Islam in tribal societies : from the Atlas to the Indus 9781134565276, 1134565275, 9781315889146, 1315889145, 0710093209

Table of contents :
Content: Doctor and saint --
Arbitration as a political institution: an interpretation of the status of monarchy in Morocco --
Segmentary systems and the role of 'five fifths' in tribal Morocco --
Cultural resistance and religious legitimacy in colonial Algeria --
Sufism in Somaliland: a study in tribal Islam --
Alliance and descent in the Middle East and the 'problem' of patrilateral parallel cousin marriage --
The paucity of ritual among Middle Eastern pastoralists --
Honour groups in traditional Turkmenian society --
Holier than thou: Islam in three tribal societies --
Tribal warfare in Afghanistan and Pakistan: a reflection of the segmentary lineage system --
Religiosity, values and economic change among Sheikhanzai nomads --
Feuding with the spirit among the Zikri Baluch: the saint as champion of the despised --
Religious presence and symbolism in Pukhtun society.

Citation preview

ISLAM IN TRIBAL SOCIETIES From the Atlas to the Indus Akbar S. Ahmed and David M. Hart

ROUTLEDGE LIBRARY EDITIONS: ISLAM

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ISLAM IN T R IB A L SOCLETIES From the Atlas to the Indus

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AKBAR S. AHMED A N p DAVID M. HART

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F irst published in 1984 T his edition first p u blished in 2008 by R outledge 2 Park Square, M ilton Park, A bingdon, Oxfordshire, 0 X 1 4 4 R N Sim ultaneously published in th e USA and C anada by R outledge 270 M adison Ave, N ew York N Y 10016

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business First issued in paperback 2010 © 1984 R outledge All rig h ts reserved. N o p art o f th is book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, m echanical, or o th er m eans, now know n or hereafter invented, in clu d in g photocopying and recording, or in any inform ation storage or retrieval system , w ith o u t perm ission in w ritin g from the publishers.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for th is book is available from the B ritish Library

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data A catalog record for th is book has been requested ISB N 13: 9 7 8 -0 -4 1 5 -4 2 6 0 0 -8 (Set) ISB N 13: 9 7 8 -0 -4 1 5 -4 4 6 7 2 -3 (V olum e 1 8 )(h b k ) ISB N 13: 9 7 8 -0 -4 1 5 -6 1 1 9 3 -0 (V olum e 1 8 )(p b k ) ISBN 13: 978-1-134-56527-6 (ebk) P u b lis h e r ’s N o te T he p u b lish er has gone to g re at len g th s to ensure the quality o f th is rep rin t bur p o in ts o u t th at som e im perfections in the original copies m ay be apparent.

T he total nu m b er o f volum es in th is set is 48. T w o volum es from the original 50 volum e set were w ithdraw n (vols 8 and 38) and it has unfortunately not been possible ro re-n u m b er the rem aining volum es. A full title listin g is available at h ttp://w w w .routledge.com

ISLAM IN TRIBAL SOCIETIES From the Atlas to the Indus

Edited by Akbar S. Ahmed and David M. H art

Routledge & Kegan Paul London, B oston, Melbourne and Henley

First p u b lish e d in 1984 b y R outledge &Kegan Paul pie 39 Store S tr e e t, London WC1E 7DD, 9 Park S tr e e t, B oston , Mass. 02108, USA, 464 S t Kilda Road, Melbourne, Victoria 3004, A u stra lia , and Broadway House, Newtown Road, H enley-on T h a m e s, Oxon RG9 1EN P rinted in Great Britain by The T h e tfo r d P ress L td , T h e tfo r d , Norfolk © R outledge & K egan Paul 1984 No p art o f this book may be r e p r o d u c e d in a n y form without perm ission from the p u b lis h e r , ex c e p t fo r the quotation o f b r ie f p assage s in criticism . L ibrary o f C o n gress Cataloging in Publication Data Islam in tribal societies, in clu d e s in d e x . I. T rib e s an d trib a l s y s t e m —Islamic c o u n trie s — A d d r e s s e s , e s s a y s , lec tu re s . 2. Islam—20th c e n tu r y A d d r e s s e s , e s s a y s , lec tu re s . I. A h m ed, A k b a r S. II. Hart, David M. JC 49.I76 1983 305.6'971 83-561 ISBN 0-7100-9320-9

CONTENTS

A cknow ledgm ents In tro d u c tio n A k b a r S. Ahm ed and David M. Hart

vii 1

1 D octor an d sain t Ernest Gellner

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2 A rb itra tio n a s a political in s titu tio n : an in te r ­ p re ta tio n of th e s ta tu s of m onarchy in Morocco Magali Morsy

39

3 S eg m en tary sy ste m s an d th e role o f 'fiv e f if th s ' in trib a l Morocco David M. H art

66

4 C u ltu ra l re s is ta n c e an d re lig io u s legitim acy in colonial A lgeria Fanny Colonna

106

5 Sufism in Som aliland: a s tu d y in trib a l Islam I. M. Lewis

127

6 A lliance an d d e sc e n t in th e Middle E ast and th e 'p ro b lem ' of pa trila te ra l p arallel co u sin m arriage Donald P. Cole

169

7 T he p a u c ity o f ritu a l am ong Middle E a ste rn p a s to ra lis ts £m rys P eters

187

8 H onour g ro u p s in tra d itio n a l T urkm enian society V.N. Basilov

220

9 Holier th a n th o u : Islam in th r e e trib a l so cieties Richard Tap per

244

10 T rib a l w a rfa re in A fg h an ista n a n d P a k ista n : a reflectio n of th e seg m e n tary lineage system Louis Dupree

266

v

vi

C on ten ts

11 R e lig io sity , v a lu e s and economic ch a n g e among S h eik h an zai nom ads Bahram Tavakolian

287

12 F eu d in g with th e s p irit among th e Zikri B aluch: th e sa in t as cham pion of th e d e sp ise d S tep h e n L. P astner

302

13 R eligious p re s e n c e and symbolism in P u k h tu n so ciety A k b a r S. Ahm ed

310

N otes on th e c o n trib u to rs

331

In d ex

333

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

C h ap ter 1 - Doctor an d saint - by E rn e st GelLner, firs t ap p eared in Nikki R. Keddie ( e d .) , 'S ch o lars, Saints and S u fis: Muslim Religious In stitu tio n s since 1500', U n iversity of California P re s s , 1972 (© 1972 R egents of the U niversity of C alifornia), and is re p rin te d by perm ission of th e U niversity of California P re ss. C h ap ter 3 - Segm entary system s and the role of 'five fifth s' in trib a l Morocco - by David M. H a rt, fir s t ap p ea re d in 'R evue de l'O ccident Musulman et de la M éd iterranée', vol. 3, no. 1 (1967), p p . 65-95, and is re p rin te d by perm ission. C h ap ter 4 - C ultu ral re sista n c e and religious legitim acy in colonial A lgeria - by Fanny Colonna, firs t a p p e are d in 'Economy and S o ciety ', vol. 3, n o. 3 (A ugust 1974), p p . 233-52 (© R o u t­ ledge & Kegan Paul 1974), and is re p rin te d by perm ission of R outledge & Kegan P a u l. C h ap ter 5 - Sufism in Somaliland : a stu d y o f trib a l Islam - by I . M. Lewis, f ir s t ap p e a re d in the 'B ulletin of the School of O riental and A frican S tu d ie s', vol. 17, no. 3 (1955), p p . 581602, and vol. 18, n o . 1 (1956), p p . 145-60, and is re p rin te d by p erm issio n .

INTRODUCTION Akbar S. Ahmed and David M. Hart

I THE ISLAMIC TRIBE As th is collection is about trib e s we could do not b e tte r by way of opening th e d iscussion th a n h ig h lig h tin g th e ir c h a ra c te ris tic s . T his is e a sie r said th a n done. The definition of 'trib e ' rem ains problem atic a n d a c e n tra l c o n tro v e rsy in a n th ro p o lo g y . An eminent an th ro p o lo g ist has en title d a c h a p te r in h is s tu d y , which exam ines th e problem , th u s : 'th e concept of th e " tr ib e " : a c ris is involving m erely a concept o r th e em pirical foundations of anthropology itse lf? ' (G odelier 1977: 70). We wish to avoid e n te rin g academic polemic re g a rd in g th e definition and concept of tr ib e . H ow ever, fo r p u rp o se s o f th e arg u m en ts contained in th is volum e, we will employ a generalised blanket definition draw n from c h a ra c te ris tic s of the trib e s m entioned below. 'T rib e s ', we s u g g e s t, a re ru ra l g ro u p s th a t have a name and d istin g u ish betw een members and non-m em bers, which occupy a te r r ito r y , an d which within th a t te r rito ry assum e e ith e r all re sp o n sib ility , o r at least a significant p ro portion of the re sp o n sib ility , fo r th e m aintenance of o rd e r. In as fa r as th ey assum e such resp o n sib ility both in te rn a lly and e x te rn a lly , th ey can be said to p o sse ss political and m ilitary fu n c tio n s. U nder m odern co n d itio n s, th e sta te g en erally trie s to monopolise th ese fu n c tio n s, an d so it is sensible to e x te n d th e term 'tr ib e 1 even to g ro u p s which have b u t rece n tly lost th e capacity for political and m ilitary a c tio n , o r ra th e r have been dep riv ed of i t , b u t which could easily resum e it if th e c e n tra l sta te slackened its hold. P artly because of th e confrontation with la rg e r s ta te s , some kind of trib a l genealogical c h a rte r assum es almost m ythical im portance and is memorised from generation to g e n eratio n , making allow ances, of c o u rse , for 'lo st' a n c e s to rs . If th e re is a problem in defining a trib e it is com pounded when defining an Islamic trib e . What is an Islamic trib e ? The d efin itio n , indeed se lf-a p p e rcep tio n of th ese g ro u p s, re la te s to th e following key q u e stio n s: How do trib a l societies th a t a re Muslim view them eselves? How do th e y see them selves in re la ­ tion to n o n -trib a l b u t Islamic g ro u p s? How are th e y seen by non-Islam ic societies? What inbuilt s tru c tu ra l mechanism helps to p e rp e tu a te trad itio n al Islamic values? What norm s and mores motivate th e se g ro u p s to perm it o r inhibit change? What is the relatio n sh ip betw een segm entary trib a l ideology and Islam? The p a p e rs in th is volume attem pt to answ er some of th e key q u e s­ tions in u n d e rsta n d in g Islamic trib a l so cieties. In doing so the 1

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A k b a r S. Ahmed and David M. Hart

e a rlie r question re g a rd in g the Islamic trib e may be reso lv ed . As h a s already been in tim ated , a lively d ebate is being con­ d u cted in the social sciences a ro u n d c erta in concepts such as 'tr ib e ', 'seg m en tary societies' and 'Islam in so c ie ty '. C o n tri­ b u tin g to the d eb ate and ex ten d in g th eo ry a re aims of the collection. T his book is th u s a co n trib u tio n to trib a l lite ra tu re in g eneral a n d , specifically, to the ethnology and re la ted problem s in th e stu d y of Islamic trib a l so cieties. II ISLAM AND ISLAMIC TRIBAL SOCIETIES T he ran g e of p a p e rs in th e book deals with societies which are at once segm entary and Islamic. The concept of segm entary societies is one th a t has become a commonplace in anthropological lite ra tu re e v e r since it was originally in tro d u ce d as diagnostic of a p a rtic u la r social c ateg o ry by F o rtes and E v a n s-P ritc h a rd in 'A frican Political System s' (1940). Segm entary societies in a w ider sense have c e rta in c h a ra c te ris tic s . T hey a r e :'tr ib a l', acephalous (in a de facto if not n ec essarily a de ju re s e n s e ), ten d tow ards a re la tiv e eq u ality and a re segm entary in a n arro w er se n se , with balan ce, o pposition, fission and fu sio n , all c h a ra c te ristic of th e segm entary p ro c e ss. The segm entary prin cip le guides relatio n s betw een th e com ponent and com peting segm ents into which the society o r trib a l group in question is d iv id ed , at all levels of segm entation. Hence th ey also exhibit 'n e s tin g ' a ttrib u te s (B a rn e s 1954: 490) an d a re , ideally, continually segm enting. T hese trib a l societies a re m arkedly d istin g u ish e d from th e k ind of trib a l society which has a se g re g a te d w arrior c la ss, or sta n d in g arm ies, h ie ra rc h ies and a high deg ree of c e n tra lisa tio n . May th e p a p e rs contained in th is volume be in te rp re te d as re fle c tin g the trad itio n al segm entary position in the classic mould of segm entary th e o ry ? The firs t im portant elaboration of segm entary th e o ry in the discipline a p p e a rs , as we know, with th e N uer stu d y by E v a n s-P ritc h a rd . The th eo ry became, and rem ains, p o p u lar p a rtic u la rly in exam ining Islamic trib a l g ro u p s . S tu d ies of the B erb ers of th e A tlas by E rn e st Gellner and th e Somali nom ads by I.M . Lewis are hig h ly re g a rd e d exam ples. The application of th e th e o ry to Islamic trib a l g ro u p s was made b y E v a n s-P ritc h a rd him self th ro u g h his stu d y of the C yrenaican bedouin (1949). In a sen se the segm entary th e o ry had re tu rn e d to its n a tu ra l place of o rig in , in th e segm entary genealogical c h a r te r s of Islamic trib a l g ro u p s, whence it had o rig in ated a c e n tu ry e a rlier in th e w ritings of Victorian sch o lartra v e lle rs , notably W. R obertson Sm ith. In sp ite of the c r iti­ cism th a t it is not so much a 'new' as a 'N uer' look at the bedouin (D yson-H udson 1972), E v a n s-P ritc h a rd 's stu d y rem ains a good example of diachronic trib a l an aly sis within the segm entary and Islamic fram es. R ecently th e re h as been considerable and m ounting criticism of segm entary th e o ry , p a rtic u la rly in A m erica. The criticism is

Introduction

3

led by Clifford an d H ildred G eertz and some y o u n g er American an th ro p o lo g ists like Dale Eickelman and Lawrence R osen. The following, in cap su le form , are some of the major criticism s ag ain st segm entary th e o r y : segm ents are n e ith e r balanced nor is th e re eq u ality betw een segm ents; on th e c o n tra ry th e re is d isp a rity in political re s o u rc e s , which is e x a c e rb ate d with the em ergence of lineages claiming se n io rity , and fin ally , in times of political c ris e s g ro u p s do not combine according to se g ­ m entary p a tte r n s . In sp ite o f such criticism , how ever, s a tis ­ facto ry a lte rn a tiv e explanations have not been p u t fo rw ard . Reading th e p a p e rs in th is volume it is difficult not to conclude th a t segm entary th e o ry re ta in s its u se fu ln e ss in exam ining Islamic trib a l g ro u p s. The ca v e a t, how ever, n eed s to be added th a t its u se fu ln e ss is limited when it is conceptualised as a b lu e p rin t for social id e n tity and not for political actio n . The p rim ary c h a ra c te ristic of Islamic society may be identified as one p ro v id in g relatio n sh ip with th e la rg e r world of Islam, making it p a rt of th e wider Islamic umma or relig io u s com m unity. It is , fu rth e rm o re , a society th a t trad itio n ally co n sid ers itself Islamic in both a c u ltu ra l and a religious se n se , and is so co n sid ered by o th e r g ro u p s adjacent to it o r o therw ise in con­ ta c t with it, w h eth er th e se la tte r g ro u p s them selves be e ith e r Islamic o r n o t. T hus an Islamic segm entary so ciety, th a t is , a segm entary society w ithin th e context of Islam, is one th a t ex h ib its th e s tr u c tu r e and organ isatio n of societies th a t are acephalous, e g a lita ria n , e t c ., b u t is also one th a t is Islamic both in its p ro fe sse d religion and in its c u ltu re . For Islam, as we know , p e rh a p s more th a n any o th e r religious sy ste m , p ro ­ vides fo r its p ra c titio n e rs a b lu e p rin t of a n e a r-to ta l social o rd e r. Segm entary so cieties, such as th e N uer, have b een tr a d i­ tionally (although th e y can be no lo n g er) exam ined in isolation (E v a n s-P ritc h a rd 1940, 1951, 1956; F o rtes and E v a n s-P ritc h a rd 1940; Middleton a n d T a it, e d s , 1958). The p a p e rs in th is volume su g g e st th a t in term s of th e o ry a n d m ethodology in the social sciences th e overall religious fram ework is im portant, cru cially so , in th e stu d y of any individual Islamic so ciety. T hese same p a p e rs also su g g e st th a t Islamic segm entary societies are not c u ltu ra lly in d ep en d en t b u t em bedded in th e wider civilisation of Islam . In g re at m easure th ey sh a re th e relig io n , co n cep ts a n d sym bols of the e n tire Muslim world. Not only does th e argum ent in th e p rec ed in g p a ra g ra p h have wide g en eral a p p lic a tio n , b u t the v e ry fact th a t pagan o r oncepagan A frican (N u er) o r even Asian societies (K afirs, now N u ris, of n o rth e a s te rn A fghanistan) were stu d ie d in isolation s ta n d s in c o n tra s t with th e Islamic situ atio n u n d e r consideration in th e se p a p e rs . In th e trib a l Muslim w orld, a trib e is a trib e not only by v irtu e of its apposition and opposition to o th e r trib e s of th e same o rd e r, o r to some u rb a n c e n tre in whose ru ra l h in te rla n d its te r r ito r y may vaguely lie, b u t also to a regional o r even a ratio n al political a u th o rity (trad itio n ally

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A k b a r S. A hm ed a nd D avid M. Hart

m onarchic an d g e n e ra lly d y n a s tic ), w hich h a s claim s o v e r it fo r p u rp o s e s of ta x e s , c o n s c rip tio n , o r th e lik e . T he t r ib e ’s re s is ta n c e to su c h claim s, h o w e v er, may b e a n o th e r m a tte r, an d may re fle c t its d e s ir e , if pow erful e n o u g h , to w ork o u t its own d e s tin y with a minimum o f o u tsid e in te rfe re n c e o f an y so rt w h e th e r from o th e r tr ib e s , from to w n s, o r from g o v ern m en ts (w h e th e r th e s e a re o r w ere colonial o r n a tio n a l). As n atio n al policies re g a rd in g tr ib e s r u n th e gam ut from conciliation to co ercio n so do th e trib a l re s p o n s e s to them , from com plete subm ission to th e s ta te a u th o rity an d a c tiv e co­ o p e ra tio n with it to o u tr ig h t reb ellio n a n d h o s tility . N o n eth eless it sh o u ld also b e n o te d th a t w hen s ta te c o n tro l, im posed c e n ­ tr a lly an d from a b o v e , o v e r a given trib a l g r o u p , becom es tru ly e f f e c tiv e , th e tr ib e in q u e stio n b e g in s to lose its m arginal c h a r a c te r (m a rg in a l, th a t is , to th e c e n tra l p o w er) a n d its s tr u c tu r a l s e lf-s u ffic ie n c y , an d to tu r n g ra d u a lly into an u n d if­ f e re n tia te d r u r a l p e a s a n tr y . The 'd é trib a lis a tio n ' o r 's é d e n ta r i­ s a tio n ' p ro c e s s , it would a p p e a r , is y e t a n o th e r a sp e c t o f th e in te ra c tio n b etw een trib e a n d s ta te . T he dual is s u e , o f se g m e n ta ry -c u m -Isla m ic , le a d s f ir s t to th e im p o rtan t q u e stio n s o f w h e th e r th e se g m e n tary so cieties h e re u n d e r c o n sid e ra tio n w ere p r e - o r p o st-Isla m ic , a n d how th e ir s t r u c t u r e s a n d o rg a n isa tio n s h a v e been a d a p te d to Islam a n d /o r vice v e r s a . In th e f i r s t p la c e , it seem s re a so n a b le to assum e th a t th e r e w ere p ro b a b ly se g m e n tary fa c to rs p r e s e n t in most of th e se s o c ie tie s, o r in th o se a n c e s tra l to th em , in th e ir o rig in a l p re -Isla m ic c o n te x ts b u t, a s we do not know fo r c e r ta in , th e q u e stio n m ust u n fo rtu n a te ly rem ain an op en o n e . A p art from a few sp e c u la tiv e p a p e rs (A sw ad 1970; Eickelman 1967; Wolf 1951), th e re is little an th ro p o lo g ical lite r a tu r e on tr ib e s in e a rly Islam . One in te re s tin g available y a r d s tic k , h o w e v e r, fo r com p arativ e p u rp o s e s is th a t p ro v id e d b y th e b e d o u in tr ib e s of p re-Islam ic A rabia (C helhod 1971; G abrieli 1953; Jacob 1897; P ro c k sc h 1899; an d R o b ertso n Smith 1903). Such e v id en ce as th e r e is from th e e a rly N orth A frican B e rb e rs p rio r to th e Muslim c o n q u e s ts o f th e M aghrib also seem s s u g g e s tiv e (D esa n g e s 1962; Gaid 1972; Gsell 1913-28), a lth o u g h in some of th e se c a s e s , a s among th e T u a re g to d a y , th e m atrilineal p rin c ip le m ay, c o n tr a r y to th e p a trilin e a l p rin c ip le a c c e p te d else w h e re , h av e b e e n invoked (K eenan 1977; Marcy 1941). In th e seco n d p la c e , a s Coulson (1964; 17) a n d o th e r s h av e a r g u e d , Muslim in h e rita n c e re g u la tio n s as th e y e x is t today r e p r e s e n t a 'm itig ated a g n a tic s u c c e s s io n ', which was d e c re e d b y th e P ro p h e t of Islam him self in o r d e r to give d a u g h te r s a b e tte r s ta k e in th e family patrim ony th a n th a t which th e y had h ad in th e p re -Isla m ic jahiliya o r 'time o f ig n o ra n c e '. D a u g h te rs w ere now allo tted a h a lf-s h a re o f w hat so n s re c e iv e , w ith two d a u g h te r s th u s e q u a llin g one so n , w h e re as p re v io u sly th e y h a d re c e iv e d n o th in g ; a n d in d ee d in many Muslim trib a l an d s e g ­ m e n ta ry so cieties th e y still receiv e n o th in g in a de facto s e n s e . It is possib le th a t th e p ra c tic e of female in fa n tic id e in p r e -

Introduction

5

Islamic A rabia, which th e Prophet tabooed com pletely, may also be p e rtin e n t h e re b u t th e q u estion rem ains ju st how w idespread it w as. T he p re-Islam ic disp en satio n may th u s be d escrib ed as 'unm itigated ag n atic su c c e ssio n ', an d th e evidence s u g g e sts th a t agnation and ag n atic d e s c e n t, a fundam ental and unilineal precondition of segm entary o rg an isa tio n , were th u s already p re s e n t when Islam a p p eared on th e scene. N onetheless, the adap tatio n of th e se e a rly segm entary so cieties, as p o stu la te d , to Islam and any s tr u c tu r a l modifications which th e y may have u n d erg o n e as a re s u lt of such ad ap tatio n a re most im portant. The questio n is of p a rtic u la r relev an ce, too, in the lig h t of the complete identification with Islam of th e p re s e n t-d a y societies co n sid ered h e re , a n d in th e ir re fu sa l to be iden tified in any way with e ith e r pre-Islam ic o r non-Islam ic form s, w hether th e la tte r be re p re s e n te d by P unic, Roman o r 'P o rtu g u e se ’ (as known locally) ru in s in N orth A frica o r b y G reco-B uddhist sta tu e s and s tu p a s in A fghanistan and P ak istan . Muslim trib a l societies them selves may well show m arked in te rn a l d ifferen tiatio n in s tr u c tu re and o rg an isatio n how ever similar th e c u ltu ra l carap ace of so ciety. The argum ent clearly in d icates system s w ithin system s in th e Islamic w orld. V arious exam ples may be given to su p p o rt th e a rg u m e n t: one is the tra d itio n a l oscillation betw een two c o n tra stin g social forms in th e W estern High A tlas of Morocco. T his oscillation, alread y well u n d e r way and docum ented d u rin g th e second half of th e n in e te e n th c e n tu ry , took place betw een eg alitarian and 'a n a rc h ic ' trib a l assem blies of small m ountains 'c a n to n s’, o rg a n ise d on a compromise b asis betw een segm entary and t e r ­ rito ria l co n sid e ra tio n s, on the one h a n d , a n d , on th e o th e r, local stro n g m en , like th e famous th re e 'Big Q aids' (th e Glawi in p a r tic u la r ) , who so u g h t to widen th e ir pow er b a ses and in c re a se th e ir p erso n al followings at the exp en se o f n e ig h b o u rs who may have balked a t playing th e ir game - and whose o p p o rtu n itie s d u rin g p ro te c to ra te times became v irtu a lly u n li­ mited (M ontagne 1930). A nother such example may re sid e in the c o n tra s t betw een th e o rd in a ry cam el-herding bedouin of a given trib e in , sa y , Saudi A rabia and th e members o f th a t tr ib e 's dom inant sh aik h ly clan , th e clan which h as always trad itio n ally p ro v id ed the param ount sh aik h , o r sh aikh a sh s h u y u k h , and which is also almost always co n sid erab ly b e tte r off m aterially th an th e ra n k and file o f th e tr ib e , with an em phasis on Land R overs and lim ousines r a th e r th an on camels (B raeu n lich 1933-4; Cole 1975; Montagne 1947). F inally, an exam ple of in te rn al d ifferen tia tio n in s tr u c tu re and o rg an isatio n re s id e s in th e c o n tra s t among trib a l P u k h tu n s in A fghanistan and P akistan betw een th e nang (lit. 'h o n o u r') g ro u p s which a re e g a lita ria n , acephalous and larg ely u n e n ­ c a p su la te d , and th e qalang (lit. 'ta x e s and r e n ts ') g ro u p s, like th e n o rth e rn k h a n a te s of S w at, Dir and B a ja u r, which are h ie ra rc h ica l, ra n k e d and en cap su lated into la rg e sta te system s (Ahmed, A .S . 1976, 1977, 1980a). Nang and qalang are locally

6

A kb ar S. Ahmed and David M. Hart

p erceiv ed as th e main affective and conative symbols in society and th u s p rovide a u seful opposition in societies with su rface c u ltu ra l sim ilarities. It is, o f c o u rse , the nan g g ro u p s among the P u k h tu n s , th e o rd in a ry cam el-herding g ro u p s among the bedouin and the dem ocratic B e rb e r assem blies as opposed to th e strongm en an d th e ir followings which c o rre sp o n d to the seg m en tary , acephalous 'G roup B' societies in 'A frican Political System s' (F o rte s and E v a n s-P ritc h a rd 1940). Most of th e p a p e rs in th is collection d isc u ss what we may re fe r to as n a n g -ty p e g ro u p s. It is im portant to point out th a t th e se trib a l societies c o n ­ s id e r them selves to be 'p u re ly ' Islamic, although th e y a re often illiterate an d may even be unorthodox in form . Subjectively th e y all re g a rd them selves a s 'p u re ' Muslims. In so doing th e y th u s live out th e c irc u la r movements which re g e n e ra te u rb a n o r settled Islam, in what am ounts to a sim plistic version of Ibn K haldun's famous th re e -g e n e ra tio n s rise and fall th e o ry b ased on th e trib a l concept of a sab iy a, social cohesion o r 'group feeling' (Ibn K haldun, R osenthal and Dawood 1967) - c h a ra c ­ te ris e d as 'agnation in action' (H art 1962). As many segm entary trib e s often claim p u ta tiv e genealogical links and d escen t from th e Prophet (th e bedouin of Cole o r the Somalis of Lewis in th is volume) o r his companions (th e P ukhtuns of Ahmed and at least one major B e rb e r trib e of th e Moroccan Rif - H art 1976), it is im portant to conceptualise an d d isc u ss what th e position and role a re o f the exclusively religious or holy lin eag es. The religious a u th o rity o r sanction in g enea­ logical trad itio n in such g ro u p s is alre ad y in h e r e n t, ratified as it is b y agnatic links to the P rophet (th ro u g h , of c o u rse , his d a u g h te r H azrat Fatim a). T his a u th o rity and sanction v ary from th e B erb er igurramen of th e Moroccan C en tral A tlas (see G elln er), w here su ch g ro u p s actively p a rtic ip a te in th e election of c h ie fs, and th e imrabdhen of the Moroccan Rif, w here th ey m erely p resid e at council m eetings (H art 1976), to the limited a u th o rity of th e mians of P akistan (Ahm ed, A .S . 1980a). How­ e v e r , religious g ro u p s do rise to overall political suprem acy for sh o rt p erio d s in 'e x tra o rd in a ry tim es' (Ahm ed, A .S . 1976). An im portant visible function perform ed by holy lineages is 'to an ch o r th e local society in the w ider system of Islam' as pointed out by E rn est G ellner in h is p a p e r in th is volume. Holy lin e­ ages th u s p rovide b o th an ideological and a social referen ce point in an d to so ciety . Islamic tra d itio n , rein fo rced b y the tra d itio n of egalitarianism among tr ib e s , d isco u rag es sain tly g ro u p s (a s d istin c t from sain tly le a d e rs ). Hence u sin g th e gloss ‘s a in ts ' for religious g ro u p s o r lin eag es, as some an th ro p o lo g ists have done (Bailey 1972; B arth 1972), may be m isleading (Ahm ed, A .S . 1976). In so ciety , and b efore God, all are Muslims; p e rh a p s one is b e tte r , more o rth o d o x , more c o n serv ativ e th an an o th e r b u t in th e eyes of Allah th ey remain equal u n til Judgm ent D ay. Any p e rso n , re g a rd le s s of b ir th , if his beh av io u r approxim ates to th e ideal,

Introduction

7

c a n , an d d o es, assum e lead ersh ip in Islamic so cie ty , especially in times of c ris is . A c o rrelatio n , how ever, ap p e a rs to e x ist for religious le a d e rsh ip : genealogy in stab le times and ap p earan ce of charism atic lead ersh ip in d istu rb e d tim es (fo r exam ple, d u rin g th e colonisation of Islamic n atio n s in th e last c e n tu ry , briefly d isc u sse d in th e nex t se c tio n ). This does not follow th a t th e re is n e c e ssa rily a co rrelation betw een le ad e rsh ip an d holy g en ea­ logies in o rd in a ry tim es. A major point th a t follows from the above, and em erges from th e stu d ie s in th is volume, affo rd s a fram ework for a com­ p re h e n siv e and holistic view o f Islamic society: th a t is , the u n iv e rsa lity and p e rsiste n c e of Islamic symbolism so im portant to Muslims an d so visib ly em bedded in so ciety. A lthough a n th ­ ropologists have individually d iffered in th e ir in te r e s ts , ap ­ pro ach es and explan atio n s in th e a n aly sis of symbolic forms and fu n c tio n s, th e y have collectively been concerned with the in terd ep en d en ce betw een symbolism, power and social rela tio n ­ sh ip s . Symbols in th e dynam ics of Islamic sociopolitical life a re valences bein g not only cognitive b u t also a g itativ e and c o n ativ e. The la tte r p ro v ide the m otivation to Islamic action on most levels o f life in a Muslim so ciety. In th a t sen se th e y p r o ­ vide a key in th e u n d e rs ta n d in g o f th e p e rp etu atio n of Islamic values an d th e ir u n iv e rsa lity in so ciety . Islamic symbols a re a c tiv e , visible an d cogent w here th e sta te is Islamic, as in Iran or Saudi A rabia (1982) o r dorm ant b u t re co g n isab le, as in th e h ig h p rice th e Holy Q u r'an will fetch among Soviet Muslims (ag ain in 1982). T hese sym bols, w hether visible o r in v isib le, p ro v id e p o in ts th a t affect behaviour and determ ine in terac tio n with o th e r g ro u p s. Social causation is often p rom pted, re la te d or a re s u lt of in teractio n with Islamic sym bols. F ir s t, such key symbols (for in sta n c e , th e five p illa rs) are u n iv e rsa lly recognisable w herever Muslims liv e. The p e rsiste n c e of th e se symbols fo r o v e r 1,300 y e a rs of Islamic h isto ry prove th e ir s tr e n g th . T hese a re th e defined an d known sym bols of society . In addition th e re are o th e r sym bols, such as jihad w hich, th o u g h am biguous, rem ain emotive an d may tak e v ario u s, o ften m artial, form s (for a fre sh discussion of jihad with re fe re n ce to contem porary Islam, see Ahmed, A .S . 1983). The five p illars of Islam (th e profession of faith sta tin g the o n en ess of God; p ra y in g , salat, five times daily; fa stin g d u rin g th e month o f Ramadan; p erform ing hajj, th e pilgrim age, at least once; and p ay in g za kat, alm s) are recognisable social sym bols in Islamic so cieties. In addition th e re are th e trad itio n al rite s de p assage o rig in a tin g from A rabia; to g e th e r th ey pro v id e the key to u n d e rs ta n d in g and id e n tify in g Islamic social org an isatio n and b ehaviour and indeed g en eral social life; a n d , as some o f the p a p e rs point o u t, in cases w here pre-Islam ic p ra c tic e s su rv iv e th ey have been 'Islam ised'. The p rim ary symbol is the shahada or kalima, th a t which proclaims th e u n iq u e n e ss of Allah and th e P rophethood of Muhammad. Islam is a m onotheistic religion and th e c e n tra l

8

A k b ar S. A hm ed a n d David M. Hart

co n cep t of u n ity ( ta w h id ) is fundam ental to it. T h e re is no allotheism in Islam . Muslims do not a n th ro p o m o rp h ise o r, co n ­ v e r s e ly , e n c o u ra g e b elief in a n th r o p o la tr y . A llah is o m n ip o te n t, o m n ip re se n t, th e sole so u rc e an d o w ner o f po w er. A u th o rity , le a d e rs h ip a n d su c c e ssio n , th e c e n tra l q u e stio n s in th e social a n d political life of tr ib a l so c ie ty , a re lin k ed with e a rly Islam . 'C e rta in s ty le s o f political legitim ation em erged p ro m in en tly a t th e v e ry in ception of th e Muslim com m unity. T he c o n se n su s of " th e ” Com m unity, th e a u th o rity o f "th e " Book, k in sh ip with "th e " P ro p h e t: th e se w ere th e id e a s which w ere in v o k ed when le a d e r s h ip , a u th o rity o r su c ce ssio n w ere in d is p u te ' (G e lln e r, F orew ord to A hm ed, A .S . 1976: ix9. Islam ic memory is c h a ra c te ris e d by a rem a rk a b le re fe re n c e to tra d itio n an d a p e r s is te n t anam nesis of p a s t h isto ric a l e v e n ts . The b a ttle s of U hud and B a d r, th e tra g e d y of K arb a la , th e m artyrdom of th e P ro p h e t's g ra n d c h ild re n , a re p a r t o f Muslim folk lo re a s much a s p a r t o f th e a c tu a l h is to ry of e a rly Islam . It is n o tab le th a t antonom asiac title s su ch as th e A y a tu lla h , o r in th e la s t c e n tu r y th e A khund o r M ahdi, h av e an asso ciatio n fo r Muslims th a t re a c h e s b eyond so ciety a n d into th e w orld of h isto ric a l c o n s c io u s n e ss. Some of th e m aterial in th e p a p e rs illu s tr a te th a t in th is r e g a r d a rem ark ab le h isto ric a l c o n tin u ity h a s b een m aintained in Islamic society w here a n d w hen id e a s of le a d e rsh ip a n d a u th o rity have b een in v o k e d . The c a te g o rie s of r u le r s in Islamic c o u n trie s an d th e form s of legitim isation th e y employ rev e a l th e com plexity of th e problem o f s tu d y in g th e Islamic w orld. T he r u le r s ra n g e from a b so lu te m onarchs to a b so lu te v isio n a rie s; th e com plexity is in c re a se d a s b o th legitim ise th e ir ru le b y re fe re n c e s to th e P ro p h e t a n d h is life ( s u n n a ) . H ow ever, th e r e a re c e rta in d isc e rn ib le s tr u c tu r a l a n d o rg a n isa tio n a l sim ilarities in Islamic tr ib a l so cieties of th e n a n g c a te g o ry su c h a s d isc u sse d in th is co llectio n . It is one of th e p u rp o s e s of th is collection to in d icate th e s e sim ilarities in sp ite o f wide c u ltu ra l an d g eo g rap h ic al d iffe re n c e s an d e lu c id a te p rin c ip le s w h ereb y u n d e r s ta n d in g o f th e se so c ie ties is a s s i s t e d . I ll ISLAMIC TRIBES AND THE COLONIAL ENCOUNTER In sp ite o f th e wide c u ltu ra l a n d political d iv e rs ity in th e Islamic world a common b o n d , p ro v id in g a th em e, is p e rc e p tib le of a lo n g an d b itte r e n c o u n te r with W estern po w ers d u rin g th e colonising p h ase of th e ir h is to r y : th e B ritish in A frica an d A sia, th e F re n c h (a n d S p a n ish ) in n o rth a n d c e n tra l A fric a , th e D utch in In d o n e sia , th e R u ssia n s in C e n tra l A sia, an d th e A m ericans in th e P h ilip p in es (w h ere th e Muslim problem rem ains a s a legacy to a g ita te the Muslim mind a lth o u g h d is ta n t from th e Islamic h e a r tla n d s ) . Muslim a n th ro p o lo g ists see th is e n c o u n te r an d its im pact on know led g e, p a rtic u la rly th e social sc ie n c e s, th u s :

Introd uction

9

AIL th e s e d isc ip lin e s a re ro o ted in th a t complex h isto ric a l e n c o u n te r b etw een th e West an d th e T h ird World which commenced a b o u t th e s ix te e n th c e n tu r y : when c a p ita list E urope b eg an to em erge o u t of feu d al C h risten d o m ; when th e c o n q u is ta d o rs who ex p elled th e la s t of th e A ra b s from C h ris tia n Spain w ent on to colonise th e New World a n d also to b r in g a b o u t th e d ire c t co n fro n ta tio n o f 'c iv ilise d ' E urope w ith 's a v a g e ' an d 'b a r b a r ic ' p e o p le s. (A sad 1973: 103) In most c a s e s su c h so cio cu ltu ral in te ra c tio n a s th e re was b etw een th e two sy stem s o p e ra te d m echanically, n o t d ia le c tically : As re c e n t r u le r s o f v a s t Muslim p o p u la tio n s, th e im p eralist r u le r s could a tte m p t to legitim ise th e ir own g o v e rn in g p o si­ tion w ith a rg u m e n ts su p p lie d b y th e o rie n ta lis ts : th a t Islam ic ru le h a s h isto ric a lly b e en o p p re s s iv e ru le (colonial ru le is b y c o n tr a s t h u m a n e ), th a t Islamic political th e o ry re c o g n is e s th e legitim acy of th e effe c tiv e de facto r u le r (colonial ru le is m anifestly b e tte r th a n th e c o rru p tio n , in efficien cy a n d d is o rd e r of p re-c o lo n ial r u l e ) , th e political dom ination in Muslim la n d s is ty p ic a lly e x te rn a l to th e e s s e n tia l a rtic u la tio n of Islamic social a n d re lig io u s life (th e r e f o r e no ra d ic al dam age h a s been done to Islam by c o n q u e rin g it a s its c e n tra l political tra d itio n rem ains u n ­ b r o k e n ) . ( I b id .: 117) T he a c c u sa tio n th a t a n th ro p o lo g y is a tool o f im perialism is ro o te d in th e colonial e n c o u n te r: 'A n th ro p o lo g ists a re re g a rd e d a s re a c tio n a rie s b y th e m ajority o f th e A frican in te lle c tu a ls ; an d hence sta te m e n ts to th e e ffe c t th a t "most social a n th ro p o lo g ists h e ld a n d still hold ra d ic a l o r lib eral political view s" h a rd ly find much sy m p ath y am ong A frican in te lle c tu a ls ' (A hm ed, A .G .M . 1973: 260). S uch re a c tio n s a r e p a r tly re s p o n s ib le fo r s u g g e s t­ in g a ra d ic a l re -e x a m in atio n o f tra d itio n a l O rie n ta list Islamic s tu d ie s (J a n se n 1979; Said 1978). H ow ever, o u tsid e an academ ic in te re s t in th e s e so cieties th e re is a g e n e ra l p o p u la r ap peal ab o u t them which is ro o te d in rom antic V icto rian élite a ttitu d e s to prim itive people w hich saw B ritis h civ ilisatio n c o n fro n tin g and e d ify in g 'noble s a v a g e s '. Some of th e most e v o c ativ e fig u re s of V ictorian E n g la n d , when E ngland dom inated th e world in th o u g h t an d m ig h t, a re linked in th e p u b lic mind w ith su c h Islam ic trib a l g r o u p s : fo r in s ta n c e , C h u rc h ill fig h tin g th e P u k h tu n s at th e M alakand P a ss on th e N orth-W est F ro n tie r of In d ia , an d G ordon a n d K itc h e n e r facing th e follow ers of th e Mahdi in S u d an . Names su c h a s th e A kh u n d o f S w a t, th e Mahdi of Sudan a n d th e S a n u si o f C y ren aica becam e w idely know n ( in te re s tin g ly en o u g h su c h le a d e rs were s u p p o rte d b y n a n g g r o u p s , in th e fo re fro n t of th e colonial s tr u g g le , a c ro s s th e Islamic w o rld ). A lthough rom antic to th e E u ro p ean c o lo n ise r it h a s b een a rg u e d th a t th e colonial

10

A k b a r S. A h m ed and David M. Hart

e n c o u n te r was seen a s b itte r an d b a r r e n b y trib e sm e n th em ­ selv es (A hm ed, A .S . 1978, 1980b). T h e re h av e b e e n , in d eed a r e , h is to ric a l, theological an d c u ltu ra l d iffe re n c e s th a t have o ften a c te d a s b a r r ie r s to u n d e r ­ s ta n d in g b etw een Islamic an d non-Islam ic so c ie tie s. A c e rta in leg acy of th e deep ro o ted m isu n d e rsta n d in g a n d a s e n s itiv ity to th e problem still rem ain. T he g e n e ra lise d non-M uslim view of th e p re d a to ry Muslim w a rrio r w ith scim itar in one h a n d a n d Q u 'ra n in th e o th e r , and th e Muslim view of th e W estern er mainly th e C h ris tia n E uropean - as p e rfid io u s an d a v a ric io u s, e x p lo itin g an d colo n ising a re ev en now only slowly fad in g p o p u la r im ages. We s u p p o rt an d recom m end th a t a n y e th n o c e n tric s tu d y m ust be a v o id e d . T he ty p ic a l e th n o c e n tric s tu d y may ta k e two ex trem e fo rm s, b o th academ ically re p re h e n s ib le , an d b o th re fle c tin g a c u ltu ra l if not political a sp e c t o f th e colonial e n ­ c o u n te r. One is o f th e v a rie ty in which th e W estern/colonial sch o lar s tu d ie s a n d comments on prim itive s a v a g e s . At th e o th e r ex trem e is th e r e s u lt o f th e re c e n t g ro w th in ’n a tiv e ’ s c h o la rs h ip . T h is form h a s been term ed a s th e ’n a rc is s is tic e th n ic s t u d y ’ (se e A hm ed's fo rew o rd in A frid i 1980). In th is c a te g o ry a member of a tra d itio n a l so ciety exam ining h is own g ro u p fin d s much to adm ire in it, a n d is so fa sc in a te d b y th e view a s to be alm ost overw helm ed b y its p e rfe c tio n a n d b e a u ty , as fo r in s ta n c e , a n a n g P u k h tu n d e s c rib in g a n a n g tr ib e ( i b i d .) . T he ’n a rc is s is tic e th n ic s tu d y ’ ra is e s c e rta in in te re s tin g th e o ­ re tic a l a n d m ethodological q u e stio n s fo r p ro fe ssio n a l a n th ­ ropology . Does th is ty p e o f s tu d y u n co n scio u sly g lo ss o v e r what a re o r im agined to b e , d e fe c ts in so ciety? Or d o es it not see them a lto g e th e r? O r b e c a u se of k in id en tific atio n an d e x te n sio n of th e local u n d e r s ta n d in g o f co n c e p ts su c h a s ’h o n o u r’, does it co n scio u sly throw a c u rta in o v e r fa c ts it th in k s would be com prom ising fo r th e g ro u p ? Can su ch s tu d ie s , given th e intim ate n a tu r e of th e a u th o r-s u b je c t re la tio n s h ip , b e o b jec tiv e ? B alanced b y th is s e t of q u e stio n s is th e o b v io u s a d v a n ta g e of in s ig h t in to and a c c e ss to so ciety which th e ’in s id e r ’ sch o lar e n jo y s. N oth in g is s e c re t o r h id d e n from him . ’N a rc issistic e th n ic s tu d ie s ' will in c re a se in th e com ing d e c a d e s a s th e so called le ss d ev elo p ed c o u n trie s p ro d u c e more local social sc ie n ­ t i s t s . N ational p r id e , a d isc e rn ib le an ti-W e ste rn t r e n d , political c o n sid e ra tio n s o r simple jingoism may com bine to en c o u ra g e th e ’n a rc is s is tic e th n ic s t u d y ’. If a c e rta in am biguity e x is ts in p e rc e p tio n by in s id e r s , a sim ilar s e t o f problem s faces o u ts id e rs who comment on Muslim so c ie ty . H erein , p e r h a p s , lies th e challen g e o f s tu d y in g so c ie ty . The ric h n e s s a n d d iv e rs ity of th e su b je c t is b ro u g h t o u t c le a rly in th e work of two o u ts ta n d in g s c h o la rs , C lifford G e ertz (1968, 1973, 1979) a n d E rn e st G elln er, (1969, 1972), exam ining trib a l g ro u p s in M orocco. In d e e d , th e o p p o sed models th e y b u ild to ex p lain social s tr u c tu r e and o rg a n isa tio n , th e form er

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em p h asisin g c u ltu r e , th e la tte r seg m e n tary s t r u c t u r e , p o in t to th e m ethodological fe c u n d ity of th e d isc ip lin e . M aking allow ances fo r c u ltu ra l irr e d u c ib ility , esp ecially in th e c o n te x t o f colonialism , th e w ritin g o f, o r o n , E uropean political a d m in is tra to rs s u g g e s ts a ric h an d a u th o rita tiv e so u rc e o f e th n o g ra p h ic m aterial fo r th e social sc ie n c e s. An im p o rtan t s te p is th e s tu d y b y a n th ro p o lo g ists of th e adm ini­ s tr a to r s th em selv es in th e c o n te x t of th e tr ib e s am ong which th e y w o rk ed . Such s tu d ie s could e n s u re a d e g re e o f academ ic o b je c tiv ity fo r th e s u b je c t, on th e one h a n d , a n d p e rso n a l em pathy fo r th e a d m in istra to r on th e o th e r . P e rh a p s su c h a m ethod may p ro v id e a way o u t fo r th e a n th ro p o lo g ist not w ishing to fall b etw een th e two sto o ls m entioned a b o v e . The topic h as c e rta in m ethodological a n d th e o re tic a l ram ifications an d is e x p lo re d a t g r e a te r le n g th elsew h ere (Ahmed an d H a rt, 'Islam ic T rib e s an d E uropean A d m in istra to rs: R ead in g s in th e Colonial E n c o u n te r', book u n d e r p r e p a r a tio n ) . It is hoped th a t a n th ro p o lo g ical m ethod, which o fte n b rin g s to g e th e r sc h o la r an d s u b je c t from d iffe re n t c o u n trie s , will help in m aintaining o b je c tiv ity an d p e r s p e c tiv e . A b alance betw een th e two ex trem e form s of e th n o c e n tric s tu d ie s is n e c e s s a ry if o u r d iscip lin e is to grow o r ev en m aintain its claim to sc ie n tific o b je c tiv ity . The job o f th e a n th ro p o lo g ist is , an d m ust rem ain , to re c o rd an d a n a ly se im p a rtia lly . IV THE RE-EMERGENCE OF ISLAM A b r ie f sectio n on 'th e re -e m e rg en c e of Islam ' may be r e le v a n t, an d also to p ic a l, a s th e re a p p e a rs to be a 'r e s u r g e n c e ', 're v iv a l' o r p e rh a p s more c o rre c tly 're -e m e rg e n c e ' o f Islam in th e w orld to d a y , w hich u rg e n tly n e c e s s ita te s a c lo se r look a t tra d itio n a l so c ie tie s in th e Islamic fram ew o rk . T h e re is a ferm en t in Islamic c o u n trie s e v en a t th e 'g r a s s ro o ts ' o r village le v e l, term ed in th e mass media an d a n a ly se d as 'th e " re s u rg e n c e " o r " re v iv a l" of Islam '. T h is ferm en t h a s in p laces ta k e n a volatile sh ap e an d a violent d ire c tio n , o fte n d isp la cin g s tro n g ly e n tre n c h e d le a d e rs su ch a s th e Shah o f I r a n . To an aly se th e mood m erely as 'r e s u r g e n c e ' o r ’re v iv a l' is sim plistic a n d m isleading. Muslim le a d e r s , tr ib a l a n d n o n - tr ib a l, have led a re lig io u s o rg a n isa tio n which h a s s u b s e q u e n tly c o n v e rte d to o r m erged into a political o rg a n is a tio n . A well docum ented exam ple in a n th ro p o lo g ica l s tu d ie s , th a t o f th e S an u si o f C y ren aica (E v a n s -P ritc h a rd 1949), was c ite d e a r lie r . Sim ilarly, th e M ahdi's family in S ud an a n d th e A k h u n d 's d e s c e n d a n ts in Swat c o n v e rte d a re lig io u s b a se in to political le a d e rsh ip (A hm ed, A .S . 1976). T he i n t e r ­ conn ectio n betw een relig io n and p o litics h a s its s o u rc e in th e h is to ry of th e P ro p h e t’s own fam ily. The phenom enon of Imam Khomeini w hich h a s p ro v id e d r e a c ­ tio n s ra n g in g from h o r r o r to re v e re n c e , a n d is fa sc in a tin g the w orld a n d , as a c o n se q u e n c e , in c re a s in g in te r e s t in Islamic

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s tu d ie s , is n o t new in Islam . I ts d ram atic q u a lity h a s b een u n d e rlin e d an d e n h a n c e d b y th e tw e n tie th -c e n tu ry m ass m edia: telev isio n b rin g s e v e n ts into th e d raw ing-room on th e same day th e y a r e h a p p e n in g in rem ote v illa g e s a n d d e s e r ts . T he A y a tu l­ lah is a re lig io u s le a d e r in a Muslim society su c h a s th e M ahdi, th e A k h u n d an d th e S an u si w ere in th e la s t c e n tu r y ; like th o se le a d e rs h e r e p r e s e n ts one a s p e c t o f Islamic rea ctio n to colonial o r neo-colonial fo rc e s . We may th e re f o re view the Islamic mood n o t so much a s a 're v iv a l' b u t a s an illu s tra tio n of th e la te n t s tr e n g th in society o f Islamic sy m bols, norm s an d m o res, a n d th e ir c a p a c ity to be m obilised. In th e Ira n ia n case th e y w ere m obilised so su c c e ssfu lly a s to o v e rth ro w th e most p ow erfu l of k in g s s u p p o rte d b y th e e n tir e p a ra p h e rn a lia o f a s ta te a p p a r a tu s in c lu d in g a m odern arm y and police fo rc e . T he 'r e s u r g e n c e ' is more a 're -e m e rg e n c e ' o f Islam on th e world s ta g e . A co n scio u s a tte m p t to re -e x am in e th e major m ethodological a n d th e o re tic a l a ssu m p tio n s in th e s tu d y of Islamic so cieties m ust be made in th e lig h t of th e cu m ulative developm ent in know ledge in th e p o s t-w a r d e c a d e s . T he tim es dem and th is re -e x a m in a tio n . Im ages a re c h a n g in g ; from a p o p u la r p ro to ty p e of Islamic so ciety a s co n g en ita lly v a le tu d in a ria n , sym bolised by th e e p ith e t in th e la st c e n tu ry fo r th e only Islamic c o u n try in E u ro p e , T u rk e y : 'th e sick man o f E u ro p e ', to th e new , more v irile a n d a g g re s s iv e image in th e late tw e n tie th c e n tu r y . B ut th e re a s o n s fo r th e new im ages th e y invoke lie e lse w h e re . Many Muslim la n d s a re o il-ric h a n d th e in d u s tria lis e d W est, o r in d ee d a n y in d u s tria lis e d n a tio n , is d e p e n d e n t to some d e g re e on o il. Not only im ages b u t Islamic so c ie ties a re c h a n g in g to o . The poin t to be u n d e rlin e d is th a t Islamic so c ieties a re u n d e rg o in g c h an g e a n d th e a ttitu d e s of non-Islam ic so cieties to them a re a lso , a n d c o rre s p o n d in g ly , c h a n g in g . T h is c h a n g e is o ften e ffe c te d w ith a sw iftn e ss th a t b ew ild e rs b o th a c to r a n d s p e c ta ­ to r . Two th in g s now a p p e a r c e rta in in th e la s t q u a r te r o f th e tw e n tie th c e n tu r y : Islam a s a world fo rc e h a s re -e m e rg e d a f te r th re e to fo u r c e n tu r ie s a n d its people a n d la n d s will command a tte n tio n if only b ecau se o f th e ir oil a n d s tr a te g ic placem ent in w orld g e o p o litic s. It is p e rh a p s sig n ific a n t th a t th e 1980s b eg an w ith w orld a tte n tio n fo cu sed on th e c ris e s in Ira n a n d A fg h a n is ta n . T he trib a i so c ie tie s th a t we a re c o n sid e rin g in th is volume hav e b een a ffe c te d to some d e g re e b y th e colonial e n c o u n te r a n d a re b e in g a ffe c te d b y th e re -e m e rg e n c e of Islam (it would seem th a t some of th e form s th e la tte r is assu m in g a re a c o n seq u en ce of th e fo rm e r). P e rh a p s th e d e g re e o f c h a n g e in so ciety is k e p t to a minimum due to th e g e n e ra lly in ac cessib le n a tu r e of th e te r r a in (b a r r e n m ountains an d rem ote v a lle y s ). T h is le a d s to a re la te d p o in t: th e sociological o r a n th ro p o ­ logical 'p u r ity ' of th e Islamic tr ib e s is s a fe g u a rd e d to an e x te n t an d th e a n a ly se s may th u s p r e s e n t a p ic tu re more sta tic th a n th e e ffe c ts o f th e tw o fa c to rs d isc u sse d above would s u g g e s t.

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V METHODOLOGY The p a p e r s in th is sym posium a re n o t involved w ith , o r do not a d v o c a te , an y theological o r e cc le sia stic a l p o sitio n . T hey a r e , r a t h e r , a n th ro p o lo g ical a n a ly se s o f Islamic se g m e n ta ry so c ie tie s, which is to s a y , so c ie tie s th a t a re c u ltu ra lly and tra d itio n a lly p a r t of th e Muslim w orld an d th a t co n sciously claim to be Islam ic, w h a te v e r th e ir e x te n t of d ev iation o r a b e rra tio n from main­ stream o r o rth o d o x Islam a s in te r p r e te d by u rb a n s c h o la rs , th e le a rn e d Muslim d o c to rs - o r °ulam a. It h a s b een a rg u e d b y social s c ie n tis ts , b o th Muslim a n d non-M uslim , th a t th e m ainstream of B ritish and F re n c h social a n th ro p o lo g y h a s te n d e d to m inim ise, ig n o re o r p lay down th e Islamic fa c to r in su c h so cieties th u s f a r s tu d ie d , ow ing to an in trin s ic h o stility to w a rd s Islamic so cieties in g e n e ra l, fo r v a rio u s h isto ric a l r e a s o n s . C hief am ong th e s e a r e c u ltu ra l 'h a n g - u p s ' re s u ltin g from colonialism (A sad 1973; D aniel 1966; L aroui 1974, 1977; Said 1978). In th is book we will exam ine th e s e so cieties a s a n th ro p o lo g ists an d n o t a s o rie n ta lis ts (w h e th e r h is to r ia n s , lin g u is ts o r w h a te v e r). We ho p e to look at th e su b je c t s c ie n tific a lly , with o b je c tiv ity an d im p a rtia lity . U sually su c h an th o lo g ie s o r sym posia in social a n th ro p o lo g y r e p r e s e n t an in te lle c tu al c o n se n su s th a t in itse lf r e f le c ts an d p re s u p p o s e s th e p re -e m in en ce of a given school o r n a tio n a lity : for exam ple, 'T hem es in Economic A n th ro p o lo g y ' (F irth 1967), in which six o u t o f n in e a u th o rs r e p r e s e n te d a re lis te d as tra in e d in o r a ffiliated with th e London School of Econom ics, o r 'T rib e s Without R u le rs ' (M iddleton a n d T ait 1958), w herein fiv e of th e se v e n a u th o rs a re O xonians o r a s in th e case of 'A frican Political S y s te m s', w here th e c o n tr ib u to rs a re m ostly B ritis h . Such tie s , w hich a re alm ost trib a l in th e ir own w ay, may lead to a c e r ta in c u ltu r a l a n d /o r academ ic e th n o c e n tric ity in b o th th e p re s e n ta tio n an d th e a n a ly sis of d a ta . T h is volum e, to th e c o n tr a r y , re fle c ts in o u r view a h e a lth y d iv e r s ity of academ ic th o u g h t (fo r in s ta n c e , M arx ist, s tr u c tu r a lis t, h o listic , e tc . a n a ly s e s ) a n d o f natio n al b a c k g ro u n d s (A lg e ria n , A m erican, B ritis h , F re n c h , P a k ista n i a n d Soviet R u ssia n ) th a t nullify o r balance a n y te n d e n c y to w a rd s a m onolithic tr e n d in th is volum e. T h is fa c t is in its e lf a g u a ra n te e a g a in st e th n o c e n tr ic ity , r e f e r r e d to a b o v e , an d p ro v id e s an o p p o rtu n ity to exam ine Islamic trib a l so c ie tie s from se v e ra l d iffe re n t a n g le s , th u s allow ing th e r e a d e r to draw h is own c o n c lu sio n s. We feel th a t th e e x e rc ise as p r e s e n te d h e re is ju s tifie d even if it h ad only been re d u c e d sim ply to c o llec tin g an d p re s e n tin g th e p a p e rs as th e y w ere w ritte n . T h e 'common' re lig io u s /c u l­ tu r a l an d 's e g m e n ta r y '/tr ib a l fa c to rs th a t a re so c e n tra l to th e e n te r p r is e a re p re c ise ly th o se th a t make it w o rthw hile. H ow ever, it sh o u ld be n o te d , a n d em p h a sise d , th a t th e s e c u ltu ra l and s tr u c tu r a l sim ilarities among th e v a rio u s so c ieties in q u e stio n do in d eed e x is t in sp ite of b e in g placed w ithin su c h widely d iffe re n t ra n g e s of n atio n al political fram ew ork a s m onarchies

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or form er m onarchies (M orocco, S audi A ra b ia , Ira n and A fg h an ­ i s ta n ) , A rab socialist re p u b lic s (A lg e ria , L ib y a, Som alia), th e most p o w erfu l Communist s ta te (Soviet R u s s ia ), an d a sem iautonom ous an d la rg e ly u n e n c a p su la te d situ a tio n (th e T rib a l A reas of P a k is ta n , on the P a k ista n -A fg h a n ista n f r o n tie r ) . The p h y sic a l lim its o f Islamic seg m e n ta ry so c ie tie s, w hich a re well c o v e re d in th is b o o k , a re an e x te n sio n of th e Middle E ast its e lf, in a wide s e n s e , th e a re a o f C oon's ’mosaic of p e o p le s' (1951). The a re a s c o v e re d , a s seen from Saudi A rabia w here Islam o rig in a te d , a re th e Moroccan A tlan tic co ast and A tlas ra n g e s in th e w est to th e In d u s R iv e r in P a k ista n in th e e a s t (h e n c e th e tit l e ) , a n d from Soviet T u rk is ta n (th e T urkm en SSR) in th e n o r th ( e a s t) to B a lu ch ista n (Ira n a n d P a k ista n ) in th e so u th ( e a s t) . In b etw een th e se o u tly in g a r e a s , A lg e ria , L ib y a, Somalia, th e A rabian P e n in su la , Ira n a n d A fg h a n ista n a re also c o v e re d in th e book. H ow ever, a lth o u g h th e la rg e a g ric u ltu ra l p e a sa n t so cieties of P a k ista n so u th a n d e a s t o f th e In d u s , o f In d ia , of B a n g la d e sh , and o f M alaysia, In d o n esia a n d th e S o u th e rn P h ilip p in es - to say n o th in g of th o se of b lack A frica so u th o f th e S ah ara - may be ju st a s Muslim a s an y of th e so cieties u n d e r c o n sid e ra tio n in o u r sym posium , th e y , n o n e th e le ss, fall o u ts id e o u r a re a not only g e o g ra p h ic a lly b u t also in la rg e p a r t s tr u c tu r a lly . In d e e d , it sh o u ld be n o te d th a t th e m ajority of th e w o rld 's n e a rly 800 million Muslims liv e o u tsid e th e a re a en co m passed in th is b o o k , while th e se g m e n ta ry trib esm en w ithin it r e p r e s e n t a small p e rc e n ta g e o f th e to tal p o p u latio n . T he p h y sical lim its c o v e re d by th e tr ib e s in th is volume c o in ­ cide in g e n e ra l with p ro to ty p e im ages of th e trib a l Muslim: nom adic, fierce w a rrio rs liv in g in b a r r e n zones a n d b y a s tr ic t code o f b e h a v io u r. The camel and th e d ate-p a lm h av e become p o p u la r sym bols of th e se g ro u p s (im p o rta n t for th e hou seh o ld econom y, th e form er p ro v id in g locom otion, m ilk, h id e s an d th e l a t te r , food an d s h e l te r ) . In d e e d , th e r e is some t r u th in th e p ro to ty p e im ages a n d , for in s ta n c e , th e f u r th e r we move so u th o f th e In d u s th e more com pletely th e camel an d th e date-p alm b e g in to give way to th e w ater buffalo an d sta n d in g c ro p s (p a d d y , w heat o r s u g a r - c a n e ) . The p a p e rs assem bled in th is sym posium a re b y a n th ro p o lo ­ g is ts , many of whom h av e won th e ir s p u r s s tu d y in g Islamic so c ie tie s. T he c o n trib u to rs h av e c o n d u c te d fie ld -w o rk among Islamic tr ib a l so cieties a n d h av e b ee n a n d /o r a re still e n g a g e d in th e ir exam ination o f su ch so c ie tie s. How th e y h av e a n aly sed th e se so cieties is o f wide i n t e r e s t , a s a re th e common fa c to rs th a t em erge from one g e o g ra p h ica l and political e x tre m ity to the o th e r . Some of th e p a p e rs h av e been p re v io u sly p u b lish e d an d a re well k n o w n , while o th e r s a p p e a r h e re for th e f ir s t tim e. P a p e rs p re v io u sly p u b lish e d elsew h ere a r e , of c o u rs e , so ack n o w led g ed in th e te x t. T h e re follows a b rie f in tro d u c tio n to th e in d iv id u al c o n tr i­ b u tio n s (g e n e ra lly from w est to e a s t) : The role an d s ta tu s of

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holy g en ealo g ies in trib a l Morocco a re d isc u sse d b y P ro fe sso r E rn e s t G elln er. Magali Morsy p ro v id e s a d isc u ssio n o f th e a rb itra tio n p ro c e s s in th e Moroccan political sy stem from p r e Islamic tim es to th e p r e s e n t. D avid M. H art a n d I.M . Lewis d is c u s s p a r tic u la r localised a s p e c ts o f th e s tr u c tu r a l fe a tu r e s o f Islamic so c ie tie s a t th e two e x tre m e s o f N orth A fric a , H art fo r Morocco in th e w est an d Lewis fo r Somalia in th e e a s t. Both p a p e rs h a v e im plications fo r a w ider a n d more g e n e ra l Islamic se g m e n ta ry fram ew o rk. The r e s is ta n c e to colonialism a n d its ram ificatio n s fo r A lgerian society a re th e su b je c t o f F anny C olonna's p a p e r . T he im portance o f allian c es a n d re la tio n sh ip th ro u g h fem ales in c o n tra s t to th e tra d itio n a l wisdom th a t em p h asised a g n a tic k in sh ip re la tio n s is u n d e rs c o re d in Donald P . C ole’s p a p e r on th e A1 M urra b ed o u in of th e S audi A rabian Em pty Q u a r te r . Em rys P e te rs d is c u s s e s th e role o f ritu a l in Islamic tr ib a l so cieties an d ra is e s im p o rtan t q u e stio n s r e g a rd in g s e g m e n ta ry th e o r y . Moving o u t o f th e A ra b ic -sp e a k in g w orld, P ro fe sso r Basilov d e s c rib e s form s of sham anism , ritu a l a n d b elie f in th e s u p e r ­ n a tu ra l am ong th e Soviet T u rk m en ; h e p o s tu la te s th a t many of th e s e fo rm s, now ’Islam ised ’, a re p re-Islam ic in o rig in . R ich ard T a p p e r d e s c rib e s th r e e trib a l so c ie tie s, u n re la te d b u t sim ilar in th e ir e n v iro n m e n ts in th e ir p a sto ra l nomadic sy ste m s of p ro d u c tio n a n d in b e in g n o n -A ra b Muslim: th e S h ah sev a n of n o rth w e s te rn Ira n ( T u rk i-s p e a k in g Shici t e s ) , th e B a sse ri o f s o u th -w e st Ira n (P e rs ia n -s p e a k in g Shicite s ) an d th e D u rra n i of n o r th - c e n tr a l A fg h a n istan (P a s h tu -s p e a k in g S u n n i). Louis D u p ree re la te s folk lo re and trib a l w ar among A fghan tr ib e s . R e lig io sity , v a lu e s an d economic c h a n g e am ong a nom adic g ro u p in A fg h a n ista n a re d isc u sse d b y B ahram T av ak o lian . C ro ssin g in to th e In d o -P a k ista n su b c o n tin e n t, S tep h en L . P a s tn e r a r g u e s how ’fe u d in g in th e realm o f th e s p irit becom es a s u rro g a te fo r s e c u la r co m p etitio n , with th e sain t em erging a s a h e ro whose e x p lo its p ro v id e h is follow ers w ith a v ic a rio u s se n se of se lfe steem ’ in B a lu c h ista n . R eligious symbolism in P u k h tu n society a n d its hom ologous re la tio n sh ip with th e w ider Islamic w orld a n d with Islamic tra d itio n a re d is c u s s e d b y A k b ar S. A hm ed. The r e g u la r ity w ith which o u r in fo rm a n ts, from Morocco to P a k is ta n , p r e s e n t u s w ith seg m e n ta ry models o f th e ir so cieties is n o ta b le . It also p ro v id e s overw helm ing e v id en ce fo r th e fact th a t e v e n if su c h models a re p re -Isla m ic , Islam a p p ro p ria te d th em , in c o rp o ra te d them an d made them its own (s e e , fo r in s ta n c e , Lewis an d B a silo v ). W hether in fa c t th e s e m odels a re ap p licab le in g iv en in d iv id u al ca se s o r n o t is a n o th e r m a tte r ; th e r e is , for exam ple, a grow ing te n d e n c y am ong a n th ro p o lo ­ g is ts to look fo r ’d eep s t r u c t u r e s ' a n d h en ce to d is r e g a r d much of what th e ir in fo rm an ts tell them . C e rta in ly any tra d itio n a l m aterial th a t comes to lig h t sh o u ld be u se d a s a c ro s s -c h e c k on what o n e 's in fo rm a n ts s a y : o u r own in clin atio n is to ta k e th e more c h a rita b le an d 'tra d itio n a l' view th a t u n le s s th e y a re c le a rly an d d em o n strab ly w ro n g , th e y sh o u ld be g iv en th e

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b e n e fit o f th e d o u b t. H ow ever, th is r a is e s q u e stio n s of a n th ­ ropological m ethodology th a t a re not germ ane to th e issu e h e r e , which is th a t th e id e n tity of se g m e n ta ry trib a l so cieties a p p e a rs to be c o -e x te n siv e with th e whole Muslim Middle E a st. We h a v e d ecid ed to let th e p a p e rs sp ea k fo r th em selv es and not to fo rce them in to any th e o re tic a l o r c o n ce p tu al m ould. T his h a s allowed th e c o n trib u to rs a flex ib ility in se le c tin g th e ir ap p ro a c h a n d choice of su b je c t. As will be seen below , some h av e s e le c te d re lig io u s them es (lin e a g e s , o r d e r s o r sym bolism ) o th e r s , social o n es ( s tr u c tu r e and o rg a n isa tio n ) to d e sc rib e an d a n a ly se th e ir tr ib a l g r o u p s . A c e rta in 'local' d is u n ity is th u s m aintained w hich b alan ces th e o v e ra ll th e o re tic a l a n d m ethodological u n ity of th e volum e. T he c u ltu r a l d iv e rs ity of th e so c ie tie s is a p p a r e n t, a n d so a re c e rta in sim ila ritie s. For exam ple, most (th o u g h not all) Islamic trib a l so cieties (a ) a re c h a ra c te ris e d b y low p o p u la tio n s; (b ) a re lo cated in low p ro ­ d u ctio n a r e a s ; (c ) rem ain h ig h ly co n scio u s o f th e ir genealogical c h a r te r a n d of th e p riv ile g e d position th a t it a s c rib e s to them ; (d ) do n o t e n c o u ra g e th e form ation of to w n sh ip s (th o u g h th is is becom ing le ss a n d less the c a s e ) ; an d (e ) a r e a c u te ly aw are of th e ir Islamic id e n tity both in a theological a n d sociological sense. With re s p e c t to a t le a st tw o of th e above p o in ts , it is w orth n o tin g , fo r exam ple, C aro B a ro ja 's o b se rv a tio n (m ade in c o n ­ tr a s tin g th e ru r a l G hm ara v illa g e rs o f n o r th -w e s te r n Morocco with th e b edouin trib esm e n of th e w e ste rn S a h a ra ) to th e e ffect th a t pop u latio n d e n s ity s ta n d s in in v e rs e ra tio to th e d e n sity of th e lineage sy stem a n d the genealogy (C a ro B aroja 1957: 146). H ow ever, th is , as well a s th e o th e r p o in ts ju s t e n u m e ra te d , sh o u ld be re g a rd e d only a s g u id e lin e s, a n d by no means as a b so lu te t r u t h s . It sh ould also be b o rn e in mind th a t th e qabilac o n c e p t, th e Muslim c o n cep t of 't r i b e ', is in re a lity a v e ry e la stic o ne: n o t o n ly is its m eaning in Morocco d iffe re n t from what it may con n o te in Saudi A rab ia , b u t also th e r e may well be sig n ific a n t v a ria tio n in th is m eaning, a s c u ltu ra lly an d s t r u c ­ tu ra lly p e rc e iv e d b y th e people th e m se lv e s, from one p a r t o f Morocco (o r w h e re v e r) to a n o th e r. In th e e n d , a s to th e cru c ia l q u e stio n o f se g m e n ta ry tr ib e s a n d th e ir Islamic id e n tity , w hat a re th e common denom inators of th is id e n tity , b eyond th e obvious one of activ e p a rtic ip a tio n in a w ider n atio n al an d in te rn a tio n a l so c io -relig io u s sy stem as p e rc e iv e d b y Islamic sc h o la rs (fo r in s ta n c e , in H od g so n 's 'T he V e n tu re of Islam 1, 3 v o ls, 1974)? O u r s u g g e s tio n is th a t in most Islamic tr ib a l so cieties th e n o tio n s of b o th th e orth o d o x S h a ri'a and of th e le ss orth o d o x Sufism , a n d o f what th e s e c o n c e p ts imply in th e local c o n te x t, a re p ro b a b ly eq u ally im p o rta n t, d e sp ite th e fact th a t g r e a te r lip se rv ic e is g e n era lly paid to th e fo rm e r. In h is own v ie w , th a t is in th e way th e n a tiv e Muslim p e rc e iv e s th e w orld, he is o rth o d o x , a n d th e re is c e rta in ly no q u e stio n ab o u t h is c o n se rv a tism . As fo r p a rtic ip a ­ tion in th e w ider so c io c u ltu ra l and re lig io u s sy ste m , we n e ed

I n tro d u c tio n

17

only m ention th e five p illa rs o f Islam , h ig h lig h tin g in p a rtic u la r th e s tr in g e n t o b s e rv a n c e b y a d u lts of th e Ramadan f a s t, and also n o tin g th a t th e hajj to M akkah (M ecca), a trem e n d o u s p h y sical h a rd s h ip fo r th e m ajority of Muslims e v en as re c e n tly as th ir ty o r fo rty y e a rs a g o , h a s to d ay become th e w orld's b ig g e s t peacetim e e x e rc ise in lo g is tic s , on th e p a r t of th e Saudi A rabian g overnm ent (Amin 1978). F in ally , it is o u r p le a sa n t d u ty to th a n k th e p a rtic ip a n ts fo r th e ir e n th u s ia s tic re s p o n s e in c o n trib u tin g to th is volum e. We e x te n d o u r hope th a t th e collection will f u r th e r th e know ledge an d u n d e r s ta n d in g of Islamic so cieties in g e n e ra l a n d of s e g ­ m en tary tr ib a l so c ie tie s in p a r tic u la r . F u rth e rm o re , it is hoped th is know ledge will p ra c tic a lly b e n e fit trib a l so cieties esp ecially in s itu a tio n s of ra p id c h a n g e ; we believe an th ro p o lo g y can c o n trib u te e ffe c tiv ely to so lv in g m odern trib a l problem s (A hm ed, A .S . 1980c). N eed less to s a y , th e view s e x p re s s e d in th is in tro d u c ­ tion do n o t n e c e s s a rily re fle c t th o se of o u r c o llea g u es.

BIBLIOGRAPHY A frid i, O .K . (1980), 'M ahsud M onograph', fo rew o rd by A .S . A hm ed, T rib a l R e se arc h C ell, NWFP, P e sh aw a r. A hm ed, A .G .M . (1 9 7 3 ), Some R em arks from th e T h ird World on A n th ro p o lo g y a n d Colonialism: T he S u d an , in 'A n th ­ ropology a n d th e Colonial E n c o u n te r', e d . b y Talal A sad, Ith a c a P r e s s , L ondon. Ahm ed, A .S . (1 9 7 6 ), 'Millennium a n d C harism a Among P a th a n s : A C ritical E ssay in Social A n th ro p o lo g y ’, R outledge & Kegan P a u l, L ondon. A hm ed, A .S . (1977), 'Social and Economic C hange in th e T rib al A r e a s ', O xford U n iv e rsity P re s s , K arach i. A hm ed, A .S . (1978), T he Colonial E n co u n ter on th e NWFP: Myth an d M ystificatio n, 'Jo u rn a l o f th e A nthropological Society of O x fo rd 1, vol. IX, n o . 3, O x fo rd . A hm ed, A .S . (1 9 8 0 a), ’P u k h tu n Economy a n d S o ciety : T ra d i­ tional S tr u c tu r e an d Economic D evelopm ent in a T rib a l S o ciety ’, R o utledge & Kegan P au l, London. A hm ed. A .S . ( 1980b), T rib e s and S ta te s in C e n tra l a n d South A sia, ’A sian A ffa irs ’, J u n e , vol. XI, p a r t II. A hm ed, A .S . (1980c), How to aid A fghan R e fu g e e s, in ’Royal A nthropological In s titu te N ew s’, n o . 39, A u g u st. Ahm ed, A .S . (1 9 8 3 ), ’Religion an d Politics in Muslim S ociety: O rd e r an d C onflict in P a k is ta n ’, C am bridge U n iv ersity P re s s . Ahm ed, A .S ., an d D.M . H art ( e d s ) , ’Islamic T rib e s a n d E uropean A d m in istra to rs: R ead in g s in th e Colonial E n c o u n te r' (book u n d e r p r e p a r a tio n ). Amin, M .A . (1 9 7 8 ), 'P ilgrim age to Mecca’, M acdonald & J a n e 's , London. A sad . T . ( e d .) (1973), 'A n th ro p o lo g y and th e Colonial

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E n c o u n te r1, Ith a c a P r e s s , L ondon. A sw ad, B .C . (1 9 7 0 ), Social a n d Ecological A sp ects in th e Form ation of Islam , in 'P eoples a n d C u ltu re s o f th e Middle E a s t’, e d . b y L .E . S w eet, v o l. I, N atu ral H isto ry P r e s s . B ailey , F .G . (1972), C o n cep tu al S ystem s in th e S tu d y of P o litics, in 'R u ra l Politics a n d Social C hange in th e Middle E a s t’, e d . b y R . A ntoun a n d I. H a rik , In d ian a U n iv e rsity P re ss. B a rn e s , J .A . (1954), 'P olitics in a C h a n g in g Society: A Political H isto ry of th e F o rt Jam eson N goni’, U n iv e rsity of M an ch ester P r e s s , M a n ch este r, fo r I n s titu te of Social R e se a rc h , U n iv e rsity o f Zambia, 2nd e d n , 1967. B a r th , F . (1972), ’P olitical L e ad ersh ip am ong Swat P a th a n s ’, A thlone P r e s s , L ondon. B ra e u n lic h , E. ( 1933-4), B eitra e g e z u r G e se llsc h a ftso rd n u n g d e r a ra b is c h e n B eduinenstaem m e, in ’lslam ica’, vol. VI, n o s . 1-2, p p . 68-111, 182-229, L eipzig. B u rk e , E. Ill (19 7 9 ), Islamic H isto ry a s World H isto ry : M arshall H odgson, ’T he V en tu re o f Islam 1, in 'In te rn a tio n a l J o u rn a l of Middle E a ste rn S tu d ie s ', vol. 10, n o . 2, p p . 241-64. C aro B aro ja, J . (1 9 5 7 ), 'E stu d io s M o g reb ies', In s titu to de E stu d io s A fric a n o s, M adrid. C h elh o d , J . (1971), ’Le D roit d a n s la Société B édouine: R e c h e rc h es E th n o lo g iq u es s u r le ’O rf ou D roit C outum ier d es B é d o u in s’, Marcel R iv iè re , P a ris . C ole, D .P . (1975), ’Nomads o f th e Nomads: T he Al M urrah B edouin o f th e Em pty Q u a r te r ’, A ldine, C hicago. C oon, C .S . (1 9 5 1 ), 'C a ra v a n : T he S to ry o f th e Middle E a s t1, H olt, New Y o rk , 3rd e d n , H olt, R in e h a rt & W inston, New Y o rk , 1962. C o u lso n , N .J . (1964), 'A H isto ry of Islamic Law1, Islamic S u rv e y s n o . 2, E d in b u rg h U n iv e rsity P r e s s , E d in b u rg h . D aniel, N. (1966), 'Islam , E urope a n d E m pire’, E d in b u rg h U n iv e rsity P r e s s , E d in b u rg h . D e sa n g e s, J . (1 9 6 2 ), 'C atalogue d e s T rib u s A frica in es de l ’A n tiq u ité C lassiq u e à l ’O uest d u N il', S ection d ’H istoire 4, F acu lté d es L e ttr e s et S ciences H um aines, U n iv e rsity de D a k a r, D ak ar. D y so n -H u d so n , N. (1972), T he S tu d y of N om ads, in 'P e rs p e c ­ tiv e s on N om adism ', e d . b y William Iro n s a n d Neville D y so n H u d so n , E .J . B rill, L eiden, p p . 2-29. Eickelm an, D .F . (1 9 67), M usaylima: An A pproach to th e Social A n th ro p o lo g y o f S ev en th C e n tu ry A ra b ia , ’Jo u rn a l o f th e Economic a n d Social H isto ry of th e O rie n t’, n o . 10. E v a n s - P r itc h a r d , E .E . (1940), 'T he N u e r: A D esc rip tio n of th e Modes o f Livelihood and Political In s titu tio n s of a Nilotic People’, C laren d o n P r e s s , O x fo rd . E v a n s -P ritc h a rd , E .E . (1949), ’T he S an u si o f C y re n a ic a ', C laren d o n P r e s s , O x fo rd , 2nd e d n , 1954. E v a n s -P ritc h a rd , E .E . (1951), ’K inship an d M arriage among

Introduction

19

the N u e r', C larendon P re s s , O xford. E v a n s -P ritc h a rd , E .E . (1956), 'N uer R eligion', C larendon P re s s , O xford. F irth , R. ( e d .) (1967), 'Themes in Economic A nthropology', A ssociation of Social A nthropologists (ASA) Monograph no. 6, T av isto ck , London, 3rd e d n , 1970. F o rte s, M ., and E .E . E v a n s-P ritc h a rd (e d s) (1940), ’A frican Political S y stem s', O xford U niversity P re ss for Intern atio n al A frican In s titu te , London, New Y ork, T oronto. G abrieli, F . (e d ) ( 1953), 'L'Antica Società B ed u in a', Studi Semitici 2, Istitu to di S tudi O rientali, U n iversity of Rome. G aid, M. (1972), 'A guellids et Romains en B e rb é rie ', Société Nationale d'E dition et de D iffusion (SNED), A lgiers. G eertz, C . (1968), ’Islam O b serv ed : Religious Development in Morocco and In d o n esia', Yale U niversity P re s s . G eertz, C. (1973), 'The In te rp re ta tio n of C u ltu re s ', Basic B ooks, New Y ork. G eertz, C ., H. G eertz and L. Rosen (1979), 'Meaning and O rd er in Moroccan Society: T hree E ssays in C u ltu ral A naly­ s is ', Cam bridge U n iv ersity P re ss. G ellner, E. (1969), 'S ain ts of th e A tla s', Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, and Chicago, U niversity of Chicago P re s s . G ellner, E. (1972), Doctor and S ain t, in 'S ch o lars, Saints and S ufis: Muslim R eligious In stitu tio n s in th e Middle E ast Since 1500', e d . by N .R . K eddie, U n iversity of California P re ss, B erk eley , Los A ngeles, London, p p . 307-26. G ellner, E. (1976), Forew ord in Ahmed, A .S . (1976) above. G odelier, M. (1977), 'P ersp ec tiv e s in M arxist A n th ro p o lo g y ', C am bridge U n iv ersity P re ss. G sell, S. (1913-28), 'H istoire A ncienne de l’A frique du N o rd ', 8 vols, H achette, P aris (especially vol. 5, 1927). H a rt, D.M. (1962), The Social S tru c tu re of th e R gibat Bedouins of th e W estern S ah ara, 'Middle East Jo u rn a l’, vol. XVI, no. 4, p p . 515-27. H a rt, D.M. ( 1976), ’The Aith W aryaghar of th e Moroccan Rif: An E th n o g rap h y and H isto ry ’, Viking Fund Publications in A nthropology no. 55, U n iv ersity of A rizona P re ss, T u cson. H odgson, M .G .S. (1974), ’The V enture of Islam: Conscience and H istory in a World C ivilization’ (vol. I: 'The Classical Age of Islam ’; vol. II: ’The Expansion of Islam in th e Middle P e rio d s'; vol. I ll: 'T he G unpow der Empires and Modern Times’), U n iv ersity of Chicago P re s s . Ibn K haldun (1967), ’The Muqaddimah : An In tro d u ctio n to H isto ry 1, tr a n s , by F ranz Rosenthal and e d . by N .J . Dawood, Princeton U niv ersity P re ss (B ollington S e rie s). Jacob, G. (1897), 'A ltarabisches B ed u in en leb en ', Mayer & M ueller, B erlin . J a n se n , G .H . (1979), 'Militant Islam ', Pan Books, London. K eenan, J . (1977), 'T he T u a re g : People of A h ag g ar', Allen L an e, L ondon. L aroui, A. (1974), 'La C rise des In tellectuels A rabes: T ra d i-

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tionalisme ou H istoricism e?', Francois M aspéro, P a ris. L aroui, A. (1977), 'Les O rigines Sociales e t C u ltu relles du Nationalisme Marocain 1830-1912', François M aspéro, P a ris. M arcy, G. (1941), Les V estiges de la P a re n té M aternelle en Droit Coutum ier B erb ère et le Régime des Successions T o u arèg u es, 'R evue A fricain e', vol. LXXXV, nos 3-4, A lg iers, p p . 187-211. M iddleton, J . , and D. T ait (e d s) (1958), 'T rib e s Without R u le rs: S tudies in A frican Segm entary S ystem s', R outledge & Kegan P a u l, L ondon. M ontagne, R. (1930), 'Les B a rb ère s et le Makhzen dan s le Sud du Maroc: Essai s u r la T ransform ation Politique des B e rb è re s S éd en taires (G ruuse C h lo u h )', Félix A lcan, P aris. M ontagne, R. (1947), 'La Civilisation du D e se rt: Nomades d 'O rien t et d 'A friq u e ', H ach ette, P a ris. P ro ck sch , O. (1899) 'U eber die B lutrache bei den vorislam ischen A rab ern und Muhammads Stellung zu i h r ', T e u b n e r, Leipzig. R obertson Sm ith, W. (1903), 'K inship and M arriage in Early A ra b ia ', e d . by S tanley A. Cook, A. & C . B lack, London, 2nd e d n , e d . by E .L . P e te rs, Beacon P re s s , B oston, n . d . (c . 1966). Said, E.W. (1978), 'O rientalism ', R outledge & Kegan Paul, L ondon. Wolf, E .R . (1951), The Social O rganization o f Mecca and the O rigins of Islam, 'S outh W estern Jo u rn al of A nthropology', vol. 7, n o . 4.

1 DOCTOR AND SAINT* Ernest Gellner

A ccounts o f societies in term s of th e beliefs and values of th e ir members often assum e th a t each member h as one set of beliefs about th e w orld, and one set of v a lu es. T his seems to me a major m istake. Any p rofessional sp o rts team in variably h as more than one re s e rv e in addition to the set normally p re se n te d to th e p u b lic, e v e r re a d y to replace th e fir s t lo t, e ith e r one by one o r , if n e c e s s a ry , as a whole. The same is g en erally tru e about o u r cosmological p ic tu re o r about o u r moral v alu es. T h ere is , of c o u rs e , an in te re s tin g d iffere n ce. When the cosmological p ic tu re o r the moral v alues claim unique and exclusive v a lid ity , the o v ert possession an d display of rival a lte rn a tiv e s would b e sham eful, h e re tic a l, and scandalous. A part from an y th in g e lse , it would underm ine confidence in th a t u nique cosmological p ic tu re o r set of moral v a lu e s. One of th e p o in ts of h aving th e p ic tu re and the v alues is , of c o u rse , to re a s s u re both o n eself a n d o th e rs , and to proclaim th at ce rta in ideas and c e rta in a ttitu d e s are simply not neg o tiab le. A p e rso n who made it plain th a t his confidence in his own su p p o sed ly unnego tiab le basic positions is le ss th an to ta l, and th a t he is keep in g an a lte rn a tiv e rea d y and available, would th e re b y underm ine th e cred ib ility of h is own stan ce and en co u rag e in tra n sig e n c e in o th e rs . T his would n e v e r do. T h u s th e a lte rn a tiv e s a re decently hidden aw ay. T here is n o th in g u n u su al about th is , and th e re a re many parallels in social and political fie ld s. For in sta n ce, a governm ent re c o g ­ nizes th e legal an d legitim ate a u th o ritie s in a neig h b o rin g c o u n try , an d it would be a hostile and provocative ac t to recognize at the same time some 'governm ent in e x ile ,' heading a rev o lu tio n ary movement which hopes to dislodge the p re se n t ru le rs of th e n eig h b o rin g s ta te . B u t, of c o u rse , it would be most unw ise to have no re la tio n sh ip s at all with th a t re v o lu ­ tio n ary movement: a fte r all, th e y might win. So, while the d epartm ent of sta te c h a rg e d with diplomacy e n te rta in s cordial and exclu siv e re la tio n sh ip s with the official g overnm ent, the co v ert intelligence se rv ic e s are at lib e rty to m aintain ju st as sig n ifican t relatio n sh ip s with the re v o lu tio n arie s. The im portance of the ulama is th a t th e y a re th e openly d is­ p lay ed , official firs t eleven of Islam. T hey are th e n o rm -g iv e rs *The m aterial u sed in th is p ap e r is p re se n te d in g re a te r detail in 'S aints of th e A tlas’ (London and C hicago, 1969). 21

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o f th e com m unity o f th e f a ith f u l; th e y a re th e re p o s ito rie s and a r b ite r s of leg itim acy . So much fo r th e o r y . T h e re is one wellknow n m anner in which re a lity d iv e rg e s from th e o ry : th e v e r ­ d ic t of th e ulama r e g a r d in g leg itim acy, like th e flig h t o f th a t much o v e rra te d b ird th e Owl of M inerva, ta k e s place only a f te r th e e v e n t , a n d h e n c e in e ffe ct ra tifie s th e a c tu a l pow er s itu a ­ tio n , r a th e r th a n s ittin g in judgm ent on it. From th e view point o f u n d e r s ta n d in g th e g en era l social s tr u c tu r e of Islam th is p a rtic u la r lim itation does not m atte r too m u c h , p e r h a p s : it does mean th a t in g e n e ra l th e ulama ca n n o t do v e ry much ab o u t d eterm in in g th e id e n tity o f th e r u le r , b u t a re c o n stra in e d to r a tif y w hich ev er r u le r p re v a ils b y fo rc e o f a r m s . T h is is indeed so . B ut while th e y cannot determ ine th e sp ecific id e n tity of th e r u l e r , an d m ust bow to s u p e rio r s tr e n g th , w h eth e r th e y like it o r n o t , it does not p re c lu d e them from b e in g ex tre m ely in flu e n tia l on th e g e n e ra l kind of so ciety o v e r w hich th e r u le r p r e s id e s . A g ro u p o f men may be p o w erless with re s p e c t to fillin g in d iv id u al ro le s in a so ciety a n d y e t ex trem ely in flu e n tia l with r e s p e c t to w hat k in d o f system o f ro le s th e r e is to be fille d . T h is , I s u s p e c t, is indeed th e role of th e ulama in Islamic s o c ie ty : not v e ry p ow erful in d ec id in g betw een one ru le r o r d y n a s ty an d a n o th e r, th e y w ere most in flu e n tia l in d e te rm in in g th e g e n e ra l n a tu r e o f th e so c ie ty . B ut th e re is a n o th e r lim itation on th e ir in flu en ce of q u ite a d iffe re n t k in d : th e lim itation not on th e ir choice of p e rs o n n e l, b u t on th e ir in flu e n c e on th e g e n e ra l social s t r u c t u r e . T his lim itation is n o to rio u sly well a tte s te d by th e fa ct th a t su ch la rg e seg m en ts o f Muslim p o p u la tio n s look n o t o n ly , an d n o t so m uch, to w ard th e ulama fo r sp iritu a l g u id a n c e , as th e y do to w ard o th e r ty p e s o f relig io u sly sig n ific a n t g ro u p s , whom th e r e is a te n d e n c y to lump to g e th e r u n d e r th e h e a d in g of Sufism . It should be sa id th a t th is k in d of in d iscrim in ate lum ping to g e th e r o f w hat is in effec t re sid u a l c a te g o ry is p ro b a b ly a mis­ ta k e . U n d er th e g e n e ra l c a te g o ry of Sufism , people te n d , fo r in s ta n c e , to g ro u p to g e th e r g en u in m y stic s, and trib a l holy men whose co n n ectio n with m ysticism is minimal. Both may be c la ssifie d b y th e same kind o f term in o lo g y , not only b y sc h o la rs b u t also b y th e local p o p u la tio n s, b u t th is does n o t mean th a t th e tw o phenom ena a re hom ogeneous a n d d e s e rv e to be c la sse d to g e th e r , e ith e r from th e view point of social sig n ifican ce o r from th a t of re lig io u s phenom enology. R oughly s p e a k in g : u rb a n Sufi m ysticism is an a lte rn a tiv e to th e le g a listic , r e s tr a in e d , a rid (a s it seem s to its c r itic s ) Islam of th e ulam a. R ural an d trib a l ’Sufism ' is a s u b s titu te fo r it. In th e one c a s e , an a lte r ­ n a tiv e is so u g h t fo r th e Islam o f th e ulama b e ca u se it does not fully s a tis f y . In th e o th e r c a se , a s u b s titu te fo r it is re q u ire d b e c a u s e , th o u g h its e n d o rsem en t is d e s ire d , it is , in its p ro p e r a n d u rb a n form , locally u n a v a ila b le , o r is u n u sa b le in th e trib a l c o n te x t. T h e re a re w ithin Islam th re e major ty p e s o f le g itim a tio n : th e Book (in c lu d in g its ex te n sio n by tr a d itio n ) , th e c o n se n su s of

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th e com m unity, and th e line of successio n . The Book is a re p o sito ry of the divine w ord, publicly av ail­ ab le, not in c a rn a te d in any one p e rso n , g ro u p , in stitu tio n , o r policy, an d hence capable of sittin g in judgm ent on any one of them . T his tra n s e th n ic and tra n sso cial q u ality o f th e Book is , o f c o u rse , of th e utm ost im portance in u n d e rsta n d in g the political life both of Muslim societies and of the expansion of Islam . Even if th e sociologists were rig h t in su p p o sin g th at th e divine is merely the social in cam ouflage, it is a fact of the g re a te st im portance th a t th e camouflage (if such it b e) is so rig o ro u sly m aintained, and hence em phatically e n s u re s the n onidentification of the divine with any one co n crete human or social re p re s e n ta tiv e of it. A nother im portant form of legitim ation, in Islam and else­ w here, is, of c o u rse , the co n sen su s o f th e community. In Islam, th is app ro ach h a s complemented r a th e r th an opposed th e Book. Islamic societies have n e v e r been what might be called 'p u re ' dem ocratic so cieties; th ey have not m aintained th a t th e only s o rt of legitim acy is th e consent of the community. T hat consent was invoked only for th e supplem enting of divine tr u th by in te rp re ta tio n w here in te rp re ta tio n was re q u ire d , ra th e r than as an in d ep en d en t an d equally pow erful so u rc e. In p ra c tic e , th e Book re q u ire d sc h o la rs to read it and c o n sen su s to in te r ­ p re t it, a n d h en c e , co n cretely sp e a k in g , th e a u th o rity of the ulama as religious sc h o la rs, a n d th a t o f the community as in te r ­ p r e te r s of th e Words, were in harm ony. But th e re is a th ird ty p e of legitim ation w ithin Islam, th a t of su ccessio n . Succession can be e ith e r physical o r sp iritu a l, and sometimes one genealogical line may employ both ph y sical and s p iritu a l lin k s. T he p hysical lin k s, of c o u rse , a rise from the fact th a t th e re is no requirem ent of celibacy on religious le a d e rs. The sp iritu a l lin k s a re made possible by mystical d o c trin e : m ystical illum ination can be p a sse d on from tea c h e r to disciple in a le g itim a c y -p reserv in g way, analogous to the m anner in which p a te rn ity m aintains legitim acy o f a u th o rity from fa th e r to so n . T his th ird p rin cip le of legitim ation is , of c o u rse , not always in harm ony with the o th e r tw o. In Shici Islam , it becom es, of c o u rse , th e main prin ciple b rin g in g with it the p o ssib ility of o v e rru lin g th e o th e r tw o. B ut even within Sunni Islam , which does not have th e same s tr e s s on locating religious legitim acy in a lineage, succession can become extrem ely im p o rtan t, and p a rtic u la rly so in social conditions th a t display a p a rtic u la rly s tro n g req u irem en t th a t the Word should become F lesh . T here a re su ch milieus. The most obvious exam ples a re , of c o u rse , trib a l so cieties, cu t off from the Book by the fact th a t th e ir members a re illiterate (a n d , one should a d d , th a t th ey do not p o ssess th e means for su sta in in g o r p ro te c tin g a class of lite ra te s c h o la rs ), and in some m easure cut off from th e wider Islamic co n sen su s by a relatio n sh ip of hostility (a n d y et of economic in te rd e p e n d e n ce ) with those u rb a n c e n te rs which a re somehow

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th e v isib le in c a rn a tio n a n d c e n te r o f g ra v ity o f th e Muslim c iv iliz a tio n . In su c h trib a l m ilieu s, th e r e is a sh ift of s tr e s s in legitim ation from th e Book o r th e a b s tr a c t c o n s e n s u s , to w ard th e lin e a g e . T he s tr e s s is , of c o u rs e , exem plified in p ra c tic e r a th e r th a n e x p r e s s e d in an y k in d o f th e o ry . T h is , th e n , is th e g e n e ra l s e ttin g : th e sig n ifica n ce of th e tr ib a l holy lin e a g e s is th a t th e y s a tis fy a n e e d fo r th e in c a r ­ n atio n of th e Word in a milieu th a t th ro u g h lack of lite ra c y an d o f tow ns ca n n o t u se th e ulam a. T h u s th e lin ea g e s of holy men a re an a lte rn a tiv e to th e ulam a, an a lte rn a tiv e th a t at th e same tim e, w ithin th e w ider sp iritu a l economy o f Islam , is p a ra sitic a l on th em . It p ro v id e s an a lte rn a tiv e a n d in e ffe c t s e rv e s an d re p r e s e n ts v a lu e s o th e r th a n th o se of th e ulam a, an d y e t a t th e same time in d ire c tly e n d o rs e s th e v alu e s a n d view s o f th e ulam a. T rib a l so ciety h a s its v alu es an d a ttitu d e s , a n d th e s e a re s e rv e d an d sym bolized b y th e trib a l holy m en. T he trib e sm en do n o t wish to be an y d iffe re n t from w hat th e y a r e . B ut th e y a r e , in th e e y e s o f th e ir more le a rn e d u rb a n fo lk , sin fu l a n d /o r h e r e tic a l. T h ey know th a t th is is how th e y a r e s e e n , and th e y do n o t re a lly re p u d ia te th e ju d g m e n t. T hey a cc e p t it, a n d y e t w ish to p e r s is t in th e ir a ttitu d e s . At th e same tim e, th e y do not in a n y way d e s ire to opt o u t o f th e w ider com m unity o f Islam . T h e ir a ttitu d e re a lly is th a t o f S aint A u g u stin e : L o rd , make me p u r e , b u t n o t y e t. T hey reco g n ize s ta n d a r d s o f p u r ity in te rm s of w hich th e ir own tr ib a l so ciety fa ils, y e t a t th e same time wish to rem ain a s th e y a r e , in d e fin ite ly . T hey a re q u ite aw are of th e conflict an d c o n tra d ic tio n , yet a t th e same time th e c o n tra d ic tio n is n o t a rtic u la te d c le a rly o r s tr e s s e d . It is th e r e , y e t is c lo u d ed in d e c e n t o b s c u r ity . T he sig n ifican ce o f th e trib a l holy men lies in th e m anner in which th e y h e lp to p e rp e tu a te th is s itu a tio n . The B e rb e rs of th e c e n tra l h ig h A tlas a re an o u ts ta n d in g ly fine exam ple o f th e m anner in which th e Word m ust becom e Flesh when in c a rn a te d in a trib a l so c ie ty . In a d d itio n to fa c to rs fre q u e n tly fo u n d elsew h ere in Islam , th e re a re h e re some a d d i­ tional o n e s , which p e rh a p s once o p e ra te d th ro u g h o u t th e M aghreb, b u t which in any case a re most c le a rly p re s e rv e d h e r e . T h ese local fa c to rs a re a most rem ark ab le case of tr ib a l se p a ra tio n o f p o w e rs, in s p ire d n o t b y e ith e r m odern o r an y p olitical th e o r y , b u t tied in b e a u tifu lly w ith th e re q u ire m e n ts of re lig io u s re p r e s e n ta tio n . T he political a n d social sy stem o f th e s e tr ib e s is se g m e n ta ry , w hich is to s a y , each trib e d iv id es an d su b d iv id e s ag ain a n d so fo rth u n til family u n its a re re a c h e d . At each level o f s iz e , all seg m en ts a re eq u al an d th e r e is no division o f la b o r betw een th em , e ith e r o f an economic o r o f a political n a tu r e . N eith e r w ithin seg m en ts n o r betw een them a r e th e re a n y specialized political in s titu tio n s o r g ro u p s . T h u s , from th e view point of th e tr ib e as a w hole, th e tr ib e p o s s e s s e s a tre e lik e s t r u c t u r e , d iv id in g a n d su b d iv id in g in th e m anner of th e b ra n c h e s of a

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tre e - th o u g h th e re is no ce n tra l and preem inent tr u n k , all b ra n c h e s b ein g eq u al. From th e view point of any one individual o r fam ily, th is means th a t he o r it a re at th e c e n te r of a num ber of co n cen tric c irc le s - the intrav illag e clan , the village, the g ro u p of villages form ing a local c la n , th e la rg e r clan , the tr ib e , an d so fo rth . None of th ese superim posed g ro u p in g s, from th e in d iv id u a l’s view point, ev e r c u ts a c ro ss an o th e r and th u s ideally th e y give no rise to conflicting o b lig atio n s. Conflict at a lower level in no way p rec lu d es cohesion and cooperation at a h ig h e r level: in o th e r w ords, two clans may be hostile to each o th e r yet cooperate jointly as members of th e trib e ag ain st a n o th e r tr ib e . E v e ry th in g is sym m etrical and eg alitarian : a lth o u g h , o f c o u rs e , some men and some g ro u p s manage tem por­ arily to be ric h e r o r more influential th an o th e r s , th is gives no rise e ith e r to a p erm an en t, o r a symbolically ra tifie d , stra tific a tio n . Only complete o u tsid e rs to th e trib e can be lo cated , socially sp e a k in g , above o r below: negroid or Jew ish a rtis a n s an d holy men are the only sig nificant ex ce p tio n s, in th e tra d itio n a l sy stem , to th e p e rv asiv e sym m etry and e q u ality . The g en eral fe a tu re s of such segm entary societies, with th e ir diffusion of power an d the m aintenance of o rd e r by th e opposi­ tion of g ro u p s to one a n o th er at all le v e ls, are well know n. The only rem arkable th in g about the B e rb e rs of the c e n tra l high Atlas is th e d eg re e of p erfection to which they have b ro u g h t the sy stem . T hey approxim ate more closely an ideal ty p e of seg m en tary society than do most o th e r societies of th is k in d , including th o se most fre q u e n tly cited when th e p rin cip les of segm entation a re ex p o u n d ed . A cru cial fe a tu re of the so ciety, which conveys its general n a tu r e , is c h ie fta in c y . C hieftaincy among th e se trib e s is elective an d a n n u a l. M oreover, th e m anner of election is rem arkable: it o b se rv e s th e p rin c ip le s of which I call 'ro tatio n and comple­ m e n ta rity .' T hese work as follows: suppose a trib e to be su b ­ d ivided into th re e c la n s , A , B , and C . Any given y e a r it will be th e tu r n of one clan only to supply the c h ief. B ut th e clan th a t su p p lies the ch ief does not elect him . Suppose Clan A su p p lies th e c h ie f: th en it is th e tu r n of th e men o f clans B and C to be th e e le c to rs. In o th e r w ords, any given y e a r , a clan can su p p ly e ith e r can d id ates o r v o te rs , b u t not b o th . T his system of ro tatio n and com plem entarity o p e ra te s at a num ber of levels of segm entation at once, so th a t th e political system as a whole could be com pared to a num ber o f ro ta tin g w heels-w ithin-w heels. The system is somewhat modified a t the top a n d at th e bottom e n d s of the scale, in term s of siz e. At th e to p , th e wheel may tu r n only if th e re is need of it: in co n crete te rm s , a topmost ch ief may be elected only if th e re is need of him, if th e re is some issu e of concern to th e topmost u n it. T h ere will be no filling of ch ieftain cy p o sts for the sake of c o n tin u ity alone. At the v ery bottom , rotation an d comple­ m entarity may not be o b se rv e d . If it is a m atter of choosing h eads of tin y seg m en ts, sa y , of the th re e su b clan s w ithin a

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v illa g e , th e to tal pop u lation of which is in th e n eig h b o rh o o d of two o r th r e e h u n d re d p eo p le, th e n th e c h ie f o f th e s e m inuscule su b se g m e n ts will be chosen from th e segm ent as a whole a n d not from a r e s tr ic te d a re a of c a n d id a c y , so to s p e a k . At th a t lev e l, th e n u m b er o f people available with su ita b le ta le n ts may be so small th a t su c h re s tric tio n would p ro v e too cum bersom e. B ut fo r th e village o f a b o u t two o r th re e h u n d re d in h a b ita n ts , ro ta tio n an d im plem enting will be o b s e rv e d . T he re la tio n sh ip o f low er level c h ie fs to h ig h e r level c h ie fs is o b s c u re a n d e lu d e s th e c a te g o rie s o f n e a t political o r adm ini­ s tr a tiv e th e o r y . T he low er level c h ie fs a re a t once ele c tiv e h e a d s o f th e ir u n its , an d r e p re s e n ta tiv e s w ithin th e ir u n its of th e h ig h e r level c h ie fs . A p a rtic u la rly b e w ild e rin g fe a tu re of th e sy stem is w hat I call le a p -fro g g in g in th e h ie r a r c h y . It w orks a s follow s. S uppose th e r e a re fo u r lev els of size of se g m en tary u n its . It may h a p p e n th a t top c h ie fs of u n its a t the level o f size 1 will have th e ir a g e n ts a n d re p r e s e n ta tiv e s c h ie fs a t level 3, w h ereas c h ie fs a t level 2 will a c t th ro u g h re p re s e n ta tiv e s at level 4. In o th e r w o rd s, th e r e will be two h ie ra rc h ie s w h ich , a s it w ere, p a s s th ro u g h each o th e r w ithout a ffe c tin g each o th e r , a rtic u la te d a s th e y a re in two d iffe re n t m edia. In an o r d in a r y , c e n tra liz e d , n o n se g m e n ta ry s o c ie ty , w here th e m aintenance of o r d e r is th e c o n c e rn of some specialized a g e n c ie s in th e so c ie ty , th is would b e m a d n e ss. It would b e in co n ceivable fo r th e g o v e rn ­ m en t, o r fo r th e c o u r ts , o r fo r th e police to be c o n c e rn e d with c o n flic ts a n d violence only se le c tiv e ly , a c c o rd in g to th e level of size a t which th e y o c c u r, with one police fo rce c o n c e rn e d with co n flic ts a t one s e t of lev e ls and a n o th e r police fo rc e c o n ­ c e rn e d with c o n flic ts a t a n o th e r s e t, th e two s e ts b e in g re la te d to each o th e r like a lte rn a te la y e rs in a c a k e . In a seg m e n ta ry s o c ie ty , w here violence an d a g g re ssio n is a to r t a n d n o t a crim e, and w h ere c o n flic ts o f u n its of d iffe re n t size a re k e p t a p a r t an d do n o t im plicate one a n o th e r , th is k in d o f a rra n g e m e n t m akes p e rfe c tly good s e n s e . The p olitical system of th e lay tr ib e s of th e c e n tra l A tlas does n o t c o n c e rn u s d ir e c tly , b u t only fo r its im plications fo r th e holy lin e a g e s. What a re th e re le v a n t f e a tu r e s o f th is political sy stem ? Its most o b v io u s fe a tu r e s a re weak c h ie fta in c y an d lack of c o n tin u ity . All c h ie fs a re lame d u c k s . As soon a s e lec te d th e y a re w ithin a y e a r of th e term in atio n of th e ir office (e v e n if, r a t h e r e x c e p tio n a lly , th e ir te n u re may be p ro lo n g e d ). More­ o v e r , th e y d e p e n d on th e v o tes o f th e m em bers o f th e riv a l c la n s , in a society b u ilt upon th e riv a lry of c la n s . T h e y have no a g e n ts o r sa n c tio n s, o th e r th a n minor c h ie fta in s e le c te d in a m anner sim ilar to th e ir ow n: th e y h a v e no s e c r e ta ria t an d no police fo rc e . T he only b a c k in g th e y h av e a re th e moral p r e s ­ s u r e s o f p u b lic opinion a n d th e norm al m echanism s of seg m en ted so cieties - th e a n g e r o f th e o ffen d e d s u b g ro u p in th e case of an o ffe n se a g a in s t it.

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All th e s e fa c to rs m ilitate a g a in st th e em ergence o f p erm an en t an d ty ra n n ic a l c h ie fta in s and p riv ile g e d political lin e a g e s , an d in d e e d , th e ir political sy stem d id enable th e B e rb e rs o f th e c e n tra l High A tlas to esc ap e th e k in d o f ephem eral b u t h a rs h ty r a n n y which c h a ra c te riz e d , fo r in s ta n c e , th e w e ste rn High A tlas in th is c e n tu r y . B ut if th e m erit of th e system is to p ro v id e c h e c k s and b a la n c e s a g a in st ty r a n n y an d political am bition, its c o rre s p o n d ­ ing w eak n ess is , a s in d ic a te d , a lack of c o n tin u ity a n d of o r d e r m ain tain in g a g e n c y . Yet th e s e tr ib e s do n ee d a m easure of o r d e r . T h ey a re not made u p o f sm all, in w a rd - tu r n e d com­ m u n itie s. T h e y a re ecologically most d iv e rs ifie d a n d com ple­ m e n ta ry . T he n a tu ra l en v iro n m en t is h ig h ly d iv e rs ifie d , with e x tre m e s o f clim ate a n d seaso n betw een th e S ah a ra e d g e and th e h ig h p a s tu r e s of th e A tlas m o u n tain s, whose h ig h e st point ris e s above 4,000 m e te rs. T he s h e p h e rd s an d th e ir flo ck s can s u rv iv e th a n k s only to a complex p a tte r n o f tra n s h u m a n c e , in v o lv in g m ovem ent o v e r la rg e d is ta n c e s and th e d raw in g up of com plex p a s tu r e r i g h t s , s y n c h ro n iz e d u s e , an d d eferm en t of u s e , o f th e b e tte r p a s tu r e s , a n d th e d ra w in g o f b o u n d a rie s in time (se a so n a lly ) a s well a s in sp a c e . Many tr ib e s m ust tra d e if th e y a re to s u r v iv e , b e in g g ro ssly d eficie n t in th e ir p ro d u c ­ tion of sta p le c e r e a ls , a n d all o f them tr a d e if th e y a re to p r o ­ c u re s a lt, an d w hat m ight be called th e e sse n tia l lu x u rie s of s u g a r a n d te a , a n d , in th e olden d a y s , fire a rm s an d ammuni­ tio n . At th e same tim e, o r d e r is n o t m a in tain ed , in th e tr a d i­ tional s itu a tio n , b y th e c e n tra l g o v e rn m e n t: on th e c o n tr a r y , th e tr ib e s e n s u re th a t c e n tra l g o v ernm ent does n o t in te rf e re in th e ir a f f a ir s . In b r ie f , we h a v e a situ a tio n of g re a t ecological a n d economic in te rd e p e n d e n c e , com bined with o n ly v e ry weak a n d , in th e m se lv e s, in a d e q u a te political in s titu tio n s fo r th e m aintenance o f th e o r d e r re q u ire d b y economic life a n d for p u rp o s e s of com m unication. How is th is p a ra d o x re so lv e d ? T h is is , o f c o u rs e , th e p o in t a t which th e holy lin ea g e s e n te r th e a rg u m e n t. It might be b e s t f ir s t of all to d e s c rib e them b r ie f ly . T he holy men (ig u r r a m e n , in th e local B e rb e r d ia le c t) live in s e ttle ­ m ents g e n e ra lly c e n te re d on th e sh rin e of th e fo u n d in g sa in tly a n c e s to r . T h e y p o s s e ss a genealogy lin k in g them to th is a n c e s to r . In th e c e n tra l High A tla s, th e genealogy g e n e ra lly s tr e tc h e s b ack b ey o n d th e fo u n d in g a n c e s to r an d le a d in g , fin a lly , to th e P ro p h e t th ro u g h h is d a u g h te r a n d h is s o n -in law , O u r L ord Ali. T he se ttle m e n ts a ro u n d th e s h rin e may be q u ite la rg e an d h av e u p to som ething like th re e h u n d re d in h a b ita n ts . In some c a s e s , v irtu a lly all th e m em bers o f th e settle m e n t may be d e s c e n d a n ts of th e fo u n d in g sa in t (in th e se n se of b e lie v in g th em selv es to b e su c h a n d h a v in g th e claim g e n e ra lly re c o g ­ n iz e d ). N e v e rth e le s s , ev en in th e s e c a s e s in w hich th is genealogical q u alificatio n is w idely d iffu s e d , by no m eans all of them will a c tu a lly p erfo rm th e fu n ctio n a s c rib e d to ig u rra m e n .

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T h is fu n ctio n will only be perfo rm ed by a small n u m b er am ong th em , a n d in a lim iting c a s e , by only one of th em . T he o th e rs may b e d e sc rib e d a s laicized o r la te n t s a in ts . P resum ably th e ir a n c e s to rs once w ere effe c tiv e s a in ts , b u t th e o ffs p rin g w ere p u s h e d out in to a lay co n d itio n b y dem ographic p r e s s u r e an d b y th e c ru c ia l fact th a t it is of th e v e ry n a tu re o f th is k in d of s a n c tity , th a t it is c o n c e n tra te d in a small n u m b e r of peo p le. E x cessiv e d iffu sio n is incom patible with its v e ry n a tu r e . What is th e role of th e e ffec tiv e sa in ts ? T hey p ro v id e th e c o n tin u ity a n d th e sta b le fram ew ork th a t th e political system o f th e lay tr ib e s so c o n sp icu o u sly la c k s . For in s ta n c e : th e lay c h iefs a re e le c tiv e . B ut electio n s a re p ro c e d u re s th a t re q u ire some kind of in s titu tio n a l b a c k g ro u n d , a n d th is so c ie ty , n e e d ­ le ss to s a y , h a s no civil se rv ic e o r s e c r e ta r ia t o r a n y th in g of th e k in d th a t could look a f te r th e s e m a tte rs . So th e electio n s tak e place a t th e settlem en t and n e a r th e s h rin e o f th e h e r e d i­ t a r y holy m en, w hich is , o f c o u rs e , also a s a n c tu a r y w ithin which one m ust not fe u d . T h u s th e s a in ts p ro v id e th e p h y sic a l locale an d th e moral g u a ra n te e th a t make it po ssib le fo r riv a l c la n s to assem ble a n d c a r r y o u t th e ir e le c tio n s. T hey also p ro v id e th e m eans of moral p e rsu a sio n a n d th e m ediation th a t h elp e n s u re th a t th e e le c tio n s, in th e e n d , a r r iv e a t a u n a n i­ mous co n c lu sio n . O r a g a in : th e s a in ts p ro v id e th e c o rn e rs to n e fo r th e legal sy stem (o r p e rh a p s one sh o u ld sa y , a rb itr a tio n sy stem ) o f th e lay tr ib e s . T he legal decision p ro c e d u re is tr ia l b y collective o a th , w ith th e n u m b e r o f c o ju ro rs d e p e n d e n t on th e g ra v ity of th e o ffe n s e . A th e f t m ight re q u ire two c o ju ro rs ; a r a p e , fo u r; a m u rd e r of a woman, tw e n ty ; a m u rd e r of a m an, f o r ty . T he ru le is th a t is su e s r e q u ir in g le ss th a n te n c o ju ro rs a re s e ttle d on th e s p o t, am ong th e lay tr ib e s , b u t is s u e s r e q u ir in g te n o r more c o ju ro rs a re ta k e n u p to th e s h rin e o f th e fo u n d in g sa in t o f th e holy lin e a g e , an d s e ttle d with th e moral a s s is ta n c e of th e s a in ts who a re th e p ro g e n y of th e e n s h rin e d fo u n d e r. T he s a in ts a n d th e ir settle m e n ts a re th u s a r b itr a to r s betw een t r ib e s , a n d b etw een th e ir e la n s , and th e y a re p h y sica lly lo cated on im p o rtan t b o u n d a rie s . T h is in d ic a te s a f u r th e r im p o rtan t fu n ctio n p erform ed b y them : th e ir p h y sic a l location a t im p o rtan t b o u n d a rie s in d ic a te s a n d g u a ra n te e s th o se b o u n d ' a r ie s . T h e ir moral a u th o r ity also h e lp s to g u a ra n te e th e complex seaso n al a rra n g e m e n ts c o n n e c te d with tra n sh u m a n c y betw een th e h ig h m ountain p a s tu r e s and th e d e s e r t e d g e . T h e ir location on th e fro n tie r also g re a tly a s s is ts tr a d e . T ribesm en v isitin g m a rk e ts in n e ig h b o rin g tr ib e s can p a s s th ro u g h th e settlem e n t of th e s a in ts , d e p o sit th e ir arm s th e r e , a n d be accom panied on th e ir way to th e m arket b y a sa in t from th e settle m e n t o r a re p r e s e n ta tiv e o f an im p o rtan t s a in t. T h is holy fellow tra v e le r th e n p ro v id e s sim u ltan eo u sly a g u a ra n te e of th e ir sa fe ty from th e ir h o sts an d a g u a ra n te e of th e ir good c o n d u c t tow ard th e ir h o s ts . T he political life of th e s a in ts is q u ite d iffe re n t from th a t of

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th e lay tr ib e s . T h e re is a n e a t c o n tr a s t in alm ost e v e ry r e s p e c t. Lay c h ie fs a re ch o sen b y th e p eople: s a in ts a re ch o se n only by G od. Lay c h ie fs a r e , in p rin c ip le , a n n u a l: s a in ts a re p e rm a n e n t, a n d in p rin c ip le p erm an en t o v e r g e n e ra tio n s . Lay trib e sm en a re a d d ic te d to fe u d in g and litig a tio n : s a in ts a re o b lig ato rily pacific an d m ust not litig a te . (In th e tr ib a l m ind, litig atio n an d violence a re v e ry close to each o th e r . T he collective o ath is th e c o n tin u a tio n o f th e feud b y o th e r m e a n s.) The b a sic c o n tra d ic tio n in th e life o f th e s a in ts a ris e s from the fact th a t th e r e m ust not be too many of them : th e ir role an d influ en ce h in g e s on th e one-m any re la tio n sh ip betw een them a n d th e tr ib e s , fo r one sain t m ust a r b itr a te am ong many trib e s o r trib a l se g m e n ts. At th e same tim e, s a in ts p ro life ra te , and y e t th e y h av e no ru le of su c cessio n to d ecide th e in h e rita n c e of s a in tly ro le . T he ru le o f in h e rita n c e am ong th e s a in ts is th e same a s am ong th e lay tr ib e s , a n d is sym m etrical a s betw een b r o th e r s . T h e re is only a v e ry slig h t p re d isp o sitio n in fav o r of p rim o g e n itu re , a p re d isp o sitio n th a t is c e rta in ly not d e c isiv e . How th e n is th e su c cessio n d ecid ed ? In th e local m ind, it is only God who d e c id e s . It would be p re su m p tu o u s in d ee d fo r men to decid e w h ere g r a c e , b a ra k a , is to flow . God m akes his choice m anifest th ro u g h th e p o ssessio n b y th e elect o f th e c ru c ia l a ttr ib u te s of pacifism , u n c a lc u la tin g g e n e ro sity a n d h o s p ita lity , a n d p r o s p e r ity . In re a lity it is , o f c o u rs e , a k in d of u n co n scio u s choice by th e trib e sm e n which d ecid es th e su c c e ssio n . By u s in g th is r a th e r th a n th a t s o n , by u s in g th is r a th e r th a n th a t riv a l sa in tly lin e a g e , th e trib e sm e n in e ffe c t choose and elect th e g iv en son o r lin eag e a s th e 'r e a l' s a in t. B ut th e fa ct th a t th e voice of God is re a lly th e voice o f th e people is n o t made m anifest an d e x p lic it. The voice of th e people m anifests its e lf th ro u g h mak­ in g feasib le th e p o sse ssio n o r a ttrib u tio n o f c h a ra c te ris tic s which a r e th e n seen a s sig n s of div in e e le c tio n . A man who is u se d b y th e trib e sm e n a s a sa in t an d re v e r e d a s su c h can a ffo rd to be p a c ific , to tu r n th e o th e r c h e e k , with im p u n ity . A man who is not re s p e c te d a s a sa in t w ould, if he b e h a v e d in th is k in d o f w ay, o n ly a ttr a c t a g g re s s io n . A man who is re v e r e d b y th e trib e sm en a s a sa in t will re c e iv e p le n tifu l d o n a tio n s a n d can a ffo rd to a c t with what a p p e a rs to be u n c a l­ c u la tin g g e n e ro s ity , a n d y e t also re ta in th a t o th e r a ttr ib u te of e le c tio n , nam ely , p r o s p e r ity . A m an, on th e o th e r h a n d , who d id not re c e iv e a d e q u a te d o n atio n s from th e tr ib e s b u t who b e h a v e d a s if he w ere in e ffe ct a sa in t would im poverish him ­ se lf an d th e re b y make most m anifest h is lack o f d iv in e g ra c e . T h u s th e choice o f th e trib e sm e n e x te rn a liz e s its e lf an d comes to a p p e a r a s a d iv in e ch o ice. The m ediating fa c to r is , of c o u rs e , th e s t r e s s o f th e sp ecifically sa in tly v ir tu e s o f pacifism an d o f u n c a lc u la tin g g e n e ro s ity . T he p o sse ssio n of th e s e v ir tu e s is th e t e s t : one can a c q u ire them only with th e co o p eratio n of th e lay trib e s m e n . Pacifism and a c o n s id e r-th e -lilie s a ttitu d e among th e s a in ts c a n n o t be ex p la in ed as some k in d of d iffu sio n

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o r s u rv iv a l o f v a lu e s d e riv e d from th e Serm on on th e M ount. T h ey a re m uch too in h e re n tly an d v isib ly a n e c e s s a ry c o ro lla ry o f th e local social s t r u c t u r e , o f th e role p erform ed b y s a in ts w ithin it an d th e m anner o f a ttr ib u tin g s a n c tity w ithin it . T h ey a re in no way g e n e ra liz ed b eyond th e role th a t re q u ire s them . T h u s b o th th e co n cep tu alizatio n a n d th e rh y th m o f political life a re q u ite d iffe re n t am ong th e s a in ts from th o se th a t a re found am ong lay t r ib e s . T he political life o f th e s a in ts is a game o f v e ry slow m usical c h a ir s , p lay ed o u t o v e r g e n e ra tio n s n o t b y th e rem oval o f c h a irs b u t b y th e a d d itio n to th e n um ber o f c o n te s ta n ts . S u ccess an d fa ilu re in it a re in p rin c ip le fo r k e e p s a n d a re seen a s th e c o n se q u e n c e s o f s u p e r n a tu r a l, divine fa v o r. By c o n tr a s t, election to c h ie fta in c y am ong th e lay tr ib e s is in th e h a n d s o f m en, not o f God, a n d is fo r a lim ited p e rio d o n ly . T h e re is a b e lie f among n o n a n th ro p o lo g ists th a t trib esm en g e n e ra lly see th e ir trib a l a rra n g e m e n ts as s u p e rn a tu ra lly sa n c ­ tio n e d . B e rb e rs o f th e c e n tra l High A tlas do n o t: th e y know th e ir own trib a l a rra n g e m e n ts to be se c u la r a n d b a se d on th e will of m en, a n d th e y h av e th e c o n ce p tu al equ ip m en t th a t e n a b le s them to be c le a r ab o u t i t . T h is eq u ip m en t is , of c o u rs e , d e riv e d not from s e c u la ris t p h ilo so p h e rs, b u t sim ply from th e fact th a t w ithin th e ir own so c ie ty , th e y n e e d to d is tin g u is h b etw een th e d iv in e fa c to r in political life , re p r e s e n te d b y th e s a in ts , an d th e s e c u la r f a c to r, com plem enting it a n d re p re s e n te d b y th e m se lv e s. What th e s a in ts decide is, in local b e lie f, a re fle c tio n of divine will: b u t what th e trib a l assem bly d e c id e s, th o u g h d e s e rv in g o f r e s p e c t a s p e rp e tu a tio n of a n c e s tra l c u s ­ tom , s p rin g s from a hum an s o u rc e an d can on occasion be c o n scio u sly an d d e lib e ra te ly ch a n g e d b y c o n s e n t. T h e re is , h o w e v e r, one f u r th e r fu n c tio n p erfo rm e d b y th e s a in ts , o v e r a n d ab ove th e in v alu ab le role th e y v isib ly fulfill in th e local sociopolitical s t r u c t u r e . T h is ad d itio n al role is to a n c h o r th e local so ciety in th e w ider sy stem o f Islam . T he s a in ts a r e n o t m erely s a in ts : th e y a re a lso , in local b e lie f, th e d e s c e n d a n ts o f th e P ro p h e t. The trib e sm e n know th a t in th e e y e s of in h a b ita n ts o f th e u rb a n c e n te rs o f lite ra te Islam , th e y a re h e ld to b e at w orst h e re tic a l a n d s in fu l, and a t b e s t sad ly ig n o ra n t o f re lig io n . T hey know th a t only Muslims may own la n d , an d th a t a tr ib e co n v icted of not b ein g Muslim would p ro v id e a most en v iab le ju stific a tio n fo r all its n e ig h b o rs to d is p o s se s s i t . A d m ittedly, th e c ity dw ellers would not h a v e th e m eans to d e p riv e a m ountain o r d e s e rt tr ib e o f its la n d , b u t th e y could e n c o u ra g e o th e r tr ib e s to com bine in a joint a c t o f a g g re ssio n a g a in st it. So e v e ry tr ib e n e e d s , a n d in a n y case w ish e s, to d isp la y its Muslim s ta tu s . T h ey can h a rd ly do th is th ro u g h Q u r'a n ic s c h o la rs h ip . T h e y a re illite ra te . B ut th e y can do it b y sho w in g due re v e re n c e to th o se su p p o se d d e sc e n ­ d a n ts o f th e P ro p h e t who a re so c o n v e n ie n tly s e ttle d am ong th em , h e lp in g to g u a ra n te e trib a l fro n tie r s an d in o th e r w ays

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a s s is tin g th e tr ib e s to m anage th e ir a f f a ir s . T h is , th e n , is one f u r th e r fu n c tio n o f th e holy lin e a g e s. T hough th e holy lin e a g e s a re o ften assim ilated to S ufism , th e ir real life and fu n ctio n h a s little to do with m ysticism a n d th e d iffu sio n of m ystical id e a s. (O n th e c o n tr a r y , some su p p o se d ly Sufi p ra c tic e s may in fact d e riv e from trib a l c u sto m s, trib a l s ty le s o f d a n c in g , an d so f o r t h .) T he political system in which p e rm an e n t an d pacific s a in ts d iv id e th e political role with e le c tiv e , s e c u la r , an d fe u d a d d ic te d trib a l c h ie fta in s is e le g a n t a n d , s tr u c tu r a lly , s u f ­ fic ie n t u n to its e lf. B ut it is not c o n ce p tu ally su ffic ie n t u n to its e lf . C o n c e p tu a lly , it is o th e r- d ir e c te d a n d looks to w ard th e w ider w orld o f Islam . S p iritu a lly s p e a k in g , th e holy lin e ag es a re lo rd s o f th e m a rc h e s. T hey r e p r e s e n t th e relig io n o f th e c e n tra l tra d itio n of th e w ider so ciety fo r th e trib e sm e n , and g u a ra n te e th e trib e s m e n 's in c o rp o ra tio n in it. As d e s c r ib e d , th e y also h elp th e trib e sm e n to avoid b ein g sad d le d with p h y s ic a l, m ilitary lo rd s o f th e m arc h e s, by g iv in g c o n tin u ity a n d s ta b ility to a sy stem o th e rw ise p o s s e s s in g only minimal political le a d e rs h ip . How is th is local o th e r - d ir e c te d n e s s c o n c re te ly m an ifested? T he m an ifestatio n s v a ry in k in d . T h e y a re found b o th am ong th e lay tr ib e s an d th e holy lin e a g e s. T a k e , a s a sim ple exam ple, some le g e n d s c irc u la tin g b o th ab o u t an d among one o f th e most b a c k w a rd , s a v a g e , and re lig io u sly ig n o ra n t among th e A tlas t r i b e s , th e Ait cA bdi o f th e Ait S ukhm an. When I say th a t th is tr ib e is p a rtic u la rly b a c k w a rd , s a v a g e , an d ig n o ra n t of re lig io n , I re f e r to a s te re o ty p e h eld of it not ju s t b y o u ts id e rs to th e re g io n , u rb a n folk a n d s u c h , b u t by o th e r tr ib e s w ithin th e reg io n its e lf , a n d , most s ig n ific a n tly , b y th e tr ib e its e lf. T hough all m ountain tr ib e s w ithout d istin c tio n may seem to be lic e n tio u s, v io le n t, h e te ro d o x sa v a g e s to th e b o u rg e o isie of F ez, once you g e t in among th e tr ib e s you fin d , a s so o f te n , th a t f u r th e r s u b tle d istin c tio n s and n u a n c e s can b e made by an y o n e w ith local k n o w ledge. All trib esm en may seem sa v a g e s from F ez, b u t fo r th e c o n n o is s e u r, some a re much more so th a n o th e r s , e v e n , o r e sp e c ia lly , in th e ir own estim a tio n . T he Ait cA bdi a re at th e end o f th e ro a d , lite ra lly an d f ig u r ­ a tiv e ly sp e a k in g . O r r a t h e r , lite ra lly sp e a k in g th e y a re a good way b ey o n d th e en d of th e ro a d , fo r no ro ad at all m akes its way to th e ir d e so la te a n d sto n y p la te a u . Even n o w ad ay s, you can g et th e r e only on foot o r on th e back of a m ule, an d the p lateau is h eld to b e alm ost in ac ce ssib le in w in te r. F ig u ra tiv e ly s p e a k in g , th e y a re a t th e en d of th e ro a d , fo r alm ost any o n e can look down on them a s s a v a g e s , a n d a s fa r as I know th e r e is no one more sa v a g e on whom th e y can look dow n, th o u g h th e r e a re some who a re p e rh a p s th e ir e q u a ls in th is r e s p e c t. T he in te r e s tin g th in g is th a t th e Ait cA bdi th em selv es s h a re th is view . T h e re is one le g e n d th a t c irc u la te s am ong a n d about them w hich is p a rtic u la rly s u g g e s tiv e . T h is le g e n d is som ething u tte r ly fam iliar to e v e ry child among th e Ait cA bdi, a s F a th e r

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E rn e st Gellner

C h ristm as is to a ch ild in W estern so c ie ty . The leg en d ru n s a s follows: a false te a c h e r of Islam , in fact a Jew , a p p e a re d among th e Ait cA bdi, an d was re c e iv e d by them a n d re c o g n iz e d as a tr u e re lig io u s te a c h e r . He made a good liv in g am ong them a s a f q ih , th a t is to s a y , s c rib e an d Q u r'a n ic te a c h e r . He was in fact q u ite devoid o f th e re lig io u s know ledge he was su p p o se d to te a c h , b u t he did n o t allow th is to dism ay him : in s te a d of re c itin g th e Q u r'a n , he sim ply r a ttle d off v a rio u s w ell-know n local place nam es, e n d in g th is re c ita ­ tion with th e w o rd s - I show yo u y o u r la n d , O h ea d s of a s s e s - 'ighfaw en n - ig h y a l.' D espite th is b la ta n t e f f r o n te r y , it took th e Ait cA bdi q u ite some time to unm ask him - a n d th e r e s t of th e le g e n d does n o t co n cern u s . Note th e poin t of th e s to r y : it illu s tr a te s , o f c o u rs e , th e p e r f id y , c u n n in g , an d e f fro n te ry of th e in fid e l-fo re ig n e r, b u t it also illu s tr a te s , in d eed h ig h lig h ts , th e s tu p id ity , g u llib ility , a n d to ta l re lig io u s ig n o ran ce o f th e Ait cA bdi th e m se lv e s. Yet th e y th em selv es tell th e s to ry ! T h is is not th e o n ly leg e n d in which th e A it cA bdi d isp la y a k in d of joking re la tio n sh ip to th e ir own image a n d h is to r y . A n o th e r s to r y , a s p o p u lar an d fam iliar among them a n d th e ir n e ig h b o rs a s is th e s to ry o f th e s c u rrilo u s re lig io u s te a c h e r , c o n c e rn s a m an, u-H im m ish, a n d h is w ife, T uda L ah sin , whose in tra n s ig e n c e a n d p u g n a c ity tr ig g e r e d a m u rd e ro u s ch ain re a c tio n o f feu d an d k illin g , all s ta r te d b y a triv ia l q u a r r e l on a p a s tu r e . It is a c tu a lly fo rb id d e n am ong th e Ait CAbdi to tell th is s to r y , on th e assum ption th a t its re c o u n tin g will b r in g bad luck a n d p e rh a p s a re p e titio n of su ch e p iso d e s, y e t a t th e same time th e s to ry is u tte r ly fam iliar to all of th em . The moral o f th e situ a tio n is - we know we o u g h t n o t to be so q u arre lso m e an d fe u d -a d d ic te d , a n d we know a t th e same time p e rfe c tly well th a t th is is ju s t how we a r e . A n o th e r le g e n d - th is one to ld a b o u t r a th e r th a n am ong them - e x p la in s w hy it is th a t th e y fin d th em se lv es on th e ir p a r ti­ c u la rly b a re an d sto n y p la te a u : th e re a so n is th a t th e y fo u g h t so fe ro c io u sly a g a in s t th e ir r ig h tfu l S u lta n , Mulay a l-H asan ( r e f e r r in g to th e n in e te e n th -c e n tu ry m onarch of th is nam e, a n d n o t to th e p r e s e n t k in g ) . It is a c u rio u s e x p la n a tio n , in so fa r a s th e y w ere b y no m eans th e only tr ib e , o r even th e most im p o rtan t o n e , which joined in r e s is tin g th e a tte m p ts of th a t r u le r to p e n e tr a te th e m o u n tain s. B u t, as so o ften in th e s e le g e n d s , th e ex p lan atio n is , so to s p e a k , d iffe re n tia l: w hat c o u n ts a s an e x p la n a tio n in one case would not c o u n t a s su c h in a n o th e r . E x p lan atio n s a re not u n iv e rs a liz e d . What c o n c e rn s u s of c o u rse is th a t th e leg en d u n d e rs c o re s once ag ain th e re c o g n itio n o f a value - subm ission to th e c e n tra l s ta te - which is in fa c t not p ra c tic e d b y th e v e ry tr ib e s who re p e a t th e s to ry (o r r a t h e r , was n o t p ra c tic e d till th e m odern world fo rc e d them to p ra c tic e i t , a n d o f c o u rse th e leg en d a n te d a te s th e c e n tra liz a tio n im posed u n d e r m odern c o n d itio n s ).

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So much b y way o f illu stra tio n o f th e kind of se lf-iro n iz in g a ttitu d e , th e joking re la tio n sh ip with o n e 's own im age, a s mani­ fe s te d in le g e n d s c irc u la tin g among th e lay tr ib e s . T he s itu a ­ tion becom es ev en c le a r e r and more co n sp ic u o u s among th e holy lin e a g e s. H ere n a tu re h a s a r r a n g e d a nice e x p e rim e n tal s itu a tio n . All o th e r fa c to rs b e in g h e ld c o n s ta n t, one fa c to r alone is v a rie d , a s if fo r o u r b e n e fit. T h is in d e p e n d e n t v a ria b le is: th e p ro x i­ mity to th e p lain a n d h en c e to th e u rb a n c e n te r s from which s c r i p t u r a li s t , p u rita n ic a l, a n d re fo rm ist Islam em a n ates. In th e c e n tr a l High A tla s, th e r e a re a n u m b er o f c e n te r s of s a n c tity , of holy se ttle m e n ts th a t a c t as s a n c tu a r ie s , c e n te r s o f a r b itr a tio n , and p ilg rim ag e , fo r th e s u rr o u n d in g tr ib e s . In many w a y s , th e s e c e n te r s a re v e ry sim ilar to one a n o th e r (th o u g h o f c o u rse th e y d iffe r in s iz e , in flu e n c e , an d one o r two o th e r a sso c ia te d f e a tu r e s ) . On th e ir own a c c o u n t, of c o u rs e , th e y o u g h t in d ee d to resem ble one a n o th e r , in so fa r a s th e y all h av e th e same a n c e s to r: w ithin q u ite a wide a re a of th e m ountainous te r r a in w here th e Middle A tlas fu se s w ith th e High A tla s, most holy m en, a n d v irtu a lly all holy men of in flu ­ e n c e , a re d e sc e n d e d from one fo u n d in g s a in t, Sidi Said A h a n sal. T h ey a r e , o r b eliev e th em selv es to b e , o f one fle sh a n d blood, th o u g h th is of c o u rs e does not p re c lu d e b itte r riv a lr y am ong them . B u t a s s ta te d , th e y a r e g eo g ra p h ic ally s e p a ra te d , liv in g as g e n e ra lly th e y do on im p o rtan t f r o n tie rs betw een lay tr ib e s . Some o f them a re in th e v e ry h e a rt of th e m ountains while o th e rs a re not fa r from th e edge o f th e p la in . For p u rp o s e s of com­ p a ris o n , we sh a ll ta k e th e dram atic c o n tra s t betw een th e fo u n d ­ in g a n d c e n tra l lo d g e , Zawiya A h a n sa l, a n d a n o th e r lo d g e, som ewhat to th e n o rth a n d much c lo se r to th e p la in , nam ed T am ga. T he holy men o f b o th lo d g e s a g re e on one im p o rta n t p o in t of faith a n d m orals - nam ely th a t d an cin g (a h a /d u s ) is immoral and u n -Isla m ic . T h is p o in t is w idely a c c e p ted in Morocco a n d h a s re c e iv e d much s u p p o rt an d e n d o rse m e n t from th e Muslim Reform m ovem ent. At th e same tim e, of c o u rs e , th is form o f d a n c in g is a w e ll-e sta b lish e d an d ex tre m e ly p o p u la r p a r t o f th e folklore o f th e B e rb e r t r ib e s . The issu e of th e dance h a s all th e p o te n t em otive c o lo rin g th a t th e th e a te r h a d fo r s e v e n te e n th - c e n tu r y p u r ita n s . What u rb a n Muslims a n d th o se u n d e r th e ir influ en ce fin d p a rtic u la rly sh o c k in g is th a t in th e c o u rse o f th is k in d of tr ib a l d a n c e , men an d women mingle a n d it can e v e n h a p p en th a t th e y dance s h o u ld e r to sh o u ld e r! T h is re a c tio n was s h a re d b y th e g re a t le ftis t le a d e r Mehdi Ben B a rk a , la te r k id n a p p e d an d p resu m ab ly m u rd e re d , who was a g re a t cham pion of th e e q u a lity of women. F o r in s ta n c e , he re je c te d with sc o rn th e arg u m en t th a t Muslim polygam y was ac c e p tab le b e c a u se it was m erely a leg alized v e rsio n of th e inform al polygam y c u r r e n t among E u ro p e a n s , w ith th e ir h a b it of h a v in g m is tre s s e s . As he p u t i t , polygam y, w h eth e r leg alized o r inform al, was w ro n g .

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E rn e s t G ellner

In c o n s e q u e n c e o f h is n a tio n a lis t a c tiv ity , Mehdi Ben B a rk a h a d a t o n e tim e b e e n im p riso n e d b y th e F re n c h a n d p la ce d fo r sa fe c u s to d y am ong o n e o f th e c e n tr a l High A tla s t r i b e s , th e A it H a d id d u . In th e c o u rs e o f h is im p riso n m en t in th e m ountain f a s t n e s s , h e h a d o p p o r tu n ity to w itn e ss th is form o f d a n c in g . Y et e v e n h e , le ft-w in g m o d e rn is t, was s h o c k e d , a s he la te r to ld m e, b y th e s e d a n c e s a n d th e p o s s ib ility o f w om en, e v e n m a rrie d w om en, b e in g in v o lv e d ! T h is p e r h a p s illu s tr a te s th e d e e p fe e lin g th a t is in v o lv e d in th is re je c tio n o f tr ib a l d a n c in g . A n y w ay , to r e t u r n to o u r s a in tly lin e a g e s : th e two c e n t e r s , b o th th e fo u n d in g lo d g e a n d T am g a, a g r e e d th a t d a n c in g is h ig h ly im p ro p e r. Some tim e p ro b a b ly b e fo re th e t u r n o f th e c e n t u r y , th e two s a in tly s e t t l e ­ m en ts h eld a jo in t m eetin g to d is c u s s s u c h th e o lo g ic a l a n d no d o u b t o th e r o u ts ta n d in g is s u e s , a n d in th e c o u rs e o f it d e c id e d th a t h e n c e f o r th , a s good Muslims a n d d e s c e n d a n ts o f th e P r o p h e t, th e y w ould r e f r a in from d a n c in g . As a m a tte r o f f a c t, Tam ga a n d its g ro u p of lo d g e s h a v e k e p t to th is se lfd e n y in g o rd in a n c e to th is d a y , a t le a s t to th e e x te n t o f im p o sin g a n d e n fo rc in g fin e s on a n y o f th e ir own n u m b e r who a r e c a u g h t d a n c in g . T h e m e e tin g a t w hich th is was a g r e e d , a n d th e s u b s e ­ q u e n t e v e n ts c a n b e ro u g h ly d a te d ; th e y o c c u r r e d w hen a man nam ed Ahm ad u Ahmad was le a d e r in th e main lo d g e , a n d h is 'r e i g n ' o v e rla p p e d w ith th e p a s s a g e o f F a th e r d e F o u cau ld th r o u g h th e a r e a o f A h a n sa l in flu e n c e - th o u g h he was u n a b le to v is it th e lo d g e s in q u e s tio n . F a th e r de F o u c a u ld ’s p a s s a g e th r o u g h th e a r e a took p lac e in 1883 a n d 1884. As s t a t e d , th e s a in ts o f Tam ga a n d th e ir g ro u p s tu c k to th e a g r e e d p r in c ip le s . Not so th e s a in ts o f th e main o r fo u n d in g lo d g e . Soon a f te r th e a g re e m e n t, a male in f a n t was b o rn in one o f th e le a d in g fam ilies. T h e o v e rjo y e d fam ily a n d th e ir k in sm en sim ply co u ld n o t r e s t r a i n th e m s e lv e s , a n d in n o tim e, a s a n y o n e who is fam iliar w ith th e h a b its o f th e main lo d g e w ould in d e e d e x p e c t, th e y w ere o f f, d a n c in g lik e n o b o d y ’s b u s in e s s . T h is b la ta n t t r a n s g r e s s io n o f h o ly law a n d v iolation o f solem n a g re e m e n t d id n o t, o f c o u r s e , p a s s u n n o tic e d . Such a co m b in a­ tio n o f re lig io u s tr a n s g r e s s io n a n d vio latio n o f solem n a g re e m e n t w as too m uch f o r th e men o f T am g a, a n d th e y took u p a rm s a g a in s t th e ir la x , ir r e lig io u s , a n d s e lf - in d u lg e n t c o u s in s . T he c o n flic t a n d fe u d a r e sa id to h a v e la s te d s e v e n y e a r s (a s u s p e c t f ig u r e , w hich w ith some o th e r e v id e n c e s u g g e s ts th a t th e whole e p is o d e is now on th e b o rd e rlin e o f h is to r y a n d le g e n d ) . In th e e n d , th e c o n flic t was b r o u g h t to a clo se b y th e in te rv e n tio n a n d a r b itr a tio n o f th e s u r r o u n d in g la y , f e u d - a d d ic te d t r i b e s . T he iro n y o f th is p a r t of th e s to r y o f c o u rs e in no way e s c a p e s th e a tte n tio n o f e ith e r th e la y t r ib e s o r th e s a i n t s . T h e f e r o ­ c io u s , s a v a g e , f e u d - a d d ic te d lay tr ib e s h a d to e x e r c is e s tr o n g m oral p r e s s u r e a n d a r b itr a tio n to b r in g to a n e n d m u rd e ro u s v io len ce b e tw e e n h o ly , o b lig a to rily a n d e s s e n tia lly p a cific s a in ts . O ne sh o u ld a d d th a t a n o th e r f e a tu r e o f th e s itu a tio n is q u ite o b v io u s to all th e lo c a ls: th e y a re n o t a t all ta k e n in b y th e

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theological occasion of th e conflict betw een th e tw o sa in tly c e n te r s . 'E v ery o n e k n o w s’ t h a t , how ever em otively se p tic th e issu e o f d a n c in g may b e , th e re al u n d e rly in g c a u se o f th e c o n ­ flict was a r iv a lr y b etw een th e two lo d g es fo r in flu en ce - a riv a lry th a t norm ally is k e p t w ithin th e b o u n d s im posed by th e o b lig atio n of pacifism on s a in ts , b u t which on th is occasion tra n s c e n d e d th o se b o u n d s . T he whole s to ry is h ig h ly in s tru c tiv e from a n u m ber of view ­ p o in ts . It illu s tra te s o u r g en e ra l a rg u m e n t in th e follow ing w ay: e v e ry o n e c o n c e rn e d e n d o rs e s a n d form ally a c c e p ts th e v a lu es th a t a re b eliev ed to be th o se of u r b a n , c e n tra l Islam , exem pli­ fied abo v e all b y F ez. In p a r tic u la r , th o se v a lu es p ro h ib it d a n c in g . T h e re is n o d isa g re em e n t at th e lev el of th e o re tic a l e n d o rse m e n t. B ut some a re u n d e r g r e a te r p r e s s u r e to conform to th e se v a lu e s th a n o th e r s . T he Tamga g ro u p o f lo dges is close to th e e d g e o f th e p la in , a n d some o f its c lie n t tr ib e s a r e rig h t on th e e d g e o f th e p la in . In o th e r w o rd s, th e y h av e to s a tis fy a trib a l clien tele who a re also close to u rb a n c e n te r s o f re lig io u s p r o p ­ a g a n d a , a n d th e y h a v e to com pete fo r th e fa v o rs of th is clie n tele with o th e r re lig io u s le a d e rs , some of them a c tu a lly u r b a n , who can exem plify v a lu e s a n d id eals c lo se r to th e s c r ip tu r a l a n d p u rita n ic a l id eals o f th e ulam a. To meet th is com petition an d a n sw e r its a rg u m e n ts , th e holy men o f Tamga an d its g ro u p s h av e no choice b u t to tr y to em ulate th o se s ta n d a r d s . The main lodge is in q u ite a d iffe re n t p o s itio n . It is much o ld e r e s ta b lis h e d th a n Tamga a n d th u s , n o t b e in g on th e m ake, d oes not h av e to e x te n d its e lf to e sta b lish its own h o lin e ss. More im p o rta n t, it is lo cated r ig h t in th e d e p th o f th e m o u n tain s, w ithin h alf a d a y 's m arch of th e main S a h a ra -A tla n tic w a te rs h e d . T he tr ib e s th a t form its clie n tele a re likew ise overw helm ingly draw n from th e h e a r t of th e m o u n tain s, a n d from th e a re a betw een th e m ountains a n d th e S a h a ra . T hough th e se s a in ts also n eed to com pete fo r th e ir follow ership with o th e r s a in ts , th e y do n o t n e e d to com pete with a n y u r b a n -b a s e d relig io u s c e n te r s . In o th e r w o rd s, th e u rb a n p u rita n ic a l ideals a r e fa r aw ay a n d h av e no local a n c h o ra g e o r sa n c tio n . No w onder th a t th e r e was so little c o u n te rv a ilin g pow er available in th e h e a r ts of th e men of th e main lo d g e, to help them to r e s is t th e tem p ta­ tion o f th e d an ce! In th e p u re ly trib a l c o n te x t, exem plified b y th e main lo d g e , th e 'c e n tr a l' v a lu e s a re e n d o rse d b u t not p r a c tic e d . T h e local trib e sm e n r e q u ire th e holy lin e a g e s, th e in c a rn a tio n of Islam , m ainly fo r p u rp o s e s su ch a s a rb itr a tio n , m ediation, social co n ­ t in u ity , facilitatio n of tr a d e , and so f o r th , a n d a re n o t a t all in te re s te d in p u r ity . On th e c o n tr a r y , th e y a r e in te r e s te d in a k in d o f c o v e r for im p u rity . If th e y c an h a v e th e ir ow n, v e ry ow n, local s a in ts , who lik e th em selv es dance b u t a t th e same tim e, b ein g d e s c e n d a n ts of th e P ro p h e t, can claim to b e as close to th e so u rc e of Islam a s th e le a rn e d men of th e c ity , so much th e b e t t e r . T h a t w ay, one can legitim ate o n e 's Muslim

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E rn e s t G ellner

s t a t u s a n d p e r s i s t in th e a n c ie n t p r a c tic e s , a n d no v e r y s e rio u s te n s io n n e e d b e fe lt b y a n y o n e . T h in g s becom e a b it d iffe re n t a s o ne com es c lo s e r to th e p la in , o r w hen fo r one re a s o n o r a n o th e r th e u r b a n w orld e x e r c is e s s t r o n g e r p r e s s u r e s . T he h e r e d ita r y h o ly men o f Tam ga still p e rfo rm th e same f u n c tio n s a s do t h e ir c o u s in s of th e main lo d g e , b u t th e y h a v e to do so in a c o n te x t th a t in p a r t is op en to th e in flu e n c e from th e p la in . T h u s th e sam e id e a ls a re pro claim ed th r o u g h o u t, b u t th e way in w hich a com prom ise is re a c h e d w ith th e e x ig e n c ie s o f tr ib a l life d if f e r s a c c o rd in g to c irc u m s ta n c e . O r ta k e a n o th e r illu s tr a tio n . In th e a re a o f A h a n sa l in flu e n c e t h e r e is o n e le g e n d th a t is p a r tic u la r ly p o p u la r a n d w hich w ith some v a ria tio n in d e ta il is o fte n r e c o u n te d . I sh a ll call it th e K in g m ak er s to r y . I ts h e ro is Sidi Mhammad n ’u t B a b a , an a n c e s to r o f th e e ff e c ­ tiv e ly s a in tly s u b lin e a g e w ith in th e main lo d g e . If th is le g e n d is t r u e , h e w ould h a v e h a d to h a v e b e e n a liv e to w a rd th e en d o f th e s e v e n te e n th c e n t u r y . T he s to r y b e g in s d u r in g th e re ig n o f th e S u lta n M ulay R a s h id . T h is s u lta n a p p a r e n tly s e n t a m e sse n g e r to th e s a in t, to in q u ire how h e m anaged to a c q u ire so m uch h o lin e s s . T h e sa in t im p re s s e d th e m e sse n g e r b y a d d itio n a l d is p la y s of s a in tly p o w e rs , su c h a s m aking a mule g iv e b ir th to a y o u n g m ule. In r e t u r n h e a s k e d th e m onarch to lib e r a te some trib e s m e n from am ong h is c lie n t t r i b e s , whom th e m onarch h a d im p riso n e d . T h e m on arch r e f u s e d , a n d th e in c e n s e d s a in t d e c id e d to p u n is h th e m onarch b y m agical m ean s. He ham m ered a m agical fagrust in to th e g r o u n d . A ta g u s t is a m etal p e g u s e d fo r a tta c h in g an im a ls, a n d a s it is ham m ered in to th e g ro u n d it is e x tre m e ly p h a llic in a p p e a ra n c e a n d fu n c ­ tio n . T he w ord is in fac t also u s e d to mean 'p e n i s . 1 B u t I sh all n o t dw ell on th e o b v io u s a n d s u g g e s tiv e F re u d ia n a s p e c ts of th e s t o r y . As a r e s u lt o f h am m ering th e ta g u s t in to th e g ro u n d th e m o n arch y came u p o n a tr o u b le d p e rio d a n d in th e e n d Mulay R a s h id d ie d . T h is was n o t th e w o rst: h is d e a th w as follow ed b y one o f th o se a n a rc h ic in te r r e g n a w hich a r e n o t in f r e q u e n t in M oroccan h i s t o r y . T he n e x t s u l t a n - t o - b e , M ulay Ism ac il, fa ilin g to overcom e th e s e d if f ic u ltie s , came to th e sa in t fo r a d v ic e . He s ta y e d a t th e main lodge f o r a few d a y s , p r e s e n tin g h is c a s e . T h e s a in t, e v id e n tly c o n v in c e d b y th e s t r e n g t h o f th is p r e t e n d e r ’s claim s, in th e e n d g a v e him a d v ic e . T he d e ta ils of th is a d v ic e a n d M ulay Ism a^il’s a d v e n tu r e s in c a r r y in g it o u t do n o t c o n c e rn u s , b u t th e y in v o lv e d h is fin d in g th e m agical t a g u s t , p u llin g it o u t of th e g r o u n d a s p r e a r r a n g e d b y th e s a in t, a n d fin d in g h im se lf a t th a t moment b a c k in F e z , acclaim ed b y th e p o p u la c e a s K ing! G iven th e F re u d ia n u n d e r to n e s o f th e lib e r a te d t a g u s t , th e le g e n d is a fin e specim en o f a ’Waste L a n d ’ s t o r y , in w hich th e

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peace an d p ro s p e r ity o f th e kingdom d e p e n d s on th e v irility of th e m onarch. B ut th is is n o t th e a sp e c t I w ish to dwell o n . T he a sp e c t th a t is in te re s tin g from th e view point of o u r them e is a c e rta in ideological n a ïv e té o f th e s to r y . The m anifest p u rp o se a n d moral of th e s to ry is o b v io u s: it is m eant to h e ig h te n th e p r e s tig e o f th e local holy lin eag e b y tu r n in g it an d its a n c e s to r , c o n tra ry to all h isto ric a l p ro b a b ility , into a kin g m ak er an d a r b itr a to r of th e political fo rtu n e s in th e d is ta n t c a p ita l of F ez. (T h e legend is u n h isto ric a l to th e e x te n t th a t th e s trik in g fe a tu re o f th is p a rtic u la r holy lineage is its sta b ility an d c o n tin u ity in its m ountain hom eland, a n d its a b s te n tio n , in th e m ain, from in te rfe re n c e in o r im pact on politics a t th e u rb a n c e n te r s of th e c o u n try . The two th in g s may well be c o n ­ n e c te d . ) T h is is th e only too obvious p u rp o se of anyone te llin g th e s to r y : th e s to ry w ears its h e a r t on its sle e v e , a n d it would be almost im possible to re te ll the s to ry w ithout em p ath izin g its m oral. Yet u n w ittin g ly , in its sim p lem indedness, th e s to ry also e n d o rs e s th e ultim ate legitim acy o f th a t c e n tra l m o n arch y , which had no effe c tiv e pow er locally an d w hich th e local trib esm e n d e fie d , a n d from whose pow er th e y h ad collectiv ely s e c e d e d . T he local trib e sm e n p aid no ta x e s to Fez a n d re c e iv e d no officials from i t: if th e p e rip a te tic c o u rt an d arm y atte m p te d to e n te r th e ir te r r i t o r y , th e y fo u g h t to sto p it. In o r d e r to ra is e th e p re s tig e of th e ir own little local holy men and th e ir link with Islam , th e y re te ll th e s to r y show ing how in flu e n tial a n d c ru c ia l th o se holy men a r e . Yet in te llin g th e s to r y , th e y u n w ittin g ly reco g n ize th e ultim ate a u th o rity o f th e c e n te r . The s to r y does not e v en h in t th a t its h e ro , th e s a in t, should h av e him self become a su ltan : it only h in ts th a t by magical m eans it was he who e n a b led th e su lta n to ru le e ffe c tiv e ly . T h ese v a rio u s le g e n d s an d s itu a tio n s illu s tr a te , th o u g h of c o u rse th e y do n o t b y them selv es p ro v e , th e main co n te n tio n of th is arg u m en t : Islam e m b races v a rio u s ty p e s o f social s t r u c ­ tu re , a n d while th e ulama a re its ultim ate a n d most im portant e x p re s s io n , its c o n s titu tio n a l c o u rt so to s p e a k , y e t m any of th o se social s t r u c t u r e s , n o ta b ly trib a l o n e s , c an n o t accom ­ modate o r u se th e s e le a rn e d s c r ib e s , an d n e e d o th e r a n c h o ra g e s fo r re lig io n . A ty p ic a l specim en of th e se a n c h o ra g e s a re the holy lin e a g e s, so h ig h ly develo p ed among th e B e r b e r s , b u t b y no m eans u n p a ra lle le d e lse w h e re . T h ese holy lin ea g e s a re tied b y lin k s of term inology a n d ev en o rg a n iz a tio n to m ystical u rb a n c lu b s , b u t d e sp ite th e sim ilarity of term in o lo g y , a n d sometimes o rg a n iz a tio n a l re la tio n s , th e two phenom ena a re q u ite d is tin c t in n a tu r e an d fu n c tio n . T h u s v e ry little is e x p la in ed by any simple re fe re n c e to th e d iffu sio n o f Sufi id e a s . It is im p o rtan t to u n d e rs ta n d ju s t w hat th e s a in ts do an d w hat th e y mean in th e ir c o n te x t. In th e case of th e holy lin e ag es of th e re c e s s e s of th e m o u n tain s, th e ir a c q u a in ta n ce with o r in te r e s t in Sufi id eas is n e g lig ib le . What th e y do a n d w hat th e y mean can only

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be u n d e rsto o d b y re fe re n c e to th e tr ib e s whom th e y s e r v e . B u t while th e s e lin ea g es a re v e ry u n like u rb a n ulam a, and sad ly d eficien t when th e s ta n d a r d s proclaim ed o r ev en p r a c ­ tic e d by u rb a n ulama a re ap p lie d to them , th e y sh o u ld n o t be seen a s unam b ig u o u sly hostile to them . T h e ir role is in h e re n tly am b ig u o u s. T h ey m ust se rv e tr ib a l, n o n -u rb a n e n d s , b u t th e y m ust also lin k th e tr ib e s with a w ider a n d u rb a n -o rie n te d ideal of Islam . T h ey s e rv e b o th local trib a l n e e d s a n d u n iv e rs a l Islamic id e n tific a tio n . T hey ham per th e d iffu sio n o f good a n d p ro p e r Islam , in a w ay, b y g iv in g th e trib esm en an e x c u se fo r p re te n d in g th a t th e y a re a lre a d y good Muslims, th a t th e y a lre a d y p o s s e s s th e in stitu tio n a l fram ew ork o f fa ith : a n d y e t at th e same tim e, th e y keep th e door open fo r th e p ro p a g a tio n of 'p u r e r ' Islam by e n d o rs in g it in th e c o u rse of th o se v e ry p ra c tic e s in which th e y d e v iate from it.

2

ARBITRATION AS A POLITICAL INSTITUTION: AN INTERPRETATION OF THE STATUS OF MONARCHY IN MOROCCO Magali Morsy

The p arad o x o f Morocco is th a t it is both th e re s u lt of tr e n d s dom inating th e h is to ry o f th e M ed iterran ean a n d a p e rm a n e n t, o rig in a l n atio n al re a lity r e a s s e r tin g its e lf th ro u g h c h a n g in g c irc u m s ta n c e s . The p a ra d o x is n o t m erely fa c tu a l, b u t also c h a ra c te riz e s th e o b s e r v e r 's sta n d p o in t by r e f e r r in g to two d is tin c t d is c o u rs e s . When faced with so c ieties w hich do not c o rre s p o n d to re c o g n iz ed p a tte r n s o f s ta te fo rm atio n , o b s e r v e r s te n d e ith e r to see them a s th e r e s u lt of fo rc e s e x e rtin g p r e s ­ s u re o r dom ination from o u tsid e on what a re posed a s s u b s id ia ry and h isto ric a lly irre le v a n t n a tio n s. T h is is illu s tra te d by su c h c h a p te r h e a d in g s a s 'Roman A fric a 1, 'th e A rab In v a sio n ', 'th e Colonial S c ra m b le ', o r , more re c e n tly , 'C e n tre a n d P e r ip h e r y '. At th e same time th e a c tu a l defin itio n of su c h so cieties is left to a n th ro p o lo g is ts o rig in ally com m itted to p u re ly local o b s e r v a ­ tio n . with no re fe re n c e to m ultidim ensional im pact, e ith e r in s y n c h ro n is tic o r d ia c h ro n ic te rm s. In th is p a p e r , I p u t fo rw ard a n u m b er of h y p o th e s e s w ith a view to b rid g in g th e gap betw een two d isc o n n e c te d ty p e s of a n a ly sis in o rd e r to ach iev e a more c o m p reh en siv e h isto ric a l in te rp re ta tio n o f th e w o rk in g of su c h s o c ie tie s. I am h e re more p a rtic u la rly c o n c e rn e d with th e n a tu re of political pow er in a se g m e n ta ry trib a l system su c h a s th a t of M orocco. Some p relim in ary com m ents a re n e c e s s a ry to c la rify th is v iew p o in t. T he f ir s t is th a t dom ination th ro u g h th e a c c re tio n of pow er is a com plex p h enom enon. It can be seen in economic te rm s , o r in th e social o r political fie ld s, o r from a c u ltu ra l a n g le . I am h e re more in te re s te d in th e la tte r sin ce th e problem of m odem s ta te s a n d n a tio n s in N orth A frica can b e seen a s th e r e s u lt of a p a r tic u la r u se of a c u ltu ra l idiom, nam ely Islam , in th e c o n te x t o f a se g m e n ta ry trib a l so c ie ty . T h a t b o th b e fo re an d a f te r th e a d v e n t of Islam Morocco was a trib a l po lity re c o g ­ n ized a s a s ta te b y o u tsid e o b s e r v e r s is , m o reo v er, a p p a re n t from h is to ric a l e v id e n ce o v e r th e c e n tu r ie s . H e ro d o tu s o r th e e a rlie r A rab h is to ria n s c o n s is te n tly d e sc rib e d Morocco in term s of an e x te n d e d a n d co h esiv e trib a l p a tte r n , a s d id Ibn K haldun o r o th e rs who h a v e le ft u s a c c o u n ts o f th e p o w erful em pires of th e A l-M u rab itu n an d th e A l-M uw ahhidun. A second p re lim in a ry comment ré f é r é s to th e b a sic prem ises of th is p a p e r . My s ta r tin g point is th a t d efin ed b y C la s tre s in h is sym posium 'La Société c o n tre l 'é t a t '. (1 ) C la s tre s c o n v in c ­ in g ly d e m o n stra te s th a t th e political o rg a n iz a tio n of tr ib a l so ciety is b a se d on m echanism s to o b v iate th e a c c re tio n of 39

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pow er a n d to n e u tra liz e th e e x p re ssio n of dom ination th ro u g h po litical in s titu tio n s . The n o n -e x iste n c e of th e la tte r o r th e ir lack of o rg an izatio n may r e ta r d s ta te fo rm atio n , an d th e exam ­ p les to which C la s tre s r e f e r s , namely th e In d ian tr ib e s of S o u th A m erica, g e n e ra lly illu s tra te th is . It can also make such so c ie tie s w eak, esp ecially u n d e r p r e s s u r e from o th e r n a tio n s which have evolved pow er-w ielding in s titu tio n s . B ut one may also a rg u e th a t trib a l so c ie tie s, in c lu d in g th o se r e f e r r e d to by C la s tr e s , show a h ig h d e g re e of resilie n c e which m akes them s u rv iv e an d r e a s s e r t th em selv e s, even in th e c o n te x t of a dom inant c a p ita list econom y. T hat is n o t, h o w ev e r, th e point of th is p a p e r which is in te n d e d to s tr e s s th a t se g m e n ta ry trib a l so ciety can also lead to s ta te form ation, Morocco b e in g a major case in p o in t. I am th u s going bey o n d C la s tr e s 's own c o n c lu ­ sio n s since I c o n sid e r th e ty p e o f political in s titu tio n d e riv e d from th e se g m e n ta ry system an d its role in th e n atio n al h is to r y o f M orocco. T h at th is is also a dialectic movement in w hich th e e ffo rts o f in d iv id u a ls o r g ro u p s to achieve a p o w e r-sta n d a re c o u n te re d in o r d e r to achieve th e c o u n te rp o ise on w hich th e s e g m e n ta ry o rd e r is b a s e d , wilt also be show n. A f u r th e r in tro d u c to ry comment is n e c e s s a ry to ex p lain and ju s tify my c o n trib u tio n to th is collective work in th e field of a n th ro p o lo g y . Most h is to ria n s ' ac c o u n ts o f Morocco te n d to be b a se d le ss on in n e r fo rc e s th a n on th o se which E uropean o b s e r v e r s c o n s id e r r e le v a n t, p re c ise ly b e ca u se th e y a re c h a r a c ­ te riz e d b y pow er which is ac c ru e d a n d e x e r te d , th u s p riv ile g ­ in g fo reig n in flu e n c e s, p a rtic u la rly m odern o n e s . T h is p re v a le n t ty p e o f h isto ric a l w ritin g h as re c o u rse to d o c u m en tary e v id en c e as th e tool of dom inant ideology. When d e alin g with th e lo n g ­ term h is to ry of Morocco w hich goes b ack b ey o n d F ren ch and othegr fo reig n r e c o r d s , th e h isto ria n is a t a s ta n d s till u n le ss he c a n make u s e of o th e r co n c e p ts a n d o th e r m ethods o f a n a ly ­ s is . In th is p a p e r I am s u g g e s tin g th a t a n th ro p o lo g y can help b rid g e c e rta in g a p s b o th with re s p e c t to time a n d to levels of social o rg a n iz a tio n . One m ight p e rh a p s also s u g g e s t th a t if c e rta in fu n d am en tal tr a i t s of th e h isto ric a l s tr u c tu r e of trib a l so ciety can n o t easily be a c c o u n te d f o r , it is also b ecau se trib a l so ciety its e lf r e fu s e s to p ro v id e its own d e s c rip tiv e idiom. T he re fu s a l to implement pow er-w ield in g s tr u c tu r e s may also ex p la in why trib a l so cieties re fu s e o v e rt se lf-d e fin itio n a s is a p p a r e n t, fo r exam ple, in th e a b se n c e of collective nam es. T h u s at th e h ig h e s t le v e l, e th n ic g ro u p s - B e rb e rs in g e n e ra l, o r K abyles in A lgeria - have no g e n e ra l name for th em selves e x c e p t th ro u g h re c o u rse to a fo reig n la n g u a g e . It is f u r th e r sig n ific a n t th a t w here su c h a name e x is ts , as is th e case w ith ’Im azighen1 o r 'F re e Men' u se d in s e v e ra l re g io n s in c lu d in g th e S a h a ra , th is is o fte n th e r e ­ su lt of c la ss s tr a tif ic a tio n . In a sim ilar w ay, B e rb e r so cieties th a t h av e sp e c ific , w idely u se d term s to d e sig n a te sm aller s e g ­ m ents o f tr ib e s a re v e ry v ag u e at h ig h e r le v e ls. T he word fo r 't r i b e ', ta q b ilt, is its e lf a fa irly re c e n t b o rro w in g from A rab ic.

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M oreover, ex ten siv e political alliances b e a r no p a rtic u la r name in B erb er and a re r e fe rre d to merely th ro u g h the technical devices by which th e y are b ro u g h t into ex iste n c e . T his h ig h ­ lig h ts the im portance of the complex c u ltu ra l p ro cess of which religion is p a r t, since it is the idiom th ro u g h which g ro u p co n scio u sn ess is c o n stru e d . Let us see how th is fu n ctio n s in p ra c tic e , in a gen eral lo n g ­ term view of the political p ro c e ss, before seeing how th e advent of Islam has a lte re d the trad itional equilibrium of trib a l society. 1 THE TRIBAL PATTERN An overall p ic tu re of B e rb e r society u n d e rsc o re s one allp erv ad in g fa c t: the limited scope for p riv a te u n d e rta k in g s or p erso n al in flu en ce, o r ra th e r the absence of in stitu tio n alized means to uphold an d channel th e power of a p a rtic u la r person o r g r o u p . A u th o rity is v e ste d almost e n tire ly in th e community an d e x p re s s e s itse lf th ro u g h public m eetings, th e aim of which is a p p a re n t g en eral ag reem en t. T his does not in any way mean th a t B erb er society is e g a lita rian . As a p a tria rc h al society ex ploiting female and serv ile la b o u r, w here land te n u re e s ta ­ blish es d e g re e s of wealth and in flu en ce, w here s ta tu s is h e re d i­ ta r y , in eq u ality is th e ru le . What the trib e o b v iates is the in stitu tio n alized means of implementing pow er, control rem aining within the seg m en tary o rd e r o f society. A p o w e r-e x e rtin g stan ce is potentially p re se n t in all social s tr u c tu r e s , even in trib a l ones geared to making it ino p erativ e. T h u s , most B e rb e r trib e s have a fig u re h e a d , an amghar. B ut it is also c h a ra c te ris tic th a t not only does he have no means of coercion beyond g en eral acceptance of h is ru lin g s , b u t he is in no position to build u p his power because he is elected on an annual b a s is . M oreover, th e office p a sse s from one trib a l segm ent to a n o th e r, trib e s bein g g en erally for th is p u rp o se divided into five u n i t s . (2) Even more ev id e n tly , periods of s trife n e c e ssita te cohesion, ra p id decisions an d forceful action. T his is made possible th ro u g h the election of a w ar chief (u su ally d istin c t from th e civil amghar). The war chief may be o u ste d in the c o u rse of fig h tin g . If n o t, h is te n u re of office en d s when a tru c e o r peace are n eg o tia te d , nor does he him self take p a rt in su ch n eg o tiatio n s. This is non eth eless a potentially p o w er-accru in g p o sitio n . War involves a d isru p tio n of trib a l life and can lead to im por­ tan t ch an g es in g ro u p s and la n d -te n u re . M oreover, if p ro tra c ­ te d , as is often th e c a s e , local stru g g le s can pro v id e a more la stin g b asis to a war c h ie f's influence. It is not s u rp ris in g , th e re fo re , th a t acco u n ts of Moroccan trib e s v e ry o ften h ig h ­ light th e power wielded b y w arlords who may even develop into a m ilitary a ris to c ra c y . We m ust, how ever, b ear in mind th at su ch in sta n c e s to which h isto rica l docum ents re fe r are v ery often the d ire c t re s u lt of foreign p r e s s u r e which is th e most

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fa v o u rab le co n d itio n fo r a d is ru p tio n o f th e trib a l o r d e r , both in term s of th e r is e to pow er o f m ilitary men a n d th e in cap a city of th e tr ib e to m aintain them u n d e r c o n tro l. To give b u t one exam ple of th is in h e re n t te n d e n c y , th e Homan c o n q u e st of N orth A frica b ro u g h t to th e fo re a n atio n al le a d e r, J u g u r th a , K ing of N um idia, in th e seco n d c e n tu r y B .C . S a llu s t's acco u n t o f th e i a t t e r , h o w e v e r, p o in ts o u t th a t: 1 J u g u r th a was ch o sen a s le a d e r in a c o n te x t m arked by Roman im perialism ; 2 he was ch o sen from a dom inant lin e ag e ; 3 th e decision was made e sse n tia lly b eca u se of h is m ilitary e x p e rie n c e (a c q u ire d fig h tin g in S p a in ); 4 a n d , more im p o rtan t s till, it was im posed on B e rb e r society b y a now p ow erful m ilitary g ro u p . As S allu st h a s it: 'th e N um idians w ere d iv id ed into two fa c tio n s . T he m ajority p ro n o u n c e d its e lf in fa v o u r o f A d h erb al w h ereas th e p rin c i­ pal m em bers of th e arm y w ere in fa v o u r o f J u g u r th a . J u g u r th a g a th e re d as many so ld ie rs a s he c o u ld , and by m ilitary a n d p eacefu l means becam e th e m aster of se v e ra l c itie s . . . a n d in th is way became th e lo rd of N u m id ia'.(3 ) T h u s J u g u r th a 's ca se may be se e n a s th e ultim ate developm ent of th e p o w e r-a c c ru in g sta n d w hich th e tr ib a l system is c o n s ta n tly at p a in s to c h e c k . The a p p e a ra n c e of su c h a pow er g ro u p le a d s to dom ination a n d ex p lo itatio n of tr ib a l s o c ie ty . To develop h is own p riv ile g e d p o sitio n , J u g u r th a was com m itted to fa cin g up to th e R om ans, b o th in term s of diplom acy a n d m ilitary a c tio n . T h is led to a sy stem o f local o p p re ssio n w ith th e arm y d raw in g from th e lan d th e m eans b y w hich it u p h e ld its dom inant p o sitio n . Hence th e situ a tio n th e Romans found when th e y ultim ately c o n q u e re d th e la n d : th e p e a s a n ts w ere h a r d a t work a n d , e v e ry w h e re , in each to w n , in each v illag e, J u g u r th a 's b a iliffs were p re s e n t a t th e head o f h u g e s to re s of w heat an d o th e r g o o d s. T h a t th e developm ent of a feu d al system is p o ssib le is show n up by many o th e r Moroccan exam ples u p in to th e tw e n tie th c e n t u r y . T h a t, in a c tu a l f a c t, su ch situ a tio n s w ere g e n e ra lly s h o r t-liv e d is n o t a p ro o f, a s E u ro p e a n -o rie n te d h is to ria n s would h av e it, o f B e rb e r 'a n a r c h y ',(4 ) b u t r a th e r of th e c a p a c ity of the Moroccan n atio n to b r in g su ch p o w e r-b a se d s itu a tio n s u n d e r c o n tro l. B ut th is in tu r n p o se s a n o th e r q u e s tio n : w hat is th e s tr u c tu r e w ithin trib a l so ciety which is c ap ab le o f a s s e r tin g its e lf, ev en in th e face of su c h c h a lle n g e s? By w hat m eans a re in d iv id u a l te n d e n c ie s to se lf-a g g ra n d iz e m e n t n e u tra liz e d ? A b a sic p rin c ip le o f se g m e n ta ry so cieties is th e p re s e n c e of m oieties o r p a ire d seg m en ts b o th a s an o v e ra ll p a tte r n (a plane o r tw o-dim ensional le v e l), an d a s a d e fin in g p rin c ip le ap p lied to e v e r-w id e n in g social e n titie s (a th re e -d im e n sio n a l p e r s p e c ­ tiv e a s one p a s s e s from b r o th e r s to a g n a tic lin e a g e s to whole t r i b e s ) . It is p e rh a p s w orth p o in tin g o u t th a t w h a te v e r th e

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c o n trib u tio n of E v a n s -P ritc h a rd an d m odern a n th ro p o lo g y to th e d efin itio n of th e co n cep t of se g m e n ta tio n , th e notion is also a c tiv e ly p r e s e n t in th e tr ib e 's view of its e lf, as one can see from th e m etap h o rical use B e rb e rs make of p a r ts of th e body to defin e lev els o f seg m e n ta tio n . A rab s who a re also of trib a l o rig in an d w ho, with Islam , in tro d u c e d th e dom inant c u ltu r e in M aghribi s o c ie ty , go f u r th e r in m aking th is e x p lic it. We can find in A l-N uw ayri a sem antic d efin itio n o f th e tr ib e which would p ro b a b ly b e a c c e p ted b y most a n th ro p o lo g is ts . 'It is nam ed qabila b ecau se its com ponents a r e placed face to face an d in eq u al n u m b e rs '. (5 ) The v e rb a l ro o t Q -B -L means 'to b e o r s ta n d e x a c tly o p p o site someone o r so m e th in g ', 'to be face to face w ith '. The p a irin g of s e g m e n ts, g e n e ra lly co n v ey ed in th e la rg e ly sym bolic idiom of filia tio n , p re s u p p o s e s an u n d e rly in g co n ­ n e c tiv e s t r u c t u r e . T h is implies n o t only social c o n tro l of levels of in te ra c tio n b u t also a p ro c e ss of lin k ag e betw een lev els which is n e v e r autom atic b u t is p a r t of th e decisio n -m ak in g p ro c e s s . S egm entation is not a m echanistic p ro c e ss b u t in s te a d the s tr u c tu r a l m eans th r o u g h which levels of involvem ent a re d ecid ed on a n d b ro u g h t into play o r n o t, a c c o rd in g to th e a p p re c ia tio n o f a g iv en situ a tio n . T h is im plies: 1 th a t it h as a co n scien tio u s fu n c tio n , and 2 th a t th is re s p o n s ib ility makes re fe re n c e to an o v era ll p a t­ te r n a s well as to p a rtic u la r se g m e n ts. We can th u s c o n s id e r seg m en ta ry so cieties a s h a v in g th e p olitical will to make o f th e lin k ag e system w ithin th e tr ib e th e lo cu s of in te ra c tio n . It is f u r th e r c h a ra c te riz e d by th e u se of a n o n - d is r u p tiv e idiom o f c o n fro n ta tio n - nam ely la n g u ag e an d d isc u ssio n - which s a fe g u a rd s th e se g m e n ts. T h is locus of in te ra c tio n is commonly r e f e r r e d to as a r b itr a tio n . In view o f its tr a n s tr ib a l s tr u c tu r e an d its defin itio n a s b e in g o u tsid e th e dynam ics of seg m e n tatio n , a r b itr a tio n v e ry e a rly on fo rg e d a social c a te g o ry to im plement its fu n c tio n . T he a r b ite r s as a sp ecialized g ro u p a re posed as n o n - tr ib a l. H ence, in Morocco an d e ls e w h e re , th e custom is w id esp read of a s k in g a p a s s in g s tr a n g e r to a r b itr a te a d isc u ssio n o r c o n flic t. In a g e n e ra l w ay, h o w e v e r, tr ib e s have p erm an en t a r b ite r s . V arious d ev ices make it p o ssib le e ith e r to a tta c h an a c tu a l s tr a n g e r to th e tr ib e , o r to h av e re c o u rs e to someone w ithin th e tr ib e w hilst p o sin g him a s a s tr a n g e r . D ifferen t p ra c tic a l m eans a re u se d to a sso c ia te th e a r b ite r to th e tr ib e a n d its d e s tin y w ithout c o n sid e rin g him a s d ire c tly com m itted to trib a l in v o lv em en ts. A common p ra c tic e c o n s is ts in co n n e c tin g th e s tr a n g e r to th e com m unity by m arriag e tie s . Hence it is th a t an a r b ite r u su ally h a s s e v e ra l w iv es, ev en in a p red o m in an tly monogamous c o n te x t. T h ese w ives a re u su a lly from d iffe re n t im p o rta n t lin e a g e s. T his is a p re-Islam ic c u sto m , a s can be seen from S a llu s t's comment on a sim ilar p ra c tic e with r e s p e c t to lay c h i e f s .(6 ) T he fu n ctio n

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of a r b ite r can also be held by m em bers of th e tr ib e who fo r p a rtic u la r re a s o n s can b e c o n sid e re d a s o u ts id e r s . T h u s old men o fte n act in th is c a p a c ity . T he B e rb e r ag u rra m , th e A rab s h a y k h - b o th te rm s mean an ’old m an' b e fo re m eaning a w ise, re s p e c te d o r im p o rtan t p e rso n - a re ch o se n b e c a u se th e y a re s u p p o s e d , b y v ir tu e o f a g e , to be ’w ise’ b o th in th e sen se of not b e in g sw ayed b y p re s e n t p a ssio n s, a n d o f h a v in g an a g e old e x p e rie n c e of tr ib a l lo re . More r a r e ly - b u t th e c a se may h a v e been more f re q u e n t at an e a rlie r p erio d w hen maledom ination was not as a b so lu te - women could play a sim ilar ro le . An exam ple in p o int is , of c o u rs e , th e A lgerian K ahina. In th e W estern S ah ara sin ce th e s e v e n te e n th c e n t u r y , th e t r i b u t a r y , v a n q u ish e d B e rb e r lin e ag e s have specialized in a r b itr a tio n for th e dom inant lay H assani tr ib e s . T rib a l cu sto m , m o reo v er, evolved re g u la tio n s w ith a view to em p h asizin g th e a r b ite r 's n o n -trib a l in v olvem ent. He is in sta lle d in a n o n -w a rrin g c a p a c ity an d th e p re v a le n t view is th a t he sh o u ld n o t b e allow ed to c a r r y w eapons of any s o r t o r ta k e p a r t in f ig h tin g . Even h is m aterial involvem ent in so ciety is g e n e ra lly c u rta ile d sin ce su c h la n d a s he does have is g e n e ra lly w orked b y trib e s m e n . R e g u lar g ifts a n d a p a r t o f th e h a r v e s t a re h is ’incom e’ in ex c h a n g e fo r w hich h e is e x p e c te d to be at th e d isp o sa l of trib esm en to h e lp them solve th e ir p ro b lem s. T h is, in t u r n , h ig h lig h ts th e way in w hich th e fu n ctio n of a rb itra tio n is e x e rc is e d , nam ely th ro u g h n e g o tiatio n an d d is ­ c u s s io n . It is th e re fo re a sp ecialized ta s k e n ta ilin g specific k n o w led g e, b o th of trib a l lore a n d p a r tic u la r te c h n iq u e s (la n g ­ u a g e a n d th e co n v in cin g u se of a rg u m e n ts) which a re not th e s to c k - in - tr a d e of th e o rd in a ry trib e sm a n . L a n g u a g e, h o w e v e r, h a s a m y sterio u s pow er of its ow n. It a c ts u p o n people in th e same ill-d e fin e d way a s th e fo rc e s in n a tu r e . It is a w e -in sp irin g an d p o te n tia lly d a n g e ro u s . T h u s so ciety te n d s to c re a te a sp ecial c a te g o ry o f people who a re e n tr u s te d with th e u se of lan g u ag e fo r collective p u rp o s e s . T h ey a re not p a r t of th e trib e a n d y e t th e y voice th e la n g u a g e of th e tr ib e . A rb ite rs th u s not only p re s id e o v er public d e b a te s b u t m ediate betw een th e g ro u p a n d its ecological e n v iro n m e n t. T h is , from an e a rly s ta g e , invo lv ed sh am anistic a ttr ib u te s , a s a in tly s ta tu s , an d e s o te ric te c h n iq u e s . The re la tio n sh ip to th e sa c re d also h a s political im plications. The wisdom th a t a r b i te r s ' a ttitu d e s a n d com m ents a re seen a s em b o d y in g , re f e r to th e g e n era l good of th e com m unity an d c o n s titu te a tr a n s -s e g m e n ta ry view . T he common good which in v o lv es e s ta b lis h in g po sitiv e re la tio n s with s u p e r n a tu ra l fo rc e s which p e rv a d e n a tu r e , no le ss th an th e a p p ro p ria te adv ice to th e tr ib e , means p r o s p e r ity . Peace a n d p le n ty te s tify to th e su c c e ss o f th e a r b ite r . A p le n tifu l h a r v e s t r e s u ltin g from a d e q u a te ra in fa ll is th u s a sso c ia te d w ith th e a p p ro v a l a n d b en ed ictio n of th o se tra n s c e n d e n ta l fo rc e s th a t ru le o v e r m en's d e s tin ie s . T h ro u g h th e m ed iato r, tr ib a l so cie ty o p en s up to

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tra n s c e n d e n c e w h ic h , in h isto ric a l te r m s , can also b e seen a s a view o f th e f u t u r e . B ut th e p re s e n t is also d eterm in ed b y th e p a s t. Peace an d harm ony in society a re not only som ething th a t is c o n s ta n tly to be w orked o u t , th e y also re s u lt from r e s p e c t fo r th e laws of s o c ie ty , th e follow ing o f p re c e d e n t a n d , in th e la st r e s o r t, subm ission to th e m y sterio u sly b in d in g p re se n c e of a n c e s to r s . T he a r b ite r who is sp ecialized in th e know ledge of trib a l lore and c u sto m , is also a c o n n e c tin g link with th e p a s t. M oreover h is ’s a c re d ' c h a r a c te r r e n d e r s him more a p t fo r th e d a n g e ro u s c o n ta c t with th e d e c e a se d . H e ro d o tu s n o te s th a t a n c ie n t B e rb e rs a lre a d y u se d to make th e ir o a th s b in d in g by re fe re n c e to th e d e c e a se d , o r a p p ealed to them to inform th e p r e s e n t. T h is is th e ir way of ta k in g o a th s and of so o th sa y in g . T h ey place th e ir h a n d s on th e tom bs o f th o se among them who, in th e ir lifetim e, h ad th e re p u ta tio n of h a v in g b ee n ju s t a n d h o n o u rab le men an d th e y sw ear b y them . F o r so o th ­ s a y in g , th e y go to th e tom bs of th e ir a n c e s to rs an d p ra y t h e r e , and th e n sle e p . If, d u rin g th e ir sle e p , th e y have some dream , th e y d ecid e from th a t w hat c o u rse of action th e y will ta k e . Since H e ro d o tu s' tim e, B e rb e r so ciety h a s gone a long way to w a rd s g iv in g th e a r b ite r th e monopoly o f th e re la tio n sh ip b etw een p a s t an d p r e s e n t, betw een th e tr ib e a n d th e s u p e r ­ n a tu r a l. T h e se co n n e c tio n s h av e b ee n d eflec te d in to th e field of a rb itra tio n a n d , a t th e same tim e, e x clu d e d from th e p riv a te o r lay level of so c ie ty . In some c a se s one may even point to an a c tu a l tab o o . T h is is p a rtic u la rly a p p a re n t in th e re la tio n o f th e tr ib e to its p a s t and to th e more occu lt fo rc e s c o n n ec ted in o th e r p a r t s of th e world with th e c u lt o f a n c e s to r s . It seem s to me s tr ik in g a n d sig n ific a n t th a t th e more e la b o ra te form s of b u ria l which p red o m in ated in a n c ie n t Libya (n o ta b ly tum uli a n d th e u se o f n ic h e s in c liffs ) d isa p p e a re d a t a la te r h isto ric a l p erio d p rio r to Islam . E ven th e ty p ic a l Muslim g ra v e y a rd s with th e ir c o n c e n tra tio n of low tom bs m arked a t h ead a n d foot b y sto n e b lo c k s, a re in no way a ty p ic a l sce n e o f B e rb e rla n d w h e re, o fte n , no a llo tte d b u ria l g ro u n d is a p p a r e n t. S ig n ific a n tly , too, re fe re n c e s to th e trib a l a n c e s to r a re p u re ly c u ltu ra l (le g e n d s o r tra d itio n s ) a n d lim ited in sc o p e . His b u ria l place is g e n e ra lly u nknow n a n d , in an y c a s e , is n o t th e ob ject of a n y p a r tic u la r c u lt. B u t, p a ra lle l to th is , one se e s ju st a s c o n s is te n tly th e p re s e n c e of a 's a c re d to m b ', g e n e ra lly n e a r th e dw ellin g -p lace of th e lin eag e o f a r b i tr a to r s . T his tomb is held to b e th a t o f th e a n c e s to r o f th e h e re d ita ry family of a r b ite r s who th u s b e n e fit from h is e fflu e n t s p ir it o r baraka . The tomb o f th e a n c e s to r of th e s a in tly lin eag e h a s in e ffe c t re p la c e d th a t o f th e la y trib a l a n c e s to r . One can th u s form ulate a h y p o th e sis c o n c e rn in g th e h isto ric a l developm ent of th e B e rb e rs a n d see in th e in s titu tio n of

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a rb itra tio n th e b a s is fo r th e t r i b e ’s collective e x p re ssio n of its e lf, an in s titu tio n th a t h a s grow ingly m onopolized th e co l­ lectiv e e x p re ssio n o f th e trib e an d its d e stin y in space a n d tim e. T he e v e r more e la b o ra te view which so ciety h a s o f its e lf is p a ra lle le d in th e e v e r more e la b o ra te fu n c tio n in g o f th e in s titu ­ tion o f a r b itr a tio n . T his le ad s not only to specializatio n of p e rso n n e l in th e e x e rc ise of th is fu n ctio n b y means of c e rta in h e re d ita r y lin e a g e s, b u t to p o larizatio n of th e collective p o litical, re lig io u s, and c u ltu ra l dim ensions o f h is to ry in term s of th e se lin e a g e s. T h e ir special kno w led g e, b u t also th e ir special lin k s with s u p e rn a tu ra l fo rc e s , give them a sham anistic s ta tu s in B e rb e r so c ie ty , a lre a d y a p p a re n t in an e a rly h isto ric a l p e rio d . How th is s ta tu s is a ffe c te d by the a d v e n t of Islam is th e n e x t problem p o sed b y th e c u ltu ra l an d social evolution o f th e re g io n . II

TRIBAL ARBITERS AND ISLAM

T h a t th e a d v e n t o f Islam in th e s e v e n th a n d e ig h th c e n tu rie s A .D . c o n s titu te s p ro b a b ly th e most im p o rtan t e v e n t in th e m odern h is to ry o f N orth A frica will re a d ily b e a d m itte d , and y e t how th is o c c u rre d and w hat its im plications w ere fo r B e rb e r so c ie ty , is fa r le s s c le a r. What is n o n e th e le ss o b v io u s is th a t Islam r e p r e s e n ts a c h a n g e of a ttitu d e b u t one th a t w as, on th e w hole, w illingly a n d ra p id ly a c c e p te d . As fa r a s th e a r b ite r s w ere c o n c e rn e d , we can also see th a t th e y w ere, so to s p e a k , in th e fro n t lin e . T he new relig io n was most im m ediately and most d ire c tly a c h a lle n g e to them a n d to th e ir p o sitio n . How an d why th e y so ra p id ly c o n v e rte d th e ir idiom and sta n d a re ta n ta liz in g q u e s tio n s . T he a n sw er to su c h q u e s tio n s is o b v io u sly in th e f ir s t p lace th e r e s u lt o f evolution w ithin trib a l so ciety at la rg e . We can som etim es p ro v e , b u t more o ften sim ply in f e r , th a t th e re la tio n s h ip o f men to en v iro n m en t in a se m i-a g ric u l­ t u r a l, se m i-p a sto ra l so ciety had p ro d u c e d a n d developed an im p o rtan t n e tw o rk o f tr a d e . T h is, in its t u r n , in flu e n ce d th e c o n stitu tio n o f la rg e trib a l w orking p a tte r n s on a v a s t reg io n al b a s is . T h ese tr ib a l an d in te r trib a l re la tio n s involve grow ing s e lf-c o n sc io u sn e ss an d a se n se of th e o v erall p a tte r n a s d is tin c t from c o n flic tin g tr ib a l so lid a ritie s . I h a v e s u g g e s te d th a t th e fu ndam ental a n d ty p ic a l choice made b y B e rb e r so c ieties was th e u se o f th e in s titu tio n o f a r b itra tio n to e la b o ra te on th is sen se of th e t r a n s - t r i b a l , as also to d efin e th e re la tio n o f th e tr ib e to th e o u tsid e w o rld . Islam is its e lf a tra n s c e n d e n t id eo ­ lo g y , o rig in a lly p a r t o f a trib a l so c ie ty . It came to Morocco w ith an a lre a d y e la b o ra te s t r u c t u r e , a fo rm ulated w o rld -v iew , an d th e idiom th ro u g h w hich in d iv id u a ls a n d g ro u p s could be in te g ra te d into th e new p a tte r n . In o th e r w o rd s, Islam o ffe re d a r b ite r s th e d e fin itio n , th e d is c o u rs e , and th e tech n ical m eans of c o n c re tiz in g th e ir a b s tra c t n ich e in th e trib a l p a tte r n . Islam re fo rm u la te d th e w orld-view w hich a r b ite r s collectiv ely

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u p h e ld to c o u n te rb a la n c e th e d is ru p tiv e te n d e n c ie s of the seg m en tary tr ib a l sy s te m s. Islam b ro u g h t with it: 1 A g iv e n , o b je c tiv e ly d efin ed re fe r e n c e . T h is was no lo n g e r d e p e n d e n t on tr ib a l lo re , o r co n n ecte d with th e c u lt o f le g e n d ­ a ry a n c e s to r s , b u t was an a c tu a l, e x p lic it m odel, in d e p e n d e n t o f th e t r i b e , b u t evo lved from a trib a l s t r u c t u r e . T his new model was c o n c re tiz e d in th e exam ple o f th e P ro p h e t an d h is co m p an io n s. T h e ir b e h a v io u r was th e hum an a n d social c o u n te r­ p a r t o f th e d iv in e p a tte r n an d a s su ch could also be p ro je c te d in to th e f u tu r e , no lo n g e r th ro u g h dream s o r d iv in a tio n , b u t a s a G o d -g iv en o r d e r b ased on re lig io u s e q u a lity , social h a r ­ m ony, an d th e prom ise of g en e ra l p r o s p e r ity . It f u r th e r e x te n d e d in to e te r n ity th ro u g h d ivine judgm ent im plying s a n c ­ tio n s an d re w a r d s . T he p re s e n t was th u s no lo n g e r an u n c e r ­ ta in ty , h e d g e d in b y o b sc u re an d u n a c co u n ta b le fo rc e s , b u t commanded by th e common obligation to b rin g th e p r e s e n t into line b o th with p a s t an d fu tu re th ro u g h a now c le a r defin itio n o f th e p a th o f r ig h te o u s n e s s . R eligion, nam ely th e Q u r'a n a n d th e P r o p h e t's exam p le, a ffo rd e d th e c o n c re te m eans fo r a trib a l society to a p p re c ia te th e h isto ric a l a n d tr a n s c e n d e n t sig n ifican ce o f an y g iven c o u rse o f a c tio n . 2 A ju s tific a tio n . T he a r b ite r s saw th e ir s ta tu s confirm ed b o th b y th e Q u r'a n an d b y th e P ro p h e t's exam ple. Was n o t th e P ro p h e t him self an a r b ite r - hakam - who in th a t c ap a c ity was welcomed to Y a th rib ? His e a rly social actio n th u s c o n s is te d in m ediating b etw een v a rio u s g ro u p s . T he Q u r'a n its e lf u s e s th e v e rb hakama to q u a lify th e settlem en t o f d is p u te s a n d c o n flic ts, a s d is tin c t from th e v e rb qacLa a p p lie d to div in e r u lin g s . T he p ra c tic e o f a r b itr a tio n was f u r th e r r e a s s e r te d b y th e e a rly Muslim com m unities w ho, in th e new s p ir it o f peace p re a c h e d by Islam , recom m ended th a t co n flicts be su b m itted to a r b ite r s an d f u r t h e r a d v o c a te d th a t th e la tte r s h o u ld , if p o s s ib le , be ch o sen from am ong th e P ro p h e t's own tr ib e o f Q u ra y s h . T h e se e a rly re lig io u s a d v is e rs w ere faced w ith p re c ise ly th e ta s k w ith w hich a r b ite r s w ere fam iliar, nam ely re la tin g g en e ra l moral p rin c ip le s su c h as a re given in th e Q u 'ra n to s u n n a , o r a c c e p te d p ra c tic e . L a te r, o f c o u rs e , all th is was s ta n d a r d iz e d , b ro u g h t down to an e s ta b lis h e d , rig id se t of p r e c e p ts w ith , in p a ra lle l, th e e v e r-g ro w in g in flu en ce of legally tra in e d re lig io u s ju d g e s . B u t, at th e s t a r t , th e in te lle c tu a l stim ulus of Islam was well in a c c o rd w ith th e a r b ite r s ' own c o n c e rn s . 3 A c h a lle n g e . W hatever th e o b jec tiv e im portance a n d value of su c h a d o c trin e fo r th e c la ss of a r b ite r s who could fin d th e r e th e ju stific a tio n o f th e ir ro le as n e g o tia to rs , it is o b v io u s th a t it also e n ta ile d a major ch a lle n g e . T he new d o c trin e came in a d iffe re n t la n g u a g e , namely A ra b ic , a n d in volved a new to o l: th e w ritte n w o rd . M oreover, in th e w ake o f th e c o n q u e rin g arm y came an a p p o in te d p e rso n n e l a lre a d y specialized in the new c u ltu r a l fie ld . How th e ch allenge was m et, how a r b ite r s in d iv id u ally a n d co llectiv ely re a c te d is p e rh a p s h y p o th e tic a l since we do n o t a c tu a lly h av e docum ents o r c a se s tu d ie s fo r

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th is e a rly p e rio d . B ut one can n o n e th e le ss p o int to a num ber of u n c o n tro v e rte d fa c ts . T he f ir s t a n d most o b v io u s is th a t B e rb e r a r b ite r s met th is ch allen g e v ig o ro u sly a n d a c c e p ted all th e e ff o r ts re c o n v e rsio n e n ta ile d fo r th em . T h a t th e y did so is p ro v e d b y th e fact th a t th e y w ere able to hold th e ir own and w ere no w h ere p u t asid e or re p la c e d (a s for exam ple th e A frican w itch d o cto r w a s), e v en if th e y did h av e to make co n ce ssio n s b y o p e n in g u p th e ir ra n k s to A rab s c h o la rs . The pred o m in an t system rem ained and su ch incom ing elem ents a s th e re w ere , w ere in te g ra te d into th e a r b ite r c la s s , w hilst local men a c q u ire d th e n e c e s s a ry know ledge to o p e ra te e ffic ie n tly in th e new re lig io u s an d c u ltu ra l c o n te x t. When one c o n sid e rs th e d iffic u ltie s involved fo r th e s e u p - to now B e rb e r-s p e a k in g an d g e n e ra lly illite ra te n e g o tia to rs to le a rn A ra b ic , to le a rn to re a d a n d w rite a n d re c ite th e Q u r'a n , w hen one f u r th e r c o n sid e rs th e h a rd s h ip s e n d u re d in fo re ig n c e n tr e s of s tu d y in c lu d in g , from e a rly tim es, th e holy p la c e s, a n d th e social hum iliations in v o lv e d , one is im p re sse d b y th e s tr o n g collective u r g e to become p ro fic ie n t. T h u s a r b ite r s soon made of A rabic th e ir common p ro fe ssio n a l la n g u a g e , and th e know ledge o f law a n d o th e r re la te d scie n ce s becam e th e new b a sis for tr ib a l n e g o tia tio n s. F u r th e r , th e y became th e re c o g ­ n ized te a c h e rs in all th e ru ra l a r e a s . W hatever in d iv id u al ig n o ra n c e s may h av e b e e n , w h a tev er u n c e rta in ty may some­ tim es, w ittin g ly o r n o t, h av e p re v a ile d in a r b ite r ru lin g s , it is s tr ik in g th a t th e y rem ained u n d is p u te d m a ste rs on th e trib a l scen e b e c a u se th e y gave th em selv e s th e m eans - b o th in te lle c t­ ual a n d tech n ical - to make th e ir p o sitio n s e c u re by monopoliz­ in g th e c u ltu ra l fie ld . Why did r u r a l n e g o tia to rs go o u t of th e ir way to a c q u ire know ledge re la te d to Islam? Why did th e y go to su ch le n g th s to become p ro fic ie n t? T he a n sw e rs may be fo u n d in th e c h a n g e s which th e re fo rm u la te d s u p e r s tr u c tu r e made in th e ir own p o sitio n . A r b ite r s h ad u p to th e n been fu n d am en tally d e p e n d e n t on trib a l c o n s e n t, not only fo r su c h a u th o rity a s th e y h a d , b u t fo r th e v a lid ity of th e ir ru lin g s sin ce th e s e w ere d e riv e d from tr ib a l p ra c tic e . As 's t r a n g e r s ' th e y w ere m erely th e m irro r in w hich th e tr ib e saw its e lf r e fle c te d . Islam was th e p o ssib ility given a r b ite r s to become an a c c e p te d s ta tu s g ro u p w ielding e ffe c tiv e p o w e r. T he 's t r a n g e r ' now h a s h is own p e rs o n a lity , d ire c tly d e riv e d from Islam . T h u s he is held to be a 'p ilg rim ' come from th e E a st, o fte n from th e P ro p h e t's own tr i b e , o r p e r h a p s from th e W estern S a h a ra in a c c o rd a n ce with th e g en eral e x p e c ta tio n of a M ahdi. G rad u ally he will come to be id e n tifie d a s a s h a r if o r d e sc e n d a n t o f th e P ro p h e t. In th e case o f many local a r b ite r s th is p r e te n ­ sion was som etim es d iffic u lt to u p h o ld , how ever m uch a tr ib e w ished to b eliev e in th e 'a r is to c r a tic ' o rig in s of its own local p a te n te d m e d ia to rs, b u t a s g e n e ra tio n s p a sse d it was in c r e a s ­ in g ly e a s y to a c c re d it a sh a rifia n a n c e s to r. It s h o u ld , h o w e v e r, be p o in ted o u t th a t th is was a long d ra w n -o u t p ro c e ss la s tin g

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well in to th e e ig h te e n th c e n tu ry a n d , f u r t h e r , th a t th e sw itc h ­ o v er g e n e ra lly took place en m asse d u r in g p e rio d s o f u p h e a v a l. Why su c h p e rio d s of social u n r e s t sh o u ld lead to renew ed em p h asis on d e s c e n t from th e P ro p h e t's fam ily, n o ta b ly in th e Id ris id lin e , is a p o in t o f h isto ric a l in te r e s t b u t one th a t is b ey o n d th e scope of th is p a p e r . T he a n c e s to r was asso c ia te d w ith a s a c re d tomb which e x p re s s e d g ro u p -c o n s c io u s n e s s . The b le s s in g a tr ib e co uld hope fo r was th u s m ediated th ro u g h th e family o f th e P ro p h e t down to h is co n tem p o ra ry d e s c e n d a n ts . Islamic c u ltu r e f u r t h e r made it p o ssible to give an autonom ous re lig io u s d efin itio n o f a r b ite r lin e ag es a s sa in tly fam ilies whose h is to ry was no m ere re fle c tio n o f tr ib a l life a n d m igration b u t h a d its own life c y c le , b r in g in g to th e fo re r e p u te d m em bers o f th e lin eag e whose w a n d erin g s becam e th e su b je c t o f le g e n d s , a n d w ere c o n ceiv ed in te rm s of a p e rso n a l q u e s t fo r s a n c tity a n d k n o w led g e. T h e s ta g e s o f th is Muslim ’P ilg rim 's P ro g r e s s ' w ere p ro tr a c te d s ta y s in le a rn e d p laces o f s t u d y , a n d , of c o u rs e , in M akkah (M ecca) and M edina. T he local sa in t th u s become! him self p a r t o f a c u ltu ra l u n iv e rs e w here we o fte n fin d him riv a llin g w ith o th e r m em bers o f th e holy f r a te r n ity , how ever m any miles o r y e a rs s e p a ra te d them in a ctu al life . T h u s a r b ite r s becam e a d is tin c t a n d im p ressiv e g ro u p in th e ir own r ig h t, c h a ra c te riz e d a n d d e fin ed by a milieu to which th e o rd in a ry trib e sm e n d id n o t h av e a c c e ss. The new p o sitio n of a r b ite r s is visib le in th e M oroccan la n d ­ sc a p e w here th e ir p re s e n c e is sig n ifie d n o t only b y th e sq u a t w hitew ash ed a n d g re e n -tile d cu p o las o v e r s h r in e s , b u t also b y o fte n e x te n s iv e b u ild in g s : th e tow er th a t m ark s th e local m osque, a h o u se fo r p a s s in g g u e s ts , a sch o o l, th e hom es o f th e sh a rifia n lin e a g e , an d o th e r p laces of s tu d y o r n e g o tia tio n . T h ey e x p r e s s th e new a u th o rity (a n d a fflu e n c e ) th e r u r a l re lig io u s c la ss a c q u ire d th ro u g h Islam , a n d also th e new fie ld s o f a c tiv ity it d ev elo p ed to e s ta b lis h its co n tro l o v e r s o c ie ty . Let u s c o n sid e r th e more sig n ific a n t a s p e c ts of th is ris e to pow er of a r b ite r lin e a g e s . 1 T he monopoly of Islamic c u ltu r e . T h is ch a n g e o f em phasis from p u b lic p laces c o n n e c te d w ith tr ib a l d isc u ssio n a n d a r b i t r a ­ tion to p riv a te b u ild in g s c o n n ected with relig io n a n d le a rn in g , is also an illu stra tio n o f th e m eans th ro u g h which th e c h a n g e o f s ta tu s was e ffe c te d . One m ust h e re re -e m p h a siz e , not only th e fa c t th a t a r b ite r s w ere a sso c ia te d with th e new know ledge b ro u g h t b y Islam , b u t also th a t th e y m aintained c o n tro l o v e r th is se c to r th ro u g h o u t ru r a l Morocco. It is in a n d a ro u n d th e za w iy a -s - th e g e n e ra lly a c c e p ted m eaning o f th e term in Morocco is th e se t o f b u ild in g s h o u sin g a sa in tly lin eag e - th a t s e a ts o f le a rn in g a p p e a re d an d monopolized th e field o f e d u c a ­ tio n , b o th th e g e n e ra l sch o o lin g given to laym en a n d th e more sp ecialized tra in in g o f local le a rn e d m en. T ra d itio n a l r u r a l n e g o tia to rs w ere able to r e s is t th e com petition o f th e A rab to w n -b a se d u n iv e rs itie s a s th e y d e v e lo p e d . In fa c t, a s a c lo se r

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exam ination of su c h a com pendium a s L e v i-P ro v e n g al's 'Les H isto rie n s d es C h o rfa 1 show s, th e y w ere a b le , o v e r th e c e n tu r ­ ie s, in sp ite o f social opposition from u rb a n e lite s , la rg e ly to in v e s t th e s e tra d itio n a l c e n tr e s of h ig h e r e d u c a tio n , o r a t le a st to u s e th e ir diplom as - ijaza - to f u r th e r th e ir own local in flu ­ e n c e , w hilst at th e same time r e s is tin g en cro ac h m en ts by mem­ b e r s of th e u rb a n e lite on trib a l te r r ito r y . R ecent s tu d ie s , (7 ) a n d more p a rtic u la rly M ukhtar a l- S u s i's acco u n t o f S o u th e rn M orocco,(8 ) h av e am ply d e m o n stra te d th e v a rie d ty p e s of e d u c a tio n w hich could be o b ta in e d locally, a n d th e v e ry h ig h s ta n d a r d s of many of th e r u r a l za w iy a -s. T h e ir collection o f m a n u s c rip ts was o fte n e x te n s iv e . T h u s th e s e v e n ­ te e n th - c e n tu r y e sta b lish m e n t of T am g ru t h a d th e re p u ta tio n of b e in g one of th e most fam ous lib ra rie s in Morocco, an d many o th e r exam ples come to m ind. T h ese re a d in g rooms h a d copies of r e p r e s e n ta tiv e w o rks o f A rab c u ltu r e , an d even m aintained alive sp ecific fie ld s of s tu d y when th e y h a d declin ed in th e b e tte r know n u n iv e r s itie s : a stro lo g y an d m edicine, fo r exam ple. T he lite r a r y p ro d u c tio n of local sc h o la rs was c o n sid e ra b le . M oreover, th e y did not limit th em selv es to classic al s u b je c ts , b u t also o ften d ire c tly re la te d th e ir a c q u ire d c u ltu re to th e ir own trib a l e n v iro n m e n t. Some o f th e ir w ritin g s were c o n n ec ted w ith th e local B e rb e r b a c k g ro u n d a n d e v e n , in a few e x c ep tio n a l c a s e s , e f f o r ts w ere made to e x p r e s s local le g e n d s o r trib a l h is to ry in w ritte n A rab ic, o r ev en to w rite them down in B e r b e r , u s in g A rab ic s c r ip t. More n o ta b ly s till, th e s e c e n tre s of le a r n ­ in g c o n c e n tra te d on p roblem s o f trib a l law , th u s b rid g in g th e gap b etw een th e e s ta b lis h e d ru le s of B e rb e r so ciety a n d th e b in d in g p re s c rip tio n s of th e S h a ric a . We may co n clu d e th a t th e grow ing a u th o rity of sa in tly fam ilies was th e r e s u lt o f in te n se a n d f r u itf u l a c tiv ity in th e c u ltu ra l fie ld , th is h a v in g more immediate social c o n se q u en ces in Muslim la n d s th a n e lse w h e re . B ut w hat is p ro b a b ly more sig n ific a n t, both h isto ric a lly an d s tr u c tu r a lly , is th e u se th is was p u t to , nam ely th e m anipulation of g iv en situ a tio n s to c re a te e ffe c tiv e pow er h o ld in g s. 2 C on tro l b y n o ta rie s of trib a l so c ie ty . By th e ir monopoly of te a c h in g ( i . e . of w ritte n A rab ic ) and o f know ledge ( i . e . the r u le s b y which society is to be g o v e r n e d ), a r b ite r s who u p to Islamic tim es h a d m erely s u p e rv is e d th e w orking of trib a l s o c ie ty , w ere now v e s te d w ith pow er sin c e th e y could a p p ro v e o r condem n a decision by v ir tu e o f a commandment o f w hich th e o rd in a ry trib e sm a n would be ig n o r a n t. B ut th e ir activ e sch o la rly c e n tr e s w ent f u r th e r a n d u n d e rto o k to e x e r t an e ffe c tiv e co n ­ tro l on pub lic p ro c e e d in g s. T hey p ro d u c e d a c la ss o f s c rib e s and n o ta rie s to b rin g th is into e ffe c t. A lth o u g h little re s e a rc h h a s a s y e t b een done in th is fie ld , one c an n o t b u t be s tr u c k by th e developm ent in B e rb e r a r e a s , p ro b a b ly a t a fa irly late p e rio d - a ro u n d th e s ix te e n th c e n tu r y - o f w ritte n d o cu m en ts. T h ese c o rre s p o n d to c o n tr a c ts betw een p a r tie s o r in d iv id u a ls, an d it should be re c a lle d th a t th is is , in fa c t, a Q u r'a n ic p r e s ­ c rip tio n , b u t one which was in m arked c o n tr a s t to trib a l

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p ra c tic e with its p u b lic d isc u ssio n s a n d o ral a g re e m e n ts by c o -ju ro rs an d collective o a th . T he a u th o rity th u s p a s s e s from th e com m unity its e lf to a sc rib e whose nam e fig u re s on th e docum ent a n d u su a lly show s him to h av e some co n n ectio n with th e local zaw iya. He is re sp o n sib le fo r sum m arizing th e p r o ­ c e e d in g s of a m eetin g , n o tin g th e nam es o f th e p a rtic ip a n ts o r d e le g a te s , a n d s p e c ify in g th e a g reem en t r e a c h e d . It was also p ro b a b ly a t ab o u t th e same time th a t th e tra d itio n a l r e g u ­ la tio n s c o n c e rn in g su c h co llectiv e in s titu tio n s a s g r a n a r y fo r tr e s s e s which u p to th e n had b een p u re ly o ra l, w ere w ritte n down in th e form o f e la b o ra te codes of c u sto m a ry law . A f u r th e r exam ple is th a t o f title d ee d s fo r la n d s which a re commonplace in B e rb e r h o u se h o ld s. T hey a re w ritte n on sc ro lls a n d o ften k e p t in th e hollow stem s o f r e e d s . T he d a te s v a r y , b u t th e e a rlie s t a lso seem to go b a c k to th e se v e n te e n th c e n tu r y . All th e s e docum ents a re in A ra b ic . T h is new relian ce on th e w ritte n te x t may b e ex p lain ed in term s of th e developm ent of th e lite ra te re lig io u s c la ss which h a d , b y th e n , evo lv ed a specialized legal idiom. It may f u r th e r be s u p p o se d th a t b y th e s ix te e n th c e n tu r y , th is had become th e s ta n d a r d form fo r su c h a g ree m e n ts on a la rg e scale a n d o v e r a wide zo n e, e x te n d in g from th e A tlas to th e S a h a ra . R ecent r e s e a rc h b y M ezzine(9) h a s show n th a t all th e s e d o c u ­ m ents a re in more o r le ss th e same co n v en tio n al s ty le , made u p of a set of s te re o ty p e d A rabic p h ra s e s a n d a n u m b er of B e rb e r te rm s r e c a s t in an A rabic m ould. T h is g e n e ra lly ac c e p te d legal idiom , in c o n ju n ctio n with th e p re se n c e in th e tr ib e s of s c rib e s ca p a b le of re a d in g and w ritin g th is a rtific ia l la n g u a g e a n d a d a p tin g it to p a r tic u la r n e e d s , m akes th e w ritte n te x t a common, a n d soon a n e c e s s a ry , condition o f trib a l a g re e m e n t. N eed less to s a y , it g av e th e re lig io u s le a d e rs an e ffe c tiv e c o n ­ tro l on r u r a l society th ro u g h th e ir e rstw h ile p u p ils o r a tta c h e d se t of s e c r e ta r ie s . 3 A rb ite rs an d t r a d e . No le ss im p o rtan t fo r tr ib e s a n d fo r th e g row ing pow er o f a r b ite r s was th e p ro te c tio n th e la tte r a ffo rd e d m a rk e ts a n d commercial a c tiv itie s in g e n e ra l. T h u s we find them g u a ra n te e in g th e Moroccan netw o rk o f w eekly m a rk e ts. T he s u q is h eld on n e u tra l g ro u n d , e ith e r on tr ib a l b o u n d a rie s or in p r e c in c ts p o se d a s n o n - tr ib a l. Zawiyas a re o fte n located on th e e d g e o f th e m a rk e t, a lth o u g h w h e th e r th e re lig io u s e sta b lish m e n t p re c e d e d th e su q o r th e o th e r way ro u n d is a moot p o in t. M oreover, holy lin ea g es a ffo rd e d p ro te c tio n to tra v e lle r s a n d p a rtic u la rly to tr a d e r s who w ere e s c o rte d th ro u g h tr ib a l t e r r ito r y by a member of th e a r b i t e r ’s h o u se h o ld . Islam was a relig io n which developed in a tr a d in g c e n tre a n d th e P ro p h e t him self h a d b een co n n ec te d w ith th e c a ra v a n tr a d e . F u r t h e r , th e e th ic s a n d p ra c tic e o f tra d e play an im p o rtan t ro le in th e Islamic w o rld -v iew . T his was b ro u g h t to b e a r on th e p o sitio n of a r b i t e r s a s th e p a tte r n o f com m ercial e x c h a n g e s d e v elo p ed . Holy lin e a g es came in c re a sin g ly to be seen not only in term s of a p riv ile g e d co n n ectio n with a g iv en p o p u latio n b u t

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in term s of an in te rc o n n e c ted p a tte r n o f re la y s illu s tr a tin g th e s t r u c tu r e o f in te r tr ib a l e x c h a n g e s. T h u s tra d e ro u te s and zaw iyas a re closely in terw o v en a s a s tu d y o f zawiya localization would show . T ra d e also c o n trib u te d to th e cohesion o f th e a r b ite r n etw o rk a n d to its in n e r h ie ra rc h iz a tio n which is la rg e ly b u ilt u p o u t o f th e commercial p a t t e r n . T he im portant zaw iyas an d in flu e n tia l lin ea g e s a re in c re a s ­ ing ly in th e m odern p erio d th o se c o n n ec ted with e x te n d e d tra d e and more p a rtic u la rly th a t which p a sse d th ro u g h th e S ah ara b rin g in g p re c io u s g o o d s, in c lu d in g tib r o r g o ld -d u s t and sla v e s from th e bilad al-Sud an to th e tow ns an d in te rn a tio n a l p o r ts of M orocco. T he two most re c e n t o f M orocco's d y n a s tie s , th a t of th e Sac d is a n d th a t of t h e c A law is, m arked th e r is e to n atio n al im portance o f S h arifian fam ilies tra d itio n a lly c o n n ec te d with tr a n s - S a h a r a n tr a d e since th e form er came from an oasis of th e D ra c v alley an d th e la tte r from T a fila t. T h u s b y th e s e v e n te e n th c e n tu r y , which was a p e rio d of u p h e a v a l an d trib a l red ep lo y m en t, a r b itr a tio n h a d p ro v e d its e lf th e in s titu tio n th ro u g h which a n a tio n -w id e c o n tro l of trib a l re la tio n s co u ld be im plem ented, and th ro u g h which tr a n s tr ib a l re la tio n s o f a com m ercial, a d m in is tra tiv e , o r c u ltu ra l n a tu re w ere c h a n n e lle d . T h is le a d s u s to c o n sid e r th e n a tu re o f s ta te pow er in Morocco a n d its co n nection with trib a l a r b ite r s . I ll THE INSTITUTION OF ARBITRATION AND THE MONARCHY I h av e so fa r p u t fo rw ard two main h y p o th e s e s : (1) th a t a r b i­ tra tio n is th e fu n d am ental political in s titu tio n of trib a l Morocco; (2 ) th a t Islam was th e means th ro u g h which trib a l n e g o tia to rs a c h iev ed e ffe c tiv e social po w er. A th ir d a n d ultim ate q u e stio n comes to m in d : w hat is th e re la tio n of a r b itr a tio n to s ta te form ation? I p u t fo rw ard h e re a f u r th e r h y p o th e s is , namely th a t in Morocco th e s ta te is la rg e ly d e riv e d from a n d d e p e n d e n t on th e in stitu tio n of a r b itra tio n . The f ir s t point which even a c u r s o ry glan ce a t th e p a s t show s u p is th a t a s u p r a - tr ib a l a u th o r ity , o p e ra tin g a t w hat one might call a 'n a tio n a l' le v e l, is a n in te g ra l p a r t o f M oroccan h is to r y . Even in th e p re-Islam ic p erio d th is is a tte s te d b o th b y th e Romans and th e e a rly A rab c o n q u e ro rs . H ow ever, re s e a r c h in th is field h a s b een ex trem ely lim ited so th a t it is d iffic u lt to a p p re c ia te th e p a r t o f th e p r e s e n t- d a y sy stem which s u rv iv e s from an e a rlie r p e rio d w hilst we te n d to be more aw are o f th o se elem en ts w hich we can c o n n ect with social c h a n g e s b ro u g h t a b o u t u n d e r th e in flu ence of Islam . Whilst it is o b v io u sly b ey o n d th e scope o f th is p a p e r to sk e tc h out th e h is to ry o f th e developm ent of th e s ta te th ro u g h the Islamic p e rio d , it may p e rh a p s be u se fu l to p o int to th e c o n tin ­ u ity an d o rig in a lity of th e M oroccan system b y re fe re n c e to its e a rlie s t e x p re s s io n , th e Id ris id d y n a s ty , an d to its most

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r e c e n t o n e , th e p r e s e n t c Alawi d y n a s ty . It is in d e e d s ig n ific a n t th a t at th e h e ig h t o f Muslim im pact w h en , in th e e ig h th c e n t u r y , th e M iddle E a s te rn Em pire o f th e c A b b a sid s w as in c r e a s in g ly c h a r a c te r iz e d b y a c e n tra liz e d s ta te , M orocco sh o u ld h a v e o p p o se d th is e x te n s io n a n d a s s e r te d its own n a tio n a l in s titu tio n r e p r e s e n t e d b y th e I d r is id s . M o reo v er, a n e x a m in atio n o f th e ro le of th is f i r s t in d e p e n d e n t Muslim d y n a s ty o f M orocco(lO ) sh o w s t h a t it is in fa c t a p ro je c tio n a t n a tio n a l le v e l o f a h e a d o f th e a r b i t e r in s titu tio n . E v en if th e e a r ly A rab h is to r ia n s , o u r in fo rm a n ts fo r th is d is ta n t p e r io d , te n d to fo c u s on th e p e rs o n a litie s of I d r is I a n d I d r is I I , we c a n n o n e th e le s s see in th e t r a i t s th e y m ention th o s e v e r y c h a r a c te r is tic s w hich d e fin e th e Islam ic a r b i t r a t o r o f tr ib a l M orocco. T h e y te ll u s th a t I d r is I w as a s h a r if who came to M orocco in 788. He is sa id to h a v e come on h is o w n, i . e . a s a s t r a n g e r , accom panied o n ly b y h is f r e e d sla v e R a s h id . A nd it is a s a n a r b i t e r th a t he was in v ite d in to th e c A w raba t r i b e ( n e a r p r e s e n t- d a y F e s ) a n d w as m a rrie d to a local t r i b e s ­ w om an, K in za, p ro b a b ly from a d o m in an t lay lin e a g e . T h a t in f a c t th e tr i b e s of th e re g io n w ere in th e p r o c e s s o f p o litic al u n ific a tio n is p ro v e d n o t only b y th e ir ch oice o f a p r e s tig io u s s h a r if a s n e g o tia to r a n d f ig u r e h e a d , b u t m ore c o n c r e te ly b y th e fa c t th a t soon a f te r h is a r r iv a l, th e M oroccan n a tio n a p p e a r ­ e d s u ffic ie n tly p o w e rfu l a n d c o h e siv e a p o litic al e n tity to p o se a local th r e a t t o c A b b asid s u p re m a c y . H a ru n a l-R a s h id s e n t an e m is s a ry to M orocco a n d th e la t t e r is sa id to h a v e p o iso n e d I d r is I in 792. Not o n ly d o e s th e ’e m p ire ’ s ta k e a claim on th e in te rn a tio n a l s c e n e , b u t th e s ta te in s titu tio n e v o lv e d w as m ain­ ta in e d b y th e t r i b e s , e v e n in th e a b se n c e o f an im m ediate s u c c e s s o r . I d r i s ’s p o sth u m o u s s o n , Id r is II, was o fficially re c o g n iz e d in 803, a n d re ig n e d u n til h is d e a th in 828-9. It is w o rth p a y in g some a tte n tio n to th e p o licy p u r s u e d b y I d r is II in te rm s of s ta te fo rm atio n b e c a u s e , a s we sh a ll s e e , it i l l u s tr a te s a c h a r a c te r is tic b u ild in g u p o f th e h e a d a r b i t e r ’s p o w e rs , b o th w ith r e s p e c t to th e n e tw o rk o f a r b itr a tio n a n d w ith r e s p e c t to t r i b e s . T h e d e fin itio n o f h e a d o f s ta te w hich I d r is II was to p u t into a p p lic a tio n was d e riv e d from Islam , n o t m erely a s is th e ca se w ith a r b i t e r s a s le g itim a te h a k a m - s , b u t a s e ffe c tiv e le a d e r s ( k h a lifa a n d imam) o f th e com m unity o f b e lie v e r s (th e um m a). F u r t h e r , h e to o k o v e r from th e c la s ­ sical Muslim s ta te th o s e form al e x p r e s s io n s of s ta te p o w er w hich th e l a t t e r h a d ev o lv e d e ith e r from Q u r ’an ic d o c trin e o r from th e in s titu tio n s of B y z an tiu m o r th e S a sa n id E m p ire. T h is s ta te p o w er was b a s e d on tw o p o w e r-w ie ld in g in s titu tio n s : th e le a r n e d in s titu tio n (in c lu d in g form al re lig io u s a d v is e r s c o n ­ s id e r e d a s s ta te f u n c tio n a r ie s ) , a n d c iv il p o w er r e p r e s e n te d b y a m ilita ry fo rc e a tta c h e d to th e s o v e re ig n . T h u s th e h e a d a r b i t e r ’s p e rs o n a l s ta tu s is e x te n d e d to in c lu d e h is a g e n ts , 'th e men o f th e p e n a n d th e men o f th e s w o rd ’. Among o th e r s ta te p r e r o g a tiv e s in tr o d u c e d b y I d r is II, we fin d a civil g o v e rn m e n t r e p r e s e n te d b y a w a z ir, th e m in tin g of c o in s , th e

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b u ild in g of a c a p ita l, F e s, th e app licatio n o f th e d himma pact and th e lev y o f Q u r'a n ic d u e s . T h a t th e im plem enting o f an effe c tiv e d o c trin e of th e s ta te and of th e in s titu tio n a l m eans o f its e x iste n c e should h av e b een a c c e p ted b y M oroccan so ciety im plies b o th n atio n al selfc o n sc io u sn e ss a n d th e reco g n itio n th a t th is sh o u ld b e c o n c re ­ tiz e d o u tsid e tr ib a l term s and by m eans of th e dom inant id e o lo g y . So f a r , we may c o n sid e r th e situ a tio n of th e s u lta n a s th e u ltim ate sta g e in th e evolution of th e in s titu tio n of a rb itr a tio n p a s s in g from a tr a n s tr ib a l level to n atio n al e x iste n c e th ro u g h a tr a n s c e n d e n ta l w o rld -v iew . B ut th is is also a situ a tio n f r a u g h t with te n sio n since th e trib a l sy stem is a t th e same time o p p o sed to th e c o n cre tizatio n o f e ffe c tiv e le a d e rs h ip a n d to th e c o n c e n tra tio n of pow er in an y sin g le h a n d . T h is had to be c h e c k e d th ro u g h m anipulation o f th e a r b ite r n etw o rk and m anipulation o f th e tr ib a l p a tte r n (n o ta b ly th ro u g h an e x te n ­ sion of se g m e n ta ry o p p o sitio n s). T h a t, in fa c t, th ro u g h o u t th is p e rio d th e trib a l cohesion o f th e s ta te was m aintained p o in ts to th e a c tiv e ro le o f trib a l n e g o ­ tia to rs a n d th e ir a c c e p te d in te g ra tio n in to a h ie ra rc h iz e d s ta te p a tte r n , b u t no inform ation on th e su b je c t is giv en by th e e a rly A rab d o cu m en ts. P roof o f th e m anipulation o f th e tr ib a l p a tte r n is , on th e o th e r h a n d , e x ta n t. Id ris II h a d , in p a r tic u la r , re c o u rse to th e c re a tio n o f a p riv ile g e d c lien tè le of h is ow n, made u p of w a rrio r c o n tin g e n ts who w ere given lan d in e x c h a n g e fo r m ilitary s e rv ic e . T h ey were A rab s called in from o u ts id e , an d n o ta b ly from S p ain . Id r is II u se d th is arm ed fo rce to o p pose trib a lly b ased a u th o r ity . T h is led to th e g e n e ra l re v o lt o f th e cA w raba in 807-8. T h ey w ere d e fe a te d b y Id r is II and th e ir le a d e r, I s h a q , was e x e c u te d . T h e re se n tm e n t th is ca u sed am ong M oroccans la s te d c e n tu r ie s , a s is e v id e n t from Ibn K h a ld u n 's acco u n t of th e re ig n o f Id r is II: 'More th a n 500 w a r­ r io r s b elo n g in g to v a rio u s A rab tr ib e s o f th e M aghrib an d S p ain , came to Id r is an d w ere u n d e r h is com m and. T hey c o n ­ s titu te d a body o f fa ith fu l s e r v a n ts an d he p laced h is t r u s t in them an d not in th e B e rb e rs . T h ro u g h th e h e lp o f th e se c o n tin g e n ts , h e was able in la rg e m easure to develop h is a u t h o r i t y '. ( 11) T h is la stin g b itte r n e s s can b e e x p la in e d in te rm s of th e h is to ric a l im port o f th e e v e n t: th e tra d itio n a l balan ce of pow er betw een tr ib e s an d a r b ite r was b ro k e n in fa v o u r o f th e s ta te . M oreover th e p a r tic u la r form th is took in M orocco, w hilst d e riv e d from th e se g m e n ta ry p rin c ip le , c o n ­ s titu te s a w ide-scale m anipulation of te n sio n s in te rm s of e th n ic o p p o sitio n - A rab v e r s u s B e rb e r - w hich u n d e rlie s , if not Moroccan h is to r y w here its im portance is v a ria b le a n d g e n e ra lly o v e re stim a te d , at le a s t th e c e n tra l go v ern m en t a n d its trib a l p o licy . It is no le s s sig n ific a n t, h o w ev e r, th a t trib a l p r e ­ p o n d e ra n c e r e a s s e r te d itse lf a f te r th e d e a th o f Id ris II , b u t at th e co st o f th e u n ified n a tio n s ta te . The n e x t point is th a t th e ty p e of s ta te pow er evolved o u t

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of th e Islam ized in s titu tio n of a rb itra tio n rem ained th e model to w hich su c c e ssiv e d y n a s tie s r e f e r r e d . S ig n ific an tly th e p re s e n t re ig n in g d y n a s ty , th a t of th e cA lawis, r e a s s e r ts th is . T he e a rly h is to ry of th e cAlawi d y n a s ty is c o n n e c te d with sh a rifia n a r b itr a tio n in th e T afilalt re g io n . Mulay A l-H asan bin Qasim is said to h av e come to Morocco in th e seco n d h a lf of th e th ir te e n th c e n tu r y , at th e r e q u e s t of th e in h a b ita n ts o f Sijilm asa. A le g e n d , la te r in clu d ed in official c h ro n ic le s , m entions th e fact th a t th e o a se s of th e T afilalt w ere u n p ro d u c tiv e a n d th e ir d ate -p a lm s b a r r e n , an d th a t it was with a view to o b ta in in g a divine rem edy th a t a s h a r if from th e Hijaz was s e n t fo r. Mulay AlH a sa n 's a r r iv a l was th u s a sso c ia te d with G o d 's b le s s in g w itn es­ sed to b y th e a b u n d a n c e of d a te s from th e n o n . T he ris e of th e T afilalt s h a r if s to n atio n al s ta tu s was e ffe c te d on th e b a sis o f th e ir p red o m in an t re g io n al im portance a s an a r b ite r lin e a g e . T h e ir a u th o rity d ev eloped a s th e ra n g e o f tr ib e - to - tr ib e n e g o ­ tia tio n s e x te n d e d . O f p a rtic u la r sig n ifica n ce is th e fa ct th a t th e ir se ttle m e n t in th e T afilalt co in cid es with th e in v asio n of th e reg io n b y A rab nom ads, th e M a ^ il who a re of th e same sto ck as th e B anu Hilal tr ib e s who sw ept th ro u g h N orth A frica from th e e le v e n th c e n tu r y o n w a rd s. S u b se q u e n tly th e se Macqil A ra b s w ere d riv e n so u th into th e W estern S a h a ra . T he cAlawis m aintained th e ir p riv ile g e d co n n ectio n w ith th e s e g ro u p s who w ere la te r to c o n s titu te a m ilitary fo rc e w hich u p h eld th e cAlawi b id for pow er a n d were in c o rp o ra te d in to th e new d y n a s ty 's arm y . C on n ected w ith th is is th e pow er a n d wealth a c q u ire d by th e cAlawis a s p ro te c to rs of tr a d e . T he im portance of tr a n s - S a h a r a n commerce from th e s ix te e n th c e n tu ry o n w ard s and th e role o f th e nomad tr ib e s in th e d e s e rt w here th e y could d e s tro y o r p ro te c t c a ra v a n s a t will, b ro u g h t to th e fore th e holy lin e a g e s who could n e g o tia te th e n e c e s s a ry a g r e e ­ m e n ts. T he r is e to n atio n al im portance o f th e cAlawis is u p h e ld b y th e p a tte r n o f in te rn a tio n a l tr a d e a n d th e safe co nnection th e cAlawis could g u a ra n te e betw een th e S a h a ra a n d th e se a c o a s t. T he p a tte r n is its e lf c h a ra c te riz e d b y a 'n a tio n a l' co n te x t w hich assu m ed its c o n te m p o ra ry o u tlin e s in th e s ix te e n th c e n ­ t u r y , as a r e s u lt o f in te rn a tio n a l re la tio n s w ith, on th e one h a n d , a E u ro p ean dom ination of th e seas a n d p r e s s u r e along th e M oroccan s h o r e s , a n d , on th e o th e r , a W estern fro n tie r e s ta b lis h e d b y th e O ttom an Empire a s th e limit of its A lgerian te rrito rie s . Let u s now c o n s id e r, w ith re s p e c t to th e cA law is, th e p a r ti­ c u la r im age o f its e lf which ro y a lty p r o je c ts . O u tw ard s ig n s a re o fte n re v e a lin g o f a ttitu d e s , p a rtic u la rly th e o n es one w ishes to im p ress on o b s e r v e r s . T h is is also tr u e of th e cAlawi s u lta n , a h ie ra tic fig u re sw ath ed in w h ite, s u rro u n d e d b y slave s e r v a n ts a n d s o ld ie rs , iso la te d from th e crow d a n d f u r t h e r p ra c tis in g a form of re c lu sio n in h is p riv a te an d p a r t o f h is social life which a rc haram. T h u s we see him d is c a rd in g th o se v e ry a ttr ib u te s th a t h ad sometimes made h is ris e to pow er p o ssib le , nam ely dynam ic le a d e rs h ip (in c lu d in g f ig h tin g ) , reg io n al tie s a n d

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trib a l s u p p o r t. As k in g h e was po sed in th e n o n -c o n n e c tiv e idiom of th e tra d itio n a l holy lin eag es a s n o n -w a rrin g 's t r a n g e r s '. At th e same tim e, h o w e v er, we can note d is tin c tiv e emblems of s o v e re ig n ty (w hich w ere o ften b o rro w ed from th e E a s t, o r from th e O ttom an E m p ire). T h ese d e ta ils , which ra n g e from th e ro y al p a ra so l to p a rtic u la r p h r a s e s , c o n s titu te a complex a u ra which in Morocco c h a ra c te riz e s th e m akhzan o r s ta te . T he k in g , o r s u lta n , b o th b elo n g s to th e in s titu tio n of a rb itra tio n a n d h a s a special position with re s p e c t to it, ju s t a s th e body of a r b i­ t e r s a s a whole a re d e fin e d in c o n tra d is tin c tio n to th e trib a l e n v iro n m e n t. T h is is u n d e rs c o re d by th e b a y ca - s o r a c ts of alleg ian ce by w hich ea c h com ponent g ro u p ( tr ib e s , to w n s, holy lin e a g e s) re c o g n iz e s th e a u th o rity o f a new so v e re ig n . A bay*a re p ro d u c e s a lb e it in a more e la b o ra te form , th e p a c ts th a t w ere t r a d i­ tio n ally e s ta b lis h e d b etw een re p re s e n ta tiv e s o f given tr ib e s and th e holy lin eag e th e y ap p o in ted a s th e ir p e rm a n e n t a r b i­ t e r s . (12) It c o n fe rs tr a n s tr ib a l d u tie s on th e s h a r if . R eferen ce is made to h is sa in tly o rig in s a n d th e b le ssin g an d p r o s p e r ity th e s e a re e x p e c te d to b r in g . The sp ecific ta s k s re q u ire d of him a re th e n e n u m e ra te d . T hey a re n e v e r s e c ta ria n o r d efin e d in term s o f g ro u p in te r e s ts b u t r e f e r to th e common weal an d Islamic ju s tic e . T h u s we g e n e ra lly find th e so v e re ig n a sk e d to m aintain th e jih a d , to e n s u re th e sa fe ty o f ro a d s a n d som etim es to do aw ay w ith p a rtic u la r ta x e s on th e g ro u n d s th a t th e y a re not in co n fo rm ity w ith Islamic p r e s c r ip tio n s . T he docum ent e n d s w ith th e s ig n a tu re s of th e re p re s e n ta tiv e s of each trib a l o r social g ro u p . (13) T he same a ttitu d e is u p h e ld in th e official e x p re s s io n of th e n ation th ro u g h th e m o n arch y , be it in ro y a l a c tio n s , sp e e c h e s o r c h ro n ic le s . T h is c o n s titu te s an official re p re s e n ta tio n of th e m akhzan at work in te rm s o f a d isc o u rse po sed a s se lfsu ffic ie n t b u t w hich, in fa c t, d e riv e s its sig n ifican ce from a trib a l re a lity which is n e v e r d ire c tly e x p re s s e d a n d its e v a lu a ­ tion in Islamic te rm s . G ee rtz a p tly d efin e s th is a s 'th e d o c trin e of th e ex em p lary c e n tr e '. By th is he m eans th e notion th a t 'th e k in g 's c o u rt an d c a p ita l, a n d a t th e ir a x is , th e k in g him­ s e lf, form at once a n image o f d ivine o rd e r an d a paradigm fo r social o r d e r '. (14) A c lo se r exam ination o f th e c o n c ep ts invo lv ed show s u p th e ir d e p e n d en c e on th e two lev els of re a lity - p o litical a n d ideological - which th e y seem , on th e s u r f a c e , to e v a c u a te . T h is sp ecific d is c o u rs e , which c h a ra c ­ te r iz e s th e m o n a rc h y 's view o f its e lf, re fle c ts a t th e s ta te level th e p o sitio n o f th e a r b ite r a ctiv e a t th e trib a l level a n d y e t a p p a re n tly uncom m itted to i t , and d e fin e s h is autonom y in te rm s of a p o litical m orality d e riv e d from th e Islamic w o rld ­ view . A b s tra c t th o u g h th e d isc o u rse b e , its fo u n d a tio n s a re c o n ­ c r e te an d p r a c tic a l, nam ely th e im plem enting o f s ta te a u th o r ity . T he la st p o in t I wish to make is th a t th is is la rg e ly d e p e n d e n t on th e in s titu tio n of a rb itra tio n a n d in v o lv es th e in te ra c tio n

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Political c o n c e p ts in Morocco

Islamic political theory

Moroccan tribal practice * official state ideology '

God's representative — {khalifa )

- 'the one who has power' (sultan). The commander of the faithful

—

the arbiter

{a g urrà m í ha kam )

(am ir a! M u 'minin)

the community • (um m a)

I

- the kingdom (m am faka ) defined by its religious personnel (th e culam a ) and civil government [makhzan)

the world of Islam ■ [Dar-al-tslam)

- territory where prayer is -

said in the kina's name, where his authority as arbitrator is recognized

-communities having made a political alliance, either among themselves Uada) or with the state [bayca) - — tribal territory in national context (tamazight)

religion-

politics (s/yasa)

polity

believers -

• political oppositions Arab/Berber as conflicting po)es

- tribal groups in terms of segmentation

individuals, tolerated minorities

— responsible members — of society (including minority groups and professional organizations) opposed to irresponsible members (revolted subjects, the plebe etc.)

-lineages, tribes, status groups

the divine pattern opposed to

unrighteousness

■order opposed to — disorder (fitna)

-concensus opposed to disagreement (intertribal, or tribes versus state)

o f le v e ls o f s e g m e n ta tio n , more p a r tic u la r ly , o f c o u r s e , in th is c o n te x t, in te r a c tio n b e tw e e n local a r b i t e r s a n d th e k in g a s h e a d of th e in s titu tio n . T he p o sitio n o f th e k in g w ith r e s p e c t to holy lin e a g e s is th a t o f p rim u s in te r p a r e s . T h is is o v e rtly e m p h a siz e d b y m utual v is its a n d g if ts w hich h a v e b o th a c erem o n ial im p o rta n c e a n d p o p u la r in f e r e n c e s , sin c e ro y a l to u r s - a c h a r a c te r is tic m ani­ fe s ta tio n o f th e k i n g 's e ff e c tiv e p re s e n c e - a r e m a rk e d b y s to p - o v e r s a t local re lig io u s e s ta b lis h m e n ts a n d n o ta b ly b y

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v is its to s h r in e s . T h ese a re f u r th e r re c alle d b y a rc h ite c tu i'a l t r a i ts since k in g s o fte n g e n e ro u sly o rd e r th e b u ild in g of a m osque, o r a cu p o la o v e r a s a in t's tom b, o r e v en a main g ate for a zaw iya. T h is is f u r th e r e x p a tia te d u p o n b y local tra d itio n which is full o f a n e c d o te s a s to a p riv ile g e d re la tio n sh ip b etw een local s h a rifs a n d th e s u lta n . T h a t th e s e a n e c d o te s o fte n em body a form o f p o p u lar p r o te s t a g a in st s ta te su p rem a cy and a re not n e c e s s a rily fa c tu a lly tr u e is im m aterial. What c o u n ts is th a t ro y a lty is seen as p a r t of th e re lig io u s n e tw o rk an d th a t much of its a c tiv ity is s p e n t f u r th e r in g th is . O v er th e c e n tu r ie s th e developm ent o f th e s ta te in s titu tio n h a s em phasized th e p rin c ip le of h ie ra rc h y a n d th e re f o re of su b o rd in a tio n w ithin th e in stitu tio n o f a r b itr a tio n . The Islamic d e fin itio n o f th e ro le of th e national com m unity a n d th e p o sitio n of th e h e a d a r b ite r a s th e symbol of th e u n ity o f th e n a tio n , in v e s t him with th e pow er to a u th e n tic a te holy lin e a g e s. T h is is b ro u g h t o u t b y th e custom of se n d in g them ro y al le tte r s a t th e b e g in n in g of each re ig n . In th e s e th e s u lta n re co n firm s th e s ta tu s a n d p riv ile g e s ( ta x -e x e m p tio n s , b e n e fits from p a rtic u la r end o w m en ts, e t c . ) o f each lin e a g e . T hese le tte r s a re o fte n p erio d ically re is s u e d d u rin g th e c o u rse of a r e ig n . T h ey g e n e ra lly r e f e r to p re c e d e n t a n d e x p lic itly reconfirm docum ents made o u t b y e a rlie r s u lta n s . B ut a re ig n in g s h a rif can also in te rv e n e d ire c tly in th e d e s tin y of a holy fam ily, n o t only b y th e m aterial b e n e fits th e s ta te can co n c e d e , b u t also b y u p h o ld in g one o r o th e r b ra n c h of a holy lineage since se g m e n ta ry te n s io n s a re p re s e n t th e r e as else w h e re in trib a l s o c ie ty . T he d e a th o f a s a y y id o r h e a d of th e family m akes it p o ssib le for th e k in g to fa v o u r one o r o th e r c a n d id a te , e s p e c i­ ally in view o f th e fact th a t s ta te tra d itio n h a s it th a t he sh o u ld ra tify th e choice b y ro y a l d e c re e . T he k in g is f u r th e r led to play th e ro le o f p ro te c to r of th e holy lin ea g e s with r e s p e c t to his own civil o r m ilitary a d m in istra tio n a n d , in th e case o f c o n flic t, to act a s m ed ia to r. He g e n e ra lly u p h o ld s th e claim s of a r b ite r lin e a g es in su c h c irc u m sta n c e s . T h e m utual d ep e n d en ce o f th e m onarchy a n d local re lig io u s lin eag es is not m erely an in te rn a l fa c to r w ithin th e in s titu tio n . It also h a s an e x te rn a l ob jectiv e b a s is , nam ely th e fact th a t ro y al policy is fu n d am en tally a n d c o n s is te n tly im plem ented th ro u g h th e n e tw o rk o f a r b ite r s . O fficial ro y a l a c tiv ity alw ays g iv es a f r u s tr a tin g im pression o f b e in g a mere p a ra d e to officialize a g re e m e n ts re a c h e d p rio r to th e e v e n t th ro u g h th e more o r le ss c la n d e s tin e m ediation o f th e sa in tly a r b i t e r s . I illu s tra te th is b y th r e e c o n c re te exam ples ta k e n from d iffe re n t fie ld s of policy im plem enting which can be c o n sid e re d a s co n ­ n e c te d w ith s ta te p r e ro g a tiv e . T he f ir s t is th e problem of pop u latio n d is tr ib u tio n . In Morocco th e la s t major p h ase of tr ib a l red ep lo y m en t o c c u rre d in th e s e v e n te e n th c e n tu r y a n d it was accom panied b y political re a d ju stm e n ts which b ro u g h t th e cAlawis to p o w e r. T h is was followed up b y c h a n g e s in th e a rb itra tio n n etw o rk an d an e ffo rt b y th e s u lta n s to prom ote a

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new tr ib a l e q u ilib riu m . One of th e major d iffic u ltie s w hich th e new d y n a s ty h ad to face was th e p re se n c e of e x p a n siv e te n ­ d en cies in th e Middle A tlas. T he so v e reig n was th u s led to u n d e rta k e a v a s t program m e of se ttle m en t by b rin g in g in trib a l c o n tin g e n ts from th e South an d e s ta b lis h in g them in th e A tlas w here th e y could e ffe c tiv e ly b y th e ir p re se n c e n e u tra liz e th e m otive fo rc e o f local p o p u la tio n s. T he way th is c h e q u e re d p a tte r n was e s ta b lis h e d can be stu d ie d th ro u g h a zaw iya te x t which show s th is a s h a v in g been a r ra n g e d b y th e d e s c e n d a n ts o f Sidi Bu Yacq u b a t Mulay Ismacil's r e q u e s t .(15) T h is ty p e of joint action could o b v io u sly be stu d ie d on a w ider sc a le , in d iffe re n t re g io n s a n d a t d iffe re n t p e rio d s . A q u ite d iffe re n t exam ple b u t one th a t is o f c o n sid e ra b le im port with re s p e c t to th e k in g 's c a p a c ity to implement th e n a tio n ’s fo reig n po licy , is b ro u g h t o u t b y th e situ a tio n th a t followed on th e S p an ish o ccu p atio n of T e tu a n in 1860. To o b ta in th e e v a cu a tio n o f th e fo re ig n arm y th e s u lta n a g re e d to pay a war indem nity w hich it was g e n e ra lly s u p p o se d h e would be u n a b le to co lle c t. And y e t m uch o f th e m oney was paid in b y th e tr ib e s . T h is was in fact n e g o tia te d b y th e holy lin eag es whom S ultan Sidi Muhammad h a d c o n ta c te d . T h e way in w hich h e form ulated h is a p p ea l is a n illu s tra tio n of th e in te rc o n n e c tio n betw een ro y a lty and tra d itio n a l holy lin e a g e s in trib a l c o n te x t: It is n e c e s s a ry to n e g o tia te with men o f relig io n am ong th o se p o p u latio n s a s to th e am ount to be levied in each tr ib e . U n d e rta k e th e s e n eg o tia tio n s with men who a r e know n fo r th e ir p ie ty a n d who a re know ledgeable a s to th e s itu ­ atio n of ea c h t r i b e . Inform u s in d e tail o f th e ir com m ents so th a t we can se n d o r d e r s to th e tr ib e s in c o n s e q u e n c e .(16) A th ir d a n d s till d iffe re n t exam ple is th a t o f th e Ma a l- cA y n ay n , th e most in flu e n tia l re lig io u s lineage of th e W estern S a h a ra , w ith whom th e cAlawi d y n a s ty had close a n d c o n s ta n t lin k s in th e d iffic u lt p re -c o lo n ia l an d colonial p e r io d .(17) We c a n see h e re th e way in w hich th e re lig io u s n e tw o rk c o n trib u te d to th e b u ild in g u p o f n atio n al tie s . Iso lated exam ples su c h as th e s e do n o t s e rv e m erely to illu s tra te a p o int b u t r a th e r to show u p p erm a n e n t tr e n d s still la rg e ly o p e ra tiv e ev en to d a y . A ctual p o litical a c tiv ity in Morocco is , 1 would s u g g e s t, t r a d i ­ tio n ally d e fle c te d to w a rd s a p e r s is te n t tr ib a l s tr u c tu r e to which th e official ro y a l s ta n d is la rg e ly s u b s e r v ie n t. E ven if h ead an d local a r b ite r s a re b o th com m itted to u p h o ld ­ ing th e trib a l p a t t e r n , th is is o b v io u sly a te n sio n fr a u g h t re la tio n sh ip sin ce th e local a r b ite r 's com m itm ents a re basically local an d th e h e a d a r b ite r 's a re n a tio n a l. T h is n a tio n al view ­ p oint p laces th e k in g in a position o f s u p e rio rity w here he te n d s c o n s ta n tly to m anipulate an d re a d ju s t th e n etw o rk of zaw iyas to co n so lid ate s ta te p ow er. T h is can also be illu s tra te d with r e s p e c t to th e Middle A tlas reg io n d e sc rib e d ab ove an d which cAlawi policy h a s c o n sta n tly te n d e d to iso la te . T h is led

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in e a rly tim es to th e e sta b lish m e n t of a m ilitary co rd o n at th e foot of th e m ountain r a n g e . P arallel to th is we can see ro y a l a r b ite r policy w orking to prom ote to re g io n al an d ev e n n atio n al im portance holy lin e a g e s s itu a te d along th is s tra te g ic line of d e fe n c e . A zawiya su c h a s Bujacd (1 8 ) owes its r is e to fame to ro y a l fa v o u r and s u p p o rt. Not th a t th e s ta te h a s a fre e h a n d , fo r e v en 'ro y a l' zaw iyas m u st, to up h o ld th e ir p o sitio n , e x p re s s th e view s of th e ir c lie n te le . If th is am biguous situ a tio n is not k e p t u n d e r c o n tro l, it may lead to d ire c t c o n fro n ta tio n . B ujacd , fo r exam ple, was a tta c k e d an d d e s tro y e d b y th e ro y al arm y in 1784-5, b u t soon re g a in e d fa v o u r b eca u se it o cc u p ies an in d is ­ p e n sa b le n ich e in te rm s o f trib a l la y o u t. In f a c t, a so v e re ig n can n e ith e r do aw ay with given zaw iyas n o r prom ote new lin e­ a g e s ex n ih ilo . T h is can also be illu s tra te d in th is same s t r a t e ­ gic reg io n of th e A tlas sin ce th e cAlawis w ho, on coming to p o w e r, h ad d e s tro y e d th e a r b ite r lineage o f Dila which h a d riv a lle d th e ir claim to natio n al su p re m a c y , w ere not able to avoid th e re in v e s tin g of th e trib a l scene b y o th e r , o fte n re c e n t lin e a g e s which posed a s D ila's s u c c e s s o rs an d th e mon­ a rc h y h a d to com pose w ith th e zaw iyas of Sidi Bu Y a ^ u b , th e Ih an salen o r th e Im hiw ash. C o n v e rse ly , ro yal e ffo rts to se t up a holy lineage in th e re g io n u n d e r one Sidi cAli al-F ilali was a sig n a l fa ilu re a n d th e holy man d isa p p e a re d from th e trib a l s c e n e . In o th e r w ords ro yal m anipulation of th e a r b ite r n e tw o rk is d e fin e d and lim ited b y th e trib a l c o n te x t. The pow er an d autonom y of th e tr ib a l s tr u c tu r e a re n o t th e only lim its to ro y a l p o w er, n o r is trib a l s u p p o rt th e only weapon local a r b ite r s h a v e to re s is t s ta te e n c ro a c h m en ts. T h e ir c ap a c ity to fig h t b a c k is also illu s tra te d b y a p a r tic u la r c h a ra c te r is tic t r a it of N o rth A frican so ciety which th e y d ire c tly help ed to p ro m o te, namely S ufi o r d e r s . M ystical d o c trin e s which h av e p la y e d an im portant role in th e M aghrib since th e ele v e n th c e n t u r y , h av e g iv en ris e to nu m ero u s a sso ciatio n s o f laym en who a re g ro u p e d a ro u n d a sp iritu a l guide ( s h a y k h ) . A common se t of p r a c tic e s , m eetings an d s p iritu a l r e tr e a ts in lo d g e s, an d obedience to th e s h a y k h c o n s titu te th e bond w hich b in d s in iti­ a te d m em bers (ikhw art) to th e ir o rd e r ( t a r i q a ) . T h e connection betw een S ufi o r d e r s an d tra d itio n a l c e n tre s of a rb itra tio n is not im m ediately a p p a re n t b u t is n o n e th e le ss s u g ­ g e s te d b y th e v e ry w ord zawiya and its M aghribi c o n n o ta tio n s. In cla ssic a l A ra b ic , th e w ord sim ply m eans a 'c o r n e r ', p a r ti­ c u la rly th e c o rn e r of a m osque w here a te a c h e r le c tu re s to his s tu d e n ts . In r u r a l Morocco it r e f e r s at one and th e same time to re lig io u s e sta b lish m e n ts h a v in g a r b ite r fu n c tio n s and to f r a t e r ­ n ity lo d g e s . T h is am b iguity show s up a s tr u c tu r a l c o n n e ctio n . T he sh a y k h w hose m essage o r m ystical e x p e rie n c e a ttr a c ts d is ­ cip les is more o r le ss in e v ita b ly draw n in to th e n e tw o rk o f holy lin e a g e s . It is only w ithin th e re lig io u s com pound o f th e r u r a l zawiya th a t h is voice can be h e a rd w ithout p ro v o k in g a social s c a n d a l. He o fte n m akes u se of th e in f r a s tr u c tu r e p ro v id e d b y local re lig io u s e sta b lish m e n ts a n d is u p h e ld b y th e moral

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a u th o rity of th e holy lin e ag es w ho, in t u r n , d e riv e p re s tig e from his p re s e n c e an d te a c h in g . T h u s th e lonely re fo rm e r more o fte n th a n n o t u s e s e x is tin g re lig io u s e sta b lish m e n ts to p re a c h h is m e ssa g e . He may him self b e a member of su ch a social g ro u p o r will come to be c o n n e c te d with it b y ad o ption a n d m arria g e . Even when th is is n o t th e c a s e , we fin d th a t a s th e m y stic 's in flu en ce g ro w s, he is e v e r more o ften ap p eale d to fo r m undane a d v ic e . In o th e r w o rd s h e comes to perfo rm th e tra d itio n a l role of an a r b i t e r . As th e lodge becom es in flu e n tia l, we g e n e ra lly find a s h a rin g o u t o f re sp o n sib ilitie s with re p re s e n ta tiv e s of th e s h a y k h (m em bers of h is e n to u ra g e o r fam ily) sp ec ializin g in m undane m a tte rs w hilst th e holy man c o n c e n tra te s on te a c h in g a n d p r a y e r . A p u re ly re lig io u s fig u re can th u s him self b e at th e o rig in of an a r b ite r lin e a g e . An o r d e r , in its e ffo rts to become p o p u la r, is la rg e ly d e p e n ­ d e n t on zawiya re la y s which can e ith e r block o r p a s s on th e m essage an d which a re th e in stitu tio n a l m eans th ro u g h which a local com m unity is a ttr a c te d to th e m ovem ent. S ig n ifican tly r u r a l zaw iyas h a v e n o t only ch o sen to act a s tr a n s m itte r s b u t hav e in v o lv ed th em selv es d ire c tly in S ufi o r d e r s since holy lin eag es a re g e n e ra lly a ffilia te d to one a n d th e zawiya is th u s th e se a t of a lo d g e. Why sh o u ld local lin e a g e s h av e ch o se n to a c t a s p ro m o te rs of ta riq a s ? In d o ing so th e y a re p ro b a b ly a n s w e rin g s e v e ra l social n e e d s , p a rtic u la rly th e d e ep ly ro o te d Islamic ideal fo r an e g a lita ria n re lig io u s com m unity liv in g its fa ith o u ts id e th e com mitments of lay so c ie ty . Sufi o r d e r s c u t a c ro s s th e b a r r ie r s o f a so ciety b a se d on trib a l tie s o r c la ss s tra tific a tio n . C o n se q u en tly we fin d them becom ing e v e r more p re v a le n t a n d im p o rtan t a s so ciety becom es more com plex a n d r ig id . At th e same time th e developm ent o f in te r tr ib a l re la tio n s , be it in term s of tr a d e o r o f la b o u r m ig ratio n , e n h a n c e s th e ro le of lo d g es as p laces w here ikhw an, w h atev er th e ir o rig in s , can fin d a congenial r e s tin g - h o u s e , new f r ie n d s , a d v ic e an d an in tro d u c tio n to local so c ie ty . The re lig io u s lin e ag e s c a p i­ talize on th e s e n e e d s and by th is m eans come to a c q u ire a p riv a te c lie n te le th a t c u ts a c ro s s tra d itio n a l social b a r r i e r s . T h is h as obv io u s p olitical o v e rto n e s since s p iritu a l le a d e rs th u s have a lay follow ing th a t can a c t a s a p r e s s u r e g ro u p on th e social s c e n e . T h is f u r th e r p u ts them in a p riv ile g e d p o si­ tion to m onitor social c h an g e a n d to a p p e a r a s le a d e rs o f p u b lic o p in io n . O rd e rs th u s p u sh o u t into two d iffe re n t b u t com ple­ m en tary d ire c tio n s b y , on th e one h a n d , prom oting p red o m in an t n a tio n -w id e o rg a n iz a tio n s w h ilst, on th e o th e r h a n d , fo u n d in g a sso c ia tio n s a d a p te d to sp ecific social g ro u p s . In Morocco th e s e tw o tr e n d s become a p p a re n t on th e social scene from th e se v e n te e n th c e n tu ry o n w a rd s (an d a re th e re fo re also co n tem poraneous w ith cAlawi p o w e r). From th e s e v e n te e n th c e n tu r y a n d th r o u g h ­ o u t th e e ig h te e n th , we find m ass ad h esio n o f th e g re a t m ajority of M orocco's zaw iyas to th e N a$iriya o r d e r . T h is f u r th e r e s ta ­ b lis h e s a lin k b etw een tow ns a n d c o u n try s id e since th e in te l­ lectu al u rb a n e lite is o fte n c o n n ec ted with th e lo d g e s. T he

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N asiry a is p ro b a b ly th e most im p o rtan t n atio n a l o rg a n iz a tio n o f th e p e rio d . In th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y , fo r re a so n s th a t would w a rra n t f u r th e r s tu d y , th e re is a g e n e ra l sw itc h -o v e r to a n o th e r o r d e r , th a t of th e D erqaw a. The e ig h te e n th c e n tu ry also saw th e c re a tio n o r developm ent o f th e cAisawa a n d Ham adsha w hose m em bership comes e sse n tia lly from a grow ing d e trib a liz e d u rb a n s u b p r o le ta r ia t. At th e end of th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y , an 'a r is to c r a tic ' o r d e r , th a t o f th e T ijan iy a , becom es a ty p ic a l f e a tu re of th e m akhzan a n d o f th e c la ss of n o ta b le s in g e n e ra l. From th e poin t o f view o f th e n e tw o rk of holy lin e a g e s, mani­ p u latio n of Sufi o r d e r s a n d th e ir follow ing c o n s titu te d a w idescale p o w e r-sta n d from which th e y could hope to n e u tra liz e grow ing s ta te -p o w e r. T h is is p lay ed o u t in a re s p e c tiv e show of s tr e n g th in which m an ifestatio n s o f s ta te pow er a re opposed b y re lig io u s le a d e rs w ith re fe re n c e to p o p u la r o p p o sitio n . T he idiom of c o n fro n ta tio n , h o w e v e r, g e n e ra lly rem ains th a t of a r b itr a tio n , nam ely re lig io u s ideology. Both p a r tie s r e f e r to th e jih a d , not only w ar a g a in st th e in fid el b u t in its d e e p e r m eaning of th e d u ty of Muslims to reform th e ir com m unity; b u t w h ereas th e Amir al-M u°minin claim s h is r ig h t to 'do good a n d e ra d ic a te e v il' e v en b y fo rce a n d a t th e co st of hum an liv e s , relig io u s le a d e rs u p h o ld reform as a collective an d p o p u la r u n d e rta k in g . In p re a c h in g a r e tu r n to p rim itiv e Islamic p u r ity th e y c ritic iz e th e p re v a le n t system and sometimes th e k in g him self. O ur c o n tem p o rary te n d e n c ie s to o v e re stim a te s ta te -p o w e r sh o u ld n o t b lin d u s to th e fac t th a t th e p o p u lar a p p eal of fundam entalism which g e n e ra lly goes with S ufi d o c trin e s is p r e s e n t in most form s of o rg a n iz e d political o p p o sitio n . T he fact th a t su c h m ovem ents have o fte n u s e d lo d g es a s a political a re n a no le s s th a n th e fac t th a t an e s ti­ m ated 80 p e r c e n t o f th e male p o pulation h a s a ffilia tio n s w ith a lodge show s u p th e p o ten tial fo rce which can be b ro u g h t to b e a r in a n a tio n -w id e c o n fro n ta tio n . T y p ic a lly , h o w e v e r, th e in s titu tio n of a rb itr a tio n g e n e ra lly a v o id s open c o n flic t, a n d th is is also t r u e o f th e k in g a s h e a d a r b it e r . T he a ttitu d e of th e m onarchy to w a rd s Sufi o r d e r s h as c o n se q u e n tly alw ays b een am biguous an d s h if tin g . Whilst officially ig n o rin g them , it n e v e r c u ts its e lf off e n tire ly from th e p o ssib ility of c o u n te r-m a n ip u latio n . We th u s g e n e ra lly see m em bers of th e ro y a l e n to u ra g e if not th e k in g him self h a v in g co n n ectio n s with ^ariqa le a d e rs a n d som etim es u p h o ld in g th e ir o rd e r fo r political r e a s o n s . T h u s , to c ite b u t one e x a m p le , th e s o v e re ig n s a t th e b e g in n in g of th e tw e n tie th c e n tu ry s u p p o rte d th e cA yniya b o th to f u r th e r th e ir S a h a ra n policy a n d , p e r h a p s , to c o u n te rb a la n c e th e influ en ce o f o th e r p o w erful o r d e r s . B ut on th e w hole, th e sta te te n d s to be h o stile a n d h a s on occasio n s fo u g h t them o p e n ly , as did Mulay Sliman in term s of W ahhabi d o c trin e s in th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y o r Muhammad V in th e name of Istiqlal at th e t u r n o f th e tw e n tie th . If I h av e a n a ly se d in some detail th e h is to ry of th e s e re lig io u s m ovem ents in m odern Morocco it is b e c a u se it sum m arizes an d

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h ig h lig h ts th e co n c lu sio n s th is ac c o u n t o f ro y a lty le a d s me to fo rm u late. T he m odern s ta te in Morocco as sym bolized b y a s h a rifia n d y n a s ty may be se e n as an ultim ate developm ent in th e p o w e r-s ta n d e s ta b lish e d b y trib a l a r b ite r s th ro u g h Islam . It im plies a h ie ra rc h iz e d body im plem enting s ta te policy th ro u g h th e n e tw o rk o f holy lin e ag es b y m eans of th e tr a d i­ tio n al form s of m anipulation o f p u blic opinion an d social s t r u c ­ tu r e which c h a ra c te riz e th e in s titu tio n . Political c o n fro n ta tio n is th u s d e fle c te d to w a rd s th e n etw ork a n d d e r iv e s its ideo­ logical b a s is from a re lig io u s re in te r p re ta tio n of th e trib a l sy ste m . With r e s p e c t to th e in s titu tio n of a r b itra tio n th e te n ­ sio n s a re o fte n a p p a re n t in te rm s of lev els o f seg m e n tatio n : th a t o f th e h e a d a r b ite r who h a s re c o u rs e to th o se p a rtic u la r a ttr ib u te s of pow er w hich a r e ju stifie d by th e Islam ic d efin itio n o f th e h ead of s ta te , la te r e n la rg e d by m odern a ttr ib u te s (o fte n d e riv e d from E u ro p ean m odels), w hilst low er le v els ap p eal to p o p u la r follow ing b asically on th e trib a l mode b u t in c re a sin g ly th ro u g h a w ider p o p u la r opinion m onitored th ro u g h affiliatio n to Sufi o r d e r s . T he fact th a t th e se h av e som etim es p lay ed a p o sitiv e ro le , n o ta b ly in o rg a n iz in g r e s i s t ­ ance to fo re ig n e n c ro ac h m en ts (th o u g h n o t a s su c c e ssfu lly as th e L ibyan S a n u siy a ) b u t h a v e , a t o th e r tim es an d n o ta b ly d u rin g th e colonial p e rio d , u se d th e w rong s tr a te g y a n d made th e w ro n g d e c isio n s, is h e re im m aterial. What c o u n ts is th e c a p a c ity show n b o th to c h an n el p o p u la r p r o te s t a n d to a d a p t to social c h a n g e s which in clu d e b o th a grow ing se n se o f th e n atio n a s s u c h a n d th e evolution of so ciety from a p u re ly tr ib a l s tr u c tu r e to one in which c la ss s tra tific a tio n becom es in c re a s in g ly m ark ed . T h is in tu r n p o in ts to a f u r th e r c o n c lu sio n , nam ely th a t s ta te pow er and th e in s titu tio n of a rb itra tio n d e riv e th e ir d u ra b ility from th e fa c t th a t th e y o v e rla y th e trib a l s tr u c tu r e a n d from th e p erm a n e n t c a p a c ity th e y have show n in a d h e rin g to th e social p a tte r n an d m onopolizing e x p re s s io n s o f collective se lfc o n s c io u sn e ss. What th e problem o f ta r iq a s show s u p is som e­ th in g fa r more fu n d am en tal th a n Sufi d o c trin e s o r even d iv e rg e n t co n c e p tio n s o f th e in n e r jih a d , nam ely th e fac t th a t u p to r e c e n t tim es th e fundam ental d ia le ctic s of s ta te and natio n w ere p la y e d o u t in th is fie ld . The v e ry m eans u s e d by th e in s titu tio n of a r b itra tio n in g e n e ra l an d th e m onarchy in p a rtic u la r to c o n tro l an d block fun d am en tal p o litical a n d social c o n tra d ic tio n s - nam ely artific ia l s ta b ility th ro u g h th e n e u tra liz ­ atio n o f c o n te n d in g fo rc e s on a se g m e n ta ry b a sis - th o u g h la rg e ly su c c e ssfu l u p to th e p r e s e n t, c r e a te , b e y o n d s u rfa c e in e r tia , ex p lo siv e s itu a tio n s . T h ese have in th e p a s t le d to n atio n al d is ru p tio n a n d m ass u p h e a v a l. T he la te s t was th a t which led to th e e sta b lish m e n t of th e cAlawi d y n a s ty on th e b a s is o f a new deploym ent of trib e s an d a r b ite r s . The s ta te o r d e r , in s p ite of p r e s s u r e d u e to th e in te rn a tio n a l c o n te x t, h a s s u rv iv e d to th e p r e s e n t. It does n o t e x c lu d e f u r th e r u p h e a v a ls . W hether th e y will be r e in te r p r e te d in th o se tr a d i-

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tional term s which h a v e u p to now c h a ra c te riz e d Moroccan h is to ry o r w h e th e r th e y will lead to ra d ic a l social m u tations is a n o th e r q u e s tio n . NOTES 1 P ie rre C la s tr e s , 'La Société c o n tre l 'é t a t ', P a ris , 1974, an d p a rtic u la rly Philosophie de la c h e ffe rie in d ie n n e , f ir s t p u b lish e d in 'L'Homme', I I , 1, 1962. 2 D avid M. H a rt, S egm entary S ystem s an d th e Role o f 'F iv eF ifth s ' in T rib a l Morocco, 'R ev u e de 1'O ccident Musulman e t de la M é d ite rra n é e ', III, 1, 1967, a n d th e p r e s e n t volum e. 3 S a llu s t, 'Bellum J u g u r th in u m ', c f. c h a p te r X III. 4 R o b ert M ontagne, 'Les B e rb è re s et le M akhzen d a n s le su d d u M aroc. E ssai s u r la tra n sfo rm a tio n p o litiq u e du g ro u p e c h le u h ', P a r is , 1930. 5 C it. b y Jo se p h C h elhod, K abila, in 'E ncyclopedia o f Islam ', 2nd e d n . 6 C f. n ote 3. 7 C f. Mohamed H ajji, 'L 'A c tiv ité in telle c tu e lle au Maroc à l'é p o q u e sa c d id e ', R a b a t, 1976, an d Mohammed L a k h d a r, 'La Vie litté r a ir e au Maroc so u s la d y n a s tie calaw id e', 1075-1311/1664-1894. 8 Muhammad a l-M u k h tar a l-S u s i, 'A l-M a ^ u l', C asab lan ca, 1960-3, a n d 'Ilig h qadim an wa h a d ith a n ', R a b a t, 1966. 9 In h is u n p u b lis h e d th e s is , C o n trib u tio n à l'h is to ire du T a fila le t. A sp e c ts d 'h is to ire économ ique et sociale du s u d e s t m arocain au x 16e et 17e siècles à tr a v e r s l'a n a ly se de q u a tre d o cum ents in é d its , 1977. 10 T he Id ris id s a re th e f ir s t n atio n al an d in d e p e n d e n t Moroc­ can d y n a s ty , b u t a t a local level (R if re g io n ) th e y w ere p re c e d e d b y th e B anu Salih who g o v e rn e d th e reg io n with th e aid of a c o n tin g e n t o f A rab w a r r io r s , by v irtu e of an iq tac (co n cessio n ) g ra n te d b y th e cUmmayyad khalifa . L ittle , ho w ev er, is know n about th e s e r u le r s . 11 Ib n K h ald u n , 'H istoire d e s B e r b è r e s ', t r . de S la n e, v o l. II, p . 561. 12 A s, fo r exam ple, th a t betw een th e d e s c e n d a n ts of Sidi Bu Yacq u b a n d th e ir c lie n ts . C f. C ap tain R oger H e n ry , N otes s u r les Ait Sidi Bou Y acoub, u n p u b lis h e d p a p e r , CHEAM, n o . 45, vol. 3, J a n u a ry 1937, p . 31 ff , te x t an d g e n e a ­ lo g ie s. T h is is a n a ly se d in d etail b y Mezzine in h is u n p u b ­ lish e d th e s is , C o n trib u tio n à l'h is to ire du T a fila le t. 13 A g re a t n u m b er of su c h a c ts of allegiance h av e b ee n p u b ­ lish e d b y cA bd al-W ahhab A l-M ansur in 'A1 W atayq', R ab at, 1976, 4 v o ls, p u b lish e d . 14 C lifford G e e rtz , 'Islam O b se rv e d . R eligious D evelopm ent in Morocco a n d In d o n e sia ', C hicago 1968 a n d 1971. 15 R e y n ie rs , Un Document s u r la p o litiq u e de Moulay Ism ael d a n s l'A tla s , 'A rc h iv e s M arocaines', v o l. X X VIII, P a ris , 1931.

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16 L e tte r from S u lta n Sidi Muhammad to Mulay cA b b as, 9 F e b ru a ry 1861, q u o te d b y Germ ain A y ach e, in A sp e cts de la c r is e fin a n c iè re au Maroc a p rè s l'e x p é d itio n esp ag n o le de 1860, 'R evue h is to r iq u e ', O cto b er-D ecem b er 1958, p . 8. 17 C f. B .G . M artin , 'Muslim B ro th e rh o o d s in 1 9 th -C e n tu ry A fric a ', C am b rid g e, 1976. 18 C f. Dale E ickelm an, 'M oroccan Islam ', A u stin an d London, 1942.

3

SEGMENTARY SYSTEMS AND THE ROLE OF ‘FIVE FIFTHS’ IN TRIBAL MOROCCO David M. Hart

T he two a rtic le s p re s e n te d h e r e , th e f ir s t a re p u b lic a tio n o f a 1967 o rig in al an d th e second a much s h o r te r 1978 ad d en d u m to it, an d not p re v io u sly p u b lis h e d , may b e c o n sid e re d a s a u n it an d a s at once an e x e rc ise b o th in s tr u c tu r a l th e o ry (1967) an d in h isto ric a l m ethodology (1978). T he ideology of ’five f if th s ' a s a pow erful se g m e n ta ry co n cep t w hich u n d e rp in s th e f ir s t a rtic le is show n in th e second not only to h av e b een fu n d a ­ m entally Islam ic, b u t to h av e b een a p rin c ip le a d a p te d b y th e P ro p h e t h im self, p o ssib ly ev en from a p re -Isla m ic p ro to ty p e , to w ard th e division of p lu n d e r c a p tu r e d in w ars from h is n o n Muslim enem ies. H ence its p u rp o se was o rig in a lly m ilitary an d was a s s o c ia te d , in one way o r a n o th e r, w ith th e e a rly c o n q u e s ts and e x p an sio n of Islam . Its s u b s e q u e n t p ro life ra tio n a s a d iag n o stic o f c e rta in specifically Moroccan trib a l s tr u c tu r e s may be more d iffic u lt to ex p lain (th o u g h it may well h av e h a d p r e Islamic ro o ts th e r e to o ); b u t th e in te r e s tin g fa ct is th a t in th e Moroccan c a s e s re c o u n te d h e r e , th e form o f th e phenom enon an d of its pow er ideology fo r its p o s s e s s o r g ro u p s rem ained e v e r y ­ w here th e sam e. T h is was so even th o u g h its fu n c tio n came to d iffe r m a rk e d ly , ev en ra d ic a lly , from one su c h p o sse sso r g ro u p to th e n e x t, which was g e n e ra lly sp a tia lly d isc o n tin u o u s w ith it. B ut Islam was alw ays p re s e n t h e r e , even at co n claves o f lay trib e s m e n : fo r w h e th e r th e c o n cep t was inv o k ed to p a y u p o r d iv id e u p a h e a v y fin e fo r m u rd e r on a m ark et d a y , a fine in which th e top seg m en ts of a whole tr ib e th e o re tic a lly p a r tic i­ p a te d , o r to elect a to p c h ie f w ith , a g a in , th e p a rtic ip a tio n , in th e o r y , of e v e ry maximal trib a l seg m e n t, th e r e w ere alw ays m em bers of th e local b a ra k a -h o ld in g sa in tly lineage p r e s e n t, in th e ir w hite r o b e s , to o ffic ia te , to s u p e rv is e an d to see to it th a t th e p ro c e e d in g s w ere c a rrie d o u t 'in th e name of G od, th e M erciful, th e C o m passionate’. Not only th is , b u t a s th e m em bers of su c h lin e a g es claim ed an d could d e m o n stra te th e ir g enealogical lin k s to th e P ro p h e t, th e y a lso , a n d eq u ally d e m o n stra b ly , claim ed k in sh ip with h is most illu s trio u s Moroc­ can d e s c e n d a n t, th e su lta n (now k in g ) , th e su prem e a r b ite r o f th e n a tio n . T h ese c o n sid e ra tio n s in th em selv es tie d ire c tly in to th e m ainstream of trib a l Islam an d h en c e into th e main them e of th is sym posium .

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T h is p a p e r is an a tte m p t to exam ine c e rta in a s p e c ts of th e s e g ­ m en tary sy ste m s of Moroccan Muslim tr ib e s , w ith p a rtic u la r a tte n tio n g iv en to a sp ecific a n d r e c u r r in g se g m e n ta ry them e w hich o b tr u d e s , h e re an d th e r e , all o v e r th e la n d sc a p e o f ru ra l Morocco. All th e tr ib e s w hich e x h ib it th is phenom enon a r e , o r c o n sid e r th em selv es to b e , la rg e an d p o w erfu l; a n d th e p h e n o ­ menon its e lf is th a t th e y a re d iv id ed into kham s kh m a s, o r ’five f i f t h s ', fiv e p rim a ry se g m e n ts. T h ese five se g m e n ts, ta k e n to g e th e r , c o n s titu te th e to ta lity of each tr ib e in q u e s tio n . A lthough th is s o u n d s simple eno u g h on th e s u r f a c e , th e r e is more to it th a n m eets th e e y e . Some in tro d u c to ry re m a rk s , h o w e v e r, on th e g e n e ra l n a tu r e o f Moroccan trib e s a n d o f th e se g m e n ta ry f e a tu re s o f th e ir social s tr u c tu r e will n o t be in a p ­ p r o p r ia te . A lthough th e s itu a tio n h a s , in v a ry in g d e g re e s fo r th e re g io n s of Morocco c o n c e rn e d , become m odified since th e esta b lish m e n t in th a t c o u n tr y of th e joint F ra n c o -S p a n ish p ro te c to ra te (in th e o r y , in 1912, b u t not in e ffe ct u n til 1926 in th e Rif M ountains, a n d in 1933 in th o se of th e C e n tra l A tla s ), an d e v e n more so since in d e p e n d e n c e (1 956), it is c o n v e n ie n t, fo r o u r p u rp o s e s h e r e , to r e g a r d p r e - p r o te c to ra te Morocco a s b e in g d iv id e d a c c o rd in g to th r e e b asic a x e s , none o f which a re o r w ere m utually e x c lu siv e : 1. an u r b a n - tr ib a l a x is ( r a th e r th a n sim ply u r b a n - r u r a l , fo r v irtu a lly e v e ry th in g w hich, p r io r to 1912, o u r 'z e ro p o in t', was n o t u rb a n was tr ib a l) ; 2. an A ra b -B e rb e r axis (e s s e n tia lly lin g u is tic , a n d to some e x te n t in s titu tio n a l, th o u g h not a t all s tr u c t u r a l ) , an d 3. a m a k h za n -sib a a x is . T h is la st r e q u ir e s a b rie f c o n te x tu a l e x p la n a tio n . Morocco h a s alw ays b e en a m onarchy (a n d in 1962 it becam e a c o n s titu tio n a l o n e ) , with a su lta n (now k in g ) a t its h e a d ; a n d all th e in h a b ita n ts o f th e c o u n try h a v e alw ays acknow ledged him a s th e ir s p iritu a l h e a d . H ow ever, h is tem poral a u th o rity only c o v e re d , b e fo re 1912, a fra c tio n of th e s u rfa c e a re a o f th e c o u n tr y , i . e . sp e c ific a lly , th e c itie s a n d s u rr o u n d in g (c o a sta l) p la in s, w hose in h a b ita n ts re g u la rly paid ta x e s to h im .( l) T h is was th e so -c a lle d blad ¡ - m a k h za n , o r 'g o v ern m en t la n d '; a n d o p p o sed to it c o n c e p tu ally was th e in fin ite ly la r g e r b ia d - s - s ib a o r 'land of d is s id e n c e ', in la rg e p a r t made u p of m ountains a n d d e s e r ts d iffic u lt o f a c c e s s , an d e n tire ly p o p u la te d by tr ib e s p e o p le , most of whom h a p p e n e d to be B e rb e r- s p e a k in g . T h e trib e sm e n o f th e 'land of d is s id e n c e ' tra d itio n a lly paid no ta x e s to th e c e n tra l g o v ern m en t (in th e fram ew ork of option d is c u ss e d b y L a h b a b i, th e y could e ith e r o p t in o r o p t o u t , (2) d e s p ite c o n s ta n t, an d (u n d e r s tr o n g s u lta n s ) e v en an n u a l ta x - g a th e r in g e x p e d itio n s , th e so ld ie ry o f which was made u p of 'tam e' tr ib e s from th e 'g o v ern m en t la n d ’). H ow ever, a famous N orth A frican p ro v e rb sa y s th a t ’T u n isia is a woman, A lgeria a man a n d Morocco a lio n ’, a n d , a s th e lio n 's ro a r u su a lly em anated from th e 'la n d of d is s id e n c e ', th e ta x - g a th e r in g fo rc e s

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of th e g o v e rn m e n t, in p r e - p ro te c to ra te tim e s , were a s o fte n a s n o t d e fe a te d . T he tr ib e s e x is tin g in a s ta te of sib a, of d is ­ sid e n c e , w ere in d e e d s tr o n g , h a rd a n d to u g h . What made them so?

T h e g e n e ra l p rin c ip le s th a t u n d e rlie se g m e n ta ry sy stem s of trib a l o rg a n iz a tio n h ave b een too well e lu c id a te d b y P ro fe sso r E v a n s -P ritc h a rd a n d o th e r social a n th ro p o lo g is ts , follow ing him , to n eed much f u r th e r th e o re tic a l comment h e r e , (3) b u t it sh o u ld b e s tr e s s e d th a t Moroccan tr ib e s a r e h ig h ly a g n a tic an d h ig h ly se g m e n ta ry in c h a r a c te r . T h is is tr u e w h e th e r one is d ealin g w ith an A ra b ic -sp e a k in g qbila, a Rifian d h a q b its h , o r a B e rb e r taqbilt (all term s d e riv in g from th e same A rabic root q - b - 1 ) in th e A tlas M ountains; all mean 'tr ib e ' (th o u g h in th e la st-m e n tio n e d c a s e , o fte n 'c la n ') , an d all in g e n e ra l b ase th is m eaning on th e same u n d e rly in g s e t of a ssu m p tio n s, which I d is c u s s h e re b rie fly b efo re em b ark in g upon my main them e. M oroccan tr ib e s te n d to be s tr u c tu r e d a c c o rd in g to e ith e r one of two b a sic p rin c ip le s , th a t o f 'common a n c e s to rs h ip ' o r th a t of 'h e te ro g e n e o u s c la n s '. T h is fa ct n e e d s in its e lf to be s c r u ­ tin iz e d more clo se ly . Some tr ib e s sp eak A rab ic, some sp eak B e rb e r; b u t w h a t, asid e from lin g u istic d iffe re n c e s , do th e y h av e in common? T he an sw er is : a v e ry g re a t d e a l. In co n ­ form ity with th e la n g u a g e d iffe re n c e , th e re a re of c o u rse d if­ fe re n c e s in (lin g u is tic ) n o m en c la tu re , i .e . an A ra b ic -sp e a k in g trib e may be r e f e r r e d to a s 'L’la d ' o r 'B ni X ', 'c h ild re n o f' o r 'so n s of' X, w h ereas a B e rb e r-s p e a k in g one may be r e f e r r e d to as 'A it', 'A ith ' o r 'A sht X ', 'people of' X. T h ese a re small d iffe re n c e s , an d th e ultim ate r e s u lt is th e sam e. By th is , I mean th a t X may r e f e r e ith e r to a common p a trilin e a l a n c e s to r , w h e th e r o r n o t he be genealogically tra c e a b le , o r to a place (p e rh a p s a point of o rig in ) . As am ongst alm ost all M uslims, d e s c e n t is re c k o n e d fo r all p ra c tic a l p u rp o se th ro u g h th e male line o n ly ; a n d all Muslim trib a l g ro u p s know n to a n y in v e s ti­ g a to r u n d e rg o th a t p ro c e ss of su b d iv isio n th ro u g h time an d sp ace which is know n to social a n th ro p o lo g ists a s 'se g m e n ta tio n '. Segm entation is easily d e fin e d : each tr ib e , w h e th e r it b e a rs th e name of a p u ta tiv e common a n c e sto r o r th e name o f a p u ta ­ tiv e point of o rig in , is seg m en ted into X n u m b er of c la n s (seldom more th a n five - a n d h e re we b e g in to 'zero in ' on o u r s u b je c t) . Each of th e s e is in its tu r n seg m en ted into Y n u m b e r of s u b c la n s ; an d each of th e s e in its own tu r n is segm ented in to Z num b er of a g n a tic o r p a trilin e a l lin e a g e s, which may th em selv es segm ent a g a in , a n d a g a in , a n d a g a in , down to the level of th e elem en tary o r n u c le a r family of f a th e r , m other and u n m a rrie d c h ild r e n . F u rth e rm o re , it is also a basic p rin c ip le o f th e system (a lth o u g h one which h a s in a t le a st six Rifian c a s e s th a t I know of b e en v io la ted ) th a t a lth o u g h th e d e sc e n ­ d a n ts of two b r o th e r s , A a n d B , may fig h t a g a in s t each o th e r , th e y will join to g e th e r if a tta c k e d b y th e d e s c e n d a n ts o f th o se b r o th e r s ' co u sin C , b e c a u se , a lth o u g h A, B an d C all go b ack ultim ately to th e same a n c e s to r D , A a n d B a re more clo sely

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re la te d to each o th e r th a n e ith e r of them is to C .( 4 ) Each tr i b e , in good se g m e n ta ry fa sh io n , h a s a g iv en name a n d a g iv en t e r r it o r y ; an d each clan w ithin th e trib e h a s its c o rre s p o n d in g name a n d s u b - t e r r i t o r y , so th a t th e o v erall system of trib a l la n d -o w n e rsh ip is in fact n o th in g b u t th e seg m e n ta ry sy stem (co n ceiv ed alw ays in term s of tim e) flo pped down sp a tia lly u p o n th e g r o u n d .(5) T he lin g u istic a x is of A r a b -B e r b e r, r e f e r r e d to a b o v e , c u ts a c ro s s c e r ta in f e a tu re s of th e trib a l sy ste m s: many if n o t most A ra b ic -sp e a k in g tr ib e s c o n sid e r th em selv es to be d e sc e n d e d from common a n c e s to rs (a s bed o u in tr ib e s , c la ssic a lly , d o ), b u t some ( p a rtic u la rly in th e N o rth w e ste rn Jb a la ) a re b u ilt u p more on th e toponym y p r in c ip le , with h e te ro g e n e o u s cla n s m erely h a v in g come in a n d h a v in g occu p ied te r r ito r y w hich e v e n tu a lly became th a t o f th e tr ib e in q u e stio n , u n d e r its p r e s e n t nam e. T he same is t r u e of B e rb e r-s p e a k in g tr ib e s : th o se in th e Rif M ountains in th e N orth an d th o se in th e S o u th w e ste rn A tlas M ountains, Sus Valley an d A n ti-A tlas te n d to be o rg a n iz e d (to th e e x te n t to w hich, given o u r lim ited d o cu m en tatio n , th is fac t c an be g e n e ra liz e d ) on th e h e te ro g e n e o u s a n d o fte n toponym ical clan p rin c ip le - while th o se in th e Middle and C e n tra l A tlas te n d to be o rg a n iz e d a ro u n d th e p rin c ip le , re a l o r p u ta tiv e , o f com­ mon a n c e s to r s h ip . One can also m ake, in v e ry g e n e ra l te rm s, an economic co rre la tio n h e re : th e b u lk of th e tr ib e s , w h e th er A rabic or B e r b e r - s p e a k in g , w hich a re s tr u c tu r e d on th e 'h e te ro g e n e o u s c la n ' p rin cip le a re s e d e n ta ry a g r ic u ltu r is ts who live th e y e a r ro u n d in fixed h o u s e s , while th e b u lk o r th o se s tr u c tu r e d on th e 'common a n c e s to r' p rin c ip le a re e ith e r t r a n s h u m an ts or nom ads. (B y ’tr a n s h u m a n ts 1, I mean th a t th e y g e n e ra lly make two w ell-defined moves p e r y e a r : up into th e m ountains to p a s tu r e th e ir sh e ep a n d to live in te n ts in s p r in g , a n d b ack down into th e low er v a lle y s, w here th e ir p e rm a n en t h o u se s a re lo c a te d , in th e a u tu m n .) A n o th e r fe a tu re common to m ost, th o u g h not all, Moroccan tr ib e s is ( o r w as) th e e x is te n c e , in th e ir m id st, of re s id e n t holy men (m ost not only claim ing d e s c e n t from th e P ro p h e t b u t p o s s e s s in g g enealogical e v id e n c e , e ith e r w ritte n in A rabic o r in th e ir h e a d s , to back u p th e ir claim ) who form lin ea g es o r ev en whole c la n s a p a r t from b u t, a t th e same tim e, w ith th e re s t of th e trib a l com m unity, and whose job is th e a r b itra tio n of c o n flic ts , b o th in sid e a n d o u tsid e th e tr ib e . Such c o n flic ts, in trib a l Morocco b e fo re 1912, were v e ry much th e o r d e r of th e d a y . ( I t can b e , a n d h a s b e e n , a r g u e d , th a t fe u d s an d w a rs, fa r from pro m o ting a n y d is in te g ra tio n of th e trib a l sy stem p ro v id e d in fact the main fo rc e which k e p t it g o in g , a s ta te o f a f f a ir s w hich led F ren c h an d S p an ish in v e s tig a to rs of a g e n e ra tio n ago to c ate g o riz e trib a l sy stem s a s 'sy stem s of o rg a n iz e d a n a r c h y ' - n o t, p e r h a p s , th e rig h t la b e l, f o r , to my m ind, at le a s t, th e term 'a n a rc h y ' implies a to tal lack of g o v ern m en t; b u t th e y w ere n o n e th e le ss on th e r ig h t t r a c k .) A g a in , a g e n e ra liz atio n can be made h e re : nomad a n d t r a n s ­

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hum an tr ib e s te n d e d to en g a g e in in te r tr ib a l w a rfa re , while am ongst s e d e n ta r y t r i b e s , fe u d s w ere g e n e ra lly in tr a tr ib a l in c h a r a c te r . In th e R if, fo r exam ple, each tr ib e was lite ra lly sp lit in h a lf, a n d w hen th e two h a lv e s w ere n o t fig h tin g a g a in st each o th e r , fe u d in g co n tin u ed ju s t as in te n siv e ly on a low er se g m e n ta ry le v e l, am o n g st, fo r in s ta n c e , th e lin ea g es of a sin g le s u b c la n . Not only th is , b u t only th e h o lier of th e holy men a b s ta in e d from fig h tin g ; th e ra n k a n d file fo u g h t am ongst th e m se lv e s, a lth o u g h n o t, a s a r u le , with o u ts id e r s . A nd th e h o lier holy m en, in th e ir w hite ro b e s a n d th e baraka em anating from th e ir p e r s o n s , th e 'b le s s in g - s u b s ta n c e ' given them b y God to endow them w ith th e ir a b ility a s m ira cle -w o rk ers (an a b ility th e le s s e r o n e s d id n o t p o s s e s s ) , liv ed up to th e p re s tig io u s role an d s ta tu s a s c rib e d to them by th e (g e n e ra lly w a rrin g ) lay com m unity b y seein g to it th a t fe u d s a n d w ars w ere in te r r u p te d b y seaso n al tr u c e s fo r h a r v e s tin g , e t c . , while at th e same time re c e iv in g h e lp fu l 'p e r k s ’ th ro u g h an n u al o ffe rin g s from th e ir c o n s titu e n ts a s well a s (in th e Rif) a 'c u t o ff th e to p ' when fin e s fo r m u rd e r w ere im posed b y th e trib a l co u n c il. In some of th e s e tr ib e s (g e n e ra lly th e A ra b ic -sp e a k in g o n e s, a lth o u g h w ith th e e x c e p tio n , b y an d la rg e , o f th e N o rth e rn Jb a la ) pow er was tra d itio n a lly more o r le ss c e n tra liz e d a n d a u to ­ c r a tic , and h eld in th e h a n d s of a single qa id, a lth o u g h a council u su ally a c te d as a b ra k e on h is p o ssib le a b u s e s . In o th e r s (g e n e ra lly th e B e rb e r-s p e a k in g o n e s , with th e n o tab le ex cep tio n o f th o se tr ib e s in th e W estern A tlas w hich came u n d e r th e sw ay of th e Glawi a n d th e o th e r 'G ra n d Q a id s', and of th e R ifians a fte r th e a sc e n d a n c e to pow er of 'A bd a l-K rim ), pow er was re m a rk a b ly d iffu s e d ; a system of su p e rim p o se d r e p r e s e n ta ­ tiv e c o u n c ils, on th e d iffe re n t se g m en tary le v e ls , was th e r u le ; c h ie fs , w here th e y e x iste d (n o ta b ly am ong Middle a n d C e n tra l A tlas tra n s h u m a n t t r i b e s ) , could be th ro w n o u t of office if th e y p ro v e d u n s a tis f a c to r y ; an d eg alitarian ism was v e ry much the norm .

In to th is g e n e ra liz ed situ a tio n we may now in tro d u c e o u r main th em e, th e r e c u r r in g fe a tu re of a b a sic se g m en ta tio n , in c e rta in M oroccan t r i b e s , in to kham s khm as o r 'fiv e f if th s '. I p lan to d is c u s s th is fo r th r e e well a u th e n tic a te d c a s e s , th e Aith W aryaghar o f th e C e n tra l R if, th e Ait cA tta of th e S ah aran slope o f th e C e n tra l A tlas and th e Jb il S a g h ru (in b o th of which tr ib e s I m yself h av e done in te n siv e fie ld w o rk ), and th e D ukkala of th e A tlantic co a stal plain ( th is c ase is d e riv e d from th e e x is tin g lite r a tu r e ) . (6) T hese b y no m eans e x h a u s t th e ro stru m of trib a l g ro u p s segm ented in th is m an n e r, b u t w h e th e r th e y in fa c t can b e said to r e p r e s e n t 'ty p e c a s e s ' on th e one h an d o r m erely one (h e a v y ) en d of th e av ailable sp e c tru m on th e o th e r , o u r e th n o g ra p h ic know ledge is at

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p r e s e n t s till too s p o tty to d e te rm in e . If, h o w ev er, we compile a list of 'p o s s ib le s ' which may be seg m en ted in th is m a n n er, it becom es in d eed an im p ressiv e one : in th e N o rth w e ste rn J b a la , B ni H uzm ar, Bni G u rfa t, Ahl S rif, B ni Y isif, I-K hm as ( p e rh a p s b y d e fin itio n , in th is c a s e , a lth o u g h th e d e fin itio n h e re is n o t e n tire ly in ac c o rd a n c e w ith th e p r e s e n t- d a y clan b re a k d o w n ), Ghzawa an d Bni M s ta ra ;(7 ) in th e Ghm ara re g io n , ju s t e a s t of th e Jb a la , B ni Silman and B ni R z in ;(8 ) a n d Sinhaja S r ir g ro u p , ju s t e a s t o f G hm ara a n d w est o f th e R ifians P ro p e r, K ta m a .(9 ) In th e R if, a sid e from o u r A ith W ary ag h ar, th e r e a r e also Ig zin n ay en (a lth o u g h a c c o u n ts g iven me b y in fo rm a n ts in th is tr ib e c o n ­ f lic t) , A xt T u z in , T him sam an, A ith S a 'id , A ith W urishik, th e fiv e tr ib e s of I q a r ^ y e n , (10) a n d n e a r O u jd a, Ait Iz n a se n . M oving s o u th , th e Shaw iya n e a r C asab lan ca a n d th e S ra g h n a n e a r M arrak esh may r e p r e s e n t e x a m p le s ,(11) a sid e from th e D ukkala of th e c o a sta l p lain ; a n d in th e foothills o f th e Middle A tla s, th e Zimmur a re also said to be o n e .(12) In th e Middle A tlas its e lf, we h av e th e f iv e - tr ib e c o n fe d e ratio n o f Ait Umala ( I s h q ir n , Ait Is h a q , Ait W irra, Ait Umm 1 -B ak h t, an d Z a y a n ,(1 3 ) th e Ait M gild, Ait N d h ir(1 4 ) and Ait W arayin;(15) a n d in th e C e n tra l A tla s, asid e from th e Ait cA tta , th e f iv e - tr ib e c o n fe d e r­ ation o f Ait Yafalman (w hich was o rg a n ise d to fig h t a g a in st th e Ait cA tta ,( 1 6 ) an d th e Ait S u k h m an ). (17) In th e S u s, th e tw elve Haha tr ib e s a re each s tr u c tu r e d in th is m a n n e r;(18) a n d in th e W estern S a h a ra , th e R gibat bed o u in say th a t th e y h a v e khm as kh m as, b u t th e ir a c tu a l seg m e n ta ry system c o n tra d ic ts th is s ta te m e n t, a s I d isc o v ered p e r s o n a lly .(1 9 ) Many E u ro p ean w rite rs on Moroccan tr ib e s h av e te n d e d to r e g a r d them as exam ples of what G ellner h a s re c e n tly called 'a k in d of b in a ry fis s io n '; (20) G ellner th in k s , a n d I a g r e e , th a t th e n u m b er 'tw o' h a s no p re -e m in e n ce . Most of th e s e a u th o rs h av e te n d e d to co n fu se seg m e n ta ry sy ste m s w ith a c e rta in k in d o f alliance system found in p a r ts of B e rb e r Morocco ( e . g . in th e R if a n d in th e W estern High A tlas, in its classic m a n ife sta tio n s, th o u g h th e s e th em selv es d iffe r betw een th e two re g io n s ). B in a ry fis s io n , in its p u re ly lite ra l s e n s e , does in d e ed e x ist in c e rta in small M oroccan tr ib e s (T a fa rs ith in th e E a ste rn Rif b e in g b u t one exam p le, an d h e re th e two cla n s also c o rr e s p o n d ­ e d to th e two h o stile moieties in th e tr i b e ) ; b u t its e x iste n c e seem s d o u b tfu l in la r g e r tr i b e s . 'T w o' h a s no p rim acy in b ig g e r t r ib e s , b u t 'fiv e ' h a s ; an d it is n o t s tr e tc h in g th e p o int to a s s e r t th a t th e n otion of kham s khm as r e p r e s e n ts th e q u in te s ­ sen ce of trib a l social s tr u c tu r e in Morocco. We now come to th e co re of th e a rg u m e n t ; g r a n te d th a t c e rta in M oroccan tr ib e s a re d iv id ed into fiv e p rim ary seg m en ts (call them 'c la n s ', o r w h a te v e r), what is th e s tr u c tu r a l sig n i­ ficance of th is ty p e o f se g m e n ta tio n ; w h a t, in each c a s e , is its fu n c tio n ; an d what fin a lly , is th e re la tio n sh ip betw een th e two? H ere th e r e a r e , v e r y a p p ro p ria te ly , five c r ite r ia o f re le v a n c e , all of which fit th e 'ty p e c a s e s ' which will be d e s c rib e d below .

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(T o w hat e x te n t th e y fit th e 'p o ss ib le ' trib a l g ro u p s ju s t m en­ tio n e d , I ca n n o t s a y , b u t it is re a so n a b ly safe to assum e th a t some of th e c r ite r ia fit some of th e 'p o ss ib le ' t r i b e s . ) T h ese c r ite r ia a re as follow s: 1. A ny trib e seg m ented in to five ’f if th s ’ is e x p lic itly re g a rd e d to b e su c h b y its m em bers, who a re th e m se lv es th o ro u g h ly co n scio u s of th e p rin c ip le in v o lv ed , and who a rtic u la te it as such in th e ir own s e lf-c o n c e p tu a liz a tio n s , w hich a re g e a re d to 2. T h e idea th a t five ’f if th s ’ in d ic a te s th e s tr e n g th a n d pow er of a n y trib a l g ro u p p o sse ssin g them , a n d is th u s a g re a t so u rce of trib a l p r id e . 3. In th e ideal s itu a tio n , th e notion o f ’five f if th s ', asid e from its s tr u c tu r a l re le v a n c e , alw ays c o n ta in s a fu n c tio n a l re le v a n c e as w ell, alth o u g h th e fu n c tio n in each in d iv id u al c a se m ay, a n d g e n e ra lly d o e s, d iffe r from tr ib e to tr ib e (o r from re g io n to r e g io n ). 4. The s tr u c tu r a l rele v a n c e of th e p rin c ip le is p a rtic u la rly a p p a re n t in tr ib e s which show , e ith e r w ithin o r o u tsid e th e ir b o u n d a rie s , a com bined d isc o n tin u ity a n d re d u p lic a tio n of clan seg m en ts on th e te r r ito r ia l le v e l. (B y th is , I mean th a t a given c la n , B ni o r Ulad A o r Ait B, of a tr ib e B ni o r Ulad X o r Ait Y , is re p ro d u c e d s p a tia lly , while m aintaining its same nam e, in two o r more d iffe re n t p laces e ith e r w ithin o r o u tsid e th e main bloc of th e tr ib a l t e r r i t o r y .) 5. T h is 'q u in te s s e n tia l' p rin c ip le g iv en h e re a s Point 5 s u b ­ sum es all th e o th e r s , an d p ro v id e s th e ir re fe r e n tia l a rtic u la tio n with each o th e r : th e p rin c ip le of kham s k h m a s , b y a r tic u la tin g te r rito ria lly d isc o n tin u o u s cla n s in a n d of a g iv e n tr ib e , te n d s to p ro d u c e , in each in sta n c e , n o t only c o n c re te exam ples of c o rp o ra te trib a l a c tio n , b u t to a c t as a b ra k e on o th e r , d ivisive fo rc e s (w h ich , in th e Ait W aryaghar c a s e , a t le a s t, a re maxi­ mized) w ithin th e to ta l sociopolitical s tr u c tu r e of th e tr ib e .

In th e lig h t of th e above five c r i t e r i a , we may now c o n sid e r o u r th re e 'ty p e c a s e s ', two of which a re ’B e r b e r ’ an d o n e , ’A ra b ’. Case 1 The A ith W aryaghar of th e C e n tra l R if (who p ro d u c e d cA bd al-K rim ) a re s e d e n ta ry a g r ic u ltu r is ts , n u m b e rin g , in 1960, almost 76,000 in p o p u la tio n ; th e y live in fix ed h a b ita tio n s b u t in local com m unities which show an ex trem e d e g re e of d isp e rsio n of in d iv id u a l h o u s e s ; and th e ir re sp o n se to p o v e rty and popu latio n p r e s s u r e h a s tra d itio n a lly b een b lo o d fe u d in g , now su p p la n te d b y la b o u r m ig ratio n . T h ey a re th e b ig g e s t tr ib a l g ro u p in th e R if, an d th e only one in th a t re g io n e x h ib itin g th e phenom ena o f te r r ito r ia l d isc o n tin u ity an d re d u p lic a tio n m entioned a b o v e , e v e n th o u g h on th e trib a l le v e l, a s opp o sed to th a t of th e c la n , th e y form a sin g le b lo c. T h is p o in t h a s

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a lre a d y b e e n m entioned b y M o n ta g n e,(21) an d b o th he an d P ro fe sso r C oon, (22) e q u a lly , m ention th e e x iste n c e of five 'fif th s ' in th is tr ib e ; a n d C oon's work h a s at le a st th e m erit of im plying th e im portance of th is phenom enon in Rifian social s tr u c tu r e in g e n e ra l. N e ith e r, h o w e v e r, d is c u s s e s e ith e r th e s tr u c tu r a l o r th e fu n c tio n a l re le v a n c e o f th e sy ste m , w hich I sh all do b elo w . T he kham s khm as o f th e A ith W aryaghar a re a s follows in F ig u re 3 .1 : F ig u re 3.1 tribe AITH WARYAGHAR

clan AITH YUSIF W-CARI Khums I

AITH CARI

AITH C ABDALLAH Khumsll

AITH BU AITH IMRABDHEN 'AYYASH HADHIFA Khumslll

Khums IV

KhumsV

It is im m ediately d is c e rn ib le h e re th a t th e c o rre sp o n d e n c e b etw een clan ( a r - r b a c , p i. r - u r b i f ) and k h u m s ( s in g , o f k h m a s ) is only p a r tia l. It is com plete in khm as II, III, IV a n d V (th e in tru s iv e Im ra b d h e n , d e sig n a te d in F ig u re 3 .1 b y a d o tte d lin e , who claim to be Id ris id sh u r fa a n d have an e x c e lle n t, an d p ro b a b ly in d eed im peccable, genealogy to b ack u p th e ir claim , b u t who h a v e no r ig h ts to an a n n u a l s h a re in th e 'b o x ' of Mulay Id r is in F e z ); b u t khum s I is made u p o f two c la n s . The f u r th e r seg m en tatio n into su b c la n s (e q u a lly , a r -r b d P ) , given in F ig u re 3 .2 , in d ic a te s th a t th e division in to 'f if th s ' was p rim arily a recom bination of c la n s (a n d su b c la n s) fo r political p u r p o s e s , esp e c ia lly for th e co llectio n , paym ent a n d d is tr ib u ­ tion of trib a l fin e s ( h a q q ) w hich m u rd e re rs h ad to p ay to th e m em bers of th e clan o r trib a l council (th e imgharen o f th e aitha rbici n ) , if th e y com m itted a m u rd er in th e m arket (s u q ) on m arket d a y . G iven th e implicit lack of common a n c e s try (fo r th e trib a l name is d e riv e d from th a t of a m ountain in th e m assif of th e Jb il Hmam, th e M ountain o f D oves, th e point o f o rig in of th e trib e in th e so u th e rn m o st p a r t of its t e r r i t o r y ) , th e d iv i­ sion in to 'f if th s ' was also d e sig n e d , one may assu m e , with an ey e to w ard th e re d u c tio n o f co n flicts w hich in th is tr ib e were in v a ria b ly a t a maximum; fo r th e b lo o d fe u d , in tim es p a s t, was th e dom inant social in s titu tio n in th is tr ib e . If fe u d s w ere d o rm a n t, fo r e x a m p le , on u p p e r levels o f s e g m e n ta tio n , th e y were activ e on low er o n e s; a n d we sh all see f u r th e r on how th e alliance s t r u c t u r e q u ite c u t a c ro s s th e k h u m s-c lan sy ste m . The te r r ito r ia l sy stem of the A ith W aryaghar is also c h a r a c ­ te riz e d b y th e tw in phenom ena o f te r r ito r ia l d isc o n tin u ity an d

Khums I i

clan AITH YU SIFW -C ARI

Subclan AITH UGHIR ISRIHAN IZAN

AITH TURIRTH

Khums II clan AITH C ABDALLAH

Subclan AITH C ARU AITH MUSA TMAJURTH

Khums IV clan AITH HADHIFA

Subclan AITH BU IRAQRAQEN JTAT

AITH CARUS

lcAKKIYEN

Subclan TIGARTH IMHAWREN

AITH TIMARZGA R-CABBAS

Khums III clan AITH BU C AYYASH

Subclan

'TRUE'AITH BU °AYYASH

AITH CADHIYA

Khums V clan IMRABDHEN

Subclan IMRABDHEN N-DARA ('UPPER')

IMRABDHEN N-WADDAI ('LOWER')

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re d u p lic a tio n (w hich I h av e d isc u sse d in d e tail in a n o th e r p u b ­ l i c a t i o n ^ ) ) ; a n d it should be em phasized th a t in th e R if, th e s e phenom ena e x is t only in A ith W ary ag h ar, am ong whom each 'f if th ' (o r each c la n , if th e two sh o u ld co in cid e) p o s s e s s e s its p rin c ip a l te r r it o r y in th e m ountains a n d e n cla v es in th e Plain of al-H u saim a, o r vice v e r s a . (24) A nd in th re e 'f if th s ', I, IV and V in F ig u re 3 .1 , we fin d , in fa c t, fo r each o n e, two o r more p rin c ip a l c h u n k s o f te r r ito r y e ac h c le a rly s e p a ra te d from th e o th e r , w ithin th e fram ew ork o f th e to ta l tr ib a l lan d a s a whole. T he division in to 'f if th s ' (a n d /o r c la n s , a s we have se e n ) is f u r th e r su b se g m e n te d in to su b c la n s, as in F ig u re 3 .2 . H ere we may n ote a n o th e r phenom enon, a lth o u g h one th a t is n o t n e c e s s a rily p e c u lia r to tr ib e s d iv id ed into 'f if th s ' : th a t o f dom inance an d r e c e s s iv e n e s s of clan n am es. T h o u g h I h av e com m ented upon th is else w h ere , (25) no le ss th a n th r e e in s ta n c e s o f th is may be n o te d in W aryagharland : 1. in khum s I, th e two su b c la n s of T ru e A ith Y usif w -cA ri, a s o p p o sed to th e ir ’b r o t h e r s ’ of A ith T u r ir th (all th r e e bein g te rr ito r ia lly d isc o n ­ tin u o u s from each o t h e r ) , a n d th e th r e e su b c la n s o f T ru e A ith cA ri a s o p p o sed to th e ir ’b r o th e r s ’ o f T im arzga (w ith , a g a in , te r r ito r ia l d isc o n tin u ity am ong all f o u r ) ; 2. in khum s II , the su b c la n s of T ru e A ith B u^A yyash an d A ith c A dhiya (th e f ir s t is not te r r ito r ia lly d is c o n tin u o u s, alth o u g h th e second is v e ry slig h tly s o ) ; a n d 3. in khum s IV , th e two su b c la n s of T ru e A ith H adhifa as o p p o sed to th e ir ’b r o th e r s ’ (u m ath en ) o f A ith cA ru s an d I ^ k k iy e n (a n d in th is c a s e , th e f ir s t tw o a re n o t d is c o n tin u o u s , b u t th e second two a r e . . ..A n d it m ight be n o ted th a t th e ’b ro th e rh o o d ’ betw een clan g ro u p in g s , ’b ro th e rh o o d 1 a s o p p o sed to a c tu a l d e sc e n t from a common a n c e s to r, is c o n ­ s ta n tly r e f e r r e d to b y A ith W aryaghar e ld e r s , p e rh a p s e v e n a s a sop to th e in v e s tig a to r fo r b e in g u n a b le to tra c e common d e s c e n t! ) . T he 't r u e ' s u b c la n s , in a case o f th is k in d , a re th o se which give th e ir own nam es to th o se on th e se g m e n ta ry level im m ediately above them , an d it is , th u s , th e y w hich a re d o m in an t, in th is p s e u d o -g e n e tic s e n s e , a n d th e o th e r s , whose nam es a re only re ta in e d on on e le v e l, th e low er o n e , w hich a re re c e s s iv e . F u rth e rm o re , on th e actu al g ro u n d a n d te rr ito r ia l level p e r s e , th e r e is y e t a d d itio n al te rr ito r ia l d isc o n tin u ity an d re d u p lic a tio n o f local com m unities ( r - u d s h u r , s in g , d - d s h a r ) am ong, in p a r tic u la r , T ru e A ith Y usif w -cA ri a n d T ru e A ith cA ri (th e two h a v in g b een hostile to each o th e r in th e tr a d i­ tional alliance sy ste m , with A ith T u r ir th h a v in g b ac k ed th e f ir s t g ro u p an d T im arzga th e se c o n d ). A n d , fin a lly , th e i n t r u ­ sive Im rab d h en (a llie d , tra d itio n a lly , th ro u g h m arriag e to A ith Y usif w -cA ri) h ave two p rin c ip a l b lo ck s of te r r i t o r y , 'U p p e r' a n d 'L o w er'; b u t th e y also h av e m any e v en more i n t r u ­ siv e in d iv id u al lin e a g e s ( d h a r f i q t h , p i. d h a r fiq in ) d is p e rs e d a t s tr a te g ic p o in ts th ro u g h o u t th e tr ib a l t e r r i t o r y , among th e o th e r c la n s . (I t was th e s e lin e a g e s, p e rh a p s b y th e ir position a s much a s b y a n y th in g e ls e , which p ro v id e d th e v e ry small

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m inority o f w h ite -ro b e d b a r a k a -p o s s e s s o rs a n d a d ju d ic a to rs of d is p u te s in th e tr i b e ; one m an, a n d only one in a g iv en 'h o ly ' lineage at a g iv en tim e, h eld th e m iracle-w orking pow er o f th e b a r a k a , to be tra n s m itte d on h is d e a th to one of h is so n s, while a n o th e r man of th e same lin e a g e , g e n e ra lly his b r o th e r , a c te d a s a r b itr a to r o f c o n flic ts. A sa c re d an d p ro fan e division of la b o u r a n d pow er th e r e was h e re - while all th e o th e r Im rab d h en m ight ju s t as well h av e b ee n laym en, fo r th e y e te rn a lly fo u g h t am ongst th e m se lv e s.) Among th e A ith W ary ag h ar, th e seg m entation in to kham s k h m as, 'fiv e f i f t h s ', h ad its c o n c re te e x p re s s io n - a n d we now come to th e q u e stio n o f fu n ctio n - in th e d iv isio n o f th e trib a l fine in flic te d on a m u rd e re r : 2,000 d u ro s h a s a n i if h e killed someone in th e m ark et its e lf, and h a lf of th is sum , o r 1,000 d u ro s h a s a n i, if he k illed him on a n y p a th le a d in g to th e m a rk e t, on th e day o f th e week th a t th e m arket was h e ld . T he money was d iv id ed in to five eq u al p a r ts am ongst th e im gharen, th e co u n cil-m em b ers, o f each 'f if th ', in o r d e r to k ee p th e su q o r m arket as a place of p eaceful commercial e x c h a n g e . (W ithin th e 'f i f th s ', id e a lly , a n d s ta r tin g with khum s I , fo r exam ple, th a t o f A ith Y usif w -cA ri an d A ith cA ri, th e f ir s t clan re c e iv e d one h a lf, a n d th e se c o n d , th e second h a lf; th e n , from th e f irs t h a lf, o n e -fifth was given to A ith T u r ir th an d th e r e s t d iv id ed in h a lf b etw een A ith U ghir Izan an d Is rih a n . In th e second clan of khum s I, A ith cA ri, o n e -fifth was giv en to T im arzga, and th e r e s t d iv id e d in to th r e e eq u al p a r ts am ong T ig a r th , Im haw ren an d A ith r - cA b b a s. In khum s II, A ith cA b dallah, th e ir sh a re was d iv id ed in h a lf betw een th e two c o n s titu e n t su b c la n s, a n d th e same a p p lied fo r khum s III, A ith Bu cA y y a sh , a n d fo r khum s V, Im ra b d h e n . In khum s IV , A ith H adifa, th e two su b c la n s of T ru e A ith H adhifa re c e iv e d tw o - th ir d s , th is b e in g d iv id ed in h alf betw een th e two of th em , while th e rem ain­ in g o n e - th ir d w ent to A ith cA ru s an d IC akkiyen; of th is la s t, A ith cA ru s got tw o -th ird s a n d I°akkiyen th e rem aining t h i r d . ) If th e m u rd e re r could n o t o r did not p a y , he h ad h is house b u rn e d down b y th e council m em bers an d a lso , if he did n o t flee to a n o th e r tr ib e e n tir e ly , o r a t le a st to a n o th e r clan in h is own tr i b e , he alw ays ris k e d b e in g k illed b y th e a g n a te s of h is v ic tim . T h u s th e d iv ision o f th e fine fu n c tio n ed as a valid atio n of th e sy stem of 'fiv e f if th s ', and o f, in f a c t, th e seg m e n ta ry system in g e n e ra l. T h e re w as, h o w e v e r, a n o th e r d is ru p tiv e fa c to r which could an d d id come in to p lay h e re : th e liff-ty p e alliance sy ste m , which c u t th e trib e into two h o stile m oieties in su c h a way w h ich , in th e A ith W ary ag h ar, d id n o t c o rre s p o n d with th e d ivision into 'f i f t h s ', an d w hich, in d e e d , c u t a c ro ss it. T his c r o s s - c u ttin g p ro c e ss th e 'f if th s ' as su c h tr ie d to reso lv e th ro u g h p u llin g to g e th e r in fin e -s h a rin g fo r m u rd e rs on m arket d a y , b u t th e one alw ays w ent a g a in st th e g ra in o f th e o th e r , ev en so . T h e l if f sy ste m , a s it e x is te d in W ary ag h arlan d , in fa c t c o rre s p o n d e d more closely to th e sy ste m , d iv isio n , an d

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d is trib u tio n of s u b c la n s , a s may be seen in F ig u re 3 .3 , a n d b y com parison w ith p re v io u s fig u r e s . F ig u re 3.3

Within:

Without:

UFFA

LI FFB

Aith Yusif w -rAri Aith Turirth True Aith Hadhifa Aith cArus Pakkiyen True Aith Bu cAyyash Imrabdhen

Aith cAri Timarzga Aith cAbdallah

ljacunen, clan of Aith cAmmarth

Aith 'Adhiya Ibuqquyen (tribe) Truguth, clan of Thimsaman Axt cAkki, clan of Axt Tuzin

T h e o re tic ally e q u a l, th e s e two liffs w ere in fac t in d ise q u ili­ b riu m , a s may be seen from F ig u re 3 .3 ; and th e lim its of th e sy stem (fo r all R ifian tr ib e s , not only fo r A ith W aryaghar) w ere in fact th e lim its of th e tr ib e its e lf. And th u s th e whole may be r e p r e s e n te d , as 1 h av e show n it e ls e w h e re ,(26) a s a s e rie s o f in te rlo c k in g c o n c e n tric c irc le s , q u ite u n lik e th e c h e s s ­ b o a rd sy stem p ro p o u n d e d b y M ontagne fo r th e tr ib e s of th e W estern A tla s. N eig h b o u rin g cla n s o f n e ig h b o u rin g tr ib e s w ere sometimes im p licated, g iv in g 's e c r e t' aid in arm s and money to th e liff which th e y fav o u re d in th e w a rrin g tr ib e ; b u t n e v e r w as a whole n e ig h b o u rin g tr ib e in v o lv e d , a s it also had its own h o stile m oieties, o rg a n iz e d in th e same w ay. When th e re was no fu ll-sc a le in te rn a l tr ib a l w a r, th e sm aller 'te m p o ra ry ' liffs e x is tin g on th e local level am ong, fo r in s ta n c e , lin eag es o f a sin g le su b c la n w ere in v o k e d ; a n d th e s e o ften ch a n g e d o r sw itch ed a llia n c e s, a lth o u g h th e b ig liffs on th e u p p e r levels (in th e W aryaghar c a s e , at le a s t) a p p a re n tly n e v e r d id . N o n e th e le ss, r e n t th o u g h th e y w ere b y in te rn a l f e u d s , th e A ith W aryaghar p u lled to g e th e r a s one on th re e d is tin c t o cca­ sio n s in th e ir re c o rd e d h is to ry : 1. in 1908, a g a in s t th e arm y o f th e P re te n d e r Bu H m ara, whose own arm y th e y s la u g h te re d on th e b a n k s of th e N k u r R iv e r; 2. in 1921-6, u n d e r cAbd al-K rim (who was re sp o n s ib le for c h a n g in g much of th e ir 'c u sto m ', a lth o u g h h is c o n tro l of th e trib e d u r in g th e c ru c ia l y e a rs of th e w ar was b a s e d on th e system of 'f if th s ' - which la te r became too d iffic u lt fo r th e S p a n ia rd s , who c h a n g e d it adm ini­ s tr a tiv e ly ) , a n d d u rin g th e Rifian War a g a in s t Spain an d F ra n c e ; an d 3. in 1958-9, d u r in g th e ir re c e n t re v o lt. It would th u s a p p e a r, in th e Aith W aryaghar c a s e , th a t th e ir o rg a n iz a tio n in to 'fiv e f if th s ' s a tis fie s , an d am ply so , all th e

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c r ite r ia lis te d ab ove : e x p lic itn e ss o f th e c o n c e p t, p rid e an d s tr e n g t h , th e relev an ce o f fu n ctio n (fin e s fo r m u rd er d is tr i­ b u te d five w a y s ), te r r ito r ia l d isc o n tin u ity a n d re d u p lic a tio n , and th e p ro v isio n o f an av e n u e to w ard c o rp o ra te action when n e c e s s a r y . And c o rp o ra te action could a n d d id h a p p e n , ev en in a tr ib a l g ro u p so u tte r ly re n t b y in te r - an d in tra -c la n fe u d in g as th e A ith W ary ag h ar. E x cep t w hen, by force of circu m ­ s ta n c e s , th e A ith W aryaghar h a d to d ire c t th e ir e x c e ss f ig h t­ ing e n e rg ie s o u tw a rd ly , th e ir norm al idea was alw ays to kill each o th e r . T hey p ro v id e d (p rio r to cAbd al-K rim ) an almost c la s s ic exam ple of th e ’N eolithic' p h ilo so p h y of ’Keep aw ay from my woman a n d g et o ff my la n d ! ’ (Woman f ir s t and lan d s e c o n d ). Case II T he A it cA tta , n u m b e rin g ab o u t 150,000 people s p re a d o u t, to d a y , o v e r th r e e p ro v in c e s in s o u th e rn Morocco (B e n i Mellal, W arzazat a n d K sar e s - Souk) o c cu p y an immense te r r ito r y which e x te n d s , in th e ir idiom, from th e h o lly -o a k s of th e Middle A tlas ( i . e . Ait cA tta n-U m alu, d isc o n tin u o u s from th e main body of th is s u p e r tr ib e , at W awizaght n e a r th e Bin el O uidane Dam) down to th e palm s o f th e S a h a ra , from Wawizaght to T aw uz. Like th e Jb il Hmam h e a rtla n d of th e A ith W aryaghar (w hence th e la tte r g ra d u a lly s p r e a d , o v e r th e c o u rse o f a m illennium , down to th e M e d ite rra n e a n ), th e Ait cA tta also h av e a h e a rtla n d , th e Jb il S a g h ru - th e most tr e e le s s m ountains in Morocco, more so e v en th a n th e Jb il Hmam o f W aryagharland - w hence th e y ra d ia te d o u t in all d ire c tio n s , looking fo r p a s tu r e fo r th e ir s h e e p . T h e ir ra d ia tio n was much more r e c e n t, in tim e, th a n th a t (a s p o s tu la te d ) of th e A ith W aryaghar : ab o u t th e fifte e n th o r s ix te e n th c e n tu r y A .D . T hey sa y th a t th e y s ta r te d o u t as p u re nom ads, b u t th a t th e y modified th is way of life to t r a n s ­ hum ance (in a n o r th e r ly d ire c tio n , up into th e C e n tra l A tla s, for most cA tta g r o u p s , a lth o u g h some tra n sh u m e so u th w a rd in to th e d e s e r t) a f te r a d o p tin g th e s e v e ra l-s to r y q s u r of th e n e g ro id H aratin o f th e p re -S a h a ra n o a s e s , whom th e y p u t to work for them a s irrig a tio n e x p e r ts an d d ate c u ltiv a to r s . The H aratin re c e iv e d o n e -fifth (th e n u m b er is a v e ry s ta n d a r d a g ric u ltu ra l one in M orocco, b u t s u g g e s tiv e all th e sam e) of th e cA tta c ro p s in r e tu r n fo r cA tta p ro te c tio n : a n d , with c e rta in m odifications, th is m étayage re la tio n sh ip still p e r s is ts to d a y . A n d , c o n tr a r y to th e th e s is a d v a n c e d by G e rlin g s a n d Jo n g m a n s,(2 7 ) th e g re a t m ajority o f Ait cA tta g ro u p s (w ith a few n o ta b le e x c e p tio n s : th e Ait cA tta n-U m ala o f W awizaght, th e Ait Wallal o f 1-Q ual’a M guna, an d th e Ait U nir o f Bu Main n -D a d s , th e la st-m e n tio n e d g ro u p show ing th a t v e r y r a r e phenom enon in cA tta -la n d , of th o ro u g h g o in g H a ra tin iz a tio n ) a re still tr a n s h u m a n ts , an d a s m uch so a s e v e r . Where th e Ait cA tta show a d iffe re n c e from th e Aith W ary ag h ar, h o w e v e r, lies in th e ir s tr u c tu r a l c o n c ep tu a lizatio n o f th em ­ se lv e s : th e y claim th a t th e y a re all d e sc e n d e d from a common a n c e s to r, D adda (G ra n d fa th e r) cA tta , who was su p p o se d to

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h av e b e e n k illed in b a ttle a g a in s t A rab trib esm e n on th e O ued D ra , a n d who is b u rie d a t T aq q at n -Ilik ta w n , n e a r T a g u n it, an d so u th of Z ag o ra. B u t, in c la ssic clan fa sh io n , th e Ait cA tta of to d a y a re u n a b le to tra c e th e ir d e sc e n t b a c k to D adda cA tta . T h ey r e s o r t , in d e e d , to ju s tific a to ry le g e n d s a b o u t h is fo rty w arlike s o n s , a n d th e lik e , le g e n d s w hich also e x p la in th e ir tra d itio n a l h o stility to w a rd , in p a r tic u la r , th e Ait S id d ra t and Ait M urghad tr ib e s (a n d in d ee d tow ard th e Ait Yafalman co n ­ fe d e ra c y in g e n e ra l, form ed a t M urghad in stig a tio n fo r th e p u r ­ p ose of com bating th e cA tta ) , b u t eq u ally th e ir re v e re n c e fo r two g ro u p s of igurram en o r holy m en, th e S h u rfa o f Ulad Mulay A bdallah bin 1-H sain, some of whom a re re s id e n t in a n d so u th of th e Jb il S a g h ru , a n d , to th e n o rth in th e C e n tra l A tla s, th e d e s c e n d a n ts o f Sidi SaCid A h an sal. (With b o th th e s e s a in ts , Mulay cA bdallah b in 1-H sain in p a r tic u la r , D adda cA tta him self was on v e ry good te rm s , and th e Ait cA tta an n u a lly se n d a mule c a ra v a n loaded with ziyara o ffe rin g s to Mulay cA b d a lla h 's tomb a t T am slu h t, n e a r M arra k esh ; a n d it is th o se d e s c e n d a n ts of Mulay cA bdallah who, re s id in g in th e Jb il S a g h ru , a c t a s g u a r d ­ ian s o f th e Ait cA tta b a t t l e - f l a g .) P e rh a p s th is in a b ility on th e ir p a r t to tra c e th e ir d e sc e n t from D adda cA tta p a rtia lly a c c o u n ts fo r th e ir seg m entation into th e kham s khm as of th e Ait cA tta , a s in F ig u re 3 .4 :(2 8 ) F ig u re 3.4 Level I: A IT ‘ATTA

Level II:

AIT W AHLIM Khums I

AIT UNIR

TRUE AIT AIT AIT AIT AIT AIT-L AIT AIT ISFUL "ALWAN UNIBGI Y'AZZA KHLIFA FIRSI KHARDI WALLAL

Khums II

Khums III

Khums IV

Khums V

T he fu n c tio n of th e 'five f if th s ' of th e Ait cA tta , w hich, as we sh all se e , show th e tw in phenom ena of te r r ito r ia l d isc o n ­ tin u ity and re d u p lic a tio n to an e x te n t p ro b a b ly u n e q u a lle d in trib a l Morocco, was to p ro v id e a top ch ief (.amghar n-itfilia) for th e whole of th is s u p e r t r i b e .(29) T h is c h ie f w as, id ea lly , ele c te d a n n u a lly , in th e cA tta h e a rtla n d of th e Jb il S a g h ru , at a p o in t n e a r th e ir 'c a p ita l' of Igharm A m azdar, w h ere th e y h a d th e ir S uprem e C o u rt o f A ppeal ( l - i s t i n a f ) , an d w ithin th e lim its of th e hu rm o r 's a c r e d ' te r r ito r y of th e tr ib e a t la r g e , called T a fra w t n -A it cA tta , w ithin which m u rd e r, e v en a tte m p ­ te d m u rd e r, was e x p re s s ly fo rb id d e n , u n d e r p e n a lty o f a p ro h ib itiv e ly h e a v y fin e o r b a n ish m e n t from th e tr ib e . C h ief­ ta in s h ip an d th e election o f c h ie f s , not only fo r th e Ait cA tta b u t fo r most B e rb e r tr ib e s in th e re g io n (th o u g h only th e Ait

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cA tta h ad a sin g le top ch ie f) re p o se d upon th e tw in p rin c ip le s which G elln er(3 0 ) d isc o v e re d n e a r Zawiya A h a n sa l, which he h a s lab elled 'ro ta tio n an d c o m p lem en ta rity ', an d which he h as d e s c rib e d ex tre m e ly well, in g e n e ra l te rm s . I sh o u ld , h o w e v e r, like to a d d a tem poral refinem ent to h is cla ssificatio n a n d label th e phenom enon 'a n n u a l ro ta tio n and c o m p le m e n ta rity ', a s I th in k th is r e p r e s e n ts ju s t a sh ad e more closely th e B e rb e r ideal of y e a rly e le c tio n s . The p rin c ip le is easily b ro k e n down into its two com ponent elem en ts. In so fa r a s th a t of ro ta tio n is c o n c e rn e d , le t u s keep to o u r Ait cA tta exam ple, w ith khm as o r 'f if th s ' I, I I , III, IV a n d V. If, d u rin g o n e y e a r , th e ch ief comes from khum s I, th e n e x t y e a r he will come from khum s II, a n d th e th ir d y e a r from khum s III, e tc . in ro ta tio n . T h is is sim ple e n o u g h , b u t in th e Ait cA tta c a se (w hich G e lln e r's ex c e lle n t p ro p o sitio n , a s s ta te d , did not e n tire ly p ro v id e f o r ) , th e r e is a co ro lla ry to it. T h is c o ro lla ry comes in to play w hen a khum s is form ed b y tw o, th r e e o r fo u r (o r e v e n m ore) d is c re te clan g ro u p in g s . What h a p p e n s h e r e , id ea lly , is th a t when th e tu r n o f su c h a khum s a r r iv e s , in a g iven y e a r , its member g ro u p s o r cla n s a re 'm ix ed '. T h is is to say th a t if in one y e a r th e to p ch ief comes from T ru e Ait Wallal (n o te th e sim ilar phenom ena of clan dom inance a n d re c e s s iv e n e s s a s d isc u sse d fo r th e A ith W arya­ g h a r ) , he does n o t n e c e ssa rily come from Ait U nir five y e a r s la te r - he may come once again from Ait Wallal on th a t k h u m s' seco n d time a ro u n d . T he p rin c ip le of ro ta tio n , th u s , does not e x te n d in to each o f th e cla n s o r g ro u p s c o m p risin g th e khum s its e lf , b u t a p p lie s only to th e k h u m s, a s a whole. Now fo r 'c o m p le m e n tarity ', w hich a n sw e rs th e q u e stio n o f who does th e e le c tin g . If it is th e tu r n o f khum s I to p ro v id e th e c h ie f, th e m em bers o f th a t k h u m s, as p o te n tia l im gharen, c a n ­ n o t v o te . T h ey sit in a c ircle a n d aw ait th e decision o f th e o th e r k h m as, II, I I I , IV a n d V, who have rem oved th em selv es from th e scen e in o r d e r to s e le c t, o r e le c t, th e man o f th e ir choice from khum s I. T he n e x t y e a r , w hen it is th e tu r n o f khum s II, th e m em bers of II sit in a c irc le to aw ait th e v e rd ic t of I, I I I , IV an d V; and s o o n . A cco rd in g to S pillm ann, (31) th e Ait cA tta h a d a to p c h ie f, e le c te d e v e ry y e a r a t Igharm A m azdar in th e above m an n er, u n til 1926, when th e F ren ch co n q u e st of th e ir c o u n try (la s tin g u n til 1933, an d s p e a rh e a d e d by th e G la w i), b e g a n ; b u t h is statem en t to th e e ffe c t th a t c e rta in c la n s fa ile d , fo r one re a so n o r a n o th e r, to p a rtic ip a te in th e a n n u al e le c tio n s(3 2 ) is , a c c o rd ­ in g to my cA tta in fo rm a n ts, se rio u sly m islead in g , a s it te n d s to v itia te th e h ig h ly se g m e n ta ry th e o ry b e h in d th e sy ste m . By v ir tu e of th is th e o ry - which cA tta th em se lv es r e g a r d as fact a n d as law - e v e ry man in th is h ig h ly se g m e n ta ry and re m a rk a b ly e g a lita ria n society h ad th e v o te , a n d could become top c h ie f (m uch a s 'A ny Am erican Can Become P r e s id e n t') , e v en in d iv id u a ls n a tu ra liz e d as Ait cA tta , from o th e r tr ib e s , th ro u g h sa c rific e ; a n d an e le c to ra l eq u ilib riu m o b tain ed

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th r o u g h o u t. T h is was so d esp ite th e f a c t, fo r exam ple, th a t th e Ait Wahlim an d Ait Yeazza c o n sid e r th em selv es s u p e rio r to th e r e s t , a n d th a t th e y s n e e r in p a rtic u la r at th e Ait Is fu l, whom th e y r e g a r d as illegitim ate. F u rth e rm o re , a c h ie f m ight in fact rem ain lo n g e r in office th a n h is a p p o in te d time if he p ro v e d him self cap ab le in w ar; c o n v e rs e ly , if he show ed him ­ se lf a 'n o -g o o d ', i . e . if h is a d u k u o r 'lu c k ' ( lit. 's lip p e r ’) was b a d , im peachm ent was in s ta n t an d a re -e le c tio n was held at once. T h u s th e r e was in fa c t no fixed time fo r election d a y , a n d in a so ciety w here d iffu sion of pow er was g re a t a s in th is o n e , th e electiv e body of co u n cillo rs o r ajmuc alw ays a c te d a s an e x c e lle n t ch eck on an y p o ssib le pow er a b u s e s b y a top c h ie f. The r itu a l of election was also ex trem ely in te r e s tin g : one of th e s h u r fa of Ulad Mulay A bdallah b in 1-H sain, who was p re s e n t to g iv e h is san ctio n to th e p ro c e e d in g s , to g e th e r with th e o u tg o in g c h ie f, p laced a few b lad e s of g ra s s in th e tu r b a n of th e incom ing c h ie f, to in s u re a p ro s p e ro u s y e a r , a good h a r ­ v e s t a n d fa t s h e e p . The s h a rif th e n gave th e new c h ie f a bowl o f milk to d r in k ; an d as h e d ra n k i t , th e s h a rif p u s h e d it into h is face so th a t it r a n all o v er h is b e a rd a n d s h i r t ! T h en h e gave him some d a te s (a n d h e re we h a v e th e tra d itio n a l Moroc­ can milk a n d d a te s c e rem o n y ); a n d fin a lly , a little milk an d one d a te was h a n d e d to e v e ry man p r e s e n t. Unlike th e A ith W ary ag h ar, th e Ait cA tta w ere n e v e r p e r ­ m anently sp lit in to m utually hostile liffs - su c h liffs as did e x is t w ere p u re ly ad hoc, a lth o u g h on one o c ca sio n , most of th e cA tta w ere sp lit in su c h a m anner th a t a to p c h ie f, ele c te d b y ro ta tio n a n d co m p lem en tarity , h e a d e d each liff. T h is , h o w e v e r, was th e ex c e p tio n r a th e r th a n th e r u le , a s th e cA tta th em selv es a re q u ick to ad m it. Unlike th e A ith W ary ag h ar, a g a in , th e h o s tilitie s of th e Ait cA tta w ere p rim arily o u tw a rd ly d ire c te d , to w ard n e ig h b o u rin g tr ib e s , r a th e r th a n tu r n e d in upon th e m s e lv e s . H ow ever, g iv en th e h ig h ly se g m e n ta ry c h a ra c te r of cA tta so c ie ty , low er c h ie fs (on th e seg m e n ta ry la d d e r ) , all ag ain e le c te d a c c o rd in g to ro ta tio n an d co m p lem en tarity , e x is te d on s e v e ra l le v e ls a t o n ce. T he khum s its e lf, c o n s is tin g of clan s a p t to be ex trem ely d is p e rs e d te r r ito r ia lly , h a d no c h ie f - its job was to p ro v id e th e top c h ie f, an d th is was its fu n c tio n in th e o v e ra ll political sy ste m . The 'ro ta tio n o f w heels w ithin w heels' w ithin th is sy ste m , as G elln er(33) calls i t, is a complex p roblem , b u t it will be u se fu l to look a t o n e exam ple of it in o r d e r to show how , m irro rin g th e o v e ra ll s tr u c tu r e , local c h ie fs , o r 'land c h ie fs ’ ( imgharen n -tm iz a r , s in g , amghar n - t m a z i r t ) w ere e le c te d . To th is e n d , we f u r th e r segm ent khum s I , Ait Wahlim (F ig u re 3 .5 ) .

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F ig u re 3.5 Level II : Khums I AIT WAHLIM

Level III AIT HASSU

Level Taqbill AIT BU AIT SALI IV : iclanj DAWUD U HASSU

AIT Z1MRUI

AIT USHSHAN UZUGEN 'ATTU

AIT IGNAWENILIMSHAN IZZU

AIT ‘AISA UBRAHIM

AIT 6U IKNIFEN

We c o n tin u e th is segm entation f u r t h e r , in th e case o f one ta q b ilt, o r c la n , Ilim shan (d e s c rib e d a s th e to u g h e s t fig h te rs o f th e Ait cA tta a n d 'th e gasoline o f th e cA tta c a r ', in th e ir most d e s c rip tiv e im ag ery) (F ig u re 3 .6 ): F ig u re 3.6 Level IV : ILIMSHAN

Level V :

ighs

AITMA'RIR

(lineage)

\

Level VI : TRUE AIT MACRIR

I

Level VII : 6 sublineages

AITBUNU

AIT ZUKINNIT

I

3 sublineages

4 sublineages

N.B. On Level VI. True Ait M acrir may be regarded as 'dominant', and Ait Zukinnit as 'recessive'.

And now to tie th e fo reg o in g into th e c h ie fta in sh ip system see F ig u re 3 .7 . All th is may seem u n d u ly com plicated (a n d in d ee d it i s ! ) ; b u t w hat it r e p r e s e n ts is a classic exam ple of 'level s k ip p in g 1 in which th e ideal is th a t ch iefs e x is t on one level an d th a t th e y a re e le c te d on th e n e x t level d o w n , w hich is devoid of c h ie fs its e lf. In sid e a rro w s p o in tin g u p w a rd in d ic ate ele ctio n ; o u t­ sid e a rro w s p o in tin g d o w nw ard, a n d sk ip p in g le v e ls, in d ica te th e ra tific a tio n b y th e ch ief on th e level above of th e choice of th e lo w er-lev el c h ie fs two lev e ls dow n. T he id b ab n -im u ren ( s in g , bab n - u m u r ) , o r local lin eag e r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s , on th e low est le v e l, a r e n o t elected b y ro ta tio n a n d com plem entarity b u t a re d ire c tly nom inated b y th e 'lan d c h ie f '(34) th r e e levels fu rth e r u p . In th is p a rtic u la r le v e l-s k ip p in g in s ta n c e , h o w ev er, w hat is tr u ly s ta r tlin g is its s tr u c tu r a l sy m m etry. To re c a p itu la te th is : c h ie fs e x ist on Level I. IV an d VII w ith two lev els betw een each

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F ig u re 3.7 Level I : AIT CATTA : top chief, elected by R & C on Level II

khums AIT WAHLIM

no chief, but at this level elections are held according to R & C principles to provide the top chief for Level I

L. Ill : AITZIMRUI : nothing

taqbUt (or tamazirt) ILIMSHAN : chief, called am gharn-tm azirt or mukallif, elected by R & C on Level V

ig h s M t MACRIR

L. VI: TRUE AIT MACRIR

AIT ZUKINNIT

6 sublineages (and 6 idbab

3 sublineages (and 2 idbab n-imuren, one serving two sublineages)

n-imuren)

AIT BUNU : no chief, but on this level R & C elections are held to provide am ghar n-tmazirt on Level IV (Nothing at this level)

4 sublineages (and 4 idbab n-im uren )

Total idbab n -im u re n on Level VII fo r taqbilt Ilim shan on Level IV: 12. of th e f ir s t tw o. On th e lower of th e s e two le v e ls, i . e . on III an d V I, n o th in g h a p p e n s , and th e s e may be re g a r d e d a s , p e r h a p s , 'v e s tig ia l' from a s tr u c tu r a l point o f view ; b u t on th e u p p e r of th e se two le v e ls , i . e . on II an d V , alth o u g h no c h ie fs e x is t h e r e , ele c tio n s a re n o n e th e le ss held fo r th e c h ie fs on I an d IV. T hen th e to p ch ief on Level I ra tifie s th e election of th e one on Level IV , who in tu r n nom inates h is idbab n -im u r e n , r e p r e s e n tin g th e localized lin e a g e s o f th e c la n , on Level V II. Not all v a r ia n ts o f th e sy stem a re a s com plicated o r indeed a s sym m etrical as th e p re v io u s ex a m p le. T he Ait Bu Ik n ifen of Im id a r, n e a r T in g h ir, fo r in s ta n c e , sa y th a t c h ie fs e x is t on ai! le v e ls, an d th a t only th e to p c h ie f is ele c te d by ro ta tio n a n d co m p lem en tarity , all o th e r low er o n e s b e in g nom inated by th o se abo v e th em . In o th e r w o rd s, th e re is c o n sid e ra b le v ariatio n an d in d eed am b ig u ity in in fo rm a n ts' a c c o u n ts . I h av e m entioned th a t a t Igharm A m azdar in th e S a g h ru , th e

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Ait cA tta u s e d to have th e ir Suprem e C o u rt o f A ppeal, o r istin a f. H ere th e localized lin eag es not only p ro v id e d th e ju d g e s on th e b e n c h , a s it w e re , of th is c o u r t, b u t th e y also a cte d as th e g u a rd ia n s of th e i z i r f o r Custom of th e Ait cA tta . of th e so -c a lle d s h r u t n -k h a m s kmas n - A it cA t t a , th e 're g u la tio n s ' o r 'c h a r te r ' o f th e 'fiv e f if th s ' of th e Ait cA tta , said to b e w ritte n on pieces of camel s k in . A q u ick look a t the localized sy stem of c h ie fta in ­ sh ip at Igharm A m azdar, p lu s a look at th e role of th e s e lin e ­ ages in th e C o u rt its e lf will p e rh a p s epitom ize th e u n ity in (te r r ito r ia l) d iv e r s ity , an d th e c e n tra liz a tio n in d iffu sio n , th a t is (o r w as) so c h a r a c te ris tic o f th e cA tta political sy ste m . T he Ait cA tta who in h a b it Igharm A m azdar a re called Ait cAisa n -Ig h a rm A m azdar, a n d th e y h a d one 'lan d c h ie f (F ig u re 3 .8 ): F ig u re 3.8 Level I : AIT ‘AISA N-IGHARM AMAZDAR : land chief, or am ghar n-tmazirt, elected by ___ R & C on Level II Level II : AIT YrAZZA (of khums V)

AIT ZIMRUI (of khums I) I

Level III : 4 lineages (and 4 idbab

3 lineages (and 4 idbab n-imuren, of which two for Ait cAisa uBrahim)

n-imuren)

AIT HASSU : no chief, but (of khums I) election by R & C 1 on Level I 4 lineages (and 4 iabab n-imuren)

Total idbab n-imuren on Level III: 12.

S ev eral p o in ts may be n o te d h e r e . F irs t o f a ll, o f th e localized c la n s of Ait cA isa n -Ig h a rm A m azdar, th e f i r s t . Ait YCazza, b elo n g s to khum s V a n d the o th e r tw o, Ait Zimrui a n d Ait H a ssu , to khum s I. In local com m unities ( tim iza r , s in g , tam azirt, l it. 'la n d ') th ro u g h o u t cA tta la n d , one fin d s a p e rp e tu a l m ixture of 'f if th s ' w hich, h o w ev er, becom es p e rfe c tly c le a rc u t once one re a c h e s th e level of th e faqbilt o r localized clan a n d once one know s to which 'f if th s ' th e cla n s in a g iv en re g io n b elo n g (A r e p r e s e n ta tiv e exam ple is a com m unity which I have stu d ie d in d e p th , U sik is, n o rth o f th e G orge of th e D ades R iv e r. T his com m unity c o n ta in s th re e c la n s, all of which b elo n g to d iffe re n t 'f if th s ' - Ait Ycazza to khum s V, Ait U nibgi to khum s IV, a n d Ait Bu Ik n ifen to khum s I, Ait W ahlim.) All c o -o p e ra te on th e local level to elect local c h ie fs ( b y , of c o u rs e , ro ta tio n a n d c o m p lem e n tarity ); a n d in F ig u re 3 .8 , fo u r idbab n -im u re n , it will be n o te d , a re re q u ire d fo r th e th re e lin e a g e s o f Ait Zimrui b ec au se one of th e se lin e a g e s, Ait cAisa u -B ra h im , n e e d s two su c h r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s as it is la r g e r

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th a n th e o th e r s . As n o ted also in F ig u re 3 .8 , th e 'la n d c h ie f' of th e Ait cA isa is e le cte d on Level II, on w hich th e r e is no c h ie f, to s e rv e on Level I , a fte r w hich he nom inates th e idbab n -im u re n of th e v a rio u s lin e ag e s on Level III - a n d h e re a g a in , of c o u r s e , we may n o te an in c ip ie n t te n d e n c y to sk ip le v e ls. T he system on all lev els is k e p t a s much a s p o ssib le in a s ta te of e q u ilib riu m , an d th e n u m b er of lin eag e r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s on th e low est level is in v a ria b ly an a c c u ra te re fle ctio n of th e num erical s tr e n g th of th e lineage in q u e s tio n . T h u s , in a t e r ­ rito ria l s e n s e , th e 'f if th s ' of th e Ait cA tta a re all mixed u p , a n d an y d is trib u tio n a l o r tr ib a l map show ing d isc o n tin u ity and re d u p lic a tio n of cla n s h e re an d th e r e , all o v e r cA tta la n d , im m ediately s u g g e s ts why ch iefs would n o t b e a d e q u a te a t th e khum s le v e l. T he level o f th e local com m unity was and is still th e most e ffe c tiv e a n d viable u n it to be r e p r e s e n te d b y a c h ie f - an d so it w as, and still is b y th e am ghar n - t m a z i r t , th e 'c h ie f of th e la n d ' ( . . . a n d by h is p r e s e n t s u c c e s s o r, th e sh a ikh ). In all th e fo re g o in g r e s p e c ts , th e Ait cAisa o f Igharm A m azdar, in good d isc o n tin u o u s cA tta fa sh io n , a re in d ee d p ro to ty p ic a l. T h e y h a d , h o w e v e r, a n o th e r fu n ctio n b e sid e th is , a n d one u n iq u e to th em , i . e . th a t o f a c tin g a s m em bers of th e Suprem e C o u rt o f A ppeal, a s m entioned above (th e Suprem e C o u rt b u ild ­ in g is to d a y a r u r a l sc h o o l). We may now c o n sid e r th is a sp e c t of th e ir political life a n d a c tiv ity in c o n te x t. T ria l b y collective o a th w as, u n til 1956, th e to u c h sto n e o f th e judicial p ro c e s s am ong B e rb e r tr ib e s o f th e C e n tra l A tla s; b u t a full d iscu ssio n of th is mode of tria l is not germ ane to th e issu e h e r e . It sh o u ld , h o w e v e r, b e n o te d t h a t , a s a man a c c u se d of a crim e h a d to p ro d u c e X n um ber o f c o ju ro rs from am ong h is own a g n a te s (th e n u m b er v a ry in g w ith th e g ra v ity o f th e o ffe n c e ) to sw ear to h is in n o ce n ce , an d th a t if a n y o f th e se men (kn o w in g of th e ir k in sm an ’s g u ilt, fo r in s ta n c e ) failed to t u r n u p a t th e o a th - a v e ry p u blic a ffa ir - th e a c c u se d had to p ay th e fin e (in s h e e p ) to th e p la in tiff. T he p o in t th a t su c h a 'b ro k e n ' o r p e r ju r e d o ath illu s tr a te s , fo r exam ple is , as G ellner r e m a r k s ,(35) n o t so m uch o f s u p e r n a tu r a l sa n c tio n (a lth o u g h th is is how th e trib esm e n them selv es te n d to in te r p r e t it) a s t h a t, in s e g m e n ta ry so c ieties in g e n e ra l, co nflict te n d s to o c c u r w ithin seg m en ts a s much as betw een th em . A nd it was a t ig h arm A m azdar th a t th e n u a n c e s of tria l b y collective o a th w ere most h ig h ly d e v e lo p ed , alth o u g h th is was n o t a mode of p ro o f in v o k ed a t th e Suprem e C o u rt. S ev eral o th e r tr ib e s in th e a re a had c o u rts of ap peal (all outlaw ed in 1956, at th e same time a s co llectiv e o a th s a n d th e re s c in d in g o f th e 'B e rb e r D a h ir ') , b u t none h a d a Suprem e C o u rt as th e Ait cA tta h a d , n o r a c a p ita l, n o r a top c h ie f. And to Igharm A m azdar came all th e litig a n ts a n d d is p u ta n ts from all o v e r cA ttalan d who w ere u n a b le to re so lv e th e ir d iffe re n c e s of opinion a t hom e. (36) T he c o u rt its e lf alw ays h a d six re g u la r m em bers, called v a rio u sly in a h k a m e n , tiCaqqidin o r ait l-h aq q ('p e o p le o f th e

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t r u t h ' - haqq h e re show s a sem antic v a ria tio n from th e way in w hich it is em ployed in W ary ag h arlan d ) who w ere alw ays c h a n g e d a f te r each c a s e . T h e y alw ays cam e, h o w e v e r, from th e localized lin e a g e s of th e Ait cA isa n -Ig h a rm A m azdar, a n d , in th is c a s e , th e y w ere ch o sen by ro ta tio n a n d co m plem entarity: two from Ait Yca z z a , two from Ait H assu a n d two from Ait Zimuri (o f w hich one came from Ait Bu Ik n ife n , one o f th e most u b iq u ito u s c la n s in cA tta la n d , an d one from Ait cAisa u -B ra h im ). If th e v o te among th e six men was th re e to th r e e , a d ead h e a t, th e v ote of th e c u r r e n t am ghar n -tm a zirt o r lan d c h ie f would be so licited to tip th e b a la n c e , one way o r th e o th e r , a t fo u r to th r e e . (T h e m a tte r could in d ee d becom e more com plicated th a n th is : fo r in s ta n c e , if th e f ir s t se t of six w ere n o t a g re e d , six more w ere called in , a n d th e n if th e re was still a d isa g re e m e n t, a final s ix , now m aking e ig h te e n in all, w ere b ro u g h t in . If th e vote was still n in e to n in e , th e n th e la n d c h ie f would be a sk e d to make it te n to nin e by c a s tin g h is v o te .) T h ese men had to know cA tta c u sto m a ry law ( i z i r f ) b y h e a r t, as in d e e d all th e Ait cAisa d id , as an y o f them was liable to be ch o sen as a m em ber o f th e ait l- h a q q . T h ey w ere no 'b e tte r ' th a n a n y o th e r Ait cA tta , giv en th e e x tre m e eg a lita ria n ism of th is tr ib a l g ro u p ; b u t it was th ro u g h th em , th ro u g h th e S uprem e C o u rt, th ro u g h th e mere e x is te n c e , e v e n , of Igharm A m azdar a s th e ir cap ita l (alth o u g h to d a y it is a d ila p id ated an d tum ble-dow n s e rie s of q s u r , Ait cA tta still sp eak o f it as th e ir 'U nited N a tio n s ', o r , th e y s a y , 'L ondon, P a ris , W ashing­ ton an d Igharm A m azdar') a n d th ro u g h a sy ste m of electio n s b y which c h ie fs e x is te d on all th e n e c e s s a ry se g m e n ta ry le v e ls, from th e bottom level of localized lin eag e idbab n- im uren r ig h t u p to th e to p c h ie f of th e whole s u p e r tr ib e , th a t th e ratio n ale fo r th e e x iste n c e of 'five f if th s ' to elect th e top c h ie f p ro v id e s a m agnificent a n n u a l exam ple of c o rp o ra te cA tta a c tio n . As o th e r n e ig h b o u rin g tr ib e s g ru d g in g ly s a y , th e Ait cA tta a re a s num ero u s as flie s; b u t none o f th e se o th e r trib e s can p ro p e rly b o a st 'fiv e f ifth s ' o r a n y th in g like th e rem a rk a b le s tr u c tu r a l cohesion which th is co n cep t g av e to th e political sy stem of th e Ait cA tta. Case III T h is exam ple, th e D ukkala o f th e A tlan tic C oastal Plains b e h in d El Ja d id a (M azag an ), will be in fin ite ly s h o r te r th a n th e two p re c e d in g o n e s , as my acco u n t h e re is b a se d e n tire ly on th e lite ra tu re (3 7 ) a n d not upon p e rso n a l know ledge of th e g ro u p in q u e s tio n . T hese people c o n s titu te th e la r g e s t, b y f a r , of o u r th re e g r o u p s , with o v e r 360,000 p o pulation in 1960; and th e y a re th e only 'A ra b ' a n d M akhzan g ro u p so fa r d is c u s s e d , fo r th e two p re v io u s ca se s h av e d ealt e n tire ly w ith Siba tr ib e s . N o n e th e le ss, it would seem th a t ev en th e D ukkala a p p e a r to h av e b een fo rc e d in to th e M akhzan mould only in th e la st c e n tu r y .

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P recisio n on th e q u e stio n of D ukkala o rig in s is d iffic u lt a b o u t all th a t can be sa id is th a t th e m ajority o f them a re d e sc e n d e d from th e B anu Hilal, th a t immense wave o f b ed o u in which sw ep t a c ro s s N orth A frica s ta r tin g in th e m id -elev en th c e n t u r y . (38) And like m any o r most of th e G h arb a n d A tlan tic c o a sta l t r i b e s , th e D ukkala p e r s is t to d ay a s s e d e n ta riz e d o r s e m i-se d e n ta riz e d b e d o u in , liv in g alm ost in d iscrim in ate ly in n w a ia -ty p e h u ts an d in t e n t s . For th em , animal h u s b a n d ry p red o m in ates o v e r a g r ic u ltu r e , in tra d itio n a l b ed o u in s ty le : a n d th e y h av e n u m ero u s c a ttle an d sh ee p a s well a s b a g g ag e cam els an d h o r s e s . All th e co astal tr ib e s in d u lg e h eav ily in th e lacb l- b a r u d , th e 'p o w d e r-p la y ' on h o rs e -b a c k (w hy it sh o u ld so o fte n b e re n d e re d as 'fa n ta s ia ' I h av e no id e a ) , and th e D ukkala a re no e x c e p tio n . A n d , a s we sh all s e e , th e ir horsem en h a d a fu n c tio n a l role to play w ithin th e fram ew ork of th e ir seg m en tatio n in to 'five f i f t h s ', kham s k h m as, a s in F ig u re 3 .9 : F ig u re 3.9 DUKKALA

ULAD BU ULAD BU AZIZ ZARRARA Khums I

Khums il

ULAD AMR Khums ill

ULAD FRAU

‘AWNAT Khums IV

ULAD ‘AMRAN

HAWZIYA SHTUKA SHIYADMA Khums V

T h ese nine cla n s o r tr ib e s in F ig u re 3 .9 a re p ro b a b ly fa irly h e te ro g e n e o u s (a s th e available a c c o u n ts a re v e ry silen t on th e su b je c t o f common a n c e s to r s h ip ) , while a te n th , Qwasim, which does n o t fit in to th e kham s khm as sc h e m a tiz a tio n , is a s h u r fa o r m u rab itic g ro u p w hose lin e ag es a re d isse m in ated in small p o c k e ts all o v e r D u k k a lala n d , like th o se of th e Im b ra b d h e n in Ait W ary ag h ar. Unlike th e W aryaghar Im ra b d h e n , h o w e v er, th e y do n o t h a v e an y p rin c ip a l blocs o f t e r r i t o r y : th e ir d is ­ sem ination , an d h en ce d isc o n tin u ity a n d r e d u p lic a tio n , is a b so lu te ly com plete. T he av ailable trib a l m aps do not in d ica te d isc o n tin u ity o r re d u p lic a tio n fo r any of th e o th e r D ukkala g r o u p s ; b u t th e in te r n a l clan an d lin eag e lis tin g do. (39) (U lad Hamdan lin e a g e , for in s ta n c e , b e in g r e d u p lic a te d , in b o th of th e tw o c la n s , w ithin th e Ulad F r a ij.) In th e D ukkala c a s e , th e 'fiv e f if th s ' seem to h a v e been im posed (a s am ong th e Zimmur, b u t in th is la tte r case with fa r le ss s u c c e s s , an d h e n ce th e le s s fu n ctio n al sig n ific a n c e ) 'a c c o rd ­ in g to a qatyda o r tra d itio n o f th e M akhzan1, by th e g o v e rn m en t, for two p u rp o s e s : ta x -co llec tio n a n d th e le v y in g of h a r za s , so ld ie ry fo r m ilitary e x p e d itio n s (g e n e ra lly in to siba t e r r i t o r y ) . Each khum s h a d to pay th e M akhzan a fixed am ount o f mitqals in c a s h , p re su m a b ly a n n u a lly , a n d to fu r n is h a s ta n d a rd n um ber

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o f kh ayyala o r h o rs e m e n , who w ere e q u ip p e d a n d arm ed at tr ib a l, not g o v e rn m e n t, e x p e n se . M ichaux-B ellaire n o te s th a t th e division in to kham s khm as was a b a n d o n e d u n d e r th e p ro te c to ra te (a s it was among th e Ait cA tta , a n d am ong th e A ith VVaryaghar u n d e r S p a n ish adm ini­ s tr a tio n ) as it 'd id n o t c o rre s p o n d to a d m in istra tiv e r e a l i t y '. (40) N o n e th e le ss, a t le a st one e d u c a te d D ukkali h a s a s s u re d me th a t kham s khm as is still c o n sid e re d as a g u id in g s tr u c tu r a l p r in ­ ciple b y h is p e o p le . If th is is th e c a s e , th e n s u re ly it m ust in all likelihood r e p r e s e n t ju s t as much a local s tr u c tu r a l a r r a n g e ­ ment a s one im posed from w ith o u t. O nly p r o p e r fieldw ork will show w h eth er th is is , o r is n o t, so; an d it may now b e too la te . Even so , h o w e v e r, it is my c o n ten tio n th a t, a c c o rd in g to th e p rin c ip le s which I h av e s e t u p in th is p a p e r , th e D ukkala s a tis fy all th e c r ite r ia of (to coin a w ord) 'f if th n e s s 1, a n d th e same c r ite r ia a s sa tis fie d b y th e o th e r two c a s e s . T he fac t th a t th e A ith W aryaghar an d th e Ait cA tta a re b o th 'B e r b e r ' and th a t b o th fell in to th e reg io n of s ib a , while th e D ukkala a re 'A ra b ' a n d fell in to th a t o f m a kh za n , I r e g a r d as b e in g of p u re ly se c o n d a ry im portance in th e p r e s e n t c o n te x t. A n ex p lic itly avow ed o rg a n iza tio n in to 'f if th s '; th e fa ct th a t 'f if th s ' a re an in d ex of p r id e , pow er a n d pow er re la tio n sh ip s to th o se tr ib e s p o s s e s s in g them ; th e fact th a t su c h an o rg a n iz a tio n alw ays h a s a w ell-d efin ed fu n c tio n , d iffe re n t th o u g h th is may be from one p o ss e s s o r tr ib e to th e n e x t; th e te r r ito r ia l d isc o n ­ tin u ity a n d re d u p lic a tio n of c la n s o r lin e a g e s which prom ote su c h a s tr u c tu r a l a rra n g e m en t (o r, p e r h a p s , r e - a r r a n g e m e n t) ; an d th e c o rp o ra te trib a l action to w ard which th e sy stem is e sse n tia lly o rie n te d : th e se a re at le a st c e rta in c o n sid e ra tio n s to be looked fo r. I feel th a t th e y a re all valid c r ite r ia fo r th e s tu d y of th is p a rtic u la r phenom enon which o c c u rs a n d r e c u r s in th e se g m e n ta ry sy stem s o f Moroccan tr ib e s . T h e re may be o th e r s , ju s t a s th e r e may be many more M oroccan tr ib e s s t r u c ­ tu r e d into 'f i f th s ', w hich fit th e sp e c ific a tio n s h ere w ith d is c u s ­ s e d ; an d th e p o ssib le d isc o v e ry of su c h tr ib e s an d th e d e lin ea ­ tion a n d ap p licatio n o f th e re le v a n t p rin c ip le s in su c h new c a s e s as come to lig h t is , I th in k , a 'q u in te s s e n tia l' point w o rth y of c o n sid e ra tio n b y f u tu r e a n th ro p o lo g ists who e le ct to work among th e (c h a n g in g ) tr ib e s of th e M aghrib.

ADDENDUM; SEGMENTARY SYSTEMS AND THE ROLE OF 'FIVE FIFT H S' REVISITED AND UPDATED A fte r r e - r e a d in g my o rig in a l a r tic le , S eg m en tary S ystem s an d th e Role of 'Five F ifth s ' in T rib a l Morocco, o v e r a decad e a f te r it was p u b lis h e d , a n d a fte r g iv in g th e m a tte r c a re fu l th o u g h t, I d e cid ed (a s of th e e n d of 1978) th a t th e most e ffe c tiv e way to b r in g it u p to d a te was not b y re v is in g i t , b u t sim ply by a p p e n d in g a n ad d en d u m , w hich is p r e s e n te d h e re w ith . The

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re a so n s for th is a re th re e fo ld , a n d in te r r e la te d : (1 ) a wish to a s s e s s f u r t h e r inform ation on th e su b je c t w hich h a s come to my a tte n tio n sin ce th e p u b licatio n of th e o rig in a l in 1967; (2) an adm ission t h a t , in th e lig h t o f su b s e q u e n t re s e a rc h an d p u b li­ catio n b y o th e r s c h o la r s ,(41) some o f my id eas a b o u t th e co n ­ to u r s a n d c o n fig u ra tio n s of th e m aterial as p r e s e n te d in th e o rig in al a rtic le h av e become c o n sid e ra b ly m odified; a n d (3 ) my convictio n th a t my c o re ideas a b o u t th e s tr u c tu r a l a n d ideolo­ gical (th o u g h to d ay only h isto ric a l) v alid ity of th e kham s khm as o r 'fiv e f if th s ' p rin c ip le a s o p e ra tiv e in a seg m e n ta ry an d trib a l c o n te x t - e v e n th o u g h in some c a se s th is c o n te x t its e lf may be m odified as well - still hold good. In a d d itio n , a n d in th e lig h t o f th is la s t re a s o n , a f u r th e r a n d fo u rth ea se s tu d y , th a t of th e Dawi Mani' o f s o u th e a s te rn Morocco an d s o u th w e s te rn A lg e ria , will be ad d ed (in th e lig h t o f m aterial p re s e n te d b y R oss D u n n (4 2 )) to th e th re e c a se s a lre a d y d o c u ­ m ented in th e o rig in a l. T h e se , th e n , seem su ffic ie n t g ro u n d s fo r th e inclusion o f a p o s ts c rip t r a th e r th a n an am endm ent, while an o u t- a n d - o u t re v is io n , I fe e l, is n e ith e r n e e d e d n o r called fo r. N o n e th e le ss, b e fo re we em bark on a n y o f th e a b o v e , one sin of om ission, with r e s p e c t to th e o rig in a l a rtic le (a n d one w hich at th e time was q u ite d e lib e ra te , g iv en my more rig id p re o c ­ cu p atio n with s tr ic tly s tru c tu r a l-fu n c tio n a l problem s th e n th a n n o w ), sh o u ld be re c tifie d : a c o n sid e ra tio n of w hat is know n a b o u t th e o rig in of th e c o n c e p t. The fac t is th a t n o t only is th e whole q u e stio n of kham s khm as one of v e ry re s p e c ta b le a n ti­ q u ity in Islam ; it is , in d e e d , ev en p re -Isla m ic , at le a st in th e M aghrib, which ag ain d raw s a tte n tio n to its v e ry d eep ro o ts t h e r e . T h is a n tiq u ity may o f c o u rse be p u re ly c o in c id e n ta l, b u t I am b y no m eans c o n v in ced th a t su c h is th e c a s e . T he specific re fe re n c e in q u e stio n is , a s it h a p p e n s , one which h a s s u rv iv e d only in L atin r a th e r th a n in B e r b e r : to th e Q u in q u e g e n ta n e i o r 'fiv e tr ib e s ' o f th e A lgerian J u r ju r a M ountains ( p r e s e n t- d a y K abylia) who s te a d fa s tly r e s is te d , in th e th ir d a n d fo u rth c e n tu rie s A . D . , all a tte m p ts by th e Romans to colonize them ; an d in d e e d , d e sp ite th e collective Latin ap p e llatio n of th e g ro u p a s a w hole, o n e o f th e se 'fiv e tr ib e s ' b o re a name v irtu a lly id en tical with th a t o f a major Kabyle g ro u p in g a t th e p re s e n t d a y , th e Iflise n (r e n d e r e d in L atin a s Is a f le n s e s ) .(4 3 ) B ut th e fact th a t th e c o n cep t was also in c o rp o ra te d into th e su n n a o r Custom of Islam a t a v e ry e a rly sta g e is also a p p a re n t from th e p ra c tic e b y th e P ro p h e t's Com panions in Medina of s e ttin g a sid e , for him alo n e, o n e -fifth of all th e sp o ils ta k e n by th e Muslims in a n y given b a ttle , ev en th o u g h he him self is held to h av e w aived th is p riv ile g e o rig in a lly . (44) A nd th a t th e co n cep t was know n in M orocco, d u rin g A lm oravid tim es, a s takhmis a l-b a rb a r , 'th e fiv e -fo ld division o f th e B e r b e r s ', is also c le a r, a lth o u g h w h e th e r it r e p r e s e n te d th e way in w hich sp o ils w ere d is tr ib u te d o r th e way in which tro o p s w ere o rg a n iz e d is le ss s o . (45)

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T h ese a re a tte s ta tio n s o r sig n p o sts r a th e r th a n e x p la n a tio n s; b u t th e r e would also seem to be little d o u b t a b o u t th e lin k ag e of th e co n cep t with th e five fin g e rs o f th e hum an h a n d , in p a r t i ­ c u la r when th e se a re em ployed with palm fo rw a rd and u p p erm o st in o rd e r to w ard o ff th e evil e y e . T h is is o f c o u rse th e khamsa fi 'ainik or 'fiv e ( f in g e rs ) in y o u r e y e ' m an ifestation o r s y n ­ drom e so th o ro u g h ly d is c u s s e d by W esterm arck ,(4 6 ) th a t which is co u p led with th e u b iq u ito u s w earing an d u se b y N o rth A fri­ can women of th e k h u m sa . The la tte r is a metal am ulet of a h ig h ly sty liz e d hum an h a n d w ith five f in g e r s , in w hich, g e n e r­ a lly , th e thum b an d fifth fin g e r a re of eq u a l le n g th and a re v e ry s h o r t, while th e in d e x , th ir d a n d fo u rth f in g e r s , also o f eq u al le n g th , a re much lo n g e r. In d e e d , th e khum sa its e lf also c le a rly a n te d a te s Islam in th e M ag h rib , fo r th e emblem o f a b en ed ictio n al an d p ro te c tiv e fiv e -fin g e re d h a n d h a s b een f r e ­ q u e n tly fo u n d in asso ciatio n w ith P hoenician an d Punic b u ria l m onum ents a n d stelae a t C a rth a g e . W hether, h o w e v e r, it was a C a rth a g in ia n 'o rig in a l' may well be open to q u e stio n . (47) Now th a t th is h a s b een s a id , we may p ro c e e d with th e f ir s t o f th e th r e e p o in ts made at th e o u tse t o f th is a d d en d u m , th a t o f sim ple u p d a tin g of th e m aterial. As n o ted in th e o rig in a l a r tic le , th e list of Moroccan trib a l g ro u p in g s claim ing a kham s k h m a s-ty p e o rg a n iz a tio n was in no way to be re g a r d e d as e x h a u s tiv e ; an d n e ith e r a re th e s u b s e q u e n t a d d itio n s g iv en h e re to be so c o n s tr u e d , e v e n as 'e p ip h e n o m e n a ',(4 8 ) d e sp ite th e fa c t th a t th e p re-Islam ic Q u in q u e g e n ta n e i o f A lg eria, th e A lm oravid takhm is a l-b a rb a r , an d th e T ashum sha o f M auritania, a s well a s P ro p h e tic tra d itio n , all p ro v id e h isto ric a l in d ica tio n s th a t th e b a se lin e of th e co n cep t is not m erely o r only to be fo u n d w ithin th e te r r ito r ia l b o u n d s of M orocco, as I h a d o ri­ ginally su rm ise d . In d e e d , only a v e ry few o th e r su c h g ro u p s h av e come to my a tte n tio n th ro u g h s u b s e q u e n t p e ru s a l o f th e lite r a tu r e since S eg m en tary System s a n d th e Role of 'F ive F ifth s ' in T rib a l Morocco o rig in a lly a p p e a r e d . T he f ir s t of th e s e is th e cA b d a, s o u th e rn n e ig h b o u rs of th e D ukkala (C ase III in th e o rig in al p a p e r ) , am ong whom th e kham s khm as c o n c e p t, a s a tte s te d b y A u b in ,(4 9 ) may sim ply be re g a rd e d a s a c a rb o n copy o f th e D ukkala c a s e : fo r th e m akhzan-im posed le v y in g , on command, of e ith e r five u n its of horsem en o r fiv e u n its of g ro u p ta x a tio n . A second is th a t of th e B e rb e r ( T a s h ilh it)- s p e a k in g Msfiwa of th e foothills of th e W estern High A tla s, a s a tte s te d by L a fu e n te ,(5 0 ) a lth o u g h in th is in s ta n c e , a g a in , as in so many o th e rs c ite d in my o rig in al p a p e r , we a re le ft w ithout a clue as to w hat e ith e r th e o rig in a l fu n ctio n of th e in s titu tio n may have been o r a s to w hat it may have evolved in to a t a la te r d a te . H ence th e is s u e rem ains c o n je c tu ra l a n d u n re s o lv e d , a lth o u g h it is c le a r from th e o v erall c o n te x t th a t in a n y g iven in s ta n c e , in c lu d in g all th o se d isc u sse d in th e o rig in a l a rtic le , th e kham s khm as c o n c ep t could h av e o r h av e h ad only one fu n ctio n a t a tim e. A th ir d is th a t o f th e A ra b ic -s p e a k in g Raham na n o rth of M a rra k e sh , a s a tte s te d

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re c e n tly b y H o o v e r;(51) and th is is a v e ry in te re s tin g and p o s ­ sib ly u n iq u e case in which not only was th e c a te g o ry one which was m akhzan-im posed b u t one in w hich, fo r a v a rie ty of re a s o n s , only o n e k h u m s , th e B e r a b e s h , rem ained c o n s ta n t, while th e o th e r f o u r , on th e eve of th e F re n c h p ro te c to r a te , w ere in a c o n tin u a l p ro c e s s o f flu c tu a tio n , s h if t, realig n m en t a n d c h a n g e . And a f o u r th , th a t o f th e Dawi Mani1, b o th a s n o ted in th e o rig in a l p a p e r a n d as re c e n tly a tte s te d in fa r more d e ta il b y D u n n , (52) will be d ealt w ith p re s e n tly a s C ase IV. The seco n d p o in t, p e rh a p s more fun d am en tal th a n th e f i r s t , may now be c o n s id e re d . T h is is my adm ission th a t not only h av e some o f th e c o n to u rs of th e m aterial c h a n g e d , in my view , sin ce th e p u b lic a tio n of my o rig in a l p a p e r, b u t it also e n ta ils my re c o g n itio n of th e fact th a t it is now e v id e n t, in th e lig h t o f s u b s e q u e n t r e s e a r c h , th a t by no m eans all Moroccan tr ib e s (o r p e rh a p s 'nam ed g r o u p s ', a s th is in v o lv es d iffe rin g in te r ­ p re ta tio n s o f th e q a b ila -c o n c ep t which w ere b o th b ey o n d th e scope of my o rig in a l p a p e r a n d b e y o n d th a t o f th is ad dendum ) a re o r w ere o rg a n iz e d a c c o rd in g to reco g n iz ab ly se g m e n ta ry p rin c ip le s , e v e n b e fo re th e im position o f th e two p r o te c to r a te s . F ir s t, w hat I mean sp ecifically by 'c h a n g in g c o n to u rs ' is th a t my o rig in al th r e e p ro n g e d assu m p tio n b a se d on a se t of b in a ry o p p o site s ( u r b a n - r u r a l /tr ib a l, A ra b -B e rb e r an d m a k h z a n -sib a ) h a s now become b lu n te d in th e lig h t o f in terim fin d in g s , (53) th e p o in t b e in g th a t none o f th e se dichotom ies is a s s h a rp ly d efin ed o r a s c lo s e d -c irc u ite d as e ith e r th e e a rlie r F re n c h r e s e a rc h o r , in te r a lia, my ow n, would h av e led u s to b e lie v e . On th e o th e r h a n d , a c o rre sp o n d in g ly g r e a te r o p e n -e n d e d n e s s in te rm s of th e s e m a tte rs h a s also o p e n ed th e door to a c e rta in d e g re e o f d ia le c tic , h en ce p ro v id in g room fo r n e g o tia tio n . I would still s tro n g ly echo G e lln e r's s ta te m e n t, a s I did in my o rig in a l p a p e r , ab o u t th e n u m ber two h a v in g no p re -e m in e n ce ; a n d I now rea liz e th a t to ta k e th is to its logical conclusion is , of c o u rs e , to s c ra p th e notion of b in a ry o p p o site s a s a m odus o p e ra n d i. R ecent re s e a rc h h a s show n th e c a te g o riz atio n of 'u r b a n ' an d 'r u r a l / t r i b a l ' to r e p r e s e n t n o t a dichotom y b u t a co n tin u u m , while o n lin g u istic g ro u n d s it is not only c le a r th a t a n y ’B e r b e r is ta n ’ (o r sh o u ld one sa y 'Tamazirt n -Im a zig h e n '? ) issu e h a s not o n ly n e v e r posed a political problem in Morocco b u t th a t it p ro b a b ly n e v e r will; fo r in th e m ountainous p a r ts of th e c o u n tr y , B e rb e r becom es e v e r-in c re a s in g ly th e la n g u a g e o f th e hom e, while all c itizen s le a rn A ra b ic . In a d d itio n , th e whole re c e n t em phasis on re g io n a l p a rtic u la rism a n d reg io n a l b a r g a in ­ ing p o sitio n s v is - à - v is th e c e n tr e h as p u sh e d th e whole m akhzansib a issu e in to th e b a c k g ro u n d - to becom e, in e f fe c t, one o f th e d ead h o rs e s of colonialism , a n d h en c e h a rd ly w orth flog­ g i n g . (54) S eco n d ly , it seem s c le a r to d a y th a t a tr u ly se g m e n ta ry trib a l o rg a n iz a tio n in Morocco e x iste d e ith e r only o r optim ally in th o se a re a s of th e c o u n try which w ere f u r th e s t rem oved from the e ffe c tiv e economic a n d political (th o u g h n o t s p iritu a l) a u th o rity

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of th e su lta n an d th e m akhzan. T h a t th e se a re a s h a p p e n e d also fo r th e most p a r t to be on es of B e rb e r sp ee ch is of le ss im por­ ta n c e : w hat is p aram ount is th a t se g m e n ta ry s t r u c t u r e s , with th e ir re s u ltin g d iffu sion of pow er in eq ual d o ses along seg m en tary lin e s , w orked most e ffe c tiv e ly w here su lta n ic c o n tro l a n d , c o n s e q u e n tly , c e n tra liz atio n o f po w er, w ere minimal. R ecent r e s e a rc h e s have not only re v e a le d th e w e ste rn h a lf of th e n o r th e r n zone, th e Jb ala a s opp o sed to th e R if, to have b een n o n -s e g m e n ta ry ,(5 5 ) b u t also, an d not u n e x p e c te d ly , th e A tlantic co a sta l plain and its immediate h in te r la n d ,(56) w hile, a s a lre a d y h in te d at in my 1967 p a p e r, ev en a n u m ber of Middle A tlas tr ib e s fell into th is c a te g o r y . (57) So all o f th is , in e ffe c t, h e lp s to n arrow down th e field . H ow ever, an d h e re we come to o u r th ir d a n d final p o in t, th is is not to say th a t th e e x iste n c e of a nam ed se g m e n ta ry g ro u p does not o r d id n o t p re c lu d e th e fact th a t th is g ro u p may have p o ss e s s e d an o v e ra rc h in g o rg an iz atio n along 'fiv e f if th s ' o r kham s khm as lin e s . To th e c o n tr a r y , th e av ailable e v id en ce p o in ts to th e fa c t th a t th e re w ere nu m ero u s su c h g ro u p s th a t did p o s s e s s it, th e Zimmur, th e D ukkala (C ase III in th e o rig in al a rtic le ) an d th e c A bda all b e in g ca se s in p o in t. But in th e s e in s ta n c e s th e fact rem ains th a t for w h a tev er th e re a s o n , w h e th e r fo r ta x - g a th e r in g p u rp o s e s o r fo r ra is in g m ilitary o r c a v a lry c o n tin g e n ts , th e o rg an iz atio n was m akhzan-im posed. And h e re we h a v e a fundam ental d iffe re n c e with th o se c a s e s , a s am ong th e A ith W aryaghar of th e C e n tra l Rif an d th e Ait c A tta o f th e S a g h ru (C ases I and II in th e o rig in a l a r tic le ) , in which th e co n cep t was v e ry c le a rly self-im p o sed , i .e . b y th e g ro u p its e lf, and fo r its e lf, so a s to im prove th e efficien cy of its own in te rn a l fu n c tio n in g . (W hether o r n o t th e model of choice was m a k h z a n -in sp ire d - which in th e s e two in s ta n c e s was p a te n tly n o t th e case - is of e n tire ly se c o n d a ry im p o rtan ce, a t le a st in th e p r e s e n t c o n te x t.) T h at th is in te rn a l fu n c tio n in g was se g m e n ta ry in n a tu re th e r e is no d o u b t, at le a s t in my m ind. T he fac t th a t th e in te rn a l m echanism s of th e s e tr ib e s w ere couched in th e o v e ra ll fram e­ w ork of kham s khm as r a th e r th a n in th o s e , le t u s s a y , of z u j n s a s , ’two h a lv e s ’, tlata t u lu ta t, ’th r e e t h i r d s ', arb'a r b u 'a , 'fo u r f o u r t h s ', o r even sitta s u d u s a t (o r sitta s d a s ) , 'six s ix th s ', may p o ssib ly ra ise a philosophical is s u e ; b u t it lea v es u s in no d o u b t, once a g a in , a s to th e co n cep tu a l efficacy of th e pow er ideology in v o lv ed . In a se g m e n tary co n te x t th e s e lf ­ im position, b y th e g ro u p c o n c e rn e d , of th e kham s khm as o r 'fiv e f if th s ’ c o n cep t is of c ru c ia l im p o rtan ce, ag ain a p o int which was p e rh a p s not su ffic ie n tly h ig h lig h te d in th e o rig in al a r tic le . It is a p o in t th a t c o n trib u te s a c tiv e ly to th e ’q u in te s ­ s e n c e ’ of th e sy stem as a w hole, a n d to my conviction th a t th is ’q u in te s s e n c e ' still holds good, from th e s ta n d p o in ts of form , c o n te n t, s t r u c tu r e a n d fu n c tio n . With th e above in mind we may now tu r n to th e Dawi Mani' of s o u th e a s te rn Morocco as C ase IV.

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Case IV T he Dawi M ani', a nom adic a n d A ra b ic -sp e a k in g trib e o f nom ads an d c a ra v a n e e rs d e sc e n d e d ultim ately from th e Ma'qil a n d more imm ediately from a p u ta tiv e common a n c e s to r nam ed al-M ani', n u m b ered ab o u t 15,000 a t th e en d of th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y . (T h e ir n u m b er a s o f th e 1960 Moroccan c e n s u s was in d e te r ­ m inate a n d u n re lia b le , b eca u se many of them w ere by th e n w ithin th e b o r d e r s of A lg eria, an d w ere s c a tte r e d .) In th e la st c e n tu r y , th e y o ccu p ied a wide b a n d of p re -S a h a ra n te r r ito r y s tr e tc h in g from th e Wad Z usfana in th e e a st to th e T afilalt in th e w est. B ut th e ir s was e v id e n tly a w e st-e a st m igration tow ard th e Wad G ir a n d th e Wad Z u sfan a, in p r e s e n t- d a y A lgerian t e r r i t o r y ; a n d as th e y a re n e a r n e ig h b o u rs of th e Ait 'A tta , a n d sp ecifically of th e Ait K habbash su b clan in th e T a fila lt, it is q u ite p o ssib le th a t th e y took th e concept of kham s khm as from th e la tte r an d a d a p te d it to th e ir own c irc u m sta n c e s . At an y r a t e , D unn m akes it c le a r th a t th e notion came to be o rie n te d to w a rd s th e ir m ilitary ex p an sio n an d to a c q u ire an im p o rtan t c o rp o ra te s ig n ific a n c e . He g iv e s th e Dawi Mani' p a r a ­ digm o f 'fiv e f if th s ' a s in F ig u re 3 .1 0 :(5 8 ) F ig u re 3.10 L. I : DAW I M A N I'

1 L. (I :

AW LA D JALLUL

A W LA D YUSIF

L. I l l :

3 subsegm ents

6 subsegm ents

IDAR ASA

A W LAD BU CA N A N

1

1 5 subsegm ents

7 subsegm ents

AW LA D BIL-GIZ

i 3 subsegm ents, each subsegm ented into 3 m ore subsegm ents

Each of th e se 'f if th s ' h a d a qaid a s p erm a n e n t le a d e r, and in w a rfa re its m em bers fo u g h t c o rp o ra te ly u n d e r h is le a d e rs h ip an d u n d e r th a t o f th e s h a ik h , an ad hoc le a d e r e lec ted fo r th e d u ra tio n of th e c r is is . Not only th is , b u t Dawi Mani1 b elief held th a t th e s u c c e s s o f an y su ch e n d e a v o u r re s id e d in th e fa ct of all five 'f if th s ' o p e ra tin g in c o n c e rt. A ny g ro u p o r in d iv id u al failin g to a p p e a r when summoned b y th e tr ib a l p o lic e , called h e re aitarba'in (w hich in th is in s ta n c e , u n lik e th a t of th e R ifia n s, w h e th e r o f th e A ith W aryaghar o r e lse w h e re , may lite ra lly h av e m eant 'people o f th e f o r ty ') ; an d an y v ic to ry a g a in st a n o th e r tr ib e was followed u p b y a p ro p o rtio n a te d is tr i­ b u tio n o f th e spoils among th e 'f if th s ' a c c o rd in g to th e n u m ber of p a r tic ip a n ts p ro v id e d b y each o n e. B ut from an o rig in a lly m ilitary fu n c tio n , th e in s titu tio n of kham s khm as am ong th e Dawi Mani' came by th e late n in e te e n th c e n tu r y to a c q u ire one th a t was la rg e ly econom ic: th e an n u al re o rg a n iz atio n o f a ra b le lan d in th e flood plain of th e Wad Gir,

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n e a r cA b ad la. T he flooding took (a n d ta k e s ) place each y e a r b etw een N ovem ber an d D ecem ber, an d th e h a rv e s tin g betw een A pril an d J u n e ; and a s many a s 6,000 h e c ta re s could be i r r i ­ g a te d . As in d ic a te d , rea p p o rtio n m e n t a c c o rd in g to th e 'f if th s ' c h a n g e d each y e a r , an d e v en th o u g h a n o th e r tr ib e , th e Awlad J a r i r , came to be c o n sid e re d by th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y a s a s ix th (an d a c c re te d ) khum s of th e Dawi Mani' fo r p u re ly mili­ ta r y re a s o n s , D unn m akes it c le a r th a t th e y did not sh a re r ig h ts to c u ltiv a te in th e c A badla P lain. A lthough f u r th e r d etails may be fo u n d in D u n n 's s tu d y , what is of in te r e s t to u s h e re is th a t th e an n u a l call to p lo u g h , sow a n d h a r v e s t to g e th e r a c te d a s a k in d of c e n tr ip e ta l force on th e Dawi Mani' as a g a in s t a n y f u r th e r c e n trifu g a l e x p a n s io n : fo r alm ost th e e n tir e tr ib e a p p e a re d , in o r d e r to a c t c o rp o ra te ly in w hat h a d now become an a g ric u ltu ra l an d an economic c o n te x t: th a t o f sow ing g r a in , h a r v e s tin g it, th r e s h in g it an d s to rin g it in u n d e rg ro u n d silo s. (59) In th is c o n te x t, it seem s, th e Dawi Mani' felt th a t a s ix th 'f if th ' was not n e e d e d . H ence th e ir o rig in a l a n d self-im p o sed ideology o f kham s khm as o r 'fiv e f if th s ' was a s well p re s e rv e d a s a s tr u c tu r a l m echanism for c o rp o ra te a c tio n , in te rn a l to th em selv es an d e x te rn a l with re s p e c t to o u tsid e t r ib e s , as it was in th e e q u a lly w e ll-a u th e n ti­ c a te d c a s e s of th e two la rg e r B e rb e r-s p e a k in g p o s s e s s o r g r o u p s , th e A ith W aryaghar a n d th e Ait c A tta , b o th d isc u sse d at le n g th in th e 1967 a r t i c l e . (60) T he Dawi Mani1 c a se may th u s be said to p ro v e a fittin g c a p ­ sto n e fo r th a t c h a ra c te ris tic a lly Moroccan s tr u c tu r a l s u p e r ­ im position on a g e n e ra l se g m e n ta ry them e o f te n , th o u g h b y no m eans e x c lu s iv e ly , m anifested in th e Islamic a n d M aghribine c o n te x t of trib a l so c ie tie s: th e c o n c e p t, in s titu tio n an d p h e n o ­ menon of th e p rin c ip le of kham s khm as - fo r th e classically m inded a n d th e p u r i s t s , khamsa akhm as - o r 'fiv e f if th s '. The co n cep t in q u e stio n may n o t be p c rfe c t, o r may not work p e r ­ fe c tly ; b u t th is is b e c a u se , like th e se g m e n ta ry fram ew ork upon which it r e s t s o r is su p e rim p o se d , it r e p r e s e n ts not an a rtic le of fa ith (a lth o u g h it can c e rta in ly come to a c t as one of ideology) b u t a s tr u c tu r a l s tr a te g y . As s u c h , it h a s u su a lly o r o ften b e e n tr a n s la te d in to a k in d of econom ic, political o r m ilitary sta te m e n t ab o u t th e tr ib e s which h av e o r h a d it an d which still poin t to th is fact with p r id e , e v e n th o u g h in th e kaleidoscopic social c h a n g e o f M aghrib to d a y the notion of kham s khm as may now only be tu r n in g into an in c re a sin g ly dim memory. NOTES 1 F or an in te r e s tin g d isc u ssio n on th is problem as a situ a tio n o f 'social c o n tr a c t', see L ahbabi (1958). 2 Ib id . 3 C f. E v a n s -P ritc h a rd (1940) p assim , a s well a s F o rte s a n d E v a n s -P ritc h a rd (1940). For more re c e n t and su c c in c t

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sta te m e n ts , c f . B ohannan (1963); a n d B eattie (1963); and L ie n h a rd t ( 1964), p p . 71, s q . A lso, c f . th e a rtic le s Lineage an d Segm entation b y M iddleton (1964). None th e le s s , D urkheim (1893), c lea rly e n u n c ia te s some o f th e 'f i r s t p rin c ip le s ' of seg m e n ta ry th e o r y , and th is in co n ­ n ectio n w ith th e B e rb e r-s p e a k in g K abyles of A lgeria! N .B . T h is p a p e r was com pleted fo r p u b licatio n e a rly in 1965. H ow ever, a s o f 1967, it may p ro v e to be th a t n o t all Moroccan tr ib e s a re se g m e n ta ry . T he r e s e a r c h e s o f Dr C liffo rd G eertz a n d of Mr L aw rence R o sen, o f th e U n iv e rsity of C hicag o , on th e Ait Y oussi trib e n e a r S efrou would a p p e a r to in d ic a te a 'fis s io n -fu s io n ' p ro c e ss w ithin th is g ro u p (w hich a p p e a rs to be 'se g m e n te d ' r a th e r th a n 's e g ­ m e n ta ry ' as s u c h ) , d eterm in ed a t le a st in p a rt b y th e e a sy a c q u isitio n by s tr a n g e r s o f trib a l la n d s (a n d h e n ce of tr ib a l droit de c ité ) th ro u g h p u rc h a s e . T h is p ro c e ss seem s also to be a re s u lt of e x iste n c e of h o rizo n ta lly ( r a th e r th a n v e rtic a lly ) s tr u c tu r e d social u n its which a r e , in t u r n , g e o g ra p h ic a lly r a th e r th a n genealogically b a s e d . Mr Rosen (p e rs o n a l com m unication, 1966) th in k s a t p r e s e n t th a t su ch may p ro v e to be th e case fo r most Middle A tlas B e rb e r t r i b e s , none of w hich, to my k n o w led g e, e x h ib it th e s tr u c tu r a l fe a tu re o f kham s khm as o r 'five f i f t h s ', which is so c ru c ia l to my arg u m e n t in th is a r tic le . (C o n tra ry to w hat I s u g g e s t in no te 13. I d isc o v e re d in m id -1965 th a t th e Zayan a re not o rg a n iz e d in to 'f if th s ', an d th a t th e ir fifte e n c la n s a re b o th e n tire ly h e te ro g e n e o u s in com position a n d g e o g ra p h ic a l in b a s e , r a th e r a s R osen would s u g g e s t fo r th e Ait Y o u s s i.) 4 P rin c ip le s e x is t, h o w e v er, to be v io la te d , an d I know of at le a st six c a se s in th e R ifian trib e o f A ith W arvaghar in w hich full b r o th e r s , b y fa th e r an d m o th e r, w ere p itte d a g a in s t each o th e r to th e d e a th , a s in d ica ted ab o v e . 5 C lan , s u b c la n , lineage a n d su b lin e a g e , an d w h a te v e r lab e ls one w ishes to give to su ch u n ity , almost in v a ria b ly form c o n tin u a in Moroccan trib a l a re a s . I d efin e 'c la n ' a s th e maximal segm ent of an y tr ib e o r trib a l g ro u p whose mem­ b e r s sa y 'We a re all d e sce n d ed from X ', o r 'We all came from Place Y ', b u t who a re un ab le to tra c e th e ir genealogical co n n ectio n to X o r to ta k e it back to Place Y e x c e p t in a g e n e ra l k in d o f w ay. A 's u b c la n ' is a u n it, d e fin e d in e x a c tly th e same w a y , w ithin a clan - an d an y clan may h av e two o r more s u b c la n s . On th e o th e r h a n d w hen one re a c h e s th e level of th e 'lin e a g e ', f u r th e r dow n, th is u n it may b e d e fin e d a s th e la rg e s t u n ila te ra l d e s c e n t g ro u p (in th is c a s e , o f c o u r s e , u n ila te ra l m eans a g n a tic ) whose m em bers can a n d do tra c e th e ir a sc e n t to a common a g n a tic a n c e s to r , th ro u g h X n um ber (u su a lly 4 o r 5) g e n e ra tio n a l lin k s - a n d th e 'su b lin e a g e ' is c o n s titu te d b y each of th e lin eag e b ra n c h e s , g e n e ra lly d e sc e n d e d from th e so n s of th e o rig in a l fo u n d e r of th e lin e a g e . In a n y seg m e n ta ry

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6 7

8 9 10 11

12

13 14 15 16 17 18 19

sy stem (an d th e Moroccan system is no e x c e p tio n ) th e te rm s , A rab ic o r , B e rb e r, b y which given social u n its a re d e s ig n a te d a re fa r few er th a n th e a c tu a l n u m ber of s e g m e n ta ry lev els th em selv es ( I , II, III, IV , V, e t c . , s ta r tin g from th e trib e to th e clan an d th e n on d o w n ), so th a t a local term o fte n c o v e rs se v e ra l u n its , on n e ig h b o u rin g lev els u p and dow n, at on ce, an d th u s a tte s ts to th e e sse n tia l flu id ity an d im plied c o n tin u ity of th e sy ste m . I say ’im plied' b e c a u se it is a c u rio u s fa ct th a t th e nam es given to s e g ­ m ents rem ain fix ed a n d immutable th ro u g h tim e, illogical th o u g h th is may seem o r b e . C f. M ichaux-B ellaire (1932), p . 163. T h is lis tin g is ta k e n from C ap d eq u i Y B rieu (1923), and from A lta Com isaria de E spaña en M arruecos (1955), p lu s tr ib a l lis tin g in A rabic u n d e r th e same a u s p ic e s . T h is w ork is h e n c e fo rth r e f e r r e d to sim ply a s 'N om bres'. Also in th e s o u th w e ste rn Jb a la , th e tr ib e of Bni Z arw al, a n d in th e s o u th e a s t, th o se o f b o th B ra n is and D sul fall in to th is c a te g o ry . I am in d e b te d to Mr Law rence Rosen fo r callin g my a tte n tio n to th e first-m e n tio n e d ; fo r th e la s t tw o, c f . T re n g a ( 1916). C f. 'N o m b res'. C f. 'N o m b res'. C f. 'N o m b res'. C f. P ro te c to ra t de la R épublique F ra n ç a ise au M aroc, S e c ré ta ria t G énéral du P ro te c to ra t, S erv ice du T rav ail et d e s Q u estio n s Sociales (1939). T h is work is h e n c e fo rth r e f e r r e d to a s 'R é p e rto ire '. The S ra g h n a case is confirm ed by Ju lien Couleau (1968), p p . 61-2. Q u erleu x (1 9 1 5 ), p p . 13-14; M ichaux-B ellaire (1920), p . 198. C f. also Marcel L e sn e , 'H isto ire d 'u n G roupem ent B e rb è re ; les Zem m our'. T hèse com plém entaire p o u r le d o c to ra t p ré s e n té e à la F aculté d e s L e ttre s et S ciences H um aines à P a ris , 1959, p . 47. In th e Zimmur c a s e , how­ e v e r , th e division into kham s khm as seem s to have been e ffe c te d b y th e g o v ern m en t of p r e - p r o te c to r a te Morocco fo r ta x g a th e r in g p u rp o s e s (n o t alw ays s u c c e s s f u l): b u t th e ev id en ce is not e n tire ly c le a r in th is c a s e . C f. 'R é p e rto ire '. W hether th e Zayan th e m se lv es c o n s titu te su c h a g ro u p I have no idea a lth o u g h A spinion (1946), p . 20, im plies th a t th e y do. C f. A bès (1 9 1 8 ), p . 16, who sa y s th e y a re d iv id e d into two n is fs (h a lv e s) of five khmas e ach . C f. 'R é p e rto ire ', fo r Ait W arayin an d Ait Mgild. C f. B o u sq u et (19 56), p p . 113-230. My re fe re n c e is to p . 114. From my own field n o te s , 1959-61. M ontagne (19 3 0 ), p . 155. C f. H art (1 9 6 2 ), p p . 515-27. Some R g ib at sa y th a t in th e ir case th e kham s khm as are

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th e fiv e c o u n trie s o v e r which th e y roam : Morocco, A lg eria, th e S p an ish S a h a ra , M auritania a n d th e S u d an ; b u t th is is p ro b a b ly an a p o s te rio ri e x p la n a tio n . I h a v e also b een inform ed by Mr R oss D unn th a t C aptain Jig u e in a CHEAM p a p e r r e p o r ts th e Dwi Mni' of th e A lgero-M oroccan 'c o n fin s' region a s h a v in g a sy stem of fiv e f if th s , a p p a re n tly in th is case fo r p u rp o se of d iv id in g up a g ric u ltu ra l land in th e G hir V alley. G ellner ( 1973). M ontagne (1930), n o te 2, p p . 175-6. Coon (1931), p . 92. C oon’s lis tin g of th e 'f if th s ’ of A ith W ary ag h ar, as of Ig z in n ay e n an d Thim sam an, h o w e v e r, is w rong in d etail on all th r e e ; an d h is fu n c tio n al a n a ly sis of th e 'f if th ' s itu a tio n in th e la s t m entioned tr ib e is w rong as well. As I h av e s a id , I do not r e g a r d Ig z in n a y e n , Thim sam an o r A xt T uzin (n o t c ite d by Coon in th is c o n n ec tio n ) as 'ty p e c a s e s '; on I q a r 'a y e n , which Coon also g iv e s a s an exam ple, I can n o t p ro p e rly ju d g e . C f. H art (197 0 b ). A ith W aryaghar sa y th a t only ’t r u e ’ W aryaghar cla n s an d lin e a g e s which live in th e plain h av e ’b r o th e r s ’ in th e Jb il Hmam. T he M ountain of D oves (1,930 m etres a t its h ig h e s t p o in t, th e tomb o f th e most major trib a l s a in t, Sidi Bu K h iy a r, who was not a member of th e ’f if th ’ o f Im ra b d h e n , b u t a s tr a n g e r - a n d hen ce h is h o lin e s s ), in T im arzg a, th e so u th e rn m o st p a rt of th e trib a l te r r i t o r y ; a n d , of c o u r s e , vice v e r s a . All tr u e W aryaghar id e n tify with th e Jb il Hmam. C f. n o te 23. C f. n o te 23. J a g e r G erlin g s a n d Jongm ans (1955). T he th e s is o f th is w o rk , th e c o v e ra g e of which is ex tre m ely su p e rfic ia l, is c o n ta in e d in its title . An ex trem ely a c c u ra te b reak d o w n of c A tta segm entation, with w hich my own d ata only d is a g re e in a few v e ry small p a r tic u la r s , is g iven in Spillm ann (1936), p p . 73-98; an d a seco n d good p u b lish e d a c c o u n t, com plied b y de Monts de S a v a s s e , a p p e a rs as A ppendix n o . 7 in J a g e r G erlin g s an d Jo n g m an s (1 9 55), p p . 73-5. S pillm ann’s bo o k , d e sp ite nu m ero u s d e fe c ts and in a c c u ra c ie s in d e ta il, is n o n e th e le ss th e b e s t av ailab le in tro d u c tio n to Ait c A tta so cie ty and c u ltu r e th u s f a r . His sk e leto n of th e sy stem of kham s khm as is e x c e lle n t, fo r in s ta n c e , b u t h e was only dimly aw are of th e fu n c tio n of th e se ’five f ifth s ' - a n d one looks in vain in h is book fo r an y tre a tm e n t of o th e r c ru c ia l sociopolitical in s titu tio n s , su c h a s , fo r in s ta n c e , th e co llectiv e o a th . T h e re is no sin g le te rm in B e rb e r to den o te th e to ta lity of Ait c A tta o r an y o th e r su c h to p -le v e l g ro u p in g ; and as th e CAtta at l e a s t , all claim d e sc e n t from a sin g le a n c e s to r (w h e th e r re a l o r p u ta tiv e does not m a tter h e r e ) . I p re fe ? th e d esig n a tio n 's u p e r tr ib e ' to th e u su a l F ren ch -em p lo y ed

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David M. Hart term ’c o n fe d e ra c y ', alth o u g h th e la tte r a p p lie s v e ry ju stly to th e Ait Y afalm an. Below th e top 's u p e r tr ib a l' le v e l, fo r th e cA tta , th e r e is o f c o u rse th e k h u m s, and below th is th e ta q b ilt, p i. tiqb ilin, which I h e re label 'c la n '; an d th e n s e v e ra l lev els of ighsan (s in g . ig h s . lit. ’b o n e ’), o r a g n a tic lin e a g e s. A gain h e r e , term inology of social u n its is flu id . C f. G ellner (1963), p p . 145-58, and more p a rtic u la rly h is more re c e n t a rtic le (1973), p . 5. Some o f th e 'la y ' tr ib e s o f th e a re a ( e . g . th e Ait H adiddu of th e Ait Yafalman con­ f e d e ra c y , an d th e Ait S id d ra t) do n o t o b se rv e th is ty p e of e le c tio n , b u t, to my k now ledge, all th e r e s t do. A good many F ren ch a u th o rs h av e spoken of th e 'ro ta tio n a l' a s p e c ts of th e q u e s tio n , b u t only G ellner d isc o v e re d 'com plem en­ t a r i t y ', an d how th e two p rin c ip le s form p a rt o f a sin g le an d fu n ctio n al whole. Spillm ann (1936), p . 61. I b i d . , p . 57. G ellner (1973). All th e tr ib e s in th e C e n tra l A tlas re g io n , in c lu d in g Ait c A tta , h ad o th e r k in d s of c h ie fs - 'tra n sh u m a n c e c h ie f s ', 'sto re h o u se c h ie fs ’ , 'm arket c h ie f s ', etc - fo r d iffe re n t re a s o n s an d d iffe re n t fu n c tio n s , b u t th e se w ere u su a lly a p p o in te d b y th e 'land c h ie fs ' o f th e d is tr ic t, not elected b y ro ta tio n a n d co m p lem entarity. N .B . In la te 1966, well a f te r th e com pletion o f th is p a p e r fo r p u b lic a tio n , a q u estio n of some im portance o c c u rre d to me, one to which th e a n sw e r still seem s e lu siv e ; what is th e re a l fu n c tio n a n d /o r u tility o f all th e 'f rills ' involved in th e r e c u r r e n t phenom ena of ’le v e l-s k ip p in g ’ a n d /o r ’le a p -fro g g in g ’ which so o fte n c h a ra c te riz e th e election of c h ie fs b y th e tw in p ro c e sse s o f ro ta tio n an d com plem en­ ta r ity ? It is o f c o u rse a rg u e d b y B e rb e rs th a t when c h ie fs e x is t an d act a t th e o d d -n u m b e re d lev e ls o f seg m e n ta tio n , th e y a re e le c te d b y th e ir c o n s titu e n ts on th e e v e n -n u m b e re d le v e ls, a n d th a t th u s p a rtic ip a tio n in th e sy ste m , in one way o r a n o th e r , o c c u rs at all le v els an d is open to all m em bers of th e g ro u p or g ro u p s c o n c e rn e d . N o n e th e less, th e q u e ry rem ains as to w h e th er o r not sim ple ra tific a tio n on all b u t th e top level (as am ongst th e Ait Bu Ik n ifen of Im idar) could not really h a v e s e rv e d th e same p u rp o s e . In o th e r w o rd s, from a M alinowskian s ta n d p o in t, what is th e n e e d for all th e se s tr u c tu r a l em bellishm ents? T h is is , of c o u r s e , a ’r e - th in k in g ’ o f my own field d a ta on my p a r t , an d it can in d eed be a rg u e d th a t th e s e em bellishm ents r e p r e s e n t v a ria tio n s in th e o v erall ’s tr u c tu r a l model’ (if th e r e is an o v e ra ll s tr u c tu r a l m odel); b u t th e m a tte r is g e n u in e ly p u z z lin g , e v en so . C o n sid e ra tio n s of space p re v e n t a n y d isc u ssio n of th e system as it e x iste d am ongst th e Ait c Abdi (A it S ukhm an) o f th e K u sa r P lateau in th e C e n tra l A tla s, fo r exam ple; b u t th e ir p a rtic u la r v e rsio n of ro tatio n a n d com plem entarity is fa r a n d away th e most

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complex one th a t I have y e t e n c o u n te re d , fa r more th a n any of th e cA tta v e rs io n s . D r E rn e st G ellner of th e London School of Economics h a s p re v io u sly re a c h e d sim ilar co n clu ­ s io n s , b a se d on h is own re s e a rc h am ongst them . G e lln e r, p p . 7-8. T h e re was an in term e d iary c o u rt at T ira f n -A it cA lw an, n e a r T a g u n it, a s well, at w hich, a lso , in th e u n lik e ly e v e n t th a t a case could not be re so lv e d a t Igharm A m azdar, a final v e rd ic t was r e n d e r e d ; b u t to d isc u ss th is a n d many o th e r p e rip h e ra l problem s in full would be to com plicate th e issu e u n n e c e s s a rily fo r th e p u rp o s e s of th is p a p e r. C f. n ote 6. For an e x cellen t d isc u ssio n of th e A rabization o f th e N orth A frican c o u n try s id e , c f . William M arcais (1961a), p p . 171-92. M ichaux-B ellaire (1932), p p . 167-171. I b i d . , p . 163. It is also w orth n o tin g th a t th e w ork of M ichaux-B ellaire a n d of a good many of h is F re n c h s u c c e s ­ s o r s g iv e s th e im pression (an e rro n e o u s o n e ) th a t th e system of kham s khm as was ex c lu siv e ly a m akhzan-im posed s t r u c tu r e . How could th is h av e p o ssib ly been th e c a se fo r th e Ait cA tta an d A ith W ary ag h ar, b o th of w hich g ro u p s w ere fu lly in stb a u n til pacificatio n ? T he fact of m akhzan im position of th e sy stem of 'five f if th s ' r e p r e s e n ts only one p o ssib ility on th e av ailable sp e c tru m . T h a t th e r e a re o th e rs I h a v e a lre a d y d e m o n stra te d . It m ig h t, h o w ev er, h av e been th e case th a t in th e m akhzan-im posed exam ples th e idea was ta k e n from tr ib e s in siba an d tu r n e d into an in stru m e n t of more e ffe c tiv e c o n tro l. N otably B u rk e (1976); D unn (1977); and L aroui (1977). In L a ro u i's c a s e , h o w e v er, if it is tr u e th a t, a s a n u m b er of o b s e r v e r s of th e Moroccan scen e h av e n o te d , he is u lti­ m ately an e ta tis te an d an apologist fo r th e m ak h zan , th e n it follows th a t he p laces g re a te s t prim acy and re lia n c e upon so u rc e m aterials th a t a re w ritte n and in A ra b ic , a s he h as him self proclaim ed o fte n e n o u g h . B ut it also follow s, ipso facto a n d b y d e fin itio n , th a t so u rc e s th a t a re o ral B e rb e r a n d tr ib a l e ith e r fall o u tsid e h is a re n a of com petence o r th a t h e se e s f it, d e lib e ra te ly , to ig n o re them . C f. also th e in te r e s tin g review of L aroui b y Jo ffe (1979). I would also call a tte n tio n to th e in terim p u b lica tio n o f a major work of my ow n: H art (1 9 7 6 b ), esp ecially c h a p te r s 10 a n d 11, p p . 235-78, 279-312. In th is book th e tra d itio n a l fiv e-w ay division of th e h a q q , th e trib a l a n d /o r m arket fin e fo r m u rd e r, is sp e lled out in fu ll. D unn (1977), p p . 50-67. As I h av e a lre a d y acknow ledged in p re v io u s p u b lic a tio n s, I am in d e b te d to P ro f. Lionel G aland fo r c a llin g th is point to my a tte n tio n . C f. his a rtic le Les Q u in q u eg e n tan e i (G alan d , 1970). For f u r th e r d eta ils c f. B oulifa (1925), p p . 10-13. T he o nly s u rv iv in g usag e of th e co n cep t w hich

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David M. Hart is d e m o n stra b ly B e r b e r from a lin g u is tic s ta n d p o in t seem s to b e th a t o f th e g ro u p nam e T a sh u m sh a am ong th e Z n ag as p e a k in g z w a y a o r 'c le r ic a l1 tr ib e s of th e G ibla in s o u th e r n M a u rita n ia . C f. M iské (1 9 7 0 ), p . 108. In th is c a se a s w ell, one tr a d itio n a t t r i b u t e s a common a n c e s to r to all five c la n s , b u t th e tie s b e tw e e n c la n s becom e v e r y d is te n d e d w ith tim e; a n o th e r , g iv e n me in M au ritan ia in 1973 b y S h aik h M u k h ta r w uld H am idun a n d Thom as W hitcom b, h a s it th a t th e y a re d e s c e n d e d from fiv e u n r e la te d m en, b u t th a t each c la n a c q u ire d a g r e a t m any lin e a g e s th r o u g h a c c r e tio n , o v e r tim e, a n d th a t in th is c a se a t r u e k ham s khm as p rin c ip le was o b v io u sly n o t o p e r a tiv e , o r becam e in o p e r a ­ tiv e in d u e c o u r s e . Watt (1 9 6 1 ), p p . 110-11, a n d Watt (1 9 5 6 ), p . 89. O v e r tw elv e c e n tu r ie s la t e r , Muhammad A hm ad, th e S u d a n e se M ahdi, d id th e sam e, a lth o u g h w a rn in g h is co m panions n o t to b e f r a u d u le n t w ith th e b o o ty . C f. S h a k e d (1 9 7 8 ), p . 99. A bu 1 - c A b b as Ahmad b in Muhammad Ib n 'I d h a r i , A l-B ay a n a l-M u g h rib fi A jb a r Muluk a l-A n d a lu s wa 1-M ag h rib , in A m brosio H uici M iranda, Un F ra g m e n to In é d ito de Ibn 'I d h a r i s o b re lo s A lm o ráv id es, 'H e s p é r is - T a m u d a ', II, 1, 1961, p . 49. I am in d e b te d to T hom as W hitcomb fo r b r i n g ­ in g to my a tte n tio n b o th th is s o u rc e a n d a n o th e r b y H erm ann vo n W issm ann, a r t . B adw . In th e la tte r th e a u th o r n o te s from c e r ta in p re -Is la m ic a n d E p ig ra p h ic S o u th A ra b ia n in s c r ip tio n s th a t th e ro o t k h - m - y - s ( k h u m a y s , no d o u b t d e riv e d from k h u m s ) r e f e r r e d to a r e g u la r arm y while a ’rab r e f e r r e d to b e d o u in c o n tin g e n ts m o unted on cam els o r on h o r s e b a c k d u r in g th e c o n flic ts in s o u th e r n A ra b ia in th e se c o n d c e n tu r y A .D . W esterm arck (1 9 2 6 ), p p . 445-78. H a rd e n (1 9 6 3 ), p . 88. A s fo r in s ta n c e am ong th e A p ach e a s s u g g e s te d b y K aut ( 1974), p p . 45-70. A u b in (D e se o s) (1 9 0 6 ), p . 23. L a fu e n te ( 1968), p p . 71-116, e s p . p p . 78-9. H oover (1 9 7 8 ), p p . 6 2 -5 , 155-8. C f. n o te 42. C f. in p a r tic u la r B u rk e (1 9 7 3 ), p p . 175-200. C e rta in o th e r p a p e r s in th e sam e sy m posium , a lth o u g h n o t my own (H a rt 1973), re a c h s u b s ta n tia lly th e sam e c o n c lu sio n . It may b e claim ed b y some th a t I am h e re m erely s u b s t i ­ tu tin g a c o n c e p t o f q u in te s s e n c e (in its o rig in a l m eaning o f f iv e n e s s ) f o r th e o ne o f b in a rism w hich was so fa v o u re d b y th e F r e n c h . I do n o t th in k s o , fo r th e v e r y good re a s o n th a t b in a rism d o es not e n te r c o n sc io u s th o u g h t in M orocco, w h e re a s q u in te s s e n c e m ost c e rta in ly d o es - in th e fo rm e rly tr ib a l c o u n tr y s id e , in a n y c a se . C f. th e w ork o f Mr H e n ry M unson, J r . , in th e B ni M sawwar o f th e n o r th w e s te r n Jb a la a s well a s th a t o f Mr E .G .H . J o ffé

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in th e s o u th e rn Jb ala aro u n d Wazzan. 56 C f. Eickelm an (1976), p p . 105-21. 57 C f ., in te r alia, V inogradov (1974), p p . 51-78. H ow ever, in th is p a rtic u la r c a s e , th e Ait N d h ir may well h av e b e en an e ig h te e n th - c e n tu ry m akhzan c re a tio n in th e f ir s t p lace; an d th e im plications o f th is fa c t a re not fu lly e x p lo re d in th e work in q u e s tio n . 58 Ib id . , p . 53. 59 I b i d ., p . 56. 60 For f u r th e r inform ation of re le v a n c e , c f . H art (1970a); H art (1 9 7 0 b ), v o l. 2, p p . 3-75; H art ( 1973); H art (1975); H art (1976a); H art (1976b); H art (1977), p p . 75-105. BIBLIOGRAPHY A bd el-K rim e t la R ép ublique du Rif ( 1976), A ctes du Colloque In te rn a tio n a l d 'E tu d e s H isto riq u es e t S ociologiques, 18-20 J a n v ie r 1973, P a ris : F ran ç o is M aspéro. A b ès, M. (1918 r e p r in t) Les Aith N d h ir, 'A rc h iv es B e r b è r e s ', P a ris : E rn e st L e ro u x . A lta Com isaria de E sp añ a en M arruecos ( 1955) 'N om bres de los M usulm anes H a b ita n te s en la zona de P ro te c to ra d o de E spaha en M arruecos: T e r r ito r io s , K abilas, F ra cc io n es y Poblados de la Misma', T e tu a n . A ubin (D e se o s ), E ugène ( 1906) 'Morocco of T o d a y ', L ondon: D e n t, a n d New Y o rk: D u tto n . A sp in io n , (C m d t.) R o b ert (1946) 'C o n trib u tio n à l'E tu d e du D roit C outum ier B e rb è re M arocain: E tude s u r les C outum es d e s T rib u s Z a y a n ', 2nd e d . C asab la n ca : E d. M oynier. B e a ttie , Jo h n (1963) 'O th e r C u ltu r e s ’, L ondon: C ohen & W est. B o h a n n a n , Paul (1963) 'Social A n th ro p o lo g y ', New Y ork: Holt R in e h a rt & W inston. B oulifa, Said A. (1925) 'Le D ju rd ju ra à T ra v e r s l'H isto ire : O rg a n isa tio n e t In d é p e n d a n c e d e s Zouaoua (G ran d e K a b y lie )', A lg ie rs: J . B rin g a u . B o u s q u e t, G e o rg e s-H e n ri (1956) Le D roit C outum ier d e s Ait H addidou de l'A ss if Melloul e t de l'Is e lla tè n e , 'A nnales de l'I n s titu t d 'E tu d e s O rie n ta le s à A lg e r', t . XIV, p p . 113-230. B u rk e , E dm und, III ( 1973) The Image o f th e M oroccan S tate in F re n c h E thnological L ite ra tu re : A New Look a t th e O rig in s o f L y a u te y 's B e rb e r P olicy, in E rn e s t G ellner a n d C h arles M icaud, e d s , 'A ra b s an d B e r b e r s : From T rib e to N ation in N orth A fric a ', L ondon: D u ck w o rth , and L e x in g to n , M ass.: H eath , p p . 175-200. B u rk e , E dm und, III (1976) 'P re lu d e to P ro te c to ra te in Morocco: Precolonial P ro te s t and R e sista n c e , 1860-1912', C hicago: U n iv e rsity o f C hicago P r e s s . C ap d eq u i y B rie u , M auricio (1923) 'Y ebala: A p u n tes so b re la Zona O ccid en tal del P ro te c to ra d o M arroquí E s p a ñ o l', M adrid : E d itorial San F e rn a n d o .

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e d s , 'A ra b s a n d B e rb e rs : From T rib e to N ation in N orth A fric a ', London: D u ck w o rth , a n d L e x in g to n , M a ss.: H eath, p p . 25-58. H a rt, D avid M ontgomery ( tr a n s la to r and e d ito r) (1975), 'Emilio Blanco Iz a g a : Colonel in th e R if’, E th n o g ra p h y S e rie s , HRAFlex Books MX3-001, New H aven: Human R elations A rea F ile s, 2 v o ls. H a rt, D avid M ontgom ery (1976a) De 'R ip u b lik ’ à ’R é p u b liq u e ’: Les I n s titu tio n s S ociopolitiques R ifaines et les Réform es d ’Abd e l-K rim , in ’A bd el-K rim e t la R ép u b liq u e d u R if’, Colloque In te rn a tio n a l d 'E tu d e s H isto riq u e s e t S ociologiques, 18-20 J a n v ie r 1973, P a ris : F ran ço is M aspéro, p p . 33-45. H a rt, D avid M ontgom ery (1976b) 'T h e Aith W 'aryaghar of th e M oroccan Rif: An E th n o g ra p h y and H is to ry ', V iking F und P u b licatio n s in A n th ro p o lo g y , n o . 55, T u c so n : U n iv e rsity of A rizona P r e s s . H a rt, D avid M ontgomery ( 1977) A ssu u -B a Slam (1890-1960): De la R ésistan ce à la 'P acificatio n ' au Maroc (E ssa i d ’A n th ro p o lo gie S o ciale), ’Les A fric a in s ', tome V, P a ris : E ditions Jeu n e A friq u e , p p . 75-105. Huici M iranda, Am brosio (1961) Un F ragm ento In éd ito de Ibn Id h a ri s o b re lo s A lm orávides, ’H e sp é ris-T a m u d a ’, II, 1, p . 49. H oover, Ellen T itu s (1978) ’Betw een C om peting W orlds: T he Reham na of Morocco on th e Eve of th e F re n c h P ro te c to r a te ’, P h . D. d is s e r ta tio n , Yale U n iv e rsity . J a g e r G e rlin g s , J . H . , an d D .G . Jongm ans (1955) ’T he Ait A tta : From Nomadic to S e ttle d L ife’, Royal T ro p ical I n s titu te , D ept of P h y sical a n d C u ltu ra l A n th ro p o lo g y , n o . 50, A m sterdam . J o ffé , E .G .H . (1979) review o f A bdallah L aro u i, La N aissance du N ationalism e M arocain, 1830-1912, in ’Jo u rn a l of A frican H isto ry ’, XXII, 2. K au t, C h a rle s (1974) The Clan System as an E piphenom enal Element o f W estern A pache Social O rg a n iz a tio n , ’E th n o lo g y ’, X III, 1, p p . 45-70. L a fu e n te , M. (1968) La Vie Humaine d a n s u n G roupem ent B e rb è re du H aut A tlas de M arrak ech : les Ait O u ch eg , 'R evue de G éo g rap h ie du M aroc', n o . 14, p p . 71-116. L ah b ab i, Mohammed (1958) ’Le G ouvernem ent M arocain à l'A ube d u XXe S iè c le ', R ab at: E ditions T e c h n iq u e s N o rd -A fric a in e s. L aro u i, A bdallah ( 1977) 'La N aissance du N ationalism e M arocain, 1830-1912', T e x te s à l'A p p u i, P a ris : F ra n ço is M aspéro. L esn e, Marcel (1966/7) Les Zemmour: E ssai d ’H isto ire T rib a le , 'R ev u e de l ’O ccident Musulman et de la M é d ite rra n é e ’, II, 2, 1966, p p . 111-54; I I I , 1, 1967, p p . 97-132; IV , 2, 1967, p p . 31-80. L ie n h a rd t, G odfrey (1964) ’Social A n th ro p o lo g y ', O x fo rd : O x fo rd U n iv e rsity P r e s s . M arçais, William (1961a) Comment l ’A friq u e du N ord a é té A ra b isé e , in William M arçais, 'A rtic le s et C o n fé re n c e s',

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P u b licatio n s de l'I n s titu t d 'E tu d e s O rie n ta le s à A lg e r, XXI, P a ris : A d rie n -M a iso n n eu v e , p p . 171-92. M arçais, William (1961b) 'A rtic les et C o n fé re n c e s ', P u b licatio n s de l'I n s titu t d 'E tu d e s O rie n tale s à A lg e r, XXI, P a ris : A d rie n M aisonneuve. M ich au x -B ellaire, E d ouard (1920) 'V illes e t T rib u s du M aroc', vol. V: 'R ab at e t sa R ég io n ', tome III: 'Les T r ib u s ', P a ris: E rn e s t L ero u s. M ich au x -B ellaire, E douard (1932) 'V illes et T rib u s du M aroc', vol. X, tome I: 'Les D oukkala’, P a ris : E rn e s t L e ro u x . M iddleton, Jo h n (1964) a r t . L in eag e, in Ju liu s Gould an d William J . K olb, e d s , 'D ictionary of th e Social S c ie n c e s', London: T a v isto c k , p p . 391-2. M iddleton, Jo h n (1964b) a r t . S e g m e n t(a tio n ) , in Ju liu s Gould a n d William J . K olb, e d s , 'D ictio n ary o f th e Social S c ie n c e s', London: T a v is to c k , p p . 627-8. M iské, A hm ed-B aba (1970) 'A l-W asit: T ab leau de la M auritanie au D ébut d u XXe S iè c le ', P a ris: K lin ck sieck . M ontagne, R o b ert (1930) 'Les B e rb è re s e t le M akhzen d a n s le Sud du Maroc: E ssai s u r la T ran sfo rm a tio n P olitique d es B e rb è re s S é d e n ta ire s (G roupe C h le u h )', P a ris : Félix A lcan. de Monts de S av asse (C a p t. R . (1955), A ppendix to J .H . J a g e r G erlin g s an d D .G . Jo n g m an s, 'T he Ait A tta : From Nomadic to S e ttle d L ife ', Royal T ropical I n s titu te , D e p t, of P h ysical and C u ltu ra l A n th ro p o lo g y , n o . 50, A m sterdam . P itt- R iv e r s , J u lia n , e d . (1963) 'M ed iterran ean C o u n try m e n ', P a ris an d The H ague: Mouton. P ro te c to ra t de la R ép u b liq u e F ran çaise au M aroc. S é c ré ta ria t G énéral du P ro te c to ra t, S erv ice du T rav ail et des Q u estio n s Sociales (1939) ’R é p e rto ire A lp h ab é tiq u e d e s C o n féd é ra tio n s de T r ib u s , d es T r ib u s , des F ra c tio n s de T rib u s et d es A gglom erations de la Zone F ra n ç a ise de l ’Em pire C h é rifie n , au 1er N ovem bre 1939’ , C asab lan ca: Im prim eries R éunies (V igie M arocaine e t Petit M arocain). Q u erleu x ( C a p t.) ( 1915 r e p r i n t ) , Les Zemmour, ’A rch iv es B e r b è r e s ’, I , 2, P a ris: E rn e st L ero u x . S h a k e d , Haim (1978) ’The Life of th e S u d an ese M ahdi’, New B ru n sw ic k , New J e r s e y : T ra n sa c tio n B ooks. Spillm ann ( C a p t.) G eorges (1936) 'Les Ait A tta du S ah ara e t la Pacification du H a u t-D ra ’, P u b lica tio n s de l ’I n s titu t d es H au tes E tu d e s M arocaines, XXIX, R a b at: Félix Moncho. T re n g a , G. (1916) Les B ra n è s, 'A rc h iv e s B e rb è re s ’, vol. 1, n o . 3, p p . 200-18. V in o g rad o v , Amal Rassam (1974) 'T h e Ait N d h ir of M orocco’, Museum of A n th ro p o lo g y , U n iv e rsity of M ichigan, P ublication n o . 55, Ann A rb o r: U n iv e rsity o f Michigan P r e s s . W att, William M ontgomery (1956) ’Muhammad a t M edina’, O x fo rd : C laren d o n P r e s s . W att, William M ontgomery (1961) ’Muhammad: P ro p h e t and S ta te sm a n ’, O x fo rd : O xford U n iv e rsity P re s s . W esterm arck, E dw ard (1926) ’R itual a n d B elief in M orocco’,

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2 v o ls , L o n d o n : M acmillan. W issm ann, H erm ann v o n , a r t . B ad w , in ’E n c y clo p é d ie de l ’lsla m T, tome I, p . 910.

4 CULTURAL RESISTANCE AND RELIGIOUS LEGITIMACY IN COLONIAL ALGERIA * Fanny Colonna

T h e s tu d y o f th e p a r t p la y e d b y re lig io u s fo rc e s in th e r e s i s t ­ a n c e to co lo n isa tio n in A lg e ria r a is e s q u e s tio n s c o n c e rn in g r e li­ g io u s m ovem ents w ith c o n s p ic u o u s p o litical r o le s , in o th e r w o rd s q u e s tio n s a b o u t th e re la tio n b e tw e e n th e p o litica l a n d th e re lig io u s s p h e r e s . In th e n in e te e n th c e n t u r y , th e s e m ove­ m en ts c o n s is te d o f m a ra b o u ts - holy m en, d e r v is h e s - a n d b r o th e r h o o d s , a n d in th e tw e n tie th c e n t u r y , o f R eform ism , th a t is th e S a la fiy y a m o v em en t. S ince th e d a y s o f M arx a n d W eber it s u r p r i s e s no one th a t e v e r y re lig io u s m ovem ent also fu lfils social a n d p o litica l fu n c tio n s , th a t it e x p r e s s e s , as E n g e ls s a id , v e r y d e fin ite c la s s i n t e r e s t s . B u t th e sp e cific n a tu r e o f th e s e m ovem ents r a is e s sp e c ia l d iffic u ltie s : O ne a p p ro a c h in v o lv e s tr e a tin g them in a g e n e ra l way - a s is m ost common in th e s tu d y o f m essian ism s( 1) - a s th e to ta l re a c tio n , o f an e n tir e s o c ie ty , to e x te r n a l a g g r e s s io n . In th e s e c a s e s , it is th e re a c tiv e c h a r a c t e r , th e re la tio n b e tw e e n a g g r e s ­ sion a n d r e s p o n s e , w hich is s t r e s s e d . T h is re la tio n s h ip is p a r tic u la r ly v is ib le , fo r in s ta n c e , in th e m essian ism s in v o k in g C h r is tia n th e m e s , fo r in s ta n c e in th e C o n g o . T h e w e a k n e ss of th is a p p ro a c h is t h a t , c o n c e n tr a tin g on th e e x te r n a l f u n c tio n s o f th e m ovem ent, it fa ils to a n a ly s e its in te r n a l f u n c tio n s . It d o es so b e c a u se it r e f u s e s to se e th a t e v e r y re lig io u s re a c tio n ( ju s t a s e v e r y p o litic a l o n e ) , f a r from b e in g a to ta l re a c tio n o f a to ta l s o c ie ty , is alw ay s th e re a c tio n o f a sp e c ific g r o u p , o r a co alitio n of g r o u p s , a n d th a t a t th e sam e tim e a s it fu lfills c e r ta in f u n c tio n s o f d e fe n c e , it a lso a n d n e c e s s a r ily c o n s titu te s an in te r n a l ’s e ttle m e n t o f ac c o u n ts* . It is f o r th is re a s o n th a t th e ty p o lo g ic a l r e s e a r c h e s w hich t r y to s e le c t a s e r ie s o f re lig io u s r e a c tio n s a n d in e ffe c t tr e a t th e s e a s m y th s a re so u n s a tis f a c to r y ; th e y f o r g e t th a t e v e n th e sc ie n c e o f m y th s p r e s u p p o s e s a n in tim ate k n o w le d g e o f th e g r o u p s th a t p ro d u c e d th e m . (2 ) T h e e s ta b lis h in g o f th e re la tio n b e tw e e n th e r e s is ta n c e m ovem ents a n d t h e ir social b a s e , w hich is alw a y s d o n e f o r p o litica l m o v em en ts, is seldom made c le a r ly fo r re lig io u s m o v em ents; a n d a b o v e a ll, it is alm ost n e v e r do n e th o r o u g h ly . C o n sid e r th e follow ing: 1 When th e c o u n te r - s tr a te g ie s to im perialism o f co lo n ised la n d s a r e a n a ly s e d , it is p lain th a t th e y a r e d iv e r s e (p o litic a l, c u l­ t u r a l , ec o n o m ic ), b u t th e q u e s tio n is n o t r a is e d : may th e y not ♦The a u th o r w ish es to th a n k E rn e s t G elln e r fo r h is h e lp in p r e p a r ­ in g th e E n g lish v e r s io n o f th is t e x t , f ir s t p u b lis h e d in 1974. 106

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e x p r e s s th e s tr a te g ie s of g ro u p s th a t a re m utually h o stile , a n d h e n c e , may th e y not be m utually incom patible? 2 T h e seco n d d a n g e r, th e o b v e rse o f th e f i r s t , c o n s is ts of se e in g th e re lig io u s c h a r a c te r of th e s e m ovem ents a s n o th in g b u t a cam ouflage o f th e c la ss s tr u g g le . If one in te r p r e ts th e most d o w n -to -e a rth w ritin g s of E ngels in a re d u c tiv is t m anner a n d fo r r e d u c tiv is t e n d s , no d o u b t one can in d u lg e in a jolly game of p ro d u c in g social e x p la n a tio n s fo r th e se m ovem ents. B ut in doing th is , one a b a n d o n s any s e rio u s attem p t to ex p lain why in d eed th e se a re re lig io u s movem ents r a th e r th a n political o n e s, and w hat th e y owe to th is sp ecifically re lig io u s c h a r a c te r . A lgeria is p re c ise ly a good specim en fo r th e in te r p re ta tio n of re lig io u s m ovem ents a s re lig io u s m ovem ents, in as fa r a s th e p r e s e n t c e n tra l im portance of religion in social a n d political life is , a s we sh all s e e , lin k ed to relig io u s fa c to rs o p e ra tin g d u rin g th e colonial p e rio d . T his h a s h a p p e n e d , it seem s to u s , not d ir e c tly , as is th e case in o th e r c o u n trie s w here re lig io u s fo rc e s seize p o w e r, b u t in d ire c tly : re lig io u s fa c to rs have su cc ee d ed in c re a tin g an autonom ous re lig io u s s p h e re . Hence th e re a l q u e stio n is not so much about th e ro le o f th e re lig io u s fo rc e s in th e re s is ta n c e to colonisation a s (1 ) th e e ffe c ts o f th e colonial situ a tio n on th e re la tio n sh ip o f v a rio u s re lig io u s fo rc e s to each o th e r , and to political fo rc e s , and (2) th e co n se q u e n c e s of th e c h an g es w hich took place d u rin g th e colonial p e rio d in th e p r e s e n t c o n stitu tio n o f th e re lig io u s s p h e r e , an d in its re la tio n sh ip s to political a u th o rity . T h is form ulation le ad s to th e decision to sp ea k only o f r e li­ gio u s fo rc e s , a n d to ig n o re th e ro le , which is c o n s id e ra b le , of Islam a s an ideology in th e an ti-co lo n ial r e s is ta n c e . It is known in A lgeria th a t all p a r tie s , an d v irtu a lly all m ovem ents, h av e u se d Islam a t one sta g e o r a n o th e r of th e ir d ev elo p m en t. No d o u b t th is is its e lf an in te re s tin g s ig n , b u t it does se rio u sly com plicate th e problem . I

ECSTATIC AND PURITAN FORMS OF RESISTANCE

In A lg eria, F re n c h colonial dom ination saw two k in d s of r e li­ gio u s fo rc e s r is in g u p a g a in st i t : th e b ro th e rh o o d s a n d th e mrabtin ( r o u g h ly , liv in g s a in ts ) in th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y , an d th e R eform ist culama (re lig io u s sc h o la rs) in th e tw e n tie th . (3) It is im p o rta n t to n o te a fe a tu re which d is tin g u is h e s th e s e m ovem ents from o th e r s p ro v o k e d elsew h ere b y c o lo n isa tio n :(4) th e s e a re not new re lig io u s fo rm s. T he c o e x isten ce of s c r ip tu r a lis t c u r r e n ts is e v id e n t from th e v e ry b e g in n in g s of Islam , a s is th e o fte n v iru le n t s tr u g g le fo r influ en ce betw een th e d o c to rs (cuiama) on th e one h a n d , a n d th e re p re s e n ta tiv e s of th e re lig io u s o r d e r s on th e o t h e r . (5 ) A lgeria was no e x c e p tio n , and th e s e two te n d e n c ie s h ad been locally p r e s e n t fo r c en ­ tu r ie s .

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A Ecstatic religion ( S u fis ) It is a k in d o f m isuse o f la n g u a g e to u se th e same w ord to d e sc rib e ex trem ely d iv e rse th in g s - b u t in th is case o rie n ta lis ts a n d a n th ro p o lo g ists m erely follow p o p u la r u s a g e . In A rab ic , th e g e n e ric term fo r d e sc rib in g Muslim m ysticism - Sufi - evo k es a memory of g re a t in tellec tu al g ia n ts su c h as Ibn al cA rabi o r al-G h azzali, b u t it also s u g g e s ts p rim itiv e folk relig io n with its a m u le ts, ex o tic cerem onies an d h alf illite ra te ’s a in ts '. T he c o n ­ fusio n is in e v ita b le , an d Muslim m ysticism o r sufism alw ays c o n ta in e d b o th ele m e n ts, a so p h istic a te d in tellectu alism in a fram ew ork of e s o te ric d o c trin e s , a s well as sim ple-m inded m an ifestatio n s of folk re lig io n . (6) In A lgeria th e term d e s ig n a te s tr ib a l g ro u p s o rg a n is e d a ro u n d a holy lin e a g e , p ra c tis in g an a n n u a l c u lt o f th e a n c e s to r tie d to th e seaso n al c y c le ,(7) as well a s e x te n s iv e m ystical b ro th e rh o o d s w hose a re a of r e c r u it­ m ent e x te n d s b ey o n d N orth A frica , a n d w hich a re b o th h ie r ­ a rc h ic an d e g a lita ria n , i .e . b a se d on fre e ly ch o sen m em bership r a th e r th a n b ir th b u t well o rg a n ise d a n d m anaged b y an e le cte d s h a ik h .(8) It is e s s e n tia l to n o te th a t b o th th e se ty p e s of g ro u p in g s claim to be w ithin s tr ic t S unni o rth o d o x y , e v en if th e y a re a c c u se d of h e re s y b y th e u rb a n d o c to rs . As s ta te d , the m araboutic g ro u p in g is an elem ent of th e tr ib a l s t r u c t u r e , w ithin which it fu n c tio n s n o t only a s a m eans o f re lig io u s o rg a n isa tio n b u t also of social o rg a n is a tio n . The holy lin eag es a c t a s economic a n d political m ed iato rs betw een o th e r lin e a g e s an d betw een t r i b e s . (9 ) By c o n tra s t th e o rd e r o rg a n isa tio n c u ts a c ro ss tr ib e s and s ta te s , and one m ight even say th a t in a c e rta in way it is a n ti- tr ib a l. (10) Whilst it is of c o u rs e a re lig io u s com m unity, it also a c ts a s a free m a so n ry with economic a n d o th e r s e c u la r p u r p o s e s .(11) A lthough th e g re a t sh a rifia n fam ilies ( i .e . su c h a s claim d e s ­ c e n t from th e P ro p h e t) took p a r t in re s is ta n c e in v a rio u s form s till th e en d o f th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y , m araboutic o rg a n isa tio n was q u ick ly su b je c te d to th e e ffe c ts o f c o lo n isa tio n , an d its d is in te g ra tio n followed th a t of tr ib a l s o c ie ty .(12) By c o n tra s t th e o r d e r s p lay ed a n in c re a sin g p a r t in re lig io u s a n d more g e n e ra lly c u ltu ra l re s is ta n c e , an d also on occasion in m ilitary r e s is ta n c e . In e f f e c t, th e c le rk ly c allin g is not w arlike in Islam , b u t in th e case of holy w ar ev en th e c le ric s a re obliged to ta k e u p a rm s . F in ally , if d u rin g th e f irs t tw e n ty y e a rs of colonisa­ tion th e a c tiv ity of th e re lig io u s o r d e r s was mainly th a t of its high d ig n ita rie s , from 1850 o n w ard s one may say th a t it became above all a c tiv ity of the p e tty c le r g y ; th e n c e fo rth th is was th e only a c tiv ity w hich was p o ssib le , b u t it was also to be ex trem ely effe c tiv e fo r at le a st h alf a c e n tu r y . As is k now n, Amir cA bdalQ adir was th e son of a sh a ik h of th e Q adiriya o r d e r , and Mohammad b in cA b d allah , b e tte r know n as Bu Mac za , who led a re v o lt in th e D ah ra r e g io n ,(13) was of th e T a y y ib iy a o r d e r , an d th e s h a rif Bu B aghla a n d Si S addiq Bil H ajj, le a d e rs of th e in s u rre c tio n s of 1850 and 1859 in K abylia, w ere a ffiliated to th e R a h m a n iy a .(14) Finally S haikh a l-H a d d a d , who p ro v id e d

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cru cial h elp fo r al-M u q q ran i d u rin g th e in s u rre c tio n of 1871, was one o f th e two sh iy u k h of th e R ahm aniya. ( 15) S eeing them in p e rs p e c tiv e a f te r a c e n tu ry an d a h a lf, in re la ­ tio n to th e e v e n ts of th e time and to th e ir f ir s t c h ro n ic le rs (N e v e u , R in n , R ic h a rd , to name only th e b e s t ) , th e re lig io u s o r d e r s of th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y a p p e a r a s a sp e c ie s of re li­ gious c o n fe d e ra c y , e q u ip p e d with m utually d iffe n tia te d ideo­ logies (e v e n th o u g h all o f them a re a tta c h e d to S ufi Islam ), able to 'r a is e ' th o u s a n d s of w a rrio rs , b u t also of assem bling h u n d re d s of s c h o la rs , a n d e v en o f d e v isin g and im plem enting ex trem ely complex s tr a te g ie s , sometimes in co n flict with each o th e r . (16) T ow ard th e middle of th e c e n tu r y , a f te r it became clear th a t m ilitary action was no lo n g e r p o ssib le , th e o r d e r s c o n tin u e d to c a r r y on a k in d of psychological cam paign, h a v in g p re v io u sly been th e motive fo rce o f som ething w hich was v e ry close to re v o lu tio n a ry w ar (fom enting u p ris in g s e v e ry w h e re so as to e x h a u s t an d ro u t th e en em y): 'E v ery talib (Q u r'a n ic te a c h e r) in A lgeria s ig n s up as a " b ro th e r" in a re lig io u s o r d e r ', w rote Y. T u rin . 'T h e se o r d e r s have c o n n ectio n s a n d c o n ta c ts with a whole se t of lo d g e s, re la te d to each o th e r an d d is p e rs e d a s fa r as Morocco, T u n is , an d T rip o li. The in flu en ce of su ch a p e rso n a g e is fa r g r e a te r th a n th a t o f a mere village te a c h e r: he is te a c h e r and v ic a r all a t o n c e __ b ecau se he know s how to w rite , he is o fte n involved in family a f f a ir s . B ecause he can r e a d , it is he who d e c ip h e rs th e n o te s from th e d is tr ic t o ffic e r fo r th e s h a ik h . He is n o t ju st th e le a rn e d m an , b u t th e only le a rn e d m an , th e lig h t and o rac le of th e tr ib e . '( 17) S pied on b y th e a rm y , econom ically anaem ic, g re a tly re d u c e d in th e ir in te lle c tu a l im p o rtan ce, th e zawiyas (lo d g e s ), local b a se s o f th e o r d e r s , becam e m ere d is p e n s a rie s o f ru m o u rs, th e in s p ir ­ atio n o f o p p o sitio n a g a in st th e school b ro u g h t in b y th e colonial a d m in is tra tio n , a g a in st a ttem p ts at p re v e n tiv e m edicine a n d th e e stab lish m en t of civil r e g is tr a tio n , in o th e r w ords a g a in st all m easu res aimed a t e s ta b lis h in g effe c tiv e a d m in istra tiv e c o n tro ls . B S c r ip tu ra list religion: th e reform ist culama T he re s is ta n c e o f th e b ro th e rh o o d s e x h a u s te d its e lf a t th e end of th e c e n tu r y . T he colonial school, m edicine an d a d m in stra tio n all p re v a ile d - we sh all see la te r ju s t by w hat m eans. H ow ever, tw e n ty y e a r s a f te r th e s ta r t o f th e c e n tu r y a new movement ta k e s o v e r. At f ir s t s ig h t at le ast e v e ry th in g a b o u t th e R eform ­ is t Movement s ta n d s in c o n tra s t to th e re lig io u s fo rc e s which w ere d e s c rib e d a b o v e . T he b ro th e rh o o d s w ere legion (R in n , in 'M arabouts et K h o u a n ', d e s c rib e s n in e te e n main o n e s , n o t c o u n t­ in g se c o n d a ry b r a n c h e s , a t th e en d of th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y ) , as w ere th e m araboutic lin eag es (w hich no d o u b t could be co u n te d in th e ir h u n d r e d s ) . By c o n tr a s t th e am bition of th e °ulama was to c re a te a sin g le m ovem ent, which would u n ite u n d e r th e b a n n e r o f one d o c trin e all th e theological schools a n d even in c o rp o ra te schism atic te n d e n c ie s .( 18) The social b a s is of th e

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movement is u rb a n an d b o u rg e o is: Bin B a d is, its main le a d e r, is th e o ffs p rin g o f an old an d ric h family from C o n sta n tin e , an d he a s well a s h is main d iscip les (al-^U q b i, Ibrahim i) were tra in e d in a s c r ip tu r a l m anner in A rabic u n iv e rs itie s of T u n isia o r th e Middle E a st. T hough th e ir A ssociation c o n q u e rs a la rg e n u m b er of se m i-u rb a n agglom erations (am ongst m any o th e r s , Mila, S e tif, L a g h o u a t, N edrom a), it n e v e rth e le s s alw ays r e ta in s an u rb a n sty le an d c lie n te le , made u p o f la rg e a n d small t r a d e r s , a rtis a n s a n d m id d le-ran g e o fficials. Id eo lo g ically , Bin B adis an d h is d isc ip le s c o n scio u sly d e riv e from N ear E a ste rn Reform ism , a n d in p a r tic u la r th e Salafiya movement : th e ir m a sters a re Muhammad c A bduh an d R ashid R ida. (19) B eing an in siste n c e on th e r e tu r n to th e tra d itio n of Muhammad and th e te a c h in g of th e a n c ie n ts (S a la f), A lgerian reform ism was b o u n d to s tru g g le on two f r o n ts , a g a in st th e 'o ssified c o n s e rv a tiv e s and th e r e p u d ia to r s 1 (th e form er b e in g M rab tin , ta k e n as r e p re s e n ta tiv e s of Sufism , an d th e la tte r th e 'em an cip ated ' an d th e 'a s s im ila to rs ', su c h as th e m em bers of th e Mouvement Je u n e A lg é r ie n ) .(20) A gainst th e form er, it p re a c h e d th e em ulation o f h isto ric models ( S a la f), w ell-b ased on th e o rth o d o x tr a d itio n , in c o n tra s t to th o se of th e liv in g o r le g e n d a ry s a in ts . At th e same time it e x h o rte d th e A lg e ria n s to see Islam a s a r e lig io n -f o r-th is -w o rld , which obliges th e fa ith fu l to ta k e p a r t in social a n d political lif e , an d to a c q u ire th e new te c h n iq u e s w hich a re n ee d ed fo r th e p ro te c tio n an d p r o g r e s s of th e com m unity.( 21) In o p p o sitio n to th e m ystic d o c trin e s of th e b ro th e rh o o d s , th e re fo rm ists re h a b ilita te d money a n d e ffic ie n c y , d en o u n ced th e w astage o f tim e, and any c o n sp ic u o u s co n su m p tion: h e re one can d is c e rn a p u rita n e th ic , a k in d of C alvinism . A g ain st th e th r e a t of assim ilation by w estern c u ltu r e , th e B adisian culama b u ilt u p a pow erful tool w hich, ev en if it did not p ro v e as e ffe c tiv e as th e y e x p e c te d , y e t h e lp e d com pletely to tra n sfo rm th e c u ltu ra l condition of A lgeria betw een th e two w ars (1920-40). T h e ir n etw ork of p riv a te sc h o o ls, c u ltu ra l c irc le s an d y o u th m ovem ents ra p id ly e x te n d e d its e lf o v e r the c o u n try an d a f f e c te d , a t le a st s u p e r fic ia lly , a good p ro p o rtio n of y o u th , o th e r th a n th a t which was p u re ly r u r a l. T he c o -o rd in a te d action of th e se sc h o lastic an d c u ltu ra l n e tw o rk s , th e p re a c h in g in th e m osques, and above all th e re fo rm ist p r e s s in A ra b ic, had a c o n sid e ra b le im pact on A lgerian so ciety and p lay ed an im p o rtan t p a r t in th e g ro w th of n atio n a l­ ist feelin g in A lg e r ia .(22) By its s h e e r e x is te n c e , it ch allen g ed th e lin g u is tic monopoly of th e F re n c h la n g u a g e , a n d th e co n tro l o f th e re lig io u s a p p a r a tu s . If it unm asked th e c u ltu ra l dom ina­ tion w ithout y e t, as we shall show la te r , b e in g ab le to overcom e i t , th is was b e c a u se th e real co nflict took place at th e political an d economic le v e ls, an d not at th e c u ltu ra l o n e. C Religious m ovements or political parties? Unlike th e re lig io u s o r d e r s o f th e n in e te e n th c e n t u r y , th e

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culama n e v e r c a r r ie d out d ire c t political a c tio n , an d still le ss a n y m ilitary a c tio n . Yet th e tem ptation to in te r p r e t th e ir move­ ment a s a political p a r ty is g r e a t, g r e a te r th a n is th e case for th e ir n in e te e n th - c e n tu ry p r e d e c e s s o r s . All th e same it was not a political p a r ty : its m essag e, its aim s, and above all its enem ies were re lig io u s . T he men who com posed it saw th em selv es an d w ere seen as c le r ic s , a s 'g u a rd ia n s of f a ith ’ ('E l N a d ja h ', 1938). and not as political m ilitan ts. One can n o t really claim th a t th e movement c h a n g e d its n a tu r e o r its s p h e re of actio n from th e fact th a t a f te r th e Muslim C o n g re ss o f 1936, and till th e d e a th o f Bin B adis in 1940, political them es became more prom inent in its p r e s s . The p o liticisatio n of th e culam a, th e c o n seq u e n ce o f th e th is -w o rld ly vocation o f th e new f a ith , was clo sely tie d to th e d e b a te c o n c e rn in g th e problem o f p e rso n a l (le g a l) s ta tu s . T h is was th e issu e o f th e lo ss of Muslim legal s ta tu s th ro u g h th e a c q u isitio n of F re n c h c itiz e n s h ip , an d hence was lin k ed to th e c ris is of id e n tity , re lig io u s an d c u ltu ra l as much as p o litical. As fo r th e b ro th e rh o o d s , th e s e m ust be seen in th e p ro p e r lig h t: it is t r u e th a t th e y p lay ed a political a n d even m ilitary ro le , p r e p a r in g r is in g s , c a r ry in g o u t in te llig e n c e , ju s t a s p e a sa n t w ars w ere in d e e d w a rs, an d Thom as M unzer was an a g ita to r . N e v e rth e le ss th e y rem ained re lig io u s m ovem ents - as w ere th e p e a s a n t w ars - in a s fa r a s th e y made u se of re lig io u s means a n d cod es (calls to th e holy w a r, p ro p h e c y , e sc h a to lo g y ) in a n o n -in s tru m e n ta l m a n n er: it was a common se t o f re lig io u s id e a s , th e fa ith in a s h a re d dogma with v e ry d efin ite se c u la r im plicatio n s, which e n ab le d le a d e rs an d sim ple w a rrio rs to c o n d u c t a w ar of lib e ratio n a s a w ar of r e lig io n .(2 3 ) T he q u e stio n o f th e p re c ise n a tu r e o f th e re lig io u s m ovem ents w hich v isib ly p erfo rm a political role can n o t b e e v a d e d . A lgerian Reformism is in d e e d co n tem p o ra ry with m ovem ents which o v e rtly p r e s e n t th em selv es as political o r at le a st as se c u la r : su c h as th e Mouvement Je u n e A lg é rie n , o r th e Voix d e s H um bles, an d a little la te r th e Étoile N ord A fricain e. (24) S im ilarly, the in s u rre c tio n of 1871 in its b e g in n in g s a n d th e p ra c tic e of a lM uqqrani w ere in d is p u ta b ly s e c u la r. It was only in its seco n d s ta g e , w ith th e p a rtic ip a tio n o f S haikh a l-H a d d a d , th a t th e movement becam e r e lig io u s .(25) T h u s th e r e e x is te d in th e tw e n tie th c e n tu r y , a n d e v e n in th e n in e te e n th , a se c u la r r e s is ­ ta n c e w hich is in d e p e n d e n t o f th e c le r ic s . T he issu e c le a rly a r is e s from th e s itu a tio n , once we re je c t th e o rie n ta lis t o r islam ological co n cep tio n of th e involvem ent of relig io n a n d politics in Muslim so cieties a n d h e n ce o f th e concom itance of re lig io u s a n d p o litical m ovem ents. For th e a n sw e r in te rm s of 'social b a s e ’ also is not s a tis f a c to r y . In an y case it is not sim ple. To ta k e an exam ple: th e tra d itio n a l b o u rg eo isie of C o n sta n tin e w hich fo u n d e x p re s s io n at th e en d o f th e n in e te e n th c e n tu ry in th e a c tiv ity o f local political n o ta b le s , a n d which a t th a t s ta g e still seem ed h om ogeneous, (26) in due c o u rse p ro d u c e d b o th th e R eform ist movement in th e p e rso n of Bin B a d is, and th e F é d é ra tio n d e s E lu s, a m o d ern ist g ro u p in g w hich, as its

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name im plies, u n d erto o k political a ctiv ity of th e leg islative kind within th e colonial fram ew ork. (27) How should one account for th ese d iv erg en t ch o ices, laden with consequences for n atio n alist s tr a te g y , and for A lgerian social stra tific atio n ? No doubt one must invoke th e riv a lry of d iv e rse segm ents within th a t b o u r­ geoisie. We know n o th in g of th e u n d e rly in g p rin cip le s of those o p p o sitio n s, b u t it is im portant to note th a t th e y must have e x is te d . The fact th a t A lgeria lacked a political p a rty r e p r e s e n t­ ing th e trad itio n al b o u rg eo isie, and com parable to the Old D estour p a rty in T u n is ia ,(28) may w rongly tem pt one into o v e r­ estim ating th e political c h a ra c te r of Bin B ad is's movement. On th e c o n tra ry , th e c o rre ct question is - why was such a p a rty a b se n t? Why did th e b ourgeois movement of 1887, in Mustafa L ach eraf’s w ords, 'sp lit in tw o'? What re ta rd a tio n o r re g re ssio n p re v e n te d th e u rb a n elites from doing a n y th in g o th e r th an e ith e r h an d lin g th e political problem s of th e ir society in a foreign idiom (th e ideology of 1789 and of th e D eclaration of th e R ig h ts of M an), o r of in sistin g on th e in te g rity of th e ir national c u ltu re in an exclusively religious idiom? For lack of a su fficien tly intim ate know ledge of th e social h isto ry of A lgeria, we can only raise th ese q u e stio n s; we cannot answ er them . 11

TWO ENEMIES, TWO SOCIETIES

It is no accident th a t in colonial A lgeria, Sufism was th e e x p re s ­ sion of trib a l re s is ta n c e , and Reformism of u rb a n bourgeois re sista n c e . Similarly it is no accident th a t th e la tte r replaced the form er at a given moment of colonial h is to ry . T here a re in o u r view reaso n s fo r th ese fa c ts: - th e ty p e of colonial ag g ressio n was v e ry d iffe ren t before and a fte r 1880; - th e condition of A lgerian so c ie ty , which was profoundly tran sfo rm ed u n d e r the impact of colonialism. In p a rtic u la r, th e balance of fo rces within th a t society changed - fo r even in a co n q u ered and c ru sh e d so c ie ty , th e re e x ists a balance of fo rces. A The threat o f arms and the threat o f law T h ere is no harm at th is stag e in following tem porarily th e example of the 're a c tio n is ts ', in o th e r w ords adopting a c u ltu ra list view point an d to seeking th e key to th e v arie tie s of re li­ gious re sista n c e in th e d iffe re n ces of sty le in colonial a g g re s s io n . Until about 1870,(29) F rench in tru sio n in A lgeria was above all m ilitary, in c o h e re n t, u n p re d ic ta b le , and left the A lgerians with the im pression th at it was ephem eral. A part from c e rta in ex ceptions in time (1858-60) o r in space (mainly th e to w n s), the c o u n try was a b so rb ed by w ar, o r r a th e r a se rie s of w ars, an d was th e object of m ilitary dom ination, th a t of th e B ureaux A ra b e s, which p ra c tise d in d ire ct ru le . The d an g e r which th is

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c o n q u e st c o n s titu te d , g re a t th o u g h it was se e n to be b y men su c h as cA b d al-Q ad ir o r Ahmad B ey, y e t did not seem to s trik e th e r e s t of A lg erian so ciety as som ething fu n d am en tally new o r u n m an ag eab le. B a sic a lly , those ro u g h -n e c k g e n e ra ls , who in d u lg e d in ra id s and in sm oking o u t th e ir enem ies, who sig n e d s p u rio u s tr e a tie s o r tr a d e d in arm s with th e ir en em ies, w ere a lto g e th e r in th e good N orth A frican tr a d itio n . A lgerian society re a c te d to them in th e same way a s it h a d done to th e C h ristia n R eco n q u ista o f th e s ix te e n th c e n tu r y , (30) o r to th e Ottom an c o n q u e st la te r : in p a r t b y th e re s is ta n c e o f th e a ris to c ra c y of sh u r fa (d e s c e n d a n ts of th e P r o p h e t) , and above all of th e re lig io u s o r d e r s . An a g g re s s io n which seem ed to be d ire c te d a t local g r o u p s , an d to be devoid o f a n y v isib le o v e rall s tr a te g y , p ro v o k e d a tra d itio n a l o r classical re a c tio n , which was its e lf a re a c tio n of g ro u p s ( tr ib e s o r b r o th e r h o o d s ) . (31) Colonial policy in th e p ro p e r se n se o f th e word did not a p p e a r on th e scene till l a te r , a f te r 1871.(32) It was in e ffe c t d u rin g th e a fte rm a th o f th e fa ilu re of th e g re a t in s u rre c tio n of 1871 th a t, fo r th e f ir s t tim e, a c o h e re n t colonial p o licy , officially a ssim ila tio n ist. an d in fact p ro fo u n d ly d e s tr u c tiv e , was im plem ented u n d e r th e in flu en ce of th e s e ttle r s . It was th e n th a t one saw th e a p p lic a ­ tion of a whole s e r ie s o f m easures with c o n v e rg in g e ffe c ts : th e land te n u re laws of 1873 a n d 1887, follow ing th e d e c re e s of 1863, aimed a t th e b re a k u p o f 'n a tiv e ' p r o p e rty an d a t th e col­ la p se o f tr ib a l s t r u c t u r e s , th e e x te n sio n o f civilian a d m in istra ­ tion which su b je c te d a la rg e p a r t o f th e n a tiv e p o p u latio n to th e pow er of th e s e t tl e r s , in c re a se of n a tiv e ta x a tio n , abolition o f tra d itio n a l ju s tic e , p e rse c u tio n of th e holy lo d g e s, a n d th e e sta b lish m e n t of an 'o fficial' c le rg y , co n tro lle d b y th e s ta te . To th is one m ust ad d th e e sta b lish m e n t in 1881 of a N ativ es' S ta tu s , which was a sp ecial ju risd ic tio n allow ing co n v ictio n s fo r 's p e c i­ fically n a tiv e ' o ffe n c e s , th e esta b lish m e n t o f civilian re g is tra tio n fo r M uslims, o p en ly p re s e n te d as a 'd e n a tio n a lisa tio n ' m e a su re , a n d fin ally th e m assive G allicisation o f place nam es aimed a t a k in d of tra n sfo rm a tio n of th e social la n d s c a p e .(33) T h ese assim i­ la tio n is t m e a s u re s , fo r th e f ir s t time nu m ero u s and c o h e r e n t, re in fo rc e d th e d is a s te r b e g u n b y th e re p re s s io n a n d co n fis­ catio n which followed th e in s u rre c tio n of 1871. T h u s one can place b etw een 1870 a n d 1880 th e d e s tru c tio n of th e economic an d social b ase of tra d itio n a l so c ie ty , of its sy stem of lan d te n u r e an d of its a r is to c r a c y . (34) T he re a c tio n o f th e re fo rm ist Culama, o rg a n is e d , alm ost b u r e a u c ra tic , was th a t o f a so ciety which h a s p a ss e d from th e tr ib a l s ta g e to th a t of a n atio n d iv id ed in to c la s s e s . It was re a c tin g to a d e fin ite schem e, th a t o f th e s e t t l e r s , in a s tru g g le in which th e s ta k e s w ere th e se iz u re of its own economic b a s e , th e d e s tru c tio n o f its social o rg a n is a tio n , an d th e elim ination o f its own c u ltu r e . T h e re a c ­ tion was sim u ltan eo u sly new , th ro u g h its m o d ern ist s ty le , an d in p a rtic u la r b y its c o n te n t, an d y e t it also h a d a 'd é jà v u ' c h a r a c te r : th e culama played an im p o rtan t p a r t b e fo re an d in d eed th ro u g h o u t Muslim h is to ry .

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T h is re p e titio n o f an old them e m akes po ssib le a n o th e r in te r ­ p re ta tio n of Reform ism : h is to ric a lly , th e culama also re a c h e d th e h e ig h t of th e ir in flu en ce when th e s ta te was s tr o n g and c e n tra lis e d a n d th e tow ns p ro s p e ro u s (T u rk e y in th e e ig h te e n th c e n tu r y , o r T u n isa at th e b e g in n in g of th e n in e te e n th for e x a m p le ).(3 5 ) For th e rise o f Bin B a d is 's movement does indeed coin cid e with th e m arked u rb a n isa tio n and an u n d e n ia b le co n ­ solidation of th e c e n tra l po w er, th o u g h F re n c h and T u rk ish c e n tra lism s have n o th in g in common. It may be th a t th e d is ­ a s tro u s c irc u m sta n c e s b ro u g h t about b y co lo n isatio n fo r A lgerian so ciety a s a whole w ere, re la tiv e ly s p e a k in g , more fa v o u ra b le to th e g ro w th of a body of sc h o la rs a n d a s c r ip tu r a list movement th a n those w hich, fo r exam ple, p re v a ile d in th e R egency of T u n is . T he ac co u n t o f th e social b a se of th e two m ovem ents will en ab le u s to r e tu r n to th is p o in t. B From a se g m e n ta ry to a class society If re lig io u s r e s is ta n c e ch a n g e d in sty le it was not only b eca u se colonial a g g re s s io n c h a n g e d in c h a r a c te r , b u t also b ecau se A lgerian society was ra d ica lly tra n s fo rm e d , a n d , a f te r th e p a s ­ sag e o f h a lf a c e n tu r y , it was no lo n g e r th e same g ro u p s th a t e x p re s s e d th em selv es th ro u g h th e relig io u s m essag e. It was only w ithin th e re lig io u s s p h e re th a t b o th ow ing to colonisation b u t also no d o u b t b e c a u se of th e h is to ric sta g e o f th e so ciety its e lf, c la ss co n flict could e x p r e s s its e lf. O nly Sufi re s is ta n c e m an ifested its e lf in th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y , b eca u se only trib a l A lgeria was at th a t sta g e ca p ab le o f a re a c tio n to th e c o n q u e s t. T h e tow ns h ad b een d e s tro y e d o r o ccupied by th e F re n c h ; th e tow nsm en, re d u c e d to n a u g h t, h a d e ith e r fled o r w ere r u in ­ e d . (36) M oreover, th e re a re v a rio u s s ig n s s u g g e s tin g th a t th e u rb a n b o u rg e o isie was num erically u n im p o rta n t, econom ic­ ally w eak, p o litically feeble a lre a d y u n d e r th e T u r k s . (37) U nder su c h c o n d itio n s, it is n o t s u r p r is in g th a t its role in th e re s is ta n c e to th e F re n ch an d in re lig io u s re s is ta n c e in p a rtic u la r h a d b een n e g lig ib le . T he Islam of th e b ro th e rh o o d s is well a d a p te d to w hat was th e n th e n o n -u rb a n w orld; th e c o -e x iste n c e of tr ib e s led e ith e r b y jw a d -s (w ar c h ie fs) o r by mrabtin ( r e li­ gious c h ie f s ) , an d lin k ed by th o se v a st re lig io u s p a rtie s th e b ro th e rh o o d s . The complex tis s u e of n in e te e n th - c e n tu r y r is in g s , from cA b d al-Q ad ir to al-M u q q ran i, co n v e y s th e riv a lrie s an d th e allian ces of th o se th r e e dom inant an d co m petitive elem ents of the trib a l w orld. (38) T his trib a l w orld d o e s, of c o u rs e , have re la tio n s with th e u rb a n w orld. All in all th e s e in d ic ate dom ina­ tion b y th e c itie s an d th e R e g e n cy , b u t th e F ren ch c o n q u e st to ta lly o v e r tu r n e d th is p a rtic u la r b a lan c e. When, h a lf a c e n tu r y la te r , colonisation h ad b ro k e n up th is trib a l so c ie ty , had c re a te d o r r e - c r e a te d th e tow ns and in itiate d a c la ss s tra tific a tio n , some new solution h ad to be fo u n d . T he b ro th e rh o o d s , e v e n if th e y c o n tin u e d to e x is t, becam e all at once a n a c h ro n is tic , an d politically a n d socially in e ffe c tiv e . (39) J u s t a s th e fra g m e n te d re ac tio n of th e b ro th e rh o o d s was a d a p te d

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to a so ciety frag m en ted in to tr ib e s , so th e new co n d itio n s b ro u g h t ab o u t b y colonisation made b o th n e c e s s a ry an d po ssib le th e e sta b lish m e n t of an o v erall m ovem ent, a t th e level o f th e c o u n try as a w hole, ca p ab le o f o rg a n isin g iso lated in d iv id u a ls, w ithout a trib a l fram ew ork, th ro u g h a p u rita n a n d in d iv id u a listic re lig io n , a n d also ca p ab le o f b o rro w in g th e c o lo n ise rs' o rg a n i­ sa tio n a l m odels. In b o th c a s e s , relig io n rem ained th e only p rin c ip le of u n ita ry o rg a n is a tio n a l) ) a g a in st c o lo n isatio n , an d it a c te d th ro u g h a re lig io u s c o d e , a s in each case a c e n tr a lis t p o litical tra d itio n was la c k in g .(41) C The new balance o f power Whilst p ro v id in g th e b e s t o r only available reac tio n at a given s ta g e , each of th e two m ovem ents c o rre s p o n d e d to a b alance o f fo rc e s w ithin A lgerian so ciety its e lf a n d w ithin its re lig io u s s p h e r e : th e in c re a s in g im portance o f th e m ovem ents o f b r o th e r ­ hoods d u rin g th e n in e te e n th c e n tu ry was lin k e d , p a ra d o x ic a lly , on th e one h a n d to th e elim ination of th e tow ns a n d on th e o th e r to th e d is in te g ra tio n of trib a l s o c ie ty .(42) In th e one c a s e , th e com petition by th e body o f sc h o la rs c lo se r to o rth o ­ doxy now d is a p p e a r e d , and in th e o t h e r , th e h e r e d ita r y a n d u n q u e s tio n e d p re s tig e o f th e holy lin e ag es m aintained its e lf. B ut in a n y c a s e , it was a c lass of local n o ta b le s w ith a goo-1 trib a l b a s is which r e p r e s e n te d th e o r d e r s . T he s tr u g g le s betw een b ro th e rh o o d s a n d m a rab o u ts re fle c t only th e s tr u g g le s of fa c ­ tio n s w ithin th e tr ib a l w orld. (43) T he em ergence o f Reformism c le a rly e x p re s s e d th e re s to ra tio n o f an u rb a n b o u rg eo isie an d its d eterm in atio n to re c o v e r its place in so c ie ty , o r p e rh a p s to s e c u re a position it h a d n e v e r p re v io u sly p o s s e s s e d .(44) Even if , ow ing no d o u b t to th e colonial s itu a tio n , th e movement was not accom panied b y th e economic su c c e ss which one might e x p e c t from th e c a r r ie r s o f th e p u rita n e th ic , one ca n n o t fail to see in th is movement th e e x p re ssio n of th e ris in g b o u rg o isie . Hence it is n o t s u r p r is in g th a t its c la ss enem ies came from th e tr ib a l a r is to c r a c y . Yet a s th e y were a re lig io u s m ovem ent, th e re fo rm ists n e v e r a tta c k e d trib a l a r is to c ra c y ex c e p t b y way o f a tta c k s on m araboutism an d on th e b ro th e rh o o d s . T h is was so n o t fo r ta c tic a l re a so n s b u t b ec au se th e c o n fro n ta tio n in e ffec t took place w ithin th e re lig io u s s p h e re , an d it was o n ly in th is form th a t th e so ciety could form ally e x p r e s s its e lf. T h ey also co n d u c te d a p a ra lle l s tru g g le a g a in st th e 'm e rc e n a ry c le ric s ' tr a in e d , p la c e d , an d paid by th e colonial po w er, (45) a g a in st th e c u ltu r e - e r o d in g colonial e d u c a tio n , a g a in st th e o b s c u ra n tis t ed u c a tio n b y th e holy lo d g e s, and th e s u p e r s titio u s p e rv e rs io n s of th e c re e d tra n s m itte d b y th e b ro th e rh o o d s . N e v e rth e le s s , a s each 're lig io n ' h ad its own fa v o u rite catch m en t a re a it seem s th a t th e s p h e re o f th e ir com petition was abo v e all th e in te r ­ m ediate zone b etw een them , i . e . th e new u r b a n c e n tre s and to w n sh ip s e s ta b lis h e d b y co lo n isatio n . M oreover th e e x iste n c e of a se m i-u rb a n a n d in e ffec t se m i-ru ra l c lien tele is one o f th e c h a r a c te r is tic tr a i t s of A lgerian an d p e rh a p s all N orth A frican

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s c rip tu ra lis m . J u s t as relig io u s fo rc es a tta in e d political e n d s in th e ir s tru g g le a g a in s t th e in v a d e r, so sim ilarly , an d fo r th e same re a s o n s , c la ss c o n flicts fo u n d th e ir e x p re ssio n in th e re lig io u s s p h e r e , an d w ere fo u g h t o u t betw een re lig io u s fo rc e s an d fo r re lig io u s s ta k e s . T he re a so n s why e x te rn a l re s is ta n c e an d in te rn a l co n flict b o th found re lig io u s e x p re s s io n a re th e a b se n c e of an in te rn a l political s p h e re , a n d th e social an d c u ltu ra l 'b a c k w a r d n e s s '.(46) B ut u n lik e th e re s is ta n c e to th e c o lo n iser which e x p re s s e d its e lf in b o th re lig io u s an d political te rm s , th e co n flict b etw een th e b o u rg e o isie an d th e lan d ed a ris to c ra c y seem ed u n ab le to fin d any b u t re lig io u s e x p re s s io n : it seem s to fin d n o o th e r formal a r tic u la tio n . T h is is even more tr u e of th e con flict b etw een th e tra d itio n a l an d m odernist b o u rg e o isie . In a n y case th e r e w ere p ro b a b ly no in te rn a l s tr u g g le s more v io len t p rio r to 1954 th a n th o se betw een th e R eform ers a n d , on one f r o n t, th e m a ra b o u ts, an d on th e o th e r , th e 'é v o lu é s '. One th in g is c e rta in : th e so ciety a s a whole and th e p a rtic ip a n ts th em selv es saw in it n o th in g b u t 'v io len t th e o ­ logical d is p u te s '. In te rn a l d is s e n t, sh u n n e d a s scan d a lo u s when th e so ciety as a whole is in a s ta te o f s u b je c tio n , can only be allowed ab o u t v ital q u e stio n s w hich co n ce rn th e v e ry e x iste n c e o f th e s o c ie ty , th a t is q u e s tio n s o f f a ith . I ll

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A UNIFIED RELIGIOUS SPHERE

T he c h a n g e in re lig io u s le a d e rsh ip w hich can be seen in A lgeria b etw een th e n in e te e n th an d tw e n tie th c e n tu rie s is not a special case of th a t oscillatio n betw een e c sta tic an d p u rita n Islam d e s ­ c rib e d b y E. G e lin e r.(4 7 ) A ccording to th a t a u th o r , who ta k e s o v e r a n d ap p lies to Islam a schem e e la b o ra te d b y David Hume in h is 'N atu ral H isto ry of R e lig io n ', th e su c c e ssio n of re lig io u s m ovem ents in Islam can be com pared to a k in d o f p en d u lu m , sw inging from a k in d of R ig h t (e c s ta tic re lig io n , s tro n g ly h ie ra rc h ic a l, w ith c h arism a) to a k in d of L eft (s c rip tu ra lis m , P u rita n ism , e g a lita ria n ism , b a se d on communal c o n s e n s u s ). One co u ld also tr a n s la te th is in to W eberian te rm s : w ithin Islam , Sufism fu lfils a p ro p h e tic ro le , com peting with th e p rie sth o o d w hich is th e g u a rd ia n o f o rth o d o x y (th e Culama), som etim es com bated b y i t , a n d sometimes in c o rp o ra te d b y it. (48) C on­ t r a r y to th is 'c la ssic a l' s t r u c t u r e , th e h is to ric p ro c e ss o b se rv e d in A lgeria to w a rd s 1920 is irr e v e r s ib le . T he pendulum comes to a h a lt on th e L e f t: Reformism a c q u ire s re lig io u s legitim acy fo r its e lf and outlaw s e c s ta tic re lig io n . A The c o n q u e st o f religious legitimacy What h a s h a p p e n e d ? In th is s tr u g g le , th e e x iste n c e o f th e colonial c o n te x t, of which one may seem to have lo st s ig h t, is d e c isiv e . H isto ry show s th a t, theologically s p e a k in g , no v ic to ry is p o ssib le . In f a c t, th e v e ry idea o f a 'theological v ic to r y ', in d e p e n d e n t o f th e o p eratio n of th e social fo rc e s in v o lv e d , is an

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a b s u r d ity from a sociological v iew p o in t. The v a rio u s s ta g e s of th e co n flict a re e v e r lin k ed to th e political pow er gam e. In th e c a se of colonial A lgeria th e political fa c to r in te rv e n e s n e g a tiv e ly . As it was e asy e n o u g h to p ro v e th a t on o ccasio n , a t v a rio u s g iv en p laces an d tim es, th e re lig io u s a ris to c ra c y and th e o r d e r s h a d com prom ised with th e colonial a d m in is tra tio n , an d a s in an y case it was c le a r th a t n e ith e r th e one n o r th e o th e r was able to a r r e s t an e d u c a tio n a l, le g a l, re lig io u s policy th a t was p e rilo u s fo r th e n a tio n , th e R eform ist movement soon came to a p p e a r as th e only d e fe n d e r of Islam a n d of A rabic c u ltu r e . C o rre sp o n d ­ in g ly , th e b ro th e rh o o d s a n d th e m arab o u ts w ere n o t m erely elim inated from th e gam e, b u t o u tlaw ed , b eca u se th e y h a d b e tr a y e d Islam (b y e n c o u ra g in g s u p e rs titio n ) an d th e nation (b y d e a lin g with th e in v a d e r ) . T his co n d itio n la ste d a s long as th e colonial p e rio d . In e ffe c t, th e re was no re a so n to q u e stio n i t , a s long a s th e colonial situ a tio n la s te d . With In d e p e n d e n c e , a new s itu a tio n m ight h av e a ris e n had th e s ta te ch o se n to be n e u tra l in th is c o n flic t. B ut th e s ta te did ta k e sid e s b y endow ing A lgeria w ith a n e s ta b lish e d relig io n by th e c o n s titu tio n of 1963, b y tu r n in g Bin B ad is in to a n atio n al h e ro a n d fin ally b y a d o p t­ in g th e ideology a n d aims o f th e R eform ist movement (Islam isa tion a n d A ra b isin g o f th e c o u n tr y ) . T h e r e a f te r , th e re lig io u s p a tte r n which b e g a n in 1920 was c o n s e c ra te d a n d re in fo rc e d . T he co n se q u e n c e of th e outlaw ing o f th e o r d e r s an d m ara­ b o u ts an d th e u n co n d itio n al legitim ation of th e R eform ers was in e ffe c t th e e sta b lish m e n t o f a u n ified a n d o rg a n ise d re lig io u s s p h e r e , w ithin which Reform ism , h a v in g once - ro u g h ly from 1920 to 1930 - fulfilled th e role of p ro p h e c y , now fu lfilled th a t of p rie s th o o d , th a t is , of th e e s ta b lis h e d re lig io n . At th e same tim e, Sufi religion was dem oted from th e ra n k o f p ro p h e c y , w hich it tra d itio n a lly p o s s e s s e d , to th a t o f magic - a s an o b jectiv e p ro fa n a tio n o f re lig io u s (an d political) o rth o d o x y . (49) T h u s th e re la tio n s h ip b etw een o rth o d o x an d Sufi Islam , th e fa ith o f c itie s an d th e fa ith of tr ib e s , which h a d once b e en in com peti­ tion (50) now becam e, th ro u g h the colonial d is to rtio n o f th e c la ssic p a tte r n of re lig io u s fo rc e s , a m a tte r of in s titu tio n a lis e d d om ination. In h is 'C o n trib u tio n to th e H isto ry o f Prim itive C h r is tia n ity ',( 5 1 ) E ngels re m a rk e d in 1894 th a t 'th e ris in g s in th e Muslim w o rld , n o tab ly in A fric a , c o n s titu te a cu rio u s c o n tra s t . . . [w ith C h ristia n r is in g s ] . T h ese m ovem ents s p rin g from economic c a u s e s ', h e c o n tin u e s, 'e v e n if th e y h av e re li­ g ious c a m o u fla g e .(52) B ut e v en if th e y s u c c e e d , th e y leav e the economic c o n d itio n s in ta c t. T h u s n o th in g h a s c h a n g e d , a n d th e clash becom es r e c u r r e n t . ' It is th is cyclical p a tte r n (w hich exem plifies e q u ally well th e th re e g e n e ra tio n th e o ry of Ibn K haldun a n d th e pendulum o f E rn e st G e lln e r) w hich A lgerian h is to ry now overcam e th ro u g h c o lo n isatio n , b o th b e c a u se th is was no lo n g e r a c o u n try o f 'tow ns and tr ib e s ' b u t a c la ss s o c ie ty , a n d b e c a u se a p o sitio n of dom inance p e rm itte d th e use o f p olitical m eans (th e d is c re d itin g o f one of th e p a rtie s in q u e s tio n ) fo r re lig io u s e n d s (c o n q u e st of le g itim a c y ). For o n c e .

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po litics was n o t c o n d u cte d th ro u g h re lig io u s means b u t in an o p en ly political w ay. If th e schem e d e s c rib e d by E ngels p o ssib ly ta k e n from Ibn K h ald u n (53) - could la s t so lo n g it was b e c a u se h isto ric a lly re lig io u s monopoly was not p o ssib le in Muslim c o u n trie s a n d hence th e r e was no u n ified re lig io u s s p h e r e . T h e co ex isten ce of tow ns a n d tr i b e s , in te rd e p e n d e n t y e t in p erm an en t o p p o sitio n , did n o t allow th e esta b lish m e n t of a sin g le re lig io u s a u th o rity , ju s t as th e c e n tra l s ta te n e v e r re a lly c o n tro lle d all th e tr ib e s . P ro b a b ly , th e holy lin ea g es w ere w hat made v isib le an d c re d ib le th e in c o rp o ra tio n o f tr ib e s in u n iv e rs a l Is la m ,(54) w h ereas th e b ro th e rh o o d s made po ssib le th e m obilisation of a se t of tr ib e s fo r c e n tra lis e d e n d s (th o u g h not n e c e s s a rily u rb a n o n e s , a s is show n b y th e ca se of cA bdalQ a d ir), a m obilisation which was alw ays leg itim ated in re lig io u s te rm s . B ut th e re lig io u s a n d political problem s of th e tr ib e s w ere a s much b ey o n d th e re a c h o f th e °ulama a s th e y w ere b ey o n d th a t of th e c e n tra l s ta te . It is e c s ta tic Islam which p ro v id e d so lu tio n s fo r them . T h u s th e r e was no q u e stio n o f elim inating it com pletely. M oreover th e two e q u a tio n s , 'e c s ta tic relig io n is tr ib a l' an d 's c r ip tu ra l relig io n is u r b a n 1, a re th e e ffe c t r a th e r th a n th e c a u se o f th is o rg a n isa tio n o f th e re lig io u s s p h e r e . In e f f e c t, in th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y one o b s e r v e s , a t le a st in T u n isia an d Morocco, (55) th a t alm ost all th e Culama, lik e , fo r th a t m a tte r, th e p e rso n n e l o f th e c e n tra l s ta te , w ere m em bers o f b r o th e rh o o d s . T h is c o n fu se d situ a tio n in d ic a te s a t le a s t two th in g s : (a ) th a t th e b ro th e rh o o d s occu p ied an in h e re n tly am biguous p o sitio n , b e in g le a g u e s th a t were n e ith e r trib a l n o r s c r ip tu r a lis t and ( b ) th a t given th e lack o f a wello rg a n is e d re lig io u s s p h e re th e r e was n o th in g to p re v e n t one b e lo n g in g at th e same time to two d iv e rs e a n d even h o stile re lig io u s sy ste m s , w hich also s u g g e s ts th a t th e s e sy stem s were n o t alw ays h o s tile , b u t only becam e so w hen th e s c r ip tu r a lis t e sta b lish m e n t was s tr o n g , a s was th e case in th e Ottom an E m pire, o r in tw e n tie th -c e n tu ry A lg eria. By ra d ica lly c h a n g in g th e A lg erian social s t r u c tu r e , a n d in p a r tic u la r b y m odifying u r b a n /tr ib a l re la tio n s , colonisation made p o ssib le a ra n k in g in th e re lig io u s s p h e r e . It also did so b e c a u se it elim inated th e in te g ra tiv e role of e c s ta tic re lig io n : e d u ca tio n on th e one h a n d , a n d a s tru g g le a g a in st th e in v a d e r on th e o th e r , took o v e r th is ta s k . B A utonom y o f the religious s p h e r e What h a p p e n e d in th e re lig io u s s p h e re is th u s th e c o n se q u en c e of what h a p p e n e d in th e r e s t of so c ie ty : a c h an g e in tr ib a l/ u rb a n re la tio n s , th e e sta b lish m e n t o f a s tro n g c e n tra l p ow er, an d fin ally th e em ergence o f one o r ev en o f a n u m b er of b o u r ­ g e o isie s. All th e sam e, th e to tal s u c c e ss o f th e u rb a n b o u r ­ geoisie in th e re lig io u s s p h e r e , its p a rtia l b u t n e v e rth e le s s sig n ific a n t s u c c e s s in th e c u ltu ra l an d esp ec ially th e sc h o la stic s p h e r e , did not h av e th e ir c o u n te rp a rts in th e economic and political s p h e r e s . T he cau se o f th is lies n o t m erely in th e c o n tro l

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o f th e econom y b y th e dom inant colonial c la s s , b u t also in th e e x iste n c e of a n o th e r and m o d ern ist b o u rg e o isie , e d u c a te d in colonial sc h o o ls, which soon m onopolised th e lib e ra l p ro fe s s io n s , an d whose sons w ere d e s tin e d to be th e te c h n o c ra ts o f in d e p e n ­ d e n t A lg e r ia .(56) T h is is som ething which was to h av e w eighty c o n se q u e n c e s. In th e s p h e re of la n g u a g e , A ra b ic , ev en th o u g h re h a b ilita te d by th e e ffo rts o f th e m ovem ent, an d re s to r e d to th e fro n t r a n k in th e n a tio n alist ideology an d in th e m inds of most A lg e ria n s , could not re p la c e F r e n c h , e ith e r d u r in g th e colonial p erio d o r e v e n t h e r e a f te r , at le ast from th e view point of social u s e fu ln e s s . As fo r th e sch o la stic e sta b lish m e n ts c o n ­ tro lle d b y th e m ovem ent, th e y w ere u n a b le , e ith e r b y th e ir re c ru itm e n t o r b y th e s ta n d in g o f th e p o sitio n s to w hich th e y gave a c c e s s , to com pete in an y se rio u s way with th e colonial e s ta b lis h m e n ts . T h ey w ere com posed alm ost e x c lu siv e ly of p rim a ry schools p ro v id in g lite r a r y a n d re lig io u s r a t h e r th a n sc ie n tific tr a in in g , an d th e y re c r u ite d mainly from th e middle a n d low er c la sse s of tow ns a n d to w n sh ip s, and from fam ilies which h a d n e v e r had any c o n ta c t w ith th e colonial sy stem of e d u c a tio n . M oreover it was alm ost im p ossible, p rio r to in d e p e n ­ d e n c e , to move from one sy stem to th e o th e r . F inally th e c o n tro l o v e r th e a ttr ib u tio n o f p a p e r q u a lific atio n s an d o f em ploym ent, e x e rc is e d b y th e colonial p o w e r, e n s u re d th a t th e jobs to which th e s e schools led w ere le ss well p a id , an d in many c a se s less p re s tig io u s th a n th o s e to which it was p o ssib le to a s p ir e if one h ad g ain ed e n t r y to th e colonial sy ste m . T h u s in th e e n d th e R eform ers a tta in e d only p a r t o f th e ir m anifest aim s, nam ely th e c o n q u e st o f re lig io u s leg itim acy. B u t th e y failed to a tta in th e ir la te n t aim , nam ely th e c o n q u e st of economic a n d /o r social pow er fo r th e tra d itio n a l b o u rg e o isie . T h is a p p a re n t c o n tra d ic tio n is made po ssib le b y th e e s ta b lis h ­ ment of an autonom ous relig io u s s p h e r e , whose logic is not alw ays th e same a s th a t w hich g o v e rn s o th e r s e c to rs o f social lif e . It is th is autonom y w hich, in o u r view , m akes p o ssib le th e ro le of relig io n in th e p re s e n t social s t r u c t u r e . T he u se of a 'n e u tr a l' medium o r p a n th e o n , o r in any c a se o f one which can be p ro g re s s iv e ly n e u tr a lis e d , is c le a rly a v e ry sig n ific a n t s u p p o rt fo r a n y a u th o r ity , w h ate v e r it may b e . Of c o u rs e , in sociology an d in p o litic s, autonom y does not n e c e s s a rily mean in d e p e n d e n c e : a n e u tr a l an d autonom ous re lig io u s s p h e re can be p e rfe c tly well dom inated b y political a u th o r ity , w hich is w hat seem s to be th e c a s e . In b r ie f , th o u g h th e pow er s tr u c tu r e in th e re lig io u s s p h e re is clo sely lin k ed to th e h is to ric tra n sfo rm a tio n s o f th e v a rio u s g r o u p s , it would be a lto g e th e r m istaken to se e them a s a mere re fle c tio n of th e re la tio n s th e s e g ro u p s have with each o th e r . T he re lig io u s s p h e re c o n s titu te s a k in d o f im aginary p ro je c tio n , th e fa n ta s y of th e commercial b o u rg e o isie .

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C The c o n se q u e n c e s o f the fa n ta s y T his h a s two s e ts of c o n se q u e n c e s, th o se w hich were e x p e c te d a n d th o se w hich were n o t. It is not s u r p r is in g (th o u g h it was n o t in e v ita b le ) th a t th e n a tio n a lise d an d c e n tra lly p lan n e d economic pow er sh o u ld be in th e h a n d s of a g ro u p o f 's p e c ia lis ts ' (e n g in e e rs , p la n n e r s , academ ics) who p o ss e ss E u ro p ean p a p e r q u a lific a tio n s, a n d who in h e rit th e c u ltu ra l c a p ita l accum ulated by an 'év o lu é' b o u rg e o is ie , p ro d u c e d b y co lo n isatio n . B ut what was a lre a d y less p re d ic ta b le was th e d iv isio n of la b o u r b etw een m o d e rn ists a n d tra d itio n a lis ts , th a t is to say th o se who p o s s e s s a Gallic c u ltu ra l c a p ita l, and th o se who p o s s e s s an A rabic o n e , the la tte r a c q u irin g c o n tro l o f re lig io n , ju s tic e an d ed u c a tio n a s well a s a p a r t of a d m in is tra tio n . Hence th e c u r r e n t im p o rtan ce of th e lin g u istic c o n flic ts in A lgeria which a r e , in e f f e c t, s tru g g le s betw een fac tio n s o f th e ru lin g c la ss fo r th e c o n tro l o f e x e c u tiv e pow er (w hich is alw ays s tra te g ic a lly c ru c ia l in an u n d e rd e v e lo p e d c o u n tr y ) . O f c o u rs e , th e se r e p e rc u s s io n s of th e fa n ta s y a re a co n seq u en c e o f th e sp ecific c h a r a c te r o f th is s ta te , an d like th e o th e r r e p e rc u s s io n s which a re to be d e sc rib e d below , w ere in itially sim ply one am ongst th e availab le o p tio n s, an d in c id e n ta lly , th e y w ere in d e p e n d e n t o f each o th e r . The e x iste n c e of an e s ta b lis h e d re lig io n , m entioned in th e C o n s titu tio n , a n d th e ex p o st facto e x a g g e ra tio n o f th e h isto ric im portance of th e R eform ists (th e h a g io g ra p h y of Bin B a d is ), a s well a s th e c re a tio n o f a M inistry of T ra d itio n a l E ducation an d of R elig io n , on th e Moroccan m odel, re sp o n sib le fo r all th a t c o n c e rn s relig io n (th e in d e p e n d e n t sch o o ls, th e nom ination an d c o n tro l of re lig io u s o ffic ia ls ), g iv es th e s ta te a com plete hold o v e r th e re lig io u s means o f p r o d u c tio n , sim ilar to th a t w hich it e x e rc is e s o v e r th e economic m eans of p ro d u c tio n . T his no d o u b t is th e le a s t a n tic ip a te d c o n se q u e n c e of th e fa n ta sy o f th e b o u rg e o is ie . T he fact th a t th e R eform ist movement em erged an d grew w ithin th e re lig io u s s p h e r e , in o th e r w o rd s, th a t it was at no p o in t of th e s tru g g le an e ffe c tiv e riv a l to any o f th e g ro u p s which c o n s titu te d th e FLN in 1954, is p ro b a b ly a p re c o n d itio n of th is s itu a tio n . The e sta b lis h e d re lig io n is n o t m erely a m eans o f c o n tro llin g th e re lig io u s o u tp u t, b u t also c o n s titu te s an im p o rtan t m eans fo r th e m anipulation a n d im posi­ tion of sym bols. It is in c id e n tally s tr ik in g to n o te th a t the p r o g r e s s o f Islam isation accom panies an d re in fo rc e s (a s well a s b e in g re in fo rc e d b y ) th e s tr e n g th e n in g of local a d m in istra ­ tion . In th is r e s p e c t, A lgerian policy d isp la y s g re a t sociological in s ig h t, which more m o d ern ist Muslim c o u n trie s h av e n o t alw ays p o s s e s s e d , to cite T u n isia o r A ta tu rk 's T u rk e y as e x a m p le s .(57) T h u s in T u r k e y , one could see th e in sta lla tio n of a S ta te r e li­ gion (d e s p ite th e d e s ire to d e s tro y th e O ttom an re lig io u s e s ta ­ b lis h m e n t), th ro u g h th e c re a tio n o f a G eneral D ire c to ra te of R eligious A ffa irs , w ith a body of re lig io u s o fficials - b u t th is

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was unable to perform an in te g ra tiv e ro le, which in any case the s ta te did not e x p ect from it. The legal o r formal elimination o f e c sta tic religion simply c u t off th e m odernised cities from th e c o u n try s id e , especially in th e East o f the c o u n try . By c o n tra s t, in A lgeria, th e symbolic outlaw ing of ecstatic religion was not accom panied by an y k in d of judicial coercion. D espite a sig n i­ ficant sp o n tan eo u s rev iv al of the ac tiv itie s of m arabouts and o r d e r s , (58) e v e ry th in g seems to indicate the advance of the official relig io n , g eo graphically socially an d in a u th o rity , even in th e n o n -u rb a n zones and in the po o rer u rb a n d is tr ic ts . The impact of th e sta te and th a t of p u rita n religion advance han d in hand. As th e re is no doubt th a t a p u rita n Islam, in its Reformist form , is an ideology favourable to th e developm ent of a modern an d c e n tra lis t s ta te , to ethical and technical ra tio n a lisa tio n ,(59) it may be th a t th a n k s to religion, and by a tru ly Weberian p a r a ­ d ox, A lgeria will be a su ccessfu l v a rian t of T u rk e y . The im por­ tance of religion in contem porary A lgeria leads u s not merely to h isto ry (in v arious s e n s e s ), b u t also to th e function of re lig io n . T h ere is a parallel betw een th is socialist rep u b lic and th a t most dynamic of n in e te e n th -c e n tu ry e n tre p re n e u ria l b o u rg eo isies, th e E nglish: 'one can explain its religious lean ­ in g s ', as Engels o b se rv e s in 'Socialism, Utopian and S cientific’. NOTES 1 C f ., for exam ple, G. B alandier, ’Sociologie actuelle de l'A friq u e N oire', P aris: PUF, 1955, V. L a n te rn a ri, 'Les Mouvements relig ieu x des Peuples opprim és' , P a ris: M aspéro, 1962 ( f ir s t Italian e d n , 1960), M. S inda, 'Les Messianismes congolais' , P aris: P a y o t, 1972. 2 C f ., for example H. D esroches, 'Dieu d'Hommes, D iction­ n aire d es m essianism es et m illénarism es de 1' aire c h ré tie n n e ' , P a ris: 1969, W. Muhlman, 'M essianismes rév o lu tio n n aires du T ie rs M onde', P a ris: Gallim ard, 1968 ( fir s t German e d n , 1961), A. F e rn a n d e z , A frican Religious Movements, in 'Sociology of R eligion', e d . R. R o b ertso n , London: P en g u in , 1969. 3 A slig h t qualification is re q u ire d . It would not be ac cu rate to say th a t b ro th e rh o o d s and holy men played no p a rt in re sista n c e in th e tw en tieth c e n tu ry . It is simply th a t th e y acted d iffe re n tly from th e way th ey had ac te d in the n in e­ te e n th c e n tu r y , and also in a way d iffe re n t from th a t of th e c ulama at th e same time. 4 C f ., fo r exam ple, w orks alread y cited in note 1, an d also P. W orsley, 'T he T rum pet shall S o u n d ', London: Paladin, 1970 ( f irs t edn 1957). C ertain new c u lts em erge from the p o st-In d e p e n d e n c e co n flicts. C f. G. A lthabe, 'O ppression e t L ibération dans l'Im ag in a ire ', P a ris: M aspéro, 1969. 5 D ugat, 'H istoire des Philosophes et des Théologiens

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Fanny Colonna m u su lm an s', P a ris : 1880, R inn, 'M arabouts et K h o u an ', A lg ie rs: J o u r d a n , 1884, c h a p te r V III. L .C . B row n, T he R eligious E stab lish m en t in H usainid T u n isia , in 'S c h o la rs, S ain ts a n d S u fis ', e d . N .R . K eddie, B e rk e le y : U n iv e rsity of C alifornia P r e s s , 1972, p . 79. C f. A. B e rq u e , E ssai d 'u n e B ib lio g rap h ie c ritiq u e des C o n fré rie s m usulm anes a lg é rie n n e s , in 'B u lle tin de la Société d 'A rc h é o lo g ie e t de G éographie d 'O r a n ', 1919, T . XXXIX, p . 208. C f. R in n , o p . c i t . , c h a p te r s V, V I, V II. A cco rd in g to R inn, th r e e elem ents a re e sse n tia l for a b ro th e rh o o d : link with o rth o d o x y , e x p re s s e d by a ch ain o f h o ly men lea d in g back to th e P ro p h e t; th e e x iste n c e o f a w ritte n b o d y o f r u le s and p r a y e r s , sp ecific to th e b ro th e rh o o d in q u e s tio n ; an d finally a h ie ra rc h ic a l o rg a n is a tio n , e n c o m p a ssin g , from top to b o tto m , a s h a ik h , m oqqadem -s a n d th e m ass of khouan. On th is p o in t see E. G elln er, 'S a in ts of th e A tla s’, L ondon: W eidenfeld & N icolson, 1969. T he ty p e o f o rg a n isa tio n sp e c i­ fied in th is work fo r Morocco also o p e ra te s in A lg e ria , w here h o w ev er it h a s n e v e r b e en so well d e s c rib e d . C f. E. G e lln e r, D octor an d S a in t, in ’S c h o la rs, S a in ts a n d S u fis ', o p . c i t . , p . 325, an d L. V alen si, 'Le M aghreb a v a n t la P rise d 'A lg e r’, P a ris : Flam m arion, 1969. C f. A. B e rq u e , o p . c i t . , p p . 207 a n d 224. M araboutism h a s rem ained alive in th e re g io n s n o t much a ffe c te d b y c o lo n isatio n , d ire c tly o r in d ire c tly , su c h a s fo r in sta n c e in th e w e ste rn S a h a ra . C f. R ic h a rd , 'E tu d e s u r l'I n s u rr e c tio n du D a h ra ', A lg ie rs, 1846. C f. H anoteau et L e to u rn e u x , 'La K abylie e t les C outum es K a b y le s', A lg ie rs: J o u r d a n , 1880. C f. R in n , 'H isto ire de l’ In s u rre c tio n de 1871 en A lg é rie ', A lg ie rs: J o u r d a n , 1882. On th is p o in t, see A. N a d ir, Les O rd re s re lig ie u x e t la C onquête f ra n ç a is e , in 'R evue A lg érien n e d es S ciences J u r id iq u e s , Econom iques e t P o litiq u e s', v ol. IX , n o . 4, D ecem ber 1972. 'A ffro n tem en ts c u ltu re ls d a n s l'A lg érie coloniale. E coles, M édicines, re lig io n , 1840-1880', P a ris: M aspéro, 1971. As is well k n o w n , S u n n i o rth o d o x y re c o g n ise s th e e x iste n c e of fo u r schools of law ( r ite s ) : Maliki, H anafi, S hafic , H anbali. T he most common in N orth A frica is th e Maliki r ite . As fo r s e c ts , th e only one re p r e s e n te d to an y sig n ific a n t e x te n t in A lgeria is th e K h arijite one (w ith th e Bni M zab). Bin B adis d e s ire d and sp ecially v alu e d a dialogue w ith th is com m unity. C f. A. M erad, 'Le Réform ism e musulm an en A lgérie de 1925 à 1940', P a ris : M outon, 1967, p . 222. A lso, th e re fo rm e rs proclaim ed th e u n ity o f th e F aith a n d s tr e s s e d th e lin k s fo rg e d by h is to r y , in o p p o sition to e th n ic d iv i­ sio n s.

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19 C o n cern in g th e Reform movement in th e N ear E a st, see H en ri L a o u st, 'Les Schism es d a n s l ’Islam ’, P a ris : P ay o t, 1965, c h a p te r X I. 20 T ak en from th e title o f an a rtic le in 'E l S h ih a b 1 , a re fo rm ist jo u rn a l, e n title d Betw een th e rig id C o n se rv a tiv e s an d th o se who re p u d ia te , May 1931, p . 322. 21 C f. 'El S h ih a b ', N ovem ber 1933, p . 472, an d J a n u a ry 1937, p . 477. 22 On« c a n g au g e th is in d ire c tly from th e re lig io u s c o n se n su s o b se rv a b le to d a y am ongst th e political an d m ilitary e lite s , w ith th e ir v e ry d iv e rs e o rig in s an d b a c k g ro u n d s . 23 M .E. S p iro , c ritic is in g E . L each's a n a ly sis of K achin r e li­ gion ('P olitical S y stem s o f H ighland B urm a') w rite s in R eligion : Problem s of D efinition a n d E x p lan atio n in 'E ssa y s in R eligious A n th ro p o lo g y 1 (1966, ta k e n from F re n c h tr a n s la tio n , P a ris : G allim ard, 1972): ’In e ffe c t it is only b e c a u se th e K achin believe th a t th e v e rb a l sym bol "N at" r e p r e s e n ts a re a l b e in g - an d not sim ply a social s tr u c tu r a l sym bol - th a t th e y a re able to m anipulate th is b e lie f fo r p o litical e n d s . 1 See also P . B o u rd ie u , G enèse e t S tr u c tu r e d u Champ re lig ie u x , in 'R evue F ran ça ise de Sociologie', X II, 1971: ' . . . th e c a te g o rie s of theological th o u g h t a re th a t which m akes it im possible to con ceiv e an d to c a r r y on a c la s s w ar a s s u c h , w hilst allow ing it to be co n ceiv ed an d c o n d u c te d a s a w ar of re lig io n '. 24 C f; C .A . J u lie n , 'L 'A friq u e d u Nord en M arch e', P a ris: J u llia d , 1952. 25 C f. R in n , 'H isto ire de l'In s u r re c tio n de 1871', o p . c it. 26 On th is s u b je c t, see M ostafa L a c h e ra f, 'A lg é rie , N ation et S o c ié té ', P a ris : M aspéro, 1965, c h a p te r 6: R é sista n c e u rb a in e et lu tte n atio n ale d e p u is 1830, e s p . p p . 185-92. 27 C f. 'L 'A friq u e d u N ord en M arche', c ite d a b o v e . 28 C o n c e rn in g th e re la tio n s betw een th e Y oung T u n is ia n s , th e Old D e sto u r p a r t y , th e New D e sto u r P a r ty , a n d th e R efo rm ists in T u n isia , see A. Z ghal, T he re a c tiv a tio n of T ra d itio n in a p o s t-tra d itio n a l S o ciety , 'D a e d a lu s', w in ter 1973, p p . 225-52. 29 C o n c e rn in g th e f ir s t sta g e o f th e c o n q u e s t, 'th e A lgeria of th e s o ld ie r s ', see C .A . Ju lie n , 'H isto ire de l'A lg é rie contem ­ p o ra in e ' , T . I , Les c o n q u ê te s e t le s d é b u ts de la C olonisa­ tio n , P a ris : PUF, 1964. See also th e sum m ary p ro v id e d by C h. R . A g e ro n , 'H isto ire de l'A lg érie co n tem poraine (1830-1 9 6 4 )', P a ris : PUF (Q ue s a is - je ) , 1964. 30 See C .A . J u lie n , ab o v e , and also A. N a d ir, o p . c it. 31 T he g re a t r is in g s o f th e A u re s (1859), of H odna (1860), of th e O ulad Sidi S haikh (1864), in d ic a te p re c ise ly th a t all did n o t seem lo s t, and th a t local g ro u p s still b e liev ed in arm ed re s is ta n c e . 32 'T he A lgerian problem was d is to rte d from th e d ay A lgeria was called a c o lo n y ', Napoleon III a p p a re n tly sa id in 1860. (C f. C h. R. A g e ro n , o p . c i t . , p . 3 1 .) In o th e r w o rd s,

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37 38 39 40 41

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Fanny Colonna till th e fall of th e Second E m pire, th e v e ry p rin c ip le of colonisation was not a c c e p te d . On th e to ta lity of th e se m easu res an d th e colonial policy betw een 1871 an d 1896, see C h. R. A g e ro n , vol. I, 'Les A lg érien s m usulm ans e t la F ra n c e ', P a ris : PU F, 1968, an d also A g e ro n , 'H isto ire de l'A lg é rie c o n te m p o ra in e ', o p . c i t . , p p . 45-71. On th e economic a n d social co n se q u e n c e s of th e g re a t land te n u re laws o f th e e n d of th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y , see A n d ré N ou sch i, 'E n q u ê te s u r le n iv ea u de vie d e s p o p u ­ latio n s r u r a le s c o n sta n tin o ise s de la c o n q u ê te ju s q u 'e n 1919', T u n is , 1961 (T h è se de L e ttr e s ) . C f. 'S c h o la rs, S a in ts an d S u fis ', c ite d a b o v e , p a r t I: S c h o la rs: th e Ulama. C f. M. L a c h e ra f, 'A lg é rie , N ation e t S o c ié té ', o p . c i t . , p . 158 et s e q . See also Malek B an n a b i, 'Mémoires d 'u n Témoin d u S iècle’, A lg ie rs: SNED, 1965. (T h is volume c o n c e rn s C o n sta n tin e in p a r tic u la r .) C f. A. B e rq u e , La b o u rg e o isie a lg é rie n n e , in ’H e s p é ris ', 1948. C f. A. N a d ir, op. c it. C f. A. M erad, o p . c i t . , C h a p te r III, p a r t 2. It was n o t till 1954 th a t a F ro n t (th e FLN) took th e in itia tiv e of u n ite d action a g a in st th e co lo n ise r. L ikew ise, one c a n see th e role of th e C atholic C h u rc h in Malta o r Ire la n d in a sim ilar lig h t. T h is 'p o litica l' fu n c tio n of th e C h u rc h in a local c o n te x t is p a rtic u la rly well s tu d ie d in th e w ork of J . B o issev ain , 'S a in ts a n d F ire w o rk s ', London: A thlone P r e s s , 1965. C f. A. B e rq u e , 'B ib lio g rap h ie s u r les C o n fré rie s ', cite d a b o v e , an d also A. N a d ir, o p . c i t . , p . 824. P e rh a p s th is was a m atter o f conflict betw een in v estm e n t in c u ltu re a n d lan d ed p r o p e r ty , o r betw een se n io r a n d ju n io r b ra n c h e s o f a lin ea g e. We know too little a b o u t th e r e c r u it­ ment of th e b ro th e rh o o d s to be able to say with c o n fid e n c e . P e rh a p s it was also a co nflict betw een c le r ic s - b y - b ir th and c le ric s -b y -s c h o la s tic -a c h ie v e m e n t. C f. A. B e rq u e , 'H e s p é ris ', o p . c it. Whilst Muslim ’c le r g y ’ is in p rin c ip le e le c tiv e , u n re m u n e r­ a te d a n d in d e p e n d e n t of political a u th o r ity , R inn w rites (o p . c i t . , p . 103): ’. . . e v e ry Muslim p rie s t (sic ) p a id a n d p ro te c te d b y c e n tra l a u th o r ity , th e r e b y p laces him self in a false p o sitio n - f o r, with th e Koran in its h a n d , p r ie s t­ hood ta k e s p re c e d e n c e o v e r tem poral s o v e r e ig n ty . ' Engels w ro te , in th e 'P easan t W ar': 'T h e Middle Ages re ta in e d from th e lost old w orld n o th in g b u t C h r is tia n ity , as well a s some h a lf-d e s tro y e d to w n s, d e p riv e d of all th e ir c iv ilisa tio n . The re s u lt was th a t, a s in all p rim itiv e s ta g e s of d ev elo p m en t, th e p r ie s ts o b ta in ed a monopoly of in te l­ lec tu a l c u ltu r e , and c u ltu re its e lf assum ed a theological c h a r a c t e r .' (Q u o ted from F re n c h e d n , E ditions S ociales,

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p p . 99-1 0 0 .) The u se of su c h p u re ly ev o lu tio n ist schem ata is n e v e r s a tis f a c to r y . N e v e rth e le ss a com parison with T u n is ia , su c h a s we h a v e a ttem p ted a b o v e , s u g g e s ts th a t we a re h e re dealing w ith a re g re s s io n . C f. Pendulum Swing T h e o ry of Islam , in 'Sociology of R elig io n ', o p . c i t . , a n d P o s t-tra d itio n a l form s of Islam ; th e T u r f an d T ra d e , and V otes an d P e a n u ts , in 'D a e d a lu s', w in ter 1973. C f. Max W eber, 'T he Sociology of R eligion’, L ondon: M ethuen, 1966. P . B o u rd ie u , Une in te r p ré ta tio n de la th é o rie de la relig io n selon Max W eber, ’A rc h iv e s E u ro ­ p é e n n e s de Sociologie’, X II: I , 1971. On th e d istin c tio n betw een magic a s d e lib e ra te p ro fan a tio n o r in v e rs e re lig io n , a n d magic a s o b je ctiv e p ro fa n a tio n o r d isp la c e d /d o m in a ted re lig io n , see P . B o u rd ie u , G enèse et S tru c tu r e d u cham p re lig ie u x , ’R evue F ra n ç a ise de Socio­ lo g ie ’, X II, 1971, p p . 308 and 309. T h e re was com peting p re a c h in g o f th e tow ns to th e tr ib e s , fo r exam ple d u r in g th e m araboutic wave o f th e s ix te e n th c e n tu r y , o f th e tr ib e s to w a rd s th e tow ns a s in th e case of th e A lm orávides, th e A lm ohades, o r of th e Mahdi of K h a r­ toum (188 1 -5 ). Marx a n d E n g e ls, 'On R eligion’ (q u o te d from F re n c h e d n ’S u r la R elig io n ’, P a ris: E ditions S ociales, 1972, p p . 311 an d 312). T he h y p o th e s is o f ‘cam ouflage’ (a s c o n tra s te d w ith a code fam iliar to all) is p e rh a p s e v en more im plausible fo r Muslim so cieties th a n for C h ristia n o n e s. T h is seem s v e r y lik e ly , in th e lig h t of th e n o te : ’At th e e n d o f a h u n d re d y e a rs th e y (th e b e d o u in ) find th em selv es in p re c is e ly th e same co n d itio n as th e o th e rs (th e to w n s­ f o lk ). A new p u rific a tio n is n e c e s s a ry , a n d a new Mahdi e m e rg e s. T he game r e s t a r t s . ’ A F re n c h tra n s la tio n of Ibn K haldun was available a t th e time when E ngels w rote th e se lin e s ( 1894), nam ely th a t o f de Slane (1862-8). C f. E. G e lln e r, D octor a n d S a in t, in N . K eddie, o p . c it. C f. L .C . B row n, T he R eligious E stab lish m en t in H usainid T u n is ia , c ite d a b o v e , and E. B u rk e III, T he Moroccan Ulama, 1860-1912, an In tro d u c tio n , in th e same volum e. In th e p re v io u s g e n e ra tio n , th is g ro u p found political e x p re ss io n in th e UDMA w ith F e rh a t A b b a s, a n d in th e s u c c e e d in g g e n e ra tio n it fin d s its home w ithin th e fram e­ w ork of th e n a tio n alised c o rp o ra tio n s an d o f c e n tra l p la n n in g . For T u n is ia , see th e a rtic le b y A. Z ghal, in 'D a e d a lu s’ , c ite d a b o v e . F or T u rk e y , see N. Yalman, Islamic Reform a n d th e M ystic T ra d itio n in E a ste rn T u rk e y , in ’A rch iv es E u ro p é e n n e s de Sociologie', X: I, 1969. T h is rem ains to be a n a ly sed p r o p e r ly . One can a lre a d y see its o u tlin e s . All th e sam e, one o u g h t to be able to u n d e r ­ s ta n d th e s e rv ic e s perfo rm ed fo r th e sym bolic o rd e r by

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s u b o r d in a te d re lig io n w hich a c c e p ts s u c h a s t a t u s . Sim iiiar r e - a c tiv a tio n s c a n b e o b s e rv e d in E g y p t ( c f . M orroe B e r g e r , 'Islam in E g y p t T o d a y ', C am b rid g e U n iv e rs ity P r e s s , 1970) a n d in T u n is ia ( c f . S. F e rc h io u , Z ard a ou la fê te m ara b o u tiq u e e n T u n is ie , p a p e r p r e s e n te d to th e ’1st C o n g re s s fo r th e S tu d y o f M e d ite rra n e a n C u ltu r e s u n d e r A ra b o B e r b e r I n f lu e n c e 1, M alta, A p ril 1972, p ro c e e d in g s d u e to b e p u b lis h e d b y SNED, A lg ie rs , a n d in 'L'Homme1, X II, n o . 3, 1972). 59 T h is c a n b e ex em p lified fo r in s ta n c e in th e T a fs ir (K o ra n ic co m m e n ta ry ) o f Bin B a d is , C f; A; M e ra d , ’B in B a d is , C o m m en tateu r d u C o ra n 1, A lg ie rs : SNED, 1972.

5

SUFISM IN SOMALILAND: A STUDY IN TRIBAL ISLAM l.M. Lewis

PART I INTRODUCTION A d e s c rip tio n a n d a n a ly sis of relig io n h a v e now come to be re g a r d e d a s e s s e n tia l com ponents in an y s a tis fa c to ry s tu d y of s o c ie ty . In no c a s e , p ro b a b ly , is th is more n e c e s s a ry th a n in th a t of an Islam ic people w here th e s tu d y of Islam te n d s to th ro w a s much lig h t on th e social s tr u c tu r e a s th e s tu d y of th e social s tr u c tu r e does upon re lig io n . T h is close i n t e r ­ d e p e n d e n c e h a s alw ays b een p a rtic u la rly c le a r j n Muslim socie­ tie s w ith a s ta te -lik e s tr u c tu r e w here th e S h a ri'a (th e re lig io u s law in th e w idest s e n s e ) h a s h ad a wide field o f a p p lic a tio n , a lth o u g h , of c o u rs e , with th e p r o g re s s iv e W esternization of th e Islamic w orld th e gap betw een th e sp iritu a l a n d tem poral realm s is a g a in w idening (c f. G ibb, 1947; Milliot, 1949; F a k h ry , 1954). B ut th e conform ity of social an d re lig io u s s tr u c tu r e is e q u ally f a r - r e a c h in g in a tr ib a l Muslim so c ie ty a lth o u g h it may n ot at f ir s t s ig h t a p p e a r s o . (2 ) Somali so ciety is a case in p o in t. T h is e s s a y s e ts out to exam ine th e role of Sufism in th e social s tr u c tu r e of th e Somali an d is d e sig n e d to e lu c id a te th e n a tu r e a n d fu n ctio n of Somali g en e alo g ie s. It is u n n e c e s s a ry h e re to ju stify th e e th n ic c lassifica tio n 'S o u th -E a s te rn C u s h ite s ' which em b races th e Somali, A fa r, S aho, G alla, a n d B eja, a n d which r e s t s upon sim ila ritie s in m aterial a n d social c u ltu r e , in c lu d in g re lig io n , an d upon p h y s i­ cal a n d lin g u is tic a ffin itie s , a n d c e rta in ly in th e case o f th e f ir s t f o u r , u p o n tr a d itio n s o f common o rig in . (3) I assum e h e re th a t th e p re -Isla m ic relig io n of th e Somali was th a t o f a C u sh itic S ky God (W aaq), a n d th a t th e p re s e n t Muslim s tr u c tu r e of Somali so ciety owes much to th e in te r p re ta tio n of Islam in term s of C u sh itic b e lie f. It follows th a t it sh o u ld be p o ssib le to re la te th e social fu n c tio n s of p r e s e n t- d a y Somali Sufism to sy n c re tism b etw een th e two re lig io n s. T h e re a re still a few tr ib e s ( e .g . some of th e D ir an d Hawiye) who re ta in m uch o f th e ir C u sh itic c u ltu re c o rre s p o n d in g ly little m odified. A gain am ong some o f th e s o u th e rn tr ib e s o f Som alia, esp e cially th o se of th e Hawiye tr ib a l fam ily, c e rta in f e a tu re s o f C u sh itic relig io n s till s u r v iv e , as will be sh o w n , an d m uch o f th e term inology an d beliefs o f C u sh itic relig io n p e r s is t and a re ap plied to Islam . In in te r p r e tin g C u sh itic b elief and p ra c tic e in th e ir p r e s e n t form 127

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am ong th e Somali, th e w ider lite r a tu r e d e s c rib in g th e relig io n of th e A fa r, S ah o , an d Galla h a s b een d raw n u p o n , b u t I do not d ed u ce from C u sh itic relig io n in g e n e ra l a n y b elie f o r custom for w hose in d e p e n d e n t e x iste n c e among th e Somali th e r e is not ample e v id e n c e . It is not implied th a t all th o se fe a tu re s o f Somali social s tr u c tu r e w hose in te ra c tio n w ith Islam is c o n sid e re d a re n e c e s sa rily ty p ic a lly C u sh itic , b u t sim ply th a t in th e p re Islam ic s ta te of Somali so ciety th e y w ere re la te d to C u sh itic in s titu tio n s . We sh all deal p a rtic u la rly with Sufism and exam ine th e way in w hich its social o rg a n iz a tio n , p o litical, a n d re lig io u s s t r u c ­ tu r e a re a sso c ia te d w ith th e baraka o f Sufi sh a ik h s a n d th e ir p e rso n a l genealo g ies w hich tra c e re lig io u s pow er to th e lineage of th e P ro p h e t Muhammad. It will b e a rg u e d th a t th e g en ealo g i­ cal canalizatio n o f div ine g ra c e (b a r a k a ) d e p e n d e n t u p o n c o n ­ nex io n w ith M uhammad's clan of Q u ra y sh fin d s close p a ra lle ls in th e social a n d re lig io u s fu n c tio n s of Somali tr ib a l g enealogies (a b tir s i in y o ) . T h ese sim ilarities in fu n c tio n betw een A rabian g enealogies in Sufism an d g en ealogies in th e tra d itio n a l ( p r e Islam ic) social o r d e r acco u n t fo r th e ease w ith w hich th e g e n e a ­ log ies o f Sufi sh a ik h s a re a b so rb e d am ongst th e Somali and u n d e rlie th e Somali claim to d e sc e n t from th e P ro p h e t. Such an i n te r p r e ta tio n , it will be n o tic e d , does n o t d e p e n d upon th e v a lid ity of th e p re c e d in g assu m p tio n s on th e n a tu re o f C u sh itic re lig io n , b u t , since th e se seem well e s ta b lis h e d it is re le v a n t to c o n sid e r th e in c o rp o ra tio n o f |u f i g e n e a lo g ie s(4 ) into th e Somali lineage s tr u c tu r e in re la tio n to th em . T he re lig io u s fu n c ­ tio n s o f Somali g en ealogies w hich c e n tre in sa c rific e at th e tom bs of eponym ous a n c e s to rs a r e , in th e p re -Isla m ic s ta te of Somali so ciety in trin s ic a lly a p a r t o f C u sh itic relig io n a n d know l­ e d g e of th e la r g e r h ie ra rc h y o f C u sh itic s p ir it- r e f r a c tio n s d o e s, I th in k , th ro w lig h t u pon th e n a tu re of sa c rific e to th e dead an d le a d s to some elu cid atio n o f th e re lig io u s c o n c e p ts a tta c h e d to Somali g e n e a lo g ie s. T h u s it is p ro p o se d (1) th a t S u fi g e n e a ­ logies a re a d o p te d due to th e close rese m b lan c es in th e ir re li­ gious an d political fu n c tio n s to Somali tr ib a l g en ea lo g ies, and th a t (2) th is assim ilation c o rre s p o n d s to u n d e rly in g sim ilarities in th e C u sh itic an d Sufi re lig io u s c o n c e p ts which a tta c h to g en ealo g ies.

I PRELIMINARY Some 4,000,000 in n u m b e r, th e Somali occupy th e te r r ito r ie s of th e R epublic of D jib o uti, e a s te rn E th io p ia, th e Somali Demo­ c ra tic R epublic a n d th e N orth E a ste rn Region o f K enya. T hey a re e ss e n tia lly nom adic p a s to ra lis ts ow ning in a b u n d an ce s h e e p , g o a ts , c a ttle , and cam els u se d fo r m ilking and th e tr a n s p o r t of th e nom ad's h u t and p o s s e s s io n s . In some p a r ts o f s o u th e rn Somalia o xen re p la c e camels as b u rd e n anim als.

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Some te m p o ra ry c u ltiv a tio n is p r a c tis e d , b u t a s a w hole, th e r e is little p erm an en t c u ltiv a tio n in th e b a r r e n p a s tu re la n d of th e n o r th . In th e s o u th , h o w e v er, a ra b le land o c c u rs along th e c o u rs e s of th e tw o r iv e r s which w ater Somalia (th e Shebelle a n d th e J u b a ) , a n d in th e h in te rla n d betw een them . H ere en c la v e d se ttle m e n ts of N e g ro e s, B antu a n d o th e r s , a r e e n g a g e d in p erm a n e n t c u ltiv a tio n , a n d some Somali tr i b e s , e sp ecia lly th o se o f th e Sab fam ily, h av e a d o p te d a s e d e n ta ry mode of life. Mixed farm in g is c h a r a c te ris tic of th is r e g io n , a n d , u n d e r th e stim u lu s of a d m in istra tiv e d ev e lo p m e n t, th e r e is an in c re a s in g te n d e n c y fo r nomadism an d tra n sh u m a n c e to give place e v e n t­ u ally to fix e d - c u ltiv a tio n . The Somali n ation co m prises two main su b d iv is io n s , th e 'Soomaali1 an d th e ’S a b '.( 5 ) T he Sab tr ib e s form an e x te n siv e w edge o f c u ltiv a to rs b etw een th e r iv e r s o f Somalia a n d s e p a ra te th e nom ads of n o r th e r n Somaliland from th o se of th e s o u th . T he 'Soom aali', who a re num erically s u p e r io r , d e sp ise th e 'S ab ' fo r th e ir s e d e n ta ry way o f life , fo r th e ir o b sc u re o rig in s (Galla a n d N eg ro id a d m ix tu re is p ro n o u n c e d ), an d fo r th e ir mixed g e n e a lo g ie s. N e v e rth e le s s , Sab a re in c lu d ed in th e d esig n a tio n 'Soomaali' b y o u ts id e r s , in m uch th e same way a s th e in h a b ita n ts of th e B ritis h Isles a re fre q u e n tly in d iscrim in a tely r e f e r r e d to a s 'E n g lis h '. Within th e Somali n a tio n , Soomaali a n d Sab a re d iffe re n tia te d a lth o u g h th e r e is an in c re a s in g te n d e n c y fo r th e Soom aali/Sab clea v a g e to be ig n o re d in th e ris in g tid e of Somali n atio n alism . U rb an ized a n d W esternized Somali m aintain th a t d iscrim in atio n is 'o ld -fa s h io n e d ', th a t it is c o n tr a r y to the in ju n c tio n s of th e P ro p h e t, and th a t it u n d e rm in e s th e u n ity of th e Somali p eo p le. In p ra c tic e a n d a c tu a l social re la tio n s , how ­ e v e r , th e s e id eals a re o fte n b e tr a y e d , which s e rv e s to in d ica te how d eep ly e n g ra in e d th e tra d itio n a l Somali social o r d e r is . S till, w ithin Som aliland, th e cleav ag e rem ains th e p rim a ry s u b ­ d iv isio n o f th e Somali n a tio n , a n d in th e r e s t of th is p a p e r(6 ) I sh all u se th e term 'S om ali'(7) to in clu d e th e Sab e x c e p t w here a d istin c tio n is e x p re s s ly s ta te d . Each co m prises a v a st s e g ­ m en tary system of u n its which may be c la ssifie d a s : trib a l fam ilies (o f w hich th e r e a re se v e n : D ir, Hawiye, P re-H aw iy e, Ish a a q , D aarood, D igil, an d R a h an w iin ), c o n fe d e ra c ie s, s u b ­ c o n fe d e ra c ie s , t r ib e s , a n d trib a l s e c tio n s . T his term inology which I h av e else w h e re d e s c rib e d (L ew is, 1955, p p . 14-40) is illu s tra te d in F ig u re 5 .1 . T he tr ib e s ta n d s o u t a s a cle a rly d efin ed u n it which em b races th e most g e n e ra lly e ffe c tiv e social s o lid a rity . L iv e s to c k -th e ft and w ar c h a ra c te riz e th e re la tio n s betw een tr ib e s , and in te rtrib a l h o stility is f r e q u e n tly of long s ta n d in g . In te rn a lly th e tr ib e te n d s to be d iv id e d b y feu d am ongst its fra c tio n s . Within th e t r i b e , h o w e v e r, hom icide is norm ally s e ttle d p eaceab ly b y p a y ­ ment of b lo o d -c o m p e n sa tio n . With th e e x te n d e d en fo rcem en t of th e E uropean a d m in istra tiv e system tr ib e s a re now a lso , w hen­ e v e r p o ssib le , o b lig ed to se ttle th e ir d iffe re n c e s b y paym ent of com pensation in place of f u r th e r fig h tin g . T he o b lig atio n s

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F ig u re 5.1 C o n d en sed genealogy o f th e Somali n a tio n , r e p r e ­ s e n tin g seg m en tatio n in to social g r o u p s , w ith specim en segm en­ ta tio n o f one trib a l fam ily, th e D aarood (L ew is, 1955, p . 15)

Qurayshitic lineage of the Prophet Mohammed cAqil ibn Abi Talib Hil

Sab

Soomaali

Digil*

r

Rahanwiin*

Irir

Tunni'

Dir*

Ishaaq*

Pre-Hawiye*

Hawiye* Gedabuursi2

Daarood* (Tribal family) Harti (Confederacy)

Majeerteen (Sub-confederacy) Usmaan Mahamuud (Tribe) • Somali tribal families. 1The Tunni are a tribal confederacy rather than a tribal family

2The Gedabuursi are of uncertain affiliation, they may belong to the Dir tribal family.

e n ta ile d b y trib a l m em bership a re c le a rly form ulated in th e p ro c e d u re for th e adoption o f s t r a n g e r s ,( 8 ) who u n d e rta k e to sh a re trib a l re sp o n s ib ility in paym ent a n d re c e ip t o f b lo o d -p ric e an d in o th e r m a tte rs . In e sse n c e th e trib e is of one b lo o d , and it is , in s h o r t, a so cial, te r r ito r ia l, p o litica l, and to some e x te n t

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re lig io u s u n it closely sim ilar to th a t of th e N uer (E v a n sP r itc h a r d , 1940) o r of th e A rab bed o u in ( J a u s s e n , 1908). It is n o t, h o w e v e r, e n tire ly exogam ous. (9) Like th e to ta l Somali so ciety o f w hich it is th e m icrocosm , th e tr ib e c o n s titu te s a b alan ced system of s e c tio n s of v a rio u s o r d e r s of se g m en ta tio n . In some c a s e s th e r e may be no more th a n th r e e o r d e r s of segm entation w ithin th e tr ib e , b u t in most c a se s th e r e a re at le a st f o u r , fo r some trib e s b o a st as many a s 100,000 m em bers. The a v e r a g e , h o w e v e r, seem s to b e about 20,000 trib esm e n It will be seen th a t th e Somali tr ib e is a re la tiv e ly la rg e u n it, with a fa irly h ig h d e g re e of in te rn a l se g m en ta tio n . In each political u n it from th e b asic g ro u p o f closely re la te d fam ilies to th e trib a l c o n fe d e ra c y , th e e ld e rs c o n s titu te a council x*epresentative o f th e g ro u p 's in te r e s ts a n d c o n v e n ed b y a political fig u re h e a d . In th e tra d itio n o f th e m edieval p e rio d when th e p e tty Muslim s u lta n a te s o f s o u th e rn E ritre a a n d n o r th - w e s te r n E thiopia en g a g e d C h ristia n E thiopia in w a r, c h ie fs a re s ty le d b o th by th e Somali and by th e A d m in istra tio n s a s 'S u lta n '. B ut th is title does not imply th a t its in c u m b en ts wield a u th o r ity o v e r a c e n tra liz e d s ta te an d is not to b e u n d e r ­ sto o d in th e c la ssic a l Muslim s e n s e . (10) Normally th e trib e re c o g n iz e s a c h ie fta in (called v a rio u sly b oq or, garaad, u g a a s ) , a s p re s id e n t of th e trib a l co u n c il. Yet not e v e ry tr ib e ow ns a common c h ie f. In e ffe c t, a c h ie f’s a u th o rity d e riv e s from th e s tr u c tu r a l s itu a tio n - from th e c irc u m sta n c e s o f trib a l allegiance - an d flu c tu a te s w ith it. His pow er d e p e n d s la rg e ly upon h is p e r s o n a lity . T h u s th e position of th e Somali c h ie f is closely sim ilar to th a t o f an A rabian sh aik h (M ontagne, 1947, p . 59). C o n sid erab le re lig io u s pow er a tta c h e s to a c h ie f. In th e p a st c h ie fta in c y seem s to have been c o n n ec te d with ra in m a k in g , and th e r e is e v id en ce th a t th is fu n ctio n is still re ta in e d am ongst th e le s s Islam ized tr ib e s of th e n o rth -w e s t c o r n e r of B ritis h Som aliland a n d o f c e rta in p a r ts of Somalia. In many c a s e s , th e ch ief still c o n d u c ts p erio d ical rain m ak in g cerem onies (roobdoon 's e e k in g w a te r') an d th e g re a t r ite ( l a k ) p erfo rm ed in Somalia to m ark th e o n se t o f th e main r a i n s . The c h ie f’s glance is r e f e r r e d to as 'th e b u rn in g e y e ’ ( il k u lu l) an d h is p e rso n is so s tro n g ly endow ed w ith pow er th a t among some clo sely re la te d tr ib e s it is u s u a l fo r a v isitin g ch ief to avoid a face to face e n c o u n te r w ith h is e q u iv a le n t an d to be g re e te d in d ire c tly by a r e p r e s e n ta tiv e . C o n se q u e n t upon h is special re latio n w ith G o d , a ch ief c a n call down b le ssin g o r m isfo rtu n e upon h is people an d th e ir s to c k . From th e s tr u c tu r a l p o in t o f view , h is most im p o rtan t fu n c tio n is to p re sid e a t th e cerem onies which a re h eld at th e tom bs of th e eponym ous trib a l a n c e s to rs in commemoration o f th e m . Each trib a l sectio n c e le b ra te s its fo u n d e r a t h is s h r in e , o ffe rin g up its own p a r tic u la r form of s a c rific e ( 11) (C e ru lli, 1923, p . 7 ). Where a h e re d ita r y ch ief is re c o g n iz e d m em bers of h is family (called G ob) r e p r e s e n t him at sa c rific e s p erfo rm ed b y th e h ea d s of s u b s id ia ry trib a l fra c ­ tio n s . In th e case of trib a l co n fe d e rac ie s w ith a ch iefly lineage

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th e same p ro c e d u re is followed in th e cerem onies o f com ponent t r i b e s . It is th is d u ty more th a n an y o th e r w hich e s ta b lis h e s th e s a n c tity of a h e r e d ita ry c h ie f, f o r , when h e re p r e s e n ts h is people in sa c rific e a t th e eponym ous a n c e s to r 's s h r in e , it is h is own lineal a n c e s to r whom he com m em orates b e fo re G od. He, th e liv in g r e p r e s e n ta tiv e of th e fo u n d in g a n c e s to r s , is th e c lo se st d e sc e n d a n t of th o se whom he c e le b ra te s on b e h a lf of h is tr ib e . G en e ra tio n s l a te r , he in h is tu r n will b e re g a rd e d a s an eponym ous fo u n d e r a n d will be commemorated in sac rific e by h is d e s c e n d a n ts on b e h a lf of th e ir trib e sm e n . In th e tr a d i­ tio n al a c c o u n ts of war an d m igration it is alw ays th e re lig io u s a s p e c ts of le a d e rsh ip w hich a re sig n alled o u t and held to be re sp o n sib le fo r th e su c c e ss of one g ro u p at th e e x p e n se of a n o th e r . The fo rtu n e s of w ar a re to some e x te n t re g a rd e d as a re fle c tio n of r itu a l e ffica cy . On th e political side a g a in , th e r e is no sp ecifically c o n s ti­ tu te d police o rg a n iz a tio n to en fo rc e th e d ecisions w hich a re a r r iv e d at b y th e c h ie f in c o u n cil, e x c e p t of c o u rse in th e p s e u d o -s u lta n a te s which h av e rem ained a leg acy from e a rlie r tim e s, in some p a r ts o f Somalia (C e ru lli, 1919, p p . 46 f f ) . The Somali lineage s y s te m T he em p h asis p laced b y Somali u p o n d e sc e n t h a s a lre a d y been in d ic a te d . In fa c t, th e k ey to an u n d e r s ta n d in g o f Somali social s tr u c tu r e lies in th e fu n c tio n s e x e rc ise d by genealogies ( a b tir s iin y o ) . C o rre sp o n d in g to th e se g m e n ta ry trib a l system d e s c rib e d is an eq u ally h ig h ly seg m en ted lin ea g e sy ste m , d if­ f e r e n t o r d e r s of frag m en tatio n a n d a g g re g a tio n in which are c o -o rd in a te with e q u iv a le n t le v els of seg m entation in th e trib a l s y ste m . T he to tal g enealogical tr e e o f th e Somali n atio n r e p r e ­ s e n ts th e u n ity of all its com ponent p a r ts : trib a l fam ilies, c o n fe d e ra c ie s, s u b -c o n fe d e ra c ie s , tr ib e s , an d trib a l se c tio n s. Social p ro p in q u ity is e x p re s s e d in te rm s o f a g n a tic k in s h ip . The re la tio n s b etw een g ro u p s of e v e ry o r d e r a re in g e n e a ­ logical idiom e x p re s s e d as re la tio n sh ip s betw een eponym ous a n c e s to r s . At a h ig h e r level th a n th e te r tia r y trib a l se c tio n , o r , p e rh a p s in some ca se s th e s e c o n d a ry , su c h p o stu la te d k in ­ sh ip is la rg e ly fic titio u s , of c o u rs e . N e v e rth e le ss it is th e p rin c ip le which Somali assum e to u n d e rlie social re la tio n s h ip . T he b a sis o f political action is th e a g n a tic lin ea g e system its re lig io u s sig n ific a n ce re la te s to th e eponym ous a n c e s to rs to which it r e f e r s , and who a re c e le b ra te d in th e s a c rific e s p erfo rm ed a t th e ir tom bs. Such is th e tra d itio n a l social sy stem a sso c ia te d w ith nomadism a n d p re s e r v e d w here nomadism still p re v a ils . In th e s o u th , h o w ev e r, w here s e d e n ta ry c u ltiv a tio n is re p la c in g nom adism , th e re la tio n s betw een te r r ito r ia l g ro u p s c e ase to be alw ays e x p re ssib le in te rm s of d e s c e n t. H ere th e lin eag e system is d is in te g ra tin g . The p ro c e ss of ch a n g e is g ra d u a l; at f ir s t te r r ito r ia l u n its form h a v in g a mixed clan o r lineage s tr u c tu r e in which th e political u n it is c o -o rd in a te with a dom inant clan o r lin e a g e . With su b s e q u e n t developm ent and

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the con tin u ed settlem ent in th e same te rrito ria l u n it of in c re a s ­ ing num bers of im m igrants of h etero g en eo u s clan o rig in , th e ag n atic lineage s tru c tu re becomes so d isto rte d and confused th a t the segm entation o f th e dom inant lineage no longer r e p r e ­ s e n ts te rrito ria l d istrib u tio n and ceases to have political fu n c ­ tio n s. The prin cip le th a t n e ig h b o u rs must be ag n atic kinsm en, th a t te rrito ria l proxim ity implies genealogical p ro p in q u ity , no longer h o ld s. Such disorganization is p a rtic u la rly c h a ra c te ristic of th e a g ric u ltu ra l trib e s of the Sab fam ily. It is im portant, h ow ever, to o b se rv e th a t although the c h a ra c te ristic social u n it of th e se reg io n s is an a g ric u ltu ra l settlem ent o r 'm ixedvillage' (Lew is, 1955, p . 95) with ru d im en ta ry sta te -lik e political o rganization in which lineages have no political sig n i­ ficance, ag n atic k in sh ip may still be applied at a h ig h e r level to d escrib e th e re la tio n s betw een la rg e r te rrito ria l a g g re g a te s such as trib e s o r trib a l co n fed eracies. It is c e rta in ly still in term s of ag n atic k in sh ip , for exam ple, th a t th e relations betw een trib a l families are d escrib ed although relatio n s among th e com ponent u n its w ithin th e Sab family are not at all levels re p re se n te d genealogically. T here is th u s a c ertain in c o n sist­ ency in th e org an izatio n of political relatio n s at d iffere n t levels of the political s tr u c tu r e . The lineage system which is the fundam ental p rin cip le is su p e rse d e d am ongst th e smaller u n its of th e S ab, b u t re ta in s its fu n ctio n s am ongst those of a h ig h e r o rd e r and re fe rrin g to th e trib a l families k n its th e Somali people to g e th e r as th e issue of th e P ro p h e t’s lineage. T h ere a r e , as h a s been m entioned, seven trib a l families - D ir, Pre-H aw iye, Hawiye, D aarood, and Ishaaq of the 'Soomaali' g ro u p ; and Digil an d Rahanwiin of the 'S ab '. Today th e re are few Dir trib e s and th e ir im portance lies r a th e r in h aving given ris e , th ro u g h th e in term arriag e of D ir's d a u g h te rs with im­ m igrant A ra b s, to th e g re a t Isfiaaq and Daarood trib a l fam ilies. Ish aaq a n d Daarood rea ch e d the Somali coast at a date which has not y et been h isto rically e sta b lish e d b u t which tra d itio n places betw een the Hejira and the fifte e n th c e n tu ry (Lew is, 1955, p p . 15-9, 23-4). T rad itio n s of A rabian d escen t a re especially s tro n g am ongst th e Ishaaq and D aarood, b u t a re held in d e p en d e n tly by the Hawiye an d Dir and even by many of th e Sab trib e s who, as it h a p p e n s, have as good claims to A rabian d escen t as th e ir n o rth e rn Somali n e ig h b o u rs (th e D ir, Ish a a q , D aarood, and H aw iye), who hold them in such contem pt. All trib a l families can e sta b lish connexion with each o th e r without going as fa r back as the P ro p h e t's lineage, b u t the breach betw een 'Sooma­ a li' and 'S ab' is only b rid g e d by tra c in g d escen t to the Q uraysh itic line of Muhammad. Only at th is level of in clu siv en ess a re th e Soomaali and Sab joined as th e Somali n a tio n , and it is in th is co n tex t especially th a t the Somali c o n sid e r them selves the ch ild re n of th e P ro p h et. For th is so lid arity tra n s c e n d s all sectional in te re s ts and div isio n s, including th a t betw een Soomaali and Sab and re p re s e n ts a real co nsciousness of common

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n a tio n a lity an d re lig io n . In d iv id u al gen ealo g ies ( a b tir s iin y o ) tra c e a sc e n t th ro u g h th e h ie ra rc h y of social u n its from the sm allest tr ib a l sectio n to th e tr ib a l fam ily, th ro u g h th e p rim a ry b ifu rc a tio n of S oom aali/S ab, th ro u g h th e P ro p h e t's d e s c e n d a n ts , an d culm inate finally in Muhammad, a lth o u g h th e y o fte n e x te n d b ey o n d th is to in clu d e th e P ro p h e t's a n c e s to rs a n d resem ble ty p ic a l A rabian g en ealo g ies (c f . W üstenfeld, 1853). U sually Somali g enealogies a re im p erfectly A rab ized (Islam ized ) and c o n ta in a m ix tu re of C u sh itic and A rabic nam es in d ica tiv e of th e a b so rp tio n o f A rab g en e alo g ie s. U n le ss, h o w e v er, Somali wish to em phasize th e ir e x c lu siv e n e ss with re s p e c t to o th e r p e o p le s, th a t is w hen only re la tio n s betw een Somali a re in q u e s ­ tion , th e g en ealo g ies given sto p a t Soomaali o r Sab a n d com prise b etw een 22 a n d 30 nam es. At th e ir g re a te s t e x te n s io n , g e n e a ­ log ies r e p r e s e n tin g p olitical and re lig io u s connexion a r e draw n o u t to em brace th e P ro p h e t an d h is lin e a g e . F ig u re 5.2

( a f te r C olucci, 1924, p . 26) 23

t

Soomaali Irir I Hawiye

I

I Gurgate

I

Dame I Herab

I Martile Seven generations---------------- 1 Shaikh Saad (Tomb at Geledi)

I Shaikh Lobogi Mahadalle Eight generations-----------------j 0 Moallem (ego)

II

ISLAM

Relations with Arabia: the in tro d u c tio n o f Islam T he h isto ric a l fo u n d a tio n s fo r th e co n te m p o ra ry claim to d e sc e n t from th e P ro p h e t lie in th e e x iste n c e of re la tio n s betw een Somaliland a n d A rabia from th e e a rlie s t tim e s. Im m igration from a n d to A rabia h a s alw ays b ee n and still is a c o n sta n t fe a tu re of Somali life . T h e re h a s alw ays b een a co n sid e ra b le flo atin g p opulation o f A rab s in v a rio u s s ta g e s of a b so rp tio n am ong th e

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Somali. M oreover, th e r e is little d o u b t th a t Islam re a c h e d Somaliland s h o rtly a f te r th e H ejira a n d its esta b lish m e n t is re c o rd e d b y A rab w rite rs of th e n in th a n d te n th c e n tu r ie s . T he c o astal commercial colonies which h ad b een fo u n d e d b y th e H im yarite Kingdom b e fo re Islam e v e n tu a lly d ev elo p ed in to th e small Muslim s ta te s of Zeila (in its w idest e x te n sio n know n as A dal) in B ritis h Som aliland, and of M ogadishu in Somalia. T h ese w ere ru le d b y local d y n a s tie s of Somalized A ra b s o r A rab ized Som alis. T h e h is to ry of Zeila h a s been a d e q u a te ly d e s c rib e d b y Trim ingham ( 1952, p p . 55 ff) an d n e ed b e no more th a n sum m arized h e r e . C e ru lli's re s e a rc h (C e ru lli, 1924, 1927) show s th a t from th e b e g in n in g o f th e te n th u n til h a lf-w ay th ro u g h th e th ir te e n th c e n tu r y M ogadishu was fu n c tio n in g a s a tr a d in g colony w hich com prised a fe d e ra tio n o f A ra b ian tr ib e s . P e rsia n s also p lay ed some p a r t in its e a rly h is to r y . T he A rab s e ttle r s h a d e le c te d c h ie fs a n d acknow ledged th e re lig io u s an d ju ra l a u th o r ity o f one lin e a g e , th e Q ah tan ib n VVa'il. In th e c o u rse of tim e Somali influ en ce in c re a se d a n d from a loose f e d e r ­ ation of A rab-Som ali p e o p le s, a s u lta n a te with a local d y n a s ty (th e M uzaffar) em erg ed in th e th ir te e n th c e n tu r y . T he M uzaffar s u lta n a te flo u rish e d in th e th ir te e n th a n d fo u rte e n th c e n tu r ie s an d b y th is tim e S h an g an i a n d H am arw ein, th e two h a lv e s of th e tow n of M o g ad ish u, w ere firm ly e s ta b lis h e d a n d Hamarwein was d o m in a n t. T h is d y n a s ty s u rv iv e d in to th e s ix te e n th c e n tu r y w hen th e s u lta n a te d eclin e d a s a commercial c e n tr e an d r e v e r te d to a hegem ony o f small to w n sh ip s. At th e same time M ogadishu was u n d e r p r e s s u r e from tr ib e s of th e Hawiye trib a l family who w ere a d v a n c in g s o u th w a rd s th ro u g h Som alia. By th e seco n d h a lf o f th e e ig h te e n th c e n tu ry Somalis h a d gain ed c o n tro l of S h an g § n i a n d im posed th e ir im5m a s r u le r o f M ogadishu. P o rtu ­ g u e se and B ritis h colonization c o n trib u te d to th e fin al co llapse of th e s u lta n a te . In th e s e v e n te e n th c e n tu r y th e tow n h ad been o ccu p ied b y th e Imam of Oman fo r a s h o rt s p a c e , a n d rem ained a f te r h is w ith d raw al in v ag u e d e p e n d e n c e to him . With th e d ivision of th e M uscat S tate e a rly in th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y , M ogadishu was a llo tte d to th e S u ltan o f Z a n z ib a r, who a tte m p te d to s e c u re a more b in d in g d e p e n d e n c e b y e s ta b lis h in g m ilitary g a rris o n s alo n g th e c o a s t. Almost im m ediately a f t e r , th e s e w ere sold to Italy an d M ogadishu becam e p a r t of th e form er Italian colony o f Somalia. S o u th e rn E thiopia su p p lie d Zeila w ith its tra d e a n d th e town re a c h e d its g r e a te s t h e ig h ts in th e f o u rte e n th c e n tu r y , b u t b e g an to decline a f te r Ahmad G ra n h e 's c e le b ra te d cam paigns a g a in s t C h ris tia n E thiopia in th e s ix te e n th c e n tu r y . Its h is to ry was from th e b e g in n in g th e c h ro n icle o f a s e rie s o f w ars a g a in s t th e E th io p ian in fid els w aged in alliance with th e o th e r p e tty Muslim s ta te s of s o u th e rn E ritre a an d n o r th - e a s te r n E th io p ia. M ogadishu, as we h av e s e e n , h ad a s h o r te r p e rio d of p ro s p e r ity in th e fo u rte e n th c e n tu r y a n d th e n declin ed f a irly ra p id ly u n d e r th e joint p r e s s u r e o f nom adic in c u rsio n s from th e in te rio r a n d th e in flu en c e of e x te r n a l colo n izatio n .

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Such c e n tr e s as th e s e h a d an im p o rtan t e ffe c t in th e d e v e lo p ­ ment o f Islam am ong th e Somali. With th e A rab ian colonies firm ly e n tre n c h e d in th e o th e r tr a d in g p o r ts th e y p ro v id e d a foothold from w hich Islam s p re a d am ongst th e nom ads of th e in t e r i o r . (12) Sufism among the Somali T he Somali a re o rth o d o x S u n n is an d a d h e re n ts o f th e S h a fi’ite r ite o f th e S h a r i'a . Sufism is well d ev elo p ed a n d th e rem a in d er of th is p a p e r will deal with th e role of Sufism in Somali so c ie ty . As is well k n o w n , th is re v ita liz in g c u r r e n t a ro se in Islam b etw een th e n in th an d te n th c e n tu r ie s , a tta in in g in its classic al form its a e sth e tic an d theo lo g ical climax in th e tw elfth and th ir te e n th c e n tu r ie s . T ru e Sufism is now c o n sid e re d b y some a u th o ritie s to b e in d ecad en ce ( A r b e r r y , 1950). In Somaliland a f te r a p erio d of g re a t a c tiv ity an d g e n e ra l ex p a n sio n up till th e 1930s, th e D e rv ish movement seem s to be on th e w ane, alth o u g h it is ex tre m e ly d ifficu lt to a s s e s s its tr u e im portance at th e p re s e n t d a y . T rib a l Sufism h a s alw ays te n d e d to form a c o n s e rv a tiv e b a r r ie r a g a in st E u ro p ean a d m in istra tio n and m any o f its a d h e r e n ts h av e s tro n g ly o p p o se d th e e x te n sio n o f e d u catio n le s t it sh o u ld un d erm in e th e ir a u th o r ity . A d m in istra­ tiv e h o s tility , re a l o r im agined, h a s re in fo rc e d th e e so te ric an d c la n d e s tin e c h a r a c te r of § u fi p ra c tic e a n d made it all th e more d iffic u lt to estim ate its tr u e sig n ific a n c e . H ow ever, it is not d iffic u lt to s tu d y its fu n ctio n a l im portance a s a movement in th e social s tr u c tu r e of Somali so c ie ty , fo r w h a te v e r its p r e s e n t n u m b er of a d h e r e n ts , it h a s le ft an ind elib le im p re ssio n , as will be s e e n . The a d h e r e n ts o f Sufism b elong to th e c o n g re g a tio n s o r com­ m u n itie s, in m any Muslim c o u n trie s know n a s zaw iya, in Somali­ land a s jama’a , o f th e v a rio u s O rd e rs (ta riq a , 'T he Way’) into which th e movement is div id ed a c c o rd in g to th e d o c trin e s an d s e rv ic e s ( d h i k r ) o rd a in e d by th e fo u n d e rs of O r d e r s . Tariqa m eans 'p a th ' in th e s e n se of th e Way to follow in th e s e a rc h for rig h te o u s n e s s a n d th e Way to G od. T he en d o f th e ta r iq a is ma’rifa , a b so rp tio n in God (g n o s is ) . T hose who h a v e tra v e lle d f u r t h e s t , th ro u g h v ir tu e , th e p ra c tic e of d e v o tio n , a n d th e g ra c e which God h a s v o u ch safed them a re n e a r e s t Him. As th e P ath is tr a v e r s e d su c c e ssiv e s te p s o f th e way a re d e m arcated as 's ta tio n s ' o r 's t a t e s '. T hese a re d isc u sse d below . For h is g o d lin ess a n d v ir tu e th e fo u n d e r of each O rd e r is held to be c lo ser to God an d to exem plify in h is te a c h in g and life the T ru e P ath w hich it b eh o v es th e zealous to follow. T he fo u n d e r is a g u id e who th ro u g h h is p a rtic u la r q u a litie s of d e v o tio n , and b y h is sp ecial v ir tu e in clu d in g th e g ra c e (b a ra k a ) bestow ed upon him b y G od. leads h is d isc ip le s to w a rd s G od. His b a ra k a p a s s e s to th o se who follow in h is P ath and d ed icate th e ir liv es to h is exam ple. Each O rd e r is d is tin g u is h e d b y th e specific d iscip lin e which its fo u n d e r h a s e s ta b lis h e d as th e T ru e P a th . Since th e r e is no God b u t Allah a n d Muhammad is His P ro p h e t,

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re lig io u s p re s tig e is a fu n c tio n o f connexion with th e P ro p h e t’s Q u ra y sh itic lin e a g e . T h u s th o se in whose blood (re c o rd e d in p e rso n a l g en ealo g ies) th e P ro p h e t’s g ra c e (b a ra k a ) flows a re em inently s u ita b le fo r election to th e office o f h ead ( k h a lifa ) of an O rd e r o r of a co n g reg atio n ( s h a ik h ) . S h aik h s a n d k h a lifa s , a s also th e fo u n d e rs o f th e O rd e rs th e m se lv e s, h a v e p e rso n a l g en ealo g ies tr a c in g d e sc e n t from a n c e s to rs c o n n e c te d with Muhammad. To w hat e x te n t su ch claim s a re h isto ric a lly tr u e is in th e p r e s e n t c o n te x t ir r e le v a n t. T he tra d itio n is th a t d e sc e n t from Q u ra y sh e n title s to re lig io u s office an d th a t to be a Sufi sh a ik h o r k h a lifa implies su c h d e s c e n t. T h u s in th e ir f u r th e s t e x te n sio n th e p e rso n a l gen ealo g ies o f th e fo u n d e rs of O rd e rs a n d o f th e ir local r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s , sh a ik h s and k h a lifa s, re a c h b ack to th e P ro p h e t's lin e a g e . A ccording to th e lineage p rin c ip le in te rm s of which re la tio n s h ip s in Somaliland a re u n d e rsto o d each jama'a is id e n tifie d with the genealo g y of its k h a lifa o r s h a ik h . T he c o n se q u e n c e s of th is in th e to ta l genealogical s t r u c tu r e of Somali so ciety will s h o rtly be se e n . Within each ta riq a th e a u th o rity o f th e incum bent of th e office of reg io n al k h a lifa is fo u n d ed u p o n a ch ain of tra d itio n w hich h a s two b ra n c h e s . U nlike h is p e rso n a l g en ea lo g y , th e s e a tta c h to th e o ffice, n o t to th e p e rs o n . T he silsilat al-b a ra k a (ch a in o f b e n e ­ d ictio n ) tr a c e s th e c h ain of g ra c e which u n fo ld s from th e fo u n d e r o f th e O rd e r th ro u g h h is su c c e ssiv e d isc ip le s down to th e p r e s e n t in cu m b en t o f th e office o f k h a lifa . T he silsilat alw i r d , th e o th e r b r a n c h , c o n n e c ts th e fo u n d e r with th e P r o p h e t, a n d , th ro u g h h is m ediation, with A llah. The silsila ( lit. 'c h a in ') c o n s is ts of a list of nam es th ro u g h which s p iritu a l affiliatio n is tra c e d a n d in some w ays resem b les a g e n e a lo g y . It is q u ite s e p a r a te , h o w e v e r, from th e s h a ik h 's p e rso n a l g en ealo g y a l­ th o u g h th a t also is r e g a rd e d a s endow ed with p o w e r._ In in itiatio n ( w ir d ) , th e co v en an t (ca h d ) of th e ta riq a is a d m in iste re d to th e n ovice b y th e h ead o f th e com m unity in a form al cerem ony a t which th e se rv ic e ( d h i k r ) p e rta in in g to th e O rd e r is c e le b ra te d (fo r a d e s c rip tio n , see R o b e c c h i-B ric c h e tti, 1899, p . 423; T rim ingham , 1952, p . 237). T he novice sw ears to accep t th e k h alifa a s h is guide and s p iritu a l d ire c to r th ro u g h th e b a ra k a of th e fo u n d e r. He is th e n in s tr u c te d in th e p e r ­ form ance o f p r a y e r - ta s k s (called v a rio u sly awrad, a hza b , a n d r a w a tib ) , and is p ro v id e d w ith a p ra y e r-m a t to c a r r y upon his sh o u ld e r, a v e sse l fo r a b lu tio n , and a r o s a ry ( t u s b a h ) to fin g e r a s he re c ite s h is p r a y e r s . Somali ta r iq a s a re c h a ra c te r iz e d b y few er s ta g e s in th e n o v ic e 's p ro g r e s s to w a rd s illum ination th a n w ere c u sto m ary in cla ssic al Sufism (se e on th is p o in t, A r b e r r y . 1950, p p . 74 f f ) . At f ir s t th e novice is s ty le d 'a s p ir a n t' (m u rid ) b u t also r e f e r r e d to by h is b r e th r e n (cik hw an) as 'b r o th e r '. The m ajority of in itia te s n e v e r p ro c ee d b e y o n d th is s ta g e . Q u tb , w hich is th e n e x t s te p , re q u ire s a c e rta in d e g re e of m ystical p e rfe c tio n b u t is not com parable to th e q u tb o f lite r a r y Sufism . Each s u c c e ss iv e s te p becom es in c re a sin g ly d iffic u lt, an d alwasil th e n e x t g r a d e , sig n ify in g u n ion with God a f te r long s tr if e

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( i . e . th e a tta in m e n t of g n o s is ) , c o rre s p o n d s to in d u ctio n to th e le a d e rsh ip of a f r a te r n ity . A l-m a d d a d , th e final g o al, is a tta in e d by few p ilg rim s in d e e d , fo r it is th a t re a c h e d u su a lly only b y th e fo u n d e rs o f th e O rd e rs th e m se lv e s. M em bership o f th e community does not imply c e lib acy ; a d h e r ­ e n ts live w ith th e ir fam ilies in th e com m unity. Women h av e th e ir own ta riq a s w here th e y p a rtic ip a te in th e s e rv ic e s in th e name o f th e P ro p h e t's d a u g h te r , Fatim a, whom th e y r e g a r d a s th e fo u n d e r o f wom en's O rd e rs . Female a d h e r e n ts a re veiled (th e veil is not norm ally w orn b y women in S om aliland), an d a re g e n e ra lly more am ply clad th a n o th e r Somali women. B ut fo r them also th e r e is no em bargo on m a rria g e . T h e re a re alw ays many people who alth o u g h not form ally ad m itted to an O rd e r an d not liv in g in th e com m unity, follow th e p u b lic cerem onies while ig n o ra n t o f th e ir e s o te ric c o n te n t. A cknow ledging th e p ie ty an d re lig io u s p ow ers of th e fo u n d e r whom th e y v e n e ra te as a s a in t, th e y re g u la rly call u p o n h is follow ers whom th e y r e g a rd as sim ilarly endow ed to a c t as m ediators in d is p u te s . Many of th e b r e th r e n th u s fu lfil th e fu n c tio n s of qad is a n d th is is one of th e m any w ays in which th e s p h e re o f in te r e s t of th e Sufi com m unity e n c ro a c h e s u p o n th a t o f th e trib a l s t r u c t u r e . T r ib e s ­ men tu r n to th e h ead o f th e jam a'a fo r a s s is ta n c e an d c o u n se l, to th e n e g le c t of th e trib a l a u th o ritie s . T h is is one in sta n c e of a wide and f a r - r e a c h in g co n flict betw een Sufism on th e one h a n d an d th e trib a l o rg a n iz a tio n on th e o th e r w hich we sh all c o n s id e r in some d etail below. Somali tariqas T he th r e e most p ro m inent ta riq a s in Somaliland a re in th e o r d e r o f th e ir in tro d u c tio n , th e Q a d iriy a , th e A hm adiya, an d th e S aalih iy a. T he Rifaciy y a ta riq a is r e p r e s e n te d am ongst A rab s e ttle r s b u t is n o t w idely d is tr ib u te d o r im p o rta n t. In th e so u th th e O r d e r ’s main c e n tre s a re th e co asta l to w n s o f M ogadishu an d M erka; th e r e a re also some a d h e re n ts m th e B ritish P ro te c to ra te . T he Q a d iriy a, th e o ld e st Sufi O rd e r in Islam , was in tro d u c e d in to H a ra r in th e fifte e n th c e n tu ry b y S h a rif Abu _ B a k r ibn cA bd A llah a l-cA y d a ru s (know n a s a l-Q u tb a r-R a b b a n i, 'T h e D ivine A x is ') , who died in 1508-9 (A .H . 914). Abu B ak r is p ro b a b ly th e b e st-k n o w n Shaficite sa in t in s o u th e rn A rabia w here he is called a l- cA dani( 13) and h is m osque is th e most fam ous in A d e n .(14) T he Q adiriya becam e th e official O rd e r of H a ra r a n d h a s c o n sid e ra b le influ en ce in th e s u rr o u n d in g c o u n ­ t r y . To th e so u th th e O rd e r does not a p p e a r to h a v e a c q u ire d much im portance in th e in te rio r of Somalia u n til th e b e g in n in g of th e n in e te e n th c e n tu ry w hen th e se ttle m e n t of B a rd e ra , know n locally as jam aha, was fo u n d e d on th e Ju b a r i v e r . The Q ad iriy a h a s a h ig h re p u ta tio n fo r o rth o d o x y , is on th e whole lite r a r y r a th e r th a n p ro p a g a n d is t, a n d is sa id to m aintain a h ig h e r s ta n d a r d of Islamic in s tru c tio n th a n its r iv a ls . The A hm adiya, an d th e d e riv a tiv e S aalih iy a, w ere b o th in tro d u c e d in to so u th e rn Somalia to w ard s th e close of th e la s t c e n tu r y ,

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alth o u g h th e Ahm adiya may h av e e n te re d B ritish Somaliland som ewhat e a r l i e r . T h is O rd e r was fo u n d ed b y S ayyid Ahmad ibn Id r is a l-F a si (1760-1837) o f M akkah (M ecca) a n d b ro u g h t to Som­ alia b y S haikh cAlx Maye D u rqgba o f M erka. Muhammad ib n S alih, in 1887, fo u n d ed b y th e Saalihiya as an offshoot o f th e R ash id iy a fo u n d e d b y Ahmad ibn I d r is 's p u p il Ibrahim a l-R a sh id (C e ru lli, 1923, p p . 11, 12; T rim ingham , 1952, p p . 235-6). T he p rin cip al Saalihiya p ro s e ly tiz e r in Somalia was S haikh Muhammad G uled, a form er s la v e , who lau n c h e d th e O rd e r th e re b y th e fo u n d a ­ tion of a comm unity am ong th e Shidle (a N egroid people o c c u p y ­ in g th e m id -re a c h es of th e Shebelle r iv e r , see Lew is, 1955, p . 4 1 ). Muhammad G uled d ied in 1918 a n d h is tomb is a t Misra (nam ed a f te r C airo , Misra in Som ali), one of th e com m unities w hich he h ad e s ta b lis h e d among th e S h id le. T he O r d e r 's s tr o n g ­ hold is in Somalia b u t th e r e a re some com m unities in B ritish Som aliland. A cco rd in g to C erulli (1923, p p . 14, 18) th e S aali­ h iy a is s tro n g ly p ro p a g a n d is t and in fe rio r to th e Q adiriya in m ysticism and te a c h in g . In th e p a s t it h a s b e en clo sely a s s o ­ c ia te d w ith Somali nationalism an d th e two re b e llio n s of th is c e n tu r y h av e ta k e n place u n d e r its m antle and in its nam e. The more im p o rtan t ris in g was th a t led b y Muhammad b . cA bd Allah (b o rn a b o u t 1865) o f th e H abr Suleem aan O gaadeen tr ib e , who made s e v e ra l p ilg rim ag es to M akkah (1 8 9 0 -9 ), an d jo ining th e S aalih iy a, so u g h t to a ttr a c t th e n o r th e r n Somali to th is O rd e r. He fo u n d ed s e v e ra l com m unities a n d in 1895 proclaim ed him self k h alifa d e sig n a te in Som aliland. In 1899, h a v in g m arshalled w ide­ s p re a d s u p p o r t, S ayyid Muhammad in itia te d th e jihad a g a in st all in fid e ls . He was re p u d ia te d b y th e le a d e r o f th e Saalifiiya in M akkah an d from 1900 to 1904 B ritis h fo rc e s , with from time to tim e h a lf-h e a rte d E thiopian and nominal Ita lia n s u p p o r t, con­ d u c te d fo u r m ajor cam paigns a g in st him . His pow er was c o n tin u a lly d im inished b u t th e reb ellio n was n e v e r d ecisiv ely c ru s h e d an d d ra g g e d on u n til 1920 w hen th e S ayyid d ie d . T he A hm adiya w ith th e sm allest n u m b e r of a d h e r e n ts of th e th r e e O rd e rs is said to c o n c e n tra te more on te a c h in g th a n th e Saalihiya (C e ru lli, 1923, p p . 12 f f ) . Both O rd e rs a re fo r th e most p a r t d is tr ib u te d in c u ltiv a tin g villag es along th e two r iv e r s of Somalia a n d in th e fe rtile lan d betw een them . Q ad iriy a c o n ­ g re g a tio n s , on th e o th e r h a n d , a re more u su a lly d is p e rs e d am ongst tr ib e s an d do not form autonom ous se ttle m e n ts o f c u ltiv a to r s . T h is , n a tu r a lly , is p a rtic u la rly th e case in th e n o rth w here th e r e is little a ra b le la n d . Where th e c o n g re g a tio n form s a sta b le c u ltiv a tin g se ttle m e n t, th e la n d , w hich h a s b ee n a c q u ire d th ro u g h ad o p tio n in to a h o st tr ib e , is th e collective p ro p e rty o f th e com m unity a n d is d iv id e d am ong th e a ffilia te s b y th e ir s h a ik h . C o n tin u ity o f te n u re d e p e n d s upon th e m aintenance of s a tis fa c to ry re la tio n s with the tr ib e of ado p tio n an d th e re g u la r fulfilm ent of th e v a rio u s o b lig atio n s which ad o p tio n im poses. T e n u re is p re c a rio u s an d is in th e o ry a t an y time rev o cab le b y th e c e d in g tr ib e . It fol­ lows th a t th e in d iv id u a l h o ld in g s o b ta in e d b y a ffilia te s a re not

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au tom atically in h e rita b le ; a b so lu te r ig h ts to lan d o r c ro p s a re n e v e r o b ta in e d b y m em bers of th e com m unity. If a member leav es he re lin q u is h e s all r ig h ts to h is h o ld in g and p ro b a b ly h is c ro p s a lso , a lth o u g h he may sometimes be allowed a p o rtio n of th e h a r v e s t. T he fields a re w orked co llectiv ely so th a t th e h a r v e s t in each b r o th e r 's h o ld in g re p r e s e n ts th e collective la b o u r of th e com m unity. P a rt of th e h a r v e s t is u se d to main­ ta in th e fu n d s of th e jam§Pa, which also d ep e n d upon g ifts made b y trib e sm e n an d pay m en ts fo r ritu a l o r re lig io u s s e rv ic e s p erfo rm ed b y a ffilia te s . L iabilities met from th e s e g e n e ra l fu n d s c o n sist o f aid to th e p o o r, a ss is ta n c e of pilgrim s to M akkah a n d e x p e n s e s c o n n e c ted with m issionary work a n d th e v ario u s d u e s p ay ab le to th e trib e of a d o p tio n . As f a r a s th e h o st tr ib e is c o n c e rn e d th e jama^a a c ts as a trib a l sectio n su b je c t to th e same p riv ile g e s a n d d u tie s a s a re o th e r se c tio n s of th e tr ib e . C o n g re g a tio n s a c t a s tra in in g c e n tr e s fo r th e d e v o u ts (w ad a a d ) ,( 1 5 ) u su a lly d e s c rib e d as 'b u sh te a c h e r s ’ o r 'b u sh p re a c h ­ e r s ', who w an d er from camp to camp th ro u g h th e b u s h , s to p ­ p in g now an d th e n to hold c la sse s w here at le a st some r u d i ­ m e n ta ry know ledge of th eology is im p a rte d . In th e s e tr a n s ito r y b u s h schools c h ild re n a re ta u g h t p r a y e r s an d v e r s e s from th e Q u r'a n an d g e n e ra lly a c q u ire th e ab ility to re a d an d w rite A ra b ic . C h ild re n re c e iv e a th o ro u g h g ro u n d in g in th e Q u r'a n and th e ir fam iliarity w ith Q u r’an ic te x ts rem ains w ith them th ro u g h o u t th e ir liv e s. Wadaad a re also im p o rtan t as a c tin g in th e c a p a c ity of unofficial qadTs a d m in iste rin g th e S h a ri’a to th e e x te n t to which its com petence is re co g n ize d by trib a l a u th o r itie s , i . e . in m atrim onial a f f a ir s , in h e rita n c e of p r o p e r ty , c o n tr a c t, m o rtg a g e , e t c . , a n d a sse ssm e n t of th e re q u is ite com­ p e n sa tio n fo r i n j u r i e s .(16) In in te r trib a l p o litic s th e y h av e little a u th o rity to aw ard d e c isio n s, an d w here th e ir recom ­ m en d atio n s co n flict w ith tr ib a l in te r e s ts th e y a re norm ally ig n o re d fo r w adaad h e re ac t a s m ediators r a th e r th a n a s a r b i­ t r a t o r s . It is p ro b a b ly th ro u g h th e w adaad who issu e from th e jamaOa com m unities th a t Sufism e x e r ts its g re a te s t in flu en ce in Somali social s t r u c t u r e . T he p a re n t com m unities th e m se lv es a re e sse n tia lly c e n tr e s o f m ystical d ev otion a n d h av e p ro d u c e d a c o n sid e ra b le A rab-Som ali re lig io u s lite r a tu r e w ritte n mainly in A rab ic b u t in some c a se s in Somali tr a n s c r ib e d in an a d a p ta ­ tion of A rabic s c r i p t . (17) It is p ro b a b le also th a t SQfi w orks a re to be fo u n d in Somali o ral lite r a tu r e a n d re s e a rc h sh o u ld be d ire c te d to d isc o v e rin g to w hat e x te n t th is is th e c a s e . M ysti­ cism is ad o p te d a s a m eans to union w ith God (g n o s is ); Somali S u fistic lite r a tu r e t r e a ts o f d iv in e e c s ta s y an d is sim ilar to S ufi w ritin g in g e n e ra l. An in te re s tin g exam ple is an u n p u b ­ lish e d m a n u sc rip t called tawassul a s h - s h a i k h Awes w ritte n b y S haikh A w es, (18) which c o n s is ts of a collection of so n g s for d h i k r . Where su c h w orks a re b io g ra p h ic a l, a s fo r exam ple in th e a u to b io g ra p h y o f S haikh cAli Maye D u ro g b a ,(1 9 ) th e y c o n tain an account of th e a u th o r 's ju stific a tio n to claim d e sc e n t from Q u ra y s h . Almost all su ch w orks in c lu d e a sectio n in which

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th e a u th o r 's claims to Q u ra y sh itic d e sc e n t a re se t f o r th . P e rh a p s th e most im p o rtan t o f Somali Sufi lite r a tu r e is a collection of w orks b y ftaaji cA bdull5hj Y usif p u b lish e d u n d e r th e title a lmajmucat al-m ubaraka. (20) Haaji cA bdullahi of th e Q adiriya ta riq a was a member of a g ro u p of sh a ik h s (know n as A sh ra f ) ,( 2 1 ) a tta c h e d to th e M ajeerteen tr ib e s o f th e D aarood trib a l fam ily; h is work is a n a ly se d by C erulli (1923, p p . 13-14, 2 2 -5 ). The cult o f saints An im p o rtan t fe a tu re of th e Sufi com m unities lies in th e e x te n t to which th e ir fo u n d e rs a re v e n e ra te d . T he local fo u n d e rs of O rd e rs an d c o n g re g a tio n s (jamaca ) a re o fte n sa n c tifie d a f te r th e ir d e a th . T h e ir v e n e ra tio n g iv es ris e to c u lts which o v e rshadow th e d evotion due to th e tr u e fo u n d e r o f th e ta riq a a n d ev en of th e P ro p h e t Muhammad. T h e ir tom bs become s h r in e s (g a sh in in Som alia), te n d e d by a small body o f follow ers o r th e d e s c e n d a n ts of th e sh aik h a n d th o se who h av e in h e rite d h is b a r a k a . To th e s h rin e s come th e m em bers of th e O rd e r a s well as local trib e sm e n who a re n o t in itia te s , to make sa c rific e a s occasion d em an d s, a n d to ta k e p a r t in th e an n u a l pilgrim age to th e s h rin e of th e s a in t on th e a n iv e rs a ry o f h is d e a th . O u t­ s ta n d in g e v e n ts in h is life a re sim ilarly c e le b ra te d . Muslim s a in td a y s w hich h av e no connexion w ith in d ig en o u s s a in ts a re u n p o p u la r , esp e c ia lly in th e i n te r io r . B ut to th e e x te n t to w hich th e Q ad iriy a O rd e r is followed em phasis h a s b e en g iv en to th e s a in t-d a y ( mawlid) o f th e fo u n d e r a l-J ila n i, a lth o u g h e v en th is fe s tiv a l e n jo y s o n ly lim ited o b se rv a n c e . S ain ts a re not alw ays a sso c ia te d with a p a r tic u la r co n g re g a tio n o r O rd e r. Many a re u b iq u ito u s , a n d common to se v e ra l O r d e r s , s h a re th e same v e n e ra tio n w ithin th e relig io n of th e c o u n tr y . T h ey a re v e n e r­ a te d fo r p a r tic u la r q u a litie s . One o f th e most p o p u la r in Somalia, S ain t Au H iltir (a name s u g g e s tiv e o f n o n -lslam ic o rig in ) is r e g a r d e d a s th e p ro te c to r of man from th e a tta c k s o f c ro c o d ile s ; a n o th e r , Sain t Au M5d, is rec o g n ize d by tr ib e s of th e R ah an wiin trib a l-fa m ily a s th e g u a rd ia n of th e h a r v e s t. Tombs a re s c a tte r e d all o v e r Somaliland a n d m any, c e rta in ly , commemorate p re -Isla m ic fig u re s who h a v e been assim ilated in Islam . Some of th e fam ilies a c tin g a s th e c u sto d ia n s of th e ir a n c e s to r s ' s h r in e s h av e developed into small c la n s , u su a lly d is p e r s e d ; o th e r s h av e lost all autonom y and a re s c a tte r e d as holy men (w ad aad ) p ro se ly tiz in g a n d te a c h in g . O th e rs ag ain rem ain a tta c h e d to a p a rtic u la r tr ib e a s th e h o ld e rs o f a h e r e d i­ ta r y office of q a d i. S u c h , fo r exam ple, is th e case w ith th e se v e n lin e a g e s o f th e G asar G udda tr ib e of L u g h -F e rra n d i in Somalia, w here th e office of trib a l c h ie f r o ta te s am ong six lin e a g e s , while th a t of q ad i is in v e ste d in th e s e v e n th , the R er D ulca Mado ( F e r r a n d i, 1903, p p . 213, 262 ff ; Lew is, 1953, p . 115). T h is r e p r e s e n ts one of th e po ssib le co n clu sio n s in th e h is to ry of a sa in tly family a tta c h e d in itially to a tr ib e in c lie n ts h ip , w here th e re lig io u s g ro u p h a s w orked its way into

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th e lineage s tr u c tu r e of th e tr ib e an d e s ta b lis h e d a p erm an en t p o s itio n . A good exam ple of a d is p e rs e d clan v e n e ra te d fo r th e ir b a ra k a a re th e R er Sheik Mumin whose a n c e s to r's sh rin e is at B u r H akaba among th e Elai of s o u th e rn Somalia. T h e ir in flu en ce e x te n d s th ro u g h o u t th e e n tire Rahanw iin trib a l-fa m ily a n d t r i ­ b u te is paid to them on acco u n t o f th e ir re p u ta tio n as s o r c e r e r s (F e r r a n d i, 1903, p p . 138-9, 242-3). F e rra n d i d e s c rib e s them u n fla tte rin g ly as a g an g of ro b b e rs im plicated in c a ttle ra id in g a n d p ro fitin g by th e ir a n c e s to r's s a n c tity to im p ress an d exploit ig n o ra n t peo p le. A sim ilar d isp e rse d sh a ik h ly g ro u p a re th e Aw Q u tu b o f th e B ritish P ro te c to ra te whom B u rto n (1894, I , p . 193) d e s c rib e d a s th e d e s c e n d a n ts of Au Q utb ibn Faqih cUmar who was th e n claimed to have c ro s s e d from th e Hijaz 'te n g e n e ra tio n s ag o ' and to h av e s e ttle d with h is six so n s in Som aliland. T h e Aw Q utub a re w idely s c a tte re d and a re found a s fa r so u th a s th e O g a d e n . T hey h av e th e title S h a k y a s h which B u rto n tr a n s la te s 'r e v e r e n d '. In fa c t, su ch fam ilies of A rabian o rig in a re fo u n d all o v er Somaliland and a r e o fte n ra p id ly a s ­ sim ilated in th e Somali social s tr u c tu r e w here th e ir m em bers enjoy h ig h p re s tig e (c f. C e ru lli, 1926). The role o f Sufism in the social s t r u c t u r e We may now c o n sid e r th e position h eld b y S u fi ta r iq a s a n d c o n ­ g re g a tio n s o r com m unities in th e social s t r u c t u r e . It is obvious th a t fo r th e to ta l social s tr u c tu r e th e f r a te r n itie s p ro v id e p o te n ­ tial c h a n n e ls o f alliance am ongst w a rrin g tr ib e s s e p a ra te d by th e v e ry n a tu re of th e tr ib e . For th e com m unities, economic a n d political e n titie s th o u g h th e y may b e , a n d o fte n them selves a t enm ity ev en w ithin th e same O r d e r , a re b o u n d to g e th e r th ro u g h community of re lig io u s p u rp o s e . T h ey aim a t th e developm ent an d d iffu sio n of Islam . Such w ere th e ideals so s u c c e ssfu lly tr a n s la te d into a tra n s c e n d e n ta l movement ig n o rin g th e n a rro w b o n d s of trib alism by th e Saalihiya S ayyid haaji Muhammad b . cA bd A llah. His cam paign is an illu stra tio n of th e p o te n tia litie s which th e ta riq a o rg an iza tio n o ffe rs fo r th e e x te n sio n of n atio n al u n ity w hen a su ffic ie n tly g re a t fig u re em erg es to in sp ire such fe e lin g . Now, as else w h e re in Islam , th e new u rb a n politial p a rtie s seem to have th e ir ro o ts in th e ta riq a o rg a n iz a tio n a n d to be a developm ent from i t . (22) T r a n s trib a l n a tio n a list a s p ira tio n s which p re v io u sly fo u n d some o u tle t in it a re now prom oted b y political a sso c ia tio n s, th e s tro n g e s t o f w hich in th e late 1950s was th e Somali Y outh L eague (S Y L ). Within th e trib a l s t r u c tu r e in d iv id u al com m unities e x e rc ise c o n sid e ra b le in flu e n c e , a n d it is th is a s p e c t o f th e ir social fu n c tio n s which I wish p a rtic u la rly to c o n s id e r. As we have s e e n , am ong th e nom ads and esp ecially in th e n o rth of Somali­ land w here th e r e is little o r no a ra b le la n d , com m unities can n o t g e n e ra lly form c u ltiv a tin g se ttle m e n ts as th e y do in th e le ss b a r r e n s o u th . T h ey can n o t th e re fo re so e asily e x ist a s in d e p e n ­ d e n t autonom ous local g ro u p s . Among th e s o u th e rn c u ltiv a tin g tr ib e s (th e S ab) s e ttle d c u ltiv a tin g com m unities occu p y an

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in te rs titia l position on th e g ro u n d . As social e n titie s th e y a re a c c o rd in g ly in a b e tte r position to develop in to u n its in d e p e n ­ d e n t o f trib a l alleg ian ce a n d to play an in te r s titia l role in th e social s t r u c t u r e . T h is n a tu ra lly h as im p o rtan t c o n se q u e n c e s in th e lineage s t r u c t u r e . To ta k e an exam ple. T he Q adiriya com m unity of B a rd e ra (know n locally a s th e jamSha) was fo u n d ed on th e Ju b a r iv e r at th e b e g in n in g of th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y b y S haikh Ali K u rre , a R ahanw iin trib e sm a n . New se ttle m e n ts q u ic k ly s p r a n g up ro u n d th e m other com m unity. T he a ffilia te s w ere faced with c o n sid e ra b le h o stility from th e s u rr o u n d in g tr ib e s . T hey fo u g h t th e Galla B o ra n , th e G asar G udda (Somali R ahanw iin) who w ere su c c e ssfu lly d e fe a te d and th e ir c e n tre L u g h -F e rra n d i d e s tro y e d , a n d , fin a lly , th e people of B a rd e ra e x te n d e d th e ir sway to th e c o a st s u b je c tin g th e v illag es of B aidoa, Molimat, and th e co a stal town of B ra v a . T h u s th e y e s ta b lis h e d dominion o v e r all tr ib e s of th e R ahanw iin trib a l fam ily. R e trib u tio n , h o w e v e r, was to follow. T he Rahanw iin re c o v e re d s tr e n g th u n d e r th e le a d e rsh ip of th e S u lta n o f th e G eledi (th e n a pow erful R ahanw iin t r i b e ) , a n d a f te r a s e rie s of b a ttle s b e sie g e d a n d d e s tro y e d B a rd e ra in 1843. F or some y e a rs B a rd e ra lay d e s e rte d b u t b e g a n to ris e ag ain w ith th e fo u n d a tio n of a new com m unity b y S haikh Muhammad Eden of th e Elai. By 1924 it was p o ssib le fo r Colucci (1924, p . 264) to d e s c rib e th e new c e n tre in th e follow ing te rm s: 'T h e se ttle m e n ts of B a rd e ra c o n s titu te a tr u ly in d e p e n d e n t te rr ito r ia l g ro u p fre e d from all a d h e re n c e to th e tr ib e s from whom th e o rig in a l g r a n ts of lan d w ere o b ta in e d .' A d o pt i o n

All com m unities o rig in a lly e n te r th e trib a l s tr u c tu r e th ro u g h an act o f a d o p tio n . G enealogically th is im plies in c o rp o ra tio n into a lin e a g e . Colucci (1924, p p . 78 ff) h a s d raw n a tte n tio n to th e fre q u e n t o c c u rre n c e in trib a l gen ealo g ies of nam es sig n ify in g 'h o ly ', 're lig io u s ', 's a in tly ', e t c . , which den o te th e a ttac h m e n t to trib a l u n its o f Sufi com m unities o r g ro u p s o f holy men c e le -_ b r a te d fo r th e ir b a r a k a . Such title s a r e : s h a ik h a l, a s h r a f, fa q ir , fogi, fa q ih , ftaaji, h a sh y a , an d o th e r synonym s n o t n o ticed by C olueci. T he fact th a t some trib a l fam ilies, esp ecially th o se with p a rtic u la rly s tr o n g tra d itio n s of A rab ian d e sc e n t su ch as th e Ish a a q a n d D aarood of n o rth e rn Som aliland a re o fte n r e f e r ­ re d to a s 'h a a ji' o r 'h a s h y a '(2 3 ) in d ic a te s th a t th e y a re in some sen se re g a r d e d a s s a n c tifie d . T h is is an illu s tra tio n o f the e x te n t to w hich relig ion is id en tifie d with trib a l s tr u c tu r e am ong th e n o r th e r n nom ads. We sh all r e tu r n to th is p o int l a te r . In th e g en ealo g ies of th e s o u th e rn c u ltiv a tin g tr ib e s ( th e S a b ), how ­ e v e r , su ch w ords te n d to o c c u r in th e low er p o rtio n s of trib a l g e n e a lo g ie s. Sometimes th e ir o c c u rre n c e in d ic a te s fa irly feeble tie s o f a tta c h m e n t b etw een a d o p tin g tr ib e a n d p r ie s tly se c tio n . In o th e r c a s e s w here th e a tta c h m e n t is more te n u o u s th e se title s r e p r e s e n t e x tra n e o u s a g g r e g a te s , o fte n of long s ta n d in g . As exam ples o f d is p e r s e d c la n s o f holy men we h a v e a lre a d y

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c o n sid e re d th e R er S haikh Mumin am ong th e Rahanw iin an d th e R er Aw Q u tu b of B ritish Som aliland. B oth a r e ty p ic a l r e p r e ­ s e n ta tiv e s of th is c la s s . The S haikhal Lobogi se ctio n of th e H erab tr ib e of Somalia a r e , on th e o th e r h a n d , a good exam ple of a re lig io u s g ro u p o r com m unity firm ly assim ilated to th e trib e o f adoption (se e genealogy a b o v e , p . 134). Shaikh L obogi, th e eponym ous a n c e sto r of th e g r o u p , is a d e sc e n d e n t of S haikh Saad whose tomb is a t Geledi in Somalia. G roups w hich h av e n o t ac h ie v e d su c h firm in te g ra tio n in th e tr ib a l s tr u c tu r e o r assim ilation in th e lineage s t r u c t u r e , a re th e A sh ra f among th e Saram an tr ib a l c lu s te r , (24) th e Walamoji am ong th e E la i,(2 5 ) an d th e W aaqbarre am ong th e D a b a rre tr ib e . The A sh ra f ro se to pow er in a m anner ty p ic a l of su c h g ro u p s , th e y a c te d a s m ed iato rs in a s e rie s of d is p u te s am ongst th e Saram an tr ib e s which conclu d ed in th e ex p u lsio n of o n e , th e H a ra u , an d th e division of a n o th e r, th e L isa n , in to two new t r i b e s , th e Lisan H orsi a n d th e L isan B a r re . At Saram an, th e A s h ra f a re know n a s th e 'T h re e F e e t' and ta k e p a r t in trib a l co u n cils a s a r b itr a to r s a n d p e a c e -m a k e rs. T h e re a re many re lig io u s cla n s know n as A sh ra f in Som aliland, a n d no d o u b t some o f them d e riv e ultim ately from im m igrant A s h ra f. In view of th e im portance of M ogadishu as_a c e n tre in th e d iffu sio n of Islam it may well be th a t th e S h a rifs at p re s e n t liv in g in th e S h an g an i q u a r te r of M ogadishu who a re of th e Ba cAlwi clan of H a d ra m a u t,(2 6 ) an d who s e ttle d in Somaliland in th e s e v e n ­ te e n th c e n tu r y , may c o n s titu te one of th e o rig in a l nu clei from w hich A sh ra f blood h a s s p re a d . The Walamoji wield c o n sid e ra b le in flu en ce in Elai politics th ro u g h th e h ig h p r e s tig e which th e y enjoy a s men o f re lig io n . T hey claim to h av e accom panied th e Elai in th e ir w a n d e rin g s b e fo re th e y re a c h e d th e ir p re s e n t te r r i t o r y , b u t th e y only r e c e n tly becam e th e official sh a ik h s of th e Elai a f te r th e y had o u ste d a n o th e r re lig io u s g ro u p - th e 'R er F o g i'. T he fo u n d e r is said to be of Galla A ru ssi o r ig in , b u t a s in th e case o f all re lig io u s se c tio n s th e y h av e v a g u e tra d itio n s o f d e sc e n t from Q u ra y sh w hich th e y exp lo it to th e fu ll. T he Walamoji h av e c o n sid e ra b le autonom y a n d a re segm ented in to p r im a r y , s e c o n d a ry , and te r tia r y d iv isio n s (C o lu cci, 1924, p . 141). T he W aaq b arre, who a re a tta c h e d to th e D a b a rre tr ib e , com­ p ris e th r e e se c tio n s and have mixed tra d itio n s of connexion w ith th e Galla A ru ssi and d e sc e n t from a ^G reat A rab ian S h a ik h '. As is c le a r from th e fo reg o in g many ta riq a com m unities d e g e n ­ e ra te in to g ro u p s o f w adaad (se e a b o v e , p . 140) c lu s te re d ro u n d th e s h rin e of th e ir fo u n d e r. A gain th e re is th e c o n sta n t fa c to r o f th e im m igration of A rabian fam ilies of d e v o u ts an d th e ir Somali d e sc e n d a n ts who may h av e no d ire c t affiliatio n with a p a rtic u la r ta r iq a . T he com plete p ic tu re is in tric a te and com plex; it is not alw ays p o ssib le to e sta b lis h th e ta r iq a a ffilia tio n s of re lig io u s g ro u p s w ith a S u fistic o rg a n iz a tio n . C e rta in ly it is o fte n d iffic u lt to d is c o v e r to which of th e th r e e - ta riq a com­ m unities , sh a ik h ly fam ilies, o r A rabian im m igrants - p a rtic u la r

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nam es in trib a l genealogies a c tu ally r e f e r . T h e re is no d o ubt th a t in m any c a s e s all a re c o n fu s e d . T h e y h av e in common an a sso c ia tio n w ith b a ra k a . It seem s, h o w e v er, th a t a p a r t from A rab ian fam ilies v e n e ra te d fo r th e ir name a n d p ie ty a n d not n e c e s s a rily S u fis in th e s tr ic t s e n s e , it may g e n e ra lly be in f e r ­ re d th a t th e p rim a ry u n its a re ta riq a com m unities. T h is s u p ­ po sitio n is s u p p o rte d by th e fact th a t A rabian im m igrants whose gen ealo g ies show con nexion with Q u ra y sh a n d c o n se q u e n tly endow m ent w ith b a ra k a a re v e n e ra te d in th e same m anner as Sufi s a in ts an d th e ir c u lts a r e a b so rb e d in th e o v e rrid in g ta riq a o rg a n iz a tio n . It is with ta r iq a and jam a'a th a t we a re prim arily c o n c e rn e d . T he land n e c e s s a ry fo r th e fo u n d atio n of a jam a'a is som etim es made re a d ily ac c e ssib le th ro u g h th e nom ad's lack of in te r e s t in a n d con tem p t fo r c u ltiv a tio n . O ften it was o b ta in ed as a re s u lt o f sk ilfu l in te rv e n tio n in trib a l d is p u te s o v e r la n d . C o n te ste d a re a s of a ra b le lan d b o rd e rin g trib a l te r r ito r y w ere ce d e d to a s tu te sh a ik h s who w ere th e re b y en ab led to e s ta b lis h jam a’a s . At th e same time th e c rea tio n of th e s e farm ing se ttle m e n ts co n ­ tr ib u te d to th e d em arcation and d e fin itio n of rig o ro u s trib a l b o u n d a rie s (L ew is, 1955, p p . 43 f f , 143). T h u s , fo r exam ple, a ch ain of com m unities m ark in g th e p rin c ip a l w a te rin g -p la c e s a n d b o u n d a rie s b etw een tr ib e s was s e t up along th e Shebelle r iv e r from Afgoi to M ahaddei (C e ru lli, 1923, p . 26). For th is re a so n it is a p p ro p ria te to d e sc rib e Sufi jam a'as in s o u th e rn Somalia a s form ing e n c la v e s am ongst tr ib e s a n d o c c u p y in g an in te r s titia l te r r ito r ia l position an alogous to th e ir role in in te r ­ trib a l p o litic s. The com m unity's la n d s a re a c q u ire d th ro u g h ad o p tio n into a h o st t r i b e . A doption w ithin th e trib a l an d lineage s tr u c tu r e (if th is is s till fu n c tio n in g ) p laces th e h ead of th e com m unity a n d h is follow ers in th e in itially in fe rio r s ta tu s o f c lie n ts , s u b ­ s e rv ie n t to th e trib a l e ld e rs a n d c h ie f. At th is sta g e th e b u rd e n of th e conflict b etw een trib a l custom (h e e r, ta s tu u r ) on the one h a n d , an d th e S h a ri'a on th e o th e r , seem s to lie a g a in st th e Sufi com m unity. F or th e m em bers o f th e jam a'a a r e su b je c t to co n flic tin g lo y a ltie s. T he Islamic code w hich sh o u ld rig o ro u sly g o v e rn th e ir in te rn a l a ffa irs ca n n o t alw ays b e e n fo rc e d in th e ir re la tio n s with th e trib esm e n upon whom th e y a re in d e p e n d e n c e . Should ten sio n b etw een tr ib e an d com m unity reach a h ig h p itc h th e com m unity is in d a n g e r of lo sin g its te n a n c y . H ow ever, su c h is th e s tr e n g th of tra d itio n th a t in th e h a n d s o f a wise s h a ik h sk ilfu l in th e m aintenance o f good re la tio n s with h is tr ib e of a d o p tio n , te n a n c y easily la p se s in to o w n e rsh ip . T e n u re h a s g iv en r is e to a b so lu te p o sse ssio n . R ig h ts to lan d may n e v e r be c h a lle n g e d , and th e jam5'a may ach iev e su ffic ie n t pow er to fre e its e lf com pletely from trib a l a lle g ia n c e. Such is th e case of B a rd e ra (a b o v e , p . 138). With th e high prem ium which th e in c re a sin g ad o p tio n o f a g r i­ c u ltu re h a s c a u se d to be s e t upon la n d , d is p u te s o v e r p o s s e s ­ sion are common. B ut riv a lr y o v e r land fo r cu ltiv a tio n is only

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one am ong many lik ely p o in ts a t issu e betw een a S ufi com m unity an d its trib e of a d o p tio n . In ad d itio n to th e g e n e ra l d is-h arm o n y b etw een trib a l custom a n d th e S h a ri'a , th e in te rfe re n c e of sh a ik h s in trib a l p o litic s, and th e p a s s in g of re lig io u s le a d e r­ sh ip from tr ib e to jam a'a, trib a l sa n c tio n s would seem to be w eakened b y th e asylum o ffe re d in jamS’a s to d e fa u lte rs from trib a l ju s tic e . At th e same time a v a rie ty o f fa c to rs e n c o u ra g e th e g ro w th of S u fi farm ing com m unities. T he o p p o rtu n itie s which a sta b le e x iste n c e in a g ric u ltu ra l se ttle m e n ts a ffo rd s , to g e th e r w ith th e g r e a te r s ta b ility of trib a l re la tio n s am ong th e s e d e n ta ry c u ltiv a to rs o r only p a r t-tra n s h u m a n t trib e s of Soma­ lia, a t t r a c ts d is p o s s e s se d peo p le, many of whom a re of se rv ile o rig in , a n d p rom otes th e f u r th e r developm ent of a g r ic u ltu r e . T he soil is fa v o u ra b le , th e r e is a d m in istra tiv e e n co u rag em en t to c u ltiv a te -^an d m any s e ttle r s a re by n a tu r e c u ltiv a to rs and th e S h a ri'a , more th o ro u g h ly ap p lie d h e r e , p ro v id e s an e sse n tia lly u rb a n code whose ju rid icia l o rd in a n c e s a re more a p p ro p ria te to farm in g se ttle m e n ts th a n th e y a re to nomadic tr ib a l so c ie ty . All th e s e fa c to rs a re c o n tr ib u to r y to th e d is ­ in te g ra tio n of th e lineage s tr u c tu r e a s well a s to th e form ation o f jam a'a fa rm s. It is n o t s u r p r is in g th e n th a t th e r e is a c o n ­ s ta n t d r if t to w a rd s th e re lig io u s settle m e n ts a n d aw ay from th e tr ib e s : th a t it is no g r e a te r m ust be a s c rib e d to th e nom ad's contem pt of c u ltiv a tio n a n d th o se who p ra c tis e it. When th e s e fa c to rs a re c o n sid e re d it is c le a r th a t th e r e a re many o p p o rtu n itie s fo r fric tio n betw een tr ib e a n d a d o p te d com­ m u n ity . In all d is p u te s th e p ro c e d u re followed is th e sam e: th e tr ib e claim ing th e lan d o ccu p ied b y th e com m unity se e k s to a b ro g a te th e m andate by w hich it is alleg ed to h a v e been c e d e d . T he c o n flic ts which e n s u e a re u su a lly re so lv e d by th e in te r ­ v en tio n of th e a d m in istra tio n . A ty p ic a l exam ple of th e ty p e of d isp u te which is lik ely to a ris e is th e follow ing: In 1920 th e Hawadle claim ed th e lan d which th e com m unity of B u rd e re o c­ cu p ie d and which it was m aintained h a d b een g ra n te d to th e com m unity th ir ty - e ig h t y e a rs p re v io u s ly . T he tr ib e h eld th a t th e g ra n t h ad b een o nly p ro v isio n al an d th a t th e g ro u n d was now re q u ir e d for its own u s e , esp ecially since se v e ra l Hawadle fam ilies h a d a lre a d y s e ttle d in th e la n d s of th e jam a'a. Since th e h ead of th e jam a'a co n tin u e d to ig n o re th e ir r e q u e s ts tr ib e s ­ men c o n tin u e d to move in to th e com m unity's la n d s w ithout adm ission to th e O r d e r . T he sh a ik h was th e n moved to p r o te s t to th e Italian A d m in istration claim ing th a t th e d is p u te d la n d s had b een o b ta in e d n o t from th e Hawadle b u t from a n a d ja c e n t tr ib e , th e B addi A ddo. T he case was so lved b y th e g o v e rn ­ m en t's fo rc in g th o se Hawadle who h ad illegally joined th e com­ m unity to w ithdraw a f te r th e h a r v e s t of th e ir c ro p s . Sufism triu m p h e d an d th e com m unity’s r ig h ts w ere u p h e ld a g a in st th o se of th e tr ib e . The position of jamS'as h a s f u r th e r b een s t r e n g t h ­ e n ed b y th e a d m in is tra tio n 's policy of a p p o in tin g q a d is from th e r a n k s of SOfi b r e th r e n (w ad aad ) (C e ru lli, 1923, p p . 28-9, 3 2 -4 ). B ut g o v ern m en t policy does not alw ays seem to have

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been c o n s is te n tly on th e side o f th e O rd e rs an d it h a s d o u b tle ss fre q u e n tly tu r n e d d is p u te s betw een tr ib e s and re lig io u s O rd e rs to its own a d v a n ta g e . (27) We h av e n o te d how th e d iffe re n c e s in ecology betw een th e n o r th e r n te r r a in occu pied by th e nom ads and th e s o u th e rn o ccu p ied b y sem i-nom adic an d s e d e n ta ry c u ltiv a to rs g o v e rn th e te r r ito r ia l d isp o sitio n of jam a'as^ T h e re is n a tu ra lly a much h ig h e r p ro p o rtio n of p erm an en t Sufi se ttle m e n ts in th e so u th th a n in th e n o r th , an d c o n se q u e n tly a h ig h e r p ro p o rtio n of autonom ous com m unities fre e d from trib a l a lleg ian ce. In th e so u th jam a'as o ccu p y an in te rs titia l position in th e social s t r u c ­ tu r e p a ra lle l to th e ir te r r ito r ia l d is tr ib u tio n . It is h a rd ly s u r ­ p ris in g th e n th a t th e com m unities a re g e n era lly more closely en tw in ed in th e lineage s tr u c tu r e of th e n o rth e r n nom ads th a n in w hat rem ain s o f th a t o f th e s o u th e rn c u ltiv a to r s . T he eco­ logical d iffe re n c e s b etw een th e n o rth an d so u th o f Somaliland a re re fle c te d in th e re te n tio n of th e lin eag e o rg a n iz a tio n am ong th e nom ads a n d th e n e c e s s ity fo r com m unities to m aintain trib a l affilia tio n s in th e n o r th , w hile in th e so u th w here th e lineage s tr u c tu r e is in a c tiv e d is in te g ra tio n com m unities te n d to e x ist a s in d e p e n d e n t s e ttle m e n ts. Genealogical assimilation We h av e seen how Q u ra y sh is th e sym bol of d iv in e g ra c e and how th e g en ealo g ies of SGfi sh a ik h s and k h a lifa s v a u n t co n ­ nexion w ith th e P ro p h e t's lin e a g e . We h a v e also seen how in its c lie n t s ta t u s , a n d th u s at some p o in t in th e h is to ry of e v e ry jam a'a, th e com m unity is id e n tifie d w ith its h ead an d with h is g e n ealo g y . It is th e in c o rp o ra tio n of su c h g en ealo g ie s, I b elie v e , which le a d s ultim ately to th e in c lu siv e a sc rip tio n o f th e Somali n atio n to th e Q u ra y sh itic lineage of th e P ro p h e t. T he O rd e rs as th e y to d ay e x is t in Somaliland do not d ate from b e fo re th e fifte e n th c e n tu ry (th e time of th e in tro d u c tio n o f th e Q ad iriy a) b u t it is u n lik ely th a t th e y could h av e assum ed th e ir p re s e n t c o n s titu tio n an d s tr e n g th w ithout some e a rlie r p r o to - ta r iq a o rg a n iz a tio n (c f . th e developm ent of Sufism in Morocco: D ra g u e , 1951, p p . 9 -1 1 7 )). It a p p e a rs p ro b a b le , th e r e f o r e , th a t th e Q u ra y sh itic p a tte r n of Somali gen ealo g ies h as d ev elo p ed in ste p with th e formal em ergence of th e O rd e rs in Som aliland. As em phasized e a r lie r , ta r iq a s a re not alone re sp o n sib le fo r th e in tro d u c tio n of Q u ra y sh itic g en ea lo g ies. Many o f th e im m igrant A rab s who e s ta b lis h e d ch iefly d y n a s tie s among th e Somali and who n a tu ra lly b ro u g h t th e ir A rabian g en ealo g ies with them w ere d o u b tle ss n o t all S u fis. Some of them may in d e e d , h av e been th e tr u e d e s c e n d a n ts of Q u ra y sh . N e v e rth e le s s , it is sig n ific a n t th a t th e Somali c e le b ra te a s th e a u th o rs o f th e ir fa ith an d v e n ­ e ra te a s th e y do Sufi s a in ts , fig u re s su c h as S h aik h s Ish aaq an d D aarood, who if n o t them selv es h isto ric a l p e rs o n a g e s a re c e rta in ly th e ty p e s o f s u c h . Sociologically it is a p p a re n t th a t th e claim of d e sc e n t from Q u ra y sh is th a n e c e s s a ry outcom e of th e ap p licatio n o f th e Somali lin eag e p rin c ip le to th e p a r t p la y e d

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b y Islam g e n e ra lly , a n d Sufism in p a r tic u la r , in th e social s t r u c t u r e . T h is c o n siste n c y is made p o ssib le b y th e p arallel fu n c tio n s o f Sufi an d Somali g en e alo g ie s. T h a t th e nom ads h av e s tr o n g e r tra d itio n s of d e sc e n t from Q u ra y sh is to be e x p e c te d , s in c e , u n lik e th e s o u th e rn c u ltiv a to rs (S ab ) whose a ra b le la n d s fa c ilita te th e form ation of autonom ous in d e p e n d e n t S u fi com m unities, th e jam a'as o f th e n o rth e rn nom ads a re se l­ dom se lf-c o n ta in e d an d a re g e n e ra lly id e n tifie d with th e trib a l s t r u c t u r e . T he same is genealogically t r u e , as we h av e se e n . T he c lo se r g enealogical assim ilation am ong th e nomadic p o p u ­ lation seem s to ex p lain why tr ib a l families of th e ’Soomaali' g ro u p su c h a s th e Ishaaq and D aarood, as opp o sed to th o se of th e 'S a b ', a re r e f e r r e d to genealogically as th o u g h th e y r e p r e ­ s e n te d v a s t Sufi com m unities. Such an in te rp re ta tio n is c o n ­ s is te n t w ith th e ro le of Sufism am ong th e Somali. The co n clu d in g sectio n s o f th is e s s a y (P a rt II) will exam ine th e re lig io u s assu m p tio n s w hich u n d e rlie th is p ro c e ss o f a s s i­ milation .

P A R T 11

III

CUSHITIC RELIGION

In th e f ir s t p a r t of th is p a p e r we followed th e developm ent of th e Sufi ta riq a o rg a n iz a tio n in Somaliland a f te r th e in tro d u c tio n of Islam a n d exam ined th e fu n c tio n s e x e rc is e d b y Sufi com­ m unities in th e social s t r u c t u r e . We in te r p r e te d th e c lo se r social an d g enealogical assim ilation of jam a'as am ong th e nomadic tr ib e s in te rm s of lack of a ra b le lan d available fo r th e fo u n d atio n of in d e p e n d e n t se ttle m e n ts. It was a rg u e d th a t th e genealogical idiom in which social re la tio n s a re norm ally d e s c rib e d , e s p e c i­ ally am ongst th e no m ads, is e x te n d e d to th e jam a'as b y v ir tu e o f th e ir id e n tific a tio n with th e A rabian g e n e a lo g ie s of th e ir s h a ik h s . The in c o rp o ra tio n o f su c h S ufi gen ealo g ies was held to e x p lain how th e Somali lineage sy stem is in its f u r th e s t e x te n ­ sion e x tra p o la te d b y th e Q u ra y sh itic lin ea g e o f th e P ro p h e t. Sufi a n d Somali trib a l g e n ea lo g ies, it was s u g g e s te d , h av e p a ra lle l re lig io u s fu n c tio n s which make su c h assim ilation p o s­ s ib le . In th e lig h t of th e se sim ilarities o f re lig io u s fu n c tio n , a n d , in o rd e r to p ro v id e a theological fram ew ork fo r th e d is c u s ­ sion o f sy n c re tism which con clu d es th is e s s a y , it will be n e c e s ­ s a ry to make some a ttem p t to com pare p re -Isla m ic an d Islamic Somali th e o lo g y . T h is should re v e a l th e fa c to rs which u n d e rlie th e r is e of Sufism in Som aliland. The p r e s e n t acco u n t of C u sh itic religion in Somaliland is lim ited mainly to th e Hawiye tr ib e s o f s o u th e rn Somalia. C u sh itic f e a tu re s of Hawiye b elief an d p ra c tic e h av e b een re c o rd e d in some d etail b y C eru lli; inform ation on th e n o rth e rn Somali is

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sc a n ty an d much le ss s a tis fa c to ry . Religion only will be co n ­ s id e re d an d p re -Isla m ic custom s su c h a s th e le v ira te , s o ro ra te , circum cision an d in fib u la tio n , e t c . , which a re n o t sp ecifically re lig io u s a n d do n o t in th em selv es e lu c id ate re lig io u s c o n c e p ts will be ig n o re d . As h a s b ee n em p h asized , Islam is in te r p r e te d th ro u g h th e medium of th e e a rlie r C u sh itic su b s tra tu m which is b e in g c o n tin u o u sly modified a n d p ro g re s s iv e ly Islam ized. In th e p r e s e n t c o n te x t it is n o t n e c e s s a ry to go in to th e racial h is to ry of S o m aliland(28) in a n y detail b ey o n d re c a llin g th a t, ev en p rio r to th e tw elfth c e n t u r y , (29) th e Somali h a d b e g u n th e ir s o u th e rn e x p an sio n a t th e e x p e n se o f th e ir Galla (C u sh itic ) p re d e c e s s o r s . As th e Galla w ithdrew b e fo re th e a d v a n c in g Somali, th e y took much o f th e ir common C u sh itic c u ltu r e with them , while th e Somali in c re a sin g ly a d o p te d Islam . Islam h a d , as we h a v e s e e n , made its a p p e a ra n c e in th e coastal c e n tre s sh o rtly a f te r th e H ejira. H ow ever, th e r e a re still to d a y a few tr ib e s w hich p r e s e r v e much o f th e ir C u sh itic c u ltu r e unm odified b y Muslim in flu e n c e . T he Hawiye r e ta in su ffic ie n t of th e ir old relig io n to in d icate its g e n e ra l c h a r a c te r is tic s . Zar a n d Waaq T he Suprem e B eing o f C u sh itic religion is a Sky God who is r e g a r d e d a s F a th e r o f th e u n iv e r s e . T he e n tire world o f n a tu r e , in c lu d in g man an d h is p o s s e s s io n s , is ultim ately G o d 's, T he ro o t-n am e fo r th e Sky God may be Zar, sin c e , a c c o rd in g to C eru lli (1923, p . 2) Zar o c c u rs in th is c o n te x t with only slig h t m odifications in most C u sh itic la n g u a g e s and is th e form u se d am ong th e p a g an Agao whose relig io n h a s b een ta k e n a s th e a rc h e ty p e of C u sh itic relig io n (c f. U llen d o rff, 1955, p p . 6 3 -4 ). S in ce, h o w e v e r, co m p arativ e s tu d y o f th e C u sh itic la n g u a g e s is in its in fa n c y th is th e o ry is u n c e rta in . Among th e n o r th e rn Somali Eebbe ( F a th e r) is a common name fo r God - now Allah an d among th e Hawiye of th e so u th th e w ord u s e d is Waaq ( c f . G alla, W aaqa(30)). Waaq in n o r th e rn Somaliland o c c u rs in c e r ta in o b s c u re e x p le tiv e s b u t is n o t g e n e ra lly u s e d to d e sig n a te God. ZSr its e lf a p p e a rs to o c c u r in th e form Saar, w hich, a s we sh all se e , c o n n o te s a s p ir it- r e f r a c tio n a c c re te d to Islam a s a m alignant jin n . Eebbe a n d Waaq a re now , o f c o u rs e , ap p lied to Allah an d th e se C u sh itic nam es a n d th e ir d e riv a tiv e s a re still found as p e rso n a l an d p lac e-n am es. G od's e x a lte d p o sition is in d ic a te d in th e so n g s a d d r e s s e d to Him. 'C h ild re n a re Y o u rs, women Y o u rs, c a ttle Y o u r s .' 'If You a re p le a se d w ith o u r fine h o r s e s , ta k e them . If o u r slav e s p lease Y ou, ta k e th em , an d if o u r w ives fin d fa v o u r in Y our s ig h t ta k e them a ls o .' God is a p p re h e n d e d a s He w atch es o v er c re a tio n in th e s u n 's lig h t, ju s t as man is aw are of h is s u r r o u n d ­ in g s th ro u g h th e g ift of s ig h t. P ra y e r s r u n ; 'Watch u s G od, You who h a v e e y e s , know an d we shall know , fo r a f te r You have know n we k n o w '.(31) 'K now ledge is Y o u rs, s ig h t is Y o u rs, w atch u s w ith good e y e s . Make u s see well. S ig h t is Y o u r s .' T he sem antic re la tio n is e y e s , s e e in g , s u n , and lig h t. G od's

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e te rn a l c o n sta n c y is com pared to th e c e n tra l-p o le of th e h u t. 'May th e c e n tra l-p o le be a s of ir o n .' W ithout s u p p o rt m an's h o u se c o lla p se s, b u t God, 'th e same w ithout th e c e n tr a l-p o le ', is fu ll of w onder an d po w er. Somali still sin g 'T h is S k y , th e same u n c h a n g in g , w ithout th e c e n tra l-p o le a c c o rd in g to th e D ivine Will' (C e ru lli, 1923). T he Sky G od's b e lt is th e rain b o w , a n d th e r a in s a re in h is k e e p in g a s a gift fo r man; c e rta in in d iv id u a ls h av e pow er o v e r th e ra in s th ro u g h th e ir re la tio n to God. Saar in Somali d e s c rib e s a s ta te o f p o sse ssio n b y a s p ir it also called soar. T he ex trem e sym ptom s a re f r e n z y , f its , o r m ad n e ss, an d th e s p ir it its e lf i s , in th e Islamic s e ttin g , d e s c rib e d a s a k in d o f jinn whose m alignant pow ers c a u se c e rta in ty p e s of s ic k n e s s . Among th e e a s te rn tr ib e s of n o r th e rn Somaliland 'in v is ib le ' w adaad (se e ab o v e) ac t sim ilarly to s a a r b u t have le ss s e rio u s e ffe c ts and a re m erely re sp o n sib le for some m inor form s o f illn e s s . S aar can be ex p elled b y p e rs o n s who have a c q u ire d m a ste ry o v e r th e s p ir its th ro u g h h a v in g th em selves b een p re v io u sly p o s s e s s e d . In n o r th e rn Somaliland su ch 'doc­ t o r s ' (alaq a) a re g e n e ra lly women, fo r v isita tio n is h e re c o n ­ fin ed alm ost e x c lu siv e ly to th is s e x , e sp ec ially to th e w ealth y . Rich women who b elieve th a t a s a a r is tro u b lin g them h av e re c o u rs e to an a la q a : poor women ca n n o t a ffo rd to be a fflic te d b y sa a r b ecau se tre a tm e n t is c o s tly . Such an illogical situ a tio n le a d s sce p tic a l Somalis to ab andon th e ir b elief in s a a r . T h is is n o t th e place n o r is th e re at p r e s e n t s u ffic ie n t m aterial on th e social c o n te x ts in which saar a re a c tiv e , to e n te r in to a socio­ logical d iscu ssio n o f the s u b je c t. It seem s p o ssib le , h o w ev e r, th a t we a re c o n c e rn e d with a form o f th e w itc h c ra ft which is a sso c ia te d with w ealth and polygam y else w h e re an d which s e rv e s as a v eh icle fo r jealousy and a s a b u ttr e s s o f social s t a tu s . S aar a re ex p elled in th e 'd an ce o f th e saar' w hich is a p p a re n tly fa irly e x te n siv e ly p ra c tis e d in Somalia a lth o u g h v io len tly o p p o sed b y Muslim w a d a a d . In n o r th e r n S om aliland, w here official o p p o sition is su c h th a t many d ev o u t Muslims d e n y its e x is te n c e ,(32) th e dance is sometimes still p erfo rm ed by wom en. It seems th a t th e dance a c ts a s a form of exorcism of th e m alevolent jin n c a u sin g p o sse ssio n , an d p e rh a p s le ss f r e ­ q u e n tly a s a m eans o f a tta in in g p o sse ssio n . In Somalia, th e o p e n in g movement is called o r-g o y s an d c o n s is ts o f th o se assem bled b e g in n in g to sin g a n d to ra is e th e ir arm s rh y th m i­ cally to w a rd s th e s k y . Soon someone fa lls in a fain t an d his com panions 'b eat th e s a a r ’, form ing a c irc le ro u n d him a n d b re a k in g in to 'th e so n g of th e s a a r ', s u n g at f ir s t slowly and th e n w ith in c re a s in g tem po. D rum m ing, c a s ta n e t-p la y in g , and h a n d c la p p in g swell th e s in g in g . Slowly th e fallen d a n c e r r e v iv e s , an d m oving h is lim bs in rh y th m , seize s a k n ife o r lig h te d b ra n d which h e t h r u s t s b etw een h is te e th and d an ces into th e semi­ c irc le form ed b y th e o th e r s . T he tempo in c re a s e s u n til th e d a n c e r ag ain su ccu m b s an d falls p a n tin g to th e g ro u n d . A fte r a little he ris e s com pletely r e s to r e d a n d th e s a a r is said to

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h av e le ft him . (33) T he dance is w idely d is tr ib u te d among th e C u sh itic p eo p les of n o r th - e a s t A frica a n d o fte n th e p o sse sse d d a n c e r a c ts a s an o r a c le (34) (see L e iris, 1934). B eyond th e C u sh itic a r e a s , it o c c u rs a s fa r aw ay a s E g y p t (K ah le, 1912), th e A n g lo -E g y p tian S udan (T rim ingham , 1949, p p . 174-7), and ev en th e Hijaz (H u rg ro n je , 1888-9, II, p p . 124-8). T h e e x p la ­ n atio n seem s to be th a t th e s a a r (Z a r) dance h a s s p re a d fa r b ey o n d th e b o u n d s of C u sh itic c u ltu r e w ith th e e x p o rt o f sla v e s from E thiopia w here it h a s its C u sh itic o rig in (C e ru lli, 1933, II, p . 35). O th er religious c o n c e p ts T h e realm o f th e S ky God in c lu d e s a m u ltitude of s u b s id ia ry s p ir its ; th e s p ir its of th e b u s h , c e r ta in anim als, some s n a k e s , s c o rp io n s , te rm ite s , and o th e r in s e c ts fr e q u e n tly c re d ite d by Somali w ith m alignant p o w e rs. In c e rta in s itu a tio n s tr ib e s are d e s c rib e d a s lin k e d to tr e e s and anim als w hich a re a d d re s s e d b y m aternal k in sh ip nam es, b u t th e connexion does not a p p e a r to be to tem ic. S p ir it- re fra c tio n s a re said to h av e th e ir s e a ts in th o s e p o s s e s s e d , a n d , am ong th e C u sh itic Agao of G ondar in E thiopia th e s p ir it- r id d e n su b je c t is r e f e r r e d to a s th e s p ir it's ’h o r s e ’. A sim ilar s p irit is e n c o u n te re d a n d overcom e in th e c ro s s in g th e th re s h o ld cerem ony ( k alaq aa d) w hich m ark s a male c h ild 's f ir s t e x p e d itio n o u tsid e h is m o th e r's h u t . T he b a b y is c a r r ie d o v e r th e th re s h o ld b y h is m o th e r's b r o th e r (C e ru lli, 1919, p . 23). A lth o u gh g en e ra lly o b s c u re d b y a n d s y n c re te d in Islam , d iv in in g a n d v a rio u s form s of sy m p a th etic magic a re s till p r a c tis e d . O rd e a ls and o a th -ta k in g by sw earin g on sto n e s a re u s e d to e s ta b lis h te stim o n y . C harm s a n d a m u lets, esp ecially a s p ro p h y la c tic s , enjoy wide p o p u la rity . T h e ir e ffic a c y , now , o f c o u r s e , d e p e n d s upon asso ciatio n w ith th e Holy Q u r’a n . In th is c o n te x t it is p e rh a p s not irre le v a n t to m ention th e f ir e k in d lin g cerem ony o f d a b sh id which is widely o b se rv e d an d m ark s th e commencement of th e so la r y e a r. (35) T he fe stiv a l is co n d o n ed in some p a r ts of Somalia b y r e p r e s e n tin g it a s a Muslim e x p ia to ry r i t e ; in one d is tr ic t it is know n a s th e 'fe a s t of b e a tin g ’. In so u th e rn Somaliland d ea th is r e g a rd e d a s a tra n sfo rm a tio n . In th e g ra v e th e c o rp se lies clo th ed an d p ro v id e d with a su p p ly of food. T he dead a re rem em bered in p erio d ic al cerem onies ( ’sw eep in g th e to m b ’) at w hich c a ttle a re s la u g h te re d an d food d is tr ib u te d am ongst th e p o o r, sla v e s a n d s e r v a n ts , an d th e a g e d . G ifts of food an d c lo th e s a re som etim es o ffe re d , o fte n in re s p o n s e to d re a m s. ’I dream t th a t my f a th e r show ed me his to rn c lo th e s . H ere a re some c lo th e s , le t him ta k e th e m .’ O r a g a in , 'I h a v e g iv en my dead m other a n o x , now my f a th e r is th in a n d h u n g r y a n d w ants som ething to fa tte n him . H ere is a n o th e r o x , le t him come and ta k e i t '. Old men a re c o n sta n tly p re o c c u p ie d in am assing th e ir w ah la -i-g u dugo (w hat is b u rie d w ith me) a n d , a c c o rd in g to C e ru lli, on occasion se t asid e as much a s th r e e - q u a r te r s o f th e ir in h e rita n c e fo r th e p erform ance

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of 'sw eep in g th e tom b' cerem onies a f te r th e ir d e a th . S acrifice (Waaq dacil, R a b b ib a ri) p la y s , as we h av e se e n , an im p o rtan t p a r t in th e life of th e Somali. From th e s tr u c tu r a l p o int of view its c ru c ia l form is th e a n n u a l c e le b ra tio n held at th e tom bs of th e fo u n d in g a n c e s to rs of lin e a g e s. T h e assim ilation w ithin Islam of th i s , th e most vital a s p e c t of s a c r'fic e in re latio n to th e lin eag e s y ste m , will be d is c u s s e d below . To r e c a p itu la te : a b r ie f d e sc rip tio n h a s b een g iv en of th e C u sh itic w orld of pow er m anifest in an a p p a re n tly in c o h e re n t a n d r a th e r v ag u e h ie ra rc h y of re fra c tio n s o f th e Sky God (W aaq). T h is w orld p re s id e d o v e r by God co m p rises th e p h e n o ­ mena which we call 'n a tu r a l'; th e s u n , moon, a n d s t a r s , th e w in d s, rain b o w , r a in s , a n d th e r e s t , as well as th e more c o n tig u o u s p a r ts of n a tu r e , th e h ills , tr e e s , a n d w a te r, which make u p m an’s immediate s u r r o u n d in g s . C e rta in c o n fig u ra tio n s o f th e se phenom ena a re f r a u g h t with p o w e r, av ailable som etim es to r itu a l e x p e r ts o n ly , som etim es to w hoever c h a n c e s to c ro s s th e ir p a th . One of th e trib a l re lig io u s e x p e r t ’s (w adaad) special sk ills is h is know ledge of th e sk ie s an d pow er to in te r p r e t th e m ovem ents o f th e h e a v e n ly bodies (C e ru lli, 1929, 1931). B ut pow er a p p e a rs too in th e in te ra c tio n of th e more rem ote p h e n o ­ mena o f th e sk ies w ith m an’s immediate e n v iro n m e n t. At L u g h F e rra n d i in Somalia, fo r exam ple, th e moon is believ ed to se t in a clum p of tam arin d b u s h e s and w hoever is to u ch e d by a fallin g le a f a s th e moon d is a p p e a rs will die ( F e r r a n d i, 1903, p . 300). Many sim ilar exam ples could b e c ite d . A p a rt from in d iv id u a l, c h a n c e , and p r iv a te , r a th e r th a n co llec tiv e , re la ­ tio n s w ith th e w orld of po w er, su c h as th o se in d ic a te d a n d , fo r exam ple, in th e s a a r d a n c e , th e influ en ce o f God a p p e a rs at a h ig h e r s tr u c tu r a l level an d c o rre s p o n d in g ly h ig h e r p o te n ­ tial in trib a l sa c rific e . We h av e a lre a d y n o ticed how th e relig io u s n a tu re o f c h ie fta in c y is e s ta b lis h e d in sa c rific e a n d how a c h ie f may h av e p o w ers of rain m a k in g . The c h ie f was seen to h av e a special re la tio n w ith G od. From h is s a n c tity follows h is pow er to b le s s an d c u rs e h is people an d th e fo rce of th e fire w ithin him which m akes h is glance ’th e b u rn in g e y e ’ (ii k u l u l ) . IV SUFISM AND SYNCRETISM Sufism and the Shari'a Muslim m ystical th e o so p h y may be r e g a r d e d a s em bodying the v ital an d flexible s p ir it o f Islam . Like all m ysticism Sufism c o n c e n tra te s on th e p e rso n a l re la tio n sh ip betw een th e b e lie v e r a n d G od, and m ust be re g a rd e d by th o se who c o n s id e r th a t th e c o re of relig io n is to be found in an ’I-T h o u ’ re la tio n sh ip as th e m a in sp rin g of Islam . The S h a ri'a - th e law o f th e Islamic com m unity - o rig in a te d in a th e o c ra c y w hich h a d tra n s c e n d e d th e b o n d s of trib a lism , an d h a s in its s u b s e q u e n t elab o ratio n alw ays r e f e r r e d (in th e o ry at le a s t) to a re lig io u s s ta te . T hat p a r t of th e S h a ri'a which re la te s only to p u re ly ritu a l o r

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re lig io u s o b s e rv a n c e ap p lie s e q u ally well to tr ib e o r s ta te b e c a u se it d eals w ith th e re la tio n s of th e b e lie v e r to G od, b u t th e s e c to rs o f th e SharT'a w hich e la b o ra te a c o rp u s o f p riv a te an d p ublic law b a s e d upon th e c o n c ep t o f c itiz e n sh ip a re n o t a p p lic a b le , sav e w ith major lim itatio n s, to a s ta te le s s trib a l s o c ie ty .(36) The ecological dichotom y re fle c te d in th e d iv e r ­ g ence b etw een nomadism an d s e d e n ta ry c u ltiv a tio n in Som aliland, which a s we h av e s e e n , is ultim ately re sp o n sib le fo r th e two d iffe re n t ty p e s of jam a'a o rg a n iz a tio n - d e p e n d en ce a n d id e n ti­ ficatio n in th e c a se o f th e nom ads, in d e p e n d e n c e from trib a l allegiance a n d le s s close assim ilation in th e case o f th e c u lti­ v a to rs - o p e ra te s in th e same se n se h e r e . In th e u rb a n c e n tre s o f th e co a st an d in th e a ra b le la n d s of th e so u th w here th e lineage p rin c ip le h a s la rg e ly d is in te g r a te d , th e p u re ly legal as o p p o sed to p u re ly re lig io u s - to make a se p a ra tio n which in tra d itio n a l Islam is la rg e ly a rtific ia l - o rd in a n c e s o f th e S h a ri'a n a tu ra lly h a v e w ider ju ris d ic tio n .(3 7 ) B ut am ongst th e nomadic Somali th e ap p licatio n of th e S h a ri'a (3 8 ) te n d s to be r e s tr ic te d to in tr a - tr ib a l a ffa irs a n d c e r ta in m a tte rs of p e rso n a l s ta tu s . Its re le v a n c e o u tsid e th is n arro w field is , o f c o u rs e , re co g n iz ed by th e trib e sm e n b u t is not alw ays u p h e ld in p ra c tic e . E ven w ithin th e t r i b e , th e ju risd ic tio n o f th e S h a ri'a is lim ited b y th e fo rc e o f trib a l custom (fie e r, ta s t u u r ) - n o t an u n u s u a l s itu a ­ tion in th e Muslim w o rld. It is tr u e th a t th e re co g n itio n g iv en to th e S h a ri'a in th e B ritish and Italian judicial sy stem s p ro v id e s a n e x te n d e d m echanism fo r th e re g u la tio n of e x te rn a l trib a l re la tio n s . T h u s th e S h a ri'a is one of th e so u rc e s o f th e law in th e settle m e n t j>f trib a l d is p u te s a lth o u g h th e case may not be h e a rd in a q a d i's c o u r t. T h e re a r e , however_, m any w adaad is s u in g from th e ta r iq a s who p ra c tic e a s q a d is o u tsid e th e g overn m en tal judicial s t r u c t u r e . T he scope o f th e ir ap p licatio n of th e S h a r i'a , a lth o u g h s u p p o rte d b y s tro n g re lig io u s s a n c ­ tio n s , is lim ited b y th e pow er of th e trib a l c h ie fs . T h is s ta te of a ffa irs r e p r e s e n ts th e tra d itio n a l social o r d e r b e fo re th e a d v e n t of th e Pax B rita n n ic a o r th e Pax Ita lia n a . D espite th e s e d if­ fe re n c e s in th e ju ris d ic tio n allowed to th e S h a ri'a , th e r e is little d iffe re n c e b etw een th e nom ads an d c u ltiv a to rs in th e im portance a tta c h e d to th e fu n d am ental p rin c ip le s of Islam . E x cep t fo r a few tr ib e s who h av e rem ained re la tiv e ly s h e lte r e d from Muslim in flu e n c e , th e fiv e 'P illars of th e F a ith ' - th e p ro fe ssio n of th e F a ith ; p r a y e r s ; f a s tin g , som ew hat ir re g u la rly o b s e rv e d p e rh a p s ; a lm sg iv in g ; an d pilgrim age - seem to be u n iv e rs a lly p r a c tis e d . C om petent w itn e sse s h a v e g en era lly b een s tr u c k by th e d e v o u t­ n e s s of th e Somali trib e sm a n . T h e re i s , of c o u r s e , no o p p o sition betw een Sufism a s a move­ m ent an d th e schools of Muslim law , b u t th e m aterial rev iew ed in th js e ssa y s u g g e s ts th a t Sufi th eo so p h y - a s o p p o sed to th e S h a ri'a - is in its b a sic p rin c ip le s p a r tic u la rly su ite d to Somali s o c ie ty . T h ese p rin c ip le s have b een firm ly assim ilated while what in th e S h a ri'a is in ap p licab le to a tr ib a l so cie ty h a s b een la rg e ly ig n o re d . The f u r th e r p e n e tra tio n of Islam a n d th e

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S h a ri'a is o p p o sed an d r e ta r d e d b y th e b a r r ie r of tr ib a l custom , p a r t b u t not all o f which re la te s d ire c tly to th e lin eag e o rg a n iz ­ atio n whose in te ra c tio n w ith Islam we h a v e been c o n s id e rin g . On th e o th e r h a n d , v a rio u s c u sto m s, w hich a p p e a r to h a v e no n e c e s s a ry connexion w ith th e lineage system n o r to be e sse n tia l to nom adism , p e r s is t a n d r e s is t th e fu ll ap p licatio n of th e S h a ri'a . On th e w hole, h o w ev e r, Somali so ciety h a s in te r p r e te d Islamic in s titu tio n s in_the lig h t o f its own trib a l s tr u c tu r e an d h a s p ro d u c e d th e Sufi o rg a n iz a tio n w hich I have o u tlin e d . B ut it would be w ro n g to a rg u e th a t b e ca u se Somali trib alism is o p p o sed to th e ap p licatio n of th e S h a ri'a th e only p o ssib le r e ­ sp o n se is Sufism . The d iffe re n c e betw een th e th e o ry an d ap p licatio n of th e S h a ri'a h a s alw ays been c o n sid e ra b le , in s ta te as well a s tr ib e . The s u ita b ility of Sufism to th e condi^ tio n s of Somali so ciety is m uch more im p o rtan t th a n th e im practic a lity of p a r t of th e S h a ri'a . We tu r n now to c o n sid e r th e ad o p tio n o f Sufism in term s of th e assim ilation o f Sufi th e o so p h y to Somali p re -Isla m ic b e lie f. The n a tu re o f God and his world A lthough c le a rly d e lin ea ted w ith g r e a te r p re c is io n , th e ab so lu te su p rem acy of Allah (in d ic a te d in th e b e lie v e r's subm ission (Islam ) to Him) closely re sem b le s th e om nipotence of th e Sky God. As in th e c u lt o f Waaq, men a re G od’s c r e a tu r e s su b je c t to His Will a n d m ust live in c o n sta n t fe a r of Him a n d p ra is e Him a lw a y s. Sim ilarly to Waaq, Allah s ta n d s at th e c e n tre of His u n iv e rs e a s its Suprem e Power an d C re a to r. T he Muslim d o c trin e of determ inism fin d s its c ru d e p arallel in th e a ttitu d e o f s u b ­ m ission an d re s ig n a tio n in th e face of Waaq. B ut Muslim fatalism is more rig id ly d eterm in ed a n d more e la b o ra te ly w orked o u t, since m an’s a c tio n s a re p re d e te rm in e d an d se t down in th e ta b le t w hich is b efo re G od, sim ilar to th a t D ivine A rch e ty p e from w hich th e Q u r ’an was d e liv e re d to th e P ro p h e t. T he same te n d e n c y to w a rd s a g r e a te r sy ste m a tiza tio n in Islam fin d s e x p re s s io n in th e much more c le a rly d e fin e d p o sitio n o f Allah in th e a w a rd in g o f r ig h t an d p u n ish m en t o f e v il. Waaq u p h o ld s r ig h t b u t th e r e is little in d icatio n th a t He does much m ore. Muslim e sc h ato lo g y a c c o rd in g ly s tr ik e s a new n o te . D eath was a tra n sfo rm a tio n b u t not to an e x a c t e q u iv a le n t of th e a n th ­ ropom orphic Muslim p a ra d is e . F orm erly th e s p ir its of th e dead w ere to a c e rta in e x te n t localized a b o u t th e s ite s of th e ir tom bs. We sh all exam ine below th e way in which th is a ffe c ts th e r e v e r ­ ence p aid b y Somali to th e tom bs of Muslim s a in ts . F u n d a ­ m en tally , h o w e v e r, m an’s re la tio n to Waaq closely m irro rs h is relatio n to Allah a n d it is h a rd ly s u r p r is in g th a t Somali sh o u ld now a p p ly th e nam es of th e form er C u sh itic Sky God to Allah a n d call Him E ebbe a n d Waaq. T he fa c t th a t Islam is a ’re v e a le d re lig io n ’ a p p e a rs a t f ir s t s ig h t to c o n s titu te a fun d am en tal d iffe re n c e betw een th e two re lig io n s . B ut w h ereas th e re is a p p a re n tly n o th in g in th e c u lt of Waaq com parable to th e tra d itio n o f rev e la tio n o f Allah to th e

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e a rlie r p ro p h e ts a n d finally to Muhammad a s th e ’S e a l', Sufi theology h a s c o n c e n tra te d on th o se te x ts and tra d itio n s (3 9 ) re f e r r in g to th e im m anence of God in th e w orld a n d h a s i n te r ­ p r e te d th e s e a s ju stify in g a co n tin u ed re v e la tio n an d more immediate know ledge o f A llah. In Sufism , em phasis h a s v e e re d from th e position o f th e S un n a to w a rd s an in te r p re ta tio n of th e P ro p h e t's role as th a t of lo g o s, an d th e a p p ro a c h to Allah h a s been c o rre s p o n d in g ly w idened. The ap p ro ac h to God, f ir s t th ro u g h th e P ro p h e t, and th e n th ro u g h Sufi sh a ik h s a n d s a in ts , fin d s its p a ra lle l in th e asso ciatio n of sa c rific e to Waaq with lineage a n c e s to r s . C om parison of th e p re-Isla m ic Somali sp irit-w o rld w ith Muslim angelology an d dem onology re v e a ls ag ain th e much h ig h e r d e g re e o f sy stem atizatio n in th e la tte r . In Muslim th e o lo g y , a n g e ls , p re -e m in e n t am ongst whom is G ab riel, g e n e ra lly fig u re as Divine M essen g ers c re a te d b y God to se rv e an d w orship Him. T hey a re c h a rg e d with re c o rd in g m an's a c tio n s in th is life , re c e iv in g h is soul in h e a v e n , a n d a c tin g as h is co u n sel on th e day of ju d g m e n t. On th e o th e r h a n d , jinn a re th o se re b e llio u s s p ir its c re a te d sim ilarly to m an , b u t o f fire in place of e a r t h , a n d com­ m itted to Solom on's k e e p in g , who seek to lead man a s tr a y a n d to s u b v e r t th e te a c h in g s of th e p ro p h e ts . It is a s jinn th a t th e m ajority of p re -Isla m ic s p ir its p re v io u sly a sso c ia te d with Waaq a re assim ilated in Islam . T h is is illu s tra te d in th e following tale c u r r e n t am ong th e G asar G udda tr ib e o f Somalia. Solomon, son of D avid, on whom be p e a c e , commanded all m en, all th e anim als, th e w ind, s p ir its , an d dem ons, th e e n tire kingdom of th e G rea t K ing. One day th e jinn w ere a t w ork a s u s u a l, an d Solomon, lea n in g a g a in st a t r e e , seem ed to b e w atch in g them alth o u g h he gave no sig n of r e p o s e . Solomon was d e a d , b u t rem ained s u p p o rte d b y th e tr e e while th e jinn u n aw a re o f w hat h ad h a p p e n e d w ent on w ith th e ir w o rk . At la st th e te rm ite s su cc ee d ed in e a tin g th e ir way th ro u g h Solomon's s u p p o rt p re c ip ita tin g him h e a v ily on to th e g ro u n d . T he jinn q u ic k ly ra n to th e spot a n d saw th a t th e son o f D avid was d e a d . T hey b e g a n to rejo ice fo r now th e y could sto p w orking since th e ir m aster was d e a d . T hey h a s te n e d to th e te rm ite s a n d made a p a c t w ith th em , s a y in g , 'You make y o u r n e s t of e a r th a n d we will b rin g th e w ater fo r its s tr e n g th e n in g '. From th is time fo rth jinn and te rm ite s a re in alliance (F e r r a n d i, 1903, p . 309). H ere w ithin Islam th e s p ir its a tte n d a n t upon th e m y sterio u s c o n s tru c tio n of te rm ite m ounds a re a sso c ia te d w ith jinn in Solomon's k e e p in g . T he re la tio n 's p ir its - te r m ite s ' is given Muslim san ctio n in Solomon's a u th o rity o v e r jin n . Sim ilarly th e so u rc e o f th e effic a cy of d iv in a tio n , o rd e a ls , c h a rm s, and p ro p h y la c tic am ulets h a s been tr a n s f e r r e d from Waaq to Allah when b e n e fic e n t a n d to jinn when m ischievous o r e v il. Now

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th e fa v o u rite am ulet is th e S ufi r o s a ry ( t u s b a h ) whose 99 b ead s rem in d th e b e lie v e r of th e innum erable p ra ise -n a m e s of Allah an d h elp him to p erfo rm h is p r a y e r - ta s k s . P e rh a p s eq u ally p o p u la r as am ulets a re small le a th e r p o u ch e s arm ed with in s c r ip ­ tio n s from th e Q u r'a n . T h u s phenom ena w hich form erly owed th e ir pow er to some connexion with Waaq now o rig in a te in A llah, th e u ltim ate so u rc e o f all p o w e r .(40) S a a r s p ir its a re d e s c rib e d b y Somali a s a k in d of jin n . The whole s p ir it h ie r a rc h y of Waaq is b ein g p ro g re s s iv e ly lslam ized. T h is is a p ro c e ss which n a tu ra lly also a p p lie s to G od's a ttr ib u te s . Among th e G asar G u d d a , a g a in , th e rain b o w , from b e in g th e Sky G od's b e lt, h a s become th e p a th good souls ta k e to h e a v e n , a lth o u g h it is also c o n te n d e d b y some to be th e smoke made by ra in fallin g upon term ite h ills . R a in -d ro p s a re believ ed to tu r n into a n g e ls (an u n d e rs ta n d a b le e v a lu a tio n ); th u n d e r ( u r i) is th e voice of an g els (m alaika) o r th e noise of th e ir com bat in s tr iv in g to sto p r a in . L ig h tn in g (b i r k ) d a r ts fo rth from the a rm p its of melek Mikail, th e a rc h a n g e l M ichael. (41) Michael ( S u ra , 11) a p p e a rs th u s to be ta k e n a s a sym bol o f w ar. T hese a re a few exam ples in d icativ e of th e way in which th e Muslim s p irit h ie ra rc h y is u n d e rs to o d in term s of C u sh itic cosm ology. The sab in Islam T he tra d itio n s which s u rro u n d th e o u tc a st a rtis a n p eo p les of Somaliland p ro v id e illum inating m aterial fo r th e s tu d y o f th e in te ra c tio n of p re -Isla m ic and Muslim re lig io n . T he sa b ; Y ib ir, T um aal, M idgaan, e t c . , le a th e r - w o r k e r s , s a d d le r s , sm ith s, an d 's w e e p e rs ’, who act as h u n te r s an d m e rc e n a rie s, an d p e r ­ form o th e r menial ta s k s fo r Som alis, a re sh ro u d e d in an a u ra of magic a n d w itc h c ra ft. T h e ir position lies betw een th a t o f f r e e ­ dom and sla v e ry and th e y may p e rh a p s b e d e sc rib e d most a p p ro p ria te ly a s b o n d sm en. T hey lack almost all th o se r ig h ts common to fre e b o rn Somali (L ew is. 1955, p p . 5 1 -5 ). T h ey h av e no political r ig h ts v is -à - v is Som alis, th e y own no trib a l la n d s , and in no place do th e y c o n s titu te an in d e p e n d e n t te r r ito r ia l g ro u p . In all th e ir re la tio n s with fre e b o rn Somalis th e y act th ro u g h th e noble Somali family to w hich th e y a re a tta c h e d as s e r v a n ts . T h ey a re s e p a ra te d from freem en b y th e u su a l b a r ­ r ie r s to com m ensalism . Sab a re also su p p o se d to sp eak am ongst th em selv es special d ialects which a re h a rd ly intellig ib le to f r e e ­ b o rn Somali. B ecause of th e ir h a b it of e a tin g p o rtio n s o f meat (h e a d , tr ip e , an d fe e t) which noble Somali sco rn a n d c la ss with p o rk as u n clean in a re lig io u s s e n s e , th e y a re b ra n d e d a s b ein g in a p e rp e tu a l s ta te o f ritu a l im p u rity (n ija a s). For th e same re a so n th e y a re o fte n r e f e r r e d to as ’c o r p s e - e a te r s ' ( b a k h t i 'u n e ) . Of th is d e sp ise d c la s s th e Y ibir a re e sp e c ia lly in te r e s tin g . T hey enjoy a high re p u ta tio n fo r magic an d s o rc e ry an d w ander th ro u g h th e c o u n try b le ssin g new ly b o rn c h ild re n an d new ly w edded c o u p le s. T h ey re c e iv e in r e tu r n small g ifts w hich a re re c o g n iz e d to b e due to them b y r ig h t and co u ld only b e re fu s e d a t th e ris k of in c u r r in g g ra v e m isfo rtu n e . T h ese p r e s e n ts made

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to Y ibir a re r e p r e s e n te d by Somali a s p a rt of th e com pensation ow ing to them in p e r p e tu ity fo r th e m u rd er of th e ir a n c e sto r Muhammad H anif b y S haikh Aw B a rk h a d le . (42) S h aik h Aw B ark h a d le is a sso c ia te d with S haikh I s h a a q , fo u n d e r o f th e Ish aaq tr ib a l fam ily , as one o f th o se who b ro u g h t Islam to Somaliland from A ra b ia. In fa c t, a c c o rd in g to tr a d itio n , he was summoned to Som aliland to deal with th e pag an m agician Muham­ mad H anif. The Y ibir a n c e sto r was tric k e d into e n te rin g a mound which Aw B a rk h a d le 's su p e rio r po w ers c a u se d to collapse im p riso n in g th e u n fo rtu n a te m agician in sid e . T h u s in th is co n ­ te x t was th e p re -e m in en ce o f Islam e s ta b lis h e d . A sso ciated with th e m y ste rio u s d is a p p e a ra n c e o f th e ir a n c e s to r is th e b elief th a t no one h a s e v e r seen a d ead Y ib ir. (43) T h e se tra d itio n s d e s c rib in g th e o rig in of th e cu sto m ary g ifts to Y ibir a re to a c e rta in e x te n t in c o n s iste n t w ith p r e s e n t p ra c tic e inasm uch as norm ally an u n a tta c h e d Y ibir is n o t c o v e re d b y blood com pensa­ tion . B ut it is s ig n ific a n t th a t w hat is fe a re d and w hat is re v e r e d sh o u ld be a ttr ib u te d to a common o rig in in which p a g a n s o rc e ry is overcom e b y Muslim b a ra k a . Saar r ite s a nd d h ik r To r e t u r n to th e s a a r d a n c e . It is e v id e n t th a t th is cerem ony h a s in h e re n t s u s c e p tib ility to sy n c re tism in th e s e rv ic e s ( d h i k r ) of th e S ufi ta r iq a s . E specially is th is tru e o f th e most p o p u la r form s of th e d h ik r , w here tra n c e s ta te s in w hich 'fa d in g ' o r 'd e a th ' o f se lf, b eliev ed to re s u lt in m ystical union with G od, a re in d u c e d b y d ire c t stim u latio n . The d h ik r h eld by th e A hm adiya at th e ir an n u al pilgrim age to th e tomb of S h aik h cAli Maye D u ro g b a h a v e b een d e sc rib e d a s follow s. 'T h o u sa n d s come to th e tomb from all p a r ts of Somalia. The fe stiv a l la s ts fifte e n d a y s a n d cu lm in ates in a g re a t d h ik r on th e la st n ig h t when th e p ilg rim s form an immense c irc le a n d , to th e accom panim ent of s in g in g , re c ite th e ir form ulae in ra u c o u s saw -like voices rh y th m ic a lly sw ay in g th e ir b o d ie s. T h is c o n tin u e s u n til d a y ­ b r e a k . Once th e y h a v e got well w o rk e d -u p , la rg e n u m b e rs fall foam ing to th e g ro u n d in in d u ced ep ile p tic c o n v u lsio n s’ (B a rile , 1935). T h is is n e ith e r an inform ed n o r a sy m p ath etic d e sc rip tio n b u t it s e rv e s to in d ic a te how closely th e ta riq a d h ik r resem b les th e s a a r d an ce a n d s u g g e s ts a sy n c re tism w hich is well e s ta ­ b lish e d in E gypt and e ls e w h e re .(44) T h e sim ilarities betw een th e attain m en t o f s p ir it p o sse ssio n (o r th e re le a se from p o s s e s ­ sio n ) a n d a b so rp tio n in Allah w hich a re th e o b je c ts of th e dance an d th e d h ik r re s p e c tiv e ly h av e a lre a d y b ee n p o in te d o u t. The assimilation o f baraka In th e fo re g o in g v a rio u s a s p e c ts of th e c o n v e rsio n of s p ir itre fra c tio n s o f Waaq to Muslim e q u iv a le n ts h a v e b een d is c u s s e d . T h ese a re v a ria tio n s u pon th e g e n e ra l p rin c ip le o f th e t r a n s ­ latio n of C u sh itic pow er into Muslim b a r a k a .(45) From th e fu n ctio n al s ta n d p o in t th e most fun d am en tal ap p lic atio n o f th is e x ch an g e is th a t u n d e rly in g th e a b so rp tio n of Sufi g en ealogies

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w hich le a d s u ltim ately , as I h a v e s u g g e s te d , to th e inclu siv e a sc rip tio n of th e Somali people to th e Q u ra y sh itic lineage of th e P ro p h e t. For it is th is eq u iv a len c e w hich p e rm its Muslim s a in ts to be v e n e ra te d a n d communed w ith in sa c rific e an d p r a y e r at th e s ite s of form er p re -Isla m ic s h r in e s . S h rin e s which w ere form erly v e n e ra te d fo r th e ir C u sh itic pow er a re now v e n e ra te d fo r th e ir Muslim b a ra k a . T h e se a re th e p laces which famous Somali Muslim s a in ts a re b elie v ed to h av e v isite d in th e ir p e re g rin a tio n s o r at which th e y a r e b eliev e d to have a p p e a re d to b e lie v e rs in d re a m s. Tombs a re s c a tte re d all o v e r Somaliland an d more of them a re p laces of m an ifestation o r v isita tio n th a n th e a c tu a l b u ria l g ro u n d s o f th e s a in ts whose b a ra k a is so u g h t in p ilgrim age to them . T h u s a s in all Muslim c o u n tr ie s , old s h rin e s co n tin u e to command r e s p e c t a lth o u g h th e so u rce of th e ir pow er h a s b e en tr a n s f e r r e d to Islam . T he v e n e ra tio n of s a in ts ' tom bs h a s , h o w e v er, a more sp ecific sig n ifican ce sin ce it is th ro u g h sa c rific e to eponym ous a n c e s to rs at su c h local s h r in e s th a t tr ib a l re la tio n s w ere m aintained with Waaq at all le v e ls of th e social s tr u c tu r e . M oreover, th e em pha­ s is placed on g en ealo gies a n d th e im portance a tta c h e d to e p o n y ­ mous a n c e s to r s , c e le b ra te d at th e ir to m b s, h av e prom oted an d c o n tin u e to prom ote th e ad option of Sufi gen ealo g ies and th e tra n s fig u ra tio n o f th e fo u n d e rs o f ta rlq a s a n d jam a'as into eponym ous tr ib a l fo u n d e rs . T h u s w ithin Islam th e a n c e s to rs of c la n s a n d clan seg m ents a re r e p r e s e n te d as s a in ts o r s h a ik h s , while th e whole sy stem is v a lid a te d in th e a ttr ib u tio n o f Somali o rig in s to im m igrant A ra b ia n s, in th e case o f trib a l fam ilies, to fig u re s su c h a s Ish aaq an d D aarood. T h is p ro c e s s , in t u r n , is fa c ilita te d b y th e c o n tin u o u s im m igration o f A rab s which p ro v id e s th e h isto ric a l com ponent in Somali tra d itio n s of d e sc e n t from A rab ia. T h is s h o rt d isc u ssio n of C u sh itic re lig io n a n d its Islam ization has b een in c lu d e d to p ro v id e a fram ew ork fo r th e s tu d y of Somali a n d Sufi in s titu tio n s w hich form s th e s u b s ta n c e of th is p a p e r . The a p p a re n t sim ilarity of th e c o n c e p ts o f C u sh itic pow er L im manent in Somali g en e a lo g ie s, and b a ra k a , imm anent in Sufi g e n e a lo g ie s, which a tta c h to th e in s titu tio n s o f sa c rific e to fo u n d in g tr ib a l a n c e s to rs an d to sa in t w orship r e s p e c tiv e ly , u n d e rlie s th e tra n s f ig u r a tio n of trib a l fo u n d e rs in to Islamic s a in ts . T he o rg a n iz a tio n o f b o th c u lts d e p e n d s upon a lineage sy stem in which re lig io u s pow er of a sim ilar n a tu re in h e r e s . It h a s seem ed a p p ro p ria te to in v e s tig a te th e n a tu r e of th e pow er in h e re n t in Somali g en ealo g ies (in d e p e n d e n t o f Sufi a c c re tio n ) b y view ing it in th e g e n e ra l s e ttin g of th e p re-Islam ic h ie ra rc h y o f C u sh itic p o w er. T he s p ir it- r e f r a c tio n s o f Waaq could h a rd ly b e su p p o se d to b e a r no re la tio n to th e re lig io u s fu n c tio n s o f Somali g en ealo g ies a n d th e sig n ifican ce o f th e s e gen ealo g ies is , as we h av e se e n , e lu c id a te d by c o n sid e rin g th e ir fu n c tio n s in C u sh itic re lig io n . T he p e rs is ta n c e o f p re -Isla m ic b e lie fs and custom s is a commonplace in Islamic c o u n tr ie s . In p a r tic u la r , th e sy n c re tism o f p re -Islam ic 'an im istic' c u lts is fre q u e n tly

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d e s c rib e d in th e lite r a tu re on Islam . T he assim ilation of su ch c u lts to Muslim b a ra k a is well a tte s te d . T h e re is th e r e fo re n o th ­ ing new in th e g e n e ra l scope o f th is e s s a y . B ut it h a s b een my ob ject to t r y to tra c e in d eta il th e m echanism of th is assim ila­ tion in re la tio n to Sufism on th e one h a n d , a n d , on th e o th e r , to th e lineage o rg a n iz a tio n which is th e b asic p rin c ip le of Somali social o rg a n iz a tio n . I have s u g g e s te d , an d I believe th is could be s u b s ta n tia te d by re fe re n c e to many o th e r p a r ts of Muslim A frica an d to A ra b ia , th a t Sufism a lth o u g h in o rig in a p ro d u c t of th e so p h is tic a te d a n d h ig h ly civ ilized c e n tr e s of th e Muslim w orld, is em inently su ita b le to tr ib a l so c ie ty . E sp eci­ ally is th is tr u e of c e rta in fe a tu re s of its re lig io u s o rg a n iz a tio n . In trib a l so c ie tie s w here s tr e s s is placed upon th e pow er of lineage a n c e s to rs to m ediate betw een man an d G od, Sufism p ro v id e s an in te r p r e ta tio n of Islam w hich, while p r e s e r v in g the sup rem e a b s o lu te n e s s of A lla h , m itig ates th e u n iq u e n e s s of th e P ro p h e t in fa v o u r of more a cc essib le a n d more immediate i n te r ­ ce sso rs. NOTES 1 In th e tr a n s c r ip tio n of Somali w ords I have w h e re v e r p o s­ sib le u s e d th e o rth o g ra p h y of B.W . A nd rzejew sk i as ad o p te d b y C .R .V . Bell in h is work 'T h e Somali L an g u a g e' (L o n g m an ), 1953. In th is o rth o g ra p h y vowel le n g th is r e p r e s e n te d b y d o u b lin g vowel le t t e r s , i .e . lo n g 'a ' is w ritte n 'a a ', e tc . In some c a s e s , h o w e v er, I h a v e h a d to a d h e re to th e sp e llin g s given by my Italian a u th o r itie s . Somali p la c e -n a m e s, su c h a s M ogadishu, a re 'a n g licize d ' from th e Ita lia n . A rabic w ords a re tr a n s lite r a te d a c c o rd in g to common u s a g e . T h is p a p e r is b ased on lib ra r y re s e a rc h an d not on my s u b ­ s e q u e n t (p o st-1 9 5 5 ) fieldw ork in Somalia. I w ish to acknow ­ led g e th e help in th e p re p a ra tio n of th is th is p a p e r w hich I h av e re c e iv e d from many sc h o la rs an d to e x p r e s s my g r a titu d e in p a r tic u la r to Ali G araad Jama an d Musa Haaji Ism a'il Galaal o f th e B ritis h Som aliland P ro te c to ra te , to Mr A.M. Abii Zaid, Mr B.VV. A n d rz e je w sk i, D r P .T .W . B a x te r, P ro fe sso r E .E . E v a n s - P r itc h a rd , S ir H .A .R . G ibb, D r G . Mathew, a n d P ro fe s so r R .B . S e rg e a n t. 2 The same co n clu sion is re a c h e d b y D rague in h is m asterly 'E sq u isse d 'H isto ire R eligieuse d u M aroc', p . 8. 3 The a u th o ritie s u p on whose work th is cla ssific a tio n r e s ts a re c ite d in th e C u sh itic b ib lio g ra p h y a t th e e n d o f P a rt II of th is g a p e r . 4 By 'S u fi g e n e a lo g ie s' a re m eant, as in d ic a te d a b o v e , th e p e rso n a l g en ealo g ies o f th e _shaikhs who a re th e fo u n d e rs a n d h e a d s o f th e Somali Sufi D erv ish O rd e rs . 5 It is im p o rtan t to d istin g u ish th e 'S ab ' from th e 'o u tc a s t' c lie n t peoples of Somaliland who have no in d e p e n d e n t trib a l

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I. M. Lewis o rg a n iz a tio n an d do not own la n d s . T h ese a r tis a n s an d c r a f t s ­ men h av e a c le a rly defin ed su b je c t s ta tu s and a re w ritte n sab (se e Lew is, 1955, p p . 5 1 -5 ). It is u n c le a r w h e th e r sab and Sab a re lin g u istic a lly id e n tical o r w h e th e r th e r e a re any e th n ic co n n ex io n s b etw een th e two p e o p le s. T h is division is , a s P ro fe sso r R .B . S e rje a n t h a s s u g g e s te d to me, rem in iscen t o f th a t betw een th e n o r th e r n a n d s o u th ­ e rn A rabs who tra c e d e sc e n t from cA dn5n a n d Q ahtan re s p e c tiv e ly . C o rre c tly a s above in d ica ted 'Soom aali'. C lien ts a re called magan in th e n o r th e rn d ia le c ts; in the s o u th carifa, an d am ong th e D igil, sh e e g a d . T he e x te n t of exogam y a p p e a rs to v a ry from tr ib e to tr ib e , p a rtly no d o u b t d e p e n d e n t upon s iz e , a n d it is a t p re s e n t im possible to g e n e raliz e d e fin itiv e ly . C o n tra s t th e classical d efin itio n of Ibn K h ald u n , 'P ro leg o m e n e s', t r s . de S lane, I, p . 382. The g e n e ric w ord for an y form o f o ffe rin g to God a n d fo r s a c rific e in its w idest se n se is am ongst th e n o rth e rn Somali R a b b ib a ri, w hich A ndrzejew ski tr a n s la te s 'b e se e c h in g G od'; among th e Hawiye o f Somalia Waaq dac il 'o ffe rin g to th e Sky G od’ is u s e d a c c o rd in g to C eru lli (1923). P ro fe sso r S e rje a n t's s tu d y o f so u th A rab ian MSS, h a s shown co n clu siv ely th a t th e ’two g re a t c e n tr e s o f d iffu sio n of tr a d e an d th e f a ith 1 w ere Zeila an d M ogadishu (p e rso n a l com m unication). P ro fe sso r R .B . S e rje a n t, p e rso n a l com m unication. An acco u n t of h is life is found in a l-S h illi's 'al-Mashrac alRawi' (A .H . 1319, p rin te d in th e cA m iriyah P r e s s ) , II, p p . 34-41. Wadaad is th e Somali e q u iv a le n t of th e 'm a ra b o u t' o r 'm u llah ', sometimes d e s c rib e d as 'h e d g e p r i e s t ', fo u n d in all Muslim c o u n trie s . His fu n c tio n s a re manifold since a s well as e x p o u n d in g th e Q u r'a n an d ha dith a s a th e o lo g ia n , he assu m es too all th e fu n c tio n s of itin e ra n t q a d i. T he o rig in o f th e w ord wadaad is u n c e r ta in , it may eq u a lly be an A rabic b o rro w in g o r of C u sh itic d e riv a tio n . See Lewis (1955) p . 154; A nd erso n (1954) p p . 44 ff. On th e su b je c t of a su ita b le s c rip t for Somali se e : K ing, J . S . , Somali as a W ritten L a n g u a g e , 'In d ian A n ti­ q u a r y ', A u g u st an d O c to b e r, 1887; Maino, M ., L 'alfab eto Osmania in Som alia, 'R S E ', 10, 1951; G alaal, M .H .I., A rabic S c rip t fo r Somali, 'Islam ic Q u a r te r ly ', I, 2, 1954, p p . 114-18; Maino, M ., 'La L ingua Somala S tru m en to d 'ln se g n a m e n te P r o f e s s io n a l', 1953; A n d rze jew sk i, B .W ., Some Problem s of Somali O r th o g ra p h y , 'Som aliland Jo u rn a l' (H a rg e is a ), I, 1, 1954, p p . 34-47. See C eru lli (1923) p p . 12, 22, who d e s c rib e s th e sh a ik h s a s one of th e most im p o rtan t p ro s e y tiz e rs of th e Q adiriya in th e h in te rla n d of Som alia, a lth o u g h , a s in d ic a te d a b o v e , th e O rd e r h a d a lre a d y a t th e b e g in n in g o f th e n in e te e n th c e n tu ry assu m ed some prom inence in th e in te rio r with th e

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21 22 23 24 25 26 27

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fo u n d atio n of th e com m unity of B a rd e ra on th e Ju b a r iv e r . 'A w es' is a Somalization of 'U w ais' an d _the s h a ik h 's full name is Uwais ibn Muhammed al-B a ra w i. See a b o v e , a n d C erulli (1923), p . 22. T he Raaji’s full name is S h. cA bd Allah ibn Y usif al-Q a la n q u li a l-Q u tb l a l-Q a d iri a s h -S h a fi cil-A shP ari. The work was p u b lish e d in Cairo in A .H . 1338 (1918-19) an d p r in te d by M ustafa a l-B a b i al-H aiabi in two volum es. It c o n s titu te s a most v alu ab le collection of th e liv es of th e Somali Q adiriya s h a ik h s . See below , p . 144. C f. Gibb (1947) p . 55. See Lewis (1955) p . 17. The Saram an trib a l c lu s te r co m prises th e Lisan H o rsi, Lisan B a ri, th e R e r Dumal, G a ru a le , Luw ai, Hadam a, J ir o n , an d th e Maalim-wena (se e Lewis (1955) p . 35). For th is im p o rtan t Rahanw iin tr ib e see Lewis (1955) p p . 36-9, 40, 121, e tc . C e ru lli (1927) p p . 404-6. See also M oreno, M .M ., II d ia letto d eg li A sra f di M ogadiscio, 'R S E \ 12, 1953, p p . 107-39. A ccording to C erulli (1923, p . 29) th e policy of th e Italian A d m in istratio n was to adm it th e le a d e rs o f jama'as a s r e li­ g ious le a d e rs b u t to allow them no political a u th o r ity . T he developm ent of jama'as in th e fe rtile riv e rin e a re a was a c tiv e ly d is c o u ra g e d a n d th e fo u n d atio n of new se ttle m e n ts c o n s tra in e d a s fa r a s p o ssib le . In th e a ra b le la n d s th u s p ro te c te d from th e f u r th e r en cro ach m en t of jama'as th e g o v ern m en t saw th e po ssib le rea lizatio n o f th e ir aim to e sta b lis h th e economic in d e p e n d e n c e of th e colony in e x te n ­ sive a g ric u ltu ra l d evelopm ent. F or a te n ta tiv e acco u n t see Lewis (1955) p p . 45-8. See H u n tin g fo rd (1955) p . 19. For an e x cellen t acco u n t o f th e relig io n of th e Galla of E thiopia see H u n tin g fo rd (1955) p p . 74-87. C f. Q u r'a n , S ura II , 30. In fa c t in 1955 th e B ritish Somaliland P ro te c to ra te A d v iso ry C ouncil unanim ously a g re e d th a t leg islatio n sh o u ld b e in tr o ­ d u ced to make th e p ra c tic e o f s a a r r ite s ille g a l. 'War Somali S id ih i', n o . 60, 23 A pril 1955. Among th e C u sh itic Agao o f G ondar in n o r th e r n E th io p ia, th e re fra c tio n s of th e Sky God (Z a r) which p o s s e s s people a re c alled z a r , a re asso c ia te d e sp ec ia lly b u t not e x c lu siv e ly w ith wom en, a re in h e rite d in th e fam ily , an d h a v e g e n e a ­ log ies c o rre s p o n d in g to th e ir te r r ito r ia l d is trib u tio n (L e iris, 1934a, p p . 134, 126). The A far (D an ak il) of so u th e rn E ritre a an d o f E thiopia have a sim ilar cerem ony in which th e p o sse sse d d a n c e r is called jenile ( jin n ? ) . See Licata (1885) p . 267; T h e sig e r (1935) p . 8. See Lewis (1955) p . 62. It would be m isleading to overem p h asize th e sig n ifica n ce of

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41 42

43 44 45

I. M. Lewis th is d is tin c tio n , s in c e , e x c e p t in th e e a rlie s t c e n tu rie s of Islam th e r e h as alw ays been a wide d iv e rg e n c e betw een th e th e o ry an d p ra c tic e of th e S h a ri'a in all Muslim c o u n trie s . T h is is r e fle c te d , p e rh a p s fo rtu ito u s ly , in th e e x te n t to which th e q ä d i’s com petence in th e ad m in istratio n of th e S h a ri'a h a s b een re co g n iz ed b y th e G o v ernm ents of B ritish a n d Italian Som aliland. In Somalia q ä d is h av e a lim ited ju risd ic tio n in crim inal p ro c e e d in g s , while in B ritish Somali­ lan d crim inal c a s e s a re e x p re s s ly e x c lu d e d from th e ir ju ris d ic tio n . See Lewis (1955) p . 124; A n d e rso n ( 1954) p p . 43 ff. For th e A ra b s , c f. M ontagne ( 1947) p . 96. A ccording to C u c in o tta , 1921a, p . 34, th e im p o rta n t so u rc e s o f S h a ri'a in Somalia a r e : al-N aw aw i's 'Minhaj a t-T a lib in '; th e w orks of Ismacil M uqri (B ro c k elm an n , 'GAL’, II, p . 190; ’S u p p t .’, II, p . 254), and of A bu Ish a q a s h -S h ira z i (O . L ö fgren ( e d . ) , ’A rab isch e T e x te z u r . . . A d en ’, U pp sala, 1950, p p . 20, 55, 94 f f ) . S u b sid ia ry so u rc e s a r e : Ibn al-Q äsim a l-G h a z z i’s ’F ath a l-G h a rib ’; Abu Y ahyä Z a k a riy ä ’ a l-A n s ä ri’s ’F ath al-W ahhäb’ (B ro ck elm an n , ’GAL’, I, p p . 3 9 5 -6 ), an d Muhammad a s h - S h ir b in i's 'a l- Iq n ä ' fi hall al F a th ’ (B ro ck elm an n , ’GAL’, S u p p t ., II, p p . 441 f f ) . See also M. Maino’s in te re s tin g a r tic le , La v alu tazio n e del d an n o alla p e rso n a nella d o ttrin a g iu rd ic a m usulm ana, ’M eridiano Somalo’, Novem ber 1951. For a re a d ily ac c essib le com pilation o f h a d ith s u se d b y S ü fis a s a b a s is fo r th e ir asc e tic a n d theo so p h ical in te r ­ p re ta tio n of theo logy see A rb e rry (1950) p p . 24-30. C f. th e fa te of th e p re -Isla m ic Gods a n d s p ir its in A ra b ia , K o ran , S u ra XXXVII. For g e n e ra l in d ic a tio n s o f th e u n i­ v e rs a lity of su c h sy n c re tism s in Islam , see Gibb (1947) p p . 23 ff; Milliot (1949) p . 643. F e rra n d i (1903) p p . 298 ff. C e ru lli, ’RAL', s e r . 6, IV, 1931, 67, h as s u g g e s te d th a t S aint Aw B a rk h a d le ( ’Au B a k h a rd i’) , w hose tomb a t th e i s ite nam ed a f te r th e s h a ik h s is a fa v o u rite place o f pilg rim ­ age o f th e H ab r Awal t r ib e , may be id e n tifie d w ith Y ü su f B a rk a tla , a n c e s to r of ’Umar W alashma’, fo u n d e r of th e Ifät d y n a s ty . F or th e position o f th e tomb see D rake-B rockm an (1912) p p . 217 ff. The Y ibir a n c e s to r b e a r s , in p o int of name an d c ircu m ­ s ta n c e , some su p e rfic ia l resem b lan ce to th e Shicite ’h id d e n ’ ImSm Muhammad ibn al-H an afiy a. See M assignon, ’E nc. I s . ’, IV , 668. Among th e C h ris tia n an d Muslim Agao of G ondar th is sy n c re tism le a d s to th e c o ex isten ce of Zär S haikh Muham­ mad (M uslim ); L eiris (1934a) p p . 126-9.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY A b b re v ia tio n s 'AAE' 'A rch iv o p e r l'A n tro p o lo g ia e la E tnologia' (F lo re n c e ) 'AA1' 'A nnali di A frica Ita lia n a ' (Rome) 'BSA I' 'B olletino della Società A fricana d 'Ita lia ' 'BSOAS' 'B u lletin o f th e School o f O rie n tal a n d A frican S tu d ie s' (L ondon) 'E n c . I s . ' 'E ncyclopaedia o f Islam' 'G J' 'G eo g rap h ical J o u rn a l' 'JEANHS' 'J o u rn a l o f th e E ast A frican N atu ral H isto ry S ociety' 'JR A I' 'Jo u rn a l of th e Royal A nthropological I n s titu te ' 'JS A ' 'Jo u rn a l de la Société d e s A fric a n is te s ' 'RAL' 'R en d ico n ti del Reale Accademia dei L incei' (Rome) 'R EI' 'R evue d es E tu d es Islam iques' 'RC' 'R iv ista C oloniale' (Rome) 'R ETP' 'R ev u e d 'E th n o g ra p h ie et de T ra d itio n s P o p u la ire s' 'R SE' 'R a sse g n a di S tu d i E tiopici' (Rome) 'RSO' ’R iv ista degli S tu d i O rie n ta li' (Rome) 'S .d . P h .- H is t. Kl. d . K. A kad. d . W iss.: 'S itz u n g s b e ric h te d e r P h ilo so p h isc h -H isto risc h e n K lasse d e r K aiserlich en Akademie d e r W issen sch aften ' (V ienna) 'Z . f . E i n g . S p r . 1 'Z e its c h rift f u r E in g e b o re n en S p ra c h e n ' (B e rlin ) C u shitic* B a tta r a , P . (1 9 3 4 ), Le o sse rv a z io n i a n tro p o m e tric h i e se g u ite dal P ro f. A. Mochi in E ritre a . AAE, 66, 1934, p p . 5-172. B ru n a , R . (1907), M onografia su lle popolazioni delle A ccheleG uzai, 'R elazione su lla Colonia E ritr e a . Cam era dei D e p u ta ti' (R om e), 32, p p . 657-732. B ry a n , M .A. (1 9 4 7 ), 'T he D istrib u tio n o f th e Semitic a n d C u sh itic L an g u ag es of A fric a ', L ondon, OUP fo r th e I n te r ­ n atio n al A frican I n s titu te . C e ru lli, E . (1922), 'T he fo lk - lite ra tu re of th e Galla of s o u th e rn A b y ssin ia ’ (H a rv a rd A frican S tu d ie s , I I I ) . C am b rid g e , M ass. C e ru lli, E. (1933), 'E tiopia O c c id e n ta le '. Rome, 2 v o ls. C h am b ard , R . (19 2 5 ), N otes s u r q u e lq u e s c ro y a n c e s re lig ie u se s d e s G alla, 'R E T P ’, p p . 125-35. C hiodi, V. (1 9 3 7 ), G ru p p i sa n g u ig n i in relazio n e alla ra z z a ; loro p o ssib le applicazione alla riso luzione dei problem i etn o a n tro p o lo g ic i r ig u a r d a n ti l'A fric a O rie n ta le Ita lia n a , 'A E E \ 67, p p . 160-72. C ip ria n i, L . (1 9 4 0 ), 'A bitazioni in d ig en e d e ll'A fric a O rien tale Ita lia n a ’. N aples. C onti R o ssin i, C . (1 9 0 3 -4 ), A l-R ag ali, ’B oll. Soc. Ita l. di E sp i. G eog1. C onti R o ssin i, C. (1 9 1 3), Schizzo del d ia le tto Saho d e ll’Alta A ssa o rta in E ritre a , ’RAL’, 22, 5, p p . 151-246. *No w orks on th e Beja a re in clu d e d h e r e . F or a full b ib lio g ra p h y of th e Somali, A far (D a n a k il), an d Saho see Lewis (1955) p p . 177-94.

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C onti R o ssin i, C . (1914), S tu d i su popolazioni d e ll'E th io p ia : Gli Iro b e le loro tra d iz io n i, 'R SO 1, 3, p p . 849-900. C onti R o ssin i, C . Note su g li A g au , 'G iornale Soc. A siatica Ita lia n a ' (F lo re n c e ), p p . 17-18. C onti R o ssin i, C . ( 1937), 'R isu ltati S cien tifici di un Viaggio nella Colonia E r itr e a ', F lo ren ce. H u n tin g fo rd , G .W .B . (1955), 'T he Galla of E thiopia: th e Kingdoms of Kafa and J a n je ro '. (E th n o g ra p h ic S u rv ey of A fric a , N o rth -E a s te rn A fric a , P a rt I I .) London, In te rn a tio n a l A frican I n s titu te . J a h n , A . (1 9 0 9 -1 0 ), L a u tle h re d e r S ah o -S p rac h e in N o rd a b e ss in ie n , 'J a h re s b e ric h t d e r K .K . S ta a ts R ealsch u le' (V ie n n a ), 23, p p . 1-38. L e iris, M. (1934a), Le cu lte d es Z ars à G o n d ar, 'A eth io p ia', 4, p p . 96-136. L e iris, M. ( 1934b), 'L 'A friq u e fa n tô m e ', P a ris . L ew is, I.M . (1 9 5 5 ), 'P eoples of th e Horn of A frica: Somali, A far an d S a h o '. (E th n o g ra p h ic S u rv e y of A frica , N o rth E a ste rn A frica, P a rt I . ) L ondon, In te rn a tio n a l A frican I n s t it u t e . L ic a ta , G .B . (18 8 5 ), 'A ssab e i D an a ch ili', Milan. L u c a s, M. (1935), R en seignem ents e th n o g ra p h iq u e s et lin g u is ­ tiq u e s s u r les D anakils de T a d jo u ra h , 'JS A ', 5, p p . 182-202. N adel, S .F . (1943), 'R aces an d T rib e s of E r itr e a ', A sm ara, E r itr e a , B ritish M ilitary A d m in istratio n . O d o rizzi, D. (1 9 0 7 ), La D ankalia italian a del N o rd , 'Relazione sulla Colonia E ritre a , Cam era dei D e p u ta ti' (R om e), 32, p p . 1915-63. P a u lits c h k e , P . (1 8 8 0 ), 'B e iträ g e z u r E th n o g ra p h ie u n d A nthropologie d e r Somal, G alla, u n d H a r a r ', L eipzig. P o llerà, A . (1 9 3 5 ), 'Le Popolazioni In d ig en e d e ll'E r itre a ', B ologna. R e in isc h , L. (1 8 8 6 -7 ), Die A far S p ra c h e , 'S .d .P h .- H i s t .K l .d . K .A k a d .d .W is s '. (V ie n n a ), 111, 1886, p p . 5 ff; 113, 1886, p p . 795-917; 114, 1887, p p . 89-169. R e in isc h , L. (1 8 8 9 -9 0 ), 'Die S a h o -S p ra c h e ', V ienna, 2 vo ls. S chm idt, W. (1940), 'D er U rs p ru n g d e r G o tte sid e e ', B d. V II, M ünster i. W. Seligm an, C .G . (1 9 3 9 ), 'R aces of A fric a '. F ir s t re v is e d e d n , London , T h o rn to n B u tte rw o rth . S e rg i, G. (1897), ’A fric a , A ntropologia della s tirp e C am itica’, T u r in . T h e s ig e r, W. (1 9 3 5 ), The Awash R iver a n d th e A ussa S u lta n a te , ’G J’, 85, p p . 1-23. T rim ingham , J . S . (1952), 'Islam in E th io p ia’, London, OUP. U llen d o rff, E. (19 5 5 ), 'T he Semitic L an g u a g es of E th io p ia ', London. V e n ie ri, L. (1 9 3 5 ), Sulla e tn o g ra fia dei S ah o , 'A AE', 65, p p . 5-59. V e rn a u , R . (1909), 'A nthropologie e t E th n o g ra p h ie '. (M ission D uch esn e F o u rn e t en E th io p ie, P a rt I I .) P a ris .

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OUP. G ib b , S ir H .A .R . (1947), 'M odern T re n d s in Islam ', C hicago. G ib b , S ir H .A .R . (1953), 'M ohammedanism', London, OUP. G ib b , Sir H .A .R ., and Bowen, H. (1950), 'Islam ic Society an d th e W est', v o l. 1, London, OUP fo r Roy. In s t. In te r n a t. A ffa irs. G o ld zih er, I. A rticle F ik h , 'E n c. I s . ', II, p p . 101-5. H u rg ro n je , C . Snouck (1 8 8 8 -9 ), 'M ekka', H aag, 1888-9, 2 vols an d a tla s . Ibn K haldun (1 8 6 3 -8 ), Muqaddima ( t r s . de Siane a s) 'Les P rolégom ènes d 'lb n K h ald o u n ', P a ris . J a u s s e n , A. (1 9 0 8 ), 'C outum es d es A rabes au P ays de M oab', P a r is . K ahle, P. (1912), Z ü r-B esc h w d ru n g en in E g y p te n , 'D er Islam ', III, p p . 1-41, 189-90. Lammens, H. (1944), 'L 'Islam ', B e y ro u th . Lew is, B. (1950), 'T h e A rab s in H is to ry ', London. M assignon, L. (1922), 'E ssa i s u r le s o rig in e s de Lexique te c h n iq u e de la M ystique m usulm ane', P a ris. M assignon, L. A rticle T a rik a , 'E n c. I s . 1, p p . 667-72. M assignon, L. A rticle T asaw w uf, 'E nc. I s . ’ , p p . 681-5. M assignon, L. (1947), L ’Ûmma e t ses sy n o n y m es: notion de 'C om m unauté sociale' en Islam , 'R E I', ( 1 4 ,) a n n é e s 1941-6, ( p u b . ) p p . 151-7. Milliot, L. (1 9 4 9 ), La conception de l'é ta t et de l'o r d r e légal d a n s l'Isla m , 'A cad. de D roit In te rn a tio n a l, Recueil des C o u rs1, II, p p . 596-686. Milliot, L. (1953), 'In tro d u c tio n a l'é tu d e d u d ro it M usulm an', P a r is , R ecueil S irey . M ontagne, R. (1 9 4 7 ), 'La civ ilisatio n d u d é s e r t ', P a ris . M oreno, M.M. (1935), 'La D o ttrin a d ell' Islam ', B ologna. N allino, C .A . (1 9 4 0 ), 'R accolta di S c ritti E diti e In e d iti', vol. II, 'L'Islam : D o g m atica -S u fism o -C o n fra tern ite’, Rome, Is titu to p e r l'O rie n te . N allino, C .A . (1 9 4 2 ), 'R accolta di S c ritti E diti e In e d iti', vol. IV , 'D iritto M usulmano, D iritti O rie n ta li C h ris tia n i', Rome, Is titu to p e r l'O rie n te . P e te r s , E. (1951), The B edouin of C y re n a ic a , MS. th e s is , O x fo rd D .P h il. R ach id , A. (1 9 3 7 ), L'Islam et le d ro it des g e n s , 'A cad. de D roit In te rn a tio n a l, Recueil des C o u rs ’, II , p p . 371-506. R odw ell, J.M . ( t r . ) (1909), ’T he K oran, tr a n s la te d from th e A ra b ic 1, L ondon, D ent and S ons. S a n tilla n a , D. (1 9 2 6 -38), 'Istitu z io n i di D iritto Musulmano M alichita', Rome, 2 v o ls. S c h a c h t, J . (1 9 5 0 ), 'T h e o rig in s of Muhammadan J u r i s p r u ­ d e n c e ', O x fo rd , C laren d o n P re s s . S c h a c h t, J . A rticle S h a ri'a , ’E nc. I s . ’, IV, p p . 320-4. T rim ingham , J . S . (1949), ’Islam in th e S u d a n 1, London, OUP. W ustenfeld, F . (1 8 5 2 -3 ), ’G enealogische T abellen d e r

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a ra b is c h e n Stamme u n d Familien mit h is to ris c h e n u n d geog ra p h isc h e n B em erkungen in einem a lp h a b e tisc h e n R e g is te r ’, G ò ttin g e n . Somali B a rile , P . (1 9 3 5 ), 'C olonizzazione F a sc ista nella Somalia Meri­ d io n a le ’, Rome. B ell, C .R .V . (1 9 5 3 ), 'T he Somali L a n g u a g e ', L ondon, Longm ans. B o tteg o , V. (1895), 'V iaggi di S co p erta nel C uore d e ll'A fric a : il G iuba E s p lo ra to ', Rome. B u rto n , Sir R .F . (1894), 'F irs t F o o tstep s in E ast A fric a ', Memorial e d n . , L o n d o n , 2 v o ls . C e ru lli, E. (1 9 1 8 ), T e sti di d iritto c o n su e tu d in a rio del Somali M arrëh ân , 'R S O ', 7, p p . 861-76. C e ru lli, E. (1 9 1 9 ), II d iritto c o n su e tu d in a rio della Somalia Italian a S e tte n trio n a le , 'B S A I1, 38, p p . 93 ff. (R e p rin t) C e ru lli, E. (1923), Note sul movimento Musulmano nella Somalia, 'R S O ', 10, p p . 1-36. C e ru lli, E. (1924), Un g ru p p o M ahri nella Somalia Ita lia n a , 'R S O ', 11, p p . 25-6. C e ru lli, E. (1 9 2 6 ), Le popolazioni della Somalia nella tra d iz io n i sto ric a locale, 'R A L ', s e r . 6, II, p p . 150-72. C e ru lli, E. (1927), Nuovi docum enti a ra b i p e r la sto ria della Somalia, 'R A L ', s e r . 6, III, p p . 392-410. C e ru lli, E. (1 9 2 9 ), Le stazio n i lu n a ri nelle nozioni astronom iche dei Somali e d ei D anakil, 'R S O ', 12. C e ru lli, E. (1931), T ra d izio n i sto ric h e e m onum enti della M ig iu rtin a, 'A A I', 4, p p . 1-2. C e ru lli, E. (1 9 3 1 b ), Nuovi a p p u n ti sull nozioni astronom iche dei Somali, 'R S O ', 13, p p . 2-9. C e ru lli, E. (1 9 3 6 ), 'S tu d i E tiopici. I. La L ingua e la S toria di H a r a r ', Rome, I s titu to p e r l'O rie n te . C e ru lli, E. A r tid e Som aliland, 'E nc. I s . ', IV , p p . 483-8. C olucci, M. (1 9 2 4 ), P rin cip i di D iritto C o n su e tu d in a rio della Somalia Italian a M eridionale', F lo ren ce . C o rn i, G. ( e d .) (1 9 3 7 -8 ), 'La Somalia Ita lia n a ', Milan, 2 v o ls. C u c in o tta , E. (1921a), D elitto , p e n a , e g iu stiz ia p r e s s o i Somali d el B e n a d ir, 'R C ', 16, p p . 15-41. C u c in o tta , E. (1 9 2 1 b ), P ro p rie tà , e d il sistem a c o n tra ttu a le nel 'D e s tu r ' Somalo, 'R C ', 16, p p . 243-64. C u c in o tta , E. (1921c), La c o n stitu z io n e sociale Somala, 'R C ', 16, p p . 442-56, 493-502. D escham ps, H. ( e d . ) (1948), 'L'U nion F ra n ç a is e , Côte d e s S o m a lis-R é u n io n -In d e ', P a ris , B e rg e r L e v ra u lt, p p . 1-85. D ra k e -B ro c k m an , R .E . (1912), 'B ritis h S om aliland', London. D ry sd a le , J . G . S . (19 55), Some a s p e c ts of Somali r u r a l so ciety to - d a y , 'Som aliland J o u rn a l' (H a rg e is a ), I, 2. F e r r a n d , G. (1903), 'L es Comalis: M atériaux d 'é tu d e s s u r les p a y s M usulm anes', P a ris . F e rra n d i, U. (1903), 'L u g h . Seconda Spedizione B o tte g o ', Rom e.

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6

ALLIANCE AND DESCENT IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND THE ‘PROBLEM’ OF PATRILATERAL PARALLEL COUSIN MARRIAGE (1) Donald P. Cole

T he social s tr u c tu r e o f tra d itio n a l Middle E a ste rn com m unities h a s alm ost alw ays b een d e s c rib e d a s o rg a n iz e d a c c o rd in g to th e p rin c ip le s of d e s c e n t. A lliance h a s u su a lly b een o v erlooked a n d , in some c a se s b e ca u se of th e e x iste n c e of p re fe re n tia l p a tr ila te r a l p a ra lle l c o u sin m a rria g e , ev e n d e n ie d . D escent h as b een c o n sid e re d so im p o rtan t in Middle E a ste rn social s tr u c tu r e th a t some sc h o la rs h ave see n it as th e b asic p rin c ip le u n d e r ­ ly in g th e o rg a n iz a tio n n o t only of sm all-scale local o r trib a l com m unities b u t o f th e to ta l complex s o c ie ty , in sp ite of th e e x iste n c e sin ce a n c ie n t tim es o f su c h th in g s a s c itie s , s ta te s , a n d e m p ire s. A cco rd in g to M urphy a n d K asd an , fo r exam ple, 'id e a lly , all A r a b s , w h e th e r nomadic o r s e d e n ta r y , form a s u p e r ­ lin e a g e , th e m em ber u n its of w hich tra c e common a n c e s try to th e p ro p h e t A brah am ' (1 9 5 9 :2 1 ). T hey f u r th e r s ta te th a t 'g en ealo g ies a re alm ost th e only m eans given w ithin th e formal social s t r u c tu r e fo r o rd e rin g la r g e r am algam ations' (1 9 5 9 :2 3 ). A cco rd in g to P a ta i, 'd e s c e n t, w hich in Middle E a ste rn c u ltu re m eans p a trilin e a l d e s c e n t, is th e only fa c to r th ro u g h w hich ego can re la te to in d iv id u a ls o r g ro u p s o u tsid e h is own small w orld re p r e s e n te d b y h is UDG [un ilin eal d e sc e n t g ro u p ] (19 6 5 :3 4 7 -8 ). T he aim of th is a rtic le is to d em o n stra te th a t alliance is , n o n e ­ th e le s s , an im p o rtan t s tr u c tu r a l fe a tu re o f Middle E a ste rn s o c ie ty . It o c c u rs re g u la rly as a r e s u lt o f m a rria g e s betw een m em bers o f u n its of v a ry in g size s - p a trilo c a l h o u se h o ld s of two to th r e e g e n e ra tio n s d e p th , minimal lin e a g e s, maximal lin e a g e s, c la n s , an d tr ib e s - a n d betw een d iffe re n t s tr a ta o f th e so c ie ty . J u s t a s th e b o u n d a rie s o f Middle E a ste rn unilin eal d e sc e n t g ro u p s a re easily co llap sed to allow fissio n a n d fu sion a c c o rd in g to th e p rin c ip le s of se g m e n ta ry d e s c e n t, m arria g e does n o t alw ays o c c u r b etw een g ro u p s o f th e same ty p e . Yet in sp ite o f a g re a t deal o f v a ria tio n in th e ty p e s of g ro u p s lin k e d , alliance th ro u g h m arriag e is an im p o rtan t p rin c ip le of Middle E a ste rn social s t r u c ­ tu r e a n d , c o n tra ry to P atai and M urphy an d K a sd a n , allian ce, alo n g w ith d e s c e n t, is one m eans b y w hich a p e rso n re la te s to in d iv id u a ls an d g ro u p s o u tsid e h is own small w orld. T h is a rtic le also ta k e s issu e w ith th e notion th a t Middle E a s te rn so ciety is o rg a n iz e d ex c lu siv e ly a c c o rd in g to th e p rin c ip le s of k in s h ip (u n d e r w hich r u b r ic s I would in clu d e b o th d e sc e n t an d a llia n c e ). The 'la r g e r A rab so c ie ty ' th a t M urphy an d K asdan r e f e r to (1959:23) is by no m eans o rg a n iz e d a c c o rd 169

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in g to th e p rin c ip le s of d e s c e n t, as th e y claim . N or do es th e endogam ous u n ilin eal d e sc e n t g ro u p ex h ib it a n y o f th e d e g re e o f s e lf-su ffic ie n c y th a t P atai a ttr ib u te s to i t , ev en am ong h ig h ly tra d itio n a l an d iso lated bedouin tr ib e s . A cco rd in g to P a ta i, th e endogam ous UDG . . . is g en etically s e lf-s u ffic ie n t. T his m ean s, f ir s t of all th a t th e r e is no n e c e s s ity fo r it to m aintain a n y social re la tio n s w ith o u tg ro u p s , sin ce it re p le n is h e s an d au g m en ts its hum an c o n tin g e n t b y in -b re e d in g . It also p ro ­ v id e s its e lf w ith s u s te n a n c e by th e common e ffo rt o f its m em b ersh ip , an d it g u a ra n te e s its own s a fe ty b y th e n u m b ers o f its a d u lt m ales. On th e sim plest le v e l, th e endogam ous UDG can actu ally s u s ta in its e lf in com plete isolation from all o u tsid e so c ie ty , in a to ta l bio social a u ta rc h y (1965:346). I q u e s tio n , h o w e v e r, w h eth e r th is bio -so cial a u ta rc h y e x is ts a n y w h e re in th e Middle E a st, e v e n a s an id e a l. As I will show in th is p a p e r , not e v e n th e m ost rem ote bed o u in o f th e Rub0 a l-K h a li, o r Em pty Q u a r te r, a re s e lf-s u ffic ie n t econom ically b u t re ly on th e sp ecialized s e rv ic e s of o th e r g ro u p s w ith whom th e y do n o t s h a re d e sc e n t b u t with some o f whom th e y occasionally m a rry an d w ith all o f whom th e y s h a re a la n g u a g e , a r e lig io n , a n d a g e n e ra l c u ltu ra l id e n tity . T he econom ic, so cial, an d c u ltu ra l w orlds w ithin w hich e v en th e most iso la ted g ro u p s o p e ra te th u s d e fin ite ly in clu d e g ro u p s of people from o u tsid e th e ir own maximal d e sc e n t g ro u p s . In te ra c tio n betw een u n its o f th e la r g e r so ciety is b a se d not on s h a re d d e sc e n t b u t mainly on th e e x c h a n g e of specialized goods a n d s e rv ic e s a n d sometimes as a r e s u lt of m a rria g e s. Much o f th e confu sion in s tu d ie s o f Middle E a ste rn social s t r u c tu r e is esp e c ia lly ev id e n t in th e a tte m p ts b y a n th ro p o lo g ists to e x p la in th e sig n ific an c e of th e p ra c tic e o f p a trila te ra l p a ra lle l co u sin m arriag e an d endogam y in g e n e ral in th e Middle E a st. D u rin g th e la s t two d e c a d e s, a lively d e b a te h a s o c c u rre d am ong a n th ro p o lo g ists in te r e s te d in e x p la in in g th e phenom enon of f a th e r 's b r o th e r 's d a u g h te r m arria g e in th e Middle E a st. One of th e most re c e n t c o n trib u tio n s to th is d e b a te (K h u ri 1970) h a s c o n v e n ie n tly sum m arized a n d c ritic a lly exam ined th e ex p la n a tio n s o ffe re d fo r f a th e r 's b r o th e r 's d a u g h te r ( h e re in a fte r r e f e r r e d to a s FBD) m a rria g e , alo n g w ith p re s e n tin g a new ex p lan atio n fo r its o c c u rre n c e . I do n o t p ro p o se to exam ine th e p ro s an d co n s o f th e v a rio u s e x p la n a tio n s p u t f o r th . In my o p in io n , each e x p la n a tio n co n ta in s some elem ents o f t r u t h , an d FBD m arriag e q u ite p o ssib ly does all o f th e th in g s people sa y it d o es: it k e e p s p r o p e rty in ta c t a n d th e bloodline p u re (th e u su a l n a tiv e Middle E a s te rn e r's e x p la n a tio n an d B a e r 1964; G ra n q u ist 1931; P e te rs 1963; R osenfeld 1957); it s tr e n g th e n s th e b o n d s betw een a man and h is p a te rn a l n e p h e w s, since th e la tte r become h is so n s-in -la w as well (B a rc la y 1964; B a rth 1954; P e te rs 1963); it fa c ilita te s th e ecologically a d a p tiv e p ro c e ss of fission a n d fusion am ong th e

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bedouin by not b u ild in g up ex ten siv e affinal ties (M urphy and Kasdan 1959; 1967); and it c o n trib u te s to harm onious family re la tio n sh ip s, since family k in sh ip relatio n s alread y ex ist betw een th e people involved (K huri 1970). But even if we think up all th e possible fu n ctio n s FBD m arriage can o r does have among those who p ra c tise i t , we will still be no closer to u n d e rsta n d in g th e significance of th is Middle E astern p rac tic e o f close endoga­ mous m a rria g e . The 'problem ' o f FBD m arriage, as it h as been conceived o f in most of the anthropological lite r a tu re , is at b e st m isleading and co n fu sin g . T his is b ecause it is s u g g e s te d , u su ally im plicitly, th a t FBD m arriage c h a ra c te riz e s th e m arriage system as a whole, even when it is recognized th a t people do not always m arry e ith e r a real o r classificato ry FBD, even when th is is dem ographically p o ssib le. At th e same tim e, m arriage p ra c tic e s are exam ined in isolation and a re seldom seen as an in te g ra l p a rt of th e total k in sh ip sy stem , which itse lf is re la te d to th e complex social s tr u c tu r e of Middle E astern societies. We a re not d ealing with a m arriage p rac tice in a trib a l society o rg an ized exclusively acco rd in g to th e p rin cip les of unilineal d escen t - assu m in g , of c o u rse , th a t su ch societies actually ex ist anyw here ex cep t in the minds o f some a n th ro p o lo g ists. In the case of th e Middle East and in sp ite o f most of th e lite ra tu re on th e a re a , we a re co n fro nted with a num ber of d iffe re n t m arriage p ra c tic e s , one of which is verb ally p r e fe rr e d , in g ro u p s in which unilineal d e sc e n t is only o n e , th o u g h often an extrem ely im p o rtan t, p rin cip le of social o rg an iz atio n . As I shall attem pt to show by focusing on th e Â1 M urrah b ed ouin, Middle E astern k in sh ip system s cannot be u n d ersto o d by tre a tin g e ith e r m arriage p ra c tic e s o r d escen t as isolated phenom ena. Both are in te r ­ re la te d , and th e k in sh ip system its e lf m ust be seen in relation to th e com plex, p lu ra listic n a tu re of Middle E astern so ciety. Since M urphy and K asdan's seminal a rticle on th e s tr u c tu re of parallel cousin m arriage (1959), much of the in te re s t in th is ty p e of m arriage system has revolved aro u n d the qu estio n of how it a ffe c ts alliance th e o ry . If, as L év i-S tra u ss and o th e rs have cogently a rg u e d , p re sc rip tiv e m arriage ru le s a re mainly ways o f in te g ra tin g unilineal d escen t g ro u p s, how does FBD m arriag e, which a p p a re n tly does not c re ate alliances betw een unilineal d escen t g ro u p s, affect th is th eo ry ? M urphy and Kasdan ex p licitly a rg u e th a t ’p arallel cousin m arriage has th e opposite effect of c ro ss-c o u sin m arriag e' (1959:23) and deny th a t it re s u lts in th e creatio n of alliances. The c o n tra ry is tr u e , how ever. Alliance is achieved and symbolized in th e Middle E ast, as in most o th e r so cieties, th ro u g h m arriag e, inclu ding FBD m arriag e. T hat M urphy and Kasdan and o th e rs have not seen th is is because th e y have not h eeded Leach’s adm onition 'to d istin g u ish betw een the notion of local line (in d ic a tin g a local d escent g ro u p ) and d e sc en t line (in d ic a tin g a se t of k in sh ip c a te g o rie s)' (1961:57). If we follow th is advice and look at local d escen t g ro u p s, we see th a t FBD

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m a rria g e , a t le a st am ong th e b e d o u in . o c c u rs betw een two su c h g r o u p s . R esidence is p atrilo cal and b r o th e r s live to g e th e r , b u t b y th e time th e ir c h ild re n a re re a d y to m arry ( i .e . when th e c h ild re n h av e become second g e n e ra tio n ), th e o rig in a l household is d iv id e d a n d b r o th e r s e s ta b lis h new an d in d e p e n d e n t h o u se ­ ho ld s an d th u s c re a te new local d e sc e n t g r o u p s , each with its own h e rd o f anim als, th e m ajor p ro p e r ty th e y p o s s e s s . M a rriag e s, in c lu d in g FBD m a rria g e , r e s u lt in th e b rid e m oving from h e r f a th e r 's h o u seh o ld to th a t of h e r h u s b a n d 's f a th e r and th e co n ­ se q u e n t c re a tio n of special affin al tie s betw een th e two g ro u p s . FBD m arriag e is th u s seen a s not b asically d iffe re n t from o th e r m arriag e sy ste m s: it 'is a sy stem atically o rg a n iz e d a ffa ir betw een two social g ro u p s . . . th e co re [of w hich] is com posed of th e a d u lt maies o f a k in g ro u p all r e s id e n t in one p la c e ' (L each 1961: 5 6 ; L each 's ita lic s ) . As I h av e a lre a d y s u g g e s te d , m uch co nfusion in th e a n th r o ­ pological lite r a tu r e on th e Middle East r e s u lts from th e fa ilu re to see th e k in sh ip sy stem of th e a re a a s only one a sp e c t o r fe a tu re o f th e to ta l social s t r u c tu r e . M arriages o c c u r n o t ju st b e c a u se of th e dynam ics o f th e k in sh ip system o r th e e x iste n c e o f p r e f e r ­ e n tia l ru le s b u t a re o fte n re la te d to th e p o litical an d economic s tr u c tu r e of th e so c ie ty a s w ell. In th is r e g a r d , 1 ta k e in s p ir ­ ation p a rtly from L e v i-S tra u s s 's a r tic le , The B ear and th e B a r b e r ( 1963) , in which he a rg u e d th a t th e same p rin c ip le s of ex c h a n g e u n d e rly th e social s tr u c tu r e o f two c o n tra s tin g ly d iffe r­ e n t s o c ie tie s, th e A u stralian a b o rig in e s an d In d ia . Among th e A u stra lia n a b o rig in e s , in te g ra tio n is ach ie v ed mainly th ro u g h m arriag e ( i . e . th ro u g h th e ex c h a n g e of women betw een exogam ous totem ic g ro u p s ) w h e re as am ong th e In d ia n s , in te g ra tio n is ach iev ed mainly th ro u g h th e ex c h a n g e o f specialized goods and se rv ic e s p ro d u c e d o r p e rfo rm ed by m em bers o f endogam ous c a s te s . 1 ca n n o t fully e x p lo re in th is a rtic le th e im plications o f view ing th e Middle E ast a s a p lu ra listic s tra tifie d so c ie ty , b u t it is n e c e s s a ry to poin t o u t th a t ev en th e so -c a lle d trib a l g ro u p s in th e a re a a re fu n d am en tally in te g ra te d in to a more com plex c u ltu re an d so ciety in which th e y all to g e th e r make up a sin g le c a te g o ry in c o n tr a s t with o th e r social c a te g o rie s . As B a rth h a s v e ry well a rg u e d , In much of th e Middle E a s t, 'p lu ra l' so cieties a re fo u n d , c h a ra c te riz e d b y c le a r lines o f in te rn a l se g m e n ta tio n , o ften b a se d on e th n ic c r ite r ia ; su c h so cieties h av e a s tr u c tu r e c h a ra c te riz e d b y th e summation o f s ta tu s e s in an in v o lu te sy ste m , in which a high d e g re e o f s ta tu s d iffe re n tia tio n is a sso c ia te d w ith a lim ited s e t of p e rm itted s ta tu s com binations. Such sy stem s d e p e n d fo r th e ir p e rs is te n c e on v e ry cle a r c r ite r ia fo r s ta tu s a s c rip tio n . In so c ieties o th e r th a n th o se of ex trem e p a tr ilin y , th is p re re q u is ite im plies a p a tte r n o f endogam y w ithin th e s tr a tifie d g ro u p s , a fe a tu re o fte n em pha­ sized in th e d e fin itio n o f c a ste ( 1960: 145) .

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W hether M iddle E a s te rn so c ie ty sh o u ld be d is c u s s e d in te rm s o f c a s te is d e b a ta b le . L each (1960) p r e f e r s to r e s t r i c t th e u s a g e of c a s te a s a d e s c r ip tiv e te rm to th e In d ia n s u b - c o n t i n e n t . B a r th , h o w e v e r, o b v io u sly show s (1960) th a t e s s e n tia lly th e same p r in c ip le s o f social o rg a n iz a tio n th a t u n d e rly th e c la ssic a l c a s te so c ie tie s o f In d ia a re o p e ra tiv e in a t le a s t some M iddle E a s te rn s o c ie tie s , a lth o u g h w ith o u t th e s u p p o r t o f an ideo lo g ical sy ste m s u c h a s th a t p ro v id e d b y H in d u ism . At a n y r a t e , we a r e n o t d e a lin g w ith tr ib a l s o c ie tie s th a t a re 's e lf - c o n ta in e d , p o litic a lly , eco n o m ically , a n d c u ltu r a lly . . . is la n d s u n to th e m s e lv e s 1 (G e lln e r 1 9 6 9 :2 ). E v en th e d is s id e n t t r ib e s in th e M iddle E ast t h a t a r e ( o r w e re ) p o litic a lly in d e p e n d e n t ’a re n o t c u ltu r a lly in d e p e n d e n t. T h e y a re em b ed d e d in th e w id e r c iv iliz a tio n o f th e Muslim w o rld . In la rg e m e a su re th e y s h a r e th e re lig io n , c o n ­ c e p t s , sy m b o ls o f th e w hole o f th e Muslim w o rld ' (G e lln e r 1 9 6 9 :2 ). It is th u s e s s e n tia l to c o n ce iv e o f M iddle E a s te rn s o c ie tie s as p lu r a lis tic , in w hich h ig h ly en d o g am o u s g r o u p s , som etim es d is ­ tin g u is h e d b y e th n ic , lin g u is tic , a n d / o r re lig io u s c r i t e r i a , a re a lso a s s o c ia te d w ith sp e c ia l o c c u p a tio n s : th e m o saic, a s d e s ­ c r ib e d b y C oon, in w hich ’th e p e o p le s o f th e Middle E a st a re o r g a n iz e d in to a co m plicated social sy stem b a s e d on an e th n ic d iv isio n o f la b o r ' (1 9 5 8 :3 ). A lth o u g h I c a n n o t fu lly e x p lo re th e p lu r a lis tic n a tu r e o f M iddle E a s te rn so c ie ty in th is p a p e r , I a r g u e th a t th e e n d o g am o u s n a tu r e o f M iddle E a s te r n m a rria g e p r a c tic e s c a n o n ly b e u n d e rs to o d a s an a s p e c t o f th e p lu ra lis tic s t r u c t u r e o f M iddle E a s te r n s o c ie ty . T h is is t r u e e v e n in th e c a se o f a tr i b e w hich e n jo y s a h ig h d e g r e e o f te r r i t o r i a l iso la tio n a n d w hich o n ly r a r e ly p a r tic ip a te s in e x c h a n g e tr a n s a c tio n s w ith o th e r e le m e n ts in th e w id e r s o c ie ty .

T he Al M u rra h , who n u m b e r a b o u t 15,000 p e o p le , a re o ne o f th e m ost tr a d itio n a l a n d , in m any w a y s, le a s t c h a n g e d o f S audi A ra b ia ’s m ajor b e d o u in t r i b e s . T h e y in h a b it m ost o f th e 200,000 s q u a r e mile R u b f a l-K h a li, o r E m pty Q u a r te r , o f s o u th e a s te r n A ra b ia a n d e x te n d n o r th w a r d s a s f a r a s K uw ait a n d th e a r e a o f th e I r a q i- S a u d i A ra b ia n b o r d e r . A lth o u g h some a r e c h a n g in g to h e r d in g s h e e p a n d g o a ts , m ost o f th e Al M u rra h a r e c la ssic ex am p les o f th e tra d itio n a l cam el h e r d in g nom ads o f A ra b ia . T h e y e x p r e s s s tr o n g fe e lin g s o f tr ib a l id e n tity a n d p ro u d ly t h in k o f th e m s e lv e s a s h e r d e r s a n d a s w a r r io r s . A lth o u g h th e y p ro v id e m uch o f t h e ir own s u b s is te n c e th r o u g h th e nom adic h e r d in g o f milk c a m e ls, th e y d e p e n d on m a rk e t p u r c h a s e s fo r a n u m b e r o f item s th a t a r e b a sic to t h e ir d ie ts (e s p e c ia lly d a te s a n d r ic e , a s well a s c o ffe e , cardam om , t e a , a n d s u g a r ) a n d to t h e ir p a s to r a l a c tiv itie s ( le a th e r b u c k e ts , r o p e s , e t c . ) . T h e y alm ost n e v e r e x c h a n g e a n y o f th e ir own p a s to r a l p r o d u c ts w ith o u ts id e r s n o r do th e y r e g u la r ly sell a n y th in g in m a r k e ts . T he m oney u s e d in m a rk e t p u r c h a s e s com es m ainly from m e m b ersh ip

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in th e S au d i A ra b ia n N ational G u a rd o r a s p e n s io n s in re c o g n i­ tio n o f t h e ir p a s t m ilita ry s e rv ic e to th e S au d i A ra b ia n n a tio n ­ s t a t e . (2 ) A lth o u g h th e y s p e n d m ost o f t h e ir d a y s in iso la te d a c tiv itie s in a v a s t d e s e r t a n d a r e p rim a rily c o n c e rn e d w ith th e ir own in te r n a l a f f a ir s , th e y a r e v e r y m uch a w a re o f, a ffe c te d b y , a n d d e p e n d on th e o u ts id e w o rld , o f w hich th e y re a d ily re c o g n iz e th e y a re a p a r t . T h e y a r e p ro u d to re c o g n iz e th a t th e y a r e S a u d is a n d s a y t h a t th e y a re n o t o n ly Al F a is a l, People o f F a isa l. T h e y c o n tr a s t th e m s e lv e s w ith o th e r S a u d is who a r e n o t h e r d e r s a n d w a r r io r s b u t proclaim th e ir sim ila rity to o th e r S h a r if , n o b le , b e d o u in tr ib e s p e o p le . A lth o u g h h e r d in g h a s lo st m uch o f its r e la tiv e im p o rta n c e in th e c h a n g in g econom y o f S au d i A ra b ia , th e m ilita ry a c tiv itie s o f all th e S h a rif b e d o u in tr ib e s c o n tin u e to b e e x tre m e ly im p o r ta n t, a n d th e ir m em b ersh ip in th e N ational G u a r d , to w hich th e y h a v e e x c lu siv e e n tr a n c e , sy m b o lizes th e m ajor way in w hich th e Al M u rra h a n d o th e r b e d o u in a r e in c o r ­ p o r a te d in to th e s t r u c t u r e of th e m o d ern S a u d i A ra b ia n n a tio n ­ s ta te ( c f . Cole 1 9 7 3 :123-7).

P a trilin e a l d e s c e n t a n d th e d u a l o p p o sitio n o f d e s c e n t g ro u p s a re m ajor o r g a n iz in g p r in c ip le s in Al M u rra h s o c ie ty . When e x p la in in g th e o rg a n iz a tio n o f t h e ir tr ib a l s t r u c t u r e to a n o u t­ s id e r - in q u ir in g a n th ro p o lo g is t o r a n y o th e r trib e s m a n - th e Al M u rra h e ith e r b e g in w ith t h e ir fo u n d in g a n c e s to r , M u rra h , o r th e y b e g in w ith EGO. If th e y b e g in w ith th e ir a n c e s to r , th e y s a y th a t M u rra h h a d two s o n s , cAli a n d S h a b ib , b o th o f whom h a d tw o s o n s . One o f S h a b ib ’s so n s h a d two s o n s , one o f whom h a d tw o s o n s , one o f whom also h a d tw o s o n s . If th e y b e g in w ith EGO, th e y s a y th a t we in o u r d e s c e n t g r o u p , A , u n ite w ith g ro u p B a s th e so n s o f C . As th e so n s o f C , we join w ith g ro u p D a s th e s o n s o f E , jo in in g w ith F , e tc . u n til all th e Al M u rra h a r e in c lu d e d . In th is sam e fa s h io n , m ore d is ta n tly r e la te d tr ib e s a re b r o u g h t in to a sso c ia tio n w ith th e Al M u rra h . F ig u re 6 .1 sh o w s th e g e n e a lo g ical re la tio n s h ip s o f th e m ost in c lu s iv e , o r m axim al, d e s c e n t g ro u p s o f th e Al M u rra h . T h e n am es w r itte n in c a p ita l l e tte r s in F ig u r e 6 .1 a r e th e nam es o f a c tu a l d e s c e n t g ro u p s w hich th e Al M u rra h r e f e r s to as gabila, u s u a lly g lo s se d a s t r i b e . T h e nam es w ritte n in low er c a se l e t t e r s r e p r e s e n t g e n e alo g ic al lin k s a n d a r e b r o u g h t in to u s e to show th e re la tio n s h ip b e tw e e n d if f e r e n t g r o u p s o r to e x p r e s s te m p o ra ry s o lid a r ity w ith a n o th e r d e s c e n t g r o u p , a s w hen p eo p le from th e F u h a id a h a n d th e J a b ir d e s c e n t g ro u p s m eet a n d call th e m se lv e s b y th e nam e o f S a ’id , t h e ir m ost im m ediate common a n c e s to r . A lth o u g h th e Al M u rrah r e f e r to th e s e d e s c e n t g ro u p s b y th e A ra b ic term gabila, u su a lly g lo sse d in to E n g lish a s tr ib e a n d r e f e r to th e u n it o f th e to ta lity o f th e Al M u rra h as gabilat

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a l- M u r r a h , M u rra h t r i b e s , we sh o u ld n o t th in k o f th e Al M u rra h a s a c o n fe d e ra tio n o f t r i b e s . If we th in k o f tr ib e a s a maximal d e s c e n t u n it w hich h a s a t le a s t some s ig n ific a n t d e g r e e o f p o litic a l, s o c ia l, a n d c u ltu r a l a u to n o m y , th e n th e Al M u rra h a s a whole a r e a s s o c ia te d w ith a t e r r ito r ia l u n it know n a s dirat AI M u r r a h , Al M u rra h t e r r i t o r i e s , a n d h a v e a p a ra m o u n t s h a ik h who s p e a k s f o r all of th e m , a lth o u g h he te n d s to be m ore c lo se ly a s s o c ia te d w ith some c la n s th a n w ith o th e r s . In th e b y g o n e d a y s o f r a i d s , th e Al M u rra h d id n o t ra id e a c h o t h e r , sin c e th e y th o u g h t o f t h e i r t e n t s a n d h e r d s a s th o s e o f o ne p e o p le . T he Al M u rra h a re a s s o c ia te d w ith th e ir own d ia le c t o f A ra b ic , h a v e t h e ir own p a tt e r n of g r e e tin g s , a n d c lo sely a p p ro a c h 100 p e r cen t endogam y. F ig u re 6.1 Patrilineal r e la tio n s h ip s o f Al M urrah c la n s ( th e names in c a pita ls r e f e r to actual d e s c e n t g r o u p s ; th e o t h e r names e x p r e s s genealogical l i n k s . ) MURRAH

GHAYATHIN

JARABAH

CATHBAH

sa°id

GHUFRAN

FUHAIDAH

T he c la n s a r e im p o rta n t u n its o f r e f e r e n c e a n d a re som etim es a s s o c ia te d w ith te r r i t o r ia l u n its a n d sp e c ia liz e d a c tiv itie s . T h e d a te palm o a sis o f J a b r i n , fo r e x a m p le , is a s s o c ia te d p rim a rily w ith th e Al J a b ir c l a n , w hich o w ns m ost o f th e t r e e s th e r e a n d s e ttle s th e r e d u r in g th e sum m er d a te h a r v e s t . T h e Al c A th b a h a re c lo sely a s s o c ia te d w ith two sm all o a se s in th e sam e w ay . T h e Al F u h a id a h a r e th o u g h t o f a s e sc h e w in g a n y k in d o f s e d e n ta r iz a tio n a n d a s b e in g m ainly in te r e s te d in in v o lv em e n t in s u p r a tr ib a l p o litic s , e s p e c ia lly sin c e all o f th e p a ra m o u n t s h a ik h s o f th e Al M u rra h d u r in g th is c e n tu r y h a v e come from th is c la n . E ach c la n is a n im p o rta n t u n it of v is ita tio n , e sp e c ia lly in u rb a n e n v ir o n m e n ts , a n d a s a r e s u lt th e c la n is p la y in g an in c re a s in g ly im p o rta n t ro le in d e te rm in in g th e foci of u r b a n m ig ra tio n . N e ith e r th e clan n o r th e tr ib e p la y s a n y m ajor ro le in o r g a n iz ­ in g p a s to r a l a c tiv itie s , e x c e p t th a t a c c e s s to Al M u rra h t e r r ito r ie s

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a c c ru e s only to m em bers of th e Al M urrah on a p erm an en t b a s is . T he y e a rly cycle of h e rd in g an d th e p a tte r n of sum m er cam ping at p erm an en t s o u rc e s of w ater a re c a rr ie d o u t w ithin th e g e n e ra l c o n te x t of a u n it of kinsm en th e Al M urrah call f a k h d h , th ig h . T h is is a u n it of fiv e to sev e n g e n e ra tio n s ' d e p th , w hich we may call lin e a g e . T h e re is a te n d e n c y fo r th e s e u n its to be p a ire d o ff, a s in th e case of c la n s , b u t seldom is th is ab so lu tely a c h ie v e d . T h u s th e Al F u h aid ah d ivide th em selv es into lin e ag e s a s diagram m ed in F ig u re 6 .2 . T he nam es w ritte n in c a p ita ls are lin e a g e s . F ig u re 6.2 Patrilineal relatio nsh ip s o f Al Fuhaidah maximal lineages (the names in capitals r e fe r to actual d e sc e n t g ro u p s; the o th e r nam es e x p r e s s genealogical link s) FUHAIDAH

CAZZAB GHANIM IBN HADI

T he in te rn a l re la tio n sh ip s of th e lin e a g e s w ithin th e clan is of little im portance to th e Al M u rra h . U sually th e y a re sim ply nam ed w ithout s ta tin g th e re la tio n s h ip s betw een th e m , an d in most in s ta n c e s th e e x a c t re la tio n sh ip s a re unknow n ex c e p t to some old m en, a lth o u g h ev e ry o n e know s th a t some lin e a g e s a re clo ser to some th a n to o th e r s . T his c o n tr a s ts s h a rp ly w ith th e s tr ic t d u a lity o f th e c la n s which is easily re c ite d , alw ays in th e same o r d e r , b y all a d u lts a n d most y o u th s . B etw een th e Level c f th e lin eag e a n d th e h o u se h o ld , th e Al M urrah reco g n ize a g ro u p in g of about th r e e g e n e ra tio n s rem ove from th e h e a d s o f h o u se h o ld s. T his u n it, al g a ra b a , th e n e a r o n e s , o r minimal lin e a g e , p ro v id e s a g e n e ra l su rn am e u se d in id e n tify in g in d iv id u a ls to o th e r m em bers o f th e Al M u rrah . Both th e minimal an d maximal lin eag e s a re u n its th e m em bers of w hich te n d to c lin g to g e th e r d u rin g th e c o u rse of m ig ratio n s on th e way to a n d while in fa ll, w in te r, a n d s p rin g p a s tu r e s . E v ery sum m er camp a t a so u rc e o f w a te r is p re d o m in a n tly made up o f a m ajority of people from th e same lin e a g e . A side from th e fact th a t th e o w n ersh ip of most weils is v e ste d in th e lin e a g e , no lin eag e-w id e d ecisio n s a re made c o n c e rn in g th e p a sto ra l a c tiv itie s of th e g ro u p a s a w hole. Each hou seh o ld is an autonom ous h e r d ­ in g u n it which is re sp o n sib le fo r th e m anagem ent o f its own h e rd

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a n d , th e r e b y , its own s u b s is te n c e . T he lin eag e is , h o w e v e r, th e u n it in w hich blood d e b ts a re s h a re d e q u a lly . T he Al M u rrah re c o g n ize th a t d e sc e n t is an im p o rtan t fa c to r in th e o rg a n iz a tio n of th e ir social life . T h ey also a re aw are th a t it does n o t n e c e s s a rily r e f e r to h isto ric a l fa ct b u t th a t it is a k in d o f fram ew ork th a t r e f l e c t s , in a more o r le ss g e n e ra l w a y , how g ro u p s re la te to eac h o th e r an d is a guid elin e fo r b e h a v io u r in c e rta in in s ta n c e s . T h e re i s , fo r exam ple, a v e rsio n o f th e ir h is to ry re c o rd e d b y some A rab g e n e a lo g ists a n d o ften m entioned b y s e d e n ta ry S audi A ra b ia n s th a t claim s th a t th e Al M urrah a re d e sc e n d e d from c A d n a n , th e m ythical fo u n d e r o f th e so-called a d o p te d , o r n o r th e r n , A rab s from whom th e P ro p h et Muhammad is d e s c e n d e d . T he Al M urrah them selv es claim to be d e sc e n d e d from Yam an d th e n from Q a h ta n , th e m ythical fo u n d e r of th e s o u th e rn A r a b s , a lth o u g h th e y a re aw are of th e o th e r v e rsio n of th e ir d e s c e n t. As m any of them p o in ted o u t to m e, th e only v e rsio n th a t h a s any re a lity is th e one th a t re la te s them to Yam a n d Q a h ta n , b e c a u se th is r e fle c ts th e way in which th e y in te ra c t w ith a n u m b er of o th e r t r i b e s , while th e v e rsio n which would tie them in w ith th e d e sc e n d a n ts of c A dnan h a s no im p o rt­ ance in th e ir p r e s e n t- d a y re la tio n s h ip s . As one o f them s a id , 'Whom you d rin k coffee with an d n o t w hat th e h is to ria n s say is w hat is im p o rta n t. ' P a trilin e a l d e s c e n t, th e n , is a model th e Al M u rrah u se in o rg a n iz in g th e g ro u p s in th e ir so ciety a n d is th e way in which th e y tra c e re la tio n s h ip s w ithin th e tr ib e . T h e ir g e n e alo g ie s, h o w e v e r, a re n o t a b so lu te ly p a trilin e a l. T he nam es of women a p p e a r a s th e fo u n d e rs of two c la n s an d a n u m b er of minimal lin e a g e s . Both th e Al c A thbah a n d th e Al F u h aid ah ta k e th e ir nam es from women from o th e r cla n s who m arrie d two so n s o f F a d h il, b o th of whose nam es have b een d e le te d from th e g e n e a lo g y . Both of th e se c a se s r e p r e s e n t m a rria g e s w ith women of pow erfu l c la n s , a n d th e use o f th e ir nam es in th e genealo g y is c le a rly an e x p re s s io n o f allian ce. Women a re also re sp o n sib le fo r c e rta in lin e a g e s b e in g con­ s id e re d of le s s th a n e q u al s ta tu s w ithin th e trib a l s t r u c t u r e . T h is o c c u rs in a t le a s t two c a se s in w hich th e fo u n d e r of th e lin eag e is a c c u se d of h a v in g m arried a woman o f n o n - trib a l s ta tu s , p ro b a b ly a slave w om an. T he r e s t of th e tr ib e re fu s e to giv e an y of th e ir women in m arriag e to th e men of th e se ta in te d lin e a g e s. T h is in d ic a te s th a t b o th p o sitiv e an d n e g a tiv e a llian c es o c c u r an d show s th a t while h y p erg am y c o n tr ib u te s to u p w ard m obility o r at le a s t in m ain tain in g o n e 's h ig h -b o rn s ta tu s , hypogam y alw ays r e s u lts in lo w erin g of s ta tu s b o th w ithin th e tr ib e a n d w ithin th e la r g e r s o c ie ty . In sp ite of th e ir p a trilin e a l ideology, full m em bership in th e t r i b e , b o th fo r g ro u p s a n d in d iv id u a ls, d e p e n d s on fu ll b ila te ra l d e s c e n t from people of trib a l s ta tu s . At th e same tim e, th e ac tio n s of a g ro u p a re an im p o rtan t fa c to r in th e ir in clu sio n w ithin th e tr ib e a s full an d eq u a l m em bers, as is e v id en ce d in a co n tem p o r­ a ry c o n tro v e rs y ab o u t th e s ta tu s o f th e ab o v e-m en tio n ed ta in te d

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lin e a g e s: many y o u n g e r Al M urrah males feel th a t th e d iscrim ­ in atio n a g a in st th e s e g ro u p s is u n fa ir b e c a u s e , th e y s a y , w hat­ e v e r th e y w ere in th e p a s t, th e y a re now u p s ta n d in g an d b ra v e trib e sm e n a n d sh o u ld th e re fo re be a cc o rd e d e q u a l s ta tu s .

P a trilin e a l d e sc e n t h a s been so s tr e s s e d in s tu d ie s o f Middle E a s te rn k in s h ip sy ste m s th a t th e im portance o f both affin al and m a trila te ra l re la tio n s h a v e g en e ra lly b een ig n o re d . T h is p a rtly r e fle c ts th e ideology of many Middle E a ste rn m ales who h a b itu a lly d e s c rib e th e ir re la tio n sh ip s w ithin th e ir own k in g ro u p s e x c lu s ­ iv ely in term s of p a trilin e a l d e s c e n t. T h is is also re la te d to th e tra d itio n a l m ales' n o tio n s a b o u t women in g e n e ra l th a t lead to th e ir se p a ra tio n an d seclusion an d in clude an avoidance of m entioning th e ir nam es of r e f e r r in g to them in p u b lic o r to s t r a n g e r s . Most tra d itio n a l m ales a r e th u s lo ath to talk a b o u t re la tio n s h ip s th a t a re e s ta b lis h e d th ro u g h fem ales, e ith e r a s a re s u lt of m arriag e o r o f m oth erh o o d . The c o n c e n tra tio n on d e sc e n t an d n e g le c t of m arriag e also r e fle c ts th e p re d o m in a tin g influ en ce in Middle E a ste rn a n th ro ­ pology of E v a n s - P r itc h a r d 's w ork on th e N u er an d th e S an u si (E v a n s -P ritc h a rd 1940; 1949), in w hich he so b rillia n tly d e s­ c rib e d th e m echanics of se g m e n tary d e sc e n t sy ste m s. When FBD m arriag e is ad d e d a s ty p ic a l o f th e m arriag e system o f Middle E a s te rn s o c ie tie s, it is n o t s u r p r is in g th a t th e im portance of m arriag e in s tr u c tu r in g k in sh ip re la tio n s h a s been ig n o red and e v en d e n ie d b y some a n th ro p o lo g is ts . M urphy an d K asd an , fo r e x a m p le , a rg u e th a t FBD m arriag e does not re s u lt in th e c re a tio n o f allian ces (1959). K h u ri f o r th r ig h tly s ta te s th a t 'FBD m arriage does n o t e s ta b lis h new affin al re la tio n sh ip s a t a ll' (1970:616). In s p ite o f Middle E a ste rn m ales' s tr o n g p a trilin e a l ideology a n d th e d enial o r n e g le c t of th e im portance of m a rriag e tie s in Middle E a s te rn so cieties b y a n u m b er o f a n th ro p o lo g is ts , fem ales a r e , n o n e th e le s s , ex trem ely im p o rtan t in s tr u c tu r in g th e se s o c ie tie s. T he de fa c to pow er an d in flu e n ce o f women from 'b e h in d th e veil', re c e n tly e x p lo re d b y Nelson (1 9 7 3 ), is only m entioned in p a s s in g in o r d e r to c o n c e n tra te on th e s tr u c tu r a l r e la tio n s h ip s th a t a re b ro u g h t into b e in g th ro u g h m a rria g e . A lth o u g h À1 M urrah men do not m ention th e nam es of women o r r e f e r to them in p u b lic , th e y a re well aw are th a t who o n e 's wife is an d who o n e 's m o th er is have im p o rtan t re p e rc u s s io n s in alm ost e v e ry field o f a c tiv ity a n d th a t a ffin a l tie s sometimes o v e rrid e c o n s id e ra tio n s o f d e s c e n t. In c o n s id e rin g th e im portance of e ith e r affin a l o r m a trila te ra l re la tio n sh ip s v is - à - v is th o se b a se d on p a trilin e a l d e s c e n t, we sh o u ld f ir s t look a t th e to ta l ra n g e of m a rria g e s th a t a re con­ tr a c te d . J u s t b e c a u se tra d itio n a l Middle E a s te rn e rs e x p r e s s a p re fe re n c e fo r m a rry in g an FBD does n o t mean th a t FBD m arriag e autom atically c h a ra c te riz e s th e m arriag e system a s a w hole,

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a lth o u g h some h a v e a ssu m e d th a t it d o e s . B ased on th e m a rria g e s c o n tr a c te d b y th e m em bers o f o n e lin e a g e o f t h i r t y - f i v e h o u se h o ld s o f cam el nom ad s a n d th r e e h o u s e h o ld s o f a minimal lin e a g e o f sh a ik h ly s t a t u s , th e follow ing s e t o f r u le s c a n b e s ta te d fo r Al M u rra h m a rr ia g e s : I II

A man m a rrie s an FBD if h e h a s o n e th a t is a v a ila b le . If n o re a l FBD is a v a ila b le , th e n A . He m a rrie s a c la s s ific a to ry FBD from w ith in h is own minimal lin e a g e . B . He m a rrie s a c la s s ific a to ry FBD from w ith in h is own m aximal lin e a g e . C . He m a rrie s a r e a l o r c la s s if ic a to ry c r o s s c o u sin from o u ts id e h is own maxim al lin e a g e . D . He m a rrie s a woman of fu ll tr ib a l s ta tu s from w ith in e ith e r th e Al M u rra h o r a n y o th e r S h a rif b e d o u in trib e . III If a man is o f s h a ik h ly s t a t u s , h e m akes a t le a s t o n e , alm ost alw ay s th e f i r s t , m a rria g e a c c o r d in g to r u le s I a n d I I . In a d d itio n , h e m a rrie s A . A woman from a n o th e r s h a ik h ly fam ily o f th e Al M u rra h , B . A woman from a s h a ik h ly fam ily o f a n o th e r t r i b e . IV A woman o f s h a ik h ly s ta tu s may be g iv e n in m a rria g e to a man o f ro y a l s t a t u s . T h e se in c lu d e all a c c e p te d m a rria g e p r a c tic e s a n d , a c c o r d in g to th e Al M u rra h I w o rk ed w ith , a c c o u n t fo r all m a rria g e s th a t h av e b e e n c o n tr a c te d b y th e Al M u rra h a t p r e s e n t . T h e p ic tu r e t h a t e m e rg e s from th is s e t o f r u le s is o f a m a rria g e sy ste m t h a t is b y n o m eans e x c lu s iv e ly c h a r a c te r iz e d b y FBD m a r r ia g e , a lth o u g h it is th e p r e f e r r e d form a n d is f i r s t c h o ic e . O th e r k in d s o f m a rria g e s a r e r e g u la r p a r t s o f th e s y s te m , a n d th e fa c t th a t th e y o c c u r n e g a te s a n y n o tio n t h a t a ffin a l tie s a re o f no im p o rta n c e in _ th e se k in s h ip s y s te m s . It is t h u s o f little w o n d e r th a t w hen Al M u rra h m ales v is it m em bers o f minimal lin e a g e s o th e r th a n t h e ir o w n , th e y a re alw ay s k e e n to fin d o u t who is m a rrie d to whom . T he p a tr ilin e a l re la tio n s h ip s o f th e m ales a r e e a s ily d is c e rn e d b y k n o w in g th e minimal lin e a g e nam e o f an in d iv id u a l. A lth o u g h it is im p ro p e r fo r a s t r a n g e r to a s k a b o u t a ffin a l r e la tio n s , a n y q u e s tio n in g a M arri d o e s in th is r e g a r d is n o t c o n s id e re d in d is c r e e t, s in c e , a s a M a rri, h e is n o t an o u t s i d e r , a n d s u c h q u e s tio n in g is in t e r p r e t e d a s a s in c e re e f f o r t on th e p a r t of a d is ta n t k in sm an to u n d e r s ta n d th e to ta lity of o n e 's social r e la tio n s h ip s . If m a rria g e d id n o t r e s u lt in th e c re a tio n o f a n y s p e c ia l r e la tio n s h ip s b e tw e e n g r o u p s , it w ould seem t h a t th e men w ould be c o n te n t sim ply to know th e p a trilin e a l r e la tio n s h ip s o f th e peo p le in v o lv e d . A lth o u g h it is som etim es s ta te d th a t FBD m a rr ia g e s do n o t r e s u l t in s ig n ific a n t e x c h a n g e o f b r id e w e a lth , th is is n o t th e c a s e am ong t h e Al M u rra h . All m a r r ia g e s , w h e th e r o f p a ra lle l c o u s in s o r c r o s s c o u s in s o r a c r o s s tr ib a l b o u n d a r ie s , in v o lv e th e

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same k in d s o f tr a n s a c tio n s a n d th e same m o vem ents: a r u ' a g , a w oven te n t d iv id e r , u su a lly m ade b y th e g ro o m 's m o th e r, is p r e s e n te d to th e b r id e ; a c a sh p a y m e n t, som etim es p a rtia lly n u llifie d w hen s i s t e r e x c h a n g e s o c c u r , is g iv e n b y th e fam ily of th e groom to th e fam ily o f th e b r id e ; a do w ry o f h o u se h o ld item s is b r o u g h t b y th e b r id e to h e r new r e s id e n c e . In all c a s e s , th e g irl m oves from th e h o u se h o ld of h e r f a th e r to th a t o f h e r h u s b a n d , w hich is u su a lly in h is f a t h e r ’s h o u s e h o ld , u n le s s th e h u s b a n d h a s a lre a d y e s ta b lis h e d h is own h o u s e h o ld . T h u s m a rria g e o f w h a te v e r ty p e r e s u l t s in th e t r a n s f e r o f goods b etw een h o u s e h o ld s a n d th e m ovem ent o f women from t h e i r n a ta l h o u s e h o ld s to th a t in w hich t h e ir h u s b a n d liv e s . T h e u se of te rm s su c h a s lin e a g e , c la n , a n d e v en tr ib e is m isle a d in g w hen d e s c r ib in g b e d o u in a n d o th e r M iddle E a s te rn s o c ie tie s . M u rp h y a n d K asdan q u ite c o r r e c tly call a tte n tio n to th e 'q u a lity o f loose a u th o r ity in A ra b k in g ro u p s [w h ic h ] d oes n o t c o r r e s p o n d w ith F o r te s 's (1 953:32) s ta te m e n t on u n ilin e a l, c o r p o r a te g r o u p s in A fric a : "A s a c o rp o r a te g r o u p , a lin e a g e e x h ib its a s t r u c t u r e o f a u th o r ity . . A ra b k in g r o u p s h a v e only a lim ited c o r p o r a te n a tu r e in th is s e n s e . In te rn a lly e x e rc is e d ju r a l a u th o r ity is n o t n o rm ativ e a t a n y le v e l1 (M u rp h y a n d K asd an 19 5 9 :6 1 ). T h e b a sic c o r p o r a te u n its in Al M u rra h s o c ie ty a re p a trilo c a l h o u s e h o ld s . H e r d s , th e m ajor s o u rc e o f w ealth a n d liv e lih o o d , a re c o r r e la te d w ith h o u se h o ld s in su c h a way th a t a o n e -to -o n e re la tio n s h ip alw a y s e x is ts b etw e e n th e m . E ach h o u se h o ld is re s p o n s ib le fo r m a n ag in g its own h e r d , on w hich it d e p e n d s fo r its b a s ic s u b s is te n c e . T h e d iv isio n o f h e r d s a n d th e d iv isio n of h o u s e h o ld s alw a y s o c c u r a t th e same tim e. T h e re is n o s h a r in g of h e r d in g a c tiv itie s b etw een h o u s e h o ld s . A lth o u g h e a c h h o u s e h o ld , w ith its h e r d , is an in d e p e n d e n t a n d a u to n o m o u s u n it in Al M u rra h s o c ie ty , th e p a tte r n o f m ig ratio n a n d th e co m position o f cam ps is r e la te d to c o n s id e r ­ a tio n s o f b o th d e s c e n t a n d a f f in ity . D e sc e n t is th e m ajor c o n ­ s id e ra tio n th a t a f f e c ts sum m er c a m p s , sin c e th e o w n e rsh ip of th e s o u r c e s o f w a te r th a t d e te rm in e th e lo catio n o f th e s e cam p s is alm ost alw a y s v e s te d in a d e s c e n t g ro u p s u c h a s th e lin e a g e , a lth o u g h a n y in d iv id u a l h o u se h o ld is f r e e to cam p som ew here e lse a n d m ost sum m er cam ps in c lu d e a few h o u se h o ld s from lin e a g e s o th e r th a n th e one w hich claim s th e w ell. D u rin g th e fa ll, w in te r , a n d s p r i n g , m em bers of th e sam e lin e a g e s te n d to g ra z e t h e i r cam els w ithin th e sam e g e n e ra l a r e a s , b u t m a rria g e r e la tio n s h ip s a r e th e m ajor f a c to r th a t in flu e n c e th e u n itin g of h o u s e h o ld s in jo in t cam ps o f tw o to f o u r u n its fo r e x te n d e d p e r io d s d u r in g th e s e s e a s o n s . While clo se a g n a te s do u n ite in th e s e c a m p s, n o s p e c ia l e ffo r t is m ade to g e t to g e th e r u n le s s m a rria g e tie s e x i s t . T h is is e sp e c ia lly tr u e f o r h o u s e h o ld s re la te d th r o u g h c r o s s c o u sin m a rria g e o r th r o u g h m a rria g e w ith some one from o u ts id e o n e 's own lin e a g e , b u t it is also a re a s o n g iv e n fo r th e u n io n o f h o u se h o ld s r e la te d th r o u g h FBD m a rria g e . T h e im p o rta n c e o f a ffin a l a n d m a trila te ra l r e la tio n s h ip s c an be

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show n th ro u g h th e u se of kin te rm s . While te rm s th a t have c o n sa n g u in eal c o n n o ta tio n s co n tin u e to be u se d when r e f e r r in g to o r a d d re s s in g an y in d iv id u al o f a m an's w ife's o r m o th e r's k in d r e d , a g e n e ra l te rm , n a s i b , is u se d b o th a s r e f e r e n t a n d occasionally as a term o f a d d r e s s to a n y male member of th e w ife's k in d r e d , e v en b etw een close a g n a te s , a n d th e term khaf is e x te n d e d to in clu d e n o t only m o th e r's b r o th e r b u t all m em bers of o n e 's m o th e r's d e s c e n t g ro u p of b o th a sc e n d in g an d d e sc e n d in g g e n e ra tio n s . In b o th c a s e s , o f c o u r s e , th e f a r th e r rem oved a wife o r m other is th ro u g h p a trilin e a l d e s c e n t, th e g r e a te r th e k in g ro u p sh e is a sso c ia te d w ith and th e more in d iv id u a ls who a re lum ped u n d e r th e term s nasib a n d kha l. The Á1 M urrah use th e se term s d e n o tin g in-law a n d m o th e r's b r o th e r eq ually w h e th e r th e y r e f e r to close o r d is ta n t a g n a te s , w hich is sym bolic o f th e ir re c o g n itio n of a ffin ity a n d m a trila te ra lity , e v en among close a g n a te s . T he o ft- r e p e a te d A rab p r o v e rb , 'M yself a g a in st my b r o th e r ; my b r o th e r an d I a g a in st my c o u sin ; my c o u s in , my b r o th e r an d I a g a in s t th e o u ts id e r ', s tr e s s e s th e im portance o f d e s c e n t in s itu a tio n s of c o n flic t. Blood g u ilt a n d th e re s p o n s ib ility fo r th e e x tra c tio n o f blood re v e n g e o r money is s h a re d eq u ally by all m em bers of th e lin e a g e . Case s tu d ie s of co n flic ts am ong th e Á1 M u rrah (Cole 1971:49-52; 108-10) confirm th e im portance of d e sc e n t in d e te rm in in g la s t re s o r t c o u rs e s of a c tio n , b u t th e y also p o in t to th e im p o rtance o f affinal an d m a trila te ra l tie s in th e peacefu l se ttle m e n t of c o n flic ts. A ffinal an d m a trila te ra l re la tiv e s o fte n p lay c ritic a lly im p o rtan t ro le s a s in te rm e d ia rie s o r gob e tw e e n s in s e ttlin g d is p u te s both betw een a g n a te s a n d with o u ts id e r s . T he s u p p o rt of a m o th e r's b r o th e r o r of a f a th e r - in law is o fte n more of a d ecisive fa c to r in s e ttlin g a d isp u te th a n th e s u p p o rt of a f a th e r 's b r o th e r . T h at th is is so p o in ts to the in te rtw in in g of th e tie s of d e sc e n t an d of a ffin ity an d m a tri­ la te ra lity , fo r to co n tin u e to oppose a g r o u p , e v en a sin g le h o u se h o ld , a c tiv e ly s u p p o rte d by its a ffin e s a n d /o r m a trila te ra l k in d re d is to ris k co n flict with th e a g n a tic re la tio n s o f th e s e folk a s well. T h e re is th u s n o d o u b t th a t re la tio n sh ip s e sta b lis h e d th ro u g h m a rria g e a n d a s a r e s u lt of m otherhood a re im p o rtan t fa c to r s in Á1 M urrah social o r g a n iz a tio n , in sp ite of th e fa c t th a t t h e y , like most W estern w rite rs on bedouin so c ie tie s, u su a lly d e sc rib e th e ir social o rg a n iz a tio n e x c lu siv e ly in term s of p a trilin e a l d e s ­ c e n t a n d th e se g m e n tary op p o sitio n of d e sc e n t g r o u p s . T h is , of c o u r s e , is n o t a t all s u r p r is in g a n d is only w orthy of rem a rk b e c a u se so m any w r ite rs on th e Middle E ast have ig n o re d an d e v en d e n ie d th e im p o rtance of affin ity an d m a trila te ra lity in th e so cieties of th is a r e a . If all m a rria g e s w ere FBD m a rria g e s , th e im portance o f affin ity a n d m a trila te ra lity would be le sse n e d since o n e 's a ffin e s an d m a trila te ra l re la tiv e s would be alm ost th e same a s o n e ’s close a g n a te s . B ut since m a rria g e s betw een m em bers of d iffe re n t minimal lin e a g e s an d betw een c ro s s c o u sin s o c c u r r e g u la r ly , th e

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im portance o f th e s e tie s is g re a tly in c re a s e d . While th e m ajority o f m a rria g e s a re w ith FBD, th e e x iste n c e o f ev en one non-FB D m arriag e is en o u g h to e s ta b lis h affinal a n d c o n se q u e n tly m a tri­ la te ra l tie s of no little im p o rta n ce . T he d e g re e to which th is o c c u rs is s u g g e s te d b y th e fact th a t th e minimal lin e a g e , com­ po sed o f te n h o u se h o ld s, w ith which I w orked m ost c lo se ly , h a s affin al re la tio n s h ip s w ith th r e e minimal lin e a g e s from w ithin th e ir own lin eag e an d w ith two from o th e r c la n s . All six minimal lin e a g e s of th e lin eag e th a t p ro v id e d th e b a s is fo r th e m arriag e ru le s of th e Á1 M u rrah have sim ilar tie s w ith o th e r minimal lin e a g e s . In each in s ta n c e , all m em bers of th e minimal lin e a g e s of b o th p a rtie s to a m arriag e s ta n d in a ffin al re la tio n s h ip s to each o th e r a n d all a re lum ped u n d e r one k in s h ip te rm , nasib, becom ing khal in th e second g e n e ra tio n .

T h e re is a f u r th e r a s p e c t of Al M urrah social s tr u c tu r e th a t m ust be ta k e n in to c o n sid e ra tio n b e fo re th e dynam ics o f th e ir k in sh ip sy stem can be fully u n d e rs to o d . T he Al M urrah e x p re s s th is in d ire c tly w hen th e y d e sc rib e th e sa lie n t fe a tu re s of th e ir m arriag e p r a c tic e s . C o n tra ry to w hat I h ad been led to b eliev e from most d e s c rip tio n s of bedouin m arriag e p ra c tic e s , th e y did n o t th in k of p a ra lle l cousin m arriag e a s b e in g p a rtic u la rly s ig n ific a n t o r w o rth y of special com m ent. What th e y s t r e s s in th e ir d e sc rip tio n is th a t th e y m arry only women who a re of S h a rif, n o b le , trib a l s ta tu s . T h e re a re p ra c tic a l re a so n s fo r m a rry in g close re la tiv e s most of th e tim e, b u t any m arriag e b etw een people from any of th e S h a rif tr ib e s of A rabia is halal, r ig h te o u s , an d fu lly a c c e p te d . Only when th e m arriag e is b etw een S h a rif tr ib a l people a re th e o ffs p rin g g ra n te d full m em bership in th e ir f a th e r 's d e sc e n t g r o u p s . It is tr u e th a t men m ay, a n d som etim es d o , e s ta b lis h re la tio n s h ip s with women who a re o f low er s t a t u s , u su ally of e x -s la v e s ta tu s . T h ese re la tio n s are n e v e r fu lly a p p ro v e d o f a n d th e o ffs p rin g of su c h u n io n s do not h av e full tr ib a l s ta tu s , a lth o u g h th e y a re p ro te c te d an d d e fe n d e d a s m em bers of th e tr ib e . No m an, e v en a b o y 's f a t h e r ’s b r o th e r , will give h is d a u g h te r in m arriag e to a son of su c h a u n io n . By th e ir a p p ro v a l o f m arriag es only betw een people o f S h a rif trib a l s ta tu s an d th e ir concom itant re je c tio n of m arriag e with p eople of low er s t a t u s , th e Al M u rrah e x p r e s s th e ir id e n tity with a c e rta in c a te g o ry of people in A rabian so ciety th a t c u ts a c ro s s tr ib a l b o u n d a rie s . T hey c o n tr a s t th em selv e s w ith o th e r A ra b s a c c o rd in g to a n u m b er of o v e rla p p in g b in a ry c la ssific a tio n s. T h ese in clu d e c o n tr a s ts betw een a l-b a d iy a , th e no m ad s, and al-ha dha ra , th e s e d e n ta rie s ; al-gaba'il, th e tr ib a ls , and a l-m u s h gaba'il, th e n o n - tr ib a ls ; a n d a l - A s h r a f , th e n o b le s , an d al-m u sh A s h r a f , th e ig n o b le s. E x cep t fo r two o r th r e e ta in te d lin e a g e s , a lre a d y r e f e r r e d to , th e Al M urrah c o n sid e r th em selv es an d a re

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c o n sid e re d to be noble trib a l nom ads. T he ta in te d lin o ag es do not q u a lify as n o b le , w hich re fle c ts not only th e ir re p u te d d e sc e n t from a union betw een a M arri male and a slave woman b u t also th e fact th a t in th e p a s t th e y did n o t fig h t a n d w ere mainly sh e e p h e r d e r s o r h e rd e d th e cam els of o th e r Al M u rrah . T he p a u c ity o f m a rria g e s betw een nom ads an d s e d e n ta rie s is n o t 'mainly b e c a u se th e y d islik e th e food of th e to w n s, abo v e a ll, g re e n v e g e ta b le s ' (Sm ith 1903:76), b u t b e c a u se th e noble trib a l nom ads seldom c o n s id e r s e d e n ta ry people to be o f noble trib a l b a c k g ro u n d s . When ih e y a r e , th e re a re no b a r r ie r s to m a rria g e . A lthough hypogam y is s tro n g ly d isc o u ra g e d a n d r e s u lts in an o v e ra ll lo w erin g of s t a t u s , it sh o u ld be rem em bered th a t h y p e r gam y, esp ecially in v o lv in g women o f sh a ik h ly s t a t u s , is h ig h ly a p p ro v e d o f. T he im p ortance of allian ces r e s u ltin g from m a rria g e s b etw een women o f sh a ik h ly fam ilies from th e tr ib e s an d men o f th e Al Sacu d an d th e o th e r ro y al fam ilies o f A rabia ca n n o t b e u n d e re s tim a te d . King cA bd al-A ziz Ibn Sac u d , th e fo u n d e r of m odern S audi A ra b ia , an d h is b r o th e r s a n d sons m arried women from alm ost all o f th e s e fam ilies, an d e sp ec ia lly from am ong th e ir enem ies. T hey th e re b y g u a ra n te e d th e ir s u p p o rt at th e same time th a t th e tr ib e s gained pow erful p a tro n s an d w ere ab le to reaffirm th e ir p u r ity a n d a ris to c ra tic s ta tu s . In c o n tra s t to m a rria g e s w ith women of low er th a n S h a rif trib a l s t a t u s , w hich r e s u lt in th e o ffs p rin g ta k in g th e low er s ta tu s of th e m o th e r's g ro u p , th e o ffs p rin g of h y p e rg a m o u s m a rriag es a re of ro y a l s ta tu s . T h a t th e Al M u rrah do n o t id e n tify th em selv es sim ply a s Al M u rrah b u t co nceive o f them selv es a s m em bers of a c a te g o ry of people d efin ed in c o n tr a s t to o th e r c a te g o rie s is sym bolic of th e ir b asic in te g ra tio n o r enm eshm ent in a co m plex; p lu ra lis tic so c ie ty . I h av e a lre a d y m entioned how th e y a n d o th e r A rab ian b ed o u in th in k o f th em selv es a s sp e c ia lists in h e rd in g an d in w ar­ f a r e . T h ese sp e c ia liz a tio n s p ro v id e th e b a sis fo r th e ir economic s u b s is te n c e , an d while camel h e rd in g h a s c ea se d to b e o f much economic im p o rtan ce in o il-ric h A ra b ia , th e specialized a c tiv itie s of th e S h a rif tr ib e s a s w a rrio rs s ta n d a s th e b ackbone of b o th th e fo u n d in g a n d th e m aintenance of th e S audi A rab ian n a tio n ­ s ta te an d a re h ig h ly in flu e n tia l in th e s ta te s of th e A rab ian G ulf, As s p e c ia lis ts , th e y re ly on o th e r sp e c ia lists fo r m any s e rv ic e s w hich th e y a re in cap ab le o f p ro v id in g fo r th e m se lv e s. It is th is p a tte r n o f sp ecializatio n w hereb y th e b ed o u in p ro v id e d p a s to ra l p r o d u c ts an d m ilitary s e rv ic e s in e x c h a n g e fo r a g ric u l­ tu r a l p r o d u c ts an d th e s e rv ic e s o f re lig io u s a n d p o litical a u th o ritie s th a t e x p la in s th e in te g ra tio n o f tra d itio n a l A ra b ia . Follow ing c la ssic a l d e sc rip tio n s of A rab so c ie ty , M urphy an d K asdan s ta te th a t 'g en e alo g ie s a re alm ost th e only m eans given w ithin th e form al social s tr u c tu r e fo r th e o r d e r in g o f la r g e r am algam ations' (1959:23) a n d th e y f u r t h e r claim th a t 'id e a lly , all A ra b s , w h e th e r nom adic o r s e d e n ta r y , form a s u p e r lin e a g e , th e member u n its of w hich tra c e common a n c e s try to th e p ro p h e t A braham ' (1 9 5 9 :2 1 ). Almost none of th e Al M urrah know a n y th in g

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a b o u t th e ir d e sc e n t from A braham , a n d while d e sc e n t is a m eans of u n itin g tr ib e s in s u p r a - tr ib a l c o n fe d e ra tio n s , th e in te g ra tio n o f A rab ian society c a n n o t be fu lly e x p la in ed in te rm s o f d e s c e n t. D ivision of th e so ciety into tr ib a l g ro u p in g s is only one dim en­ sio n . T h ere a re also ra n k e d c a te g o rie s th a t a re a s m uch a p a r t o f th e form al social s tr u c tu r e a s g en e alo g ie s. A lthough ra n k in g is c o n tr a r y to Muslim th e o lo g y , w hich c o n s id e rs all Muslims to be e q u a l, th e Â1 M urrah reco g n ize th a t people in A rabia are d iv id ed into a n u m b er of d iffe re n t c a te g o rie s , each one o f which te n d s to be o ccu p atio n ally sp e c ia liz e d , h ig h ly endo g am o u s, and ra n k e d .

In th is p a p e r , d e s c e n t, m a rria g e , an d an e th n ic -b a s e d division of la b o u r a re seen as th e u n d e rly in g p rin c ip le s of social o rg a n ­ ization o f a t le a s t one Middle E a ste rn com m unity, th e Al M urrah b e d o u in . M urphy an d K asdan w ere q u ite c o rre c t in show ing th a t a u th o rity is s p re a d eq ually th ro u g h o u t th e s tr u c tu r e of bedouin so cieties an d th a t th e ir kin g ro u p s h av e only a v e ry lim ited c o rp o ra te n a tu r e . P a trilin e al d e sc e n t an d th e seg m en ta ry o p p o sitio n of d e s c e n t g ro u p s a re shown to be im p o rtan t p rin c ip le s o f social o rg a n iz a tio n among th e Al M urrah b e d o u in , b u t th e in te ­ g ra tio n of a la r g e r society is shown to be b a se d not on d e s c e n t, a s a c c o rd in g to classical d e s c rip tio n s o f A rab so c ie ty , b u t on an e th n ic -b a s e d division of la b o u r. As in Indian c a s te sy ste m s, in te g ra tio n on a so ciety-w ide b a s is is ach iev ed mainly th ro u g h th e ex ch an g e of goods an d s e rv ic e s b etw een endogam ous g r o u p s . B u t, a s b o th Coon and B a rth poin t o u t , th e e th n ic -b a s e d d iv isio n o f la b o u r in th e Middle E ast n e v e r a p p ro a c h e s th e e x trem e of th a t ty p ic a l of In d ia . O ccu p atio n s only te n d to be p a sse d on h e re d ita rily ; some in d iv id u a ls do c h a n g e th e ir occu p atio n an d move into o th e r g r o u p s , b u t th e e th n ic d iv isio n s rem ain. Within each e th n ic d iv isio n , an d esp e cia lly am ong tr ib a l g r o u p s , d e sc e n t is a m ajor o rg a n iz in g p rin c ip le . Since m a rriag es only r a r e ly o c c u r a c ro s s e th n ic b o u n d a rie s an d a re u su a lly c o n tra c te d b etw een close re la tiv e s , m arriag e allian ces a re n o t re g u la r m eans o f in te g ra tio n in th e w ider so c ie ty . A ffinal tie s , h o w e v e r, a re o fte n ex trem ely im p o rtant in ty in g g ro u p s to g e th e r w ithin an e th n ic c a te g o ry . FBD m arriag e is seen a s only one of a n u m b er o f form s of endogam ous m arriag e w ithin an e th n ic c a te g o r y , all o f w hich r e s u lt in th e b u ild in g up of e x te n siv e and im p o rtan t a ffin a l re la tio n s . M arriages betw een f a th e r 's b r o th e r 's c h ild re n do n o t d iffe r m arkedly from th o se betw een u n its f u r th e r rem oved g en ealo g ically , e x c e p t th a t th e n u m b er of a ffin e s is lik ely to be g r e a te r in non-FB D m a rria g e s. It is th u s m isleading to co n cen ­ tr a te on e x p la in in g FBD m arriag e in iso la tio n . D e s c e n t, m a rr ia g e , an d p lu ra lity a re all im portant a s p e c ts of social o rg a n iz a tio n in th e Middle E ast an d m ust be c o n sid e re d a s in te rr e la te d phenom ena.

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T h is p a p e r is b a s e d on e ig h te e n m onths o f field r e s e a rc h in 1968-70 am ong th e Al M urrah bed o u in in S audi A ra b ia . T his re s e a r c h was fin an cially s u p p o rte d by a p re d o c to ra l re s e a rc h g r a n t from th e N ational In s titu te of M ental H ealth a n d by th e M inistry of A g ric u ltu re an d W ater o f S audi A rabia (c f. Cole 1975). E a rlie r v e rs io n s of th is p a p e r w ere p re s e n te d a s p a r t of th e Middle E ast C olloquia S e rie s at th e U n iv e rsity of C a lifo rn ia , B e rk e le y , an d to th e Social A n th ro p o lo g y F acu lty D iscussion G roup at B erkeley d u r in g th e s p r in g of 1974. A side from com m ents made d u rin g th e s e p r e s e n ta tio n s , th e a u th o r would like to e x p re s s h is special a p p re c ia tio n to P ro fe s s o rs B u rto n B e n e d ic t, E lizabeth C olson, Nelson G r a b u r n , an d L au ra N ad er fo r th e ir d e tailed com m ents on th is p a p e r . T h e in te r p r e ta tio n s e x p re s s e d h e re in a r e , o f c o u rs e , th e a u th o r ’s re s p o n s ib ility . 2 M ilitary p ro te c tio n of o th e r s is a tra d itio n a l sp ec ia lity of th e b e d o u in . A cco rd in g to th e Al M u rra h , th e y policed th e major w eekly m arket in th e town o f N ajran b e fo re th e d a y s of c e n tra liz e d g o v e rn m e n t, a b o u t 200 y e a r s ago a c c o rd in g to th em . T h ey also p ro te c te d p e a sa n t v illag es from r a id s an d e x to rtio n b y o th e r bedouin in r e tu r n fo r tr ib u te in th e form of a g ric u ltu ra l p r o d u c ts . B u jra d e s c rib e s a sim ilar p a tte r n in S outh A rab ia p rio r to fo rced p acification u n d e r th e B ritis h in th e 1940s (B u jra 1971).

BIBLIOGRAPHY B a e r, G abriel (1964) 'P opulation a n d Society in th e A rab E a s t’, New Y o rk : P r a e g e r . B a rc la y , H arold (1964) 'B u u ri al L am aab’, Ith a c a : C ornell U n iv e rsity P r e s s . B a r th , F r e d r ik (1954) F a th e r 's B r o th e r 's D a u g h te r M arriage in K u rd is ta n , 'S o u th w este rn Jo u rn a l o f A n th ro p o lo g y ', 10:164-71. — (1960) T he System o f Social S tra tific a tio n in S w at, N o rth P a k is ta n , in Edm und Leach ( e d . ) , 'A sp ec ts o f C a s te ', C am bridge P a p e rs in Social A nthropology n o . 2, C am bridge U n iv e rsity P r e s s . B u jra , A bdalla S . (1971) 'T he Politics of S tra tific a tio n : A S tu d y o f Political C han g e in a South A rab ian T o w n ', London: O xford U n iv e rsity P re s s . C ole, D onald P . (1971) T he Social and Economic S tr u c tu r e o f th e Ä1 M u rrah : A S au d i A rab ian B edouin T rib e , U n iv e rsity of C alifo rn ia, B erk eley : u n p u b lish e d PhD d is s e rta tio n . C ole, Donald P . (1973) T he Enm eshm ent of Nomads in S a'u d i A rabian S o ciety : The Case o f th e Ä1 M u rra h , in C y n th ia N elson ( e d . ) , 'T he D e se rt and th e Sown: Nomads in th e Wider S o c ie ty ', B e rk e le y : U n iv e rsity of C a lifo rn ia, I n s titu te of I n te r ­ n atio n al S tu d ie s , R e se a rc h S e rie s n o . 21.

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C ole, Donald P . (1975) 'Nomads of th e N om ads: The Al M urrah B edouin of th e Em pty Q u a r te r ', C hicago: A ld in e -A th e rto n . Coon, C a rle to n , S . (1958) 'C a ra v a n : T he S to ry of th e Middle E a s t', New Y o rk : H olt, R in e h a rt & W inston. E v a n s - P r itc h a r d , E .E . (1940) 'T he N u e r: A D esc rip tio n of th e Modes of Livelihood an d Political In s titu tio n s of a Nilotic P e o p le ', L ondon; O xford U n iv e rsity P r e s s . E v a n s - P r itc h a r d , E .E . (1949) 'T he S an u si of C y re n a ic a ', London: O x fo rd U n iv e rsity P re s s . F o rte s , M eyer (1953) T he S tr u c tu r e of U nilineal D escent G ro u p s, 'A m erican A n th ro p o lo g ist', v ol. 55. G elln er, E rn e s t (1969) 'S a in ts of th e A tla s ', L ondon: W eidenfeld & N icolson. G r a n q u is t, Hilma (1931) 'M arriage C o nditions in a P a lestin ian V illag e', H elsin k i: S ocietas S cientarum F e n n ic a . K h u ri, Fuad (1970) P arallel C ousin M arriage R e co n sid e red : A Middle E a s te rn P ra c tic e th a t N ullifies th e E ffe c ts of M arriage on th e In te n s ity of Family R ela tio n s, 'M an', n . s . 5:597-618. L each , Edm und (1960) In tro d u c tio n : What Should We Mean By C a ste ? , in Edm und Leach ( e d . ) , 'A sp e c ts of C a s te ', C am bridge P a p e rs in Social A n th ro p o lo g y n o . 2, C am bridge U n iv e rsity P re ss. L each , Edm und (1961) T he S tr u c tu r a l Im plications of M atrilate ral C ro ss-C o u sin M arriag e, in Edm und Leach ( e d . ) , 'R e th in k in g A n th ro p o lo g y ', L ondon: A thlone. L é v i- S tr a u s s , C laude (1963) T he B ear a n d th e B a r b e r , 'Jo u rn a l of th e Royal A nthro pological I n s titu te ', 93:1-11. M u rp h y , R o b e rt a n d L eonard K asdan (1959) T he S tr u c tu r e o f P arallel C ousin M a rriag e , 'A m erican A n th ro p o lo g is t', 61:17-29. M u rp h y , R o b ert an d L eonard K asdan (1967) A gnation and Endogam y: Some F u r th e r C o n sid e ra tio n s, 'S o u th w este rn Jo u rn a l of A n th ro p o lo g y ’, 21: 325-50. N elson, C y n th ia (1973) Women an d Pow er in Nomadic S ocieties in th e Middle E a s t, in C y n th ia Nelson ( e d . ) , ’T he D e se rt an d th e Sown: Nomads in th e Wider S o c ie ty \ B e rk e le y : In s titu te o f In te rn a tio n a l S tu d ie s , U n iv e rsity o f C alifo rn ia , R e se a rc h S e rie s n o . 21. P a ta i, R aphael (1965) The S tru c tu re of E ndogam ous U nilineal D escen t G ro u p s , ’S o u th w e ste rn Jo u rn a l o f A n th ro p o lo g y ’, 21: 325-50. P e te r s , E m rys (1963) A sp e c ts of R ank a n d S ta tu s am ong Muslims in a L eb an ese V illage, in J . P itt-R iv e rs ( e d . ) , ’M e d iterra n ean C o u n try m e n ’, L eid en: M outon. R o se n fe ld , H enry (1957) An A nalysis o f M arriage and M arriage S ta tis tic s fo r a Muslim an d C h ristia n A rab V illage, ’I n t e r ­ n atio n al A rcheology and E th n o g ra p h y ', 68:32-62. S m ith, W. R o b e rtso n (1903) 'K inship a n d M arriage in E arly A ra b ia ', B o sto n : Beacon P r e s s .

7

THE PAUCITY OF RITUAL AMONG MIDDLE EASTERN PASTORALISTS Emrys Peters

In th e lite r a tu r e on p a s to ra lis ts in th e Middle E ast some adm irab ly d etailed a c c o u n ts a re given o f a wide ra n g e o f th e ir a c tiv itie s , b u t d e s c rip tio n s o f th e ir ritu a ls a re co n sp icu o u sly la c k in g . Inform ation on th e jinn a n d th e ev il eye - s u p e rs titio n s th a t a re g iv en u n a c c o u n ta b le p re c e d e n c e - a b o u n d s , an d it is o fte n d ep lo y ed to s u b s titu te fo r relig io n an d r itu a l. A p art from s c a tte re d b its an d p ieces o f th is s o r t, now here in th e lite r a tu r e is th e r e an y sy ste m a tic tre a tm e n t o f r itu a l, a lacuna made more o b tru s iv e ly o b v io u s b y th e se v e ra l e x ce llen t a n a ly se s of Muslim re lig io u s o r d e r s . (2 ) In an a rtic le on th e bedouin fam ily, I w ro te: 'T h e eq u a lita ria n ism o f th e d e s e r t d e n u d e s th e B edouin o f ritu a l r i c h e s '. (3 ) At th e tim e th a t was w ritte n I held th e view th a t th e ela b o ra tio n o f r itu a ls w hich c h a ra c te ris e th e liv es o f p eoples in A fric a , In d ia , A u stra lia an d O ceania is q u ite alien to th e A rab p a s to ra lis ts of C y re n a ic a , and th a t w hat r itu a l a p p e a rs am ong them is d is tr ib u te d d isc o n n e c te d ly , on a small s c a le , th ro u g h o u t social life . T he view th a t ritu a ls a re in co n se q u e n tia l am ong b ed o u in is im plicit in th e d e a r th of inform ation in e a rlie r w o rk s, su c h as th o se of B u rc k h a rd t (1831), Musil (1928), M urray (1935), an d D ickson (1949), and in th e more re c e n t w ritin g s o f C unnison (1 9 6 6 ), M arx (1 9 6 7 ), A sad (1970), Cole (1 9 7 5 ), Iro n s (1975), an d B eh n k e (1 9 8 0 ). A lth o u g h Cole d e v o tes a c h a p te r to re lig io n , h is tre a tm e n t o f it is so p e rfu n c to ry as to be o f little v a lu e . T he o th e r a u th o rs m ight well ju stify th e ir om ission on th e g ro u n d s th a t an a n a ly sis o f r itu a l is irre le v a n t to th e ir su b je c t m a tte r, c o n s is tin g , a s it d o e s, la rg e ly o f political p ro b lem s. T h is is h a rd ly a c c e p tab le sin c e r itu a l p e rm e ate s so m any social in s titu ­ tio n s , p o litical in s titu tio n s p a r tic u la r ly , th a t to d e ta c h it is to e x c lu d e an im p o rtan t p a r t of th e s e in s titu tio n s . O r it m ight be a rg u e d th a t it o c c u rs in su c h d r ib s an d d ra b s as n o t to m erit m uch a tte n tio n . B a rth is e x p licit a b o u t th e m a tte r: 'T h e B a sse ri show a p o v e rty o f ritu a l a c tiv itie s q u ite s tr ik in g in th e field s itu a tio n ', an d he c o n tin u e s: 'What is more th e d iffe re n t elem ents o f r itu a l do n o t seem closely co n n ecte d o r in te g ra te d in a w ider system o f m ean in g s: th e y give th e im pression o f o c c u rr in g w ith­ o u t re fe re n c e to each o th e r , o r to im p o rtan t fe a tu re s o f th e social s t r u c t u r e . '(4 ) Unlike m any o th e r s , B a rth sees ritu a l p a u c ity a s a p ro b le m . Why th e r e sh o u ld b e th is p o v e rty is a q u e stio n B a rth a n d I so u g h t to a n sw e r, an d a lth o u g h we a rriv e d at d iffe re n t view s we b o th assum ed th a t th e re e x is ts in so c ie tie s, th o se o f Middle E ast p a s to ra lis ts in c lu d e d , a n eed fo r r itu a l, an d th a t th e e la b o ra tio n o f r itu a l sh o u ld m atch , o r a t le a st be 187

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c o n s is te n t w ith , th e social s tr u c tu r e . At th e en d of h is q u e st B a rth is able to fulfil th is k in d of n e e d ; I will a rg u e th a t if a n e e d e x is ts at all it is not a n eed of a s tr u c tu r a l k in d . Mary D ouglas u r g e s th e n ee d fo r th e a n th ro p o lo g ist to g ra s p th e 'f a c t' th a t 'th e re a re se c u la r trib a l c u ltu r e s ', le s t, 'w hen he comes a c ro ss an irre lig io u s t r i b e ', he sh o u ld 'sq u e eze h is in fo r­ m ation h a r d e r to make it y ie ld . . . . O r h e d re d g e s fo r at le a st som ething to p u t in a final c h a p te r on re lig io n '. O m nisciently a s s e r tin g th a t B a rth was 'd riv e n to w rite a special a p p e n d ix to c le a r him self o f th e p o ssib le c h a rg e s of in s e n s ib ility to relig io u s b e h a v io u r ', D ouglas p ro c e e d s to give B a rth a p a tro n is in g pat on th e b a c k , th u s : 'Good m ark s to B a rth fo r so fra n k ly r e c o rd ­ in g h is own s u r p r is e and p ro fe ssio n a l f r u s t r a t i o n .' Without c o n s id e rin g B a r th 's p ro p o sitio n , D ouglas dism isses it o u t of h a n d , s u g g e s tin g in s te a d 'th a t a so ciety w hich d o es not n eed to make ex p licit its r e p re s e n ta tio n of its e lf to its e lf is a sp ecial ty p e of s o c ie ty '. (5 ) C onfident th a t th e B a sse ri a re v irtu a lly devoid o f r itu a l, D ouglas chooses to a s c rib e secularism to them . B a rth at le a st se e s a problem in th e a b se n c e o f r itu a l; if D ouglas is r ig h t in sa y in g th e B a sse ri tr ib e is a se c u la r so c ie ty , why should th is b e , w hat m akes it 'a sp ec ial ty p e o f so c ie ty '? T h ese a re p re c ise ly th e q u e stio n s B a rth a tte m p ts to a n sw e r. It is im p o rtan t to b e a r in mind th a t B a rth p o s tu la te s - in d e e d , s tip u la te s - a n eed fo r th e s tr u c tu r e o f so ciety to b e s u s ta in e d b y a m atching s t r u c tu r e o f r itu a l, b e c a u se h is will to fin d it and th e d ire c tio n h is s e a rc h ta k e s a re b o th co n d itio n e d b y th is . F o r, in e f f e c t, he s a y s th a t th e a b se n c e of ritu a l a s it is g e n e ra lly know n is s tr ik in g , b u t, sin ce th e r e is a n ee d fo r i t , it m ust e x is t, an d to locate it a re d e fin itio n o f r itu a l is n e c e s s a ry . R itual a s it is g e n e ra lly know n B a rth sp e a k s of a s 'a s o rt of "common s e n s e " v ie w '.(6) A d o p tin g th e la tte r te m p o rarily he lis ts w hat he c o n s id e rs would p a s s as ritu a ls in a co n v en tio n al s e n s e . T he c u r s o r y d e s c rip tio n s o f su c h a c ts a re p u t in to th re e c a te g o rie s , re la tin g to (1) th e an n u al cycle (2 ) th e life c r is e s , an d (3 ) a m iscellany o f a c ts w hich can n o t be placed in e ith e r of th e o th e r two c a te g o rie s : a c a te g o risa tio n w hich could be ap p lied to any p e o p le , an d h e n c e , u n s u b tle ; b u t it m ust b e ad d ed th a t th e s e ritu a ls a re p rim arily in c lu d ed as a com pilation o f a c ts w hich he o b s e rv e d , re la tin g to ritu a ls w hen ta k in g a common se n se view . R a th e r th a n a ttem p t a n y th in g m ore, w ith th is k in d o f d a ta , th a n a c ru d e c a te g o ris a tio n , he th e n tu r n s to th e p o ssib ility of 'g r e a te r so p h istic a tio n in th e d efin itio n o f r itu a l' w hich 'm ight lead to an e x p a n sio n o f th e field o f in q u ir y '. (7) T h at is to s a y , B a rth now p ro p o se s to re d e fin e r itu a l in su c h a m anner th a t a c ts w hich on a common s e n se view had fallen o u tsid e h is p u rv ie w , can be in c o rp o ra te d , an d th u s su p p ly ritu a l w h e re , h ith e r to , he th o u g h t it to be a b s e n t. T h is more so p h istic a te d defin itio n o f r itu a l w hich B a rth u s e s stem s from th e g e n e ra l id eas on ritu a l in one o f L e a c h 's e a rlie r w r itin g s , and to u n d e rs ta n d B a rth b e t te r a b r ie f d ig re s s io n is n e c e s s a ry to see w hat Leach h a s to say.

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'R i tu a l', Leach a s s e r t s , 's e r v e s to e x p re s s th e in d iv id u a l's s ta tu s a s a social p e rs o n in th e s tr u c tu r a l sy stem in w hich he fin d s him self fo r th e time b e i n g '. (8 ) T his 'a p h o rism ', as Leach calls i t , e x p r e s s e s h is g e n e ra l view of w hat ritu a l d o e s , b u t not w hat it is . In a r r iv in g at th e l a t t e r , he b e g in s b y d is c u s s in g th e D urkheim ian dichotom y betw een th e sa c re d an d th e p ro fan e as se p a ra b le realm s o f social a c tiv ity . It is to th is assu m p tio n th a t Leach ta k e s e x c e p tio n . V ery few social a c tio n s , he a r g u e s , a re p u re ly te c h n ic a l (p ro fa n e ) a c ts w ith an elem en tary d efin ab le fu n ctio n a s an e n d . Most ac tio n s a re accom panied b y 'te ch n ic ally s u p e rflu o u s frills an d d e c o r a tio n s ',(9) w hich a re sym bolically c h a r g e d , an d w hich it is th e b u s in e s s o f social a n th ro p o lo g ists to in t e r p r e t . D u rk h eim 's dichotom y e x c lu d e s a la rg e p a r t of th is , sin ce th e s a c re d em bodies only th o se a c ts in w hich sp ecifically re lig io u s sym bols a re u se d - b u t Leach would d e s c rib e as ritu a l an y n o n -te c h n ic a l a c tio n s 'w h e th e r o r not th e y in v o lv e d ire c tly an y c o n c e p tu a lisa tio n o f th e s u p e r n a tu r a l o r th e m e ta p h y s ic a l'.(10) For th is re a so n he re je c ts th e D urkheim ian dichotom y as u n te n ­ a b le , as does B a rth ('T h o u g h D urk h eim 's dichotom y o f sa c re d an d p ro fa n e is u n te n a b le . . . '( 1 1 ) . ) In ste a d Leach p r e f e r s to th in k o f all a c tio n s as fallin g som ew here along a c o n tin u u m , at one en d o f w hich p ro fa n e , e n tire ly fu n c tio n a l, p u re ly tec h n ic a l a c ts a re to be p la c e d , an d at th e o th e r , e n tire ly s a c r e d , te c h ­ nically n o n -fu n c tio n a l a c ts . In betw een th e se two poles falls th e b u lk o f social a c tio n s. T he re co g n itio n o f th e s e two poles im p lie s, o f c o u r s e , th a t th e D urkheim ian dichotom y is v alid in d is tin g u is h in g c e rta in a c tio n s , b u t th e u tility o f h is view Leach se e s as o ffe rin g th e lib e rty fo r d isp e n s in g w ith th e n e c e s s ity o f ta k in g a c tio n s as w holes, to be placed in one o f two ty p e s ; r a t h e r , th e a tte n tio n is to be d ire c te d to th is o r th a t a sp e c t of an a c tio n , th e choice b e in g d eterm in ed b y th e p ro b lem , so th a t an y actio n can come to b e endow ed w ith a n u m b e r o f a s p e c ts a n d , th e r e f o r e , fall in to se v e ra l p o sitio n s alo n g th e co n tin u u m . T he view th a t m ost a c tio n s a re b u n d le s o f a s p e c ts is u n e o n tro v e r s ia l, b u t it still rem ains an obligation to id e n tify th e s e a s p e c ts , to s e t a p a r t w hat is te c h n ic a l from w hat is n o t. The ru le -o f-th u m b Leach o ffe rs fo r th is p u rp o se is th a t te c h n iq u e is to be re c o g n ise d b y its m easu rab le m aterial c o n se q u e n c e s; ritu a l is com m unication in th e se n se th a t it 's a y s ' som ething ab o u t th e in d iv id u a ls in volved in th e a c t i o n '.(12) Leach is co n ­ fid e n t th a t he k n o w s, in g e n e ra l te rm s , w hat th is com m unication is a b o u t: r itu a l actio n is a sym bolic sta te m e n t a b o u t th e social o r d e r . (13) For th is re a s o n , a close c o n siste n c y betw een th e s tr u c tu r e o f r itu a l an d social s tr u c tu r e alw ays e x is ts , so close th a t 'ritu a l m akes e x p licit th e social s t r u c t u r e '. (14) T his th o ro u g h g o in g D urkheim ian view is re p e a te d a t almost e v e ry p o in t in th e book w hich to u c h e s on r itu a l, (15) an d in h is b asic assu m p tio n th a t th e r e is an e v e r p r e s e n t s tr u c tu r a l n eed fo r ritu a l Leach is again in harm ony with D u rk h eim , an d fo r th a t m a tte r w ith B a r th , E v a n s - P ritc h a rd , F o rte s , M iddleton, T a p p e r , T u r n e r , to name only a few a t random . (16) In d iv id u a ls n eed to

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b e re m in d e d , in sym bol, of th e u n d e rly in g o r d e r w hich is s u p ­ p o sed to g o v e rn th e ir liv e s , 'if a n a rc h y is to be a v o id e d ’.(1 7 ) R itual is a p ro p h y la c tic a g a in st a n a rc h y - o r , p e r h a p s , a k in d of talism an . W ithout r itu a l so ciety would d is in te g r a te . What pow er to a s c rib e to ritu a l! Why sh o u ld th is fu n c tio n b e re s e rv e d fo r r itu a l r a t h e r th a n some m undane form s of c o n tro l? P e rh a p s th e q u e stio n is a non s e q u i t u r , sin ce r i t u a l , re s id in g only in th e frills an d d e c o ra tio n s o f te c h n ica l a c ts , is , for L each , its e lf m un d an e. B a rth s u b s c rib e s to L e a c h ’s re d e fin itio n o f ritu a l b o th in th e g e n e ra l sta te m e n t o f h is view s and th e s o rt o f fa c ts he a n a ly s e s . On two p o in ts , h o w e v e r, he d if f e r s . A cco rd in g to L each , all sym bolic a s p e c ts o f a c ts a re r itu a l. B a rth fin d s d iffic u lty in a c c e p tin g t h i s , a s well he m ight a f te r th e som ewhat c u r s o r y exam ination he m akes of th e actio n s in c lu d e d in th e th r e e c a te ­ g o rie s to w hich re fe re n c e was made e a r lie r . He d e p a r ts from Leach to th e e x te n t o f ad m ittin g th a t ritu a ls a re n o t m erely sym bolic, b u t th a t th e y a re ’esp ec ia lly p re g n a n t w ith m e an in g ’ a n d a re se t a p a r t from o th e r a c ts b ec au se th e y a re ’more im p o rta n t’; so th a t r itu a l now becom es ’th e sym bolic a s p e c ts o f a c ts in c o n te x ts v e s te d w ith p a r tic u la r v a lu e ’. (18) In se e k in g r itu a l, a tte n tio n h as to be d ire c te d at c o n te x ts since it is th e s e th a t give it its im p o rta n ce , a n d endow it w ith p re g n a n c y of m eaning - a lth o u g h , it m ust be n o te d , th a t th e im p o rtan ce is u n re la te d to a n y th in g sav e to o th e r u n d e fin e d a c ts , th a t th e p re g n a n c y o f m eaning is an e v a lu a tio n of r itu a ls , not a gu id e for th e ir id e n tific a tio n , and th a t c o n te x ts of p a r tic u la r v alu e a re to be a s s e s s e d in re la tio n to a p re d e te rm in e d notion of w hat th e v a lu e o f ritu a l o u g h t to b e . In h is a n a ly s is , B a rth m akes it c le a r th a t h is qualm s o v e r a c c e p tin g th e outcom e o f L ea ch 's view s h av e led him to make a n u m b er o f q u a lific atio n s w h ic h , ta k e n to g e th e r , mean th a t, c u lm in a tiv e ly , ritu a ls m ust com pre­ h e n d so ciety in its e n tir e ty . In th i s , B a rth is close to Leach a g a in , e x c e p t th a t fo r Leach all frills a n d d e c o ra tio n s h av e som ething to sa y a b o u t th e so c ie ty , th e social o r d e r , and its s tr u c tu r a l a rra n g e m e n ts ; B a rth is h a n k e rin g a f te r th e c o re o f s o c ie ty , th e e n tir e s tr u c tu r e a n d m eaning o f w hich is d isc e rn ib le if one only h a s th e so p h istica tio n to a lig h t on a c o n te x t esp e c ia lly p re g n a n t w ith m eaning - a n o t uncommon v iew , h e ld , fo r exam ple, b y G luckm an,(1 9 ) a n d , le ss e x p lic itly , b y E v a n sP r itc h a r d . (20) T h e second p o in t of d e p a r tu r e from L ea ch 's view is eq u ally im p o rta n t. In th e f ir s t p la c e , B a rth lim its th e ra n g e o f a c ts L each r e g a r d s a s ritu a ls b y th e sig n ifica n ce to be a ttr ib u te d to th e c o n te x t in w hich th e y o c c u r. In th e se c o n d , he e x te n d s th e field o f r itu a l b y in c lu d in g a c ts Leach would re je c t as te c h n iq u e . W hereas Leach w ish es to d is tin g u is h betw een te c h n iq u e and s u p e rflu o u s frills w hich co n ta in th e sym bolic com m unications, B a rth c o n s id e rs th e form o f an act to b e in c o n se q u e n tia l. R itu a l, fo r L each , r e s id e s in th o se a s p e c ts of an action th a t a re u n ­ n e c e s s a ry on g ro u n d s of te c h n ic a l e x p e d ie n c y . F o r B a rth

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'te c h n ic a l im p e ra tiv e s ' (w h a te v e r 'im p e ra tiv e s' m ight mean h e re ) a re of e q u iv a le n t im p o rtan ce to frills an d d e c o ra tio n s: 'th e r e is no re a so n why . . . te c h n ic a l im p erativ es may n o t also be v e s te d w ith c e n tra l a n d c ru c ia l m eaning in a sym bolic system o r co n ­ t e x t '. (21) T h is leav es th e field of r itu a l v irtu a lly u n d e fin e d , sin ce a n y act o f an y k in d may o r may not b e r itu a l, d e p e n d in g on an a p p ra is a l o f its c o n te x t; w ith th e co n se q u e n c e th a t b ew ild ered r e a d e r s a re left to fend su b je c tiv e ly fo r th e m se lv e s. T he d a ta an d th e arg u m e n t B a rth p r e s e n ts to e n a b le h im , u s in g th e s e n o tio n s o f r itu a l, to make good th e a p p a re n t ritu a l d e ficien cy th a t w ould o th e rw ise c h a ra c te ris e B a sse ri life , a re now sum m arised . T h is sum m ary n eed only be b r ie f sin c e th e e v id en ce an d th e a rg u m en t to g e th e r e x te n d to only a few p a g e s . He b e g in s w ith th e affirm ation th a t if s e ts o f a c ts o r a s p e c ts o f a c ts , w hich b e a r m eaning in c o n te x ts v e s te d w ith p a rtic u la r v a lu e , a re s o u g h t, 'it becom es overw helm ingly c le a r th a t th e whole b asic system o f a c tiv itie s in v o lv e d in th e economic a d a p ta ­ tion o f th e B a s s e ri, o f cam ping a n d h e rd in g an d tra v e llin g , a re p re g n a n t w ith su c h m eanings . . . an d th e c o n te x t o f th e g re a t m igration in which th e y ta k e place is v e s te d with ex trem e v a lu e ’. (22) His a n a ly sis s t a r t s w ith th e small cam ps o f th e B a s s e ri, an d h e h a s th is to say a b o u t them : 'T he camp its e lf w ith its se m i-c irc le s o f f i r e s , alone in an em pty la n d s c a p e , an d c o n s ta n tly r e - p itc h e d in new localities in c h a n g in g c irc u m sta n c e s , s e r v e s a s a c le a r e x p re ssio n of th e social u n ity o f th e g ro u p which in h a b its i t , and of th e m echanism s w h ereb y th a t g ro u p is m a in ta in e d .’(23) T he camp show s n o th in g o f th e k in d . All it sh o w s, a s s u c h , is th a t a n u m b er o f people (in c lu d in g 'se v e ra l men . . . o f Q ashqai e x tra c tio n ' in at le a st one c a m p )(24) have a r r iv e d at some k in d o f m odus v iv e n d i; o th e rw ise , p re su m a b ly , th e y would not be to g e th e r. What does th e sem i-circle o f cam ps c o n trib u te to th e p re g n a n c y of m eaning in th e cam ps? T h e em pty la n d sc a p e g iv es an im pression of a s p a rs e ly p o p u la te d a r e a , b u t n o t o f social u n ity , o r o f th e m echanism s th a t m aintain i t . In a n y e v e n t, b o th a re su c h v a g u e 'm ean in g s' th a t th e y can p la u sib ly be ap p lied to people who live in g ro u p s a n y w h e re , a n d in th is c o n te x t th e y mean little more th a n to g e th e r n e s s . An a n a ly sis o f th e com position o f th e cam p in term s o f its age and sex d is tr i­ b u tio n , re la te d to p ro d u c tiv e n e e d s a n d th e m eans to s u p p o rt th o s e too y o u n g o r too old to w o rk , m ight re v e a l m any fe a tu re s o f th e c a m p , a n d th e s e m ight a cco u n t fo r th e way in w hich people a re re s id e n tia lly d is p o s e d , m aking it a sociologically m eaningful u n it. In a n o th e r p a r t o f th e b o o k , B a rth does o ffe r a b r ie f a n a ly sis o f th e k in sh ip com position o f c a m p s, a n d has som ething to say a b o u t th e h e rd in g a rra n g e m e n ts th a t a re u n d e r ­ t a k e n . (25) Yet a rig o ro u s a n a ly sis of th e re la tio n s s u g g e s te d y ie ld s only a d efin itio n of a so c io -g e o g ra p h ical g ro u p in g , not of a r itu a l com m unity. It is p o ssib le to d efin e a so c io -g e o g rap h ic al g ro u p in g fo r an y g a th e rin g o f p eo p le , b y p lo ttin g th e c o n ce n ­ tra tio n o f v a rio u s k in d s o f re la tio n s - fo r exam ple, economic co ­ o p e ra tio n , c lu s te r in g of a g n a te s o r c o g n a te s , m arriag e lin k a g e s,

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a n d so on - a n d d ra w in g a b o u n d a ry a t th o s e p o in ts w h ere th e r e la tio n s h ip s a re w e a k e s t. P o s s ib ly , m a te ria l c o n s tr a in ts o p e ra te to k e e p th e s e w ith in a d e fin a b le lo c a tio n , a n d a c t to in h ib it th e f r e e m obility o f p eo p le from one g ro u p to a n o th e r . If r itu a l c o n ­ s t r a i n t is a b s e n t , men a r e h e ld to th e ir g ro u p fo r e x p e d ie n t r e a s o n s , a n d fo r th e same r e a s o n s th e y c a n o p t o u t o f i t : r u le s a r e d e v is e d , am ong some p e o p le s , to m eet s u c h c o n tin g e n c ie s . B u t if d e s e r tio n is m y stic a lly c o n tro lle d , if a man h a s a r ig h t to die in a p a r tic u la r p lac e am ong c e r ta in p e o p le , a n d if s u c h r i g h t s a r e d e r iv e d from m em b ersh ip o f a g ro u p u s in g r e s o u r c e s s a n c ­ tio n e d a s i t s p r o p e r t y b y a n o a th g iv e n at a s a i n t ’s to m b , th e s e a d d e d r itu a l c o n s tr a in ts t u r n a so c io -g e o g ra p h ic a l u n it in to a r e lig io u s com m unity. In C y re n a ic a th e to p o f a te n t is m ade o f raw s h e e p 's wool, w ith a s t r i p on e ith e r sid e o f th e c e n tr a l seam made o f g oat h a i r , a n d th e o u te r e d g e s made o f camel h a ir . Wool h a s b a ra k a (d iv in e b le s s in g ) in it ; b a r a k a h a s a p r o te c tiv e fo rc e a b o u t it w hich m akes th e te n t a s a n c tu a r y a n d s u r r o u n d s it w ith haram (a h o lin e s s w hich p r o h ib its a r a n g e o f a c tio n s ) , e v e n to th e v e r y e n d s o f its r o p e s . In sid e h a n g s a hijab (a m u le t), c o n s is tin g o f an in s c r ip tio n from th e Q u r ’an w r itte n b y a h o ly man on a p iece o f p a p e r , w ith a p e n made o f a tw ig (a m o d ern p e n o r p e n c il was c o n s id e re d in e f f ic a c io u s ), u s in g th e n a tu r a l oil f rie d o u t o f wool a s in k , th e p a p e r fo ld e d in to a little s q u a r e p a c k a g e , se a le d w ith th e s e a l o f Solomon (o f id e n tic a l d e s ig n to th e s t a r o f D a v id ) a n d sew n in to a le a th e r s a tc h e l. When a new t e n t is e r e c te d , women u s e h e n n a to d raw sim ple d e s ig n s on th e in te r io r o f th e t e n t to p on b o th s id e s o f th e c e n tr a l sea m . A f te r a new te n t h a s b e e n p itc h e d , w h e th e r fo r a new ly m a rrie d c o u p le , o r a s a re p la c e m e n t fo r a n old o n e , o r b y som eone jo in in g a ca m p , a s a c rific e m u st b e o f f e r e d . In d e e d , w hen th e te n t o f a new com er is p itc h e d in a cam p , e a c h h e a d o f a te n t k ills an anim al ‘fo r th e new t e n t ', in s u c c e s s io n , u s u a lly o v e r s e v e r a l w e e k s. Many o f th e c o n v e rs a tio n a l s a y in g s a llu d e to th e t e n t , alm ost in v a ria b ly s p o k e n in re lig io u s la n g u a g e , a n d m ost b e d o u in s e n tim e n ts c o n ­ ta in a r e f e r e n c e , a t le a s t, to i t . T h e k in d o f te n t r e f e r r e d to h e r e is n o t a m ere a b o d e . A te n t o f a m ilita ry o r cam p in g ty p e is c a lle d a k h a im a ; a n d th a t u s e d b y a w idow , o r a g e d woman w hose h u s b a n d h a s le ft h e r fo r a y o u n g e r w ife , w h ich is p itc h e d n e a r h e r s o n ’s , a n d u s e d o n ly a s a dom icile a t n i g h t , is c alled an 'a s h s h a . F o r a bait m u st h a v e w ith in its h o u se h o ld a prom ise o f a f u t u r e , w h e th e r th is be in a m a rrie d c o u p le , a m a rrie d co u p le a n d th e i r c h ild r e n , o r an a s s o rtm e n t o f r e la tiv e s o ne of whom is a n u n m a rrie d y o u n g woman o r an a b le b o d ied m an; a f u t u r e , m o re o v e r, w hich is in th e h a n d s o f G od. H ence th e m any s a y in g s a s s o c ia tin g th e te n t w ith c h i l d r e n , to b e h e a rd w h en women w eave te n t to p s , w hen a new te n t is p itc h e d , a n d a t a w e d d in g , its e lf sp o k e n o f as ’m ak in g a t e n t ’, ’p itc h in g a t e n t ’, o r 's p r e a d in g o u t a t e n t ’. It is all th e s e a s p e c ts w hich t u r n a te n t in to a ta b e r n a c le , a n d endow it w ith a r itu a l s ig n if i­ c a n c e h a v in g n o th in g to do w ith th e fr ills a n d d e c o ra tio n s of

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te c h n iq u e , b u t h a v in g a g re a t deal to do w ith a p e o p le 's c o rp u s of re lig io u s b e lie f s . C y ren aican cam ps in w in ter an d s p r in g a re sm all, com posed of some five to te n te n ts a t m ost. W hether in th e ir sum m er o r w in te r lo c a tio n s, it is a c h a r a c te ris tic o f th e cam ps th a t th e ir te n ts a re s e p a ra te d b y u n e q u a l d is ta n c e s . Some m ight be as m uch a s tw e n ty y a r d s a p a r t , and u n c o n n e c te d th ro u g h th e ir r o p e s . O th e rs a re v e ry c lo se , and th e ir ro p e s c r o s s . T h e re is more to th is th a n m ere p ro x im ity . Since th e haram of a te n t e x te n d s to th e e n d s o f its r o p e s , te n ts w ith c ro s s e d ro p e s a re o f one haram . T h u s , a man a n d h is so n s a re more th a n likely to h a v e th e ir te n ts alig n ed in th is w ay, and th e s e a rra n g e m e n ts p e r s is t u n til th e so n s h a v e grow n so n s o f th e ir o w n, o r th e f a th e r h a s died an d h is p r o p e r ty h a s been d iv id e d , w hen th e y s e p a ra te to form a sim ilar c lu s te r . A fu g itiv e , o r a m atern al re la tiv e o f a n o th e r c o rp o ra te g ro u p , o r a te m p o ra ry r e s id e n t, like m yself, c ro s s th e ir te n t ro p e s w ith an a p p ro p ria te te n t in th e cam p. T he men o f joined te n ts a re likely to eat to g e th e r , an d th e women to work to g e th e r . T h e ir anim al w ealth rem ains joint w ealth while th e y live like th is - 'th e y a re o f one cooking p o t'. B ound by joint o w n e r­ sh ip an d c o n s titu tin g a joint fam ily, th e m otive im pelling them to b e h a v e in th is way is re lig io u s , an d su c h liv in g is h eld to be re lig io u sly v ir tu o u s fo r a p e rio d in a fam ily's d e v elo p m en t. While th e r e is th is sp ecially close re la tio n sh ip betw een th e s e p eo p le, th e o th e r s of th e camp a re also d raw n to g e th e r c lo sely . Almost e n tire ly a g n a te s , th e y a re not n e c e s s a rily th e c lo se st a g n a te s , fo r people a re fre e to ch a n g e cam ps w ithin th e c o rp o ra te g ro u p o f w hich th e y a re a p a r t - an d th e y occasionally make su c h m oves. T h ey a r e , h o w e v e r, lin k ed th ro u g h women, a s a re n o n ­ a g n a te s in th e cam p s. An a n a ly sis o f th e s e small cam ps show s c h a r a c te r is tic p a tte r n s o f age and sex co m p o sitio n , to p ro v id e th e la b o u r fo rce fo r h e rd in g an d te n d in g th e anim als a tta c h e d to them an d ra is in g a c r o p , a n d to make p ro v isio n fo r th o se p re c lu d e d from m anual la b o u r by age o r s ta tu s . B ut th e com­ p o sitio n of a camp is only p a rtly to be u n d e rsto o d as an economic u n it fo r h e rd in g an d cro p g ro w in g . It is also a ritu a l com m unity o f s e le c te d p e o p le , who give re co g n itio n o f th e ir d istin c tiv e re la tio n sh ip in th e e a tin g o f sac rificia l meals to g e th e r , alw ays. W henever a man s a c rific e s an animal from h is own flock o r h e rd - an d th e s a c rific e m ust be o f an animal from o n e 's own rizq (w ealth ) - all a d u lt males g a th e r in h is te n t to p a rta k e o f th e m eal, a s a m a tte r o f c o u rs e . On th e occasion o f a c irc u m c isio n , m en, women, an d c h ild re n of th e camp g a th e r in th e te n t w here th e r ite is b e in g p e rfo rm e d . At a f u n e ra l, it is th e a g n a te s o f th e camp who a re o b liged to p ro v id e th e sac rificial anim als, w h a te v e r o ffe rin g s o th e r a g n a te s o r o th e r people m ight b r in g . A man m ight b e n e g lig e n t o f h is h e r d in g r e s p o n s ib ilitie s , o r a woman of h e r dom estic t a s k s , b u t n e g le c t o f o n e 's r itu a l o b lig a­ tio n s is tan tam o u n t to e x p u lsio n ; it is a fitn a (s in ) w h ich , if it is to be d ealt w ith a t a ll, can only be p re h e n d e d b y ritu a l (to bo rro w F o r te s ’s mode of e x p r e s s io n ) .(2 6 )

194

E m ry s P e te r s

Small cam ps c l u s te r a ro u n d a well in sum m er to form a la r g e r c a m p , a lth o u g h th e y rem ain e a sily d is c e r n ib le in th e c l u s t e r . T he men o f th is cam p s h a re w a te r r e s o u r c e s , grow a c ro p in th e same a re a a n d a r r a n g e fo r it to b e g u a r d e d in th e sam e la rg e g ra in s t o r e , laid o u t in in d iv id u a l m o unds h e a p e d on th e g r o u n d . D e ta ils o f h e r d in g , w a te rin g a n im a ls, h a r v e s tin g a n d t r a n s p o r t ­ in g g ra in to th e s to r e can be show n to h a v e th e m ark of e x p e d ie n c y a b o u t th e m , d e riv e d from th e common s e n s e o f e x p e r ie n c e . T h e r e is no common s e n s e r e a s o n fo r p r o h ib itin g e a s y e n t r y in to th e g ro u p o r e x it from i t . N e ith e r, h o w e v e r, a re u n d e r ta k e n lig h tly . B oth r e q u ir e th e c o n s e n t o f th e g ro u p a s a c o lle c tiv ity ; fo r th is is th e one b o d y , th e c o rp o r a te g r o u p , w h ic h , in i ts m a te ria l s e n s e , ow ns th e n a tu r a l re s o u r c e s o f a p a r tic u la r p ie c e o f t e r r i t o r y , c o n tr o ls th e u s e to w hich th e s e a r e p u t , a n d d e fe n d s th e s e a g a in s t a n y t h r e a t o f a s s a u lt. T h e re is no re a s o n fo r c o n c lu d in g an in c o rp o ra tio n c erem o n y w ith a s a c rific ia l m eal, b u t , fo r th e b e d o u in , e n t r y in to a c o r p o ra te g ro u p is n o t a m ere c o n tr a c t in w o rd s w itn e s s e d b y all; th e new m em ber m ust b e in c lu d e d in th e r itu a l co m m u n ity , o th e rw is e m uch o f th e b e h a v io u r r e q u ir e d o f him w ould a p p e a r a s u n n e c e s s ­ a r y f r il l s . At th e in c o rp o ra tio n c e re m o n y , th e p re s e n c e o f a h o ly man am ong th e w itn e s s e s is also e s s e n t i a l , h is b a r a k a g iv ­ in g h is w itn e s s a p re c e d e n c e a b o v e all o th e r a n d o f a q u ite d if f e r e n t k in d . T h e o n e n e s s o f th is g ro u p is m a n ife ste d b e s t , p e r h a p s , on th r e e o c c a s io n s . F i r s t , on th e m o rn in g o f th e G re a t F e a s t , o r th e F e a s t o f th e F le sh a s th e b e d o u in m ore commonly r e f e r to i t , e a c h h e a d o f a te n t s a c rific e s a n an im al, a n d all th e m en o f th e g ro u p p r a y t o g e th e r , e ith e r in th e form o f a c r e s c e n t o r in r a n k s . D u rin g th e follow ing tw o d a y s , men v is it c o rp o r a te g ro u p s ro u n d a b o u t them w h e re th e y h a v e c o n n e c tio n s , n o t a s in d iv id u a ls b u t a s r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s of t h e ir g r o u p . S e c o n d , all p eo p le a b le to do so go to g e th e r on a p ilg rim a g e ( !a m o v e ', in t h e ir idiom ) to a s a i n ts ' to m b , th e h e a d o f e a c h te n t ta k in g an anim al fo r s l a u g h t e r , to be cooked b y th e w om en; th e m eat is b r o u g h t in la rg e wooden bow ls in to an o p e n s p a c e , w h e re th e n u m e ro u s bow ls a r e p la c e d so a s to form a h u g e c ir c le , no man e a tin g from th e bowl o f meat to w hich h e h a s c o n tr ib u te d n o r from th e sam e bowl a s h is n e a r e s t a g n a te s . E x c e p t in th e c o n ­ t e x t o f b e d o u in b e lie fs th e r e is little common s e n s e in th e s e a c tio n s , n o r a re th e b e d o u in com pelled to b e h a v e in th is w ay b y m u n d an e c o n s id e r a tio n s . T h ir d , all a g n a te s a re r e q u ir e d to a tte n d f u n e r a l s , a n d b r in g an a p p r o p r ia te g if t. If a n y o n e a r r iv e s la te in th e w eek o f m o u rn in g , w hen it w ould h a v e b e e n p o ssib le to b e th e r e o n th e f ir s t d a y , a n d b r in g s an in a p p r o p r ia te g ift s u g a r a n d t e a , s a y , in lieu o f an anim al - it is g e n e ra lly a c c e p te d th a t th is b e h a v io u r is an in d ic a tio n o f s p littin g aw ay from th e c o r p o r a te g r o u p . T h a t is to s a y , se c e s s io n d o e s n o t o c c u r u n til a r itu a l b o n d is s e v e r e d . B u t p e r h a p s th e m ost d ra m a tic d e m o n s tra tio n o f th e r itu a l u n ity o f th e c o r p o r a te g ro u p is g iv e n w hen a man k ills a fellow a g n a te o f h is own c o rp o ra te g r o u p , in te n tio n a lly . His o n ly im m ediate c o u rs e o f actio n is to

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fle e , fo r h is own s a f e ty . The w id e sp re ad f e a r , at th is tim e, is th a t 'th e o w n er o f th e b lo o d ' (th e n e a r e s t a g n a te o f th e victim ) m ig h t, while 'h is blood is b o ilin g ' e x a c t v en g e a n c e p re c ip ita te ly , an d th u s in c u r th e loss o f two a g n a te s . T he o ffe n d e r is likely to rem ain a lien ated from h is camp fo r y e a r s , th e d u ra tio n of h is exile d e p e n d in g on th e c irc u m sta n c es o f th e k illin g . When th e inform ation he g a th e r s s u g g e s ts th a t h is r e tu r n would be a c c e p ta b le , he r e - e n te r s h is cam p, c o n v en tio n ally by s te a lth , c ro s s in g h is te n t ro p e s w ith th o se o f th e cam p's s h a ik h , and he h a s te n s , as soon as decorum p e rm its, to perform a s a c rific e . A hom icide w ithin a c o rp o ra te g ro u p is an act w hich g iv es a n g u ish to its m em bers, e v e n to sp eak o f i t . It leav es them n o n ­ p lu s s e d . T h e re a re no a rra n g e m e n ts fo r d ealin g with violence of th is s o r t , n o r sh o u ld th e y be n e c e s s a ry fo r people of a com m unity o f re lig io u s o n e n e s s , fo r to kill w ithin th is ra n g e is 'to b e tra y G od'. Y et, 'la te r o n ' th e o ffe n d e r is p e rm itte d to r e tu r n to full m em bership a n d re s id e n c e w ith h is p e o p le , a reco n ciliatio n w hich m ust be e ffe c te d - and can only b e ach iev ed - th ro u g h a s a c rific e . T h is d o n e , th e o ffe n d e r and 'th e ow ner o f th e blood' s i t , to g e th e r w ith all th e ir fellowmen in th e c am p , a ro u n d 'th e o ne bow l' to p a rta k e o f th e sac rificial m eal, an d become again a l-'a s a b iy a af-w ahid (th e one s o lid a rity ), th e idiom th e bedouin u s e to d e sig n a te th e u n ity of th e c o rp o ra te g r o u p , e x p re s s in g a s e n se o f com m unitas d ev eloped to its h ig h e s t p i t c h , s u p e r ­ s e d in g all economic a n d ju ra l b o n d s. At th e time o f th e k illin g , w hen th e o f fe n d e r, a m ember o f th e g ro u p , h ad no re c o u rs e o th e r th a n to become a fu g itiv e , se c u la r m eans o f d e alin g w ith th e problem h a d b een seen to have fa ile d , a failu re which d o u b led th e lo ss of m em bers to th e g ro u p . R itu a l, th e ex e c u tiv e arm o f th e ir re lig io u s beliefs (to ad o p t F o rte sia n idiom a g a in ) ,(27) is th e only rem edy fo r so lv in g th e p ro b lem . T h e in s e rtio n o f th e s e re fe re n c e s to C y ren aican b ed o u in h e re is in te n d e d as an in d ic atio n o f th e k in d o f d ata 1 would seek if th e te n t , th e small cam p, an d th e la rg e cam p, one e n c a p su la te d b y th e o th e r , d is tin c tiv e ly d iffe re n t b u t also o n e , w ere to h av e a n y 'm ean in g s' o th e r th a n as e x p e d ie n t collections of males and fem ales; an d also w hat would be re q u ire d to acc ep t th e claim of 'c le a r e x p re s s io n o f social u n i t y '. (28) Mere te r r ito r ia l d isp o sitio n of cam p s, people p e rfo rm in g a c tiv itie s c o n c e rte d ly , a re n o t in th em selv es sym bolic o f u n ity , c e rta in ly not one o f th e v a r ie ty of form s of ritu a l u n i t y . T h e camp is only one form of g a th e rin g w hich B a rth c ite s to d e m o n stra te how a c ts o f a n y k in d a re p o te n tia lly p re g n a n t with m eaning. Much more im p o rta n t is th e c a ra v a n in to which small cam ps form when seasonal m ovem ents a r e u n d e rta k e n . T he fa c ts he g iv es ab o u t th e s e c a ra v a n s a re sim p le, a n d som ew hat s u p e r ­ ficial. T he cam ps form p ro c e s s io n s , w h ich , b e c a u se th e ro u te ta k e s them th ro u g h v a lle y s a n d a c ro ss p a s s e s , is unav o id ab le an y w a y . T he n u m b er o f te n ts is v e ry la rg e - o v e r 1,000(29) an d th e o c c u p a n ts o f th e s e form sc o re s o f sm aller c a ra v a n s when th e y a re on th e m o v e .(30) T h ese c a ra v a n s p a s s th ro u g h s e d e n t-

196

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a ry com m unities, a n d a re w atched b y su lle n an d h o stile s p e c ­ t a to r s . (31) With th e s e few f a c ts , th e th r e e m eanings B a rth d e riv e s from th e c a ra v a n on its jo u rn e y can b e exam ined. F ir s t, th e daily p ro c e ssio n s an d th e n ig h tly cam ps 're p e a t th e fa c ts o f g ro u p alleg ian ce an d d iv is io n s '. (32) Why re p e a t th e s e tw ice daily fo r m onths? Is g ro u p allegiance so fra g ile and th e d iv isio n s so u n c e rta in th a t th e y have to be 'r itu a lly ' re p re s e n te d so e x c e ssiv e ly fre q u e n tly ? T he n a tu re of th is allegiance is not e asy to fathom from th e d ata o ffe re d . 'Each te n t is o ccu p ied by an in d e p e n d e n t h o u se h o ld , ty p ic a lly c o n s is tin g o f an elem en tary fam ily; an d th e s e h o u seh o ld s a re th e b asic u n its o f B a sse ri s o c ie ty .'( 3 3 ) F u r th e r , th e 'in d e p e n d e n c e a n d se lf-su ffic ie n c y of th e nom ad h o u s e h o ld , w h ereb y it can s u rv iv e in economic rela tio n w ith an e x te rn a l m ark et b u t in com plete isolation from all fellow nom ads [ s i c ! ] , is a v e ry s tr ik in g and fu n d am en tal fe a tu re o f B a sse ri o r g a n is a tio n '.(34) Lest th is re p e titio n leav es th e r e a d e r u n c o n v in c e d , it is ag ain s ta te d th a t 'th e autonom y, b o th economic a n d political o f in d iv id u al B a sse ri te n ts h a s a lre a d y b ee n re p e a t­ ed ly em p h a sise d ; it is a fundam ental fe a tu re o f B a sse ri o rg a n ­ is a tio n '. (35) O b v io u sly , a h e rd in g u n it fo u n d ed on th e elem en tary family can only be t r a n s ito r y , at b e s t. A lso, since it is su c h a small u n it it is v u ln e ra b le to a v a rie ty of c o n tin g e n c ie s: th e h a z a rd s o f b ir th a n d d e a th , c h ild le s s n e s s , im balance betw een th e s e x e s , an d so o n . (36) In a n o th e r p a rt o f th e book r e f e r r in g to cam p s, th e comment is made th a t: 'T he camp is v e ry unw illing to adm it new m em bers ev e n as h ire d s h e p h e r d s .'(3 7 ) Yet w hen th e elem e n ta ry family is u n ab le to p ro v id e th e la b o u r fo rce fo r h e r d in g , th e son o f a b r o th e r o r close a g n a te may be a d o p te d , h o u se h o ld s may c o -o p e ra te fo r h e rd in g (m ost of them d o ) , an d s h e p h e rd s a re h ir e d . A sto n ish in g ly , th is lead s B a rth to conclude th a t th e s e 'd e v ic e s s e rv e to m aintain th e is o la te d , in d iv id u al h o usehold a s a v iab le u n it b y su p p lem en tin g its la b o u r pool from o u tsid e s o u r c e s '.(38) Since re c ru itm e n t of la b o u r is su c h a r e g u la r an d u r g e n t n e c e s s ity th e s tr e s s B a rth g iv es to th e in d e p e n d e n c e , a u to n o m y , isolation o f th e h o u s e h o ld , b o th econom ically a n d p o litic a lly , can n o t be r i g h t . Camps a re o f two k in d s . In w in ter th e y a re com posed o f 2-5 t e n ts , an d at all o th e r tim es o f th e y e a r 10-40 te n ts (also given as '30-60 t e n t s , o r 200-400 in d iv id u a ls ') .(3 9 ) A ccording to B a rth th e y 'a re in a v e ry re a l sen se th e p rim ary com m unities o f B a sse ri so c ie ty . . . . T he m em bers o f a camp make up a v e ry c learly b o u n d e d social g ro u p ; th e ir re la tio n s to each o th e r as co n tin u in g n e ig h b o u rs a re re la tiv e ly c o n s ta n t, while all o th e r c o n ta c ts a re p a s s in g , ep h e m e ra l, an d g o v e rn e d b y c h a n c e .'(4 0 ) T h is d is ­ c re te n e s s is ag ain s tr e s s e d and am plified in a re fe re n c e to 'th e social isolation in w hich each camp l i v e s ', (41) a sta te m e n t w hich B a x te r r e g a r d s a s 's ta rtlin g ly b iz a rre to an y o n e who h a s lived am ong E ast A frican p a s to ra lis ts '(4 2 ) - a n d , I m ust ad d immedi­ a te ly , to anyone who h a s lived am ong N orth A frican bedouin a s w ell. M oreover it is an odd sta tem e n t to m ake fo r th e B a sse ri w hen o th e r fa c ts re la tin g to cam ps a re ta k e n in to a c c o u n t. F ir s t,

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cam ps a re com posed of b ila te ra lly re la te d p e o p le , w hich p ro v id e th em , n a tu r a lly , w ith e x te rn a l c o n n e c tio n s. (43) N e arn ess o f k in s h ip , h o w e v e r, is irre le v a n t to th e com position of th e h e rd in g u n its o f which th e la r g e r camp c o m p rise s, fo r it is th e u n ity of th e cam p, e x p re s s e d in its le a d e r, to w hich, B a rth c o n s id e rs , p re c e d e n t m ust be g iv e n . (44) While th is view m ight be a c c e p t­ a b le , th e d iag ram s show ing th e k in sh ip co n n ec tio n s betw een small camp m e m b e rs ,(45) incom plete th o u g h it is , m akes it v e ry c le a r th a t th e s e c o n n e c tio n s a re so d e n se th a t th e y m ust be a sig n ific a n t fo rce in camp fo rm atio n , a n d th e most sig n ific a n t elem ents in th e p o sitio n o f th e le a d e r. It does not follow th a t b e c a u se th e r e is su c h an ab u n d a n c e o f k in sh ip co n n e c tio n s o f a b e w ild e rin g v a rie ty o f ty p e s , th a t k in sh ip can b e re le g a te d to a p e rip h e ra l ro le . B a rth feels able to do th is b e c a u se ty p e s of k in s h ip do not d iscrim in ate betw een p eople; (46) b u t h e also n o te s th a t th e re la tio n sh ip with th e m o th e r's b r o th e r , a n d with a ffin e s , a p p e a rs in b e h a v io u ra l p a t t e r n s .(4 7 ) S eco n d , movement in an d o u t o f cam ps is not r e s tr ic te d b y r u le s , a n d , o v e r a p e rio d , th e ir com position can wholly c h a n g e . T h i r d , it is n o t s u r p r is in g th a t cam ps a re h e te ro g e n e o u s with r e g a r d b o th to th e oulads (an oulad is an in te rn a lly u n s tr u c tu r e d a g g re g a te o f p e r s o n s , form ing a su b d iv isio n o f a tira, one of th e tw elve d iv isio n s of th e B a sse ri) a n d e v en to th e tr ib e s r e p r e ­ s e n te d in th e m .(48) F o u rth , a sin g le d isag re em en t a b o u t th e m ovem ent o f cam ps le a d s to fissio n , an almost r e c u r r in g th r e a t it w ould seem , s in c e , b e c a u se th e B a sse ri s tr ik e an d re - p itc h t h e ir cam ps on a h u n d re d an d tw e n ty d a y s in a y e a r , (49) ag reem en t on su c h m a tte rs m ust b e re a c h e d v e ry f r e q u e n tly . B a rth a tta c h e s much im portance to th e se r e c u r r in g d ec isio n s th a t e v e ry d ay r e - t e s t th e cohesion of th e g ro u p ,(5 0 ) a lth o u g h e ls e ­ w here h e c o n tra d ic ts th is in sa y in g th a t 'th o se at th e h ead [of th e c a ra v a n ] lead th e w ay, th e y m ust d ecide w hich p a th to ta k e , w hile th o se b e h in d can h a v e no p a rt in th a t d e c isio n ’. (51) It is re a so n a b ly sa fe to d ed u ce th a t , w here cohesion h a s to be r e ­ te s te d d a ily , th e r e is in h e re n t in s ta b ility . F ifth , th e B a sse ri n e c e s sa rily come in to co n tac t with o th e r tr i b e s , p a rtic u la rly with th e T u rk is h Q ashqai and A rab tr ib e s . F in ally , th e m igration of th e B a sse ri tr ib e along its il rah ( tr ib a l ro a d , o r m ig ra to ry ro u te ) is c a re fu lly c o n tro lle d a n d c o - o r d in a te d , (52) a n d fo r th is to be done s u c c e s s fu lly , wide scale c o -o p e ra tio n betw een cam ps is to be p re su m e d . In h is e n d e a v o u r to give a se n se o f u n i t y , o r g ro u p a lle g ia n c e , to cam ps (w h ic h , as will be seen p r e s e n tly , culm inates in an a g g re g a tio n o f sig n ific an ce s in th e a n n u al m ig ra tio n ), B a rth p ro c e e d s by b u ild in g it from th e h o u se h o ld , u n til it e n la rg e s to envelop a camp o f some th r e e h u n d re d people d isp o se d in ab o u t fifty t e n t s . T h e in d e p e n d e n c e , autonom y, e v en isolation o f both u n its is s t r e s s e d , p re su m ab ly to e s ta b lis h th e ir r itu a l i n t e g r i t y , th e n to b r in g them to g e th e r in th e c a ra v a n a s an ’a g g r e g a tio n ’,(5 3 ) its e lf to be endow ed w ith a r itu a l u n ity o r allegiance b y v ir tu e o f m ere a g g re g a tio n . T he household and th e cam ps h av e b e en d is ­

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c u s s e d in d etail to r e fu te B a r th 's view s a b o u t th e m . With r e g a rd to th e social d iv isio n s which cam ping alle g ed ly r e s ta te s d a ily , 'th e re la tiv e location of te n ts in a camp is n o t su c h as to give a n y c le a r im p ressio n of its in te rn a l s t r u c t u r e ', (54) and in w hat is said of th e c a r a v a n s , sav e fo r th e rem ark th a t 'm em bers of th e sam e h e rd in g u n it te n d to tr a v e l to g e th e r '(5 5 ) (a lth o u g h , b e c a u se of th e d iffe re n t sp e e d a t which people go ab o u t p a c k in g an d lo a d in g , some fam ilies fin ish b e fo re o th e r s and move o ff, th e r e b y d is p e rs in g th e cam ps fo r p a r t of th e tim e, at le a s t) , th e r e is little m aterial to in d ic a te th e d iv isio n s in th e c a ra v a n . T he m eanings of g ro u p allegiance a n d d iv is io n s , su p p o se d ly alm ost p ic to g ra p h ic a lly r e p re s e n te d in th e a c tiv itie s of cam ping an d m ovem ent, c a n n o t, th e r e f o r e , be a c c e p te d . T he seco n d m eaning B a rth d e riv e s from th e g re a t m igration is th a t 'th e su llen h o stility o f unfam iliar s p e c ta to rs w h e re v e r th e c a ra v a n ro ad goes th ro u g h a village m ark s th e c a ra v a n o ff as a g ro u p to ta lly d iffe re n t from th e s e d e n ta ry c o m m u n itie s'.(56) One can n o t fo rb e a r from a sk in g w h e th e r th is k in d o f sim plistic m eaning is w hat is to be e x p e c te d from th e ad option o f 'g r e a te r so p h istic a tio n in th e d efin itio n o f r itu a l’. (57) T he m eaning is n o th in g more th a n an o b se rv a tio n o f jo u rn a listic s u p e rfic ia lity , a n d , like most su c h o b s e rv a tio n s , it is m isleadingly e rro n e o u s : fa c ts given elsew h ere in th e book leave no d o u b t ab o u t th is . A fte r th e a b d icatio n o f Reza Shah in 1941, th e m ajority of th e B a sse ri rem ained s e ttle d , a n d th e nomad pop u latio n is still on th e d e c lin e .(58) T his is la rg e ly due to 'a h ig h r a te o f sé d e n ­ ta r is a tio n ’, (59) an d w hen B a sse ri s e ttle th e y do not all c o n c e n ­ tr a te in one p lace: ’S e ttle d , landow ning B a sse ri a re found s c a tte re d o v e r a v e ry la rg e a r e a '. (60) T he p ro c e ss of s e ttlin g is c o n tin u o u s, w ith th e r e s u lt th a t n u m b ers o f people from each camp a re 'slo u g h e d o ff in each g e n e r a tio n ',(6 1 ) p a rtic u la rly th e sm aller sib lin g g r o u p s , some of which a re p u sh e d in to s e ttle ­ m ent in th e ir e n tir e ty . Also, th e r e a re o c c a sio n s, su c h a s a ch a n g e of govern m en t r e p r e s e n ta tiv e , ra p id grow th o f p o pulation followed b y a s e rio u s loss of anim als, o r o th e r calam ities, when a 'm ajor fra c tio n o f th e p o p u latio n ' is ob lig ed to s e t t l e . (62) F or th e s e re a s o n s , p e r h a p s , B a rth is c o n s tra in e d to comment on th e ab se n c e ’o f an ex trem e e th n ic c o n tr a s t - th e la n g u a g e , re lig io n , a n d m ajor a s p e c ts o f custom a re s h a r e d ’, (63) a s , in d e e d , th e y m ust b e , since a v e ry la rg e n u m b e r o f th e fa rm e rs w ith whom com parison is made h e re a re B a sse ri th e m se lv e s. A p art from th e s e re la tiv e s , th e nomadic B a sse ri h av e d e alin g s w ith people o th e r th a n B a sse ri b o th as a tr ib e o r c o rp o ra te se c tio n s of i t , an d a s in d iv id u a ls .(64) Economic re la tio n s betw een s e ttle d an d nom adic people a re n o t m ediated b y th e Colonel in a d m in istra tiv e c h a rg e of them ( b u t, w h e n , in o th e r c irc u m sta n c es he fu n c tio n s a s m ed ia to r, th is is cite d as an in sta n c e o f th e tr ib e a c tin g c o rp o ra te ly - a c u rio u s u se o f th e c o n c e p t) , b u t a re s e p a ra te an d in d iv id u a l, c re a tin g su c h a m u ltiplicity o f in d iv id u a l dy ad ic tie s b etw een s e ttle d a n d nom adic people th a t th e y become enm eshed w h e re v e r ’th e tr ib e is re la te d to s e d e n ta r y com m unities

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along its m ig ratio n r o u t e '. (65) From s e ttle d p e o p le , th e nom ads b u y a g ric u ltu r a l a n d in d u s tria l p r o d u c ts , fo r w hich th e y p ay b y se llin g anim als a n d th e ir p r o d u c ts . P u rc h a se s o f th is s o rt a re n e g o tia te d b etw een p a r t n e r s , who enjoy a sta b le re la tio n sh ip su ffic ie n tly s tr o n g to perm it d e b ts to b e left o v e r m any m o n th s. H ere it m ust be s tr e s s e d th a t th is tr a d in g is n o t w ith a m a rk e t, rem ote from th e m ig ration ro u te , b u t w ith v illa g e rs on th a t r o u te . 'E v e ry nomad h as sta b le re la tio n s with a n u m b e r o f su ch tr a d in g p a r t n e r s in v illag es s c a tte r e d along th e m igration ro u te o f h is s e c tio n .'(6 6 ) Many nom ads own a g ric u ltu ra l la n d , a n d h av e op en ed b an k a c c o u n ts .(67) S u c c e ssfu l h e rd sm en tr a n s f e r some o f th e ir c a p ita l w ealth in anim als into la n d , a c q u irin g p lo ts o f d iffe re n t siz e s 'alo n g th e ir whole ro u te o f m ig ra tio n ', while rem ain in g nom ads an d r e n tin g th e ir l a n d s ,(68) th u s a c q u irin g th e s ta tu s of la n d lo rd s , a s ta tu s th a t is h ig h ly d e s ire d , g iv in g th e nomad an e n tr é e in to th e local e lite o f village an d d i s t r i c t , a n d fo r th e w ealth ier in to th e p ro v in cia l o r n a tio n al e lite . L an d ow nership p ro v id e s th e nomad w ith an income w ith w hich to b u y a g ric u l­ tu r a l p r o d u c ts , th e main item s in h is d ie t; it o ffe rs good c a p ita l g ro w th ; it is a s e c u rity a g a in st d is a s te r b efallin g h is h e r d s ; a n d to e n s u re th a t h is in v estm e n t r e ta in s its v alu e th e nom ad, v e s te d w ith 'g re a t pow ers o v e r.h is te n a n t ', c o n tro ls and s u p e r v is e s him in th e work h e does as well as in o th e r m a tte r s .(69) 'A n u m b er of B a sse ri in e v e ry g e n e ra tio n p a s s th ro u g h th is d ev elo p m en t, p r o g r e s s in g to become s e d e n ta r y la n d lo rd s in v illag es in o r n e a r th e B a sse ri m igration c h a n n e l, fre q u e n tly cam ping in te n ts in th e g a rd e n s of th e ir h o u se s h a lf th e y e a r , a n d w ith a c o n tin u in g em otional in te r e s t in a n d id e n tific a tio n w ith nomad life a n d w a y s .'(7 0 ) U n su cc essfu l h e rd sm e n do n o t rem ain nom ads e ith e r . W ithout anim als, a man sin k s in to d e b t w ith h is tr a d in g p a r tn e r s a n d h a s no o th e r re c o u rs e b u t to seek to make a liv in g in a s e ttle d com m unity : B a rth c alls th is p ro c e s s s é d e n ­ ta ris a tio n b y im p o v e rish m e n t.(71) T he m ovem ent, h o w ev e r, is n o t a o n e-w ay a f f a ir . When n atio n al political c o n d itio n s a re re a so n a b ly s ta b le th e d r ift in to v illag es q u ic k e n s , b u t w hen th e y a re d is tu r b e d 'ev en whole s e d e n ta ry com m unities' ta k e to nomadic lif e ( 72) - a lth o u g h w h ere all th e s e people o b ta in anim als is not s p e c ifie d . It is m uch more likely th a t th e s e m ovem ents from an d in to nomadism a re c a u se d b y th e re tire m e n t from th e rig o u rs o f p asto ralism of th e s u c c e s s fu l and th e fa ilu re s , and th e o p p o rtu n ­ is ts am ong s e ttle d people c h a n c in g th e ir lu ck a t anim al r e a r in g , in d u c e d to do so b y th e a ttra c tio n o f th e w ealth th e y know can be made from i t . Many trib e s m e n , B a rth r e c o r d s , a re o f te n a n t p a r e n ta g e , an d la rg e n u m b ers o f nom ads a re able to tr a c e th e ir o rig in to s e d e n ta ry a n c e s to r s , two g e n e ra tio n s a g o . (73) What­ e v e r th e e x a c t c a u se o f th is tw o-w ay movement in th e p a s t, th e e ffe c t is th a t people o f th e p a s tu r e s and th e sown h av e become in e x tric a b ly in te rtw in e d . T he re g u la r ity o f nom ads s e ttlin g (in th e p a st as well a s th e p r e s e n t ) , th e e n d u r in g tr a d in g p a r tn e r s h ip s betw een p a s to ra lis ts

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an d v illa g e rs (so v ital to b o th ) , th e lan d o w n ersh ip o f nom ads a n d th e ir re la tio n s w ith th e ir te n a n ts , th e ex-n o m ad s in v illa g es a n d e rstw h ile s e ttle d people am ong th e nom ads, m u st, s u r e ly , e n g e n d e r an intim acy o f re la tio n s h ip s , w hich a re so deep ly ro o ted in tie s o f k in sh ip and m a rria g e , d e b t r e la tio n s h ip s , p a r tn e r s h ip s , in s titu tio n a lise d f rie n d s h ip s , and th e lik e , th a t th e nom ads a re in d is tin g u ish a b le from s e ttle d p e o p le, th e m ajority of whom a p p e a r to be B a sse ri an y w a y . And how all th is c o n tr a s ts w ith th e re la tio n sh ip s betw een cam ps w hich a re ra re ly m obilised as c o rp o ra te u n its in o p p o sitio n - 'th e p re v a ilin g fe a r a n d su sp ic io n k e e p s g ro u p s at a re a so n a b le d ista n c e from each o t h e r '! (74) C o n cep tu alisin g th e people who a re p a s to ra lis ts a t a g iv en moment as 'to ta lly d if f e r e n t' from people who h a p p e n to be liv in g a s e ttle d life at a given moment is to make a fiction of w hat is in fact a sym biosis betw een two s e c to rs o f one econom y, an d of a people who a re so c ially , c u ltu ra lly and re lig io u sly of one b r e e d . T he th ir d in te r p r e ta tio n o f th e symbolism B a rth claim s th e g re a t m igration c o n ta in s is th a t w hich b r in g s to g e th e r all B a sse ri nom ads a s one s o c ie ty . By ta k in g th e c a ra v a n as a w hole, w ith its m ass o f te n ts a t n ig h t-tim e an d its sc o re s o f small c a ra v a n s b y d a y , he se e s it as s e rv in g to 'd ra m a tise th e com m unity of m em bership in tr ib e an d c o n fe d e ra c y , and th e ir segm ental s t r u c t u r e 1. (75) U n fo rtu n a te ly th e inform ation given about th e tr ib e an d its se c tio n s is in su ffic ie n t a n d th e a n a ly sis is so u n c le a r th a t it is d iffic u lt to fathom th e com m unity o f m em bership o f a n y B a sse ri g ro u p in g s . Like T a p p e r ,(76) I fin d th e a n a ly sis o f th e c am p , a n d p a r tic u la rly its re la tio n to th e o u la d , to be u n s a tis ­ f a c to r y . E m phasis is given to b ila te ra lity a s a fe a tu re o f cam p s, b u t th is k in d o f k in s h ip a p p e a rs in local g ro u p s am ong th e N uer w ithout in h ib itin g th e developm ent o f a se g m e n ta ry lineage s y ste m , an d a lth o u g h it h a s b ee n a rg u e d th a t th e bedouin of C y ren aica do not conform to lineage th e o ry in th e ir b e h a v io u r, th e v a rie ty of ty p e s o f k in sh ip to be found in cam ps is not held to a c co u n t fo r t h i s : in d e e d , most n o n -u rb a n com m unities a re likely to con tain a ra n g e o f ty p e s of k i n s h i p .(77) It is th e con­ se q u e n c e of th e b ila te ra l re la tio n s in th e B a sse ri cam ps th a t are s e rio u s , b e c a u s e , a c c o rd in g to B a rth , in m a tte rs of r ig h ts and d u tie s th e r e is no d istin c tio n betw een p a trilin e a l kin an d o t h e r s . (78) Cam ps a re th e local re sid e n tia l g ro u p s w hich co n ­ s titu te th e oulad (w hich is tr a n s la te d to mean fam ily, b u t w hich, d e riv e d from th e A rabic root w - l-d , s u re ly m eans s o n s , c h ild re n o r p r o g e n y ( 7 9 ) ) , an d th is is b ased on p a trilin e a l d e s c e n t. M embers o f an o u lad s h a re in h e rite d p a s tu r e r i g h t s , (80) a s th e y do th e ir r ig h ts to th e m ig ra to ry ro u te and tra v e l s c h e d u le .(81) T h e re fo re , th e s e r ig h ts m ust be v e s te d in a g n a te s in c am p s, d e s p ite th e fact a man is fre e to a tta c h him self to a n y g ro u p w ithin an o u la d . S e v e ra l su g g e stio n s can be made to acco u n t fo r th is c o n fu s io n . M any, if not m o s t, m a trila te ra l a n d a ffin al k in s ­ men a re a g n a te s as w ell, since 30 p e r c e n t of th e m a rria g e s a re b etw een close c o u s in s , an d a b o u t a n o th e r th ir d a re betw een

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m em bers of th e d iffe re n t cam ps o f an o u la d .(82) In daily life, g r a n tin g th e d e n s ity o f k in sh ip s u g g e s te d b y th e s e f ig u r e s , it is not to be e x p e c te d th a t a g n a tic r ig h ts will o c c u p y th e a tte n tio n o f people to whom th e y a re common, p a rtic u la rly w hen th e y a re on th e move an d p re o c c u p ie d w ith in d iv id u a lly ow ned anim als. F u r th e r , th e r e is no inform ation on th e co n d itio n s o b ta in in g , w ith r e g a r d to r i g h t s , in th o se a re a s w hich th e B a sse ri occupy in sum m er an d w in te r. F in a lly , B a rth sp e n t most o f th e s h o rt p e rio d h e was am ong th e B a sse ri in th e camp of th e ir c h ie f (e x ­ c h ie f to b e more p re c is e ) ,(8 3 ) an d th is m ight h av e b een p e c u lia r in m any w ay s, b e a rin g in mind th e u n b elie v a b le a u to c ra tic pow ers B a rth a c c o rd s to c h ie f s .(84) T he com position o f B a sse ri local g ro u p s h a s a co m parative in te r e s t b e y o n d th e scope of th is d is c u s s io n . For p r e s e n t p u r ­ p o ses it is th e ritu a lis a tio n o f th e 'com m unity o f m em b ersh ip ’ w hich is at is s u e . U nity of some k in d tie s a camp to g e th e r if it is only th e v a g u e u n ity of u n d iffe re n tia te d k in s h ip , a n d if its in h a b ita n ts a re re c r u ite d from k in sp eo p le by its le a d e r - a p r a c ­ tic e rem in iscen t o f th e way in w hich local com m unities a re r e c r u ite d b y ’b u lls ’ am ong th e N u e r. T h is is u n ity en o u g h to a n tic ip a te its ritu a lis a tio n in one form o r a n o th e r, b u t the in e v ita b le in clu sio n o f cam ps in th e g re a t m igration - e v en though th e m em bers of cam ps te n d to tra v e l to g e th e r - is , p o s s ib ly , no m ore th a n te m p o ra ry co m p an io n sh ip , e x p e d ie n c y , o r a n e c e ssity im posed b y th e to p o g ra p h y : it is alw ays p r u d e n t to draw th e d istin c tio n b etw een a c tin g in u n iso n a n d a c tin g in u n ity . In one p a s s a g e th e r e is c le a r ev id en ce of a camp u n ity o th e r th a n th e c o n triv e d r itu a l s o rt w ith w hich B a rth endow s them . In a sectio n on ’common s e n s e 1 r itu a ls , it is said th a t w ithin th e te n e ts of Islam th e B a sse ri a re fre e ’to develop a n d e la b o ra te th e ir cerem onies an d custom s as an autonom ous folk s y s te m .’(85) One o f th e se cerem onies o r custom s r e la te s to p ilg rim ag es to a locally ren o w n ed s a in t’s tom b. Most camp g r o u p s , a s th e y p a s s n e a r i t , make a d e to u r to s p e n d a day o f c e le b ra tio n s at i t , e v e ry o n e d re s s e d in th e ir b e s t c lo th e s , se v e ra l p e rs o n s from each te n t. Somewhat s u r p r is in g ly - since th is is th e only re fe re n c e to it each te n t sa c rific e s an anim al, although it is common p ra c tic e fo r te n ts to com bine fo r a sin g le sa c rific e : to sav e anim als, B a rth o p in e s , w ith o u t p a u s in g to ask w hy all te n ts a re n o t c lu s te r e d , o r w hy o n e sa c rific e does not su ffic e for th e whole cam p, o r why some te n ts sh o u ld s q u a n d e r anim als on sin g le s a c rific e s . P e rh a p s th e a n sw e rs to th e s e sim ple q u e stio n s would w reak havoc w ith h is in s is te n t view th a t b ila te ra lity le a v e s th e k in d re d of th e camp u n d iffe re n tia te d in th e ir r ig h ts and d u tie s . More s u r p r is in g ly , B a rth does n o t attem p t to te a s e a n y sym bolic m eanings o u t of th e p ilgrim age o r th e a c ts of sa c rific e . In s te a d , h e co n c lu d es th e w oefully incom plete acco u n t th u s : ’T h ro u g h o u t, th e r e is a g en e ra l lack o f cerem onial, a n d a g ay an d c a re fre e feelin g of a fe stiv e p icnic p r e v a i l s .’(86) In s h o rt th e a ffa ir is not to be ta k e n s e rio u s ly , th e s e rio u s re q u ire s solem nity - su c h a p u rita n ic a l p o s tu re ! Long a g o , in a s h o rt in tro d u c tio n to a book on th e

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re lig io u s fe s tiv itie s o f s a in ts ' d a y s , E v a n s -P ritc h a rd comments th a t 'T h e gay an d s e c u la r side to re lig io u s cerem onies is an e s s e n tia l p a r t of all p o p u la r re lig io u s fe s tiv a ls . . . . T h e re m ust be p le n ty to eat a n d d rin k an d th e m eats m ust be of a k in d th a t a re n o t daily e a te n . . . . T he se c u la r fe s tiv itie s b r in g people to g e th e r an d make th e occasion a memorable one in th e ir liv e s. A man rem em bers w hat he h a s e n jo y e d . T he re lig io u s r ite s p ro v id e th e fe s tiv itie s with a p u rp o se an d a c e n tre ro u n d which th e y m o v e .'(8 7 ) T he gay a n d se c u la r side of re lig io u s fe s tiv itie s is an in te g ra l p a r t of th e m , an d o ften m akes ex p licit w hat is le ft u n sa id in r itu a l. Were we given d e ta ils of th e s a c rific e s , and who w ere th e people who com bined to give a sa c rific e and followed it w ith a commensal m eal, an a b u n d a n c e o f ritu a l ric h e s an d sym bolic m eanings would become a p p a re n t. Community of m e m b ersh ip , it is s a i d , is made sym bolically e v id e n t in th e g re a t m igration n o t only in cam ps b u t in tr ib e s an d th e ir 'segm ental s t r u c t u r e '. In th e a b se n c e of e v id e n c e , in th e c h a p te r on r itu a l, in d ic a tin g th e n a tu re of com m unity - save th a t v e ry many p e o p le , b elo n g in g to v e ry m any g ro u p s , p a s s , w ith th e ir anim als, th ro u g h an a re a a t th e same time - it is re a so n a b le to su p p o se th a t it a p p e a rs else w h e re in th e book. What h a s f ir s t to be so u g h t is th e ir 'segm ental s t r u c t u r e ', a p e c u lia r u se of 'se g m e n ta l' fo r 's e g m e n ta ry ' sin c e , a lth o u g h both a re id en tical in m ean in g, in an th ro p o lo g y 's e g m e n ta ry ' is th e common u s a g e , u n le s s a n u a n c e o f m ean in g , n o t n a tu ra l to th e w ords th e m se lv e s, is in te n d e d . A lthough th e B a sse ri sp ea k of a camp as if it w ere a sin g le p a tr ilin e a g e , which again form s a segm ent o f a la r g e r lineage in a m erg in g s e r ie s , culm inating in an a n c e s tra l a p e x ,(88) th e cam ps them selv es a re u n seg m en ted (8 9 ); th e y n e v e r c o n s titu te p a trilin e a l d e sc e n t seg m en ts o f a la r g e r o u l a d ,(90) th e y a re not hom ologous with th e o u la d ,(91) th e gen ealo g ies do not fit th e social o r g a n is a tio n ; (92) in s h o r t th is is not a se g m e n ta ry lineage sy ste m . (93) B etw een th e camp a n d th e o u la d , th e p ro c e s s e s b y w hich th ey em erge and a re main­ ta in e d a re fu n d am en tally d if f e r e n t, an d to p r e s s th e p o int B a rth a d d s th a t th is b re a k 'is n o t m erely an a r tifa c t [a use w hich p e r v e r ts th e m eaning of th e w o rd ] of th e mode of d e s c r ip tio n '. (94) T h e re is th is b re a k b e c a u se , above th e level o f th e o u lad , th e p ro c e s s e s 'em anate from th e c e n tra l c h ie f of th e B a sse ri t r i b e , an d h av e th e ir so u rc e in p a r t o u tsid e th e B a sse ri t r i b e s '. (95) The B a sse ri chiefdom - a more a p p ro p ria te d e sig n a tio n , p e r h a p s , th a n tr ib e - is d iv id ed in to tw elve tira ( u n its ) , which in tu r n a re d iv id e d in to an ir r e g u la r n u m b er of o u la d s. Each o f th e se u n its h a s th e same ty p e of e s ta te (a s B a rth calls it - a b e tte r choice of word th a n p r o p e r ty ) d iffe rin g only in th a t th e tir a su b su m es all th e e s ta te s of th e o u la d s an d th e chiefdom su b su m es all th e e s ta te s of th e ti r a s . T h ese e s ta te s c o n sist of r ig h ts in g ra z in g a r e a s , a n d in th e m ig ra to ry ro u te an d s c h e d u le .(9 6 ) B ut a lth o u g h each s u p e rio r sectio n en clo ses its s tru c tu r a lly in fe rio r s e c tio n , se c tio n s do not fu se - f is s u re - in an o rd e re d m a n n e r; th e y a re not in balanced o p p o sitio n , as in a seg m e n ta ry

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s y ste m . I n s te a d , th e y fu n c tio n th ro u g h le a d e rs h ip , th e headm an in th e case o f th e o u la d s , a n d th e c h ie f of th e B a sse ri fo r th e chiefdom a n d th e t i r a s , p re su m a b ly , since th e la tte r h av e n e ith e r c h ie fs n o r headm en. T he re la tio n s of cam ps to th e ir oulad h ead ­ men , a n d of headm en to c h ie f s , a re a s d is p a ra te u n its at both le v e ls o f a u th o r ity , n o t as fu se d se g m e n ts. P e rh a p s it is fo r th is re a so n th a t B a rth h a s ch o sen 'seg m e n tal' in p re fe re n c e to 's e g m e n ta ry ' to co n v e y th e idea of se p a ra te s tr a n d s g a th e re d in th e h a n d s of headm en a n d c h ie fs re s p e c tiv e ly . C onfusion a r is e s b e c a u s e , in th e d isc u ssio n o f trib e s an d th e ir se c tio n , c o n sid e ra b le a tte n tio n is d ev o ted to issu e s o f d e s c e n t, th e role of a g n a tio n , th e g enealogical s t r u c t u r e , th e p ro c e ss of segm en­ ta tio n , a n d th e lik e , w hen in fa ct it is th e c h ie f who su b d iv id e s an oulad 'w hen it h a s grow n too la r g e ' (fo r w hat? - a d m in is tra ' tiv e c o n v e n ie n c e ? ). C onceptually th is is th e w rong mould in w hich to se t th e f a c ts . Many of th e is s u e s r e f e r r e d to above h av e an im portance in th e ir p la c e , no d o u b t, b u t th e b a s is of th e social o rg a n isa tio n in th is a re a is a s a te r r ito r y in a s ta te w hich g o v e rn s th ro u g h its a p p o in ted b u r e a u c r a ts , w h e th e r th e y be fam iliar faces o r an arm y C olonel. T he pow er of th e c h ie f is overw h elm in g . T he headm en a re h is c h a n n e ls o f com m unication, not a s e p a ra te echelon in a ch ain o f command. (97) 'O ulads s e rv e a s th e a d m in istra tiv e tools of th e c h ie f: th ro u g h th e headm en of o u lad s he re g u la te s a n d allo ts p a s t u r e s . '(9 8 ) T he c h ie f is th e sole re p r e s e n ta tiv e o f th e tr ib e in its re la tio n s w ith th e Ira n ia n g o v e rn m e n t, a n d he is e x p e c te d to make d ecisio n s fo r th e trib e in th is an d o th e r fie ld s. Once m ade, h is decision is fin al: 'any d e fin ite statem en t is a d e c isio n , w h e th e r e x p re s s e d a s an aside in a c o n v e rs a tio n , o r while w ashing h is h a n d s o r ta k in g a m eal'. (99) When B a rth was am ong th e B a s s e ri, th e c h ie f was no lo n g e r in o ffic e . C o n s e q u e n tly , th e full d e ta ils given o f the c h ie f's p o w e rs , h is ro le in th e tr ib e , a n d h is re la tio n s w ith o th e r c h ie fs a n d g o v ern m en t fu n c tio n a rie s a re th e re fle c tio n s of an e x -c h ie f on c o n d itio n s as th e y w ere w hen he was in office - h e a rs a y e v id en ce from an in d iv id u a l's p e rc e p tio n of a p a s t form o f social o r g a n is a tio n , b u t n o t to be ta k e n se rio u sly a s a re c o rd of co n d itio n s a s th e y a c tu ally e x is te d . B a rth a c c e p ts th e c h ie f's acco u n t o f th e p a s t b ecau se th e re c o n s tru c tio n o f th e sy stem b a se d on it (a n d w ritte n as if it is c o n te m p o ra ry ) 'is m eaningful b e c a u se th a t s y s te m , and n o t th e p r e s e n t one ( p a r ­ tic u la rly n o t in its officially sa n c tio n ed fo rm ), b e lo n g s as an in te g ra l p a r t w ith th e o th e r p e r s is tin g fe a tu re s o f B a sse ri o rg a n isa tio n which I d e s c rib e '. (100) B a rth re s id e d in th e c h ie f's cam p. Most o f h is d a ta is d e riv e d from th a t s o u rc e . His d e s c rip ­ tion of B a sse ri social o rg a n is a tio n , th e r e f o r e , in e v ita b ly c o rro b o r­ a te s th e c h ie f's a c c o u n t: th e y a re one a n d th e same re c o n s tr u c ­ tio n . If th e r e is a n y a c c u ra c y in th e c h ie f's a c co u n t - an d if th e p o w e rs o f th e arm y C olonel, who g o v e rn e d th e B a sse ri d u rin g B a r th 's time w ith th e m , w ere sim ilar to th o se a ttr ib u te d by B a rth to th e c h ie f - th e p ic tu re th a t em erges is one of a v e ry h a rs h a d m in is tra tio n , re p r e s e n te d among th e B a sse ri by a ty r a n t with

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almost u n b rid le d p o w e rs. T h is b e in g so th e d ram a tisatio n of th e 'com m unity of m em b ership' in th e tr ib e a n d its seg m en ts in th e g re a t m igration is a m irage. T h e re is n o th in g in th e fa c ts ab o u t th e p ro c e ssio n of c a ra v a n s in th e g re a t m igration to s u g g e s t a tie re d social o rg a n is a tio n . People move w ith th e ir anim als in p arallel lin e s ; we a re n o t told w h e th e r th e r e is an y sig n ifican ce in b e in g to th e fore o r in th e r e a r ; a p p a re n tly th e r e a re m ounted le a d e rs in th e c a ra v a n , b u t p re c ise ly w here th e y tra v e l in th e c a ra v a n , how th e y re la te to each o th e r , an d w here th e g e n e ra l d ire c tio n of th e c a ra v a n comes from can n o t be in fe rre d from th e d e s c rip tio n . What B a rth saw was a lot of cam ps a n d th e anim als m oving en m asse to sum m er p a s tu r e s : no h in t even of an in a u g u ra tio n cerem o n y . If, in th e d e s c r ip tio n , th e r e a p p e a rs to be so little of i n t e r e s t , why th e n sh o u ld B a rth a s c rib e su ch ritu a l im port to th e c a ra v a n ? T he clue is to be fo u n d in th e m eanings he a tta c h e s to th e a c ts of m igra­ tio n , w hich, he claim s, a re of th e same logical o rd e r as ritu a l idioms of re lig io u s cerem onies. T h e re is no logic in w hat is an a s s e rtio n of co m p arab ility ; p e rh a p s he is m aking an assum ption o r s ta tin g a b e lie f. B ut 'T hey [th e a c ts of m ig ration] can only be com pared w ith th e se [re lig io u s cerem onies] if th e c o n te x t in which th e y a re p laced is of c o rre sp o n d in g ly p redom inant v a lu e .'(101) What is th is pred o m in an t v alu e ? It cannot r e f e r to th e r itu a ls of th e life c r is e s , of th e s a c rific e s a t th e s a in t's day fe s tiv a l, o r , s c ra p in g th e bottom o f th e 'common sen se r itu a l' b a r r e l, b e lie fs in th e evil e y e ; all th e s e h av e a lre a d y been dism issed a s u n c o n n e c te d , u n re la te d to im p o rtan t fe a tu re s of th e social s t r u c t u r e , an d it is a fte r d ealin g with all th e s e in te n p a g e s th a t B a rth a d d s : ’I feel th a t th e above attem p t a t an e x h a u s tiv e [sic] d e s c rip tio n of th e cerem onies a n d th e ex p licit r itu a l p ra c tic e s of th e B a sse ri re v e a ls a r itu a l life o f u n u su al p o v e r ty .'(1 0 2 ) R eligious cerem onies o ften loom la rg e in th e liv e s o f people in most c o u n trie s ab o u t w hich a n th ro p o lo g ists w rite , a n d , to th e e x te n t th a t th e y som etim es g a th e r la rg e se c tio n s o r whole p o p u la tio n s in c o n g re g a tio n s, th e y a re th o u g h t to say som ething b ig , b e c a u se th e sp a n of th e a c tiv itie s is so wide; th e y also give th e im pression of ty in g to g e th e r so many s tr a n d s of social re la tio n s h ip s . T h is n e e d s to be u n d e rs c o re d b eca u se th e p a u c ity of r itu a ls which e n g a g e s B a r th 's a tte n tio n is th e p a u c ity o f b ig r itu a ls . C am ping a n d tr a v e llin g , in v o lv in g th o u s a n d s of people - and anim als - p u ts th e m igration on a p a r with re lig io u s cerem onies: b u t does it h av e th e same so rt of value a s them ? B a rth sa y s it d o e s. It h a s th is v alu e fo r th re e re a s o n s . (103) F ir s t, time a n d sp ace a re in te r p r e te d with re fe re n c e to m igration - a n d , one can ad d w ith th e co n fid en ce of c e r ta in ty , to o th e r a c tiv itie s a s well; th e phenom enon of re la tin g th e s e two c o n c e p ts to social a c tiv itie s h a s p a sse d in to g e n e ra l ac ce p tan ce since E v a n s -P ritc h a rd w rote a b o u t th e con n ectio n in h is f ir s t major work on th e N u e r. T h e re is n o th in g v e ry rem ark ab le a b o u t its a p p e a ra n c e among th e B a sse ri re la tin g it to th e m igrations o r a n y o th e r a c tiv itie s .

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S c c o n d , w hen th e a d m in is tra tio n c o lla p se d in 1941 a n d th e B a s s e ri w ere le ft f r e e to move a g a i n , th e y re su m e d th e ir m ig ra ­ tio n . When nom ads w ere fo rc e d to s e ttle in th e 1930s, it is h ig h ly p ro b a b le th a t p ro v is io n s fo r a ssim ila tin g them w ere i n a d e q u a te , a n d th a t w hen th e b a n on m ovem ent was lifte d some of th e B a s s e ri - b u t b y no m eans ail o f them - to o k to p a s to ra lis m , m ore a s a H o b so n 's ch oice th a n o u t o f some in s tin c tiv e d r iv e to w a n d e r. O v e ra ll, th e nom ad p o p u la tio n is on th e d e c lin e , in a n y c a s e . (104) A s B a x te r so r ig h tly p o in ts o u t, ’s e d e n ta r iz a tio n is n o t n e c e s s a r ily a b e r r a n t , n o r r e g r e t t a b l e , th o u g h in th e ir own folk id eo lo g ies m ost p a s to r a lis ts hold it to be s o ’. (105) So too w ith C y re n a ic a n b e d o u in : m any o f th o s e I knew a s lea n a n d lith e men in th e cam ps in 1949, men who h a d n e v e r b e e n in a tow n a n d s c o rn e d th e mode of liv in g th e y h a d h e a r d o f t h e r e , h a d , b y th e m id -1 9 6 0s, le ft th e s e m i-d e s e rt to grow fa t a n d w addle a b o u t in v illa g e s ; th e s u g g e s tio n th a t th e y m ight r e t u r n to t h e i r fo rm e r w ay o f life s tr u c k them a s d r o lle r y . T he B a s s e ri a re n o t in a n y way e x c e p tio n a l. A b r ie f life h is to r y th a t B a rth g iv e s is in s tr u c tiv e in th is c o n n e c tio n . It is a b o u t a man who b e g a n h is c a r e e r a s a h e rd s m a n w ith a few s h e e p . He p r o s p e r e d a n d s a v e d e n o u g h to b u y a p iece o f la n d . D u rin g th e p e rio d o f e n fo rc e d s e ttle m e n t h e b u ilt a h o u s e , b u t in s te a d o f liv in g in it he b r ib e d th e police to allow him to c o n tin u e h e r d in g . L a te r he so ld h is la n d in o r d e r to b u y a la r g e r a n d b e tte r p lo t. In th is he b u ilt a h o u s e w h e re h e now liv e s in co m fo rt w ith h is wife a n d c h ild r e n , w hile h is re m a in in g anim als a r e h e r d e d b y r e l a t i v e s .(106) T h is man w ent o u t of h is way to rem ain a h e rd sm a n a t a time w hen n o m ad s w ere b e in g p r e s s e d to s e t t l e , a n d y e t h e c h o se to s e ttle w hen th e B a s s e ri w ere le ft fre e to ro a m . C le a r ly , in ta k in g b o th d e c is io n s h e g a v e p re c e d e n c e to h is m a te rial i n t e r e s t s , n o t to some sp e c ia l v a lu e h e a tta c h e d to nom adism p e r s e . T he te n d e n c y fo r nom ads to s e ttle if it p r o f its them o p e r a te s in m ost p a s to r a l a r e a s . B a x te r , b a s in g h is ju d g m e n t on h is e x p e r i­ en c e am ong E ast A fric a n p a s to r a lis ts , a n d a s u r v e y of th e l ite r ­ a tu r e on th a t a re a a n d th e S u d a n , is o f th e o p in io n th a t ’ ’’Itc h y f e e t ” may come to a fflic t some o f th o se r e a r e d in p a s to r a l c a m p s, b u t I w ould s u g g e s t t h a t n e v e r th e le s s , if a s e d e n ta r y life co u ld be a c h ie v e d w ith o u t d e trim e n t to th e ir s to c k , th e n m ost p a s to r a l­ i s ts w ould s e ttle c h e e r f u lly , e v e n e a g e r ly ’. (107) On th e b a s is o f my e x p e rie n c e in L ib y a , I w holly c o n c u r w ith th is v ie w . In 1948, w hen L ib y a w as still g o v e rn e d b y a fo re ig n p o w e r, th e b e d o u in sh o w ed n o s ig n of w ish in g to s e ttle . Two y e a r s la te r th e a d m in is tra tio n becam e in c re a s in g ly L ib y a n , in p r e p a r a tio n fo r in d e p e n d e n c e in 1951. Some b e d o u in c h o se to s e ttle th e n : th e r e w as in s u ffic ie n t w ealth in th e c o u n tr y a t th e tim e to a b s o rb la rg e n u m b e rs of s e t t l e r s . By 1964, e ig h t y e a r s a f te r th e d is c o v e ry of oil a n d w ith b u d g e t s u r p lu s e s a c c u m u la tin g on a scale u n d re a m t o f a few y e a r s e a r l i e r , th e b e d o u in w ere le a v in g th e s e m i-d e s e rt in d r o v e s . In th a t y e a r , I liv e d on an olive p la n ta tio n in T r ip o lita n ia , w h e re p re v io u s ly th e fa rm s h a d all b e e n ow ned b y I ta lia n s . By th is tim e ro u g h ly t h r e e - q u a r t e r s of th e fa rm s h a d

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been b o u g h t b y L ib y a n s, mainly e x -b e d o u in . The c o st o f one of th e sm aller of th e s e farm s at th a t time was £10,000, a sum well b ey o n d th e m eans o f most b e d o u in . E n c o u ra g ed by go v ern m en t lo a n s, read ily available if th e p ro sp e c tiv e b u y e r o f a farm could fin d h a lf th e c o s t, th e b ed o u in soon b eg an form ing p a r tn e r s h ip s to ra is e th e m oney. Each p a r tn e r sold some o r all o f h is anim als, an d g ain ed a s h a re in th e farm a p p ro p ria te to th e c o n trib u tio n he made from th e sale of h is anim als. A few fam ilies o f th e p a r tn e r s h ip took up p erm an en t re sid e n c e on th e farm ; th e r e s t rem ained in th e s e m i-d e se rt te n d in g th e anim als left o v e r a fte r th e s a le s , th o se of th e ir s e ttle d p a r tn e r s in c lu d e d . In sum m er, a t h a r v e s t tim e, m any o f th e p a s to ra l p a r tn e r s moved to th e farm , p itc h in g th e ir te n ts a ro u n d th e house while one o r two s h e p h e r d s an d th e ir families sta y e d to w a ter th e anim als a n d to w an d er w ith them as th e y ra n g e d widely in se a rc h o f clum ps of th e m ore su c c u le n t p la n ts th a t are able to w ith sta n d th e rig o u rs of th e sum m er d r o u g h t. Similar a rra n g e m e n ts w ere a d o p te d in C y re n a ic a . On a v is it to Libya in 1969 most o f th e b ed o u in I knew from e a rlie r y e a rs w ere liv in g in v illa g e s, b u t th e y still k e p t flocks of sh e e p a n d h e rd s o f camels in th e a re a s w here th e y had p re v io u sly liv e d , te n d e d now by only a few men an d th e ir fam ilies - th e v e ry men who w ere re p u te d to be good s h e p h e rd s an d h erd sm en in 1948. T h at is to s a y , all b u t th e p ro fessio n al h erd sm en le ft to live a s e ttle d l i f e . (108) T h e re was no q u e stio n of them s e v e rin g th e p a sto ra l link a lto g e th e r , n o r d id th e T rip o lita n ia n olive fa rm e rs . In d e e d , in some p a r ts o f T rip o litan ia a re a s th a t w ere c o n sid e re d u n su ita b le fo r th e mixed c ro p cum p a s to ra l economy a re now u se d fo r camel h e r d in g , even th o u g h th e small h e rd in g cam ps h av e to be v e ry m obile, so s p a rs e a re th e p a s tu r e s . O v er th e y e a r s , th e m arket v alue of sheep a n d cam els h a d so a re d an d to have c u t th e p a sto ra l connection com­ p le te ly would h av e b een fo lly . C u ltiv atio n an d pasto ralism have become fu se d in to one economy in L ibya. T h is , it seem s to m e, is v e ry sim ilar to w hat h a s been h a p p e n in g among th e B a sse ri. T he th ir d value B a rth besto w s on th e m igration is th a t th e nom adic B a sse ri a re em otionally com m itted to it. A cknow ledging th a t th is em otionalism m ight be n o th in g more th a n a su b je c tiv e e x p e rie n c e , he a tte m p ts to m easure th e 'n otable te n s io n , e x c ite ­ m ent, o r em otional in v o lv em en t’,(109) b y c o n d u c tin g w hat m ight be called a time a n d motion s tu d y . Out of th is he p ro d u c e s a g ra p h show ing tim es of aw a k e n in g , p a c k in g , a n d d e p a r tu r e of th e c h ie f's camp in th e c a ra v a n o v e r n in e ty d a y s o f th e m ig ra tio n . T h ese he re c o rd s on th e assu m p tio n th a t ris in g te n sio n s would be e x p re s s e d in e a rlie r tim es fo r th e se a c tiv itie s . As he re a d s h is g r a p h , it confirm s h is assu m p tio n . As I re a d i t , th e most c o n sp ic u o u s fe a tu re is th a t th e d u ra tio n o f daily m igration d e c re a s e s a f te r th e th ir ty - e ig h th d a y . On one o r two of th e rem aining fifty -tw o d a y s people ro se e a r ly , b u t o th e rw ise r is in g tim es w ere much th e same as th e y w ere in th e f ir s t p a rt of th e jo u rn e y . Were h is re a d in g c o r r e c t, one would still be le ft won­ d e rin g why it should be assum ed th a t e a rly ris in g is in d ica tiv e

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of h e ig h te n e d te n s io n s . T h e re a re many more p lau sib le ex p la n ­ a tio n s . The camp in w hich he took re c o rd s was th e c h ie f's cam p, a n d it m ight well h av e b e en cu sto m ary p ro c e d u re fo r th e people of th is camp to a r r iv e at th e d e stin a tio n ah ead o f th e o th e r s . Or it m ight h av e b een th a t a s th e e n d of th e jo u rn e y becam e n e a r e r , p eople w ere p ro m p ted to h u r r y along a little ; u n f o r tu n a te ly , the d is ta n c e s tra v e lle d each day a re n o t g iv e n , a n d w ithout th is inform ation e a rly r is in g could be view ed as p u re ly fo rtu ito u s . T h e re is a th ir d p o ssible e x p la n a tio n . In C y ren a ica in s p r in g ­ time th e bedouin d e lig h t in d rin k in g camel milk. F or long s tr e tc h e s , th e b ed o u in a re ch ro n ic a lly c o n s tip a te d . Camel milk a p a r t from th e p le a s u re it g iv es them to d rin k it - a c ts a s a p u rg e {b u r g , a s th e y p u t i t ) . T hey a re moved by it in more w ays th a n one - a little fa c t o f fieldw ork th a t te lls much more o f th e ir daily h a b its th a n an y am ount of g ra p h w o rk . At b e s t , th e a tte m p t to d e m o n stra te o b je ctiv e ly th e em otional involvem ent of th e B a sse ri in th e m igration is in c o n c lu siv e . B ut w hat would th is h av e e sta b lis h e d ? Is em otional involvem ent to be e q u a te d w ith r itu a l, o r e v en c o n s tru e d to b e one o f its n e c e s s a ry co m ponents? T a p p e r th in k s th a t B a rth 's dem o n stratio n is p e r ­ s u a s iv e , th e a n a ly sis illu m in atin g , b u t he s u g g e s ts th a t th e m igration r itu a l p r e s e n ts th e a u th e n tic c h a ra c te ris tic s of lim in a lity . (110) T he so u rc e of th is in sp ira tio n is T u r n e r ’s work on p ilg rim a g e s. ( I l l ) T u r n e r , in t u r n , b o rro w ed th e term 'lim inality' from Van G en n ep . T he la tte r u se d it to r e f e r to a tra n s itio n a l p h a se in a r ite de p a s s a g e , in which social s ta tu s is u n d e f in e d .(1 1 2 ) T u r n e r , in h is u se of th e te rm , follows Van G e n n e p 's m eaning c lo se ly : 'D u rin g th e in te rv e n in g liminal p e rio d , th e s ta te o f th e ritu a l su b je c t (th e " p a s s e n g e r" o r "Liminar") becom es am b ig u o u s, n e ith e r h e re n o r th e r e , b e tw ix t a n d betw een all fix e d p o in ts o f c la s s ific a tio n .'(113) B oth B a rth and T a p p e r co nceive th e re g u la rly r e c u r r in g an n u al e v e n t of th e m igration a s a r ite de p a ssa g e b ecau se of th e movement o f people from one p lace to a n o th e r . (114) A r ite de p a ssa g e is n o t a r ig h t of w ay, w h a te v e r jollifications o r o th e r d isp la y s o f emotion m ight accom­ p a n y th e e x e rc is e of th a t r i g h t . What may be called lim inality is made e x p lic itly c le a r am ong C y ren aican bedouin when a s tr a n g e r e n te r s a cam p. He is re c e iv e d c o u rte o u s ly , and fo r ab o u t fifteen m in u tes he e x c h a n g e s co nventional g re e tin g s w ith h is h o s t. He is n o t r e q u ire d to re v e a l h is id e n tity , o r to e n te r into c o n v e r­ satio n w ith h is h o s t. He sim ply s its o r re c lin e s in h is h o s t's te n t, m ute fo r most of ab o u t a tw o -h o u r p e rio d , while th e meat of an animal w hich h as b een sa c rific e d is lik ely to be made re a d y fo r e a tin g . All men of th e camp now g a th e r in th e h o s t's te n t to ea t th e m eat, w hich is d one in com plete sile n c e , e x c e p t th a t th e h o st u r g e s h is g u e s t to 'E a t, e a t ! ' S h o rtly a f te r th e meal h a s been fin is h e d , th e te a th in g s a re placed in fro n t o f one o f th e men an d c o n v e rsa tio n b e g in s , slow ly a t f ir s t b u t soon to become most an im ated . H o st, g u e s t a n d th e o th e r men p r e s e n t, in a v e rita b le t o r r e n t o f c o n v e rs a tio n , recall e v e n ts c o n n e c tin g th e m , se e k a re la tio n s h ip , h ow ever te n u o u s , with th e g u e s t, and dem ands can

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now be made on th e g u e s t, th e th o u g h t o f which would n o t have been e n te rta in e d o n ly a few h o u rs e a r lie r . T he bedouin a re p ro n e to v o lu n te e r, a t th is s ta g e , th a t 'we a re now e q u a ls '. T h ey also make it u n am biguously c le a r th a t th e c h an g e in th e re la tio n sh ip h a s been b ro u g h t a b o u t by a sa c rific e . T h e re is n o th in g in e ith e r B a r th 's o r T a p p e r 's d e sc rip tio n s o f th e m ig ra tio n s th e y saw to s u g g e s t a c h a n g e in social s ta tu s com parable to th a t ach iev ed by a s a c rific e . At th e en d of th e m igration th e women in th e c a ra v a n b u r s t triu m p h a n tly (p re su m a b ly ) in to s o n g , a lth o u g h w hat th e y sa n g is n o t d iv u lg e d . T he end of th e jo u rn ey fo r th e B a sse ri is also th e triu m p h a n t e n d of B a r th 's q u e s t fo r r itu a l: '1 s u g g e s t, th e r e ­ f o re , th a t th e p o v e rty which seem ed to c h a ra c te ris e B a sse ri ritu a l life is an a r tif a c t [a seco n d u n fo rtu n a te u se of th e w ord] of th e d e sc rip tiv e c a te g o rie s I h av e e m p lo y e d .'(115) The r ic h e s , w hich a more so p h is tic a te d defin itio n of r itu a l is likely to y ie ld , a re co n ta in e d in th e statem en t th a t th e value placed on m igra­ tion m akes it ’th e c e n tra l rite of nomadic s o c i e t y '.(116) M oreover, th e re a lisa tio n of th is tra n sfo rm s th e g e n e ra l d e sc rip tio n of B a sse ri life 'an e x te rn a l a n d ob jectiv e d e sc rip tio n o f th e economic an d social a rra n g e m e n ts w ithin a trib e to a d e sc rip tio n of c e n tra l fe a tu r e s of th a t t r ib e , th e m eanings an d v a lu e s which make up t h e ir lif e '. (117) It is im p o rtan t to b e a r in mind w hat B a rth is d oing h e re : he is g iv in g com pleteness to h is model of B a sse ri so c ie ty . T h is , it seem s to me, is th e c ru x o f th e m a tte r; th e model is g iv en p r io r ity o v e r th e d a ta . It is a c u rio u s fa ct of Ira n ia n fieldw ork th a t so many of th e re s e a rc h r e p o r ts a re co n ­ sp ic u o u sly la c k in g in b asic d a ta b u t re p le te with m odels - R u b e l, Salzm an, an d Spooner a re th r e e exam ples th a t come to mind im m ediately. (118) B a rth is no e x c e p tio n . A p a rt from th e com­ p le te n e s s given to h is model by th e c e n tra l r ite of nomadic s o c ie ty , th e r e a re a t le a st th r e e o th e r re fe re n c e s to th e n e e d fo r th e fa c ts to fit th e m odel. F ir s t, th e a cco u n t given by th e d ep o sed c h ie f of h is form er pow ers is a c c e p ted w ithout a tra c e of scepticism b e c a u se it: 'belo n g s as an in te g ra l p a r t w ith th e o th e r p e r s is tin g fe a tu r e s of B a sse ri o rg a n isa tio n w hich I d e s c r ib e ’. (119) S eco n d, alth o u g h he show s an aw a re n e ss th a t th e p o p u latio n d a ta a n d th e few fig u r e s a re in a d e q u a te fo r e s ta b lis h in g th e n e a t balance betw een th e nom adic a n d th e ru r a l p o p u la tio n ,(1 2 0 ) B a rth a c c e p ts th e fig u re s b e c a u se : 'all th e d a ta fit th e g e n e ra l schem a w hich I h av e o u tlin e d '. (121) T h ird , th e r itu a ls th a t B a rth o b se rv e d b y ta k in g a common se n se view of ritu a l a re a b an d o n ed b ecau se he is unable to 'in te g r a te ' them in to h is d e s c rip tio n . (122) T h is in siste n c e th a t all th e p a r ts sh o u ld fit tig h tly p ro d u c e s a n e a t m odel, a lb eit o f in c re d ib le sim p licity , b u t one th a t is full o f fallacy ; a n d , like most m odels, it a ffo rd s little u n d e rs ta n d in g o f th e p a tte r n o f p e o p le 's liv e s . It n e e d s to be s a id , h o w ev e r, th a t B a rth was am ong th e B a sse ri fo r only th re e m o n th s, d u rin g th e p e c u lia r c irc u m sta n c e s of th e m ig ra tio n , an d in th e c h ie f's cam p a t th a t . F o r th e s e r e a s o n s , a h a r v e s t o f d a ta is n o t to be e x p e c te d , and w hat could be re a p e d

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in a s s h o rt a p e rio d a s th is is likely to g iv e an u n b ala n ce d im pression of th e m igration a n d th e s tr u c tu r e of B a sse ri so c ie ty . In h is w ork on h ig h lan d B urm a, to which re fe re n c e was made e a r lie r , Leach is c o n c e rn e d n o t only w ith r itu a l b u t also w ith th e m erit of th in k in g in te rm s o f a so c ie ty . He fu n d am en tally d is ­ a g re e s w ith th e g e n e ra l u se o f th is c o n c e p t, b eca u se h e fin d s he is u n a b le to draw a b o u n d a ry a ro u n d a p a rtic u la r g ro u p of people o c c u p y in g a d efin ed te r r i t o r y . T he c r ite r ia he u s e s in h is a tte m p ts to do th is p ro d u c e a n u m b er of b o u n d a rie s th a t a re not c o in c id e n t, so th a t 'an y p a rtic u la r in d iv id u al can be th o u g h t o f as h a v in g a s ta tu s p o sitio n in se v e ra l d iffe re n t social sy stem s at one a n d th e same tim e'. ( 123) Since th e s ta tu s of a p e rso n c h a n g e s , sin ce an a w a re n e ss of o th e r a tta in a b le s ta tu s e s le a d s some in d iv id u a ls to p u rs u e p u rp o siv e ly a ch a n g e in th e ir con­ d itio n while o th e r s in v o lu n ta rily lose t h e ir s , Leach re c o g n ise s a s ta te o f flux in p e o p le ’s re la tio n s , a n d it is th e a n a ly sis of th is th a t aid s th e b e tte r u n d e rs ta n d in g of th e p ro c e s s of social c h a n g e . E lsew h ere, I h av e a rg u e d th a t an a cce p tan ce o f th e e la b o ra te C y ren aican g en e alo g y , culm in atin g in a sin g le a n c e s­ t r e s s , is n o t to be ta k e n as a model o f th e social s tr u c tu r e o f a s o c ie ty . It is a v e ry u se fu l way to conceive th e d isp o sitio n o f g ro u p s of p eople in te r r ito r ie s a rra n g e d in an a sc e n d in g o rd e r o f ecological d iffe re n tia tio n . Among th e camel h e r d e r s o f th e s e m i-d e s e rt, th e s e g ro u p s a re c o rp o ra te , b u t v a ry c o n sp icu o u sly in th e n u m b e r of m em bers, an d in th e ecological r e s o u r c e s of th e ir te r r ito r ie s ; an d th e ir political pow er v a rie s from th a t r e p r e s e n te d by th e in sig n ific a n t sh aik h to th a t of th e sh aik h who e x e rc is e s sway o v e r h is own la rg e c o rp o ra te g ro u p a n d o th e r s a s well. T h is d istrib u tio n of pow er r e fle c ts th e h eavy d e p e n d e n c e o f some g ro u p s on o th e r s , an d th e m arked dom inance o f a few o v e r th o se a ro u n d them . It is m isleading to view th e se c o rp o ra te g ro u p s a s hom ologous p a r ts of a se g m e n ta ry lineage sy ste m ; it is ev en more e rro n e o u s to th in k of them A ssu rin g an d fu s in g as th e c o n te x t of re la tio n sh ip s a lte r . At any moment a p a tte r n of re la tio n s h ip s is d isc e rn ib le fo r an y p a rtic u la r c o r­ p o ra te g ro u p a n d , a s in h ig h lan d B u rm a , in d iv id u a ls s tr iv e to a lte r th e ir c o n d itio n , so too do th e bed o u in r e -c o n fig u re th e ir re la tio n s h ip s o v e r a p e rio d of y e a r s . Since th is s tr iv in g is c o n tin u o u s , th e p ro c e ss o f ch a n g e from th is p a tte r n to th a t is also c o n tin u o u s. A d m in istrativ ely d em arcated b o u n d a rie s a n d th e lim its s e t b y th e genealogical fram ew ork c o in c id e , e x c e p t on th e b o u n d a ry w ith E g y p t , ( 124) and th is co in cid en ce a d d s s u b ­ s ta n c e to th e idea o f a se lf-c o n ta in e d social s t r u c t u r e . On th e e d g e s of th e s e b o u n d a rie s , h o w e v e r, re la tio n sh ip s do n o t c e a se , a lth o u g h in th e s e a re a s th e y o b tain betw een people who a re d is p a ra te in m any im p o rta n t r e s p e c ts . T h e re fo re , to re d u c e b edouin re la tio n s h ip s to th e a so -called lineage m odel, e n clo sin g them w ithin a s t r u c tu r e of a s o c ie ty , is an en c u m b ran ce to th e u n d e rs ta n d in g of th e p a tte r n s by which th e liv e s of th e bedouin a re g u id e d . Salzman th in k s o th e rw ise . A cknow ledging th a t th e ap p licatio n of lin eag e th e o ry is fr a u g h t w ith d iffic u ltie s , and

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ad m ittin g th a t it d o es n o t seem to work most of th e tim e, he n e v e rth e le s s o p ts fo r th e view th a t a lineage system is a system 'in r e s e r v e ’ - like a sk e leto n in th e c u p b o a rd ! (125) G e lln e r’s view is n o t u n lik e Salzm an’s . Following M ontagne, he is of th e opinion th a t a se g m e n ta ry lineage w orks in p ra c tic e , a s it should in th e o r y , some of th e tim e, and th e fa ct th a t it p a te n tly does n o t w ork all th e time is no re a so n fo r a b a n d o n in g i t . N o r, in d e e d , would it b e ; b u t if th e a s s e rtio n th a t it does w ork in some co n ­ te x ts is to b e a c c e p te d , a t le a st an in d icatio n sh o u ld be o ffe re d of th e c o n te x ts in w hich it does an d does n o t w o rk , why it w orks in th is b u t n o t in th a t c o n te x t, so th a t some k in d of sociological c h a ra c te ris a tio n could be given to th e se ra d ic a lly d iffe rin g con­ t e x t s . W ithout an y of th is k in d of c h a r a c te ris a tio n , I stic k to my e a rlie r view th a t w hat we have done is to ta k e o v er e la b o ra te gen ealo g ies from th e p a s to ra lis ts who u se th e m , clothe them in an th ro p o lo g ical la n g u a g e a n d c o n v e rt them in to th e social s tr u c ­ tu r e of a so c ie ty . In s h o r t, th e re is no bed o u in so c ie ty , in th e s tr u c tu r a l m eaning g iv en to th e te rm . U n eq u iv o cally , th e r e is no B a s s e ri so ciety in th is sen se e ith e r . The lack of r itu a l among th e b e d o u in , a b o u t w hich 1 w rote in th e a rtic le c ite d at th e b eg in n in g of th is d is c u s s io n , c o n c ern e d th e ab se n c e o f r itu a l g a th e rin g s a t w hich w ere ra llied g ro u p s of a la rg e r o r d e r th a n th e localised c o rp o ra te g ro u p . T h at is to s a y , it was a n tic ip a te d th a t th e o rd e rin g o f g ro u p s in lineage fa s h io n , re d u c in g in s ta g e s to an a p e x , would be m irro re d in a m atching o r d e r o f r itu a l g a th e rin g s - th e e le g a n t form o f th e gen ealogy s e rv in g as an adm irable palim p sest fo r a bedouin v e rsio n of a n c e s to r w o rsh ip . Since I h av e d is c a rd e d th e co n cep t of th e s tr u c tu r e of a s o c ie ty , an d its o rd e re d a rra n g e m e n t of p a r t s , th e e x p e c ta tio n becom es r e d u n d a n t. T h e re can be no b ig ritu a ls b e c a u se b edouin g ro u p s do not c o n g re g a te , e ith e r en m asse o r b y re p r e s e n ta tio n , fo r any p u rp o s e . T he ab sen ce of one ty p e of ritu a l - th e la rg e -s c a le politically in te g ra tiv e ritu a l - does n o t in itse lf n e c e s s a rily mean ritu a l p a u c ity . T he d e ta ils o f th e so -called life c ris e s r itu a ls alone are im p re ssiv e . To be ad d ed to th e s e a re th e r itu a ls a sso c ia te d with th e b ed o u in way of life: sa c rific e s d u r in g d r o u g h t, sa c rific e s at th e o p e n in g of wells a t th e o n set o f th e w a te rin g s e a s o n , ritu a ls asso c ia te d with p lo u g h in g an d th e h a n d lin g o f g ra in e ith e r in th e s to re s o r as flo u r, s a c rific e s when d ise ase s tr ik e s anim als, sa c rific e w hen a lo st flock is safely r e t u r n e d , sa c rific e w hen a s tr a n g e r comes to cam p, sa c rific e when a te n t is a d d ed to a cam p, an d so o n . T hen th e r e is th e sacrific e o f th e F east of th e F le sh , o r th e G reat F e a s t, when th e h ead of each te n t s la u g h te rs an anim al, a n d th e sa c rific e p re c e d in g som eone's d e p a r tu r e fo r th e p ilgrim age to M akkah w here an animal is also sa c rific e d on th e m orning of th e G reat F e a st. T h e re a re also a n u m b er of ritu a ls which c o rre s p o n d , in a v e ry g e n e ra l m a n n e r, to B a rth 's c a te g o ry o f sp ecial p r a c tic e s . C harm ing r itu a ls a re o b s e rv e d by women w hen a y o u n g man u n d e r ta k e s a long an d h a z a rd o u s jo u rn e y , p a rtic u la rly if he goes alone. When a kinsm an r e tu r n s to camp

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a f te r a lo n g ab se n c e h is c o v e n a n t w ith h is people is ren e w e d by a s a c r if ic e , a s th e c o v e n a n t w ith h is c o rp o ra te g ro u p is renew ed a n n u a lly at th e F e a st o f th e F le sh . S acrifice is p erfo rm ed to heal a b re a c h in r e la tio n s h ip s , an d a peace m eeting a f te r a hom icide m ust be accom panied by a sa c rific e a s an im pelling o b lig a tio n . If a m an, o r h is w ife, o r h is ch ild falls se rio u sly s ic k , he sa c rific e s a t a s a in t's tomb if th e r e is one in th e v ic in ity , o r , if n o t, in th e cam p. When an in d iv id u al has su c c e ssfu lly n e g o tia te d a th r e a t to h is life , he is likely to s a c r if ic e . Im p re ssiv e as th is list of ritu a ls may b e , it b y no m eans e x h a u s ts th e n u m b e r o r v a rie ty of ritu a ls th e bedouin p r a c tis e . On n u m erical g ro u n d s alone th e y ca n n o t be d ism issed a s in co n ­ se q u e n tia l ; in d eed it is an e m b a rra s s m e n t, w hen I re fle c t th a t tw e n ty -th re e s a c rific e s w ere made in one camp in which I re s id e d , th a t I h a d e v e r th o u g h t th e se m i-d e se rt to be poor in r itu a ls . N e ith e r is th e ir n u m b er th e most im p o rtan t a sp e c t of bedouin r itu a ls . T he prim e index o f r itu a l, to my m ind, is th e c o n s tra in t a s u p e r n a tu ra l r e fe r e n t im poses on people - an a sp e c t to which F o r te s , r e f e r r in g sp ecifically to s a c rific e , h as re c e n tly given w eig h t: 'an d th e re is g e n e ra lly if n o t a lw a y s, an im plica­ tion o f m utual c o n s tr a in t, an d in d eed of a c tu a l o r p o te n tia l m utual co ercio n in th e a c t'. (126) W ithout w ishing to e x p o u n d on bedouin sa c rific ia l e x e g e sis h e r e , it is n e c e s s a ry to ad d th e one g lo ss th a t th e b ed o u in view sac rifice a s an a c t which c re a te s a d e b t b etw een p e o p le , so th a t it sim ultaneously c r e a te s a new re la tio n s h ip an d p ro je c ts it in to th e f u tu r e . What is m ore, th e c o n s tra in t in sa c rific e is em pirically v e rifia b le . T he case cite d e a rlie r of th e sa c rific e p e rfo rm ed w hen a s tr a n g e r e n te r e d a camp show ed how it s h ifte d th e re la tio n sh ip betw een th e h o st an d h is g u e s t from th e level o f c o u rte o u s fo rm a lity , th e emblem of u n e a se if n o t h o s tility , to th e lev el of fam iliarity a n d close q u e s tio n in g - a c h a n g e made po ssib le b y th e lib e ra tin g e ffe c t of sa c rific ia l blood c o n s tra in in g th e p a rtic ip a n ts to en g a g e f o r th ­ w ith in a new re la tio n s h ip . A second c a se is , p e r h a p s , even more te llin g in th is r e s p e c t. In 1964, when I was r e s id e n t on an olive p la n ta tio n in T rip o lita n ia , th e farm s of w hich w ere in h a b ite d almost e n tire ly b y e x ­ b e d o u in , a s e rio u s d is p u te aro se betw een two c o n te n d e rs fo r p o w er. One of th e s e men was th e p re s id e n t o f a local c o -o p e ra tiv e , to which all o w n ers o f farm s had c o n trib u te d re la tiv e ly la rg e sum s o f m o n ey , in te n d e d mainly fo r th e p u rc h a s e o f a v e ry e x p e n siv e piece of eq uipm ent fo r g e n e ra l u s e . The p r e s id e n t's riv a l was a member of th e c o -o p e ra tiv e com m ittee, a n d fo r th is re a so n he came to see some o f th e docum ents se n t to th e p r e s i­ d e n t b y th e Italian firm su p p ly in g th e eq u ip m e n t. T he riv a l was co n v in ced th a t th e p re s id e n t h ad n o t only c h e a te d b y o v e r s ta t­ in g th e c o s t, th e re b y sa v in g h is own c o n trib u tio n , b u t th a t th e equip m en t h a d b een b o u g h t in h is nam e, th u s g iv in g him th e legal p o w ers to c h a rg e fo r its u se la te r o n . As fa r a s I could tell th e riv a l h ad a so u n d c a s e , b u t th e p re s id e n t b ru s h e d th e

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alleg atio n s a s id e , c o n te n d in g th a t he had m isread th e d o cu m en ts. T he riv a l th e n w rote to th e D ire c to r G eneral of c o -o p e ra tiv e s a sk in g him to in v e s tig a te th e m a tte r. As soon a s th e p re s id e n t h e a rd of th i s , he also w rote to th e D ire c to r in v itin g him to a meal a t h is farm h o u se. On th e d ay of th e v is it, th e p re s id e n t s la u g h te re d five sh e e p - a la v ish sa crific e by an y s ta n d a r d s a n d in v ite d all th e m em bers of th e com m ittee, h is riv a l in c lu d e d , to th e m eal. N oth in g was said a b o u t th e p r e s id e n t's alleged im p ro p riety u n til te a was ta k en a f te r th e m eal, when th e p r e s i­ d e n t inform ed th e D ire c to r th a t some d iffic u lty h a d been e x p e rie n c e d o v e r th e legal a s p e c ts of th e p u rc h a s e of e q u ip m e n t, b u t th a t e v e r y th in g would soon be p u t to r ig h ts . T he D irec to r th a n k e d th e p re s id e n t fo r h is a s s u r a n c e s , p ra is e d him fo r th e ex em p lary way in which he co n d u c te d th e b u s in e s s of th e co ­ o p e ra tiv e , a n d w axed e lo q u en t on th e g e n e ro sity of th e p re s id e n t in sa c rific in g five of h is own anim als, e n d in g with a little homily on th e m eaning of sa c rifice in th e ir re lig io n . The riv a l, most p ro p e rly an d r e s p e c tf u lly , te n d e re d h is re sig n a tio n th a t same e v e n in g . The p re s id e n t a c c e p te d w ith a la c rity , a th o rn in h is side h a d b een rem o v ed . Now th is in c id e n t could be a n a ly se d as p rim arily a political m a tte r, th e w ealth an d follow ings o f both c o n te n d e rs fo r pow er c a re fu lly a s s e s s e d . It could be a rg u e d th a t th e men assem bled w ere more im p ressed b y th e p r e s id e n t's d is­ p lay of w ealth , o r by th e s u rfe it of food th e y h a d consum ed. T h ese elem ents w ere u n d o u b te d ly p r e s e n t, a n d L each a n d B a rth would be ju stifie d in lab ellin g it a s a r itu a l o cc asio n . T h a t, how­ e v e r , is not th e p o in t, fo r a lth o u g h people h a d been b ro u g h t to g e th e r a s th e r e s u lt o f com petition betw een r iv a ls , th e p r e s i­ d e n t in flic te d a h u m iliating an d la s tin g d efea t b e c a u se o f th e im pelling c o n s tr a in ts th a t h ad been p u t on th e b e h a v io u r o f h is riv a l b y th e sa c rific e . How d iffe re n t is th e e ffe ct of sa c rific e com pared with th e frills a n d d e c o ra tio n s which con v en tio n ally accom pany te a -d r in k in g am ong b e d o u in . D u rin g a se ssio n of te a - d r in k in g , which la s ts an h o u r o r lo n g e r, n u m ero u s frills a re ad d ed to th e simple te c h n iq u e of b o ilin g w a te r, m ixing it with tea and s u g a r , an d d rin k in g it. The p ro c e e d in g s b e g in with a b r ie f arg u m en t ab o u t who is to make th e te a . T h is d e c id e d , th e little te a g la sse s and th e small enamel te a p o t a re p laced in fro n t of him on a tr a y . Em bers a re b ro u g h t in on a piece of m etal an d p u t n e a r th e t r a y . T he w ater is boiled in a v e sse l called a kilu - a small can d is tr ib u te d by the Ita lia n s for h o ld in g th e ra tio n of a kilogram of oil d u r in g the d a y s of th e c o n c e n tra tio n cam p s. All th e s e item s a re s ta n d a r d , an d no o th e r s would se rv e th e p u rp o s e . As soon as th e te a m aker h a s p u t th e w ater on to b o il, th e assem bled men fall to c o n v e rs in g . T h ey c o n v e rse with co n sp icu o u s z e s t; n o t to do so would be im p ro p er. As th e w ater comes to th e boil, th e te a m aker p o u rs some in to th e small te a p o t, a d d in g a h an d fu l of tea an d two o r th re e h a n d fu ls o f s u g a r . The c o n v e rs a tio n , mean­ w hile, c o n tin u e s u n a b a te d . A fte r th e m ix tu re h a s been boiled to a th ic k s y ru p -lik e b re w , th e te a -m a k e r fu ssily w ashes a few

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g la s s e s , a r r a n g e s them in f r o n t o f him in a ro w , a n d t h e n , from a g r e a t h e ig h t, p o u r s some te a in to th e little g la s s e s , m ixes i t , a n d p o u r s it b a c k in to th e p o t a g a in . He th e n re p la c e s th e lid of th e te a p o t b y s la p p in g it s h u t w ith q u ite u n n e c e s s a r y v ig o u r , a s if a n g r y w ith i t . T h re e o r fo u r s u c h m ix in g s u s u a lly s u ffic e . He th e n p o u r s o ff a small am ount o f te a in to a g la s s , a g a in h o ld ­ in g th e p o t e x tr a o r d in a r ily h ig h ab o v e it , ta s te s i t , p o u r s th e re m a in d e r b a c k in to th e p o t, a n d , w ith o u t com m ent, r e t u r n s th e p o t to th e sm o u ld e rin g e m b e rs , h is e v e r y move w a tc h e d w ith a b s o r b e d a tte n tio n b y th o s e s ittin g a ro u n d him . D e p e n d in g on th e g e n e ra l m ood, th e te a -m a k e r p e rfo rm s th e s e a c tio n s a g r e a te r o r le s s e r n u m b e r o f tim e s, b e fo re te a is fin ally p o u r e d in to all th e g la s s e s a n d h a n d e d r o u n d . E ach man b r in g s th e g la s s to h is m outh in a c ir c u ito u s t r a je c to r y , b e fo re q u a ff in g th e te a n o isily . T h re e ro u n d s o f te a a r e o ffe re d b y th e c a m e l-h e rd in g b e d o u in . E ach r o u n d is p r e p a r e d w ith th e same f lo u r is h e s . When th e t h ir d r o u n d is c o m p le te , th e men r is e a s if p ro p e lle d a n d d e p a r t a b r u p t l y . What d o es th is p le th o r a o f fr ills a n d d e c o r a tio n s , o r th e te c h n ic a l a c ts th e m s e lv e s , sa y ? B edouin sa y th a t te a - d r in k in g o p e n s th e m ind a n d lib e r a te s th e to n g u e . It is t r u e th a t 1 h a v e n e v e r know n t e a - d r in k in g to b e a n y th in g o th e r th a n c o n v iv ia l, b u t it d o es little o th e r th a n p ro v id e a c o n t e x t , tw ice o r th r e e tim es d a ily , fo r c o n v iv ia lity . Of c o u rs e q u e s tio n s su c h a s who p r o v id e s th e te a a n d s u g a r , w h e th e r th e q u a n titie s a r e g e n e ro u s o r m e a n , how f r e q u e n tly th is o r th a t p e rs o n p ro v id e s te a in th e c a m p , a re in d ic a tiv e o f a v a r ie ty of th in g s . B ut te a - d r in k in g d o e s n o t a lt e r th e r e la tio n s h ip s of p e o p le . R o u tin e is n o t r itu a l. As I soon le a r n e d , I co u ld n o t r e p a y th e h o s p ita lity o f sa c rific ia l m eals b y u s in g my s u p p lie s o f s u g a r a n d te a la v is h ly . T h e p o w er in th e blo o d o f th e lamb i s , fo r th e b e d o u in , w o rth m ore th a n all th e te a in C h in a - a t le a s t in th e e ffe c t it h a s on social r e la tio n s h ip s . To my m in d , B a rth a n d L each w ish to rem ove th e s u p e r n a tu r a l r e f e r e n t from r i t u a l . T he s u p e r n a t u r a l , fo r th e m , is u n r e a l, a n d , c o n s e q u e n tly , id e a s r e la tin g to God ca n b e r e d u c e d to more m u n d a n e a s p e c ts of p e o p le 's liv e s . It is th e l a t t e r w hich a r e re a l fo r B a rth a n d L e a c h . F o r th e b e d o u in , h o w e v e r, God is a s re a l a s r a in , w a te r , c r o p s , a n d th e ir social r e la tio n s h ip s : in d e e d h e is in v o lv e d a s m uch in all th e s e a s a r e th e b e d o u in th e m s e lv e s . E v e ry s a c rific e is th e m ak in g o f a re n e w a l o f a c o v e n a n t b e tw e e n p eo p le a n d G od, a n d th e b e h a v io u r o f th e s e peo p le is s u b je c t to its c o n s tr a in ts im m ediately it h a s b ee n m ad e. T h e re is n o th in g c o m p arab le in d ir e c tin g b e d o u in b e h a v io u r . F ull c o g n is a n c e m u st be ta k e n of w hat is re a l fo r th e b e d o u in , w h a te v e r o u r p e rs o n a l e s tim a tio n s . T h e n u m b e r o f r itu a ls th e b e d o u in p r a c tis e a n d th e s ig n ific a n c e a tta c h e d to them h a v e b e e n d e s c rib e d in re la tio n to small g*roups o f p e o p le , a few h u n d r e d a t m o st. In s a y in g t h i s , it is n o t s u g g e s te d th a t th e s ig n ific a n c e o f b e d o u in r itu a ls is lim ited to th e s e s o r ts of g r o u p s o n ly , c r e a tin g w hat m ight be c a lle d local c u lt g r o u p s . P re d o m in a n t r itu a l v a lu e fo r B a r th is a m a tte r of

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social sc a le , m an ifested by th e a g g re g a tio n o f people p e rfo rm in g an actio n o r re p re s e n te d in i t : th e g re a t m igration is a sp e c ­ ta c u la r exam ple. What B a rth and I n e g le c te d when re p o r tin g a p a u c ity of r itu a l fo r th e B a sse ri an d th e C y re n aica n bedouin re s p e c tiv e ly , is th a t sc a le , p a rtic u la rly in th e re lig io n s of th e g re a t tr a d itio n s , h a s little to do w ith n u m b e rs of people o r p o litical r e p r e s e n ta tio n . It h a s to do with id e a s , which are o f su c h sp a n as to in clu d e v a s t a r e a s , an d h u g e a g g re g a te s of p eo p le. B a sse ri a n d b edouin a re b o th M uslims, who re c o g n ise th e one G od. Middle E ast p a s to ra lis ts a re o fte n d e sc rib e d a s lax in th e ir p erfo rm an ce o f re lig io u s d u tie s , ig n o ra n t of th e te n e ts o f Islam , o r b o t h . (127) C y ren aican bedouin p ra y ir r e g u la r ly . T hey all know th a t to make th e pilgrim age to M akkah is m e rito rio u s, b u t p r e f e r to leav e it u n til old a g e , since it rem oves th e sta in o f th e ir s in s , an d w ere th e y to make it e a rlie r th e y would have to lead a blam eless life th e r e a f te r , an im possibility fo r hum an b e in g s in th e ir view ; th e v a st m ajority of them leav e it u n til it is too la te . What is t r u e is th a t th e bedouin a re n o t as p io u sly p u n c tilio u s in th e more o rth o d o x d u tie s as a re th e ir u rb a n o r v illag e b r e th r e n . T he r ite s o f Islam th e y p ra c tis e n e v e rth e le s s co n n ect them more m eaningfully with th e co re o f Islamic b elie fs th a n an y n u m b e rs o f g e n u fle c tio n s. For sa c rific e is th e co re o f Islam , as it is of o th e r re lig io n s. When th e bed o u in sac rifice in th e ir small c a m p s , th e y a re aw are th a t all bed o u in p erfo rm th e same r it e s , a n d a re m otivated by th e same b e lie fs. T hey know , f u r t h e r , th a t n o t only do bed o u in a d h e re to th e s e beliefs b u t th a t th e y a re common to all Muslims in Islam . In th is se n se th e re is b ig n e s s a b o u t th e s a c rific e s perfo rm ed in th e little cam ps. B a rth felt th e n e e d fo r in te g ra tiv e ritu a l to be so com pelling th a t he h ad to in v e n t a new k in d of r itu a l to make good its a b s e n c e , to in te g ra te each p a r t of th e segm ental s tr u c tu r e with tr ib e an d c o n fe d e ra c y in to one s tr u c tu r a l s y s te m , th e so ciety o f th e B a s s e ri. I h av e a rg u e d th a t bed o u in so c ie ty , in a s t r u c ­ tu r a l s e n s e , is a fic tio n , b u t th a t th e locally perfo rm ed bedouin sa c rific e is th e c e n tra l rite o f th e Islamic so c ie ty . NOTES 1 V ersio n s of th is p a p e r were re a d to sem in ars in London an d O x fo rd . I am g ra te fu l fo r th e com m ents made a t b o th se m in a rs. 2 See E v a n s -P ritc h a rd (1949); Eickelm an (1976); G ilsenan (1973). 3 P e te r s (1 9 6 5 ), p . 125. 4 B a rth (1964), p . 135. 5 T a p p e r (1979), p p . 37, 38. He is c ritic a l o f D ouglas on th e same c o u n t. 6 B a rth (1964), p . 146. 7 B a rth (1964), p . 146. 8 Leach (1954), p p . 10, 11. 9 L each (1954), p . 12.

P a u c ity o f ritu al among Middle E a s te r n p a s t o r a lis t s 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

215

L each (1 9 5 4 ), p . 13. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 147, L each (1 9 5 4 ), p . 12, L each (1 9 5 4 ), p . 13. L each (1 9 5 4 ), p . 14. L each (1 9 5 4 ). S e e , fo r e x a m p le , p p . 11, 13, 87, 103, 104, 279, 286. E v a n s - P r itc h a r d (1 9 4 9 ); F o rte s (1 9 5 3 ); M iddleton (1 9 6 0 ); T a p p e r (1 9 7 9 ); T u r n e r (1 9 5 7 ). L each (1 9 5 4 ), p . 16. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 147. G luckm an (1 9 5 8 ). E v a n s - P r itc h a r d (1 9 3 7 ). B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 147. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 147. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 148. S ince p eo p le a r e ab le to c h a n g e cam p a t w ill, th e u n ity is d u b io u s , a n d it c a n h a r d ly be s a id , fo r th e sam e r e a s o n , th a t th e g ro u p is m a in ta in e d , B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 37 B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p p . 25ff. F o rte s (1 9 6 6 ), p . 411. F o r te s (1 9 6 6 ), p . 411. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 148. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 148. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p p . 42, 43. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p , 148. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 148. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 11. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 21. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 34. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 16. O nly y o u th s a n d b o y s h e r d a n im a ls, a n d th i s m akes th e h o u se h o ld e v e n m ore v u ln e r a b le , a t le a s t a s f a r a s its la b o u r n e e d s a r e c o n c e rn e d . B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 47. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 21. See B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 25, a n d B a rth (1 9 5 9 -6 0 ), p . 10. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 25. T h is is r e p e a te d alm ost e x a c tly on p . 46. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 47. B a x te r (1 9 7 5 ), p . 213. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p p . 41, 36. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p p . 26, 29. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 40, a n d th e p u llo u t a t r e a r o f b o o k . B a rth (1 9 6 4 ), p . 39. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 32. B a rth (1 9 6 4 ), p p . 22, 27, 38, 40. B a rth (1 9 6 4 ), p . 15. B a r th (1 9 6 4 ), p . 43. B a rth (1 9 6 4 ), p . 148. A lso p . 43, w h e re th e sta te m e n t is m ade th a t cam p s i t e s , d u r in g th e m ig ra tio n , a r e c h o se n b y 'th e r i d e r s in th e le a d '. B a r th (1 9 6 0 ), p . 348; a n d B a rth (1 9 5 9 -6 0 ), p . 3.

216 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66

67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100

E m ry s P e te r s B a rth 1964) P . 148. B a rth 1964) P* 42. B a rth 1964) P- 43. B a rth 1964) P- 148. B a rth 1964) P- 146. B a rth 1964) P* 3. B a rth 1964) P- 65. B a rth 1964) P- 109. B a rth 1964) P- 66 . B a rth 1964) P- 68 . B a rth 1964) P ’ 78. B a rth 1964) P- 93. B a rth 1964) P- 97. B a rth 1964) p p . 98, 99. B a rth 1964) P- 2 0 . B a rth 1964) p . 104. B a rth 1964) p . 105. 106. B a rth 1964) 108. B a rth 1964) 118. B a rth 1964) B a rth 1964) 118. 47. B a rth 1964) 148. B a rth 1964) T a p p e r (1 9 7 9 ), p . 260. See Pe e r s (1967) a n d (1 9 8 0 ). B a rth 1964), p . 39. B a rth 1964), p . 50. B a rth 1964), p . 55. B a rth 1964), p . 54. B a rth 1964), p . 65. T he in fo rm atio n on m a rria g e is u n c le a r , sin c e o in d ic a tio n is g iv e n e ith e r o f th e ty p e o r d e g re e of c o u sin r e la tio n s h ip . N or is th e o rig in o f s p o u s e s g iv e n . B a r th 1964), p . 38. B a rth 1964), p . 27 a n d c h a p te r 7. B a rth 1964), p . 136. B a rth 1964), p . 138. T h e whole a c c o u n t is o n ly a h a lf p a g e . E v a n s- P r itc h a r d (1 9 4 1 ), p p . X , XI B a rth 1964), p . 39. B a r th 1964), p p . 42, 58, 59. B a rth 1964), p . 59. B a r th 1964), p . 61. B a rth 1964), p p . 56, 63. B a rth 1964), p . 67. B a r th 1964), p . 49. B a rth 1964), p . 50. B a rth 1964), p . 54. B a rth 1964), p . 75. B a rth 1964), p . 62. B a r th 1964), p . 77. B a rth 1964), p . 71. B a rth com m ents th a t w hen h e a r r iv e d in B a s s e ri t e r r i t o r y , th e C olonel s e n t him to th e c h ie f.

Paucity o f ritu a l among Middle Eastern p a sto ra lists 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120

121 122 123 124

125 126 127

217

B a rth (1964), p . 148. B a rth (1964), p . 146. B a rth (1 9 6 4 ), p p . 148-52. B a rth (1964), p . 3. B a x te r (1975), p . 207. B a rth (1964), p . 106. B a x te r (1 9 7 5 ), p . 209. B a x te r (1 9 7 5 ), p p . 211, 212. B a rth (1 9 6 4 ), p . 149. T a p p e r (1979), p p . 178-83. T u r n e r (1974), c h a p te r 5. Van G ennep (1960), p p . x , 11, 20, 21. T u r n e r (1974), p . 232. T his is an alm ost e x a ct re p e titio n of th e sta te m e n t a b o u t lim inality in c h . 3 o f T u r n e r (1969). B a rth (1964). He does n o t a c tu a lly u se th e p h r a s e , b u t it is s tro n g ly im plied in h is d e s c r ip tio n . B a rth (1964), p p . 152, 153. B a rth (1964), p . 153. B a rth (1964), p . 153. R ubel (1969); Salzman (1971); S pooner (1971). B a rth (1964), p . 71. B a rth (19 6 4 ), p p . 115 ff. I v e ry much d o u b t w h e th e r th e p o p u latio n was k e p t as n e a tly in trim a s B a rth s u g g e s ts . His model r e q u ir e s th a t it sh o u ld be s o , b u t fo r th is to o b ta in th e d r if t from s e ttle d to nomadic a re a s m ust h av e been g r e a te r th a n h is inform ation le a d s one to b e lie v e . If th e m ovem ent o f people to a n d from s e ttle d a re a s was n o t in b a la n c e , th e p o p u lation p r e s s u r e in s e ttle d a re a s m ust have b een c o n s id e ra b le , b u t n o th in g is said ab o u t th is . B a rth (1964), p . 120. B a rth (1964), p . 135. B a rth (1964), p . 8. One o f th e major b ra n c h e s of th e C y re n aica n g en ealogy is r e p r e s e n te d b y th e d e sc e n d a n ts of an a n c e s to r nam ed 'Ali. T h ey form a c o n g e rie s of g ro u p s know n a s th e A ulad 'Ali who in h a b it th e a re a s tr e tc h in g from th e e a s te rn C y re n aic an b o r d e r , a c ro s s th e W estern D e s e rt, a s f a r e a s t as A le x a n d ria . Salzman (1975), p . 69. T his view is given in an a rtic le in 'M an', 1978, v o l. 13, n o . 4, w hich r e p e a ts , alm ost id e n tic a lly , th e 1975 a rtic le . F o rte s (1980), p . X III. T a p p e r (1 9 7 9 ), p . 15. Her e f e r s to th e s e o p in io n s, c itin g s e v e ra l a u th o r s , a n d , q u ite r ig h tly , e x p r e s s e s h is scepticism ab o u t th em .

BIBLIOGRAPHY A sad , T . (1970) 'T h e K ababish A r a b s ', H u rs t, L ondon. B a r th , F . (1959-60) T he L a n d tis e P a tte r n s of M igratory T rib e s o f South P e rs ia , in 'N orsk G e o g rafisk T id s s k r if t', v o l. 17.

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B a r th , F. (1960) Nomadism in th e M ountain an d Plateau A rea s of South West A sia, in 'T he Problem s of th e A rid Z one', UNESCO. B a r th , F . (1964) 'Nomads of S outh P e r s ia ', Allen & U nw in, L ondon. B a te s , D .G . (1971) The Role of th e S tate in Peasant-N om ad M utualism , 'A nthropological Q u a r te r ly ', v o l. 44, n o . 3. B a x te r, P .T .W . (1975) Some C o n seq u en ces of S en d e n ta riz a tio n fo r Social R e la tio n sh ip s, in 'P astoralism in T ropical A fric a ', IA I, e d . T . Monod. B e h n k e , R .H . (1980) 'T he H e rd e rs o f C y re n a ic a ', U n iv e rsity of Illin o is, C hicago. B u r e k h a r d t, J .L . (1831) 'N otes on th e B edouins a n d W ahabys', C olb u rn & B e n tle y . C ole, D .P . (1975) 'Nomads of th e N om ads', AHM P u b lish in g C o rp o ra tio n , Illinois. C u n n iso n , I. (1966) 'B a g g ara A ra b s ', C laren d o n P r e s s , O x fo rd . D ick so n , H .R .P (1949) 'T he A rab o f th e D e s e r t1, Allen & U nw in, L ondon. D o u g las, iVl. (1973) 'N atu ral Sym bols' 2nd e d n , B arrie & J e n k in s , L o ndon. E ickelm an, D .F . (1976) 'M oroccan Islam ', U n iv ersity of T ex as P r e s s , A u stin . E v a n s - P r itc h a r d , E .E . (1937) 'W itchcraft Among th e A z a n d e ', C laren d o n P r e s s , O x fo rd . E v a n s - P r itc h a r d , E .E . (1941) Forew ord to 'T he Moulds of E g y p t', by J.W . M cP herson, N.M. P r e s s , C airo. E v a n s - P r ite h a r d , E .E . (1949) 'T he S an u si of C y re n a ic a 1, C la re n ­ don P r e s s , O x fo rd . E v a n s -P ritc h a rd , E .E . (1951) 'K inship an d M arriage Among th e N u e r', C laren d o n P r e s s , O x fo rd . F o rte s , M. (1953) T he S tru c tu r e o f U nilineal D escent G ro u p s, 'A m erican A n th ro p o lo g ist', v o l. 55. F o rte s , M. (1966) 'R eligious P rem isses an d Logical T ech n iq u e in D iv in ato ry R itu a l', P hil. T r a n s . R oy. Soc. of L ondon. S e rie s B. v o l. 251, L ondon. F o rte s , M. (1980) A n th ro p o lo g ists an d T heo lo g ian s: Common I n te r e s ts an d D iv e rg en t A p p ro a c h e s, in 'S a c rific e ', e d . M .F .C . B ourdillon an d M. F o rte s , Academic P r e s s , London. G e lln e r, E. (1979) Problem s of th e Model. P a p e r p re s e n te d at a C o n feren ce on L e a d e rsh ip a n d D evelopm ent in th e A rab World: A m erican U n iv e rsity of B e iru t, B e iru t. G e lln e r, E. (1973) In tro d u c tio n to Nomadism, in 'T he D e se rt an d th e S ow n', e d . C. N elson, U n iv e rsity of C a lifo rn ia, B e rk e le y . G ilse n a n , M. (1973) 'S aint a n d S ufi in M odern E g y p t', C larendon P r e s s , O x fo rd . G luckm an, M .G. (1958) 'A n aly sis of a Social S itu atio n in Modern Z u lu lan d , R h o d e s-L iv in g sto n P ap er n o . 28. I r o n s , W. (1975) 'T h e Yomut T u rk m e n ', U n iv e rsity o f M ichigan, A nn A rb o r. L each , E. (1976) 'C u ltu re and C om m unication', C am bridge U n iv e rsity P r e s s , C am bridge.

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L each, E. (1954) 'Political System s of H ighland B urm a', Bell, L ondon. M arx, E. (1967) 'Bedouin of th e N egev', MUP, M anchester. M iddleton, J . (1960) 'L ugbara R eligion', OUP, London. M u rray , G.W. (1935) 'Sons of Ishm ael', R outledge, London. Musil, A. (1928) 'The M anners and Custom s of th e Ruwala B ed o u in s', American G eographical Society, New Y ork. P e te r s , E .L . (1965) A spects of th e Family among th e Bedouin of C y ren aica, in 'Com parative Family S ystem s', M .F. Nimkoff, H oughton Mifflin, B oston. P e te r s , E .L . (1967) Some S tru c tu ra l A spects of th e Feud among th e C am el-herding Bedouin of C y renaica, 'A fric a', vol. 37, n o . 3. P e te r s , E .L . (1980) A spects of B ridew ealth among th e Bedouin of C y ren aica, in 'T he Meaning of M arriage P ay m en ts', e d . J . Com aroff, Academic P re s s , London. R ubel, P .G . (1969) H erd Composition a n d Social S tru c tu re : On B uilding Models of Nomadic P astoral Societies, 'M an', vol. 4, n o . 2. Salzman, P. (1971) Movement and R esource E x tra c tio n , 'A nthro­ pological Q u a rte rly 1, vol. 44, no. 3. Salzman, P . (1975) Does Complementary O pposition E xist? 'American A n th ro p o lo g ist', vol. 80. Spooner, B . (1971) T ow ards a G enerative Model of Nomadism, 'A nthropological Q u a rte rly ', vol. 44, no. 3. T a p p e r, R. (1979) 'P a stu re and Politics’, Academic P re s s , L ondon. T u rn e r V.W. (1957) 'Schism and C o n tin u ity ', M UP., M anchester. T u r n e r , V.W. (1969) 'T he R itual P ro c e ss', A ldine, Chicago. T u r n e r , V.W. (1974) 'D ram as, Fields and M etaphors', Cornell U n iv ersity P r e s s , London. Van G en n ep , A. (1960) 'The R ites of P a ssa g e ', tr a n s . M.B. Vizedom an d G .L . C affee, R outledge i Kegan Paul, London.

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V en eratio n o f th e P ro p h e t Muhammad's fam ily is a te n e t o f Muslim tra d itio n ra is e d b y th e Shic a b ra n c h to th e s ta tu s o f a re lig io u s dogm a. K inship w ith th e P ro p h e t a n d , fo r th a t re a s o n , a sp ecial s ta n d in g in so ciety a re claim ed b y some g ro u p s among th e peo p les who h av e ad o p ted Islam . T h ese a re called v a rio u sly b y th e A rabic w ords s h a r if (n o b le ) in N orth A frica and saiyid ('m a s te r ') (1) in th e N ear E a st. T he term s h a r i f is unknow n in C e n tra l A sia, b u t th e w ord sa iy id , as th e name fo r th e p o s­ te r i t y of th e P ro p h e t i s , h o w e v e r, u se d th e r e (m ainly by U zbeks an d T a jik s ). Yet m uch more w idely in u se in C e n tra l A sia as a name of th e g ro u p claim ing d e sc e n t from Muhammad is th e term jodja ( 'm a s te r' in P e r s ia n ) . T he re la tio n b etw een th e term s sa iyid an d hodja is s till in need o f c la rific a tio n . A cco rd in g to V .V . B arto ld th e y a re synonym ous. ’T he h o n o u r to be a saiyid was c o n sid e re d to be so h ig h , while th e h o d jas w ere n o t inclined to let s tr a n g e r s in to th e ir p riv ile g e d g ro u p th ro u g h m a rria g e , th a t in th e n in e te e n th c e n tu ry even so v e re ig n s h ad to tak e d a u g h te r s of h o d jas fo rcib ly a s th e ir w ives in o r d e r th a t f u tu re so v e re ig n s sh o u ld h av e th e h o n o u r of b e in g called a sa iy id . Such is th e o rig in o f th is title w hich was b o rn e b y many so v e re ig n s in all th e th re e k h a n a te s o f th a t time - th e B o k h a ra , K hiva and th e new ly-form ed K o k a n d .'(2 ) Inform ation r e g a r d in g th e B o k h ara em irate p ro v id e d by V .V . K re sto v sk y d if f e r s : The sa iy id s an d th e hodjas ra n k a s th e f ir s t two division o f so ciety in th e s ta te , a s o rt o f th e la t t e r 's a ris to c ra c y . T he sa iy id s a re d e sc e n d e d from K hazrati-O sm an an d K h azrati-A li S h iri-K h u d a b y th e d a u g h te r s of th e P ro p h e t Muhammad. The hod jas a re d e sc e n d e d from A bu B a k r S ad d y k a n d Omar UlF a ru k an d also from th e above m entioned Osman an d Ali b u t by w ives o th e r th a n th e d a u g h te r s o f Muhammad. B ut th e sa iy id s an d hodjas could claim th e a u th e n tic ity o f th e ir d e sc e n t from some of th e fo u r ab o v e-m en tio n ed p e rs o n s only on th e s tr e n g th o f w ritte n genealogical docum ents ( s h a d z h a r a ) . (3) T he la tte r e v id en ce is confirm ed b y o th e r r e s e a r c h e r s (N .N . K h an y k o v , O .A . S u k h a re v a , and B .H . K a rm y sh e v a ). (4 ) T h u s , B .H . K arm ysheva w rite s th a t in th e s o u th e rn a re a o f T ajik ista n an d U zbek istan th e sa iy id s w ere c o n sid e re d to be th e d e sc e n d ­ a n ts o f F atim ah, th e d a u g h te r o f Muhammad, a n d Ali, th e fo u rth c a lip h . 'T he sa iy id s who claimed th e ir d e sc e n t from th e ir son 220

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H asan w ere called th e H asani while th o se who claim ed d e sc e n t from th e second son H usain - th e H u saini. T he h o djas w ere th e p o s te rity of M uhammad's com panions o r some s a i n t s . '( 5 ) 1 would like to ad d h e re th a t in N o rth A fg h a n ista n th e r e is a g ro u p of hod jas claim ing d e sc e n t from A bu B a k r. (6 ) Still th e re is an im pression th a t th e tra d itio n a l d iffe re n c e betw een th e sa iy id s a n d th e h o d jas c a rr ie d a s tro n g elem ent of co n v e n tio n ev en am ong th e U zbeks an d T a jik s. The h is to rie s o f d e sc e n t of some g ro u p s o f h o d ja s, as re c o rd e d by B .H . K arm y sh ev a, point to th e ir k in s h ip w ith Muhammad. (7 ) As fo r th e T urkm en and th e K h a z a k h s, th e hodjas a re c o n sid e re d th e p o s te rity o f Ali an d F atim ah , i . e . th e p o s te r ity of Muhammad in female ta il. (8) T he sa iy id s an d th e h o djas liv in g in small g ro u p s am ong th e common people w ere r e v e re d by th e l a tte r . A. B o rn s re c o rd e d th a t e v e n M ir-K h a id a r, th e B o k h ara em ir, alw ays dism ounted from h is h o rse in o r d e r to g re e t a saiy id o r a h o d ja .(9 ) T he sa iy id s a n d th e h o d jas - who w ere nu m ero u s in C e n tra l A sia d id n o t all enjoy th e same social s ta n d in g . Not all re p re s e n ta tiv e s o f th is s o c ie ty 's d iv isio n w ere m em bers o f th e c le rg y o r ric h p eo p le. Many of them w ere a r tis a n s o r en g a g e d in a g r ic u ltu r e . G ro u p s o f th e h o d jas and th e sa iy id s w ere found among th e T u rk m e n , too. T he h o d jas w ere th e most h o n o u re d g ro u p in so ciety an d th e y w ere n o t id en tifie d w ith th e s a iy id s . A p art from th e m , th e T u rk m en h o n o u re d a n o th e r fo u r g ro u p s - th e S h ik h , A ta , Magtym an d M u d je v u r, w hose h is to rie s o f d e sc e n t a re c o n n e c te d w ith th e f ir s t ( 'r ig h te o u s ') ca lip h s o r p ro m inent Muslim s a in ts . Among th e T urkm en (a n d only am ong them ) all th e s e g ro u p s w ere c alled o v ly a d s. T he term o rig in a te s from th e A rab word oJg (v o la d ) - 'so n ' in p lu r a l, an d is u se d in its o rig in a l se n s e ( c h ild r e n - p o s te r ity ) in th e T u r k is h , Uzbek and some o th e r la n g u a g e s; it h as not y e t lo st th is m eaning in th e T u rk m en ian la n g u a g e . H ow ever, th e T urkm en u n d e rs ta n d th is w ord a s a term close to th e w ord ovliya (ovliiya in T u rk m en ian ) w hich is th e p lu ra l form o f th e A rab word Wg , (vali) - 'f r ie n d ', 's a i n t ', b u t is u se d b y th e T urkm en a n d o th e r p eo p les of C e n tra l A sia a s th e s in g u la r form in th e m eaning o f 's a in t', 'holy p la c e ', which e x p la in s th e tra n s la tio n of th e term o vlya d one comes a c ro s s in m any w o rk s: 'h o ly ' o r 's a c r e d ' tr ib e . A lth o u g h th is tra n s la tio n of th e T u rk m en ian w ord is alm ost e x a c t, it fails to co n v ey th e re a l p o sitio n o f th e o v ly a d s among o th e r T u rk m en ian g ro u p s ( ’t r i b e s ’). It would seem more a p p ro p ria te to call them h o n o u r g ro u p s . In T u rk m en ian so ciety whose d is tin c tiv e fe a tu re was th e d ivision in to 't r i b e s ', th e o v ly a d s w ere re g a rd e d a s 'tr ib e s ' in th e ir own r i g h t . U sually th e y c o n sid e re d th em se lv es to be o f A rab d e s c e n t r a t h e r th a n T u rk m en . T h is was a point of view e v id e n tly s h a re d by th e fam ous h is to r ia n , th e K hiva Khan A b u -l-g a z i (s e v e n te e n th c e n tu r y ) . D isc u ssin g T urkm enian t r ib e s , he le ft o u t th e o v ly a d s. (10) Even w hen th e o v ly ad s did n ot in s is t on th e ir A rab d e s c e n t, th e y p r e f e r r e d n o t to id e n tify th em selv es w ith th e T u rk m en . Echoes of th is tra d itio n s till p e r ­

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s is te d u n til r e c e n tly . I, fo r exam ple, met old S h ik h s who claim ed th e ir d e s c e n t from th e sa in t Ism am ut-ata (th e T a k h ta D istric t of th e T a sh a u z R egion) an d who in re p ly to th e q u e stio n a b o u t th e ir n a tio n a lity sa id : 'I am not a T urkm an a n d n o t an U zbek, I am a S h ik h !' T he d a ta a b o u t th e n u m b e rs o f th e o v ly a d s a re not to be fu lly relied u p o n . A ccording to some e v id e n c e , th e S h ik h s an d th e s a iy id s of s o u th -e a ste rn T u rkm enia n u m b ered 400 nomad t e n ts at th e en d o f th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y . (11) O th e r available e v id en ce r e f e r s to th e 1920s a n d p laces th e to tal n u m b er of h o d ja s, S h ik h s, A ta s , M agtyms and M udjevurs approxim ately at 3 0 ,0 0 0 .(1 2 ) The o v ly a d s h ad no single t e r r ito r y . T h ey u su ally liv ed among o th e r T urkm enian 'tr ib e s ' in small g ro u p s th o u g h th e r e e x ist whole v illag es in h a b ite d p red o m in an tly b y re p r e s e n ta tiv e s of some o r o th e r h o n o u r g ro u p . T h u s , th e fact o f th e e x iste n c e of some se ttle m e n ts alm ost wholly c o n sistin g o f th e h o d jas a n d th e M agtyms (in A te k , th e foothills o f th e K o p e t-d a g ) was n o te d in c e n s u s e s ta k e n a n d s tu d ie s m ade, a lre a d y in th e p re -R e v o lu tio n a ry tim es. (13) T he S h ik h s liv ed in com pact g ro u p s in B a k h a rd e n , K izil-A rv at a n d G eok -T epe while th e se ttle m e n t o f B en d esen (th e K izil-A rv at D is tr ic t) co n siste d wholly of th e S h ik h s. The A tas liv ed in com pact g ro u p s in th e v ic in ity of K iz ii-A rv a t, in th e T edjen an d S e ra k h s D is tr ic ts , in D a rg a n -a ta . Among th e T u rk m en th e o v y la d s w ere held in esteem which sometimes took th e form o f s u p e rs titio u s v e n e ra tio n , a fa c t n o te d in lite r a tu r e : 'T h e T urkm en c o n sid e re d th a t to have r e p r e s e n ta ­ tiv e s of th o se tr ib e s [ i .e . th e o v ly a d s] in th e ir auls w as a g r e e ­ able to God an d th e most em inent o f them w ere g iv en d o n a ­ tio n s . '(1 4 ) A n o th e r r e s e a r c h e r w rite s th a t it was c o n sid e re d re p re h e n s ib le not to h av e th e o v ly a d s in th e T u rk m en ian 't r i b e s ', and 'su c h tr ib e s o r g ro u p s w ere called co n te m p tu o u sly o v l y a d s y z lar' ('w ith o u t o v ly a d s ' in a lite ra l tr a n s la tio n ) .(1 5 ) U su ally , th e T u rk m e n 's c e m eteries aro se a ro u n d th e tomb o f some s a in t, most o fte n a h o d ja , Shikh o r a r e p re s e n ta tiv e o f o th e r g ro u p s of th e o v ly a d s . It was c o n sid e re d th a t a holy o v ly ad gave p ro te c tio n to b o th th e liv in g a n d th e d e a d . T he T u rk m en h a d a custom of g iv in g a special p riz e to th e re p r e s e n ta tiv e s of th e o v y lad s a t fe s tiv itie s w here s p o r ts comp e tio n s (h o rs e r a c in g , w re stlin g ) w ere h e ld . T he h e ra ld called on an o v ly ad to come fo rw ard and re c e iv e a p riz e an d only th e n was th e com petition s ta r te d . U su a lly , th e r e p r e s e n ta tiv e s o f th e h o d jas came o u t to re ce iv e th e p riz e fo r th e y w ere held by th e T urkm en in th e h ig h e st esteem . If th e h o d jas w ere not p r e s e n t th e p riz e would go to th e S h ik h s o r re p r e s e n ta tiv e s of o th e r g ro u p s o f th e o v ly a d s. In some p la c e s , th e r e was a custom o f g iv in g se v e ra l p riz e s a c c o rd in g to th e n u m b er o f th e v a rio u s g ro u p s of th e o v ly a d s liv in g in th e g iv en lo ca lity . T h u s th e G e rk e z -T u rk m e n in h a b itin g th e Middle Sum bar a n d betw een th e m ountainous c o u n try called K ara yaila e s ta b lis h e d som etim es fo u r p riz e s fo r th e ir fe s tiv itie s : fo r th e h o d ja s, S h ik h s , A tas an d s a iy id s . (16) T he custom was b u ilt on th e f e a r of g e ttin g th e

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u p p e r h a n d of th e o v ly ad fo r it was believ ed th a t in su c h an e v e n tu a lity th e w inner would th e re b y in c u r a m isfo rtu n e . S h . A n n ak ly ch ev d e s c rib e s w edding cerem onies a t w hich 'a hodja was g iv en th r e e la rg e p riz e s w ithout m aking him ta k e p a r t in w re s tlin g . . . . Som etim es, w re s tle rs did s tru g g le with th e hodja ju s t o u t o f in te r e s t b u t s u r r e n d e r e d p u r p o s e ly '. (17) T he b elief th a t a s e v e re re trib u tio n aw aits an y o n e o ffe n d in g an o v ly ad h a s g iv en r is e to th e tra d itio n a c c o rd in g to which b o th th e p e rs o n o f an ov ly ad an d h is p ro p e rty w ere inv io lab le. T he o v ly a d s rem ained u n a ffe c ted b y th e m ilitary ra id s which so com plicated th e life o f th e T urkm enian tr ib e s . In th e la st c e n tu ry th e S h ik h s in th e so u th -w e st of T u rk m e n ista n could w ithout h in d ra n c e m aintain th e ir liv esto ck a n d c a r r y on tra d e amid in te r - tr ib a l s tr if e a n d arm ed p illa g e; th ie v e s a n d r o b b e rs d id n o t d a re to to u c h th e ir p r o p e r ty . (18) T he same a ttitu d e was show n in th e s o u th -w e st of T urkm enia to th e A ta s. R e fe re n c es to th e in v io lab ility of th e h o d jas can also be fo u n d in w ritte n s o u rc e s . In p a r tic u la r , in th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y , a g ro u p of arm ed T u rk m e n , s u b je c ts o f th e K han of K hiva, made a foray upon th e A khal O asis (s o u th -w e s t of T u rk m e n is ta n ). On th e o u t­ s k i r t s of th e G eok-T epe settle m en t 'th e y came a c ro ss fo u r y o u rta s b e lo n g in g to th e hodjas b u t s p a re d th e m '. (19) T he b e lief th a t it was im possible to in frin g e upon th e sa fe ty o f th e o v ly a d s' p r o p e r ty w ith im punity was ex trem ely s tr o n g . One can h e a r in v a rio u s p a r ts o f T u rk m enia a s to r y a b o u t a man who came to a s h e p h e rd to e n q u ire a s to whom d id th e ram he had sto len th e o th e r d ay from th e h e rd b e lo n g to . 'To a h o d ja ' was th e re p ly . It tu r n e d out th a t th e th ie f h a d e a te n th e ram and h ad since b een s u ffe rin g from a se v e re p a in . The man went to th e hodja to acknow ledge h is g u ilt a n d to com pensate him fo r th e lo ss. Many T urkm en b elieved th a t due to th e ir d e sc e n t th e o v ly a d s w ere endow ed w ith s u p e rn a tu ra l pow ers a n d c o u ld , am ong o th e r t h in g s , c u re th e sic k . T he am ulets with in s c rip tio n s made by some lite ra te hodja o r S hikh w ere c o n sid e re d a d ep e n d ab le rem edy a g a in s t illn e s s , th e evil e y e , a n d s p ir its . One of th e R u ssia n tra v e lle r s who v isite d th e s o u th -w e s t a re a s of T urkm enia in th e seco n d h a lf of th e la s t c e n tu r y w ro te; 'it was e n o u g h for a Mahtum to do a s m uch a s to sp it on th e sick man once to have th e la tte r s u re ly r e c o v e r e d 1. (20) T he T urkm en believ ed th a t th e o v ly a d s co u ld b y th e ir p r a y e r s help in fe rtile women to have c h ild re n . If b o rn a f te r su ch s u p e rn a tu ra l in te rc e s s io n , th e c h ild re n w ere u su a lly given su c h nam es as H o djaberdi (th e hodja g a v e ) , H odjageldi (th e hodja cam e), H odjanepes (th e h o d ja 's b r e a th ) , e tc . T he a ttitu d e show n to th e same g ro u p o f th e o v ly a d s c o u ld , h o w e v e r, be d iffe re n t in v a rio u s a re a s of T u rk m e n ista n . The Ata g ro u p w as, fo r ex am p le, held in h ig h e s t esteem am ong th e Yomud an d Teke T urkm en in th e so u th -w e st of T u rk m en ia while on th e o th e r h a n d , th e p o p u latio n of th e b a s in s of th e T edjen a n d M ourgab r iv e r s (th e T e k e s, th e S a ly rs , th e S a ry k s ) did not show an y p a rtic u la r esteem fo r th e A tas and did n o t e v en c o n sid e r

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them a s o v ly a d s. Not all T urkm en c o n sid e re d th e M u d jev u rs as o v ly a d s. In th e w estern p a r t of T urkm enia th e M u d jev u rs are unknow n a t all a n d on h e a rin g th a t su c h a g ro u p o f th e o v ly a d s e x is t in th e T ash au z Region th e old men only s h r u g th e ir s h o u ld e rs . B u t w h a te v er th e local p e c u lia ritie s , th e g e n e ra l a tti­ tu d e to th e o v ly ad s was one o f d e fe re n ce b e cau se th e ir k in sh ip w ith th e know n Muslim s a in ts (th e f ir s t fo u r c a lip h s , in p a r tic u la r ) a n d th e P ro p h e t him self a sso c ia te d them in th e m inds of people w ith th o se s u p e rn a tu ra l po w ers w hich in p o p u la r b e lie f th e ir fo r e f a th e rs p o s s e s s e d . T he T u rk m en ian o v ly a d s , a s a r u le , s tu c k fa s t to th e custom of n o t allow ing th e ir d a u g h te rs to m arry men from g ro u p s o th e r th a n th e h o n o u r o n e s . Still liv in g in folk memory a re rom antic e p iso d e s ab o u t d a re -d e v ils a tte m p tin g to ste a l th e b e a u tie s of noble blood who h a d won th e ir h e a r ts b u t most o fte n p u r s u e r s o v e rto o k th e fu g itiv e s an d a sav ag e re p r is a l was th e lot of b o th th e y o u th an d th e g irl. As fo r th e o rig in of th e o v ly a d s , v a rio u s c o n je c tu re s h av e b een made on th a t acco u n t in lite r a tu r e . T he e a rlie s t o f them g iv es full c re d e n c e to th e le g e n d s of th e o v ly a d s , a c c o rd in g to w hich th e y a re T u rk m enized A ra b s . (21) B u t sin ce th is opinion is b a se d only on le g e n d a ry lin e a g e s it h a s been made an object of a ju s t c ritic is m , (22) b e ca u se th e o v ly a d s e x h ib it in th e ir c u ltu re no p e c u lia ritie s w hich may p o in t to th e ir tie s w ith th e A ra b s. A cco rd in g to a n o th e r c o n je c tu re , th e o v ly a d s w ere one of th e f ir s t h e a th e n g ro u p s to a d o p t Is la m ,(23) b u t no a r g u ­ m ent h a s b een o ffe re d in s u p p o rt o f th is o p in io n . A view was also a d v a n c e d th a t th e o v ly a d s r e p r e s e n t th e d e s c e n d a n ts of some p re-Islam ic p r ie s t g ro u p s(2 4 ) b u t th is view point h a s also n o t been confirm ed by an y fa c tu a l e v id en ce a n d , a f te r some tim e, its a u th o r him self re co g n iz ed th a t a s e a rc h in o th e r d ire c tio n s m ight be more f r u itf u l. (25) A g re a t deal o f reliab le an d w ell-checked ev id en c e r e g a r d in g th e o v ly a d s (in p a r tic u la r , ab o u t th e ir genealogical tr a d itio n s ) was o b ta in e d in th e c o u rse of th e r e s e a rc h done in re c e n t y e a r s . T he fa c tu a l e v id en ce th a t h a s b een accum ulated th u s fa r in d i­ c a te s , b ey o n d an y d o u b t, th a t th e re is a c e rta in co n nection betw een some of th e T urkm enian h o n o u r g ro u p s and S u fism . In o th e r w o rd s, th e o rig in s of some o v lyad g ro u p s sh o u ld be so u g h t in Sufism b e c a u se in th e T u rk m en ian c o n te x t th e d e sc e n d a n ts of w ell-know n S u fis ( p ir , s h e y k h , i s h a n ) becam e o v ly ad s while th e A tas w ere d e sc e n d e d from a re lig io u s com m unity made up of d e s c e n d a n ts an d m u rid s of a S ufi s h e y ik h .(2 6 ) The la tte r point o f view h a s n o t y e t b een c ritic iz e d in Soviet lite r a tu re a n d th e av ailable e v id en ce seem s to c o rro b o ra te it. L et u s cite now th e d a ta on w hich th is h y p o th e sis h a s been b u ilt. F irs t o f a ll, d e s p ite th e wide renow n th a t many ish a n s ( re p r e s e n ta tiv e s o f th e Sufi c le r g y ) who hailed from th e common folk e n jo y e d , th e p o p u la r tra d itio n s till id e n tifie d is h a n s a s su c h w ith th e o v ly a d s . Sev was th e f ir s t to n o te th is : 'T he T u rkm enian ishanism e x h ib its a p e c u lia r phenom enon c o n s is tin g in th e e x is t­

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ence of th e so -called ov ly ad tr ib e s . . . in which e v e ry b o d y con­ s id e r s him self an is h a n . . . . P ro b a b ly , what made th e o v ly a d , i . e . holy tr ib e s also ish an ic tr ib e s , was th e ir A rab d e sc e n t and th e co n cep t of ish a n a s a s a i n t . '(27) To c o n sid e r th a t th is s ta te ­ m ent is tr u e in all r e s p e c ts would h a rd ly be c o r r e c t. Of c o u rs e , th e fact th a t each re p r e s e n ta tiv e o f th e o v ly ad s c o n sid e re d him ­ se lf an ish a n is o pen to d o u b t. For exam ple, th e T urkm en b elo n g in g to o th e r g ro u p s did n o t look upon th e S h ik h s from Ism am utata an d th e h o djas from N o khur as ish a n s an d did not call them so . B ut m any T urkm en b e lie v e d , in d e e d , th a t ish a n s u su ally came from th e m idst o f th e o v ly a d s. A view was also w id esp read th a t th e r e was no d iffe re n c e betw een ish an an d h odja (o p in io n s to th is e ffe c t can be h e a rd from old p e o p le , fo r exam p le, in th e S e ra k h s a n d T a h ta -B a z a r D is tr ic ts ) . P a rt o f th e b e lie v e rs in th e T edjen D istric t c o n s id e rs th a t th e ish an u su ally comes from th e m idst o f th e o v ly a d s (h o d ja , M agtym , S h ik h ), th a t an y h o d ja , ev en an illite ra te o n e , is an ish a n a n d h e should be a d d re s s e d a c c o rd in g ly , ev en if he is still a b o y , with the w ords 'I s h a n - a g a ’. In th e K aahka D istric t th e T urkm en from o th e r g ro u p s u su a lly said 'I s h a n - a g a ’ in a d d r e s s in g a M agtym. T he common people u se th e same form o f a d d r e s s in relatio n to th e S h ik h s liv in g , fo r exam ple, in th e S e ra k h s D istric t b ecau se th e S h ik h s a re b eliev ed to h av e is h a n s among th e ir a n c e s to rs . F u r t h e r , a c c o rd in g to genealogical le g e n d s , th e h o d ja s, th e s a iy id s , an d th e M agtyms a r e th e d e s c e n d a n ts of Ali (an d con­ s e q u e n tly , of M uham m ad), while th e S h ik h s - th e d e s c e n d a n ts o f Abu B a k r, an d th e A tas - of O sm an. T h is p e c u lia rity o f th e le g e n d s a c c o rd s w ith Sufi e c c lesiastical lin eag e s (silsilla, ’c h a in ’) which a re lis tin g s of th e s a in ts , h e ad s o f th e g iv en o r d e r of d a rw e sh e s o r com m unity who h a n d e d down th e te a c h in g an d th e b le s s in g . T he ’c h a in ’ of is h a n s was tra c e d u su a lly to th e f ir s t c a lip h s an d to Ali. (28) With th e v u lg a riz a tio n of Sufism th e s p iritu a l tie s came to be u n d e rsto o d as p h y sica l k in s h ip . Many Sufi sh e y ik h s fo u n d th e tem ptation to a s c rib e to th em selv es k in sh ip w ith th e P ro p h e t o r th e f ir s t c a lip h s too g re a t to r e s is t, ev en g o in g to th e le n g th of com posing false d o cu m e n ts. (29) T h e w ord hodja could a c q u ire c u rr e n c y as th e e x a c t t r a n s ­ lation o f th e title o f s a iy id , b u t th e r e a re re a so n s to believe th a t it came to b e u se d a s th e name fo r h o n o u r g ro u p s in a d iffe re n t w ay. We a lre a d y p o in ted o u t above th a t in C e n tra l Asia th e nam es o f th e hodja an d th e sa iy id s w ere n o t c o n sid e re d as synonym ous e v e ry w h e re . B ut th e y c e rta in ly would be if th e term hodja h a d a p p e a re d as th e local e q u iv a le n t o f th e term sa iy id . It is q u ite p o ssib le th a t th e term hodja a s th e name o f one o f th e h o n o u r g ro u p s can be tra c e d to th e title hodja (m a ste r) u se d by m u rid s in a d d r e s s in g th e ir sh e y ik h ( p fr)(3 0 ) an d also was a p p e n d e d to th e nam es o f p o p u la r Sufi s a in ts . We would like to a d d h e re th a t th e word ’m a s te r’ in its tu rk ic form ( to r a ) was c o n sid e re d b y th e U zbeks as th e synonym fo r th e hodja and saiy id a n d was u se d in T a sh k e n t a s th e title of prom inent i s h a n s . (31)

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C lear e v id en ce of th e co nnection betw een th e ovlyad g ro u p s an d th e Sufi s a in ts can be fo u n d in th e fo rm e r's genealogical le g e n d s e x is tin g b o th in th e o ral a n d w ritte n form . T h u s , one o f th e hodja g ro u p s who lived among th e N o khurli T urkm en (th e B a k h a rd e n D istric t of th e A sh k h a b ad R egion) c o n sid e re d them ­ s e lv e s to be th e d e s c e n d a n ts of th e Khorezm Sufi S h ik h -S h e re p ( S h e y ik h - S h e r e f ) , th e fo u rte e n th c e n tu ry sa in t who in the 'Y u su p -A k h m e t', th e p o p u la r T urkm enian folk d e s ta n , is r e f e r r e d to as p i r , u s ta d , a n d is h a n . (32) Among th e T u rk m e n , th e r e a re se v e ra l g ro u p s called S h ik h s . One of th em , th e most n u m e ro u s, while claim ing its d e sc e n t from A bu B a k r, c o n s id e rs P a k y r-s h ik h as th e ir immediate a n c e s to r. His tomb is s itu a te d in th e o u ts k ir ts of th e B end esen settlem en t in th e K y sil-A rv a t D is tric t. In C e n tral A sia an d th e e n tire Muslim w orld th e A rab w ord ¿r*- (sh e y ik h - 'old m an ', 'e ld e r ') also h ad a n o th e r m ean in g , le a d e r o f th e d e rv is h com m unity ( p ir , is h a n ). T he T urkm en usu ally p r e s e r v e d fo r p o s te rity th e h o n o u r­ able title of th e ir fo re fa th e r (in th is w ay, th e r e aro se w ithin th e ’t r i b e s 'c e r t a i n g ro u p s called ' y u z b a s h i ' , ’beg', 'kazy', e t c . ) . P o s s ib ly , th e ap p ellatio n S hikh was co n tin u ed to be b o rn e b y th e d e s c e n d a n ts of an is h a n , w ho, in h is tim e, was a w ell-know n f ig u re (in T a sh k e n t th e d e sc e n d a n ts of th e v e n e ra te d S u fis w ere also called s h e y ik h s ) ( 3 3 ) . T he u se o f th e name P a k y r (from the A rab w ord fa q ir - 'poor m an ', 'in n eed o f so m e th in g ') in the le g e n d s o f th e B en d esen S h ik h s is ex p la in e d b y th e fact th a t th e ir holy f o r e fa th e r (who la te r m arried a d a u g h te r of th e local k h a n ) was a p oor m a n .(34) P ro b ab ly a poor man he was b u t not in th e d ire c t m eaning o f th e w o rd : in th e Muslim w orld th e term fa q ir was u se d to d en o te itin e ra n t d e r v i s h e s .(35) A n o th er g ro u p of S h ik h s who do not claim d e sc e n t from Abu B a k r c o n sid e r K helew ay, a s e rv a n t o f th e sa in t Ism am u t-ata, a s th e ir a n c e s to r. A ccording to o ra l le g e n d , K helew ay, a son o f a ric h T urkm an an d c o n sid e re d a d o lt, once decid ed to d riv e in to th e g ro u n d 40 (o r 360, e t c . ) p e g s fo r ty in g h o r s e s . All th o u g h t it was ju s t a n o th e r o d d ity of h is b u t a f te r some time 40 (o r 360, e t c . ) e q u e s tr ia n s ro d e up to th e aul. It was Ism am uta ta with h is r e tin u e . In th is ep isode th e a n c e s to rs o f th e S h ik h s p o s s e s s a tr a it c h a ra c te ris tic of th e s to rie s a b o u t holy d e rv is h e s : w hat seem s at f ir s t s ig h t to be a sign o f m ental in fe rio rity tu r n s o ut to be a m an ifestation of h o lin e ss. A cco rd in g to tra d itio n th e M agtyms d e sc e n d e d from A li. In th e ir lin eag e w hich o rig in a te s from Adam we fin d Muhammad, Ali, H u sa in , Z ein -a l-a b id in an d th e n o n e 's a tte n tio n is d raw n to th e fa c tu a l a n c e sto r o f th is g ro u p - H a b ib -e d -d in M agsym, who s e ttle d in G organ ( n o rth e rn I ra n ) b ec au se 'th e d ivine p a s s io n , love h a d come upon h im ', i . e . a m ystic love o f G od, so c h a r a c te r ­ istic of Sufi te a c h in g s . A special place is o ccu p ied in th e lineage b y Makhzum A gzam , th e d e sc e n d a n t o f H a b ib -e d -d in in th e e ig h th g e n e ra tio n . In th e le g e n d s he is called th e r u le r in h is villaiyet a n d h is clo se tie s w ith th e local S u fis a re em p h asized . A fte r he died in 1494-5, it was th e Sufi c le rg y who a r r a n g e d h is

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f u n e ra l. In th e p ro c e ssio n com posed of th e sh e y k h s an d m u rid s h is body lay on a w hite sh e-ca m el. The mausoleum o v e r h is tomb still e x is ts to d ay in th e valley o f th e Sum bar r i v e r . In th e M agtym s' o ra l le g e n d s Makhzum Agzam fig u re s as th e ir le a d e r an d p a t r o n . (36) He rem ains in th e memory o f h is d e s c e n d a n ts u n d e r th e h o n o u ra b le title , Makhzum Agzam - 'G reat M aster' an d it rem in d s u s a b o u t th e tra d itio n s o f m edieval Sufism . 'M akhdum ' f j ** is a title o f em inent p i r s , le a d e rs o f Sufi o r d e r s o r in d iv id u al com m unities. (37) T he h o djas who took o v e r pow er in K a sh g aria in th e s e v e n te e n th c e n tu ry a n d th e n fo r a s h o rt p e rio d in F e rg a n a w ere th e d e s c e n d a n ts of a w ell-know n sh e y k h M akhdum -i A 'azam who came from th e F e rg a n a settlem e n t K a sa n , an d d ied in 1542.(38) It is e v id e n t th a t th e 'M akhdumA azam i', a Sufi o r d e r , whose follow ers w ere to be fo u n d in K okand a n d B o k h a ra , took its name a f te r him . (39) In n o r th ­ e a s te rn T u rk m en ia th e w ord m akhsum was u se d fo r th e d e s c e n d a n ts o f is h a n s . The M agtyms a re d iv id ed into th r e e g ro u p s . T he Gylly Magtym g ro u p r e p r e s e n ts th o se d e s c e n d a n ts of Makhzum Agzam who have moved to th e A khal O asis. A special place among them is occupied by I s s a - p ir whom le g e n d p ic tu r e s a s a pow erful s a in t. T he P ir Magtym g ro u p ta k e s its name a f te r P ir Magtym whose lineage r e p o r ts th a t b e fo re he came to be v e n e ra te d a s a sain t he 'was in th e h a n d s of one p i r ’. (40) G enealogical le g e n d a sso c ia te s th e Magtyms with th e S ufis ( is h a n s ) who w ere well know n at th e tim e. A cco rd in g to th e le g e n d s th e M udjevur g ro u p h a s S h ey k h A kh san -b a b a , called D a n a -a ta , a s th e ir a n c e s to r whose v e n e ra te d tomb is lo cated in s o u th -w e s te rn T u rk m en ia. (41) T he a n c e s to r of th e A ta g ro u p was G y o z li-a ta , a d e sc e n d a n t o f C aliph Osman an d a m urid o f th e holy p ir hodja Akhmed Y a ssa v i, who fo u n d ed th e Sufi o rd e r of Y assav ia. The w ord Gyozli m eans h e re th e a ll-s e e in g . T he le g e n d s re la te th a t he was a p ow erful sa in t while y e t a murid of h is s h e y k h . The co n n ectio n b etw een th e A tas an d Sufism is confirm ed also by th e fa c t th a t it was n o n e o th e r b u t th e A tas who k e p t u p among th e s u rr o u n d in g p o p u latio n th e custom o f p e rfo rm in g z ik r (th e S ufi co llectiv e d ev o tio n al e x e rc is e )(4 2 ) in its 'lo u d ' form ( d ja h r ) . T urkm en o f an y 't r i b e ' could p a rtic ip a te a t z i k r b u t th e r ig h t to o fficiate a t th e occasion was tra d itio n a lly re s e r v e d only fo r the A tas (in th e s o u th -w e s te rn p a r ts of th e a re a - also to th e M ag ty m s). (43) F or r e s e a r c h e r s s tu d y in g Sufism by th e re lig io u s p h ilosophical w orks w ritte n b y th e fo u n d e rs of v a rio u s te a c h in g s th e s ta te ­ ment th a t th e re is a co n n ectio n betw een th e T u rk m en ian h o n o u r g r o u p s , th e o v ly a d s , an d Sufism an d th a t th is con n ectio n h a s to b e tra c e d on th e b a sis o f iso lated d e ta ils m ay , o f c o u r s e , seem r a th e r s tr a n g e . T he d ista n c e betw een th e in tric a te co n ce p tio n s o f Muslim m ysticism an d th e tra d itio n s o f th e s u p e rn a tu ra l v e n e ra tio n o f some iso lated g ro u p s is v e ry la r g e . Yet th e tie s we a re tr y i n g to e s ta b lis h betw een th e T u rk m en ian o v ly a d s and

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Sufism w ere q u ite re a l, an d th e v e ry h isto ric a l d e s tin ie s o f Sufism in C e n tra l Asia p ro v id e a c o n v in cin g ex p la n a tio n to th a t e ffe c t. D u rin g th e m any c e n tu rie s of its e x is te n c e , Sufism did not rem ain u n c h a n g e d . In v a rio u s p e rio d s a n d am ong v a rio u s p e o p le s, th is phenom enon took on a sp ecific a sp e c t and played a d iffe re n t role in th e re lig io u s life o f th e p o p u la tio n . In C e n tra l A sia, Sufism , whose c h a ra c te ris tic fe a tu re is r ig h tly c o n sid e re d to be s y n c re tism (th e a b ility to mix elem ents most d iv e rse in th e ir o r ig in , in c lu d in g th e r itu a ls a n d b e lie fs of th e a n cien t local c u l t s ) , (44) assim ilated in th e c o u rse of its s p r e a d , a lre a d y in th e e a rly Middle A g e s, th e tra d itio n s of p re -lsla m ic re lig io n s a n d , p a r tic u la r ly , sham anism . T h is h a s a lre a d y been p o in ted o u t. (45) I w ish to add h e re th a t in co n n ectio n w ith th e g en e ra l econom ic, p o litical a n d c u ltu ra l decline th a t took place in C e n tra l Asia d u rin g th e la s t c e n tu rie s Sufism did n o t rem ain u n a ffe c te d . Its p a n th e istic p h ilo so p h y rem ained unknow n not only to th e common people b u t e v en to th e re p r e s e n ta tiv e s of th e Sufi c le rg y - th e ish a n s ( p i r s ) . Sufism h a s , on th e w hole, made a s tro n g im pact upon th e re lig io u s life of th e C e n tra l A sian p eoples b u t it is in f a c t, m ainly th e o u tw ard a s p e c ts th a t h a v e been re ally assim ilated b y th em . As fo r th e c o n te n t of th e b elie fs a sso c ia ted w ith th e p e rso n a lity o f ish a n s a n d also w ith th e specific Sufi r itu a ls , th e p re p o n d e ra n c e in them b e lo n g e d , in many c a s e s , to th e local h e a th e n is h tra d itio n s re fle c tin g th e most a rch a ic con­ c e p ts . A lish er N avoi, th e renow ned U zbek poet who liv ed in th e fifte e n th c e n tu r y , w rote a b o u t th e S ufi z ik r: 'When in p u r s u it o f th e b e a u ty of th e p a ri h e (s h e y k h ) p e rfo rm s h is tra n c e d a n c e , s p u tte r in g w ith sa liv a , he show s up h is f a n a ti­ c is m .'(4 6 ) For Navoi th e co n n ectio n betw een th e ritu a lis tic p r a c ­ tic e s of th e S ufis a n d th e a n c ien t b elief in th e p o ssib ility of se x u a l in tim acy , while in th e s ta te o f f r e n z y , betw een th e ch o sen people (u su a lly sh a m a n s) an d th e p ari s p ir its was all too e v id e n t. T he a b ility fo r th e ish an a c tiv itie s was u n d e rsto o d in th e folk p ra c tic e in th e c o n c e p ts of sham anism . T h u s , th e B okhara re s id e n ts c o n sid e re d th a t th e magic p o w e rs a re p o sse sse d only b y th o se ish a n s o r d u o k h o n s (h e a lin g by p r a y e r s ) who hav e a p a tro n s p ir i t . A fter th e ish a n d ies th e s p ir it 'c h o o ses' h is su c c e s so r from among h is d e s c e n d a n ts . A ccording to th e B o k h ara r e s id e n ts , th e s p ir it 'm olests' th e ch o sen one in o rd e r to compel him to ta k e upon him self th e 'b u r d e n ' o f ste w a rd s h ip . If th e man who c o n sid e re d him self to be a 'c h o se n ' one h ad m ental in s ta b ility he o fte n fell ill. T he in h e rita n c e of th e ish an p o w e r, social p o sitio n an d ric h e s was a ttr ib u te d to th e e x is t­ ence o f a p a tro n s p ir it in th e fam ily. (47) T he itin e ra n t d e rv is h e s - divana ( du m a n a , D ubana)m to be met in all p a r ts of C e n tra l A sia, rem inded people of th e Muslim m y stics b y th e ir lif e - s ty le . T h e ir a ttir e , w hich had a ritu a lis tic im p o rta n c e , was d eterm in ed b y local pre-M uslim tr a d itio n s . T he

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K irg h izian dum anas w ore, fo r exam ple, a d re ssin g -g o w n which was sew n from s h r e d s o f f a b r ic , a cap made of sw an s k i n , some­ tim es a d o rn e d w ith b e lls, an d c a rrie d in th e ir h a n d s a s ta ff w ith m etal p e n d a n ts o r b e lls. T he dum anas w ere looked upon as people p o s s e s s in g th e fa c u lty of fo rtu n e te llin g , so o th sa y in g , d riv in g aw ay evil s p ir its an d c u r in g th e sic k . (48) As a lre a d y in d ic a te d a b o v e , in C e n tra l A sia (a s also in o th e r re g io n s of th e 'Muslim w o rld 1) Sufism d id n o t e x is t in re a l life a s a s o p h istic a te d p h ilo so p h ical a n d re lig io u s te a c h in g . In th e life o f th e common people Sufism e s ta b lis h e d its e lf a s th e c u lt of m ira c le -w o rk er s a in ts , of people ch o sen by God o r 'frie n d s of G od' - all in com bination w ith v ario u s p re -Isla m ic b e lie fs. T his p e c u lia rity o f C e n tra l A sian Sufism also show s up in th e t r a ­ d itio n s c o n n e c te d w ith th e T urkm enian o v ly a d s . In th e v e n e ra tio n shown to th e o v ly ad s one can easily d isc e rn th e su rv iv a l of th e c u lt of a n c e s to r s . T he T u rk m en ian b e liefs re ta in tr a c e s of th e co n v ictio n in th e im portance o f k in sh ip tie s b etw een s a in ts a n d th o se who v e n e ra te th e m . Some old men still th in k th a t th e c lo se st sa in t fo r th e b e lie v e r is th e one w ith whom he h a s k in s h ip tie s . B ut since th e T urkm en endow ed th e ir s a in ts w ith th e ir own view s on lif e , th e s a i n t s , in t u r n , th e T urkm en b eliev ed sh o uld be more inclined to help th e ir re la tiv e s . T h ese b e lie fs in th e p re f e re n tia l a ttitu d e o f th e s a in ts to w ard s th e ir p o s te rity goes to ex plain th e s u p e rs titio u s fe a r of th e o v ly a d s. With th e aid o f th e ir p a tro n iz in g holy a n c e s to r s , th e o v ly a d s (a n d th e p o s te rity o f is h a n s ) a r e , a lle g e d ly , able to show a m iraculous fo rce an d p u n ish o ff e n d e r s . T h is b e lie f fin d s its m an ifestatio n in th e most d iv e rse s p h e re s of folk life . T h u s one can h e a r from old people a s to ry ab o u t a man who d ied a f te r s te a lin g a h o rse from a hodja b ecau se th e la tte r called in th e aid of h is a n c e s to rs in h is p r a y e r s . One can also h e a r o f a hodja h o rse which alw ays won a p riz e a t r a c e s . Many people w ere c e rta in th a t th e hodja called in th e aid of h is a n c e s to rs (a ta b a b a sy n i c h a g y r y e r ) . T h e re fo re , one man whose h o rse p a r tic i­ p a te d in th e ra c e h eld o u t a 10-rouble no te to th e hodja a n d sa id : 'Give me a b en ed ictio n ( p a ta ) . Let y o u r a n c e s to rs be im p a rtia l.' H aving a c c e p te d th e m oney ( i .e . a d o nation to h is a n c e s to r s ) a n d h a v in g sealed th e donation w ith h is p r a y e r , th e h o d ja was th u s u n ab le to r e s o r t to th e ir a id . T he a b o v e m entioned sp ecial p riz e s given to th e o v ly ad s b e fo re th e s ta r t of h o rse ra c e s o r w re stlin g c o n s titu te d , in fa c t, also an in stan c e of d o n atio n s fo r th e a n c e s to rs . C o n sid e rin g th a t th e sa in t m ight be more in clin ed to re sp o n d to h is own p o s te r ity , some b e lie v e rs u se d to a p p ro a c h th e o v ly ad s (o r th e p o s te r ity on an is h a n ) w ith a r e q u e s t to solicit th e b en ev o len ce o f th e a n c e s to r in th e ir fa v o u r. In su c h c a s e s , th e b e lie v e rs sa id : 'Call in y o u r a n c e s to r s , ap p ly to them with a r e q u e s t . ' T h is custom c le a rly re v e a ls th e tr a c e s of th e form erly p r ie s t fu n c tio n s p e rfo rm ed by th e re la tiv e s of a v e n e ra te d man in old tim e s .(49) The c u lt of a n c e s to rs also dem ands th a t it is

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th e p o s te rity o f th e sa in t who sh o u ld look a f te r h is g ra v e an d a c c e p t d o n atio n s from p ilg rim s. T oday th is view is s h a re d by only a small n u m b er of b e lie v e rs b u t in th e p a s t it was held w idely. T he re a so n why th e w ord 's h e y k h ' ( s h ik h - in T u rk m e n ­ ia n ) h a s come to mean in C e n tra l Asia 'k e e p e r of th e tomb of a s a in t' a p a r t from its form er m ean in g , and h a s th u s become id e n tic a l w ith th e A rab w ord m u djav ir lie s p re c ise ly in th e fa ct th a t th e fu n c tio n s of th e k e e p e r of th e tomb of a sain t (most o fte n a S u fi, a s h e y k h ) w ere perfo rm ed by h is p o s te rity who c o n tin u e d to b e a r th e title of h is a n c e s to r ( s h e y k h ) . Let u s r e t u r n in th is co n n ection to th e way th e w ord S hikh m ight h av e made its a p p e a ra n c e a s a name fo r a n u m b er o f th e ovlyad g r o u p s . T h is w ord could become th e name of th e g iv en g ro u p s a lre a d y in its new m eaning ju s t like th e w ord m u dje v iir (in T u rk m en ian ) h a s become th e app ellatio n o f a special g ro u p of th e o v ly a d s . T he b e lie f in th e im portance o f k in sh ip tie s w ith sa in ts in d u lg e d b y th e T urkm en a n d some o th e r C e n tra l A sian p e o p les was n o t in s p ire d b y Islam . It b elo n g ed to a n u m b er of local p re -Isla m ic re lig io u s tra d itio n s a n d re fle c te d th e s tr u c tu r e of th e society b a se d on k in sh ip tie s . T h u s , a m ajor role in th e form ation of th e o v ly ad g ro u p s was p la y ed b y th e c la n -trib a l tra d itio n s which c o n tin u ed to p re s e r v e th e ir fo rce an d it should be n o te d th a t th e o v ly ad g ro u p s a s well a s o th e r T u rk m en ian ’t r i b e s ’ w ere d iv id ed in to b ra n c h e s a n d s u b - b ra n c h e s p re c ise ly in a c c o rd a n ce w ith th o se tr a d itio n s . A n o th e r la y e r o f pre-M uslim re lig io u s b e lie fs a n d ritu a ls from which th e special p o sition o f th e o v ly a d s in T urkm enian so ciety stem s is r e p r e s e n te d b y th e c le a r s u rv iv a ls o f sham anism . S tro n g s u rv iv a ls o f th e sh am an istic c u lt a re e x h ib ite d by th e Ata T urkm en who p ra c tis e d z ik r ( z ik ir , z y a k i r in T u rk m e n ia n ). T h is r itu a l, in its T u rk m en ian form , is a g ra p h ic exam ple of how a Sufi ritu a l h a s tu r n e d in to a sh am an istic a c t. Among th e A ta s , z ik r was still p ra c tis e d a s a folk custom u n til th e 1930s. Z ikr was u su a lly p e rfo rm ed in o r d e r to c u re th e sick who w ere h arm ed b y th e s p ir its , jin n s , in c a se s w here th e p r a y e r s of th e m ullah p ro v e d in e ffe c tiv e . D u rin g th e z ik r th e fe lt c o v e r of th e y o u rta was ta k e n o ff fo r th e c u rio u s (men an d women) to see w hat w ent on in s id e . Z ikr could be s ta r te d in th e m orn in g o r in th e e v e n in g . T h e re w ere c a se s when z ik r la s te d fo r s e v e ra l d a y s o r ev en fo r a whole m onth, b u t w ith in te r ­ r u p tio n s . T he r itu a l was p e rfo rm e d only by m en. T hese w ere th e S h ik h s who a sc e n d e d into a t r a n c e , r e a d e rs of s p iritu a l v e rs e (gazalchi o r k h a p y z ) and ’people p e rfo rm in g z ik r ’. All o f them w e re , n e c e s s a rily , from th e A ta ’t r i b e ’. Among th e ’people p e r ­ form ing z i k r ', th e r e could be T urkm en from 't r i b e s ’ o th e r th a n th e A tas b u t th e re a d e r a n d th e S hikh could be only from am ong th e A ta s . We a re th u s com ing a c ro ss a new m eaning of th e w ord S h ik h am ong th e T u rk m e n : S hikh is th e main p a rtic ip a n t a t z ik r , an A ta in o rig in . H aving re c e iv e d a b e n ed ic tio n from a clergym an (a k h u n , is h a n ) ,

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th e r e a d e r b e g in s re a d in g from memory loudly an d in a sin g in g voice v e rs e s from S ufi p o e ts (D iw ana-i M ash rab , K h ak im -ata, D y rd u -s h ik h , Hodja Akhmed Y a ssa v i, a n d o t h e r s ) . T h e re is no m usical accom panim ent an d when one re a d e r became tir e d he could be s u b s titu te d b y a n o th e r. T he re a d in g of th e v e rs e b ro u g h t th e c e n tra l fig u re of th e ritu a l - th e S hikh - to a s ta te of e x c ite m e n t. He was also in sp ire d by th e c rie s of people p e rfo rm in g z ik r. S ta n d in g a ro u n d th e S hikh in a c irc le and s tro n g ly h o ld in g each o th e r 's arm s th e y c rie d o u t 'O h -O h !' in h o a rse v o ices a n d in rh y th m betw een c o u p le ts . T h eir voices becam e lo u d e r an d th e n died d o w n , th e ir a c tio n s b e in g re g u la te d by th e k h a p y z . T he S hikh fell in to a f re n z y . He p e rfo rm ed m otions w hich a re co n v ey ed b y th e T urkm enian word y ik y lm a k to fa ll. In h is s tr a n g e dance he b ea t h is h ead a g a in st th e fram e­ w ork of th e y o u r ta . One of th e w itn e sse s saw fo r him self how a c o rp u le n t S hikh d e ftly clim bed a s ta f f form ing th e dome o f the y o u rta a n d th ro u g h th e flue to th e top of th e y o u rta w ithout th e s ta f f ev en s a g g in g . A n o th er old man re la te d how he saw a fam ous S hikh know n by th e name of Kebelek ( b u tte r f ly ) . Soon a f te r th e k h a p y z b eg an sin g in g th e v e rs e an d th e p e rfo rm e rs of th e z ik r s ta r te d th e ir g u ttu ra l c r ie s , he jum ped up a n d b e g a n , to th e accom panim ent o f th e c r ie s , r u n n in g in sid e th e y o u rta on its fram ew ork ’like a f ly '. His d r e s s in g gown was fla p p in g and th e w hiffs of a ir could be fe lt even by th o se who w ere o u tsid e th e y o u r ta . One could h e a r th e people sa y in g th a t if th e S hikh would n o t a ris e to th e s in g in g of re lig io u s v e rs e s a f te r falling u n co n scio u s th e m ullahs would s u re ly h av e to re a d th e su r a h 'Y asin ' from th e Holy Q u r’an to him. D u rin g th e z ik r th e S hikh b e a t th e sick p e rso n on th e fa c e , on th e b ack an d th rew him a g a in st th e fram ew ork o f th e y o u r ta . In th is way he was d riv in g aw ay th e s p ir its w hich h ad c a u se d th e d is e a s e . A cco rd in g to o th e r le g e n d s , th e S h ik h m ight not e v en to u ch th e sick p e rs o n . For exam ple, one s to r y h a s it th a t n e a r th e tomb of G y o zli-ata p ilg rim s, th e Yomud T u rk m e n , ask ed th e A tas to c u re a r a v in g g irl who w as ly in g n e a r b y , b o u n d h a n d an d fo o t. Among th e A tas th e r e was a S hikh a n d a k h a p y z . T he k h a p y z b e g a n s in g in g while th e S hikh soon b e g an in h is fre n z y to s n a tc h a t b u rn in g coal with h is b a re h a n d s . T h re e b u tte r f lie s w ere fly in g o v e r th e g irl. T he S hikh ru b b e d one p a r t o f th e b u rn in g coal w ith th e palm s of h is h a n d s a n d one b u t t e r ­ fly d ro p p e d d e a d . T he S hikh ru b b e d th e coal again a n d th e seco n d b u tte r f ly d ie d . The S hikh ag ain p re s s e d th e b u r n in g coal a n d th e th ir d b u tte r f ly lay m otionless n e a r h is le g s . T he girl im m ediately r e c o v e re d . It was b elieved th a t th e S hikh saw th e jin n s , s tru g g le d a g a in st th e m , called in th e aid o f s a in ts , and was v ic to rio u s , d r iv in g them away fo r e v e r . A cco rd in g to th e s to r ie s , a Shikh fa llin g in to a tra n c e lo st all s e n s ib ility . He fell down from th e to p of th e y o u rta on th e g ro u n d , th re w him self in to th e fire fan n ed o u t n e a rb y fo r cooking food, p o u re d b o iling w a te r on him self from a sam ovar, all w ithout in c u r r in g a n y harm to h is p e rs o n . In s h o rt he was

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n ot like th e u su al m an. The s to r y about one S hikh h a s it th a t d u rin g z ik r s p a r k s flew o u t of h is m outh a n d sin g e d th e b e a rd s of o th e r p e rfo rm e rs of th e r itu a l. D u rin g th e z ik r th e Shikh was e n g a g e d in fo r tu n e - te llin g . If someone a sk e d w h e th e r he would h av e c h ild r e n , th e an sw e r given by th e S hikh would be c o r r e c t. He could tell what g ifts he was g o ing to re c e iv e , and could tell who from am ong th e p e rfo rm e rs of th e z ik r an d th e s p e c ta to r s h a d n o t p e rfo rm ed th e r itu a l a b lu tio n . He d ro v e away su c h p eo p le. While any lite r a te p e rso n could be th e r e a d e r , th e S hikh was endow ed w ith u n u su a l a b ilitie s from ab o v e . T h ese a b ilities a re co n v ey ed by th e w ord keramat w hich m eans th e 'fo rc e ' of a s a in t, a m iracle. While re c o g n iz in g th a t in th e old tim es th e re w ere s a in ts from am ong th e S h ik h s, a m ajority of b e lie v e rs d id n o t, h o w e v e r, place th e S hikh a n d th e sa in t on th e same le v e l. One can h e a r e x p la n a tio n s th a t th e S hikh re c e iv e s h is ab ilities from Allah an d he sh o u ld 'give h is h a n d to a p i r 1, be 'p u r e ' in th e re lig io u s m eaning of th is w ord a n d to o b se rv e fa ith fu lly th e old tra d itio n s w hich a re called by th e g e n e ra l name of T u rk m e n c h ilik . A cco rd in g to a most w id esp read b elief th e Shikh h a s h e lp in g s p ir its a t h is d isp o sa l, 'c o m rad es' ( y o l d a s h ) . Some b e lie v e rs a re in clin ed to c o n sid e r th a t it is none of th e ir b u s in e s s to know w hich s p ir it a id s th e S h ik h . T he S h ik h him self would n o t v e n tu re to te ll a b o u t h is com rades fo r he may o th e rw ise lose h is fo rc e an d be killed by th em . He does n o t ev en d a re to say : 'I h av e c o m ra d e s '. N e v e rth e le s s , th e h e lp in g s p ir its a r e called jin n , a r v a k h (in th e T urkm enian la n g u a g e th e s e w ords a re id en tical in m ean in g ) o r al (th e la tte r e x is ts also in th e com bin­ atio n a l- y o l d a s h ) . C e rta in A tas c o n sid e r th a t a S hikh h a s only one jin n o r al in th e form of a cam el, b u ll, t i g e r , s n a k e , d o g , e tc . B ut th is was n o t a common co n v ic tio n . One o f th e re s p o n d ­ e n t s , fo r exam ple, th o u g h t th a t th e s p ir it was a g irl whom th e f u tu r e S hikh met som ew here in th e s te p p e ; th e S hikh sh o u ld pull out a h a ir from h e r h e a d , p u t it in h is b re a d a n d c o n s ta n tly h av e it on h is p e rs o n . The s p ir its (o r a s p ir it) of th e S hikh tell him a b o u t th e f u tu r e ; th e y also h elp him to d riv e aw ay th e jin n s o f a sick man by e n te r in g in to th e s tru g g le a g a in st them . T he s p ir its c a u sin g d ise a se s a n d h arm in g people a re 'in fid e l' ( k a p y r) jin n s . The S h ik h 's jin n s a re M uslims. The p a tie n t c an be c u re d only if th e S h ik h 's com rades a re s tr o n g e r th a n th o se w hich have c a u se d th e d is e a s e . If a S h ik h sh o u ld decide to s tru g g le a g a in st the s p ir its w hich a re s u p e rio r in fo rc e to th o se of h is com rades he r u n s th e r is k o f b ein g h arm ed , becom ing a m adm an, o r d y in g . T h u s th e Shikh h a s much in common w ith th e sh am an . He goes in to a tra n c e , is aid ed by s p ir its in th e form of anim als a n d h is ritu a l p ra c tic e s follow th e a c tio n s o f th e sham an d u rin g h is p e rfo rm a n c e. T he T u rkm enian sham ans also d ro v e aw ay th e s p e c ta to r s who h a d failed to do th e a b lu tio n , w ere so o th sa y e rs an d also g u e sse d w hat g ifts w ere b ro u g h t to them . T h is sim ila rity , had its e ffe c t upon folk b e lie fs. T hough th e sham ans

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called porha n by th e T urkm en a re not to be fo u n d am ong th e A ta s, th e T urkm en from o th e r tr ib e s , who a re n e ig h b o u rs of th e A ta s , c o n sid e r th a t th e p o rh a n s a re u su a lly from th e A ta 'tr ib e '. T he sham an a n d th e S hikh w ere also u n ite d in h a v in g a sp ecific illn e ss which m anifested its e lf, when th e jinn 'jo in ed ' th em . T he fits o f th e illn e ss c o n tin u e d ev en w hen th e ra p p o rt w ith th e s p ir its was firm ly e s ta b lis h e d . From time to tim e, th e S h ik h s u ffe re d b re a k d o w n . He sp e n t h is time a t home b e d rid d e n , a n d c o v e re d w ith b la n k e ts fo r he was co ld . He could n e ith e r e a t n o r d r in k . Only z ik r could c u re th e S h ik h . To th e sin g in g of th e s p iritu a l v e r s e a n d th e g u ttu r a l, h o a rse c r ie s o f th e p e r ­ fo rm e rs of th e z ik r , th e Shikh liv e n e d , th e n fell in to a f r e n z y , took b u rn in g coal in to h is h a n d s o r p u t th e coal into h is m outh, w alked b a re fo o t on b u rn in g coal - in s h o rt he p erfo rm ed e v e r y ­ th in g he was called to do d u rin g th e r itu a l. A fte r th e z ik r th e S hikh fe lt fu lly re c o v e re d from th e illn e s s . T h u s , to ta k e p a rt in z ik r from tim e to time an d som etim es to h av e th e ritu a l p e rfo rm ed only to u n b u rd e n h is h e a rt was a re q u ire m e n t fo r th e S h ik h . T he man who could p o ten tia lly become a S hikh show ed h is a b ilitie s a t fe s tiv itie s w hen th e so n g s to th e w ords o f Navoi an d o th e r p o e ts w ere p e rfo rm ed to th e accom panim ent of th e d u ta r : he could n o t s it q u ie t. He b e tra y e d him self also d u rin g th e z ik r. From th e s to rie s of old people it does n o t follow th a t th e a b ilitie s of th e S h ik h w ere in h e rite d th o u g h th e re w ere some iso lated c a s e s when th e son became th e S hikh a f te r th e d e a th of h is f a th e r . Sometimes th e S h ik h s a rra n g e d a so rt of com petition betw een th em selv es to see who was th e s tro n g e s t - lik e th e S ib erian sh am an s. It was b eliev ed th a t th e jin n s o f th e S h ik h s b eg an in th is case to b a ttle each o th e r a n d th e S h ik h s w hose jin n s s u ffe re d a d e fe a t w ere o b lig ed to follow th e o r d e r s of th e v ic to r. Sometimes women also p erfo rm ed as S h ik h s . Old men rem em ber a woman S hikh nam ed T y o ty o v i who died in 1937. T h e re was a time w hen sh e w ent in to a tra n c e to th e s in g in g of v e r s e s . Once in th e y e a r 1916, sh e a sc e n d e d in to a s ta te of s tr o n g e x c ite m e n t, r a n o u t of th e y o u r ta ; th e clergym en who w ere p r e s e n t a t th e z ik r said to h e r : ’Remain s e a te d , sin g v e r s e s b u t do n o t fall ( y i k y lm a ) , it is aw kw ard fo r a woman to h a v e h e r body e x p o s e d '. Since th e women d id n o t p a rtic ip a te in th e d e rv is h d ev o tio n al e x e rc is e to g e th e r w ith m en, th is in c id e n t ca n be p o ssib ly ex p la in e d in th e lig h t o f th e tra d itio n s of female sham anism know n in C e n tra l A sia. A ny tr a c e s o f th e connection betw een th is A ta ritu a l with th e S u fi z ik r h av e alm ost e n tire ly d is a p p e a re d . People th in k th a t th e o rig in s of th is custom of p e rfo rm in g z ik r go back to th e P ro p h e t Z accaria. At one tim e, r u n n in g away from 'in fid e ls ', he h id him self in a tr e e w hich had in re sp o n se to h is command sp lit a p a r t a n d th e n c lo se d . B ut a piece of h is s h ir t s tu c k o u tsid e an d a magpie w hich p u lled a t it with a c r y tu r n e d th e a tte n tio n of th e

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p u r s u e r s to th e t r e e . T he 'in fid e ls ’ ch opped off th e top o f th e tr e e a n d th e n b e g an saw ing th e tr u n k of th e tre e from th e top d o w n , a n d th e te e th o f th e saw c u t into th e h ead of th e P r o p h e t. By u tte r in g 'Oh - O h' in th e ir h o a rse v o ic e s, th e p e rfo rm e rs of th e devotional e x e rc is e im itate th e g ro a n s o f Z accaria and bemoan him. T h is leg en d th a t was co n n ecte d w ith th e ritu a l p ro b a b ly b e c a u se th e name of th e P ro p h e t an d th e word z ik r so u n d almost alike goes to show th a t th e S ufi in te rp re ta tio n o f z ik r h a s d is ­ a p p e a re d from folk b e lie fs. Only once did 1 h e a r an opinion th a t Hodja Akhme Y assavi somewhat ch an g ed th is custom w hich had been co n tin u e d sin ce th e time o f Z accaria. Many old men from th e A ta 'tr ib e ' ex p lain th e p a rtic u la r n a tu r e o f th e ir tra d itio n by th e fact th a t th e S h ik h s h ave b een given to th e ’t r i b e ’ by G od. R a th e r c u rio u s is th e f u r th e r d e s tin y o f th e T urkm enian z ik r. B ro u g h t b y th e A tas to th e so u th -w e st o f T u rk m en ia it b eg an to be p erfo rm ed b y th e en d of th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y , alre a d y b y th e Yomoud T urkm en b u t only as a la ity y o u th d a n c e ; in th e 1940s th is d an ce moved e a stw a rd a n d is now know n in th e A khal O asis. In o u r d a y s , th is dance is u su ally accom panied by p e r ­ form ing ro u n d e la y s w hich a re fa r from th e re lig io u s them es b u t th e people still rem em ber also th e sp iritu a l v e rs e w hich th e d a n c e rs u se d to c ry o u t. T he com parison of some c o u p le ts re c o rd e d by e th n o g r a p h e rs w ith th e v e r s e s b y a F e rg a n a m ystic D iw ana-i M ashrab lea v es one in no d o u b t th a t th e dance r e p r e s e n ts th e Sufi devotional e x e r c is e . (50) Yet a n o th e r exam ple of th e p e rs is te n c e of th e sham anistic c u lt in re lig io u s p ra c tic e is p ro v id e d b y th e folk b eliefs a sso c i­ a te d w ith th e hod jas liv in g am ong th e N o khurli T urkm en (in p a r tic u la r , in a la rg e settlem e n t of N o k h u r, th e B a k h ard e n D istric t of th e A sh k h ab ad R e g io n ). T he r e s id e n ts from N okhur an d th e s u rro u n d in g se ttle m e n ts believed th a t it was a family a b ility of th e h o d jas to have at th e ir d isp o sa l s u b s e rv ie n t s p ir its (jin n , a r v a k h ) , ’c o m rad e s’. A lle g ed ly , th o se s p ir its could help some hod jas to fo rete ll th e f u t u r e , to know w hat was ta k in g place e lse w h e re , to command an u n u su a l p h y sic a l fo rce a n d , w hat was most im p o rta n t, to c u re n e rv o u s p a tie n ts , th e m entally d e ra n g e d , in fe rtile women a n d im p o te n ts. A cco rd in g to tra d itio n a l b e lie fs th e re a so n s fo r th o se ailm ents lie in th e a c tiv itie s of e v il, ’in fid e l’ s p ir its which ’s t r i k e ’ th e man o r are w ith him c o n s ta n tly . The M uslim -jinn who a re s u b s e rv ie n t to th e h o d ja s, alleg ed ly d riv e away evil s p ir its in th e c o u rse of th e s tru g g le a g a in s t th em . In folk s to r ie s , b o th c a te g o rie s of th e jin n a re p ic tu re d a s people ( ’tro o p s ' - g o sh u n in T u rk m e n ia n ). In an e ffo rt to d riv e away th e ’in fid e l’ s p ir its with th e aid of h is ’tr o o p ’ of s p ir its th e hodja re a d s p r a y e r s , calls in th e aid of h is a n c e s to r s , an d som etim es b e a ts th e p a tie n t w ith a la sh . Folk b eliefs con tain tra d itio n a l id e as r e g a rd in g th e v e ry p ro c e s s o f d riv in g away th e jinn w hich have c a u se d harm to a c e rta in m an. For exam ple, once O vez-H odja who lived in th e seco n d h alf of th e la s t c e n tu r y was in v ite d to a settle m en t in th e

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valley o f th e Sum bar R iv er to c u re a ra v in g p e rs o n . No sooner h a d th e hod jas e n te r e d th e house th a n he saw th e jin n who had c a u s e d th e ailm en t. T he jinn said to th e h o d ja : ’If you do not come to heal th e p e rso n 1 am going to s tr ik e n e x t I sh all go a w a y '. The hodja a g r e e d , a n d th e jin n w a rn e d : ’I am go in g to K ara-K ala to s tr ik e th e b rid e o f a ric h m an . ’ T he jinn d isa p p e a re d an d th e p a tie n t im m ediately re c o v e re d . O vez-H odja sta y e d in th e settle m e n t fo r th e r e s t of th e d a y . He was a lre a d y going to leave when a man from K ara-K ala a p p e a re d w ith a re q u e s t from th e local ric h man to c u re h is d a u g h te r-in -la w who had su d d e n ly become m ad. T he hodja u n d e rsto o d it was th e deed of th e jinn an d d eclin ed th e r e q u e s t. How ever he was com pelled to a g re e . H aving a r r iv e d a t th e ho u se o f th e ric h m an, O vez-H odja d is ­ m o u n ted , a n d e n te r e d . He b e g a n b e a tin g th e ra v in g g irl w ith a la s h , s a y in g p r a y e r s a n d re p e a tin g : 'Who a re you to come h e re ? ' T he s p ir it sa id : 'Hodja! You prom ised n o t to come b u t you h a v e n 't made good y o u r pro m ise. T h e re fo re , I will s tr ik e y o u r d a u g h t e r .' The jinn d isa p p e a re d while th e ric h m an's d a u g h te rin-law re c o v e re d from th e a fflic tio n . O vez-H odja took a second h o rse from th e ric h man and im m ediately se t o u t fo r N o khur w here h e liv e d . On a r r iv in g th e r e , he saw th a t th e jinn had im plem ented h is th r e a t: th e h o d ja ’s d a u g h te r was ill. T he hodja b e g an b e a tin g th e jin n w ith a lash ag ain an d s a id . 'Who a re you to come h e r e ? ' T h en th e jin n a sk e d fo r m ercy : 'O v ez-H odja, you will n o t leave me alo n e. I will leave th is place fo r g o o d .' He d isa p p e a re d an d th e h o d ja 's d a u g h te r re c o v e re d from h e r illn e ss. It was also b elie v e d th a t th e hodja h ad to ta k e g re a t p a in s to gain v ic to ry o v e r th e jinn o f th e sick man b ecau se th e la t t e r 's jinn tu r n e d o u t to be s tr o n g e r . T h e re w ere also c a se s when while in d iffic u lty one hodja a sk e d a n o th e r fo r a s s is ta n c e and th e la tte r se n t him h is own 'tro o p ' of jin n . It once h a p p e n e d th a t O vez-H odja was a tta c k e d b y a madman who b egan g e ttin g th e u p p e r h a n d . T h e hodja c rie d o u t: 'U ncle Mammed. Help m e!' At th a t tim e, Mammed-Hodja was in N o khur among h is co u n try m e n . S u d d e n ly , he took o ff h is sh e e p sk in coat and lay at some d ista n c e aw ay from them on th e g ro u n d h a v in g c o v e re d him self all o v e r with th e c o a t. A fte r some tim e, he stood up and a p p ro a c h e d h is s u r p r is e d co u n try m en a g a in . 'My H odja, w hat h a p p e n e d ? ', some­ body e n q u ire d . Mammed e x p la in e d : 'Now in I r a n , O vez-H odja is h ealin g a r a v in g man w ith p r a y e r s . T he jinn of th e sic k man b e g a n to win o v e r th e h o d ja 's jinn an d he se n t to me tw o jin n s with a r e q u e s t to help him . 1 d isp a tc h e d p a r t of my own tro o p to h is a id . A nd now , a f te r my tro o p joined O vez-H o d ja's th e jinn o f th e sick man h a s b een v a n q u is h e d .' His c o u n try m en d id not b eliev e him. Mammed sa id : 'O vez-H odja will r e tu r n to N o k h u r tomorrow in th e e v e n in g . A sk h im .' T he follow ing day th e r e s i­ d e n ts of N ok h u r in s tr u c te d se v e ra l people to meet O vez-H odja on th e ro ad b e y o n d th e se ttle m e n t. When th e y saw O vez-H odja, th o se people b eg an a s k in g him w here he had b een a n d w hat he h ad b een d o in g . A llegedly Ovez confirm ed w hat h ad been said by Mammed - H odja.

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T h e re was a w id e sp re ad b elief th a t if th e hodja su sta in e d a d e fe a t in th e s tru g g le a g a in st th e p a tie n t's jin n , he was to lose h is form er s tr e n g th an d fall ill. A cco rd in g to some old m en, a f te r O vez-H odja h ad to call in th e M ammed-Hodja's aid , he c o n tra c te d pain in th e small of h is b a c k . Of in te r e s t may be th e local b elie fs r e g a r d in g th e way a hodja a c q u ire d h is h e lp in g s p ir its . T h e re a re th r e e v a rio u s g ro u p s of h o d jas liv in g in N o k h u r. T hey re g a rd th em selv es as d e s c e n d a n ts of Ali a n d Fatima b u t asso ciate with v a rio u s b ra n c h e s and v a rio u s s a in ts . It was u su a lly one hodja in a whole g ro u p who could h av e jin n s a t h is com m and. A fte r th e Hodja d ie d , h is 'tr o o p ’ was h a n d e d down to h is son o r a n o th e r re la tiv e . In th e s to rie s of th e 'Ira n ia n ' h o d ja s, th e P ad ish ah of th e jin n s in th e im r.je o f a g irl s u g g e s ts th a t th e hodja sh o u ld tak e p o sse ssio n of th e s p ir its . T he e a rlie s t s to ry a b o u t th is is d ev o ted to M yatykhan-H odja (th e middle o f th e e ig h te e n th c e n tu r y ; th e d a te is d eterm in ed on th e b a sis of th e genealogical t r e e ) . Once on th e top o f a h ig h m ountain M yatykhan met a g ir l. She s u g ­ g e ste d th a t th e y te s t th e ir fo rc e s in th e s tr u g g le . M yatykhan a g re e d a n d , h a v in g re a d a p r a y e r , w on. T h en he u n d e rsto o d th a t it was n o t a man befo re him b u t a s p i r i t , a n d p ro d u c e d a k n ife . T he g irl said to him: 'Do not kill m e. I am th e p a d ish a h of th e jin n s . I will b r in g you m uch g o o d .' She gave hodja an am ulet on w hich th e re was a list o f nam es of all th e jin n s . A fte r M yatykhan d ie d , th e g irl met G arry -H o d ja on th e top of th e m ountain who also gained a v ic to ry in th e s tr u g g le . She also met O vez-H odja on th e b an k o f a r iv e r b u t d isa p p e a re d b e fo re he to u c h e d h e r . T he tr a n s f e r of pow er o v e r th e s p ir its to O vezHodja took place in d iffe re n t c o n d itio n s. A cco rd in g to one of th e le g e n d s , a f te r th e d e a th of G a rry Hodja O vez-H odja was awoken in th e d a rk n e s s o f n ig h t by two people who said to him: 'O ur p a d ish a h in v ite s you to G yzyllyk (an old c e m e te ry ). D on't be a f ra id . Follow u s . ' A nd th e y went th e r e . At th e foot o f th e m ountains O vez-H odja saw crow ds of people who had g a th e re d a ro u n d f ir e s . Two jin n s led O vez-H odja o v e r to th e th ro n e on which th e p a d ish a h w as se a te d - th a t v e ry g irl whom he h a d met n e a r th e r iv e r . T he g irl sa id : 'I have a lre a d y te s te d y o u . You a re able to command th e s p ir its . T h e re ­ f o re , I will give y ou a tro o p of jin n s which belo n g ed to y o u r a n c e s to r s .' O vez-H odja d id not u tte r a w o rd . T he g irl sa id : 'Tie a b e lt ro u n d h is w a i s t .' T he two jin n s took a th in ro p e made o f a sh eep (g o a t) in te s tin e w ith m any k n o ts on it, u tte r e d som ething u n in te llig ib le an d tie d it a ro u n d him . T he g irl-p a d is h a h e x p la in e d : ’Each k n o t sig n ifie s p a r t o f th e tr o o p . When in n e e d o f a i d , you will h av e only to u t t e r th e name of th e k n o t an d to to u c h i t . ' She th e n co n v ey ed to him th e nam es. The jin n 's ro p e was visible only to its p o s s e s s o r . A cco rd in g to o th e r v e rs io n s o f th e s to ry O vez-H odja was also given an am ulet. In th e le g e n d s a b o u t th e K hiva g ro u p of h o d jas th e e n g ird lin g w ith a ro p e fig u re s a s th e main r itu a l in tr a n s f e r r in g th e s p ir its . F or ex am p le, th e ab o v e-m en tio n ed Mammed-IIodja b efo re h is d e a th

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t r i e d , all b y him self, to tr a n s f e r h is 'tro o p ' to h is g ra n d so n Ish a n -H o d ja . He led him to a d e s e rt place an d o rd e re d him to look s o u th . 'Do n o t be a fra id of a n y th in g . W hatever y o u may s e e , o r w h a te v e r you may be sp o k en to a b o u t, do not u t t e r a w ord. If you show a b ility to go th ro u g h th is o rd e al th e n p a r t of th e jinn tro o p will be y o u r s .' While p ro n o u n c in g th o se w o rd s, Mammed-Hodja tie d a w hite b elt tig h tly a ro u n d h is g ra n d s o n . Ish a n -H o d ja saw a tro o p of horsem en rid in g s tr a ig h t to w a rd s him . When s e v e ra l h orsem en b eg an w alking a ro u n d him and to u c h in g his b e lt Ish an -H o d ja p ro v e d un ab le to b e a r th e o rd e a l an d c rie d o u t 'Go aw ay from m e !'. Mammed-Hodja sa id : 'You hav e n e ith e r th e k n o w le d g e , n o r a b ra v e h e a r t ; you will n o t be ab le to p r e s e r v e th e jin n s ', a n d he decided th e re u p o n to t r a n s ­ f e r h is 'tro o p ' to h is th r e e - y e a r - o ld g ra n d so n Y acoub-H odja. Mammed-Hodja took o ff h is b e lt, tie d it a ro u n d th e w aist of h is g r a n d s o n , b e n t down on h is k n e e s b e fo re him an d b e g a n p ra y in g . T he women who w ere w atch in g th e ritu a l with u n e a s in e s s c rie d o u t: 'T he ch ild is d y in g ! '. Mammed-Hodja u n tie d th e b e lt a n d th e boy came to h is s e n s e s . Mammed said : 'You c rie d in v a in . If he had lain (w ith th e b e lt o n ) a little lo n g e r I could h av e p ro v id e d him w ith more t r o o p s .' A cco rd in g to a n o th e r v e rsio n of th e le g e n d Mammed-Hodja d id not pay a n y a tte n tio n to th e w eeping a n d c r y in g of women and c o n tin u e d h is p r a y e r s . Yacoub died th r e e tim es a n d came b ack to life a g a in . T hen Mammed-Hodja said to th o s e p r e s e n t: 'A fte r my d e a th , my place will b e ta k e n by h im .' T h o u g h c lo th e d in a Muslim g a rb , th e b eliefs c o n tain some fe a tu r e s p o in tin g to th e ir sh am anistic o rig in . T he p o sse ssio n of h e lp in g s p i r i ts , in h e ritin g th e s p ir its , th e ab ility to tell f o r tu n e s , to fin d lost th in g s , an d to c u re lu n a tic s - all th e se fe a tu r e s a re ty p ic a l of th e T u rk m en ian p o rh a n . T he le g e n d s a b o u t th e in itiatio n of Y acoub-H odja fin d th e ir p ara lle l in th e folk b e lie fs o f th e p eo p les in S ib e ria a c c o rd in g to w h ich , in becom ing a sh am an , a man d ie s a n d th e n ris e s from th e d e a d . T he v e ry r itu a l o f c u r in g th e sick a s p ra c tis e d by th e h o d jas h a s some f e a tu r e s in common w ith sh am anistic p e rfo rm a n c e. T h u s , b o th th e h o d ja an d th e sham an te ll w hat co lo u r of wool th e animal to be s a c rific e d fo r p ro p itia tin g th e s p ir its and o b ta in in g th e c u r e sh o u ld b e . From th e p o in t of view of th e N o khurli T u rk m en th e d iffe re n c e betw een th e sham an an d th e hodja h a v in g s p ir its in h is p o sse ssio n is n e g lig ib le . T h is can be easily u n d e rsto o d if we ta k e in to acco u n t th e fa c t th a t th e la s t sham an in N o khur nam ed A llahverdi was d e sc e n d e d from a hodja (from th e g ro u p of th e 'Ekm e' H o d jas). Why is it th e n th a t h o djas p o s s e s s in g th e jin n s a re called porhan in some b u t n o t in o th e r c a se s? Old people from N o k h u r a re u n a b le to p ro v id e an y c le a r a n sw e r. Some e ld e rs re d u c e th e m a tte r to lite ra c y : if th e hodja who m eets a 'tro o p ' sh o u ld b e illite ra te he becom es a sham an. B ut o th e r s d is a g re e . E v id en tly th e h o d ja s th em selv es e q u a te d th e ir a c tiv itie s and sham anistic p r a c tic e s . The follow ing w itn ess a cc o u n t goes to

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confirm th is . A sham an from a n o th e r village was in v ite d to N o k h u r to c u re in fe rtility in th e b e a u tifu l wife of one of the local r e s id e n ts . At th e h e ig h t o f th e sham an p erfo rm an ce N azarHodja (th e son of O vez-H odja) e n te re d th e h o u se . He sto o d and said n o th in g b u t all th o se p re s e n t n o ticed th a t th e ex citem en t of th e sham an d im in ish ed . One o f th e N okhurli u p b ra id e d N azarHodja fo r th is an d sa id : 'Why do y o u in te rfe re ? What have you come fo r ? ' T he hodja b e sid e him self with a n g e r jum ped to th e middle o f th e room an d c a u g h t som ething in th e a ir with h is h a n d (w hat he c a u g h t was th e jin n s o f th e sh a m a n ). He said to th e p o rh a n : 'You h av e no rig h t to c a r r y on y o u r ritu a ls w here we a re n o w !1 T he p erfo rm an ce o f th e sham an w as, of c o u rs e , d is c o n tin u e d . In th is s to ry th e hodja felt in su lte d th a t th e d r iv in g aw ay of th e jin n s had b een e n tr u s te d to someone e ls e . In o th e r w o rd s , one sham an was o ffe n d ed only b ec au se th e in v ita tio n was e x te n d e d not to him b u t to a n o th e r sham an. T his s to ry also p o in ts to th e id e n tity of th e fu n c tio n s p e rfo rm e d by th e sham an an d b y th e h o d ja, w ith th e jin n s a t h is com m and. In f a c t, th e only d e ta il th a t p la c e s them a p a rt c o n s is ts in th e way th e y a re p e rfo rm e d . The hodja h e als b y p r a y e r , th e sham an b y sp ecific r i tu a ls . It does not follow from th e s to ry th a t, com­ p a re d to th e sh am an , th e hodja w ith h is tro o p sh o u ld n e c e s s a rily be s u p e rio r in fo rc e . To th e q u e stio n 'Who is s tr o n g e r - th e hodja o r th e po rhan?' - some b e lie v e rs re p lie d , 'T he s tr o n g e r is th e one whose "tro o p " is la r g e r '. (51) Such b e lie fs a sso c ia te d with th e ho d jas a re not sp ecifically T u rk m e n ia n . Among o th e r p eo p les of C e n tra l A sia th e r e w ere c a s e s when some re p r e s e n ta tiv e s of th e h o d jas w ere endow ed w ith sh am an istic fu n c tio n s . For exam ple, in th e Uzbek settle m en t K aram u rt (th e Sairam D is tr ic t, th e C him kent R egion of th e K azakh SSR) in th e 1930s one A b b a sk h a n , a r e p r e s e n ta tiv e of th e local g ro u p of th e h o d ja s, show ed u n e x p e c te d sham anistic a b ilitie s. In h is y o u th he was a p u p il of a mullah and w ished to become a r e a d e r o f th e Holy Q u r ’an b u t could n o t rem em ber th e w ords b e c a u se of h is poor m em ory. He was p a ssio n a te ly fond of rid in g on h o rs e b a c k . His nimble an d fa s t h o rse was fam ed fa r a n d wide an d some people w ere even c o n v in c e d th a t th e h o rse p o ss e s s e d in v isib le w in g s. W hen, fe a rin g fo r th e life of h is so n , A b b a s k h a n ’s f a th e r sold th e h o rs e , A b b ask h a n fell se rio u sly ill. He was c o n s ta n tly r a v in g , p ro n o u n c in g some lin e s from s p iritu a l v e r s e s a n d accom panying h is d ec la ra tio n w ith g e s tu r e s . Once he sp e n t a n ig h t n e a r th e tomb of a sa in t a n d saw s p ir its in h is d ream . T he la tte r in s tru c te d him to hold d u r in g th e re a d in g a ra ttle made from th e d e e r h o rn . T h is was made by th e local sm ith an d A b b ask h an was th u s given th e nicknam e ’S h ak ild a k is h a n ’ ( r a t t l e - i s h a n ) . A b b ask h an s p e n t little time a t hom e. U su ally , he walked a ro u n d th e s u rro u n d in g v illag es a n d loudly sa n g s p ir itu a l v e r s e s fo r w hich he re c e iv e d d o n atio n s from b e lie v e rs . Like th e c a la n d a r d e rv is h e s o f th e N a k sh b an d ia o r d e r he a tta c h e d to h is b e lt a sp ecial v e s s e l ’k a s h k u l’ fo r collection of alm s. A b b a sk h a n ’s con­

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s ta n t o ccu p atio n was re a d in g s p ir itu a l v e r s e s a n d it was ta k e n by th e people as a m anifestation of h is c o n ta c t w ith s p ir its . Once he was a s k e d a s to why he k e p t h is e y e s closed a n d h is h ead bowed low when re a d in g th e v e r s e s . 'When I am re a d in g th e v e r s e s th e s p ir its - d e v s , p a ris, jin n s - a re h o v e r­ in g o v e r my h e a d ', re p lie d A b b a sk h a n , 'O nce 1 a lre a d y looked a t them a n d h av e become in s a n e '. His r a ttle was c o n sid e re d a ritu a l o b je c t. When A b b ask h an sw ung it people would s a y , 'He is callin g in th e tro o p (of h is j i n n s ) .' A b b ask h an also u n d e rto o k to c u re th e s ic k . His r itu a l of c u r in g was sim ple. He ap p lied h is ra ttle th r e e tim es to th e fo re h e a d of th e sick p e r s o n , said a p r a y e r and th e n p ro n o u n c e d : ’God help y o u , g o , you will r e c o v e r .’ He was also fam ous a s a sk illfu l f o r tu n e - te lle r . S in ce, in th e opinion of b e lie v e rs , he was a s s is te d in c u rin g an d fo rtu n e -te llin g by s p ir its he was re g a rd e d as a k in d o f sham an an d was also called A b b a sk h a n -b a k sh i (b a k s h i is sham an in U zb ek ). T h u s , A b b ask h an m anifested th e fe a tu re s o f b o th th e itin e ra n t d e rv is h an d th e sham an. (52) In sum m ing u p th e fo re g o in g , 1 w ish to p o in t o u t th a t th e custom s a sso c ia te d w ith th e h o n o u r g ro u p s am ong th e T urkm en c o n tain s tr o n g pre-M uslim elem ents. T he g e n e ra l Muslim tra d itio n o f v e n e ra tin g th e P ro p h e t's d e sc e n d a n ts is u n ite d w ith th e a n cien t local tra d itio n s tra c e d to th e c u lt o f a n c e s to r s , which was b ro u g h t in to b e in g by th e trib a l-c la n s tr u c tu r e o f so c ie ty . E specially s tr o n g a re th e s u rv iv a ls o f sham anism . T h e re a re a n u m b e r of fa c ts which p ro v id e a su ffic ie n t b a sis fo r a h y p o ­ th e s is th a t th e em erg ence of some g ro u p s of th e o v ly ad s was a sso c ia te d w ith local Sufism in its d e c lin in g , v u lg a riz e d , an d common folk fo rm s. T he ev id en ce cite d in th is p a p e r confirm s th e sc ie n tific view th a t th e local p e c u lia ritie s o f Islam in some p a r t s of th e 'Muslim W orld’ owe th e ir e x iste n c e to th o se b eliefs an d r itu a ls which a re an echo of e a rlie r c u lts . NOTES 1 See ’E nzyklopaedie d e s Islam ’, B . IV, L eiden an d L eip zig , 1934, S. 81, 349-54; H .A .R . Gibb an d J .H . K ra m ers, ’S h o rte r E ncyclopaedia o f Islam ', Leiden and L ondon, 1961, p p . 489, 529-33. 2 V .V . B a r to ld , ’H isto ria k u ltu rn o i zhizni T u r k e s ta n a ' (A H isto ry of th e C u ltu ra l Life in T u r k e s ta n ) , C ollected W orks, v . I I , p a r t I, Moscow, 1976, p . 276. 3 V .V . K re s to v s k y , ’V G ostiah u em ira B o k h arsk o g o ' (V isitin g th e B o k h ara E m ir), C ollected W orks, v . V II, St - P e te r s b u r g , 1905, p . 63. 4 N. K h an y k o v , 'O p issan y e B o k harskogo K h a n stv a ' (A d e s c rip ­ tio n o f th e B o k h ara K h a n a te ), St - P e te r s b u r g , 1843, p . 94; O .A . S u k h a re v a , 'Islam v U z b e k ista n e ' (Islam in U z b e k ista n ), T a s h k e n t, 1962, p . 66; B .H . K arm y sh ev a, 'O ch erk i e tn ic h e sk o i

240

5 6 7 8 9 10

11 12 13

14 15

16 17

18

19

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isto rii yu zh n ik h rayonov T ajikistana i U zbekistana' (E ssays on th e h isto ry of so u th e rn a re a s of T ajikistan and U zb ek istan ), Moscow, 1976, p p . 148-53. K arm ysheva, o p . c i t . , p . 148. L. D u p ree, Aq K upruk = A Town in N orth A fg h an istan , 'American U niv ersities Field S ta ff', South Asia s e rie s , vol. X, N 9, New Y ork, 1966, p p . 4-6. K arm ysheva, o p . c i t . , p . 151. H ere and f u r th e r in the te x t, if th e re is no re fere n ce to l ite r a tu r e , it means th a t th e a u th o r m akes use of his own field m aterials. A. B o rn s, ’P u tesh estv iy e v B u k h a ru ' (A trip to B o k h ara), p a rt II, Moscow, 1948, p . 440. See A .N . Kononov, 'Rodoslovnaya tu rk m en , sochineniye A bu1-gazi, khana K hivinskogo' (The genealogy of T urkm en, a tre a tis e of A b u -l-g a z i, th e khan of K hiva), M oscow -Leningrad, 1958. F .I . Mihailov, 'Tuzem tsi Zakaspiiskoi oblasti i ikh zhizn' (T he aborig in es of th e T ran s-C a sp ia n region and th e ir life ), A sh k h ab ad , 1900, p . 38. G .I . K arpov, T urkm enia i turkm eni (Turkm enia and th e T u rk m e n ), 'T urkm enovedeniye' (T he Turkm en S tu d ies) m agazine, no . 10-11. 1929, p . 40. S ee, fo r exam ple: Zapiska g .- s h . polkovnika Kuzm ina-K araeva 0 v v ed en iy i ru ssk o g o u p rav len ia v Ateke v 1885 g . (T he memorandum on th e in tro d u ctio n of R ussian adm inistration in A tek in th e y e a r 1885, subm itted by Colonel K uzm in-K araev), in 'S bornik g e o g ra p h ic h e sk ih , to p o g rap h ich esk ih i s ta tis tich esk ih m aterialov po Azii' (Collection of geo g rap h ical, topo­ graphical and sta tistic a l m aterials for A sia), issue XXI, St P e te rs b u rg , 1886, p p . 154-5. G .I. K arpov, ’Plemennoi i rodovoi so stav tu rk m e n ' (The trib a l and clan composition of the T u rk m en ), P oltoratsk (A sh k h a b a d ), 1925, p. 5. K. A taev, 'N ekotoriye danniye po e tn o g rap h ii tu rk m en sh ik h o v ' (Some e th n o g rap h ic data on the T u rk m e n -sh ik h s). The tra n sa c tio n s of the In stitu te of H isto ry , A rchaeology an d E th n o g rap h y of the Academy of Sciences of th e Turkm en S SR , v . V II, A sh k h ab ad , 1963, p p . 72-3. S.M. Demidov, 'T urkm enskiye o v ly ad i' (The T urkm enian o v ly a d s ), A sh k h ab ad , 1976, p p . 20-1. S h. A nnaklychev, 'Byt ra b o c h ik h -n ep h ty an n ik o v N ebit-D aga 1 Kum-Daga' (T he mode of living of oil w orkers in the N ebitDag an d th e Kum-Dag) /isto rik o -e tn o g ra p h ic h e sk ii o c h e rk / ( e s s a y ), A sh k h ab ad , 1961, p . 137. A taev, o p . c i t . , p . 79; K. Bode, 'O cherki T urkm enskoi zemli i y u g o -vostochnogo p rib e re z h y a K aspiiskogo m orya' (E ssays on th e T urkm enian land and the so u th -e a ste rn litto ra l zone of th e C aspian S e a ), St -P e te r s b u r g , 1856, p . 66. 'M ateriali po isto rii turkm en i T urkm enii' (M aterials on th e h isto ry of th e Turkm en and T u rk m en ia), v . 2, Moscow-

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L e n in g ra d , 1938, p . 410. 20 P .P . O g o ro d n ik o v , 'Na p u ti v P e rsiy u i p rik a sp iisk iy e p ro v in ts ii e y o 1 (On th e way to P e rsia an d its n e a r-C a s p ia n p r o v in c e s ) , St - P e te r s b u r g , 1878, p . 170. 21 A . B o g o ly u b o v , 'K ovroviye izdclia S re d n e i A zii1 (T h e c a rp e ts of C e n tra l A sia ), issu e I, St - P e te r s b u r g , 1883, p . 5; N .V . B ru llo v a -S h a sk o lsk a y a , Plem ennoi i rodovoi so sta v tu rk m e n (T h e trib a l a n d clan com position of th e T u rk m e n ), in 'N arodnoe k h o z y a istv o sre d n e i A zii' (T h e N ational Economy of C e n tra l A s ia ), T a s h k e n t, 1927, n o . 4, p . 88; K. Io m u d sk y , B itoviye o so b e n n o sti tu rk m e n T u rk m en sk o i SSR , a ra v n o k a v k a z sk ik h i z a ru b e z h n ik h tu rk m e n , ik h plem ennoye i ro d o v o y e d elen iy e (T h e mode of liv in g p e c u lia ritie s am ong th e T u rk m en in th e T u rk m en ian SSR an d also am ong th e C au casian T urkm en a n d th e T u rk m en a b r o a d , an d th e ir tr ib a l a n d Clan com position) 'Iz v e s tia of S re d a z k o m sta ris’, issu e n o . 3, T a s h k e n t, 1928, p p . 193, 195; G .I . K arp o v , see n o te 14, p. 5; G .I . K arp o v , see n o te 12, n o . 10-11, 1929, p . 39; D.M. O v ezo v , T u rk m en i m urchali (T h e m u rch ali T u rk m e n ), 'T ru d i Y u zh n o -T u rk m e n ista n sk o i K om pleksnoi arc h eo lo g ic h esk o i e k s p e d its ii' (T h e T ra n sa c tio n s of S o u th -T u rk m e n ista n Complex A rchaeological E x p e d itio n ), v . IX , A sh k h a b a d , 1959, p . 269. 22 See S.M . D em idov, ’K v o p ro su o religioznom sy n c re tism e u tu rk m e n XIX - n ach ala XX v ek a (On th e Q uestion o f th e R eligious S y n cretism among th e T urkm en in th e 19th - th e b e g in n in g of th e 20th C e n tu r y ) , A re p o r t at th e VII I n te r ­ n atio n al C o n g re ss o f A n th ropological a n d E th n o g ra p h ic a l S c ie n c e s, Moscow, 1964, p . 7; G .E . M arkov, ’O c h e rk isto rii fo rm iro v an iy a s e v e rn ik h tu rk m e n ' (E ssa y s on th e h is to ry of th e form ation o f th e N o rth e rn T u rk m e n ), Moscow, 1961, p p . 94-5. 23 K. A ta e v , see n o te 15, p p . 77-8. 24 S.M . D em idov, see n o te 22, p . 8. 25 S.M . Dem idov, se e n o te 16, p . 12. 26 In more d e ta il, see V .N . B asilov, 'K ult sv y a tik h v Islam e' (T h e C u lt of th e S a in ts in Isla m ), Moscow, 1970, p p . 113-14; also b y th e same a u th o r , O p ro isk h o z h d e n ii tu rk m e n =ata /p ro s to n a ro d n iy e form i sre d n e a sia tsk o g o su fism a / (On th e O rig in s of th e A ta -T u rk m en - th e folk form s o f th e C e n tra l A sian S u fism ), in 'D om usulm anskiye v e ro v a n iy a i o b ry a d i v S red n ei A zii’ (T h e pre-M oslem B eliefs in th e C e n tra l A sia ), Moscow, 1975; S.M . D em idov, ’M agtym i’ (isto rik o e tn o g ra p h ic h e s k i e tu d ) (T he M agtyms - a h is to ric o -e th n o g ra p h ic a l e s s a y ) , in ib id . Also b y D em idov, see n o te 25; and 'Sufizm v T u rk m e n ii1 (Sufism in T u rk m e n ia ), A sh k h a b a d , 1978, p p . 125-9, 150-3. 27 S ev. Zam etiki o turkm enskom d u k h o v e n stv e (N otes on th e T urk m en ian C le rg y ), 'T u rk m en o v ed e n iy e' (T he T u rk m en ian S tu d ie s ) m agazin e, 1928, n o . 3-4, p . 14; also N .V . B ru llo v aS h a sk o lsk a y a , see n o te 21, p . 88. 28 I. G o ld z ih e r, 'L e k tsii ob Islam e1 (L e c tu re s on Isla m ), P g.

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29 30 31

32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45

46 47 48

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1912, p . 146; T . P . H u g h e s, 'A D ictio n ary o f Islam ', L ondon, 1895, p . 117. V .V . B a rto ld , see n o te 2, p . 276; V .I . V y a tk in , S h eikhi D ju b ari (T he D ju b ari S h e ik h s ), in th e collection 'V .V . B a rto ld u ' (T o V .V . B a rto ld ), T a s h k e n t, 1927, p . 3. See E .E . B e rte ls , N u r al-u lu m , in 'Sufizm and su fisk a y a lite r a tu r a ' (T he Sufism and th e Sufi L ite r a tu r e ) , Moscow, 1965, p p . 265, 275 and o th e r . N .G . M allitsky, Sistem a naim enovaniya u k o ren n o g o n a se le n iy a g o ro d a T a s h k e n ta (T he System of Names as Used by th e A boriginal P opulation o f th e T a sh k e n t C ity ) , 'Iz v e stia S re d a z k o m s ta ris ’, issu e 3, T a s h k e n t, 1928, p . 246. G .A . M agrupi, 'U su p -A h m et', A s h g a b a t, 1943, p p . 62, 65, 72 (in T u rk m e n ia n ). N .G . M allitsky, see n o te 31, p p . 245-6. K. A ta e v , see n o te 15, p . 76. T .P . H u g h e s, see n o te 28, p p . 115-23. In more d e ta il, see S.M . Dem idov, 'T h e M agtym s' (see note 26). P . P o z d n e v , 'D a rv ish i v m usulm anskom m ire' (T h e D e rv ish e s in th e Moslem W orld), O re n b u rg , 1886, p . 130. V .V . B a rto ld , see note 2, p . 276; see also 'M ateriali po is to rii tu rk m en i T u rk m en ii' (M aterials on th e H isto ry o f T u rk m e n ia ), v . II, M oscow -L eningrad, 1938, p . 208. A. V am beri, 'O ch erk i S re d n e i A zii’ (E ssa y s on th e C e n tra l A sia ), Moscow, 1868, p . 180. S.M . Dem idov, 'T he M agtym s1 (se e no te 2 6 ), p p . 173-8. In more d e ta il, see S.M. Dem idov, see n o te 16, p p . 159-66. A bout z ik h r, see T .P . H u g h e s, note 28, p . 703. In more d e ta il, see V .N . B asilov, 'O p ro isk h o z h d e n ii T u rk m e n -a ta ’ (On th e o rig in s of th e a ta - T u r k m e n ) . O .A . S u k h a re v a , see no te 4, p . 44. M .F. K o p riilu zad e, 'In flu en ce du cham anism e tu rco-m ongol s u r les o r d r e s m y stiq u es m u su lm an s', Is ta n b u l, 1929; S .P . T o lsto v , R eligiya n a ro d o v S re d n e i Azii (T h e R eligion o f th e Peoples o f th e C e n tra l A sia) in 'R eligiozniye v e ro v a n iy a n aro d o v SSSR ' (T h e R eligious B eliefs of th e Peoples of th e U S S R ), v . 1, M oscow -L eningrad, 1931, p p . 259-60; Y u. V. K norozov. Mazar S h am u n -n ab i, 'S o v ietsk ay a E tn o g r a p h ia ', 1949, n o . 2; O .A . S u k h a re v a , O n e k o to rik h elem entakh su fism a , g e n e tic h e s k i sv y a z a n n ik h s sham anstvom (A bout C e rta in Elem ents o f Sufism C o nnected G enetically w ith Sham an­ ism ) , in 'M ateriali v to ro g o so v e sh c h a n iy a a rk h eo lo g o v i e tn o g ra p h o v S re d n e i A zii' (T he M aterials of th e Second Con­ fe re n c e of A rc h a e o lo g ists a n d E th n o g ra p h e rs o f th e C e n tra l A sia ), M oscow -L eningrad, 1959. O .A . S u k h a re v a (see n o te 4 ), p . 49. See n o te 4, p p . 49-50. In more d e ta il, see T .D . B ay aliev a, 'D oislam skiye v e ro v a n iy a i ikh p e re z h itk i u k irg h iz o v ’ (P re-Isla m B eliefs a n d th e ir S u rv iv a ls am ong th e K irg h iz e s ), F ru n z e , 1972, p p . 120-1.

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49 V .N . B asilov, N ekotoriye p e re z h itk i k u lta p red k o v u turkm en (Some S urv iv als of th e Cult of F o re fa th e rs among the T u rk ­ m en), 'S ovietskaya E tn o g ra p h ia ', 1968, no. 5. 50 In more d e ta il, see V .N . B asilov, note 43; S.M. Demidov, note 25, p p . 140-50. 51 In more d e ta il, see V .N . B asilov, note 26, p p . 92-118. 52 Use is made h e re of th e field m aterials of K. T aizhanov and H. Ismailov (th e Academy o f Sciences of the Uzbek SSR ).

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HOLIER THAN THOU: ISLAM IN THREE TRIBAL SOCIETIES Richard Tapper

SOME PROBLEMS IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM C lassic p roblem s in th e sociology of Islam (o r o f any world re lig io n ) a re how to deal d e s c rip tiv e ly w ith th e wide v a ria tio n s in re lig io u s b elief a n d p ra c tic e , a n d how to ex p lain th e se v a ria tio n s b y re la tin g them to d iffe re n c e s in c u ltu r e an d social o rg a n iz a tio n . In th is p a p e r I a tte m p t to e sta b lis h a simple d e s c rip tiv e fram ew ork a n d to u se it in a com parison of th re e trib a l so cieties which a re u n re la te d b u t sim ilar in th e ir e n v iro n ­ m e n ts, in th e ir p a s to ra l nomadic system o f p ro d u c tio n , a n d in b e in g n o n -A ra b M uslims. I begin by s u g g e s tin g fo u r major d e s c rip tiv e c a te g o rie s , b a sed on th e k in d s o f c a te g o rie s commonly found in th e lite r a tu r e . D e sc rip tio n s of p a r tic u la r Muslim p e o p le s, b y o b s e rv e rs of v a rio u s p e rs u a s io n s , sooner o r la te r a s s e s s th e ir su b je c ts in te rm s o f fo u r sc a le s o r d im en sio n s. F ir s t, how o rth o d o x o r o rth o p ra x th e y a re in th e ir know ledge of an d a d h e re n c e to p re s c rib e d Islamic d u tie s an d legal p ro v isio n s - we can sum m arize th is in th e term 'o r th o d o x y '. S eco n d , how f a r a re th e y p r e ­ o ccu p ied w ith re lig io u s (esp ecially e sch ato lo g ica l) id e a s a s re a s o n s fo r th e ir b e h a v io u r - th is can be term ed th e scale of 're lig io s ity ' o r 'p ie ty '. T h ir d , w hat k in d of communal re lig io u s ritu a ls do th e y p r a c tis e , in p a rtic u la r how f a r e c sta tic an d em otional b e h a v io u r is in volved in form al re lig io u s r ite s - th is I sh all call th e 'm osque' dim ension. F o u rth , w hat is th e role of inform al o r p e rip h e ra l re lig io n , esp ec ia lly p ilgrim age to s h r in e s , s p ir it p o s s e s s io n , b e lie fs a n d p ra c tic e s a sso c ia te d w ith ev il eye - su c h 's h r in e ' relig io n g e n era lly in v o lv es p e rso n a l a p p ro a c h e s to th e problem of m is fo rtu n e . T he fo u r te rm s a re o f c o u rse fa r from ideal sum m ations of th e fo u r c a te g o rie s , an d th e c a te g o rie s a re n e ith e r c le a rly d is c re te n o r n e c e ssa rily re la te d to each o th e r ; th e y will be of u se p rim arily fo r h e u ris tic an d d e s c rip tiv e p u rp o s e s . In some re s p e c ts it is po ssib le to a r r iv e a t e v a lu a tio n s o f a p a rtic u la r people in a more o r le ss o b je c tiv e , s ta tis tic a l fa sh io n . F or exam ple, th e e x te n t to which th e y do conform to p r e s ­ c rib e d d u tie s of f a s tin g , p r a y e r , a lm s-g iv in g , pilgrim age to M akkah (M ecca); th e ir fam iliarity w ith an d a d h e re n c e to th e laws o f in h e rita n c e , m arriag e an d th e fam ily; th e ir o b se rv a n c e of r e g u la r Islamic fe s tiv a ls and ritu a l occasions su c h as th e c Id s , communal F rid a y p r a y e r fo r S u n n is, M uharram cerem onies fo r Shic is ; p ilg rim ag es to o th e r s h r in e s , and th e o c c u rre n c e of 244

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e c s ta tic b e h a v io u r - all th is can be c o u n te d a n d com pared from so ciety to so c ie ty . In o th e r r e s p e c ts , h o w e v e r, q u a n tific a tio n may be im possible o r m islead in g , an d d iffe rin g s u b je c tiv e a s s e s s ­ m ents may b e a n tic ip a te d from th re e s o u rc e s : th e o b s e r v e r , th e a c to r s , an d th e ir n e ig h b o u rs . In th e case of o rth o d o x y a n d p ie ty , fo r exam ple, e v a lu a tio n s by th e la tte r two so u rc e s a re socio­ logically more in te r e s tin g th a n any 'o b je c tiv e ' a sse ssm e n t b y an o u tsid e o b s e r v e r . M oreover, su ch a sse ssm e n ts in th e lite r a tu r e a re o fte n accom panied by e x p la n a tio n s, fo r exam ple fo r a given p e o p le 's g e n e ra l u n o rth o d o x y o r lack o f in te r e s t in re lig io n , which a re q u ite sim plistic an d sociologically in a d e q u a te . T h e o rie s th a t h a v e b een an d could be o ffe re d as to why re lig io u s in s titu tio n s v a ry th ro u g h o u t th e Muslim w orld a re o f fo u r main k in d s . P e rh a p s th e most p o p u la r is sy n c re tism - th e idea th a t relig io n in a n y one place r e p r e s e n ts an accom m odation betw een G reat T ra d itio n Islam and e a rlie r p re -Isla m ic c u ltu re a n d re lig io n . T h is k in d o f th e o ry is sometimes held to 'e x p la in ' d iffe re n c e s b e tw e e n , fo r exam ple, A rab s an d n o n -A ra b s , o r betw een a d h e r e n ts of S u n n i a n d Shic a s e c ts . At th e r is k of o v e rsim p lify in g h is a rg u m e n t, I would s u g g e s t th a t G e e rtz 's com parison o f Islam in Morocco a n d Ind o n esia (1968) is a h ig h ly so p h istic a te d e lab o ratio n o f th e sy n cre tism th e o r y ; a t a n y th in g le ss th a n su c h a b ro a d ho listic le v e l, th is k in d of th e o ry c a n n o t, an y more th a n can a n y o th e r 's u r v iv a lis t' th e o r y , a c c o u n t fo r local v a ria tio n s . A seco n d k in d of ex p lan atio n of re lig io u s v a ria tio n h a s to do w ith c u ltu r a l g e o g ra p h y . It is som etim es a rg u e d sim ply th a t the main d e te rm in a n t of o rth o d o x y is th e fa c to r of lite ra c y a n d a c c e ss to th e G re a t T ra d itio n o f th e Q u r'a n , its te a c h e rs a n d o ffic ia ls. T h is th e o ry c a n n o t e x p la in why some people h a v e a c c e ss to th e s o u rc e s of re lig io n a n d do n o t make u se o f th e m , while o th e r s ach iev e a c c e ss in s p ite o f g re a t d iffic u ltie s. A more common arg u m e n t o f th is k in d is b a se d on ecology. T h u s , sp ec ial re lig io u s a ttitu d e s a re h e ld to follow from liv in g in th e d e s e r t, aw ay from o th e r men a n d in c o n ta c t only with God (c f. Cole 1975:113,126f). F u r t h e r , p a s to ra l nom adism , a s o p p o sed to a s e ttle d a g ric u ltu ra l o r u rb a n e x is te n c e , is o fte n seen a s econom ically p re c a rio u s an d th e re fo re a s b r in g in g its p ra c titio n e rs into a sp ec ial close d ep e n d e n c e on G od. In a sim ilar vein a re S p o o n e r's p ro p o sa l th a t nomadism b e tr e a te d a s a 'tr a it of c u ltu ra l eco lo g y ' c h a r a c te r ­ ized b y a 'lack o f in te r e s t in fix e d p ro p e rty a n d fix e d r e s o u r c e s ’, a n d h is su g g e s tio n th a t no m ad s’ d e p e n d e n c e on an 'un im p ro v ed n a tu r a l en v iro n m en t . . . g e n e ra te s a c h a ra c te r is tic nomadic ideology in all nom adic p o p u la tio n s' (1 9 7 3 :3 -4 ). B ut a c o n tra d ic ­ tion em erg es h e re b etw een th o se who a rg u e th a t nom ads communi­ c a te d ire c tly w ith G od, a n d th o se who hold th a t sin ce many nom ads a re illite ra te a n d have no a c c e ss to th e B ook, th e y will seek m ediation th ro u g h s h r in e s , s a in ts a n d re la te d sem i-o rth o d o x in s titu tio n s . G elln er h a s re so lv e d th is c o n tra d ic tio n , sp ecifically in th e M aghribi c o n te x t, u sin g Ibn K h a ld u n 's notion o f th e 'trib a l c irc u la tio n of e lite s ': th e n a tu r a l tr ib a l relig io n o f th e

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d e s e rt is h ie ra rc h ica l, calling fo r m ediation, b u t it is much more liable to be en erg ized b y a p re a c h e r o f an ideology of 'd ire c t • com m unication' th a n is th e u rb a n population from which th e p re a c h e r comes. 'No people a re as quick as th e Bedouin to accept religious t r u th and rig h t g u id an ce' (Ib n Khaldun 1967: 120; c f. G ellner 1969). Modern exam ples include th e s p re a d of th e Sanusi o rd e r in C yrenaica (E v a n s-P ritc h a rd 1949) and the Wahhabis in A rabia (Dickson 1949:56; Cole 1975:116f). De Planhol (1959 and 1968) m akes a good case fo r such a g eo g ra­ phical-ecological app ro ach to religion, b u t again it cannot deal with d ifferen ces w ithin one ecological ty p e , e .g . among d iffe re n t g ro u p s of p a sto ra l nom ads. A th ird kind o f th e o ry may be c h ara cteriz ed as s tr u c tu ra lfu n ctio n alist , in th e tra d itio n s o f Durkheim and Weber b u t again d eriv ed in th is case from Ibn K haldun. Such a th e o ry holds th a t trib a l o rg a n iz a tio n , fe a tu rin g eg alitarianism , lack of division of la b o u r, social cohesion and so lid a rity , will be re p re s e n te d by religious form s d iffe re n t from those found in u rb a n , stra tifie d so c ie ty . It p ro d u ces th e same k in d s of c o rrelatio n s as prev io u s th e o rie s , b u t fails in itself to d istin g u ish su fficien tly betw een d iffe re n t k in d s of trib a l o r u rb a n o rg an izatio n . It can be elab o r­ ated , h o w e v e r, to account for such v a ria tio n s w ithin th e ty p e : fo r exam ple, for p re s e n t p u rp o s e s , trib ally organized so cietie s. It is commonplace th a t Middle E a ste rn trib a l societies do v a ry widely in both p rin c ip le s of organization and th e form s th ey e x h ib it: fe a tu re s like th e im portance of d esc e n t id eo lo g y , political c o n tra c t, clien tsh ip o r c o n fed e ratio n , the k in d s o f p ro duction system and th e composition o f local g ro u p s , v ary widely as betw een th e B e rb e rs , N orth A frican and A rabian bed o u in , K ababish an d B aggara A ra b s, Somalis, K u rd s, P a th a n s. Are th e se political an d economic v aria tio n s re la te d to v ariatio n s in religious o rg an izatio n , o r in a ttitu d e s to Islamic in stitu tio n s? One app ro ach is th a t of D ouglas, in h e r form ulation of a m atrix typology of societies according to w hether 'g rid ' o r 'g ro u p ' a re s tro n g : 'th e most im portant determ inant of ritualism is th e ex p erien ce of closed social g ro u p s ' (1973:33). Where th e bou n d ­ a rie s of social g ro u p s a re p erceiv ed a s clearly d raw n , and w here social roles a re rig id ly d e fin e d , th e n th e re is likely to be con­ sid erab ly more symbolic elaboration - society re p re s e n tin g itse lf - th an in a society w here m em bership of social g ro u p s is more fluid an d u n s tru c tu re d and in d iv id u als perform th e ir ro les in a p erso n al m anner with a d eg re e of flexibility in re sp o n se to ch an g in g dem ands o f situ a tio n . The problem with th is ty p e of app ro ach is th a t it is h a rd to iden tify th e elem ents which d iffe r­ e n tia te th e ex p e rie n c es of 'g rid ' and 'g ro u p 1, and th e ecological o r o th e r determ in an ts of such e x p e rie n c e s; m oreover, with Douglas at le a s t, it is not clea r what is m eant by ’r itu a l', which in places is e q u a te d with controlled a s opposed to sp o n tan eo u s, with sober as opposed to e c sta tic , with magic as opposed to communion, with symbolism as opposed to em otion. How ever, th e o rie s of th is kind a re e sse n tia l to th e u n d e rsta n d in g o f v a ri­

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a tio n s in form o f r i tu a l, how ever th is may be d e fin e d . B ut a fo u rth k in d of th e o ry is n eed ed to a cc o u n t fo r c e rta in im p o rtan t v a ria tio n s in re lig io u s b elie fs a n d in s titu tio n s . T his c o n c e rn s th e e x te n t to w hich re lig io n , p a rtic u la rly claim s to Islamic o rth o d o x y an d p ie ty , is u se d p o litica lly . T h is may ap p ly a t tw o le v e ls: w ithin a po litical com m unity, a s an ideology fo r d iffe re n tia tio n on a c la ss b a s is , th a t is as p a r t of th e p re v io u s k in d o f th e o r y ; o r e x te rn a lly , on th e b o u n d a rie s betw een two n e ig h b o u rin g o r riv a l political a n d re lig io u s com m unities. T h u s , school o r s e c t d iffe re n c e s may o r may n o t be im p o rta n t c r ite r ia fo r e th n ic id e n tity ; fo r exam ple, th e S u n n i-S h ic a d istin c tio n is le s s im p o rta n t fo r p o litical affiliation am ong K u rd s th a n am ong T u r k s . M oreover, on b o u n d a rie s betw een e th n ic g ro u p s following th e same school o f Islam , re lig io u s fa c to rs may o r may n o t be of p o litical im p o rta n c e . T he c o n c e rn o f th is p a p e r is le ss to ex plain th e s e v a ria tio n s th a n to exam ine th e ir role in d ete rm in in g re lig io u s b e h a v io u r w ithin com m unities. A p relim in a ry h y p o th e sis m ight be b a se d on th e prem ise th a t w ithin Islam th e only le g iti­ m ate claim to s u p e rio rity by d e sc e n t is holy d e sc e n t from Muhammad an d h is a s s o c ia te s , so th a t w here a g iv en g ro u p u s e s d e s c e n t claim s in c o n fro n ta tio n s w ith its n e ig h b o u rs it also will claim re lig io u s s u p e r io rity (c f, b e d o u in , Somali, P a s h tu n ) , an d may well a tte m p t to v a lid ate th is with a d h e re n c e to w hat it se e s a n d can d e m o n stra te a s o rth o d o x p r a c tic e s . If we w ant to com pare Muslim com m unities w ith re fe re n c e to th e ir re lig io u s b e lie f a n d p ra c tic e , a n y sociological h y p o th e s is m ust ta k e acco u n t o f s e v e ra l d iffe re n t k in d s o f f a c to rs : a h y p o ­ th e s is b a se d only on id ea s of s y n c r e tis m , o r on ecological o r c u ltu r a l v a ria b le s a lo n e, will be in a d e q u a te ; it m ust acoount fo r v a ria tio n s in p rin c ip le s an d form s o f social o rg a n iz a tio n in th e com m unities th e m se lv e s, and fo r v a ria tio n s in e th n ic b o u n d a ry r e la tio n s . We can now r e t u r n to a p a rtic u la r c a te g o ry of Islam ic so cie ties - trib a lly o rg an ized nom ads - a n d a s s e s s th e c o n sid e ra tio n s re le v a n t to a com parison betw een th e m . T he f ir s t c o n sid e ra tio n is th e common assu m p tio n o f th e re lig io u s d ev ian ce of nom ads. RELIGION AMONG THE NOMADS In th e e th n o g ra p h y o f Middle E a s te rn so c ie tie s, s e ttle d o r nom adic, tr ib a l o r p e a s a n t, p e rh a p s th e most n e g le c te d a re a of life is th e whole realm of re lig io n , r itu a l, symbolism a n d id eo lo g y , p a rtic u la rly a t th e lev el o f th e local com m unity. Many e th n o ­ g r a p h e r s of n o m ad s, fo r exam ple C u nnison (1966) A sad (1 9 7 0 ), B ates (1973), Ahmad (1974), Iro n s (1975), G la tz e r (1 9 7 7 ), p u r ­ s u in g th e ir main in te r e s t in econom ics, k in s h ip , social s tr u c tu r e a n d p o litics - a re c o n te n t to re c o rd th a t th e ir su b je c ts a re Muslims and to n o te w ays in w hich th e ir custom s d iffe r from Islamic p r e ­ s c rip tio n s . A fam iliar them e in th is lite r a tu r e is th e a n tip a th y b etw een nom ads a n d p e a s a n ts , a n d its c u ltu r a l e x p re s s io n among

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nom ads in a d is tin c tiv e ideology in w hich m ovem ent, te n t s , anim als an d o th e r item s ta k e on sym bolic v a lu e s an d o rg a n iz ­ a tio n al im p o rta n c e , to th e e x te n t th a t se ttle m en t im plies a ra d ic a l tra n sfo rm a tio n of s o c ie ty , ty p ica lly d e trib a liz a tio n . Now th is in d eed a p p lie s to m any nomadic p e o p le s, in c lu d in g th e B a sse ri a n d th e S h ah sev an - to be d e s c rib e d in more d e ta il below (see also th e a n a ly s is o f H aaland 1969). B ut it m ust be re a liz ed th a t su c h r itu a l e v a lu a tio n s a re b y no m eans u n iv e rs a l among nom ads, n o r can one so sim ply d e riv e a c h a ra c te r is tic nom adic ideology from th e ecological a d a p ta tio n a s S pooner (1973: 3-4) seem s to s u g g e s t. Among some nomadic p o p u la tio n s of th e Middle E ast m ovem ent, te n t-d w e llin g a n d s to c k - r e a r in g a re n o t im bued w ith c e n tra l m eanings at a ll, a n d th e su p p o se d nomadic ideology of in d e p e n d e n c e , e tc . (G oldschm idt 1971) t u r n s o u t to be c h a r a c te r ­ istic o f trib a lly o rg a n iz e d p e o p le , s e ttle d o r nom adic, p a s to ra lis t o r c u ltiv a to r s . In th e se c a s e s , nomadism is an economic r a th e r th a n an ecological, c u ltu ra l o r p o litical a d a p ta tio n , a n d th e r e is no c le a r 'ideological p o la riz a tio n ' th a t m ight in h ib it se ttle m e n t. N om ad-peasant a n tip a th y is u su ally fo u n d in re g io n s w here p a sto ra l nomadism is p u rs u e d by a sin g le tr ib a l g ro u p form ing a s ig n ific a n t m in o rity w ithin th e social en v iro n m en t a n d in com­ p e titio n w ith th e se ttle d m ajority fo r p a s tu r e s an d pow er (c f. B a te s 1973:22). An e x c e p tio n , th o u g h its c irc u m sta n c e s seem to p ro v e th e r u le , is th e case of th e Sa^i K ara Y o ru k , a v e ry small nom adic g ro u p in a complex e th n ic en v iro n m en t in s o u th -e a s te rn A n ato lia, who do n o t, a c c o rd in g to B a te s, r e g a r d nomadism a s c e n tra l to th e ir id e n tity , a lth o u g h th e y a re th e only p a sto ra l nom ads in th e a r e a . More im p o rtan t fo r them is th e ir trib a l id e n tity , w hich th e y all feel 'w ould n o t be lost w ith se ttle m e n t' (1973 :2 3 ). Many Y oriik h av e in fact s e ttle d , b u t only in th e la st tw e n ty y e a r s , in la rg e g ro u p s of fam ilies a n d am ong n e ig h b o u rs o f v e ry d iffe re n t e th n ic a n d c u ltu ra l b a c k g ro u n d s . It is n o t s u r p r is in g th e n if 'th e re is no social d isc o n tin u ity s e p a ra tin g nom adic from s e d e n ta ry h o u se h o ld s' (1973:27) of Y oriik, whose v a lu e s allow fo r s e ttle m e n t. O th erw ise uncom m itted nom ads fall into two main c a te g o rie s . Some a re m em bers of la r g e , p o litically dom inant e th n ic g r o u p s , o fte n w ith u n ified g en ealogies ju s tify in g th is d o m inance: exam ples in clu d e th e D u rra n i (F e rd in a n d 1969: 128, 147; p e rso n a l in fo r­ m ation, see b elo w ), some A rab s (Cole 1975: 155f), n o r th e rn Somali (Lewis 1961: 9 0 f), a n d F u lan i (c f. Monod 1975: 141-7). O th e rs b elo n g to m inority g ro u p s liv in g in rem ote d e s e rt o r m ountain a r e a s , w here th ey pred o m in ate num erically if n o t politically - p ro b a b le exam ples (th e e v id en c e is u n c le a r) in clu d e K u rd s a n d L u rs o f w e ste rn Ira n , a n d th e B aluch of s o u th e a s te rn Ira n an d w e ste rn P a k istan (c f. Salzman 1975). E x c ep tio n s h e r e , again p ro v in g th e r u le , a re th e Yomut T urkm en o f n o rth e a s te r n I r a n , who v alue th e ir nomadism h ig h ly ; th e y w ere long able to dom inate th e ir m arginal t e r r i t o r y , b u t only by rem ain in g nom adic, w h e th e r th e ir economic b ase w as p asto ra lism o r c u ltiv a tio n ( Iro n s 1975).

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A c e n tr a l c rite rio n in th e 'ideological p o la riz a tio n ' in th e Middle E a s t, w h e th e r b etw een nom adic a n d s e ttle d o r tr ib a l a n d p e a sa n t p e o p le , is re lig io n . S e ttle d /p e a s a n t p e o p le , s tro n g ly in flu en c ed b y th e u rb a n c e n tr e s from w hich Islamic o rth o d o x y e m an ate s, c o n s id e r th e n o m a d s/trib e sm e n to be po o r Muslims w ho, ig n o ra n t o r c a re le s s o f th e ir r e lig io n , fail to o b s e rv e th e p ro p e r ritu a l d u tie s (c f . G ulick 1976: 169; D igard 1978: 506). G ellner h as re c e n tly called fo r an exam ination o f su c h s te r e o ty p e s , w hich h av e lo n g b een c u r r e n t also in th e lite r a tu r e on th e Middle E a s t: a re th e nom ads re a lly lax in re lig io u s b elief an d p e rfo rm a n c e , o r 'c o n sp ic u o u sly devoid of re lig io u s r itu a l', a n d if so , w hy? (1973: 8 ). V ario u s re c e n t e th n o g ra p h ie s h av e b o rn e o u t th e s te re o ty p e , d e s c rib in g nom ads a s a d m ittin g to e ith e r la x ity in th e p e rfo rm ­ ance of p re s c rib e d d u tie s , o r ig n o ran c e of Islamic p r e c e p ts , o r b o th , fo r exam ple, th e C y re n aic an b ed o u in u n d e r th e T u rk s (E v a n s -P ritc h a rd 1949: 6 2 ), th e M arri B aluch o f P a k ista n (P e h rso n 1966: 106), th e B a sse ri (B a rth 1961: 135), th e B a k h tiy a ri (B ro o k s, p riv a te com m unication) a n d o th e r L u rs in Ira n (B lack -M ich au d , p riv a te com m unication). B u t, a s E v an sP ritc h a r d (1949: 63) e m p h asize s, la x ity in ritu a l sh o u ld n o t be ta k e n to imply ir r e lig io s ity , and th e same nom ads a re o fte n d e s c rib e d a s 's in c e re an d p ro u d M uslim s', claim ing th e v alid ity of th e ir own ap p ro a c h to God a s o p p o sed to th a t of th e s ta te fa v o u re d o rth o d o x y . All th e s e g ro u p s , it sh o u ld be n o te d , on th e one h a n d s u b s c rib e to th e relig io n of th e s ta te w hich claim s so v e re ig n ty o v e r th e m , while on th e o th e r h a n d m aintaining some d e g re e of p o litical autonom y from th e s ta te by m eans o f th e ir trib a l o rg a n iz a tio n if not th e ir nom adism . It may th e n be c o n clu d ed th a t th e y a r e u s in g a re lig io u s a ttitu d e of d isse n sio n sym bolically fo r political p u r p o s e s . In d e e d , th e s te re o ty p e o f th e im pious nom ad, lik e th a t o f th e nom ad im placably h o stile to s e ttle d life , h a s no g e n e ra l v a lid ity . Nomads o th e r th a n th o se follow ing th e S an u si an d W ahhabi m ovem ents a re re p o r te d to claim an d p r a c tis e o rth o d o x form s of Islam , fo r exam ple th e n o r th e r n Somali (Lewis 1961:26) an d th e D u rra n i of n o r th e r n A fg h a n ista n (se e b elow ). Of th e Somali (Lew is 1961), C y re n a ica n bedouin (E v a n s -P ritc h a rd 1949: 63) an d D u rra n i it is r e p o rte d th a t trib a l custom is c o n fu se d w ith Islamic p re c e p t a n d p ra c tic e . T h ese a re th e same p e o p les who form a major c a te g o ry of 'uncom m itted' nom ads, la r g e , politically dom inant e th n ic g r o u p s , claim ing special re lig io u s d e s c e n t. In th e D u rra n i c a se a t l e a s t , th e trib a l ideology is in e x tric a b ly lin k e d w ith th e n o tio n o f re lig io u s o rth o d o x y , th e whole com plex f a r o u tw e ig h in g an y n otion of id e n tity as nom ads. A n o th e r nom adic people re p o rte d as good a n d p io u s Muslims a re th e Yomut T urkm en (Iro n s 1975: 8 ). T he fa ct th a t th e y a re a S u n n i m inority w ithin Shic ite Ira n may e x p lain how th e y re c o n ­ cile (in te rm s of th e model p ro p o se d h e re ) th e ir political u se of nomadism a n d th e ir claim s to o rth o d o x y . T he same p ro b a b ly ap p lies to o th e r S u n n i nom ads in I r a n , su c h a s th e B aluch (Salzm an 1975).

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T h u s c u r r e n t g e n e ra liz atio n s about nomad relig io n a n d ideology a re not em pirically s u s ta in a b le . Among Islamic nom ads a t l e a s t , th e r e a re wide v a ria tio n s in d e g re e o f ’o r th o d o x y ', a s well a s in th e e x te n t to w hich com ponent elem ents of nomadism a re ideo­ logically o r r itu a lly v a lu e d . What o f th e c o n v en tio n o f nom ads as la c k in g in symbolism and ritu a l p erfo rm a n ce? As B a rth n o te s w hen w ritin g o f th e M arri B alu ch , 'Islam p ro v id e s some v e ry b a sic an d m oving idioms fo r th e e x p re ssio n of c o rp o ra te u n ity , esp ecially in th e co llective p r a y e r s fa c in g M ecca, in th e F rid a y m e e tin g , an d in th e communal f a s t ’ (P e h rso n 1966: 106). In h is a n a ly sis of B a sse ri social s tr u c tu r e B a rth was s tr u c k b y th e p o v e r ty , d isc o n n e c tio n an d a p p a re n t irre le v a n c e of th e ir ritu a l a c tiv itie s (1961: 135) a n d , in a p u rp le p a ssa g e w hich h as re c e iv e d some n o to rie ty in s tu d ie s of b o th ritu a l an d nom adism , was led to re-ex am in e th e con cep t o f ritu a l a n d to p ro p o se th e tr ib a l m igration as ’th e c e n tra l rite o f nomadic s o c ie ty ’. D ouglas a p p la u d s B a r th 's fra n k n e s s in r e p o rtin g h is f r u s tr a tio n w ith B a sse ri r itu a l p o v e r ty , b u t h o ld s th a t h is a n x ie ty to ex p la in it away was m isd ire c te d . He a ssu m e s, she s a y s , th a t 'trib a l so ciety m ust h av e a s tr a ig h t D urkheim ian re lig io u s e x p re s s io n ' (1973: 38), an d as it is h e r th e s is th a t th is is not so sh e d ism isses w ithout d u e c o n sid e ra tio n h is d e m o n stratio n th a t B a s s e ri so ciety does in d eed e x p r e s s its e lf in ritu a l b e h a v io u r. B a sse ri s e c u la rity , sh e im plies, sh o u ld be a c c e p te d an d a ttr ib u te d to a p a rtic u la r form of social e x p e r ie n c e , th o u g h sh e does n o t p u r s u e th is fa r in th e B a sse ri c a s e . She would h av e h a d more lu ck w ith th e M arri, fo r when B a rth exam ined P e h rs o n 's a n d h is own m aterial on th e ir r itu a l a n d relig io n he again fo u n d 'no c o rre s p o n d e n c e s b etw een se c u la r social g ro u p in g s and w hat m ight be d e s c rib e d as c u lt g r o u p s ', b u t th is time he was c o n te n t to a ttr ib u te th e d eficien cy to th e 'n o n -c o rp o ra te b a sis o f M arri social life ' (P e h rso n 1966: 106). W hatever th e v a lid ity of B a r th 's claim s fo r th e B a sse ri m igra­ tio n (c f. R . T a p p e r 1979: 176-82), th e k in d o f a n a ly sis o u t of w hich it a r is e s , of th e way in w hich a nom adic so ciety r e p r e ­ s e n ts its e lf sym bolically, h a s b een s u rp r is in g ly u n d ev eloped in o th e r s tu d ie s o f nom ads. In d e e d , how ever c o n tro v e rs ia l, B a r th 's acco u n t o f re lig io n , ritu a l symbolism an d id eo lo g y , and h is attem p t to a n a ly se th e ir sociological re le v a n c e , h av e rem ained almost u n iq u e in th e lite r a tu r e on nom ads, at le a st in th e Middle E a st. A p a rt from B a r th 's f r u s tr a te d a tte m p ts w ith th e B a sse ri an d th e M arri, an d my own r e c e n t e ff o r ts fo r th e S h ah se v an (R . T a p p e r 1979), I know of only two o th e r s tu d ie s of Middle E a s te rn nom ads which c o n sid e r how fa r re lig io n , e ith e r as a system of sym bols o r as a system o f r itu a l p r a c tic e s , is in volved at th e local level in p olitical a n d social re la tio n s betw een in d i­ v id u a ls an d g r o u p s . P e te rs g iv e s an in tr ig u in g if incom plete acco u n t of how th e move from p a rtic u la rism to u n iv ersalism in C y re n a ic a n b ed o u in society is show n in th e c h a n g in g sig n ifica n ce o f c e rta in communal r itu a l a c tiv itie s at th e level o f local g ro u p s (1976). O f th e A l-M urrah b e d o u in , Cole w rite s th a t

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th e r e is no n e e d fo r b ig c e le b ra tio n s th a t b r in g all th e m em bers of a b ig social g ro u p to g e th e r . In d e p e n d e n c e o f action r a th e r th a n social so lid a rity is th e f ir s t dem and of th e ecological s e t­ tin g in w hich th e y live (1975: 135). T h is , h o w e v e r, is u n c o n v in c in g , as th e a c c o u n ts of communal p r a y e r (p p . 117-18) an d th e f e a s tin g asso c ia te d w ith Ramadan ( p . 130) in d ic a te th a t cam ps and lin e a g e s am ong th e A l-M urrah a re re lig io u s c o n g re g a tio n s a s well a s re s id e n tia l a n d social g ro u p s. RELIGION AND ETHNICITY IN THREE ISLAMIC TRIBAL SOCIETIES T he r e s t o f th is p a p e r is a lim ited com parison betw een th r e e Islam ic trib a l s o c ie tie s: th e S h ah se v an of n o rth w e s te rn I r a n , T u rk i-s p e a k in g Shic ite s ; th e B a sse ri o f so u th w e st I r a n , P e rs ia n -s p e a k in g S hic ite s ; an d th e D u rra n i o f n o r th - c e n tr a l A fg h a n is ta n , P a s h tu -s p e a k in g S u n n ite s . R elevant m aterial on S h a h se v a n an d B a s se ri is draw n from p u b lish e d so u rc e s (R . T a p p e r 1979; B a rth 1961), while th e e th n o g ra p h y o f th e D u rra n i is still la rg e ly u n p u b lish e d (b u t see N. T a p p e r 1979; G latzer 1977). T he d e sc rip tio n will be k e p t to a minimum a c co u n t of social s t r u c t u r e , th e tribed an d e th n ic b o u n d a ry p a ra m e te rs , an d th e m ajor fe a tu re s o f re lig io u s a n d r itu a l o rg a n iz a tio n . F i r s t, le t u s r e tu r n to th e d e s c rip tiv e c a te g o rie s s u g g e s te d e a r lie r : 'o rth o d o x y ', 're lig io s ity ', 'm osque' a n d 's h r in e '. It sh o u ld be n o te d th a t fo r ev alu atio n alo n g th e f ir s t two d im en sio n s, o rth o d o x y a n d re lig io s ity , th e sig n ific a n t d a ta a re c o g n itiv e , i . e . each g r o u p 's se lf-e v a lu a tio n by com parison w ith th e ir n e ig h b o u rs . With th e o th e r two s c a le s , m osque an d s h r in e , we can a s s e s s th e th r e e trib a l peoples o f o u r exam ple b y com parison w ith each o th e r . On th e b a sis o f th e co m p ariso n , I sh all s u g g e s t f i r s t , th a t th e d iffe re n tia l se lf-e v a lu a tio n s o f p ie ty an d o rth o d o x y , in w hich D u rra n i occu p y one e x tre m e , B a s s e ri th e o t h e r , w ith th e S h ah sev an in b e tw e e n , a re re la te d to th e k in d o f e th n ic b o u n d a rie s w hich th e y m a in ta in ; s e c o n d , th a t su c h s e lf-e v a lu a tio n s a t le a st in p a r t d ete rm in e th e c h a r a c te r of re lig io u s b e h a v io u r a t th e local le v e l; an d t h i r d , th a t th e role o f communal e c sta tic r itu a l in th e m osque c o n te x t is re la te d in a fa irly simple D urkheim ian way to th e social o rg a n iz a tio n of local g r o u p s , a n d th a t its im portance is p ro b a b ly in v e rs e ly re la te d to th e d e g re e o f involvem ent in sh rin e re lig io n . Sh a h se va n A bout 40,000 S h a h se v an nom ads form a small m inority o f th e p o p u latio n of n o r th e a s te r n A z a rb a y ja n , I r a n . A r a t h e r la r g e r n u m b er o f S h a h se v a n trib e sm e n a re re c e n tly s e ttle d , b u t th e m ajority p o p u latio n o f th e reg io n a re a g r ic u ltu ra l p e a s a n ts and tow nsm en w ith no tr ib a l a ffilia tio n s , know n to each o th e r and

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to th e S h a h se v a n a s 'T a t'. S h a h se v a n nom ads reco g n ize in d iv id u a l o w n ersh ip n o t only of anim als b u t also of g ra z in g r i g h t s , w hich a re d isp o sa b le and in h e rita b le . T h is h a s im plications fo r th e fo rm atio n , size and com position o f h o u se h o ld s and cam ps, w hich a re b asically g ro u p s of closely re la te d a g n a te s . Nomadic social s tr u c tu r e may be sum m arized as a s e rie s of g ro u p s w ith more o r le ss w ell-d efin ed b o u n d a rie s , re la tio n s o f conflict and c o -o p e ra tio n betw een th em , an d a s e rie s of p e rso n a l n etw o rk s c u ttin g a c ro ss th e b o u n d a rie s o f all th e g r o u p s . T he h o u se h o ld , o c c u p y in g a sin g le t e n t , is c le a rly d e fin e d , p a tr ia r c h a l, autonom ous a n d exogam ous. H ouse­ h o ld s c o -o p e ra te fo r h e rd in g p u rp o s e s in w in te r a n d sum m er c a m p s, which h av e a g n atic b a se s a n d jo in tly held p a s tu r e e s ta te s . F or th e 100-mile s p r in g a n d autum n m ig ra tio n s, cam ps join to form a m ig rato ry com munity o f some th ir y h o u s e h o ld s , w hich was once also an in d iv id u a l w in te r a n d sum m er cam p, b u t is now ty p ic a lly a co in cid en ce o f trib a l sectio n and maximal lin e a g e , u n d e r th e le a d e rs h ip of an E ld e r. T h e re is q u ite a wide ra n g e of w e a lth , th e E ld e r an d one o r two o th e r s in a com m unity ow ning s e v e ra l h u n d re d h ead o f sh e ep an d a p p ro p ria te p a s tu r e r i g h t s , while s e v e ra l m e m b e rs, w ith no p a s tu r e r ig h ts at all and b a re ly a dozen anim als, s u b s is t by sellin g th e ir la b o u r. D iffe ren t camp le a d e rs an d th e com m unity E lder form a h ie ra rc h y of a u th o r ity . T he com munity is also a r itu a l c o n g re g a tio n , g a th e rin g e x c lu ­ siv ely fo r th e m ajor Shic ite Islamic fe s tiv a ls . It is also u n ite d sym bolically th ro u g h th e ideology o f common d e s c e n t, s h a re d h o n o u r, an d joint c o n tro l of m a rria g e s , all focu sed in th e E ld e r. It is a closed g r o u p , an d in te rn a l d is p u te s a re n o t ad m itted to o u ts id e r s ; y e t c o n flic ts , a ris in g from th e p a s tu r e te n u r e system a n d th e re c e n t h is to ry of e s ta te a n d camp fra g m e n ta tio n , lead to re la tio n s of la te n t h o stility betw een com ponent cam ps of a com m unity. Above th e level of th e local com m unity, d e sc e n t p la y s little p a r t in S h a h se v a n p o litical o rg a n iz a tio n . D iffe re n t com m unities, th o u g h u n ite d in to tr i b e s , a re n o t sy stem atica lly allied to each o th e r th ro u g h d e sc e n t o r m arriag e tie s . M embers of d iffe re n t com m unities, h o w e v e r, a n d m em bers of th e same com m unity, are lin k ed in p e rs o n a l n e tw o rk s th ro u g h tie s o f a ffin ity a n d frie n d ­ s h ip , summed up in in stitu tio n a liz e d re c ip ro c a l fe a stin g obli­ g a tio n s . A tr ib e is an ex p lic itly political an d te r r ito r ia l g ro u p , h eaded b y a c h ie f, a n d b a se d on tra n sa c tio n a l b u t h ie ra rc h ic a l re la tio n s betw een th e c h ie f a n d th e E ld e rs of th e com ponent com m unities (trib a l se c tio n s ) - y e t tr ib e s show co n sid e ra b le c o n tin u ity an d c u ltu ra l id e n tity , la rg e ly th ro u g h th e ir te r r ito r ia l d e fin itio n an d a s tro n g te n d e n c y to endogam y. T he d iffe re n t tr ib e s , o f d iv e rs e o rig in s b u t la rg e ly s h a re d la n g u a g e an d c u l t u r e , g ro u p in to a loose c o n fe d e ra tio n . If we follow F o rte s (1953: 35-6) an d also D ouglas in so fa r as sh e m aintains th a t 'th e most im p o rtan t d e te rm in a n t of ritu alism is th e e x p e rie n c e o f closed social g ro u p s ' (1973: 3 3 ), th e n we

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may a n tic ip a te th a t th e s h a rp ly defin ed s tr u c tu r e o u tlin ed above will h av e a c le a rly e x p re s s e d r itu a l dim ension. T h a t is , we can a n tic ip a te th a t g ro u p s an d n e tw o rk s will be d efin ed a n d co n ­ so lid ated in D urkheim ian fash io n th ro u g h s h a re d em otional e x p e rie n c e s a n d th ro u g h com petition a n d sp a tia l c o n tra p o sitio n in r itu a l c o n te x ts . At th e same tim e, le a d e rs o f g ro u p s and p e rs o n s In th e n e tw o rk s may con scio u sly o r u n c o n sc io u sly u se th e r itu a l to th e ir own p o litic a l, if n o t econom ic, a d v a n ta g e , while c o n flic t in th e social s t r u c t u r e , a n d h o stilitie s betw een g ro u p s an d in d iv id u a ls, may fin d in c e rta in ritu a l c o n te x ts e ith e r e x p re s s io n o r te m p o ra ry re lie f o r b o th . All S h a h se v a n p u b lic ritu a l b e h a v io u r, w h a te v e r its political fu n c tio n , m ark s s ta g e s in th r e e d iffe re n t dim ensions o f time and s p a c e : form al Isla m , th e in d iv id u al lif e -c y c le , and th e nomadic h e rd in g y e a r . T h ese dim ensions form a fram ew ork in w hich th e m ost g e n e ra l u n d e rly in g sym bolic s tr u c tu r e is an op p o sitio n b etw een th e o th e r-w o rld ly c o n c e rn s o f th e form al relig io n and th e political an d economic c o n c e rn s of so c ie ty . T he Islamic y e a r a n d its e v e n ts a re o p p osed to th e h e rd in g y e a r a n d its e v e n ts , while th e cerem onies o f th e in d iv id u al life-cy c le b rid g e th is o p p o sitio n . Islam d e fin e s a y e a rly cy cle o f tw elve lu n a r m onths a n d a w eekly cy cle o f sev en d a y s , a social w orld o rie n te d to Mecca a n d a s p iritu a l w orld o rie n te d to p a ra d is e . D ays a n d w eeks are m ark ed by r e g u la r r itu a l p u rific a tio n an d p r a y e r ; th e y e a r by v a rio u s f e s tiv a ls , esp ecially in a fiv e-m o n th p e rio d which in c lu d e s fa s tin g an d a lm s-g iv in g in R am adan, sa c rific e an d pilgrim age in D hu' 1-H ijja, an d m o u rning an d se x u a l a b stin e n c e in M uharram . T he life -c y c le is m arked fo r all a d u lts by m arriag e a n d fu n e r a l, fo r men b y circum cision a n d som etim es by th e pilgrim age to M akkah, all o f w hich involve e la b o ra te fe a s ts an d cerem onies w hich d efin e th e social p o sitio n of in d iv id u a ls a n d e s ta b lis h th e m em bership of g ro u p s an d n e tw o rk s . The so la r y e a r of fo u r se a so n s d e te rm in e s th e nom adic h e rd in g an d m ig ra to ry c y c le , in w hich th e main e v e n t s , w hich a re s tro n g ly ritu a liz e d a n d ta k e th e form of a rite de p a s s a g e , a re a sso c ia te d w ith th e new y e a r a n d th e s p r in g m ig ratio n . An a n a ly sis o f all th e s e r itu a ls (R . T a p p e r 1979: 153-83) show s th a t all social e n titie s of sig n ific a n c e - g r o u p s , n e tw o r k s , a u th o rity ro les - a r e , as a n tic ip a te d , b o th p h y sica lly d efin ed and c h a ra c te riz e d by ritu a l a c tiv itie s of v a rio u s k in d s in all th r e e sp a tia l-te m p o ra l dim en­ sio n s . In p a r tic u la r , th e h o stilitie s w ithin th e com m unity a re e x p re s s e d in th e ritu a l o f th e m ig ratio n , w hich is as m uch a r itu a l o f reb ellio n a s a ritu a l o f collective so lid a rity ; while th e s o lid a rity of th e com m unity is p a rtic u la rly ritu a liz e d b y th e en th u siasm w ith w hich S h ah se v an o b se rv e th e cerem onies of Ram adan a n d M uharram . S h a h se v a n p u b lic r itu a l life is c e rta in ly u n u su a l in its r ic h ­ n e s s fo r a Muslim nom adic so c ie ty . In so fa r as Islam is con­ c e rn e d , S h a h se v a n re lig io u s b elief a n d p ra c tic e a re located mainly w ithin th e c o n te x t of communal a n d em otionally in te n se

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e x p e rie n c e o f c e rta in o rth o d o x r itu a ls , an d th e y a re little in te r e s te d in 'p e rip h e ra l' phenom ena. T hey c o n sid e r th em se lv es to be good M uslim s, th o u g h lax in many re s p e c ts com pared to th e ir T a t n e ig h b o u rs . Few of them p ra y re g u la r ly ; th e y have no m osques a n d th e r e a re v e ry few m ullahs to be fo u n d re s id e n t in nom ad cam p s. H ow ever, on occasions o f communal re lig io u s sig n ific a n c e , d u rin g th e p erio d from Ram adan to M uharram an d a t fu n e ra l w a k e s, th e y become h ig h ly e n th u s ia s tic a n d b r in g in m ullahs from s e ttle d so c ie ty . In d e e d , fo r Ram adan a n d M uharram th e nom ad com m unities assem ble in te n ts sp ecially se t a p a r t by th e E ld e rs as m o sq u es. D u rin g th e cerem onies o f M uharram , when Shic ite s commemorate th e d e a th of Imam H u s a in , th e nom ads work th e m se lv e s in to fre n z ie s o f g r ie f, o fte n a tta in in g n e a r ­ tra n c e s ta te s . Women, who a re se clu d e d from men in daily life , a re not e x c lu d e d in re lig io u s m a tte rs : th e y p a rtic ip a te p h y sic a lly an d em otionally, if s e p a ra te ly , in fu n e ra ls an d d u rin g Ramadan a n d M u h arram . A p a rt from th e s e communal ce re m o n ies, m any S h ah sev an m ain­ ta in sc e p tic ism , if n o t if re lig io u s p re m ise s, a t le a st of th e relig io n ta u g h t them b y v is itin g m ullahs. T h e y q u e stio n th e o rth o d o x cosm ology, th e p ro h ib itio n s on m usic, d a n c in g an d c a rd - p la y in g , a n d th e m u lla h s’ am bivalent a ttitu d e s to m isfo rtu n e a n d to p o litics an d s e c u la r p o w er. G enerally th e y h av e a p rag m atic a ttitu d e to illn e ss a n d m isfo rtu n e . T h e re is no involvem ent in Sufi o r d e r s - th o u g h a h isto ric a l n o te sh o u ld be ad d ed h e r e . T he S h ah sev an tr ib e s a re said to h a v e been b ro u g h t to g e th e r an d g iv en th e ir name ('lo v e rs o f th e S h a h ') a ro u n d 1600, as fa n a tic a l a d h e r e n ts of th e S afavid o r d e r , w hose le a d e rs h a d s e t up a new Shic ite d y n a s ty in I r a n . T h is ideology o f d ire c t re lig io u s d evotion to th e S afavid d y n a s ty rem ained w ith them fo r a long tim e, g iv in g legitim acy to claim s of s u p e rio rity o v e r o th e r g ro u p s in th e c o u n tr y . T he S afav id s h a v e now long g o n e , an d w ith th e ir more re c e n t h is to ry o f tr ib a l in d ep e n d e n c e an d reb ellio n th e S h a h se v a n e sp o u se th e ty p ic a l nomad ideal of freedom from to w n -b a se d c o n s tr a in ts , esp ec ially th o se of o rth o ­ dox re lig io n . Yet th e ir name a n d th e ir le g e n d a ry o rig in s still en c o u ra g e them to claim a c e rta in re lig io u s s u p e rio rity o v e r th o s e who do not s h a re th em , fo r exam ple th e T a ts o f th e re g io n . T hose nom ad men who can affo rd it have th e ultim ate aim of pilgrim age to M akkah an d th e S hicite s h rin e s a t K arb a la. Also im p o rta n t, a n d more o ften a c h ie v e d , is th e pilgrim age to Imam R id a 's s h rin e a t M ashhad. Most camp le a d e rs a n d o th e r lead in g men an d women in a com m unity a re M ashhadis; one p e rso n in e v e ry two com m unities is a Hajji - n o t u su a lly th e E ld er him self, as th e s ta tu s o f Hajji is fe lt to be above th e so rd id an d p e tty po litical d ealin g s in w hich E ld e rs have to d ir ty th e ir h a n d s ; Hajjis a re called in to m ediate in d is p u te s . A p art from th e s e p ilg rim a g e s, th e n o m ads, men o r women, r a re ly v is it th e nu m ero u s local s h rin e s for in te rc e s s io n a ry a p p e a ls, a n d rid ic u le T a ts fo r so d o in g . Many nom ads believe in a lim ited v a rie ty o f s p ir its w hich can c a u se h a rm , p a rtic u la rly am ong women an d in a sso c ia­

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tion w ith c h ild b ir th , and a p p ro p ria te h e rb a l an d m agical p r e ­ c a u tio n s a n d rem ed ies a re so u g h t and ap p lied on o ccasio n . But in n o case did I re c o rd th e o c c u rre n c e of p o sse ssio n fits o r exorcism am ong th e nom ads - h e re again th e y te n d to rid ic u le T a ts fo r a d d ic tio n to su c h 's u p e r s titio n s '. N o rth e a st A zarb ay jan is well d efin ed b y g e o g ra p h ic a l and a d m in istra tiv e f r o n tie r s , w hich se p a ra te it from sim ilar re g io n s to th e w est a n d so u th a n d from th e Soviet Union on th e n o rth a n d e a s t. S h a h se v a n h ave no c o n ta c ts a c ro s s th e Soviet f r o n tie r , an d few w ith tr ib a l nomad a n d s e ttle d g ro u p s in n e ig h b o u rin g re g io n s o f I r a n . Within th e re g io n , te n t-d w e llin g p a s to ra l nom ads a re by d e fin itio n S h a h se v a n ; settlem e n t lea d s so o n e r o r l a te r , n o w ad ay s, to d e trib a liz a tio n a n d loss o f S h a h se v a n id e n tity . Many T a ts a re o f S h a h se v a n o rig in s , th o u g h th e y may not recall o r em phasize th is , while S h a h se v a n cam ps in c lu d e m any g ro u p s an d in d iv id u a ls o f know n T a t o r ig in s . T rib a l nam es become villag e nam es an d vice v e r s a . T h e re a re re g u la r e x c h a n g e s betw een S h a h se v a n an d T a t, in d iv id u a lly a n d in th e m a rk e t. T r a d e r s an d c ra ftsm e n v isit cam p r e g u la rly ; nom ads v isit tow ns to sh o p ; w ealthy nom ads own village la n d s ; w ealthy T a ts se n d flo ck s to g ra z e w ith nom ads. B eyond th e s e form al economic e x c h a n g e s , th e r e is some social in te ra c tio n in fe a s tin g c o n te x ts , a n d some ju d ic io u s m arriag e a llia n c e s , b u t g en e ra lly T a t an d S h a h se v a n a re socially d is tin c t. S h a h se v a n conceive th em se lv es as nom adic te n te d trib e s m e n , d is tin c t from s e ttle d village fa rm e rs . O th erw ise T a t a n d S h a h se v a n a re b o th T u rk i-s p e a k in g a n d Shicite , a n d to th e o b s e r v e r th e r e a re o n ly th e sm allest d iffe re n c e s in la n g u a g e , re lig io u s b e lie f a n d p r a c tic e , oral lite r a tu r e a n d life -cy cle cerem o n ies; in m any c a se s d iffe re n c e s a re sm aller th a n th o se fo u n d b etw een S h a h se v an tr ib e s . Yet claim s a n d c o u n te r-c laim s a re m ade: S h ah sev an claim among o th e r th in g s to o b s e rv e s t r ic t e r moral s ta n d a r d s and to ach ieve a more d ire c t an d re lig io u s a p p ro a c h to G od, while T a ts claim to be more o rth o d o x a n d la w -a b id in g . T h e se re lig io u s claim s a re s te r e o ty p e s , in no se n se c r ite r ia fo r m em bership o f th e re s p e c tiv e c a te g o r ie s , w hich d e p e n d sim ply on th e more b asic settle d -n o m a d d is tin c tio n . In su m , th e S h a h se v a n , p o ssib ly fo r h isto ric a l r e a s o n s , c o n ­ ceiv e th e m se lv e s a s m ore re lig io u s th a n o th e r s , b u t a s nom ads th e y d isd a in o rth o d o x y , which th e y im pute a s a d e fic ien c y to th e ir s e ttle d n e ig h b o u rs . T h is su p p o se d d iffe re n c e in re lig io u s a ttitu d e s , now o f little sig n ific a n c e , may h av e p la y e d a more im p o rta n t role in fo rm e r, le s s peacefu l tim es, w hen nomad and se ttle d w ere in g r e a te r com petition fo r th e re g io n 's r e s o u r c e s . T h e ir ty p ic a l nom adic d issid e n c e is accom panied by a com plex r itu a l life , in w hich m osque relig io n is o f c e n tra l im p o rtan c e. A s e r ie s o f w ell-d efin ed social b o u n d a rie s an d s tr u c tu r e d a u th o rity p a tte r n s is closely m irro re d in r itu a l fo rm s. T h e ir p a s to ra l a d a p ta tio n p ro d u c e s co nflict w ithin th e local com m unity, while m ajor communal r itu a ls , b o th m o sq u e -c e n tre d a n d m igra­ to r y , a re o b s e rv e d w ith em otional in te n s ity and c an be i n te r ­

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p re te d v a rio u sly a s ritu a ls o f reb ellio n o r s o lid a rity . T his communal em otional e x p e rie n c e is com plem ented b y a lack of in te r e s t in m ag ico -religious phenom ena su c h as s h rin e s o r s p i r i t s . B a sse ri T he r itu a l life of th e B a sse ri a n d th e ways in w hich it is re la te d to social s t r u c tu r e c o n tra s t w ith th e S h a h se v a n . B a sse ri nom ads re c k o n th e ir a n c e s tr y se v e ra l g e n e ra tio n s f u r th e r th a n th e S h a h s e v a n , solely it seem s in o r d e r to claim r ig h ts to g ra z in g a r e a s , which a re h eld in common b y an o ulad , a lineage o f ro u g h ly 90 fam ilies, an d c o n tro lle d an d allocated to th is g ro u p b y th e c h ie f o f th e B a s s e ri. Above th e level of th e o u la d , th e B a sse ri tr ib e (some 15,000 m em b ers), an d th e c o n fe d e ratio n o f w hich it form s a p a r t , a re o rg a n iz e d on p rin c ip le s sim ilar to th e S h a h se v a n : political allegiance o f d iffe re n t g ro u p s to a p ow erful c h ie f, w ith little o r no notion of common d e s c e n t. T he oulad su b d iv id e s into two o r more m ig ra to ry cam ps th e s e a re th e p rim a ry nomadic com m unities an d in d eed th e y a re th e e q u iv a le n t of th e S h ah sev a n com m unities. Each su c h cam pcom m unity co m p rises se v e ra l h e rd in g u n its , com posed of welld e fin e d an d autonom ous h o u se h o ld s. B ut u n lik e am ong th e S h a h s e v a n , all th e s e h e rd in g u n its a n d cam ps a re ephem eral an d u n s tr u c tu r e d : th e ir com ponent h o u se h o ld s a re n o t n e c e s s a rily a g n a te s , b u t b ila te ra l k in a n d a ffin e s , and th e y a re fre e to move a n d join o th e r g ro u p s w ithin th e oulad a t any tim e. Q u a rre ls a re solved sim ply by su c h m ovem ent, a n d th e com m unities a re not th r e a te n e d by s tr u c tu r a l co n flic ts s u c h as th o s e of th e S h a h se v a n . T h e re is little w ealth d iffe re n tia tio n am ong th e nom ad s; headm en o f cam ps h a v e com p arativ ely little a u th o r ity , an d all nom ads a re h eld e q u a l b e fo re th e c h ie f. T he B a s s e ri seem ed to B a rth to h av e a 'ritu a l life o f u n u su a l p o v e r ty ' (1961: 146); th e y 'a re g en e ra lly u n in te re s te d in relig io n as p re a c h e d b y P e rsia n m u llah s, a n d in d iffe re n t to m etap h y sical p ro b lem s' ( p . 135), while Ram adan an d M uharram 'a re o b s e rv e d a n d c e le b ra te d b y few ' (p . 137). B a rth was led to id e n tify th e nom adic s p rin g m igration a s 'th e c e n tra l r ite of nom adic so c ie ty ' ( p . 153), in w hich th e im p o rta n t social g ro u p s (h e rd in g u n it, cam p, tr ib e a n d c o n fe d e ra c y ), th e ir s tr u c tu r e an d th e p ro c e s s e s by w hich th e y form , a re dram atically e x p r e s s e d . In p a r tic u la r , th e m igration is a rite of collective so lid a rity fo r th e camp com m unity, w hose u n it is b a se d on con­ s e n s u s r a t h e r th a n e n fo rc e d c o -o p e ra tio n , as in th e S h ah se v an c a s e . B a s s e ri r itu a l life th e n is n o t so p o o r. M oreover, in co n ­ t r a s t again w ith th e S h a h se v a n , th e y a p p e a r to be somewhat r ic h e r in te rm s of th e ir in te r e s t in s h rin e s ( p p . 137-8) and th e v a rie ty an d e x te n t o f th e ir beliefs and p ra c tic e s c o n c e rn in g ev il eye an d o th e r s u p e rn a tu ra l in flu e n c e s (p p . 138-45). Unlike S h a h s e v a n , B a sse ri h a v e no h is to ry o f re lig io u s fa n a tic ism , an d th e y a p p a re n tly make no claim s to special form s o f p ie ty o r re lig io s ity . T hey in te r a c t with a la rg e n u m b er of o th e r nom adic trib a l g r o u p s , n o t to m ention th e local s e ttle d

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p e a s a n try - B a rth ta lk s of th e p ro v in c e o f F a rs as one of 'g re a t e th n ic com plexity an d a d m ix tu re ' in w hich 'tr ib a l u n its a re b e st d efin ed b y political r a th e r th a n e th n ic o r g e o g ra p h ica l c r ite r ia ' (p . 1 ). R eligion o r re lig io u s claim s a p p e a r to play no p a r t in in te r - tr ib a l re la tio n s . As r e g a r d s th e ir la x ity a n d lack of o rth o d o x y in m a tte rs o f Islam , B a sse ri like S h a h se v a n may be m aking sta te m e n ts a b o u t th e ir re la tio n to s e ttle d , m ullahdom inated so c ie ty . B a sse ri too a re trib e sm e n w ith a p a sto ra l nomad econom y, in c o n tra s t w ith a s e ttle d p e a s a n tr y . As nom ads, th e y too a p p e a r to be p ro u d o f th e ir la x ity a n d freedom in m a tte rs of relig io n ( p p . 135f) - th e y valu e th e ir in d e p e n d e n c e of s e ttle d a u th o r itie s , b o th political a n d re lig io u s. D urrani T he D u rra n i c a se is som ewhat more com plex in te rm s of b o th e th n ic en v iro n m en t a n d re lig io u s o rg a n iz a tio n . P a s h tu n s (P a th a n s ) make u p o v e r h alf th e p o p ulation of A fg h a n ista n . A sin g le genealo g y u n ite s th e th r e e major tr ib a l g r o u p s , one o f w h ich , th e D u rra n i o f th e w est an d s o u th , p ro v id e d th e r u le r s of th e c o u n try from 1747 to 1978, an d c o n s titu te d an in te r e s t g ro u p to w hich economic a n d political p riv ile g e s (ta x c o n c e ssio n s, f r e e ­ dom from c o n s c rip tio n ) a c c ru e d b y v irtu e of d e s c e n t. A lthough leg islatio n now ( i .e . b y 1972, th e e n d of my field w o rk ) p ro v id e s fo r th e e q u a lity of all A fghan n a tio n a ls, D u rra n i dom ination still p e rv a d e s all b ra n c h e s of political an d a d m in istra tiv e life . If only fo r th is re a s o n , th e p o o re st nomad o r p e a sa n t who can claim D u rra n i id e n tity is able to m a in ta in , a t le a st in th e e y e s of fe llo w -D u rra n i, a p o sitio n of social s u p e rio rity to m em bers o f all o th e r e th n ic g ro u p s e x c e p t S a y y id s. In th e S a rip u l re g io n of n o r th - c e n tr a l A fg h a n ista n , D u rra n is com prise a n e th n ic m in o rity of some 15,000 in a pop u latio n of 150,000. When th e y f ir s t a r riv e d in th e re g io n a s p a s to ra l nom ads aro u n d th e t u r n o f th e c e n tu r y , th e y p r o s p e r e d : th e r e was v a c a n t p a s tu ra g e an d ric h a g r ic u ltu ra l lan d fo r all who w anted it. T h is situ a tio n h a s ch a n g e d ra d ic a lly in re c e n t d e c a d e s. F lo c k s, p a s tu r e s an d farm land can no lo n g e r be e x p a n d e d , while th e local p o p u latio n h a s in c re a se d r a p id ly , in te n s ify in g com peti­ tio n o v e r th e now lim ited re s o u rc e s . T he S a rip u l re g io n is one of c o n sid e ra b le e th n ic a n d lin g u istic d iv e r s ity . Unlike th e two c a se s from I r a n , h e re th e n o m a d /se ttle d d istin c tio n does n o t d efin e e th n ic b o u n d a rie s . D iffe re n t D u rra n i g r o u p s , fo r ex am p le, a re p a sto ra l nom ad, s e ttle d c u ltiv a to r , o r a m ix tu re of b o th . Many D u rra n i a re am ong th e p o o re st people in th e r e g io n , b u t th e y can claim some political a d v a n ta g e th ro u g h th e ir tr ib a l asso ciatio n w ith th e r u l e r s , as well a s w ith th e local K h an s. The re g io n is dom inated b y one pow erful D u rra n i Khan fam ily, w hose a n c e s to r led th e m igration from th e so u th w e st an d was g ra n te d m any p riv ile g e s from th e th ro n e w hich en ab led th e K hans to gain c o n tro l o f v a s t a re a s o f p ro d u c ­ tiv e farm land an d te n a n ts , se v e ra l y e a r s ' te n u r e of th e local g o v e r n o r s h ip , an d la te r th e p a rlia m e n ta ry s e a t . T he role and

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b e h a v io u r o f th e K hans a s lan d o w n ers an d o p p re s s iv e b a ro n s o v e r th e n o n -P a s h tu n s is m uch opposed b y th e ir fellowtrib e s m e n , who n o n e th e le ss fin d th e ir s e rv ic e s as p a tr o n s and m ed iato rs w ith th e s ta te in d isp e n sa b le if e x p e n s iv e . P a sto ra l nomadism in th e reg io n is p ra c tis e d m ainly by P a s h tu n s , in c lu d in g D u rra n i an d o th e r s , b u t m em bers o f all su c h g ro u p s re ta in th e ir e th n ic a n d tr ib a l id e n titie s when s e ttle d . D u rra n i a re in co n tin u a l com petition fo r re s o u r c e s , b o th farm land an d p a s tu r e , with a v a rie ty o f o th e r e th n ic g r o u p s . T h e y u se a v a rie ty o f c r ite r ia fo r d e fin in g th e ir own id e n tity , s tr e s s in g d iffe re n t o n es on d iffe re n t b o u n d a rie s . To be a D u rra n i in n o r th e r n A fg h a n ista n , one m ust speak P a s h tu an d p ra c tis e S unni Islam , b u t m ore im p o rtan t one m ust be ab le to tra c e p u re p a trilin e a l d e sc e n t w ithin a re co g n ized D u rra n i tr ib e an d th e re b y th ro u g h fix ed gen ealo g ies to th e P a sh tu n a n c e s to r Qais c Abd a l-R a sh id , a com panion of th e P r o p h e t; a n d one m ust n e v e r give women in m arriag e to men of o th e r e th n ic g r o u p s , th o u g h one may in p ra c tic e ta k e w ives from th em . D u rra n i p e rc e iv e th re e main e th n ic c a te g o rie s in th e ir e n v iro n ­ m ent: F a rsiw a n , U zbek and H az ara . T hey call th em selv es P a sh tu n o r A fg h a n , o fte n d e n y in g th is label to G hiljai an d o th e r P a sh tu n tr ib e s from th e e a s t , b u t alw ays to se v e ra l g ro u p s who came w ith them from th e so u th w e s t, call them selv es P a s h tu n , sp e a k P a s h tu an d follow D u rra n i c u sto m , y e t a re re g a rd e d by D u rra n i a s 'fa k e s '; th e y belo n g to no re co g n ized tr ib e , a re said (b y D u rra n i) to g iv e d a u g h te r s even to Shic ite s , and a re s u s ­ p e c te d o f p ra c tis in g Shic ism a n d o f sp e a k in g P e rsia n (h e n ce F arsiw an o r P arsiw an - 'P e rs ia n -s p e a k in g ') in th e p riv a c y of th e ir hom es. It is su c h F arsiw an s who a re in th e most d ire c t com petition w ith D u rra n i fo r farm land an d p a s tu r e . All n o n -P a s h tu -s p e a k in g S u n n is a re o fte n term ed 'U zbek' by D u rra n i. T h is c a te g o ry in fac t in c lu d e s n o t only th e T u r k is p e a k in g U zbeks b u t P e rs ia n -s p e a k in g T ajik , Aymak and A ra b , who to g e th e r form th e in d ig en o u s m ajority o f p e a s a n ts and tow nsm en, su b je c t to th e economic an d political a sc en d a n ce of th e P a s h tu n K h an s, a g a in st whom th e y h av e fre q u e n tly ris e n in th e p a s t. D u rra n i h e re s tr e s s th e ir own s u p e rio r relig io u s d e s c e n t , an d claim th a t D u rra n i custom is n e a r e r to Islamic o r th o p ra x y th a n th a t of th e 'U z b e k s'. T hey d e rid e a s 'U zbek n o n s e n s e ' su c h 'n o n -Islam ic' p ra c tic e s as seclu sio n of women. U zb ek s, o f c o u r s e , s t r e s s th e ir own v e rsio n of p ie ty an d o rth o d o x y , v a lu in g se c lu sio n , lite ra c y and p u r ity , a n d m aintain­ in g th a t th e P a s h tu n s h av e c h a n g e d little since th e y a rr iv e d in th e a re a as ig n o ra n t s a v a g e s , h a rd ly le ss p o llu tin g in th e ir nom ad cam ps th a n in fid el fo re ig n e rs o r Shic ite H az aras. All Shic ite s a re called H a z a ra s, esp ecially th e P e rs ia n -s p e a k in g trib e sm e n of s u p p o se d Mongol o rig in s whom th e D u rra n i e n c o u n te r in th e ir h ig h sum m er p a s tu r e s a s well as in se v e ra l im p o rtan t im m igrant village colonies n e a r S a rip u l. T h is th ir d e th n ic fr o n tie r is not so im p o rtan t p o litically to th e D u rra n is as

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it once w as. G iven th e main b a r r ie r o f re lig io n , w ith th e ban on in te r - m a r r ia g e , in d iv id u a l tie s a c ro s s th e f ro n tie r a re sometimes c lo s e , ta k in g th e form o f economic e x c h a n g e s , frie n d s h ip and social re la tio n s of m any k in d s . D u rra n i c o n s id e r th em selv es e q u a ls , m em bers o f an e n d o g a ­ mous g ro u p w ithin w hich (a n d o u tsid e th e d e g re e s o f k in sh ip fo rb id d e n b y Islam ) th e re is com plete freedom to m a rry . T hey in s is t th a t s u b d iv isio n s of th e e th n ic g ro u p - t r i b e s , lin e a g e s, s u b tr ib e s - a re not re le v a n t fo r m arriag e p u rp o s e s . A lthough d e s c e n t is form ally re le v a n t only at th e level o f th e eth n ic g ro u p , w here it d e te rm in es m arriag e choice an d political a lle g ia n c e, it is s till a fu n d am en tal p rin c ip le of social o rg a n ­ izatio n w hich in e ffe c t u n d e rlie s c o n c e p ts o f social g ro u p in g . D escent d e te rm in e s m em bership o f a D u rra n i tr ib e an d of v a rio u s tr ib a l d iv is io n s , n one o f w hich a re c o rp o ra te in c h a r a c te r . One o r more local d e s c e n t g ro u p s form th e co re of a s u b t r i b e : s u b ­ tr ib e s a re co llectio n s o f two o r th r e e cam ps o r v illa g e s, p e rh a p s 100 to 150 fam ilies, an d th o u g h b a se d on an ideology of common d e s c e n t a re e s s e n tia lly p o litical g ro u p s w ith some te r r ito r ia l u n ity an d p o te n tia l fo r joint a c tio n . A p art from th e ir nam e, most o fte n th a t o f a re co g n ize d D u rra n i tr ib a l d iv isio n , sym bols to u n ify th e s u b tr ib e a re few a n d u n im p o rta n t: n o tio n s o f joint r e s p o n s ib ility in m a tte rs o f h o n o u r a re n o t w orked o u t sy ste m ­ atically in th e ideology a n d c e rta in ly not in p r a c tic e ; th e r e a re n e ith e r common p r o p e r ty n o r common r itu a ls ; not e v en re sid e n c e is n e c e s s a ry fo r e ffe c tiv e m em bership o f a s u b tr ib e . G e n e ra lly , o rg a n iz a tio n a n d c o -o p e ra tio n a t th e local level a re u n s tr u c tu r e d b y s e g m e n ta ry o p p o sitio n o r any o th e r sin g le p rin c ip le , b u t in s te a d b y a com bination o f a g n a tio n , co g n a tio n , allia n ce , f r ie n d s h ip , form ing s h iftin g c lu s te r s a ro u n d w ealthy and am bitious m en. In su m , all re s id e n tia l g ro u p s su c h as cam p s, v illag es a n d th e s u b trib e a re h e te ro g e n e o u s , flu id in com position a n d only v ag u e ly b o u n d e d o r s t r u c tu r e d . T he v ita l b o u n d a ry fo r D u rra n i is m em bership o f th e e th n ic g ro u p ; w ithin th is b o u n d a ry only th e h o u seh o ld is p a rtic u la rly c le a rly d efin e d o r c o rp o ra te . As with th e S h a h se v a n a n d B a s s e ri, D u rra n i h o u seh o ld s a re ideally in d e p e n d e n t a n d s e lf-s u f fic ie n t, b u t in th e a b se n c e o f an y sin g le o rg a n iz in g p rin c ip le , th e dom inant them e of social re la tio n s a t th e local lev el is o f hou seh o ld h e a d s in c o n s ta n t com petition w ith close k in a n d n e ig h b o u rs fo r c o n tro l of b o th p ro d u c tiv e a n d re p ro d u c tiv e r e s o u r c e s . So a lso , le a d e rs h ip ro le s w ithin a s u b trib e a re q u ite u n s tr u c ­ t u r e d com pared w ith S h a h se v a n , while w ealth d iffe re n tia ls a re a t le a st a s g r e a t, an d c e rta in ly g r e a te r th a n among B a sse ri nomad com m unities. Each village o r w in ter camp h as an official h e a d m a n , who if he h a p p e n s to be p a rtic u la rly w ealthy may a c q u ire p e rso n a l follow ers a n d th e s ta tu s o f K han. B ut com­ m unity d e c isio n s a re made b y councils o f E ld e rs a n d H ajjis, r e p r e s e n tin g all h o u se h o ld s o f th e g r o u p , an d a u to c r a tic , d o m in eerin g b e h a v io u r is h e a rtily r e s is te d , u n le ss th o se dom in-

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a te d a re a lre a d y econom ically su b o rd in a te as te n a n ts , c lie n ts o r em ployees. T he people sh o u ld d ec id e. D u rra n i a re S u n n is . T hey see th e ir custom s an d beliefs c o n c e rn in g all a re a s of social life a s form ing a sin g le com plex , sa n c tio n e d b y Islam , by th e Q u r'a n a s e x p o u n d e d to them b y th o se q u alified to do so . T hey believe th em selv es su p e rio r in th is r e s p e c t to all o th e r e th n ic g ro u p s e x c e p t S a y y id s. D u rra n i cosm ology an d sp ecifically re lig io u s b elie fs do in d eed ap p ro x im ate o rth o d o x y com pared to th o se of th e S h ahsevan an d B a sse ri - th o u g h not p e rh a p s th e U zb ek s. A llah, th e only an d su p rem e G od, is o m nipotent an d y e t w idely re g a rd e d as d ire c tin g only th e fo rc es o f good, while th e fo rce s of e v il, r e p r e s e n te d b y d e v ils and jin n s , a re in d e p e n d e n t o f h is im m ediate, th o u g h not h is ultim ate c o n c e rn ; h is ways a re u n k n o w ab le; d isc u ssio n of th e 'problem o f e v il' is d isc o u ra g e d , as is th e problem of re co n c ilin g n o tio n s o f th e efficacy of p r a y e r a n d th e in e sc a p a b le p re d e s tin a tio n of each m an's fa te . A g ain , com pared w ith S h ah sev a n a n d B a s s e ri, D u rra n i may be ju d g e d re m a rk a b ly c o n sc ien tio u s in o b s e rv in g th e formal d u tie s o f Islam : p r a y e r , fa s tin g , alm s, p ilg rim a g e . E very D u rra n i se ttle m e n t h as at le ast one m osque, b u ilt by common e ffo rt a n d e x p e n s e , w ith a re s id e n t mullah who lea d s p r a y e r s a n d o th e r ritu a ls t h e r e , p erfo rm s g e n e ra l Islamic o ffic e s, and c o n d u c ts c la sse s fo r b o y s of w ealth ier fam ilies. C ollective p r a y e r s e s s io n s , in c lu d in g th e F rid a y p r a y e r , a re n o t o b lig a to ry n o r g e n e ra lly a tte n d e d , b u t se n io r men u su ally g a th e r in th e m osque to p erfo rm th e la st two daily p r a y e r s . Even nomad cam ps commonly h av e a small place n e a rb y m arked o u t w ith s to n e s fo r a m osque, a n d m any h ave a re s id e n t mullah from a lead in g fam ily. D u rin g th e two major c l d s , a t th e en d o f Ram adan an d a t th e F east o f S a c rific e , all men o f th e com m unity g a th e r at th e m osque, g re e t each o th e r , smooth o v e r q u a r r e ls , an d sp e n d much of th e d ay in p r a y e r a n d c e le b ra tio n . N eith er on su c h o c c a sio n s, how­ e v e r , n o r a t o th e r la rg e cerem onial g a th e rin g s su c h as w eddings o r fu n e ra ls , a re th e c o n g re g a tio n s ex clu siv e o r likely to be th e same on an y two o c c a sio n s, an d v is ito rs an d s tr a n g e r s a re welcome. D u rra n i Islam is a relig io n o f m o d e ra tio n , p ie ty an d s o b r ie ty . At form al re lig io u s g a th e rin g s , at fu n e ra ls o r p r a y e r s a t th e m osque, extrem e emotion o r e c sta sy a re n e v e r d isp la y e d . Nomadic m ig ratio n s h av e v e ry little em otional o r ritu a l c o n te n t; few people go u n le ss th e y h av e to fo r economic re a s o n s . D u rra n i (in th is re g io n at le a s t) do not a p p e a r to valu e nom ad­ ism a n d te n t life as s u c h , th o u g h th e y co n tin u e to c la ss them ­ s e lv e s as p a s to r a lis ts in p re fe re n c e to fa rm e rs . The m ig ratio n s lack o rg a n iz a tio n an d p la n n in g , an d camp com position on th e t r e k v a rie s from d a y to d a y . D u rra n i Islam is also a relig io n of th e p o w erful a n d s u c c e s s fu l, w hich culm inates fo r them in th e p erfo rm an ce o f th e ultim ate d u ty , p ilgrim age to M akkah, w hich fre q u e n tly m arks th e r e tir e ­

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ment from com petition of a n activ e le a d e r from com petition. Women, th o u g h in o th e r re s p e c ts co m paratively u n s e g re g a te d from m en, h av e no p a r t in m o sq u e -c e n tre d ritu a ls a n d m ust p ra y a t hom e. T he d iffe re n tia l s ta tu s of th e se x e s and o f th e su c c e ssfu l a n d u n s u c c e s s fu l w ithin each a re more m anifest in a s e rie s of re lig io u s a c tiv itie s to do w ith Sufism , s a in ts , s h rin e s an d s p ir its w h ich , th o u g h im p o rtan t in D u rra n i life , h av e a some­ w hat am biguous co n n ection w ith th e Islam of th e m osque and th e m ullah. Almost all a ctiv e p a rtic ip a n ts in th e s e a r e men o r women who a p p e a r to se n se th e ir own w eak n ess o r failu re in te rm s of th e m ajor c u ltu ra l e x p e c ta tio n s : p ro d u c tio n in th e case of m en, re p ro d u c tio n fo r women. B ut th is 's h rin e re lig io n ' too is co n tro lle d by prom inent re lig io u s and se c u la r le a d e rs. S c a tte re d a ro u n d th e c o u n try a re lodges of v a rio u s Sufi o r d e r s , w h ere s p ir itu a l le a d e rs (A g h as) may re ceiv e th e ir d is c ip le s , th o u g h th e y u su a lly to u r th e c o u n try d u r in g s p r in g an d sum m er to v isit th e la tte r . Most D u rra n i in S arip u l a re Q a d iri, b u t acknow ledge d iffe re n t A ghas as th e ir le a d e rs . When an A gha a r r iv e s in a com m unity h is male d isc ip les g a th e r to re c e iv e in s tru c tio n a n d to ta k e p a r t in p e rfo rm an c es o f th e d h ik r , in v o lv in g r itu a l re p e titio n o f G od's nam e, c o n tro lled b r e a th in g a n d s u b s e q u e n t c o n tro lled tr a n c e , th o u g h occasionally u n c o n tro lle d f its . One in th r e e men - almost alw ays from poor fam ilies - h a v e p a rtic ip a te d in su c h r ite s a t some time. Men w ith claims to se c u la r pow er in th e com m unity, o r to any d e g re e of re lig io u s p ie ty a n d le a rn in g , ta k e an am bivalent a ttitu d e to su c h Sufi a c tiv itie s . T hey n e v e r ta k e an activ e p a r t , b u t th e y do n o t d isc o u ra g e o th e r s from d o in g s o , d e c la r­ in g th e p e rfo rm a n c es to be b en eficial a n d p ro p e r m eans of com m unication w ith G od. A ghas a re re s p e c te d by a ll, and have th e pow er to c u rs e if th e ir a u th o rity is flo u te d . Local and som etim es d is ta n t ( b u t ren o w n ed ) A ghas a re called on fo r m agical p u r p o s e s , fo r e x o rc ism , a n d to re so lv e d is p u te s an d make p eace b etw een blood enem ies. Sufi a c tiv itie s a re almost e x c lu siv e to m ales: among D u rra n i, wom en's Sufi le a d e rs a re ex tre m e ly r a r e , th o u g h women may be d isc ip le s o f a male A gha if he e x o rc ise s a s p ir it p o s s e s s in g them . P o ssessio n a ffe c ts th e liv es o f m any women d ire c tly o r in d ir e c tly . O ne in th r e e m arried women a re sa id to h av e been a fflic te d a t some tim e , all o f them s u f fe r in g from some com bin­ ation of co m p la in ts, n e v e r ju s t one alone: b a r r e n n e s s , lack of s o n s , d e a th of y o u n g c h ild re n , p h y sic a l com plaints stem m ing from c h ild b irth co m p licatio n s, illn ess , p o v e r ty , d iffic u ltie s w ith h u sb a n d o r w ith co-w ife. P o ssessio n can be in te r p r e te d as a re s p o n s e to a c o n d itio n o f fa ilu re in th e re p ro d u c tiv e role of wife a n d m o th e r. It is d ia g n o sed in c e rta in c a se s o f illn e s s , in s a n ity a n d f i t s , a n d p o ssib ly a f te r th e d e a th o f th e victim o r h e r c h ild re n . S p irits a re am oral a n d u su a lly an tiso c ia l. T r e a t­ ment alw ays ta k e s th e form of a tte m p ts a t ex o rcism , by b o th

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A ghas an d more o rth o d o x fu n c tio n a rie s . T he condition is o fte n alle v ia te d b y su c h a tte m p ts , w h e th e r o r n o t th e y a re s u c c e s s fu l. T h ey e s ta b lis h a re la tio n o f s p iritu a l d is c ip le s h ip , as well as b rin g in g a tte n tio n an d c o n sid e ra tio n on th e p a rt of th e victim 's fam ily. T h e re a re no p o ssessio n c u lts . O nly v e ry few m en, u su a lly ill and from po o r a n d d iv id e d fam ilies, w ere d ia g n o sed as s u ff e rin g p o sse ssio n . Men who felt th em selv es p o w erless an d d isa d v a n ta g e d more o fte n found b o th excitem en t an d con so lation in Sufi r itu a ls . T he o n ly o th e r men to have h a d c o n ta c t w ith s p ir its w ere some com m unity le a d e rs who claim ed to h av e s u rv iv e d e n c o u n te rs w ith p a rtic u la rly m alevolent s p ir its b e c a u s e , th o u g h te r r if ie d , th e y s te a d fa s tly r e s is te d an d o u tw itte d th e s p i r i t , o r d e s tro y e d it b y p r a y e r . Such ta le s a re re to ld b y people norm ally som ew hat sc e p tic a l in th e s e m a tte rs , a n d a re r e g a rd e d as a u th e n tic p ro o f o f th e e x iste n c e an d pow er o f s p ir its ; c le a rly th e y also d em o n stra te b o th th e pow er of p r a y e r and th e pow er o f le a d e rs who norm ally confine th e ir re lig io u s a c tiv itie s s tr ic tly w ithin th e co n fin es of o rth o d o x Islamic p ra c tic e . P o ssessio n c a se s a re also ta k e n to s h r in e s . T he b e st know n a n d most a tte n d e d o f th e se a re th e g ra v e s of fam ous A g h a s , m a rty rs o r o th e r holy m en. Pilgrim s to local s h rin e s a re almost alw ays women, who go in th e hope o f a lle v ia tin g problem s ra n g in g from p o sse ssio n to p h y sic al ailm ents an d m arital d if f ic u ltie s . C om pared w ith th e S h ah sev an at le a s t, D u rra n i so c ie ty is in te n s e ly com petitive and in d iv id u a listic . T he w eakest h o u se ­ h old s can n o t s u r v iv e e x c e p t in re la tio n s of d e p e n d e n c e , in w hich th e y acknow ledge fa ilu re to ach iev e th e c u ltu ra l e x p e c ta tio n of p ro d u c tiv e an d re p ro d u c tiv e s e lf-s u ffic ie n c y . Islam its e lf p ro v id e s an a lte rn a tiv e id eo lo g y , of eg a lita ria n ism , w hich con­ fro n ts th e re a litie s o f in e q u a lity , b u t th e p ra c tic e of o rth o d o x Islam is dom inated b y th e su c c e ssfu l an d th e p r iv ile g e d . Men an d women who fail se e k consolation th ro u g h p e rso n a l e x p e rie n c e in am bivalent re lig io u s a c tiv itie s , men in S ufi r itu a l, women in p ilg rim a g e s, s p irit p o sse ssio n a n d ex o rcism . D u rra n i social o rg a n iz a tio n is co m p etitiv e, u n e q u a l, and u n s tr u c tu r e d . Islam ic, m o sq u e -c e n tre d r itu a ls , r a th e r th a n d e m a rc a tin g social g ro u p s a n d p a tte r n s of a u th o r ity , m anage b o th to d e c la re th e th e o ry of e q u a lity an d to s tr e s s th e re a lity o f in e q u a lity . D u rra n i co n c ep tio n s of th e ir h isto ric a l id e n tity , an d of th e ir re la tio n to o th e r e th n ic g ro u p s w ith whom th e y a re in c o n s ta n t political and economic co m p etitio n , lead prom inent an d su c c e ss fu l D u rra n i to an o rth o d o x a n d unem otional o b s e r v ­ ance of Islamic r itu a l. U n su c ce ssfu l D u rr a n i, b y c o n tr a s t, p u r ­ s u e e c s ta tic e x p e rie n c e s asso c ia te d w ith S ufism , s h rin e s an d s p ir it p o sse ssio n . T he c e n tra l c o n c e rn o f th is e ssa y h a s b e en to show how e x te r ­ n al re la tio n s b etw een e th n ic o r trib a l g r o u p s , p a rtic u la rly w here th e y in v o lv e com petition fo r r e s o u r c e s , a re likely to be e x p re s s e d in claims o f re lig io u s s u p e r io r ity , w h e th e r in term s

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o f re lig io sity o r of o rth o d o x y , an d how fa r th e s e claim s d e te r ­ mine th e c h a r a c te r of re lig io u s b elief and b e h a v io u r w ithin th e e th n ic g ro u p . T h u s th e role o f e c sta tic r itu a l in m osque o r s h rin e relig io n is re la te d p a r tly to e th n ic and h is to ric a l s e lf­ c o n c e p tio n s an d p a r tly to social o rg a n iz a tio n . D u rra n i claims to o rth o d o x y a n d p ie ty in com parison w ith th e ir co m p etito rs in h ib it th e e x p re s s io n o f e c s ta s y in m osque c o n te x ts , th o u g h allow ing it to social ’m isfits' in s h rin e c o n te x ts . S h a h sev a n emotional involvem ent in m osque r itu a ls is le ss re la te d to th e ir s e lf-c o n c e p tio n a s p io u s Muslims th a n to th e com plexities of social re la tio n s w ithin th e c o n g re g a tio n . B a s s e ri, who claim n e ith e r o rth o d o x y n o r p ie ty , ig n o re th e relig io n o f th e m osque a n d focus th e ir re lig io u s in te r e s t on s h rin e a c tiv itie s . B oth B a sse ri an d S h a h s e v a n , f in a lly , in d e fin in g th em selv e s as trib a l nom ads an d as in d e p e n d e n t a n d com p arativ ely u n o rth o d o x in m a tte rs of re lig io n , e x p e rie n c e th e nom adic m ig ra tio n s as form s of r itu a l, th o u g h in d iffe re n t w ays th a t a re re la te d ag ain to d iffe re n c e s in th e ir social o rg a n iz a tio n , p a rtic u la rly th e s t r u c ­ tu r e of nom adic com m unities. NOTE E a rlie r v e rs io n s o f th is p a p e r , o rig in a lly in s p ire d b y an u n p u b ­ lish ed p a p e r b y Jacob B lack-M ichaud, w ere p r e s e n te d a t a n th r o ­ pology sem in ars sin ce 1972 in L ondon, S u sse x and B e lfa st. I am g ra te fu l to D r B lack-M ichaud fo r allow ing me to re a d his p a p e r , to m em bers of th o se sem inars fo r com m ents on m in e , and p a rtic u la rly to N ancy T a p p e r fo r h e r s u g g e s tio n s o v e r th e y e a rs sin ce th e p a p e r was f ir s t c o n s tr u c te d . I ts fa u lts rem ain my re s p o n s ib ility . F ieldw ork in A fg h a n ista n was c o n d u c te d in 1971 a n d 1972 on S tu d y Leave from th e School of O rie n tal and A frican S tu d ie s , on Social Science R e se arch Council P ro ject n o . HR 1141/1. BIBLIOGRAPHY A hm ad, A b d -al G h a ffa r Muhammad (1 9 7 4 ), 'S h y k h s a n d Follow ers. P olitical S tru g g le in th e R ufac a al-h o i N azirate in th e S u d a n , K hartoum U n iv e rs ity P r e s s . A sad , Talal (1 9 7 0 ), 'T he K ababish A ra b s. P ow er, A u th o rity and C o n sen t in a Nomadic T r ib e ', H u r s t, L ondon. B a r th , F re d rik (1 9 6 1 ), 'Nomads o f S o u th P e rs ia : th e B a sse ri T rib e of th e K ham seh C o n fe d e ra c y ', U n iv e r s ite ts v o rla g e t, O slo; Allen & U nw in, London. B a te s, D aniel (1 9 7 3 ), 'Nomads an d F a rm e rs: a S tu d y of th e Y oriik of S o u th e a s te rn T u r k e y ', A n th ro p . P a p e r s , Museum of A n th ro p o lo g y , n o . 52, U n iv e rsity of M ichigan, A nn A rb o r. Cole, Donald (1 9 7 5 ), 'Nomads o f th e N om ads. T he Al M urrah B edouin o f th e Em pty Q u a r te r ', A ld in e, C hicago.

264

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C u n n iso n , Ian (19 6 6 ), 'B a g g ara A ra b s. Pow er a n d th e Lineage in a S u d an ese Nomad T r ib e ', C la re n d o n , O x fo rd . D ick so n , H .R .P . (1949), 'T he A rab of th e D e s e r t', Allen & U nw in, L ondon. D ig a rd , J e a n -P ie rre (1978), P e rs p e c tiv e s a n th ro p o lo g iq u e s s u r l'islam , 'R . f r a n c , s o c io l.1, XIX, 497-523. D ou g las, Mary (1 9 7 3 ), 'N atu ra l Sym bols. E x p lo ra tio n s in C osm ology', P e n g u in , H arm ondsw orth. E v a n s - P r itc h a r d , E .E . (1949), 'T he S an u si of C y re n a ic a ', C la re n d o n , O x fo rd . F e rd in a n d , K laus (1 9 6 9 ), Nomadism in A fg h a n ista n . With an A p p en d ix on Milk P ro d u c ts , in L . Foldes ( e d . ) , 'V ie h w irts c h a ft u n d H ir te n k u ltu r. E th n o g ra p h isc h e S tu d ie n ', Akademiai K iado, B u d a p e s t. F o r te s , M eyer (1 9 5 3 ), T he S tr u c tu r e of U nilineal D escent G ro u p s , 'A m er. A n t h r .', LV, 17-41. G e e rtz , C lifford (1 9 6 8 ), 'Islam O b se rv e d : R eligious D evelopm ent in Morocco a n d In d o n e sia ', U n iv e rsity o f C h ica g o , C hicago. G e lln e r, E rn e st (1969), 'S ain ts o f th e A tla s ', W eidenfeld & N icolson, L ondon. G e lln e r, E rn e s t (1 9 7 3 ), In tro d u c tio n : A p p ro ach es to Nomadism, in C . Nelson ( e d . ) , 'T h e D e sert a n d th e Sow n. Nomads in th e Wider S o c ie ty ', I n s titu te o f In te rn a tio n a l S tu d ie s , R esearch S e rie s n o . 21, U n iv e rsity of C a lifo rn ia, B e rk e le y . G la tz e r, B e rn t (1 9 7 7 ), 'Nomaden v o n G h a r jis ta n ', S ü d a sie n I n s titu t, U n iv e rsitä t H e id e lb e rg , B e iträ g e z u r S u d a sie n fo rc h u n g , 22. S te in e r, W iesbaden. G oldschm idt, W alter (1971), In d e p e n d e n c e as an Element in P a sto ra l Social S y stem s, ’A n th . Q u r tiy ', XLIV, 132-42. G u lick , Jo h n (1976). 'T he Middle E a st: an A nthropological P e rs p e c tiv e ', G o o d y ear, Pacific P a lisa d e s. H aalan d , G u n n a r (19 69), Economic D eterm in an ts in E thnic P ro c e s s e s , in F. B a rth ( e d . ) , 'E th n ic G ro u p s and B o u n d a rie s ', Allen & U nw in, L ondon. Ibn K haldun (1 9 6 7 ), 'T h e M uqaddim ah', tr a n s F . R o se n th al, e d . N . Dawood, R o u tle d g e , London. I r o n s , William (1975), 'T he Yomut T u rk m en : a S tu d y of Social O rg an izatio n among a C e n tra l A sian T u rk ic -s p e a k in g P opula­ tio n ', A n th ro p . P a p e rs , Museum o f A n th ro p o lo g y , n o . 58, U n iv e rsity o f M ichigan, A nn A rb o r. L ew is, loan (1 9 6 1 ), 'A P a sto ra l D em ocracy', O xford U n iv e rsity P r e s s , L ondon. M onod, T h éo d o re (1 9 75), In tro d u c tio n , in 'P asto ralism in T ro p ical A fric a ', O xford U n iv e rsity P r e s s , L ondon. P e h rs o n , R o b ert (19 6 6), 'T he Social O rg an izatio n of th e M arri B a lu c h ', F . B a rth c o m p ., A ldine, C hicago. P e te r s , Em rys (1 9 7 6 ), From P artic u larism to U n iversalisai in th e relig io n of th e C y re n aic a B edouin, ’B ull. B r. Soc. Middle E ast S t u d . ', I l l , 5-14. de P lan h o l, X avier (1959), 'T he World o f Islam ', C ornell U n iv e rsity P r e s s .

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de P lan h o l, X avier (1968), 'Les fo n d em en ts g é o g ra p h iq u e s de l'h is to ire de l'is la m ', Flam m arion, P a ris . Salzm an, Philip (1 9 7 5), Islam an d A u th o rity in T rib a l I r a n . A C om parative Comment, 'T h e Moslem W orld', LXV, 186-95. S p o o n e r, B ria n (1973), 'T he C u ltu ra l Ecology of P a sto ra l N om ads', Module in A n th ro p o lo g y n o . 45, A dd isio n -W esley , R ead in g ( M ass. ) . T a p p e r, N ancy (1 9 7 9 ), M arriage a n d Social O rg an izatio n among D u rra n i P a s h tu n s in N o rth e rn A fg h a n ista n , u n p u b lish e d P h .D . th e s is , U n iv e rsity o f London. T a p p e r, R ic h a rd (1979), 'P a s tu re a n d P o litics. Economics C onflict a n d R itu al among S h a h se v a n Nomads o f N o rth ­ w e ste rn I r a n ', Academic P r e s s , London.

10

TRIBAL WARFARE IN AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN: A REFLECTION OF THE SEGMENTARY LINEAGE SYSTEM Louis Dupree

'R ev en g e is th e b e s t way to g e t e v e n .' (A rch ie B u n k e r ) ( l) To label an y ty p e of w arfa re 'p o sitiv e ' may seem s tr a n g e in an age o f w eapons so so p h istic a te d th a t p e rs o n k in d w o rries ab o u t se lf-a n n ih ila tio n . MAD r e f e r s not only to a s a tiric a l com icbook, b u t M utually A s s u re d D e stru c tio n . Volumes h av e been w ritte n sin ce th e Second World War to p ro v e th a t th e hum an sp ec ies is not biologically co m p u terized to f ig h t, th e o riz in g th a t th e blame lies in c u ltu re (le a rn e d b e h a v io r ). Human e n d e a v o rs , a c c o rd in g to th is h y p o th e s is , c a n be d ire c te d to w ard com pletely p ea ce fu l goals th ro u g h ju d icio u s m anipulation o f c u ltu r e s . (2) O th e rs m aintain th a t p e rs o n k in d 's b asically a g g re s s iv e n a tu re p re c lu d e s an y su c h in d u c e d c u ltu ra l c h a n g e s .(3) The new socio­ b io lo g ists ad v o c a te th e su p rem acy of th e g e n e s : Any s p e c ie s , as g ro u p s an d a s in d iv id u a ls w ithin g r o u p s , re s p o n d s to th e n a tu r a l an d social e n v iro n m en ts as a r e s u lt of p r e d e te rm in e d , g en etically s t r u c t u r e d , biological and b e h a v io ria l tr a its w hich hav e evolved to maximize g ro u p su rv iv a l p o te n tia l. (4) W ars, be th e y tr ib a l feu d s o r world h o lo c a u s ts , m ust b e ju s ti­ fied b y th o se who fig h t them . Blam ing w ars on m an's assum ed a g g r e s s iv e , a ta v is tic in s tin c ts s a tis fie s few . N eith er do them atic v a ria tio n s on te r r ito r ia l i n t e g r i t y , p r o p e r ty r i g h t s , o r g ro u p h o n o r. P o ssib ly , elem ents o f all th e above fa c to rs (p lu s o th e r s ) may c o n trib u te at d iffe re n t p o in ts in time an d space to cau se co n flic ts b etw een in d iv id u a ls an d g r o u p s .(5) W hatever th e re a s o n s , th e tr a c k re c o rd is c le a r . T h ro u g h o u t h is to ry an d deep in to p r e h is to r y , th e e v id en ce sh o u ts o f w ars an d ru m o rs of w a rs . Some o f o u r f ir s t d e c ip h e ra b le w ritte n re c o rd s (a b o u t 5,000 y e a rs ago) re c o rd Middle E a ste rn w ars of c o n q u e s t, com plete with lists o f tr ib u te re n d e r e d b y th e c o n ­ q u e re d . (6) S tu d e n ts o f w a rfa re o fte n overlook th e re la tio n sh ip betw een le is u re time to fig h tin g in th e an n u a l cycle of p r e in d u s tria l p e o p le s, e v e n a f te r c o n ta c t w ith - an d o fte n dom inance by tech n o lo g ically s u p e rio r im p e ria lists. W arfare still p lay s a major se a so n a l ro le in some p r e in d u s tria l so c ie tie s, e ith e r in its p u rs u it o r in stitu tio n a liz e d a v o id a n ce , in its e lf a v a rie ty o f c o n f lic t.(7) D u rin g th e a n n u a l economic cycle ( a g r ic u ltu r e , h e r d in g , g a rd e n in g , h u n tin g , g a th e r in g , o r com binations o f th e s e ) , k in -o rie n te d g ro u p s o f v a ry in g siz e s (d e p e n d in g on local ecology a t an y g iv en p e rio d ) work to g e th e r to s u r v iv e . In A fg h a n ista n an d P a k is ta n , in sp ite of m assive e x p e n d itu re on 266

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267

developm ent (n o t u n iq u e in th e T h ird W orld), a g r ic u ltu re an d h e rd in g a re s till p rim arily s u b s is te n c e o rie n te d . From e a rly s p rin g th ro u g h e a rly fall, th e economic cycle d o m in ates, a n d th e in te n s ity o f th e a g ric u ltu r a l an d h e r d in g a c tiv itie s fo rce people to w ork c o o p e ra tiv e ly . H ard w ork h e lp s s u p p r e s s a n y te n s io n s th a t a r is e . A p e rio d o f re la tiv e le isu re d r if ts in w ith la te fall an d la sts u n til th e s p r in g p la n tin g o r m igration w ith th e h e r d s . D u rin g th e slack m o n th s, a g ric u ltu ra l to o ls , m ud h u ts an d w alls, te n ts a n d nom adic g e a r re q u ire only so m uch time to r e p a ir ; fo lk tale s a n d fo lk so n g s can b e told and s u n g only so m any tim es b e fo re boredom s e ts in . No m ovies, p ro fe ssio n a l s p o r t s , frie n d ly n e ig h b o rh o o d b a r s , o r telev isio n e x is t to o ffe r d iv e rs io n s , p a rtic u la rly in th e zones o f re la tiv e in a c c e s s ib ility . (8) E ven th e u b iq u ito u s tr a n s is to r ra d io s cannot co n tain o ff-se a so n boredom a n d te n s io n s . Long p e rio d s of in a c tiv ity a n d in tim ate c o n ta c t b r in g la te n t (c u ltu ra lly in d u c e d , as we sh all see) a g g re s s io n s to th e s u rf a c e . T he form alized se g m e n ta ry , lin eag es in r u r a l A fg h a n ista n and P a k ista n ( s tr o n g e s t in th e a re a s along th e D u ra n d Line o f 1893) h av e d ev elo p ed a se n sitiv e netw o rk o f in te rlo c k in g , re c ip ro c a l r ig h ts an d o b lig a tio n s, not only betw een th e k in u n its , b u t b etw een p a tro n s an d c lie n ts . F ig u re 10.1 illu s tra te s an idealized P u s h tu n k in - tr ib a l s t r u c t u r e . T he se g m e n tary sy stem fu n c tio n s w ith v a rio u s lev els of in te n s ity d e p e n d in g on th e situ a tio n a t an y g iven tim e. D iffere n t ty p e s o f e x te rn a l and in te rn a l s t r e s s tr i g g e r o ff d iffe re n t re s p o n s e s . For exam ple, when th e B ritis h in v a d e d A fg h a n ista n fo u r tim es in th e n in e ­ te e n th c e n tu r y (1839, 1842, 1878, 1879), th e im p o rta n t political ( i . e . m ilita ry ) re s p o n s e s came from th e tr i b e s , some o p p o sin g th e B ritis h , some s u p p o r tin g . B efore th e S econd A nglo-A fghan War (1 8 7 8 -8 0 ), th e s e d e n ta ry P u s h tu n of s o u th - c e n tra l A fg h a n ista n lived in clan v illa g es o r clan com m unities. P ro b ab ly no p u re sin g le clan v illag es e v e r e x is te d b e c a u se hamsaya (c lie n ts o r r e ta in e r s ) , u se d a s farm o r c a su a l la b o u r, w ere o th e r P u s h tu n w ho, fo r one re a so n o r a n o th e r , h ad b een c a st o u t from th e ir local k in - u n it. O u tc ast m em bers o f n o n -P u s h tu n e th n ic g ro u p s also so u g h t asylum with s tr o n g P u s h tu n k h a n s . P re-1880 trib a l an d s u b trib a l lo y a ltie s (se e F ig u re 10.1) w ere la rg e ly t e r r i t o r i a l , an d th e s e loyalties a re still im p o rta n t in a re a s o f th e o rig in a l P u sh tu n hom eland, th e m ountains along th e D u ra n d L ine. T he more im p o rtan t social a n d economic i n te r ­ ac tio n s took p lace a t th e clan com m unity le v e l. L ineage an d c lan (b ro k e n down in th e late n in e te e n th c e n tu r y to become s u b lin e a g e s, w ith no commonality of re s id e n c e ) le a d e rs h ip g o v e rn e d th e a c tio n s o f th e v illa g e rs . When no e x te rn a l in v asio n s ( i .e . P e rs ia n , M oghul, B ritis h , R u ssia n ) th r e a te n e d , th e blood fe u d c o n tin u e d u n a b a te d among sm aller k i n - u n i t s , u su a lly su b lin e a g e a n d b e lo w , b e c a u s e , in s p ite of th e re s id u a l r ig h ts an d oblig atio n s fu n c tio n in g a t th e lin eag e level an d a b o v e , te n sio n s can an d do b u ild u p betw een

268

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in d iv id u a ls , fa m ilie s, a n d s u b lin e a g e s . (9 ) In s o u th - c e n tr a l A f g h a n is ta n , m ost v illa g e s c o n s is t o f s e v e ra l s u b lin e a g e s .

F ig u re 10.1

Sim plified k in - tr ib a l s t r u c t u r e in A fg h a n is ta n

Approximate English equivalent

Pashto/Dari* terms

Kin-political units (one example)

Nation-state

Heywad (P); Watan (D)

Afghanistan (geographic entity)

Confederation

Wolus(P); Mellat(D)

Pushtun: Afghanistan in the cultural sense; or an individual ethnic group

Tribe

Qaum (DP); Qabila (D); Tabar (P)

Durrani: ethnic group in the political (often territorial) sense

Subtribe

Also Qaum, Qabila, Tabar; Khater, mainly Tajik

Zirak

Section

Suffix -zai, usually

Barakzai

Lineage

Suffix -zai, also P'sha (P)

Mohammadzai

Sublineage (sib) (former clan)

Khel(DP)

Yahya Khel

Extended family (with residential unity)

Khanawada (D); Plarghaney (P);** Nikaghaney (P )***

Extended family (no residential unity minimal reciprocal rights and obligations)

KahoMP); Kurani (D)

Musahiban

Nuclear family

Famil; hastavi (DP); aulad (DP); dastaken (refers to group eating on same cloth): sandali (refers to group which gets warmth from same charcoal stove)

Ghazi

* Terms used by Dan speakers are often Arabic. In addition, the same terms often have different meanings in different areas. * * Term used if ego's father or uncle the head. • " Term used if ego's grandfather is head.

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In -g ro u p te n s io n s u su a lly re la te to th e in h e rita n c e of p ro p e rty a n d s e x . Islamic law a n d local custom s c a re fu lly d elin eate in h e rita n c e p a tte r n s , b u t wily b r o th e r s an d u n c le s sometimes o u t-s n o o k e r le ss wily b ro th e r s and n ep h ew s. In many c a s e s , in h e rita n c e r ig h ts o f women (g u a ra n te e d in Islam ) a re e ith e r ig n o re d o r a lte re d b ey o n d re c o g n itio n . F ig h ts o c c u r , and fam ilies b re a k u p to form new n u c le a r k in - u n its , which o fte n r e s u lts in s e lf - p e r p e tu a tin g blood fe u d s. When th e v illag e becom es tw o, it only fa v o rs e n e m ie s .(10) Com petition fo r m ates can p re c ip ita te a c ris is w ithin a g ro u p . A fghan an d P a k ista n i r u r a l so c iety is b asically p a tr ia r c h a l, p a trilin e a l, an d p a trilo c a l. Many m a tri-a s p e c ts s u r v iv e , h o w e v e r, fo r m arriag e u su a lly ta k e s place w ithin th e village o r a n e a rb y v illa g e . In a d d itio n , p r e f e r r e d m a rriag e is with f a th e r ’s b r o th e r 's d a u g h te r , o r a s close to th a t kin s ta tu s as p o ssib le , so male c o u sin s a re p o te n tia l o r a c tu a l riv a ls fo r d a u g h te r s of p a te rn a l u n c le s . In r e a lity , h o w ev e r, th e ideal co n d itio n s o fte n c a n n o t be m et, an d m arria g es w ith m o th e r's b r o th e r ’s d a u g h te rs an d e v e n m o th e r's o r f a th e r 's s i s t e r 's d a u g h te rs o c c u r fre q u e n tly . The com petition fo r m ates is f u r th e r in te n sifie d b ec au se th e a d u lt male to female ra tio is a b o u t 116 to 100.(11) Families u su a lly a r r a n g e m a rria g e s w ithout c o n su ltin g th e p rin c ip a ls , who ideally ac ce p t w ithout com plaint. A bsence of o pen p r o te s t, h o w e v e r, does n o t imply th e a b se n c e o f s u b s u rfa c e em otional te n s io n s in e ith e r o r b o th of th e p o te n tia l m ates. L an g u ag e sometimes re v e a ls u n a rtic u la te d (o r dow nplayed) c o n flic ts in a so c ie ty . T he term fo r co usin in P a sh to is t u r b u r th e w ord fo r th e w o rst k in d of h a tre d is tu r b u r g h a n a y which could be lite ra lly tr a n s la te d 'c o u s in - h a tr e d '. B ut th e n o n ­ lite r a te , r u r a l P u s h tu n d e n y th is in te r p r e ta tio n . T hey s a y : 'T u r b u r is t u r b u r an d tu r b u r g h a n a y is t u r b u r g h a n a y . T hey a re se p a ra te w o rd s. How c an th e y re la te ? How could I h a te my co u sin ? I would fig h t to th e d e a th w ith him . I would n e v e r leave h is b o d y b e h in d in a f ig h t. I would give him my la st c r u s t of b r e a d . ' T he overw helm ing m ajority o f A fghans and P a k ista n is can n o t re a d an d w rite , so show ing them th a t th e w ritte n t u r b u r is a p re fix an d -g h a n a y a s u f fix , w h ich , w hen com bined c re a te a com pound w o rd , fails to im p re ss. S e v era l P ash to p r o v e r b s , h in t at 'c o u s in - h a tr e d '. A c o u s in 's to o th b re a k s on a n o th e r c o u sin 's to o th . Keep a co u sin p oor - an d u se him. T ra d itio n a lly , o u t- g ro u p A fghan and P a k istan i (p a rtic u la rly am ong th e P u s h tu n an d B aluch) fe u d s involve zan (w om en), za r (lite ra lly g o ld , sym bolizing p o rta b le p r o p e r ty ) , and zamin (la n d , an d o th e r immovable p r o p e r ty , in c lu d in g w ater r i g h t s ) . T he P u s h tu n live b y local v e rs io n s o f th e P u sh tu n w ali (o r P u k h tu n w a li), th e 'way o f th e P u s h tu n .' th e 'code o f th e h ills .' For one v e r s io n , see th e A p p en d ix .

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N a n g , (12) th e g e n e ric term fo r h o n o r, sum s u p th e w hole. S ev eral p ro v e rb s d ealin g w ith h o n o r a n d sham e give a c le a re r p ic tu re of th e co n cep t th a n a th o u sa n d w ords: Die fo r th e h o n o r o f family o r frie n d . I sa c rific e my w ealth fo r my h e a d , b u t my h ead fo r my h o n o r. May my frie n d be sh am e le ss, an d may I be sham eless befo re him. Look to a m an's d e e d s , not w h e th e r he is s h o rt o r ta ll. T he sw e e te st fellow ship is th a t of th e sw o rd . A d og s u rro u n d e d t u r n s ta il, a man f ig h ts . The b ra v e man h a s no fa u lts , an d th e tr u e cow ard no sham e. Do not ta k e a p a th th a t y o u r f a th e r and m other would not follow . F e a r an d shame a re f a th e r and so n . F eu d s may la st fo r se v e ra l g e n e ra tio n s , a n d c u r r e n t p a rtic i­ p a n ts may h av e fo rg o tte n th e o rig in a l c a u se . At tim es, fe u d s lie dorm ant fo r y e a rs an d th e n explode w ith u n p re d ic ta b le v iolence. T he trib e sm e n o f A fg h a n ista n can be d e s c rib e d as h a v in g a s h o rt fu se an d a long fe u d . T rib esm en fig h t to p e rp e tu a te th e ir own g ro u p s an d not to d e s tro y o r a n n ih ila te th e enem y. T hey e x p e n d much more e n e rg y ru n n in g u p a n d down hills o r rid in g h o rs e s an d camels a c ro ss d e s e r ts an d p lain s th a n in fig h tin g . F ire fig h ts can help d ra in o ff th e sex u ally o rie n te d , c u ltu ra lly in d u c e d , in -g r o u p a g g re s s io n s . Men a re k ille d , b u t th e d e a th s seem alm ost in cid en tal to th e act of f ig h tin g . E nough a re k ille d , h o w ev e r, to keep e v e ry o n e 's a d re n a lin u p , and c o n te s tin g g ro u p s rem ain em otionally tu n e d fo r th e n e x t ro u n d . Blood m ust alw ays be about eq u ally spilled and p ro p e rty eq u ally d e s tro y e d o r ta k e n , b e ca u se if one sid e g ain s m aterially at th e e x p e n se o f th e o th e r , th e seaso n al feu d m ight e x te n d in to th e a g r ic u ltu ra l cycle c o n tra r y to th e in te r e s ts o f both s id e s . T rib a l w a rfa re , th e r e f o r e , c h a n n e ls p o te n tia l in -g ro u p violence o v e r p r o p e r ty r ig h ts and m a te -p re fe re n c e to w ard o u t­ g ro u p e le m e n ts , u su a lly n e ig h b o rin g tr ib e s o r s u b trib e s w ithin a tr ib e . T his seaso n al p ro c e ss o f e x te rn a lis in g in te rn a l a g g re s s io n sim ply m eans sh o o tin g th e hell o u t of s tr a n g e r s r a t h e r th a n o n e 's k in sm en. T a c tic s and w eapons also limit c a su a ltie s. C om batants fav o r s u r p r is e a tta c k s ju s t b e fo re d aw n , h it a n d r u n a n d off w ith th e loot. For a m an , e ith e r a sw ift b lo w , o r a sw ift f lig h t. (S ir Ja c k F a lsta ff would be p le a se d ! - L .D .) W eapons ra n g e d from m atch lo ck s, flin tlo c k s (w ith e ig h te e n th to n in e te e n th c e n tu r y T ow er firin g m echanism s) and p e rc u ssio n cap rifle s to h ig h -p o w e re d w eapons from E urope a n d th e U nited S ta te s . R easonable facsim iles o f m odern w eapons a re m anufac-

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tu r e d in home in d u s tr ie s at D a rra (n e a r K ohat) in P a k is ta n . P ro te c te d b y th e s e p a ra te laws th a t g o v e rn th e six F ed erally A d m in istered T rib a l A gencies (F A T A s)(1 3 ), a r tis a n s p ro d u c e b y h a n d ( r e c e n tly , some ele ctric ally pow ered m ach in ery was in tro d u c e d ) e v e r y th in g from Sten and B re n g u n s to Colt .45 c a l. autom atics an d B e re tta 9mm (M1934) p is to ls , com plete w ith m a n u fa c tu re rs ' m a rk s. T he fa v o rite weapon is still th e old re lia b le , bolt actio n B ritis h L ee-E nfield .303 r ifle , 1908 model (m o d ified ). Many trib e sm e n s till u se th e b re e c h -lo a d in g , s in g le -s h o t M a rtin i-H en ry rifle (1887 m odel). C o ttag e in d u s tr y w eapons u su ally c a n n o t be o p e ra te d ra p id f ir e , fo r two re a s o n s : th e riflin g in th e b a r r e l te n d s to w a rp , an d b o lts som etim es fit im p ro p e rly . B ut give th e a r tis a n a bolt (sto le n from th e P a k ista n arm y o r th e F ro n tie r C o rp s) an d he will b u ild a s u p e r b w eapon a ro u n d th e b o lt. (14) K nives an d d a g g e rs of all siz e s an d sh a p e s a re fa v o rite w eapons fo r h a n d -to -h a n d f ig h tin g , avoided w h e n ev e r p o ssib le , h o w ev er. S w o rd s, once p rim ary w eapons, a re seldom u s e d to d a y . Let u s now exam ine tw o exam ples o f tr ib a l w a rfa re . LUMBER RUSTLING IN PAKTYA P a k ty a P ro v in ce in e a s te r n A fg h a n ista n is one o f th e c o u n tr y 's few e x te n s iv e ly wooded a r e a s . L um bering in w in te r b r in g s in sizeab le e x t r a , n o n -a g ric u ltu ra l incom es to th o se g ro u p s lu ck y e n o u g h to own fo re s t s ta n d s . B oth th e A fghan a n d P a k ista n i g o v e rn m e n ts p erio d ically a ttem p t to e x e rc ise some c o n tro l o v e r b o th th e c u ttin g an d sale o f th e tr e e s . F o r exam ple, th e R epublic o f A fg h a n ista n (1973-8) o ffe re d to pay top p ric e s fo r th e lum ber u su a lly sm uggled to P a k ista n . T he p a rt-tim e lum berm en of P a k ty a sim ply sold th e go v ern m en t s e c o n d -c la ss lum ber a t f i r s t c la ss p r ic e s , an d c o n tin u e d to sm uggle th e b e s t q u a lity in to P a k is ta n , p rim arily th ro u g h P a ra c h in a r to T h a i. On b o th sid e s o f th e D u ran d L in e, a little b a k sh e e sh goes a long way - an d so does th e lu m b er. T he Mangal an d J a d ra n (som etim es sp elled Z a d ra n ), two n e ig h ­ b o rin g tr ib e s e n g a g e d in th e o ff- a g ric u ltu ra l sea so n lum ber tr a d e , a re tra d itio n a l blood e n e m ie s .(15) Since th e Second World War, th e M an g al-Jad ran feud h a s been re la tiv e ly q u ie t, b u t occasionally e x p lo d e s , u su a lly a ffe c tin g one o r two local s e c tio n s . I s p e n t p a r t o f th e w in te r of 1962 in P a k ty a . One e v e n in g , w hile c o lle c tin g k in s h ip te rm s in a Mangal v illa g e , som eone in th e h u t s a id , ’Be q u ie t! ' We all liste n e d a s th e c le a r , c ris p so u n d o f ax es fe llin g a tr e e e c h o ed . T he headm an p ic k ed u p h is LeeE nfield . 303 an d w alked o u t , followed by th e o t h e r s . T h u s recom m enced a fe u d which had been dorm ant fo r alm ost a d e c a d e . T he n e ig h b o rin g J a d ra n n e ed e d more m atu re tr e e s to fill o r d e r s from P a k is ta n , a c ro s s th e D u ran d Line. Within a m o n th , n in e men o u t o f a to tal 103 a d u lt m ales in th e Mangal villag e lay d e a d . Almost an eq u al n u m b er (e ig h t) o f

272

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J a d r a n had b e e n k ille d , o r so I le a rn e d la te r w hen I v isite d th e J a d ra n a re a . T he fo lk tales c o n c e rn in g 'th e g re a t lum ber f ig h t' re v e a l some b asic elem ents in th e c o n c ep ts of local tr ib a l w a rfa re . When th e Mangal te ll th e s t o r y , th e Mangal 'w in '; w hen th e J a d r a n te ll th e s t o r y , th e J a d ra n 'w in .' A nd th a t is how it sh o u ld b e . In trib a l w a rfa re , both sid e s m ust 'w in ', w hich a c c o u n ts fo r th e in s is te n c e on an ap p ro x im ate e q u a lity o f blood sp ille d a n d p r o p e rty lo o ted . (16) LIVESTOCK RUSTLING IN KUNAR F ig u re 10.2 Id ealized map show ing ra id in g p a tte r n s (K u n a r: 1963-4 ra id s = c irc le d n u m b e rs)

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T he K u n ar R iv er in A fg h an istan flows along th e e d g e o f N u ris ta n ,(1 7 ) p a s t a n u m b er o f e th n o lin g u istic g ro u p s : N u ris ta n i, M ushwani P u s h tu n , Safi P u s h tu n , G u ja r. T he N u ris ta n i, in p a r tic u la r , fig h t o v e r th e dim in ish in g g r a s s la n d s . T h e a n n u a l liv e sto c k r a id s , h o w ev er, a re more com plicated th a n th e lu m b er r u s tlin g in P a k ty a . F ig u re 10.2 illu s tr a te s th e ra id in g p a tte r n s along a tr ib u ta r y o f th e K u n a r from la te sum m er 1963 to e a rly s p r in g 1964. T he stre a m w hich flows w est to e a s t from th e m ountains in to th e K u n ar s e p a ra te s two Safi v illag es (A and B) from a M ushwani P u s h tu n village (C ) an d its G ujar clie n t village (D ). T he G ujar (tra d itio n a lly h e rd sm e n ) now own land an d a re p rim a rily c u lti­ v a to r s , a re c e n t developm ent (w ith in th e p a s t t h ir ty y e a r s ) . T h e y own liv e s to c k , mainly sh eep an d g o a ts , b u t also some c a ttle , th e p a tte r n fo r all g ro u p s in th e re g io n . T he G u jar also s e rv e as h e rd sm e n fo r th e M ushw ani, who in c lu d e th e G ujar in th e ir p o litical s p h e r e . T he G ujar s u p p o rt th e M ushwani in r e t u r n fo r p ro te c tio n . T he Safi sum m er p a s tu r e la n d s a re labelled A1 a n d B ’; M ushw ani, C '; G u ja r, D 1. T he Mushwani a n d G ujar p a s tu r a g e s o v e rla p , an d liv esto ck s p o rt d is tin c tiv e p a in te d d e s ig n s an d clip p ed e a rs fo r o w n e rsh ip id e n tific a tio n . Most s h e p h e r d s , h o w e v e r, know th e ir flocks b y s ig h t. O nly a small p e rc e n ta g e o f th e v illa g e rs in each g ro u p go to th e m o u n ta in s, a tr ip of on ly a few h o u r s , w ith th e flo c k s. Y oung w ives o fte n accom pany th e ir h u s b a n d s , b u t seldom do th e e ld e rly move to th e yilaq (sum m er p a s tu r a g e s ) . T he v illag es to w hich all move fo r th e w in te r a re called q ish la q . In th e s p r in g a n d sum m er, most people in all fo u r v illag es rem ain b e h in d to farm , e ith e r in th e low er ir rig a te d a re a ( a b i) , o r in th e h ig h la n d , u n ir rig a te d a re a (lalmi), ad ja c e n t to th e m o u n tain s. T he lalmi is d e p e n d e n t on ra in fa ll an d snow m elt. D u rin g th e la te sum m er, c ro p s (m ainly w h eat) in th e lalmi a re a a re r e a p e d , th r e s h e d , and w innow ed. S e v era l fam ilies move to th e lalm i, to w atch o v e r th e th re s h e d w h e a t, and a s s is t in th e w o rk . Raid 1 In la te sum m er 1963, w hile th e w heat was b e in g th re s h e d and w innow ed, ab o u t a dozen y o u n g Safi from village A p lan n ed a ra id on th e M ushwani yilaq ( C ') . N orm ally, r a id s b e g in a f te r th e th r e s h in g flo o rs a re c le a re d , b u t th e village A Safi sm a rted b e c a u se th e M ushwani had s tr u c k e a rly th e y e a r b e fo re . T he Safi w a rrio rs in filtra te d at n ig h t and s tr u c k at f ir s t lig h t, and made o ff w ith a n u m b er o f c a ttle , s h e e p , an d g o a ts. In th e b r ie f fire fig h t (a b o u t fifte e n sh o ts p e r sid e in 2-3 m in u te s), one G u jar s h e p h e rd was killed by a n e x p lo siv e b u lle t. T he r a id e r s made it safe ly back to v illage A. (D istan ce betw een villag e A an d village B is no more th a n 10 k ilo m e te rs .)

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R aids 2 and 3 T he M ushwani w aited u n til late O cto b er to r e ta lia te . On a moon­ le ss n ig h t, ab o u t tw e n ty c ro sse d th e stream an d s tr u c k s tr a ig h t at Safi village A. L ittle re s is ta n c e met th e daw n a tta c k , a n d th e M ushw ani w ondered w hy. T he r a id e r s killed th r e e old men who p u t u p a to k e n r e s is ta n c e w hile th e women a n d c h ild re n fle d . T he M ushwani scooped u p what p o rta b le loot th e y could c a r r y , in c lu d in g r if le s , am m unition, jew e lry , m etal bowls an d ja r s , tin s o f v e g e ta b le o il, te a a n d s u g a r . T hey re c o v e re d most of th e ir sto le n liv e s to c k , an d ad d e d a few Safi sh e e p an d g o a ts . An almost fu ll 5-gallon tin o f g a so lin e , u se d fo r Petrom ax la n te r n s , e n c o u ra g e d th e M ushwani to b u r n se v e n h u t s , norm ally not d o n e , fo r th is com plicates th e re v e n g e re q u ire m e n ts . Not o n ly an eye fo r an e y e , an d a to o th fo r a to o th - b u t a h o u se fo r a h o u se . A lth o u g h th e h o u se s a re p rim a rily s u n -d rie d b ric k s an d p r e s s e d m u d , much lum ber is u se d fo r ro o f b e a m s, d o o r fram es an d s u p p o r ts , an d tw igs and th a tc h in te rla c e th e roof b eam s. F ire may c au se th e ro o f to come tu m bling d o w n , b u t th e walls u su a lly s ta n d , fo r th e y will b e h a rd e n e d b y th e f ire . A lthough my h o u se h a s b een b u rn e d do w n , my house walls a re s tr o n g e r . ( I n te r p r e te d : O ut o f evil comes g o o d .) M eanwhile, a c ro s s th e v a lle y , th e m issing Safi males from village A h ad joined a g ro u p from village B to a tta c k th e G ujar village (D ). T h e re fo re , Raid 3 o v e rla p p e d Raid 2. T he M ushwani had w aited so long to re ta lia te fo r th e f ir s t ra id th a t th e Safi decid ed to s tr ik e a g a in . T he Safi daw n a tta c k fo rc ed th e G ujar to flee to th e h ills. One old man in th e villag e fire d on th e r a i d e r s , w ounding o n e , and th e o th e r S afi, ab o u t tw e n ty -fiv e in n u m b e r, h ack ed th e old man to d e a th w ith k n iv e s . Smoke r is in g in th e n o rth w e st s ta r tle d th e Safi w a rr io rs , so th e y im m ediately r e tu r n e d to th e ir re s p e c tiv e v illag es (A an d B ), lad en w ith w h a te v e r h ousehold goods and commodities th e y could carry . Raid 4 Safi village A now h ad to re b u ild se v e n b u rn e d h u ts - and plot re v e n g e . T he M ushwani and th e ir clien t (h am say a) G ujar q u ic k ly p lan n ed a ra id on Safi village B . T he fo rty -m a n w ar p a r ty in c lu d e d ab o u t e q u a l n u m b e rs o f M ushwani a n d G u ja r. The w a rrio rs h it village B in m id-D ecem ber. T h e u su a l daw n a tta c k p ro v e d s u c c e s s fu l, an d th e r a id e rs r e tu r n e d laden w ith h o u se ­ hold goods an d a sizeab le h e rd o f sh ee p an d g o a ts . B ut one M ushwani an d one G u jar had b ee n k ille d , an d se v e ra l o th e rs w ounded a s th e p a r ty slowly c a r rie d th e c o rp s e s back to th e ir re s p e c tiv e v illag es fo r b u ria l. As time fo r s p r in g p la n tin g a p p ro a c h e d , th e sc o re c a rd stood as follow s:

Tribal w a r fa r e in A f g h a n i s t a n an d P a k ista n

S a fi 3 k ille d . S e v e ra l w o u n d e d . L iv e sto c k s to le n a b o u t e q u a l, b u t M ushw ani h a d s lig h t a d v a n ta g e . H ousehold goods lifte d ab o u t e q u a l. 7 h o u ses b u rn e d dow n.

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M u sh w a n i-G u ja r 4 k ille d . S e v e ra l w o u n d e d . ------------------------------------------------------No h o u s e s b u r n e d do w n .

T h e r e f o r e , a p p ro x im a te e q u a lity in d e a th a n d d e s tr u c tio n e x is te d in all c a te g o rie s b u t 'b u r n e d h o u s e s .' R aid 5 S e v e ra l tim es d u r in g th e lu lls , th e women from th e fo u r v illa g e s m et in fo rm ally b y th e s tre a m . T h e y e x c h a n g e d in fo rm a tio n a b o u t th e r e s u l t s o f th e r a id s : n u m b e rs o f liv e s to c k lo s t, c a s u a ltie s , e tc . A la te - F e b r u a r y moot b y some women r e s u lte d in th e fifth r a id , d u r in g w hich th e M ushw ani m oved in w ith th e ir G u jar c lie n ts , le a v in g v illag e C o p e n . A sm all Safi r a id in g p a r ty e n te r e d v illa g e C u n o p p o se d a n d , h a v in g b r o u g h t a lo n g th e ir ow n k e r o s e n e , b u r n e d six e m p ty h o u s e s . A s e v e n th fa ile d to ig n ite , a s th e k e ro s e n e gav e o u t. A fte r R aid 5, b o th s id e s p iled s to n e s o n a tr a d itio n a l m o u n tain p e a k to th e w e s t, th e e q u iv a le n t o f b u r y in g th e h a tc h e t - u n til th e n e x t fa ll. (18) Not all a n n u a l fe u d s e n d a s p e a c e fu lly as th e one d e s c rib e d a b o v e , a n d seldom a re h o u s e s d e s tr o y e d . ( I n c id e n ta lly , a fam ily o f s ix c a n re b u ild a m ud h u t in a w eek o r tw o . T he p ro blem is to re p la c e th e lum b er fo r th e ro o f , d o o r s , e t c . ; th e M ushw ani h a d rem o ved th e s e to th e G u ja r v illa g e , b u t th e Safi h a d b e e n c a u g h t w ith t h e i r ro o fs u p . ) B u t, a s is tr a d itio n a l, b o th s id e s ’w on’, o r , in th e w o rd s of th e p r o v e r b : ’N e ith e r was th e a s s m a u le d , n o r th e s tic k b r o k e n .

WOMEN IN CONFLICT: ENEMIES AND LOVERS When y o u ’r e w o un ded a n d le ft o n A f g h a n is ta n ’s p la in s , A n ’ th e women come o u t to c u t u p w h at re m a in s , J e s t ro ll to y o u r rifle a n d blow o u t y o u r b r a in s A n ’ go to y o u r Gawd lik e a s o ld ie r. (T h e Y oung B ritis h S o ld ie r, from ’B a rra c k Room B a lla d s ,1 b y R u d y a rd K ip lin g ) P a th a n [ P u s h tu n - L .D . J women will come o u t a n d h a c k o ff th e g e n ita ls . T h e n th e y will cram them in t h e i r [th e d e a d E n g lish s o ld ie r s ’- L .D . ] m o u th s, th e lip s o f w hich will b e sew n o v e r them . ( ’By Command o f th e V ic e r o y ,’ b y D u n can M acN eill, New Y o rk , 1975, p . 29)

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T h e fe ro c ity o f women to w a rd p r is o n e r s ta k e n in w a rfa re h a s b e e n r e p o r te d from th e P lain s In d ia n s o f N o rth A m erica all a c ro s s A sia. (19) Some women h a v e b een g lo rifie d in le g e n d an d r e a l co m b at. T h e p ro b a b ly m y th ic al A m azons o f th e C lassical World h a d r e a l- lif e c o u n te r p a r ts am ong th e p a r tis a n women o f th e S eco n d World W ar, a n d th e F r e n c h F o re ig n L egion fo u g h t s e v e r a l to u g h b a ttle s a g a in s t th e 'A m azon re g im e n ts ' o f th e k in g o f M a d a g a sc a r (1 8 9 2 -4 ). (20) A fg h a n h is to r y a n d fo lk lo re la u d s e v e r a l w o m e n -w a rrio rs. T h e P u s h tu n h e r o in e , M alalay, u s e d h e r veil as a s t a n d a r d , a n d e n c o u ra g e d th e fig h tin g men at th e B a ttle o f M aiwand (27 J u ly 1880) b y s h o u tin g th e follow ing c o u p le t ( l a n d a y ) : (21) Y o u n g lo v e , if y ou do n o t fall at M aiw and; B y God! Som eone is s a v in g y o u a s a to k e n o f sham e! T h e A fg h a n s d e c is iv e ly d e fe a te d th e B ritis h at M aiw and. More o f te n , h o w e v e r, women s e n d t h e i r h u s b a n d s a n d so n s o ff to fig h t w ith s o n g s th a t e n c o u ra g e them (in th e s p ir it o f o ld S p a r ta ) to come home w ith t h e ir s h ie ld s o r o n th em : If yo u d o n ’t w ield a s w o rd , w hat else will y o u do! Y ou, who h a v e s u c k le d at th e b r e a s t o f a n A fg h an m o th e r! (22) My b e lo v e d r e t u r n e d from b a ttle a c o w a rd . I r e g r e t th e k is s e s I g av e him la st n ig h t! (23) W ithout women lik e th e s e in m ost s o c ie tie s , p e ace m ight h a v e a b e t t e r c h a n c e , o r , a s Jam es G a r n e r sa id in th e ro le o f n a v a l L t. C h a rle s E. M adison in th e movie ’T h e A m erican iz atio n o f E m ily1: ’Wars a r e p e r p e tu a te d b y widows w e ep in g o v e r g r a v e s .'(24) B u t it is p ro b a b ly c u ltu r e a n d not ’hum an n a t u r e ’ th a t d e t e r ­ m ines s u c h a t ti t u d e s . More im p o r ta n tly , in th e tr ib a l so c ie tie s o f A fg h a n ista n a n d P a k is ta n , women a r e th e ultim ate r e p o s ito r ie s o f n a n g , th e term th a t em b o d ies th e to ta lity o f a g r o u p ’s h o n o r. (25) P lay j e s t s , b u t n o t w ith a m a rrie d woman. When a man fe e ls no sham e a b o u t h is own s i s t e r , w h at s c r u p le s will he feel a b o u t a n o th e r m a n 's? T h e tra d itio n a l p e n a lty fo r a d u lte r y is d e a th b y s to n in g fo r b o th p a r tic ip a n ts . C o n tr a r y to p o p u la r b e lie f, h o w e v e r, p ro b a b ly m ore s e x u a l h a n k y - p a n k y e x is ts in th e v illa g e s o f A fg h a n is ta n a n d P a k is ta n th a n in W estern s u b u r b ia . In a r r a n g in g a s s ig ­ n a tio n s , women a re u s u a lly th e a g g r e s s o r s , fo r th is is o n e way th e y c a n s t r i k e b a c k a t th e m en, who c o n s id e r them in f e r io r . (26) Som eone s a id to th e wom an, ’Y o u r lo v e r is d e a d . ’ S h e a s k e d , ’Which o n e ? ’ She s a id , ’What h a v e you d o n e b y le a v in g me? I , who h a v e c u r ls ly in g o n my f a c e , sh a ll ta k e a b e t t e r l o v e r .'

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V illagers a n d nom ads d o n ’t ju s t ta lk a b o u t it; th e y do it. A love m eetin g , th o u g h ju st fo r a m om ent's d u ra tio n , is s w e e te r th a n th e g ra p e s of K ohistan o r th e melons of K a n d ah ar. T he g ro u p does n o t w ant to p u rg e its e lf of two im p o rtan t econom ically fu n c tio n in g a n d biologically p ro d u c tiv e in d iv id u a ls , s o , in m ost c a s e s , a c o n sp ira c y o f silence c o v e rs th e lo v e rs . O nly w hen b o th p a r tie s become fla g ra n tly open a b o u t th e a ffa ir will th e w ro n g ed sp o u se s an d close kinsm en r e s o r t to th e u lti­ mate s to n in g - a r a r i t y . (27) O ccasio n ally , trib e sm e n ste a l women d u rin g fe u d s , o r women v o lu n ta rily leave w ith lo v e rs fo r a n o th e r g ro u p . T he a ffro n t to n a n g is much more se rio u s th a n in te rn a l a d u lte r y , a n d much blood h a s been s h e d o v e r su c h in s u lts to g ro u p h o n o r. In a d d itio n , w ives an d d a u g h te rs o f m aldar (w ealth y nom ads) w ear coins o f v a rio u s denom inations an d a g e s (some going b ack to th e In d o -B a c tria n d y n a s tie s , 2,000 y e a rs o ld ) , sew n o r em b ro id ered in to th e ir c lo th in g . T hese women a re v irtu a lly w alking b a n k s , so w o m en-stealing is a s m uch fo r fiscal as se x u a l re a s o n s . To en d a feu d o v e r w o m a n -ru stlin g , h o n o r m ust be s a tis fie d . E ith e r, th e g ro u p th a t h a s gained a woman m ust a g re e to sen d one in ex c h a n g e to th e d e p riv e d h u s b a n d o r f a th e r , o r , am ounts of m oney a n d p r o p e r ty , m utually a g re e d upon in a jirga (v illage c o u n cil) m ust be p a id . Women, th e r e f o r e , help lau n c h and p e rp e tu a te fe u d s (ju s t as H elen of T ro y la u n c h e d a th o u sa n d s h ip s ) by e n c o u ra g in g th e ir men to f i g h t , an d in v o lv in g o th e r men to fig h t fo r th e ir c h a rm s . B ein g th e em bodim ent o f th e g r o u p ’s n a n g h a s its d ra w b a c k s an d its co m p en satio n s. In fe rio rity (a s d efin ed by th e male) an d s u p e r io r ity (a s p e rc e iv e d by th e fem ale) com bine in a c h arm in g - a n d d e a d ly - m ass of c o n tra d ic tio n s . (28) PREINDUSTRIAL WARFARE AND POPULATION CONTROL (29) M arvin H a rris (q u o tin g Jo se p h B ird se ll) re c e n tly p o in te d out th a t fem ales a re more im p o rtan t th a n males in lim iting, main­ ta in in g , o r in c re a s in g p o p u latio n s - if c u ltu ra l p a tte r n s do not in te r f e r e . U n d o u b te d ly , o n e ab le-b o d ied male could keep te n women c o n tin u o u sly p r e g n a n t. . . . T h is would p ro d u c e th e same n u m b er of b ir th s as if th e g ro u p co n siste d o f te n men an d te n women. B ut if we can im agine a local g ro u p o f te n men an d only one woman, th e b ir th ra te would n e c e s s a rily be te n p e rc e n t o f th e fo rm er exam ple. The nu m b e r o f women d e t e r ­ mines the rate o f f e r t i l i t y . (30) P a sto ra l nom ads re co g n iz ed th is fa c t q u ite e a rly in th e d om estication o f anim als. A lso, m odern h e rd sm e n p r e f e r to sell

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o r eat rams and billy goats r a th e r th a n ewes and n a n n ie s. Many g ro u p s c a s tra te o r otherw ise re n d e r young male animals in fe rtile to in c re a se h e rd w ealth, leaving only a few d e stin e d for stu d -d o m . C u ltu ral fa c to rs can limit male access to females as efficiently as an actu al p hysical sh o rta g e of fem ales. Two fa c to rs (one c u ltu ra l, one p h y sical) in ru ra l A fghanistan and P akistan en co u rag e th e p e rp e tu a tio n of th is in a c c e ssib ility , th u s c re a tin g a sizeable pool of f r u s tr a te d b ach elo rs. T he effect o f tr a n s ­ fe rrin g bachelordom 's fru s tra tio n s to th e political scene (especially in th e c itie s) rem ains a su b je ct for s tu d y . The two fa c to rs m entioned above a re (1) widows of slain w arrio rs often do not re m a rry , a n d , th e re fo re , have no f u rth e r o ffs p rin g , o r , if th ey become p re g n a n t, p re fe r to a b o r t ; (31) (2) female in fa n tic id e , mainly th ro u g h n e g lect. T hese (an d o th e r) fa c to rs , su ch as r u r a l-u rb a n m igrations, have helped keep the ru r a l population relativ ely stab le u n til re c e n tly . T ribal w arfare has been an in te g ra l p a rt o f th e p ro c e ss. To quote H a rris: B ands and villages were exceptional in th e ir u se o f w arfare to achieve v e ry low ra te s of population g ro w th . T hey achieved th is not prim arily th ro u g h male combat d e a th s - w hich, as we have s e e n , a re always easily com pensated fo r by calling upon th e rem arkable re p ro d u ctiv e re s e rv e s of the human female b u t by a n o th e r means th a t was intim ately cojoined w ith and d ep en d en t upon th e p ractice of w arfare y et was not p a rt of th e actual fig h tin g . I re fe r to female in fan tic id e. W arfare in b an d an d village societies made th e p ractice of female in fa n ti­ cide se x -sp e c ific . It encouraged th e re a rin g o f so n s, whose m asculinity was glorified in p rep ara tio n fo r com bat, and th e devaluation o f d a u g h te rs , who did not fig h t. T his in tu r n led to th e lim itations of female ch ild ren b y n e g le c t, ab u se and o u trig h t killin g . (32) A g re a t affection e x ists betw een fa th e rs and d a u g h te rs in A fghan and P ak istan i trib a l so ciety . Do fa th e rs feel an uncon­ scious guilt for th o se who died and th e re fo re com pensate with ex cessiv e te n d e r , loving care? Sons are p re fe rre d fo r sev e ra l re a so n s: (1) if a man h a s ten sons an d th re e a re killed in a fe u d , he has sev en le ft, a so u rce of political pow er; (2) the more s o n s, th e more land th e family can farm , e ith e r as actu al o w n ers, o r in v a rio u s o w n er-ten a n t com binations; (3) su rp lu s sons can be set up in b azaar sh o p s, and in crease th e fam ily's economic pow er; (4) o r , tem p o rarily , work on developm ent p ro je c ts; (5) many families want to send sons to school to tra in to become governm ent b u re a u c ra ts o r m ilitary o ffic e rs, giving the family influence in and p ro tectio n from official in te rfe re n c e . A son also g u a ra n te e s a m an's mas­ cu lin ity (th e macho sy n d ro m e ), and a woman who gives b irth to a son at la st achieves adult s ta tu s . Male combat d e a th s do affect population control if th e c u ltu re denies males access to su rv iv in g fe rtile fem ales. Let u s r e tu rn

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to th e P a k ty a lum ber w ar fo r exam ples. All b u t one o f th e nin e Mangal fa ta litie s h ad b ee n m a rrie d . Of th e e ig h t w idow s, only one re m a rrie d , an d sh e became an ambok (se c o n d w ife) o f an e ld e r b r o th e r o f h e r slain h u s b a n d . T he o th e r widows w ere all y o u n g e n o u g h to r e m a r ry , b u t two re fu s e d to become second w ives an d moved in w ith m arried b r o th e r s . B r o th e r - s is te r tie s a re o fte n m ore in te n s e th a n an y o th e r re la tio n sh ip s in a n u c le a r fam ily. A n o th er widow could not re m a rry b ec au se h e r 1 2 -y e a r-o ld son c o n sid e re d him self th e man o f th e family - and was b a c k e d b y h is p a te rn a l u n c le s. T he rem aining fo u r re tu r n e d to w ork in th e ir p a re n ta l h o u se h o ld s. Y oung b a c h e lo rs p re f e r r e d not to ac c e p t dam aged o r se c o n d -h a n d g oods. I do not know if any of th e widows s u b s e q u e n tly re m a rrie d , b u t a d u lt males p re d ic te d th e y would not be able to find m a te s , in sp ite o f th e h ig h male to female ra tio . In c o n c lu sio n , let me em phasize th a t th e ideal p e rs o n a lity ty p e is th e w a r r io r - p o e t, a man b ra v e in b a ttle a n d elo q u en t at th e villag e o r tr ib a l co u n cil. (33) TRIBAL WARFARE AND FAMILY FEUDS INTRUDE ON THE URBAN SCENE P ost Second World War developm ent p ro g ra m s b ro u g h t many A fg h an s to K abul a n d o th e r u rb a n c e n te r s to ta k e a d v a n ta g e of new economic o p p o rtu n itie s . Some w ere tr a n s ie n ts who w orked in th e o ff- a g r ic u ltu r a l se aso n and re tu r n e d to th e ir v illag es in th e s p r in g . (34) O th e r s , p a rtic u la rly th o se w o rk in g as s e rv a n ts fo r th e e x p a n d in g fo reig n com m unity, rem ained fo r se v e ra l y e a rs b e fo re r e tu r n in g home w ith th e ir sa v in g s to b u y la n d , se t up s h o p s , p ay o ff d e b ts , a n d a c q u ire b r id e s . T h ese te m p o ra ry r u r a l to u rb a n m ig ratio n s (com bined with w a rfa re , female in fa n tic id e , an d th e o th e r p ro c e sse s d is c u s s e d in th is r e p o r t) h av e e n a b led th e v illa g es with w hich I am fam iliar to m aintain a re la tiv e ly sta b le p o p u latio n , p ra c tic a lly zero g ro w th . B u t, as a r e s u l t , th e u rb a n p o p u latio n s have ex p lo d ed d r a s ti­ cally w ith th e e x p e c te d d is ru p tio n s a n d d islo c atio n s of p eoples a n d v a lu e s . A lth o u g h th e w o rk ers becam e u r b a n - b a s e d , most rem ained r u r a l - o r ie n t e d , which e x a c e rb a te d e x tra -fa m ily feu d s an d in tra -fa m ily c o n flic ts. F or exam ple, a y o u n g T ajik from th e P a n jsh e r V alley n o rth o f K abul came to th e ca p ita l to w ork as a s e r v a n t in fo r e ig n e r s ' h o u se h o ld s. B efore le av in g h is v illag e, he was b e tro th e d to a 1 3 -y ea r-o ld c o u sin (Fa B ro D a ), b u t s e v e ra l y e a rs la p se d b e fo re he e a rn e d e n o u g h to pay th e p ro p e r ’b rid e p ric e . '(3 5 ) O nce o r tw ice a y e a r , he re tu r n e d home to v isit h is fam ily, an d a s s u r e him self th a t all was w ell. He e a rn e d e n o u g h in five y e a rs to consum m ate th e m a rria g e . E la te d , he b ro u g h t th e money to his v illa g e , only to fin d th a t a n o th e r c o u sin (Fa Sis So) h ad made th e b r id e 's f a th e r (a n un cle to b o th c o u sin s) an

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o ffe r he c o u ld n 't r e f u s e : double th e o rig in a l, a g re e d -o n 'b rid e p r ic e .' T he f r u s tr a te d co u sin an d h is b ro th e rs w aited in am bush fo r th e se x u a l u s u r p e r , an d b e a t him se n s e le s s w ith wooden c lu b s . T he a ss a ila n ts r e tu r n e d to th e ir jobs in K abul. T he b ro th e r s o f th e b e a te n co u sin c o rn e re d th e f a th e r o f th e f r u s tr a te d c o u sin an d f r a c tu r e d his s k u ll. Kinsmen b ro u g h t th e old man to a h o sp ita l in K ab u l, an d he s u r v iv e d . M eanwhile, two arm ed b a n d s , re p r e s e n tin g th e factio n s in v o lv e d , d e sc e n d e d on K abul. T h ey sta tio n e d th em selv es o u t­ s id e th e com pound of th e fo re ig n e r fo r whom th e f r u s tr a te d c o u sin w o rk ed . No s h o ts w ere f ir e d , b u t fist fig h ts b ro k e o u t a n d th e police h ad to in te rv e n e . S ev e ral on b o th sid es w ere a r r e s te d . Police a u th o ritie s e n c o u ra g e d th e co m b atan ts to s e ttle th e ir d iffe re n c e s o u ts id e th e law c o u r ts . All co n c e rn e d a g re e d to hold a majlis (c o u n c il). Since blood spilled was a b o u t e q u a l (a n d no one k ille d ), th e y d ecid ed to call o ff th e fig h tin g . T he uncle c o n se n te d (u n d e r p r e s s u r e from all in v o lv e d ) to give th e f r u s ­ tr a te d co u sin a y o u n g e r d a u g h te r at th e o rig in a l ’b rid e p r i c e . ’ O fte n , th e two p rin c ip a l a n ta g o n is ts (th e com peting male c o u sin s) h a d te a to g e th e r in th e re s p e c tiv e fo r e ig n e r s ' h o u se s w h ere th e y w o rk ed . T he feud had e n d ed am icably. M odern tech n o lo g y b ro u g h t m odern elem ents in to local fe u d s . T he lo rry a n d th e b u s followed th e new a n d im proved ro a d s in to r u r a l A fg h a n ista n and P a k ista n . Some A fg h a n s w ith u rb a n jobs in v e s te d p a r t o f th e ir sa v in g s on lo rrie s an d b u s e s . As new ­ com ers a tte m p te d to m uscle into a lre a d y fu n c tio n in g tr a n s p o r ta ­ tio n n e tw o r k s , f ig h ts b ro k e o u t . O ffic ia lly , th e governm ent p r e f e r r e d to rem ain aloof u n le s s th e d is p u te s v io le n tly slo u g h ed o v e r in to th e u rb a n s c e n e . U nofficially, tra n s p o r ta tio n com peti­ to r s b rib e d officials to rem ain n e u tra l u n til th e a n ta g o n ists re a c h e d com prom ises - o r one g ro u p d ro v e th e o th e r s o u t , o r b o u g h t them o ff. Some W estern ers (an d W estern -ed u cate d A fg h an s and P a k is ta n is ) h av e h a lf-fa c etio u sly s u g g e s te d th e in tro d u c tio n o f s p e c ta to r blood s p o r ts (like s o c c e r, fo o tb a ll-E u ro p ean s ty le ) on a la rg e scale to h elp c h a n n e l o ff-se a so n a g g re s s io n s in to a c tiv itie s le ss d e a d ly th a n th e fe u d . H ow ever, com pared to some p r e - an d p o st-g am e c lash es betw een fa n s a n d th e law in E urope a n d e lse w h e re , tr ib a l w a rfa re m ight a p p e a r to be more fu n c ­ tio n a l, a n d , o c c a sio n a lly , le ss b lo ody. A lso, an d s e rio u s ly , th e problem o f m eaningful re g io n a l autonom y m ust be s e ttle d in b o th A fg h a n ista n and P ak ista n b e fo re a n y th in g a s mild as c o u n ty c ric k e t can be in tro d u c e d . S p o rts an d gam es re fle c t c u ltu r e s . (36) B u z k a sh i, p lay e d on h o rse b a c k in th e p lain s of n o r th e rn A fg h a n ista n , g iv es th e c hapandaz (m a ste r p la y e rs ) and s p e c ta to rs (who som etim es fig h t o v e r goals s c o re d , b e cau se m uch b e ttin g ta k e s p lac e) th e o p p o rtu n ity to e x p r e s s violent o p in io n s. In a d d itio n , local

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p o w er e lite s c a n , lik e th e o w n e rs o f b a se b a ll team s a n d ra c e h o r s e s , com p ete fo r th e th r ill o f p u r c h a s in g a team o f s u p e r io r h o r s e s a n d c h a p a n d a z . I n te r - g r o u p v io len ce a t s e v e r a l le v e ls may h av e b e e n p a r tly c h a n n e lle d in to th is c o m p e titio n . (37) In so c ie tie s w h e re e x tr a - c u r r ic u la a c tiv itie s a r e a t a prem ium d u r in g th e s la c k econom ic s e a s o n , th e e n te rta in m e n t a s p e c t o f t r i b a l w a rfa re c a n n o t be d is c o u n te d . E v en th e women on o p p o s ­ in g s id e s som etim es meet to co m p are c a s u a ltie s , i . e . s c o r e c a r d s . How d o e s th e badal (blood fe u d ) a ffe c t th e u r b a n e d u c a te d m iddle c la s s , m any o f whom a re f i r s t g e n e ra tio n lite r a te s ? Let u s exam ine tw o exam ples w hich o c c u r r e d w ith in th e p a s t five y e a r s . B o th m en h a d b e e n e d u c a te d a b ro a d ; one in th e U SSR , th e o th e r in a B r itis h - o r ie n te d P a k is ta n i u n iv e r s ity . O ne h a d a b r o th e r k ille d ; th e o th e r a s o n . B oth p r id e d th e m se lv e s on t h e ir W estern o u tlo o k a n d a ttitu d e s a n d a s s u r e d me th e y w ould n e v e r g et in v o lv e d in a lo c a l, ’b a c k w a r d ,1 fam ily f e u d . B u t, g oes th e P a sh to p r o v e r b : ’When a so n a n d b r o th e r h a v e b e e n m u r d e r e d , w ho will r e s t r a i n h is h a n d ? 1 B oth men to o k o ff t h e ir W estern c lo th e s , w ent to t h e i r v illa g e s d r e s s e d in lo o se -flo w in g p y ro n -to m b o n (p y ja m a -ty p e c lo th in g ) , arm ed w ith r e c e n tly p u r c h a s e d p is to ls . O ne a s k e d if I co u ld g e t him a n M -16. T he fe u d s c o n tin u e . Blood m o n ey , th e am ount d e te rm in e d b y a jirg a or majlis (v illa g e c o u n c ils ) o r s u c h fam ous tra d itio n a l a r b i t e r s as th e A hm adzai G hilzai P u s h tu n , ca n be a c c e p te d . Many fe u d s s till sm o u ld e r in A fg h a n is ta n a n d P a k is ta n , h o w e v e r, o v e r za n a n d zam in. B oth g o v e rn m e n ts c o n tin u e t h e ir e f f o r ts to h a v e all c a s e s o f v io le n t d e a th , no m a tte r w hat th e c a u s e , p a s s th r o u g h th e e s ta b lis h e d le g a l s y s te m . In c o n c lu s io n , th e p o sitiv e a s p e c ts o f tr ib a l w a rfa re (w h e re it s u r v i v e s ) c a n be su m m arized a s follow s: 1 T h e e x te rn a liz a tio n o f a g r o u p 's in te r n a l a g g r e s s iv e n e s s (w h a te v e r th e c a u s e ) h e lp s lim it in - g r o u p v io le n c e . 2 B o th s id e s in v o lv e d ’w i n ,’ a n d , th e o r e tic a lly , a m o d era te e x c h a n g e o f p r o p e r ty a n d b lo o d sh e d r e s u l t s . 3 T h e e n te rta in m e n t a s p e c t is p r e s e n t . 4 P o p u la tio n c o n tro l m echanism s w ork th r o u g h a co m b in atio n o f fem ale in fa n tic id e (m ainly th r o u g h n e g le c t) , male d e a th s a s s o c ia te d w ith p a r tia l d e n ia l o f a c c e ss to f e r tile fem ales. B ut ’p r o g r e s s 1 c a n n o t b e s to p p e d , a n d a n n u a lly m ore ro a d s c r e e p in to th e zo n es o f re la tiv e in a c c e s s ib ility , seldom p e a c e ­ f u lly . Much o f th e a ffe c te d a r e a is in c lu d e d in w hat Amir A b d u r R ahm an (1880-1901) r e f e r r e d to a s Y a g h is ta n , ’T h e L and o f I n s o le n c e ,1 b u t h e d id n o t mean th e f r u s t r a t e d n e g a tiv e in so l­ e n c e o f u r b a n iz e d , d e h u m a n ize d p e r s o n s in in d u s tr ia liz e d s o c ie tie s , b u t th e in so le n c e o f h a r s h fre ed o m s s e t in a b a c k d ro p o f r o u g h m o u n ta in s a n d d e s e r t s , th e in so le n c e o f e q u a lity fe lt a n d p r a c tic e d (w ith a n o c c a sio n a l p in c h o f s u p e r io r ity o n all

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s id e s ) , th e in so len ce of b r a v e r y p a s t an d b ra v e r y a n tic ip a te d . Law an d o r d e r , w ith its a tte n d a n t g ra f t an d c o r ru p tio n , follows th e r o a d s , an d governm ent o ffic ia ls , p o lic e , gen d arm es a n d o th e r p a ra m ilita ry p e rso n n e l become in v o lv ed in local d is p u te s . Some s in c e re ly t r y to fu n c tio n as h o n e st b r o k e r s in co n flict s itu a tio n s ; o th e rs p r e f e r to be b o u g h t o ff b y th e most afflu e n t am ong th e p a r tic ip a n ts . U ltim ately, n atio n al p o litics in tr u d e on th e r u r a l sc e n e , o fte n ig n o rin g th e tr u e local and re g io n a l p ro b le m s. (38) As p a r t o f th e r u r a l s e c to r moves (a t le a s t, te m p o ra rily ) to th e u rb a n s c e n e , an d th e u rb a n sc en e (m ain ly , th e g o v e rn m e n t) moves to th e r u r a l , th e d a y s o f p o sitiv e trib a l w a rfa re become n u m b ered as m id n ig h t-to -d a w n a r r e s ts re p la c e th e e a rly m orning a m b u s h .(40) L ucas a non lucendo! APPENDIX

'PASHTUNWALI'(39)

To a v en g e blood. To fig h t to th e d e a th fo r a p e rso n who h a s ta k e n re fu g e w ith me no m a tte r w hat his lin e a g e . (Exam ple: If a m an, ric h o r p o o r, kills a man o f a n o th e r lin e a g e , he can fo rce anyone o u t­ sid e th e slain m an’s lineage to help him sim ply b y k illin g a sh eep in fro n t o f th a t in d iv id u a l's t e n t . ) To d e fe n d to th e la st a n y p ro p e rty e n tr u s te d to me. To be h o sp ita b le an d p ro v id e for th e s a fe ty of th e p e rso n an d p r o p e r ty o f g u e s ts . To r e f r a in from k illin g a woman, a H in d u , a m in stre l, o r a boy n o t y et circ u m c ised . To p ard o n an o ffe n se on th e in te rc e s s io n o f a woman o f th e o ffe n d e r 's lin e a g e , a S ayyid o r a m ullah. (A n ex c e p tio n is made in th e case o f m u rd e r; only blood-m oney can e ra s e th is c rim e .) To p u n is h all a d u lte r e rs w ith d e a th . To r e fra in from k illin g a man who h a s e n te re d a m osque o r th e s h rin e of a holy man so long a s he rem ains w ithin its p r e ­ c in c ts ; also to s p a re a man in b a ttle who b e g s fo r q u a r te r . (L . D u p re e , 'A f g h a n i s t a n P r i n c e t o n , 1980, p p . 1 2 6 -7 .) NOTES 1 2

Q uoted on title p ag e o f 'T he T u rq u o ise L a m e n t,1 b y Jo h n D. M acDonald, 1973. M arvin H a r r is , 'C an n ib als an d K in g s ,' New Y o rk , 1978, p . 60 an d b ib lio g ra p h y . I would like to c o n trib u te two new social 'la w s': D u p ree Law N um ber I: P e rs o n k in d , r e g a rd le s s o f ra c e , c r e e d , c o lo r, o r s e x , is r o tte n to th e c o re . Given a weapon (n o t n e c e s s a rily a g u n - an autom obile o r legal system will do n ic e ly ) an d th e o p p o r tu n ity , he o r sh e will p ro v e i t . D upree Law N um ber II: When g iv en a tech n o lo g ical ch o ice , p e rs o n -

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k in d will select th e p a th w hich is more b en eficial in th e s h o rt r u n , an d m ore d e s tru c tiv e in th e lo n g r u n . (H a rris te n d s to s u p p o rt th e la t te r ; d e n y th e f i r s t . ) R o b ert A rd re y , 'T h e T e rrito ria l I m p e ra tiv e ,' New Y o rk , 1971; an d h is le a d in g c ritic fo r b a la n c e , A shley M o ntague, 'T he N a tu re o f Human A g g re s s io n ,' New Y o rk , 1976. E .O . W ilson, 'S ociobiology: T he New S y n th e s is ,' H a rv a rd , 1976. R o b ert H a rris o n , 'W a rfa re ,' M inneapolis, 1973; Morton F rie d , M. H a rris , R. M urphy ( e d s ) , 'War: The A nth ro p o lo g y of C onflict an d A g g re s s io n ,' G ard en C ity , New Y o rk , 1968; M.A. N e ttle sh ip , R .D . G iv en s, and A. N ettle sh ip ( e d s ) , 'W ar, Its C auses an d C o r r e la te s ,' C h icag o , 1975. S pecific re fe re n c e s to A fg h a n ista n in J . A nd erso n an d R. S tra n d ( e d s ) , E thnic P ro c e sse s an d I n te rg ro u p R elations in C o n tem porary A fghani­ s t a n , 'O ccasional P ap er No. 15, A fg h a n ista n Council o f th e A sia S o c ie ty ,' New Y o rk , 1978. M. Webb, T h e Flag Follows T ra d e , in 'A ncient C ivilization and T r a d e ,' J . S ab lo ff an d C .C . L am b erg -K arlo v sk y ( e d s ) , U n iv e rsity of New Mexico P re s s , 1975. L. D u p re e , A fghan an d B ritish M ilitary T a c tic s in th e F irs t A n glo-A fghan War (1838-1842), 'T he Army Q u a rte rly a n d D efence J o u r n a l ,' U nited Kingdom , 107(2): 214-21, 1977. 1 c a n n o t r e s is t q u o tin g E .B . W hite, 'T he O nce a n d F u tu re K in g ,' Dell P r in tin g , 1964: 'Look a t th e Norman m yths ab o u t le g e n d a ry fig u re s like th e A ngevin k in g s . From William th e C o n q u e ro r to H en ry th e T h ir d , th e y in d u lg e d in w a rfa re s e a s o n a lly . T he se a so n came r o u n d , and o ff th e y w ent in sp le n d id arm o u r w hich re d u c e d th e r is k o f in ju ry to a fo x h u n te r 's minimum. Look a t th e d ec isiv e b a ttle o f B ren n e v ille in w hich a field o f 900 k n ig h ts took p a r t , an d only th r e e w ere k ille d ' ( p . 235). A lthough b o th P a k ista n an d A fg h a n ista n h av e te le v isio n (in tro d u c e d w ith Ja p a n e se a s s is ta n c e ) , few s e ts e x is t o u tsid e u rb a n c e n te r s . L. D u p ree an d L. A lb e rt, 'A fg h a n ista n in th e 1 970s,' New York an d L ondon, 1974, C h a p te r 1. C . Lindholm , T he S eg m en tary L ineage S y stem : Its A pplicability to P a k ista n 's Political S tru c ­ t u r e , in 'P a k is ta n 's W estern B o rd e rla n d s ', A inslee Em bree ( e d . ) , New D elh i, 1977, p p . 41-6, d is c u s s e s th e problem from th e local to th e n atio n al lev el. P ash to p ro v e r b s will be u se d to illu s tra te se v e ra l p o in ts d is ­ c u s s e d in th e te x t . 'N ational D em ographic and Family G uidance S u rv e y o f th e S e ttle d Population o f A fg h a n ista n . Vol. I : D em ography and K now ledge, A ttitu d e s an d P ra c tic e s o f Family G u id a n c e ,' s p o n s o re d b y th e G overnm ent o f A fg h an istan a n d USAID c o n tra c t to S ta te U n iv e rsity o f New York (B u ffa lo ). A k b ar S. A hm ed, 'Social an d Economic C h ange in th e T rib a l A r e a s ,' O x fo rd (K a ra c h i), 1977, p p . 20-2, 39; L . D u p re e , Ajmal K h a tta k : R ev o lu tio n ary P u sh tu n P o et, 'AUFS F ie ld sta ff R e p o r ts ,' S o u th A sia S eries X X (9), 1976. For co m parative

284

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14 15

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19 20 21 22

Louis Dupree m aterial, see D.M . H a rt, 'T he A ith W aryagar o f th e M oroccan R i f ,1 U n iv e rsity o f A rizona P r e s s , 1976. A k b ar S. A hm ed, o p . c it. , no te 12 (a b o v e ). FATAs a re a : B a ja u r, Mohmand, K h y b e r, O ra k z a i, K u rram , N orth W aziristan, S outh W aziristan - p lu s se v e ra l F ro n tie r R egions n e a r P e sh a w a r, K o hat, B a n n u , an d D era Ismail K han. R o b ert W ilkinson-Latham an d A ngus M cB ride, 'N orth-W est F ro n tie r, 1937-47,’ L ondon, 1977. See E thnic Map in L. D u p re e , A n th ro p o lo g y in A fg h a n ista n , 'AUFS F ie ld s ta ff R e p o r ts ,’ South Asia S e rie s X X (5), 1976, p . 5. O th e r p a ire d P u sh tu n fe u d s in c lu d e : A frid i-S h in w a ri, W aziri-S hinw ari, O ra k z a i-D u rra n i, G h ilz a i-D u rra n i, K h a tta k Y u su fzai. In a re c e n t p e rso n a l com m unication w ith A sh ra f G h an i, he in d ic a te d th a t his r e s e a rc h show s th a t major v ic to rie s an d d e fe a ts did o c c u r when la r g e r trib a l u n its w ere in v o lv e d . H ow ever, th a t is a n o th e r s to r y (n a tio n -b u ild in g ) a n d o u tsid e th e scope o f th is c h a p te r . For re f e r e n c e s , see L. D u p re e , A nth ro p o lo g y in A fg h a n ista n , c ite d in n ote 15 (a b o v e ). W. D ivale, F . C h am beris, D. G angloff, War, Peace an d M arital R esidence in P re - in d u s tria l S o cieties, ’Jo u rn a l o f C onflict R e so lu tio n ’ 2 0 (1 ): 57-78, 1976. T he two c a se s (P a k ty a and K u n a r) d is c u s s e d in th is c h a p te r p a rtly s u p p o rt th e fin d in g s o f Divale e t a l . , th a t is , p a trilin e a l g ro u p s norm ally fig h t n e ig h b o rin g g ro u p s w ith sim ilar e th n o lin g u istic p a tte r n s . T he B aluch (liv in g in so u th w est A fg h a n ista n , so u th e a s t Ira n , an d w e ste rn P a k is ta n ) p ro v e an e x c ep tio n to th e r u le . T h e y do fig h t n e ig h b o rin g B aluch (a s well as B ra h u i a n d P u s h tu n , who sp e a k d iffe re n t la n g u a g e s ), b u t , in th e e ig h te e n th a n d n in e te e n th c e n t u r ie s , th e y u n d e rto o k ra id s deep in to C e n tra l A sia. T h ey alw ays r e tu r n e d to th e ir home te r r ito r ie s in B alu c h ista n a f te r th e r a id s . P ro b a b ly , th e Baluch ’e x te rn a l w a rfa re ’ (D iv ale's term ) re la te d to th e ir seminomadic way o f life , b u t ag ain c o n tra ry to D ivale's fin d in g s , th e y w ere not se e k in g new p a s tu r e la n d s , b u t sla v e s an d lo o t. T h e y alw ays r e tu r n e d to th e ir homes in B alu c h istan a f te r th e r a id s . Pax B rita n n ic a en d e d th e ra id s in th e late n in e te e n th c e n tu r y . O th e r e x c e p tio n s: N u rista n is not only fig h t am ong them ­ s e lv e s , b u t w ith n e ig h b o rin g D ardic s p e a k e r s a n d G u ja r, mainly o v e r c o n tro l o f p a s tu re la n d s . For a d isc u ssio n of s e ttle ­ m ent p a tt e r n s , see L. D u p re e , S ettlem ent a n d M igration P a t­ te r n s in A fg h a n ista n , ’Modern A sian S tu d ie s' 9(3): 385-400, 1975. P o s s ib ly , to r tu r e a n d m utilation in c re a s e in in te n s ity w ith th e d is ta n c e o f th e p riso n e r o f w ar from h is home c o u n try - o r tr ib a l b a s e . J . W ellard, 'T h e F ren ch F o reig n L e g io n ,’ B oston a n d T o ro n to , 1974, p p . 59-64. P erso n al com m unication, S . Sphoon. Also see A .R . B enaw a, L a n d a y , ’P a s to ’ 1 (1 ): 29-32, 1977, fo r a d isc u ssio n o f landay as a folk a r t fo rm . A .R . B enaw a, 'L a n d a y ,' K abul: E ducational P r e s s , 1958, p . 36.

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I b i d . , p . 42. Q uoted in R . H a rriso n , 'W a rfa re ,' M inneapolis, 1973, p . 56. See n ote 12. A llah, in His In fin ite Wisdom, c re a te d two s e x e s . T h e re fo re , r e g a rd le s s o f in fe rio rity o r s u p e r io r ity , He g u a ra n te e d co n ­ flic t. P o ssib ly , one root to th e problem goes b ack to a simple biological fact w hich h a s b u g g e d men fo r m illennia: A woman alw ays know s th a t sh e is th e m other of h e r c h ild r e n , b u t a h u sb a n d o fte n w o nders if he is th e f a th e r . In p re in d u s tria l so cieties w here close re la tiv e s a re p o te n tia l m a tes, biological p a re n th o o d is not as im p o rtan t as sociological p a re n th o o d , fo r th e ch ild will h av e some of its more in te n s e r ig h ts an d o b lig a tio n s w ith its m o th e r’s b r o th e r . T h is fu zzy biological f a th e r syn d ro m e may be a t le a st p a r tly re sp o n sib le fo r th e developm ent o f th e m ales’ s e x ist com plex, so ably a rtic u la te d b y M. H a rris (se e note 2, an d Why Men Dominate Women, ’New Y ork Times M ag azin e,’ 13 N ovem ber 1977, p p . 46, 115-23). E ven in th e developed w o rld , men m ust rea liz e th a t an y woman, looking v a g u ely hom inid, can e n te r an y b a r an d em erg e a s h o r t time la te r w ith a c o n q u e s t. Men, on th e o th e r h a n d , can s p e n d m onths a tte m p tin g th e same fe a t. The s u p e rio rity o f women in th is in s ta n c e ca n n o t be d e n ie d . T he s tu d ie s o f C h a u d ri Mohammad Ali ( ’And th e n th e P ath an M u r d e r s ,’ P e sh a w a r, 1966) an d J u s tic e S ham sher B a h a d u r ( ’Some M urder C ases I Have J u d g e d ,1 L ah o re, 1978) re v e a l th e prom inence of a d u lte ry -c o n n e c te d m u rd e r c a se s in P a k ista n i law c o u r ts . F or exam ple, J u s tic e B a h a d u r d isc u sse d tw e n ty -tw o c a s e s : th r e e in volved th e f t, an d one e a c h , p r o p e r ty r i g h t s , a local political s t r u g g l e , w a ter r i g h t s , a gam bling d e b t, a d r u n k e n b ra w l. T he o th e r fo u rte e n in v o lv ed e ith e r th e m u rd e r of a h u sb a n d by a lo v e r at th e in stig a tio n of th e wife ( s ix ) , o r th e m u rd e r of a n u n fa ith fu l wife o r lo v e r ( e ig h t). F or o th e r exam ples of a d u lte ry re la te d m u rd e r, see Col. ( R td .) E ric ( B u s te r) G oodw in, ’Life Among th e P a th a n s ( K h a tta k s ) ,1 1969, 1975 (2nd e d n ) , availab le fo r £1 from 56 A ddison A v en u e, London W ll; J.W . S p a in , ’The Way o f th e P a th a n s ,1 L ondon, 1962; S .S . T h o r b u r n , ’B an n u : O u r A fghan F r o n tie r ,' London, 1876 (s e v e ra l p ro v e rb s q u o te d in th is r e p o r t a re from T h o r b u r n ) . A fin al ty p ic a l V ictorian q u o te from A lgernon D u ra n d , 'T h e M aking o f a F r o n t i e r ,’ L o n d o n , c . 1900, r e f e r r in g to G ilgit and B a ltista n : ’Among th e peo p les m u rd e rs a r e v e ry r a r e , an d a re almost in v a ria b ly th e r e s u lt o f a slip on th e p a r t o f a la d y ’ ( p . 207). A s tu d y on th is to pic b y P ro fe sso r Rasool Amin of K abul U n iv e rsity is in p r e s s . L. D u p re e , P opulation D ynam ics in A fg h a n ista n (L D -7 -’70) 'AUFS R e p o r ts ,’ South A sia S eries XIV ( 7 ) , 1970. M. H a r r is , 'C an n ib als an d K in g s ,' New Y o rk , 1977, p . 39. Q uoted from Jo se p h B ird se ll, 'Human E v o lu tio n ,’ C hicago, 1972, p p . 357-8. See n ote 11 (a b o v e ): A bortion is d is c u s s e d in d e ta il. H a r r is , o p . c i t . , 1977, p . 40. L. D u p re e , F u n ctio n s of Folklore in A fghan S o c ie ty , ’A sian

286

34 35

36 37

38 39

40

Louis Dupree A f f a ir s ,' 6 6 (1 ): 51-61, 1979. F o r o th e r d is c u s s io n s , see C .H . W ang, T o w ard s D efining a C h in ese H eroism , 'Jo u rn a l of th e Am erican O rie n ta l S ociety' 95 (1 ): 25-35, 1975; D .N . L o re n ze n , W arrior A scetics in Indian H isto ry , 'Jo u rn a l o f th e American O rie n ta l S o c ie ty ,' 98(1): 61-75, 1978. See D upree re fe re n c e in no te 18 (a b o v e ). C onsult b ib lio g ra p h y fo r ad d itio n a l s o u rc e s . T he 'b rid e p ric e ' is e sse n tia lly an economic ex ch an g e in A fg h a n ista n an d P a k ista n . T he family lo ses a valuable economic member if th e b rid e leav es th e v ic in ity o f h e r e x te n d e d k in g r o u p , an d th e b rid e p rice h elp s com pensate fo r th e lo s s . In a d d itio n , th e g ir l's dow ry of h o u seh o ld goods e q u a ls (o r e x c e e d s ) th e b rid e p ric e . If th e b rid e a n d groom live in th e same o r n e ig h b o rin g v illa g e s , n e ith e r th e b rid e p ric e n o r th e dow ry tra v e ls f a r . If th e new lyw eds a re close kin (th e id e a l), th e e x c h a n g e of m ates an d goods is socially an d p o litically re in fo rc in g a s w ell. T he new r u r a l to u rb a n m ig ratio n s (e v e n te m p o ra ry ) h av e com plicated th e m a tte r b y in c re a s in g com petitions fo r b r id e s , th e re b y in te n s ify in g in ­ g ro u p p r e s s u r e s . R. Lowie, in 'In d ia n s o f th e P la in s ,' New Y o rk , 1954, calls th is 'w a rfa re as p l a y .' For d e s c rip tio n s of th e gam e, see A. B alik ci, B u z k a sh i, 'N a tu ra l H is to r y ,' 87(2): 54-63, 1978; L. D u p re e , K e sse l's 'T h e H o rse m e n ,' th e C u ltu re , th e B ook, th e Movie, 'AUFS F ie ld s ta ff R e p o r t s ,' S outh Asia S e rie s X X (6), 1978; W. A zoy, 'B u z k a s h i,1 P e n n sy lv a n ia U n iv e rsity P r e s s , 1982. Lindholm , o p . c i t . , see no te 9 ( a b o v e ). F o r o th e r re c e n t p u b lish e d w o rk s, se e : A. Ja n a ta (1975) G h airatm an -D er G ute P a s h tu n e . E x k u rs iib e r die G ru n d lag en d e s P ash tu n w a li, 'A fg h a n ista n J o u r n a l,' 2: 83-97; Willi S te u l (1973) 'E igentum sproblem e in n e rh a lb p a s c h tu n is h e r G em einschaften in P a k tia /A fg h a n is ta n , ' H eid e lb erg ; Willi S teu l (1980) 'P asc h tu n w ali- ein E h ren k o d ex un d seine re c h tlic h e R e le v a n z ,' W iesbaden. T h is p a p e r was w ritte n b efo re th e Soviet in vasion o f A fghan^ is ta n (24 D ecem ber 1979). I am now w ritin g a book ab o u t A fghan c u ltu ra l re a c tio n s to th e in te rv e n tio n . B asically , th e re g io n a lly o rie n te d v e rtic a l k in sh ip s t r u c t u r e s , w hich fig h t one a n o th e r in 'n o rm al' tim es, have re s p o n d e d in p re d ic ta b le w ay s, ju s t as th e y d id w hen th e B ritish in v ad ed th e A fghan a re a in th e n in e te e n th c e n tu r y . When an o u tsid e h o rizo n tal fo rce th r e a te n s th e in te rn a l v e rtic a l se g m e n ta ry u n its , tra d itio n a l riv a ls (s u c h as th e Mangal an d J a d ra n ) u n ite to d riv e out (o r a t le a s t, r e s is t) th e in v a d e rs . Regional u n ity in sid e A fg h a n ista n h as b een slowly ev o lv in g sin ce 1980. H ow ever, g iv en th e e th n o lin g u istic com plexity o f A fg h a n ista n , a n atio n al lib e ra tio n movement will ta k e a long time to e v o lv e .

11

RELIGIOSITY, VALUES AND ECONOMIC CHANGE AMONG SHEIKHANZAI NOMADS Bahram Tavakolian

T he follow ing d isc u ssio n is b ased on field r e s e a rc h c o n d u c te d am ong S h eik h an zai p a s to ra l nomads o f n o rth -w e s t A fg h a n ista n in th e s p r in g an d sum m er o f 1977. My ob jectiv e in th is re s e a rc h was to in v e s tig a te sy stem s of b elief, r itu a l, an d c u ltu ra l v alu e s a n d to d e m o n stra te th e ir e ffe c ts on p a tte r n s o f economic a c tiv ity an d ecological a d a p ta tio n . Such an in v e s tig a tio n is n o v el in s tu d ie s on p asto ralism b e c a u se of th e a tte n tio n d e v o ted h e re to ideological a s p e c ts of a d a p ta tio n and b ec au se o f th e a p p a re n tly u n c h a ra c te ris tic re lig io sity o f th is p o pulation of p a s to ra l nom ads. In th is d is c u s s io n , a f te r p r e s e n tin g a d e s c rip tiv e sum m ary of a s p e c ts o f S h eik h an zai so ciety and c u l t u r e , I will focus my a tte n ­ tion on how th e Islam ic, A fg h a n , and nom adic v a lu e s o f th e S h eik h an zai in flu en ced th e ir p a rtic ip a tio n in th e p ro g ram s o f th e H e ra t L iv esto ck D evelopm ent C o rp o ratio n d u r in g th e p erio d o f my in v e s tig a tio n s . SETTING T he S h eik h an zai a re b la c k - te n t d w elling, s h e e p -a n d -g o a t h e r d e r s , th e m ajority of whom m igrate betw een w in te r p a s tu r e s in G u lra n , in th e n o r th e r n p o rtio n o f th e p ro v in ce of H e ra t, an d sum m er p a s tu r e s n e a r th e tow ns o f S h a h rak an d C h a g h c h a ra n , in th e p ro v in c e o f G h o r. T h ey b elong to th e p a re n t tr ib e of P a s h tu s p e a k in g lsa k z a i D u rra n i nom ads who b eg an to s e ttle in n o r th ­ w e ste rn A fg h a n ista n in th e la tte r p a r t of th e n in e te e n th c e n tu ry a t th e d ire c tio n o f A b d u r R ahm an. T hey re c o g n ize affiliatio n w ithin a se g m e n ta ry lin eag e s tr u c tu r e w ith o th e r lsa k z a i; in te rm a rria g e is re la tiv e ly common betw een th e se g ro u p s ; and in d iv id u a l camp g ro u p s o f S heikhanzai a re som etim es com posed of m em bers from th e s e d iffe re n t lineage se g m e n ts. In to ta l th e r e a re ap p ro x im ately 1,000 nom adic te n t-h o u s e h o ld s o f S h eik h an za i, a n d th e r e a re 500 more te n t-h o u s e h o ld s o f S h eik h an zai who have b een s e d e n ta ry sin ce th e d ro u g h t y e a rs of th e e a rly 1970s. T hey com prise a to ta l p o p u latio n o f 10,000 o f th e ls a k z a i’s estim ated 200,000 m em bers. SHEIKHANZAI ECONOMY AND SOCIETY B oth nom adic an d s e d e n ta r y S heikhanzai a re fully d e p e n d e n t on a liv esto ck econom y, an d only s c a tte re d in d iv id u a ls own a g ric u l287

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tu r a l la n d , which in all c a se s is farm ed b y n o n -S h e ik h a n z a i. The m ig ratio n s o f th e nomadic cam ps ta k e place a c c o rd in g to a p r e - a r r a n g e d sc h e d u le and to know n an d sp e c ifie d lo c a tio n s; h o w e v e r, th e S h eik h an zai do n o t own lan d alo n g th e m igration r o u te , a n d only a few fam ilies hold official title to g ra z in g land in e ith e r w in te r o r sum m er p a s tu re a r e a s . T he s p r in g m igration b e g in s in late M arch, a f te r now ruz o r New Y e a r, and c o v e rs 350 k ilo m eters in a th ir ty - d a y p e rio d . The S h eik h an zai cam ps move in d e p e n d e n tly o f th e ir flocks in th e fa ll, and th is m ig ra­ tio n is slig h tly f a s t e r , ta k in g tw e n ty -fo u r d a y s in late A u g u st an d e a rly S ep tem b er to com plete. A lthough th e r e a re o n ly th e se two m ajor p o p u latio n m ovem ents each y e a r , th e S heikhanzai also move th e ir anim als to w arm er a re a s in la te w in ter in p r e ­ p a ra tio n fo r s p r in g lam bing and s h e a rin g a c tiv itie s . In a d d itio n , some cam ps a re fo rc e d to move to two o r th r e e d iffe re n t locations d u r in g th e sum m er m onths b e ca u se o f a n n u a l flu c tu a tio n s in th e av ailab ility of w a te r a n d g r a s s an d b ec au se o f lan d c o n flic ts w ith s e ttle d p o p u latio n s o f D a ri-sp e a k in g a g r ic u ltu r a lis ts . T he nom ads claim unofficial title to p a s tu r e la n d s , p a rtic u la rly in sum m er p a s tu r e a r e a s , on th e b asis of a n c e s tra l rig h ts bestow ed u p o n them b y A b d u r R ahm an. T h e ir tie s to w in ter g ra z in g a re a s a re more te n u o u s in th e ir view b e c a u se th e y s h ifte d locations o n ly fifte e n to tw e n ty y e a rs ago from lan d s f a r th e r s o u th . In b o th o f th e ir s e d e n ta r y lo c a tio n s, S h eikhanzai p a s tu r e r ig h ts a re legally u n r e c o r d e d , an d land d is p u te s w ith s e ttle d village p o p u latio n s a re common. E specially in th e p e rio d sin ce th e d ro u g h t y e a rs of 1970 and 1971, d u rin g which m any S h eik h an zai a n d o th e r P a s h tu -s p e a k in g p a s to ra l nom ads have n o t b een able to c a r r y o u t sem i-an n u al m ig ra tio n s, m uch p r e ­ v io u sly u n c u ltiv a te d land h a s b een ta k e n o v e r by Taimani v illa g e rs r e g a r d le s s o f nom ads' claims of o w n e rsh ip . Sometimes nom ads h av e w orked o u t a g re e m e n ts w ith v illa g e rs su c h th a t th e la tte r g ro u p will w ork nom ads' la n d s in r e tu r n fo r a p o rtio n o f th e w heat c r o p , b u t r a re ly do th e nom ads re ce iv e su c h com­ p e n s a tio n . It h as b een more common fo r nom ads to fin d th e ir a c c e ss to p a s tu r e an d w ater blocked by new v illage c u ltiv a tio n . If th e ir la n d s a re ru in e d by th e nom ads' flo c k s, v illa g e rs r e s o r t to th e local g o v ern m en t to collect dam age p a y m e n ts, leav in g th e nom ads feeling more cram ped in p a s tu r e a re a s th a n in th e p a s t an d also feeling ex p lo ited b y b o th v illa g e rs an d go v ern m en t o fficials. U nlike o th e r 'v e rtic a l nom ads' in T u rk e y a n d I r a n , major p o p u latio n c o n c e n tra tio n s o f S heik h an zai o c c u r d u r in g th e w in te r an d not d u rin g th e sum m er. Camps may be com posed of as many as fifty te n ts d u rin g th e p e rio d from O cto b er to F e b r u a r y , w hile, d u r in g th e m ig ratio n s a n d in th e sum m er p a s tu r e s betw een May an d m id -A u g u st, cam ps a re com posed o f as few as one te n t o r as many as tw elv e. T hese cam ps a re norm ally s e p a ra te d b y a o n e -h o u r walk from n e ig h b o rin g camp s ite s an d p a s tu r e a r e a s , b u t v is itin g b etw een cam ps is a re g u la r a c tiv ity . T he sum m er camp g ro u p is fu n d am entally a h e rd in g u n it and

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not p rim arily a k in sh ip u n it. In d iv id u a l h o u seh o ld s h e rd th e ir anim als to g e th e r in one o r more flocks o f 400-600 anim als, a fig u re w hich also lim its th e n u m ber of h o u seh o ld s w hich may be g ro u p e d to g e th e r . Camp m em bers a re d raw n w idely from b o th affin al an d co n sa n g u in eal g r o u p s , a n d some m em bers a re not imm ediate re la tiv e s a t a ll. A p a trilin e a l ideology of common d e sc e n t is e x p re s s e d w hen camp m em bers r e f e r to each o th e r as k a k a z a d e h (o r F a B rC h ), b u t th is re fe re n c e is e x te n d e d both v e rtic a lly , a c ro s s g e n e ra tio n s , an d h o rizo n ta lly to more d is ta n t c o u s in s . S h e p h e rd s a re form ally h ire d by camp m em bers fo r o n e -y e a r c o n tra c ts o f se rv ic e to c a re fo r a sin g le flock o f 400-600 sh eep a n d g o a ts . T h ey re c e iv e one lamb (o r k id ) fo r e v e ry te n b o rn in th e s p r in g follow ing th e ir y e a r 's w o rk . If th e y q u it e a r lie r , th e r e is no p r o - r a te d ag reem en t b e ca u se no lam bs h av e y e t b een b o rn . Each h o u seh o ld ow ns a n d milks its own anim als s e p a ra te ly a lth o u g h g ra z in g them to g e th e r , a n d th e d iffe re n t h o u se h o ld s c o n trib u te to th e s h e p h e rd 's p a y , food, a n d o th e r m aterial n e e d s a c c o rd in g to th e n u m b er of anim als th e y ow n. T he s h e p h e rd also h as one o r two a s s is ta n ts who a r e e ith e r form ally h ire d o r s e n t o u t in ro ta tio n from each te n t-h o u se h o ld a t th e ra te o f one n ig h t's w ork fo r e v e ry tw e n ty anim als ow ned. In d iv id u a l te n ts ra n g e in com position from a sim ple n u c le a r family o f th r e e to fo u r people to a maximum of se v e n te e n p e o p le , in c lu d in g b r o th e r s , th e ir w ives an d c h ild r e n , u n m a rrie d s is te r s , p a r e n ts , a n d widowed a u n ts and u n c le s . T he re sid e n c e p a tte r n is id eally p a trilo c a l, b u t in p ra c tic e may also be av u n cu lo cal an d u x o rilo c a l. Com position o f a camp may v a ry from y e a r to y e a r , a n d it may e v e n c h an g e in th e m iddle o f a sin g le seaso n in th e e v e n t o f co n flict betw een h o u s e h o ld s , d issa tisfa c tio n with s h e p h e rd in g a rra n g e m e n ts , o r th e se n se th a t th e g ra s s for anim als m ight be b e tte r else w h e re . T he S heikhanzai sa y sim ply th a t 'We go w h e re v e r o u r anim als will be h a p p y a n d w e ll-fe d ,' b u t th is sta te m e n t can sometimes s e rv e a s a ra tio n a liz a tio n fo r o th e r m otives fo r se p a ra tio n from f a th e r s , b r o th e r s , an d o th e r camp m em bers. T h e re a re no official c e n tra liz e d le a d e rsh ip ro le s am ong th e S h e ik h a n z a i, b u t c e rta in in d iv id u a ls a re given te rm s o f h o n o r an d p o litical sig n ifican ce su c h as s a rk h e l, o r headm an of th e cam p, a n d malik or k h a n , o r b ig man o f th e lineage o r te r r i t o r y . T he s a rk h e l norm ally ow ns more anim als th a n o th e r camp mem­ b e r s an d is headm an by v irtu e of h is c h ie f re sp o n sib ility in joint h e rd in g an d m ig ratin g a rra n g e m e n ts . D ecision-m aking a n d le a d e rs h ip a re v e ry much a t th e local le v e l, b u t th e system o f s e g m e n ta ry lin eag es which c r o s s - c u ts camp d iv isio n s allows th e co o rd in atio n o f economic an d political a c tiv itie s w ithin la rg e r p o p u latio n se g m e n ts. T e n t-h o u se h o ld s s h a re a n c e s tra l land r ig h ts w ith o th e r h o u seh o ld s d e sc e n d a n t from d iffe re n t b ra n c h e s o f fam ilies w ith common genealogical ro o ts . T he S h eik h an zai of C h a g h c h a ra n , fo r in s ta n c e , s h a re a common sum m er p a s tu r e a re a a c ro s s a n u m b er o f s e p a ra te lineage d iv isio n s. H ow ever,

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th e y a rg u e th a t th e six S h a rak lin eag es a re not tr u e S h eik h an zai b u t th e d e s c e n d a n ts o f a H azara m a zdu r, o r h ire d w o rk e r, who m arried a S h eik h an zai woman. Village and nomad c o n ta c ts a re fre q u e n t an d not alw ays c o n flic t-rid d e n . T h e re is some ex ch an g e an d p u rc h a s e of anim als back a n d f o r th ; a n d , more im p o rta n t fo r th e economy of b o th com m unities, th e r e is p u rc h a s e of w heat an d sale o f s u r p lu s wool, g o a t-h a ir te n t s t r i p s , an d d a iry p r o d u c ts . Animals a re more commonly sold in th e tow n b a z a a rs , along th e m igration ro u te an d in sum m er p a s tu re a r e a s , an d a t th e a n n u a l sh eep m arket in C h a g h c h a ra n . Such sa le s p ro v id e th e b a sis fo r cash p u rc h a s e s o f item s su c h as t e a , c a n d y , c lo th e s , cooking w a re , fo d d e r, e tc . th ro u g h o u t th e y e a r. T he p a r t th a t A fghan nom ads p lay in b o th th e dom estic and e x p o rt econom ies o f A fg h an istan is c o n sid e ra b le th ro u g h th e ir p ro v isio n to th e m ark et of m eat, s k in s , wool, k a ra k u l, roghan ( b u t t e r o il) , an d g h r u t (d e h y d ra te d w h e y ). In d ro u g h t y e a rs th e p ric e o f w heat r is e s s u b s ta n tia lly , while anim als and anim al p ro d u c ts do not in c re a se in valu e as ra p id ly . As a co n ­ s e q u e n c e , nom ads a re th re a te n e d on two f ro n ts in d r y y e a r s : 1 T he lack o f ra in fa ll r e s u lts in a sh o rta g e o f g r a s s ; h en c e th e nom ads' anim als a re le ss w ell-fed a n d sm all, less r e s i s t ­ a n t to d is e a s e , and able to p ro v id e only sm all q u a n titie s o f d a iry p r o d u c ts . 2 T he v alu e o f su c h anim als is re d u c e d , c a u s in g cash s h o r t­ a g es fo r p u rc h a s e s o f w in te r fo d d e r fo r anim als and w heat and o th e r item s fo r hum an consum ption. The problem is s e lf - p e rp e tu a tin g in th a t nom ads attem p t to make up fo r th e low er p ric e s available fo r th e ir anim als by m aintaining la r g e r flo c k s. T h u s , g ra s s a n d fo d d e r s u p p lie s a f te r a d ro u g h t y e a r co n tin u e to d e c r e a s e , le a d in g to f u r th e r re d u c tio n s in th e h e a lth a n d v alue o f th e flocks as well as to problem s o f o v e rg ra z in g . Normal ecological a n d economic p ro c e s s e s would re s u lt in a re d u c tio n o f th e nomad p o p u latio n as th e y have done in Ira n an d T u r k e y , b u t k in sh ip sen tim en t and m utual a s s is ta n c e a c tiv itie s o p e ra te am ong S h eik h an zai a n d o th e r Isa k za i nom ads to m aintain th e nomadic p o p u latio n re la tiv e ly c o n s ta n t while p e rh a p s re d u c in g th e economic v iab ility o f th e to ta l p a s to ra lis t p o p u la tio n . ASPECTS OF NOMADIC IDEOLOGY: RELIGION AND CULTURAL VALUES Q uite unlik e s te re o ty p e s m aintained b y s e ttle d p o p u la tio n s, and also u n lik e a c c o u n ts of nom ads in o th e r p o rtio n s o f th e Muslim w orld ( E v a n s -P ritc h a rd 1949; B a rth 1964), th e S h eik h an zai d e m o n stra te a g re a t r e s p e c t fo r m ullahs a n d fo r relig io u s know ledge an d p a rtic ip a tio n . R eg u lar p r a y e r five tim es a d ay is

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b y no m eans u n iv e r s a l, an y more th a n it is w ithin an y o th e r Muslim p o p u la tio n , b u t p r a y e r is common among b o th y o u n g and o ld , an d also am ong some women who p ra y w ithin th e ir te n ts . T he S h eik h an zai b elo n g to th e Hanafi se c t o f Islam , b u t some S h eik h an zai in G u lran and C h a g h c h a ra n a re also p a r tic ip a n ts in th e N a k h sh a h b a n d i o r d e r o f Sufism a n d , as d e v o te e s o f local s a in ts , ta k e p a r t in v a rio u s form s o f Islamic h e te ro d o x y . Almost e v e ry camp in c lu d e s in d iv id u a ls who h av e made th e hajj to M akkah, a n d all who a re p h y sic a lly able s tr ic tly o b s e rv e th e fa s t d u rin g R am adan. Zakat g ifts a re made d ire c tly to th e poor and to t r a v e lle r s , and also th ro u g h th e g iv in g o f sa c rificia l anim als to in d iv id u a ls in o th e r cam ps who a re a ttr ib u te d to have sp ecial re lig io u s know ledge and a b ilitie s. S acrifices d u r in g E id -i-G h o rb a n a re m a n d a to ry , an d sa crific ial anim als a re re g u la rly o ffe re d for k h e y r a t , o r b le s s in g , to rem em ber th e d e a d , to a sk th e b le ssin g o f A llah to make th e sick w ell, to help th e b a r r e n b e a r c h ild r e n , an d to b r in g ra in to th e p a s tu r e s . In some a r e a s , mainly in w in te r q u a r t e r s , nom ads h av e c o n s tru c tu e d u n d e rg ro u n d mesjids p ro te c te d from th e c o ld , some la rg e e n o u g h to meet th e official Q u r'a n ic p re s c rip tio n fo r fo rty men of th e com m unity to perform th e F rid a y noon p r a y e r to g e th e r . E lse w h e re , some cam ps have s e p a ra te g u e st te n ts u se d fo r th is p u rp o s e . E ven w here no su c h p h y sic a l s tr u c tu r e e x is ts , alm ost all cam ps in a fix e d location fo r a p e rio d o f time - e v e n five d a y s - lay out sto n e s to m ark o ff an a re a fo r g ro u p p ra y e r. Such p ra c tic e s a re a t s h a rp v a ria n c e w ith th e co n v en tio n al wisdom ab o u t nomad re lig io s ity , and nom ads r e tu r n th e compli­ m ent b y s a y in g th a t v illa g e rs an d c ity folk may h av e more s u b ­ s ta n tia l m esjids a n d m ore e d u c a te d m u lla h s, b u t th a t th e y do not th in k an d act like M uslims. A lth o u g h th e ir ed u ca tio n in o rth o d o x Islam comes e x c lu siv e ly from th e ir own re lig io u s s p e c ia lis ts , th e S h eik h an zai as a whole o b s e rv e Q u r'a n ic re q u ire m e n ts an d u n d e r s ta n d th e official te n e ts o f th e ir Hanafi fa ith . T h e ir re lig io u s b eliefs an d p ra c tic e s ta k e on a local fla v o r, b u t th e y a re Islam ic b eliefs an d p r a c tic e s . T he tr ib a l fla v o r o f S heikhanzai p ie ty s e rv e s a s one of th e m eans fo r d is tin g u is h in g th e ir own p o p u latio n from 'non-M uslim ' v illa g e rs , u rb a n m e rc h a n ts , and go v ern m en t o ffic ia ls. The p a y in g o f alms is d e fin ed b y th e S h eik h an zai in su c h a m anner as to e n c o u ra g e th e social e x p re ssio n o f b ro th e rh o o d w ithin k in sh ip g ro u p s . R e c ip ro c ity w ithin su c h g ro u p s a n d th e h o s ­ p ita lity show n to g u e s ts a re view ed by th e S h eik h an zai as a m eans to h e a v e n in th e Final Ju d g m e n t. T he d e c la ra tio n of fa ith in Allah a s th e t r u e an d only G od, an d Muhammad a s his final an d d e fin itiv e p r o p h e t, is also a d e c la ra tio n of affiliatio n w ithin th e tr ib a l nom adic g ro u p . Within th e g ro u p , Q u r'a n ic in s tr u c tio n , g ro u p p r a y e r , and th e pilgrim age re in fo rc e th e s tr u c tu r a l se p a ra tio n o f th e sex es an d th e d iv isio n o f la b o r. O nly men h av e d ir e c t c o n ta c ts w ith non-nom ads and w ith th e form al s tr u c t u r e s o f Islam and th e s ta te .

292

Bahram Tavakolian

T he S h eik h an zai live close to n a tu r e , an d th e b o u n tie s o f n a tu r e a re p ro v id e d b y A llah. T hey p ro u d ly adm it to a d e p e n ­ d e n cy on A llah fo r w e a th e r, g ra z in g , f e r tility , g ro w th , and p ro te c tio n from d ise a se an d m isfo rtu n e . B ut th e y also p ro fe s s th e view th a t Allah will only help th o se who help th e m selv e s a n d not th o se who o u t o f la z in e ss o r d ish o n e s ty seek gain w ith­ o u t in d u s tr y . The m obility an d autonom y o f th e S h eik h an zai e x p r e s s th e mode of life u n d e rsto o d b y them to be e n c o u ra g e d b y A llah. A side from c o n sid e ra tio n s o f p ra c tic a l n e c e s s ity , su c h b eliefs and th e ir a sso c ia ted a c tiv itie s p ro v id e sym bolic m eans fo r in te rn a l s tr u c tu r in g o f th e g ro u p and for g u a ra n te e in g th e c e rta in ty o f A llah 's b en ev o len c e. In some a re a s Sufi in flu en ce h a s been s tr o n g en o u g h to c re a te e x te n s iv e com m unities o f P i r s , A g h a s , K h a lifa s, and th e ir follow ers. S u ch Sufi re lig io u s le a d e rs a re ty p ic a lly unw orldly in d iv id u a ls who a s s is t th e ir follow ers in m a tte rs su c h a s p o sse ssio n b y jin n , d is e a s e , d r o u g h t, in f e r tility , m issing p e r ­ s o n s , social fric tio n , an d so f o r th . Unlike k h a n s , th e y a r e not a sk e d to deal w ith v illa g e rs o r th e go v ern m en t in economic and legal m a tte rs . A n d , u n lik e m u llah s, th e y do not te a c h ; th e y live ac c o rd in g to th e ir u n d e rs ta n d in g of A llah's m essage an d com­ m unicate th is to th e ir follow ers th ro u g h th e ir a c tio n s. Some in d iv id u a ls s in g p a ssa g e s from th e Q u r'a n all n ig h t lo n g ; some go in to tr a n c e s ; a n d th e y a re all n o te d fo r p ro u d ly g iv in g away all sa c rific ia l goods th e y re c e iv e . T h is d e g re e o f re lig io sity is a p p a re n tly u n c h a ra c te ris tic o f o th e r Muslim nom ads; h o w ev e r, I sa y 'a p p a r e n tly ' in th a t almost no w ork h as b een done on nomadic ideology and re lig io n . The ecological o rie n ta tio n in vogue in m uch o f th e an th ro p o lo g ical r e s e a rc h on nom ads at p re s e n t h a s c o n trib u te d to th is n eg le ct at le a s t a s much as h a s th e lack of c o n c e rn fo r relig io n ev id en ced am ong o r a ttr ib u te d to th e nom ads. B rian S p o o n e r, fo r exam ple, a rg u e s th a t: P a sto ra l nomadism is p rim arily a m eans to s u b s is te n c e , and a s su c h it in v o lv e s an a d a p ta tio n to a n a tu ra l en v iro n m e n t. It d oes not n e c e s s a rily p re su p p o se a n y th in g c u ltu ra l. (1972:126) E lsew here he s ta te s t h a t : R eligious e x p re s s io n among no m ad s, ev en u n d e r th e ae g is of u n iv e rs a lis tic re lig io n s , ta k e s th e nom adic re la tio n sh ip betw een man a n d an o m n ip o te n t, in tra c ta b le n a tu ra l e n v iro n ­ ment an d re fle c ts it in a sto ic a l, u n ritu a liz e d re la tio n sh ip betw een man an d an in tra c ta b le s u p e r n a tu r a l. (1973:41) T h is view ech o es Mary D o u g las's comment th a t th e ritu a l liv es o f nomadic p o p u latio n s like th e B a sse ri o f Ira n m ust sim ply be u n d e rs to o d a s exam ples o f se c u la r trib a l c u ltu r e s (1973:37) r a th e r th a n as p a r tic u la rly su b tle sym bolic and b elief s y s te m s .

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To h e r , th e B a sse ri a re 'S ec u lar in th e se n se o f th is w o rldly, s e c u la r in th e s e n s e of failin g to tra n s c e n d th e m eanings of e v e r y d a y , se c u la r in th e se n se o f p a y in g no h eed to specialized re lig io u s in s titu tio n s ' . . . ( i b i d .) . Such an in te rp re ta tio n is n o t r e s tr ic te d to th e B a s s e ri, h o w ­ e v e r , as we see in Louis D u p re e 's re fe re n c e to A fghan re lig io sity in th e follow ing te r m s :' . . . th e y believe b u t seldom w o rs h ip ; th e y a re ru g g e d ly irre lig io u s u n le ss an o u ts id e r c h a lle n g es th e ir b e lie fs' (1973:126). As I have a lre a d y d e m o n stra te d ab o v e , th is g e n e ra liz atio n poorly app ro x im ates S h eik h an zai re lig io u s c h a r a c te r . F u rth e rm o re , in v e stig a tio n s among o th e r Muslim nom ads r e p o r t sim ilar exam ples of th e ideological a n d ecological sig n ific a n c e o f a tra n s c e n d e n t an d in stitu tio n a liz e d body of m eanings an d r itu a l (B a rth 1964; P a s tn e r an d P a s tn e r 1972, Cole 1975; T avakolian 1976). If we t u r n n e x t to th e q u e stio n of c u ltu r a l v a lu e s ( l) as th e y a re e x p re s s e d w ithin nom adic p a s to ra lis t so c ie tie s, we sh all again fin d e v id en ce of th e im portance o f ideological a s p e c ts of p a s to ra lis t a d a p ta tio n s . The p io n e e rin g w ork co n d u c te d by G o ld sch m id t, E d g e r to n , a n d o th e r s in th e C u ltu re a n d Ecology in E ast A frica P ro ject m akes re fe re n c e to su c h p e rso n a lity a ttr ib u te s am ong p a s to ra lis ts as a h ig h d e g re e of in d e p en d en c e of ac tio n ; a w illingness to tak e c h a n c e s ; a re a d in e s s to a c t, a n d a c ap a c ity fo r ac tio n ; s e lf­ contain m en t a n d c o n tro l, esp ecially in th e face of d a n g e r; b r a v e r y , f o r titu d e , and th e a b ility to w ith sta n d pain and h a r d s h ip ; a r r o g a n c e , s e x u a lity , a n d a re a lis tic a p p ra isa l of th e w orld (G oldschm idt 1965:404-5) G old sch m id t's c o - r e s e a r c h e r , R o b ert E d g e rto n , r e p o r ts th a t 'p a s to ra lis ts fre e ly e x p r e s s em otions . . . an d th e y v alu e co­ o p e ra tio n , in d u s tr io u s n e s s , th e c la n , and o th e r k in sm en ' (1971: 276). Such c u ltu ra l p re d isp o sitio n s c o rre s p o n d closely w ith th e p sy ch o lo g ical o rie n ta tio n s an d a ttr ib u te s w hich R aphael P atai id e n tifie s as p a r t of th e b ed o u in c h a ra c te r : h o s p ita lity , g e n e r ­ o s ity , c o u ra g e , h o n o r an d se lf re s p e c t (1 9 7 3 :8 4 -9 6 ). A nd th e re is an e q u a lly g re a t sim ilarity betw een su c h v alu e s an d th o se e x p re s s e d w ithin th e A fghan h o n o r c o d e , o r P ushtunw ali. In h is w ork among P a th a n s in th e N o rth -w e st F ro n tie r P rovince of P a k is ta n , A k b a r Ahmed r e f e r s to th e follow ing fe a tu re s of th e h o n o r code: 1 2 3 4

The show ing o f h o sp ita lity to all v is ito r s w ithout hope of re m u n e ra tio n o r fa v o r (melmastia) . T he ta k in g of re v e n g e o v e r time o r o v e r space to av en g e a w rong (b a d a l). T he b e g g in g o f fo r g iv e n e s s , b u t not in d is p u te s o v e r 'sh am e' o r in ju r y to women (n a n a w a ta y ). The u p h o ld in g o f th e h o n o r o f th e trib e sm a n an d th a t of th e family ( n a n g ) (1977:39)

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D u p ree r e p e a ts th e s e re fe re n c e s for P a s h tu n s in A fg h a n ista n , and he a d d s m ention o f th e re q u is ite p e rso n a l c h a r a c te ris tic s o f th e h o n o rab le A fg h an: b ra v e ry ( t u r e h ) , c h iv a lry ( m e r a n a h ) , p e rs is te n c e an d c o n sta n c y ( ' iste q a m a t) , s te a d fa s tn e s s ( s a b a t) , rig h te o u s n e s s (im a n d a ri), w illingness to d e fe n d p ro p e rty and h o n o r ( g h a y r a t ) , a n d w illingness to d e fe n d th e honor o f women (n am u s) (1973:126). The dom inant c u ltu ra l v a lu es o f th e S h eik h an zai a re draw n from th e ir u n d e rs ta n d in g o f Islam , th e A fghan h o n o r c o d e , a n d , n a tu ra lly e n o u g h , from th e e x ig en cies o f th e ir nomadic p a sto ra l way o f life . In p ra c tic e , th e s e d iv isio n s a re not so n e atly d ra w n , and m any r e in te rp re ta tio n s and ra tio n a liz a tio n s a b o u n d . As Ahmed h a s s ta te d fo r th e P a th a n , 'th e r e is no conflict betw een h is trib a l code . . . and re lig io u s p rin c ip le s ' (1 9 7 6 :6 ). N e v e rth e le s s , th e r e a re im p o rtan t d is c re p a n c ie s . S h eik h an zai nomadism is its e lf a c o n tra d ic tio n o f th e Q u r'a n ic em phasis on c ity a n d m erch an t life and th e concom itants o f an u rb a n re lig io u s tr a d itio n : form al re lig io u s tr a in in g , collective w o rsh ip , an d th e o c ra tic g o v e rn a n c e . T h e re is also th e in flu en ce o f th e e x tra -ls la m ic tra d itio n in th e w orship o f s a in ts , th e u se o f am ulets ( i a 'w i z ) , a n d th e p ra c tic e of exorcism to c o u n te r black magic an d to rem ove s p irit p o sse ssio n by jin n . The A fghan em phasis on blood tie s and th e c o n cep t o f badal (blood re v e n g e ) c o n tra s t s h a rp ly with th e Q u r’anic ed ict th a t 'It b elo n g s not to a b e lie v e r to sla y a b e lie v e r, e x c e p t it be by e r r o r ' (S u ra 4 :9 4 ). O pen co n flict with n o n -S h e ik h a n z a i is p r e s e n tly m uch r e s tr ic te d by th e in flu en ce o f th e s ta te , hence th e co n cep t o f b a d a l does n o t have much c u r r e n t m eaning o r e x p re s s io n . U nder more tra d itio n a l c o n d itio n s, ho w ev er, su c h a co n cep t s e rv e d a s a b a sis for a p p ro p ria te re s p o n s e to 'n o n Islam ic' tra n s g r e s s io n s b y m em bers o f o th e r g ro u p s . M eanwhile, h o sp ita lity to w ard tr a v e lle rs an d g u e s ts is re q u ire d o f Muslims ev en in d e a lin g s w ith o u ts id e r s . As 1 h av e in d ic a te d a b o v e, S heik h an zai v a lu es c o n c e rn in g h o s p ita lity , g e n e ro s ity , r e c t i t u d e , d is c ip lin e , an d in d u s tr y a re w e ll-su p p o rte d by re lig io u s beliefs an d p ra c tic e s . To be ho s­ p ita b le to g u e s ts an d g en e ro u s w ith kinsm en is not only to be an A fg h a n , b u t to be a Muslim. It is b y s u c h a s ta n d a r d th a t S unni v illa g e rs an d c ity folk a re view ed a s Muslims in name o n ly . T he ho n o rab le S h eik h an zai m ust be s e lf - r e lia n t, b u t he m ust also reco g n ize th a t he would be n o th in g w ithout th e g ra ce o f Allah an d th e a s s is ta n c e o f h is k in . On th e issu e o f family tie s , th e S h eik h an zai sa y th a t 'A p e rso n who do es n o t have family cannot make g h r u t o r ro g h a n ' (in o th e r w o rd s, c an n o t s u r v iv e ) , and 'In th e name of o u r a n c e s to rs may Allah not leave us w ithout b r o t h e r s , an d in th e name o f o u r family may we n o t be w ithout so n s. 1

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SHEIKHANZAI IDEOLOGY AS A DETERMINING INFLUENCE IN PASTORALIST ECOLOGY T he em p h asis th e S heikhanzai place on re c ip ro c ity and c o o p e r­ atio n w ithin camp g ro u p s and se g m e n ta ry lin e ag e s is not only ideological b u t is m anifested in m any a re a s o f so cia l, econom ic, an d ritu a l b e h a v io r. F or exam ple: 1 Summer camp g r o u p s , com posed of m em bers of re la te d s e g m e n ta ry lin e a g e s, camp to g e th e r in g ro u p s o f th ir ty to fifty te n t-h o u s e h o ld s in w in ter p a s tu r e a r e a s . T h ese re la te d h o u seh o ld s m ig rate on a sim ilar sc h e d u le and along a common ro u te to sum m er p a s tu r e s . T hey s h a re common p a s tu r e s in w in te rs an d a d ja c e n t p a s tu r e s in sum m ers. 2 It is d u rin g w in te rs th a t w eddings a re h e ld , commonly u n itin g a man with his F aB rD a, and th e e n tire camp g ro u p an d m ost m em bers of th e most immediate lineage g ro u p in g s p a rtic ip a te in th e cerem onies. A dd itio n ally , in w in ter p a s tu r e s , on e o r more S h eik h an zai in d iv id u a ls who a re lite ra te and le a rn e d in th e Q u r'a n te a c h A rabic s c rip t and re lig io u s lesso n s to th e y o u n g . 3 D u rin g su m m ers, v isits by re la tiv e s from o th e r camp g ro u p s a re a re g u la r o c c u rre n c e . Animals a re also ta k e n to m ark et alo n g w ith th o se b elo n g in g to re la tiv e s from o th e r c a m p s, an d when anim als a re lost th e y a re r e tu r n e d to th e ir o w n e rs w hen fo u n d b y re la tiv e s in o th e r cam ps. 4 C onflict b etw een camp m em bers is re so lv e d th ro u g h k in ­ s h ip li n k s ; a n d , in in s ta n c e s o f camp fis s io n , te n ts a re in c o rp o ra te d in to new cam ps on th e b a sis o f k in sh ip a ffilia tio n . 5 N orm ally, a sin g le in d iv id u a l is id e n tifie d on th e b a sis of wisdom o r w ealth as th e re p re s e n ta tiv e o f affiliated cam ps in re la tio n s w ith th e o u tsid e w o rld , s u c h as w ith d is tr ic t o fficials an d v illa g e rs . 6 R itual sa c rific e s a re perfo rm ed b o th w ithin cam ps and on cerem onial o ccasio n s w hich b rin g to g e th e r m em bers of v a rio u s cam ps. When anim als a re sa c rific e d and meat is co o k ed , all cam p m em bers sh a re in th e meal. Cerem onial o ccasio n s su c h a s fu n e ra ls , w e d d in g s, and fe a s ts b rin g to g e th e r s e p a ra te b u t re la te d cam ps fre q u e n tly th ro u g h o u t th e an n u a l cy cle. 7 R elativ es p ro v id e an im a ls, d a iry p ro d u c ts , w h e a t, w ool, a n d m oney to th o se in th e ir own cam ps o r in o th e r re la te d cam ps who a re im p o v e rish e d . Camels an d d o n k e y s a re loaned for t r a n s p o r t . Even th e la b o r of so n s fo r s h e p h e rd in g an d d a u g h te r s fo r dom estic c h o re s is p ro v id e d to camp m em bers in n eed of su c h a s s is ta n c e . In te rm s o f b e h a v io ra l re a litie s , th e n , su c h social id e als as in te rd e p e n d e n c e an d a s s is ta n c e w ithin k in sh ip a n d settlem en t g ro u p s a re w idely p r a c tic e d . Social so lid a rity is e x p re s s e d th ro u g h su c h v a lu e s and b e h a v io r, an d th e social se p a ra tio n a n d c u ltu ra l d is tin c tiv e n e s s o f th e S h eik h an zai a re also given s u p p o rt th ro u g h th e p ra c tic e and th e ideology o f th e ir nomadic

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p a sto ra lism . T he S h eikhanzai say th a t 'T he life of th e maldar ( p a s to ra lis t) is d iffic u lt, b u t it has a " ta s te " (v a lu e ) th a t o th e r liv es can n o t o ffe r th ro u g h b ein g able to se e new p la c e s , b e in g d e p e n d e n t on no one in th e o u tsid e world an d re a c h in g th e "h eav en " of th e sa rha d (sum m er p a s tu r e s ) ' w here 'H ow ever sick an d tir e d we a re in th e w aian (w in te r a re a ) and along th e m ig ra tio n , we g et well . . T h is em phasis on autonom y and m obility is a r e c u r r e n t a sp e c t o f S h eik h an azai c u ltu ra l v a lu e s . The two c o n c ep ts a re seen as b e in g closely lin k e d , a n d , in fa c t, in te r d e p e n d e n t. Autonomy r e f e r s not only to th e freedom to be nom adic, b u t also to th e p o litical an d economic in d e p e n d e n c e of th e p a s to ra lis t w hich is made p o ssib le th ro u g h seasonal m ig ratio n s to new p a s tu r e a r e a s . T h a t th is self-im age is e x a g g e ra te d , th e re can be no d o u b t sin ce th e nomad is cle a rly d e p e n d e n t on v illa g e rs an d m e rc h a n ts fo r all o f h is g ra in and m any o f his o th e r 'e s s e n tia ls ' su c h as te a , s u g a r , c lo th , fu e l, e tc . In ad d itio n th e nomad m ust fre q u e n tly pay r e n t fo r camp s ite s , g ra z in g r ig h ts , an d a c c e ss to w a te r. N o n e th e le ss, th e nomad se e s him self as fre e an d s e lf - r e lia n t, and nomadism is an e x p re s s io n r a th e r th a n th e b a sis fo r th is view . As fo r th e ir p a sto ra lism , th e S h eik h an zai rid ic u le v illa g e rs fo r d o in g w hat th e y call th e 'cow w o rk ' o f a g r ic u ltu r e . T h e y say th a t 'F o r th e Aimak (D a ri-sp e a k in g v illa g e r ) , if th e re is no flood o r d ro u g h t one y e a r, th e re will be th e n e x t y e a r . For th e m aldar d iffic u ltie s a re only fo r one d a y .' T he S h eik h an zai also ju s tify th e ir av o idance o f b ir th r e g is tr a ­ tio n , id e n tity p a p e r s , and m ilitary c o n sc rip tio n b y sa y in g th a t 'As m aldar we a re d o ing se rv ic e to th e c o u n try by p ro v id in g wool, meat an d d a iry p ro d u c ts . If o u r so n s a re ta k e n in to m ilitary s e r v ic e , th e people who ea t o u r meat and u se o u r wool sh o u ld come o u t a n d help u s w ith o u r an im als. ' In te rm a rria g e is avoided with village p o p u la tio n s , an d th e re is little in th e way o f d ire c t economic sym biosis w ith village a g r ic u ltu r a lis ts . B ecause of th e ir e x te n sio n of cu ltiv a tio n in to nomad p a s tu r e a re a s an d b eca u se o f th e ir ow n s e d e n ta ry o r tra n s h u m a n t form s o f p a sto ra lism , v illa g e rs a re in d ire c t com­ p etitio n w ith nom ads fo r la n d , m a rk e ts , an d local political hegem ony. In c re a s in g ly , as B ates r e p o r ts fo r Y oriik nom ads in T u rk e y (1971), th is is a b a ttle th a t nom ads a re lo sin g . T he S h eik h an zai d islik e an d d is tr u s t th e ir village n e ig h b o rs and commonly b u y th e ir w heat from u rb a n m e rc h a n ts in ste a d of d ire c tly from villag e p r o d u c e rs . S h eik h an zai anim als a re not allow ed on village fie ld s, e v e n to cle a r off s tu b b le , so fte n th e g ro u n d , o r leave d e p o sits o f m a n u re , an d th e economic and political s e p a ra tio n b etw een th e two e th n ic g ro u p s is re in fo rc e d b y th e in -g ro u p em phasis on m arriag e an d e th n ic p u r ity . At th is p o in t in th e d is c u s s io n , we a re able to o ffe r th e follow­ in g g e n e ra l a p p ra is a l of how S heik h an zai v a lu es a ffe c t p a tte r n s of ecology: 1 T he S h eik h an zai a re deep ly re lig io u s an d place a h ig h

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valu e on p ie ty . H ow ever, th is p ie ty does not p re c lu d e a n d , in fa c t, e n h a n c e s in d u s tr io u s n e s s an d a c o n c e rn fo r ra tio n a l economic ju d g m e n ts. T he S h eikhanzai a re re a listic about p ra c tic a l n e c e s s itie s , b u t th e y d efin e th e s e a d a p tiv e n e c e s s i­ tie s in sym bolic an d social as well as m aterial te rm s . H ard w ork an d s u c c e s s as a p a s to ra lis t d e m o n stra te s an a p p re c ia tio n fo r th e b o u n ty p ro v id ed by A llah, an d th e m aterial a d v a n ­ ta g e s a tta in e d b y an in d iv id u a l should be s h a re d w ith o th e r M uslim s. 2 T he S h eik h an zai a re tig h tly b o und to th e ideology and o rg a n iz a tio n o f se g m e n ta ry lin ea g es w hich c r o s s - c u t in d iv id u al camp tie s . T h ey m a rry , a s s is t, and co o p e rate w ith o th e r in d iv id u a ls on th e b a sis of common genealogical affiliatio n s r a t h e r th a n m em bers of o th e r e th n ic g r o u p s . T h ey a re c u rio u s ab o u t th e o u tsid e w o rld , w illing to a c c e p t m aterial im prove­ m e n ts, b u t also d eterm in ed to m aintain tra d itio n a l A fghan an d Islam ic s ta n d a r d s an d to uphold tra d itio n a l re sp o n s ib ilitie s . T h ey a re o rie n te d to w ard m aterial su c c e ss a n d g a in , b u t not on a p e rs o n a lis tic b a s is . S u rp lu s w ealth is re in v e s te d in th e g ro u p th ro u g h th e s h a r in g o f re s o u rc e s w ith k i n , a ssista n c e to im p o v erish ed m em bers, a n d h o sp ita lity to g u e s ts an d tr a v e lle r s . 3 T he S h eik h an zai ta k e p rid e in th e ir political autonom y, an d its sym bolic e x p re s s io n in g e o g ra p h ic m obility, an d in w hat th e y see as th e ir economic se lf-re lia n c e . M igration is a p p re c ia te d fo r its c lo se n ess to n a tu r e , th e c h a n g e o f sc e n e ry it b r in g s , an d th e sym bolic c o rre sp o n d e n c e of th e c h a n g e s in se ttle m e n t an d social p a tte r n s to se aso n a l c h a n g e s in th e h e r d s , in th e la n d , an d in clim ate. Autonom y r e p r e s e n ts an ab se n c e o f ta x e s , sc h o o ls, a n d c o n sc rip tio n , b u t it is also ra tio n a liz e d a s b e in g n e c e s s a ry fo r th e more im p o rtan t p ro d u c ­ tiv e s e rv ic e s th a t nom ads o ffe r to th e n a tio n . 4 Animal h u s b a n d ry is v alu ed as a b a sis fo r e x p a n d a b le w ealth , a d a p tiv e b o th to meet s h o rt-te rm economic n e e d s o f th e in d iv id u a l a n d to h elp c o rr e c t lo n g -term economic im balances w ithin th e g ro u p c a u se d by d ise a se an d n a tu ra l m isfo rtu n e . T he S h eik h an zai look down on b o th s e ttle d life an d a g r ic u ltu ra l w o rk , an d th e y h av e also developed a view o f th e ir own re lig io s ity , in d u s tr y , an d so lid a rity w hich e n h a n c e s th e ir sym bolic an d socioeconomic s e p a ra tio n from o th e r Muslims who a re v illa g e rs . 5 T he k ey S h eik h an zai v a lu es id e n tifie d above a re re lig io u s p ie ty ; in d u s tr y an d m aterial w ell-b ein g ; fam ily an d lineage s o lid a r ity , re c ip r o c ity , a n d g e n e ro s ity ; h o s p ita lity ; political autonom y; g e o g ra p h ic m obility; an d a p a s to ra l econom y. Such a com plex o f v a lu e s , th o u g h sim ilar to o n e s e x p re s s e d among many o th e r p a s to ra l n o m a d s, can n o t be e x p lain ed solely in term s o f a d a p tiv e n e c e ssitie s o f nomadic p a sto ra lism . N eith er a re th e y fo u n d as an in te g r a te d whole am ong p eoples like th e B a sse ri who d isp la y little o f th e a p p re c ia tio n d is c u s s e d h e re fo r p ie ty a n d re c ip ro c ity . Nor a re fe a tu re s o f th e s e v a lu e s , esp ec ially

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relig io sity an d family s o lid a rity , a b se n t among A fg h an , P a th a n , a n d o th e r p o p u la tio n s o f Muslim v illa g e rs . T he p a s to ra lis t ecology o f th e S h eik h anzai is sh ap ed and p e rp e tu a te d b y th e ir p a tte r n s o f id eo lo g y . S h eik h an zai b e lie f, r itu a l, a n d c u ltu ra l v a lu e s d efin e an d d ire c t th e n a tu r e o f settle m e n t p a tte r n s , in te r - e th n ic r e la tio n s , political s t r u c t u r e , a n d economic a c tiv ity . F u rth e rm o re , S h eik h an zai ecological a d a p ta tio n in v o lv es th e p e rp e tu a tio n of th e ir social a n d ideological s e p a ra tio n from s e d e n ta ry peop les in th e ir p a s tu r e a r e a s . As s u b s ta n tia tio n fo r th e s e s ta te m e n ts , we can n e x t tu r n to S heik h an zai re a c tio n s to an ex o g en o u s p ro g ram fo r economic d ev elo p m en t. SHEIKHANZAI AND THE HERAT LIVESTOCK DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION T he H erat L ivestock D evelopm ent C o rp o ratio n is an o rg a n iza tio n fo u n d e d a f te r th e n e a r decim ation o f th e p a s to ra l economy in w e ste rn A fg h a n ista n d u rin g th e se v e re d ro u g h t y e a rs o f 1970 an d 1971. F u n d s fo r th e p rogram a re d e riv e d from th e World B a n k , an d th e p ro g ram is u n d e r th e joint ad m in istra tio n o f th e A fghan M inistry o f A g ric u ltu re and a team o f E uropean economic d ev elo p m en t, liv e s to c k , a n d ra n g e m anagem ent s p e c ia lis ts . T he HLDC h as a tte m p te d to p ro v id e fo r th e economic ratio n aliz atio n o f p asto ralism in th e w e ste rn p ro v in c e s o f A fg h a n ista n th ro u g h th e developm ent o f th e follow ing in s titu tio n s an d s e rv ic e s : 1 T he c o n stru c tio n and s ta ffin g o f a sh e e p s la u g h te rh o u s e in th e c ity an d p ro v in c e ca p ita l of H erat fo r th e p u rp o se o f s la u g h te r in g anim als to be r e f r ig e r a te d a n d m ark eted in I r a n . 2 T he o rg a n iz a tio n o f ran g e-m an ag em en t s tu d ie s and p ro g ram s for c o n tro lle d u se of g ra z in g a r e a s , in c lu d in g p ro g ram s fo r th e re d u c tio n an d c o n tro l of h e rd siz e. 3 T he o rg a n iz a tio n o f v e te r in a ry s e r v ic e s , in c lu d in g exam ­ in a tio n s fo r d is e a s e , v accination o f anim als, and s h e e p -d ip s for e ra d ic a tin g anim al p a ra s ite s . 4 T he o rg a n iz a tio n of economic c o o p e ra tiv e s w hich would s e rv e as th e in s titu tio n a l b a sis for o b ta in in g loans fo r th e p u rc h a s e of anim als, fe e d , v a c c in e , an d g ra z in g lan d an d fo r m a rk e tin g th e anim als. 5 The sta b iliz a tio n o f animal markfets th ro u g h th e p u rc h a s e o f anim als a t a fix e d , and h ig h e r th a n no rm al, m ark et p ric e . 6 T he p u rc h a s e of anim als of co n tro lled q u a lity from village an d nomadic p a s to r a lis ts , and p rim a rily from m em bers of th e e s ta b lis h e d c o o p e ra tiv e s, fo r th e p u rp o se o f s to c k in g th e s la u g h te r h o u s e . 7 T he g ra d u a l re d u c tio n of nomadic form s o f p asto ralism and rep lacem en t by s e d e n ta ry an d tra n sh u m a n t p a sto ra lism . 8 In c re a s e d c o n tro l o f animal m a rk e tin g th ro u g h sch e d u led r a th e r th a n p e rio d ic s a le s , an d irre s p e c tiv e of flu c tu a tio n s in ra in fa ll, g ra z in g q u a lity , and w heat a n d fo d d e r p ric e s . 9 E v en tu al rep lacem en t of th e an n u a l sh e ep m arket fre q u e n te d

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by nom ads in C h a g h c h a ra n w ith HLDC d is trib u tio n c e n te r s . 10 E v en tu al d e p e n d en c e on p ro fit-m o tiv a te d tra n s a c tio n s in place of th e tra d itio n a l em phasis on k in sh ip o b lig a tio n s. 11 Elim ination o f b o th anim al sm uggling to Ira n an d th e d ep e n d e n c e on c a sh from p eriodic la b o r m igration to Ira n . At th e time of my field re s e a r c h w ith th e S heik h an zai in 1977, th e r e was p ra c tic a lly no p a rtic ip a tio n in a n y o f th e s e p ro g ra m s d e sp ite th e fact th a t th e S heikhanzai a re th e p rim a ry liv esto ck o w n e rs in th e a re a o f HLDC’s o p e ra tio n . T he S heik h an zai a re w idely know n b y o th e r p a s to ra lis t p o p u latio n s in th e re g io n as th e m ost econom ically a g g re s s iv e and p ro fita b le o f h e rd in g g r o u p s . H ow ever, g iv en w hat I have s ta te d a b o v e , it sh o u ld come a s no s u r p r is e th a t HLDC p ro g ram s a re in d ire c t conflict with S h eik h an zai v a lu es and th a t no liv esto ck developm ent of th e s o r t en v isio n e d b y e x te rn a l ch a n g e a g e n ts has ta k e n place among th e S h e ik h a n z a i. We need not a rg u e a g a in st B a r th 's view o f nom ads as c a lc u la tin g and m aterialistic in d iv id u a ls who a re p rag m atic in th e ir a d a p ta tio n s to economic an d e n v iro n m e n tal c h a n g e . We n e e d only u n d e rs ta n d th e c u ltu ra l c o n te x t o f S h eik h an zai co n cep tio n s o f economic r a tio n a lity , u t i l i t y , an d a d v a n ta g e . Economic d ecisio n s are made by S h eik h an zai in term s o f th is ideological fram ew ork and do n o t e x p re s s maxim izing s tr a te g ie s o f autonom ous in d iv id u a ls. To be s p e c ific , 1 h av e a lre a d y sp o k e n o f th e em phasis on w ith in -g ro u p re c ip ro c ity , c o o p e ra tio n , an d autonom y. T hese v a lu e s m itigate a g a in s t th e b reak d o w n o f k in sh ip and camp tie s a n d th e ir rep lacem en t by a rtific ia l c o o p erativ e g ro u p s . U nless su c h economic c o o p e ra tiv e s as w ere b ein g p lan n ed by HLDC follow e s ta b lish e d k in sh ip a n d p a r tn e r s h ip lin k s , th e r e is little in them to a ttr a c t S h e ik h a n za i. O bligations to kinsm en a re p rim a ry an d can n o t be re p la c e d b u t only su p p le m e n te d . F u r th e r ­ m ore, th e in cu lcatio n o f v a lu es o rie n te d to w ard th e s e lf- in te r e s t o f th e autonom ous in d iv id u a l cannot be a ch iev ed in an e n v iro n ­ m ent in w hich S h eik h an zai o r o th e r m em bers o f co o p e ra tiv e s d is tr u s t an d th r e a te n th e ir economic p a r tn e r s . S ec o n d , a lth o u g h S h eik h an zai sell th e ir s u r p lu s anim als w illingly e n o u g h , th e y do so only a s ca sh p u r c h a s e s a re n e c e s s a ry . Wealth is more easily tr a n s p o r te d and s to re d as liv e sto c k th a n a s c a sh o r m oveable p r o p e r ty . In a d d itio n , in th e e v e n t o f anim al l o s s , it is p re fe ra b le to have s u rp lu s anim als on h a n d th a n to h av e to p u rc h a s e anim als from o th e r s . In sum , th e S h eik h an zai h ad little d e sire to sell anim als a c c o rd in g to th e sc h e d u le o f HLDC, an d e v en le ss in te r e s t in b r in g in g anim als to th e d is tr ic t c e n te rs of th e HLDC r a th e r th a n se llin g them in local b a z a a rs . In th e ir view th e la b o r re q u ire m e n t fo r su c h jo u rn e y s to HLDC p ic k -u p p o in ts ou tw eig h ed th e p o te n tia l economic b e n e fit o f se llin g anim als to a sin g le p u rc h a s in g a g e n t ev en a t a h ig h fix e d p ric e . T he la b o r fa c to r also w orked a g a in st S h eik h an zai use o f HLDC v accin atio n p ro g ra m s . T hey found it in c o n v e n ie n t to s u f f e r th e d elay o f goin g th ro u g h vaccin atio n c e n te rs while on m ig ra tio n ;

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a n d once in new p a s tu r e s , th e y again re fu s e d to b rin g th e ir anim als to th e HLDC te c h n ic ia n s. M eanwhile, eq u ally s tu b b o r n ly , HLDC c o n sid e re d it im practical and uneconom ical to ta k e th e ir v accin es to w here th e nomad cam ps w e re. As a r e s u lt, m ost d r u g s , s e r v ic e s , e tc . w ere a c tu a lly d is trib u te d to a lre a d y re la tiv e ly w ell-off v illa g e rs , f u r th e r a lie n a tin g th e S h eik h an zai an d o th e r nom ads. T he S h eik h an zai w ere also d isp le a se d w ith th e loan a s p e c ts o f HLDC a rra n g e m e n ts . T hey c o n sid e re d g ra z in g lan d a s th e ir a n c e s tra l r ig h t a n d not som ething w hich sh o u ld have to be p u rc h a s e d o r r e n te d . V accines an d m edicine w ere th e ir rig h tfu l d u e from th e g o v e rn m e n t. And th e loans th em selv es w ere co n ­ s id e re d u s u rio u s a n d th e re fo re c o n tra ry to Islamic b e lie fs. F in a lly , p ro g ra m s fo r sto c k -re d u c tio n a n d in c re a se d s e d e n ta r izatio n w ere not o n ly opp o sed b y nomad v a lu e s , th e y w ere also u n d e s ira b le b e c a u se o f nomad a p p ra isa ls o f th e re a lis tic , p r a g ­ m atic, a n d u tilita ria n n e c e ssitie s o f re b u ild in g h e rd s decim ated b y th e d ro u g h t y e a rs an d fin d in g su ffic ie n t g ra s s fo r th e s e h e r d s th ro u g h se a so n al m ig ratio n s. In sum , th e S h eik h anzai h av e m aintained tra d itio n a l form s o f nom adic p a s to ra lis m , su p p lem en ted b y occasional animal sm u g g lin g a c ro ss th e Ira n ia n b o rd e r an d by s h o rt p e rio d s of m ig ran t la b o r b o th in Ira n an d in o th e r a re a s of A fg h a n ista n . Economic developm ent is not c o n tr a ry to S h eik h an zai o b je c tiv e s. Q uite th e c o n tr a r y , th e y w onder why th e y a re n o t its b e n e fi­ c ia rie s ev en to th e same d e g re e as village p o p u la tio n s in th e ir e n v iro n m e n t. The o b jec tiv es an d p ro c e sse s o f developm ent p ro g ram s m u s t, h o w e v er, rec o g n ize th e sig n ific an ce of S h eik h an zai v a lu e s in d ete rm in in g th e ir p a rtic ip a tio n . In th e c o n te x t of th e S heikhanzai view of th e ir e th n ic id e n tity , s o c ie ty , an d e c o lo g y , p a rtic ip a tio n in HLDC p ro g ra m s would be lu d ic ro u sly ir r a tio n a l. Such p ro g ra m s would b rin g th e ru in a tio n o f th e ir s o c ie ty , d e s tro y th e ir ecological b a la n c e , an d force them in to dom inated re la tio n s with v illa g e rs and th e c e n tra l g o v e rn m e n t. Such dem ands a re c o n tra ry to p r e s e n t economic p ra c tic e an d to th e w orld view which s u s ta in s S h eik h an zai p a tte r n s of a d a p ta tio n . NOTE 1 Following G oldschm idt, I d efin e v a lu es as 'th o se rec o g n ize d q u a litie s th a t p e rs o n s in th e so ciety sh o u ld p o sse ss an d th e sym bolic r e p re s e n ta tio n s b y w hich th e s e d e sira b le q u a litie s a re given o v e rt e x p re s s io n s ' (1959:66). BIBLIOGRAPHY A hm ed, A k b ar S . (1976) 'Millennium an d C harism a among P a th a n s ,' L ondon, R outledge & K egan P au l.

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A hm ed, A k b ar S. (1977) ’Social a n d Economic C h ange in th e T rib a l A r e a s ,' K a ra c h i, O x fo rd U n iv e rsity P re s s . B a r th , F re d rik (1964) 'Nomads o f S outh P e r s ia ,' New Y o rk , H u m an ities. B a te s , D aniel (1971) The Role of th e S ta te in P easant-N om ad M utualism , 'A n th ro p ological Q u a r te r ly ,' vol. 44(3): 109-31. C ole, Donald (1975) 'Nomads of th e N om ads,' C h icag o , A ldine. D o u g las, Mary (1973) 'N a tu ra l S y m b o ls,' New Y o rk , V intage B ooks. D u p re e , Louis (1973) 'A fg h a n is ta n ,' P rin c e to n , P rin ce to n U n iv e rsity P re s s . E d g e rto n , R o b ert (1971) 'T he In d iv id u a l in C u ltu ra l A d a p ta tio n ,' B e rk e le y , U n iv e rsity o f C alifornia P r e s s . E v a n s - P r itc h a r d , E .E . (1949) 'T he S an u si of C y re n a ic a ,1 L ondon, O xford U n iv e rsity P re s s . G oldschm idt, W alter, (1959) ’Man’s Way: A P re fac e to th e U n d e rs ta n d in g of Human S o c ie ty ,’ New Y o rk , H olt, R in e h a rt, & W inston. G oldschm idt, W alter (1965) T h eo ry an d S tra te g y in th e S tu d y of C u ltu ra l A d a p ta b ility , ’A m erican A n th ro p o lo g is t,’ v o l. 67:402-7. P a s tn e r , S te p h e n , a n d C arro ll Me. C . P a s tn e r (1972), A sp ects of Religion in S o u th e rn B a lu c h ista n , 'A n th ro p o lo g ica, ' N .A . X IV (2). P a ta i, R aphael (1973) 'T he A rab M in d ,' New Y o rk , C h a rle s S c r ib n e r 's S o n s. S p o o n e r, B rian (1972) T he S ta tu s o f Nomadism a s a C u ltu ra l Phenom enon in th e Middle E a s t, 'P e rs p e c tiv e s on N om adism ,' William Iro n s an d Neville D y son-H udson ( e d s ) , L eid en , E .J . B rill. S p o o n e r, B rian (1973) 'T he C u ltu ra l Ecology of P a sto ra l N om ads,' An A ddison-W esley Module in A n th ro p o lo g y , n o . 45. T a v a k o lia n , B ahram (1976) T he Role o f C u ltu ra l V alues and R eligion in th e Ecology o f Middle E a ste rn P asto ralism , 'P a th s to th e Symbolic Self: E ssa y s in Honor of W alter G o ld sc h m id t,' Jam es P . Loucky a n d J e ffre y R . Jo n es ( e d s ) , A n th ro p o lo g y UCLA, v ol. 8, n o s. 1 and 2.

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FEUDING WITH THE SPIRIT AMONG THE ZIKRI BALUCH: THE SAINT AS CHAMPION OF THE DESPISED Stephen L. Pastner

T he an th ro p o lo g ical lite ra tu re on th e Muslim World h a s o ften s tr e s s e d th e ro le s p lay ed by 'S a in ts ' in p o p u la r Islam . S p iritu a l h e irs of th e S u fis - th e 'wool w e arin g ' m y stics who a ro se in the m edieval m iddle e a s t - su c h fig u re s a s th e N orth A frican M arabout an d th e p ir o f Muslim S outh A sia, have a v a rie ty of im p o rta n t fu n c tio n s in th e w ider so c ieties of which th e y a re a p a rt. O ne o f th e s e is th e a b ility o f s a in ts to act a s m ediators in th e fa c tio n a l, o ften k in - b a s e d , sq u a b b le s o f th e se c u la r p o p u lace. Among Moroccan B e r b e rs , fo r exam ple, G elln er (1969), B enet (19 5 7 ), an d o th e rs h av e n o ted th a t sa in tly lin e a g e s , which s ta n d o u tsid e th o se of o th e r trib e sm e n , a r e in a fa v o re d position to a r b itr a te c o n flic ts sin c e th e y do not s h a re o b lig atio n s of co llectiv e r e s p o n s ib ility , s u c h a s p u r s u it o f b lo o d -fe u d s, w hich c o n s tra in an d bias laym en. In th e A tlas m o u n ta in s, as among S a h a ra n b ed o u in (E v a n s -P ritc h a rd 1949), s a in ts ' s h rin e s a re o fte n located in a re a s o f p o te n tia l c o n flic t, like m arket p la c e s , ecological tr a n s itio n zo n es, o r on th e te r r ito r ia l b o u n d a rie s o f lin eag e se g m e n ts. T h is makes it e a s ie r fo r th e holy men to fulfill th e ir ro le s a s 's p iritu a l w ard en s of th e m arch e s' (G elln er 1969, 297), th e ir s a n c tity p ro v id in g a b u ffe r to th e o fte n v o la tile , c e n trifu g a l te n d e n c ie s in th e w ider so c ie ty . A c o ro lla ry of th e c ap a city of holy men to r e a s s e r t th e u n ity o f Islam a g a in s t th e p u lls o f se c u la r factionalism is th e p a r t su c h men h av e p lay ed in s p e a rh e a d in g social m ovem ents a g a in st o u t­ s id e r s . T he S u d an ese Mahdi (Holt 1958) in th e 1880s ra llied his s u p p o r te r s a g a in s t the B ritish -E g y p tia n g o v e rn m e n t; th e S an u si re lig io u s b ro th e rh o o d (E v a n s -P ritc h a rd 1949) u n ifie d C y ren a ican b ed o u in a g a in st in v a d in g Ita lia n s on se v e ra l o c casio n s; and th e A k h u n d of Swat (Ahmed 1976) u n ite d h is tu r b u le n t P athan follow ers a g a in s t th e B ritish in th e 1860s on In d ia 's n o rth w e st f r o n tie r . All of th e s e re lig io u s fig u re s s te p p e d into th e b re e c h an d assum ed le a d e rs h ip fu n c tio n s w hen th e fissile social o rd e r p ro v e d its e lf in e ffe c tiv e , th u s d isp ro v in g th e o ft-c ite d m iddlee a s te r n maxim: 'me a g a in st my b r o th e r ; my b r o th e r an d I a g a in s t o u r c o u sin ; and th e th r e e of u s a g a in st th e w o rld .' A th ir d fu n c tio n of s a in ts a n d p e rh a p s th e most im p o rta n t of all, is in th e ir sym bolic role a s e a rth ly re m in d e rs o f G od's p re s e n c e . F or many r u r a l v illa g e rs , d e s e r t nom ads an d dw ellers in teem ing b a z a a rs a n d s o u k s , th e leg alistic d e b a te s an d th e o 302

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Logical polem ics o f th e Ulama - th e 'o fficial' c le rg y o f th e Islamic g re a t tra d itio n - a re o fte n rem ote and h a rd to g r a s p . To th e d e v o u t b u t u n le tte r e d Muslim th e sa in t is a re a d y exem plar of th e re a lity o f d iv in e fo rc e s in th e u n iv e rs e . By p e rfo rm in g m iracles - o r h a v in g people believe he does - th ro u g h u se of h is div in e ’b le s s in g ’ o r pow er (A rabic baraka; In d o -Ira n ia n b a r k a t ) th e s a in t d e m o n stra te s th e immediacy o f A llah's e x is t­ ence ju s t a s o th e r la tte r - d a y S u fis, like th e P a k ista n i Qawwali s in g e r an d th e T u rk is h ’w h irlin g d e r v i s h ,1 d e m o n stra te by th e ir e c s ta s ie s th e d e lig h ts aw aiting th o se who em brace G od. Still a n o th e r fu n ctio n th a t may be s e r v e d by Sufi s a in ts is d e s c rib e d in th is p a p e r. B ased on d a ta g a th e re d among th e Z ik ris - a se c t o f B aluch trib e sm en in w e ste rn P a k ista n - 1 s u g g e s t th a t s a in ts may s e rv e to b o ls te r th e se lf-estee m o f th e ir lay follow ers in s e ttin g s w here more se c u la r a v e n u e s of s ta tu s ag g ra n d iz e m en t a re c lo se d .

T he B aluch - an I ra n ia n -s p e a k in g people - in h a b it th e d e so ­ late e a s te r n p a r t o f th e Ira n ia n p la te a u an d th e ad ja ce n t low er In d u s V alley. Most B aluch live in sid e th e b o r d e r s o f P a k ista n b u t s u b s ta n tia l n u m b ers a re fo u n d in Ira n an d A fg h a n ista n . Nomads an d farm ers in th e a rid in te rio r d e s e r ts , fish erm en alo n g th e A rab ian se a c o a s t, th e m ajority o f B aluch a re S u n n i Muslims o f th e H anafite school o f Q u r'a n ic in te r p r e ­ ta tio n . (1 ) Yet n u m ero us B aluch (no e x a c t fig u re s a re available b u t I would estim ate 10-20 p e r ce n t o f P a k is ta n 's a p p ro x im ately 2-3 million B alu ch ) s u b s c rib e to a se c t view ed as h e re tic a l by th e ir S u n n i trib e s m a te s , fo r re p r e s e n ta tiv e s of th e se c t a re d raw n from o th e rw ise S u n n i-m ajo rity tr i b e s . T h is se c t is know n as Z ikri fo r th e c e n tra l fe a tu re o f its ritu a l - th e z i k r o r r e p e te tiv e c h a n ts of th e name o f G od. Now z ik r (o r d h ik r , in A rab ic) is p ra c tic e d b y S u n n i Muslims as w ell, p a rtic u la rly by m em bers of Sufi o r d e r s who em ploy i t , along w ith sp ecial b r e a th in g te c h n iq u e s , as a m ed itativ e aid not u n lik e th e m a n tra s o f H indus and B u d d h is ts . H ow ever, it is o th e r a s p e c ts o f Z ikri d o c trin e th a t have c a u se d S u n n i B aluch to r e g a r d them as k a fir o r in fid e ls. T he most b a sic o f th e s e is th e ir b elief in a Mahdi o r m essiah called N ur Pak o r 'P u re L ig h t.’ A g ain , o th e r Muslims sometimes e x p re s s b e lie f in an a b s tr a c t c o n c e p t of ’P u re L ig h t,' a notion o f d iv in e c o n sc io u s­ n e s s w hich e x is te d in th e w orld b e fo re th e time o f man an d which re q u ir e d th e m anifest word of G od, a s c o n v ey e d th ro u g h th e P ro p h e t, to g iv e it e x p re s s io n . B ut to Z ik ris, N u r Pak was a re a l fig u re who w alked th e e a r th b e fo re Adam an d who will r e tu r n at th e ap o caly p se ( a k h ir zaman o r ’th e la st d a y s ') to r e s to r e w hat Z ik ris believe is th e tr u e Islam , w hich to them has b een p e r v e r te d b y th e S u n n is. Among th e most e s s e n tia l fe a tu re s o f o rth o d o x Islam ic d o c trin e

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S te p h e n L. P astner

is th e b e lie f th a t Muhammad was th e la st a n d g re a te s t o f th e p r o p h e ts . A lthough Z ik ris r e v e re Muhammad, th e y believe th a t h is d isp e n sa tio n is s u p e rs e d e d by th a t of K hoda-D ad ( ’G ift of G od') - a v a g u e ly d efin ed fig u re re p u te d to h av e lived ’sev en g e n e ra tio n s a g o ,' a g e n e ra l idiom fo r 'a long time a g o . ' He is said to h av e b een b o rn not of m ortal hum ans a n d to have ta u g h t th e B aluch th e way o f th e Z ik ris. Such sc a n ty w ritin g s b y o u ts id e rs as e x is t on th e Z ikris d e sc rib e th e se c t as h a v in g been b ro u g h t to B aluch c o u n try sometime in th e late fifte e n th o r ea rly s ix te e n th c e n tu r y b y an In d ian Sufi - S ayyid Mahmud of J a u n p u r - o r b y one of h is d isc ip le s (Field 1959). A lthough most v illa g e -le v e l Z ikris h ave n e v e r h e a rd o f th e J a u n p a u ri holy-m an I believe th a t he may be id e n tifie d w ith th e m y ste rio u s Khoda D ad. T he prom inence a cco rd ed to th is in d iv id u a l by th e Z ik ris has se t them b ey o n d th e pale of tr u e fa ith in th e e y e s o f S unni B a lu c h , a lth o u g h Z ikris th em selv es ob v io u sly see m a tte rs in q u ite a c o n tr a r y w ay. N onetheless th is b elief an d o th e r d ev ia tio n s from S unni norm s - e . g . Z ikris make a hajj o r pilgrim age not to ..lakkah b u t to a m ountain in s o u th -w e s te rn B alu c h istan said to be th e th ro n e of th e Mahdi - h av e c re a te d lo n g -s ta n d in g schism s b etw een Z ikri a n d S u n ni B alu ch , w ith th e form er g e n e ra lly b e in g on th e lo sin g e n d o f th in g s . Soon a f te r it s in tro d u c tio n to th e B a lu c h , Zikriism enjoyed c o n sid e ra b le p r e s tig e , esp e cially in th e M akran reg io n of what is now s o u th w e s te rn P a k ista n . S a r d a r s , o r c h ie fs , o f su c h r u lin g h o u se s as th e B uledis a n d G itchkis em braced th e fa ith and it becam e som eth ing o f an official re lig io n . B ut by th e mid e ig h te e n th c e n tu r y tro u b le fo r th e Z ik ris b e g a n in th e p e rs o n o f N asir Khan of Kalat - th e h ead of a c o n fe d e ra c y o f D ra v id ian s p e a k in g B ra h u i tr ib e s in e a s te r n B alu c h istan an d an a rd e n t S u n n i Muslim. R e g a rd in g him self as a tr u e g h a z i, o r 'h e ro o f th e f a i t h ,' he m ounted a jih a d , o r holy w a r, a g a in st th e in fid el - a s he saw them - Z ik ris, d e s tro y in g th e s e c t's in flu e n ce and c o in c id e n ta lly a d d in g to h is dom ains th e re v e n u e s from th e ric h d ate-p alm o ases o f M akran. From th a t p o in t o n , th e Z ikris h av e been in p o litical e clip se among th e r e s t o f th e B alu c h . S u b jec ted to th e sco rn o f S u n n i trib esm en o f o asis se ttle m e n ts most Z ikris in in te r io r B a lu c h ista n a re now adays nom ads in th e more rem ote a re a s. B y th e mid n in e te e n th c e n tu r y th e ris e of B ritish pow er in Sind p ro v in c e led many B a lu c h , in c lu d in g Z ik ris, to m ig rate e a stw a rd in to th e m antle of th e Pax B rita n n ic a , sin ce th e E nglish u n d e r S ir C h a rle s N apier and h is su c c e s s o rs w ere fa r more to le ra n t in m a tte rs of relig io n th a n d e s e r t B aluch c h ie fs. As the co a sta l tra d e an d a d m in istra tiv e c e n te r o f K arachi grew u n d e r B ritis h ru le m any B aluch - Z ik ris am ong them - ab an d o n ed th e ir flocks an d field s and took up m arine fish in g . It was am ong one su c h g ro u p th a t I g a th e re d m uch of th e m aterial p re s e n te d h e re . A lth o u g h in m any w ays th e Z ikris o f co astal Sind th riv e d as

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fish erm en o r a s middlemen in th e fish tr a d e th e y h av e n e v e r re c a p tu r e d th e collective political pow er th e y once e n jo y e d , and in th e p o s t- p a r titio n e ra see th em selv es once ag ain b e se t by w hat th e y r e g a r d as th e b ig o try a n d p re ju d ic e o f th e S unni B aluch am ongst whom th e y a re te rr ito ria lly in te rm in g le d , both on th e co a st an d in K arachi its e lf. To Z ik ris, N asir K h a n 's e ig h te e n th - c e n tu r y cam paign a g a in st them was n o t a holy w ar b u t a 'g r e a t - t h e f t ' a n d th e y complain ab o u t th e fanaticism of p r e s e n t- d a y B aluch M ullahs who h a ra n g u e th e ir S unni follow ers to hold th e Z ik ris in co n te m p t. S u n n i B aluch u su a lly claim th e y will not e a t w ith a Z ik ri, while Z ikris a re fa r more ecum enical in th a t m any sa y th a t th e main re a so n an item o f food o r an ac t is h a ra m , or im p u re , is if it is th e r e s u lt o r th e c a u se o f evil d e e d s . T he v e ry fa c t of c o n s is te n t d isa g ree m e n t among Z ikris on m a tte rs o f halal an d haram (p u re an d im p u re ) is its e lf testim o n y to th e ir Sufic o rie n ta tio n an d th e notion th a t su c h m a tte rs a re b etw een th e in d iv id u a l an d God. Y et, d e s p ite th e ir d iffe r e n c e s , b o th S u n n i and Zikri B aluch s h a re many e s s e n tia l c u ltu ra l v a lu e s . B oth re s p e c t tra d itio n a l riwaj o r c u sto m , s u p p o rt kinsm en an d n e ig h b o rs in tim es o f t r o u b le , u p h o ld th e c h a s tity o f th e ir womenfolk a n d s tr iv e to e n h a n c e p e rs o n a l h o n o r o r Cizzat. For all B aluch th is la tte r goal re a lly su b su m e s all th e o th e r s . B ut Z ikris fin d th e ir q u e s t fo r h o n o r com plicated b y th e ir s ta tu s as a sc o rn e d m in o rity . One way o u t o f th is dilemma would be to ab an d o n th e ir fa ith and em brace S u n n i Islam . A fte r a ll, fo rce d c o n v e rs io n s , o r th o se b a se d on e x p e d ie n c y , a re q u ite common in Islamic h is to r y . H ow ever, a lth o u g h some Z ik ris h av e ad o p te d ju s t th is c o u r s e , o th e r s who h av e k e p t th e fa ith r e g a r d them as sham eful b a r g a s h t a g , o r a p o s ta te s , who b y th e ir d efectio n h av e lost more h o n o r th a n th e y h av e g a in e d .

One way th a t th e Z ik ris h av e tr ie d to add to th e ir se n se of se lf-e ste e m is th r o u g h th e ir re v e re n c e fo r p i r s , o r s a in ts , b o th liv in g a n d d e a d . In m any re s p e c ts th e Zikri sa in t c u lt is sim ilar to th o se found am ong m any M uslims. Zikri sa in th o o d , like th a t e lse w h e re , is o fte n a b len d o f ach iev ed and a sc rib e d c h a r a c te r ­ is tic s . T h a t i s , p e rs o n a l p ie ty and d ev otion a re re q u ire d fo r a man to gain a re p u ta tio n as a p ir and a follow ing o f m urid o r d is c ip le s . His b a r k a t , o r p o w e r, is o fte n gain ed th ro u g h so lita ry v ig ils o f f o rty d a y s ( ch illa g ) in iso la te d d e s e r ts o r m ountains - a them e h a rk in g back th ro u g h Muhammad to th e p ro p h e ts o f th e J u d a e o -C h ris tia n tra d itio n . Yet th e Zikri s a in ts ' s ta tu s is a s c rib e d to some e x te n t as w ell. As in o th e r c a s e s , Zikri p ir s o fte n claim s a y y id p e d ig re e . H ow ever, w h ereas sa y y id s in o rth o d o x y a re said to d e sc e n d from th e line o f th e P r o p h e t, to Z ik ris sa y y id s a re d e sc e n d e d from th e e a rlie r men­ tio n ed shadow y fig u re o f K hoda-D ad who is said to h av e b ro u g h t

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th e B aluch th e z ik r. Among th e Z ik ris, men as d ev o u t as p irs b u t not of th e c o rre c t lineage become mians in s te a d o f s a in ts . Once e le v a te d to sain th o o d - e ith e r in h is own lifetim e o r a f te r a life o f s p iritu a l v ir tu o s ity h as e n d e d - a Zikri p ir 's b a rk a t is re g a r d e d as a p o te n t sa fe g u a rd a g a in st th e ills o f th e w o rld . T he e a r th a ro u n d s h r in e s fo r c u rin g ( t i k - k h a n a ) , d e d i­ c a te d b y s a in ts , is e a te n to heal s ic k n e s s ; dead p ir s a re invoked to ex o rc iz e jin n s a n d s a in ts a re called upon to se ttle d is p u te s , to e n d d r o u g h ts , to a ttr a c t fish to lo n g -em p ty n e ts and to e n s u r e good c ro p s . Of c o u r s e , all o f th is is q u ite common in o th e r s e ttin g s w here Sufic tra d itio n s e x i s t . B ut an in te r e s tin g fe a tu re o f th e Zikri case is th e fre q u e n c y w ith w hich a p a r tic u la r them e r e c u r s in a c o rp u s o f fo r ty - e ig h t e x te n d e d case s tu d ie s o f p ir s I collected am ong th e Z ikri fish erm en of th e w e ste rn Sind c o a s t. P re d ic ta b ly in th is c o rp u s th e r e a re th e u su a l ta le s o f d ise a se s c u r e d , lost o b je c ts found an d fu tu re e v e n ts fo re to ld . H ow ever, th e la rg e s t sin g le c a te g o ry o f c a se s - o n e -h a lf - falls u n d e r th e r u b r ic o f th e com petitive u se o f b a r k a t, e ith e r in c h ik a sa g ( i .e . b a r k a tc o n te s ts w ith o th e r holy m e n ), o r in c o n flic ts w ith lay r iv a ls . S ig n ific a n tly th e a n ta g o n is ts in tw e n ty o u t o f tw e n ty -fo u r ca se s w ere S unni Muslims w ho, n e e d le ss to s a y , came o ff s e c o n d -b e s t to th e Zikri h e ro e s o f th e ta le s . T h is them e r e c u r s ev en in some o f th e ’c u r in g ' an d 'fin d in g ' s to r ie s , w here Z ikri p irs a re d e s ­ c rib e d as b e in g efficacious w hen S u n n i s a in ts h ad faile d . A n u m b er o f c a se s can be c ite d to illu s tr a te th is them e o f s e c ta ria n r iv a lry an d Zikri triu m p h : A S in d h i p i r , a S u n n i, jealo u s o f th e re p u ta tio n o f a Zikri s a in t, ch allen g ed him to a ch ik a sa g c o n te s t. T he Z ikri m ounted his camel an d ro d e to th e b a n k s o f th e Hab r iv e r (th e S in d B a lu c h ista n b o r d e r ) w here th e Sindhi was w a itin g . On se e in g th e Z ik ri, th e S u n n i grew m ute an d his limbs becam e r ig id . So fo rc e fu l was th is d e m o n stratio n of b a r k a t th a t a n u m b e r o f th e S in d h i's B aluch m urid d e s e rte d him and took th e Zikri a s th e ir m u rsh id o r s p iritu a l m en to r. In a n o th e r s to r y , a k a re z ( s u b te rr a n e a n irrig a tio n a q u e d u c t) in th e K h eran re g io n o f B a lu ch istan d rie d u p . T he S a rd a r o f th e o a sis - a S u n n i o f th e N au sh erw an i tr ib e of B aluch - se n t fo r num ero u s S u n n i p irs a n d m ullahs to re s to r e th e w a te r flow , b u t all fa ile d . Finally he se n t fo r a Zikri p i r . T he Zikri called fo r a cow to be sa c rific e d . When th is was done an d th e meat d iv id e d , th e p ir s tr u c k th e k a re z o p e n in g w ith a rod an d th e w a te r flowed f o r th . T he S a rd a r re w a rd e d him with a golden b e lt. On y et a n o th e r occasion a S unni sa in t th r e a te n e d to ste a l th e b a rk a t o f a Zikri p ir . To in tim idate th e Z ik ri, th e Muslim th re w h is tasbih ( p r a y e r b e a d s ) to th e g ro u n d and th e y tu r n e d in to a c o b ra w hich s lith e re d to w ard th e Z ik ri. T he Zikri re p lie d b y to s s in g his sa n d a l tow ard th e s n a k e , w h ereu p o n it tu r n e d in to a cat which d e v o u re d th e c o b ra . Such s to rie s o f s e c ta ria n riv a lr y can become violent as in

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th e case of a well know n tu r n - o f - th e c e n tu r y Zikri p ir whose b e a u tifu l s e r v a n t g irl was co v eted by th e Jam , o r r u l e r , o f Las Bela (a form er p rin c e ly s ta te in s o u th e a s t B a lu c h ista n ). T he Jam s e n t a tro o p o f so ld ie rs to a b d u c t th e g ir l. T he o u t­ ra g e d sa in t fire d h is g u n in th e a ir an d so g re a t was h is b a r k a t th a t th e b u lle t s tr u c k th e Jam in h is d is ta n t c a p ita l. E v en ts like th e s e can be m ultiplied th ro u g h o u t my c o rp u s o f c a s e s . T he main fe a tu re o f all th e s e s to r ie s , from a b e h a v io rist poin t o f v ie w , is th e v icario u s p le a su re lis te n e rs d e riv e from th e ir re c o u n tin g e v e n when th e in d iv id u a l is not th e m u rid , o r d is c ip le , of th e s a in t in q u e s tio n . W henever a p a rtic u la rly p o te n t e x e rc is e o f b a rk a t was d e sc rib e d by my Zikri in fo rm a n ts, o th e r lis te n e rs would e n th u s ia s tic a lly exclaim 'Wah W ah!1 a n d 'S h ab a s h ! ' ( b r a v o ! ) e v e n w hen th e p o int of s to r y , to my e a rs at le a s t, seem ed to h av e a somewhat am biguous outcom e, as in th e follow ing: A le a d e r o f th e B aluch g u e rr illa s , who fo r some y e a rs h av e b een w aging a w ar o f sece ssio n a g a in st P a k is ta n , came to a Zikri p ir fo r an am ulet th a t would p ro te c t him a g a in st P a k ista n i tro o p s . T he g u e rrilla was a S u n n i, b u t th e re p u ta tio n o f th e s a in t was s u c h th a t th e fig h tin g man d ecid ed to fo rg e t s e c ta ria n m a tte rs . T he p ir g av e th e g u e rrilla a tu r b a n so im bued w ith b a rk a t th a t it would tu r n th e arm y b u lle ts to w a te r. One n ig h t a s th e g u e rrilla le a d e r sle p t in h is camp a P ak ista n i commando fo rc e a tta c k e d , blow ing th e g u e rrilla to b its . T h e tu r b a n , how­ e v e r , came th ro u g h w ithout a s c ra tc h !

In th e ir re la tio n s h ip w ith S unni B aluch th e Z ikris a re o fte n made to feel in fe rio r an d s p iritu a lly d e b a s e d . Y et, iro n ic a lly , in th e ir d e a lin g s w ith n o n -B alu c h th e y a r e c o n s tra in e d e v e n more b y th e ir 'B a lu c h n e ss' th a n by se c ta ria n fa c to rs ; fo r in th e m u lti-c u ltu ra l mosaic of P a k is ta n , e th n ic ity im poses b a r r ie r s of c u ltu r e an d la n g u a g e , and th e B aluch Z ikri an d S u n n i alike a re am ong th e more in s u la r o f th e q a u m s , o r e th n ic g r o u p s , in th e c o u n tr y . T h u s , re c e iv in g little in th e way o f re s p e c t o r esteem from th e w ider so c ie ty (u n lik e qaum s su c h as th e P a th a n s who may be d islik e d an d d is tr u s te d by o th e r e th n ic g ro u p s b u t who a re s till r e s p e c te d ) th e Z ik ris, as a p ro u d fo lk , m ust seek th e ir se lf-e ste e m from w ith in . T he e x p lo its o f th e ir p ir s p ro v id e th e Z ik ris w ith th e n eed ed r e a s s u r a n c e th a t in G od's ey es th e y a re in d eed a w o rth y people w hose h isto ric a l tre a tm e n t and p re s e n t low s ta tu s in th e ey es o f o th e r Muslims is th e s o rt of m artyrdom o fte n s u ffe re d b y the ju s t an d rig h te o u s a t th e h a n d s o f th e a rro g a n t and p o w erful who a re th em selv es in theological e r r o r . In th is c o n te x t it is s ig n ific a n t to n o te th a t Z ikris o ften e x p re s s e d g re a t adm iration fo r th e c o u n try o f Is ra e l (o b v io u sly an u n u su a l p o in t o f view in a Muslim c o u n try like P a k ista n ) p re c ise ly b e c a u se th e Jew s w ere

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s e e n a s a n o th e r p e o p le who m u st s tr u g g le to u p h o ld th e ir fa ith a g a in s t th e sam e s o r t o f foe th e Z ik ris h a v e c o n te n d e d w ith o v e r th e p a s t few c e n tu r ie s . It is b e y o n d th e sco p e o f th e p a p e r to o f f e r a c o m p re h e n siv e co m p ariso n b etw een th e ro le o f Z ik ri p irs a s d e s c r ib e d h e r e an d th e f u n c tio n s o f sim ilar d iv in e s e lse w h e re in th e Muslim w o rld . H o w e v e r, b y way o f c o n c lu s io n , I sh o u ld lik e to o ffe r a h y p o th e s is th a t co u ld be te s te d b y o th e r s tu d e n ts a g a in s t b o th e x is tin g d a ta a n d f u tu r e field w o rk . T h is h y p o th e s is s u g g e s ts th a t in s e ttin g s o f Islam ic s e c ta r ia n ­ ism o r e th n ic d i v e r s ity , an in v e r s e c o rre la tio n may e x is t b etw een th e s e c u la r a v e n u e s o p e n to in d iv id u a ls in t h e ir q u e s t fo r s ta tu s a g g ra n d iz e m e n t a n d th e e m p h a sis on th e s e c ta r ia n co m p etitio n m otif in t h e i r s to r ie s ab o u t th e e x p lo its o f s a i n t s . T h a t i s , f e u d in g in th e realm o f th e s p ir it becom es a s u r r o g a te fo r s e c u la r c o m p e titio n , w ith th e s a in t e m e rg in g a s a h e ro w hose e x p lo its p ro v id e h is fo llow ers w ith a v ic a rio u s s e n s e o f s e lf­ esteem . In o r d e r to v a lid a te th is h y p o th e s is , it is b y no m eans im p o ssib le to d e v e lo p q u ite re a s o n a b le w ays to o p e ra tio n a liz e m e a su re m e n ts o f 's t a t u s m o b ility , ' a n d in d e e d m any a lre a d y e x i s t . L ikew ise d e te rm in in g s e c ta r ia n r iv a lr y th em es in s to r ie s a b o u t p ir s is a n e q u a lly s tr a ig h tf o r w a r d p r o c e d u r e , r e g a r d le s s o f th e m ore s u b tle o r sym bolic e le m e n ts th a t may also be p re s e n t. T h u s it is th e u ltim a te goal o f th is p a p e r to s u g g e s t a n a v e n u e b y w h ich it can b e d e te rm in e d to w hat e x te n t th e c a se o f th e Z ik ri B alu ch p ir s is r e p r e s e n ta tiv e o f a p a t t e r n e lse w h e re in th e w o rld o f Islam . NOTE 1 F ield w o rk am ong th e P a k is ta n i B alu ch was c o n d u c te d o n tw o s e p a r a te o c c a sio n s in c o lla b o ra tio n w ith my w ife, C a rro ll McC. P a s tn e r . In 1968-9 s ix m o n th s o f r e s e a r c h am ong B a lu ch o a s is v illa g e rs a n d nom ads in th e M akran re g io n w e re s u p ­ p o r te d by fe llo w sh ip s a n d g r a n t s from th e N atio n al I n s titu te o f M ental H e a lth . R e se a rc h am ong th e Z ik ri B alu ch fish e rm e n on th e S in d c o a s t was c a r r ie d o u t p rim a rily d u r in g a s e v e n m onth p e rio d in 1976-7 w ith th e s u p p o r t o f th e A m erican I n s t i tu t e o f P a k is ta n S tu d ie s . A d d itio n al sum m er r e s e a r c h on th e Z ik ris to o k p lace in 1979 a n d 1982 u n d e r f u n d in g from th e U n iv e rs ity o f V erm ont a n d th e A m erican I n s t i t u t e o f P a k is ta n S tu d ie s . BIBLIOGRAPHY A hm ed, A . (1976) 'M illennium a n d C h a rism a Among P a th a n s , ’ L o n d o n , R o u tle d g e & K egan P a u l.

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B e n e t, F. (1957) E xplosive M ark ets: T h e B e rb e r H ig h la n d s, in 'T ra d e an d M arket in th e E arly E m pires' (e d s K. Polanyi, C. A re n s b e rg an d H. P e a rs o n ), New Y ork, T he F re e P re s s . E v a n s - P r itc h a r d , E .E . (1949) 'T h e S a n u si o f C y r e n a ic a ,' L ondon, O x fo rd U n iv e rsity P r e s s . F ield , H. (1959) 'An A nthropological R eco n n aissan ce in West P a k is ta n , 1955,' C am b rid g e, Peabody Museum. G e lln e r, E. (1969) 'S a in ts of th e A tla s ,' U n iv e rsity of C hicago P re ss. H olt, P.M . (1958) 'T h e M ahdist S ta te in th e S u d an 1881-1898,' O x fo rd , C la re n d o n , P re s s . F or more on th e B aluch se e : P a s tn e r , S . (1971) Ideological A sp e cts o f Nomad S e d e n ta ry C o n ta c t: a C ase From S o u th e rn B a lu c h ista n , 'A nthropological Q u a r te r ly ,' 44, 173-84. P a s tn e r S . an d C.M . P a s tn e r (1972) A g ric u ltu re , K inship and Politics in S o u th e rn B a lu c h ista n , 'M an,' 7, 128-36. P a s tn e r S . an d C.M . P a s tn e r (1977) A d a p tatio n s to S tate -L e v e l Politics b y th e S o u th e rn B a lu ch , in 'P a k ista n : T he Long View' (e d s L. Z irin g , R. B ra ib a n ti, and W.H. W rig g in s), D urham , D uke U n iv e rsity P re s s . P e h rs o n , R . (1966) 'T h e Social O rg an izatio n of th e M arri B alu ch ,1 New Y o rk , W enner G ren F o u n d atio n . Salzm an, P .C . (1971) A dap tatio n a n d Political O rg an iza tio n in Ira n ia n B a lu c h is ta n , 'E th n o lo g y ,' 10 ( 4 ) , 433-44. S p o o n e r, B. (1969) P o litics, K inship an d Ecology in S o u th e a st P e rs ia , 'E th n o lo g y ,' 7 (2 ), 139-52. F or more on Sufi s a in ts in P a k ista n se e : L am brick, H .T . (1972) 'T he T e r r o r i s t ,' L ondon, E rn e st B enn (a novel ab o u t a 1940s u p r is in g o f th e H u r s , follow ers of th e S indhi Pir Pagaro). M ayne, P . (1956) 'S ain ts o f S in d ,' L ondon, Jo h n M u rray. Schimmel, A. (1975) 'M ystical D im ensions of Islam ' U n iv e rsity o f N o rth C arolina P r e s s , C hapel Hill.

13

RELIGIOUS PRESENCE AND SYMBOLISM IN PUKHTUN SOCIETY Akbar S. Ahmed

Among th e P u k h tu n trib e s o f P akistan the cognitive symbols of religion are as visible as th e y are seen to be im portant to th e ir members in d efin in g orthodox forms o f relig io n , allocating s ta tu s and m easu rin g relig io sity in so ciety . 1 shall d e sc rib e how sometimes triv ia l symbols like grow ing a b e ard indicate conform ity with religious tra d itio n and a re in te rp re te d as being of social sig n ifican ce. The symbols in society th a t 1 shall be d e sc rib in g c o n stitu te th o se perceiv ed by members of society and th e re fo re a re seen th ro u g h th e a c to r's e y e s. The symbols of religion a re to be in te rp re te d as both social and religious s ig n ­ p o sts in society ; th e form er o fte n o v e rla p p in g with th e la tte r. The role of relig io u s g ro u p s as g u ard ian s and in te r p re te rs of Islamic mores and tra d itio n s will be d isc u ssed in th e la tte r half o f th e p a p e r. My argum ents will be su p p o rte d by d a ta ( l) g ath ere d from field-w ork co n ducted in 1975-6 among th e Mohmand(2) trib e in th e N orth-W est F ro n tie r Province of P akistan (Ahmed 1980). The main arg u m en ts will be relev an t to th e sociology of religion in Islamic societies and p a rtic u la rly segm entary trib a l g ro u p s. I will em phasize th e sociological r a th e r th a n the p sycho­ logical forms of relig io n , i.e . th e e x te rn a l, visible and explicit in society r a th e r th a n the in te rn a l, ata v istic and implicit in th e minds of men. My explanation will th u s be Weberian - 1962. A caveat re g a rd in g symbolism borrow ed from a p e n e tra tin g analysis of 'religion as a c u ltu ra l system ' is added: To u n d e rta k e th e stu d y o f c u ltu ra l a c tiv ity - a ctiv ity in which symbolism forms th e positive content - is th u s not to abandon social an aly sis fo r a Platonic cave of sh ad o w s, to e n te r into a m entalistic world o f in tro sp ec tiv e psychology o r , w orse, sp ecu lativ e p hilosophy, and w ander th e re fo re v e r in a haze of 'C o g n itio n s', 'A ffections', 'C o n atio n s', and o th e r elusive e n titie s (G eertz 1973: 5). In my p a p e r I shall th u s heed P ro fesso r G eertz: 'C u ltu ral a c ts , th e c o n s tru c tio n , a p p re h e n sio n , and utilization of symbolic fo rm s, are social e v e n ts like any o th e r ; th e y a re as public as m arriage and as o b serv able as a g ric u ltu re ' ( ib id .) . The im portance accorded to religious symbolism in society p re su p p o se s a connected and im portant point th a t Islamic trib e s contain symbols th a t a re u n iv e rsa l w ithin and common to th e Islamic w orld. T his ra ise s im portant m ethodological and 310

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th e o re tic a l is s u e s in th e social sc ie n c e s: Islamic tr ib e s can n o t be s tu d ie d in iso latio n as h a v e , fo r in s ta n c e , c e rta in se g m e n ta ry tr ib e s (F o rte s an d E v a n s -P ritc h a rd 1970; M iddleton a n d T ait 1970). T h u s b y an e x te n sio n o f th e arg u m en t I am a r g u in g th a t m ethodologically an d th e o re tic a lly to s tu d y an Islam ic so ciety in iso latio n is to rem ove an im portant dim ension from it (Ahmed 1976, 1980). T he im p o rtan ce o f th e la rg e r political fram ew ork o f th e Islam ic w orld fo r Islamic so c ie tie s, an d th e ir in te rc o n n e c tio n th ro u g h u n iv e rs a lly a c c e p te d re lig io u s sy m bols, was one o f th e main p o in ts I w ished to make in an e a r lie r w ork (Ahmed 1976) a n d is a re c o g n iz e d social phenom enon (Coon 1952; G ellner 1969a: 2; H art 1976: 15-16; T avakolian 1976). In th is p a p e r I will be c o n c e rn e d sim ply in s ta tin g how sociological ro le s and n o rm ativ e b e h a v io u r a re e x p lain ed w ithin so ciety by re fe re n c e to w hat a r e locally u n d e rsto o d and re co g n ize d as sym bols d e riv e d from th e main b o d y o f Islam ic tra d itio n s . By th e sociology of relig io n 1 will mean th e location of c o g n itiv e an d a ffe c tiv e r e f e r e n ts th a t d e te rm in e , a t lea st in p a r t , social actio n among g r o u p s . T he P u k h tu n social w o rld , its m ores and n o rm s, th e sym bols o f its s o c ie ty , a re em bedded in and o fte n id e n tic a l to th o se o f th e w id e r w orld o f Islam . O u r c o n c e rn w ith re lig io n is not w ith its th eo lo g y b u t as a c u ltu ra l sy stem th a t im poses social actio n th a t tr a n s la te s sym bolic a sso cia tio n s w ith th e s u p e r n a tu r a l in to m aterial re a lity . The m ethodology in th is p a p e r is b ased on an im p o rtan t assu m p tio n th a t 'th e most o b v ious b a sis fo r re lig io u s b e h a v io u r is th e one w hich a n y re lig io u s a c to r te lls u s a b o u t w hen we ask him - a n d , u n lik e some a n th ro p o lo g is ts , I believ e him ' (S p iro 1973: 112). I sh all th u s exam ine Islam ic symbolism a n d its re le v a n c e in so c ie ty th ro u g h th e e y e s o f th e a c to rs a n d acce p t th e ir in te r p r e ta tio n a n d a p p e rc e p tio n as a b a sis fo r a n a ly s is . (A )

RELIGIOUS SYMBOLISM

In a sociological m an n er th a t alm ost echoes D u rk h eim , 'Islam is a n o th e r name fo r P u k h tu n s o c ie ty '. I w ish to re p e a t my u se of th e w ord sociological. T he Islamic sym bols a re c le a r and easily id e n tifie d b y th e a c to rs ; p e rh a p s th e ir re lig io u s m eaning in th e e c c le sia stica l se n s e may not a p p e a r re le v a n t o r e v e n co m p re h en ­ sib le b u t th e ir social sig n ifica n ce is e s ta b lis h e d b y fre q u e n t re c u r r e n c e . R eligious g ro u p s e n s u re th a t th e s e sym bols a re c o n s ta n tly a c tiv a te d p a r tly to e n h a n c e th e ir own social p re s tig e an d perm it them a c e rta in le v e ra g e in so c ie ty . I am exam ining th e s e sym bols th ro u g h th e e y e s o f th e a c to r an d th e re fo re what may a p p e a r s u p e rfic ia l o r ev en triv ia l on es rem ain sig n ific a n t in s o c ie ty . On one level I have h e a rd in th e m osque th e serm on of th e mullah o f Bela M ohmandan on Islamic symbolism in so c ie ty . He ta lk e d o f th e k e e p in g o r n o t k e e p in g o f b e a rd s as a m easure of re lig io s ity , a n d as I did n o t h av e one it p ro v e d to be an

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u ncom fortable e x p e rie n c e w hich would h av e been more so fo r an y local man tr a n s g r e s s in g th is norm . S h am sh u d in , a Bela e ld e r , g ra v e ly c o n fe ssed to me 'I am a s in n e r ' (ze g o na ng ar yam ) in 1974 as he d id n o t c u ltiv a te a b e a rd . S h o rtly a fte rw a rd s he b eg an to make am ends a n d now h as o n e. Haji H asan o f S h ati K hel, who h a s re c e n tly re tu r n e d from th e hajj (p ilg rim a g e) an d is b a sk in g in its g lo r y , c o n s ta n tly tu r n e d b e a d s in h is h a n d s , a n d a sk e d me one fa v o u r only in o u r long f r ie n d s h ip : 'fo r th e love of God c u t th o s e E nglish ( k a f i r ) s id e - b u r n s ’. When I o b lig ed he was as p le ase d as a child an d com m ented on th is ce a se le ssly all th e while b le s s in g me. On a n o th e r level re lig io u s le a d e rs have re p e a te d ly a c tiv a te d Islam ic symbolism in th e ir fig h t a g a in st th e B ritis h . T he Hajji o f T u ra n g z a i b e g a n h is proclam ation to th e Mohmand fo r jihad (holy w ar) w ith q u o ta tio n s from th e Holy Q u r 'a n , a s d id h is son B ad sh ah Gul w hen he tr ie d to p re v e n t th e B ritish from co n ­ s tr u c tin g a ro ad in th e G a n d a b , in th e Mohmand A g e n c y , in th e e a rly 1930s. B a d sh a h 's pam phlets a rg u e d ’A nyone who m akes frie n d s w ith th e B ritis h becom es th e enem y o f God and His P ro p h e t’ (Home D e p a rtm e n t, T rib a l R ese arc h C ell, File 220: 203). T he u n ity of Pukh tu nw a li (code o f th e P u k h tu n s ) an d Islam a re sym bolized an d e x p re s s e d in village social life by th e p h y sic a l ju x ta p o sitio n of th e m osque and th e hujra (village g u e s t- h o u s e ) . T h ese two in s titu tio n s a re th e focus of life in e v e r y settlem en t an d v illag e . T hey a re b u ilt sim u ltan eo u sly an d u su a lly s h a re a wall a n d /o r c o u r ty a r d . T he P u k h tu n a c c e p ts relig io n w ithout d o u b ts o r q u e s tio n s , fo r th e r e is no co nflict betw een h is Code an d Islam . In d ee d he sees th e code as em bed­ ded in Islam , an d w here th e re is c o n tra d ic tio n , a s in th e ta k in g o f in te r e s t fo r lo an s o r not allow ing women th e ir r ig h ts , he a c c e p ts his g u ilt fra n k ly . T he re lu c ta n c e to give p r o p e rty to women may well be tie d up with th e im p o rtan ce of g eo g rap h ic al a re a s in h a b ite d a n d a sso c ia te d with fixed se c tio n s an d c la n s , p a r ts of w hich r u n th e r is k o f alien atio n th ro u g h th e m arriag e o f women if th e y in h e rite d p r o p e r ty . In b o th c a se s th e p e r ­ c e n ta g e who a c c e p te d th e fa ct th a t th e y w ere in d u lg in g in u n -Islam ic p ra c tic e was 100 p e r c e n t of th e r e s p o n d e n ts a n sw e r­ in g my Formal Q u e stio n n a ire s. T he problem fo r th e P u k h tu n is not one o f a c c e p tin g colonial law o r tr ib a l lay b u t one of b r in g in g P u k h tu n custom in to focus w ith a c c e p ted Islam ic law. D eviances from Islam ic law a re p a rtly legitim ized in th e ey es o f so c ie ty b y a fra n k re c o g n itio n of d ev ian ce a n d ex p lain e d as P u k h to riwaj (cu sto m ) a s if by su c h an e x p lan a tio n th e guilt would be e x te n u a te d o r ev en e x c u lp a te d . ’Y es, th e re is a co n ­ tra d ic tio n , we a re w ro n g , b u t can a P u k h tu n be a n y th in g b u t a M uslim?’ His a ttitu d e to th e A lm ighty is th a t o f a fa v o u rite . N ative e x e g e sis r e s t s on th e assu m p tio n th a t th e P u k h tu n s w ere a fa v o u re d Islamic g ro u p . T he P u k h tu n c a rrie s no stigm a o f fo rcib le c o n v e rsio n . His Islam x’e ach e s back to th e o rig in s o f th e re lig io n . Like th e bedouin w ith whom h is tr ib a l s tr u c tu r e an d sociological en v iro n m en t a re so sim ila r, he sees an d feels

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close a ffin ity to God th a t n e e d s no tra n s la tio n a n d in te rp re ta tio n 'T h e B eduin could not look fo r God w ithin him : he was too s u re th a t he was w ithin G od' (L aw rence 1962: 39). O bedience an d su b m issio n ; to ta l lo y alty o f his will to th e in fin ite pow er o f th e A lm ighty, th a t is all th a t is re q u ire d of him and th a t is w hat he g iv es w illingly. He is u n b u rd e n e d w ith re lig io u s d ia le c tic s and polem ics, th a t , he sa y s d is p a ra g in g ly , is fo r th e re lig io u s m en, th e m ullahs a n d M ians. He is b y d e fin itio n a Muslim ju st as by b ir th he o b ta in s th e in alienable r ig h t to P u k h tu n n e s s . His place in so c ie ty a s a Muslim an d a P u k h tu n a re th u s s e c u re and d e fin e d from th e moment o f b ir th . H ow ever famous o r infam ous, h ig h o r low , good o r bad he can n o t be o u ste d from th is n ic h e . Islam , w ith P u khtunw ali a n d p a trilin e a l d e s c e n t, is se e n as an a ttr ib u te a sso c ia te d with P u k h tu n id e n tity (B a rth 1970). T he P u k h tu n d efin es him self as a Muslim and as th is d efin itio n is in trin s ic a lly u n eq u iv o cal it p o ses him no dilem m as. In an y c a s e , th e a b se n c e of la r g e r non-M uslim g ro u p s n e ith e r th re a te n h is M uslim ness n o r prom pt him to em phasize i t . He may not h av e come to th is co n clusion a f te r ph ilo so p h ic d e b a te b u t to him th e r e is no d isju n c tio n in b e in g Muslim an d b e in g P u k h tu n . T his in h e re n t b e lie f in his M uslimness s u p p o rte d by th e p u ta tiv e g enealogical lin k s to th e P ro p h e t th ro u g h his apical a n c e s to r, Qais ib n °A bd a l-R a s h id , a s s u r e him o f h is sp ec ial re la tio n sh ip to God w h ich , in t u r n , h a s two social c o n se q u e n c e s. F ir s t, th e P u k h tu n b r a n d o f Islam is as sociologically a ll-p e rv a s iv e as it is to le r a n t. T h is p a r tly ex p la in s why non-M uslim g ro u p s like H indus an d S ik h s live in s e c u rity and freedom to w orship in T ir a h , an a re a w hich ev en n o n -P u k h tu n Muslim g ro u p s would find in a c c e ssib le . S eco n d , th e com plete co nfidence in his M uslim ness c o n s tr ic ts th e role of re lig io u s g ro u p s a n d e x p la in s th e c o n tin u a tio n o f P u k h to custom w hich c o n ta in s non-Islam ic elem ents su c h as th e ta k in g o f u s u r y a n d th e d en ial of c e rta in r ig h ts to women. P u k h tu n n e s s an d M uslim ness do not h a v e to c o alesc e, th e y a re w ithin each o t h e r , th e in fe rio rity of th e form er is assum ed in th e l a t t e r . T he P u k h tu n d e fin e s and a s s e s s e s Islam in term s of two fu n d am en tal s e ts o f p re c e p ts : th e f ir s t ra is e s no problem to him an d is in tr in s ic to h is P u k h tu n n e s s , th e b elief in th e forem ost o f th e fiv e p illa rs of Islam , th e a c ce p tan ce o f th e om nipotence a n d monism o f God e x p re s s e d in th e o n e n e ss o f God and th e p ro p h e th o o d o f Muhammad ( k a lim a ). T he seco n d has social ram ificatio n s an d may be d e fin ed as th e o th e r fo u r p illa rs o f Islam: 1. P ra y e rs ( m u n z ) five tim es a d a y w hich most P u k h tu n s , p a r tic u la rly a f te r middle a g e , attem p t to fu lfil. F or in sta n c e my local field a s s is ta n ts , a lth o u g h y o u n g men r a n g in g from 21 to 27 y e a r s , would s a y th e ir p r a y e r s five tim es a d a y , o fte n in te r ­ r u p tin g a q u e s tio n n a ire . 2. F a stin g (ro ja y ) from s u n ris e to s u n s e t d u r in g th e m onth of R am adan. Ramadan is u n iv e rsa lly re s p e c te d an d d u rin g th is m onth alm ost e v e ry a d u lt male o r female f a s ts . To be se e n e a tin g

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o r sm oking d u r in g Ramadan would in c u r se rio u s rep rim a n d from th e e n tire com m unity an d th o se who can n o t k eep th e fa st m ain­ ta in th e ir s e c re t w ith th e g re a te s t o f d is c re tio n . B ritish o ffic e rs who s e rv e d in th e T rib a l A reas te s tif y th a t th e y n e v e r h e a rd o f a man who b ro k e th e fa st in th e most s e v e re clim atic con­ d itio n s (P e ttig re w 1965: 35). T he p o sitio n rem ains u n c h a n g e d to d a y . I was to ld th a t u n til a decad e ago if someone did not fa s t th e village would black en h is fa c e , p u t him on a d o n k ey and ta k e him ro u n d th e v illag e. Exam ples o f su c h ca se s w ere given to me o f v illag es n e a r B ela. T h e re is a g e n e ra l e n th u siasm fo r fa s tin g am ong th e y o u n g . For in sta n c e G hani, th e y o u n g e r son o f S h am sh u d in , who is now 12 y e a rs o ld , h a s b een k e e p in g at least h a lf th e f a s t s , ab o u t fo u rte e n to fifte e n d a y s , sin c e th e ag e o f 10. 3. P ilgrim age (h a jj) to th e K aaba in A rabia once in a lifetim e. Economic c o n d itio n s d eterm in e hajj b u t it is a major life -lo n g am bition of most men and women an d c a r r ie s a c e rta in am ount o f social p r e s tig e . T h e h ajji, th e title w ith w hich he is called a f te r h is h a jj, is e x p e c te d to b e h av e in a m anner b e fittin g h is newly a c q u ire d s t a tu s . 4. Zakat, 2\ p e r cen t o f th e an n u al fix ed income to be giv en to th e p o o r. Ideally th is is m eant to be a p e rso n a l c o n trib u tio n to c irc u la te money to th e p o o re r o f th e com m unity b u t a s it is left to th e d is c re tio n o f th e in d iv id u a l it is d ifficu lt to a s s e s s . P u k h tu n s o fte n ta lk o f zakat when th e y h o u se and s h e lte r p o o re r re la tiv e s . Mohmands also tr a n s la te zakat as u s h a r w hich is a fix ed s h a re g iv en to m ullahs o r a s in B ela, to th e M ian, o r th e p oor a f te r th e c ro p . A lthough jih ad is not g e n e ra lly c o n sid e re d among th e five p illa rs o f Islam d e s c rib e d a b o v e , P u k h tu n s a tta c h g re a t im p o rt­ ance to i t , fo r it em p h asizes th e ir m artial tr ib a l tra d itio n and e x p r e s s e s th e ir e n th u sia sm for Islam . Almost e v e ry Mohmand Malik (e ld e r ) rem em bers 1947 and 1948 a s th e y e a rs o f jihad in K ashm ir, a fact th e y s till c o n s ta n tly re p e a t in jirgas (a s s e m b lie s /c o u n c ils) an d m eetin g s to u n d e rlin e th e ir loyalty to P a k ista n an d th e la r g e r c a u se of Islam . In c lu d in g s e n io r Maliks like S h ah zad a an d M azullah, e v e ry settle m en t in S h a ti Khel was re p re s e n te d b y an a d u lt male in K ashm ir. T h e y still rem em ber th a t th o se w ere d a y s o f 'g re a t em otion' ( d e r j a z b a ) . P e rso n a l h a b its a re e x p la in ed sim ply b y re fe re n c e to actio n s o f th e P ro p h e t ( s u n n a t) o r asso c ia te d w ith h is p e rso n a l h is to ry . M iddle-aged men who keep b e a rd s in th e T rib a l A reas will dye them re d w ith h e n n a . T he e x p lan a tio n 1 c o n s is te n tly re c e iv e d th ro u g h o u t th e T rib a l A re a s, an d in its m ost rem ote re g io n s , was th a t th is was s u n n a t . A m irzada, th e son o f S h a h za d a, e x p la in e d why th e fig is called th e 'f r u it of h e a v e n ’ (janati m aywa) an d u se d in th e m osque fo r th e beam b u t n e v e r b u rn e d in th e h o u se: 'T h e fig low ered its b ra n c h e s w hen th e P ro p h e t was a ch ild an d gave him milk to d r i n k . ’ N ea r-m y th ical s to rie s in v o lv in g th e p e rs o n o f th e P ro p h e t an d common to Muslim g ro u p s in N orth In d ia w ere re p e a te d to me by o ld e r P u k h tu n

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women. For in s ta n c e , th e s to ry o f how th e bee m akes honey and th e fly b e a ts its head in a g e s tu re o f d e s p a ir; th e fly is said to h av e re fu s e d to collect th e te a r from th e P ro p h e t's face w hich th e bee p ro m p tly g a th e r e d . The fly re a liz in g its m istake now b e a ts its head an d r u b s its fo re fee t in a g e s tu r e o f e te rn a l so rro w while th e b e e , b e in g re w a rd e d , is able to p ro d u c e h o n ey . P erso n al nam es su c h as th e P r o p h e t's , Muhammad, o r h is a g n a tic d e s c e n d a n ts , H asan and H u sain , o r th o se o f h is com­ p a n io n s, c Umar a n d CAli a re v e ry common am ong male P u k h tu n s ju s t as th e nam es o f his female kin like R u q a y a, h is d a u g h te r , a re common among fem ales. F or in s ta n c e S h am sh u d in 's d a u g h te r is called R u q ay a. In th e m onth w hen th e P ro p h e t was d y in g , his w ives a re said to h av e cooked chori (a m ix tu re of flo u r, s u g a r o r ja g g e ry g u r - an d oil) to d is tr ib u te to th e poor an d th is tra d itio n is s till k e p t a liv e . C h o ri is cooked and d is tr ib u te d in Mohmand v illag es d u r in g th is m onth. Daily d ie t an d item s a re a ffe c te d by th e d ie ta ry h a b its o f th e P ro p h e t. He was said to p r e f e r th e sim plest o f foods an d esp ec ia lly o n io n s. P e rh a p s m aking a v irtu e o u t o f n e c e s s ity , mashars (e ld e rs ) would e x p lain th e sim plicity o f th e ir daily d ie t w ith re fe re n c e to th e P ro p h e t's life . E ld e rs q u o te th e ev il ey e (n a z a r ) s to rie s from th e life o f th e P ro p h e t. T h e re fo re , th e y a r g u e , n a z a r h a s social m eaning and is e ffe c tiv e . C e rta in tra d itio n a l m easu res a re ta k e n to avoid n a z a r. F o r in s ta n c e a cow 's sk u ll o r a black flag is placed on a new h o u se so th e n a z a r may sh ift to it an d is n e g a te d . A black sp o t made o f kohl p o w der is placed on a c h ild 's face to d iv e rt n a z a r. A g re a t d eal o f v e n e ra tio n an d symbolism is a tta c h e d to th e o b je c ts a sso c ia te d w ith th e two holy c itie s o f Islam in A rab ia , M akkah S h a rif an d M adina S h a rif, th a t h ajjis b r in g from th e hajj an d d is tr ib u te in small q u a n titie s to th e ir n e a r an d d e a r . 'H oly' w a te r from th e s p r in g u se d b y th e P ro p h e t (abayzam zam) is s to re d safely to be s p rin k le d ritu a lly on th e c o ffin ; d a te s ( kh o rm a ) ; p ra y e r-m a ts a n d r o s a rie s ; a simple w hite sh e e t called k a p p a n , fo r c o ffin , to be w rap p ed a ro u n d th e c o rp s e ; an d M akkay-M adinay k h a w r a ) is b ro u g h t as an object of v e n e ra tio n . M akkay-M adinay k h w r a ) is b ro u g h t as an ob ject o f v e n e ra tio n . Such A rabic o b je c ts h ave a sym bolic v alu e fa r b ey o n d th e ir a c tu a l valu e in term s o f m oney, esp ecially as th e r e is a con­ tin u in g m y stical a n d em otional attac h m en t to them and th e y a re commonly b eliev ed to act as c u re s fo r v a rio u s d is e a s e s . Hajjis I in te rv ie w e d ta lk e d o f fee lin g sp iritu a lly u p lifte d ( r o s h a n i) . Hajji c A bdullah is said to be th e f ir s t hajji among th e Mohmand Halimzai and T a ra k z ai w hen he perfo rm ed th e hajj in 1937. Since th e n he p e rfo rm ed th e hajj five tim es m ore. T h is c o n tr a s ts w ith h is a r c h - r iv a ls a n d c o u sin s Anmir and S h ahzada who could a ffo rd to p erfo rm th e hajj b u t re fu s e to do so fo r re a so n s d isc u sse d below . R ecen tly more S h ati Khel Maliks have b een on th e h a jj. B efo re th e n Hajji H a sa n , th e non-M ohmand e ld e r o f S h ati K hel, s u c c in c tly summed u p , p la y in g on th e n u a n c e s o f th e Islam ic

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fram ew ork in s o c ie ty , th a t th e dom inant lin eag es ’w ere sim ply P u k h tu n s ' ( P ukh ta na woo). Locally th e new ly achieved s ta tu s o f th e hajji is b a lan ced by th e s ta tu s o f th e P u k h tu n m a sh a r. I h e a rd S h ahzada an d o th e r m ash ars in b o th a re a s cynical ab o u t th e e n tir e b u s in e s s o f hajj: 'th e y go to sm uggle w atches an d c lo th ’. T hey would q u o te a s a y in g a ttr ib u te d to th e P ro p h e t - 'th e hajj d ec id e s a m an's c o u rs e fo r th e r e s t o f h is life: he e ith e r r e tu r n s v e ry holy o r v e ry w icked' - a n d a g re e th a t th e h ajjis th e y know fall in to th e la tte r c a te g o ry . S h ah zad a would p o in ted ly r e f e r to h is r iv a ls . It is fo r th is re a s o n , th e y a r g u e , th a t th e y would not go fo r th e h a jj. N o n e th e le ss, an d a c c o rd in g to b o th form al an d inform al in te rv ie w s , th e hajj rem ains th e main am bition of most people in c lu d in g women. T he g e n e ra l economic situ a tio n o f Bela is re fle c te d in th e fa c t th a t not one p e rso n h as p erform ed th e hajj from th e v illa g e . Hajji G ul, th e Bela b a r b e r , h a s been g iv en th e name a s he was b o rn on F rid a y . S h am sh u d in 's w ife, as in d eed o th e r Mohmand women, would d is c u s s th e ir hajj p la n s with my wife e n d le s s ly . T hey w ere c le a r in th e ir m in d s, an d th e ir h u sb a n d s had a g re e d th a t a s soon as th e y h ad e n o u g h money th e y would perform th e hajj r a th e r th a n b u y land o r s p e n d it on th e ed u c atio n o f th e ir c h ild re n . T h o u g h S h ah zad a an d o th e r Maliks may d e rid e h a jjis, th e y a re p r e s e n t at th e 'se e in g o ff' and 're c e iv in g o f' th e h a jjis. The re c e p tio n s in c lu d e a s e rie s o f fe a s ts and c e le b ra tio n s as p a r ti­ cip atio n is c o n sid e re d saw ab (good d e e d ) . D u rin g th is perio d h o stilitie s a re ta c itly s u s p e n d e d to perm it c ro ss-fa c tio n a l v is itin g . L arge Mohmand crow ds g a th e r at th e railw ay sta tio n o r a irp o rt in P esh aw ar w ith g a rla n d s , to see o ff an d re c e iv e th e ir k in , a r r iv in g in h ire d b u s e s o r c a rs d e c o ra te d w ith b u n t­ in g s an d c o lo u re d -p a p e r o th e rw ise u se d fo r m a rria g e s. P u k h to nam es o f d a y s in th e week and m onths in th e y e a r a re sa id to co n tain Islamic sym bolism : Pinzama (T u e s d a y ) , th e fifth d a y , is d e d ic a te d to one of th e g re a te s t S u n n i S a in ts , H azrat J ila n i of B ag h d a d . S horo (W ednesday) is so called a s God is said to h a v e b e g u n w o rk in g on th e world on th is d a y . Ziarat (T h u r s d a y ) an d Jum ca (F rid a y ) a re re c o g n iz ed as th e two holy d a y s o f th e week w hen good Muslims sh o u ld a tte n d c o n g re ­ g atio n al p r a y e r s in th e m osque. T h u rs d a y is co n sid ere d au sp icio u s fo r la y in g th e fo u n d atio n o f a new b u ild in g o r s ta r tin g c u ltiv a tio n , ju s t a s F rid a y is n o t. F rid a y is m eant e x c lu siv e ly fo r p ra y e r s (da m unz w a rz ) and d e sig n a te d in P u khto as s u c h . C e rta in P u k h to m onths o f th e y e a r a re asso c ia te d d ire c tly w ith e v e n ts from e a rly Islamic social h is to ry c e n trin g a ro u n d th e life o f th e P ro p h e t; n a tiv e local e x e g e sis re in fo rc e s la rg e r Islamic c u ltu r e an d tra d itio n . F or in sta n c e th e r e a re th e m onths o f M uharram , g e n e ra lly called A san among th e Mohmand a f te r th e two g ra n d s o n s o f th e P r o p h e t, H asan a n d H u sa in , who w ere m a rty re d ; R abic -al-A w w al in w hich th e P ro p h e t died a n d R oja, th e m onth o f Ram adan and fa s tin g w hen th e Holy Q u r’an was re v e a le d to th e P r o p h e t. No m arriag es o r c e le b ra tio n s a re held

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in th e s e m onths. W arokay A k h ta r (sm all Id ) c e le b ra tin g th e end o f Ram adan an d th e o th e r m onth o f A k h ta r a r e m onths o f h a p p in e s s (k h u s h a l i ) . Lowey A k h ta r (b ig c Id ) d e riv e s from th e in c id e n t w hen A braham , th e a n c e s to r o f th e P ro p h e t, almost sa c rific e d h is son Ism ail to ap p ea se G od. E v ery home is e x p e c te d to an d does sa c rific e (q u r b a n i ) w hich is th e n d iv id ed in to th re e s h a r e s : th e f ir s t is g iv en to th e p o o r, th e second to po o r k in an d th e th ir d is k e p t fo r th e h o u se . T h r e e , five o r sev en p e o p le , tra d itio n a lly Islamic n u m b e rs , may join to sa c rific e one cow. In th e Mohmand A gency u su ally se v e n m ales pool to g e th e r to s a c rific e a cow c o s tin g ab o u t ru p e e s 1 ,0 0 0 .(3 ) A lte rn a tiv e ly o ne sh e e p may be s a c rific e d by one m an. T he sk in (sa rm a n ) o f th e cow , w o rth ab o u t R s. 100, is fo r th e m ullah (d e m uiiah sh a y d a y ). In his c Id serm ons th e m ullah ta lk s o f th e u n ity o f Islam an d h o n o u r an d sham e ( h a y a ) , th e g e n e ra i them es in P u k h to . I a tte n d e d c Id p r a y e r s in Shati an d B ela; b o th o ccasio n s re fle c te d social s t r u c tu r e . In B ela, I sa t q u ie tly an d u n n o tic ed in one o f th e b ack row s w here I felt I would o b s e rv e b e tte r . Khan Muhammad (so n o f H u s a in ), on leave from th e Mohmand R ifle s, was p ro m in en t in th e fro n t ro w , u su ally re s e rv e d fo r m a sh a rs, w earin g h is new c lo th e s , le a th e r - ja c k e t, and k a ra k u li c a p . In th e m osque o f S h ah zad a I trie d to s ta n d in th e b ack row b u t was called to th e fro n t b y S h ah zad a to s ta n d alo n g sid e him . He did n ot w ish th a t th e h ie ra rc h y w hich was b ased on ag e and lineage s ta tu s be d is tu r b e d . In th e ir selectio n of th e c Id d a y th e two a re a s re fle c te d th e ir g e o g ra p h ic a l an d political s itu a tio n s . Bela c e le b ra te d th e official governm ent c I d , an d S h a ti, following K abul, c e le b r a te d c Id a d ay e a r lie r . S h ah zad a c e le b ra te d b o th . T he co n fu sio n in v a ria b ly a ris e s a n n u a lly from d iffe re n t s ig h tin g s o f th e new moon. Hujras an d room s in th e h o u ses h av e b a re walls e x c e p t p e rh a p s a c a le n d a r w ith th e name of 'A llah' o r 'Muhammad' c a llig ra p h ie d in co lo u r o r one d e p ic tin g Islamic r u le r s . A p o p u la r p o s te r d is ­ p la y s th e la te King Faisal o f A rabia b e in g a s s a s s in a te d , sig n ify in g m artydom (s h a h d a O a n d im m ortality in th e n e x t w o rld . Symbolism o f th e tr a n s ito r y n a tu r e o f hum an life and th e p erm an en ce o f G od, a c o n s ta n t them e o f th e m ullah, is p h y sic a lly p r e s e n t in th e Bela m osque. T h e re is a wooden p la n k ( t a k h t a ) h a n g in g in th e m osque v isib le to all as a rem in d e r o f d e a th in th e m idst o f life , fo r o n it males an d fem ales o f Bela a re placed a f te r d e a th as p a r t o f th e fu n e ra r y r ite s an d ta k e n to th e ir g ra v e s . In d e fe re n c e to g e n e ra l re lig io u s se n tim en ts no ra d io s o r ta p e - r e c o r d e r s a re allowed to be p la y ed in Mian M andi, th e m arket ow ned an d co n tro lled by th e Mians and th e main m ark et o f th e Mohmands n e a r S h a ti K hel. T h is tra d itio n is n o t r e s tr ic te d to m ere lip se rv ic e an d on v a rio u s o ccasio n s while b e in g d riv e n b y k a s h a rs ( y o u n g ) , re s tiv e of tr a d itio n , th ro u g h th e Mandi I h av e se e n them re s p e c tin g th e ban by p ro m p tly sw itc h in g th e c a r rad io o ff. As a sym bol of his Islamic p o st-h a jj sta n c e Hajji H asan will not allow a rad io in h is h o u se alth o u g h h is so n s a re

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d o in g good b u s in e s s in tr a n s p o r t and own th r e e b u s e s . T h e re is no q u e stio n o f h e re s y o r h e re tic s among th e t r ib e s ­ m en, d o u b ts su c h as a re ra ise d by th e o rth o d o x re g a rd in g th e B e rb e r trib e sm e n in Morocco (G elln er 1969a: 22). P ra y e rs a re a s o r t o f social th e r a p y . T h e y e x te rn a liz e and ex o rc ize d o u b ts . God is c o n fro n te d d ire c tly w ithout th e aid o f p r i e s t s , sh a m a n s, s e c re t so cieties an d e c s ta tic b e h a v io u r b y th e P u k h tu n . T he mumbo-jumbo an d h o c u s-p o c u s of m edicine men o r p r ie s ts have no place in his w o rld . Religion is d ir e c t, m onistic and p e rs o n a l. Not s u r p r is in g ly th e r e a re no Sufi o r d e r s in Mohmand life: itin e ra n t re lig io u s m endicants o r te m p o ra ry re lig io u s le a d e rs , y e s , b u t in stitu tio n a liz e d S ufi o r e x tra -w o rld ly o r d e r s , n o . T h e re a re no m y stic o r Sufi c u lts in th e T rib a l A reas e x c e p t among th e Shic as o f th e O ra k z a i.(4 ) The d iffe re n c e in co g n itio n was illu s tra te d b y an in te r e s tin g c o n fro n ta tio n betw een Ih s a n u lla h , so n o f S h am sh u d in , a n d some o th e r M ohm ands, who w ere v is itin g me w hen I was Political A g e n t, O rak zai A g e n cy , in 1977, an d th e O rak zai Shic as w hen I took them to a d in n e r th e la tte r had g iv en fo r me. T he Shic as had prom ised to allow me to w itn ess th e ir sp e c ia l r ite s n e a r H an g u , in th e s e ttle d Kohat D is tric t, a p riv ile g e r a re ly a ffo rd e d to n o n -S h ic as and g iv en a s a g e s tu r e o f a p p re c ia tio n fo r my role in h e lp in g to so lv e th e lo n g -s ta n d in g Shica -S u n n i problem re g a r d in g th e Shic a Mian Zia?at d is p u te in T ira h . A fte r d in n e r , th e Shic a s , w e a rin g no s h o e s , d an ced th em selv es into an e c s ta tic fre n z y on an a re a c o v e re d w ith live an d b u rn in g coal w hich th e y p ic k ed from time to time and p u t in th e ir m o u th s. T he in te r e s tin g q u e stio n ra ise d in th e d isc u ssio n th a t s u b s e q u e n tly followed w as: w hat was th e emic view o f s u c h e c s ta tic b e h a v io u r th a t tra n s c e n d e d hum an p h y sic a l p ain ? T h e Mohmands had n e v e r se e n a n y th in g like it b e fo re and sim ply h ad no ex p la n atio n fo r i t . To them th e e n tire p erfo rm an ce was s h e e r mumbo-jumbo an d so m uch magic (ja d o ). T h e S hic as e x p la in e d th e ir tra n s c e n d e n c e o v e r p h y sic a l pain th ro u g h re lig io u s emotion and e c s ta s y (j a z b a ) . Like th e Mohmand I c o n fe ss I had n e v e r w itn essed a n y th in g like th is b e fo re . Was it j'ado o r jazba? In an illu s tr a tiv e c o n v e rsa tio n betw een S h am shudin and H usain K h a n , a Bela e ld e r know n fo r h is m aterialism , on m y stic­ ism in Islam , Sham shudin o fte n th o u g h t o f th e m eaning o f Sufism an d was a ttr a c te d to th e sim ple Sufi way o f life. When I a sk e d them to d efin e Sufism H usain Khan re p lie d 'It is n o th in g b u t a s ta te o f re lig io u s lu n a c y , m adness (m alla ng i). ' Sham shudin th e n tu r n e d to me an d sa id 'H usain K han is only in te r e s te d in m aking m oney' to w hich H usain K han re p lie d 'God will giv e me m oney. T h is is G od's work (d a de Allah k a r d a y ) ’. H usain th e n e x p lain ed th a t th e Muslims o f to d a y had fo rg o tte n God b u t th a t th e people o f old w ere s a in ts ( z b a r g ) an d m a rty rs (s h a h id ). 'T o d a y ', he s a id , 'money c o u n ts '. S ham shudin did n o t a n sw e r; p e rh a p s he had no re p ly . In more com plex social sy ste m s m ysticism may be an a c c e p t­ able a lte rn a tiv e to o rth o d o x Islam b u t in th e Mohmand a re a s it is

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se e n as s u r r o g a te fo r it and th e re fo r e co n scio u sly re je c te d . Hence th e e x p la n a tio n o f th e Mohmand to Shica e c s ta tic tr a n c e as m ere 'm ag ic'. J u s t as th e P u k h tu n is politically ico n o clastic he can n o t be re lig io u sly h a g io la tro u s . B oth c o n d itio n s a re d e fin ed by h is social code a n d d e sc e n t s tr u c tu r e . It is sig n ific a n t th a t Islam is alive w ithin tr ib a l so c ie ty not th ro u g h th e memory of te a c h in g s of g re a t sc h o la rs o r s a in ts o r th e ir s h rin e s b u t is p a rt o f e v e ry d a y tr ib a l lore an d common d e sc e n t m em ory; th is p a rtly e x p la in s th e lack o f h a g io la try o r a n th ro p o la to ry am ong Mohmand tr ib e s u n lik e o th e r Islamic so cieties (Ahmad 1964; E v an sP ritc h a rd 1973; G elln er 1969 a an d b ; G ilsenan 1973; Trim ingham 1973). T he Islam of th e Mohmands is p u r ita n ic a l, not s y n c re tic o r e c le c tic . Sociologically it may be re le v a n t to p o in t o u t th a t Islam is o v e r-e m p h a siz ed b y non-M ohm and g ro u p s p e rh a p s to ev en o u t o r o b lite ra te th e elitism o f th e P u k h tu n ; sim ilarly ju n io r lin eag es place h e a v y em phasis on Islam to p erfo rm a sim ilar lev ellin g o p e ra tio n a g a in st th e elitism o f th e se n io r lin e a g e s. T he maximum n u m b er o f h ajjis a re o fte n am ong ju n io r lin e a g e s. Hajji H a sa n , a n d Hajji c U m ar, an e ld e r o f a ju n io r lin e a g e , would c o n s ta n tly u se 'if God w ills' (in s h a 'iia h ) o r 'by th e G race of G od' (masha' llah) in th e ir s e n te n c e s . Hajji c Umar would sp ea k o f th e Mians w ith a re v e re n c e unim aginable am ong th e se n io r lin eag e: 'th e y a re p u r e , th e y sta n d fo r p r a y e r s and g o d lin e s s '. Hajji H asan re p e a te d ly q u o ted th e P ro p h e t's maxim, 'to re s p e c t a hajji m eans you r e s p e c t m e'. He would s ta r t s e n te n c e s w ith a se lf-c o n sc io u s 'I c a n n o t sp e a k lies ( darogh nasham w a y la y ) '. T h e re is no c o rre la tio n betw een economic developm ent and lack o f r e lig io s ity , as is a p p a re n t by a su p e rfic ia l v isit to th e T rib a l A re a s. A lth o u g h th e o ld e r g e n e ra tio n , like Hajji H asan an d S h am sh u d in , may ta lk o f th e y o u n g as b e in g le ss re lig io u s th a n th em selv es th e fact is th a t almost th e f ir s t in v e stm en t th a t th e y o u n g e r P u k h tu n s , e a rn in g money sp ecially from th e G ulf S ta te s , m ake is in a new cem ent m osque. P e rh a p s th e social b o nds o f relig io n w ithin an e x tr a - tr ib a l fram ew ork may b e s t be ex p lain ed by two p e rso n a l ex am ples. On my to u r of th e Mullah Khel a re a , B adaon, as Political A gent o f th e O ra k z a i, th e r e was co n sid e ra b le te n s io n . I was th e f irs t political o ffic e r e v e r to h av e come a s fa r as B adaon, v irtu a lly o v e rlo o k in g th e A frid i b o rd e r o f T ira h (a n d th e most an a c c essib le p a rt o f th e T rib a l A re a ), and to sp e n d a n ig h t in th e local h ujra. It was no coincidence th a t th is te n s io n , w hich my ju n io r o ffic e rs fe lt so k e e n ly , e v a p o ra te d a f te r I joined my Mullah Khel h o s ts at p r a y e r in th e ir m osque by th e hu rja . In a n o th e r ex am p le, I was in an inform al m eeting in th e e v e n in g w ith th e G o v ern o r o f th e P ro v in c e , w hen he ask ed some Mohmand Maliks to join u s ju s t as th e call to p r a y e r (a za n ) was h e a rd . To th e Mohmand th e e q u a lity in th e p r a y e r form ation sym bolized th e sociological im p o rtance of a common re lig io u s sy stem betw een th o se r e p r e s e n tin g e n c a p su la tin g sy stem s and th o se in th e p ro c e ss o f e n c a p s u la tio n . E a rlie r, w hen he was In s p e c to r-

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G en eral F ro n tie r C o rp s, th e G o v ern o r d e lib e ra te ly sele c te d 'Islam ic' d a y s , su c h a s F rid a y s , fo r sp ecial occasions like th e ra is in g o f th e Mohmand R ifles o r th e c ro s s in g o f th e N ahakki P a ss. R ight is clean in Islam ju s t as left is u n clean an d a c e rta in am ount o f symbolism a tta c h e s to rig h t and left and h ig h e r an d low er in so c ie ty ; food is e aten w ith th e rig h t h a n d while th e left h a n d is u se d fo r blow ing th e n o se o r w ash in g a f te r d e fe c a ­ tio n . T h e ch ild is f ir s t su ck led w ith th e r ig h t b r e a s t. When a child is b o rn th e a za n , th e call to p r a y e r , is said in h is rig h t e a r . In p r a y e r th e r ig h t hand c o v e rs th e left han d in th e o rth o d o x p o sitio n . C h a rity is g iv en w ith th e rig h t h an d an d in d e a th th e face o f th e c o rp se p o in ts to th e K aaba to th e r ig h t s id e . In d e e d , an an g el re c o rd in g th e good d e e d s o f th e in d iv id ­ ual s its on h is r ig h t s h o u ld e r while a n o th e r one s its on th e left s h o u ld e r to re c o rd h is evil d e e d s . R ight an d le ft symbolism also fin d s tra n s la tio n in h ig h an d low sym bolism . Mohmands believe h ig h , p o r ta , is good a n d low, k h k a ta , is b a d . God is said to re s id e h ig h above in h eaven while hell is som ew here b e n e a th th e e a r th . T he hum an h ead is said to h av e b een made b y God him self and c o n tain s th e Holy Q u r 'a n , w hile th e a n g els a re said to have m ade th e rem aining low er p a r ts o f m an. Worldly su c c e ss su c h as in a g n a tic riv a lry is summed up as 'em erged on t o p ', 'p o r t a sh o w ' , and fa ilu re as 'w ent u n d e r ', ' k h k a t a s h o w ' . T he r e s p e c t o f hajjis an d th e ir r a th e r se lf-c o n sc io u s p o s thajj ro le , th e u n c e a s in g serm ons o f th e Mians an d m u llah s, th e p h y sic a l an d focal p re se n c e o f th e m osque, th e re g u la rity o f p r a y e r s b y th e m ash ars and th e so u n d o f th e azan ad d u p to an Islamic social if not re lig io u s m ilieu. Islamic sym bols p e rv a d e o r d in a r y life an d its te n e ts and u n iv e rs a lis tic custom s re g u la te it to a rem ark ab le d e g re e . T h e h is to ry of c o n v e rsio n to Isiam b y th e P ro p h e t him self o f Q ais, th e P u k h tu n apical a n c e s to r , an d o f p a trlin e a l d e sc e n t from him place relig io n as a d e fin in g fa c to r in th e P u k h tu n model alo n g w ith P u khtunw ali (Ahmed 1980). T he Mohmands m ust be u n d e rsto o d w ithin a p h y le tic c o n te x t - th a t of P u k h tu n n e s s an d a re lig io u s c o n te x t - th a t o f b e in g Muslim. E v e ry Mohmand c a rrie s a b lu e p rin t in h is mind of five c o n c e n tric c irc le s th a t em anate from ego an d place him and d efine him in h is u n iv e rs e : th e trib a l s u b -s e c tio n (Kado Khel in Bela M ohm andan); th e clan (T a ra k z a i); th e tr ib e (M ohm and); th e e th n ic g ro u p (P u k h tu n ) ; an d th e relig io n (Isla m ). From a sociological p o int of view th e la te n t fu n c tio n o f P u khtunw ali a p p e a rs to be to in te g ra te and p e rp e tu a te th e id e a l-ty p e P u k h tu n so c iety while its m anifest fu n c tio n h a s b een to s u c c e ssfu lly p ro v id e d ia c ritic a from o th e r social sy stem s (M erton 1968). H aving d is c u s s e d relig io u s sym bolism I now d e sc rib e th e re lig io u s g ro u p s in so cie ty an d th e role th e y play in a c tiv a tin g , d isse m in a tin g an d in te r p r e tin g su c h sym bolism .

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A lth o u g h m arg in al to tra d itio n a l P u k h tu n a c tiv ity s u c h as a g n a tic r iv a lr y , re lig io u s g ro u p s a re in te g ra l p a r ts of so ciety an d a re in v o lv ed in th e e n tire ra n g e o f r ite s de p a s s a g e . T hey view th em selv es a s e s s e n tia l social a p p e n d ic e s to th e clan th e y a re a tta c h e d to . In c e rta in c a se s th e y have c re a te d fic titio u s lineage lin k s to th e ir p a tro n c la n s . Such lin k s a re fictitio u s w ithin so c ie ty b u t fo r p u rp o se s o f o u ts id e r s , d e fin e d in g e o g ra ­ p h ical o r tr ib a l p h y le tic te rm s , th e y imply a ta c it adm ission o f filiatio n b y so ciety in c lu d in g th e p a tro n c la n . T echnically n e ith e r fe a tu re on th e tr ib a l c h a r te r , a fact th a t e x c lu d e s them from c e rta in a tte n d a n t p riv ile g e s g iv en b y go v ern m en t su c h as r a tio n s , k h a ssa d a rs ( trib a l le v ie s ), e tc . and d u tie s , su c h as th o s e o f th e k h a s sa d a rs o r b e in g liable to p a y collective fines fo r a r r a n t P u k h tu n m em bers o f th e lin e a g e . (i) Mians T he P ro p h e t's s a y in g th a t 'th e r e a re no genealogies in Islam ' h a s th eo lo g ical an d social im plications. It im plies th e e q u a lity o f b e lie v e rs b e fo re th e om nipotence o f God a n d th a t of man in re la tio n to man in so c ie ty . Q u r'a n ic v e rs e s r e p e a t th e e q u a lity of m an. H ow ever, th e p olitical sociology o f Islam in d ic a te s th e u n iq u e im portance of d e sc e n t in legitim izing o r su c c e e d in g in political a c t i v i t y .(5 ) T he d e s c e n d a n ts o f th e P ro p h e t, th e S a y y id s , p ro v id e th e b a sis fo r social s tra tific a tio n in Islamic so ciety an d a re g e n e ra lly c o n sid ere d a s u p e rio r g r o u p .(6) Id eally th e r e is no social d iv isio n w ithin a Muslim com m unity b u t a h ie ra rc h y is c o n cep tu alized an d p a r tly e x p la in e d , as in d eed is social m obility, th ro u g h economic d iffe re n tia tio n . A common P a k ista n i p ro v e rb s ta te s : 'L ast y e a r I was a jolaha (w e a v e r), th is y e a r I am a S h aikh (d iscip le of th e P ro p h e t) an d n e x t y e a r if th e p ric e s r is e I will be a S a y y id .' T he s a y in g is re fle c te d in so c ie tie s w ith form s o f s tra tific a tio n (B eteille 1977: 143) and em bodies th e c o n cep t of u p w ard m obility and 'S a n s k ritiz a tio n ' (S rin iv a s 1966). T h e re a re no S a y y id s am ong th e M ohmand. N onetheless Mohmand re lig io u s g ro u p s g e n e ra lly assum e th e nam e, and w ith it th e s t a t u s , o f th e n e x t se n io r ra n k e d g ro u p in th e idealized Islamic h ie r a r c h y . For in s ta n c e , th e ig n o ra n c e among Mohmands in d iffe re n tia tin g a S ayyid from a Mian p re su m es two fa c ts : a g e n e ra l ig n o ra n c e o f fine and fu n d am en tal re lig io u s m a tte rs and th e lim ited im p o rtance a tta c h e d to re lig io u s s t a t u s . A p art from some m a sh a rs like S h ahzada and S ham shudin few people in S h ati an d Bela could d is tin g u is h a S ayyid from a Mian. Mians th e r e f o r e g et aw ay b y d e s c rib in g th em selv es as S ay y id s and u n le ss p re s s e d fo r a sp ec ific d e fin itio n , w hen he is u n c e rta in , th e trib e sm a n d e s c rib e s them th u s . A m ember o f th e relig io u s g ro u p is g e n e ra lly d efin ed b y th e P u k h tu n as 'a Mian o r mullah m an' ( Mian mullah s a r a y ) . It is as m uch a d efin itio n o f a role as it is th e d e lin e a tin g o f s ta tu s g ro u p s an d social b o u n d a rie s

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o f a c tio n . R eligious g ro u p s may also be called s ia n a d a r and re s p e c te d fo r a n e g a tiv e re a so n . T h e c u r s e s ( k h a y r a y ) o f th e s ta n a d a r a re said to be e ffe c tiv e . M ohmands o fte n ex p lain th e fall of th e R an ra lineage and th e r is e o f th e ir c o u sin s th e Musa lineage in S h ati by th e c u r s in g o f th e form er w hen th e y in c u rre d th e d is p le a s u re o f th e Mians almost a h u n d re d y e a rs ag o . So while P u k h tu n s may not show Mians u n d u e d e fe re n c e th e y will also not m olest o r in su lt them . A lth o u g h th e r e a re no S ay y id s in Bela Mohmandan th e Mian o f Bela calls him self and is called a S a y y id . For th is re a so n I am w ary o f a c c e p tin g S ayyid c a te g o ry am ong th e Mohmand as m ost Mians p r e f e r to be called b a d sh a h ( k in g ) , a title given to S ay y id s am ong P u k h tu n s . O v e r th e g e n e ra tio n s th e d e s c e n d a n ts o f Mians h av e assum ed S ayyid s ta tu s . T he 's a in t' defin ed as a glo ss fo r S a y y id s, Mians an d M ullahs (B ailey 1972; B a rth 1972) c an lead to a m isread in g o f P u k h tu n social s tr u c tu r e a n d political life (Ahmed 1976). T h e ro le a n d p o sitio n o f th e re lig io u s g ro u p s am ong P u k h tu n so c ie ty c le a rly ra is e in te r e s tin g q u e s tio n s . T he Mian is aw are th a t he is o f s u p e r io r social s ta tu s to a m em ber o f th e o c cu ­ p a tio n a l g ro u p ( q a s a b g a r ) . In p riv a te he would e v e n a rg u e th a t as he b e a rs th e to rc h o f fa ith an d b ec au se o f h is p u ta tiv e genealogical lin k s w ith th e P ro p h e t (a s a S a y y id ) he is th e e q u a l, if not th e s u p e r io r , of th e P u k h tu n . Mian Jalil would s a y ''w e th in k we a re socially h ig h e r , th e y th in k th e y a re h ig h e r '. T h e M ians, a com m unity o f a b o u t a h u n d re d people in th e G an d ab , a re th e main re lig io u s g ro u p am ong th e Mohmand and live in th r e e small ham lets w hich have sp lit from th e main Mian village o f Mian K assai. S eg m en tary fis s u r e s and a g n atic jealo u sy a re not a monopoly o f th e P u k h tu n s . T he p re s e n t re s p e c te d social p o sition o f th e Mians is la rg e ly a c o n se q u en c e o f th e ir o w n e rsh ip and o rg an iza tio n o f th e o n ly and most c e n tra l m arket am ong th e Mohmand, Mian M andi. T h e y a re a s e lfco n tain ed social u n it an d do n o t keep ham sayas ( te n a n ts ) o r qasabg ars. T h e re a re some re c e n t ex am p les, b e g in n in g in th e 1960s, o f Mians g iv in g to an d ta k in g d a u g h te r s from P u k h tu n s , th e la tte r b e in g from ju n io r lin e a g e s. P re v io u sly Mians w ere an e n tire ly endogam ous g ro u p o fte n going to A fg h an ista n to th e ir kin in Laghm an to a rra n g e m a rria g e s. Mians a re g en e ra lly e d u c a te d in th e Holy Q u r’an and Islamic le a rn in g . C om pared to Mohmand e ld e rs th e y a p p e a r s o f te r , p lu m p e r, d a r k e r and p h y sic a lly b e tte r groom ed. T he se n io r Mian o f K assai, u n iv e rsa lly called Mian K assai, h a s had five w ives an d innum erable d e s c e n d a n ts . His e ld e st s o n , Mian A bdul H akim , h a s n in e te e n s o n s , an d tr a c e s h is d e s c e n t, th r e e g e n e ra tio n s rem o v ed , to A ra b ia. It is sig n ific a n t th a t in th e Formal Q u e stio n n a ire s th e Mians tra c e d th e ir d e s c e n t to A rabia an d n o t, as do alm ost all P u k h tu n s , to K abul. Mian Ja lil, a c o u sin of Mian Hakim, is a fine exam ple o f Mian v ir tu e s . He ex p la in e d ideal Mian ro le b e h a v io u r am ong P u k h tu n

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s o c ie ty . T he Mian is s o ft-s p o k e n , does not lose h is te m p e r, n e v e r q u a r r ie s , n e v e r ta k e s sid e s in P u k h tu n fa c tio n s and u n d e r no co n d itio n does he c a r r y a g u n . T he p rim a ry c h a ra c te r is tic o f th e Mian is h is pacificism ; he is an almost ideal p ro to ty p e C h ris tia n fig u re . T he Mian norm ally d r e s s e s in w h ite , th e colour of p e a c e , a n d com ports him self w ith d e lib e ra te d ig n ity . He is a c u te ly aw are o f th e p red icam en t im posed on him b y h is p o sitio n in s o c ie ty . If he d e v ia te s from th e e x p e c te d id eal by re p e a te d q u arrelso m e b e h a v io u r o r is se e n to be d r in k in g an d d e b a u c h in g o r m an ip u latin g people fo r political p o w e r, his n e u tr a lity and s ta tu s a re com prom ised and th e re s p e c t and p riv ile g e s w ith d ra w n . For all th e ir p u ta tiv e social in flu en ce th e Mians rem ain uncom fortable in P u k h tu n a re a s a n d w h en e v er th e y accom panied me to S h ati Khel th e y did so most re lu c ta n tly a n d w ith a d o zen e x c u s e s . T h ey re p e a te d th a t th e y had no b u s in e s s to be th e r e an d did not w ish to r u n th e ris k o f b e in g in s u lte d . T h e Mian p ro v id e s th e id e a l-ty p e model o f c o rre c t social b e h a v io u r, m oral p ro p rie ty an d stu d ie d d is in te r e s t in po litical m a tte rs . T he Mian can n o t com pete in an a re n a and game in to w hich he is not allowed b y th e ru le s o r p a rtic ip a n ts o f th a t gam e. In s p ite o f th e ir social a ir s th e Mians do not re c e iv e a n y o f th e p riv ile g e s o f th e P u k h tu n s in th e T rib a l A reas su c h as allow­ a n c e s , lung is (in d iv id u a l a llo w an c es), muajibs (se c tio n a l a llo w a n c e s), ra tio n s e tc . w hich h as alw ays been a so re point w ith th em . T h e local su b -s e c tio n o r sec tio n would r e s e n t th e th o u g h t o f in c lu d in g ev en th e h a n d fu l o f em inent Mians among lung i- h o ld e r s o r m u a jib -ta k e rs . If th e Mians a re g iv en political allow ances th is is done s e c r e tly an d th e clan is a s s u r e d th a t in no w ay a re th e ir in te r e s ts d iv e rte d o r d im in ish e d . F o u rte e n Mians who b elo n g to G andab a re on th e Mohmand A gency e le c to ra l list ( p p . 46-7) o f a to ta l o f about 6,000 v o te r s . T he in clu sio n o f th e Mians is a d e v ian ce in th e T rib a l A reas fo r u su a lly th e y a re n o t in clu d e d on su c h v o tin g lis ts as th e y do not s h a re P u k h tu n r ig h ts o r d u tie s . For in s ta n c e , A k h u n d zad a Sacid , son o f th e le g e n d a ry A k h u n d z ad a Mahmud in volved in th e Miss Ellis k id n a p p in g case o f 1923, could not s ta n d fo r e lectio n s in 1977 in th e O rakzai A gency b e cau se h is name was not o n th e e le c to ra l list b e in g c a te g o riz ed as a n A k h u n d z a d a , an em inent re lig io u s le a d e r. T h is was in sp ite o f th e fact th a t he was th e re c ip ie n t of v a rio u s s e c re t governm ent fa v o u rs o rig in a tin g from th e role o f h is f a th e r in th e re c o v e ry o f th e g irl. In a n th ro p o lo g ic a l lite r a tu r e th e social role of th e Mian m ight be s tr u c tu r a lly lik en ed to th e agurram am ong th e B e rb e rs (G elln er 1969a). T h is would be a m istak e. T he role o f th e igurram en a n d th e Mians a re co n c ep tu a lly an d em pirically d if f e r e n t. T he Mians do not s u p e rv is e th e electio n o f th e P u k h tu n c h ie fs n o r do th e y p ro v id e le a d e rs h ip a g a in st o u tsid e a g g re ss io n an d n o r can th e y claim to perfo rm m iracles (ib id . : 78). T he sin g le a ttr ib u te th e Mian and th e igurram en s h a re is

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pacifism . H ow ever, on th e s u r fa c e , th e id ea l Mian is d e fin e d , as in d e e d is th e a g u r r a m , a s one d e sc e n d e d from th e P r o p h e t, m ed iatin g b etw een man and G od, betw een man and m an, d is ­ p e n s in g b le s s in g , a good and pious m an, u n c alc u la tin g ly g e n e ro u s a n d h o sp ita b le and one who d o es not fig h t o r en g a g e in fe u d s ( i b i d . : 7 4 ). T h is in th e ideal is v e r y m uch how th e Mians would like to see th e m se lv e s. If th e Malik may be said to conform to a 'c h ie fly ' model th e n th e Mian conform s to a 's a in tly ' model in P u k h tu n so c ie ty ; w ith th e ad ded and im portant c lau se th a t th e la tte r a re in no way p r e te n d e r s to political a u th o rity u n lik e re lig io u s g ro u p s in com plex so c ie ties s u c h as Swat (B a rth 1972). To th e sa in tly model o f th e Mian know ledge (c ilm) is th e c e n tra l fe a tu re ju s t as th e g u n is to th e P u k h tu n m odel. T he Mian c o n tr a s ts him self an d h is c ilm w ith th e diam et­ ric a lly o p p o sed model of th e P u k h tu n a n d 'th e g u n he c a r r ie s '. 'T h e w ork o f th e g u n ' ( the topak k a r ) is th e P u k h tu n 's , he will e x p la in , and is seen a s d ia c ritic a l in d e te rm in in g social c a te g o rie s . T h is too is w hy he is an im potent ju d g e o r a r b ite r in d is p u te s as he h a s no fo rce to b ack h is d e c isio n s, u n lik e th e P u k h tu n jirga. In c e rta in Islamic tr ib a l so cie tie s like th e Somalis th e r e is a c le a r-c u t d is tin c tio n betw een men of God (w ad aad ) an d men o f th e s p e a r o r w a rrio rs (w ara n iah ) b u t 'in p ra c tic e w a rrio rs and p r ie s ts ru b s h o u ld e rs to g e th e r in th e same lin e a g e ' (Lewis 1969; 263) a n d b o th g ro u p s b elong to th e d iy a -p a y in g g ro u p . Among th e Mohmand th e M ians, th e men o f God a n d th e P u k h tu n s , th e men o f th e g u n , do not ru b s h o u ld e rs in lin e a g e s, m arriag es o r s e ttle m e n ts . B oth rem ain d is tin c t g ro u p s w ith d is tin c t fu n c tio n s . How th e n do th e M ians, r e p r e s e n tin g Islamic t r a ­ d itio n an d c u sto m , an d th e P u k h tu n s , tr ib a l c u sto m , accommodate to each o th e r an d at w hat point do th e y cla sh o r come to g e th e r? T he Mian c o n scio u sly in fla te s an d e x a g g e ra te s Islamic sym bols w ithin so ciety to m aintain his position and im portance as i n te r ­ p r e t e r of relig io n a lth o u g h p a in fu lly aw are th a t in many ways he is o u tsid e th e P u k h tu n social w orld. T h e y see th em selv es as 'm iddle p eo p le' betw een th e P u k h tu n s , men of th e w orld ( d u n y a ) , an d e so te ric Sufi fig u re s who have re n o u n c e d it fo r relig io n ( d in ) . T h e ir p rim a ry fu n c tio n s as view ed b y them a r e ; to a r b itr a te betw een w a rrin g fa c tio n s; to p ro v id e re lig io u s b le s sin g fo r m edicinal p u rp o s e s ; and to rem ind P u k h tu n s o f Islam and th e ir d u tie s as M uslims. T h ey may som etim es p erfo rm th e more ro u tin e fu n c tio n s o f th e rite s de p a s s a g e norm ally re s e rv e d fo r th e m ullah. Unlike th e m ullahs th e y a re n e ith e r paid in ca sh o r k in d by P u k h tu n g r o u p s . C o n cep tu ally an d ideally th e fu n c tio n s of th e Mian a re to act as a n e u tra l o r b u ffe r g ro u p o r zone betw een two o r more tr ib a l se g m e n ts. T h e ir p h y sical location an d v illag e is sym bolic o f th is n e u tra l p o sitio n , b e in g s itu a te d at th e b o u n d a ry w here two o r th r e e se c tio n s o r s u b -c la n s m eet. F or exam ple in th e G andab th e Mians o f K assai a re placed betw een th e Y u su f Khel and S hati K hel, th e Hamza Khel and th e Kadai K hel. In p ra c tic e

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t h e i r ro le in e ffe c tin g a c e a s e fire o r e v e n an a g re e m e n t is lim ited a s th e y a r e n o t b a c k e d by a n y p h y s ic a l o r c o e rc iv e f o rc e . T h e y , h o w e v e r, p lay a u s e fu l ro le in k e e p in g th e lin es o f com m unication o p e n b e tw e e n two f ig h tin g fa c tio n s to e v a c u a te th e w o u n d e d , th e s ic k , th e women a n d c h ild r e n . Mian Halil d e s ­ c rib e d how th e M ians w ould w ear w hite c lo th e s , a n d c a r r y in g a w h ite fla g v is it a n d ta lk to b o th p a r tie s w h e n e v e r th e r e was s h o o tin g in S h a ti K hel b e tw e e n f a c tio n s . In c a se o f d e a th th e y w ould rem ove t h e c o rp s e d u r in g th e c e a s e f ir e . In th e 1973 s h o o tin g w h en Yad G u l, th e R a n ra m a s h a r , d ie d , fo u r M ians, in c lu d in g J a lil, n e g o tia te d b e tw ee n M azullah o n th e o n e sid e a n d Major S u lta n J a n a n d S h a h z a d a o n th e o th e r fo r a c e a s e f ir e . Mian J a lil's c a r w as u se d to c o n v ey a n d a n n o u n c e th e n ew s o f th e a g re e m e n t a n d r e q u e s t people to go home a n d la te r to ta k e th e w ou n d ed to h o s p ita l. In norm al tim es th e y a tte m p t to liv e liv e s t h a t sh o u ld id e a lly d e p ic t th e s a in tly m odel. B ut a s Mian J a lil h im self a d m itte d th e re c e n t econom ic a c tiv itie s a n d in v o lv e ­ m e n ts o f th e M ians e sp e c ia lly in th e ir m a rk e t, Mian M andi, h a v e n o t o n ly d e c re a s e d t h e ir p r e s tig e in th e e y e s o f th e P u k h tu n s b u t m ade th e M ians th e m se lv e s m ore w o rldly a n d c o r re s p o n d in g ly le s s s p i r it u a l . T o d a y th e y own flo u r m ills, c a r s , b u s e s a n d o f c o u r s e , th e m ost lu c r a tiv e p r o p e r ty in th e A g e n c y , th e Mian M an d i. So we m ay come to th e c o n c lu sio n th a t a lth o u g h th e M ians m ay claim so cial e q u a lity w ith P u k h tu n s th e y c a n in no way a tte m p t to a p p r o p r ia te o r le g itim ate p o litical p o w e r, fo r w hich th e y h a v e n e ith e r th e g u n s , th e m en , n o r th e econom ic r e s o u r c e s . When I q u e s tio n e d th e S h a ti K hel M aliks w h e th e r a VVali o f Sw at c o u ld h a v e e m e rg e d am ong th e Mohmand th e y sim ply a n sw e re d w ith r a t h e r r u d e r e f e r e n c e s to th e 'm a n lin e s s ’ o f S w a tis. S h a h z a d a e x p la in e d th e ty p ic a l Mohmand so cial s t r u c t u r e w hich w ould n e v e r p e rm it th e e m e rg e n c e o f local P u k h tu n o r n o n P u k h tu n le a d e rs h ip am ong th e Mohmand to th e s ta tu s o f r u l e r . His e x p la n a tio n is c o rr o b o ra te d b y th e d iffic u ltie s s u c h fam ous re lig io u s le a d e r s as C h a k n a w a r a n d th e Hajji o f T u r a n g z a i fac ed in a tte m p tin g to com pose e v e n a te m p o ra ry u n ite d f ro n t am ong th e Mohmand c la n s a g a in s t th e B r itis h . (ii) Mullahs T h e ro le o f th e m ullah is c le a rly d e fin e d a n d in v o lv e s him fu lly in th e r i t e s d e p a s s a g e . At b ir th he is to r e c ite th e aza n in th e e a r o f th e new b o r n w ith in tw e n ty - f o u r h o u rs o f b i r t h . He r e a d s th e p r a y e r ( d u c a ' ) a f te r th e c irc u m c isio n o f th e b o y . He ’tie s th e m a r r ia g e ' ( n ik a h t a r i ) w hich fo rm alizes a n d le g a liz e s th e c e re m o n y . He p r e p a r e s th e c o rp s e a n d p e rfo rm s th e d e a th r ite s (j a n a z a ) b y w ra p p in g th e c o rp s e in a w hite s h e e t a b o u t te n y a r d s lo n g on w h ich he w rite s th e kalima a n d th e n o u ts id e th e v illa g e , in a n o p e n s p a c e , w ith th e c o r p s e ly in g in f r o n t, le a d s th e c o n g re g a tio n in a sp e c ia l p r a y e r . O n s u c h o c c a sio n s m ullahs o fte n g a th e r from n e ig h b o u rin g v illa g e s a n d item s s u c h a s so ap a n d a little m oney a re d is tr ib u te d am ong th e m . T h e

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m ullah th e n accom panies th e b o d y to th e ce m ete ry w ith th e male m em bers o f th e com m unity, th e fem ales v is itin g th e g ra v e la te r . He p erfo rm s th e final fu n e ra l r ite s by p ra y in g on a h a n d fu l o f mud a n d s p re a d in g it on th e g ra v e . A p art from r ite s th e mullah also te n d s to th e m osque and calls th e azan fiv e tim es a day a n d lea d s th e c o n g re g a tio n in p r a y e r . D ep en d in g on h is pow ers o f p e rs u a s io n an d m edicinal know ledge he d is tr ib u te s talism an s (ta c,wiz) fo r c u rin g d is e a s e s , sp ecially o f c h ild re n and c a ttle o r k e e p in g th e evil eye away from th e m , fo r w hich he c h a rg e s one o r two r u p e e s . Mohmand m a sh a rs b eliev e th a t £acwiz given b y a re lig o u s p e r s o n , like Mian K assai o r th e Imam of B ela, can c u re d ise a se s sp ecially in women, c h ild re n an d c a ttle . Bela e ld e rs a s s u r e d me th a t th e Bela Imam h ad b een g iv in g them ta lism a n s, w hich w orked in rem oving worms from c a ttle and in c re a s in g th e o u tp u t o f th e ir m ilk. F e v e r an d h e a d a ch es a re commonly believ ed to be c u re d by him . T h e Imam s a y s a p r a y e r a n d u su ally g iv es a talism an with some A rabic w ritin g on i t . His paym ent is called 'paym ent in th a n k s ' ( s h u k r a n a ) . J u s t as th e Mian u p g ra d e s him self to S ay y id s ta tu s so th e m ullah in a sim ilar self-im posed u p g r a d a tio n , an d u su a lly a f te r m ig ratio n to a new lo c ality , calls him self a M ian. T he ig n o ra n c e a n d in d iffe re n c e o f th e P u k h tu n s r a tify th e u p w ard m obility an d in time th e new s ta tu s is a c c e p te d , genealogical fiction b ein g c o n v e rte d to social leg itim atio n . T he m ullah, o r Imam, o f Bela p r e f e r s to be called a Mian. In hujra c o n v e rs a tio n s P u k h tu n m ash ars would q u e stio n th e ro le o f th e m ullah: 'He is illite r a te . What does he know o f Islam? Why sh o u ld he in te rc e d e betw een u s an d G od?' P u k h tu n Islam may be p e rh a p s e q u a te d to th e 'm u scu lar C h ris tia n ity ' o f th e V ictorian e r a : it is a la ic, u n com plicated, s u rfa c e re a c tio n to an in h e rite d tra d itio n th a t is su sp ic io u s o f d o g m a s, d e b a te s and form alized p rie s th o o d . Mohmand m ash ars would e x p re s s th e ir opinion o f th e re lig io u s g ro u p s ju s t as K hushal Hkan K h attak did c e n tu rie s a g o , th o u g h p e rh a p s w ith less e lo q u e n c e : I have o b s e rv e d th e d isp o sitio n O f p r e s e n t- d a y d iv in e s; An h o u r s p e n t in th e ir com pany And I'm filled w ith d is g u s t (M ackenzie 1965: 79). T h e y would re fle c t eq u al cynicism r e g a rd in g tra d itio n a l claim s to paym ent b y th e re lig io u s g ro u p s: T he p lu n d e r th e s e sh a ik h s c a r r y off While c h a n tin g G od's g re a t name ( i b i d .) . T he d u tie s o f th e m ullah have been b rie fly e n u m e ra te d . P rim arily he a tte n d s to th e dem ands in so cie ty r e g a rd in g re lig io u s fu n c tio n s in th e rite s de p a s s a g e . His b e h a v io u r and p e rs o n a lity d e te rm in e th e r e s p e c t he can command in th e com m unity.

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T he Mian is not p re p a re d to accept P u k h tu n social s u p e rio rity . In his own id e a l-ty p e model he approxim ates to th e 'sa in tly ' model among Mohmands, a definition th a t p reclu d es political a c tiv ity . C onceptually th e h ig h est point of his 'sa in tlin e ss' coincides w ith th e lowest point o f political a c tiv ity . The p re se n c e of th e Mian and th e mullah among P u k h tu n society are a v isible and self-co n scious rem inder o f Islamic v alu es. T heir p re se n c e a c ts as a social mechanism to su sta in Islamic sym m etry in P u k h tu n society and c o rre c t cases o f asym m etry. However in th e id e a l-ty p e P u k h tu n situ atio n in S hati Khel both g ro u p s a re clearly seen as client th ro u g h the eyes of the P u k h tu n and s u b ­ o rd in a te to his political a u th o rity . The P u k h tu n c a s ts him self in th e role an d s ta tu s of p a tro n . The P u k h tu n world is still larg ely u n d istu rb e d in its tra d itio n a l sym m etry in 1975-6. However th e role and im portance o f th e religious g ro u p s v is -a vis adm inistration has undergone a sig n ifican t change since the d e p a rtu re o f th e B ritis h . From a position of h o stility to an infidel governm ent th e Mians and m ullahs a re now generally favourable to what th e y co n sid er a Muslim governm ent (Ahmed 1977. For th e case o f a mullah who led a movement re c e n tly ag ain st governm ent in W aziristan see Ahmed 1982). C lear dev ian ces em erge, how ever, in th e trib a l village of Bela Mohmandan ow ing to its situ atio n in th e D istric t. T he social im portance o f non-Mohmand g roups grows in d ire c t pro p o rtio n to th e dim inishing im portance of th e P u k h tu n lineage and its code. T his new em erging relatio n sh ip is f u rth e r complicated fo r th e P u k h tu n by th e ir sh ift from tra d itio n al occupations to a g ric u ltu ra l livelihood. T hey a re now in ex tric a b ly bound to th e specialized and monopoly ta le n ts o f non-Mohmand g ro u p s like th e c a rp e n te rs . The mullah is no longer client o f th e household head b u t a c e n tra l a n d , because o f his p erso n a l q u a litie s , re sp e c te d fig u re of th e village community. In a sen se he has rise n above th e s ta tu s o f client to th e P u k h tu n and become pivotal in th e village r ite s de p a ssa g e . The sh iftin g re la tio n ­ sh ip s pose th e dilemmas o f encapsulation to Bela P u k h tu n s w ith­ in so ciety . The P u k h tu n is now con fro n ted by th e economic not political facts of his new situ atio n a n d , because of th e laws of se ttle d d i s t r i c t s , he is strip p e d of h is own symbolic p o ssessio n o f P u k h tu n n e ss, his g u n . As a small lan d -h o ld in g a g ric u ltu ra lis t he is in c rea sin g ly at the m ercy o f trad itio n a lly clien t g ro u p s . The tra d itio n a l p a tro n and client roles may not have been re v e rs e d in Bela b u t th e y a re now in th e p ro ce ss of b ein g re d e fin e d , a n d , a p a rt from th e fad in g m ystique of P u k h tu n lin eag e, non-Mohmand g roups a re a s s e rtin g them selves. In conclusion: I have illu stra te d above th e im portance of sym­ bols in society th a t a re locally p erceived as c a rry in g religious significance an d th ro u g h th e ir association o r u sag e c o n fe rrin g s ta tu s and m erit. Such sym bols are not n ece ssa rily ritu a l o r religious n o r seen as su c h b u t sig n ify co n tin u in g social tra d itio n , p a rtic u la rly in th e ir association with th e life and p e rso n o f th e Pro p h et and e a rly Islam. 1 am th u s a rg u in g th a t how ever laic o r

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re lig io u sly n e u tr a l a sym bol, it a c q u ire s a re lig io u s sig n ific an c e b y its re p e a te d u sa g e an d in v o catio n o f its d e riv a tio n from th e tim es of th e P ro p h e t. T h ese sym bols m aintain s a n c tity in th e ey es o f th e social a c to r b ecau se of th e ir asso ciatio n w ith th e P ro p h e t. Islamic symbolism is a c tiv a te d , in te r p r e te d and d is ­ sem inated by re lig io u s g ro u p s liv in g am ong P u k h tu n tr ib e s as 1 h av e d e s c rib e d ab o ve. T h is e n s u r e s th e p o te n c y an d p e r p e tu ­ a tio n w ithin so ciety of re lig io u s sym bols. S uch symbolism may o fte n rem ain dorm ant in Islamic so c ie ty , fo r long p e rio d s d u e to h isto ric a l - c u ltu ra l f a c t o r s .(7 ) 1 h av e also a ttem p ted to show th a t it is not th e o re tic a lly o r m ethodologically po ssib le to s tu d y an Islamic so c ie ty in iso latio n a s th e sym bols in so ciety re q u ire a re fe re n c e to th e la r g e r Islam ic world o u tsid e th e trib a l o r v illage u n iv e rs e . NOTES 1 D ata w ere co llected from two a r e a s , Bela M ohm andan, on th e b o rd e r o f th e P esh aw ar D istric t a n d th e Mohmand A gency b u t ly in g w ithin th e D is tric t, and S h ati Khel deep in th e Mohmand A g en cy . T h e re g u la r civil an d crim inal laws of P ak istan do not e x te n d to th e A gencies in th e T rib a l A reas w here problem s a re solved a c c o rd in g to tr ib a l law and cu sto m . 2 T he Mohmands in th e Mohmand A gency in s tr u c tu r e and o r g a n ­ izatio n a re ty p ic a l o f se g m e n ta ry , ace p h a lo u s tr ib e s b elie v in g in eg alitarian ism an d b a sin g th e ir filiation on a tre e -lik e genealogical c h a r te r w ith 'n e s tin g a t tr ib u te s ' (F o rte s and E v a n s -P ritc h a rd 1970; M iddleton and T ait 1970). R ough p o p u ­ lation estim ates o f Mohmands who live in A fg h a n ista n and P a k ista n a re ab o u t 400,000 to 500,000. 3 A pproxim ately ru p e e s 18-20 eq u al 1 p o u n d s te r lin g . R s. is u se d as th e a b b re v ia tio n fo r ru p e e s . 4 I will d is c u s s th e g ro w th o f s a in ts am ong th e O rak zai Shic as in a s e p a ra te p a p e r , T he S ain ts o f T ira h : T he Economic B ase o f R eligious L e a d e rsh ip . 5 T h e C alip h s o f th e e a rly d y n a s tie s o f Islam , th e c Um ayyads ( A .D . 661-750, 929-1031), th e c A b basids (A .D . 750-1258) and th e F atim ids (A .D . 909-1171) w ere re la te d to th e P ro p h et on th e g enealogical c h a r te r and tra c e d unilin eal d e sc e n t th ro u g h a g n a tic a s c e n d a n ts to th e ir common ap ical a n c e s to r, Q u ra y s h , an d h is d e s c e n d a n t c A bd-M anaf (H itti 1977). 6 S tu d ie s am ong In d ian Muslims show th e em ergence o f v a rio u s c a ste lik e g ro u p s like th e 'h ig h ' c a ste 'A s h r a f ', th e S a y y id s, S h a ik h s , M ughals an d P u k h tu n s and th e 'low' c a ste ' A j l a f , m ostly c o n v e rts from lo w -caste H indus (Ahmad 1973). 7 T he social phenom enon o f th e late 1970s in th e Islamic w orld commonly called th e 're s u r g e n c e /r e v iv a l o f Islam ', w hich may ta k e h ig h ly p o litical form s su c h as in Ira n and P a k is ta n , is y et a n o th e r a sp e c t o f th is a rg u m e n t.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY A hm ad, A. (1 9 6 4 ), 'Islam ic C u ltu re in th e In d ian E n v iro n m e n t', O xford U n iv e rsity P r e s s . A hm ad, I. ( e d . ) (1 9 7 3), 'C aste an d Social S tra tific a tio n among th e M uslim s', M anohar Book S e rv ic e s , D elhi. A hm ed, A .S . (1976), 'Millennium and C harism a among P a th a n s: A C ritical E ssay in Social A n th ro p o lo g y ', R outledge & Kegan P a u l, L ondon. A hm ed, A .S . (1 9 7 7 ), 'Social an d Economic C hange in th e T rib a l A r e a s ', O x fo rd U n iv e rsity P r e s s , K arach i. A hm ed, A .S . (1 9 8 0 ), 'P u k h tu n Economy and S o c ie ty ', R outledge & K egan P a u l, L ondon. A hm ed, A .S . (1 9 8 3 ), 'R eligion an d Politics in Muslim S o ciety: O rd e r an d C onflict in P a k is ta n ', C am bridge U n iv e rsity P re s s . B ailey , F .G . (19 7 2 ), C o n ceptual System s in th e S tu d y of P o litics, in R . A ntoun an d I. H arik ( e d s ) , 'R u ra l Politics and Social C han g e in th e Middle E a s t', In d ian a U n iv e rsity P re s s . B a r th , F . (1970), P athan Id e n tity and Its M aintenance, in F . B a rth ( e d . ) , 'E th n ic G roups and B o u n d a rie s: T h e Social O rg an izatio n o f C u ltu re D iffe re n c e ', Allen & U nw in, London. B a r th , F . (1 9 7 2 ), 'P olitical L ea d e rsh ip am ong Swat P a th a n s ', T h e A thlone P r e s s , London. B eteille, A. (1977), 'In e q u a lity among M en', Basil B lackw ell, O x fo rd . C oon, C .S . (1 9 5 2 ), 'C a ra v a n : T he S to ry of th e Middle E a s t', J o n a th a n C ap e, L ondon. E v a n s - P r itc h a r d , E .E . (1973), 'T h e S an u si o f C y re n a ic a ’, O xford U n iv e rs ity P r e s s . F o rte s , M. and E v a n s -P r itc h a r d , E .E . ( e d s ) (1970), 'A frican Political S y s te m s ', O xford U n iv e rsity P re s s . G e e rtz , C. (1 9 7 3 ), R eligion as a C u ltu ra l S y stem , in M. B anton ( e d . ) , 'A n th ro p o lo g ical A p p ro ach es to th e S tu d y o f R elig io n ', ASA M onographs 3, T a v isto c k P u b lic a tio n s, L ondon. G elln er, E. (1 9 6 9 a), 'S ain ts of th e A tla s ', VVeidenfeld & N icolson, London. G e lln e r, E. (1 9 6 9 b ), A Pendulum Swing T h e o ry o f Islam , in R. R o b e rtso n ( e d . ) , 'Sociology o f R e lig io n ', P e n g u in B ooks, H a rm o n d sw o rth . G ilsen an , M. (1 9 7 3 ), 'S aint and Sufi in M odern E g y p t', O xford U n iv e rsity P r e s s . H a rt, D.M . (1 9 7 6 ), 'T h e A ith W aryaghar of th e M oroccan R if', W en n er-G ren F o u n d a tio n , no. 55, U n iv e rsity o f A rizona P r e s s , A rizona. H itti, P .K . (19 7 7 ), 'H isto ry o f th e A ra b s ', M acmillan, L ondon. Home D e p a rtm e n t, G overnm ent of N orth-W est F ro n tie r P ro v in c e , T rib a l R esearch Cell (1 9 3 2 -5 ), 'Mohmand S itu a tio n ', File 220. L aw ren ce, T .E . (1 9 6 2 ), 'S ev en P illa rs of Wisdom', P en g u in M odern C la ssic s. L ew is, I.M . (1 9 6 9 ), C onform ity an d C o n tra st in Somali Islam , in 'Islam in T ro p ical A fric a ', O xford U n iv e rsity P r e s s .

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M ackenzie, D .N . (1 9 65), 'Poems from th e d e v a n o f K hushal Khan K h a tta k ', Allen & U nw in, London. M erton, R .K . (1 9 6 8 ), 'Social T h e o ry and Social S tr u c tu r e ', e n la rg e d e d n , F re e P r e s s , New Y ork. M iddleton, J . , an d T a it, D. ( e d s ) (1 9 7 0 ), 'T rib e s Without R u le r s ', R o utledge & Kegan P au l, London. P e ttig re w , H .R .C . (1965), 'F ro n tie r S c o u ts ', p u b lish e d C layton R oad, S e lse y , S u s s e x , E n g lan d . S p iro , M .E. (1 9 7 3 ), R eligion: Problem s o f D efinition and E xpla­ n a tio n , in M. B an to n ( e d . ) , 'A n th ro p o lo g ical A p p ro ach es to th e S tu d y o f R e lig io n ', ASA M onograph 3, T a v isto c k P u b li­ c a tio n s , L ondon. S rin iv a s , M .N. (1 9 6 6 ), 'Social C hange in M odern I n d ia ', U n iv e rsity o f C alifornia P r e s s . T av ak o lian , B .M . (1976), 'T he Role o f C u ltu ra l V alues and R eligion in th e Ecology o f Middle E a ste rn P a sto ra lism ', A n th ro p o lo g y UCLA, 8, USA. T rim ingham , J . S . (1973), 'T he Sufi O rd e rs in Islam ’, O xford U n iv e rsity P r e s s . W eber, M. (1962), ’T he P ro te s ta n t E thic and th e S p irit of C ap italism ’, A llen & U nw in, London.

NOTES ON THE CONTRIBUTORS

A k b ar S . Ahmed was re c e n tly V isitin g S c h o la r, D ep artm ent o f A n th ro p o lo g y , H a rv a rd U n iv e rs ity . He h as w ritte n e x te n siv e ly on th e P u k h tu n s , an d h is in te r e s ts a re Muslim so c ie ty , trib a l g ro u p s an d developm ent a n th ro p o lo g y . D r Ahmed b elo n g s to th e Civil S e rv ic e of P a k is ta n . He is c u r r e n tly D ire c to r G en e ra l, N ational C e n tre for R u ral D evelopm ent, Islam ab ad , and D ire c to r, C e n tre o f Social S cien ces and H um anities, U n iv e rsity G ra n ts Com­ m ission, P a k is ta n . V .N . Basilov is at th e I n s titu te o f E th n o g ra p h y , Academy of S c ie n c e s, Moscow, an d sp e cia liz es in C e n tra l A sian p eo p les' e th n o g r a p h y , Islam , a n d p re-Islam ic b e lie fs, esp ecially sham anism . He h a s d one most o f h is fieldw ork in Soviet C e n tra l Asia (p re d o m in a n tly T u rk m e n ista n and U z b e k ista n ). D r B asilov is th e a u th o r o f 'T h e C ult o f S a in ts in Islam ' (Moscow, 1970) and e d ito r a n d c o -a u th o r o f 'S u rv iv a ls of P re-Islam ic Beliefs an d R ites in C e n tra l A sia' (Moscow, 1975). Donald P . Cole is A ssociate P ro fe sso r of A n th ro p o lo g y at th e A m erican U n iv e rsity in C airo. He is th e a u th o r o f 'Nomads o f th e Nomads: T he Al M u rrah B edouin o f th e Empty Q u a r te r' (1975) an d o f num ero u s a rtic le s about th e bedouin an d social an d economic c h a n g e in th e A rab w o rld . F an n y C olonna te a c h e s sociology in A lg ie rs. She h a s w ritte n one b o o k , 'I n s titu te u r s a lg e rie n s , 1883-1939' (1975) an d h as c o n trib u te d p a p e rs to v a rio u s books an d jo u rn a ls . D r C olonna is a m em ber o f th e C e n tre N ational de la R e ch erch e S c ie n tifiq u e . Louis D u p ree b elo n g s to U n iv e rsities Field S ta ff In te rn a tio n a l an d is A djunct P ro fe sso r o f A n thropology a t P en n sy lv an ia S ta te U n iv e rs ity . His t h ir ty - f o u r y e a rs o f r e s e a r c h , p rim arily ab o u t A fg h a n ista n an d P a k is ta n , h av e r e s u lte d in o v e r 300 p u b lic a tio n s , in c lu d in g 'A fg h a n ista n ' ( f ir s t p a p e rb a c k editio n 1980). E rn e st G elln er is P ro fe sso r of P hilosophy at th e London School of Econom ics. In te rm itte n t fieldw ork in c e n tra l Morocco betw een 1953 an d 1961 r e s u lte d in 'S a in ts o f th e A tlas' (1969). His o th e r p u b lic a tio n s in c lu d e 'Muslim S o ciety ' (1981). P ro fe sso r G ellner is a Fellow o f th e B ritish A cadem y. 331

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D avid M. H art h a s done fieldw ork in Morocco and P ak istan an d h a s tra v e lle d e x te n siv e ly in th e A rab w o rld . His major in te r e s t is th e so c ie ty and h is to ry o f trib a l Islam . His p u b li­ catio n s in c lu d e 'Emilio B lanco Izaga: Colonel in th e R if' (1975), 'T h e A ith W aryaghar o f th e M oroccan R if: An E th n o g ra p h y and H isto ry ' (1976) an d 'D adda c A tta a n d His F o rty G ra n d so n s: T he Socio-P olitical O rg an isatio n o f th e Ait cA tta o f S o u th e rn M orocco' (1981). I.M . Lewis is P ro fe sso r o f A n thropology at th e London School o f Econom ics. His re s e a rc h h a s c o n c e n tra te d on th e social and p olitical in s titu tio n s o f th e p eoples o f th e H orn o f A frica and he h as v isite d th e re g io n re g u la rly sin c e 1955. His p u b lic atio n s in c lu d e 'P eoples o f th e H orn o f A frica' (1955: r e v . ed 1969), 'Social A n th ro p o lo g y in P e rs p e c tiv e ' (1976) and 'A M odern H isto ry o f Somalia: N ation and S tate in th e H orn of A frica ' (1965; r e v . ed 1980). Magali M orsy is a le c tu r e r at th e U n iv e rsity o f th e S orbonne N ouvelle ( P a ris ) who h as sp ecialized in th e s tu d y o f Morocco a n d p u b lis h e d s e v e ra l books on its h is to ry an d civ iliz atio n , am ong them 'Les A h an sala' (1976), 'Une L e c tu re du Maroc au 18e siecle' (1982) an d 'A H isto ry o f N o rth A fric a , 1800-1900' (fo rth c o m in g ). S te p h e n L. P a s tn e r is A ssociate P ro fe sso r o f A n thropology and D ire c to r, A sian A rea S tu d ie s a t th e U n iv e rsity o f V erm ont. He h as d one fieldw ork in P a k is ta n , E thiopia a n d th e C a rib b e a n . E m rys P e te rs is P ro fe sso r o f Social A nth ro p o lo g y at M an ch ester U n iv e rs ity . He h a s done e x te n s iv e fieldw ork am ong th e C y ren aican b e d o u in , on a T rip o lita n ia n olive p la n a ta tio n , in a Muslim S h i'ite village in S outh L ebanon an d in a M aronite C h ris tia n village in C e n tra l L ebanon. P ro fe sso r P e te rs is a form er P re s id e n t o f th e B ritish Society fo r Middle E a ste rn S tu d ie s . R ich ard T a p p e r is L e c tu re r in A nth ro p o lo g y w ith re fe re n c e to th e Middle E ast a t th e School o f O rien ta l a n d A frican S tu d ie s , London U n iv e rs ity . He h as done e x te n siv e field re s e a rc h in I r a n , A fg h a n ista n an d T u rk e y . B ahram T avakolian is A ssociate P ro fe sso r an d C h a irp e rso n o f th e D ep artm en t o f Sociology /A n th ro p o lo g y a t D enison U n iv e rsity G ra n v ille , O hio. He is also a V isitin g P ro fe s s o r o f Middle E a s te rn E thnology at Ohio S tate U n iv e rsity .

INDEX

ab ayzam zam , 315 c A b b a sid s, 53 A bbaskhan* 238-9 c Abd al-A ziz Ibn Sac u d , 183 c Abd al-K rim , 72, 77-8 c Abd al-W ahhab A l-M ansur, 64 cA bd-M anaf, 328 c Abda tr ib e , 90, 92 °A b d a l-Q a d ir, 108, U 3 A bdul Hakim, Mian, 322 c A b d u llah , H ajji, 315 c A bdullähi Y ü sif, fiaaji, 141 A b d u r R ahm an, 281, 287-8 A bès, M. , 96, 101 A b o rig in e s, A u stra lia n , 172 A bü B a k r ibn cAbd Allah a l- c A y d a rü s , 138 A bu B ak r S a d d y k , 220-1, 225-6 A b u -l-g a z i, K hiva K han, 221 A d h e rb a l, 42 cA d n a n , 177 a d o p tio n , 143-7 a d u lte r y , 276-7, 285 A far tr ib e , 127-8 A fg h a n ista n , 3, 14, 249, 251, 257-63, 303; S h eik h anzai nom ads, 287-301 A frid i, O .K ., 10, 17 Agao tr i b e , 149, 151 A g e ro n , C . R . , 123-4 A g h as, 261-2, 292 a g n a te s , 194-5 a g r ic u ltu r a lis ts : in A fg h a n ista n and P a k is ta n , 257, 273, 288, 296, 327; am ong B edouin, 198-9, 205-6; in I r a n , 248-9, 251; in Morocco, 93-4; in Som aliland, 129, 140, 142-7, 153 agu rra m , 44, 57, 323-4 ca h d , 137 Ahm ad, A . , 319, 329 Ahmad A b d -al G h affar Muhammad, 247, 263 Ahmad B ey, 113 Ahmad ib n I d ris a l-F a s i, S a y y id , 139 Ahmad u A hm ad, 34 Afimadiya ta rfq a , 138-9, 157 Ahm ed, A .\ 302, 308 A hm ed, A .G .M ., 9, 17 Ahm ed, A .S ., 1, 5-11, 15, 17, 293-4, 310-11, 320, 322

°A isaw a o r d e r , 62 Ait c Abdi t r ib e , 31-2 Ait CAtta tr ib e , 70-1, 78-86, 88, 92, 94 Ait Yafalman tr i b e s , 71, 79 Aith W aryaghar tr ib e , 70-8, 81, 88, 92, 94 a k h ir zam an , 303 Akhmed Y assav i, 227, 234 A k h sa n -b a b a , S h e y k h , 227 a k h u n . 230 A khund o f S w at, 9, 11-12, 302 A k h undzada Sacid , 323 a l- ca sa b iy a a l-w a h id , 195 al-G h azzali, 108 al-H a d d a d , S h a ik h , 108, 111 a l-J ila n i, 141 aï-m addâri, 138 a l-M u q q ran i, 109, 111 Ä l-M urrah tr ib e s , 171-86, 250-1 A l-N uw ayri, 43 a l-Q u tb a r-R a b b a n i, 138 a l-c U q b i, 110 al-w asH , 137 ala q a , 150 cAlawi d y n a s ty , 52-3, 55, 58-63 A lg eria, 14, 106-26 cA li, 220-1, 225-6, 236, 315 Ali K u rre , S h a ik h , 143 cAli Maye D u ro g b a , S h a ik h , 139-40, 157 A llah, 149, 154-6, 291, 294, 319; see also God A lla h v erd i, 237 a lleg ia n ce, 56-7 alliance: and d e s c e n t, 169-86; po litical, 56-7 allow ances, 323 alm s, 7, 238, 291, 314 A lth a b e , G ., 121 am bok, 279 amghar y 41 Amin, M .A ., 17 A m irzada, 314 am u lets, 90, 192, 223, 294 a n c e s to r c u lt, 229 A n d e rso n , J .N . D . , 160, 162, 165 a n g e ls , 155-6 A nm ir, 315 A n n ak ly c h ev , S h ., 223, 240 333

334

Index

a n th ro p o lo g y , 9, 13-14, passim a p o s ta te s , 305 c Aqü ib n Abî T a lib , 130 A ra b -B e rb e r a x is, 67, 69, 91 A ra b -s p e a k in g tr ib e s : in Ira n and A fg h a n ista n , 248, 258; in Middle E a s t, 197; in Morocco, 68-9, 71, 86-8, 90-4 A r b e r r y , A .J . , 136-7, 162, 165 a rb itra tio n as political in s titu tio n , 39-65 arm s an d law , 112-14 arv a /c h , 232, 234 asabiya , 6 A sad , T . , 9, 13, 17, 187, 217, 247, 263 Asari, 316 A sh ra f g ro u p , 144 A sia, C e n tra l, 220-43 A sp in io n , R ., 96, 101 a s p ir a n ts , 137 assim ilatio n , 147-8 A sw ad , B .C ., 4, 18 A ta T u rk m e n , 222-3, 227, 230, 233-4 A ta tu rk , 120 Au H iitir, S a in t, 141 Au M äq, S a in t, 141 Au Q utb ibn F a q ih , c U m ar, 142 Aubin,* E . , 90, 100-1 autonom y: of relig io u s s p h e r e , 118-19; o f S h e ik h a n z a i, 297, 299 a v u n c u lo c a lity , 289 Aw B a rk h a d le , S h a ik h , 157, 162 Awês, S h aik h , 140 c A w raba tr i b e , 53 A y a c h e , G . , 65 Aymak p eo p le, 258 c A y n iy a, 62 a za n , 319-20, 325, 326 Bà c Alwf c la n , 144 b a d a i, 281, 293-4; see also re v e n g e B addi Addo tr ib e , 146 b a d sh a h , 322 B ad sh ah G ul, 312 B a e r , G . , 170, 185 B ailey, F .G ., 6, 18, 322, 329 b a k s h i , 239 B a la n d ie r, G ., 121 B aluch tr ib e s , 248-50, 284; Z ik ri, 320-9 B an n ab i, M ., 124 Banu Hilal t r ib e s . 55 B anu S alih, 64 b a r a k a , 29, 128, 136-7, 157-9, 192, 203 B a rc la y , H ., 170, 185 b a r g a s h ia g , 305 B arile, P . , 157, 167 b ar/cai, 303, 305-7 B a rn e s, J . A . , 2, 18 B a r th , F . , 18; on c a s te s , 173, 184;

on FBD m a rria g e , 170, 185; on Islamic id e n tity , 313; on p lu ralism , 172; on r itu a l, 187-218 p assim , 249-50, 256-7, 290, 293; on s a in ts , 6, 322, 324 B a rto ld , V .V ., 220, 239, 242 B asilov, V .N ., 15, 220. 241-3, 331 B a sse ri t r ib e , 187-8, 196-206, 248, 250-1, 256-7, 293-4 B a te s, D ., 247-8, 263, 296, 301 B a x te r, P .T .W ., 196, 205, 217-18 b a v ca , 56-7 b e a r d s , 310-12, 314 B e attie, J . , 95, 101 bedouin tr ib e s , 2, 4 -6 , 69, 71, 86-8, 169-217 p assim , 249-51, 302, 312-13 B eh n k e, R .H ., 187, 218 Beja tr ib e , 127 Bela, Imam o f, 326 B ela, Mian o f, 322 b e lie v e rs , 53, 57 Ben B a rk a , M ehdi, 33-4 b e n e d ic tio n , 229 B e n et, F . , 302, 308 B e rb e r tr ib e s , 4, 6, 24-41, 68-90, 302, 323 B e rg e r, M. , 126 B e rq u e , A. , 122, 124 B éte ille , A ., 321, 329 Bin B a d is, 110-12, 114, 122 B ird se ll, J . , 277 B lack-M ichaud, J . , 249, 263 blad }-makhzar\, 67 b l a d - s - s i b a , 67 blood fe u d , 281, 293-4; see also w ar­ fa re B o h annan, P ., 95, 101 B o isse v ain , J . , 124 B okhara e m ira te , 220 Book, see Q u r'an B o rn s, A . , 221, 240 B oulifa, S .A ., 99, 101 B o u rd ie u , R ., 123, 125 b o u rg eo isie , 110, 112, 114, 118-20 B o u sq u e t, G .- H ., 96. 101 B ra e u n lic h , E ., 5, 18 B ra h u i tr ib e s , 304 b r a v e r y , 294 b rid e p ric e , 279, 286 B rockelm ann, C ., 162 b ro th e rh o o d s: in A lg eria , 107-11, 115-18, 121; in Morocco, 60-1; in P a k ista n , 302; in Som aliland, 137 B row n, L .C ., 122, 125 Bu B aghla, S h a rif, 108 Bu H m ara, 77 Bu Mac z a , 108 B u la d is, 304 B u rc k h a rd t, J . L . , 187, 218 B u rk e . E .. 99-101 B urm a, 209

In de x

335

B u rto n , S ir R . F . , 142, 167 cam p s, 191-7, 200-4, 288-90, 295-6; see also nomadic p a s to ra lis ts C apdequi y B rie u , M ., 96, 101 c a ra v a n s , 196-8, 200, 204-7; see also nom adic p a s to ra lis ts C aro B aro ja, J . , 16, 18 c a s te s , 156, 173 C e n tra l A sia, 220-43 cerem o n ies, see ritu a ls C e ru lli, E ., 131-52 p assim , 160-3, 167 C h e lh o d , J . . 4, 18, 64 c h ie fs , see le a d e rs c h ik a sa g , 306 c h ild re n , 220-1 c h iU a y , 305 c h iv a lry , 294 c h o ri, 315 C h u rc h ill, W ., 9 circu m cisio n , 253, 325 c la n s, 68, 71-88, 175-6 c la ss : in A lg e ria, 107, 110, 112, 114-20; c a s te s , 156, 173 C la s tre s , P . , 39-40, 64 c le rg y m e n , 224-30; see also le a d e rs c lie n ts , 268, 274 C liffo rd , G ., 3 clim ate, 290 Cole, D .P . , 5-6, 18, 248, 313; on alliance an d d e s c e n t, 169, 174, 181, 186; on r itu a l, 187, 245-6, 250-1, 293 colonialism , see imperialism C olonna, F . , 106, 331 com m unities, re lig io u s, see e s ta b ­ lish m en ts co m p lem en tarity , 25-7, 80 c o n flic ts , see w arfare c o n s e n s u s of th e com m unity, 22-3 C oon, C . S . , 14, 18, 73, 97, 173, 184, 311 C ouleau, J . , 96, 102 C oulson, N . J . , 4, 18 c o u ra g e , 294 c o u s in s , 269; m a rria g e s b e tw e e n , 170-86, 200 c o v e n a n t, 137 c u ltu ra l g e o g ra p h y th e o ry , 245-6 c u ltu ra l r e s is ta n c e , 106-26 c u ltu ra l v a lu e s , 293-5 C u n n iso n , I . , 247, 264 c u r s e s , 322 C u sh itic re lig io n , in Som aliland, 127-8, 148-50 C y ren aican b e d o u in s, 2, 192-5, 205-9, 214, 249-50, 302 D aarood, S h a ik h , 147 D aarood t r ib e , 129-30, 133, 143, 158 D a b a rre tr i b e , 144

D adda cA tta , 78-9 Dame, 134 D a n a -a ta , 227 d a n c e s: in M orocco, 33-4; Shic a , 318-19; in Som aliland, 150-1, 157; T u rk m e n ia n , 221, 234 D aniel, N ., 13, 18 Dawi Mani tr ib e , 89, 91-4 Da w ood, 6 d a y s , nam es o f, 316 d e a th , 45, 151-2, 325 d e fe n c e , 294 Dem idov, S .M ., 240-2 D erqaw a o r d e r , 62 d e r v is h e s , 136, 228-9, 238, 303 D esa n g es, J . , 4, 18 d e sc e n t an d a llia n c e , in Middle E a s t, 169-86; see also lin e a g e ; p a tr ilineality D e sro c h e s, H ., 121 d e v ils , 260; see also jin n s d h i k r , 136-7, 157, 303 D hu' 1-Hijja, 253 D ickson, H .R .P ., 187, 218, 246, 264 D ig a rd , J . - P . , 249, 264 Digil tr ib e , 129-30, 133 d in , 324 D ir t r ib e , 127, 129-30, 133-4 d iv a n a , 228 D iw ana-i M ashrab, 234 d o c to rs , 150 d o c tr in e s , 136-7, 157, 228, 230-4, 303, 306 D o u g las, M ., 188, 218, 246, 250, 252, 292 D ra g u e , G ., 159, 165 D ra k e-B ro c k m an , R .E . , 162, 167