibid., 96.

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mouth spreading outwards so as to prevent the smoke from the fireplace from entering the pot, whereas the vessels traditionally used for carrying water from the well were designed so that they had a rough bottom (to prevent slipping) and they fit comfort­ ably between a woman’s waist and hip. Similarly, the Jhari (ewer) used for ritual pur­ poses had a slender neck and a small mouth so that the amount of water exiting would be just adequate so as not to drench the object being purified. Some shapes, as they have evolved, over the centuries are recognised as being specifically connected with the state of Gujarat. One must, however, point out that some of the vessels typical of Gujarat even today are not seen in the Jain paintings under study, for example the dablo,18 katodan19 and karandiyo,20 the three main vessels used for storing clothes and precious jewellery, that have formed an integral part of a girl’s dowry in Gujarat since centuries. The names of objects of everyday use, including vessels, containers and ritual objects, feature rather prominently in the lexicons and the texts of western India.

Vessels, Containers and Objects of Ritual and Everyday Use in

Lexicons and Other Related Sources

It is not surprising to note that a society fond of adorning itself with ornaments, ornamentation, coiffure etc. would also make use of an instrument for viewing the act of adorning oneself—the mirror. We have several references to mirrors in the texts of the period. Aadarsh and aatamdarsh (Abhi., III, 348) referred to a mirror. Aadni (VS, I, 3) denoted a round dough board. A fan made out of cloth was called aalavritam (Abhi., III, 352). Any kind of receptacle was called by the generic names of aavpanam and bhandam (Abhi., IV, 92). A small earthen water jar was known by the name of alinjara21 (Abhi., IV, 88). Amatram (Abhi., IV, 92) referred to a large drinking vessel. Ambarisha and bhrashta (Abhi., IV, 86) refer to a frying pan. A portable fire place had various names such as angaradhani, angarapatri, angarashakti,22 hasni and hasantika (Abhi., IV, 86). Adhikshyani, anitaka, ashmantakam, chulli and Udhanam were differ­ ent names for fire places. (Abhi., IV, 84). A pestle was called an ayogram and a musal (Abhi., IV, 83).

18 Dablo, a brass container from Gujarat, is made of a circular box resting on three tapering legs that are hollow within. The dablo has a three-tiered tapering dome shaped lid. The lid is connected to the box by a dovetailed hinge. On the top of the lid are two heavy brass rings, linked with one another. It was used to store clothes and precious ornaments. During plundering raids, the dablo was lowered into the well, with the help of a rope and an iron hook, and after the danger was over, it was again pulled up. See Jyotindra Jain, Utensils, p. 13. 19 Kotodan is also a circular box that has a slightly broad and rounded base and has a lid which is raised in the middle. At the centre of the lid, a bowl-like object is separately fixed. The lid is joined to the box with hinges and is closed with a latch. It was used for storing clothes. Ibid. 20 Karandiyo has a base similar to that of katodan, but the lid of karandiyo is conical. At the top of the cone, two heavy brass rings are fixed. It was also used for storing ornaments and other precious things. Ibid. 21 The name also figures in the Mahabharata, iii, 12756. 22 According to Sir Monier Williams, angarashakti was a portable fire place on wheels. See M. Monier Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 8.

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A broom had many interesting names such as bahukari, bardhani, samarjani, samu­ hani and shodhni (Abhi., IV, 81). An auspicious jar or mangalakalasha was called bhad­ rakumbha and purnakumbha (Abhi. III, 382). Bhajanam (Abhi., IV, 92) referred to any kind of vessel or a receptacle. Bhringara (Abhi., III, 382) denoted a golden pitcher or vase. It was used at the inauguration ceremony of a king.23 A sieve or a strainer was called chaalni and titau (Abhi., IV, 84). Iharu (Abhi., III, 497) was a kind of vessel in which a particular oblation of milk and ghee was prepared. This vessel was also called havyapaak (Abhi., III, 497). Chashak (Abhi., IV, 90) referred to a drinking vessel. Its various synonyms were kansa, koshika, mallika, parbhaajanam and pari (Abhi., IV, 90). Dappan (Purushottam Panchpandava Phaga)24 and darpana (VR., 51) (Abhi., III, 348) referred to mirrors. A peg or pin projecting from a wall was called dantaka or nagdantaka (Abhi., IV, 77). Perhaps it was used for hanging clothes of daily wear. A ladle was called darvi (Abhi., IV, 87). A ladle specifically meant for pouring ghee inside the sacrificial fire was called ghritalekhni (Abhi., III, 500), while a wooden ladle was called tardu. A lamp had various names such as deep, dashakarsh, deshendhan, grihamani, kajjaldhavaj, pradeep and snehapriya (Abhi., III, 352). Varna-Ratnakara (VR., 43) also uses the term deep for a lamp. Deevau (Vidyavilasapavadau)25 denoted a lamp while deeveya, a lamp stand (Neminatha—Phagu).26 A fan made of deer skin was called dhavitram (Abhi., III, 351). This fan was used during the yajna (sacrifice) for fanning the sacrificial fire. A container for ghee (clarified butter) was called a dhruva (Abhi., III, 493). Dhuphal (VR., 12) denoted an incense burner. Dhura (Virataparva)27 referred to a yoke. Doru (Vidyavilasapavadau)28 represented a thread. A  lock was called dvarayantram and talakam (Abhi., IV, 71). A vessel meant for churning was called gargari, kalshi and manthani (Abhi., IV, 88). A pitcher was called a ghat and a nip (Abhi., IV, 85). Ghoti (VR., 12) denoted a stone to rub sandal for paste. A rope was called gun, rajju, shulvam, shumbam, tantri and vati (Abhi., III, 592). Jhari (VR. 12) represented a water jug with a spout (ewer). Kachola (Vidyavilasapavadau)29 referred to a cup-shaped vessel. A pitcher or pot was known by many names such as kalas (Abhi., IV, 85), kalash (Abhi., IV, 85; Pr.Ch., 106), Karir, Kumbha and kut (Abhi., IV, 85). Kamandalu (Abhi., III, 480) referred to a gourd or vessel made of wood or earth, used for water by ascetics and religious students. It was also known by various names such as aalu, galanti, karak, karkari, kunidaka and vaardhani (Abhi., IV, 87, 480). A kamandalu made of leather was called karakpatrika (Abhi., IV, 91). Kandolaka (Abhi., IV, 83) referred to a basket made of bamboo or cane. Its synonym was pitam (Abhi., IV, 83). Kankat, keshmarjin and prasadhan (Abhi., III, 352) referred to a comb for combing the hair. A  small water jar made of wood was called karkari (Medini, 132.130). Karvau (Virataparva)30 referred to a kind of vessel. Kashtha Pinjara

23 It also figures in the Mahabharata and Harivamsa Purana. Ibid., p. 765.

24 Purushottam Panchpandava Phaga (C. 14th century CE). See Prachina Phagu Samgraha, ed. by B.J.

Sandesara, IX, 2. 25 Gurjara Rasavali, ed. by B.K. Thakore, M.D. Desai and M.C. Modi, VI, 91. 26 Ibid., III, 174. 27 Ibid., II, 290. 28 Ibid., VI, 310, 313. 29 Ibid., VI, 209. 30 Ibid., II, 377.

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referred to a cage made of wood (Pr. Ch., 91). Kataha and Kapur (Abhi., IV, 88) referred to a frying pan of a semi-spheroid shape with handles. Khall (Abhi., IV, 91) referred to a mortar for grinding drugs. A churner or churning stick was called khajak and kshubdha (Abhi., IV, 89). Kubhi referred to a small pot (Chinhugati Chaupai, 1405 AD).31 Kunchiya (Vidyavilasapavadau)32 referred to a key. Kundan and kumbhi (Abhi., IV, 85) referred to a bowl-shaped vessel. It was also known by other names such as pithram, sthali and ukha (Abhi., IV, 85). Kutup (Abhi., IV, 90, 91) referred to a leathern oil bottle. Loban (VS., I, 179) referred to a joss stick. Mukur (Abhi., III, 348) denoted a mir­ ror. Ink was called malinambu, mashi and masi (Abhi., III, 148). An ewer was also called manik (Abhi., IV, 88). A churning stick was called manth, mantha, manthan and manthadantak (Abhi., IV, 89). Nidhanu (Neminatha Phagu)33 referred to any kind of receptacle. Oras (Neminatha Phaghu)34 was a stone for rubbing sandalwood for paste. A spittoon was called paal, patadgraha and pratigraaha (Abhi., III, 347), and Paasu (Panchapandava charitasu)35 meant a noose to hang with. Pata (Vidyavilasapavadau)36 and pati (Panchapandava-charitasu)37 referred to writing boards. Patram (Abhi., III, 491) referred to any kind of receptacle or vessel. A key was called pratitali and tali (Abhi., IV, 72). Richisham and rishisham referred to a frying pan (Abhi., IV, 86). A round box or casket was called a samput or samudga (Abhi., IV, 81). Sandsey (Chinhugati Chaupai)38 meant a pair of tongs. Shalajeer (Abhi., IV, 90) was a kind of dish. Shrav (Abhi., IV, 90) referred to a shallow cup, dish, plate or platter of earth­ enware. It also stood for the flat cover or lid of any such vessel. Sruc (Abhi., III, 492) was a sort of large wooden ladle used for pouring clarified butter on a sacrificial fire. It was supposed to be made of palasha or khadira wood and was about as long as an arm. It had a receptacle at the end, of the size of a hand.39 Sruva (Abhi., III, 492) was a small wooden ladle with a double extremity, or two collateral excavations, used for pouring clarified melted butter into the large ladle or sruc, or straight into the fire. Sthagi (Abhi., III, 382) was the name for a betel box (container of betel leaves). Sthalam (Abhi., III, 92) referred to any vessel or receptacle, such as big plate or tray. Taalvrintam (Abhi., III, 351) meant a fan made from palmyra leaves. Tamboolkarak (Abhi., III, 382) denoted a betel box. Thaal (Vidyavilasapavadau)40 referred to a tray. Thari (VR., 12) meant a plate. Tauni (Chinhugati-chaupai)41 meant a baking pan. Trat (Neminnatha Phagu)42 referred to a plate or a flat dish. The words pidhanam and udan­ chanam (Abhi., IV, 92) referred to the lid or cover of a vessel. A wooden mortar was called udkhalam and ulukhalam (Abhi., IV, 82). Vaasni (Neminatha Phagu)43 referred to

31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43

Ibid., V, 27.

Ibid., VI, 106.

Ibid., III, 42.

Ibid., III, 119.

Ibid., I, 203.

Ibid., VI, 60.

Ibid., I, 191.

Ibid., V, 36.

See Williams, op. cit., p. 1275.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., VI, 200.

Ibid., V, 108.

Ibid., III, 1, 2.

Ibid., III, 134.

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any kind of vessel. Vardhaman (Abhi., IV, 90) referred to a dish or platter of a particular shape; sometimes it was also used as a lid or cover for water jars. Vinjan (Virataparva)44 meant a fan while vyajanam (Abhi., III, 35) denoted a fan made from palmyra leaves.

Vessels, Containers and Objects of Ritual and Household Use as

Seen in the Paintings

In the Jain paintings, usually the Janma kalyanaka scenes (nativity scenes) show the bedroom of the queen mother, which in turn appears to be a repository of information on Material Culture. Besides the costumes of the upper-class women, and the furniture and soft furnishings, one gets to see a large variety of objects of household use in these scenes. Standard birthing scene depicts the queen mother on a majestic bed with the infant in her arms, while under the bed are placed a variety of objects.

Figure 6.1

In the bedroom depicted in the wooden book cover, “Sri Santinathacharitra-Citrapattika”45 painted in 1260 CE, a wide-mouthed bowl can be seen placed under the bed of the queen mother, Aciradevi. The bowl has a narrow base with sloping sides. The bowl appears to be shallow and rather unremarkable to look at (see Figure 6.1). The same type of bowl gets repeated in other nativity scenes, from manuscripts painted at a later date, where it is shown with more depth, and wider mouth, bigger size as well as some pattern, probably carving around the rim. Owing to its wide rimmed shape, this vessel perhaps was a spittoon. A spittoon known by the name palo46 in Gujarat today is referred to in the contemporary texts as paal, patadgraha and pratigraaha. In another wooden patli from the 12th century CE, we see another variation of the bowl discussed above. This receptacle is bigger in size and much deeper. It is wide mouthed, deep and narrow at the base. Held by a lady accompanying a royal couple (probably Nala and Damayanti), it seems to be holding some fruits, probably a bunch of bananas (see Plate 1a).

Figure 6.2

Placed right next to it is another vessel that has a small spherical body with a narrow neck and a wide mouth. It looks very similar to the ubiquitous lota,47 which has been used in the Indian subcontinent since time immemorial for a variety of purposes, including drinking water. This vessel is very much in use in rural households in India even today—alluding once again to the continuity of Indian culture. This Lota could be made of copper, brass, silver or any other metal (see Figure 6.2).

44 Ibid., II, 126. 45 Sri Santinathacharitra-Citrapattika-1260 CE (wooden book covers), in the collection of Sri Vijayanemi Suri, Gyana Bhandara, Ahmedabad. 46 Jyotindra Jain, Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat, p. 206. 47 The marvel of the design of the lota is expressed perfectly by Charles Eames (Charles Eames, “India Report”, cyclostyled, no indication of place or date of publication, pp. 4–5). He says that designing the

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Figure 6.3

Seen in a 15th century painting of the Kalpasutra (see Plate  7 and Figure 6.3) is a small cup-like object, narrow at the base and fanning out gracefully to a wider diameter at the top. This cup, not very large in size (in fact it is almost the size of a drinking cup), could perhaps be a cup for drinking water. The shape of the cup with its rim fanning outwards might have made pouring water directly into the mouth easier as traditionally in India, water was not sipped but poured directly into the mouth from above. Such a vessel has been described in the contemporary texts as Kachola. In a painting from another Kalpasutra,48 in the collection of the National Museum, New Delhi, one can see Adinatha, the first Tirthankara, accepting sugarcane juice in a similar cup. This object is usually kept under the bed along with other objects in the nativity scenes of the Jinas. In some later paintings of the early 17th century CE, the cup has a small base attached to its bottom (Plate 32). Similar cups belonging to Emperor Jahangir can be seen in Museums,49 which are made from stone. Edward Terry, who was in Jahangir’s court from 1616 to 1619 CE, while talking about the skill of the Indian craftsmen mentions, “they make excellent cups, and other things, of agate and cornelian, and curious they are in cutting all manner of stones, diamonds and others”.50 Interestingly, in one painting from the Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra (Figure 6.4), a similar cup is seen in the hands of a man sitting on a low stool, perhaps after a bath, getting his hair combed or oiled by a lady. It appears that this vessel was used in this scene for holding the oil needed for applying to the hair.

Figure 6.4

In a wooden patli from the 12th century CE, we see a small bowl held in the palm of a royal lady welcoming the royal couple (probably Nala and Damayanti), by putting a tilak on their forehead (see Plate 1a). The bowl fits the palm of the lady and has a wide mouth suitable for dipping the hand in and taking out the paste for putting the tilak.

lota was a marvel in itself. Whoever designed it had to keep a number of factors in mind: The amount of liquid it could hold; its balance, the centre of its gravity when full, when empty; how its sculpture would fit the palm of the hand or the curve of the hip; the size of its mouth and the contour of its belly in order to facilitate its cleaning; the sound it made while being placed on the ground, or being poured into or banging against another vessel, how its shape would complement the rhythmic motion of a woman’s walk; how it would look with the sun rays falling on its surface; what would be its value as a possession etc. etc. The considerations being infinite, he further says that this could not be the work of a single man but was a design achieved by the acumen of men over generations. See Jyotindra Jain, Utensils, p. 27. 48 Kalpasutra, Acc. No. 50.195, folio 133, National Museum, New Delhi. 49 A similar wine cup of Emperor Jahangir inscribed with date, 1607 CE, made of mottled gray green nephrite, height 5.5 cm and diameter 7.5 cm. is in the Brooklyn Museum, New York (L78.22). 50 Edward Terry, Chaplain to Sir Thomas Roe, the English ambassador at Jahangir’s court, wrote an account of his travels in his book. See Edward Terry, A Voyage to East- India, p. 128.

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Figure 6.5

Another vessel which looks like a wide-mouthed basin is seen almost invariably in the paintings illustrating the nativity scenes of the various Jinas (see Figure 6.5 and Plate 12). Here, the object is wide-rimmed, deep and resting on a base. At times, it is shown with rings attached on either side as handles, dangling like earrings (see Plate 8a). Perhaps it was a vessel for storing water, used for washing during the birthing of babies. In a painting from the manuscript of Uttaraadhyayana Sutra, dated 1492 CE, one can see a row of three similar looking large vessels. These vessels have a wide mouth, are deep like a cup and are standing on a broad and high base (Plate 21b). From the colour and texture observed in the painting, they appear to be made of some kind of stone and are plain and not patterned. Similar vessels from Mughal era were used as wine bowls. Another vessel seen in the nativity scenes, is a large basin with a fluted exterior. Flat bottomed, having no visible base, it has a wide rimmed mouth (see Plate 7).

Figure 6.6

An interesting vessel seen in the paintings is a small ewerlike object with a lid and a spout meant for pouring water. This object though connected with the Islamic objects in popular minds was known to Indians from Harappan times. This ewer is neither exclusive to the category of “ritual objects” nor to the category of “serving-utensils”. It seems to have served more than one function. It is seen in several nativity scenes (see Figure 6.6 and Plates 6, 7) placed under the bed of the queen and in one instance, it is placed under a swing-cum bed on which the royal couple are seated (see Plate 21). Clearly, in this context, it is an object that is being used for purificatory rites like the washing of hands. Yet this ewer had another very basic function to perform in the Jain rituals. During a special ritual called the Shantipuja, the sacred image is required to be bathed with a continuous flow of water, to the accompaniment of the chanting of sacred mantras. By using several spouted vessels, held one on top of the other, the Jains have devised a system by which they achieve a continuous fall of water on the image. Seeing its ritualistic importance, it is hardly surprising to see this vessel under the seat of the Jain Suri in an illustration showing a “Prince and his retinue listening to a Jain Suri” (see Plate 32). In the paintings showing the lustration ceremony of the tirthankara (see Plate 8), the ewer is seen in its ritual aspect where it is held in the hands of Indra and his incarnations during the ceremony. The other functions performed with this ewer are the serving of drinking water at a community meal and feeding a child who has not yet learnt to drink from a tumbler. This vessel can be identified with the jhari and manik of the contemporary literary texts discussed in the earlier pages.

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Figure 6.7

Two or three different kinds of containers, perhaps for wine, are seen in the paintings. In two instances, the paintings represent some kind of a direct or indirect Islamic connection. The first example is from a Kalakacharya katha, from a scene where Kalakacharya is sitting with the Shahi chief and the container is placed in the background. The container has a spherical body and a long graceful neck with a funnel-shaped mouth. It has two handles on either side of the body. The handles are shaped like the arms of a bow, each emanating from the centre of the container and curving upwards, towards the mouth of the container. The mouth is covered with a lid (see Figure 6.7). This kind of wine container is referred to as a mina in Persian and is also seen in the Mughal paintings.51 The Islamic influence in this utensil is beyond doubt.

The other example is seen in a 17th century painting of the Sangrahani Sutra. It is seen placed in front of a royal or an upper class figure. His female companion holds a drinking cup in her hands. The allusion to the drinking of wine is quite explicit. Islamic influence is seen in the costume and turban worn by the male figure as well as by the presence of an extremely long necked graceful flask with a spherical middle, having neither a handle nor a lid (see Figure 6.8). The container has a small round base and it most probably has a flower-shaped mouth. This container can be identified as the surahi seen so commonly in the Mughal paintings.52 Figure 6.8 Seen in a painting of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra of 1492 CE (see Figure 6.9 and Plate 21b) are three beautiful long-necked goglets. Larger than surahis, these goglets are bulging around the middle, with the sides tapering gracefully towards the base as well as the neck. They have stoppers at the mouth, and most probably serve the purpose of storing or decanting liquid. These containers appear to be made of glazed earthenware, with a pattern on the body. The literary texts describe an earthen water jar as alinjara. Could these be the ones? A similar jar can be seen under the seat of a Jain Suri in a painting from the Yashodhara Charitra (Plate  32) where perhaps it had more of a purificatory role. Figure 6.9

51 According to S.P. Verma, “The double-handle minas do not have a spout. Instead, they open like surahis and are provided with lids”. See, S.P. Verma, Art and Material Culture in the Paintings of Akbar’s Court, p. 57. 52 Ibid., p. 56.

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The pot or pitcher (Kalasha, kumbha) has tremendous religious significance in the Indian context. An important symbol of auspiciousness, the pot was supposed to represent the earth (as Vishnu’s female partner) in which Vishnu’s presence was represented by the water contained in it. The contact of the water, with the Earth, caused fecundation and that is how the pot becomes “the seed of the whole world” (akhila jagad bija).53

Figure 6.10 Seen in the paintings is one such pot (see Figure 6.10) used as an instrument of torture for Mahavira in the scenes illustrating the “Troubles of Mahavira”. This pot has a narrow neck and a broad shoulder with very prominent side walls, gracefully shaping into a globular bowl; it appears to be made of metal in the painting, but could be made of clay as well. One sees these pots, with slight variations in many a painting; sometimes stacked in the four corners of the vivaha­ mandapa, in groups of five or seven (see Figure 6.11) to lend its auspiciousness to the occasion and sometimes as a simple cooking pot or a container for holding water. Figure 6.11 The design and the proportion, of objects in this “pot” category, vary greatly. A variation of this pot is seen in almost all painted Kalpasutras, where it is seen carried by Rishabhanatha, the first Tirthankara, on top of an elephant’s forehead. Here, the pot, both as per legends and in appearance, looks to be made of clay. Rishabhanatha, according to the Kalpasutra, is supposed to have made the first cooking pot by moulding clay on the kumbha located on either side of an elephant’s forehead.

53 T. Goudriaan, Kasyapa’s Book of Wisdom, p. 90.

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Figure 6.12

An interesting device seen in many paintings depicting the bedroom of the queen mother is a pot hanger made of rope. The hanger contains small pots, probably made of clay, stacked one above the other. It is seen hung from the beam of a ceiling, in the paintings (see Figure  6.12 and Plate  7). A  similar device called chinka or sinku54 is seen in rural Gujarat even today. The purpose of hanging the pots, usually containing milk products, from the ceiling, was to prevent it from being spilled or eaten by household pets. Its continuity in the same form is very interesting as we can see them in use in rural India even today.

Figure 6.13

A larger version of the pitcher/lota described above is to be seen decorating the marriage pavilion of Neminatha, the 22nd Tirthankara (see Figure 6.13). The pots are stacked one on top of the other in all the four corners as was a common way of decorating the marriage pavilion. These could have been pots of metal/clay, and can be identified with the generic Gujarati terms ghado55 and goli56 of today. This object is described in the contemporary texts as ghat, kut, kumbha, kalas, kalash, karir and nip.

Figure 6.14

In a painting from the Kalpasutra (see Figure  6.14), in the scene depicting the ashta mangla chinhas (eight auspicious symbols), is seen a pot in the category of the kumbha. It is draped perhaps with mango leaves and a festoon-like cloth just as mangala kalasha always is. The pot has a pyramidshaped pedestal, which is extremely narrow at the top. Upwards from this pedestal, the main body of this kalash is like an orb, which has been flattened slightly from both the top and the bottom. It has a medium height and a narrow neck with a domed lid. This vessel is seen fairly commonly in almost all the Kalpasutras, depicting the dream of the mother of the Jina. This can be identified with the bhadrakumbha and the purnakumbha—terms used by the lexicons to describe a mangala kalasha.

54 Jyotindra Jain, Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat, p. 31.

55 Ibid., p. 203.

56 Goli is a large pitcher. Ibid, p. 13.

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Figure 6.15

Figure 6.16

Figure 6.17

Seen in one illustration of the Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra (see Figure 6.15) is an interesting container, black in colour, three legged, with a round belly, a narrow and short neck and the rims of the top opening and spreading outwards like the lota. This clearly seems to be a vessel used by the Jain monks for the purpose of collecting alms, as in the painting a lady is shown emptying her offerings into this container. In another painting of the same manuscript, the mode of carrying this object while walking can be clearly seen. It was hung by a string/cord from the wrist of the monk. In another painting, depicting the annual alms giving scene from a Kalpasutra (Plate 18), we can see an old man, with this vessel hanging from his wrists, getting alms from the king. Here, interestingly, the vessel is painted a brilliant blue. The shape of this vessel is quite close to the three-legged dablo, one of the most characteristic vessels of Gujarat. This could be identified with the kamandalu, aalu, galanti, karak, karkari, kunidaka, vaardhani and karakpatrika of the contemporary literary texts. The Jain monks use the word tarpani to describe the vessel carried by them to hold liquids—like milk or water, during their “gochari” (the daily round for collection of alms).57 Another object seen in the hand of the Jain muni is a small, black, round bowl used for begging alms (see Figure  6.16). The bowl has a small round opening at the top and is deep considering its small size. This vessel is in use in the same form even today. This could be the bowl referred to as patra by the Jain monks today. An object frequently seen in the paintings placed in front of a Jain monk, who is in the act of giving a discourse, is a crossed wooden stand made of two or more crossed wooden sticks, which can be folded and carried easily (see Figure  6.17 and Plate 20). The sticks are tied with an ornamental string in the centre and an expensive looking ornamental cloth is seen placed as a cover on the top. Though not visible in the painting, under the cloth were placed aksa and varantaka and on the top, a scripture was placed as the sthapana. The sticks are very often made of ivory or sandalwood. This is a very old practice among the monks. It actually represents symbolically the acharya or the teacher, whom a Jain monk keeps in front of himself, while giving a discourse. This presence of the elder, symbolised by this object, is a mark of reverence for the teacher (who of course is not present in the scene). This wooden stand is used as a corrective witness, as a precaution against misinterpretation. The object is referred to as the Sthapanacharya. The literal meaning of the word is the installation of the figure or symbol of the acharya who is not present.

57 Interview with the Jain nun, Sadhavi Shri Pramodshri, Bhogilal Leharchand Institute of Indology, Delhi, January, 5, 1993.

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Listed below are several objects of ritual implication, which are seen in the paintings, carried on the body or personally used by the Jain monks and nuns. Prominent among them is a narrow piece of cloth generally shown held in the hand. This can be identified with the mukhapatti or muhapatti, which is a piece of cloth to be held in front of the mouth by a Jain monk while speaking (see Figure 6.18 and Plate 5). The mukhapatti, a symbol of samyama or control of speech, has a practical aspect to it. It is prescribed for preventing insects from entering the mouth and thus being killed. This accessory is very ancient and was used by Gautama, a ganadhara of Mahavira.58 Figure 6.18

Also seen in some paintings (see Figure  6.18 and Plate  5) is a kind of fly-whisk attached to a short wooden handle. The fly-whisk appears to be made by binding together a bunch of thick threads. According to the Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya, it could be made of wool, hair of camel, jute, fibres of valkala, or strings prepared by twisting the munja grass. This object, identified as the rajoharana, also had a practical aspect. It was to be used by the nuns and monks to clean the surface of the ground before seating themselves in order to avoid injury to any form of living being. It is also called the dandapraunchanaka. According to the Digambara Jains, it could also be made from peacock feathers.59

Also seen carried by monks on their person is a rosary. This was obviously a part of Jain ritual equipment and is known as the japamalika. The muhapatti, rajoharana and the japamalika carried by a Jain monk can also be seen in a sculpture of Nanna-suri in a shrine in Sadadi, which was installed in Vikrama Samvat, 1393.60 Another essential article carried by the Jain monks or nuns is the danda or a staff made of wood, without which they are not supposed to take more than a hundred steps. This can be seen clearly in many illustrations, carried by the nuns as well as the monks who are shown walking (see Figure 6.19). A similar walking stick is seen carried by old men as well, in another painting from Kalpasutra, in the scene of “distribution of alms” (see Plate 18).

Figure 6.19

58 This is suggested by Vipaka Sutra, Adhyayana I. 59 U.P. Shah, Jaina–Rupa–Mandana, Vol. I, p. 20. 60 Ibid.

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An essential object carried even today by ladies when going to the temple is a wicker/metal basket for carrying flowers to the temple. It generally has an ornate handle and is known by the name “puja patra”.61 In one of the Jain paintings, we can see an hour-glass-shaped basket with a small handle (see Figure 6.20). It is seen placed next to a lay woman (shravika). It is difficult to make out whether it is made of metal or wicker, but it looks more like a wicker basket. According to the contemporary texts, a small basket made of bamboo or cane was called a kandolaka as well as pitam. Figure 6.20

Figure 6.21

Another common article of household use seen in the paintings is a hand fan (see Figure  6.21). The fan seems to be crafted from a rectangular piece of cloth, perhaps velvet and is attached to a wooden handle. It is shown being waved over a queen. The contemporary literary texts use the word vinjan for fans and aalavritam for fans made out of cloth. Until recently, hand fans were a part of everyday use in many parts of India. Made out of various materials, such as wicker, cane, palm leaves and cloth, hand fans have also been very popular in western India.

A very interesting observation can be made by looking at a painting from the Kalpasutra (see Plate 6). In this painting, we can see the queen mother resting on her bed, while on top of her bed, hanging from the beam of the ceiling, a long horizontal panel made of cloth can be seen. Could it be the cloth fan hung from the ceiling, which was perhaps manipulated with the help of a cord by her attendants? The cords are not visible. The other alternative could be that it was just a pacchitpati (a decorative horizontal frieze), hanging from the ceiling, which we have discussed in some detail in Chapter 5. In a painting from the Kalpasutra, in the scene showing the “astrologers interpreting dreams” (see Plate 11), one can see some kind of a long thin implement used for writing in the hand of the astrologer. The painting does not represent clearly the exact shape and form of the pen or what it was made of. It looks like one of those reed pens made out of the hollow, tubular stem of the bamboo or a similar plant whose one end was cut into the shape of a pen nib/point and then the reed’s stem was filled with a writing fluid that would flow down to the nib when squeezed. Or it could also be periodically dipped into an inkwell. Until recently, in many parts of rural India, such pens were in use by school-going children.

61 Jyotindra Jain, Utensils, Fig. 105.

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Figure 6.22

In a painting from the Uttaradhyayana Sutra (see Figure 6.22 and Plate 21b) can be seen a ladle with a long handle and a fairly deep scoop in front. It was perhaps made out of wood. In the painting, it is seen being used to pour something, perhaps clarified butter into the sacred fire. Could this be the sruc of the lexicons, which is described as a large wooden ladle for pouring clarified butter on the sacrificial fire? In the lexicons, another name for a ladle, specifically used during the yagna, is ghritalekhni. In another painting from a folio of the Kalakacharya katha, showing the siege of Ujjain (see Plate 25), we can see a large receptacle with a ladle in front of a woman, most probably Saraswati, the abducted sister of Kalakacharya. Could this vessel be the Iharu mentioned in the contemporary texts, described as a vessel in which a particular oblation of milk and ghee was prepared? Considering the fact that at this point in the story, Gardhabhilla performs a “special” yajna; this identification seems reasonable.

Mirrors of different shapes can be seen with some regularity in the Jain paintings. Women, especially dancers holding mirrors in their hands, have been often represented pictorially (see Plate 13). Seen in another painting of Kalpasutra (see Plate 15), is quite clearly a circular mirror with a long handle held in the hands of king Siddhartha. The painter leaves us in no doubt about the object being a mirror because he paints a mirror image of Siddhartha’s face confined within the circle of the mirror. Hand mirrors seem to have been fairly well known in India. There is a panel of the Bharhut Stupa, which shows a woman holding a mirror with a handle. The Ajanta paintings also depict circular mirrors without handles. In one of the Ajanta murals, in a palace bedroom scene, we can see a mirror hanging by a cord. The mirror surface was made of bronze. In fact, such mirrors were found among the archaeological remains of the urn burials at Adichanallur, in the Tinnevelly district of Tamil Nadu. The technology of bronze mirrors was common in Java also at that time. Interestingly enough, this particular craft is still being practiced in South India today.62 The literary texts have several words for mirrors such as aadarsh, aatamdarsh, dappan and darpana. Lamps have always been a significant part of Indian culture since antiquity. They have been valued at home and in temples as part of ritualistic worship and as a source of light. Each part of India has produced lamps of great utility and beauty, and western India is no exception.

62 For further reference, see K. de B. Codrington, “Ancient Indian Hand Mirror”, MAN, Vol. XXIX, Article No. 130, pp. 170–171.

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In an interesting nativity scene from a Kalpasutra (Plate 12), one can see a lady attendant of queen Trishala holding an oil lamp (diya) in her hands. The diya appears to be made of metal, perhaps brass, as is common in India even today. It appears to have a shallow oil groove, and there seems to be a spade-shaped piece of metal forming the back of the lamp. Such lamps with high straight back rest were called Singhasana diyas (throne-shaped lamps) as they resemble the straight back rest of the throne. The lamp in the painting appears to have two notches on either side for holding the wicks. The attendant is holding it from the bottom; perhaps it has a small stand on which it sits. Could this be identified with the term Deevau used in the contemporary Gujarati texts? Interestingly in the Mandu Kalpasutra,63 in a similar scene of nativity, we can see a metal oil lamp with two wicks on either side, hanging from the ceiling. Perhaps the Mandu Kalpasutra depicted the local variation of the same lamp. Seen also in the paintings are some examples of combs (see Plate  15). The comb seems to be made of wood or ivory, with very fine teeth. It is rectangular in shape, with a solid plain surface in the middle for the placement of the hand. This comb has teeth on either end. It is very much like modern combs in faux ivory and plastic used for clearing the hair of lice. Combs seem to have been a part of the awareness of women, from fairly early on. Kalidasa, in the Meghadutam, mentions “the open window where women dressed their hair”. The literary texts provide the following names for this aid to hair dressing: Kankat, Keshmarjin and prasadhan. In today’s Gujarat, a comb is called kaski.64 Only one example of a large weighing scale is seen (see Figure 6.23) in our sample of paintings. Suspended from an iron hook fixed to the beam of the ceiling is a horizontal bar to which are fixed two U-shaped loops made of rope/metal (?). These are fixed on either end of the horizontal bar. The flat pans at the bottom of the scale are conspicuous by their absence. Such weighing scales with the pans were used until recently in the Indian subcontinent. Figure 6.23

63 Mandu Kalpasutra, dated 1439 CE, Acc. No. 14.175, Folio 6. National Museum, New Delhi. 64 Jyotindra Jain, Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat, p. 204.

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Figure 6.24

Seen in the paintings, in the nativity scenes, is a low rectangular, square or round object with stylised flames coming out of it. It is placed under the bed of the mother of the Jina, along with the spittoon and the jhari (ewer) (see Figure  6.24, Plate  6). This has been identified as a charcoal brazier, which was kept burning to warm the underside of the bed of a new mother in rural Gujarat until recently. The object described above is very similar to sagadi, which is an octagonal brass oven kept in Vaishnava temples as a symbolic source of heat for the deity. It is usually made of iron or copper, with a metallic base on which burning coals are kept.65

The continuity of forms in everyday objects, is especially to be seen in the hourglass-shaped wooden mortar and pestle,66 seen in a 15th century painting of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra (see Figure  6.25). Dark in colour, it does not show much adornment, but this object is very easily recognisable from its counterparts, which can be seen in rural Gujarati homes even today. This mortar was used in conjunction with a long heavy pestle, which was shifted from one hand to the other in the act of grinding spices and herbs as well as for de-chaffing the rice husk. The pestle is known today in Gujarat as dasto, and both the objects together are called khandaniyun.67 The lexicons mention udkhalam and ulukhalam for the mortar while ayogram and musal for the pestle. Figure 6.25

Figure 6.26

A beautiful and highly functional object seen in almost every home of rural Gujarat today is a carved central rod with four brackets emerging upwards from the bottom, like the upward-turned ends of the anchor. These brackets are at times adorned with horse heads or heads of any animal. The object is hung by a hook onto the ceiling beam. In some examples, there are beautifully carved parrots (poppats) on it. This interesting object is used for hanging turbans. This can be seen in one illustration of the Kalpasutra (see Figure 6.26). This is called a khinti in rural Gujarat today.68

65 See Jyotindra Jain, Utensils, Figs. 107, 108; Also, in an interview with Dr. Kalpana Desai, Curator, Prince of Wales Museum (Now Chattrapati Shivaji Maharaj, Vastu Sangrahalya), Mumbai, in Decem­ ber, 1991, I was informed that it is a custom in rural Gujarat to place such a brazier under the bed of a newly delivered mother so as to provide warmth to the mother and the child. 66 In a Jain manuscript painting of the Mahapurana, illustrated at Delhi in 1540 CE, we see a pair of oxen rotating a mortar-pestle mill (kolhu) with the help of a draw bar. See Habib Irfan, Ibid., p. 53. 67 Jyotindra Jain, Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat, pp. 202, 205. 68 Ibid., p. 205, Fig. 32.

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Figure 6.27

Another interesting variation of a hanger used for hanging clothes is a suspension hanger made of a short wooden baton being knotted to the lower end of a double rope which is tied to the beam. Several spans above the baton, the double rope runs through a pierced disc of wood or sheet iron. This disc is fixed in place by a knot or a small wooden wedge. This is referred to as koringadun or dhol69 in today’s Gujarat. This can be seen in a painting of the Kalpasutra of the 15th century CE (see Figure  6.27 and Plate  10). It is suspended from the middle of the ceiling and appears to be supporting a long fluttering cloth, most probably used as a screen between the king and the queen.

If we go through the contemporary lexicons and other literary texts from the area, we are inundated with names of a large number of objects of household and ritual use. However, when it comes to their visibility in the Jain paintings, not everything that we read about in the texts are actually seen. One reason could be the small space available for illustration and the other could be the requirement of the manuscript illustrated. For example, we may get the name for a broom in the lexicons but we may not necessarily get its depiction in the painting because the story being illustrated does not require its depic­ tion. However, in spite of these limitations, we have been able to access pictorially a lot of objects of everyday use in these tiny miniatures. Though, one must keep in mind the fact that the costumes, textiles and ornaments are shown with lot more care than many of these humble objects of everyday use. Some of these objects, like the lota, the kalash, the comb, the diya and the mortar and pestle, have continued to exist as things of everyday use to this day, perhaps in a changed form but essentially serving the same purpose. Find­ ing objects like the mortar and pestle and weighing scales in the Jain paintings brings cer­ tain mundaneness to the otherwise long list of extraordinary articles found here. Many articles of everyday use would also double up as objects of ritual use, depending upon the situation. For example, the humble pot could be used to fetch and store water in the house and at other times could be used as the Poorna kumbha during rituals. It could also be used to store jewellery or sometimes stacked in four corners of a vivaha-mandapa to impart auspiciousness. It could even act as a transporter of holy water after a pilgrimage or used to transport trade goods. It is this interplay of the “spiritual and the mundane” that is of interest in these pages. As is common in many households even today, within the house, the objects of ritual use would be kept separately from the objects of daily use so as not to mix them during usage. To illustrate this point, the lamp (diya) that illu­ mined the room in the evening would be kept separate from the diya used for performing aarti during Puja. Hence, oftentimes in paintings, there is an overlap between the objects of ritual and household use. Most of the vessels, utensils and articles of daily use, that are depicted, are easily identifiable as the pictorial representations remain faithful to the original. The objects of ritual use, especially the ones used by the Jain monks and nuns, have not shown any change over the years and are still used in the same way that they were used when these paintings were made. It is this continuity of Indian culture, in many aspects of social life, that gets highlighted in these paintings.

69 Eberhard Fischer and Haku Shah, op. cit., p. 99.

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MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS, ARMS

AND ARMOUR, CONVEYANCES AND

EMBLEMS OF ROYALTY

Musical Instruments The music of India, both vocal and instrumental, has long roots into the distant past. The first literary references occur as early as the Rig Veda. The Sama Veda, one of the three later Vedas, is supposed to contain the very beginnings of the system of Indian classical music. In the words of the renowned indologist, A.L. Basham, There is some evidence to show that the Aryans knew a heptatonic scale, and the instructions for intoning the hymns of the Sama Veda show that the style of liturgical singing in Vedic times was like that of medieval plain chant, and has been preserved fairly accurately by the Brahmans down to the present day.1 In actuality, the origins of music and musical instruments perhaps go back to the times of pre-history and protohistory. The very first representations of some kind of musi­ cal instrument are found in the pre-historic caves at Bhimbetka in Madhya Pradesh. The Harappan sites also yield enough information to indicate the presence of music and musical instruments as an important part of the lives of its denizens. Yet, the first written references to the existence of music belong to the Vedic period, wherein music is treated as sacred knowledge, not to be given to everyone because of its “divine” or “revealed” nature.2 It is this basic reticence, to impart music to just about anyone, that has formed the subconscious of the Ustaads practicing music even today. There are several anecdotes and stories that attempt to fix music within a certain time span. Whether it was Narada, who created the veena, or Hanuman,3 who was supposed to be one of the first players of this instrument, it is the antiquity of music and musical instruments that was sought to be established through these charming metaphorical tales. The effects of music, both beneficial and magical, apart from the aesthetical-— the experiencing of the “chamatkar” of that blinding moment of rasasvadan, have remained firmly fixed in the Indian mind in the past as well as today. Folklore from every part of the Indian sub-continent expressed the power of music— in the soothing of wild animals, in the controlling of the elements, striking terror into

1 A.L. Basham, The Wonder That Was India, pp. 383–384.

2 C.R. Day, The Music and Musical Instruments of Southern India and the Deccan, p. 5.

3 Ethel Rosenthal, The Story of Indian Music and Its Instruments, p. 36.

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the hearts of enemies or love into the hearts of lovers. Even today, we have in existence several examples of oral folklore tradition being handed down through the centuries. Music played a very important part in the presentation of these folklores. For example, the Pandavani4 art form narrates tales from the Mahabharata through singing to the accompaniment of musical instruments. Another such oral epic is the tale of Pabuji5 from the area of Rajasthan, where we have the professional storytellers called Bhopos telling the story of the Rajput hero Pabuji, to the accompaniment of singing and playing of the ravanhattho fiddle, while the Phad or cloth painting depicting the story serves as the backdrop. Such examples abounded in rural India until recently and even today we see folk artists connecting the audience to their ancient and earthy roots through folklore and music. Thus, music has always played the essential role of educating while entertaining. The ancient shastras specifically mentioned the times when it was almost manda­ tory to play instrumental music—whether it was at coronation ceremonies, marriage and yajnopavita6 ceremonies, at the onset of a journey, during troubled times and at times of battle or creating a mood for a dramatic performance.7 Music was stated to be the means of accomplishing and achieving the four Purusharthas: Dharma, Artha and Kama were served by music, preparing the way to the achievement of the final Purushartha, that is Moksha.8 References to the existence of musical instru­ ments, both literary and visual, occur in Buddhist texts like Milinda Panaho9 and Mahaparambhana-sutta.10 The Jain text Abhidhanarajendra (III, 376 ff), while talking about the accomplishments supposed to have been possessed by courtesans, men­ tions instruments of percussion (batyam) and wind instruments (vaditram).11 Hiuen Tsang12 talks about musical instruments on his visit to India (7th century CE). The site of the Amaravati13 Stupa provides innumerable representations of musical instru­ ments of that period, testifying thereby to the inextricable intertwining of the strands of music and society. These were not two separate areas of the Indian experience, but were along with religion, at the very centre of Indian thought and culture. The Natyashastra,14 ascribed to Bharata Muni, contains one of the first classifications of

4 Pandavani literally means stories or songs of the Pandavas, the legendary brothers from the epic Mahab­ harata. Here, the lead singer enacts and sings an episode from the epic with an ektara or a tambura and a pair of cymbals. This art form is popular in the central Indian states of Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh. 5 Pabuji, a Rathod Rajput, is revered as a great hero throughout Rajasthan and many parts of Western India. These epic performances narrating the tales of his heroism were very common in Rajasthan till the 1970s. See John D. Smith, The Epic of Pabuji: A Study, Transcription and Translation, pp. 13–14. 6 The sacred thread ceremony.

7 Acharya Brihaspati, “Bhartiya Vadya”, Sangeeta Chintamani, Vol. II, p. 30.

8 Ibid.

9 See T.W. Rhys Davids (tr.), The Questions of king Milinda, The Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXXV–VI.

10 Day, op. cit., pp. 99–100.

11 Moti Chandra, The World of Courtesans, pp. 32–42.

12 Day, op. cit., p. 99.

13 Ibid.

14 Natyashastra, a text book on drama, music and dancing, is believed to have been composed by an

anonymous writer, who attributed (in accordance with the custom of the time) it to the ancient sage Bharata. See Basham, op. cit., p. 384.

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the musical instruments of India. There were four main categories on the basis of how sound was produced. They are as follows:15 I. II. III. IV.

The Avanaddha Vadya (membranophones)--—percussion instruments. The Sushira Vadya (aerophones)—wind instruments. The Tata Vadya (chordophones)—stringed instruments. The Ghana Vadya (Idiophones)—those which do not require tuning.

The human body was also considered to be an instrument (gatra veena).16 In keeping with much else in Indian culture, the terms and nomenclatures of various musical instruments seemed to have continued into the present from the very distant past. The regional variations in the nomenclatures of most of these important instruments are also not so unrecognisable as to make the identifications difficult. Abul Fazl in his Ain-i­ Akbari,17 while listing the main categories of musical instruments in use during the time of Akbar, also provided for this study a list of musical instruments that could be correlated to many of those listed in Gujarati texts and Sanskrit lexicons. The depiction of musical instruments in the Mughal miniatures also offers us a valuable visual repertoire for com­ parison and identification of instruments seen in the Jain paintings, proving thereby the universality of use and spread of the important musical instruments within India. Musical Instruments in Lexicons and Other Related Sources Aada (VS., II, 77) was a small, lip-blown wind instrument. It did not produce a very loud sound. Aadambar (Abhi., III, 463) was a kettledrum. Its surface was beaten with sticks to produce sound. Anank (Abhi., II, 207) was a large military drum. Aanan­ damardal (VS., II, 73) was very much like the dholak18 of today, which is near about an elliptical percussion instrument. The Aanandamardal was most probably hung with a band around the neck. Aananda-turyani (VS., II, 76) was a lip-blown wind instrument. A generic term for percussion instrument was aandham (Abhi., II, 201). Aatodyam (Abhi., II, 200) was also the name used to refer to a percussion instru­ ment. According to Sir M. Monier Williams, aatodya, literally means “to be struck” and is mentioned in Jain literature as well. Its Prakrit equivalent was aojja.19 Aauj (Vidyavilasapavadau)20 was also a type of percussion instrument. Analambi (Abhi., II, 202) was the name given to Lord Shiva’s Veena (lute). Anki, aalingi21 (Abhi., II,

15 Acharya Brihaspati, op. cit., p. 30.

16 Ibid., p. 31.

17 See Ain-i-Akbari, trans. by Blochmann, I, Pl. VIII, p.  xxii, showing the instruments in the Naqqara

Khana. 18 Dholak is an elliptical drum. It is covered on both sides with skin, the edges of which are sewn and interwoven with leather or gut strings in the form of loops. Through these loops, pass long strings or ropes that connect the skins on either side of the drum in alternate loops. The pulling of the loops brings tension in the skin on both sides, and this determines the frequency of the sound. See S.P. Verma, Art and Material Culture in the Paintings of Akbar’s Court, p. 66. 19 See M. Monier Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 135. 20 Gurjara Rasavali, ed by B.K. Thakore, M.D. Desai and M.C. Modi, VI, 225. 21 According to Sir Monier Williams, alingin was a small drum, shaped like a barely corn and carried upon the breast. See M. Monier Williams, op. cit., p. 154.

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207), was a kind of drum. Baranga (VS., II, 77) was a lip-blown wind instrument and was shaped like the war bugle. Bheri (VS., II, 77; Abhi., II, 207; Virataparva22) was a large kettledrum. It also figures in the Rig Veda, Atharva Veda and the Mahabharata. According to the Varnaka-Samuhcaya, bheri was further of four types, namely pup­ phabheri, madanbheri, bhamba and bharahabheri (VS., II, 77). Bhungal (VS., II, 76) was a lip-blown wind instrument and resembled the aanandturyani in shape. Book (Panchapandavacharitasu)23 was a kind of musical instrument. Dadama, damana (VS., II, 75), was a very large drum. It was also mentioned by Abul Fazl.24 Damama was most probably beaten with two large sticks and was used mostly during battle or for making certain announcements. Dadadadi (Virataparva)25 was a kind of tabor. Damamo (Dharmamurtiguru Phaga)26 was also a large nagara or a kettledrum and was used specifically during battles. Damru (VS., II, 75), an instrument of considerable antiquity, is associated with Lord Shiva. It has been popular for ages. It can be described as two small kettledrums made of hollow wood, joined together at their bases. A string having some small, hard substance (a small stone) tied to its both ends was wound around the middle of the instrument, leaving the ends loose. The sound was produced by holding the damru from the middle and shaking it, as a result of which the hard substance at the end of the strings would beat against the sides of the damru. Dhak (Virataparva),27 dhakk (VS., II, 75) and dhakka (Abhi., II, 207) were large kettledrums. Dhol (Vidyavila­ sapavadau28; VS., II, 75) was a large horizontal drum, covered on both sides with skin, very much like modern dholaks. Varnaka-Samuhcaya (VS., II, 75) mentions a big-sized dhol as jangidhol. Digidigi (Vidyavilasapavadau)29 was a sound word used for a drum. Dundubhi (Abhi., II, 207) referred to a kettledrum. Dundudi (Pan chapandavacharitasu)30 was a kind of tabor while dunduhi (Panchapandavacharit asu)31 was a type of drum. Ghanam (Abhi., II, 260) was a generic term for those instruments from which sound is produced by striking together. These were mostly made of brass. Ghanta (VS., II, 76; Pr.Ch., 136) was a term used to describe a bell, as well as a flat, metallic disc that had a loop at the centre, through which a string was passed to hold it. It produced a sound when struck with a stick. It was made of brass or ashtadhatu (an alloy of eight metals). Ghoshvati (Abhi., II, 201) was the name given to a Veena. Jhalar (VS., II, 76) and jhallari (Vidyavilasapavadau)32 referred to cymbals. Day33 feels that jhalra referred to cymbals thicker than most and connected together by a cord.

22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., II, 314.

Ibid., I, 724.

Ain-i-Akbari, trans. by Blochmann, I, p. 52, Pl. VIII, Fig. 2.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., II, 309.

Dharmamurtiguru Phaga of Kamalshekhar (C. second half of 16th century CE). See Prachina Phagu

Samgraha, ed. by B.J. Sandesara, XXVII, 12. Hereafter referred to as PPS. Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., II, 313. Ibid., VI, 347. Ibid., VI, 256. Ibid., I, 647. Ibid., I, 236, 342, 647, 745. Ibid., VI, 256. Day, op. cit., p. 143.

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Kacchapi (Abhi., II, 202) was the name for goddess Saraswati’s Veena.34 Kahal (Panchapandavacharitasu35; VS., II, 74), kahali and kuhula referred to a large single surface drum. The sounds produced were trada-trada and tig-tag. It was beaten with a stick and could also be hung from the neck. When used during wars, it was called rana-kahal and when used during wrestling, it was called mallakahal (VS., II, 74). Kambu (Abhi., II, 270) referred to a conch, that is the shell of a large mollusc, blown through its sawn-off point. Conch was generally blown before the battle for invoking a deity or on other important occasions. Its sound is still considered very auspicious. Kansal (Vidyavilasapavadau)36 and kasala (VS., II, 76) denoted cymbals. Could the name be stemming from the fact that cymbals were generally made of brass (kansa)? Kanthakunika (Abhi., II, 202) referred to the Veena. Maadal (Vidyavilasapavadau37; Bhramargeeta)38 probably referred to an elliptical drum. Mahti (Abhi., II, 203) was the name given to Narada’s lute (veena). Mahuyari (Bramargeeta)39 referred to a flute. Mridanga (VS., II, 75) referred to the myrobalan­ shaped drum. Mridanga literally means an earthen body. Abul Fazl has dealt with it in detail in the Ain-i-Akbari.40 According to the Varnaka-Samuhcaya, when used during wars, it was called veeramridanga. Muraj (Abhi., II, 206) also referred to mridanga. Naferi (VS., II, 76) is mentioned as a dhol by Sandesara41 but it seems more likely that it was a small straight trumpet.42 Nagad (Vidyavilasapavadau)43 was a kind of singlesurface drum. Neesan (VS., II, 75) was a type of horizontal drum (dhol) kept on the back of a camel (Virataparva).44 Padavo (VS., II, 75) was also like the dhol mentioned above. Pada (Vidyavilasapavadau)45 referred to a drum. Pakhauj (Chinhugati Chaupai)46 was one of the most ancient percussion instruments of India. It was a variant of the mridanga. The word literally means pure sound (Pacca awaj).47 Abul Fazl mentions it in the Ain-i-Akbari.48 Panavo (Vs., II, 76) referred to a kettledrum of small size. Panchajanya (Surangabhida Nemi Phaga)49 referred to the conch of Lord Krishna. Pang (Sthulabhadra Phaga)50 was a type of horizontal drum (dholak). Parivadini (Abhi., II, 201) was the name given to a veena (lute) having seven strings (sitar).

34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42

43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50

For reference and description of the instrument, see Day, op. cit., p. 120.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., I, 724.

Ibid., VI, 258.

Ibid., VI, 380.

Bhramargeeta of Chaturbhuj (1519 CE). See PPS., XIX, 85.

Ibid.

Ain-i-Akbari, trans. by Jarrett, Vol. III, pp. 269–70.

Vamaka-Samuhcaya, ed. by B.J. Sandesara, Vol. II, p. 76.

According to S.P. Verma, the present-day nafiri seems to have retained its form from nafir, which was

a long tapering pipe opening in the shape of a funnel. See Verma, op. cit., p. 64. Also see nafiri in Day, op. cit., p. 154. Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., VI, 253. Ibid., II, 305, 407. Ibid., VI, 255. Ibid., V, 67. H.A. Popley, The Music of India, p. 123. Ain-i-Akbari, trans. by Jarrett, Vol. III, pp. 269–270. PPS., XIV, 34. Ibid., XXVIII, 62.

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Pataha (VS., II, 75; Abhi., III, 463; Abhi., II, 207) referred to a kettledrum. Rantoor (VS., II, 76) referred to a lip-blown wind instrument shaped like the half-moon (ardha-chandra). Samardhvaj (Abhi., II, 200) was a musical instrument. Sarnai (VS., II, 77; Vidyavilasapavadau)51 was a wind instrument shaped like the modern-day shahnai. It was perhaps the same as what is called the surnai-i-hindi by Abul Fazl.52 Shankh (VR., 22; Neminatha Phau;53 VS., II, 77; Abhi., II, 270) and shankhu (Arbudachal vinti, C. 1403 CE)54 referred to a conch, so did shodashavrat (Abhi., IV, 270). Shushiram (Abhi., II, 201) referred to a flute. The name was probably a derivation of shushira, the generic term for a wind instrument. Taalu (Vidyavilasapadau)55 referred to a pair of cymbals. Tabal (Virataparva56; VS., II, 76) referred to a tambourine-like percussion instrument, belonging to the category of avanaddhavadya. Teevala (Dharmamurtiguru Phaga)57 and tivil (Vidyavilasapavadau)58 referred to a drum. Tivil (VS., II, 77), according to B.J. Sand­ esara, referred to a lip-blown instrument that had three pipes emanating from one common head and resembled the naagphani of today. Tala (Abhi., II, 200) was a pair of cymbals that were shaped like a pair of cups made of brass. Through the centre of each cup passed a string knotted on both ends. Sound was produced by either striking the edges or rubbing the flat margins of the cups. It was always used in pairs, with one cup in each hand.59 It was similar in size to jhalar.60 Tatam (Abhi., II, 200) was a generic term for any kind of string instrument. Trambak (VS., II, 74; Panchapandavacharitasu)61 was a drum made of copper. In shape and sound, it resem­ bled the kahal mentioned earlier. Trirekh (Abhi., IV, 270) referred to a conch. Toor (Panchapandavacharitasu)62 referred to trumpets. Turri (Virataparva)63 too was a kind of trumpet. Could this be what is described as the tuturi or turi, which is a large trum­ pet with one turn? This was generally used during the religious ceremonies.64 Turyam (Abhi., II, 200) was a kind of tabor. Udharvak (Abhi., II, 207) referred to a vertical drum. Vaajitra (Virataparva)65 referred to a musical instrument. Vaarij (Abhi., IV, 270) referred to a conch. Vaditram and Vadyam (Abhi., II, 200) referred to musical instruments in general, so did Vajau (Vidyavilasapavadau).66 Vallahi (Abhi., II, 201) denoted a veena (lute). Vansha and

51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., VI, 348.

Ain-i-Akbari, trans. by Blochmann, I, Plate VIII, Fig. 7.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., III, 17.

Ibid., IV, 15.

Ibid., VI, 252.

Ibid., II, 341.

PPS., XXVII, 12.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., VI, 257.

Verma, op. cit., 62.

Day, op. cit., 143.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., I, 330, 724.

Ibid., I, 706.

Ibid., II, 315.

Day, op. cit., p. 154.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., II, 418.

Ibid., VI, 244.

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venu (VS., II, 77) denoted a flute made of bamboo. Veen (Vidyavilasapavadau)67 and veena (VS., II, 77; Abhi., II, 201) referred to a lute. It was further classified into two types, namely the Rudraveena and the Saraswati veena. Originally, the term “Veena” referred to a bow-harp with ten strings, but by the end of the Gupta period, this instrument went out of fashion and its place was taken by a lute with a pear-shaped body. In the 8th century, this pear-shaped lute was replaced by the early form of mod­ ern Veena.68 Vipacchi and Vallahi (Abhi., II, 201) were names used for veena. Yash (Abhi., II, 207) was a large drum.69

Musical Instruments as Seen in the Paintings Musical instruments are seen with a fair degree of clarity in the paintings selected for the purpose of this study. The variety is not great in terms of each category of instrument, but all four types of instruments are represented within the paintings. This pictorial evidence provides us with a great advantage in understanding life in western India between the 12th and 17th centuries CE. Pictorial evidence, apart from being contemporary and datable, provides the basic vocabulary for the writing of the artistic history of western India. Treating “Indian tradition” as being sacrosanct, it stressed the importance and necessity of retaining “the convention for depicting fig­ ures, animals and objects such as musical instruments”.70 In the interpretation of this evidence, one has to keep in mind the possibilities of the artist making symbolic and not realistic representations of the musical instruments. This may have stemmed from the desire to represent the essence of things, the “inner core”, or may have simply stemmed from a lack of proper technical knowledge. The size of the miniature may have at times contributed to these visual inaccuracies. The necessity of cross-checking from contemporary musical and literary texts thus assumes greater importance. Avanaddha Vadya Percussion instruments, which are placed in the Avanaddha Vadya category, are mentioned in the Vedic literature.71 Drums referred to as dundhubis are mentioned in the Ramayana, Mahabharata and the Puranas. From the Buddhist period, in the text of the Mahaparambhana Sutta,72 one reads of the bheri or the kettledrum as well as the mridanga. From the sculptures of Amaravati, we get frequent representa­ tions of drums.

Ibid., VI, 254.

Basham, op. cit., p. 386.

Williams, op. cit., p. 431.

J. Chaves, “An introduction to the study of Musical Instruments in Ancient and Medieval India”

(Unpublished dissertation), p. 4, as quoted in B. Chaitanya Deva, Musical Instruments in sculpture in Karnataka, p. 21. 71 The earliest references to such instruments have been found in the Vedas, where there is a mention of bhumi dundhubi. This was a hollow pit dug in the ground and covered with the hide of a buffalo or ox, which was stretched across the pit. The tail of the animal was used for striking the animal hide, and thus sound was produced. 72 Day, op. cit., pp. 99–100. 67 68 69 70

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Drums have been divided into different categories on the basis of their shapes and structure as well as the position and placement for playing. The main categories are urdhvaka (vertically placed drums), ankya (drums held horizontally and struck with a stick or hand), alingya (drums made of membrane stretched on a circular frame) and the waisted or darmru family of drums.

Figure 7.1

Within this broad category of percussion instruments, only two kinds of drums of the ankya type are seen in the paintings under study. The first is a horizontal drum of medium size—the shell having been made out of wood. It appears to have the “heads” made out of skin and stretched perhaps by leather thongs. The drum is hung around the neck by a broad leather or cloth strap and is played with the hands. This drum can be identified with the dhol or jangi dhol of the texts. Even today, this kind of a drum is generally used during weddings and other festivities. In one of the paintings too, it is seen as a part of the festive procession, leading important Jain monks (see Figure 7.1 and Plate 1, extreme right). In another painting, a smaller version of this drum is seen held aloft in one hand and a stick held in the other hand to strike it and produce a sound (see Figure  7.2). As seen in another painting, this small drum (Plate 21a) could also be played with hands. In all cases, the drum is seen held by drummers, who are a part of a festive procession.

Figure 7.2

Figure 7.3

Seen in the paintings is a longish, elliptical drum, perhaps also made of wood and hung around the neck with the help of a strap (see Figure  7.3 and Plates  1, 1a, 13, 30, 33). This drum is played with the hands and appears to correspond to what is described as a mridanga in the texts. The mridanga is a fairly ancient instrument and finds a mention in the Mahabharata. It is supposed to have been invented by Brahma as an accompaniment to Mahadeva’s dance, celebrating his victory over the demon Tripursura. Another variant, in the nomenclature of this drum, is maadal.73 Probably the contemporary terms, mardola, kholi and mathala,74 also refer to the mridanga. This drum is also seen being played by musicians, who are a part of celebrations of marriages, births and other festivities.

73 The term maadal refers to “a shape like an amulet”. This may well be an allusion to the elliptical shape of the mridanga. The Pakhauj is also an elliptical drum, shaped like the Mridanga. 74 Day, op. cit., pp. 137–138.

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Sushira Vadya In this category of instruments, the sound is produced by blowing air into a hollow column, as in a flute or into a hollow space, as in the case of the conch shell. Seen in the paintings, in this category of instruments, are three kinds, for example the conch shell, the flute and other piped instruments. In the case of the flute, the pitch of the note and the melody are determined by the control of the air passage with the fingers opening and closing the holes in the instrument. The flute75 is the simplest of all the wind instruments. The antiquity of this instrument goes back to Vedic times. Vedic literature refers to an air instrument called the venu, which was used as an accompani­ ment to the chanting and recitation of mantras. A flute-like instrument can be seen in a wooden book cover (patli), depicting the disputation between the monks, Devasuri and Kumudachandra (see Plate 1), where two flautists can be seen playing the instrument earnestly. The way the flautist is sitting, with knees bent, the instrument being held close to the lips, while the head is bent to one side, is very realistic. One can also see the same instrument figuring in a 15th century painting of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra, where a musician, as a part of a larger group, appears to be blowing into a bamboo flute (see Plate 21a, lower register). This instrument is referred to as mahuyari, vansha and venu in the old Gujarati texts. Seen in Gujarat even today is a double flute called the jodiyo pavo, which however, does not find representation in our paintings.76 Pava and pavika are other terms used for flute in Hindi.77

Figure 7.4

Figure 7.5

Another category of wind instrument seen, belongs to the family of trumpets. One of them is rather long and is reminiscent of the nagasara78 from South India (see Figure  7.4 and Plates  21a, 13). This is also seen in the sculptures of Amaravati and is referred to as surna-i-hindi by Abul Fazl.79 This can be identified with the term sarnai occurring in the old Gujarati texts. This instrument was employed in both domestic and public use as a part of ceremonial processions, religious ceremonies and temple music. Also seen in the paintings is a small trumpet (see Figure  7.5), which is again seen in the paintings of the Akbari period. This pipe opening into a funnel has been described as nafir or nafiri.80

75 Flutes are generally made of bamboo or wood. The 13th century musical text of Sangeeta Ratnakara, written by Sharangadeva refers to eighteen kinds of flutes. 76 Jyotindra Jain, Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat, p. 170. 77 Acharya Brihaspati, op. cit., p. 33. 78 Day, op. cit., p. 147. 79 Ain -i-Akbari, trans. by Blochmann, I, Pl. VIII, Fig. 7. 80 See footnote 42, Chapter 7.

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Figure 7.6

The conch or the shankh was credited with divine origins. It was referred to as devadata and goshringa in the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. This conch shell featured very prominently in the battles of the epics, where each hero was represented as being provided with a conch shell, which served as his horn or trumpet. Most of these conch shells were given names, for example Lord Krishna’s conch was referred to as Panchajanya (Plate  21c). The Milinda Panho and Hiuen Tsang’s account also mention shankh as a musical instrument. In the paintings under study, the conch shell is seen quite a number of times (see Figure 7.6 and Plate 29), especially in scenes depicting processions, along with other musical instruments. In the literary texts of the period, some of the names given to these conch shells are shankh and shankhu, which are generic terms while specific names are referred to as trirekh, vaarij, shodashavrat and kambu.

Tata Vadya Another major category of instruments seen in the paintings is of the stringed kind, which is referred to as tata vadya. “Veena” seems to have been the generic term for stringed instruments with varying numbers of parallel strings made of fibre or gut. In the words of Ethel Rosenthal, “In shape the vina is supposed to represent the body of the goddess Parvati, by reason of the curved neck, the gourds or breasts, and the frets or bracelets”.81 This instrument had a long neck formed of a hollow piece of wood and had two resonators attached on either end, made of halves of pear-shaped gourds. Veena is supposed to have been invented by Narada.82 It is played with either fingers or a plectrum called the kone. There are many varieties of veena like the Ektantri, the Satatantri, the Rudraveena and the Saraswati veena.

81 Rosenthal, op. cit., p. 33.

82 Narada’s veena is given the name, mahti.

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Seen in a painting of the Sangrahani sutra dated 1649 CE (see Figure 7.7) is a fretted veena with double resonators or gourds, in the hands of a musician playing before a king. On close observation, it looks like the Rudraveena. This type of veena has two equal-sized gourds or resonators below a stick zither. The instrument is played by the artist laying it slanting with one gourd on a knee and the other above the shoulder. However, in the abovementioned painting, interestingly, the instrument is seen held by the musician while standing. He lays it slanting, with one gourd kept above the shoulder and the other held down below, at waist level. The veena has been drawn with great care, delineating the frets and knobs of the instrument very clearly. Figure 7.7

Figure 7.8

Supposed to have been a creation of Shiva, this can be identified as the “veena” of the literary texts which is very like the Vin or bin of today.83 Seen in the hands of the goddess Saraswati,84 as well as a dancing figure (see Figure  7.8), is a kind of a fretless, stringed instrument that can be identified with the Alapani veena, which was a one-string, stick or tube-zither instrument,85 with one half-gourd resonator. The gourd was pressed into the player’s chest while plucking the string. The earliest example of alapani veena comes from a painting in cave 17 (5th century CE) of Ajanta as well as from cave 21 in Ellora (7th to 8th century CE), where Shiva is seen playing it. Very similar to ektantri veena, we see ample examples in Jain paintings of this type of veena. The Hindu goddess Saraswati has been depicted holding different Veenas over the centuries so she cannot be identified with only one type. There is a type of Veena called Saraswati Veena but this example does not match with the Saraswati Veena or the kacchapi vina.86

83 Day, op. cit., Plate I, p. 108. 84 “Goddess Saraswati”, Kalpasutra, 1416 CE, Atmananda, Jain Gyan Mandir Jira, Punjab, Reproduced as Fig. 99 in Sarabhai Nawab, Masterpieces of Kalpasutra Paintings. 85 A stick-zither has a stick in place of a resonating body and always needs an additional resonator, gener­ ally a gourd; whereas, in a tube-zither, a tube functions both as the instrument’s neck and its soundbox. Early examples in paintings and sculpture show the stick-zither type of veenas and the later ones show tube-zither type as well. 86 Day, op. cit., p. 120. Saraswati Devi’s veena has also been called kacchapi veena by Abhidhanachin­ tamani (Abhi., III, 202).

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Figure 7.9

An interesting variation of the lute is seen in one of the paintings from the manuscript of the Laghu Sangrahani Sutra dated 1583 CE (see Figure  7.9 and Plate  30). The instrument is shown in a side view, being played by a musician while walking. From the appearance, it is very clear that it is a type of rubab, which is a short necked, double-chambered, plucked lute, with three main strings. Its lower chamber has a skin belly, while the upper has a wooden lid that serves as a finger board. The one seen in the painting comes close to the seni rubab, a type of rubab, which emerged during Akbar’s rule under the guidance of Tansen. It is recognised by the presence of a large hook at the back of its head, making it easy for a musician to sling it over the shoulder and play it even while walking. The one in the painting appears to have a hook at the back for the sling, the lower belly and the strings as well. This instrument made its appearance in the miniatures after Gujarat came under Mughal rule. Seen also in the paintings (see Figure 7.10 and Plate 21a) is a very simple stringed instrument that looks remarkably like a round-bodied spike fiddle with a fretless neck. Though the artist has not drawn the string clearly, one can assume that there must be one. What is visible is that the handle passes diametrically through the resonator, which is round in shape, probably covered with a membrane. This is played upon by a bow held in the hand. It reminds one of the Indian instruments called kingri, which is a single-stringed spike fiddle, and is also reminiscent of the instrument described as ghichak by Abul Fazl.87

Figure 7.10

Ghana Vadya Another category of musical instruments seen in the paintings is that of the ghana vadyas. These are instruments that produce sound by striking together discs, clap­ pers and rods, whether made of wood or metal. They require no special tuning. The pitch of different types of ghana vadyas depends upon their size, weight and mate­ rial used. These instruments were usually made of bell metals, that is bronze, brass, copper and zinc.

87 Ain-i-Akbari, trans. by Jarrett, Vol. III. p. 269.

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Figure 7.11

In the paintings, one can see a pair of shallow cup-shaped metallic objects (see Figure 7.11 and Plate 33) in the hands of the musicians. Each cup is connected with a cord, which passes through a hole in its centre and is joined to the other. This is an instrument classified broadly under clash cymbals, where sound is created by striking one against the other. This instrument invariably exists as a pair, one held in each hand and struck against the other. A cymbal player can vary the timbre of the instrument by varying the point of contact, while playing. Could this be the jhalar or Jhallari of the old Gujarati texts? A variation of the cymbals described above is also seen in the paintings, where they are once again cup-shaped with strings attached, but not joined to each other (see Figure 7.12 and Plate30). Could this be the tala or taalu of the texts? Even today, one sees a similar instrument called the nattuvangam used as an accompaniment to the Bharatanatyam dance form.

Figure 7.12

Figure 7.13

Another kind of ghana vadya, seen in the paintings, consists of a flat metallic disc, provided with a hole at one edge, through which a cord is passed, thereby providing a means of holding it (Figure  7.13). It is usually seen in paintings depicting some form of celebration; either the lustration of the would-be Jina or someone’s marriage ceremony in accompaniment with other instruments. The sound in this instrument is produced by striking this disc with a wooden stick. This is perhaps the ghanta described in the Gujarati texts. The ghanta is described in the Sanskrit-English dictionary as a plate or bell of iron meant to be struck as a clock.88 Even today, schools in rural India have these discs hung from a rope, and these discs are struck with a wooden stick or mallet every hour to tell the time.

One has come to the conclusion, after identifying the musical instruments shown in the paintings with those mentioned in the literary texts,89 that the artists of western Indian miniatures were fairly accurate in their knowledge of musical instruments of the area even though the exact details may not have been complete in the paintings. This may be due perhaps to a lack of skill or the restriction imposed by the small size of the surface available for painting. What needs to be appreciated is the fact that with the coming of Gujarat, under the Mughal rule, we start seeing instruments that were popu­ lar in the Mughal courts, in the Jain paintings as well and that makes the identification

88 Williams, op. cit., p. 375. 89 B. Chaitanya Deva, op. cit., p. 16.

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of the musical instruments relatively easy as well as accurate. Comparison of similar instruments from the realm of Mughal miniatures makes it not only interesting but also extremely important as far as cross checking of evidence goes, thereby proving once again the universality of use and spread of the important musical instruments within India.

Arms and Armour Arms and weapons have been an integral part of human history from pre-historic times. These visible signs of the strength and domination of man over his fellow men, were the means of both his defence and his aggression. Some of the earliest weapons were made of stone, wood and bone, till such time as metal became a part of man’s awareness. One comes across many objects of such a category at the Harappan sites. From the period of the Rig Veda,90 one starts getting extremely copious references to the existence and the use of arms. A hymn in praise of Maruts (wind gods) says, “Intelligent Maruts, you are armed with swords, with lances, with bows, with quivers; you are well mounted and have handsome chariots”.91 Mastery in the use of the bow was considered important enough to create a sup­ plementary Veda—the Dhanur Veda. This text was devoted entirely to the art of using the bow. One knows only too well of Rama’s claim for Sita being staked on the basis of the bow; of Arjuna’s skill in archery; and of Gautama, the Buddha as Siddhartha win­ ning the hand of Yashodhara at a tournament, testing his skill in archery. Kautilya, in his Arthashastra, classifies arms based on their mode of operation and functions. The Agni Purana contains an elaborate classification of early Indian arms and weapons. The Natyashastra,92 a very early text, already contained specific measurements prescribed for the making of perfect spears, javelins, axes, bows, arrows, maces, discs and thunderbolts. Arrian and Strabo both speak about the superiority and efficacy of the Indian bows as well as of the quality of Indian steel. At a much later period of time, Marco Polo also spoke about the excellence of Indian steel. Indian weaponry, like much else, seems to have achieved a high point of development by the time of the Imperial Guptas. Interest­ ingly, weapons and arms, as gleaned together from Kalidasa’s works, are pretty close to the names as they occur in the Sanskrit lexicons and the Gujarati Phagus and Rasas from western India. These, though separated by several centuries, once again prove the conti­ nuity of Indian tradition. Indian weapons can be broadly classified into four categories: I. II. III. IV.

Weapons used for cutting or slashing, for example swords and axes. Weapons for thrusting, for example tridents and spears. Weapons for smashing, for example the mace and mudgar. Weapons used as missiles, for example arrows, javelins and spears.

90 For a brief selection of literary references to arms in Vedic literature and literature of the later period, see G.N. Pant, Studies in Indian Weapons and Warfare, pp. 38–46. 91 Rig Veda Samhita, translated by H.H. Wilson (5.57.2), 92 The date of the Natyashastra is a matter of scholarly controversy. The date lies somewhere between 5th century BCE and 3rd century CE. For a detailed discussion, see The Natyashastra ascribed to Bharata Muni, trans. by Manomohan Ghosh, pp. 434–435.

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From the area of western India, several references to the existence and use of “beauti­ ful” arms, comes to us from historical accounts as well as paintings. Coins of Bhu­ maka, a Kshatrapa of Kathiawar, bear on them a carving of an arrow, a discus and a thunderbolt.93 From the 16th century CE, we hear of King Bahadur Shah of Gujarat declaring war by shooting an arrow in the air. Duarte Barbosa, the Portuguese traveller to Gujarat, also mentions in his accounts, when talking about the banias of Gujarat, that “They carry no arms except certain very small knives ornamented with gold and silver, and this for two reasons: First, because they are men who make but little use of weapons; and secondly, because the Moors defend them”.94 At another place, talking about the kingdom of Cambay, he talks about “men armed with bows, arrows, arque­ buses and other weapon”. Again, talking about the skill of the soldiers of Gujarat, he spoke about their carrying “strong round shields covered with silk. Every man carries two swords, a dagger and a Turkish bow with very good arrows; others carry steel maces”. Talking about their swords, Barbosa says, “Their short swords (tracados) are finely damascened with gold and silver according to the rank of the wearer, which swords are borne for them by their servants”. The king of Cambay was also supposed to have “heavy artillery and many gunners always present, with numbers of men at arms well trained and equipped, whom he pays right well”. Barbosa also talks about the use of armour by the Gujarati soldiers as well as of their steeds, “Many of them wear coats of mail, and others jackets quilted with cotton. The foreparts of their horses are caparisoned with steel”.95 Handsomely painted leather shields were made at Ahmedabad and other parts of Gujarat as well as in Rajasthan. Regarding the Kutch leather shields, one knows, for example that the hides were boiled till they became transparent and then they were lacquered, gilded and painted over. Indian shields were living examples of extremely fine workmanship. They were painted with figures of kings as well as fighting and hunting scenes.96 Tortoise shell and papier-mâché were also sometimes used in mak­ ing of these shields. Kutch silver smiths were famed all over India for decorating arms in repousse work of gold and silver. Kutch was also famous for “costly damascened, sculptured, and jewelled swords and shields, spears, daggers and matchlocks”.97 Fakhr-i -Mudabbir, writing on the science of warfare in the early years of Iltutmish’s reign, talks very highly about the swords manufactured in India. In his work, Adab al-harb wa-l-shaja’a (The Etiquette of War and Valour), he says that the Indian swords outshone the swords manufactured elsewhere, as these were made by combining soft iron (wrought iron) with copper and silver. In India, the swords made at Korij in Kutch were the best. The process involved in making these swords was quite elabo­ rate. At first, the two bars of steeled iron were heated, after which these were put in charcoal within a crucible, heated to a point when the two bars melted and merged with each other. After being taken out, this was shaped into a sword and put under the wheel to sharpen the sword’s edges. Lastly, vinegar was applied to its surface and that

93 94 95 96 97

See H.C. Ray Chaudhuri, Political History of Ancient India, p. 484.

The Book of Durate Barbosa, trans. by Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. I, p. 113.

Ibid., pp. 118, 119, 120, 132.

See Pant, op. cit., pp. 122, 127.

See G.C.M. Birdwood, The Art of India, pp. 171, 175.

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completed the process of producing a world-class damascened sword.98 Scabbards of daggers and swords were also ornamented. Some were made with colourful velvets; others were lacquered and bore finely painted designs. The richness of the tradition of making beautiful weaponry gets reflected in the multitudes of names that one comes across in the lexicons and the literary texts of the period. Arms and Armour in Lexicons and Other Related Sources The general terms used for weapons in the literary texts are aayudham, asram, heti, Praharnam, shastram (Abhi., III, 437), asru (Virataparva)99 and hathiyaar (Pan­ chapandava-charitasu).100 Aaas referred to a bow (Abhi., III, 439) while aashuga meant an arrow (Abhi., III, 442). Aashuga has also been referred to as a dreadful arrow by Kalidasa.101 Aavarnam denoted a shield (Abhi., III, 447). Ajihag (Abhi., III, 442) referred to an arrow. Shield was also called addnam (Abhi., III, 447). An armour made of iron mesh to protect the body was called by various names such as angarak­ shani, aayasi, jaalpraya and jalika (Abhi., III, 433). Aradaka (VS., II, 108) referred to a catapult used to hurl stones. It was brought into use greatly in the Islamic period. Ardhachandra (VS., II, 107) was an arrow, shaped like the half-moon. Similarly, ard­ hendu (Abhi., III, 444) referred to an arrow whose tip was shaped like the half-moon. Asi (VS., II, 102) referred to a sword made of iron; it was two to three and a half feet long, and its blade was sharp, on one side or on two sides or on one and a half side. Asi also finds mention in Abhidhanachinatamani (Abhi., III, 446). Kalidasa mentions the word asi in both Raghuvamsa102 and Kumarasambhavam.103 Asidhenu and asiputri referred to a knife (Abhi., III, 448). Bow was called asram (Abhi., III, 439). An armour specifically designed for the arms was called bahulam and bahutranam (Abhi., III, 433). Arrows were called ban (Abhi., III, 442), bana104 (VS., II, 107) and banu (Panchapandavacharitasu).105 Spears were referred to as bhalai (Panchapanda vacharitasu),106 bhalla107 (VR., 67), bhala (Virataparva108; VS., II, 104), bhall (VS., II, 104), bhalli (Virataparva)109 and bhalri110 (Virataparva). Bhalla, the generic term for a spear, was most probably a spear with a broad double-edged blade. In the opinion of G.N. Pant, bhalla being very heavy, it was not hurled.111 It is mentioned in Kalidasa’s

98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111

Irfan Habib, Economic History of Medieval India, 1200–1500, p. 86. Gurjara Rasavali, ed. by B.K. Thakore, M.D. Desai, and M.C. Modi, II, 597. Ibid., I, 571, 581. See H.H. Wilson, Kumarasambhavam,16, 9. Raghuvamsa of Kalidasa, ed. by Ram Narayan Acharya, XIV, 48, also mentions the word asipattra, meaning the blade of a sword. Also see Monier Williams, op. cit., p. 120. See Kumarasambhavam, op. cit., 16, 40. Bana was the standard name for any type of arrow. The name was also used by Kalidasa in his Kumar­ asambhavam, op. cit., 17, 21. See, Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., I, 567, 568. Ibid., I, 285. In the Raghuvamsa, bhalla occurs in the sense of an arrow with a leaf shaped blade having a small tang, which was inserted into the wooden or bamboo shaft. See Raghuvamsa, op. cit., IV, 63. Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., II, 23. Ibid., II, 98. Ibid., II, 68. Pant, op. cit., p. 143.

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Kumarasambhavam (16, 44). Bhala was also called kunta (VS., II, 104) and when attacked from the top of an elephant, it assumed the name of gajakunta and when attacked from the top of a horse, it was called ashvakunta (VS., II, 104). Bhindmal, bhindvaal (VS., II, 108), was a type of sling made of ropes, with a leather pocket in the middle for carrying stones. It was whirled around the head, and when one end was let loose, the stone was released. It was also called gofal and gofan (VS., II, 107, 108). Bhindpal (Abhi., III, 449) was a lance that could be hurled. Bhogal (Neminatha Phagu)112 was an arrow of crossbow. Bhukhandi (VS., II, 105) was a mace made of iron. Its handle had an iron chain fixed on its lower end and the chain had a circular ball attached to its end. Chakra (VS., II, 108) or disc was a round wheel-like object having four, six, eight or more spokes made generally of iron. A similar word, chakri, also meaning a disc, finds mention in Panchapandavacharitasu.113 Chandrahasa (Abhi., III, 446) referred to a sword. Chapa (Abhi., III, 439; VS., II, 106) was used to denote a bow. The same word is used by Kalidasa in his Abhijnana-Shakuntalam.114 Chari (VS., II, 103) referred to a knife, the same as the chhuras and chhuries of today. It was a weapon of thrust. A big-sized chari was called charo. Chari was also called kati or pali. If the chari was of arm length, it was called bhujali. Abhidhana Chintamani uses the word churi to refer to a knife (Abhi., III, 448). A shield was called charma (Abhi., III, 447) while an armour for the chest was called chatidaha (VR., 31). Chitrapunk was a variety of an arrow (Abhi., III, 442). Daha (VR. 31) referred to a shield. Danda (VS., II, 105) was a stick made of wood that sometimes had an iron ring attached to the tip. A  general term used to refer to an armour was dansha (Abhi., III, 430). A shield was called dhal (VS., II, 101). Dhanu (VS., 68: Abhi., III, 439; Jambusvami Phaga,115 1373 CE) referred to a bow. In the Jambusvami Phaga, dhanuhadi referred to a bow and arrow together. Dhanuhi (VS., II, 106) and its variant dhanuhu (Panchapandavacharitasu)116 referred to a bow again. Dhanush (VS., II, 106) was a bow that could be made either of bamboo, bones, wood or metal. It consisted of two parts, the chap (stave) and panach (string). It could be of various sizes, and its maximum size was five and a half feet. Dhanushu (Panchapandavacharitasu)117 and dhanv (Abhi., III, 439) were names denoting bows. Arrows tipped with poison were called digdha (Abhi., III, 433). Drughan (Abhi., III, 449) was a mallet with a large head (mudgar). It was a weapon meant to smash the skull of the enemy. Drunam (Abhi., III, 439) was another name for the bow. Explosives were variously referred to as gangiv, visphotak and dupphot (VS., II, 109). Eeli (Abhi., III, 449) referred to a small sized sword with one sharp edge. Eey­ shan denoted an arrow made of iron (Abhi., III, 443). Mace, a weapon meant for smashing, was called a gada (VR., 31, VS., II, 104; Neminatha Phagu).118 It consisted of a globular head made of iron or stone, attached to a metal rod. In the Mahabharata,

112 113 114 115 116 117 118

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., III, 212.

Ibid., I, 292.

See R.D. Karmarkar, Abhijnana-Shakuntalam of Kalidasa, 6, 29.

See Prachina Phagu Samgraha, ed. by B.J. Sandesara, VI, 26. Referred to as PPS. hereafter.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., I, 291, 350.

Ibid., I, 351.

Ibid., III, 89.

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Duryodhana and Bhima are depicted as great mace wielders. Kalidasa also mentions gada in the Raghuvamsa. A shield for the trunk of an elephant was called gajakonta (VR., 31). Gardhrapaksha (Abhi., III, 442) was the name of an arrow. Ghunha referred to a bow (Vidyavilasapavadau).119 The string of the bow was called guna (Panchapand avacharitasu).120 Guraj was a type of mace (VS., II, 104, 105). The rod was broad and made of iron while the globular head was small in size and had spikes on it. Its length was around three feet. Hashvas (Abhi., III, 439) referred to a bow while ishu (Abhi., III, 442) denoted an arrow. Even in the Vedic times, ishu referred to an arrow. It finds mention in Rig veda and Atharva veda.121 Jagar (Abhi., III, 430) meant an armour. An armour specifically designed to protect the thighs was called janghatranam and mat­ kunam (Abhi., III, 432). An armour made of iron mesh was called jalika and jalpraya (Abhi., III, 433). A quiver was called kalaap (Abhi., III, 445). Kalamb and kanda (Abhi., III, 442) referred to arrows. An iron sword with a straight blade was called by names such as khandav and kankulol (VR., II, 72). Kamba (Ranapurmandan Chaturmukh Adi­ natha Phaga)122 and kaamba (Chupai Phagu)123 referred to a big stick to hit with. Kamban (Gyanagita of Vriddhivijaya, 1649 CE)124 referred to a bow. An armour was called kankat (Abhi., III, 430). It was also used in the Raghuvamsa (IV, 56) to denote an armour. An arrow was called kankapatra (Abhi., III, 442). Karival (Neminatha Phagu)125 and its variant karvaal (Vidyavilasapavadau126; Abhi., III, 446) referred to a sword. Karvaal127 literally means a hand weapon. Karvalika (Abhi., III, 449) was a smaller sword with a single edge. Karmukham (Abhi., III, 439) was a particular kind of bow. It was also mentioned by Kalidasa as a bow made of tala, that is Palmyra. It seems to have been preferred by the charioteers.128 Karpatra (VS., II, 103) and karpa­ trakam (Abhi., III, 582) were saws made of iron. Karvara (VS., II, 103) meant an iron sword. Karvat (Neminatha Phagu)129 referred to a saw while karvati130 meant a smaller saw. Kaatar (VS., II, 107), two to three feet long and three to four inches broad, was a half-moon-shaped weapon made of wood. It was used in northern Gujarat. It resem­ bled the boomerang used by the aborigines in Australia. Katar (VS., II, 103) was a type of sword. At times, its handle was tied with a string and was thrown at the enemy like a missile with the help of the string, by which it was also pulled back. Another name for the sword was kauksheyak (Abhi., III, 446). Kavacham (Abhi., III, 430) was a generic term for an armour. The term Khadag referred to a sword (Abhi., III, 446; Virataparva).131

119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131

Ibid., VI, 361.

Ibid., I, 708.

See M. Monier, Williams, op. cit., p. 168.

PPS., XVIII, 36.

Ibid., XXII, 20.

Ibid., XXXII, 22.

Ibid., III, 9.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., VI, 287.

It was also mentioned by Kalidasa. See Kumarasambhavam, op. cit., 16, 40.

Ibid., 16,46.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., III, 46.

Ibid., III, 208.

Ibid., II, 350.

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The scabbard of the sword had various names such as khadagpidhankam, kosha, parivar and pratyakar (Abhi., III, 447). Khag (Abhi., III, 442) denoted an arrow, whereas khagg (Sthulabhadra Phagu)132 denoted a sword with a straight blade. Khandu (VS., II, 103) was an iron sword with a straight, broad blade. Khenda (VS., II, 103) was a shield and was used in conjunction with the sword. The shield was called khetkam (Abhi., III, 447). Kodali (VS., II, 104) was a battle axe. It consisted of a short wooden shaft, with a crescent-shaped blade attached to it near the top end. Kodanda (VS., II, 106) and its variant kodandam (Abhi., III, 439), and kodando (Panchpandavacharitasu)133 referred to a bow. The same word was used by Kalidasa in the Kumarasambhavam (17, 20). This was the same bow that was the decisive fac­ tor in Rama’s wedding to Sita. Krakcham (Abhi., III, 582) referred to a saw. Kripana (Abhi., III, 446; VS., II, 103) was a small sword. Kripanika (Abhi., III, 448) was a small knife. An arrow whose tip was shaped like a knife (chura) was called khsurapra (Abhi., III 444; VS., II, 107). The entire arrow was very sharp like a razor’s blade. Khsurapra was also mentioned in the Kumarasambhavam (17, 46). A knife was called a kshuri (Abhi., III, 448). Kudal and kuhadi (VS., II, 104) referred to an axe, whose sharp edge was at a 90-degree angle from the handle. Kunta (Abhi., III, 449) was a lance. Its leaf-shaped blade was very short. The shaft was also thin and smooth. Kuthar (Abhi., III, 450; VS., II, 104) was an axe with a broad blade. The sharp edge of the blade was parallel to the handle. Laguda, ludi and lunthi (VS., II, 105) refer to sticks made of wood that sometimes had an iron ring attached to the tip. According to some scholars, it indicated a kind of club, two cubits in length.134 Liptaka (Abhi., III, 443) referred to arrows tipped with poison. Lohamai aangi (VS., II, 100) referred to an armour made of iron that covered the entire chest. Maggann (Virataparva)135 referred to an arrow. Maghribi (VS., II, 108, 109) was a catapult used for hurling stones. This device was used very commonly during the Islamic period. At times, even carcasses of animals were thrown inside the enemy camp with its help. It is said that when Alauddin Khalji won a war, he scattered gold and silver coins with the help of the maghribi. Manjanik (VS., II, 108, 109) was a similar device for hurling stones.136 Mandalagra (Abhi., III, 446) was the name of a sword. An arrow was referred to as margana137 (Abhi., III, 442). An armour used to protect the thighs was called matkunam (Abhi., III, 432). Mathi was the generic term used for an armour (Abhi., III, 430). Mushala (VS., II, 105) was a pestle made of wood, and it was used mainly for domestic purposes like pounding corn but could also be used as a weapon. Mudgara (VS., II, 105) referred to a mallet and was the same as Mugadara (Abhi., III, 449). It was rarely used in battle but was used for physical exercises. This word also figures in the Raghuvamsa. Today, it is known as magdal in Gujarat. Mukhandhi (VS., II, 105) was a type of mace made of iron; its handle had an iron chain fixed on to its lower end and on the upper end, had a globular head of iron, sometimes with iron spikes fixed on it. A stick used for hitting the enemy was called

132 133 134 135 136 137

PPS., I, 25.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., I, 84.

See Pant. op. cit., p. 146.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., II, 118.

See Varnaka-Samuhcaya, ed. by B.J. Sandesara, Vol. II, p. 109.

Also mentioned in the Prabandhachintamani of Merutunga, ed. by Muni Jinavijaya, p. 75.

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muktamuktam (Abhi., III, 437, 438). An armour specifically designed to protect the stomach was called naagodam as well as udartranam (Abhi., III, 432). Narach (VS., II, 107; Abhi., III, 433) was a dreaded arrow with a very pointed tip made entirely of iron. It was also mentioned in the Raghuvamsa (IV, 77). Other names for arrows were nirasta and prahit (Abhi., III, 443). A  quiver was called nishanga (Abhi., III, 445). A sword was called nisitrish (Abhi., III, 446). A sword with a straight blade was called a padiyar (VS., II, 72). Padadhara referred to a stirrup.138 Pakkhar (Vidyavilasapavadau)139 was an armour meant for the horse. The string of a bow was called panach (Ranapurmandan Chaturmukh Adinatha Phaga).140 Parigha or parighatan (Abhi., III, 450) was a kind of battering ram. It consisted of a heavy wooden shaft with iron nails struck on it. It was also mentioned in the Raghuvamsa (XII, 73). A saw was called Parshavadh (Abhi., III, 450), parshu (VS., II, 104; VS., 31; Abhi., III, 450) and pashu (Abhi., III, 450). Pash (VS., II, 106) was a lasso made of ropes to capture a running horse or a man. Patnipoga (VS, II, 72) was a sword with a straight blade. Patravah and patri (Abhi., III, 442) referred to arrows. Pattish (VS., II, 103) was a type of sword whose blade was narrow and thin. Its handle covered the forearm. Phalkam (Abhi., III, 447) referred to a shield. Prasa (Abhi., III, 449) was a spear having a long wooden shaft with a leaf-shaped blade with a medial rib. Prasa literally means to throw, and it was very popular with the cavaliers and elephant riders. It was also mentioned by Kalidasa in Kumarasambhavam.141 Pradar prishtak (Abhi., III, 443) referred to an arrow while prakshavedan (Abhi., III, 443) referred to an arrow made of iron. Rishti (Abhi., III, 446) was used to denote a sword while rope (Abhi., III, 442) was a type of arrow. Saabal (Panchapandavacharitasu)142 was used in the sense of a spear, as well as a crowbar. Saayak (Virataparva)143 referred to an arrow. Safur meant a shield (Abhi., III, 447). Sakti (Panchapandavacharitasu)144 was a type of spear, as was sall (VS., II, 104). Sannah (Vidyavilasapadau145; Abhi., III, 430; VS., II, 109, 110) was an armour made of iron or cotton quilted cloth. Sandasika (VS., II, 106) referred to huge tongs, big enough to capture the leg of an elephant. The handle of the shield was called sangradh (Abhi., III, 448). Sanpachuda (Panchapandavacharitasu)146 was a weapon whose one end was shaped like a serpent’s hood. Sar (Panchapandavacharitasu)147 was an arrow while sarang (Neminatha Phagu)148 was a bow made of horn. Sarvalauh (Abhi., III, 443) referred to an arrow made of iron.

138 As mentioned by the Chalukyan king Someshvara of Kalyani in C. 1130. See Gode, Studies in Indian Cultural History, Vol. II, p. 72. 139 Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., VI, 359. 140 PPS., XVIII, 35. 141 See Kumarasambhavam, op. cit., 16, 29. 142 Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., I, 285. 143 Ibid., II, 353. 144 Ibid., I, 716. 145 Ibid., VI, 353. 146 Ibid., I, 608. 147 Ibid., I, 713. 148 Ibid., III, 19.

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Savla (Abhi., III, 451) referred to a type of spear. It was also called tomar (Abhi., III, 451). Sayak was the name of an arrow and is generally associated with Lord Shiva in his Rudra form. It was also mentioned by Kalidasa in Raghuvamsa.149 Raghu in the battle with Indra shot a Sayak into his arm. Shakti (VS., II, 107) and shar (VS., II, 107; Abhi., III, 442) denoted arrows. Quiver was called shardhi (Abhi., III, 445). Shastri (Abhi., III, 448) was a small sword or, most probably, a dagger or a knife. This was perhaps used in hand-to-hand combat. Shastri also figures in Kumarasamb­ havam.150 Shilimukh (Abhi., III, 442) was a crescent-shaped arrow aimed at cutting the enemy’s neck. It was also mentioned in Kumarasambhavam.151 Shill (VS., II, 104) meant a spear. Shir (Virataparva)152 referred to an arrow. Shishir meant a helmet (VR., 31). Iron helmets used during the wars, to protect the head, were variously named as sheershakam, sheershnayam, shirsakam and shirstranam (Abhi., III, 432). Shula (VS., 31) was a javelin or barchha. It consisted of a long square, pentagonal or octagonal blade attached to a short metal shaft. It was hurled like a lance.153 It finds mention in the Raghuvamsa.154 Shoora (VS., 31) was similar to shula. Quiver was also referred to as shrashray (Abhi., III, 445). A  sword was called shrishti (Abhi., III, 446). Shu (Virataparva)155 referred to an arrow. Singini (Panchapandavacharitasu;156 Narini­ rasaphaga157 of Ratanmandangani) referred to a bow made of horns. Shulam (Abhi., III, 451) was the name given to the trident. Siloha (VS., II, 72) denoted a sword with a straight blade. Sring (Abhi., III, 449) was a type of javelin. Svadhiti (Abhi., III, 450) meant a saw. Tadbal (Abhi., III, 444) was an arrow shaped like the tail of a mouse. Talvar (VS., II, 101) referred to an iron sword having a curved blade. Tanutram (Abhi., III, 430) meant an armour. Tarkas meant a quiver (VS., 31). Tarvar (VS., II, 103) and Tarvari (Abhi., III, 446) meant a sword. The handle or grip of the sword was called tasru (Abhi., III, 446). Teer (Vidyavilasapavadau158; VR., 31) was a generic name for arrows. Teeri (Abhi., III, 444) was a type of an arrow whose three-fourths part was made of wood and the rest, including the tip was made of iron. Quiver was also known as toon and tunir (Abhi., III, 445). Tunir in Kalidasa’s works was a common name for a quiver. It is mentioned in Malavikagnimitram.159 Topa (VS., II, 109) referred to a helmet used dur­ ing the battle for protecting the head. Tomar (VS., II, 104) referred to a spear. Trishul (Virataparva;160 VS., II, 104) and trisuli (Chinhugati Chaupai)161 referred to a trident. The word trishirshakam (Abhi., III, 451) also referred to a trident.

149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161

See Raghuvamsa, op. cit., III, 55.

See Kumarasambhavam, op. cit., 17, 45.

Kumarasambhavam, op. cit., 16, 28.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., II, 684.

Pant, op. cit., p. 144.

Raghuvamsa, op. cit., XV, 5.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., II, 710.

Ibid., I, 708.

Narinirasaphaga of Ratanmandangani (C. second half of 15th century CE). See PPS., XV, 12.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., VI, 359.

Ram Narayan Acharya, Malavikagnimitram, 5, 10.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., II, 106.

Ibid., V, 34.

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Udan (Virataparva)162 meant a shield. Quiver was also called upasanga (Abhi., III, 445). An armour was called urashchada (Abhi., III, 430). An armour for the horse was called urtran (VS., II, 109). Vaana (VR., 68) referred to an arrow while an armour was known by the name varma (Abhi., III, 430). Vipinuchai (VS., II, 106, 107) was used to throw stones, like a sling. Vishikh (Abhi., III, 442) referred to an arrow. An axe was called vrikshabhedi and vrikshadan (Abhi., III, 583). Yarkakh (VS., II, 108) was a catapult used in the Sultanate period to throw stones with. In 1299 CE, Nusrat Khan, the commander of Alauddin Khalji, died as a result of being attacked by a stone hurled from a yarkakh near the Ranthambore fort.163 Yashti (VS., II, 107) was a very light arrow. It had a poisoned tip, and the arrow was hollow from within. Yashti (VS., II, 105) was also used to refer to a wooden stick, at times having an iron ring attached to its tip.

Arms and Armour as Seen in the Paintings Many of the arms mentioned in the various texts of the period find a visual repre­ sentation in the Jain manuscripts of western India. These visual examples, though not executed with any kind of emphasis on minute details, are still fairly accurately depicted in the paintings.

Figure 7.14

One of the most common arms seen in the paintings is a bow, which has five bends, with the ends joined by a string. It is seen fairly commonly throughout our period of study. According to Gopinath Rao, in the evolution of the bow, the bow with five bends belongs to a much later period.164 This bow is seen being held by the foot soldiers, cavalry men, as well as by soldiers on elephants (see Figure 7.14 and Plates 2, 5, 25, 19a, 29). We cannot take out any specific names to identify the bows seen in the paintings but the lexicons and the literary texts have a whole lot of names for the bows such as aaas, asram, chapa, dhanu, dhanv, dhanush, dhanushu, hashvas, kamban and kodanda. The string of the bow was called the guna.

162 Ibid., II, 84.

163 See Varnaka-Samuhcaya, Vol. II, p. 108.

164 Gopinath Rao, Elements of Hindu Iconography, Vol. I, Part I, Pl. II, Fig. 4, p. 6.

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Figure 7.15

In the paintings, the arrows always appear in conjunction with the bows. In the lexicons and the literary texts occur a large number of names for arrows and quite obviously, there might have been subtle distinctions connected with each name, which are at this point of time lost to us. The two or three types of arrows, which are clearly distinguishable in the lexicons are those tipped with poison, those whose tips were made of iron and those that were conveyors of various kinds of arsons. In the paintings (see Plates  2, 25, 19a), however, the drawings are extremely rudimentary, and it is difficult to distinguish and identify any of the depicted arrows with any particular name from the lexicons and the texts of the period. The only painting where the arrows are shown with some clarity is in the painting depicting the battle between Bharata and Bahubali (see Figure 7.15). The arrows here are long, and the feather fletching at the rear end of the arrow is also clearly visible. History tells us that fletching was used to stabilise the arrow aerodynamically. Feather fleches are known to give a natural spin on the arrow, and so our painters must have observed them carefully and painted them in the wooden patli, where they had space to go into the details. The lexicons and the Gujarati texts use names such as Ishu, aashuga, ajihag, bana and banu for an arrow. Quivers seem to be seen obviously just as often as the bows and arrows. Basically an arrow holder, these were usually carried on the body of the archer. They appear to be longish, narrow pouches, perhaps made of leather, which is mostly black and at times red in colour (see Figure 7.16 and Plates 19a, 25). Generic names for the quivers in the texts are Kalaap, nishanga, shardhi and upasanga. Once again, like in the case of the bows, it is difficult to identify this with any one of these names.

Figure 7.16

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Figure 7.17

A weapon, fairly commonly seen in the paintings, is the important weapon in warfare—the sword (see Plate  2, 6a, 9 and Figure 7.17). A large variety of swords existed in those days, as is brought out by the literary evidence of the period. The Indian sword was not only lethal, it was also highly decorative, with silver, gold, rubies and emerald studded in it. The one more commonly seen in the paintings is a straight sword, perhaps two to three and a half feet long, double edged, broad near the guard, ending in a pointed tip (Plate 6a). Often, the fuller of the blade, and at times, the langet,165 is also very cleverly drawn. Most of the time, the sword has a rather prominently drawn guard, hilt, pommel as well as a spike at the end of the pommel. This particular sword can be identified with the one that is termed siloha, described as a sword with a straight blade, in the vernacular texts of the period. Other names used for this weapon in the contemporary texts are Padiyar, Khandav and Kankulol. This sword is seen held by seated royal figures, foot soldiers as well as the horsemen. The straight sword is seen throughout our period of study. Another variation of the straight sword is the one that can be identified with the term Khadag or khanda of the literary texts. Khadag comes from the Sanskrit root word khand, which means to break or cut. Khadag, the oldest form of the Indian sword, was usually a large, doubleedged sword, which was narrow at the guard and wide towards the tip (see Plate  1a). Often, a knuckle guard would be attached to the hilt for better protection. Indian art often shows Hindu and Buddhist deities wielding the Khadag/khanda. A sword of this name also seems to have existed in ancient India and is mentioned by Gopinath Rao under the same name. In one particular painting, the straight sword is seen covered with a red-coloured sheath, which is perhaps made out of a velvet covered metal, with an ornamental metal tip.166 The scabbard of a khadag was called khadagapidhankam according to the literary texts of the period. The Khadag can be identified with a sword called Dhup, in the Mughal times, which was also considered an emblem of sovereignty and high dignity.

165 In some swords, Langet is an extension of the guard, located on both flats of the blade, designed to fit tightly over the mouth of a scabbard and prevent accidental unsheathing. 166 See “Capture of Gardhabhilla”, Kalakacharya katha (1415 CE), P.C. Jain Collection, Mumbai (Repro­ duced as Col.illus.25A, in Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, “Miniature Painting”, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.)

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Figure 7.18

Seen also in the paintings is a scimitar of perhaps two and a half feet, with a slightly curved blade having a prominent guard, hilt and a well-defined pommel. The scimitar is generally seen placed in a beautiful scabbard. The literary texts describe these scabbards as Kosha, parivar and pratyakar. One particular example has a beautifully carved hilt, which appears to have a gold or silver design affixed to it through the process of damascening167 (see Figure 7.18 and Plate 29). Duarte Barbosa also talks about how the swords of the soldiers in Gujarat were beautifully damascened with gold and silver, according to the rank of the wearer. Usually, these sabres would have blood grooves too but these are not visible in the miniatures owing to the small space at disposal. According to the vernacular texts of the period, the term Talwar referred to an iron sword having a curved blade. Talwar is a name that is still used for swords in India. This sword can also be identified with the sword called Shamshir from the Mughal times. These types of swords with curved blades were usually put to use for slashing opponents while the pointed tip was used for thrusting.168 The next weapon seen in the paintings falls in the category of a dagger, with a short, thick, pointed blade. This is used for quick and swift attacks, usually in close range, hand-to-hand combat. This particular dagger is seen in the hands of the foot soldiers in the paintings. The dagger was effective in armour piercing and can be identified with khag and patnipoga of the texts (Figure 7.19 and Plate 4, Indra has a dagger in his “waist band”). In a painting from the Kalakacharya Katha (Plate 25), we can see a foot soldier holding a dagger in one hand and a shield in the other. Such daggers were also a part of the Mughal arms as can be seen in some surviving pieces in museums.169

Figure 7.19

167 The technique of inlaying by encrusting one metal on another. For a detailed information on dama­ scening, see G.N., Pant, “Damascening Weapons”, The India Magazine, VII (Dec. 1986), pp. 24–31. 168 One can see a similar scimitar in the painting, “Laur fighting in the forest” from a manuscript of Laur Chanda, from 2nd quarter of 16th century in Shivaji Chattrapati Maharaj Vastu Sanghrahalaya, Mumbai. Acc. No. 57.1/32. 169 Dagger with a scabbard, date C. 1605–27, Acc. No. 1984.332, Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York.

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Also seen in an illustration of Sangrahani Sutra dated 1649 CE (see Figure  7.20) is a small push dagger with a very distinctive H-shaped horizontal hand grip, which results in the blade resting above the user’s knuckles. The hilt is composed of two straight uprights, to protect the hand and wrist, with crossbars between, designed in a way that it becomes comfortable and allows for a strong grip. The weapon appears to be slightly curved on one side. This kind of weapon was meant to be used for thrusting and stabbing actions. Known to be unique to the Indian subcontinent and characteristic of all Indian daggers, this could well be the eeli of the texts or more likely the curved dagger known as the katar or katari during the Mughal period (see Plate 32, the prince has this type of dagger in his waistband). We see similar daggers in many Mughal miniatures, sometimes with straight blades170 as well as curved ones. Figure 7.20

Figure 7.21

A weapon of defence, seen fairly often in the paintings, is the buckler or the small shield. Shields were traditionally circular in shape, made from buffalo hide or tortoise shell and usually had four knobs to support the handle at the back. The one seen in these paintings is invariably circular and appears to have a handle on its back side, to provide a hold for the person carrying it, though the knobs supporting the handle are not so clearly visible. In the paintings, it is seen held only by foot soldiers and is seen right through our period of study (see Figure 7.21 and Plates 2, 23, 25). The shield called khetak in ancient India was generally known to be circular or quadrangular and was made of wood or hide. It was generally used in conjunction with the khadaga.171 As discussed earlier, Duarte Barbosa in his memoirs does mention that the Gujarati soldiers carried strong, round shields covered with silk.

170 Raja Man Singh of Amber, ca. 1590, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Acc. No. 1982.174. 171 Rao, op. cit., Vol. I, Part. 1, p. 5.

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The spears seen in the paintings appear to consist of two pieces—the head and the shaft. The head consisting of a pointed metallic blade, sometimes shaped like a leaf, having a small tang, was inserted into the long wooden, bamboo or metallic shaft (see Figure 7.22 and Plate 28). This kind of weapon in ancient India went by the name shakti.172 It is referred to in the Gujarati texts with variants of the word bhala such as bhalli, bhalri, bhall, bhalai and bhalla.173 It was similar to the Mughal spear called Barchchah used mainly by infantry as it was too heavy for cavalry since it was completely made of metal. Another type seen in the paintings is held by a warrior sitting atop an elephant (see Figure 7.23). The pointed metallic spearhead appears to be fixed into the top of a metallic rod, which has two leaf-like projections on either side. This spear appears to belong to the broad generic category called kunta, and in particular this one appears to be the kind that is carried by soldiers sitting atop the elephant and hence is given the name gajakunta in the texts. Other spears in this category are padatikunta, that is a spear carried by the infantry soldiers and the ashvakunta, that is a spear carried by a soldier sitting atop the horse (see Plate 2). The difference between the three spears mentioned above was based on their lengths.

Figure 7.22

Figure 7.23

172 Ibid., p. 8. 173 Bhalla, the generic term for a spear, was most probably a spear with a broad double-edged blade.

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Another object seen in the paintings is a kind of elephant goad or bull hook, where a sharp hook, probably made of iron or bronze, is attached to a rather long wooden handle, ending in a tapered arrow like end. Popularly known as the ankush,174 this object was used for driving and controlling the elephant. Visually, it was first seen in a relief from Sanchi and later in the Ajanta paintings. It was placed by Abul Fazl in the category of weapons in Ain-i Akbari.175 This is seen in the paintings under study, carried by a mahout driving an elephant (see Figure  7.24). A  four-armed figure, identified with Indra/Sakra, is always seen carrying the ankush in one of his hands (see Figure 7.25 and Plates 1a and 13). Going by iconography, this strictly corresponds with the image of Indra, who is stated in the texts to hold a shakti in his right hand and an ankush in the left hand, hereby proving the artist’s attention to detail.

Figure 7.24

Figure 7.25

174 Rao, op. cit., Vol. I, Part I, See Pl. III, Figs. 3–4. 175 See Ain-i-Akbari, trans. by Blochmann, Vol. I, p. 118.

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Seen mostly in the hands of the figure identified as Indra is the vajra176 (a thunderbolt). It is made up of two similar limbs—each having three claws, resembling the claws of a bird. Both these parts are connected together by a space for the hand to hold it with. The vajra has a long history beginning from the Buddhist period. It was absorbed later into Hindu mythology in exactly the same form. The painters of the Jain miniatures have rendered it slightly different, bringing it closer in appearance to a trident on both ends of a central rod (see Figure 7.26 and Plates 4, 14). Figure 7.26

Figure 7.27

Figure 7.28

Battle axes, basically modified version of utility axes, are weapons that have traversed a long journey. These axes have evolved from the archaic parshu, which consisted of an iron blade, fitted into a hole bored into a light wooden handle. As an instrument of warfare, battle axe is an axe specifically designed for combat. Some were suitable for use in one hand while others were larger and needed two hands. The battle axe, parshavadh or parshu of the lexicons and texts, is not seen very clearly in the paintings under study. However, in the illustrations of the Laghu Sangrahani Sutra (dated 1583 CE), axes are seen held in the hands of the men depicting the six lesyas (thought colours), who are shown cutting trees with their axes. Yet another man, sitting in waiting, before the king (see Figure 7.27 and Plate 28) also holds an axe in his hands. One knows of many kinds of axes but the depicted ones seem to correspond to the type called the kuthar by the lexicons, which is recognised by its sharp edge being parallel to the handle. Duarte Barbosa mentions in his memoirs that the men in Cambay carried besides other weapons, arquebuses.177 In the border decorations of the Devasano Pado Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE are shown, two men carrying hand guns, though the drawings are too rudimentary and do not show any finer details (see Figure 7.28). We see similar matchlocks in several Mughal paintings.178 We do not come across any name for this in the lexicons and other related works of our period, consulted for this study. However, this gun corresponds to the gun called narnaal in Akbar’s time.179

176 Vajra was a mythical weapon generally associated with Indra, who is also known as Vajrin. It is men­ tioned in Raghuvamsa, op. cit., III, 60. 177 Arquebus, derived from the German word Hakenbüchse, was an early type of portable gun supported on a tripod or a forked rest. 178 “Akbar in old age”, ca. 1605, Cincinnati Art Museum, Acc. No. 1950.289a. 179 Ain-i-Akbari, op. cit., p. 119.

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One does not come across too many long sticks, which were perhaps being used as an object for defence or offence. Long staffs are generally seen in the hands of the Jain monks (Figure 2.28) or old Brahmin figures, probably for support while walking (see Plate 18). In a painting of the Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra (C. early 17th century CE), a male figure, perhaps a watchman at the door of a palace, is seen wielding a long staff, a trifle menacingly at the approaching Jain bhikshus (see Figure 7.29). Could this be the Kamba and kaamba of the Gujarati texts, which is defined as a big stick to hit with? In medieval India, long walking sticks with blade concealed inside were called Gupti.180

Figure 7.29

Another weapon, which makes a brief appearance in the paintings, is the mace, also called gada. A mace typically consists of a strong, heavy, wooden or metal shaft, with a round head made of stone, bone, copper, bronze or iron. This weapon, popularly associated with the Hindu God Hanuman, is seen in one of the paintings181 showing king Siddhartha exercising with a gada in his hand. It is not surprising, as the gada is one of the traditional pieces of training equipment in the akhara culture of North India. For training purposes, one or two wooden gada are swung behind the back in several different ways, for building grip strength and shoulder endurance. In the painting mentioned above, the king is shown swinging the gada in the same way. However, in the field of battle, this was a formidable weapon that could crack an enemy’s helmet, unhorse him at a single blow or dent an elephant. In a wooden patli from the 12th century CE, we see one of the seated royal figures holding this weapon (see Plate  1a). We see massive maces being wielded in several miniatures from the Hamzanama. Among the Mughal arms, the mace (gurj) is mentioned, which was a short-handed club with three large round balls at the end. We can identify the type seen in our painting, with the one called Shashbur, colloquially called the “lung tearer”, which had a single round-shaped head.

180 These sticks, that concealed one or more weapons inside them, were often profusely decorated all over. For more information, see G.N. Pant, Catalogue of Edged Arms and Armour in the Salarjung Museum, Hyderabad, p. 195. 181 Kalpasutra Manuscript, Accession No. 48.29, C. 1475 CE, Folio No. 32 reverse, in the collection of National Museum, New Delhi.

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The lexicons and the Gujarati texts are replete with names of armours, for the entire body as well as for specific parts of the human body. The awareness of the use of the armours, for the purpose of self-defence, seems to have been very much a part of the consciousness of those indulging in warfare. Duarte Barbosa, the Portuguese traveller, who visited Gujarat in the beginning of the 16th century CE, writing about the “King of Guzerate’s kingdom of Cambaya”, referred to the armours in the following words. “Many of them wear coats of mail, and others jackets quilted with cotton. The foreparts of their horses are caparisoned with steel”.182 In the lexicons and the literary texts, the general armour covering the entire body was called an angarakshani. One reads of the armour for the thighs (janghatranam) and for the arm (bahutranam); for the protection of the stomach (udartranam). The armour seems to have extended itself for the protection of the animals used in warfare as well. For example, in the lexicons and literary texts of the period, one comes across names describing horse armour as pakkhar as well as urtran and gajakonta as armour for the elephant’s trunk. Interestingly, Abul Fazl uses the term Pakhar183 to describe an elephant’s armour. It is described as being made of steel plates and chains. It consisted of two parts, one for covering the head and the other for protecting the trunk. In the paintings studied by us, one does not come across too many clear representations of armours except for the two wooden patlis exclusively depicting the battle scenes. In the wooden book cover showing “the battle between Asanighosha and Srivijaya” (see Plate 2) and “the battle between Bharata and Bahubali184”, one can see full body armour for the horses and elephants, even though their depiction is highly stylised. However, one can get an idea that the war horses and elephants had a full body armour, known as pakkhar, urtran and gajakonta locally. Besides these two paintings, devoted exclusively to the battle scenes, whatever little reference there is to the use of armours—is seen in the depiction of the Shahi figures and the only place where they seem to be wearing something approaching a chainmail can be seen in some illustrations where the Shahi soldiers are shown wearing trousers which appear to be made of chips of metal185 arranged to look like a fish scale186 (see Plate 25). Some kind of armour can also be seen very clearly in the border decorations of the Devasano Pado Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya katha, where the Shahi soldiers on top of the horses appear to wear some kind of armoured jacket, which have chainmail-like appearance (see Plate 19a). In this kind of an armour, scales of metal were sewn onto leather or fabric garment. The upper rows of scales overlapped the lower ones. The attachment of the scales was such that it covered and protected the body underneath from injury. The scales could be leaf shaped, square or rectangular, and sometimes they could even be made of wood or leather. This can be identified with Baktar, which was the name for fish-scale armour in the Mughal period.

182 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, op. cit., p. 119. 183 See Ain-Akbari, op. cit., p. 136. 184 “Battle between Bharata and Bahubali”, painted wooden book cover, 12th century CE (Reproduced as Fig. 14, pp. 38–39, in Saryu Doshi, Masterpieces of Jain Painting). 185 See bagtar in S.P. Verma. Art and Material Culture in the paintings of Akbar’s Court, p. 97. See also F. Steingass, Persian-English Dictionary. 186 For more information on chain mail, see G.N. Pant, Catalogue of Edged Arms and Armour in the Salarjung Museum, Hyderabad, p. 216.

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A kind of head gear used for the protection of the head is seen in one of the paintings (see Plate 2) worn by one of the warriors. Could this be a leather helmet? Also, in some Kalakacharya kathas, the Shahi soldiers appear to be wearing some kind of a head gear resembling metal helmets (Plate 25). The armour for the head in Mughal India was known as the Dabalghah, which is referred to as a form of helmet made of steel of Chaghatae origin.

Interestingly, finding arms and armour in Jain paintings is a paradox in itself since Jainism adheres to extreme non-violence. However, our study reveals that arms and armour did exist in the medieval period, and they have surreptitiously found their way into the paintings under study. Moreover, identifying the weapons with the names given in the contemporary lexicons and texts, along with the weapons visible in the paintings from the Sultanate and Mughal periods, proves the veracity of the artist of the Jain paintings. That western India, especially Gujarat, was a great manufacturing hub of various types of weapons, especially damascened swords, is quite apparent from their representations in the paintings. Whether it was a traditional weapon like the Vajra or a more modern one like the arquebuses or perhaps some defence equip­ ment like the helmet, the paintings do not shy away from depicting the arms and armour as they may have existed then. We are forever grateful to the artists of the Devasano pado Kalpasutra for showing us a great variety of weapons in the border decorations, without which perhaps some of the contemporary weapons of offence and defence would have been left out pictorially. With this pictorial documentation, and the evidence of the contemporary literature, as well as the accounts of the foreign travellers, we are able to piece together a reasonable history of the weaponry in use in medieval western India.

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Conveyances The conveyances depicted in the paintings are few, a state which did not necessar­ ily reflect things as they really were, during our period of study. The basic mode of travel in India has, from as early as Harappan times, been centred on bullock carts and carriages drawn by animals. A  great many Harappan sites in Gujarat provide interesting insights into the transport of the area. The boats seen on Harappan seals show that this really was a popular mode of travel both up the rivers and on the high seas, thereby presuming the presence of both big and small boats. Lothal in Gujarat, as one knows too well, was a dockyard. Harappan toys contain a small terracotta cart, which, along with the bullock cart excavated at Daimabad,187 points towards the fact that the basic shape of the cart did not change, just as the mode of travel did not either. Jain literature also speaks of the means of conveyances. In the Brihat Kalpa Sutra Bhasya (III, 2397–2398), there are references to circular boats (koncha virasga).188 The contemporary eyewitness accounts of the European travellers (who visited Guja­ rat during the medieval period) and also the accounts of the indigenous historians like Sikandar only substantiate this basic premise. It has been very useful to refer to their accounts while piecing together the history of conveyances in this area. In the words of the Portuguese traveller Duarte Barbosa, who was in Gujarat at the beginning of the 16th century CE, Chariots drawn by oxen or horses continually go about the city, and these they use for carrying things of all sorts, and other there are with good wooden couches, closed and covered like rooms, with well-wrought joinery work and with windows adorned and decorated with silk hangings (and some with gilded leather, and inside these they have silken mattresses, counterpanes and cushions, very rich). As drivers they employ trustworthy men well known to them; thus they take the women to games or entertainments or to visit their friends, without anyone seeing or knowing who is inside; and those within go playing and singing and doing as they please.189 Another European traveller to visit Gujarat during the reign of Jahangir was the Italian Pietro Della Valle, who arrived in Gujarat in 1623 CE. From his accounts too, we get a brief glimpse of the means of conveyances prevalent in Gujarat at that time. According to his account,190 Della Valle himself travelled in a carriage drawn by oxen. It had high wheels and inside the carriage, people had to sit cross-legged. He also says that when crossing the river, in the carriage drawn by oxen, men were engaged to hold the carriage on either side and to keep it steady so that the carriage (which was very light) did not float or be carried away by its own lightness. Another important source of information is the account of the Englishman, Thomas Herbert, who came

187 188 189 190

See Gregory Possehl, ed., Harappan Civilization, pp. 362–363.

Moti Chandra, The World of Courtesans, p. 37.

The Book of Duarte Barbosa, trans. by Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. I, p. 141.

The Travels of Pietro Della Valle, ed. by E. Grey, Vol. I, pp. 63–66.

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to Gujarat in 1627 CE. Herbert’s account corroborates that of Della Valle, as he says that the most common means of travel, from one town to another, were carriages drawn by oxen. He also mentions that within the city, rich people preferred to travel in their own palanquins.191 In 1638 CE, J. Albert de Mandelslo, a German, came to India. From his account,192 one gets a glimpse of the mode of transport on water. Boats seem to have been a popular mode of conveyance, as Mandelslo himself travelled in one, from Swally to the customs house in Surat. These means of conveyances also find echo in the Persian work, Mirat-i-Sikandari,193 according to which the major means of conveyances and transport were palanquins, horses, camels and ghodbels (carriages drawn by horses), of which the ghodbel seems to have been the most popular. Camels were used specifically when speed was required while horses and palanquins were used every day. It also states that shipbuilding was a flourishing industry. Cambay was a great shipbuilding centre. It built ships large enough to carry passengers as well as cargo. Warships were also manufactured there. We are further informed that private ownership of ships also existed. Some nobles uti­ lised their private ships for journey or for bringing cargo from foreign ports. Cambay and Div, being major ports, always had vessels ready for sail.194 Regarding horse as a means of transportation, two crucial items of horse equip­ ment—the stirrup and horse shoe—need to be discussed here. The stirrup had appeared and disappeared in ancient India time and again. The Gupta coins as well as Ajanta paintings do not show stirrups; however, Khajuraho sculptures of the 10th century show bow-faced stirrups with broad flat rests, probably made of wood or leather. Again, in the 12th and 13th century Hoysala sculptures in Karnataka, we see stirrups in the shape of a large and broad ring, probably made of layers of leather stitched together or a log of wood or probably even made of iron. One hears of a golden Padadhara or stirrup made up of gold hanging down on both sides of the horse in a work composed by the Chalukyan king Someshvara of Kalyani in C. 1130, thereby proving that such stirrups were in use. Iron stirrups called rikab were mentioned quite frequently in the Sultanate period literature and seem to have been in use during the period of our study.195 Iron shoes have a comparatively shorter history. Some Hoysala sculptures from Somnathpuram show nailed shoes worn by the horses in the second half of the 13th century. Horse shoes (na ‘l) of iron or steel are mentioned in the verses of the Ghaznavid poet Mas ‘ud Sa ‘d Salman (C. 1131) and the Persian poet Nizami Ganjawi (C. 1203), thereby suggesting their usage. Amir Khusrau (1283–1284) gives us the interesting information that the horse that has nails (mekh) driven into its hooves, runs better.196

191 Sir Thomas Herbert, Some Years’ Travels into Divers Parts of Africa and Asia the Great, etc., pp. 42–57, 64. 192 Mandelslo’s Travels in Western India (CE 1638–1639), by M.S. Commissariat, pp. 1–12. 193 Mirat-i-Sikanddari, written by Sikandar, is the only work covering the whole period of Gujarat Sul­ tanate and was written immediately after its final overthrow. See Mirat-i-Sikandari of Sikandar Bin Muhammad, trans. by Fazlullah Lutfullah Faridi. 194 Z.A. Desai, “Mirat-i-Sikandari as a Source for the Study of Cultural and Social Conditions of Gujarat Under the Sultanate (1403–1572)”, Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, Vol. X, No. 3, pp. 258, 269–270. 195 Habib Irfan, Economic History of Medieval India (1200–1500), pp. 86–87. 196 Ibid., p. 87.

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The means of conveyances thus mentioned by the eyewitness accounts, both foreign and indigenous, find mention also in the lexicons and the Gujarati texts of the period. Conveyances in Lexicons and Other Related Sources Generic terms for any kind of vehicle were many, such as dhorna, pattra, vaahna, vaahya (Abhi., III, 423), vaahni (Chinhugati Chaupai),197 yana and yugya (Abhi., III, 423). Adhvaratha and pariyanik (Abhi., III, 416) referred to travelling carriages for everyday use. Anas (Abhi., III, 417) denoted a cart while its synonym shakat (Abhi., III, 417) also meant the same. Beda (Abhi., III, 540) meant a boat while bedi (Panc hapandavacharitasu)198 referred to a smaller boat used for ferrying. Bohitha (VS., II, 116) stood for a ship meant for sailing in the high seas. It was generally used by the merchants to carry their merchandise. Dayanam (Abhi., III, 417) referred to a palanquin. A small wooden boat was called a droni (Abhi., III, 54). Kaambal (Abhi., III, 418) referred to a carriage covered with a woollen cloth or blanket. Kamblivahayaka (Abhi., III, 417) meant a carriage drawn by oxen. Karniratha199 and pravahanam (Abhi., III, 417) denoted a kind of litter or palanquin while rathagarbhak (literally meaning an embryo carriage) also meant the same. Kuda (VS., 117) referred to a small boat and mangini (Abhi., III, 540) also denoted a boat. Meghadambara (Neminatha Phagu)200 was the name given to a canopied seat upon an elephant. Nao (Abhi., III, 540), nauka (VR., 67) and pravahana (Vidyavilasapavadau)201 stood for a boat while pota (Abhi., III, 539) denoted a ship. A saddle on a horse was called paryanam and palyayanam (Abhi., IV, 328). Padad­ hara referred to a stirrup.202 Ratha (Abhi., III, 415) (Pr.Ch., 136) denoted a chariot, especially a two-wheeled war chariot, lighter and swifter than anas. Rathu (Panchapandavacharitasu)203 and rah (Virataparva)204 stood for a chariot. Sayandan and shatang (Abhi., III, 415) referred to a war chariot. A palanquin was called a shibika (Abhi., III, 422). Tari and tarni (Abhi., III, 540) referred to a boat while trapa (VS., II, 117) denoted a wooden raft. Udupa (Abhi., III, 543) was another name for a raft or a float. This word also occurs in the Raghuvamsa. Vainitaka (Abhi., III, 423) referred to a kind of palanquin with bearers relieving one another. A carriage covered with tiger skin was called vaiyaghra (Abhi., III, 419) while a carriage covered with cloth was called vaastra (Abhi., III, 418). Vahana and vahitram (Abhi., III, 539) meant a boat. Vahyam (Abhi., III, 423) was the name for a palanquin. Vohitham and yaanpatra (Abhi., III, 539) denoted ships meant for the high seas. Yapyayana (Abhi., III, 422) was the name for a palanquin.

Gurjara Rasavali, ed. by B.K. Thakore, M.D. Desai, and M.C. Modi, V, 69.

Ibid., I, 117, 119.

Karniratha also finds mention in the Raghuvamsa, XIV,13.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., III, 147.

Ibid., VI, 26.

As mentioned by the Chalukyan king Someshvara of Kalyani in C. 1130. See Gode, Studies in Indian

Cultural History, Vol. II, p. 72. 203 Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., I, 748. 204 Ibid., II, 414. 197 198 199 200 201 202

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Conveyances as Seen in the Paintings Quite a few means of conveyances, mentioned by the European travellers and the lit­ erature of the period, find adequate depiction in the Jain miniatures.

Figure 7.30

Figure 7.31

One of the popular modes of transport in those days appears to have been the palanquin (Palki) as is clear from the number of illustrations depicting this mode of transport. In general, the palki can be described as a rectangular seat, having a roof-like structure on top, and carried on the shoulders of two or four men. In our sample of paintings, there are two kinds of palanquins to be seen. The paintings from an early period of time show a simple structure with just a curved roof and two long handles on either side for carrying the same. This type appears to have continued later as well (see Plate 29). The second type has an elaborate arch framing the roof of the structure, which looks very similar to the roof seen in the ghar-derasars. In some later paintings, the arch remains the same as before, but there is a change as far as the seating area is concerned. From a simple, narrow plank, it has turned into an elaborately carved, broad base on which a cushion is kept for sitting. The entire structure appears to be made of wood and is always seen being carried by palanquin bearers (see Figure 7.30 and Plate 24). Could this be the shibika, vahyam or yapyayana of the lexicons? Carriages have been in vogue in India since Harappan times. Carriages were used not only for travelling but also for carrying loads. This seems to have been the most common mode of transport in western India during our period of study; therefore, its visual representation is also extensive. At times, it also figures in the religious processions as the sacred ratha (chariot) (see Plate 1). There is, more or less, one kind of wooden carriage that seems to be seen in the sample of paintings under study. The upper part of the carriage rests on a wooden platform, which in turn rests on two decoratively carved wooden wheels, generally shown as having spokes. A  simple structure, the seat is tilted towards the back at an angle of 120 degrees. The backrest is slightly ornamental. The distinctive feature is the yoke in front that comes forward to rest on the shoulder of the animal drawing it, in the shape of a prolonged convex arch. It is shown hitched mostly to horses and bullocks. The ones hitched to the horses can easily be identified with the ghodbel mentioned in the Mirat-i-Sikandari. The carriage is mostly shown with a driver and a passenger sitting cross-legged at the back (see Plate 26). In this painting, the axle of the wheel as well as the spokes are very clearly indicated. It could at times have a covered seating area as well (see Figure 7.31 and Plate  29) as mentioned by Duarte Barbosa in his accounts. The main seat at the back mostly has a railing around it. At times, it is also shown provided with a bolster cushion (see Plate  33). One can also see a similar carriage hitched to a bullock, in the lively border decorations of the Devasano Pado Kalpasutra (see Plate  24a), where the passenger is seated cross-legged with some kind of wooden support at the back. Could these be what are described as adhvaratha and pariyanik in the lexicons?

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The ones hitched to the bullocks can be identified by the carriages called kamblivahayaka in the lexicons. Bullock carriages are also seen in the cloth patas called tirthapatas.205 The painter of these tirthipatas, while showing the pilgrimage sites, has often shown the means of conveyances used by the pilgrims to reach their destination. For example, in a Panchatirthapata,206 dated 1433 CE, from Patan, we see two distinct types of carriages drawn by a pair of bulls. One of the carriages shown is covered from all sides, as mentioned by Duarte Barbosa, while the other one is open from all sides and has a roof. Another example is that of a Vividha-Tirtha-Vastra pata207 from Ahmedabad, dated 1641 CE, that shows a pair of bullock carriages. The main seating area at the back has a railing all around and rests on large wheels with spokes, and the yoke in the front is in the shape of a convex arch as shown in Figure 7.31. Here, the bullocks are shown resting next to the carriage, probably implying that they have reached their destination.

Figure 7.32

Other means of conveyance on land included horses and elephants. In a painting from Sangrahani Sutra dated 1639 (see Plate 33), a saddled horse can be seen. The saddle atop the horse seems to be of the high-pommelled variety (see Figure  7.32). Saddled horses are also seen in the border decorations of the Devasano Pado Kalpasutra. Duarte Barbosa, while describing the cavalry of the Sultan of Gujarat, Muzaffar II, says, “They are also very skilful horsemen, they ride high pommelled saddles”.208 The frame of the saddle seems to be made of wood. The shape of the saddle was curved, keeping in mind the back of the horse. It seems to have been padded with cotton rolls and covered with an expensive cloth. The lexicons call the saddle of a horse paryanam and palyayanam. The stirrup seems to be made of iron or wood and is rectangular in shape with a flat base. The visibility of these stirrups brings to mind the fact that iron stirrups called rikab were mentioned quite frequently in the Sultanate period literature and seem to have been in use in the period of our study.209

205 Paintings on patas (cloth) that mapped the sacred pilgrimage sites were known as tirtha patas. They started being made from the 15th century CE onwards. For more information, see Footnote 64 in Chapter V of this book. 206 Panchatirthipata, Cloth-painting, 1433 CE, Jain Tadapatriya Pustak Bhandara, Patan. (Reproduced as Fig. 178 in Moti Chandra, Jain Miniature Painting from Western India.) 207 Vividha-Tirtha-Vastrapata, 1641 CE, Anandaji Kalyanji Pedhi, Ahmedabad. (Reproduced as Pl. IX (V) in U.P. Shah ed., Treasures of the Jaina Bhandaras.) 208 The Book of Duarte Barbosa, op. cit., p. 119. 209 Habib Irfan, Economic History of Medieval India (1200–1500), pp. 86–87.

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Figure 7.33

Figure 7.34

In a border decoration of the Devasano-Pado Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, an elephant with a seat (howdah) fastened on its back can be seen. The seat looks very much like a cushioned sofa, with a reclining back rest at an angle of 120 degrees. The seat or the howdah is placed just behind the mahout. This howdah seems to have been used for comfortable travelling, rather than for battles (see Figure 7.33 and Plate 19a border decorations). This kind of howdah is very different from the howdahs seen in Mughal and Rajput paintings, where the howdah always is shown as a canopied structure. Gujarat was a flourishing centre of maritime commerce in the fifteenth century; as a result, the appearance of ships and sailing boats in Jain miniatures of the 15th century CE is not at all surprising. Seen in the border decorations of the Devasano Pado, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha is an interesting boat (see Figure 7.34), fairly close to what boats look like today. Both the hull and the prow are lifted up high. The middle portion of the boat is fairly low. A tent appears to be pegged onto the floor of the boat, its two flaps sloping down on either side of a central pole structure. Within the tent/canopy, a captain is seated under a howdah-like structure. A whole lot of decorative items are fixed on the inner side of the tent/canopy. The ship has a single long rectangular sail, fixed to the mast, very much like those on the Arab dhows sailing in those seas. Could this be the beda of the literary texts? In another painting of the same manuscript (see Figure 7.35) is seen a beautifully crafted ship, modelled rather imaginatively to emulate the shape of a big swan/peacock. The ship has a mast, on which can be seen a bird as well as flags. This appears to be a royal ship, as all kinds of standards, halyards and banners are shown fixed on to the poles, signifying the presence of a royal authority. Since the vessel is unmanned, it seems to be apparently riding at anchor.

Figure 7.35

Nicolo Conti, the Italian traveller who travelled extensively on the Indian seas during 1419–1444, gave a favourable description of these ships. He said that some of the Indian ships were much larger than the Italian ships and were spacious enough to house 2,000 butts210 and had five sails and as many masts. The lower part of this ship was constructed with three planks for giving additional strength, and some ships were built in such a way that they would remain afloat even if a part of their structure got damaged.211

Interestingly, we also get to hear about the perils of voyage on high seas in the account of Marco Polo. He says that nearly 100 pirate ships sailed out from the Malabar and Gujarat coasts every year in fleets of 20–30. They would plunder and seize merchant vessels, but let go the persons found aboard the ships. This would imply not only the dangers of sea voyage but also that the merchants had to travel in large, well-armed vessels.212

210 A butt is an obsolete English measure of liquid volume. 211 Habib, Irfan, Economic History of Medieval India., p. 120. 212 Ibid., 119–122.

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In piecing together the history of the means of conveyances in western India, we have had to rely substantially on the accounts of the foreign travellers to this area, besides the information gleaned from the lexicons and contemporary texts from this area. Al-Idrisi, writing his great geographical work213 around 1154 CE, mentions that the main means of transport of persons and goods in the area around Nahrwara (Anhilvada Pattan) and on the route from Nahrwara to Baruj (Broach) was provided by ox carts, a statement borne out brilliantly by the paintings under study. This infor­ mation is supported by statements of other visitors to this area, like Duarte Barbosa, Pietro Della Valle and Thomas Herbert, who all state that carriages drawn by oxen or horses were the most important means of transport in this area for carrying goods and people. The information provided by Mirat-i-Sikandari also reinforces the same idea that the most popular mode of transport in western India in the Medieval Period was horse-drawn carriages. It is no wonder that the carriages are the most visible means of transport in the Jain miniatures. Besides the carriages, we get to know about the other means of conveyances also in the accounts of the European travellers and the indigenous sources from this period. Mirat-i-Sikandari, the Persian work, mentions that camels, horses, palanquins and ships for both passengers and cargo were the other means of transport used during the medieval period. Not surprising then, these too find their way into the Jain miniatures—whether it is the palanquin or a howdah on the back of an elephant, a horse with a saddle and stirrup or a magnificent ship featuring in the border decorations. The importance of this visual material can hardly be overemphasised (see Plate  19a). Gujarat being an important port, existence of a thriving ship building industry, is something that we already know of. The illustrations in the paintings generally show only what is required in the story being illustrated but here the ingenuity of the artist comes into play, he very cleverly draws beautiful borders, where he displays many of the contemporary items of Material Culture including ships—that were otherwise not required to be shown in the context of the story being illustrated. We can conclude by saying that in the period under study, chariots drawn by oxen or horses were the most popular means of travel for all strata of the society. Nothing escaped the eyes of the observant Duarte Barbosa, who remarked that people of means perhaps travelled in more luxurious carriages, which were like closed rooms, giving them comfort as well as privacy,214 a statement borne out by the miniature paintings under study.

Emblems of Royalty Emblems of royalty are the visual representation of the imperial, royal or sovereign status of an individual. Some of these are shared with divinities to showcase the god’s role as king of the kings or to make the mortal sovereign identify with the divinity. Royalty therefore has the clearest and most well-known and well-defined emblems. One is generally aware of several emblems of royalty, their physical presence and their importance in the life of a dignitary at court. Even though a fair amount of

213 His great work of descriptive geography known as Kitab Nuzhat al-Mushtaq fi Ikhtiraq al-Afaq. Ibid, p. 18. 214 See The Book of Duarte Barbosa trans. by Mansel Longworth Dames, Vol. I, p. 141.

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scattered information is available to us, on the use and meaning of royal emblems, very little has been written on this aspect. That the painter understood the purport of these symbols is only too well established. He seldom made a statement that did not rest on the foundations of historical veracity. A study of these pictorial statements of emblems therefore acquires a certain importance. It is important at the very outset to make a distinction between royal privileges and royal emblems—a privilege being defined as a right or a prerogative enjoyed by, or bestowed upon, important personalities at a court or in a society. A privilege, therefore, is a custom or a practice that comes into vogue and is distinguishable from an emblem, which is an object that identifies and distinguishes a certain class of persons from the rest. One knows of the painter’s rendering of these royal privileges, in paintings, with a great degree of care and seriousness.215 Thus, when royal privileges were rendered pic­ torially, they took on the character of an emblem and thus acquired a physical entity. Royal emblems like royal privileges got fixed over a period of time, after having varied from period to period and from culture to culture. In Vedic India, with the emergence of the first idea of kingship, one starts encountering the use of certain emblems to distinguish and set royalty as a class apart from the other sections of the society. Figuring in early literary texts, as well as in early Indian art such as that at Ajanta or Bharhut, one realises that the three essential emblems of royalty were the chattra, the chowrie and the throne. Substantial evidence of the emblems of royalty comes in from the study of numismatics as well. The coins of various periods, depict­ ing the sovereign in whose name the coin was issued, would also contain some of the essential royal ensigns. From the Islamic tradition, Abul Fazl provides us with detailed information about royal emblems. He lists under these—the avarang or throne, the chattra or umbrella, the sayaban which served the same purpose as an umbrella and was also called the aftabgir. The alam, the chattratoq and the tumantoq, all of which were kinds of standards. The qur was a collection of flags, arms and other insignia, wrapped up in scarlet cloth bags. The jhanda or the flag and the kawkaba, which was a metallic ball, suspended on a chain, attached to a rod, hung outside the assembly hall.216 The chowrie or the fly-whisk does not figure in Abul Fazl’s list but was an important part of the ancient Indian tradition and was a part of five important ensigns of royalty, mentioned in the Kathasaritsagara collectively as panchakakudani.217 Some of these symbols, which were interestingly called lawazma, meaning “essen­ tial or necessary”, were restricted only to royalty, such as the throne, the chattra, the sayaban or the kawkaba. Other symbols like the standards were extended as distin­ guishing marks of honour to nobles and other high-ranking officials. Most of these emblems of royalty were also used to distinguish “divine” as well as religious beings accredited with some supernatural powers. As compared to the Mughal miniatures, not many emblems are seen in the Jain paint­ ings under study. The more essential and vital ones, however, do get illustrated and appear to appropriately identify royalty or divinity, as the case may be. Thus, in the paintings, the symbols of royalty are seen distinguishing kings, divine beings as well as holy men.

215 B.N. Goswamy, Pahari Paintings of the Nala-Damayanti Theme, p. 90.

216 See Ain-i-Akbari, trans. by Blochmann, I, p. 52.

217 J. Gonda, Ancient Indian Kingship from the Religious Point of View, p. 37.

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Emblems of Royalty in Lexicons and Other Related Sources Aatpavarnam (Abhi., III, 381) referred to a parasol and was mentioned as early as the Raghuvamsa (Raghu., iii, 70). Bhadrasanam (Abhi., III, 380) denoted a seat/throne made for the king, which could be made of silver or any other precious metal. Another name for the royal throne was nripasanam (Abhi., III, 380). The cushion on the throne was a symbolic representation of Lakshmi or the goddess of prosperity. Chaamar (Neminatha Phagu),218 chamar (Panchapandavacharitasu219; VR., 22) and Chamaram (Abhi., III, 381) were names for one and the same thing, that is a white yak tail flywhisk used for waving over royalty or divinity, as an act of performing service to them. Chatram (Abhi., III, 38) denoted a royal parasol. Chindh (Panchapandavachar itasu)220 referred to a royal flag. Dhayvada (Neminatha Phagu)221 literally meant the cloth of a banner, but repre­ sented the banner itself too. This was the same as the pataka (VR., 50) which also denoted a banner. Abhidhanachintamani contains several names for royal banners such as dhvaj, ketanam, ketu, pataka and vaijayanti (Abhi., III, 414). Ketu mentioned in the Rig Veda and Atharva Veda and Ketana in the Mahabharata referred to a sign, flag, banner mark or symbol of a deity or the ensign of a warrior222 while vaijayanti in the Mahabharata stood for the banner of Indra.223 Ochar (VR. 22) referred to the chamar or the fly-whisk. There was perhaps a variety among chamars, and these were given specific names, for example prakirnakam, romaguccha and valavyajamam (Abhi., III, 381). Sikiri (Neminatha Phagu)224 referred to an umbrella or royal parasol. Singhasana (VR., 23) and singhasanam (Abhi., III, 381) both referred to a throne or seat for a king made out of gold. The term literally meaning a “seat for a lion” was often pictorially represented as a throne with legs in the shape of lions. There were obviously several varieties within the royal flags or banners, as for example tamra­ chudadhvaja (Pr. Ch., 92) referred to a flag with kukkuta (cock) as a distinguishing mark.225

Emblems of Royalty as Seen in the Paintings Throne The throne or the singhasana, also known as the avaranga and the takht (Persian), was among the first symbols of royalty. Generally, it was a couch of square, rectan­ gular or hexagonal shape with four to six legs; it could also be a simple dais without legs. The legs were sometimes in the shape of seated lions or lion heads. Some thrones

218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225

Gurjara Rasavali, ed. by B.K. Thakore, M.D. Desai and M.C. Modi, III, 149.

Ibid., I, 337.

Ibid., I, 746.

Neminatha Phagu of Rajshekhara Suri, Prachina Phagu Samgraha, ed. by B.J. Sandesara, II, 6.

See M. Monier Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 308.

Ibid., p. 1021.

Gurjara Rasavali, op. cit., III, 149.

The celebrated king of Gujarat, Siddharaja Jayasimha’s (1094–1143 AD) flag had tamrachuda mark

and as such was called tamrachuda-dhvaja. See Prabandhachintamani of Merutunga, ed. by Muni Jinavijaya, p. 92.

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had a railing on three sides, with an opening in the front for the king to enter into it. Thrones were made from wood and even marble, gold and silver in the later period.226 Very special wood from the audambara tree was used for the throne, taking care in selecting a piece which had no inauspicious knots or defects.227 Thrones generally were richly decorated with precious stones and inlay work in ivory. They had a bolster cushion at the back to support the king and a canopy or chattra above his head. Eve­ rything used on the throne had a special significance.228 The cushion on the throne was identified with Sri, the goddess Lakshmi, hinting thereby at the prosperity on which the kingship rested, though the throne itself represented the seat on which Aditya, the sun, was anointed. There was a constant allusion to the royal throne being a seat of the gods as well as of mortal beings. The canopy over the throne was generally made of silk, embroidered with gold and tied on to gilded poles with red silken robes. The occupant of the throne was recognised as God’s substitute and therefore was worthy of great veneration.229 The lions on the leg of the throne, which gave it the name singhasana, hint to the lion being the archetypal symbol of regal status and power, in both India and the Middle East. It depicted also a quasi-religious connection between the fearless king of the beasts and the sovereign of the men. The symbol of the lion used for religious and royal personalities, figures rather prominently in religious litera­ ture.230 Referring to the Buddha, we come across statements like, “how like a lion he speaks, this seer, this healer, this great conqueror (shakyamuni)”, and again “as with a kingly lion’s roar (he) shall start truth’s wheel”.231 Because of this constant correlation between king and God, only a person possessed of a fit mind and body could ideally occupy the throne. One knows only too well of Maharana Sanga’s refusal to sit on the throne because of his physical disabilities.232 A throne very commonly seen in the paintings from the 13th to the 16th century CE is in the shape of a low, square seat (pidha), very much like the low Gujarati wooden chair seen even today. It has large, solid ornate legs. Armless, it has a back that is at an incline backwards and ends in a stepped kind of arch with one or three finials at the top. There is a decorative fringe or bells between the legs on all four sides (see Figure 7.36; Plates 18, 21c). The throne almost always appears to be upholstered. At times, one can see a bolster cushion also placed on it (Plate 14). Figure 7.36

226 227 228 229 230 231 232

See S.P. Verma, Art and Material Culture in the paintings of Akbar’s Court, p. 174.

Gonda, op. cit., p. 45.

Verma, op. cit., 73.

Gonda, op. cit., pp. 45, 46.

John M. Rosenfield, The Dynastic Art of the Kushans, p. 184.

The Sutta Nipata, III, 7; III, 11. See Sutta- Nipata ed., by Lord Robert Chalmers, pp. 141, 165.

H.B. Sarda, Maharana Sanga, pp. 58–59.

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Figure 7.37

Another extremely ornate throne is seen occupied by the Shahi king in the Kalakacharya Katha manuscript from C. 1375 CE. Here, the seat of the throne appears to be of low height. It has a square or perhaps a semi-circular frame, upon which rests a low railing of the height of the occupant’s waist, going all around the seat, leaving only the front open for the king to slide in and out. Attached to the seat are a set of heavy ornate pillars with brackets, supporting a heavily carved, arched, canopy-like roof with a finial on the top. In appearance, the roof looks quite similar to the roof of the “gharderasars” discussed earlier in Chapter  5. However, the most remarkable feature of the throne are the legs, which are supported by a couple of seated lions, supporting the weight of the throne on their heads (see Figure 7.37). The seat also appears to be heavily upholstered with a rich, patterned fabric that also seems to drop down in a triangle shape, from the back of the seat. The Shahi kings are shown in quite a few manuscripts to be sitting on thrones supported by lions. This kind of throne could well have been made of marble, gilded wood or perhaps even gold and can be surely identified with the singhasana (seat of a lion) discussed earlier, which was a symbol of regal status and power. The Shahi thrones are heavier and always with an ornate canopy made either of cloth or of wood or whichever material the throne is made of. Most of the thrones are shown with very decorative chattras on top. Seen in the paintings are a great many thrones with one, two or even three chattras above them. At places, the chattra seems to be attached to the throne with rods/handles and in several other paintings, the chattra is seen unsupported by anything. In this category, the thrones remain made in the same style of a low “squarish” seat, with an ornate back, at times slightly tilted back, upholstered, with a bolster cushion placed on the seat and a decorative canopy on top (see Plate 14). Seen also is a simple chauki with no back, on which the king is seated rather informally (Plate  15) with no chattra, only a vandanavara above him.

Figure 7.38

Towards the end of the 16th century, we can see a change in the look of the thrones. In a painting from Laghu Sangrahani Sutra of 1583 CE (see Plate 28, Figure 7.38), a very delicately crafted throne seating a Chakravartin can be seen. The throne is very low with heavy legs and has a straight back. The three chattras are attached to an undulating horizontal rod that seems to be joined to the back of the throne. Most of the thrones have a low footstool (sandali)233 in front. These thrones appear to be the bhadrasanam or nripasanam of the contemporary texts. The ones with the lion legs are clearly the singhasana. Most of the figures seated on them are royal or divine figures.

233 Verma, op. cit., p. 72.

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Chattra Chattra, the royal umbrella or parasol, along with chowrie, expresses the very essence of royal power. The chattra is a broad-based, small-domed umbrella and is often deco­ rated with costly jewels and cloth fringes. It is second in importance to the throne. Generally fixed to a long handle, it can be attached to the throne or carried by an attendant over the person of the king as he ventures out of the palace. In a sense, this is a mobile symbol.234 In Rajasthan, the chattra is nearly always of red colour. In the Kathasaritasagar,235 it represents one of the five summits. The word summit is used in the sense of a pinnacle of authority. According to the Apastambha Shrauta Sutra,236 after performing the Vajapeya sacrifice, the king becomes one “who is entitled to the white umbrella”. The chattra is seen symbolically as the residence of goddess Lak­ shmi. It is also supposed to protect the sacred person of the ruler, from the sun shin­ ing directly on him. This is done to protect the ruler’s tejas (pratap) or “heat” being neutralised by contact with the sun’s excessive heat.237 The chattra as a symbol of the outward splendour of kingship is meant to produce an emotion of awe in the minds of his subjects and thereby help to establish his prestige and reputation. It has also been suggested that the chattra represents the firmament and is a symbol of the bless­ ing of God and his protective shadow over the ruler.238 The chattra was also used over the Hindu, Buddhist and Jain gods as a symbol of divinity. It was considered a symbol of royalty by the Chinese as well as by the Christian world.239 Ancient Indian monarchs of importance were allowed to use chattra to emphasise their power. The chattra is clearly visible on the coins of Chandragupta II, where a dwarf attendant is shown holding the chattra over the head of a king.240

234 235 236 237 238 239 240

Ibid., pp. 76–77. Kathasaritasagar, 12, 190F as mentioned in Gonda, op. cit., p. 37. Apastambha Srauta Sutra, 18, 7 as mentioned in Gonda, op. cit., p. 37. Gonda, op. cit., p. 37. Ibid., pp. 22, 38. Verma, op. cit., p. 76. Ashwini Aggarwal, Rise and Fall of the Imperial Guptas, p.  22. See also, R.C. Majumdar, ed., The Vedic Age, the History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. I, p. 23.

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Figure 7.39

The chattra seen in our sample of paintings is mostly of the same kind (see Plates 5, 13, 14) and is seen without much change in style, from the 13th to 16th centuries CE. They are of a domical shape, not too high, with a slightly raised centre, and not too wide a circumference. The chattras have a fringe with tassels, all around their circumference. They are mounted on a long handle and are nearly always shown carried by an attendant, walking beside the royal or divine figure over whose head the chattra has been placed (see Figure 7.39). The persons, over whom the chattra is held, are almost always either divine/royal figures or Jain monks. Chattras were used even during battles. In one painting showing “the army of Gardabhilla on the march”, a very beautiful and ornate chattra is seen held over the head of Gardabhilla.241 We have one more beautiful example of a grand chattra being placed over a conch shell resting on a throne (see Plate 21c). The chattra is massive in size, has a raised centre, topped with a finial, a row of hamsa/geese motif goes all around the circumference, and it has a red fringe all around at the lower end. This is by far the largest chattra seen in these paintings consulted for this study. In another painting a Jina is shown sitting in the samavasarana with a double chattra, one placed over the other (see Figure 7.40). In yet another painting (see Plate  18), we see a similar round chattra, with two parrots perched on top as a decorative motif. The decorative motifs keep changing but the basic style of the chattra remains the same.

Figure 7.40

As we approach the 17th century, the form of the chattra changes a little, as can be observed in a painting from Yashodhara Charitra dated 1636 CE. Here, we observe a very beautiful round chattra over a Jain Suri. The chattra now acquires a proper domical shape, complete with a finial at the top. A slightly larger fringe decorates the bottom end of the chattra. Added on decorative motifs like peacocks and parrots are no longer there. It seems to be attached to a rod, fixed to the square seat, on which the suri is seated. The rod unlike earlier examples is not straight but is curved in such a way that it comes from behind and bends slightly over the person sitting on the seat/throne (see Plate 32). The lexicons and other texts describe these chattras as aatpavarnam, which also occurs in the Raghuvamsa, as a parasol, a heat protector. The other words in the contemporary texts are chatram and sikiri, used in the sense of a royal parasol.

241 “Army of Gardhabhilla on the march”, Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1415 CE., P.C. Jain Collection, Mum­ bai. Reproduced as Col.illus.25B in “Miniature Paintings”, Karl Khandalavala and Saryu Doshi, Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III.

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There is one extraordinary chattra shown being held over a Jain monk. This particular chattra is much broader and boat shaped. On close observation, it appears to have been made out of peacock feathers (see Plate 1 and Figure 7.41).

Figure 7.41

Chauri The Chauri or the fly-whisk is another important royal emblem mentioned in the Kathasaritasagar as one of the pancha kakudani. It constituted a typically oriental sign of royal dignity. Indian art from the early 2nd century BCE has many examples of attendants holding fly-whisks over gods, thereby acknowledging their divinity and superior powers.242 The Chauri consisted of thick tufts of hair from the tail of a Yak, fixed into a well-decorated handle. It was carried by an attendant who stood close behind the king, waving the fly-whisk over the royal head.243 The chauri was seen prominently in use at royal courts along with other royal emblems and soon became a prominent symbol of the temporal and the divine power of the ruler.

Figure 7.42

From the evidence of the Jain paintings, we notice two types of chauris in use. There was the yak-tail fly-whisk fixed to a handle (see Figure 7.42) and the other, a simple piece of cloth that was waved over the head like a chauri (see Figure 7.43). The use of each type of chauri seems to have been the right of a person of a particular status, and this right was obviously not inter-changeable. The emblem does not appear to have been used casually. Definite rules appear to have existed about the use of a particular type of chauri for the person of a particular status. This distinction is also adhered to strictly by the painter. The yak-tail fly-whisk or the chauri appears to have been used by persons of royal ranks of the highest order, whether mortal or divine.

Figure 7.43

242 V.N. Desai, Life at Court, Art for Indian Rulers, 16–18 century, p. 136. 243 Verma, op. cit., p. 80.

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A close observation of Jain paintings, reveal the veracity of the observations about the distinctive uses of the cloth and the yak-tail fly-whisk. The cloth whisk is seen nearly always waved over the heads of figures of a lesser status than the sovereign of the land. Jain monks (see Plate 1), queens, Tirthankaras and sometimes a visiting Shahi chief are seen having this cloth whisk waved over their heads. The one exception comes from a painting of the Sangrahani Sutra, where a Chakravartin (universal sovereign), seated on a low chauki like throne, with a triple chattra over him, has an attendant waving a cloth whisk over his head (see Plate 28). The more common variety of whisk is the yak-tail fly-whisk. This is seen clearly waved over divine figures like Indra, Queens and Kings (see Plates 6, 32) including the Shahi king sitting on his throne, and interestingly over a large conch shell placed on a throne, under a chattra (see Plate 21c). This shankh, which represents the Panchajanya conch of Sri Krishna, is connected intimately with Neminatha or Arishtanemi, the 22nd Tirthankara, who is considered to be Lord Krishna’s cousin. According to the Kalpasutra, Neminatha was the only one to blow the conch of Krishna, called Panchajanya. Thus, in many paintings of Kalpasutra, depicting the story of Neminatha, a fly-whisk is shown being waved as a mark of respect, over the conch. These whisks are referred to as chaamar, chamar, chamaram, ochar, romaguccha etc. in the texts.

Banners and Standards It has been observed that the more complex the regalia, the greater the degree of devel­ opment of regal pomp. One of the earliest emblems has been the dhvaja,244 also referred to as the pataka. Both words mean banner/flag in Sanskrit. The dhvaja because of its importance was carried by special people, who accompanied the processions. Gener­ ally, the dhvaja as a royal insignia was exclusive to the sovereigns, but occasionally was awarded to the subordinate rulers also. Made from a triangular or square piece of cloth, it was tied at the end of a long wooden pole. The dhvaja or pataka mentioned in the Mahabharata and the Harivamsa Purana, in association with religious or royal persons, is the same as jhanda of popular parlance. Some of the more elaborate and complex emblems of this category have come to us from the Turkish tradition through the media of the Mughal kings. Abul Fazl245 talks about the sayaban, which was an oval, spherical, conical or leaf-shaped fan, mounted on a pole, three to four metres in length. It was generally held by the attendant to protect the king from the rays of the sun and hence was also called aftabgir. From among the category of standards, amidst the variety of Mughal standards, the one that seems to be exclusively from the Rajput courts is the changir/changi, which has been described by Col. James Tod,246 as a disc of black felt or ostrich feathers, with a plate of gold fitted in its centre representing the sun, borne upon a pole. Originally associated only with the state of Mewar, a study of paintings revealed that the changir existed in almost every state of Rajasthan. This emblem may well have been used in the neighbouring area of Gujarat too. These royal emblems were popularly referred to as the aftaba and the adana in the Rajput states.

244 See U.P. Thaplial, Dhvaja: Standards and Flags of India—A Study, pp. 26–32.

245 See Ain-i-Akbari, op. cit., p. 52.

246 See Col. James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 249.

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Seen in the paintings is a standard in the shape of a large circular disc mounted on a pole (see Plate 28), sometimes with a cloth tied on its pole (see Figure 7.44). Within the disc, in the centre is a circle, perhaps representing the sun, with petal-like flames surrounding it all around. This corresponds very closely to the description of the changir/ changi, used in western India.

Figure 7.44

The second kind of banner seen in the paintings often is a streamer (long cylindrical piece of cloth) tied to a pole. The top of the pole has a small chattra-like appearance. The lower edges of the streamer are tooth edged or forked (see Figure 7.45). This banner figures almost always in the paintings depicting the auspicious dream of Trishala,247 and as one of the astamangala symbols.248 This banner is also sometimes seen tied to the carriage of Neminatha on his way to the marriage pavilion. Could this be the dhayvada of the Gujarati literature? This type of banner is also seen fixed on the war chariot in the painting depicting the battle between Bharata and Bahubali.249 In an interesting folio from the Kalpasutra (see Plate 26), one can see, attached to the carriage of Neminatha, a triangular banner, broad at the hoist but getting narrow and forked at the fly end. The field of the flag bears a non­ descript, dotted pattern (perhaps an insignia) on a light fabric that seems to be fluttering in the wind.

Figure 7.45

247 According to the Kalpasutra, the fourteen dreams seen by Trishala are (1) a white elephant, (2) a white bull, (3) a sportive lion. (4)the goddess Sri, four-armed and carrying lotuses and lustrated by two celes­ tial elephants, (5) a garland of various flowers, (6) the full-moon, (7) the Sun, (8) a wondrous beautiful banner fastened to a golden staff with a lion at the top, (9) a full vase filled with water and lotuses, the abode of fortune, (10) a large lake full of lotuses, (11) the ocean of milk, (12) the Deva-Vimana (celestial palace), (13) the jewel heap (ratna-rasi) and (14) smokeless fire with constantly moving flame. See U.P. Shah, Jaina-Rupa-Mandana, p. 17. 248 The banner (dhvaja) figures only in ashtamangalas or eight auspicious symbols known to the Digam­ bara sect. These are Bhringara (a type of vessel), kalasha, darpana, chamara (fly-whisk), dhvaja (ban­ ner), vyajana (fan), chattra (umbrella) and supratishtha (a seat). Ibid., p. 19. 249 “Battle between Bharata and Bahubali”, painted wooden book cover, 12th century CE (Reproduced as Fig. 14, pp. 38–39, in Saryu Doshi, Masterpieces of Jain Painting.)

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Close observation of the same painting (Plate 26) reveals an interesting ensign, which seems to be made of some stiff material, resembling the bristles of a brush, arranged on a semi-circular base, attached to the V-shaped top end of a staff. The staff has a beautiful floral motif at the base of the V. It is seen attached to the horse carrying Neminatha, as well as to his carriage, perhaps denoting royalty. The bristles were most probably made from some bird feathers as was usually done for royalty all over the world. In an interesting painting, from the Laghu Sangrahani Sutra dated 1583 CE, some of the emblems of royalty can be seen. In the painting showing the fourteen ratnas (jewels) of a Chakravartin, the lower register contains, what can be identified as a changir, a chattra, a spear (bhala),250 a sword, a horse and an elephant with royal trappings (ssee Plate 28). In yet another illustration from the same manuscript, showing the jewels of Vasudeva, the upper register shows again a standard that appears like a changir, a bow, a sword and an oval leaf-shaped banner (see Figure  7.46), which is very similar in appearance to the sayaban described by Abul Fazl. Behind the Vasudeva stands an attendant waving the chauri over his head (see Plate 29). Both these paintings are no doubt showing some of the emblems of royalty in use at that time.

Figure 7.46

Sword The sword as an edged, bladed instrument has already been discussed as a weapon for slashing or thrusting, in the preceding pages. In medieval India, it served a dual purpose—as an instrument of aggression as well as an ensign of royalty. The sword represented power, authority as well as courage, and has been a part of the regalia ever since kingship evolved into a more permanent and powerful institution. Symbolising the power of the monarch, to use the might of the state against its enemies, it was com­ monly represented in Hindu, Jain and Buddhist art.

250 The bhala, which is normally not considered a royal emblem in the Indian situation, is argued by John M. Rosenfield in his masterly work on the Kushans, as being intended more as an emblem than as a weapon by the Kushan Imperium. Rosenfield points out that the spear was one of the prime symbols of imperial authority in contemporary Rome, where it was treated as a sacred object and used in the administration of justice. See Rosenfield, op. cit., pp. 54–58.

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Figure 7.47

Interestingly, on close observation, one can see that most of the kings, depicted in the Jain paintings, are in possession of a sword, especially when they are seated on a throne and under a royal umbrella or chattra. The sword can be described as being double edged, broad near the guard, and tapering towards a point at the top. The pommel, the hilt and the guard are all very clearly drawn. In many paintings, the king is shown with the sword purely as an item of regalia since he is not on a battlefield (see Figure 7.47 and Plate 6a). In the painting showing the fourteen ratnas (jewels) of a Chakravartin, the lower register displays among other things, a sword, thereby pointing to the existence of sword as one of the ensigns of royalty (see Plate 28). Again, the sword makes its appearance as one of the jewels, in the painting showing the jewels of Vasudeva (see Plate  29). The sword depicted here can be identified with the names Khadag, khandu, karvaal, Padiyar and Rishti mentioned in the contemporary lexicons and vernacular literature of the period.

Since the illustrated manuscripts were based on the lives of the Tirthankaras, who came from royal lineage, there has been ample scope for the artists of these miniatures, to show scenes where these symbols of royalty are seen distinguishing kings as well as holy men, from ordinary citizens. One thing that is proven beyond doubt, while comb­ ing the miniatures, is that the artists were extremely careful when it came to depicting iconographical attributes so far as the divine beings are concerned, as well as the royal ensigns whenever royalty was depicted. The royal ensigns most commonly seen in the paintings were the throne, the royal parasol (chattra) or the fly-whisk (chauri). In addition, many paintings have shown the sword also as a royal ensign. Some of these symbols of royalty were also used to distinguish, “divine” as well as religious beings accredited with supernatural powers. Jain monks are usually also given a very high status as we see them occupying very beautiful throne-like seats, under an equally impressive chattra. They also have some kind of chauri waved behind them, though it is usually made of cloth. Gods like Indra have been shown with all the iconographic attributes like vajra, ankush etc., but the painter has made sure that his royal status is also highlighted by showing him always sitting on a throne under a chattra and with an attendant waving a chauri behind him. We see a reflection and continuation of many of these royal ensigns in the contemporary Mughal, as well as later Rajput miniature paintings, thereby proving the existence of these ensigns in the context of those times.

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In the preceding pages, an attempt has been made to answer some of the pertinent questions that come to one’s mind while reading a book on paintings of a bygone era. One of the important questions it addresses is the role of paintings as social and historical documents. More importantly, it drives home the fact that the evidence that comes from a painting, though good in itself, gets reinforced by corroborative evidence from other sources. In this case, through the accounts of foreign travellers passing through western India and the local lexicographers and their accounts of vari­ ous articles of Material Culture in vogue in their area. Pictorial evidence and its importance as a source of studying history has been the underlying premise of this work. Through the Jain paintings, it is the western Indian society and its Material Culture that has been studied at length. As we all know, art does not exist in a vacuum; there is always a social context to it. Material Culture forms a very identifiable component of this social milieu. Studying the paintings and recognising the shapes of objects that people used and the level of cultural advance­ ment that they possessed has been the focus of this work. In the absence of photog­ raphy, paintings provided the pictorial evidence—a contemporary statement made by the artist, reflecting the world around him. The limitations of paintings as histori­ cal evidence, wherever applicable, have also been pointed out. Most of the time, the descriptions of the objects of Material Culture mentioned in the contemporary literary texts and accounts of travellers match very well with the drawings in the miniatures, thereby proving the painter’s keen and accurate observation of “things” around him. Material Culture is inextricably linked with social change as all items of Material Cul­ ture are amenable to change. What has been fascinating to observe in the Jain paintings is that, with the changes in the political and social environment, corresponding changes in the costumes, textiles, ornaments, weapons, musical instruments, royal ensigns etc. are clearly discernible, again, proving the importance of this evidence. Tracing the changing trends in Material Culture is as interesting to observe as any other aspect of social change. These changes are clearly discernible in the case of costumes and textiles, and it has been fascinating to observe the changing trends of fashion in the costumes of both men and women. How the ubiquitous dhoti/sari dominates the scene from the 12th to 15th centuries CE and how, within this apparel, subtle changes are observed in the mode of wearing, in the length of the garment and in the choice of the upper and outer garments that went with it. Once the Muslim Sultanate is established in western India, new garments appear on the horizon. The Muslim chroniclers, like Ibn Battuta, though amused by the “unsewn cloths” worn by the men and women of 278

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the area, obviously referring to dhoti/saris, describe the clothes worn by the nobility in the Muslim courts with a lot more eloquence. We hear of garments like Tatariat (long gowns), Takhlawat, Qabas, Talach, Kaftan and Durra for the first time. Interest­ ingly, these changes are visible in the Jain paintings as well. The depiction of Shahis, in the Kalakacharya katha, which required a foreign prototype, was based by the painter on the Muslim courtiers and soldiers who were around him. These soldiers and courtiers also start figuring in the border decorations of the various manuscripts of the 15th century CE with a sartorial style vastly different from the ones observed in the main painting field of the manuscript. Once the Mughal rule is established and Akbar comes on the scene, there is a conscious amalgamation at work, where some indigenous garments like the kurtakas are altered to give birth to new clothes like the double-breasted Jama and its variant, the angarakha, with their different tying styles and varying hemlines. This fusion resulted in the creation of several new clothes and their wider acceptance among the local population. The chaqdar jama, atpati pagdi, chudidara pyjama along with katzeb (waistband) begin to appear in Jain miniatures from the 16th century onwards with some regularity, especially as a form of dress­ ing for the nobility but they were never able to replace the indigenous dhoti and sari which have both continued to exist as traditional garments to this day. Though the paintings do not tell us about the technique involved in the making of the fabric or its texture, the patterns delineated so meticulously by the painter point to a vibrant, thriving textile industry present in western India. The paintings have frozen for eternity the patterns on the textiles; whether it was the sacred hamsa, the gajasimha, laheria or the dotted bandhani, their western Indian affiliation is unquestioned. The textile remains, unearthed from Egypt, identified on the basis of patterns seen on the textiles in the Jain miniatures, indicate that there was a high demand for western Indian textiles across the seas, even for the humble, block-printed, coarse cotton ones. The extant ceremonial garments recovered from Sulawesi, Indonesia, embellished with double ikat patola, point out to the demand for the more exquisite ones too. Again, these are some of the important textiles connected to the area even today. The contem­ porary Indian and Persian writers of the period waxed eloquent about the various kinds of fabric available in India and western India in particular by giving them very poetic names such as kadala-garbha, bulbul chashma, puspapatta, jhanbartali and tanasukha. In terms of visibility, the objects of adornment for the body—the ornaments come next. The profusion of ornaments visible in the paintings, not only finds an echo in the descrip­ tion by the contemporary travellers like Duarte Barbosa but also finds mention in the contemporary Sanskrit and vernacular literature from the area. Whether a particular orna­ ment had its origin in satisfying ritualistic or therapeutic needs, their aesthetic appeal for all is beyond doubt. The large quantum of interesting names, some resembling the body part it adorned like the kanthi, karnaphul and some finding their inspiration in nature like the gopucch, naagpan and patravali, demonstrate that they were named with great care. The painstaking attention to detail by the painter makes our job rather easy as most of the ornaments seen can be identified from the contemporary literature, thereby pointing to the fact that the ornaments from this region had a long history of usage and that the art of making and wearing ornaments was rather advanced by the time these paintings were made. Many of the ornaments and their names like the kangan, kanthi, nupur, anguthi and mala have survived to this day, pointing to the longevity of both the ornaments and their names, in the Indian context. Besides, the variety of coiffure and headgear point out 279

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to a heightened sense of fashion prevalent in those times, which was not limited to only the clothes and ornaments. Different ways of dressing the hair in the paintings showcase that coiffure was also an essential part of being well turned out. At times, the hairstyles match exactly with the descriptions of the lexicographers and foreigners visiting western India. Even a cursory glance at the paintings reveals the veracity of the statement made by Abhayatilakagani, in the 13th century CE, when he said that the Gujarati women wore braids of hair that resembled the letter “लृ” of the Sanskrit alphabet. Compared to the costumes, textiles and ornaments, the visibility of the rest of the objects of Material Culture is less, though not insignificant. Take the example of architec­ ture; in spite of the small size of the miniatures, glimpses of the famed “wooden interiors” of Gujarat, magnificent temples and stylistic representations of step wells abound in the miniatures. In one instance, the depiction of a well, equipped with a Persian wheel—com­ plete with its water pots, in a painting from Jamnagar of a dated manuscript, proves to be a very important historical document, pushing the existence of the Persian wheel, to the pre-Mughal era—once again proving the importance of the pictorial evidence. The Kalpasutra manuscript itself, owing to its stories revolving around the lives of the Tirthankaras who were of royal lineage, is able to showcase beautiful furniture and interior furnishings representative of a royal household in its paintings. Thus, the min­ iatures show the presence of intricately and beautifully patterned wall hangings, mats, bolster cushions, cloth canopies; a trait that is present in western India even today, with items like the bandanavara, pacchitpati and torana being an important part of their art and aesthetics. As far as the furniture goes, the visibility of heavy roundlegged chairs with slanting backs, footstools, four poster beds, bedsteads, swing-cum beds, in the paintings proves once again what foreign travellers like Edward Terry and Duarte Barbosa said about the skilled workmanship of the craftsmen, that they were masters of fine inlay work and carpentry. Even though their visibility is not much in the paintings, it is apparent that many ves­ sels and articles of ritual use have been passed on to us in the same form as they were in the period under study. Recognisable forms are a trademark of these objects, which fulfil the same purpose as they did centuries ago. When we see a lota, a lamp, a comb, a mirror, a mortar and pestle or a weighing scale, it does not require much effort on our part to recognise them as they serve the same purpose in India even today. Some vessels like the double-handed surahi, the slender mina, wide-mouthed basins, goglets and nar­ row elegant cups were perhaps born out of interaction with the Muslim court, but by and large, there was hardly any change in the ritual objects like the kalasha, the jhari, the sthapanacharya and the objects used by the Jain monks and nuns over the centuries. The limited number of musical instruments appearing in the miniatures gives us a fair idea of the musical instruments popular in western India at that time. All four classes of musical instruments existing in India since antiquity find representation in the Jain miniatures. One knows only too well of the experimentation and amalgama­ tion that happened in the sphere of music during Amir Khusrau’s time in the Sultan­ ate period and one can imagine the same happening with the instruments. Creation of some interesting instruments like the seni rubab, ghichak were the result of the intermingling of the two cultures coming together. Their depiction in both the Jain miniatures and in the Mughal paintings is a proof of this synthesis. The most dramatic changes are seen in the field of arms and armour. The irony of finding arms in the manuscripts of one of the virulently non-violent religions is not lost 280

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on us. The significance of innovation and change in the field of arms and armaments hardly needs to be emphasised since it is by the dint of superior arms that different parts of India, including Gujarat came under foreign rule—so it is not at all surprising to see the painter giving it some space in the paintings. Even though one continues to see the weapons of antiquity like the mace, the battle axe, bows and arrows in the paintings yet this period also marks the entry of new arms with game-changing potential, such as the matchlocks, arquebuses and artillery that arrived in India with the Muslim Sultans and the Mughals. Again, the Shahi soldiers, modelled on the Gujarat Sultan’s army, provide us with a glimpse of the weapons of offence and defence, in the paintings. Whether it is the chainmail armour and helmets worn by them or the swords and matchlocks carried by them, their importance as evidence of history can hardly be overemphasised. As far as the means of conveyances are concerned, the depiction in the paintings however scant, gives us a fairly good idea of what the preferred modes of transport were. Quite a few means of conveyances mentioned by the European travellers and the literature of the period find adequate representation in the miniatures. One sees the age-old bullock carts and carriages drawn by oxen and horses, depicted rather regularly in the Jain paintings. The drawings on the tirthapatas, which dealt with pilgrimages, usually have several illustrations of carriages, carts, palanquins on them. European travellers like Duarte Barbosa and Della Valle corroborate the use of carriages drawn by oxen in this area. They also mention palanquins being used within the city, of which we get a fairly good representation in the paintings. Cambay being a great ship building centre, it is again no wonder that several boats and ships appear in the miniatures, however stylised or abstract their representation may have been. Lastly, the illustrated manuscripts give us a glimpse of the emblems of royalty being in use in this area. The paintings revolving around the lives of the tirthankaras who were of royal descent, offered ample opportunity to showcase the essential royal ensigns distinguishing the royalty from the masses. Besides the three essential emblems of royalty continuing from the past (the throne, the chattra and the chowrie), the ban­ ners and standards also find depiction in the Jain miniatures. One realises that some of the more elaborate and complex emblems have Turkish lineage and came into this region via the Mughal rulers. Thus, in the miniatures, we also find some emblems commonly seen in the Mughal paintings. What comes across as remarkable in this study, is that many of the articles of Mate­ rial Culture seen in the paintings can still be seen in many parts of western India. The continuity of Indian culture is established very firmly through this. It brings to mind the famous saying by Jean-Baptiste Alphonse Karr, “plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose” (the more things change, the more they stay the same). It holds true for a study of Material Culture as well. Though inevitable changes in the objects are visible over a period of time, the intrinsic idea behind the origin of the object, does not allow the changes to stray too far from the original. Through this establishment and confirma­ tion of the various objects of Material Culture in use, in western India, I hope, I have attempted to provide a systematic and chronological survey of the social context in which the Jain paintings flourished. This documentation of the various articles that were in use could also provide the basis for a future study. What emerges as a result makes to my mind, a humble contribution to our study of the Material Culture of that area. 281

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Reference to Objects of Material Culture in Jain Canonical Literature A (The following verses are of great interest to scholars of Material Culture as they give us a glimpse of the objects used in a common and Royal household around 2,000 years ago) A monk, living single, should not fall in love; if he loves pleasure, he should again become indifferent. Now hear the pleasures of Sramanas, which some monks enjoy. When a monk breaks the law, dotes (on a woman), and is absorbed by that passion, she afterwards scolds him, lifts her foot and tramples on his head . . . send (s) him on all sorts of errands: Look (for the bodkin to) carve the bottle-gourd, fetch some nice fruit. (Bring) wood to cook the vegetables, or that we may light a fire at night; paint my feet, come and meanwhile rub my back! Look after my clothes, bring food and drink, get me some perfume, a broom, a barber (to shave my head)! Give me the collyrium-box, my ornaments, the lute, Lodhra- powder (Symplocos Racemosa, the bark of which is used in dyeing), a Lodhra- flower, the Venu-palasika-lute, (a thin piece of bamboo or bark held between the teeth with the left hand, and played by the right hand just like a Vina) a pill! A Utpalakushta (Costus Speciosus), Tagara-powder (Tabernaemontana Coronaria), and aloe pounded together with Usira (Andropogon Muricatus), oil for anointing the face, baskets of bamboo wickerwork to put my things in! Reach me the lip-salve, fetch the umbrella and slippers, the knife to cut the string, have my robe dyed bluish! Give me the pot to cook the vegetables in, Myrobalans (used for bathing), the jar to fetch water in, the stick to paint the mark upon the forehead, the pin to apply collyrium (to the eyelids), or the fan when it is hot! Fetch me the pincers (to tear out the hair growing in the nose), the comb, the ribbon to bind up the hair, reach me the looking-glass, put the tooth-brush near me! 282

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Fetch me areca-nut and betel, needle and thread, the chamber-pot, the win­ nowing basket, the mortar, the pot for liquefying natron (used for cleaning linen instead of soap)! Give me the vessel (kandalaka used in worshipping the gods), the water-pot. Friend, dig a privy. Fetch the bow for our son, the bullock for the Sramanera! The small pot, the drum and the ball of cloth for the boy (to play with). Sramana, the rainy season is at hand, look after the house and the stores! (Fetch) the chair with woven twine seat, the wooden shoes to walk on! (Sutrakritanga, Book I, Lecture-4, Chapter-2) Sacred Books of the East, ed. by F. Max Muller, Vol. 45, pp. 275–277.

B When in due time the god of the day had risen and by the blows of his hands (or rays) the darkness was driven away, while the inhabited world was, as it were, dipped in saffron by the morning sun, the Kshatriya Siddhartha rose from his bed, descended from the foot stool, went to the hall for gymnastic exercises, and entered it. There he applied himself to many wholesome exer­ cises, jumped, wrestled, fenced and fought till he got thoroughly tired: then he was anointed with hundredfold and thousandfold refined different kinds of oil, which nourished, beautified, invigorated, exhilarated, strengthened and increased all senses and limbs. On an oiled hide he was shampooed by clever men with soft and tender palms of the hands and soles of the feet .  .  . his fatigues banished, he left the hall for gymnastic exercises, and entered the bathing house. The pleasant bathing-room was very agreeable, and contained many windows, ornamented with pearls; its floor was decorated with mosaic of various jewels and precious stones. On the bathing-stool, inlaid with vari­ ous jewels and precious stones in the form of arabesques, he comfortably sat down and bathed himself with water scented with flowers and perfumes, with tepid water and pure water, according to an excellent method of bathing, combined with healthy exercises. When this healthy excellent bathing under many hundred-fold pleasures was over, he dried his body with a long-haired, soft, scented and coloured towel, put on a new and costly excellent robe, rubbed himself with fresh and fragrant Gosirsha and sandal, and ornamented himself with fine wreaths and sandal-ointment. He put on (ornaments) of jewels and pearls, hung round his neck fitting necklaces of eighteen, nine, and three strings of pearls, and one with a pearl pendant, and adorned himself with a zone (girdle). He put on a collar, rings, and charming ornaments of the hair, and encumbered his arms with excellent bracelets: he was of exces­ sive beauty. His face was lighted up by earrings and his head by a diadem; his breast was adorned and decked with necklaces, and his fingers were, as it were, gilded by his rings. His upper garment of fine cloth contained swinging pearl pendants. He put on, as an emblem of his undefeated knighthood, glit­ tering, well-made, strong, excellent, beautiful armlets, made by clever artists of spotless and costly jewels, gold, and precious stones of many kinds. In 283

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short, the king was like the tree granting all desires, decorated and orna­ mented; an umbrella, hung with wreaths and garlands of Korinta flowers, was held above him. He was fanned with white excellent chowries, while his appearance was greeted with auspicious shouts of victory. Surrounded by many chieftains, satraps, kings, princes, knights, sheriffs, heads of families, ministers, chief ministers, astrologers, counsellors, servants, dancing masters, citizens, traders, merchants, foremen of guilds, generals, leaders of caravans, messengers, and frontier-guards . . . left the bathing-house, entered the exterior hall of audience and sat down on his throne with the face towards the east. (Kalpasutra, Lives of the Jinas, Lecture-4) Sacred Books of the East, Ed. by F. Max Muller, Vol. 22, pp. 242–244.

C A monk or a nun wanting to get clothes, may beg for cloth made of wool, silk, hemp, palm-leaves, cotton, or Arkatula, or such-like clothes. If he be a youthful, young, strong, healthy, well-set monk, he may wear one robe, not two; if a nun, she would possess four raiments, one two cubits broad, two three cubits broad, one four cubits broad . . . . A monk or a nun should not accept any very expensive clothes of the following description: clothes made of fur, fine ones, beautiful ones; clothes made of goats’ hair, of blue cotton, of common cotton, of Bengal cotton, of Patta, of Malaya fibers, of bark fib­ ers, of muslin, of silk; (clothes provincially called) Desaraga, Amila, Gaggala, Phaliya, Kayaha; blankets or mantles. A monk or a nun should not accept any of the following plaids of fur and other materials: plaids made of Udra, Pesa fur, embroidered with Pesa fur, made of the fur of black or blue or yellow deer, golden plaids, plaids glittering like gold, interwoven with gold, set with gold, embroidered with gold, plaids made of tigers’ fur, highly ornamented plaids, plaids covered with ornaments. (ACARANGA SUTRA, Book II, Lecture 5, Lesson I) Sacred Books of the East, Ed. by F. Max Muller, Vol. 22, pp. 157–158.

D He had taken a bath containing all (lucky) herbs, and had performed the customary ceremonies; he wore a suit of heavenly clothes and was decked out with ornaments. Riding on the best mast elephant of Vasudeva, he looked beautiful, like a jewel worn on the head. He sat under a raised umbrella, fanned by two chowries, and he was surrounded on all sides by a host of Dasarhas (a clan descended from Yadu) and by a complete army drawn up in rank and file, while the heavenly sound of musical instruments reached the sky.

284

APPENDIX

With such pomp and splendour, the hero of the Vrishnis started from his own palace. . . . Then the famous man presented the charioteer with his pair of earrings, his neck-chain, and all his ornaments . . .. Surrounded by gods and men, and sitting on an excellent palankin, the Venerable One left Dvaraka and ascended mount Raivataka. (Uttaradhyayana Sutra, Rathanemi, Lecture XXII) Sacred Books of the East, Ed. by F. Max Muller, Vol. 45, pp. 113–115.

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Kalpasutra, 1490 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.237, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Kalpasutra, 1490 CE, paper manuscript, copied at Vadnagara (North Gujarat), No. 4561, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Kalpasutra, 1496 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.63, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Kalpasutra, 1498 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.233, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Kalpasutra, 1502 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.227, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Kalpasutra, 1502 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.95, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Kalpasutra, 1503 CE, paper manuscript, DB No. 2991. Dosabhai Abhecand Pedhi collection, Bhavnagar. Kalpasutra, 1506 CE, paper manuscript, No. 5354, Rajasthan Oriental Institute, Jodhpur. Kalpasutra, 1512 CE, paper manuscript, painted at Patan, Atmananda Jaina Sabha, Jnanab­ handar, Bhavanagar. Kalpasutra, 1591 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. 49.19/326, National Museum, New Delhi. Kalpasutra, 1597 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. 77.212, National Museum, New Delhi. Kalpasutra, C. 1275–1300 CE, Palm leaf manuscript, No. 82 (6), Jain Trust, Jaisalmer. Kalpasutra, C. 13th–14th cent. CE, paper manuscript, The Govt. Museum and Art Gallery, Chandigarh. Kalpasutra, C. 1400 CE, paper manuscript, Private collection. Kalpasutra, C. 1425 CE, paper manuscript, No. 1402, Hamsavijayaji collection, Jnanamandir, Baroda. Kalpasutra, C. 1425–1450 CE, paper manuscript, Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varanasi. Kalpasutra, C. 1450–1475 CE, paper manuscript, Private collection. Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. 63.591, National Museum, New Delhi. Kalpasutra, C. 1475 CE, paper manuscript, Cat. No. 1402, Atmanand Jnana Bhandara, Nars­ inghjini Pol, Baroda. Kalpasutra, C. 1475–1500 CE, paper manuscript, Detroit Institute of Art, Detroit. Kalpasutra, C. 1475–1500 CE, paper manuscript, Private collection. Kalpasutra, C. 1500 CE, paper Manuscript, Acc. No. AT/90/1097, Indian Museum, Kolkata. Kalpasutra, C. 1575–1600 CE, paper manuscript, Spencer collection, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundation, New York. Kalpasutra, C. 15th Cent. CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. 15021, Indian Museum, Kolkata. Kalpasutra, C. 15th Cent. CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. AT/90/1120, painted in Gujarat, Indian Museum, Kolkata. Kalpasutra, C. 1600–1625 CE, paper manuscript, Museum and Picture Gallery, Baroda. Kalpasutra, C. Early 15th Cent CE, paper manuscript, No. 425, Jnana Bhandara, Jaisalmer. Kalpasutra, C. End of the 14th Cent. CE, palm leaf manuscript, Sheth Anandji Mangaljini Pedhi na Jnana Bhandara, Idar. Kalpasutra, C. 1425–30 CE, paper manuscript, Hemachandracharya Jnana Bhandara, Patan. Kalpasutra, C. 1460–70 CE, paper manuscript, painted at Mandu, cat no.2189, Atmanand Jnana Mandir Narsinghjini Pol, Baroda. Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1382 CE, palm leaf manuscript, Nemi Darsana Jnansala, Palitana. Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. 58.20/16a, National Museum, New Delhi. Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, paper manuscript, P.C. Jain collection, Mumbai. Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1444 CE, paper manuscript, Jain Bhandara, Jaisalmer.

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Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1452 CE, paper manuscript, National Museum, New Delhi. Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 16th century CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. 22.3260A, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. 55.65, Chhatra­ pati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1475 CE, paper manuscript, Devasano Pado Bhandar, Ahmedabad. Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. late 15th Cent. CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. 22.3260B, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, paper manuscript, painted at Matar, Gujarat, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Prakarana-Pothi, 1288 CE, palm leaf manuscript, Jain Trust, Jaisalmer. Pravachana-Saroddhar Vriti-Saha, 1377CE, palm leaf manuscript. Jain Trust, Jaisalmer. Sangrahani Sutra, 1587 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.196, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.199, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Sangrahani Sutra, 1649 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. 38.19, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. Sangrahani Sutra, 1650 CE, paper manuscript, No. 4566, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Samyaktva Kaumudi, 1422 CE, paper manuscript, DA no. 9, Dehla Jaina Upasraya, Ahmedabad. Santinathacharitra, 1241 CE, palm leaf manuscript, Santinatha Bhandara, Cambay. Santinathacharitra, C. 1440–1490 CE, paper manuscript, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Saturnjaya Mahatmaya, C. 1420 CE, paper manuscript, Sagara No. 285, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Shalibhadra Mahamuni Charitra, C. early 17th cent CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. 38.20, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. Siddha Haima, C. end of the 14th cent. or beginning of the 15th cent. CE, palm leaf manuscript, Tapa Bhandara, Patan. Siddhahemashabdanushasana, C. 1200–1225 CE, palm leaf manuscript, Jain Trust, Jaisalmer. Siddhahemashabdanushasana, by Hemachandra, Gujarat, C. 1350 CE, Palm leaf manuscript, Acc. No. M.88.62.1, South and South east Asian Art, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles. Subahu Katha, 1288 CE, palm leaf manuscript, Sanghavina Pada Jnana Bhandara, Patan. Suparsvanatha cariyam, 1423 CE, paper manuscript, Tapagachhiya Jain Jnana Bhandra of Sri Hemachandracarya Jnana Mandir, Patan. Trisastisalakapurusacarita, 1241 CE, palm leaf manuscript, Cambay cat. No. 186, Santinatha Jaina Bhandara, Cambay. Upadesamala-Prakarana, C. 1650 CE, paper manuscript, Cat. No. 489, Dehla Jaina Upasraya, Ahmedabad. Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1448 CE, paper manuscript, Parshvacandra gaccha Upasraya, Mandal. Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1492 CE, paper manuscript, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.55, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Uttaradhyayana Sutra, C.1600 CE, paper manuscript, No. 1/84, Muni Sri Punyavijayaji collec­ tion, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Uttaradhyayana Sutra, C. Early 17th Cent. CE, paper manuscript, Devasano Pado Bhandara, Ahmedabad. Vijayachandra Kevali Charita, 1499 CE, paper Manuscript, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa. 58, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Vijnaptipatra proclaiming Jahangir’s firman regarding animal slaughter, 1610 CE, paper, 13’long and 13’ broad, from Agra, Muni Punyavijayaji collection, LD. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad.

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Visheshavashyaka-vriti, C. 1375–1400 CE, palm leaf manuscript, Jain Trust, Jaisalmer. Yashodhara Charitra, 1494 CE, paper manuscript, probably painted at Sojitra, Gujarat, Private collection. Yashodhara Charitra, 1596 CE, paper manuscript, probably from North Gujarat, Private collection.

(B) Painted Wooden Book Covers and Cloth Patas One of a Pair of Jain Manuscript Covers, (Patli), Painting on a wooden book cover, Early 12th Century CE, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Panchatirthi pata, 1433 CE, cloth painting, Jain Tadapatriya Pustak Bhandara, Patan. Patli illustrating “the Battle between Bharata and Bahubali”, painted wooden book cover, 12th Century CE, Collection of Kusum and Rajeya Swali, Mumbai. Patli illustrating the “Deities and Devotes”, C. 1250–1275 CE, wooden panel, Jain Trust, Jaisalmer. Patli illustrating the “Learned disputations between Jain Monks”, painting on a wooden book cover, second quarter of 12th century CE, The Goenka collection, Mumbai. Sri Santinathacharitra Citrapattika, 1260 CE, wooden panels, Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad. Vividha-Tirtha-Vastrapata, 1641 CE, cloth painting, Anandji Kalyanji Pedhi, Ahmedabad.

(C) Original Texts Abhidhanachintamani of Sri Hemachandracharya (Ed. by Nemichandra Shastri and Hindi commentary by Haragovinda Shastri), Varanasi, 1964. Abhijnana Shakuntalam of Kalidasa (Ed. and Tr. by R.D. Karmarkar), Poona, 1962. Acaranga Sutra (Tr. by H. Jacobi), Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII, Oxford, 1884. Ain-i-Akbari of Abu’l Fazl (Tr. by H.S. Jarrett), Vols. II and III, Calcutta, 1894. Ain-i-Akbari of Abu’l Fazl (Tr.by H. Blochmann), Vol. 1, Calcutta, 1965. Amarakosa of Amarasimha (Ed. by H.D. Sharma and N.G. Sardesai), Poona, 1931. Arthashastra of Kautilya (Ed. and Tr. by R. Shamasastry), Mysore, 1958. Ashtadhyayi of Panini, Varanasi, 1963. Bisaladeva Raso of Narpat Nalha (Ed. by M. Prasad), Allahabad, 1953. Chhitaivarta of Narayandas (Ed. by M. Prasad), Banaras, 1958. Desinamamala of Hemachandra (Ed. by R. Pischel), Bombay, 1930. Diparnava of Vishvakarman (Ed. by P.O. Somapura), Palitana, n.d. Dvyashrayakavya of Hemachandracharya (Ed. by A.V. Kathavate), Bombay, 1935. Gurjara Rasavali (Ed. by B.K. Thakore, M.D. Desai and M.C. Modi), Baroda, 1956. Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu (Ed. and Tr. by Mahopadhyaya Vinaya Sagar), Jaipur, 1977. Kalpasutra of Bhadrabahu (Tr. by H. Jocobi), Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII, Oxford, 1884. Kanhadade Prabandha of Padmanabha (Ed. by K.B. Vyas), Jaipur, 1955. Karpuramanjari of Rajashekhara (Ed. by Stein Konow), Cambridge, Mass., 1901. Kirtilata aur Avahatthabhasha (Ed. by S.P. Singh), Allahabad, 1955. Kumarasambhavam of Kalidasa (Ed. by H.H. Wilson), Varanasi, 1966. Kumarasambhavam of Kalidasa (Ed. by K.P. Parab), Bombay, 1885. Malavikagnimitram of Kalidasa (Tr. by Ram Narayan Acharya), Delhi, 1966. Manasollasa of Someshvara (Ed. by G.K. Shrigondekar), Baroda, 1939. Mankhakosa (Ed. by T. Zachariae), Bombay, 1898. Medini of Sri Medinikara (Ed. by G. Pandeya), Calcutta, 1872.

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India, Zurich, 1988. Goswamy, B.N. in association with Kalyan Krishna, Indian Costumes in the Collection of the Calico Museum of Textiles, Historic Textiles of India at the Calico Museum, Vol. V. 1992. Goswamy, B.N., The Spirit of Indian Painting, New Delhi, 2014. Goudriaan, T., Kasyapa’s Book of Wisdom, The Hague, 1965. Habib, I., Economic History of Medieval India, 1200–1500, History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, Vol. VIII, Part 1, New Delhi, 2011. Hendley, T.H., Indian Jewellery, London, 1909. Herringham, Lady, Ajanta Frescoes, Text and Plates, London, 1915. Hirth, F., China and the Roman Orient, Shanghai, 1885. Irwin, J., “Indian Textile Trade in the Seventeenth Century: Western India”, Journal of Indian Textiles History, No. 1, Ahmedabad, 1955. Irwin, J. and M. Hall, Indian Painted and Printed Fabrics, Historic Textiles of India at the Calico Museum, Vol.1, Ahmedabad, 1971. Irwin, J. and M. Hall, Indian Embroideries, Historic Textiles of India at the Calico Museum, Vol. II, Ahmedabad, 1973. Irwin, J. and P.R. Schwartz, Studies in Indo-European Textiles History, Ahmedabad, 1966. Jain, J., Utensils, Ahmedabad, 1979. Jain, J., Folk Art and Culture of Gujarat, Ahmedabad, 1980. Jain, J. and E. Fischer, Jaina Iconography, Part-I, Iconograpy of Religions, Vol. XIII, No. 12, Leiden, 1973. Jain, J.C., Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jain Canons, Bombay, 1947. Jain, J.P., Religion and Culture of the Jains, New Delhi, 1975. Jain, V.K., “The Role of the Arab Traders in Western India During Early Medieval Period”, Essays in Ancient Indian Economic History, Indian History Congress, Golden Jubilee Year Publication Series, Vol. II, New Delhi, 1987. Jain-Neubauer, J., Feet and Footwear in Indian Culture, Toronto, 2000. Jain-Neubauer, J., The Stepwells of Gujarat in Art-Historical Perspective, New Delhi, 1981. Joshi, L.M., “Jaina Literature and Art,” Jainism, Patiala, 1975. Kagal, C. (Ed.), “Vistara: The Architecture of India”, Festival of India in the United States, 1985–1986, New York, 1986. Kartaschoff, M.L.N., Golden Sprays and Scarlet Flowers: Traditional Indian Textiles, Kyoto, 1986. Khandalavala, K. and M. Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting—A Reappraisal, Bom­ bay, 1969. Khandalavala, K. and M. Chandra, An Illustrated Aranyaka Parvan in the Asiatic Society of Bombay, Bombay, 1974. Krishnamurthy, K., Ancient Indian Furniture, New Delhi, 1982. Livingston, M., Steps to Water: The Ancient Stepwells of India, New York, 2002. Majmudar, M.R., Cultural History of Gujarat, Bombay, 1965. Majumdar, R.C. (Ed.), The Classical Age, The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. III, Bombay, 1954. Majumdar, R.C. (Ed.), The Struggle for Empire, The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. V, Bombay, 1954.

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Majumdar, R.C., Classical Accounts of India, Calcutta, 1960. Majumdar, R.C. (Ed.), The Vedic Age, The History and Culture of the Indian People, Vol. 1, Bombay, 1971. Marshall, J., Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization, 3 Vols., London, 1931. Mehta, R.L., Pre- Buddhist India, Bombay, 1939. Mehta, R.N., “The Historical Evidence for Two Jain Velvets from the First Quarter of the Eight­ eenth Century”, Journal of Indian Textile History, No. II, Ahmedabad, 1956. Mirza, M.W., Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, Lucknow, 1885. Misra, S.C., The Rise of Muslim Power in Gujarat, Bombay, 1963. Misra, S.C., “The Mirat- i- Sikandari of Shaikh Sikandar and Its Predecessors”, Historians of Medieval India (Ed. by Mohibbul Hasan), Meerut, 1968. Monrow, W. (Ed.), Textiles and Ornaments of India (Text by Pupul Jayakar and John Irwin), New York, 1956. Mookerjee, R.K., Indian Shipping, Bombay, 1957. Munshi, K.M., Glory That Was Gurjaradesa, Vol. II, Bombay, 1955. Naqvi, H.K., “Dyeing of Cotton Goods in the Mughal Hindustan (1556–1803)”, Journal of Indian Textile History, No. VII, Ahmedabad, 1967. Nawab, S.M., Masterpieces of the Kalpasutra Paintings, Ahmedabad, 1956. Nawab, S.M., The Oldest Rajasthani Paintings from Jain Bhandaras, Ahmedabad, 1959. Neumann, H. and H. Neumann, Textiles of India, Munich, 2020. Pant, G.N., Catalogue of Edged Arms and Armour in the Salarjung Museum, Hyderabad, Hyderabad, 1989. Pant, G.N., Studies in Indian Weapons and Warfare, New Delhi, 1970. Parthasarathy, R. and S. Iyengar, New Development Paradigms and Challenges for Western and Central India, Vol.1, New Delhi, 2006. Pearson, M.N., Merchants and Rulers in Gujarat: The Response of the Portuguese in the Six­ teenth Century, New Delhi, 1976. Pfister, R., Les toiles imprimees de Fostat et l’ Hindoustan, Paris, 1938. Popley, H.A., The Music of India, Calcutta, 1950. Possehl, G. (Ed.), Harappan Civilization, Delhi, 1982. Rao, G.T.A., Elements of Hindu Iconography, 2 Vols., Delhi, 1985. Rawson, P.S., Indian Painting, Paris, 1961. Ray Chaudhuri, H.C., Political History of Ancient India, Calcutta, 1953. Rosenfield, J.M., The Dynastic Art of the Kushans, Berkeley, CA, 1967. Rosenthal, E., The Story of Indian Music and Its Instruments, London, 1928. Sahay, S., Indian Costume, Coiffure and Ornament, New Delhi, 1975. Sarda, H.B., Maharana Sanga, Ajmer, 1917. Schwartz, P.R., Printing on Cotton at Ahmedabad, India in 1968, Calico Museum of Textiles, Museum Monograph No. 1, Ahmedabad, 1969. Seyffert, O., A Dictionary of Classical Antiquities, London, 1960. Shah, U.P., Studies in Jaina Art, Banaras, 1955. Shah, U.P. (Ed.), Treasures of Jaina Bhandaras, Ahmedabad, 1978. Shah, U.P., Jaina-Rupa-Mandana, New Delhi, 1987. Shah, U.P. and M.A. Dhaky (Ed.), Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture, Ahmedabad, 1975. Sharma, P.L., “Jainism in Medieval India—A Study of Its Contact with Muslim Rulers (1206– 1707 A.D.)” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Dept. of History, Panjab University, 1982). Shastri, A.M., India as Seen in the Brihatsamhita of Varahamihira, Delhi, 1969. Shastri, H., Indian Pictorial Art as Developed in Book-Illustrations, Baroda, 1936. Sheelchandra, Vijay, Srisantinathacaritra-Citrapattika, L.D. Series, 102, L.D. Institute of Indol­ ogy, Ahmedabad, 1987. Sheth, C.B., Jainism in Gujarat, Bombay, 1953.

294

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Sinha, A.N., “Historical Survey of Jainism”, Jainism, Patiala, 1975. Sivaramamurti, C., South Indian Paintings, National Museum, New Delhi, 1968. Smith J. D., The Epic of Pabuji: A Study, Transcription and Translation, Cambridge University Press, 1991. Steingass, F., Persian-English Dictionary, Delhi, 1973. Swarnakamal, K., Studies in Metallic Art and Technology of Gujarat, Baroda, 1978. Talwar, K. and K. Krishna, Indian Pigment Paintings on Cloth, Historic Textiles of India at the Calico Museum, Vol. III, Ahmedabad, 1979. Thaplial, U.P., Dhavaja: Standards and Flags of India—A Study, Delhi, 1983. The New Encyclopedia Britannica: Macropaedia, VIII, IX, 1974. Tirmizi, S.A.I., Some Aspects of Medieval Gujarat, Delhi, 1968. Tiwari, S.P., Nupura: The Anklet in Indian Literature and Art, Delhi, 1982. Tripathi, S.V. and P. Jain, Kaivalyam: Jain Manuscript Paintings in the National Museum, New Delhi, 2018. Upadhyaya, B.S., India in Kalidasa, Delhi, 1947. Varadarajan, L., F. Vasundhara and M. Gittinger, Study of a Painted Textile from the A.E.D.T.A. Collection, Paris, 1986. Verma, S.P., Art and Material Culture in the Paintings of Akbar’s Court, New Delhi, 1978. Verma, Som Prakash, “Ensigns of Royalty at the Mughal Court (in the Sixteenth Century)”, Islamic Culture, Vol. L, No. 1, January, 1976. Watson, J.F., Collection of Specimens and Illustrations of the Textile Manufactures of India, 4 Vols., London, 1873–80. Welch, S.C., Gods, Thrones and Peacocks, New York, 1966. Williams, M.M., A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Oxford, 1899. Williams, R., The Black Hills: Kutch in History and Legend, London, 1958. Yule, C.H. and A.C. Burnell, Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive, (New Edition, ed. by William Crooke), 2nd ed., Delhi, 1968. Zimmer, H., The Art of Indian Asia, 2 Vols., New York, 1955.

295

296

Source: Goenka Academy of Music and Art, Mumbai.

Plate 1a: One of a Pair of Jain Manuscript Covers (Patli), 5.5 × 32.4  cm. Painting on a wooden book cover, early 12th century CE, Gujarat. Credit Line: Gift of Marie-Helene and Guy Weill, 1984, Acc. No. 1984.496.33b, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Source: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

COLOUR PLATES

Plate 1: “Learned disputations between Jain Monks”, 8.2 × 77.5 cm. Painting on a wooden book cover, second quarter of 12th century CE, Gujarat.

Source: Image courtesy Sri Sheelchandra Suri, Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad.

C O L O U R P L AT E S

297 Plate 2: “Battle between Srivijaya and Asanighosha” 8 × 1.25 inches, Painting on a wooden book cover, Sri Santinathacharitra-Citrapattika (1260 CE), probably painted at Jalore, Rajasthan. Vijayanemi Suri Jnana Bhandara, Ahmedabad.

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 3: “Worship of Parshvanath”, Folio from a Jain text on Sanskrit grammar, the Sid­ dhahemashabdanushasana by Hemachandra, Gujarat, C. 1350 CE, Palm leaf, 6.35 × 5.72 cm. Museum Associates Purchase (M.88.62.1) Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles. Photo credit: Photo©Museum Associates/LACMA.

298

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 4: “Plucking of hair by Mahavira”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 37 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu San­ grahalaya, Mumbai. Image courtesy of the trustees of the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya.

299

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 5: “Kalakacharya with the Shahis”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio 91 reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangra­ halaya, Mumbai. Image courtesy of the trustees of the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya.

300

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 6: “Trishala worrying over non-moving foetus”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1375 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 55.65, Folio No. 26 obverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. Image courtesy of the trustees of the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya.

301

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 6a: “King Siddhartha listens to an astrologer forecast the conception and birth of his son, Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, late 14th century, Gujarat, Paper, 8.6 × 35.1 cm, Credit line: Evelyn Kranes Kossak gift, 1997 Acc. No. 1997.133, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Source: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

302

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 7: “Trishala lying on her bed”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 58.20/16a, Folio 37, National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

303

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 8: “The bathing ceremony of Mahavira”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, 1415 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 58.20/16a, Folio 16, National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

304

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 8a: “Transfer of Embryo”, Kalpasutra, 1417 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 50.191, Folio 13, National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

305

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 9: “King Gardabhilla brought captive to Kalaka”, Kalakacharya Katha, C. 1450, Gujarat, Size: 10.8 cm × 25.4 cm, Paper, From the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection, Museum Associates Purchase (M.72.53.21.3), Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles. Photo credit: Photo© Museum Associates/LACMA.

306

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 10: “Trishala relating her dream to Siddhartha”, Kalpasutra, 1459 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 50.194, Folio No. 28, National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

307

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 11: “Astrologers interpreting the dream of Trishala”, Kalpasutra, 1459 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 50.194, Folio No. 15, National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

308

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 12: “Nativity of Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, 1464 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 51.21, Folio No. 41, National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

309

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 13: “Dancers and Musicians performing in front of Indra”, Kalpasutra, 1464 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 51.21, Folio No. 6, National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

310

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 14: “Indra paying obeisance to Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, 1465 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 58.20/15, Folio No. 6, National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

311

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 15: “King Siddhartha at his toilette”, Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 63.591, Folio No. 37, National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

312

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 16: “Transfer of Embryo”, Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 63.591, Folio No. 19, National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

313

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 17: “Harinaigameshin”, Kalpasutra, C. 1469–1479 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 63.591, Folio No. 17, National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

314

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 18: “Distribution of alms by Mahavira”, Kalpasutra, 1473 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 51.232, Folio No. 33, National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

315

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 19a: Border decoration of folio from the Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, Devasano Pado, C. 1475 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 70.64, Folio No. 135, obverse. National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

Plate 19a: Left border details

Plate 19a: Right border details

316

C O L O U R P L AT E S

317 Plate 19b: “Penance of Bahubali” and dancers in the border decorations, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, Devasano Pado, C. 1475 CE, Paper, Acc. No. 70.64, Folio No. 135, reverse. National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 19c: “Kosa’s dance”, Kalpasutra, C. 1475–1500 CE, Paper, Gujarat or Rajasthan, From the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection, Museum Associates Purchase (M.72.53.16.1-.81), Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles. Photo credit: Photo©Museum Associates/LACMA.

318

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 20: “Cradle ceremony of Vajra”, Kalpasutra, C. 1475, Paper, Acc. No. 48.29, Folio No. 94 reverse, National Museum, New Delhi. Photo credit: ©National Museum, New Delhi.

319

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 21: “Siddhartha and Trishala in conversation”, Kalpasutra, 1490 CE, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.237.12, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

320

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 21a: “Evils resulting from idleness and procrastination”, Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1492 CE, Patan, Gujarat, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.55.5, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

321

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 21b: “A  folio from the manuscript of Uttaradhyayana Sutra”, Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 1492 CE, Patan, Gujarat, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.55.24, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

322

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 21c: “Panchajanya conch”, Kalpasutra, 1496 CE, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.63.35, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

323

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 22: “Marriage of Chandraprabha”, Chandraprabha Charita, 1498 CE, Patan, Gujarat, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.39.4, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

324

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 23: “A scene from the manuscript of Vijayachandra kevali Charita”, 1499 CE, painted at Patan, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.58.27, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

325

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 23a: “Mahavira’s Samavasarana”, Kalpasutra, 15th century, Gujarat, Paper, 11.1 × 27 cm, Ink, opaque, watercolour, gold on paper, Credit line: Rogers Fund, 1955, Acc. No. 55.121.38.18, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Source: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

326

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 24: “Mahavira rides in his initiation palanquin”, Kalpasutra, 15th century CE, Gujarat, Paper, size 11.1 × 27 cm. Ink, opaque, watercolour, gold on paper. Credit line: Rogers Fund, 1955, Acc. No. 55.121.38.16, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Source: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

327

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 24a: “Two Raginis”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha (verso), Devasano pado Kalpasutra, C. 1500 CE, Patan(?), Gujarat, paper, size 7.3 × 4.6  cm, Gift of Dr. and Mrs. Pratapaditya Pal (M.87.275.3), Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles. Photo credit: Photo©Museum Associates/LACMA.

Plate 24a: Top border details.

Plate 24a: Bottom border details.

328

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 25: “Attack of the Sakas on Gardhabhilla”, Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya Katha, late 15th century CE, paper, size 25.5 × 10.5  cm. Acc. No. 22.3260 B, Folio No. 93, reverse, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya, Mumbai. Image courtesy of the trustees of the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya.

329

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 26: “Nemi on his way to the marriage pavilion”, Kalpasutra, 1502, Paper, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa.227.19, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

330

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 27: “Gardhabhilla brought by the Shahis”, Kalakacharya Katha, 1502 CE, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.95.6, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

331

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 28: “Fourteen jewels of a Chakravartin”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Matar, Gujarat, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.33, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

Plate 29: “The Jewels of Vasudeva”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Matar, Gujarat, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.34, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

Plate 30: “Dancers and Musicians”, Laghu Sangrahani Sutra, 1583 CE, Matar, Gujarat, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.195.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

332

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 31: “Some common features of gods”, Sangrahani Sutra, 1587 CE, Cambay, Gujarat,

Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.196.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad.

Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

Plate 32: “A Jain teacher receives a Prince and his retinue”, Yashodhara Charitra, 1636 CE, Paper, 15.9 × 26 cm, Gujarat, Acc. No. 1990.595, San Diego Museum of Art, San Diego. Photo credit: San Diego Museum of Art, USA Edwin Binney 3rd Collection/Bridgeman Images.

333

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Plate 33: “The retinue of a Bhavanavasin Sovereign”, Sangrahani Sutra, 1639 CE, Paper, Acc. No. LDII.SaHa.199.07, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Source: Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

Plate 34: Textile fragment with pearl garland and stylised mythical animal (Gajasimha), second half of the 10th century to 15th century CE, cotton cloth, block printed with resist, and dyed blue. Size: 12.5 × 7.5 cm. Place of creation: Gujarat, Find spot: Egypt, pos­ sibly Fostat, Acc. No. EA1990.166, Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford. Source: Ashmolean Museum. Photo credit: ©Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford.

334

C O L O U R P L AT E S

Cover Illustration “Princess Bhadra requests Muni Harikesi Bala to marry her”, “Uttarad­ hyayana Sutra”, 1492 CE, paper, Patan, Gujarat, Acc. No. LDII. SaHa. 55.11, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. Image courtesy, L.D. Institute of Indology.

335

INDEX

Note: Page numbers on which line drawings appear are in italics. aapida 128

abaddha 85

Abul Fazl: on eclectic tone of Akbar’s

regime 19; information on musical

instruments by 230; information on

royal emblems by 267; innovations

in costume documented by 34; on

sartorial styles 32

acharyas 14

addhachina 97

adhomsuka 36

adhotari 40, 64

agasha/agakha 38, 61

agnisaucha 97

Ahmad Shah I 6, 19n103 Ahmedabad: centre of silk manufacturing 10; as centre for embroidery of tents/ pavilions (khemas) 201, 203; as centre of fine brocade 96; as centre of textile manufacturing 124; as centre of trade 10; conquest of 4; and embroidered khemas (tents/pavilions) 203; embroidery workshop in 97; fall of 7; and making of leather shields 242; printing of textiles 94; prosperity of 6; royal workshop at 97; trade 10–11 Ain -i Akbari: Banners and standards

(Aftabgir/Sayaban) mentioned in 274,

276; categories of musical instruments

mentioned in 230; Coat without lining

(takauchiya) in 63; drums (mridanga

Pakhauj/pacca awaj) mentioned in

231, 232; elephant armour called

pakhar mentioned in 258; elephant

goad as a weapon mentioned in

255; footwear as an essential part of

costume in 84–85; gun named narnaal

mentioned in 256; muslin (garbha-suti,

shirinbaf) mentioned in 101, 108;

on Jains 19; on ornaments for

various parts of the body 136; royal

emblems mentioned in 267; string

instrument called ghichak in 239;

wind instrument called surnai-i-hindi

in 233, 236

akalpa 31

Akbar: and Islam 19; Din-i-llahi 20;

religious tolerance of 6, 19–20; royal

workshops of 97; setting up Jain

library 17; and synthesis of cultures 7,

34; synthesis of Indian and

Persian paintings 27; under Jain

influence 20

aksun 98

Alauddin Khalji 4–5, 18, 102, 246, 249

amaria 98

Amir Khusrau 84, 98–99, 102

amsuka 42, 98

anga 38, 61

angi 38

angika 57

angiya 42, 74

antarnivasani 41, 72

anupadina 86, 88

anupadinika 86

apanikrita-kanchukah 73

aradhi/adadhi 98

architecture, Indian: derived from myths

and symbols underlying Indian

thought 175–176; forms in lexicons

and related sources 180–182; home

shrines or gharderasars 178, 186;

manastambha 178–179; model of

cosmos 175; Persian wheel 189–190,

191; residential 179; samavasarana

178; stepped ponds 180; stepwells

179–180; stepwell/stepped pond 189;

temple building 176–178; texts on

construction of residences and

towns 176

336

INDEX

architecture as seen in paintings: chauri 184; pavilions 182–183; residential buildings 188; shrines 185–186; temples 184–185 ardha khallaka 82, 83

ardhoruka 36, 41, 46, 66

arms and armour: categories of Indian weapons 241; damascened swords 242–243; in lexicons and related sources 243–249; making of Indian swords, shields, daggers, and scabbards 242–243; mastery in use of the bow 241; overview 241–243 arms and armour as seen in paintings: armours 258–259; arquebuses (hand guns) 256; arrows and quivers 250; battle axes 256; bow 249; buckler/ small shield 253; daggers 252–253; elephant goads or bull hooks 255; leather and metal helmets 259; long staffs/sticks 257; mace (gada) 257; scimitar 252; spears 254; swords 251; vajra (thunderbolt) 256 asbestos cloth 93, 97–98, 109

astar 98

atana 97

Athanius Nikitin 45, 57, 59, 61, 75

atlas 98

aupakaksiki 42, 75

Aurangzeb 7, 21

avanaddha vadya (percussion instruments)

230

avarardhya 36

avarillam 38

avvachchham 36

azurite 28

Babur 34, 190n186 bafta 98

Bahadur Shah 6, 242

bakrakota 98–99 balapashya 128

bandhani 95, 117

banjaras 10

Barbosa, Duarte: among writers about Gujarat 31; on armour and weapons of Gujarat and Cambay 242; on attire of Brahmins 46; on conveyances in Gujarat 260; descriptions of Indian footwear 83; on ear ornaments, 142; on embroidery 96; on goldsmiths and jewellers in Cambay 137; observations on Indian costumes 66; on ornamentations for men 174; on skilled craftsmen in Gujarat 192; on trade in Indian textiles 92

bargali 131

Basham, A.L. 228

bihari 99

Bird’s eye cloth 99

Bishapantha 14

boriavadi 99

Brahmanism 12

Brahmins 12

British 9–10

Buddhism: ascetic practices compared

to Jainism 12; contemporary

with Jainism 11; and Jainism 11;

similarities to Jainism 13

bulbul chashma 99

bulgara chira 99

calico 93, 95, 106

Cambay: embroidery made in 96; goldsmiths and jewelers in 137; as shipbuilding center 261; textile industry in 92–93 carana 36, 49, 50

carmine 28

Ceylon 15

chadar 39–40, 43–44, 53, 60, 76

chakavata 99

chakra motif 99

chalanaka/chalani/chandataka 41

chalani 69

chalanka 69

chandataka 69

chandatam 36

Chao Ju-Kua 45, 84, 92

chaqdar jama 38, 64

charasa/chorasa 99

chautara 100

chhita 100

children 77, 200, 223

chimphullani 41, 68

China: asbestos cloth from 97–98; wax-resist

dyeing technique from 95

china 36, 100

chini 100

chintz 93, 100

chira 38, 100

choliya 42, 74

chudamani 128

cinnabar 28

coats and jackets, various terms for men’s

38–39

Conti, Nicolo 265

conveyances: animal-drawn carriages 260;

basic mode of travel historically

260; boats 260, 261; bullock carts

260; camels 261, 266; generic terms

for kinds of vehicles 262; ghodbels

(carriages drawn by horses) 261;

337

INDEX

horses 260–261, 266; overview 260–262; oxen/ox carts 260–261, 266; palanquins 261, 266; ships and boats 266; stirrups and horseshoes 261; warships 261 conveyances as seen in paintings: carriages 263–264; elephant with seat (howdah) 265; horses, elephants, and their equipment 264; palanquin 263; ship emulating shape of swan/peacock 265; ships and boats 265 costumes as seen in paintings: changes in clothing styles under Muslim rule 79–80; lower garments and variations for women 66–73; lower garments for men 45–56; observations of foreigners about Indian costumes 45–46, 56–57, 66, 73; scarves for men 64–66; scarves for women 75–76; upper garments and variations for men 56–64; upper garments and variations for women 73–75; waistbands 77–78 costumes in lexicons and related sources: breast bands for women 42–43; coats and jackets for men 38–39; difficulties in collating information on 31–32; important lexicons and related texts on 34–36; loincloths for men 37; loincloths for women 41–42; lower garments for men 36–38; lower garments for women 40–42; marriage garments worn by bride 41; scarves for men 39–40; stitched garments 33; upper garments for men 38; upper garments for women 42–43; veils and upper cloths for women 43–44; waistbands for men and women 44; waistcloths for men 37–38; written accounts of Indian 31–32 cotton: dyeing of 93–94; effects of severe famine on 7; embroidered 201; handpainted calicoes 95; history of cotton in Western India 91–94; printed calicoes from Rajasthan 104; see also Gujarat; Rajasthan cradle 196 cuttanees 103 dadima 100 damni 128 Damodargupta 83 Delhi Sultanate 5, 18 Della Valle, Pietro 260–261, 266, 281 devadushya 100–101 deva kulikas 176 devanga 37, 101

dhautakauseya 101 dhota-patta 101 dhoti 36–38, 47, 48–49, 53, 70 dhoti/uttariya/bodice 71 dibahae-chin 101 Digambaras 13–14, 19, 26 dosi 97 dotim 40 dupatta 39–40, 64 Dutch 7, 9–10, 93 dvipadi 37, 55 East India Company 7, 97, 99 emblems of royalty: in lexicons and related sources 268; overview 266–267 emblems of royalty as seen in paintings: banners and standards 274–275; changir/changi 275; chattra (royal parasol) 270, 271, 272–273; chauri (fly whisk) 273, 273–274; ensign 276; sayaban 276; streamer tied to pole 275; swords 276–277, 277; thrones 268–269, 269–270; triangular banner 275 footwear: abstaining from wearing 90; among men of holy status 82; descriptions from drama 83; and feet in Indian cultural context 80; influenced by climactic variations 90; in lexicons and related sources 85–87; made in Cambay 84; in Mughal period 84–85; Portuguese descriptions of 83–84; as seen in paintings 87–89; of Shaka kings and soldiers 82; as shown in paintings of Ajanta 83; as shown on coins 83; types disallowed for Buddhist monks 81; types disallowed for Jain monks 82; in visual representations 81–82 footwear as seen in paintings: anupadina 88; charandharan 89; high boots 88; khallaka 88; pay-afzar 89 furniture, Indian: chairs 192, 193; domestic furniture used by fashionable people 193; in lexicons and related sources 194; marriage gifts of 192; skill of furniture makers 191–192; thrones 193 furniture as seen in paintings: beds and cradles 195–196; chairs 198; seats and stools 197–199; tables and table top 199 gajakarni 101 gajiyani 101 garbha-griha 176

338

INDEX

garbhasutra 101

gati 38, 57

gatrika 38, 57

ghaghara 41, 67, 68

ghana vadya 230

gherdar jama 63

gingham 104

goji 101–102 gopalakanchuka 38, 60

Great Schism 13

gudha mandapa 176

guinea stuffs 97

Gujarat: beds and swing-beds of 195–196;

beds/mattresses of 203, 205;

boundaries of 1; as centre of textile

production 92–97; conveyances in

260; door lintel decoration in 179,

187; Dutch in 7; and East India

Company 7; embroidery in 96–97;

footwear in 84; Gujarat Sultanate 6,

7; Gurjaras 2, 3; hand-painted calicoes

from 95; history of 2–7; homes in

178–179; Jainism in 15; manufacture

of patola and 96; manufacturing hub

of various types of weapons 259;

mats and cushions in 96, 205; royal

painters migrate to 27; severe famine

in 7; skilled craftsmen in 192; stepped

ponds in 180; stepwells in 179–180;

tie-resist dyeing technique from 95,

99; trade and trade items from 8–10;

travellers’ accounts of costumes and

textiles in 31; wooden facades of

houses in 179, 186–187; see also

Western India

Guptas/Gupta period: and bodily adornment

126–127; coins 83, 261; costumes of

Gupta kings 83; Gujarat conquered

by 3; hairstyles of 163; Indian textiles

during 91–92; Indian weaponry by

time of 241; Mathura as stronghold of

Jainism during 14; use of ornaments

in 127

harir/hariri 102

Hemachandra 4, 42, 46, 69, 97–98

Herbert, Thomas 260–261 Herodotus 91

Hindu/Hindus: courts as origin of

Chaurapanchasika style manuscript

illustrations 24; foreign accounts

on clothing of 45, 85; and Islamic

cultures during reign of Akbar 7;

merchants 10, 93; ornaments worn

by 136–137; perception of garments

pieced and sewn together 33; practice

of marking the forehead by 158–159;

temples destroyed during the rule

of Ahmad Shah I 6; trade with East

Africa 9

Hiravijaya Suri 20

Hiuen Tsang 1

holiyu 43

Humayun 6, 34

Ibn Battuta 5, 278–279 Ibrahim Mirza 7

incense 8

indigo 28

indigo industry 7, 10, 92, 94n23

Indonesia 8, 92, 95, 119

interior furnishings: coverlets and canopies as

seen in paintings 204; cushions as seen

in paintings 204–205; in lexicons and

related sources 201–203; as part of

landmark events 200; wall hangings,

fringes, and panels as seen in paintings

206, 207

Iran 82–83 Islam: advent of Islam in India 33; centre for propagation of 6; trade affected by rise of 8; see also Mughal period; Muslims izar 45, 55

jadara 102

jadara mathau 102

Jahangir: Ahmedabad during rule of 96; attitude towards European traders 7; half-sari 68

and climate of Ahmedabad 7; East hamsa motif 102

India Company’s factory at Surat hamsatula 102

during the rule of 7; footwear of 85; hamsavadi 102

gift to wife 136; Jains under rule of Harappan seals 32

19–20 Harappan sites: bronze and copper excavated

Jainism: contemporary with Buddhism from 209; cotton fibres excavated

11; effects of distrust of indigenous from 32, 91; evidence of music and

religions upon 18; historical survey musical instruments from 228; insights

of 11–22; Mathura as stronghold of into transport from 260; jewellery and

14; regional distribution and spread seals from 126, 32; sewing needles

of 14–16; related to primitive Indian from 33n4; weapons from 241

339

INDEX

philosophy 11n64; similarities to

Buddhism 13

Jain/Jains: acceptance under Mughal

emperors 18–21; articles of furniture

192; caves 22; commissioning of

religious texts 16–17; door lintel

187; footwear allowed to monks and

nuns 82; home shrines 178; learning

18; literature on conveyances 260;

literature on rightful conduct of

monks and nuns 82; manastambha

178–179; miniature painting 16,

22–30; monastic costumes 82; objects

used by monks and nuns 221–222;

origin of word 11; painting having

arms and armour paradoxical 259;

painting in a debased form survived

in libraries of 27; philosophy 11–22;

pragmatism toward Muslim rule

18–21; properties 16; residential

buildings seen in Jain paintings 188;

samavasarana 178–179; sects 13–14;

temple building 176–178; texts

on construction of residences and

towns 176; under governorship of

Aurangzeb 21

jama 60, 63, 64

jarabapha 102

jhaga 61

jhaga/jhanga 38, 58

jhagala-kaniara 38

jhanga 59

jhurana 102

Jinachandra Suri 20

Jinas 11, 13

Jnana-bhandaras 16–17

juta 86

juti 86

juz 102

Jyotirishwara Thakur 34, 39, 85

kaccha 37, 51

kachali/kanchuka/kanchuki 43

kachaoti 37, 51

kachchapata 51

kachhani 41, 69

kachi 102

kadillam/kativastra 37, 52

kaipika-kosika 37, 54, 56

kajala ambara 102–103

kaksha 37

kakshavastram 36, 47

kakshyapata 37, 41, 51

kalagai kokachi 103

Kalakacharya Katha: and costumes of

Muslim gentry 79; and depiction of

Shahis 279; and depiction of well with Persian wheel 190–191; depictions of changing clothing styles 33; imagination used in illustrations of 25

kalakamsuka 103

kalavadi 43

kalpasutra 13

kamakha 103

kamalaveli 103

kamarband 44, 63, 72, 78

kambala 103

kanaka 130

kanakapatra 103

kanchuka 43, 74

kanchuyau 43, 74

kaniaarak 129

kaphai 39

kapuriya 103

karmadana 103

karmas 12

karnabharan 129

karnapalika 129

karnapitha 129

karppura-chauka 103

karyari 103

kasabi vastra 103

kasiam 103

kasturia 103

katana jhuna 103

katani-jhuna 103

kathivala 103

katif 103

katitra 37, 52

katzeb 63, 64

kauseya 103

kausumbha 103

kausumbhavasana 41, 103

khadau 80, 86

khallaka 82

kharawan 80

kharkhanas 97

kharma 103–104

kharom 80

khasata 104

khasru 86

khazz 104

khunpu 129

kimiharavasanam 104

kimkhab 96

kinham 104

kirita 128

kittalekhani 29

kshauma/dukula-dugula 104

Kshemendra 86

kshirodaka 104

Kumarapala 4, 17, 177

340

INDEX

masanjara 104

mashru cloth 96

mashru-shari 104

Masudi 84

material culture xxxvi–xxxvii, 278

Mauryan dynasty 2

megha-udumbara 105

laksakrmija 104

meghauna 104

langota 37, 51

meghavana 104–105 lapis lazuli 28

meghavarna 105

lauhitaka 104

miniature painting: colours used in 28–29;

linen 101

effect of Muslim rule on 24; footwear

Linschoten 96–97, 201

of Mughals in 84–85; imagination in

Lord, Henry, 46

25; introduction of paper 25; Islamic

lota 215–216n47, 215

influence in 25–26; motifs in 26;

lovadi 40, 104

Persian influence in 26, 27; styles 24;

technical intricacies of 27–28; tools

madvia 104

and accessories used in 29; traced

Mahabharata: conch shell horns in 237;

through Jnana-bhandaras 16

drums mentioned in 234, 235; and

introduction of shoes 81; references to miniya 105

misaru 105

Gujarat in 2; tales put to music 229;

moksha 12

vaijayanti as banner of Indra in 268

moliya 105

mahimudisahi 104

morees 105

Mahmud Shah Begada 6

motichuri tamaru 105

mahyu-salu 104

muganau 105

Maitraka dynasty 3, 199

Mughal period: accounts of footwear 84–85; makabala 104

Ahmedabad during 7; arrival of the makadhana 104

Mughals in the 16th century 34; malabari lachhari 104

Gujarat coming under the Mughals malachite green 29

7; Gujarat during 7; history of Indian malamala sahi 104

costumes during 34; introduction mala/malyam 129

of new arms during 281; position malavidyadhara motif 104

of Jains improves during 19–21; see manasollasa 28–29

also Akbar; Babur; Humayun; Islam; manastambha 178–179

Jahangir; Muslims; Shah Jahan mandalia 104

mumavadi 105

mandapas 176–177, 185

murki 129

mandila 104

musical instruments as seen in paintings: manjira 104

avanaddha vadya 234–235; categories Manucci, Niccolao 85

of drums 235; clash cymbals 240; manuscript illustration 22–23

conch shell 237; flat metallic disc maoud 128

with hole at one edge for cord as maragadajadara 104

holder (ghanta) 240; fretless stringed Marathas 4, 7

instrument (alapani veena) 238; marriage: chauri 181, 184; embroidered

fretted veena 238; ghana vadya textiles in trousseaus 201; footwear

239–240; lute (type of rubab) 239; worn by bridegroom 88; garments

sushira vadya 236–237; tata vadya worn by bride 41, 43–44, 70, 102,

237–239; trumpets 236; very simple 103; garments worn by bridegroom

stringed instrument (kingri) 239 37, 47–48, 119; gifts 192; hand

music and musical instruments: classifications ornaments worn by bride 134;

of instruments 229–230; in folklore musical instruments during 229,

228–229; instruments not needing 235, 240; pavilion 183; pots

tuning 230; in lexicons and related decorating pavilions erected during

sources 230–234; origins in pre­ 220; significance of objects during

history and protohistory 228; landmark events such as 200

kundala 130

kusabhia 104

Kutch 104, 107, 117, 137n56, 201,

208, 242

kuvala 41–42

341

INDEX

overview 228–230; percussion

instruments 230; and society 229;

stringed instruments 230; wind

instruments 230

Muslims: advent of Islam in India 33; arrival in Sindh of Arab 3; arrival of Mughals 34 and building of stepwells 179–180; and distrust of indigenous religions 18; Northern India succumbed to dominance of 18: political opportunism of 18–19; and textile trade 92–93; see also Islam; Mughal period muslin 92, 100, 102

naagpan 129

nagavata 105

nakphuli 129

narikunjara 105

narmma-haripha 105

navaaurnavasas 105

nejaka 105

nepathya 31

neta 105

netaka basanu 105

netra 105

netrambara 105

netrapata 105

neyoor 133, 135

nichola 59

nichola/nichula 39

nichula 59

nilapatora 106

nilavastra 100

nilavata 106

niluhura 106

nirangi 43–44

nirnejaka 94

nivasana 36

nritya mandapa/ranga mandap 176

odhani 39

odhni 68

ornamentations, coiffure, and headgear: coiffure and hairstyles in lexicons and related sources 164–165; coiffure as seen in paintings 165–169; examples of tilaka 162; flower-shaped forehead mark 161; forehead marks as ornamentation 161–162; hairstyles for men 165–167, 169; hairstyles for women 167–169; headgear 169–173; marks using two parallel lines and variations 162; overview of coiffure 163–164; overview of ornamentations 158–159; tilaka names 160; turbans

and caps for men 170–173, 174;

U mark 161

ornaments as seen in paintings: anklets

155–158; armlets 149–150; bangles,

bands, and bracelets 151–154; ear

ornaments 142–144; head ornaments

138–141; necklets, necklaces, and

chokers 144–149; nose ornaments

141; overview 136–138; waist

ornaments 154

ornaments in lexicons and related sources: anklets and toes rings 135; armlets 132–133; ear ornaments 129–130; finger rings 134; forehead ornaments 129; hand ornaments 134; head ornaments 128–129; necklace lengths 130; neck ornaments 130–132; nose ornaments 129; overview of ornaments 126–127; pendants for necklaces 132; ritualistic and psychological significance of 127; waist ornaments 134–135; wrist ornaments 133–134 orpiment 28–29 pacchedi 106

pachheo 37

padakadi 135

padamsuka 106

padavatte 106

padaveshtak 135

padmavali 106

padua 106

paduka 80–81

padura 106

Paes, Domingo 84

pagarkha 86

Pahirana Pairhan 43, 75

Pakhar 258

palm-leaf manuscripts 22–23, 25, 28–29

panai 86

panchauna 106

panchavarna 106

panchavarna padi 106

paper manuscripts 28

paravalia 106

paravau pata 106

parijata 106

paritathya 128, 141

pataniya sachopa 106, 120

pata-patambara 106

patapatu 106

pata 74, 214

patas 22

pati 39, 40, 214

patka 44, 49, 59, 60, 61, 63–64

342

INDEX

patkul/pattakul 106

patli/patlis 22–23, 28

patola 96, 107

patoliya 107

patolu/patula 106

patorna 107

pattadukula 107

pattahari, patthira 107

pattamsuka 107

pattamsuya 107

pattamvara 38, 106

pay-afzar 89

payak 135

Periplus of the Erythrean Sea 91, 92

Pfister, R. 94

phadiya 42, 68

phaladi 42, 68

phaliya 42, 68

phari 42, 44, 76

pharodasti 107

phudadiya 107

phutadu 107

pimpalia 107

pitcharies 106

polarkatrik 135

Polo, Marco: on Cambay 92; on dangers of

the high seas 265; on leather mats for

sleeping 96; on mats and cushions

in Gujarat 205; as one of writers on

Gujarat 31; on the quality of Indian

steel 241

popatiya 107

Portuguese 6–7, 9

prabhrashtakam 129

pramana krtsna 82

pravarana 40

prota 107

puriya 107

putaliu 107

pyjamas 25, 46, 49, 55, 56, 61, 63, 69

qaba 33n5, 39, 61

Qalqashandi 31, 84, 167

rajaka 94

rajakakshalitakshauma 107

Rajasthan: and intricately carved and painted

furniture 200; and leather shields in

242; leheria from 118; printed calico

from 104; and production of bandhani

textiles 95, 117; and reputation

for finest embroidery 120; stitch-

resist dyeing in 95; tie-resist dyeing

technique in 95; use of gold on feet

in 127; use of Persian wheel in 190;

white cloth dyed to order from 98

rajiu 107

raktambara 107

rankava 107

raynachakkaliyao 130

red arsenic 28

Roe, Thomas 85

sachopakachi 107

sacred-tree-leaf string 203

saffron 29

sahuli 36

sakala krtsna 82

saltpetre 10

salura 107

Samara Shah 18

samasta-khallaka 82

samavasarana 178, 188

Samavegis 13

samghati 44, 72

samiani 107

sanapana 107

sanigoni 107–108

sanjharavau 108

sanubapha 108

saphara unchapadhi 40

saphura 108

saphura virala 108

saphur-saura 108

saranala 108

sari 33, 41, 42, 71n112

sarmoja 85, 87

sasusali 129

saura/savatu 40

saura-supaiti 44, 76

sauvarnapatta 108

savatu 107

scarves for men, various terms for 39–40

Schouten 97, 201

Shah Jahan: footwear during period of 85;

peaceful reign of 21; reconversion of

mosque to temple 21; severe famine in

Gujarat during the reign of 7; visit to

Ahmedabad 7

Shantidas Jawahari 20–21

shesa 108

Shilparatna 28

shirinbaf 108

shitita-katiyani 108

shravanapaal 129

shravanapitha 129

shustari 108

Shvetambaras 13–14, 19, 26

sidar 56, 58

Siddharaja Jayasimha 4, 17, 177

silk: Cambay production centre of 93;

Chinese 100; manufactured at

343

INDEX

Ahmedabad and Surat 10; medieval Asian trade depended upon 9

Solankis 4, 15–17, 176, 177

sonapali 108

sribapha 108

stepped ponds 180, 189, 191

stepwells 179–180, 189, 191

Sthanakvasis/Sthanakavasis 13, 19

Stitched garments 33

suchisona 108

sukshinavastratamah 108

Sultanate of Ahmedabad 5–6

supha-kamkha 108

surangiya jadara 108

suryamandala 108

suryavandha 108

sushira vadya (wind instruments) 230

suthani 42, 69

suthila 108

suvarnapadi 108

svarnopanad 87

svetachinamsuka 108

swing beds 196

tabrizi 108

takhlawat 62

talach 57, 59

tanasukha 108

tanubandha 44, 78

taramandala 108

Taranapanthis 19

Taranapantha 14

tasta 108

tastu 108

tata vadya (stringed instruments) 230

tava 44, 76

Terahapantha 14

Terapanthis 13

terre verte 29

Terry, Edward 191, 216

textile motifs: alternating bands of mesh

and cross-marks 123; arabesque

design 116, 207; bands of criss­ crosses and meandering vine 114;

Bird’s eye pattern 99, 122; checks

and diamonds 123; chequered 112;

chequered squares 122; cross framed

within square 117; dotted cluster 118;

elephant pattern 101, 119; florals/

rosettes 114, 115; geese (hamsa) 102,

110–111; grid with blue floral 111;

linked quatrefoils 115; lotus rhizomes

(kamalaveli) 103, 116; meandering

stems and tendrils 116; mythological

creature (Gajasimha) 113; nari

kunjara motif 105; patola 106, 119;

pine cones (kalgi) 103; “Sun” like

round medallion with radiating lines

108, 112; rows of flying heavenly

musicians 104; rows of white dots and

chevrons 122; striped 112; tie-dyed

pattern 117–118; undulating zig-zag,

wave-like patterns (leheria) 118; wheel

(chakra) 99; white dotted pattern on

coloured background 112

textiles, history of Indian: 14th - 16th

centuries 92–93; 17th century 93;

block printing 94; brocade weaving

of 96; creation of mashru cloth 96;

development of patola 96; difficulties

piecing together history 91; dyeing

93–94; embroidery 96–97, 200–201;

excavated in Egypt 95, 113–115;

export of 92; Gujarat as centre of

production of 92–93, 95–97; hand-

painted calicoes 95; overview 91–92;

tie-resist dyeing technique 95, 99; use

of mordants for dyeing 94–95; wax-

resist dyeing technique 95

textiles as seen in paintings: embroidery 120; patola 119; plain single-coloured fabrics 120–121; thick fabrics 110–121; thin, transparent fabrics 121–124; see also textile motifs textiles in lexicons and related sources 97–109

tilaka /tilakas 158, 159, 160, 162

tilavasa 108

time bound garments 33

timeless garments 33, 36, 43

Timuri tradition 85

tindu 29

tiraz 62

Tirthankaras 11, 12, 23, 87, 178

titatragiu 108

toran 203

trika mandap 176

trisanthiu 129

tritik 95

trousers/pyjamas 36, 37, 55, 56

tuckeryes-tuckrees 108

tuku 108

Turks 6

turmeric 29

tusser 108

udasala 108

udgamaniyaka 108

Ulugh Khan 4

upanah 81, 87

upanat 87

upavita 40, 65

344

INDEX

urasala 108

urmika 109

urnayu 109

uttariya 33, 39–40, 64, 65, 70, 72, 75

vaga 39

Vaghelas, the 4–5, 18, 177–178

vaikakshya 40, 65

vrihatika 40, 65

vajramsuka 109

vakala 109

vakravalli 109

vala 109

valya 129

Vardhamana Mahavira: and expansion

of faith 14; Jainism reformed and

systematised by 11; and Kalpasutra of

Bhadrabahu 13; life of 12

varna krtsna 82

Varthema, Ludovico 83, 92

vatalia 109

vayarajiu 109

vegetarianism 20

Venetian Traveller, the see Manucci,

Niccolao

verdigris 29

vermilion/vermillion 28, 159, 160

vesha 31

vessels, containers, and objects: composition

of 209–210; design of 211–212;

functions of 211; glassware 211;

influences of trade upon 210–211;

in lexicons and other related sources

212–215; overview 209–212;

religious functions and symbolism of

210, 211; spiritual symbolism of clay

210; wood carvers 210

vessels, containers, and objects as seen in

paintings: bowls 215, 216; charcoal

brazier 226; for collecting alms

221; combs 225; containers for

wine 218; crossed wooden stand

(sthapanacharya) 221; cups and cup-

like objects 216; ewer-like object with

lid and spout 217; fly-whisk 222; hand

fan 223; khinti (for hanging turbans)

226; ladle 224; lamps 224–225;

long-necked goglet 218; lota 215;

mangala kalasha 220; mirrors 224;

mortar and pestle 226; mukhapatti

or muhapatti 222; pitcher/lota 220;

pot hangers 220; pots 219, 220; reed

pen 223; rosary (japamalika) 222;

staffs (danda) 222; suspension hanger

for clothes (koringadun or dhol) 227;

tarpani 221; weighing scale 225;

wicker/metal basket (puja patra) 223;

wide-mouthed basin 217

vettam 109

vichitra-kuta-hi-trapattika 109

vichitrangada 109

vidyapuria 109

virakaccha 38, 51

Voyage to East-India, A (E. Terry) 191

vrihati 39

Western India: coming of the Parsis in 4; as defined in Art History 1; and European powers 7; geographically defined 1; influence of Arab Muslims in 3–4 leather shields and arms from 242; leather workers in 207; legacy of furniture making in 200; objects of interior furnishings among urban and rural communities of 200; overview of vessels, containers, objects of ritual and household use from 209–212; stepwells in 179–180; temple building in 176–178; textile industry in 92–97; trade in and around 8–11; wall hangings and decorative fringes from 205–207; Western Indian style of painting 23–27; see also Gujarat yogapatta 36, 38, 52

Zafar Khan 5, 6

zarbaft 109

345