Islam in Kashmir: Fourteenth to Sixteenth Century 8190138502, 9788190138505

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Citation preview

I slam in Kashmir (Fourteenth to Sixteenth Century)

Or g ir I from UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

ISLAM IN KASHMIR (Fourteenth to Sixteenth Century)

Muhammad Ashraf Wani Professor ofHistef

University of Kashmir Srinagar

Oriental Publishing House Srinagar, Kashmir - 190 006

2004

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Firsl published 2004

0 Muhammad AshrafWani Published by the Oriental Publishing House Give-N-Takc Complex. opposilc Kashmir Universily Campus, Hazralbal, Srinagar, 190006. E -mail: [email protected] All righls reserved. No part oflhis publicalion may be reproduced, slorcd in a retrieval sys1em. or iransmitted in any form by any means wi1hou1 the prior permission in ,vri1ing ofOrienlal Publishing House. ISBN 8 1 -901385-0-2

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ChalNII � New Delhi 110 001,Ind ia .

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Contents

I

II Ill

rv

Pleface lnlrodudlon

I Iv

Search for New Sou'09S

1

Stages in the Spread of Islam

+4

Identifying the Roots of Conversion - II

135

Identifying the Roots d Conversion - I

n

V

Nature of Maas Conv.sion

231

VI

Sufism, Local Traditions and Islam in Kashmir

2-46

VII

Religious Identities in the Syncretic Environment

273

c:AKashmir

�-t L11q P«aiar'I andCetlll•Aliar'I sooa woo worked• milaawies ri Kaatwnw �-11: Some Kaahmlri KIDMencl� SOIia

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,6,ppendiK�II: Promilent RTlhla rJ Kahmt

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�-N: Famous l . Nock. Com·trsio11 · rlw Uld a11d the Xtw m Rebgio11Ji-0111 Al,xa11der the Grt,1110 · l11�11sllM ofH1ppa 10,ford Jy to the

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brought a band of his followers with him.159 He succeeded in wirming to his side the senior kha/ifa of the then prominent Kubrivl saint o f Kashmir, Shaikh lsmli'il Kubrivl, and the two influential noble families, Chaks and Rainas, \Wich considerably propped him up in his mission. 160 The khanaqah at Zadibal (Srinagar) coostructed in 102 l 501 1 61bccame the nerve centre of Shams al-Din 'lriqi's missioo. Mrr Shams al-Din 'lrlqi worked on many fronts simultaneously. He worked for promoting new conversions, reconverting the converts and recruiting adherents to his school of thought Among many converts \Wn by him, Tuhf aJ al- Ahbab makes special mention of one Srivar Bhatt of Shihlb al- Dinpur163 who, like Suhabhatta, also proved a ualot. He pulled down many temples and offered his services to 64 become muhaJasib to implement the Shar'iah.' Also, from TuhfaJ a/­ Ahbab and Bahiiristiin-i Shahl we learn that th� were a nlUllber of people who for world!� motives had been feigning to be Muslims, but were not actually so. 65 Besides, there were others who frequently switched over to Islam or Hinduism according to social or material conveniences. 166 For a missionary like Shams al-Din 'lrlqi such a court of Hasan Shih (14n-1484) of Kashmir. He arrived there in 1481 and stayed for about eipt yars (Sayyid 'Ali, ff. 211>-22•; Baharialiin-i SJtaht f. 28b). Being an envoy. he could not carry on his missionary activities openly. In order to p.epme

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the ground be. 1CCOrdin1 IO some contemporaries, became a disciple ofthe Kubrlvf Saint. Shaikh lsml'il. But be - secretly ac:tive and influenced Bibi •Ali Najlr, the khalifo of Shaikh lsml'il. with Shi'i beliefs (Sayyid 'Ali, f . 241, Tulifol aJ. Ahbiib p . 4). Oo his return IO Hertt. he - dismwed from service for rasons not lcnown (Sayyid •Ali f . 23b). This ultimately made Shams at-Din live with his preceptor, Shih Qlsim. Ill Ray. He was, ho-, uraed upon by Shih Qlsim IO piach the NOtt,alchshiyya order in Kashmir. And it - in response to this thM he mrived there for the second time in I SOI-I502 (TMhfal al-AltMb, pp . I, 14-17, 2425). For the f1ICt thll the Nllrblkhshiyya order - inftuenc:ed by Shi'ism. NOralllh Shusbtari, Mojolu ol-Mu',n/nin, Tebno 129911882, pp. 31S-l7. Ibid., pp.3, 12-13. Ac:airding t o a cootanporlry aource, Bibi 'Ali Najjlr, tbe kl,a/ifa of Shailtb hml'il Kubrtvf, handed o- his disciples includin& Ghlzi Cbak and many och!r nobles to Shams al-Dfn (Sayyid 'Ali, ff . 23a-24a). It seems 1h11 Shamas al-Din 'lrlqJ bad already influawed MOsa Raina, a powaful noble, during his first visit Thal is why he extended his fuUest support to him, and gave him financial help IO c:arry on bis mission besides • piece of land at Jadibal (Srinagar) IO build a /chanoqah, (Tuhfal o lAltbab, pp.29- 37). Ibid., p . 64. For details about the khanoq6h and its activities, see Tulifol al-Altbab, ptmbn. Ibid., p. 194. Ibid., pp . 19S-96. Ibid., pp. 210-20. Also see &MrWIJn-i-ShlW, fr. 43ab.

163 164 165 166 Ibid.

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situation was reproachful . According to him. any one MIO had once embraced Islam could not revert to his earlier faith. Thus, if be came across any instance of re-conversion he considered it apostasy 167 811d, therefore, liable to be punished. However, imtead ofpunishing them be persuaded them to re-embrace Islam In this way be is said to have considerably promoted conversion.161 And, in order to emur,e irreversible conversion Mir Shams al-Din 'lrlqI got the convats cimmcised, made than eat cow's meat md .,,..t I ti:adlrr b each village md QIB1a" forteachiug 1he Qw'llo aod Islamic fundarneotals. 169 At the same time Mir Shams al-Din 'lrtqI was unhappy over the continuities of the shibboleths of pre-conversion times and the Muslim community's ignorance of the Shari'ah. 170 To his great dismay, be found the women follc still practising idolatty171 and many converts without circumcision. 172 He called a meeting of the upper sec:tioos of Srinagar (khawfii,ah wa arbabi Shahr) and urged them to learn and practise Islam.1 He got many famous personalities of the time circumcised as they had not performed this Sunna at the time of their conversion.174 Interestingly enough, he is perhaps the first missiooary to lay emphasis on \\'Ol'ldng among women follc for ol>taining meaningful conversion. 175 Mir Shams al-Din also built many mosques and appointed imams in different villages.176 It was also intolerable for a 7.ealous MU$lim preacher like Mir 'lrlqI to see people openly indulging in drink and dance u was a normal feature of Hiocru _. festivals.177 Mirzl Haidar Dughlat,171 a Central Asian invader, MIO conquered the Valley and ruled it for about ten years (1S41-1SSI), was also disquieted by the ne\W of oommon people's ignorance of the funda-

167 168 169 I 70 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178

Ibid., pp. 211-222 Ibid. Ibid., pp. S7, 191-92. 193, 200-223. Ibid., p . 2�20l. Ibid., 213 sqq. Ibid. Ibid., pp 219-20. Ibid., pp 220-222. Ibid., 213 aqq. lbid.,pw.slM. Ibid., pp . 111-116. For decails about Mini Haidll" Dupl•, - TarW.-1 Ra,lddl (UD), mlr\\dl !Clion . Abo- Mobibbul H-. K;;;IJ111r U,,,.,. 1M S""-1. pp. 125-144.

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meutals o f Islam and their nominal conversion.11 9 To win ,.....ningful conversion to Islam, Mil'7ll Haidar appointed a qazi and a lffllhatasib in each pargana to see that the Muslims offered prayers, observed &st and lived like Muslims. 180 Besides, be also appointed a •eacba' (mu'a/im� in each village for imparting religious education to Muslim children. 11 However, in spite of being zealous for ohlainiog real conversion to Islam Mini Haidar carries notoriety for being intoleaant towards Shi'is.112 Though his anti-Shi'i dispensation was, without � doubt, goaded by his desire to gain a political mileage out of it, 1 nevertheless, it sowed the seeds of dissensioo between the Sunnis and the Shi• is with sinister implications. With the introduction of Shi'ism, especially after Mim Haidar flared up sectarian passions, the Muslim religious leadership got split into two calJlJ)'I, each desperately trying to win converts to reinfon:e its oumerical strength. Besides having a host of learned 'ulama' to buttress the faith among its followers, Shi'ism also got political patronage with the rise of Chaks t o power io 1561 114 who ruled Kashmir till its mmexation by the Mngbals io 1586. Suonism wu fostered by the presence of a host of veteran saint-scholars, namely, Shaikh Falah Alllh, Sayyid Ahmad KirmAnI, Bibi Mas'ud (Narwar Sahab), Sayyid Jamil al-Din Bukhlri, Shail-24. Shaikh Hamzah MakhdOm was bOfn in 1494 at village Tuj• in Baramulla district. He received his education from Shaikh Flllha Alllh Hlfiz, Maulana Darwish and Maulana Lutuf Alllh. Finally he became the disciple of Sayyid Jamil aJ. Drn Bukhlrf, � initiated him into the SuhnlWMdl' order. Da6lir al - Sa/ild,i, (Urdu tr. under the title, Hirdlt aJ. Mllhibut by Mohammad Tyub Siddiqi), Vol. I, pp . 44, 4S,

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mw•tcASS I bii!welf bean and soul to the cause of Islam besides being pious and srifih•lly elevated. He revitali:md the Sulnwardl order i.n Kastnrir, and as a true Suhrawardi worked as an active missionary and a ausadcr of pwitan Islam. lfis missiooaiy activity revolved mainly round bis atta•q• to reorient the souls of the M111lim hy inspiring them to follow Islam both in letter and spirit. To achieve this end he took many steps besides giving homilies to the D>1MCS MlO thronged to him daily. Having considered the significance of the mosque as an important institution for lslMDizing the Muslim society, the Shaikh laimched a movement .of building a mosque in each villagc. 117 Aud to aeate popular colbnsiasm in this regard he himselfset out for consttucting mosques and built many at different villages.,a It is, therefore, not surprising to sec building of mosques bt£oming one of the main activities of the Suhrawardis119 MlO wielded f:8! influence in Kashmir for about l\W centuries afte3- Shaikh Hamnh. 90 Secondly, like other great preacbeas of Islam, the Shaikh assigned the work of prca,:bing and teaching of Islam to bis lellned kh,Jq/a MlO in -accordance- with bis wishes settled at diffa'mtflaccs of the Valley to liiltill d:lc won: n,igned tn tbean bytheir m11nhid.19 It is also il:upOitm to mention that Shaikh Hamnb did not compm1ne OD mytbing that did not accord with the Shari'ah. He re­ jected instrumallal music, as he regarded it forbidden by the Sharl'ah. ,vi To JUF un-lslami-?lb; Hidllyat of. M-,.1u1n. ff 127ab; bnJr al Abra,, f 131b). He paned away in May 1576 mc1 is buried Clll lhe llopeof!Olb-i-Mlrlll in Sriaapr. 117 Doalllr al - U/111,i, V!JL D, pp . 7�. 111 Ibid. 119 Ibid., p . 80. Bibi Dl'lld ICblkJ quota die uyinp o( Ille Ptc,pbd with a view 111 cralC a,1husiaml -a the 1lllrib and aeaenl pop11lace in favow o(CCJllllruCling mosques (ibid). It - 1mder the influence of the Suhrawlrdfs' emphasis on Ghlzl, the illUSlrious lfflril of CCNISlruc:ting mosques that we find BibiNulb al Din Bibi Dl'Od. pursuing viaon,usly the mission o( laying down the foundalions of mosques in diffilu• �illages o(the Valley. Mubamlllld .O.'z:lm Didmna,\ WlJql'at-1 Kaaltmir,p. 296. 190 Ibid., pp. 236-50. 191 1bus, for example. Mir Sayyid Haidar scctled It Tulmul, Hasan Qllf 111d lshlq QM It l:{ardushiv, Sbaikh Ahmad It Cblpl md 'Ali Raina II Tujar. 192 Once on his way Ill offer pra)'e'S, Shaikh Hamzah incidentally '-II imlnmmllal naie. Upon Ibis, be pedoin.ed his ablutions afresh became be bad ...t 'a bbidden pnctjce'. Dtutw of. S.tllkln, op . cit, Vol. D, p . 7 . 73 63; Cl,Jlcltllal ol-

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by the folk.193 The Shaikh also persuaded bis disciples to do manual labour and live oo their own eamings.194 Shaikh flamnh's wont was carried on by bis most prominent disciples, namely, Bibi Dl'iid Khlkl, Khawlja Hasan Qin, Shaikh Ahmad ChlglI, Bibi Haidar Tulmull, Khawlja l sblq Qiri, Bibi 'Ali Raina, Khawlja Mfram B•dz, Bibi HardiRishi, and a host ofothers. An equally important con1noution of Shaikh Hamz.ah and his disciples was the enrolhnent of the Ri.shis in the Suhrawardr order,195 'Mlich bad a prof0tmd bearing on the subsequent history of Islam. While on the one hand it bridged the gulf between the Rishis and the 'ulamii •• and finally assimilated the Rishis into Islamic mysticism, it, oo the other, influenced the Suhrawardr order, 'Mlich for obvious reasons sought to focus on seeking identity between Rishi and SIUT traditions. Needless to emphasize, the Ri.shis• extreme asceticism had caused a serious wedge between the Rishis and the 'ulamii'.1 " This crisis was resolved by Shaikh Hamzah \WCll he succeeded in enrolling some leading Rishis in the Suhrawardi order; and persuaded them to shun extremities like retiring to jungles, abstaining from meat eating and subsisting on wild herbs. 197 Although initially the enrolled Rishis took meat just once in their lives,191 a dramatic change is, however, observed in different spheres of their cnt\mile life style. We now find them leading an active life. For instance, Hardi Rishi, who entered into the discipleship of Shaikh Hamzah and was considered Sultan al-Auliya' (king of saints) during his period,199 not only earned bis own livelihood by actively pursuing agricul!W'C,200 but he also exhorted his disciples to take up the profession for an hooest living.201 This shift in the practices of the Rishis proved a major breakthrough in setting in motion the process of drawing them in the orbit oflegal and social framewodc ofIslam. However, since the primary preoccupation of Shaikh Hamm was to enroll the Rishis for their ultimate absorption in the Suhrawardi order. 193 Ibid., Vol. D. pp . 76-78. 194 ClrilcJulataJ-'.lrljin. ff . 20a, 21a. 195 Of the most promina>t Rishis who entered into the discipleship of Shaikh HIIIIDh were. Shankar Rishi, ROpT Rish.i and HardT Rishi. Bibi Dl'lld Khlkl, lwlri- n4ma. If. 178, 192, 219a. 196 See Blbl-Naslb, Rulri- nama, ff. I 84ab, 185a. 197 Todlwrat al- 'Ari/in, op. cit., ff. 264ab. 198 Ibid 199 Haidar Tulmuli, Hld4yat al- Mllkhluin, f . 77b. 200 Khlti.lwlri- nama, f 58a. See also Mulrk4tl, op. cit. f. 1oI a. 201 Bibi Naslb, op. cit., f . JOIa; MulrJui.i, f . 84a. 74 D1g1t 1zeo by

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ISUIIMKAS,111111 he did not put f0r1h conditions that \WU!d have studc in their gizzards. Instead, all etl'o!ts were made to seek affinity between Islam and those Rishi practices, \Wlich titted in the broader framework of the Siifi belief system - control ofnaft (zabl'i naft). In this regard the advocacy of Bibi Di'iid Khaki, the saint-scholar and illustrious khalifa of Shaikh Hamzah. of � etarianism and rejection of family life by the Risbis is WOl1hy of note. Although Khila"'s overemphasis on showing Islamic idauity of Rishi practices was dictated by the pressures of the peA:uliar circumstances of Kashmir, nevertheless it influenced the Subrawardi � and thereby Islam in Kashmir. Of the most reputed saints of the SuhrawardJ-Rishi syncretic phase to have done a good deal of \Wrlc for sedcing practical conversions during the late sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century was Biibi NBSl'"b al-Din Glim, the distinguished disciple of Bibi Di'Od Khaki. While liYing an extremely austere life,* he \Wrlced as an active missioomy. He toured different parts of the Valley with the main purpose of creating the Shari 'ah consciousness among the �le, \WO, in spite of being Muslims, still carried out l Dllslamic practices. He is also famous for having laid foundations for mosques in several villages, repaired many dilapidated ones206 and dedicating himself to the cause of the poor for \Wicb be earned the title, Abu'/ Fuqara (father of the poor).207 In bis \Wrlc for a-eating an Islamic ambience in the true sense Bibi NBSl'"b was supported by bis devoted followers, numbering three to foll! bundred.lOI While the Muslim preachers were busy in the process of conw:rsioo, seeking recruits for their respective schools of thought and imparting ko:Miedge of the Shari'ah, the cultl.nl dominance of Islam, \\inch inaeased with each passing day, gave a tremendous impetus to facilitating the process of Islamic acculturation and voluntary conversions. No wonder that a Sanskrit chronicler of late fifteenth century Kashmir !amens over brahmana boys' &scination for Islam and contempt for Brahmanism: Sons are now fond of the Mausulas (Muslims), and are ashamed b\ follow the Shastra which was followed by their fathers and grand­ fathers. Men of four castes had graced the kingdom In former days, 202 Kblkl, Qa.rida ·; I.Amiyya (published by lclanh-i-Sultlnt, Srinapr UDclcr the title Harde Ruh,) pp . 54sqq. 203 For details see lshaq Khan, op. cit., pp . 151-160. 204 Wllql'at-1 Ktulunir, If. 99ab. See Ibo lsbaq Khao, p p . 155-159. 205 Ibid. 206 Ibid. 207 lbid. 208 Ibid., see also Todhkira-1-ArJ/ya-1 Ktulunlr, o p . cit., p . 176.

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but lauerly tbe people had gnidually adoptc,d blwblc praclices, 111d the ...e,emoa.ies prescribed for special days in the Purlaal cwmc to be forgotten year by yea. Why lhou1d not lbc people wbOle custom is bad lllffer cwlami��

209 Srivara. pp . 319-320.

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3 : Identifying the Roots of Conversion-I

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hile the details of the causes of conversion have been left to the following Section, here we will attempt to answer a few related and no less crucial questions: Can the complex question of conversion to Islam in Kashmir be answered by following a mono­ causal approach? What was the religious milieu of Kashmir at the time it encountered Islam? Was religion a static bwidle of attitudes, beliefs and practices which could not be reformulated, changed or challenged? Or was it porous and fluid bowided by no fixed conceptual frontiers? Was the society ideologically homogeneous or heterogeneous? To what mental realm did the common people belong? What was the nature of the pre-Sultanate polity? Was it posited to bring religious changes with the change of rulers? And how far is the 'force theo!y' a piau.g"ble explanation for coovasion to Islam inKashmir'? Need for Contextual Multi-factor Analysis: In view of the variegated genetic make up of the humans, the cultural variability between different groups of the society, the complexity of social life and the specified situations in· which conversions took place in Kashmir, no single category of 'causes' can help explain the involved question: How Kashmir became a mass Muslim society. It seems, therefore, in the fitness of things that instead of chasing after a mono-causal approach we may, in search for more satisfactory answer, do better if we adopt contextual multi-factor analysis and ask the question: What kind of factor-mix, in specified situations, resulted in this development? After all, in many cases conversions were won by the interplay o f religious, social, economic, political and psychological factors; i n many others a particular factor or a set of factors weighed more against the other; and what factor or set of factors weighed with one group it did not necessarily, and quite often did not, operate in the case ofthe other group. Let us see how. Any attempt at explaining a religious change or for that matter any attitudinal or social change inter alia presupposes disputing with the D1g1t 1zeo by

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questionable assumption of psychic unity of hU"laolcind It is now more than clear, thanks to the recent findings of the scientists, that gmes influence personality: there are individual genes that affect particular traits and the genetic make-up of the individuals is not uniform. A recent study has identified a gene that unravels why some people are impulsive, excitable, quick-tempered an d extravagant; and why some people tend to be reflective, rigid, loyal, stoic, slow to anger and frugal. I Although the scientists have now fmnly established the relationship between genetic make up and behaviour of humans, it has been an age-old belief of the collective consciousness of the Kashmiri society that human behaviour is largely governed by innate pre­ dispositions. The paramotmt role of genetic make up in determining the behaviour of the individuals figures prominently in the body literature of Kasluniri folklore which contains much thought out and empirically drawn lessons, put forth by the collective mentality after sustained experiences over the centuries. There are many terms, idioms and proverbs 1mderlining the importance of genetic make up in tnnnan behaviour. The terms like a 'dran, khambir, fltrat and miziij , are frequently used to denote variations in the genetic make up and the consequential differentiation in the behaviour pattern of different individuals. If one tries to know why different people respond differently to a given stimulus or why there is a variability in the attitudes and behaviour patterns of different people, pat comes the reply, "It is because different people are of different a 'dran (literally, a compotmd of different materials), lchamb'ir (Persian /cham'ir meanmg dough), fitrat (nature), miziij (temperament)". There are also many proverbs showing not only the awareness of people about the individual genes that affect particular traits but also the masterly role of them in determining human behaviour. For example, kiinih achh wuzih kyah nindarih? (What will rouse the blind eye from sleep?).2 When the Siifi saints say that none can lead a S1ltl path unless he is divinely chosen for it (which they call hidiiya1),3 they, too, by implication, mean that the

2 3

These findings have i-. publiJbed i n Che journal, NoJwr, CHMl/c.J, New Yen, ill ib Jlllllll)' 1996 issue. However I have borrowed 1his information 6om TM TmN3 ofIndia. New Delhi. which briefly repocted these findlqp in ils 11111111)' 6, 1996 issue ill i.1S 6page artick. temporary sources say about Sultlo Sikaodar's religious policy and how far it is correct to aa:ept the evidence, as it has come down to us, at its face value. Needless to say, we have two contemporary/near contemporary 'representations' of what occurred during the reign ofSultlo Sikaodar­ ooe represents the briihmana position and the other the fanatic view of a section of Muslims.The briihmana viewpoint is represented by Jonarlja, the contemporary chronicler, and the Muslim .zealots' view by 203 Kou!, p.49.

204 WIiier Lawnnce, op. cit., p. 191. 205 W . Haig, "ChNJnology 11!'1 Genealogy oflhe Mublmmodm Klng.1 ofKdmir". Jowrno/ oftlw RoyalA,iatic Socicly, No . xv, 1918. 206 W.Haig (ed.), Cambridg, Hutory ofIndia, vol. ill, p . 211. 207 Hmny Seoda, p. 16.

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the Persian sources, written not less than three hundred years after Sultln Sikandar. It may, however, be mentioned at the very outset that while both the categories of sow-ces refer to the razing down of temples during his reign none mentions that the Hindus were given the options of "death, conversion or exile" as the tradition makes us believe; nor is there any mention of only "eleven families of briihmanas" surviving the 'forced conversions'. These are the myths 'Mlich were woven to alter the history to meet the commWlity demands. To put the records straight, we quote Jonaraja verbatim with regard to the • forcible imposition of Islam' during the Sultin's reign: Suhabhatta who disregarded the acts enjoined by the Vedas, and was instructed by the mlecchas, instigated the king to break down the images of gods. The good fortune of the subjects left them, and so the king forgot his kingly duties and took a deligltt, day and nigltt, in breaking images... There was no city. no town, no village, no wood where Suha the Turushka left the temples of gods unbroken.. Of the images which once bad existed, the name alone was left; and Suhabhatta then felt the satisfaction which one feels on recovering from illness. Suhabhatta with the leaders of the army tried to destroy the castes of the people... The Brahmans declared that they would die if they lost their castes and Suhabhatta subjected them to a heavy fine because they held to their caste. At the time when his dependants who belonged to the Brlhmana and other castes fonook their caste, ambitious to obtain the favour of the king, Shri Simba 111d Bhattakasthuta, two merchants, hecame worthy of praise, and Shri Ninnmalachatyyavaryya deserved praise in the three worlds... by not accepting the ldng's favour to pollute his own caste. It is an established rule, that the master is responsible for the fault of his servant, and, therefore, for the fault of Suhabhatta Death hecame angry with the king. Having coronated his eldest son, king Shekandhara [Sikandar] died on the eigltt lwiar day of Jaishtha, in the year 89 .211 The following points emerge from the above account given by the poet-chronicler: I.

Subabbatta (the neo-convert Prime Minister of Sultin Sikandar Mio embraced Islam at the hands of MTr Muhammad Hamdanl) is squarely held responsible for influencing the mind of the Sultln in favour of the forcible imposition of Islam.

201 Jmmija, pp . S�I.

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2. Suhabhatta received the support of the "leaden of the army" in his actions. 3. Suhabhatta asked the brahmanas either to accept Islam or pay a " heavy fine". 4. The bruhn,anas in general agreed to pay 'fine' rather than to embrace Islam. 5. Many bruhmanas and other castes embraced Islam "ambitious to obtain the favour of the king". 6. Many bruhmanas and others stuck to their religion resisting the temptation of favours promised. 7. Suhabhana destroyed "all the temples of the gods". Thus the most significant point that is emphasised by Jonarija is that the neo-converts \\lel'C in the vanguard of the 'f�ible imposition of Islam'. These neo-converts were not the ordinary people, but comprised the hereditary land-owning aristocracy who ruled the different parts of the Valley and formed the nobility o f the period. Besides Suhabhatta who was the Prime Minister of the Sult!n, we also hear of 'leaders of the army' joining hands with Suhabhatta. These 'leaders of the army' were the heads of the dominant landlord tribes, namely, Lavanyas, Tantrians, Rainas, Magreys, Oars, Bhats, Niiyaks, etc., whom Kalhana calls by the generic term dan,aras.?09 They were so powerful that no ruler could afford to reign without enjoying the support of, at least, the majority of these tribes. And no wonder that the history of Kashmir from the eighth-ninth century onwards reeled under the political chaos created by them. leading to quick enthronement and dethronement of rulers. 210 Suhabhatta as well as these 'leaders of the anny• did not belong to the bruhmana caste;211 and as the bruhmanas had arrogated a superior position to themselves by claiming Aryan identity212 and were using religion and religious institutions to pressurise the rulers to subordinate the state to their personal interests213 two powerful but mutually antagonistic groups were created - bruhmanas on the one hand and hereditary land-owning tribes on the other. The resistance of dumaras (hereditary land-owning tribes) against the bruhn,anas' insatiable lust to control more and more lands led to a deep-seated 209 for dles are nearly all built oo the same plan. There is a square enclosure which in some places reaches the height of thirty gaz, wbile each side is about three huodred gaz long. Inside this enclosure there are pillars, and on the top of the pillars there are square capitals; oo the top of these again, are placed supports, and most of these separate parts are made out of one block of stone. Oo the pillars are fixed th e support, of the arches, and each arch is three or four gaz in width. Under the arch are a hall and a doorway. Oo the outside and inside of the an:h are pillars of forty or fifty gaz in height, having supports and capitals of one block of stone. Oo th e top of this are placed four pillars of one or two pieces of stone. The inside and the outside of the halls have the � of two porticoes, and these are covered with one or two stones. The capitals, the ornamentation in relief, the cornices, the 'dog tooth' work, the inside covering and the outside, are all crowded with pictures and paintings, which I am incapable of describing. Some

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represent laughing and weeping fipres, which astound the beholder. In the middle is a lofty throne of hewn stone. and over that, a dome made entirely of stone, which I cannot describe. In the rest of lhe world there is not 10 be seen. or heard of, one building like this. How wonderful 1ha1 there should (here) be a hundred and fifty of them.225 The existence of temples belonginito the Hindu rajas of Kashmir is further substantiated by Abu'I Fazl2 and Jahangir. Jahangir, who visited Kashmir many a time, records i n his Tuzuk: "The lofty idol temples which were built before the manifestation of Islam, are still in existence, and are all built of stones, which from foundation to roof are 227 large, and weigh 30 or 40 maunds, placed one on the other". It is interesting-to note that although Mirzl Haidar records the existence of at least ISO prominent temples in Kashmir (which he obviously got counted during his rule),and even if he personally visited many temples and noted on the spot their architectwal details, he, too was, however, enthralled by the contemporary fashion o f hamming up Sultan Sikandar as a b u tshikan(idol breaker) for having "destroyed all 221 Overwhelmed by the misplaced enthusiasm of the idol temples". time, he forgot that this reckless statement contradicted his own­ recorded details about the existence of I SO temples. True, the Persian chroniclers played no less a role in perpetuating the myth of wholesale destruction of temples. Yet there is a noticeable difference between the statements of Jonaraja and the Persian chroniclers. While the former attributes it to Suhabhatta, the latter give the 'credit' for it to either Sultln Sikandar or Mir Muhammad HamdlnT.229 The Persian chroniclers' predilection for Mir Muhammad HamdAni and Sultlin Sikandar are not difficult to seek. Given their Persianate background and relations ,vith the Sayyid it was consistent with the demands of their own milieu to project either Sayyid Muhammad Harndlini or Sultlin Sikandar as a ghazi; and not in any case the nco-converts as it would 22s Mm Haidar Duahlat, TdrWt-i Ra,ltldr, p.426. o. M. o . son capt,.., the popular. but purposely tutored. historical perccpciorl in Kuhmir sayi..,_ "Anyone \\ilo visits old or ruined temples anywhere in India is told by the pide or the priesls that the idols therein wac brolccn by Auranptb; similarly anyone who visits Mith places up the Jhel..n is summarily inlorrnJrity led tochaotic conditions affecting the whole populace. 247 I n A.O. 1320 Kashmir was subjected to a Mongol invasion led by ooe v ariously named as Zulju and Dalacha. The Mongol , amy which according to Jooarlja consisted of sixty thousand mounted force ravaged the Valley for eight mootbs, For the destruction caused by this Mongol invasion, see Jonarlja, pp.17-18; &Mru11Jn. I SMhi. ff. 5ab; Haidar Malik, pp, 35.

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Kashmir after the chaotic conditions created by the Mongal invasion,241 the aspirants for positions in the state apparatus had no other alternative but to sho\v loyalty to the ruler, who had emerged as the strongest po\ver of the ti,ne. Since Rinchana e1nbraced Islam im,nediately after he assun1cd po'-ver, the best dc1nonstration of their fidelity to him ,vas to identify themselves \,•ith hi,n in religious faith too. Thus the process of embracing Islam by the ruling elite that \Vas already set in motion crystallized with the capture of power by the Muslims. The noble family of Chandan, which had its stronghold at Lar for centuries together, ,vas the first t o embrace Islam. Although Rinchana had murdered Ramachandra, the then head of the tribe, his son, Ra,vanchandra who was appointed by Rinchana as his com,nander-in­ chief (and who had been given the 1nost covetous title - Raina), also embraced Islam along with the king.2�9 Rinchana then married his sister, Kota Rani.2� That Rawanchandra and Kota Rani compromised ,vith the murder of their father and became the family members of Rinchana is suggestive of the life preferences of the ruling class. With the establishment of the Sultanate in 1339, the trend of embracing the religion of the ruler increased, though for a long time the rulers sho\ved no zeal in converting people to Islam and the non-Muslims formed the core group of the ruling class. Seeing that Shah Mir had enough strength to become the ruler of Kashmir, the local noble families of Kashmir entered into matrimonial relations with him even though he ,vas only a noble then.is' The Hindu samantas (chieftains) to do so were the 'lord ofBhangila, Lord ofKota' and the most turbulent landed tribe, Lavanyas.252 Since the most po,verful tribes were generally holding the charge of vaisyas (medieval parganas) the lords mentioned here were understandably tribal heads. That these lords showed no reservations in giving their daughters to Shah Mir and his sons, but felt elated in so doing indicates that they too probably had embraced Islam. This is substantiated by the fact that besides Chandan, we find that Magreys and Damaras had embraced lsla,n much before the arrival of 248 Ibid., For Rinchana·s rise 10 power and Olher developments of his reign. see Kashmir U11dtr the Su/la11s. op.ci1... pp . 36-41. 249 BaMristim-i Shahi. f .7b; Haidar Malik, p.36. 250 Ibid , f. 6a. 251 JonarAja, pp. 26-27. 252 Ibid. Bllngila of Sanskrit choroniclers and 131!.ngil of Persian wri1ers was a voisyo (pargana) situated to south-west of Paraspor(modern Parihaspiir) (Rajotorangini, vii. 498n.) Kotta is an abbre\'iatcd form of Lohara-k011a (M.A.Stcin, Kolho11a ·s R6Jatorongin1. Vol.II. p.297 n.33).

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/$LAIi iN lm mid iudros, but also siXI)'- fOUI inlao-.y castes (Krishna Mot.an, &rly Medieval History ofKashmir, pp.211-12} The e.imrJe of inlennediary CIISleS betwm1 diffmot atSlleS can be lla1ha- subol••� by Ille division of the existing Pandit allM1Ullity ofKashmir inlo diff'aa• gotrm, � form b1doprnous groups. While 11,oe is no denying the fact 1h11 Kashmiri society wm divided m> row cas11es plus outcastes like dombils, cantlalm, etc., it is, i-, uue 1h11 lhll'e - no lllrict d,aaioe to the fcw--fold dassification and caste scgitgMioo ;,, practioe. as we find oocasionally low casleS occupying high positions (RiijOIOTOngini, V . 390 sqq; vii . 39-41, 203, 207-8, 285-291), high easies manying low castes (Ibid, v. 361-67) Mid only"°""* Mid ,:ando/ar beulg oonsidered impure (Ibid, v . 402). Tbot¢ not a rule, it alludes to considerable laxity in Casie S)Slan . Probably this phUld elevate their social and economic position without demanding much &om them; or because the new religion enjoyed the position o f reference group culture. There is IS In the contemporary soura,s of the sui- period lbere .-e some � pointing to thefact that some people coodudecl business oo lhe buis of llfUZllrlbah, ICCOrding to which the money-lender and lhe borrower wae lhe equal parmers ofthe profit and loss ofthe business which was condueled by lhe borrowes- t,y IC'ting .. die manaau of lhe proprietor of lhe money (Tadhldral al- "Ari/in. ff . 376b, 387a). That lbere is no such concept of co-pa1De:Bhip in tbe present clay Kubrnir and tblt the post-S,al!8D81e sources are also silmt about it, we may safely CGDClude that mlllliriboh did not find a favourible response in Kashmir 16 See Ko.Jhmlr Under the Su/tQIU, op.cit, pp. 194 sqq . 17 Tyn daleBiscoe, Kashmir in S""1ighl an dSnode, p . IOI. 234

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probably no need to labour the argument that mass conversion of any kind, especially in a aedulous society, could be won by means other than by having a discussion on philosophical, religious or fundamental. issues of life. Such society requires either winning over its leaders (at different levels) for winning the masses or spreading some piquant propaganda or rumour to create mass euphoria, or providing some cosmetic material benefits. Hence conversions at mass level are always flabby and, therefore, nominal. There is no denying the fact that the pious personalities and down to earth teachings of the Siifi exemplars attracted the people to Islam. But \Wat allured a common man t o Islam, be failed to follow it practically. It is a truism of human psyche that good is endeared even by the worst, but not necessarily changing their attitudes. This is exactly true of the mass converts won by the pious character and teachings of the Siifis. As stated in the previous Chapter, the conversion to Islam i n Kashmir was fundamentally a group conversion. When the tribal leader or the religious head or, at a lower level, the head of the family accepted Islam for Miatsoever reasons, he was followed by his v.nole tribe/ band of followers/ family, as the case would be, without demur. Similarly, the conversion of a ruler or a noble was followed by mass conversions. The fact is that the social organization of the time did not require the Muslim preachers to convince every single individual. They just needed to win only a few people for winning the v.nole society. Hence t o the general public, the conversion meant hardly anything save the deletion - addition of some ritual or rituals. Continuity of the old life-pattern would have been still more marked among those groups, v.nere the leader embraced Islam for purely material gains. The changelessness of the mentality and minimal compliance with the spirit of Islam was no less the result of the society's assessment of a religion in tenns of its saints' supernatural powers. The predilection and fetish for miracles gave primacy to the demonstration and exaggerated advertisement o f feats over preaching, teaching and suasion for reorienting the souls of the converts. Mass visits to saints was a commonplace phenomenon of the time but, baning a few, the people did not visit them for guidance on the right path, instead they hankered for miraculous solution of their mundane problems. 11 In effect, the society put the saints on the book; and consistent with the attitudes of the people they were left with no other alternative but to take recourse to the policy of 'v.nat works best'. This is v.ny most of 18 Ibid.

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the hagiographers have left out the details of the saintlin-ss of their saints and only focused on and even greatly exaggerated their supernatural powers. The reason is simple. After all, only the miraculous woven personality of the saint satisfied the medieval mind about the saintliness of d,,, saint, Connected to this i s the fact that the greatest preoccupation of the preachers was to win as many converts as possible within the shortest possible time, refraining from putting forth any bard pre-conditions. The demands we,c minimal. The observance of a few rituals was considered sufficient to distinguish the convert from his pre-conversion days and from those who opted not to change. In the beginning this small change was not even demanded and pressed for. Probably a simple profession of faith was considered sufficient for individuals to be Muslims. That is why we find many Muslims without circumcision and not observing fasts and offering prayers even as late as the socood half of the sixteenth century. 19 And it is also no wonder to find many of them not changing their pre-conversion names.20

Islam gained a foothold in the society that the process of lslamb:ation got a momentum with the spread of a network of khiinaqalu, madrmas and mosques together with the efforts of the preachers who settled in different places of the Valley. However, the 're-conversion movement' does not seem to have been launched with the same spirited zeal as was demollStrated for winning reauits to Islam. The most influential agencies of L,lamiution viz., khanaqiih, madrasa, and Jami' Masjid were mainly concentrated in the capital city. It i s in the sixteenth century that we find attempts being made by Mir Shamas al-Dtn 'Iraqi, Mini Haidar Dughlat, Shaikh IIamuh Makhdilm and later on by Blibl Naslb at-Dtn Ghlzl to mange imams for different villages to teach people the basic teoets of Islam and to persuade them to offer prayers and observe fasts.21 Yet, for want of effective '"lama' and effective institutional organisation, Islam remained only skin deep in villages. that the dominant majority of the village folk continued to remain ignorant of the fundamentals of Islam,22 to say least of practising them, alludes to the fact that only a few converts received instruction i n their new faith. The same is true of the maMeS of the capital city as well. However, their ignorance It

'

19 20 21 22

was only after

Tu/ifal al-Ahbab, pp . 220-222; Nir..,,.,_, ff. 415a-4l7a-b. Supra. pp . 28, 216 and note 526. Supra, pp. 70-72. This fact still holds good.

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emanated from the economic and attitudinal factors rather than the non-­ availability of means to acquire knowledge. Also, it seems that the great Sufi saints who had settled in different nooks of the Valley for preaching and teaching failed to have equally zealous, knowledgeable and pious successors to carry forward the mission of their preceptors. And gradually, the missionary movement of the pious Sufis turned into posthumous saints' cults whose tenor generally ran counter to the teaching and example of the venerated deceased masters. The sajjiida nishins (successors of spiritual authority), nearest disciples, mutwalis (administrators of the khiinaqiihs and its endowments) and khuddiim (servants of the shrines), whose role was crucial to carry through the mission bequeathed to them by their pir, developed a strong vested interest in the mass pilgrimages to the tombs and khiinaqiihs of the venerated deceased saints. After all. a pilgrimage was incomplete without offering nazr wo niyiiz at the sbrine.23 Ultimately the sajjiida nishins, mutwalis, khuddiim and the nearest disciples ended up with a band of custodians and managers of shrines to appropriate the income derived from the endowments and nazr wo niyiiz. Since the devotees visited tbe shrines for miraculous solutions. o f their worldly problems and as the material interests of pirziidiis, biibiis and rishis (generic terms used for the custodians of the shrines) were wedded to mass pilgrimages to their respective shrines, these custodians of the shrines threw the teachings of their pir overboard and just busied themselves in projecting the posthumous miraculous powers of the saints and the earthly benefits one would obtain by undertaking pilgrimages to their shrines, though, in the main, � E rojections militated against the doctrines and � of the saints. It may not be beside the point to mention here that with the successive conquest of Kashmir by the Mughals, Afghans and Sikhs the process of Islaroiution received a serious setback owing to the policy of rack-renting and drain of wealth of the new rulers.25 Besides, when a kingdom was annexed "the patronage to arts and letters offered

23 Tadhklrat al- 'Ari/in, f . 272b. 24 For first hand information in this regard, see Bernier, Travels In the Mughaf Empire, pp.414-416; Lawrence op.cit, pp. 286-89. 25 For rack-renting and drain of wealth during the Mugbal. Afghan and Sikh occupation of Kashmir, see Father Jerome Xavier, JRASB, Vol. XXIII. 1925. N o . I, P . 116; William Moorcraft, Travels, II, pp. 1 2 3 -125, 127, 235; G . T . Vigne, Travels, D. pp.118-19.

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,_Nl.,tcAV?M

by the local dynasty WU largely wi1hdrawn.J In the new cimanst� the peopl,i. weae reduced to such a pauperized condition that according to a 19th� European traveller they "are nothing better dum so many began. Thus while for a common man all about life was to grapple with hunger, the religious teachers lost inc:eoriv.,s to preach lsl•rn IDd to irnpan lslllllic education. Worse, the cruel regimes peuvnd the opportunist 'ulam'a' who bN;a•ne the ideologues of oppressi9n IDd exploitation. And those who could no t afford it. they either fled from the Valley or opted for escapism.21 From 1819 AD. oDWIIJ'ds the process of l,!mintil1D received a further setback when the new rulers, roosistcm with the medieval polity, rn•inly pertonised their own religion.29 Co!Dlnon men's ignorance of Arabic and Persian langueaes and co111eq11a.t} their igno,ance of religious ,cripCl?'es 111d religious litcnture not only ICCOUDted for • very s..peaficlal impact nf Islam upon 1han, but it made them depend upon others for religious knowledge 111d guidance without being able to check its IIUlhenticity. Since that w'IS no de.ath of fabricators who manufactured stories for vetted interests,JO the common man genenlly stood ill informed. This is also the reason thatthe masses tamed the didactic poetry of Shaikh Nik al-Drn as KiilhllT Qur'an (Qur'ln in Kasbrniri). for they could only unde-.stwd and reanernber this D1tSS8F, COIDJ)Oled U it WIS in their own ianglage. 26

See Tapm � "The Sllle 111d die Ealuoiu.1" in Tapm Raymauclluri ad lmn Habib (eds.), TM C� Ecott-lc Hutory ofhtdia, Vol. I. P. 114, for die ,; ... � of'IIN> tllllblilhmel•t of aapirw paspec:ti.-e ranarlts aboutthe ...... (by forcibly conqucriug the a.II ki.,..11) IJPllll lbe ;n,..._ pnpulllioa oldie cmquered kingdoms . Hupl. who vi$ited the Valley� ill SitJI oca,pllioo, swys '1n fact die couuuy is so completdy sub;iupted thwl die nwm,w excepc a few lrMdlln in shawls, an, beam dllU 10many begpn" Hupl. Trowb, op . cit, p . 116. For die forcible flight ofdie Kashmiris ID diffaeut ..-U ofIndia IO-· tam S­ oppnssiou, see Moorcnft, Tl"Ollm, 11, p. 67; Roblrt Thorp, L'111,;, Mt,gownuMIII, p . 52; Naqah-i lqbdl, p . 146. Acc:ordin& to a modem historiau 1bse were about one lac K.asluniri Muslims livinc in dil'faart pans of Punjab � die beciaaing of die 20th cmtury. ,,_ - die dHoeMa•!I ,,C lbca ICMl•Hiri

bia

27 28

nod!-.

Muslims who bad sireamed into Punjab in -dl of rdined coaditions (Sin( K,u}u,,lrl.J Fig/ti/or Frndta, p . 449.) 29 For ddails, see Pritipal Singh, Rnnrw Slructun and Expn,diltn Panmt Dtritg rlw Sith RIil� 11r Kashmir, M . Phil. dissertation (unpublished), Hiscory Oq:wllueat, Kwsbrnir University; Ali Muhammad Wani, Agrarian Sfrllt:tlln ofKJUhmir (/U6/947), Ph.D. thesis (unpublished), ICashmir University; �ubmnad v-r Oauaie. E_,-,..,a and Roh of Muall11f c� In KJUhmlr, M . Phil. disiamiud (unpublisbed), History Oq:wbiMllt, IC&dlrnir llniwrsity.

30 Chllchi/01 al-•,lr//fn, f.49b.

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THE NATURE OF

•.us COIIVERSIO#

The degree of dominance of any religion i s to a large extent deter­ mined by the effectiveness of its institutional organiution. And certainly in Kashmir the Islamic institutions have been traditionally weak. It hardly needs to be emphasised that the 'ulama' constitute the basis of the efficacy of Islamic institutions. By acting as imams, khatibs, qazis, muftis, muhaddis, mudiirris and as members of the Shiira, the 'ulama • are supposed to order the Muslim society on Islamic lines. It is because of this paramo\Dlt role of the 'ulama' that the Prophet is said to have remarked, 'ulama' are my heirs".31 In KMhmir, however, the 'ulama' could not play their role effectively. The reasons were many. First, there was an extreme dearth of 'ulama', both in terms of quantity and quality. As mentioned above, it was towards the late sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth century that imams were settled in different villages. But these imams possessed only rudimentary knowledge of Islam to enable them to lead the prayers, to write ta'wiz (amulets) and to perform a few rituals.32 They were dwarfish in knowledge and hence not able to exercise an y 1J1eaningful impact upon the people. Second, the 'ulama' (exceptions apart) could not prove equal to their venerated position. It appears that unlike the Sufis and Rishis the actual life of the 'ulama · (who were active members of the society with all worldly temptations) was not commensurate with what they preached.33 They, like others, fell prey to worldly greeds, which tarnished their position, and resultantly their preaching lost much of i ts impact.3-4

Also, the institutions which were basic for the 'ulama' to lslamize the society were either weak or were totally absent. In most of the villages mosques were built at a late stage. However, for want of any super-ordinate organization we find these m�ues just poorly constructed mud buts built by the fleeced villagers.3 Since the imams

31 Cf. K.A. Nizarni, Some .hpeel.f of &Jig/on and Politic. In India dwri"f the Thirteenth Century, p.150. That this Hadilh was also quoted by the 'u/amli' of Kashmir, see Chi/chi/at al- 'Arj/in, f. 49b. 32 The situation remained the same till very recent times (Lawrence, p. 290). Even today in most villages the lmilm.s are men ofordinary laming. 33 Kul/iyat, pp. 40, 118, 120; Da.,1/Jr a/.S4/ik1n, 0. pp. 377 sqq; Nfrr-nilma, f. 184b; Jonarlja, p. 96; Tadh/drat at- 'Ar/fm, ff . 394b-39Sa; BaMrist6n-i Shahl, tr. 53b, 54a. 61b, 62b. 34 Ibid. _35 To quo1e Lawrence. "The ordinary village mosque is no better than the meanest cuhivator's coctage and I ha¥e often seen a mosque without a thatch and a beautiful old shrine tumbling to pieces for want of some simple repairs. There is a want of system i n the Musalman religious administration'". Lawarence, p . 285.

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wac to be supported by the poor village folk. only an 'alim of ordinary

laming could be willing to act as imiim.36 Thus except leading prayers and writing amulets, the village imam bas played no significant role. Besides, he had no role i n deciding the disputes of the people or guiding them in differen1 spheres of life. Islam could not do away with the conventional system of panchkula according to Mlich the influential elders of the village acted as jury.37 Thus all the matters werc generally cooducted and settled according to custom and 1 tradition.3 And with Islam l\aving little role to play, its impact was abo not more than supaficial. Undoubtedly, in the capital city one finds learned 'ulamo' and the institutions like shaikh al Islam, qlizi. and qlizi al qazot,,. but since the state was the supreme authority, the 'ulama' acted as tools in the bands of the rulers, Mli.ch ultimately made the personal wishes of the rulers supreme over the Shari'ah.40 It is also significant to note that it was not the qiizi, but the SultAn who was the supreme judicial authority. The Sultins dispensed justice while sitting in d"rwiin khiina in the open darbar every day; and the pwlishments inflicted were not always ac,. cording to the Shari'ah but according to the discretionary power of the Sultin.41 Among the common people, too, the practice of approaching the qiiz'i for the settlement of disputes could not gain ground. At the most the qiizf's role centred round deciding the theological issues. Though sometimes matrimonial and property disputes were referred to him, it was, however, an exception rather than a rule. It has been customary in Kashmir that for enforcing justice the official or religious authority is invoked only when the elders of a locality fai l to settle a dispute.42 Other influential agencies of lslamization, khlmaqiih and madrasa were located in the capital city alone. In villages there werc only maklabas nm by semi-literate imams who imparted parrot-like teaching 36 Ibid., pp.285-86, 290,291. 37 For Pairchhila see supra. p.227. That the imam was a man of no powe,-, Lawrence, p. 291. 38 For lhe fact that custom and tradi1ion enjoyed an overriding importance in �ing the life of Kashmiri Muslims, see Sant Ram Dogra, Code of Tribal C1111-.. in Kashmir. 39 For details, see Kashmir Untkr the Sultans, op. cit, pp . 220-21. 40 cf . Jonarlja, p . 9S; Bahilri.stan-i Shahi, If. S4b, 61b-62b. 41 For example, Sutln Zain al-'Abidln did not favour capital punishment of thieves. Instead, h.e made them work on public buildings. Jonarlja, p .95. 42 The practice continues down to our own times.

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of the Qur'in to the pupils to enable them to offer prayers. Interestingly, the common man's traditional habit of eschewing religious education was so deep-rooted that even after his conversion, this attitude remained wx:hanged. Thus as in the Hindu sociecy, religious education became the exclusive concern of the hereditary 'ulamii' families.43 With the introduction of Shi'ism, the 'u/a,nii got divided into two camps, each desperate to earn mass basis. While it is true that the 'u/amii' of each sect worked hard for imparting religious education, it is equally true that they showed more zeal in strengthening the roots of their respective sects;44 and in this pursuit much damage was caused to Islam. In order to reinforce numerical strength to their respective camps, the 'ulama • not only observed silence over the un-lslamic practices of their followers but also avowedly justified them.4$ Of the several other factors that encouraged the selective accept­ ance of Islam in Kashmir was the nominal compliance of the state 1,1,ith the requirements for an Islamic state. Given the centrality of the ruler as the most dominant characteristic of the Sultanate, it was the personal ideology and the attitudes of each ruler that detennined the nature of the state at different points of time. Yet, with regard to the ideology of the authority all the Sultans shared one important attribute: their ideology was heavily influenced by the Persian theory of kingship and the pre-Muslim polity.46 And no wonder, therefore, that the polity of the Sultanate was greatly different from the image of a Shari 'ah­ governed community. At the same time, barring two or three rulers, the Sultans showed little interest towards lslamizing the Muslim society. Sultan Sikandar and his Prime Minister, Suhabhatta (Saif al-Din) were the first to use state 47 power for Islamizing the society. But this \Wole exercise was undone by Sultan Zain al-'Abiam's long reign of fifty years, \Wich witnessed revival of the old culture under the fostering care and patronage of the Sultan.-11 His successors., Sultin Haidar Shih and Sultin Hasan Shih, 43 This 1rend has changed very recenlly mainly because of lhe efforts of lhe religious reformers of lhe last century. 44 This is clear from the sources - political as well as bagiological - relevant for sixteenth century Kashmir. 45 &hiiristan-i Shahi, ff .54a, 61a-62b 46 See Kashmir Under lhe Sultans, pp. 194 sqq. 47 Supra, pp. 62-64, 114-15, 123-24. 48 Jonarlja, pp . 76 sqq: Srivara, pp.138 sqq: Bah6ristlm-i Shuhi, ff. 27ab. Also, N. K. Zutshi, S1d1an1 Zain ul-Ahidin ofK,ulrmir.

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l

speol most of 1heir lime in maa7-meking ., After I-Jam Shih the Valley was dirown inlo a welter of chaos IDd confusion owing to the IUSSle � differcm rival factions of the nobili� to grab the coveted post of wiziiraJ and to appropriate bigjiign. Mini Haidar Dughlat evinced some intciest u1 llllamizing the people by appointing imams, qazis and muhaJasibs, but his work was marred by his policy o f favouritism towards his own people and by his politically motivated 'anti Shi'i' policy." Among the Chaks we come across two types o f rulers: those who showed interest i n religious matters and those who exhibited no such interest at all.n However, those who did show interest we,: Shi'i zealots, more interested to use political po wer to impose their own sect.n This divided the Muslim community into nw bostill' camps.S4 On the whole, the Sullins opted for a syncmic way of life. They observed religious rituals, patrcmiz.ed religious class and religious insti­ tutions but when it came to the question of obeying the teachings and spirit o f their religion, they turned their backs. Both in their private and public life they adapted Islam to the local circumstances and showed more interest in rulersbip than Islam." Since the lslamization process largely depended upon the patronage of the rulers and since the culture of the ruling section formed the reference model for the general popu­ lace, it is no wonder to see the people tax in religious matters and enjoying freely the discretiorwy power to adopt a mixed culture in imitation t o their rulers. The argumenl may receive further weigh! if it is borne in mind that the Muslim Sultanate was articulated arouod the ruler, and the spiritual importance of raja.ship bad deep traditions in Kashmir." The feeble bold of religion upon the Kashmiri Muslims camot be fully grasped without bearing in mind the religious milieu of the 49 �van,pp. ISi, 197, 199,232-4S;Baliari.rta,,./S.lrahi,f.28a;HaidlrMalit,p.47. SO For decails of dais 111ale, see Klul,mir Under the Su/to,u, pp. I 06 sqq. 5I Sayyid 'Ali, f.26a; Baharistlin-i Shahi, tr. S21>-S4ab; H.lidar Malik. p .57. 52 Ofthe Chak rulers who showed religious 2lcal mention may be made of Daulll Chat. GhJzIShih Cbak and Ya'qOb Shih Cbak. On die other band, Husain Sblb Chak. 'Ali Shih Chalc and YOsuf Shih Cbak demomualed no remartcable � in rdip,us matters .

53 Baharistan-i Shahi, tr.Saab, 90ab; Haidar Malik. pp .81-13. S4 Ibid. SS For ddails, see Joo•lja. Srivara, T,Jifa1 al - Altbab and .8oMrWa,t-i SholiI, op.cit, also see Kiulurur Under IM Su/ta,u. S6 V . N . Drallu, Kiuhmlr Polity, pp .54-56.

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medieval Muslim world, especially that of Persia and Central Asia \Wel'efrom Islam entered the Valley and with which Kashmir had intimate religious, cultural, economic and political contacts. By the time Islam penetrated into Kashmir, the Muslims of Persia and Central Asia had made vital compromises with the local cultures and the authority of Shari'ah was greatly encroached upon by royal prerogative.57 Since Persia and Central Asia acted as the main source of inspiration and guidance for Kashmiri Muslims, the Islam of Kashmir could not be understandably different from its fountain head. This brings us to another significant problem - the force of habit, which frustrated the objectives of even the greatest ideological revolu­ tions human history has witnessed so far. Needless to mention, the Muslim society of Kashmir mainly consisted of converts from Hinduism. However, though the formal conversion from Hinduism to Islam took years, if not moments, the actual conversion form Hindu to Islamic way of life remained far from achieved as it was a question of changing attitudes, habits and mentality of the people, which change slower than anything. 51 Even Kalhana notices this characteristic feature of human mind. To quote him: "Habits fixed b(9 long practice are not likely to cease even when their reason is gone."9 Fonnal conversion to Islam and practical adherence to the old culture thus went hand in hand. The deeply embedded habit of many age- old practices and the resultant reluctance of the converts to completely part their ways with them impelled even the Shari'ah-minded preachers to b� Islam in tune with the traditional religious practices of the converts. Sometimes the converts, while not affording to ignore their past, adopted many of their age-old practices either by changing their names or investing Islamic 61 meanings into them. S7 Cf. Dhalchirat al- M11liik, I pp. 97, 131,18S-106 for Sayyid 'Ali HarndAnrs repeated mention of perverted behaviour of a section of "ulama • and Soils. And for the fact that the authority of Shari'ah was encroached upon by royal prerogative, see C.L. Klausner, 11,e Seljuk Vizirate: A Study a/ Civil Administration JOSS-I/9,/, p. 44, Afsar Umar Salim Khan and Mohammad Habib, 11,e Political TMory of tire Dellri Sultanate, VI-X. S8 To quote Ernest Labrousse: "the social changes more slower than the economic, and the mental more slowly than the social". E. Labrousse, �ace to G. Dupeux. Asp«Js de I'hlstorie Sociale etpolitique du lair-et-Char, 1848-1914, Paris, 1962, p.xi. Vide, Jacques Le Goff. "Mentalities: a history of ambiguities," in Jacques Le Goff and Pierre Nora (eds.), Constructing the Past, p . 167. S9 R4Jatarangini, I. Book. IV, 428. 60 See Ch.apter IV. 61 Ibid.

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Local Hindu-Buddhist beliefs and customs �e,dl,ally influmced the immigrant Muslims too. This was natural because in the initial days of the Sultanate they fonned a tiny minority surrounded by the vast Hindu majority and subsequently by an ov�lming population of the neo-converts. For about half a century after the foundation of the Sultanate the society of Kashmir was predominantly a Hindu society with only a very thin slice of immigrant Muslims and converts.62 Besides being a dominant majority, the Hindus enjoyed all high and low positions in the state; only the rula was Muslim.1 True, for not less than half a century the Hindus formed the reference group and consequently Hindu culture enjoyed the position of the reference group culture. The Hindu culture was followed by the Muslims as a standard to evaluate their attitudes, customs, rituals, etc., as the best way of staking a claim to a higher position in the society. Litde wonda, therefore, that we find even the Sultans behaving like Hindus and that, too, in religious matters.64

With the mass conversion to Islam, which started from the later quarter of the fourteenth century, the immigrant Muslims again found themselves in a cultural minority, surrounded as they were by an over­ whelming population of neo-converts. The culture of the oeo-converts asslDJled the position of the regional culture as the converts were not only won from the masses, but the whole landed aristocracy, traders and other influential groups accepted Islam en-mass. This is besides the fact that local culture had already made greater influence upon the ruling family. As a matter of fact, even after the mass conversions to Islam, it was neither the puritan Islamic way of life, nor even the Persian or Central Asian Islam, but a synthetic culture - a mixture o f Islamic, Persian, Central Asian and indigenous cultures which assumed the position of a standard culture. This was not, however, all. The local influence was felt by the immigrant Muslims through another but more effective channel viz., the matrimonial relations they entered into with the Hindus and Buddhists or the newly converted Muslims. It is \Wrth mentioning that of the Muslims who immigrated into the Valley and settled there in large n\DDbers, only a very few had brought their families with them. The majority of the immigrant Muslims including the Sultans married either the converted Muslim girls or the daughters of the converted Muslims.65 Marrying the

62 63 64 65

Supra. p . 5 7 . Ibid. Ibid. Tulifat al-Ahbab, pp . 197,214.

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Kubrniri girls meant the sneaking in aud the ultimate predominance of the Hindu aud Bnddhist ethos even in � families of those immigrant MusliDl!I who had a vesy old aud rich Muslim pedigree. Women folk's pristine simplicity of their pre-conversion life style and its profound inf)� upon their husbands is bigbligbttd by the contemporary

sources.66

Last but not least, the question of the oorninal conversion to Islam also raises the question of the nature of the contemporary belief in the Hereafter. There is no denying the fact that the conception of death and the fate of the souls of the dead predominated both in pre-and-post­ conversion Kashmir; yet this belief was labial rather than a matter of faith, for the people could otherwise hardly afford to be religiously lax. The faith was eroded by the people's rntmdane preferences of life. The fact that the worldly desires bad made the people predominantly this­ worldly is amply evidenced by the Sutis' vehement denunciation of the worldly pleasures and also by their �ve argument that the real jahad is jahatl against one's naft.6 The re1i'ain of all the works of Sayyid 'Ali Hamdini is on pe .suading bis readers to treat the worldly desires and luxuries with all contempt He says, "Since the love of God and the love of world cannot co-exist, so one should be grieved at having worldly possessions and pleased with their loss."" The Rishis were so much convinced about the fact that the worldly possessions create arrogant tendencies, forcing one to give preference to the mtmdane world over the Hereafter that they spurned all worldly ties home, family, wealth, sex, etc. The didactic poetry of the founder of the Order also revolves round controlling of naft. Since the people gave preference to naft it corroded their faith. To quote Bibi Dl'Od K.blkI:

The carnal self has the rosary and the Qur'ID in the right hand, (And) a dagcr and a sword up the sleeve."

66 Ibid.

61 Dmtiiral-saJ/tin, 0. pp . 18-21. 68 lw6/a./ Ma 'rlfal·I Zlllod, f . I0a. 69 Dmtiir al-s,,//tin, D, p . 49. 245

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6. Sufism, Local Traditions and • Islam in Kashmir I

S

ome European observers of nineteenlh CGltUry Kashmir wac as­ tnundM to notice what they call indelible marks ofHinduism upon Kashmiri !Ynslim religious behaviour even after the lapse of many centuries of their conversion and many political vicissitudes and cultural changes Kashmir had passed through since. Baron Charles Hugel writes with U'l8ZJl!ID"lllt: Subjected in succession by Mob.,,._.., from Cmlral Asia, who subverted their 111cimt and palriarcbal institubons ad governnmlt; by th e emperora of Delhi, who brought among them, in their -di after new pleasures, a voluptuous md luxurious court abandooed to pomp and prodigality; by the fierce Afghans; and finally, by the half-le universe revolves:

$jl ,,., ''" .I,, ,,J,;

V _,,(

1,)1/,;J'f

V _,ility was so deep seated among them that touch with a non-briihmana, howsoever great he would be, was

wiJJau,

78 79 80 81 82

of tbote who absllincd from eatina carrion and !hose who ate the fteah of dead animals. The of fine group made boolS and sandals, while lhe of the aecond group manufacnued wiMOwing traps oflellher and suaw an d performed the duties ofscavengen. FM details, see Lawrence, pp . 314-315. Madan, op. cil, p. 53. Anand Koul, op. cit, p.S. Ibid., p.22. Ibid. Madan, Rellgtous Ideology and Soc/41 SlrUClllre, op . cit., p.39.

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avoided for fear of defilement. M late as the cl08e of th,, runncc11tb . century Tyndale Biscoe was astonished to notice it: "In the days of my apprenticeship I learnt I mu.,t not touch my [brahmana) pupils for fear of defiling them. for in a forgetful moment I would pat than on the back or bead to cheer them up at Mich Ibey would squirm u if I were a leper or one of the un-touchables...., The Kasbmiri brahmanm lbt> ..,..1.,,bwf their abholrmce for working class pursuits in spite of having lost all the ocher dnee (utes MOd outcastes to Islam. Huxley who visited J I .If 'I ,I

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