Islam and Chinese Society: Genealogies, Lineage and Local Communities [1 ed.] 036741998X, 9780367419981

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Series Page
Title Page
Copyright Page
Table of Contents
List of illustrations
List of Contributors
Preface
Acknowledgements
Introduction: Hui Communities from the Ming to the Qing
1. The Mosque and Scripture-Hall Education
2. Succession in the Yunnan School (Yunnan xuepai) of Islamic Thought
3. Spiritual Genealogies of Gansu: Chains of Transmission in the Jahrı - ya and Khafı - ya Turuq
4. Representations of Sufi Genealogy and Their Socio-Cultural Interaction in Modern Northwest China
5. Social Conflicts between New Teaching and Old Teaching Sufi Orders among the Salar (Xunhua Sub-prefecture, Gansu Province) in the 18th Century
6. Hui Lineages in Taozhou and the Acculturation of Islam during the Qing Dynasty
7. Ming–Qing Huihui Genealogies and Changing Communal Memory: A Study of Qingzhou (Shandong) Huihui Jiapu
8. A Hui Muslim Lineage in Southwest China: A Case Study of the Xiaba Ma Genealogy
9. Genealogy Compilation and Identity Formation: Southeast China Communities of Muslim Descent
Glossary
Index

Citation preview

Islam and Chinese Society

This book explores the long history in China of Chinese Muslims, known as the Hui people, and regarded as a minority, though in fact they are distinguished by religion rather than ethnicity. It shows how over time Chinese Muslims adopted Chinese practices as these evolved in wider Chinese society, practices such as constructing and recording patrilinear lineages, spreading genealogies, and propagating education and Confucian teaching, in the case of the Hui through the use of Chinese texts in the teaching of Islam at mosques. The book also examines much else, including the system of certification of mosques, the development of Sufi orders, the cultural adaptation of Islam at the local level, and relations between Islam and Confucianism, between the state and local communities, and between the educated Muslim elite and the Confucian literati. Overall, the book shows how extensively Chinese Muslims have been deeply integrated within a multi-cultural Chinese society. Jianxiong Ma is Associate Professor in anthropology at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. Oded Abt is a researcher and lecturer in Chinese social and religious history in the Department of East Asian Studies at Tel Hai College, Israel. Jide Yao is Professor of Ethnology and the Director of both the Southwest Asia Institute and the Center of Iran Studies of Yunnan University, China.

Anthropology and Cultural History in Asia and the Indo-Pacific Series editor: David Faure, Chinese University of Hong Kong

Historians are being increasingly attracted by the methodology of historical anthropology, an approach which combines observations in the field with documentary analysis, both of official documents and of documents collected from local society. In China, historians have been pursuing such local historical research for a generation, with very little of this work being available in English hitherto. This series makes available in English research undertaken by the Historical Anthropology of Chinese Society project based at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, and related work. The books argue that top-heavy, dynasty-centred history is incomplete without an understanding of how local communities were involved in the government process and in the creation of their own historical narratives. The books argue that Chinese social history needs to be rewritten from the bottom up. 2. Colonial Administration and Land Reform in East Asia Edited by Sui-Wai Cheung 3. Fieldwork in Modern Chinese History A Research Guide Edited by Thomas David DuBois and Jan Kiely 4. The Transformation of Yunnan in Ming China From the Dali Kingdom to Imperial Province Edited by Christian Daniels and Jianxiong Ma 5. Lineage and Community in China, 1100–500 Genealogical Innovation in Jiangxi Xi He 6. Islam and Chinese Society Genealogies, Lineage and Local Communities Edited by Jianxiong Ma, Oded Abt, Jide Yao For more information about this series, please visit: https://www.routledge. com/The-Historical-Anthropology-of-Chinese-Society-Series/book-series/ HISTANTHCHINSOC

Islam and Chinese Society Genealogies, Lineage and Local Communities

Edited by Jianxiong Ma, Oded Abt and Jide Yao

First published 2020 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2020 selection and editorial matter, Jianxiong Ma, Oded Abt and Jide Yao; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Jianxiong Ma, Oded Abt and Jide Yao to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 978-0-367-41998-1 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-367-81721-3 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Taylor & Francis Books

Map 1 The Hui communities in Qing dynasty

Contents

List of illustrations List of Contributors Preface

ix x xii

JONATHAN N. LIPMAN

Acknowledgements Introduction: Hui Communities from the Ming to the Qing

xiv 1

JIANXIONG MA

1 The Mosque and Scripture-Hall Education

13

JIANXIONG MA AND JIDE YAO

2 Succession in the Yunnan School (Yunnan xuepai) of Islamic Thought

20

ZHIHONG MA

3 Spiritual Genealogies of Gansu: Chains of Transmission in the Jahrı-ya and Khafı-ya Turuq

32

JONATHAN N. LIPMAN AND THOMAS WIDE

4 Representations of Sufi Genealogy and Their Socio-Cultural Interaction in Modern Northwest China

48

CHUNG-FU CHANG

5 Social Conflicts between New Teaching and Old Teaching Sufi Orders among the Salar (Xunhua Sub-prefecture, Gansu Province) in the 18th Century

60

ZONGBAO MA

6 Hui Lineages in Taozhou and the Acculturation of Islam during the Qing Dynasty YUE QUE

75

viii

Contents

7 Ming–Qing Huihui Genealogies and Changing Communal Memory: A Study of Qingzhou (Shandong) Huihui Jiapu

89

HUIQIAN DING

8 A Hui Muslim Lineage in Southwest China: A Case Study of the Xiaba Ma Genealogy

105

JIANPING WANG

9 Genealogy Compilation and Identity Formation: Southeast China Communities of Muslim Descent

124

ODED ABT

Glossary Index

147 156

Illustrations

Figures I.1 I.2 2.1 2.2

2.3 6.1

The mosque of Shangjie village in Yangbi county, Yunnan The mosque of Huiying village in Nanjiang county, Yunnan The mosque of Manwan new village in Yun county, Yunnan The cover page of Qur’an in Chinese under the title Precious True Scripture (Baoming zhenjing) printed with wood blocks in 1895 in Kunming, Yunnan The last page of Qur’an under the title Precious True Scripture Descent and marriage relationships of the Ding, Li and Yang families

4 5 23

25 27 85

Table 6.1

Example of the format used in the Genealogy of the Taozhou Ding Lineage

82

Maps 1 2

The Hui communities in Qing dynasty The Hui communities in Southern Gansu in Qing dynasty

v 47

Contributors

Oded Abt is a researcher and lecturer in Chinese social and religious history. After he returned from a post-doctoral research period in the Area of Excellence Scheme: The Historical Anthropology of Chinese Society, Chinese University of Hong Kong, he joined the Department of East Asian Studies at Tel Hai College in Israel as a faculty member. His current project is a book-length monograph entitled Muslim Memories and Chinese Identity. Chung-fu Chang is an associate professor and former chair of the department of ethnology in National Chengchi University in Taiwan. He is also a distinguished professor of Minzu University of China in Beijing. His books include Anti-Qing Accidents and the Hui in Northwest China in the Qing Dynasty: Rethinking Social Adaptation and Ethnic Identity (in Chinese, Taipei: Lianjing, 2001). Huiqian Ding is an associate professor of history at the Minzu University of China. She is the author “The Zhafu, the Government, and the Mosque: Management of the Mosques by the Ming Government” (in Chinese, Studies in World Religions, 2016 (5): 154-163). Jonathan N. Lipman is a professor of history and chair of Asian studies at Mount Holyoke College in the U. S. He is the author of Familiar Strangers: A History of Muslims in Northwest China (University of Washington Press, 1997) and an editor of Violence in China: Essays in Culture and Counter (Albany: SUNY Press, 1990). Jianxiong Ma is an associate professor in anthropology at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, his works include The Lahu Minority in Southwest China (London: Routledge, 2013) and research articles about ethnicity and Hui Muslim in the history of southwest frontier of China. Zhihong Ma is the chief editor of journal The Hui and Islam Studies of Dali and the vice director of the Association of Hui Muslim studies in Dali Prefecture in Yunnan.

List of contributors

xi

Zongbao Ma is a professor in ethnology and the president of Ningxia Normal University. His books include Relationship between the Hui Muslim and the Han Chinese in the Framework of Diversity under Unification of China (in Chinese, Yincuan: People’s Publishing House of Ningxia, 2002), and Islam in Xihaigu (in Chinese, Yincuan: People’s Publishing House of Ningxia, 2004). Yue Que is a professor in School of Journalism and Communication of Lanzhou University. Her representative book The Second Order: Study on the Green Seeding Assembly in Taozhou since the Ming and the Qing (in Chinese, Beijing: China Social Science Press, 2018) focuses on the construction and change of a traditional Chinese social organization and its principle of interaction between ethnic groups for their common interest. Jianping Wang is a professor emeritus in history of religion, particularly Islamic studies, at Shanghai Normal University. His English books include Discrimination, Corruption and Moral Decline: the Historical Background of the Muslim Hui Uprising in Yunnan, China, 1856–1873 (Jerusalem: The Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace, 1995), A Glossary of Chinese Islamic Terms (London: Curzon Press, 2001) and Concord and Conflict: the Hui Communities of Yunnan Society in a Historical Perspective (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1996). Thomas Wide is the managing director of Smithsonian Global and an expert on classics and Arabic who received his PhD from Oxford University and was a Kennedy Scholar at Harvard University in the U.S. Jide Yao is a professor of ethnology and the director of the Southwest Asia Research Institute and the Center for Iran Studies of Yunnan University. His books include History of Islam in Yunnan (in Chinese, Kunming: Yunnan University Press, 2005). He is the editor of Collection of Historical Texts of Islamic Yunnan School (in Chinese, Kunming: People’s Publishing House of Yunnan, 2019).

Preface Jonathan N. Lipman

Most descriptions of the Chinese-speaking Muslims—whether as the Hui minzu, defined by consanguinity and culture, or as the Hui people, a diffuse and variably acculturated population defined by Islamic religion—focus on intimacy with Chinese culture. After all, by either an ethnic or a religious definition the Hui came into existence in China. Except for relatively small diasporic communities, they live only there. As these essays show, acculturation to local Chinese contexts has produced considerable differentiation among them, but their uniqueness as a category derives from their long-term presence in China and their interactions with the non-Muslim peoples, states, and cultures that have surrounded them. In the fundamental realm of language, despite the use of numerous Arabic and Persian words in their speech, the native tongue of most Hui remains the Chinese of their home districts. By including the Chinese-speaking Muslims in the groundbreaking “Historical Anthropology of China” project, its organizers recognize the Hui as a subset of Chinese people, identifiable by language and culture even more than modern citizenship. As a part of that large and productive research scheme, focused on history “from the bottom up,” this volume began with papers presented at the conference “Hui Genealogies in the Ming and Qing,” at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology in January 2013. The present collection incorporates genealogical studies of Hui in four parts of China—the northwest, southwest, Shandong, and the southeast coast—undertaken by scholars from mainland China, Taiwan, North America, and the Middle East. Five of these essays focus on lineage genealogies (jiapu) as conventionally produced and studied in China over the past millennium, usually including charts, lists of ancestors, legends and stories, and family rules generated within a single-surname patriline, usually associated with a particular place (e.g., the Ma lineage of Xiaba). Though they differ from genealogies of non-Muslim lineages in some ways, these Hui jiapu retain many essential characteristics of the genre. They may thus teach us much of Hui family and community structure, of acculturative processes, and even of such domestic subjects as intermarriage. Though Hui jiapu may be found all over China, they have been most intensively studied in regions close to Chinese cultural cores, such as Fujian and Shandong. But as Wang Jianping points out in his essay, many Hui jiapu

Preface xiii have also been produced in frontier provinces such as Yunnan. Newly available sources such as the jiapu of the Taozhou (Gansu) Ma lineage analyzed here by Yue Que demonstrate that migration and long-term settlement brought the lineage institutions and ideologies of the core to the northwest as well. These essays argue that Hui genealogies strongly resemble non-Muslim jiapu, but the fact that they are produced within Hui lineages clearly can affect their content. The other three essays take a broader definition of genealogy and describe Islamic chains of succession based on spiritual (Sufi) or intellectual criteria, only sometimes in company with consanguinity. Similar to teacher-to-disciple transmission all over the Muslim world, these latter genealogies differ considerably from jiapu in both structure and content. The Sufi chains of succession turn our attention to a very different focus of Hui life, their connections to the Muslim lands to China’s west, from Xinjiang to North Africa. As Lipman and Wide point out, some of these documents even deny the canonical cultural centrality of China, naming the Muslim heartlands as “inner” (nei) and China as “outer” (wai). Though connected to the Hui educational networks in eastern China studied by Zvi Ben-Dor Benite, the Yunnanese intellectual genealogy at the core of Zhihong Ma’s essay ends with teachers who traveled to Myanmar and Thailand, placing the Yunnan frontier at the center of a transcultural transmission. These two types of genealogy—conventional jiapu and spiritual-intellectual chains of transmission—both demonstrate the tensions and simultaneity in Hui life, for Hui are both Chinese and Muslims, both locals and outsiders. Some of them have expressed their enduring, deep acculturation to China by producing genealogies very similar to those of their non-Muslim neighbors. In contrast, some Hui have maintained their westward ties by locating themselves within intellectual and spiritual genealogies rooted in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, or Central Asia. This volume’s purpose lies in elucidating that simultaneity. Whether focused on their “Chinese” elements or their “Muslim” elements— which sometimes cannot be easily distinguished or separated—the study of Hui genealogies advances our understanding of the complex processes of acculturation and resistance that have characterized Hui history.

Acknowledgements

The authors of this volume are members of a Hui and Islam Studies research team, operating as a subgroup within a larger project of the Area of Excellence Scheme – Fifth Round, “The Historical Anthropology of Chinese Society,” led by Professors David Faure, Liu Zhiwei, and Liu Tik-sang and supported by the University Grants Committee of Hong Kong. The authors are scholars from various institutions in China, Hong Kong, USA, Taiwan, and Israel who participated in several events held between 2013 and 2016 at the Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. Holding these meetings under the auspices of the project on Historical Anthropology of Chinese Society had an immense contribution to shaping our understanding of Hui as an integral part of Chinese society and proved highly beneficial in gaining a better-informed perspective of the localization of Muslims in China during the Ming and Qing dynasties and the relationship between Muslim communities and the Chinese imperial state. The first conference, held in January 2013, focused on “The Hui Genealogies in the Ming and Qing.” We began the initial work on the first chapters and immediately after proceeded to develop our common research agenda, expanding both the geographical scope of the communities in question and the topics related to their study. In January 2015, we held the second conference, “Islam and Southwest Frontier Societies of China: the Muslim Communities in Yunnan and Guizhou Plateau and Southeast Asia.” The third conference, “Islam and the Hui Communities in the Northwest: Towards a Historical Anthropology of Genealogy, Gongbei and Mosques,” took place in June 2016. The chapters contributed to this collection are based on studies presented at these three meetings. The last phase of this project was carried out after December 2017, when we made final updates and modifications of all the chapters and earnest efforts to edit the contents and adapt the language. This compilation has a twofold aim: firstly, to bring together scholars from China and overseas whose works share a common approach combining historical research with fieldwork findings and to incorporate their studies within the growing body of literature on historical anthropology of Chinese society. Secondly, we aim to make a vast body of newly produced research, conducted

Acknowledgements

xv

by Chinese scholars, widely available to western readership. We truly believe that this endeavor may prove highly beneficial in enhancing mutual exchange between scholars in China and abroad. Publishing the combined results of these works in English will be of great interest not only to experts on Islam in China but also to the fields of local history, historical anthropology and localization of Islam in Asian societies at large. We wish to convey our sincerest gratitude to Prof. Jonathan Lipman who, in addition to his own chapter, offered continuous and generous support and close advice, meticulously reading the essays and offering invaluable editorial and scientific advice. Without his generous assistance this volume would not have been completed. This volume was initiated and supported by Prof. David Faure whose keen interest in incorporating the study of Hui communities in the Historical Anthropology of Chinese Society (AoE) project has inspired and encouraged us to carry out the preparation of this compilation. His close advice and leadership has been crucial to the success of the entire project. We are especially grateful to him for his personal involvement, offering careful reading and editing of the introduction and the first chapter. While their editorial inputs have highly improved the quality of the book, the editors take sole responsibility for any flaws that remain in the final manuscript.

Introduction Hui Communities from the Ming to the Qing Jianxiong Ma

In the Yuan dynasty (1271–1368), Muslims were included in the category Huihui. In the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), Muslim sects were known as Huihui jiaomen (gates of teaching), and by the Qing dynasty (1644–1912), the term had simplified to Hui.1 They were found all over China; their numbers were unknown, even though we may note that by 2010, there were 20 million of them in China’s population of 1.3 billion.2 Often thought to be outsiders, most of those people, by far, were Chinese speaking.3 There is no shortage of studies on the history of the Hui. Many of them focus on conflicts among themselves and with the Chinese state, or address the development of their social status or identity. This book addresses a different, and more fundamental aspect, of Hui society, namely, how as communities they were organized. To do that, writers in this book take account not only of changes among the Hui, but also of the Chinese state from the Yuan through the Qing, within which framework communities sought to survive and thrive.

A Comparative Perspective In view of the emerging importance of the genealogy in Chinese society through all this period, particularly in but not restricted to south China, the writers of this book have been asked to address the role of the genealogy in Hui communities. Social history research on south China has established that the genealogy proved to be a framework for characterizing villages as lineages. It provided the mechanisms whereby communities organized for the purposes of religious worship, controlling property, education, social relief, defense, and interaction with the imperial state. Ancestral worship became a ritual marker, in the sense that it stood for a prime value of society and culture for the majority the population that, since the Qing dynasty, have often been referred to as the Han. The Han literati, especially in south China, were strongly affiliated with their ancestral halls, in which sacrifice was conducted to ancestors, but ambivalent towards temples dedicated to the gods, except in so far as they had been sanctioned by the state.

2

Jianxiong Ma

Prima facie, the Hui are very different from the Han in that as Muslims, they hold that God is One (Al-ʾAḥad) and Single (Al-Wa-ḥid), and, therefore, in most cases they reject ancestral worship. In that context, what does lineage and genealogy mean for Muslims in China? But the Hui do have genealogies, and so questions must be asked regarding why they do, and how their genealogies have spread. Moreover, the Hui mosque is not readily equated to the Han temple or ancestral hall. The mosque is associated with teaching in a much more structured manner than may be found in either the Han temple or ancestral hall. The Hui literati are strongly identified with their mosques, but they also identify with different religious orders within Islam, some of which disagree on what they consider to be significant religious tenets. Moreover, over the centuries from the Yuan to the Qing, just as neo-Confucianism increasingly took hold of Han ancestral worship, it was also adapted by a section of the Hui elite in their interpretation of Islam. Geography also makes a great difference in the understanding of Hui society. In different parts of China, the political, geographic and ecological conditions for Hui communities are dramatically different. Along the Yellow River valleys, the Hui people are scattered in small communities and they mix readily with the Han or other ethnic groups. In northwestern China, Hui communities have largely performed the role of middleman between Mongolian and Tibetan nomadic and pastoral groups and Han Chinese farmers. Historically, the Hui also served in the military, especially in the Ming garrisons posted on the frontier. Elsewhere, the Hui inhabited coastal cities, market towns or villages along significant transportation routes. When land ownership is included in the comparative perspective, complexities increase manifold. Irrigated farmland might belong to the military garrisons but was rented to native communities, Hui included. Along the upper sections of the Yellow River, the river valleys were occupied by different ethnic groups such as the Salar, the Dongxiang, the Tibetan, the Mongols and the Hui, some of them herdsmen, while others were farmers or traders. Some tenants only paid a rent, others, as tribesmen, provided services for their chieftains or to Buddhist monasteries. In short, the diversity of the people included in the category “Hui” would predict a complex, not a simple, social history. In the early Qing dynasty, the Sufi orders developed in the valleys of the upper reaches of the Yellow River in today’s Gansu province, Qinghai province, and Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region. In those places, the Hui communities were located at the frontier of the Qing state, neighbouring not only the Han Chinese, but also Mongols and Tibetans. During the century to follow (say from the 1670s to the 1770s), those religious orders came to be well established. They became an aspect of Hui society that was very different from the Han and must be taken into account in any history of the Hui. A comparative perspective of the social history of the Hui, therefore, suggests that the mosque, the genealogy, the lineage, the imperial state interacted in different ways at different times and in different parts of China. The chapters in this book explore how, within the context of Chinese history, the trajectories of those varied developments might yet meet.

Introduction

3

Scripture-Hall Education and the Hui Genealogy In Chapter 1, Jianxiong Ma and Jide Yao set the mosque and the genealogy in a Ming–Qing historical perspective. For much of the Ming dynasty, the Hui communities in China, including the frontier where Sufism later developed, were subjected to a system of official certification known as the zhafu permission. In this system, once a mosque was built, its religious head became a hereditary position subject to appointment by the Ministry of Rites. The family or lineage from which the religious head was appointed was regarded by the government as being responsible for the mosque. That particular manner of governance followed closely the household registration (known as lijia) arrangement enforced in the Ming dynasty. Household registration in the Ming implied the provision of labor service as required by the government, including serving in the military. Whereas in the Yuan dynasty, the Hui community would have been subject to the authority of Islamic law as interpreted by the Islamic judge (Ar. qadi, Ch. gazui) at the mosque, the implementation of household registration enlisted the Hui population into the imperial realm that from the Ming dynasty, came under the authority of county and military officials. Ming dynasty household registration, at best, was haphazardly imposed. In any case, by the 16th century, it had deteriorated hopelessly due to desertion, and labor service was gradually replaced by payment in silver. If household registration ever propped up the control of any family over the mosque, its decline squarely returned that authority to the community. The community itself had also been changed with the replacement of labor service by payment in silver. The tax-registered household, no longer required to provide labor service, evolved into a tax account under which property might be held and inherited. Households holding property, and, therefore, often registered in such tax accounts, vied for success in the imperial examination. When successful, they ascended into elite status. Some such elite lineages were also emerging in Hui communities, and they came to be involved in the governance of the mosque. In the 16th century, the increasing involvement of elite lineages possibly provided a background for a period of reconstruction of communal relationship. A very significant feature of this reconstruction may be traced to the foundation of mosque education by Hu Dengzhou (1522–1597) from about the 1570s in Shaanxi. Hu spearheaded the teaching of Islam in the Chinese language, and he advocated doing that in the mosque. He thus became the founder of what is now called “scripture-hall education” (jingtang jiaoyu). Before Hu’s time, private schools of Islamic study had existed, but locating teaching in the mosques not only made it a matter of communal concern, but also contributed to standardizing the manner by which it was delivered. Teaching was to be conducted by a teacher (Per. ahong) who was paid for by the mosque community. A room in the mosque was set aside for teaching. The mosque provided the texts used in teaching, and even the students’ room and board.

4

Jianxiong Ma

A very well-known Islamic scholar in this intellectual and social current was Ma Zhu (1640–1711). Ma’s grandfather and father were Confucian scholars and officials of the Ming dynasty, but his father passed away when Ma Zhu was only 7 years old. In 1657, after the Ming dynasty had been defeated by the Qing, the Southern Ming court moved to Yunnan. Ma Zhu participated in the civil examination that was held by the Southern Ming and was appointed as an official of this refugee court in 1660. As the Qing continued to advance, the Southern Ming court escaped from Yunnan to Burma. In 1662, the Yongli Emperor of this court in exile was captured and killed. Nevertheless, Ma Zhu left the Ming court unscathed upon its fall, put his mind on studies, and continued in Beijing to do so from the 1670s, concentrating on understanding the Islamic literature. By 1683, he had published the book The Guide of Islam (Qingzhen zhinan) in Beijing. After that, he travelled to many parts of China, preaching and connecting with reputable Hui scholars, becoming a well-known teacher himself in the process. A unique achievement from his travel involved collating the genealogies of the Yuan dynasty Muslim governor of Yunnan, Sayyid Ajall Shams alDin (1211–1279). Many Hui families in different parts of China had, by the 17th century regarded themselves as descendants of Sayyid Ajall and were in possession of copies of the Genealogy from the West (xilai zongpu) that traced Sayyid Ajall’s descent from the prophet Mohammed. Ma Zhu collated some of those accounts to arrive at an authoritative genealogy, given the title The

Figure I.1 The mosque of Shangjie village in Yangbi county, Yunnan.

Introduction

5

Genealogy of Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din, or Genealogy from Xianyang (Xianyang jiasheng, the Prince of Xianyang being a posthumous title granted to Sayyid Ajall by the Yuan emperors). A common origin in the lineage of the prophet advanced the belief that “the Hui belong to one family.”4 Ma Zhu himself was noted as a “descendant of the holy lineage” (shengyi), as were many other people whose families and lineages came to take part in the mosque management. The alignment of Hui communities through a common lineage traced to the prophet made the most prominent impact in frontier regions such as the northwest and the southwest, especially in areas where the Hui had registered in the Ming dynasty under military garrisons. Scripture-hall education led not only to Hui classical scholarship, but also to networks of Hui classical scholars. As Zvi Ben-Dor Benite has argued, drawing upon the important 17th-century work The Genealogy of Classical Learning (Jingxue xichuan pu) by Zhao Can, that by the time that book was written, “a central feature of Muslim Chinese literary knowledge was knowledge of the community itself.”5 Part of that knowledge, for the scholar, was his intellectual lineage. In Chapter 2, Zhihong Ma provides an example of the genealogy of such an intellectual lineage for Islamic classical scholarship in Qing and the Republic Yunnan. As Ma notes, Yunnan might have produced a text comparable to The Genealogy of Classical Learning, but knowledge of intellectual lineage was embodied in the biographies of notable masters. That was a tradition that began in the 17th century and has continued to the present day.

Figure I.2 The mosque of Huiying village in Nanjiang county, Yunnan.

6

Jianxiong Ma

The Sufi Orders Not all genealogies took the form of descent by birth from the prophet as outlined in Chapter 1. In Chapter 3, Jonathan Lipman and Thomas Wide point out that Sufi orders produced genealogies very different from those of Chinese-style lineages. Sufi orders developed in northwest China after the 1670s but spread widely in the Yellow River valleys from the 1730s to the 1760s. More than forty orders were founded during this period, when the Qing state extended its northwest frontier from the Yellow River valleys to the Pamir mountains.6 Focusing on the Jahrı-ya and Khafı-ya orders, Lipman and Wide argue that the spiritual genealogies, only occasionally including biological descent, played a significant role in maintaining Sufi halls or hospices (daotang) and orders (Ar. turuq, Ch. menhuan). Sufis believe that Divine Blessing (Ar. baraka) flows from God to the charismatic leader (Ar. shaykh), and that baraka can be passed to the next generation either by spiritual succession or by biological descent. Sufis, therefore, have genealogies recognizing numerous Middle Eastern and Central Asian mystics as “spiritual ancestors.” The Jahrı-ya and Khafı-ya Sufis of Gansu traced their spiritual genealogy through “inner” (Middle Eastern or Central Asian) and “outer” (Chinese) generations of teachers, reversing the conventional Chinese inner–outer distinction. Through genealogical traditions they asserted their bonds with Sufis all over the Muslim world, from the lifetime of the Prophet to their own time. In Chapter 4, Chung-fu Chang surveys the latest developments in revealing and disseminating genealogical records of Sufi shaykhs and narrating the history of Sufi orders in northwest China. The chapter addresses the unique secretive feature of traditional genealogies and hagiographies of eminent shaykhs that were kept out of reach to the wide public until the late 20th century. Following the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), many of these records became available to outside observers. Thereafter, local and foreign scholars, authors and community members published new works based on these recently revealed records, providing more detailed and accurate historical narratives of the diverse Sufi factions. Recent decades have seen also the proliferation of new sources compiled in Arabic and Persian or Japanese to avoid official scrutiny and sanctions. Special attention is given to the highly influential historical novel Xinlingshi compiled in 1991 by the Muslim author Zhang Chengzhi. This work, based on a large body of previously unknown material, had an immense impact on consolidating the sectarian identity and collective memory of Sufi followers. Chung-fu Chang demonstrates how present-day access to these sources, and their circulation in foreign languages, extended their socio-educational function also to wider political realms, beyond the confines of individual religious Muslim sects in northwest China.

Islam in Chieftain (Tusi) Politics: Xunhua and Taozhou Chapters 1 to 4 have described the experience of Hui Muslims in circumstances that applied very broadly over much of China. That is to say, they have described their experience in localities where the political authority of

Introduction

7

the Chinese state, in Yuan, Ming or Qing, was exerted through an official bureaucracy, reaching down from provincial governors, to prefects and to county magistrates. That broad description does not cover frontier situations where the Chinese state, beginning from the Yuan, sought to exert its authority through hereditary local chieftains. Chieftain politics was necessarily complicated. While chieftainship was inherited within the blood line, most commonly from father to son, the chieftain had to be appointed by the imperial government on production of a genealogy. Over the centuries, the imperial government had also sought to whittle down the chieftain’s authority, for instance, by breaking up large chieftaincy, or even abolishing it altogether and “returning the chieftain’s authority to the official” (gaitu guiliu). Such complexities could be easily compounded where the chieftain was Muslim, or, more commonly, where Muslim communities had been set up within or near a chieftaincy. The examples of Xunhua and Taozhou illustrate those situations. In Chapter 5, in describing the rise of Sufism in the Salar (also known as the Salar Hui) valley in the Xunhua area in what is today Qinghai province (Gansu in the Qing), Zongbao Ma outlines the history of communities of the Salar Muslim that for some centuries had come under the rule of the Chinese state. The Salars were Oghuz in origin, from Transoxiana (Ar. Mawar an-Nahr), west of the Pamir Mountains, who had served in the Ming dynasty military and eventually resettled in Xunhua, a valley along the Yellow River. A chieftain of the Salars in Xunhua was appointed by the Ming government from 1373. From Xunhua, they were engaged in the government-controlled horse-for-tea trade, transporting tea from central China and bartering it for horses with Tibetan nomads. Most of the Salar lineages have the surname Han, converted from “khan” in the Turkic language. The Han surname was related to the hereditary Salar chieftain, who held a military title awarded by the Ming dynasty. As a component of the military, the Salars did not pay tax to the civil bureaucracy. Under the chieftain, the local community was based on the extended family (known as Kumsen) and the chieftain exerted his authority through a hierarchy of lineages and patri-lineages, appointing religious heads for each mosque. All the while, the chieftain was also accepted as the authority of the qadi. In the early Qing, the chieftain family of the Salar communities in Xunhua gradually lost its power. Since the Qing government unified its administration under the civil bureaucracy, the Ming dynasty military status ceased to give the Salars protection against taxation. Stage by stage, the Xunhua county government launched political reforms which weakened its power. The growing conflicts with the imperial government created circumstances that allowed the development of Sufi teachings in different patrilineal lineages among the Salars. Sufi orders competed to usurp the chieftain’s authority, often through the proliferation of their own halls. Essentially, the Sufi halls stepped into the vacuum of authority that was left by the destruction of the Han surname chieftain. Under new circumstances

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resulting from early Qing policies, the mosque hierarchy shifted from chieftain to Sufi halls. In this process, the chieftain’s authority disintegrated, the Sufi shaykhs took over the control of the mosques and became the established authorities among the Salars from the 1760s to the 1770s. In Chapter 6, Yue Que investigates the Hui reaction to Sufi teaching in a multi-ethnic environment of Taozhou in Southern Gansu, in which the chieftain was not Hui, but Tibetan. Taozhou, was set up by the Ming government as a military garrison and developed into a trading centre between southern Gansu province and Tibet, and, as such, home to communities of Hui Muslim, Tibetans and Han Chinese. The Taozhou military garrison was abolished in 1748 and its administration was subsumed under the county. A Tibetan family of the Yang surname served as native official in an area near the county city but had no authority over the city itself. The Hui communities had settled in Taozhou in the early Ming, because the garrison had among its men many Hui Muslims. During the Ming dynasty, two prominent lineages among them, surnamed Ding and Min, served as heads of the general mosque, established schools for Confucian education and sent their sons to participate in the imperial examinations. By the early Qing, they had compiled their lineage genealogies. Some of their sons were appointed to senior positions in the Qing military, and, so, these two lineages continued to maintain their influence. The Hui community of Taozhou was, therefore, highly developed as the Khafı-ya Sufi order made its inroad in 1777. During the 19th century, competing Khafı-ya Sufi orders were established in Taozhou, often involving the local community in violent struggles with the Qing government.7 Taozhou Hui lineages such as the Ding and the Min had intermarried with Han and Tibetan lineages. Some of them viewed the rise of Sufi orders as a threat to social order and countered it with scripture-hall education at the mosques. Unlike the Sufis, their genealogies had advocated the inclusion of the Confucian ideals of filial piety and loyalty into Islamic practice, and they accepted readily teaching and interpreting Islam in the Chinese language, following the teachings of such Hui scholars as Liu Zhi (about 1660–1730), Wang Daiyu and Ma Zhu. There was yet a twist. Out of that reaction emerged the Hall of the Western Dao (Xidao tang) in 1890, an order that was founded, like Sufi orders, by succession to charisma but which separated from Sufism by practicing the teaching of Islam in Chinese, within the newly developed tradition of scripture-hall education.8 The Hall of the Western Dao gained the support of leading Taozhou Hui lineages and became a very well-endowed order, owning considerable properties and engaging in trade.

Hui Chinese-Style Genealogies In referring to “genealogies” that trace descent from the prophet Mohammed or from Sufi charismatic leaders, Chapters 2 to 6 essentially refer to genealogical constructs that were very much embedded within Muslim tradition and

Introduction

9

liturgy. Chapters 7 to 9 refer more to the Chinese-style genealogy (jiapu, or “family genealogy”) where descent is traced essentially by birth. These two types cater to different audiences and thus indicate different levels of acculturation of the communities involved. Accordingly, the essays in this volume are organized along the different courses taken by these chains of transmission. Starting from an outward view of those forming spiritual links with the Muslim world (Lipman and Wide), through those consolidating their local Muslim identity (Jianxiong Ma, Chung-fu Chang, and Zongbao Ma), to those who nurture a Muslim-Chinese religious heritage by forming local networks of education founded on domestic intellectual traditions (Zhihong Ma). Chapters 7 to 9, dealing with documents strongly resembling Chinese-style genealogies, examine the use of traditional Chinese cultural tools to address a Muslim heritage. Sometimes these genealogies serve as a powerful tool for fostering links to important Muslim historical figures (Que, Ding, and Wang), while in other instances they are utilized either to highlight or to disguise their Muslim heritage (Abt). In Chapter 7, Huiqian Ding analyzes two genealogies belonging to the Yang and Zhao surnames in Qingzhou, Shandong province. The Yang genealogy was compiled in the Ming dynasty in 1511 by a member of the lineage who won the senior jinshi imperial examination degree and had served as an official. It traced the lineage ancestry to Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din, but beyond that, it provided only a sketchy history of the migration of the ancestors and not their names. Originally from Yuan dynasty’s capital, Dadu (present-day Beijing), one of the ancestors was appointed to a military commission in Shandong. After the Ming dynasty took over, that ancestor’s family branch settled in Qingzhou. Upon the move, they were registered in Qingzhou under the lijia household system. Such a presentation of lineage history is not uncommon in genealogies. It traces a distant origin to a famous person, in this case Sayyid Ajall, and recounts a legend of migration and settlement at a location. Ding notices that as late as 1511, the Yang surname genealogy had not yet taken account of Sayyid Ajall’s genealogies. These had been produced and disseminated in various localities starting only in the 1680s. The earliest account of the Zhao surname genealogy compilation is dated more than a century later, to 1685. Like the Yang surname genealogy, it includes an early origin and an account of migration to Qingzhou during the early Ming, including reference to being incorporated into the lijia system. Yet, there is a major difference between the early origins of the two surnames, for the Zhao surname not only traces its origin to Sayyid Ajall, but also, citing the genealogies of his lineage, relates his origin to the prophet Mohammed. The dating of these different accounts is significant. Ma Zhu’s genealogy of Sayyid Ajall was compiled only by the 1680s, in close proximity to the compilation of the Zhao Genealogy. Consulting also other Shandong Hui genealogies in the Qing dynasty, Ding argues a strong case for Ma’s impact on shaping a common historical memory among various families during the early Qing.

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Jianping Wang’s contribution in Chapter 8 examines the construction and spread of the Hui genealogy in a corner between Yunnan, Guizhou and Sichuan provinces. The area had been dominated by local chieftains, but for the 18th century that Wang focuses on, many were being purged from office. Wang found that the Hui genealogies found there were different from the typical Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din family genealogy, because they functioned more to highlight settlement rights than to trace a source of religious authority. That difference might also be due to the local socio-economic circumstances. In the early Qing, Hui traders were enlisted by the government to manage mines and transport copper in the region of northeastern Yunnan, Guizhou and Sichuan. Thus, they competed with the indigenous native chieftains and their subject people, who by the 20th century came to be known as the Yi minority, in dominating the chain of supply that provided copper for coin making.9 Therefore, the Hui genealogies of this area provide many examples of legends that demonstrate the ancestors acquiring rights to settle down, to hold land, and to control trade routes and mines, that were granted by the Qing government. They make vague references to genealogical connections with Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din, very much as a backdrop for the history of settlement. In Chapter 9, Oded Abt examines lineages of Muslim descent in Fujian, presenting the most acculturated communities among all cases discussed in this volume. Although descending from Song and Yuan Muslim sojourners, they rejected Islam as their religion centuries ago. Nevertheless, members of these communities still preserve genealogical evidence and family traditions commemorating their Muslim ancestors. This chapter investigates family narratives associated with the merchant-official Pu Shougeng (d. ca. 1296) and with the late-Yuan Muslim General Jin Ji (posted to Quanzhou in 1333). Both played crucial political and military roles in 13th–14th century Fujian, and their historical influence still resonates in Southeast China to this day. Under current political conditions, Muslim origin has become a desired token for asserting an official Muslim-Chinese (Hui) ethnic identity. Thus, in the present, both the Jin and the Pu highlight genealogical documents attesting their foreign Muslim heritage. Nevertheless, Abt demonstrates that these records, first compiled during the 16th and 17th centuries, were primarily aimed at explaining the circumstances that led to their ancestors’ assimilation, being gradually transformed from families of Muslim sojourners, to becoming localized lineages fully integrated into non-Muslim society. The two families’ historical narratives, occasionally tightly related, yet also representing conflicting interests and sentiments, reflect the different approaches they employed to address their changing identity. While the Jin genealogy celebrates their ancestors’ successful absorption into local literati, the Pu genealogy reflects the desire to sever links with their foreign ancestors and conceal their original identity. In the present, both utilize their narratives to ascertain a shared identity of Muslim descent. The Jin highlight the relevant records found in the genealogy, while the Pu, for the same purpose, refer mainly to what is missing from it.

Introduction

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Conclusion Together, the chapters of this book argue that although Muslims reject ancestral worship, scripture-hall education and the increasing use of genealogies had, over time, made an impact on their communities. Both related to the pivotal location of the mosque: scripture-hall education was conducted at the mosque and the genealogies traced descent to the prophet. They became central not only to maintaining communal cohesions, but also in defining the relationship of the community to their non-Hui neighbors and to the state. Scripture-hall education provided a standardized version of public education for the Hui communities. As one might expect for any successful public education program, it provided the common ground for building social relationships as well as the discussion of scholarship. Genealogies tracing to a common ancestry promoted the idea of brotherhood. Together, they became building blocks for the Hui identity as Chinese and as Muslim. Locally, over the ages, Hui communities had had to face sweeping dynastic changes like all other Chinese communities. Leading Hui thinkers such as Wang Daiyu, Liu Zhi and Ma Zhu were scholars and teachers as well as men of action, who successfully rebuilt their communities as Ming military garrisons gave way to the collection of tax in silver, or as Qing government set up or demolished native chieftainships, many of whom were their neighbors and a minority were themselves Hui. In brief, Hui communities had experienced Chinese history from the time their ancestors settled in China, many of them from the Yuan dynasty, just as non-Hui communities had. A history of the Hui in China, nevertheless, must also make the case for the Sufi orders. They took root in China from the Qing dynasty, and, therefore, had a shorter history than the communities that date from the Yuan. Beyond that, however, as the example of the Salars referred to above would show, they have to be understood in the light of the abolition of chieftaincy in the border areas in which they came to be established. Sufi orders, too, practiced scripture-hall education. They, too, maintained genealogies. They were spiritual genealogies related to their shaykhs rather than lineage genealogies related to Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din. Those differences were not sufficient to set them apart from other Hui communities. What set them apart, in the light of the discussion on the experience of the Salars above, was the imperial policy taken sometimes to its extreme in the Qing dynasty of the abolition of native chieftaincies. Where the chieftain abolished had been Hui, as among the Salars, the Sufi order provided the alternative mechanism of hierarchical order through Sufi halls and the authority of the shaykhs which maintained the unique Hui presence in the frontier situation, especially as that presence was strongly integrated into the tea-for-horse trade in the frontier regions. The continued maintenance of that presence where the chieftain had given way to the official appointed by the government represented an affront to the Qing regime, and, in answer, Sufi orders tended to appear secretive in their genealogies. In sum, interactions between the Hui communities and the state

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were practiced in everyday context and based on a cooperation of religious leaders and ordinary people within a hierarchical framework of the state institutions and Islam. Although the essays deal with sources of different kinds and contents and represent a wide array of Hui identity expressions, all address certain aspects of the incorporation of these communities into the Chinese socio-cultural sphere and contribute to gain better understanding of the interplay between their Muslim heritage and their place in Chinese state and society.

Notes 1 Li Songmao 2009, pp. 117–124. The author acknowledges the grant supported by the Research Grants Council, Project No. 16655916. 2 Ma Jinwei and Ma Lijuan 2016, pp. 47–50. 3 Jonathan N. Lipman 2004, pp. 19–52. 4 Bianweihui 1985, p. 41. 5 Zvi Ben-Dor Benite, 2005, p. 34. 6 Ma Tong 1983, p. 312; Perdue 2005, p. 11. 7 Bianweihui 1997, p. 790. 8 The Xidao tang may, alternatively be translated as West Hospice (xi daotang). 9 Li Zhengqing 2008.

Bibliography Benite, Zvi Ben-Dor. 2005. The Dao of Muhammad, A Cultural History of Muslims in Late Imperial China, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center. Bianweihui. 1997. Lintan xianzhi [Gazetteer of Lintan County]. Lanzhou: Gangsu minzu chubanshe. Bianxiezhu. 1985. “Saidianchi jiapu” [Genealogy of Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din]. In Yunnan shengbianxie zu (Yunnan Province Editorial Committee) (Eds.), Yunnan Huizu shehui lishi diaocha [The Investigation of Hui Society and History in Yunnan], Vol.2. Kunming: Yunnan minzu chubanshe. Li Songmao. 2009. “‘Huihui’ yici he Yisilan jiao” [The Term ‘Huihui’ and Islam]. In Bianweihui, Huizu shehui lishi diaocha. Beijing: Minzu chubanshe, pp. 117–124. Li Zhengqing. 2008. Zhaotong huizu wenhua shi [The History of Hui Culture in Zhaotong]. Kunming: Yunnan daxue chubanshe. Lipman, Jonathan N. 2004. “White Hats, Oil Cakes, and Common Blood: The Hui in the Contemporary Chinese State.” In Morris Rossabi (Ed.), Governing China’s Multiethnic Frontiers. Seattle: University of Washington Press, pp. 19–52. Ma Jinwei and Ma Lijuan. 2016. “1982–2010nianwoguohuizurenkoufenbubiandongyanjiu” [The Change in Population Distribution of Hui People from 1982 to 2010]. Xibei renkou [Northwest Population] 37(3): 47–50. Ma Tong. 1983. Zhongguo yisilan jiapai yu menhuan shilue [The History of China’s MuslimSolidarity and the Menhuan System]. Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin chubanshe. Perdue, Peter C. 2005. China Marches West: The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.

1

The Mosque and Scripture-Hall Education Jianxiong Ma and Jide Yao

Geographic localities and state institutions perform a crucial role in the construction of Hui identity in China. In general, it may be said that a noticeable Muslim population arose in China during the Yuan dynasty (1271–1368) and they were scattered over many parts of the country. Many Muslims had newly come from Central Asia at the time of the Yuan conquest. The Yuan ran a relatively open economy, but in the early Ming dynasty (1368–1644), the state introduced two restrictions. Firstly, the Ming government attempted to rigidly control maritime trade, even though its efforts did not by any means succeed in limiting “smuggling” on the southeast coast of China. Secondly, after the fall of the Yuan tensions on the northern frontier continued until the peace treaty of 1571 between the Ming government and the Mongols; this conflict limited the possibilities of trade into Central Asia, with the exception of “smuggling.” For close to two centuries, Hui communities were cut off from the outside world and they increasingly integrated into the Ming realm.

The Governance of the Mosque Community The most significant change for the social life of Hui Muslims during these two centuries was the abolition of the Islamic judge based at the communal mosque. In the Yuan dynasty, the judge was one of several positions central to the governance of the religious community (jiaofang), another being the imam (yimamu). The Ming dynasty recognized a position known as the head of the creed (jiaozhang), who was the imam, but abolished the position of the judge.1 This arrangement followed closely the dictates of the lijia household registration system that was imposed from the early Ming. It signaled that the Hui communities, like the Han Chinese, were also to be registered as lijia households and subjected to the supervision of the headman. The mosque, therefore, was regarded as family property which could be passed on to descendants.2 The leadership of the mosque community, stripped of its magisterial functions, evolved into the trio of masters (sandao zhi), of the imam, the preacher (haituibu) and the caller-for-prayers (mu’anjin). Over the course of the Ming dynasty, these positions gradually became hereditary within some families in a given community. In some provinces,

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such as Henan and Yunnan, these three positions came to be known as the “three heads of religion” (san zhangjiao).3 During the late Ming and early Qing (1644–1911), the management of communal mosques gradually changed. The “three heads of religion” were replaced by a council of elders composed of the imam, the preacher, and several trustees. This institutional change happened in different provinces stretching from the south to the north, along with the development of a system of mosque-based education that came to be known as “scripture-hall education.”4

Scripture-Hall Education Scripture-hall education, which was established at a mosque and intended for the local Muslim community, has long been a very important social landmark among Hui Muslims in China. Hu Dengzhou (1522–1597), a Hui scholar who hailed from Shaanxi province, was the founder of this movement because he was the first to move private schooling into the mosque. Prior to this change, a Hui student would have studied Islam on payment of a fee at a private school, which would have been like any village school (sishu). Hu Dengzhou also standardized the texts used in the mosque schools. Because the texts were ultimately based on translations from Arabic and Persian, this had the effect of standardizing some of the translated texts. The school being located in the mosque, the community that supported the mosque also supported the school. As pointed out by Ma Zhu (1640–1711), another reformer in the scripture-hall education movement, the council of elders had no right to collect any tax, for the mosque was supported by donations given as a form of charity.5 The change did not come overnight but took place over a long time. Nevertheless, by the middle of the Qing dynasty, say the 18th century, scripture-hall education had gradually become established in different provinces all across China. In the early Qing, when a school was founded at a mosque, the council of elders would employ the service of a qualified ahong (Per. akhoond, a cleric) as the teacher. Rooms in the northern wing of the mosque used for studying the Qur’an, known as the “scripture hall,” would have been used for classes. The mosque community provided for the students’ living expenses. A well-endowed mosque would have provided a primary school for formative education, a middle school for supplementary schooling of the youth, and a school of higher education (daxue) to train professional ahong using a curriculum based on Islamic theology. The duration of higher education normally lasted from four to six years. The curriculum followed the translations standardized by Hu Dengzhou and his followers. Some students followed in their masters’ footsteps, and their teachings evolved into local branches known by the places from which they originated, such as the Shaanxi School, the Shandong School, or the Yunnan School. An academic network developed that stretched across the whole of

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China. The basic texts used would have been the same, but different masters developed their strengths in different areas, such as Persian and Arabic grammar, Islamic philosophy and Chinese translation.6 Most mosques taught in Chinese. Their teaching also included Confucian texts, the combination of Confucian and Islamic texts being recognized in the saying, “The Islamic and Confucian canons should be equally valued” (jingshu bingzhong). The scripture-hall education movement was probably itself the reflection of broader changes among the Hui that occurred through the Ming dynasty and into the Qing. Having settled in China for some centuries, many communities were probably losing their ability to read in Arabic or Persian, and it was increasingly practical to read the scriptures in Chinese characters. A Hui elite had possibly also evolved, one that accepted the understanding of Islam in the Chinese language, and even believed that, in some ways, it was possible to demonstrate that Islam was compatible with Confucian ideals. As lijia household registration went into decline from the 16th century, communities also took back control from those families that had dominated the mosques by means of registration and government recognition. The hereditary religious head disappeared as more and more mosques engaged in reform.7 The change opened up competition within the community for religious authority. It was at this time that connection to the genealogy of the Prophet Muhammed came to matter.

The Genealogy of the Prophet Muhammed In the Yuan dynasty, Hui Muslims were called the semu (assorted categories) people. They were concentrated, in the southwest, in Yunnan, and in the northwest, in Ningxia, Gansu, Qinghai and areas that in later times became Xinjiang. Many Hui served in the Yuan bureaucracy. One of the most senior Hui officials, Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din (1211–1279), served as the Muslim provincial governor of Yunnan. Prior to the Yuan dynasty, Yunnan had been the independent Dali kingdom. Sayyid Ajall successfully integrated it into Yuan China as a province. He was also instrumental in implementing the new frontier policies introduced by the Yuan government, including the local chieftain system. He effectively established the basic agricultural infrastructure in the Kunming basin. Moreover, he was later regarded as the founder of the Hui communities and a symbol of peaceful ethnic relationships in southwest China.8 Because he was identified as one of the descendants of the Prophet Muhammed, and his sons were leaders of the Huihui armies and appointed as governors in various provinces, many Hui communities came to link their own family genealogies to his. After several generations his descendants adopted Chinese character surnames. One of his sons, who was known by the name Ma Suhu, was also appointed as governor of Yunnan province, and Ma Suhu’s sons, by adopting the different Chinese characters in his name as their own surnames, became the ancestors of the Ma, Su, and Hu surnames.9

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Other efforts to change Hui customs to be closer to Han Chinese practices came in the late Ming and early Qing. Some were imposed by overzealous Han Chinese magistrates. For example, in Xundian prefecture of Yunnan province, where there was a concentration of Hui, the prefectural gazetteer recorded an effort by the prefect to change Muslim funeral customs: The semu people wear white hats, and they never wear headbands; they wear short tunics without collars; they are crafty people who practice endogamy, and do not have a taboo on same-surname marriages. They kill cattle when they are chanting scripture; at funerals they do not use coffins to bury their parents, and they do nothing to worship ancestors. Considering such practices immoral, in the 28th year of the Jiajing reign (1549), Prefect Wang Shangyong consulted different people and tried to change them. After that, the Hui started to use coffins at funerals.10 At other times, the changes were voluntary, such as when Hui families, like many Han Chinese families, adopted a lifestyle of classical scholarship so that they might sit for the imperial examination. In Menghua prefecture, for example, the gazetteer records a reputable Hui family in the late Ming that had used the Chinese character “Ma” as their surname. For four generations, they had been successful in the juren examination. The gazetteer praised them as famous teachers of the Confucian classics.11 Reference to their genealogy shows that the family claimed descent from Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din in the early Qing dynasty when Ma Zhu compiled the Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din genealogy.12 By the late Ming, scholars were referring to Confucian concepts in their interpretation of Islam. Liu Zhi (1660–1730), who wrote Explanation to the Key Elements of Islamic Rituals (Tianfang dianli), and Wang Daiyu (1584?–1660?), a scholar who preceded Ma Zhu and Liu Zhi and composed The Authentic Interpretation of the Orthodox Religion (Zhengjiao zhenquan), both did so. Ma Zhu was one of the scholars most famous for applying Confucian concepts to the interpretation of Islam. He grew up in western Yunnan, but joined the refugee court of the Southern Ming as a young official as it was fleeing from the Manchus. Later he went to Beijing to serve on the staff of a Manchu prince after the emperor of the Southern Ming was captured and killed. While in Beijing, he gave up his Confucian studies for those of Islam, and in 1683, he finished his most important work, The Guide of Islam (Qingzhen zhinan). Equally important to his interpretation of Islam by appealing to Confucian and Daoist concepts was Ma Zhu’s compilation of a general genealogy of Yunnan governor Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din. Ma left Beijing in 1684, but before he returned to Yunnan, he traveled for three years in the provinces of Shandong, Zhejiang, Shaanxi and Sichuan, and stayed in the cities of Nanjing, Xi’an and Chengdu to visit important Hui communities. There, he

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studied Hui genealogies in order to compile a genealogy of Hui people in China. Many at the time claimed descent from Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din. As Sayyid Ajall claimed descent from the Prophet Mohammed, the people who claimed descent from him became, likewise, descendants of the Prophet.13 Ma Zhu completed this general genealogy when he was on the way from Chengdu to Yunnan. In it, he regarded himself as a fifth-generation descendant of Sayyid Ajall. According to the genealogy, Sayyid Ajall was in the thirty-first generation after the Prophet Muhammed, and so Ma Zhu was a forty-fifth-generation descendent. He published the genealogy and it circulated widely.14 The genealogy helped to establish Ma Zhu’s authority, and he won the support of the Yunnan provincial governor and the provincial surveillance commissioner. He became an effective reformer, supporting the up-andcoming councils of elders in the mosques, the rebuilding of common charitable properties at the mosques to fund scripture-hall education, and employing good teachers by contract. He also emphasized the equal value of Islam and Confucian training at the mosque schools, and the ideal of “celebrations of the two lives” (liangshi juqing). The term refers to Ma Zhu’s division of life into two parts, the one a life “before and after,” and the other, which he calls simply “the life.” He explained that “Confucians just study the middle, rather the beginning and the end.”15 Only Islam deals with the life “before and after.” By the middle of the Qing dynasty, scripture-hall education had become established in many provinces. Many mosques had also reformed their governance, so that they were managed by a council of elders. Mosque authority was established based on cooperation between the religious head, the teacher(s) employed by the mosque and a few respected elders. More people donated land to mosques. Some scholars believe that the Qing government’s policy of “including the head tax into the land tax” (tanding rudi) carried out in 1712 all over the country might also have had something to do with increased donations, for that policy meant that farmers were no longer bound to the land. Mosques performed increasingly important roles to manage donated land, including paying tax on it. This change released more people from farming so that they might take up occupations away from their homes, becoming merchants, miners, and even clerks or officials. With the mosque serving as the pivot of the community, Hui people were able to develop networks of relationships that included tracing kinship to Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din and ultimately to the Prophet Muhammed.16 It is necessary to note, however, that this broad description does not apply to Sufi orders in northwestern China. Sufi scripture-hall education does not teach Islamic texts in translation. In the words of Jonathan Lipman, they “utilized Chinese phonetics to represent Arabic pronunciation, and xiaojing (‘minor canon’) adapted the Arabic script to represent spoken Chinese.”17 The practice has been maintained to the present day.

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Jianxiong Ma and Jide Yao

Notes 1 Yu Zhengui 1996, p. 133. 2 Ma Zhu 1989, pp. 430–431. 3 There were exceptions to this rule. In areas that were not subject to lijia but held by local chieftains (tusi), the position of the judge remained in place. Among the Salars, for example, that position could be occupied by the chieftain himself. 4 Mian Weilin 1981, pp. 33, 43. Ma Zhu 1989, pp. 361, 431. 5 Ma Zhu 1989, p. 362. 6 Bai Shouyi 2008a, pt. 2, p. 375. 7 Yu Zhengui 1996, p. 206. 8 Bai Shouyi 2008b, pt. 1, p. 251. 9 Ke Shaowen 1956; Ma Yingsheng 2010, p. 90. 10 Wang Shangyong, Chen Zi, and Zhang Teng 1963, p. 19. 11 Jiang Xu 1998, pp. 48, 144, 148; Ma Yingsheng 2010, p. 97. 12 Bianxiezhu 1985, p. 25. 13 Ma Zhu 1989, p. 439. 14 Bianxiezhu 1985, p. 44. 15 Ma Zhu 1989, pp. 40, p. 432; Ma Jianxiong 2013, pp. 147–170. 16 Ma Jianxiong 2013, pp. 147–170. 17 Jonathan N. Lipman 1997, p. 49.

Bibliography Bai Shouyi. 2008a. “Zhongguo yisilanshi gangyao” [An outline of the history of Islam in China]. In Bai Shouyi (Ed.), Bai Shouyi wenji, disanjuan: Minzu zongjiao lunji [Collected works of Bai Shouyi, Vol. 3: Ethnic and religious studies]. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe. Part 2. Bai Shouyi. 2008b. “Saidianchi zhansiding zhuan” [The Biography of the Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din]. In Bai Shouyi (Ed.), Bai Shouyi wenji, disanjuan: Minzu zongjiao lunji. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe, pp. 248–254. Bianxiezhu. 1985. “Saidianchi jiapu” [Genealogy of Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din]. In Yunnan sheng bianxiezu (Yunnan Province Editorial Committee) (Eds.), Yunnan Huizu shehui lishi diaocha [The Investigation of Hui Society and History in Yunnan], Vol. 2. Kunming: Yunnan minzu chubanshe. Jiang Xu. 1998 (1698). (Kangxi) Menghua fuzhi [Gazetteer of Menghua Prefecture Kangxi Edition]. Manshi: Dehong minzu chubanshe, repr. Ke Shaowen. 1956. Xin Yuanshi [New History of the Yuan Dynasty], Vol. 155. Taipei: Compiling Company for Twenty-five Shi. Lipman, Jonathan N. 1997. Familiar Strangers: A History of Muslims in Northwest China. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Ma Jianxiong. 2013. “Re-creating Hui Identity and the Charity Network in the Imperial Extension from Ming to Qing in the Southwest Chinese Frontier.” In Rajeswary Ampalavanar Brown and Justin Pierce (Eds.), Charities in the Non-Western World: The Development and Regulation of Indigenous and Islamic Charities. London and New York: Routledge, pp. 147–170. Ma Yingsheng. 2010. Yingyin guben Xianyang jiasheng kaoshi [Study on the Genealogy from Xianyang]. Kunming: Yunnan minzu chubanshe. Ma Zhu. 1989. Qingzhen zhinan [The Guide of Islam]. Xining: Renmin chubanshe.

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Mian Weilin. 1981. Ningxia Yisilan jiaopai gaiyao [An outline of Islamic teachings in Ningxia]. Yinchuan: Renmin chubanshe. Wang Shangyong, Chen Zi and Zhang Teng (Eds.). 1963. (Jiajing) Xundian fuzhi [Gazetteer of Xundian Prefecture Jiajing edition]. Shanghai: Guji chubanshe. Yu Zhengui 1996. Zhongguo lidai zhengquan yu Yisilanjiao [Successive Chinese Dynasties and Islam]. Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin chubanshe. Yu Zhengui and Lei Xiaojing (Eds.) 2001. Zhongguo Huizu jinshi lu [Compendium of Hui Inscriptions in China]. Yinchuan: Ningxia Renmin Chubanshe. Zhou Xiefan (Ed.). 2005. Zhongguo Yisilanjiao beiming jicheng [Collection of Islamic inscriptions in China], Vol.18. Qingzhen da dian [The Grand Encyclopedia of Islam in China]. Hefei: Huangshan shushe.

2

Succession in the Yunnan School (Yunnan xuepai) of Islamic Thought Zhihong Ma

Yunnan has long been home to many Muslims, but only from the beginning of the 17th century did Islamic masters in Yunnan come to be influenced by Hu Dengzhou of Shaanxi (see Chapter 1) and his followers. Hu formulated a system of translation, teaching and curriculum that might be employed in classes held in the “scripture hall” of the mosque. After Hu Dengzhou, his disciples continued to train students using his methods. From the perspective of the Muslim communities, Hu had not only started “scripture-hall education” but had also integrated Confucian education with Islamic religious teachings, thus taking a significant step forward in the development of Islam in China. Hu Dengzhou’s influence has continued until the present day. His teaching has been passed on, generation by generation, through his disciples. However, in Yunnan, the study of the Islamic classics has been much enriched by the work of some native sons who rose to prominence not only in the province but also beyond. The tracking of their various lines of intellectual descent has been scattered, recorded in writing at times in celebration of one or another master, and at other times recalled orally in legends. In this chapter, I reconstruct the intellectual lineage of the Yunnan Islamic masters who have now frequently been referred to by Chinese scholars as the Yunnan School of Islamic Classics and highlight significant contributions by some of his disciples.

Establishment of Scripture-Hall Education in Yunnan Visits to Shaanxi by a Yunnan master who had learnt from one of Hu’s students is recorded in Zhao Can, The Genealogy of Classical Learning, written in 1697, and is corroborated by the following grave epitaph found in Xiaoweigeng village, in Menghua prefecture in Yunnan: Epitaph for Ma Ju, the Fifth Master, who initiated the explanation of religious regulations and taught the texts used by the entire province of Yunnan, twice visited Shaanxi to further his studies and whose conduct and career exceeded those before him.

The Yunnan School of Islamic Thought

21

th

Repaired on an auspicious day in the 6 month of the guihai [year of the] Qianlong [reign of the] Qing dynasty [1743].1 Ma Ju had died in 1597. He studied with Hu Dengzhou’s two disciples known only by their surnames as Master Feng and Master Hai. Zhao Can, who in 1697 wrote a genealogy of Islamic classical scholarship emanating from Hu, noted that as Ma Ju went north to learn from Hu Dengzhou’s followers, some of Hu’s followers had also been invited to teach in Yunnan. Feng Boan, Master Feng’s nephew, was the first to come. Zhao noted that, “the elderly Muslims in Menghua prefecture in Yunnan invited him to set up a school in their area.2 Menghua prefecture in the Qing dynasty included present-day Weishan county. In later generations other Yunnan Muslims who went to Shaanxi for their studies included Huang Guanhai (d. in the 1660s) and Cai Xuan (d. 1634). Huang Guanhai was a student of Hai Wenxuan, who was himself educated by a student of Hu Dengzhou.3 Cai Xuan was a native of Banju village in Midu county, Zhaozhou subperfecture, where the Cai surname graveyard is still maintained in the village.4 He first studied under Huang Guanhai in Yunnan. When Master Huang passed away suddenly before he finished his studies, Cai went to Master Ma Minglong in Wuchang of Hubei province to continue.5 Ma Minglong was a student of Feng Boan and Feng Erqiao, respectively Master Feng’s nephew and son, and, therefore, was directly in line from Hu Dengzhou. After he finished his studies, Master Cai returned to Yunnan. He first taught in Zhaozhou, but went from there to Najiaying in Hexi (present-day Tonghai county). Hexi became an important base for “scripture-hall education” in Yunnan.6 He hand-copied one set of the Qur’an, totaling 30 volumes, which is still kept in the South Gate Mosque (Nanmen Qingzhensi) in Dali city as a rare relic of Islam.7 Among Cai Xuan’s students, the most famous were Wang Congyun whom Cai left behind to teach in Zhaozhou and Na Zhizhi who taught at Najiaying.8 Another famous master, Bao Shan (1689–1778), a contemporary of Cai Xuan, was honoured by the Muslims in Dali as the “Founder Old Master” (Shizu Laobaba). Bao’s father had followed the troops of Qing dynasty commander Wu Sangui to Yunnan and settled down in Dali. He founded schools in many places in Yunnan. When he was almost 80 years old, he retired as a hermit on Cangshan Mountain in Dali. Dwelling in a humble hut, he declined to participate in secular affairs but devoted his time solely to fasting and prayer. He died in 1778 and was buried on Yuju Peak of Cangshan Mountain. Many legends related to him circulated among the local people. One such recalls that Cai Xuan and Bao Shan sailed across Qiluhu Lake in Tonghai county in a sheepskin boat to arrive at the villages of Najiaying and Gucheng. After they had said their morning prayers, Bao told Cai to preach in the villages. The two villages had not had any preachers for a long time and the Islamic faith was much neglected, but Bao and Cai prayed that they

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would have “as many ‘alim [Ar., Islamic masters] as three dou of sesame seeds.”9 We do not really know about Bao’s origins before he came to Yunnan, except that he had studied in Northwestern China and his Islamic knowledge came through the Shaanxi School.10 Zhao Can’s The Genealogy of Classical Learning also mentions a master named Ma Xuxuan, the only Yunnan native among the 27 masters given individual biographies. His history is revealing of the experience of the Hui people of Yunnan at the end of the Ming and the early Qing. Zhao Can notes that Ma Xuxuan’s father had been a merchant. Xuxuan was 15 years old when the exiled Ming dynasty Yongli court (1646–1662) had withdrawn to Southwestern China and constant fighting broke out between the advancing Qing armies, defecting generals and Ming loyalists. In that time of turmoil, Xuxuan and his father were caught by Qing troops in Hengzhou in Hunan province. They were dispatched to Wuchang but they escaped along the way, being helped by Hui villagers who responded to their request for help. Fortunately, they were intercepted by Muslim commander, Ma Jiaolin, in the Qing army advancing towards Guangxi, and the commander, seeing that Xuxuan was keen to study, allowed him to do so under Cai Xuan, who was preaching among his troops. When Guangxi fell to the Qing (c. 1651), Cai Xuan set up his teaching in Liuzhou prefecture in Guangxi, and there Ma Xuxuan studied for four years. By the end of that period, Cai recommended him with several other of his students to commander Ma to be sent to Master Ma Minglong at Wuchang for further training. Ma Xuxuan did not stay long in Wuchang, but went from there first to Nanjing to follow another master, and then to Jishui in Henan province to follow Masters Chang Wenhua and Li Yanling. Thereafter, Ma Xuxuan was sponsored by merchants to set up his teaching, in Gongchang prefecture (Shaanxi province in the Qing, present-day Gansu province) for 30 years.11 Scripture-hall education came to fruition in Yunnan under Masters Ma Zhu (1640–1711, see Chapter 1). Ma Zhu, whose religious name was Yusuf (Yousufu), was also caught up in dynastic turmoil at the end of the Ming and the early years of the Qing. He served in the Yongli court and was fortunate to have escaped and become a household tutor for an imperial prince in Beijing. There, he learned Arabic and Persian and studied Islamic religious texts, and, after the political situation had calmed down, he left Beijing in 1684 and tapped into the vast network of Islamic scholars that spread through north and central China.12 He toured Shandong, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Shaanxi and Sichuan, and made friends with Islamic masters. Ma Zhu was a prolific writer. He had compiled a genealogy of Sayyid Ajjal Shams al-Din and The Guide of Islam. Everywhere he visited, Ma Zhu presented his draft of The Guide of Islam to reputable masters for their comments. As was the custom among scholars, he exchanged poems with them, some of which he included in the revised version of the book that he published after he returned to Yunnan. The Guide of Islam was thus perfected through the continuous exchanges of ideas with these masters.13

The Yunnan School of Islamic Thought

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In The Guide of Islam, Ma Zhu wanted to “trace the origin of life, [and] the ways of improving one’s moral behavior and life to come.”14 He made an effort to explain Islam by using Neo-Confucian concepts such as “heart-mind” (xin), “nature” (xing), “great ultimate” (taiji), and “beyond ultimate” (wuji). This application of Confucianism to interpret the scriptures (yi ru quan jing) had a far-reaching impact on the practice of later Islamic scholars.15

Ma Dexin and Ma Lianyuan Almost a century after Ma Zhu, Ma Dexin (a.k.a. Fuchu, 1791–1874) pushed the academic achievements of Yunnan’s Islamic scholars to a higher level. Ma Dexin, a native of Dali prefecture, came from a family of Islamic scholars.16 As a young man, he acquired a good foundation in the Arabic and Persian languages and when he came of age, he studied with masters in Sichuan and Shaanxi. In Shaanxi, he learned from the famous master Zhou Liangjun, an eighth-generation disciple of Hu Dengzhou.17 Ma Dexin had made the pilgrimage to Mecca. He left in 1841 and returned in 1849, visiting many countries along the way on his return. He became the leading Islamic spiritual leader in Yunnan.18 However, because he became entangled in the Hui rebellion in Yunnan in the 1860s, his accomplishments

Figure 2.1 The mosque of Manwan new village in Yun county, Yunnan.

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in Islamic Studies could not be transmitted, nor were his ideas on mosque education carried out. He was executed by the Qing government in 1874.19 Ma Dexin’s student, Ma Lianyuan (1841–1895), inherited his teaching. Ma Lianyuan, a native of Yuxi in Yunnan, was tall and big, so the local Muslims called him “Master Tall” (Gao Baba). He came from a family of Islamic scholars, his father Ma Xuekuan being a famous imam. Ma Lianyuan completed his studies with Ma Dexin at the age of 22 years old. Thereupon, he started to teach students, but, with disorder reaching its peak, he went on pilgrimage to Mecca. He went away for four years, returning to Yunnan in 1872. He then accepted employment at the Daying village mosque in Yuxi and taught there for more than 20 years. Islam suffered a major setback in the 1870s, to the point that scripture-hall education nearly disappeared. Despite these difficulties, Ma Lianyuan devoted himself to studying, writing and the training of a large number of students.20 His master Ma Dexin had emphasized the use of both Islamic texts and Confucian books (jingshu liangquan) in their teaching. Under Hu Dengzhou, scripture-hall education had long concentrated on books written in Arabic and Persian. Ma Zhu and Ma Dexin were well trained in Neo-Confucianism, and they encouraged the extensive use of the Chinese language and Neo-Confucian concepts to interpret and explain Islamic doctrines. Moreover, through their travels, Ma Dexin and Ma Lianyuan both acquired a global and historical perspective. Under their leadership, the Yunnan School reached its intellectual height. Ma Lianyuan taught more than a thousand students in his commitment to scripture-hall education.21 Perhaps most important, he was a prolific writer. He wrote, in Arabic, A Simple Outline of the Study of Religious Doctrine (jianming jiaoyixue dagang), which provided explanatory notes to The Study of Doctrine (Ar. kala-m, Ch. kailianmu), the first book of its kind written in China. His translation of the Islamic text, Laituo Yifu Mantui Ge, introduced a new aspect to the understanding of “Recognizing Allah as the Only One” (ren Zhu duyi).22 He compiled concise and easy-to-understand teaching materials that could be used in scripture-hall education all over China, for example Fundamentals of Lexis (cifa jichu), Fundamentals of Grammar (yufa jichu), Fundamentals of Rhetoric (xiucixue jichu), Fundamentals of the Study of Logic (luojixue jichu), all written in Arabic, and Classical Grammar (guwen xianfa), written in Persian. His Heting [Ar. khatm] Interpretations (heting yijie), popular among Muslims in China, presents the best available text of the Qur’an. To the present day, it is the version of the Qur’an most used in the everyday life of Muslims in China. He also compiled the widely used text for beginners in Islamic studies, General Guide (da zaxue).23 In particular, Ma Lianyuan created a mu’alim (teaching assistant, Ch. muerlin) system for mosque teaching, in which the students in the senior classes would coach those in the junior classes. This was generally known in Chinese as the “little tutors system” (xiao xiansheng zhi). It relieved the burden on the main lecturer and also provided ample teaching practice and training for the senior students.

The Yunnan School of Islamic Thought

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In the early 1900s, Master Ma Lianyuan also took charge of the printing of the Qur’an in Arabic script in China. That was done with wood blocks under the title Precious True Scripture (Baoming zhenjing). This edition used a hand-copied text in graceful and beautiful calligraphy. Even today, it is still the version that every mosque must have, an important contribution of the Yunnan School towards the development of Islam in China.

Continuities in Yunnan and Extending Beyond Many of Ma Lianyuan’s disciples served as Islamic teachers. Master Ma Guoying (1861–1924) was born in Xiaoweigeng village of Menghua. When the Hui uprising failed in 1873, Xiaoweigeng was taken by the Qing army, and Ma Guoying, 12 years old at that time, fled to Myanmar with his uncle. In 1875, they set off from Myanmar and embarked on the difficult pilgrimage to Mecca. His uncle died in Mecca, just as they finished the rituals of the hajj. Ma Guoying was left on his own and had a hard time trying to support himself. By good fortune, he met people who helped him to return to Yunnan. Back in Yunnan, he studied under Master Ma Lianyuan in Yuxi. After his studies, Ma Guoying taught in scripture halls in Menghua and then in Kunming. In 1887, he returned to Xiaoweigeng, where the mosque had been destroyed in the Hui uprising. Master Ma Guoying taught in the private study of a Muslim family and travelled in the surroundings to raise

Figure 2.2 The cover page of Qur’an in Chinese under the title Precious True Scripture (Baoming zhenjing) printed with wood blocks in 1895 in Kunming, Yunnan.

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funds to rebuild the mosque. The Xiaoweigeng Mosque was rebuilt in 1908 and scripture-hall education was restored. In the following 30 years, he taught over 500 students, most of them from Muslim villages in western Yunnan. Among the students of Ma Guoying was Xie Zhenfu (1878–1960), a native of Zhaozhou. He was not only thoroughly familiar with the Islamic texts but was also learned in the Neo-Confucian Four Books and Five Classics. He passed the lowest level, xiucai, civil service examination at 16 years of age. After that, he studied under Ma Guoying, focusing on the Qur’an and the religious regulations. Having a solid foundation in both Confucian and Islamic texts, Xie gradually became a highly regarded master. After he finished his studies in 1910, he served as imam in some of the most important mosques in western Yunnan, at Binchuan, Menghua, Dali and Yongping, and managed scripture-hall education for 48 years. During these years, Muslims in Yunnan went through the transition from the Qing dynasty to the Republic of China (1912–1949). Scripture-hall education, too, had to face the question of aligning itself with modern secular education. Xie Zhenfu explored ways of integrating scripture-hall education with the new curriculum and founded Sino-Arabic schools such as Huaguang and Mingde in the cities where he was teaching. In 1939, Muslim representatives from more than 50 counties all over Yunnan met in Kunming to set up the Yunnan Branch of the Chinese Islamic National Salvation Association (Zhongguo Huijiao jiuguo xiehui Yunnansheng fenhui). Xie represented Fengyi (Zhaozhou) county and was elected President of the provincial association.24 As a representative of the Muslims in Yunnan, Xie went to Beijing in February 1955 to attend the First Representative Assembly of the China Islamic Association (Zhongguo Yisilan xiehui diyici daibiao dahui). He was chosen as one of its officers and also joined the leadership of the Society for the Promotion of Hui Culture in China (Zhongguo Huizu wenhua cujinhui). He died in 1960.25 Ma Lianyuan had other renowned disciples: Wang Jiapeng (1864–1947) and Tian Jiapei (1871–1945). Wang Jiapeng was a native of Kaiyuan city. When he was young, he had studied under Masters Na Pengzun and Na Kaixi, both Ma Dexin’s students. He went from them to Ma Lianyuan. In 1896, Wang Jiapeng went to Pingliang in Gansu with Ma Ankang, the third son of Ma Lianyuan, to study Islamic texts written in Arabic and Persian under Master Pu’er Ma and later under Ma Wanfu.26 At the time he finished his studies, Wang Jiapeng had a cousin who was the provincial military commander (tidu) in Sichuan, and possibly with his help, Jiapeng moved to Sichuan and served as imam in Chengdu’s Drum Tower Mosque. He worked there for eight years earning a reputation as a noted teacher among the Muslims there. After that, he returned to Kaiyuan where he took charge of the Dazhuang Mosque for 30 years.27 Tian Jiapei was a native of Tonghai county and had studied with Ma Lianyuan. Like his teacher, he was good at Arabic and Persian. Moreover, possibly because of the influence of his father, who was skilful at Arabic

The Yunnan School of Islamic Thought

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Figure 2.3 The last page of Qur’an under the title Precious True Scripture.

calligraphy, he also became a noted calligrapher of the Arabic script. It was his calligraphy that provided the text for Precious True Scripture that Ma Lianyuan published. At various times Tian Jiapei served as imam in the Nancheng Mosque in Kunming, the Tianxin Mosque in Wenshan prefecture, the Nanshengsi Mosque in Guangzhou, the Shadian Mosque in Mengzi, and the Dazhuang Mosque in Kaiyuan. In his 40 years of teaching, Tian taught many students who became Islamic masters, among them the famous Na Ming’an (1890–1943), Xu Zhaowen, Na Zhong and Na Xun.28 Obviously, Islamic scholarship was not only taught in the scripture halls but also ran within family groups. Ma Lianyuan’s descendants, thanks to his influence, became a prestigious lineage Islamic scholars. Of his three sons, the eldest, Ma Anzhen (1861–1930), served as teacher and imam in the mosques of Panlong township and Mogok city in Myanmar, the latter famous for its ruby mine. Later, he went on pilgrimage to Mecca in 1910, and he taught in Baoshan and Changning in Yunnan until he passed away in 1930. The second son, Ma Anyi (1870–1943) taught in Ya county (present day Sanya) in Hainan, in Guangzhou and Shanghai. In his later years, he worked in the East Gate Mosque in Kunming and in Daying village in Yuxi, holding the title of General Director of Scripture-hall education in Yunnan province. His students included famous imams such as Mi Zebo and Zhang Jianying. He died in 1943. The third son was Ma Ankang (1875–1955). He studied in Gansu during his early years and taught in mosques in Shadian, Kunming, Yuxi, and Panxi, serving as imam and head teacher. He had a good mastery of

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Persian and wrote General Principles of Islam (Huijiao yaozhi) in Chinese. His students included well-known imams such as his son Ma Ruitu (1895–1944), Na Runzhang, Ma Zhiguo, Zhang Wenshan and Ma Huiting. Ma Lianyuan sons, Ma Anyi and Ma Ankang, and his two students, Wang Jiapeng and Tian Jiapei, are recognized as the “four great masters of the Islamic classics” (si da jingshi) in Yunnan. Ma Ruitu, Ma Ankang’s son, served as imam in Jijie Mosque in Mengzi county and the Zhenxue she (community of true learning) in Kunming, a school for teaching both Islamic texts and the Confucian classics at an advanced level. In 1927, he served as religious leader at both Haopan Mosque and Nansheng Mosque in Guangzhou. He founded the Islamic cultural magazine Principles Monthly (Tianfang xueli yuekan). During the AntiJapanese War, he returned to Yunnan and served as imam in Xiaoweigeng Mosque in Menghua. He died in 1945.29 He had students in Shanghai, Guangzhou, Hong Kong (e.g., Imam Ahmed Cheung Kwong Yee), Hainan, Thailand and Myanmar. People of his time said, “The north has Wang Jingzhai, and the south has Ma Ruitu.”30 Ma Ruitu’s eldest son, Ma Yuncong (1921–2014), became the leader of Islamic classics in Yunnan. After the “Reform and Opening” of the early 1980s, scripture-hall education, having been interrupted for 20 years, quickly revived. Weishan county conducted five teacher-training classes (shixunban) to teach imams to engage in mosque education. In these courses, Ma Yuncong was the main lecturer on the Arabic language. Today, his students have become the leaders of mosques in many parts of Yunnan as well as the responsible officials of Islamic associations. Ma Ankang’s grandson, Ma Yunliang, was also good at Arabic and Chinese and also became a famous imam. Another master was Na Runzhang (1900–1971), who came from a family of Islamic scholars in Najiaying. His father, Na Shiying, was a student of Ma Lianyuan and Ma Ankang. In 1928, he founded an Islamic Middle School in Baoshan, in which both Chinese and Arabic were taught. During the AntiJapanese War, he founded the Xingjian Middle School in Menghua. While putting emphasis on religious education, he replaced the Four Books and Five Classics previously used in scripture-hall education vernacular middle schools textbooks.31

Conclusion Although this chapter has not specifically dealt with the economic background of the development of scripture-hall education in Yunnan, the influence of trade and merchants is apparent in the experience described of some Islamic masters. Important also was Yunnan’s geographic position, being located in China’s southwestern borders and, therefore, as transport and trade opened up in the 19th century, Yunnan was linked to south China, Sichuan and southeast Asia, especially Myanmar. However, most important was the determination of Yunnanese masters to apply scripture-hall education and,

The Yunnan School of Islamic Thought

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thereby, not only excel in their understanding of the Islamic classics, but also to establish a network of connections among scholars of Islam. Ma Zhu, Ma Dexin and Ma Lianyuan were key figures in these social transformations, playing a vital role in development and reform. Islamic masters from Yunnan had considerable influence outside Yunnan. Many served as imams in Chengdu, Guangzhou, Shanghai and Hainan. Ma Lianyuan and his students were active in the Muslim communities along the trade routes between Sichuan and Yunnan, in places such as Xichang. Ma Lianyuan also lectured in Myanmar, and his eldest son, Ma Anzhen, stayed there for a long time. Until recent years, no genealogy was compiled to record the master–disciple relationships of the masters within the vast networks of Islamic masters of the classics. Zhao Can’s The Genealogy of Classical Learning was an exception rather than the rule, and it recorded mainly such relationships in north and central China. Nevertheless, from the abundant biographical information available on Yunnan masters, it should be clear that the master–disciple relationships were well noted and that reputable masters produced many students who continued as teachers or imams in the mosques. Educational reforms in the Republican period did not change this tradition, even though they brought changes to the curriculum. The most reputable masters were also important writers, and their influence was felt through Islamic intellectual networks founded on the basis of scripture-hall education. Acceptance of the intellectual leadership of important masters gave rise to the Yunnan School of Islamic Classics.

Notes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Xiaoweigeng Qingzhen si minzhu guanli weiyuanhui 2011, p. 136. Zhao Can 1989, p. 34. Zhao Can 1989, p. 33. Yang Tinghou 2009, p. 4. Na Zhizhi’s tomb inscription in Gao Fayuan 2001, p. 322. Cai Baba’s tomb inscription in Gao Fayuan 2001, p. 318; Ma Guosheng 2008, p. 134. Ma Chaoqun 2009, p. 31. Na Zhizhi’s tomb inscription in Gao Fayuan 2001, p. 322. Yang Tinghou 2009, p. 4. The dou was a measure of volume, equivalent to 1/100 of a shi, possibly 12 kilograms. Ma Mingqin 2016, pp. 479–480. Zhao Can 1989, pp. 93–95. The development of these networks has been described in detail in Zvi Ben-Dor Benite 2005. As noted by Bai Shouyi in his preface to in Ma Zhu 1989. Ma Zhu 1989, p. 76. Ma Jianxiong 2013; Ma Zhu 1989, p. 2. Ma Dexin 1988, p. 64. Ibid., p. 65. Ibid., p. 65. David G. Atwill 2006, pp. 187–188.

30 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31

Zhihong Ma Weishanxian huizu xuehui 2011, p. 1. Anon. 1902, p. 2. Na Guochang 2011, pp. 33–47. Ma Lianyuan 2011, p. 5. Ma Cunzhao 2000, pp. 135–139. Ibid., p. 139. Hu Long and Ma Xianxi 2006, pp. 76–82, Ma Wanfu became very well-known as the founder of the Ikhwan (Yihewani) order in China. See Chapter 4. Xiaoweigeng Qingzhen si minzhu guanli weiyuanhui 2011, p. 144. Gao Fayuan and Xiao Mang 2001, pp. 83–90. Weishanxian huizu xuehui 2011, p. 190. Xiaoweigeng Qingzhen si minzhu guanli weiyuanhui 2011, p. 144. Wang Jianping 2006, p. 51.

Bibliography Anon. 1902. Zhiben malaofuzi liuxun shouxu [Foreword for Senior Master Ma on His Sixtieth Birthday]. Woodblock printed edition. Anon. 2011. “Magong lianyuan jiapu” [Genealogy of Ma Lianyuan Family], in Weishanxian huizu xuehui (Ed.), Ma Lianyuan jingxue shijia [Islamic Masters’ Family of Ma Lianyuan. Kunming: Yunnan minzu chubanshe. Atwill, David G. 2006. The Chinese Sultanate: Islam, Ethnicity and the Panthay Rebellion in Southwest China, 1856–1873. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Benite, Zvi Ben-Dor. 2005. The Dao of Muhammad, A Cultural History of Muslims inLate Imperial China, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center. Gao Fayuan (Ed.). 2001. “Huizu—tonghai naguzheng” [The Hui of Nagu Town in Tonghai], in Yunnan minzu cunzhai diaocha [Investigation of Ethnic Villages in Yunnan 8]. Kunming: Yunnan daxue chubanshe. Gao Fayuan. 2011. “Malianyuan jingxue shijiaxu” [Preface to Islamic Masters’ Family of Ma Lianyuan], in Weishanxian huizu xuehui (Ed.), Ma Lianyuan jingxue shijia [Islamic Masters’ Family of Ma Lianyuan]. Kunming: Nationalities Publishing House of Yunnan, pp. I–IV. Gao Fayuan and Xiao Mang. 2001. “Xuezhede mozhi shenry xundaozhe de xie: nazhongzhuanglve” [The Ink of Scholars is Greater than the Blood of Martyrs: A Brief Biography of Nazhong]. Huizu yanjiu [Journal of Hui Muslim Minority Studies] 2: 83–90. Hu Long and Ma Xianxi. 2006. “Xiaojing riji zhengda guangming yu puer ma ahong” [The ‘Xiaojing’ [Arabic Transliteration] Diary Rectitude and Honor and Imam Puer Ma]. Huizu yanjiu [Journal of Hui Muslim Minority Studies] 3: 76–82. Ma Chaoqun. 2009. “Caibaba he tade shoudchaoben Gulanjing” [Cai Baba and HisHandwritten Copy of the Qur’an]. Dali huizu yanjiu [Studies on the Hui in Dali] 1: 31. Ma Cunzhao. 2000. Dali zhihua huizushi gao [Draft History of the Hui in Zhihua Village in Dali]. N.p.: Mosque Committee of Zhihuacun qingzhensi guanweihui. Ma Dexin. 1988. Chaojin tuji [Notes on the Pilgrimage]. Yinchuan: People’s Publishing House of Ningxia. Ma Guosheng (Ed.). 2008. Dali Huizu Shi [The History of the Huizu in Dali]. Kunming: Nationalities Publishing House of Yunnan. Ma Jianxiong 2013. “Re-creating Hui Identity and the Charity Network in the Imperial Extension from Ming to Qing in the Southwest Chinese Frontier.” In Rajeswary Ampalavanar Brown and Justin Pierce (Eds.), Charities in the Non-Western World:

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The Development and Regulation of Indigenous and Islamic Charities. London & New York: Routledge, pp. 147–170. Ma Lianyuan 2011. “Bianshu dazaxiue xu” [Introduction to General Guide]. In Weishanxian huizu xuehui (Ed.), Ma Lianyuan Jingxue Shijia [Islamic Masters’ Family of Ma Lianyuan] Kunming: Nationalities Publishing House of Yunnan, p. 5. Ma Mingqin (Ed.). 2016. Qujing Huizu lishi yu wenhua [History and Culture of the Hui in Qujing]. Kunming: Yunnan University Press. Ma Zhu. 1989. Qingzhen zhinan [The Guide of Islam]. Xining: Renmin chubanshe. Na Guochang. 2011. “Guineiwai zhiming de jingtang jiaoyujia Ma Lianyuan” [The Famous Mosque Education Master Ma Lianyuan]. In Weishanxian huizu xuehui (Ed.), Ma Lianyuan jingxue shijia [Islamic Masters’ Family of Ma Lianyuan]. Kunming: Nationalities Publishing House of Yunnan, pp. 33–47. Wang Jianping. 2006. “Na runzhang da ahong yu ta chuangban de Yunnanmenghuaxian xingjian zhongxue” [Imam Na Runzhang and the Xingjian Middle School He Established in Menghua County in Yunnan]. Zhongguo musilin [Chinese Muslim] 4: 51–52. Weishanxian huizu xuehui (Ed.). 2011. Ma Lianyuan jingxue shijia [Islamic Masters’ Family of Ma Lianyuan].Kunming: Yunnan minzu chubanshe. Yang Tinghou. 2009. Suixin ji [Following the Heart Collection]. Kunming: Yunnan minzu chubanshe. Xiaoweigeng Qingzhen si minzhu guanli weiyuanhui (Ed.). 2011. Xiaoweigeng cunzhi [Gazetteer of Xiaoweigeng Village]. Kunming: Yunnan yishu chubanshe. Zhao Can. 1989. Jingxue xichuan pu [The Genealogy of Classical Learning]. Xining: Qinghai renmin chubanshe.

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Spiritual Genealogies of Gansu Chains of Transmission in the Jahrı-ya and Khafı-ya Turuq Jonathan N. Lipman and Thomas Wide

Muslims in China engage in a variety of genealogical practices, ranging from conventional Chinese jiapu to networks of transmission of Islamic knowledge from teacher to disciple (e.g., jingxue xichuan pu).1 Not all genealogies trace biological/genetic descent, for they can also map inheritance of legitimate intellectual or spiritual leadership in Muslim communities or institutions. Family genealogies spread outward, from an apical ancestor to descendants, who (barring catastrophe) grow more numerous in each generation. Spiritual genealogies, in contrast, might trace “descent” from numerous, diffuse spiritual ancestors to a singular leader in the current generation (the “upside-down triangle”); or chart a chain of singular masters each surrounded by his descendants and disciples.2 The genealogists of this chapter were Sufis in Gansu province, Muslim mystics who traced the descent of their own particular traditions, texts, and practices from distant Middle Eastern and Central Asian spiritual ancestors to their present in northwest China. Typically, Sufi “chains of transmission” (Ar. pl. sala-sil, sing. silsila) allow for only a single leader in each generation. Sufis believe that Divine Blessing (Ar. baraka) flows from God to the charismatic leader (Ar. shaykh or murshid, Ch. shihe or shehai), the head of the Sufi order or brotherhood (Ar. sing. tarı-qa, pl. turuq).3 This baraka can be passed to the next generation either by biological descent, usually to a son, grandson, or brother, or by purely spiritual descent to a disciple. The legitimacy of that transmission must be ensured in order for the tarı-qa to continue; questioning it can and often does lead to conflict, even violence and schism, within the order. The resulting genealogies, whether in Arabic, Persian, or Chinese, do not resemble Chinese jiapu at all. Some Gansu Sufi orders mandated biological descent, thus earning the name menhuan, which Joseph Fletcher translated as “saintly lineages.”4 Others required teacher–disciple transmission, especially the Qadirı-ya, with its celibate clergy living in the mosque-hospice (Ar. za-wiya, Ch. daotang) complexes.5 Both forms existed elsewhere in the Muslim world, and both had advocates as “the correct way” to transmit God’s baraka to a new shaykh. In this chapter, we argue that the succession of shaykhs has been as important, or even more important, than biological descent in the lives and perceptions

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of northwestern Sufis, who have produced fewer conventional Chinese-style jiapu than their coreligionists in other parts of China. By tracing spiritual rather than biological ancestry, the Gansu Sufis locate themselves in the longue durée of Islamic history, directly related through correct religious transmission to the great men, both inside and outside Chinese culture, who linked humankind to God. The Muslim genealogical traditions of Fujian, Yunnan, and other parts of the Chinese culture area are usually used to demonstrate how Chinese the Muslims had become. Oded Abt’s recent dissertation describes the Fujian “Hui,” perhaps the most acculturated of all, as no longer Muslims themselves in any religious sense, but rather as “descendants of Muslims.”6 (See also Chapter 9.) Abt shares with Tristan Brown, who writes about the North China Plain, the conclusion that in those places, Islam had become a local, Chinese religion by the mid-Qing period.7 This chapter faces in the opposite direction, toward the genealogical ways in which Gansu Muslims remained distinct, different, connected to heartlands outside of China and defining their origins out there.8 The Jahrı-ya’s distinction between “inner generations” of leaders before the order’s arrival in China and “outer generations,” those who guided them after the order’s establishment in China, displays the Jahrı-ya Sufis’ consciousness of their “western” origins. It also reverses the usual order of Chinese cultural geography. Conventionally, China must be “inner” (Ch. nei, as in “Inner Mongolia,” closer to China than “Outer Mongolia”), but for these Muslims, China constituted the “outer” (Ch. wai) cultural world in contrast to the inner Muslim heartlands.9 This reversal of perspective makes the Gansu Sufi genealogies important documents for understanding how these Sino-Muslims perceived themselves. In the twentieth century, the Sino-Muslims, included within the Huizu by the People’s Republic of China, have been defined, in part, by “descent from foreign Muslims.” The two texts examined here do not demonstrate that consanguinitybased minzu version of Hui history10 but rather a spiritual dimension, a sense of descent in mystical thought and practice from great Sufis of Central and Western Asia. Here we will consider two forms of spiritual genealogy from northwestern China, the Fa-tiha-khwandan of the Minsha-r (Ch. Ming-sha-le) text of the Khafıya Sufis, which embodies a very broad sense of spiritual ancestry, and the sala-sil of the Jahrı-ya shaykhs, which present a roughly chronological progression of spiritual leaders. Different from one another in form but not in spiritual content, both offer us detailed genealogical information about where the northwestern Sufis thought they came from.11

The Minsha-r Fa-tiha-khwandan In a famous passage, the late Joseph Fletcher speculated on the identity of an Arabic text called Ming-sha-le or Ming-sha-er in Chinese.12 The text, associated with Sufis in Gansu province who called themselves Khafı-ya (Ch. hufuye or

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hufeiye)—“silent ones”13—had been brought back to China from “the West” in the early eighteenth century by their founding “outer” shaykh, Abu ‘l-Futuh Ma Laichi (1680–1766). Neither Fletcher nor the authors of his sources had actually read the text, so he based his conjectures on its title’s possible meaning and the text’s content—“scriptural extracts”—as described by the Qianlong Emperor, who also had not read it.14 Since the Ming-sha-le was always linked with Ma Laichi and the Khafı-ya, it should follow that the silent recitation of dhikr would characterize its ritual, for the Khafı-ya claimed in legal proceedings that they performed their mantra-like remembrance of God silently (al-dhikr al-khafi).15 Having discovered that Ma Laichi’s teachers in Yemen were Naqshbandis, Fletcher concluded that the Ming-sha-le’s title and content would be associated with conventional Naqshbandi devotions, for mainstream Naqshbandis almost invariably perform dhikr silently. He focused on Ibn Arabi’s Fusu-s al-Hikam and its commentaries, many of which contained words for “light” (ming), the first character in the text’s transliterated Chinese name. We have obtained two copies of the Ming-sha-le in Gansu, and Thomas Wide has translated them into English.16 This chapter will focus on the Mingsha-le’s last few pages. Though Fletcher correctly concluded that Ma Laichi and Ma Mingxin, the Jahrı-ya founder, had studied with the same or similar Naqshbandi teachers, his explication of the Minsha-r nonetheless focused on the Khafı-ya vs. Jahrı-ya conflict as it appeared in Qing legal documents—a dispute over the vocalization of dhikr.17 He thus never guessed that the two orders’ texts, in fact, described and taught the same ritual practice. Minsha-r, the Arabic title of this text, means “a hand-saw,” a reference to the “sawing” sound made by Sufis reciting the vocal dhikr, a method called (in Persian) dhikr-i arra or (in Arabic) al-dhikr al-jahrı- or dhikr minsha-rı-.18 Since the sometimes violent confrontations between Khafı-ya and Jahrı-ya in Gansu are usually attributed to differences over silent vs. vocal dhikr, the text’s title and its content appear counter-intuitive. Until now, the Minsha-r text has been exclusively associated with Ma Laichi of the Khafı-ya, and thus with the silent, not the vocal dhikr. Given the Minsha-r’s actual content, however, that association can no longer remain unquestioned, for the Minsha-r, one of the core texts of the Khafı-ya (“the silent ones”), constitutes a liturgy (Ar. ra-tib) for the vocal dhikr.19 Here we will deal primarily with the end of the Minsha-r. One of our two versions of the text contains a final section, a Persian liturgical supplement called a Fa-tiha-khwandan—the rest of the ra-tib is in Arabic— directing the Sufis repeatedly to recite two brief sections of the Qur’an for the sake of the great men of the past from whom they draw their religious inspiration and descent. (Thomas Wide’s translation of the Fa-tiha-khwandan is included in this chapter’s Appendix.) Those two suras, the Fa-tiha20 and the Su-rat al-Ikhla-s,21 testify to God’s uniqueness and unity, affirming the relationship between the reciter and those in whose names they are recited and benefitting them all.

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Beginning with the Prophet Muhammad, the khwandan names the four Rightly Guided Caliphs and Husayn, calling on Sufis to recite the two Qur’anic passages “by way of supplication.” Moving from the founders of Islam to the Sufi tradition, the khwandan then names almost twenty famous mystical masters, including the founders of the Suhrawardi, Naqshbandi, Kubrawi, Yasawi, and Qadiri turuq, among others,22 an eclectic and inclusive list with no discernible historical sequence, calling upon worshippers to recite the Fa-tiha and Su-rat al-Ikhla-s “for the sake of” the shaykhs “by way of supplication.” The Sufis included here lived from the seventh century, the first Islamic century, to the fourteenth century in Islamic centers from North Africa to Bukhara. The text lists them in no obvious order or hierarchy, except for those who appear in the “proto-Naqshbandi” silsila from al-Bakri to Naqshband. That is, at the end of their devotions, the Minsha-r’s adepts claim spiritual descent from numerous great mystics of the Islamic past, reciting two crucial Qur’anic verses for their sake. Finally, and closest to its Gansu adepts, the Fa-tiha-khwandan of the Minsha-r implores God’s blessings for the Makhdu-mza-da khojas of Turkestan: Ahmad Kasani, called Makhdu-m-i A’zam (1461–1542); Afaq (Apaq) Khoja, called Hidayat Allah (1626–1694); and an enigmatic figure named Muhammad ibn Ahmad ‘Aqila Makki. Anthony Garnaut has tentatively identified ‘Aqila Makki as Muhammad ibn Zayn al-Mazjaji, entitled ‘Aqal Makkiyya, the brother of Ma Laichi’s and Ma Mingxin’s Yemeni teacher, Abd al-Khaliq ibn Zayn al-Mizjaji. In possible contradiction, Alexandre Papas and Itzchak Weismann both find ‘Aqila Makki among the disciples of Afaq Khoja in Turkestan, as implied by his position in the Fa-tiha-khwandan. Both may be correct (see below). The opening passage of the Minsha-r implies that ‘Aqila Makki compiled the ra-tib himself, or at least gives him credit for its existence.23 The final name in the Minsha-r’s list is that of Ma Laichi himself, Muhammad Abu ‘l-Futuh Sı-nı- (“the Chinese”). Though the last four men are listed in chronological order, a century intervenes between the first two. After reciting the Fa-tiha and Su-rat al-Ikhla-s for the founders of their own immediate spiritual lineage, the Khafı-ya worshippers praying the liturgy of the Minsha-r then ask God to aid the Muslims of China, to protect their sacred tombs (Ar. sing. qubba, Per. gunbad, Ch. gongbei), and to protect “the reconciliation of everyone, the permanence of faith, the victory of helping each other.” This supplement certainly cannot be considered a genealogy in any formal sense, for it follows no singular chain of transmission, biological or spiritual. Nor does it adhere to a clear chronological sequence in its lengthy middle section, though the first and third are roughly chronological. Even within the Sufi tradition, it is not a conventional chain of transmission, though it does contain one segment of an early proto-Naqshbandi silsila. The authors and those who used the text in worship prayed for the sake of a wide range of religious authorities, including Sufis whose turuq were sometimes rivals, but

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this text presents them as the common heritage of Chinese Muslims who adhered to the Khafı-ya. Significantly, the Fa-tiha-khwandan does not include any of the Chinese masters of the Khafı-ya tarı-qa except its founder—that is, the suras are recited only for the inner (Western and Central Asian) masters and Ma Laichi. This probably reflects its composition or compilation around the time that Ma Laichi returned to Gansu from “the West,” before his successors might have been included.24 As historians we must wrestle with the “facticity” of spiritual relationship contained in this text. The men who practiced dhikr using the Minsha-r, however, prayed for these Sufis because they perceived themselves as part of a network that stretched right across the Islamic world, connecting them to it through recitation and a perception of spiritual descent. That descent, non-linear and diffuse, recognized numerous famous mystics as “our spiritual ancestors,” those for whose sake we recite the sacred texts and for whose assistance we pray. The final four names in the Fa-tiha-khwandan— those of the Makhdu-mza-da khojas and their Chinese disciple Ma Laichi— embody the culmination of that descent.25 The Minsha-r connects the great saints of Western and Central Asia to Altishahri Sufi leaders of prophetic ancestry—the Makhdu-mza-das were widely regarded as sayyids, descendants of the Prophet Muhammad—then directly to “our own” familiar, recent, Khafı-ya shaykh in Gansu. Though not mentioned in the Fa-tiha-khwandan, other famous Sufis appear in the Minsha-r through their authorship of poetry or prayers. Well-known passages from the Dala’il al-Khayrat, a collection of prayers for the Prophet Muhammad compiled by the Moroccan shaykh Muhammad al-Jazuli (d. 1465), form part of the core of the Minsha-r liturgy: “O God, bless and protect our Master Muhammad whose light preceded all creation, whose appearance is a mercy to all the worlds, as much as all Your creation that has passed away and as much as that which remains.” Al-Jazuli’s Dala’il al-Khayrat enjoined Sufis all over the Muslim world to practice “intense concentration upon the Prophet.”26 Worshippers using the Minsha-r also recite poems of the Baghdadi Sufi ‘Abd alQadir Jilani, whose name is mentioned in the Fa-tiha-khwandan. Because these poets’ names are not appended to their works, we cannot know whether those who prayed with the liturgy knew who had written the words they recited. But we do know that they took the shaykhs mentioned in the Fa-tiha-khwandan as their exemplars and masters, correct guides to the tradition and the Path. In addition to their founding or adherence to many different turuq, the Sufis named in the Fa-tiha-khwandan of the Minsha-r practiced both silent and vocal dhikr, illustrating the fluid and undogmatic nature of the tradition Ma Laichi inherited.27 When Khafı-ya Sufis prayed according to the Minsha-r’s directions, they performed precisely the “heterodoxy” of which they accused the Jahrı-ya in Qing courts in the eighteenth century, the vocalized remembrance of God. For our purposes, the crucial genealogical point lies in the breadth of inheritance claimed in the Fa-tiha-khwandan. Though taking their

Spiritual Genealogies of Gansu 37 particular practice from the Naqshbandi Makhdu-mza-das of Altishahr, these Gansu Sufis recognized as legitimate—worth praying for—the entire “inner” Sufi tradition of Central and West Asia and northern Africa, from Junayd of Baghdad (830–910) via al-Jazuli of Morocco to the Altishahri shaykhs who taught Ma Laichi, their own local “outer” teacher.

The Jahrı-ya Silsila Many authors have narrated the history of the Jahrı-ya Sufi order in Gansu, ranging from historians Joseph Fletcher and Ma Tong to the late-twentiethcentury novelist Zhang Chengzhi (b. 1948).28 Because the Gansu Jahrı-ya became embroiled in local and regional conflicts almost immediately upon its establishment in the mid-eighteenth century, it often appeared in Qing government documents, usually under the pejorative appellation “New Teaching” (Ch. xinjiao). The Jahrı-ya remained a cause and object of violence in Gansu from the mid-eighteenth to the early twentieth century. That sanguinary history, however, should not blind us to the Jahrı-ya’s 250-year existence as a religious institution, a spiritual home for untold thousands of Muslims who found its lineage of transmission from the Middle East, its traditions of community solidarity and prayer, attendance at the shaykhs’ hospices, and fellowship in recitation of dhikr to be religiously satisfying. In Islamic Studies, the vocal dhikr (remembrance of God), a recited or chanted repetition of mantra-like sentences or phrases by devotees sitting, standing, or sometimes moving rhythmically in a circle, has long been associated with the Yasawiyya (among other orders), a Central Asian Sufi order, but some Naqshbandis also practiced it. Fletcher cites several passages in which the Naqshbandi khoja Makhdu-m-i A’zam, named Ahmad Kasani,29 approved of vocal dhikr, though the silent remembrance dominated his personal practice.30 Successors of Makhdu-m-i A’zam taught the founders of both Khafı-ya (Ma Laichi) and Jahrı-ya (Ma Mingxin), thus legitimizing the use of both types of dhikr. The shaykh might decide that one group of followers required the vocal practice, while silent repetition suited others. In the Middle East, Sufis who practiced silent dhikr could also recite it vocally, just as Sufis could be initiated into more than one order to broaden their range of teachers and practice. Though adepts certainly argued, often in print, about the best or most proper way to advance toward mystical union with God, the issue rarely spawned violent confrontation before Islam and Sufism spread into Central Asia and northwest China. Wiqayat Allah Ma Mingxin, founder of the Jahrı-ya in Gansu, learned vocal dhikr from his teachers, in Yemen or in Central Asia (or both), and brought it home to teach to his disciples. Like all Sufis, he validated its practice by tracing it backward in time from disciple to teacher, finding its roots in unimpeachable sources in the Muslim heartlands. The Gansu Jahrı-ya held that their brotherhood descended from seven or nine “inner”—that is, Central and West Asian—generations of teachers, who transmitted it to seven or nine “outer” Chinese generations. A

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number of versions of this “inner” chain of transmission have been published—here we will examine three of them. Anthony Garnaut has reconstructed the “inner seven generations” of the Jahrı-ya, what he calls their “historical identities,” as follows. He bases his analysis not only on Joseph Fletcher’s discoveries (see below) but also John Voll and Dina LeGall’s respective studies of the Yemeni al-Mizjaji line and Taj al-Din’s legacy: Muhyi al-Din, Muhammad Ibn Arabi, 1165–1240 Baha’ al-Din, Muhammad Shah Naqshband, 1318–1389 Muhammad Abd al-Baqi al-Mizjaji, 1591–1664 Taj al-Din b. Zakariyya al-Uthmani,?–1640 Zayn b. Muhammad az-Zayn al-Mizjaji. 1643/4–1725 Abd al-Khaliq b. Zayn b. Muhammad al-Mizjaji, 1705–1740 Aqal Makkiyya, Muhammad ibn Zayn al-Mizjaji,?–?31 Note that the list does not correspond to linear chronology, for the third generation shaykh was born over two centuries after the death of the second. This silsila stems from Ibn Arabi, creator of the essential Sufi doctrine of wahdat al-wujud (the Unity of Being); Baha’ al-Din, the founder of the Naqshbandi order from which both Khafı-ya and Jahrı-ya derived; and Taj alDin al-Uthmani, a great Naqshbandi leader from Zabid, in Yemen. In this lineage, these three giants of Sufism serve as “Founding Fathers,” known throughout the Islamic world and undeniable legitimizers for the Jahrı-ya in China. Taj al-Din connects the Chinese Jahrı-ya directly to its roots in Yemen. As noted above (footnote 27), Zabid, in Yemen, was a major center of Naqshbandi teaching in the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries and the likely location for the Sufi studies of Ma Laichi and Ma Mingxin, connecting Muslims in Gansu to a network of teachers, disciples, and hospices stretching from Morocco to Indonesia. The remaining four “inner” shaykhs come from a single family, a long and distinguished lineage, who were also from Zabid and associated with several Sufi orders. The inclusion of Taj al-Din and Muhammad Abd al-Baqi al-Mizjaji connects this silsila to the vital but unnamed khoja Baqi Bi’llah (1563–1603), an Afghan master who taught them both and carried the Naqshbandi tradition to India.32 These final names affiliate this Jahrı-ya silsila directly with the Khafı-ya’s Fa-tiha-khwandan discussed above, through common teachers and places, especially Yemen and Central Asia. “Aqal Makkiyya” is almost certainly the same person as the Minsha-r’s “Aqila Makki.”33 Garnaut derived some of his information from the detective work of Joseph Fletcher, who found two orally transmitted versions of the Jahrı-ya silsila in the correspondence of twentieth-century Protestant missionaries resident in China and focused on the Chinese Muslims. In 1938 and 1946, F. W. Martin Taylor, then living in Lanzhou, the capital of Gansu province, sent two silsilas of nine “inner generations” of the Jahrı-ya to Samuel Zwemer, an expert on

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Islamic Studies among the Christian scholars of the China Inland Mission, and Claude L. Pickens, a Hankou-based colleague. The two lists are almost identical, and they can be roughly combined as follows, with Taylor’s romanizations cleaned up for clarity: Uways al-Qarni Jami Muhyi al-Din [ibn-Arabi] Abu Yazid [al-Bustami] Junayd [al-Baghdadi] Taj [ad-Din al-Uthmani] Baha’ al-Din [Naqshband] Zayn ‘Abd al-Khaliq34 With allowances for the imprecision of oral transmission, we find here the foundations of Garnaut’s reconstruction as well as connections to the Minsha-r. The chain’s legitimacy rests in some of the great Sufis mentioned in the Minsha-r—Uways al-Qarni, Ibn Arabi, Junayd al-Baghdadi, and Baha’ al-Din Naqshband. This silsila adds Nur al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahman Jami, the renowned poet and follower of Ibn Arabi,35 and a tenth-century Persian master of “ecstatic Sufism,” Abu Yazid al-Bustami. The last two names on Taylor’s list—father and son according to Garnaut’s reconstruction—gave Fletcher his first clue to the link between Gansu and Yemen, one that has largely been accepted by scholars in China and confirmed by Jahrı-ya documents such as the Reshihaer (Ar. Rashahat).36 In his initial reconstruction of the Jahrı-ya silsila, published in 1983, Ma Tong, the leading Chinese scholar of Sufi orders in Gansu, like Martin Taylor used oral sources to list the seven “inner” generations: Muhyi al-Din [Ibn Arabi] Baha’ al-Din [Naqshband] Taj al-Din [b. Zakariyya al-Uthmani] Hazrat Bage Hazrat Qiseyini ‘Abd al-Khaliq Muhammad Bulu Seni, Qiseyini’s son37 This silsila, collected in Chinese from Chinese Muslims, relies on phonetic transliteration of Arabic names from Gansu pronunciations. It begins with the same three “Founding Fathers” as Taylor’s, but only one of the remaining four is clear—‘Abd al-Khaliq (b. Zayn b. Muhammad al-Mizjaji), though Ma Tong could not identify him. “Hazrat Qiseyini” might be ‘Abd al-Khaliq’s father, Zayn b. Muhammad al-Zayn al-Mizjaji, in which case the final “inner” shaykh, “Muhammad Bulu Seni,” would be ‘Abd al-Khaliq’s brother,

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identified as “Muhammad ibn-Zayn al-Mizjaji, Aqal Makkiyya” by Garnaut. “Hazrat Bage” remains a mystery. By the time he published his second book on the Chinese menhuan in 1995, Ma Tong had heard of Fletcher’s undeniable connection of the Khafı-ya and Jahrı-ya with Yemen and had also read newly discovered sources from within those turuq. He therefore altered his version of the Jahrı-ya silsila to identify ‘Abd al-Khaliq ibn al-Zayn al-Mizjaji more clearly with Zabid in Yemen and with the Naqshbandiyya.38 Given the presence of both Yemeni (al-Mizjaji) and Central Asian (Makhdu-mza-da) lineages of Sufis in the silsila, Ma Tong concluded that Wiqayat Allah Ma Mingxin had gone first to Central Asia then to Yemen during his more than eighteen years of travel and study. All three of these Jahrı-ya “inner” silsilas do indeed claim both Yemeni and Central Asian, most likely Bukharan, spiritual descent for the Gansu Sufis who followed Ma Mingxin and his successors. Like the Fa-tiha-khwandan, they also go further back in the Islamic past, to more famous and unimpeachable spiritual ancestors—Ibn Arabi and Baha’ al-Din Naqshband at least, if not all the way to Uways al-Qarni, of the Prophet’s generation. Without the historian’s need for accurate reconstruction, the Gansu Sufis perceived themselves as spiritually connected, directly or indirectly, to the founders of Sufism, even of Islam itself.

Conclusion The Minsha-r’s concluding Fa-tiha-khwandan, like the liturgical text itself, demonstrates the breadth of connection between the Muslims of northwest China and the Islamic world to their west. Al-Jazuli’s poems from distant Morocco and al-Jilani’s from Baghdad, the list of numerous eminent Sufis “for whom we recite the Fa-tiha and the Su-rat al-Ikhla-s,” the mantra-like dhikr repetitions universal in world Sufism, all placed the followers of Ma Laichi in direct emotional and intellectual contact with the heartlands of their religion and the masters of Islamic mysticism. These great men, they could claim, were our spiritual ancestors, the adepts of Sufism and exemplars of our faith. The Jahrı-ya silsila, too, linked Gansu to Bukhara and Yemen in a satisfying religious and social network, expressed as genealogy. As they chanted the prayers from their “western” texts or told miracle stories of the Yemeni shaykhs who taught their teachers, Ma Mingxin’s spiritual descendants joined themselves directly to original Sufis such as Muhyi al-Din ibn Arabi and Baha’ al-Din Naqshband, and from them back to the Prophet and thus to God’s revelations. Even disputation over vocal and silent dhikr had been an important theme in Middle Eastern and Central Asian scholarly centers, one that occurred from Morocco to Java to China.39 All these Gansu Muslims knew they lived far from the Islamic heartlands, and that their biological genealogy did not distinguish them. But their spiritual genealogy did. Their genealogical texts, whether linear silsila or diffuse khwandan, reminded them of the Straight Path (Ch. Dao, Ar. tarı-qa), the

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succession of shaykhs that led backwards through time and westward through space to the sources of Islam, to the men whose intimate connections to the Divine they sought to imitate through their collective and personal mystical practice. They may have felt most intimately engaged with the “outer seven” or “outer nine” shaykhs, who had lived in familiar places in northwest China and were buried in local charismatic tombs they could visit.40 But they remained “familiar strangers” in Gansu in part by claiming spiritual descent from the “inner” generations, great men of religion who lived elsewhere, by retaining their links to the Islamic west and its spiritual heroes. Through the Minsha-r prayers or the Jahrı-ya silsila, they could assert their bonds with Sufis from Morocco to Baghdad to Kashgar, from the lifetime of the Prophet to their own generation. They could be part of the transcultural umma, the Muslim world through legitimate inheritance of the baraka of God, passed from shaykh to shaykh, embodied in famous mystics and transmitted, in their own place and time, through the shaykhs of Gansu. In other words, whether vocally or silently, they confirmed the legitimacy of their own religious practice and identity by their collective remembrance of God, recitation of their genealogies and repetitive tales of their spiritual ancestors.

Notes 1 See Zvi Ben-Dor Benite 2005. The contributors to the 2013 conference on Hui genealogy, among many others, have studied conventional Sino-Muslim lineage genealogies from all corners of the Chinese culture area. 2 A genealogical document of this kind, tracing the chain of the Makhdu-mza-da khojas, among the spiritual ancestors of both the Khafı-ya and Jahrı-ya in Gansu, has been acquired by the Louvre Museum in Paris. For an analysis of its content and functions, see Alexandre Papas 2012. 3 “From earliest times Sufis recognized that spiritual aspirants (sing. murid) need an accomplished guide … to direct them through the different stations and point out for them the way to union with God … therefore they attributed absolute authority to the spiritual guide” (Itzchak Weismann 2007, p. 5). 4 Joseph Fletcher 1995b, XI, p. 14. The first use of this term has been located in an 1897 report of Yang Zengxin, a late Qing official in Gansu and later warlord of Xinjiang. See Mu Shouqi, 1936, p. 25.37b. 5 Ma Tong 2000, Chapter 4.2.2, translated in Jonathan Lipman 2000. Though menhuan originally referred to Sufi orders practicing hereditary/biological succession, in contemporary Chinese scholarship even the Qadirı-ya is called a menhuan. Historically, celibate Sufi clergy have appeared in some lines of the Naqshbandı-ya, but not in the Chinese culture area. 6 Oded Abt 2012; Nakada Yoshinobu 1955. 7 Tristan Brown 2012. Que Yue’s essay in this volume (Chapter 6) traces the same kind of acculturation process in Taozhou, southern Gansu. 8 This distinction is not “ethnic” but religious, since the genealogies do not refer to “Arab,” “Persian,” “Turk” or any other ethnic group. The fact of being Muslim distinguishes these spiritual ancestors, not bloodlines. 9 A recent history of the Jahrı-ya order, internally published by the faction located in Banqiao, Ningxia, offers two genealogical charts of the order’s leaders: (1) the lineage of the Ma family of Lingzhou, and (2) the succession of the Jahrı-ya’s

42

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11

12 13 14

15 16

17 18 19

20

21 22

23 24

Jonathan N. Lipman and Thomas Wide “outer nine” (Ch. waijiu, 外九) generations of spiritual transmission from 1744 to the present. Anon. 2012, pp. 243–244. The minzu identification of these Sufis has no relevance to their positions in the spiritual genealogies. The Khafı-ya and Jahrı-ya saintly lineages are currently claimed as “Hui” in the People’s Republic of China, but their followers included people now identified as Salars, Dongxiang, and perhaps other minzu categories, whereas in Xinjiang their members might all now be called Uyghurs, as they certainly were not in the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries. In the Qing period, they would all have been called Hui. Itzchak Weismann 2007, p. 5, cites a Naqshbandi khatm al-khwajagan from Egypt, similar in its purpose and its position as part of dhikr ritual to the Fatiha-khwandan of the Khafı-ya. His analysis of “lineage” in Naqshbandi traditions (p. 12) describes precisely the Jahrı-ya’s silsila, with its many chronological gaps and projection back to the Prophet’s companion, Uways al-Qarni. This provides further confirmation of Fletcher’s identification of the Gansu Khafı-ya and Jahrı-ya as Naqshbandi sub-orders. Joseph Fletcher 1995b, XI, pp. IX; 16–18. See Ma Tong 2000, 4.2.1. Da Qing Gaozong (Qianlong) huangdi shilu 290.24a (1747.6.20), in Ma Saibei 1988, shang, p. 75. Fletcher’s error as to the title’s meaning stemmed in part from the Gansu dialect of Chinese, which does not distinguish between final “n” and final “ng” and thus renders Ming-sha-le identical to the more easily identified Min-sha-le. The silent dhikr, conventional for Naqshbandi Sufis, is also called dhikr of the heart, remembering God in secrecy (Ar. sirr). Neither version of the text contains much publication information. One is a hardbound volume printed in Karachi in 1993, containing the Minsha-r and several other ritual texts; the other is a mimeographed paper version. Both appear to be copies of earlier printed versions. Prof. Itzchak Weismann has also obtained an almost identical copy of the same text from the Huasi Mosque in Linxia. See Jonathan Lipman 2006, pp. 83–110. Arra is Persian for “hand-saw,” the same as Ar. minsha-r. In a sophisticated review of the Khafı-ya–Jahrı-ya problem in Turkestan, Isenbike Togan leads us away from the simple, confrontational “silent vs. vocal dhikr” formulation to a more subtle, diachronic analysis, arguing that “dhikr was not the issue but rather tolerance,” with non-tolerance of difference emerging in Turkestan in the seventeenth century. Both Ma Laichi and Ma Mingxin probably studied in Yemen, where both forms of dhikr were tolerated, but also in Central Asian—Kashgar, Bukhara, or Samarkand—centers of Sufi learning where non-tolerance was sharply expressed by the early eighteenth century. See Isenbike Togan 1999, pp. 17–45. Fa-tiha (Quran 1: 1–7): “In the name of God, the compassionate, the merciful. Praises be to God, Lord of creation, the compassionate, the merciful, the King of judgment day! You alone we worship, and to You alone we pray for help. Guide us to the straight path, the path of those whom You have favored, not of those who have incurred your wrath, nor of those who have gone astray.” Su-rat al-Ikhla-s (Quran 112: 1–4): “True it is that God is one. God is sought by all. He neither begot nor was He begotten. And none is comparable to Him.” Though these Gansu Sufis say that their masters studied in the “Khafı-ya daotang” in “the West,” the khwandan does not mention “Khafı-ya,” which is likely a local appellation, not one used in the Middle East. It probably refers to the Naqshbandiyya, whose adherents preferred the silent dhikr. The text reads, “We turn to Him [Allah] for help in this blessed Thursday’s service, belonging to Maulana al-Sheikh Muhammad ibn Ahmad ‘Aqila Makki.” All Khafı-ya traditions, oral and written, claim that Ma Laichi brought the Minsha-r back to Gansu from his travels and studies in “the West,” along with a Mawlud (a long poem in praise of the Prophet Muhammad) and other authentic

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28

29 30 31 32 33

34 35

36

37 38 39

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gifts from the Muslim heartlands. Prof. Yang Huaizhong, however, does not include the Minsha-r among the Khafı-ya’s dhikr texts. The Louvre’s sagara scroll, described in Papas 2012, details the lineage and spiritual descendants of the Makhdu-m-i A’zam but does not mention ‘Aqila al-Makki, which suggests that he was not of the Makhdu-mza-da core lineage. J. Spencer Trimingham 1971, pp. 84–85. A fuller treatment of al-Jazuli’s importance may be found in Vincent Cornell 1998. Here the Minsha-r contradicts Fletcher’s analysis of the distinction between Naqshbandi (silent) and Yasawi (vocal) dhikr practice, for the Minsha-r, clearly a ra-tib acceptable to Naqshbandis, stipulates vocal dhikr. In his description of the Makhdu-m-i A’zam’s legacy, however, Fletcher did note that a minority of Naqshbandis allowed or practiced vocal dhikr and that many Naqshbandis had also been initiated into other turuq, such as the Yasawiyya and Qadirı-ya, which practiced vocal dhikr. Though we have few reliable sources on the sojourns of these Chinese Sufis in the Middle East, R. Michael Feener 2015 has reconstructed the travels and studies of an eighteenth-century Sumatran Sufi shaykh in Zabid, Yemen. In the 1970s, Joseph Fletcher used Feener’s main source, the nineteenth-century biographical dictionary Al-Nafas al-Yamani, in his reconstruction of the origins of the Chinese Khafı-ya and Jahrı-ya. Son of a Muslim family of Shandong, Zhang Chengzhi became a Jahrı-ya Sufi after a career as an atheist Red Guard and specialist in “minority languages and literatures” (he studied Mongolian). His novel Xinlingshi (A History of the Soul) constitutes a praise-song to the Jahrı-ya of eastern Gansu (now Ningxia) and its chain of shaykhs. See also Chapter 4. For a recent internal history of the Jahrı-ya in China, see footnote 9 above. Makhdu-m-i A’zam appears as the first khoja in the third section of the Fa-tihakhwandan discussed above. Joseph Fletcher 1995a, VI, pp. 113–119, 168. Anthony Garnaut 2010, pp. 350–359. Fletcher, among many others, has explicated in great detail the transcultural, transcontinental nature of the Sufi networks of the past six hundred years. See Joseph Fletcher 1995b. As noted above, historians have not yet successfully identified Aqila Makki, or Aqal Makkiyya, with a particular person. He might have been a younger brother of one of the al-Mizjaji shaykhs of Zabid, a successor of Afaq Khoja in Turkestan, or both—that is, a Yemeni disciple of Afaq Khoja. Fletcher’s Chinese sources and Ma Tong name him as Agelai or Ajilai. The text of Taylor’s original letters may be found in Joseph Fletcher 1989. This silsila very oddly places ibn-Arabi, who died in 1240, after Jami, who died in 1492, and both of them before al-Bustami, who died in the mid-ninth century. It thus cannot be considered an accurate historical record of transmission. Rather, like the Fa-tiha-khwandan of the Minsha-r, it affirms the descent of Jahrı-ya Sufis in China from great mystics of the Islamic past. This collection of stories in Arabic about the “outer” generations of Jahrı-ya shaykhs in China also contains some references to the order’s “inner” sources of inspiration in the Muslim heartlands, especially during the lifetime of Ma Mingxin. It has been translated into Chinese in Yang Wanbao, Ma Xuekai, and Zhang Chengzhi 1993. Similar stories may be found in the more recent Zheherenye shi, self-published by Jahri Sufis in 2012. Ma Tong 2000, p. 365. Ma Tong 1995, pp. 112–128. Elsewhere I have argued that Central Asia and China constituted special contexts for this debate, in which its customary scholastic, theological tone was replaced by litigious, sometimes violent confrontation.

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40 The tradition of tomb/shrine veneration, common to Sufis all over the Muslim world, has found expression in local histories focused on particular saints. For Afaq Khoja’s history as a local hero, claimed as a spiritual ancestor in the Minsha-r’s Fa-tiha-khwandan, see Rian Thum 2012, pp. 293–310. 41 The Arabic word Hadrat is transliterated to Hazrat in Persian, due to the difference in pronunciation. 42 Panahi la’ni is of uncertain meaning. 43 al-thaqalayni—here an Arabic phrase inserted into the Persian text—refers to both Humankind and the Jinn, i.e. supernatural creatures. 44 Mecca and Madina. 45 I do not know the meaning of Suhangan but it seems to mean ‘the Companions’ (Ar. Sahaba). 46 Unudushagan is of uncertain meaning. 47 This epithet Karbala-i purbala I have found elsewhere only in the title of a collection by a nineteenth-century Kokandi poetess, Nisa, whose work was titled Voqeai hoila-i Karbala-i purbala (in Eshanova 2007, p. 274. 48 Romanization of proper names here follows the fully vocalized Persian text rather than the more conventional Arabic. 49 Shaykh Najim al-Din Kubra (1145–1220), born in Khwarezm, founder of the Kubrawiyya tarı-qa. 50 Shaykh Sa’d al-din Hamwi (d. 1252), a Shi’i student of Najim al-Din Kubra (Trimingham 1971, p. 56). 51 The Kaziruni (Ar. Ka-zaru-nı-) lineage of Sufis flourished in South Asia, and ibn Battuta mentions a Kaziruni shrine in Quanzhou, on the southeast China coast. 52 Shaykh Jilani is venerated by Muslims in both Kurdistan and India. 53 This is almost certainly meant to read masha’ikh for mana’ikh. 54 This seems to be a spelling mistake—bukhwari for bukhari. 55 This reference of his tomb may reflect the veneration of saints’ tombs which Fletcher characterizes as one of the “prominent features of the Altishahr Naqshbandı-ya.” 56 Allahi seems a spelling mistake for Allahu here. 57 Khuftiham is of uncertain meaning, but is clearly related to khuftan “to sleep, lie down.” 58 Kafeh wa ‘ama is of uncertain meaning; I take it to be a spelling mistake for khase wa ‘ama. 59 This is an uncertain translation for kushadagan. 60 I have so far been unable to translate Taliban umniyat-i mulk-i ruqahiyat-i musliman-i. It may be a spelling mistake for mulk-i qahira. 61 Dakhilan more normally means “something that enters.”

Appendix Translation of the Fa-tiha-khwandan of the Minsha-r For the sake of the congregation of the souls of the prophets and the messengers—the blessing of God on high be upon them all. And especially for the sake of the Lord,41 Pure, Enlightened, Fragrant, the Lord who is refuge of the prophecy,42 most precious, the Prophet—Master of beings, Essence of existing beings, Messenger of humans and the Jinn,43 Prophet of the two Holy Places,44 Hazrat Muhammad the Chosen One. May God bless him and grant him salvation! On all the companions45 too be the blessing of God on high. In particular for the sake of the four great and generous Caliphs—Abu Bakr, ‘Umar,

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‘Uthman and ‘Ali. Then for the sake of Hazrat… Imam Hasan and Imam Husayn, martyrs of the woeful Karbala desert.47 With the Fa-tiha of the Qur’an and Su-rat al-Ikhla-s by way of supplication I conclude. Next for the sake of the souls of the shaykhs:48 Shaykh Uwais Qarni (594–657), Shaykh Hasan Basri (642–728), Shaykh Habib ‘Ajami (8th century), Dawud al-Ta’ir Ma’ruf [al-]Kurkhi, Sirri [al-]Siqti, Shaykh Junayd Baghdadi (830–910), Abu ‘Ali Katib (11th c.), Abu ‘Uthman Maghribi (10th c.), Nasaihi Ahmad Ghazali (11th–12th c.), Shaykh Abu Naqshab Suhrawardi (12th c.), ‘Amir ibn Yasir, Isma’il Qaysuri, Shaykh Najim al-Din Kubri (1145–1220),49 Shaykh Sa’d al-din Hamwi (13th c.),50 Shaykh Nur al-Din Timarustani, Shaykh ‘Abd Allah Tamim Kaziruni,51 Shaykh Muhi al-Din ‘Abd al-Qadir Jilani (1077–1166),52 Shaykh ‘Uqair al-Mana’ikh,53 Shaykh Hayat al-Bahran, Shaykh Baha’ al-Din Naqshbandi (1318–1389), the Great Bukharan54 master Shaykh Ahmad Yasawi (1093–1166). May God sanctify their souls! With the Fa-tiha of the Qur’an and Su-rat al-Ikhla-s by way of supplication I conclude. Next for the sake of the holiness of the chain of all the Great and Exalted Khwajas. In particular, for the sake of Hazrat Maulana Makhdu-m-i A’zam (1461–1542)—may God enlighten his resting-place!55—and all his children. For the sake of Khoja Afaq (1626–1694), Hazrat Khoja Hidayat Allah—may God elevate his status!56 For the sake of Hazrat Shaykh Muhammad ibn Ahmad ‘Aqila Makki—may God bring back his blessings for us!—and for the sake of Hazrat Muhammad Abu ‘l-Futuh Sini—may God sanctify their secret! With the Fa-tiha of the Qur’an and Su-rat al-Ikhla-s by way of supplication I conclude. Next for the sake of the souls of this land and these shrines for the sleeping ones57 and in their waking the fathers, mothers, teachers, instructors, apprentices, the truthful ones—the special and the common58—the people of the faith, all-hopeful, and to all the believing men and women and Muslim men and women. And for the sake of the warding off of evil, the receiving of acts of devotion, the carrying out of the necessities, and for the sake of health and the safety of the path of travelers and conquerors,59 all the students…,60 the quelling of rebellions at the end of time, the agreement of princes of Islam, the presence of those present, the reconciliation of tyrants, the health of the sick and the freedom of prisoners. For the sake of the companions of the good and those who enter into61 the good. For builders of goodness, and for all the needy people of Islam. For the reconciliation of everyone, the permanence of faith, the victory of helping each other, with the Sura that is the Mother of the Qur’an—the Fa-tiha—and with Su-rat alIkhla-s by way of supplication I conclude. 46

Bibliography Abt, Oded. 2012. “Muslim Ancestry and Chinese Identity in Southeast China.” Ph.D dissertation, Tel Aviv University. Anon. 2012. Zheherenye shi [The history of Jahrı-ya]. Banqiao, Ningxia: N.p. Benite, Zvi Ben-Dor. 2005. The Dao of Muhammad, A Cultural History of Muslims in Late Imperial China, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center. Brown, Melissa J. 1996. “On Becoming Chinese.” In Melissa J. Brown (Ed.), NegotiatingEthnicities in China and Taiwan. Berkeley: Center for Chinese Studies, pp. 41–46.

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Brown, Tristan 2012. “Islam as a Local Religion.” Unpublished essay, Columbia University. Cornell, Vincent. 1998. The Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroccan Sufism. Austin: University of Texas Press. Eshanova, Salima. 2007. “Nisa et Khani, Deux Poetesses mystiques de Kokand (Fin du XIXieme siècle-Debut XXieme).” Cahiers d’Asie central, 15/16: 264–290. Feener, R. Michael. 2015. “’Abd al-Samad in Arabia.” Southeast Asian Studies, 4(2): 259–277. Fletcher, Joseph. 1989. “The Taylor-Pickens Letters on the Jahri Branch of the Naqshbandiyya in China.” Central and Inner Asian Studies, III: 1–39. Fletcher, Joseph. 1995a. “The Naqshbandı-ya and the Dhikr-i arra.” In Beatrice Manz (Ed.) Studies on Chinese and Islamic Inner Asia. VI. Aldershot: Variorum. Fletcher, Joseph. 1995b. “The Naqshbandiyya in Northwest China.” Edited by Jonathan N. Lipman. In Beatrice Forbes Manz (Ed.), Studies on Chinese and Islamic Inner Asia, XI. Aldershot: Variorum, pp. 1–46. Garnaut, Anthony. 2010. The Shaykh of the Great Northwest: The Religious and Political Life of Ma Yuanzhang (1853–1920). Ph.D dissertation, Australian National University. Lipman, Jonathan (Trans.). 2000. “A Brief History of the Qadirı-ya in China.” Journal of the History of Sufism, 1–2: 547–576. Lipman, Jonathan. 2006. “A Fierce and Brutal People: On Islam and Muslims in Qing Law.” In Pamela Kyle Crossley et al. (Eds.), Empire at the Margins: Culture, Ethnicity, and Frontier in Early Modern China. Berkeley: University of California Press. Ma Saibei. (Ed.). 1988. Qing shilu Musilin ziliao jilu [Materials of Muslims in Veritable Records of the Qing Dynasty]. Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin chubanshe. Ma Tong. 1995. Zhongguo Yisilan jiaopai menhuan suyuan. Yinchuan: Ningxia Renmin Chubanshe. Ma Tong. 2000. Zhongguo xibei yisilan jiaopai menhuan zhidu shilve [History of China’s Islamic Solidarities and (Sufi) Menhuan System]. Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin chubanshe. Mu Shouqi. 1936. Gan Ning Qing shilüe [Brief history of Gansu, Qinghai and Ningxia]. N.p.: Lanzhou Junhua Yinshuguan. Nakada Yoshinobu. 1955. “Chu-goku Musurimu to shu-zoku soshiki: Zokufu o chu-shin to shite mitaru” [China’s Muslims and the lineage system: A view centered on clan genealogies]. To-yo- gakuho-, 38(1): 89–114. Papas, Alexandre. 2012. “Joining the Dots between the Hwagas of East Turkestan: A Sagara Scroll Preserved at the Louvre Museum.” Der Islam, 88: 352–365. Thum, Rian. 2012. “Beyond Resistance and Nationalism: Local History and the Case of Afaq Khoja.” Central Asian Survey, 31(3): 293–310. Togan, Isenbike. 1999. “The Khafi, Jahrı- Controversy in Central Asia Revisited.” In Elizabeth Özdalga (Ed.), Naqshbandis in Western and Central Asia. Istanbul: Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul, pp. 17–45. Trimingham, J. Spencer. 1971. The Sufi Orders in Islam. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Weismann, Itzchak. 2007. The Naqshbandiyya: Orthodoxy and Activism in a Worldwide Sufi Tradition. London and New York: Routledge. Yang Wanbao, Ma Xuekai and Zhang Chengzhi (Trans.) 1993. Reshihaer. Beijng: Sanlian Shudian.

Map 2 The Hui communities in Southern Gansu in Qing dynasty

4

Representations of Sufi Genealogy and Their Socio-Cultural Interaction in Modern Northwest China1 Chung-fu Chang

Introduction In this chapter on Hui Muslims in China, “genealogy” refers to diverse forms of family records of ancestral consanguinity. In both origins and development, Hui Muslims strongly resemble the Han Chinese, especially in the inner provinces of the Chinese cultural area, sometimes called China Proper. However, beginning in the early Qing (1644–1911), Muslim communities in northwest China—the modern provinces of Gansu, Ningxia, and Qinghai—experienced a unique social development called Islamic sectarianism by some scholars in the contemporary study of religion.2 The Sufi order, with its centralized, hierarchical religious authority vested in the shaykh, appeared particularly subversive to Qing officials because of the intercommunity connections created by the peripatetic shaykhs themselves or their representatives.3 Since the early Qing, some local religious organizations, including Sufi orders4 (Ch. Menhuan, Ar. turuq), produced internal genealogical records to describe the lineages of their religious leaders, called shaykh or murshid in Arabic (Ch. laorenjia). But the lineages of the northwestern Chinese Sufi shaykhs are rarely clear. The ambiguity comes not only from the nature of Islamic religious mysticism itself, but also from our lack of internal historical documentation. The roots of Sufi orders in China can be traced back to Central and Western Asia nearly three centuries ago. Their presence and activities were concentrated mostly in Gansu, Ningxia and Qinghai, and their socio-religious organizations have developed to express common adaptive features of localization and socialization. Sectarianism and religious diversity have become unavoidable features of Islam in northwest China. Although many internal documents have surfaced during the past few decades, the Sufi orders remain the most controversial organizations among the Islamic factions in China. This chapter analyzes these newly available genealogical documents and takes a different approach to the analysis of these sources than has previously been available. I hope to account for the diversity of the genealogies’ socio-educational functions and influences, such as reconstruction of historical memory and strengthening sectarian identity. This perspective has

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significant implications when examining the related phenomena of sectarianism and the religious conflicts or social integration among the “mystical” Muslim communities of modern northwest China.

Genealogy of Sufi Orders and Their Diverse Representations Until the late 20th century, the genealogical records of the shaykhs of Sufi orders in northwest China were certainly not open to the public, but neither were they entirely unknown. Saintly in the eyes of their followers, with charismatic but enigmatic public images, shaykhs of Sufi orders did not seem to require public genealogical records to acquire social resources. To outsiders or Muslims belonging to other groups, these genealogical records constituted a “forbidden zone.” Although they did indeed keep systematic genealogical records, apart from the core of the shaykh’s family or devoted adherents, very few could access these secrets. Towards the end of the 20th century, however, the situation changed, especially after the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). Important local scholars, including Ma Tong and Mian Weilin, devoted intensive research to Islamic sectarianism in northwest China, their zealous efforts and systematic approach leading to important advances in the field.5 The release of their research results, in addition to rare primary resources, has led to creation of more accurate narratives of these Sufi orders. In addition, foreign scholars such as the late Joseph Fletcher made fruitful contributions on the genealogical origin of Sufi orders, including lineages of Naqshbandi shaykhs from Central Asia, which spread in northwest China starting in the early Qing.6 With increasing competition for social resources, fierce conflicts arose among Sufi orders, especially in Gansu, that the Qing government named “New Teaching” and “Old Teaching” in the mid-19th century.7 Sufi institutions, ideas, and politics varied widely in differing contexts. Fletcher demonstrated “beyond doubt that Chinese Muslims did maintain connection to ‘the West’—the world of Islam—and that religious and political currents continued to flow across the permeable frontiers of China and its Islamic neighbor states.”8 Like Fletcher, local Chinese Muslim scholars also published significant research, with Ma Tong as the most important pioneer in the study of Sufi orders and other sectarian phenomena. His Zhongguo Yisilan jiaopai yu menhuan zhidu shilüe (A brief history of China’s Islamic factions and the menhuan system)9 is widely regarded as the “research Bible” in the study of Islamic sectarianism in China. The approaches of these two eminent scholars are very distinct. Fletcher, an outsider to the Islamic environment of northwest China, demonstrated a mastery of historiography and combined it with profound knowledge of Sufi orders in various historical contexts. Ma Tong, a Chinese Muslim insider with access to classified information, offered a privileged perspective on internal sectarian knowledge. Ma Tong’s career as a member of judicial organs in the harsh political movements of the 1950 to 1970s allowed him entrée into accounts from religious leaders, including Sufi shaykhs. This rare advantage allows us an unprecedented view of the shaykhs’ lineages and other internal information.

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Apart from presentation of lineage genealogies, Ma Tong’s work also traces four centuries of development of Sufi orders and proposes a systematic classification of their diverse factions.10 He originated the concept of “four great menhuan,” the Khafı-ya, Qadiriya, Jahrı-ya, and Kubrawiya. Although Kubrawiya is a much smaller faction, he included it among the four due to its origins and distinctive religious doctrine. In addition to the classification of Sufi orders and their multiple domestic factions, the key point in this research on the connection of northwest China’s Sufi orders with their foreign origins lies in narrating their lineages, especially their part in the history of Xinjiang from the 16th to 19th centuries. As Lipman wrote, “Since Sufism first came to China from Central Asia, as a foundation for understanding its historical place in northwest China we must examine briefly the role that shaikh and tariqa played in eastern Turkestan.”11 Both Fletcher and Ma Tong realized the importance of this connection and elucidate clearly the history of some exogenous groups, including the Naqshbandiya and its powerful influence in Xinjiang, Gansu and Qinghai. Ma’s works pay greater attention to clarifying how foreign shaykhs and their Sufi doctrines could convert local Muslim elites and how they later established local Sufi orders of their own. Ma Tong constructed these narratives not only from conventional historical records, but also from accounts he obtained from contemporary local shaykhs. Inspired by Ma Tong’s efforts, other local Muslim scholars also examined the histories and genealogies of their own Sufi factions at the end of the 20th century. For example, the late Ma Shiying studied the Dawantou faction (also called Zhangmen) of the Kubrawiya and edited a book, Zhongguo Yisilanjiao Kubulinye puxi (The genealogy of the Kubrawiya in Islam in China).12 His work is a post-Cultural Revolution research monograph by a faithful believer, describing a Sufi order from an insider’s viewpoint. Like Ma Tong, Ma Shiying adopted the descriptive method, examining not only the shaykh’s lineage as it came from West and Central Asia but also the Kubrawiya’s previously unstudied Sufi practices.13 Scholars like Ma Tong and Joseph Fletcher, as well as local enthusiastic followers such as Ma Shiying, have initiated a new trend in research on the complex sectarian phenomenon of Sufi orders in China. Manuscripts and internal historical records from Sufi orders, including information on their religious organizations, have become very attractive to those who can gain access to them. After being relatively unknown to outsiders in the past, some genuine materials from the private collections of Sufi orders have recently been found or translated from Arabic into Chinese and published, giving the public access to these documents. For example, Qi Daohe, the sixth-generation shaykh of the Qadiriya, wrote Qingzhen genyuan (Origins of Islam) in 1924, describing the lineage history of the Da Gongbei of the Qadiriya. This book has recently been published. Among the Jahrı-ya, scholars have sought to compile historical records of their rebellions against the Qing government in the seventeenth to 19th centuries. Historian Guan Liye (pseudonym) compiled the Arabic pamphlet Reshihaer (Rashhah); and Ma Xuezhi (Muhammad Mansur) wrote Zhehanye daotong

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shizhuan (History of the Jahrı-ya’s transmission of the Way) and Zhehelinye daotongshi xiaoji (A collection on the Jahrı-ya’s transmission of the Way), also in Arabic, this language being a “secret form” in China. Later, another anonymous author wrote a general history called Zheherenye daotong shilüe (Outline history of the Jahrı-ya’s transmission of the Way). A detailed monograph, Huzi laotaiye shilüe ji jiapu (The Humen shaykhs: Outline history and genealogy), penned by an unnamed author from the Humen faction of Khafı-ya and discovered in recent years,14 presents previously unknown genealogical information on every generation of Humen shaykhs and their offspring. The open release of these private documents and their subsequent impact have inevitably attracted more public attention and aroused greater research interest in the inner world of Sufi orders, in particular in their lineage genealogies and the actual workings of succession to leadership.15 However, there is a new mode of genealogical representation in the Qadiriya system relating to “genealogical legitimacy,” based on the Qingzhen genyuan mentioned above. Under the name of the incumbent ninth-generation shaykh Yang Jiefang, Da Gongbei officially published its own genealogical history.16 On the other hand, the Wenquan Tang, also a part of the Qadiriya order, has been engaged in internal sectarian conflict with the Da Gongbei since the end of the 1990s. Under these circumstances, all history of genealogical legitimacy in the divided branches remains controversial. In 2015, one branch of Wenquan Tang, based at Linxia, published their “correct” genealogical history under the name of the incumbent shaykh. But unlike Da Gongbei’s government-certified version, this Wenquan Tang branch published their genealogical history in Hong Kong,17 apparently to avoid the government’s censorship, which has become more severe in recent years. These genealogical arguments and the sectarian conflicts they express remain one of the most sensitive “stability issues” in contemporary northwestern China. But unlike the sensitive situation of religious organizations themselves, some academic researchers can overcome the contextual restrictions and investigate the historical genealogy of Wenquan Tang. Two Salar scholars—Ma Chengjun and Ma Wei —have published substantial work.18

Historical Memory and Sectarian Identity in Sufi Genealogies To understand the formation and historical trajectory of the Sufi orders in northwest China, one should trace the modern development of Islam in China and the importance of localization. The origin and dissemination of Islam in China illustrates that despite the changes brought by localization (or acculturation), the descendants of the foreign Muslim immigrants managed to preserve some elements of their religion and ways of life and to continue their cultural-ethnic development, while adapting to co-exist with Chinese society. Second, owing to the importance of the transcultural umma, modern Muslim Chinese maintain many forms of interaction with Muslims in other countries. This interaction leads to the inflow of many new religious ideas and

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practices, gradually influencing the stability and integrity of Muslim society in northwest China and eventually giving rise to sectarianism. In the early Nationalist era (1912–1949), one of the founders of the field of Chinese Islamic studies, Fu Tongxian, used the terms “Sinicizing” (Ch. Huahua) and “Islamizing” (Ch. Huihua) to describe the two main tendencies mentioned above and their basic features.19 However, Fu Tongxian did not offer a clear explanation of the concept of “Islamizing” or clarify the complex phenomenon of sectarianism.20 Nevertheless, he eventually pointed out the importance of dissemination of imported Islamic trends from Xinjiang and West Asia that impacted the traditional structure of Islam in China, starting in the early Qing. Although the phenomenon of Islamic sectarianism has occurred mainly in some parts of northwest China, it has nonetheless become one of the breakthrough points for investigating the broader development of Islam in modern China. Western scholars like Fletcher and Gladney regarded this trend of “Islamizing” as the paradigm for understanding the meanings of “three tides”—the historical criteria for explaining the dissemination of Islam in China during different periods. These scholars identify the three tides as (1) Gedimu (Ar. qadim), the old way or traditional Chinese Islam, (2) Sufi communities and their transregional networks, and (3) scripturalist and modernist reforms.21 According to this classification, the dissemination of Sufi orders from Dar al-Islam (the Islamic world) inevitably stirred up sectarian competition among the Gedimu, the Sufi orders, and modern reformist factions. Some scholars regard the Ikhwan (Yihewani), a late 19th-century faction advocating “scripturalist concerns and modernist reforms,” as a sectarian fundamentalist group, but this is an over-simplification. The Ikhwan emphasizes a practical version of modern reformism. This “scripturalist faction” generally opposes accretions to Islam that “violate the right way,” including elements of Sinicization (especially ceremonial burning of incense); the Sufi veneration of living shaykhs as secular leaders; and ceremonies at gongbei (Ar. qubba, Per. gunbad), the tombs of Sufi shaykhs and their families. Hence, the distinct Muslim sectarian identities are founded on these religious disparities and disagreements, rather than on ethnic or political distinctions. They produce negative images of others, whether individuals or groups, in competition for socioreligious resources within a complex environment.22 According to Ma Tong’s recent works and newly published genealogical documents, Sufi orders systematically established religious institutions and social organizations to consolidate their followers’ identification with and loyalty toward the shaykhs, who were endowed with unquestionable religious charisma (Ar. baraka). Many legends tell stories about shaykhs who could perform miracles (Ar. karamat) so as to strengthen their positions as powerful religious leaders. The genealogical documents of the Jahrı-ya, such as Reshihaer and Zhehanye daotong shizhuan, contain miracle stories of shaykhs, which have become important historical memories and means of social education for faithful followers. In fact, this organized system of domination has existed since the early Qing. As Lipman wrote:

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[T]he sheikh (shaykh) appointed imams to each mosque rather than each community selecting its own religious professionals. These were the first formal structures of extra-local power within the world of Islam in China, and the Qing state proscribed and prosecuted those that were perceived to be inimical to the social order. The Sufi orders did not, however, constitute “national” organizations to which all Chinese-speaking Muslims, all over the Qing empire, might turn for redress of grievances or influence at court. Quite the contrary, Muslims remained regional, divided, and pitted primarily against each other rather than attempting to establish Islamic unity.23 On the other hand, the legendary stories of shaykhs as spiritual inspirations have continued to be effective collective memories within Sufi orders over the past three centuries. Many Sufi shaykhs (such as Ma Hualong of the Jahrı-ya) participated in rebellions against the Qing government and played key roles as leaders. In the end these shaykhs were caught and executed, so their tragic stories of martyrdom not only inspired their followers but also made them exemplary models of self-sacrifice, reinforcing their sanctified status. In this view, books such as Reshihaer and Zheherenye daotong shizhuan may be considered as biographies of Jahrı-ya martyrs.24 The atheist political movements in the PRC from the 1950s to the 1970s left the Sufi orders devastated. Nevertheless, in face of unprecedented adversity, most of them managed to survive. Some even took advantage of the post-1978 “era of reform and opening” and of socio-religious revival to restore their formerly dominant institutions and functions in the Muslim communities of northwest China. The Sufi orders have been more likely to be restored if enough well-known people reconstruct their collective memory from genealogical documents to glorify the spirit of Sufism and consolidate their collective identity. Among them, the Muslim writer Zhang Chengzhi is the most important.

The Jahrı-ya: Rebirth of Socio-cultural Identity and Its Influence Zhang Chengzhi has been “described as a ‘proto-nationalist’, the acknowledged first and self-described last Red Guard.”25 He is also the most outstanding and popular (though controversial) Muslim writer in contemporary China, exploring issues of faith in Islam and other issues related to ethnic minorities. In 1991, he completed his masterpiece, the historical novel Xinlingshi (A history of the soul), in which he details the authentic, tragic but enigmatic history of the Jahrı-ya Sufi order in the northwest. Zhang claims that he embraces the truth and believes that real history should not be veiled in mystery. As anthropologist Edmond Leach wrote, History is based on records, residues from the past. But records do not become a part of history simply by happening to survive. Records are preserved because they provide a charter for what historians believe

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Chung-fu Chang about the present. Different historians may believe different things, and the records are interpreted (and modified) accordingly.26

Zhang Chengzhi admitted that the Sufi mysticism of the Jahrı-ya and its practice of religious rites guided him to rediscover his personal identity as a Muslim, which had been vague and incomprehensible in his early life. In this process of exploration, he found many previously unexplored genealogical documents, such as Reshihaer and Zhehanye daotong shizhuan whose contents had been deeply rooted as part of the collective memory among the numerous followers of the Jahrı-ya. This discovery, and his early background in historiography as well as his revived identity as a Muslim, reinvigorated his belief in Sufism, motivating him to compose an epic novel, not only for himself but also for his Jahrı-ya co-religionists. The tremendous impact of Xinlingshi has made Zhang Chengzhi the public spokesman of the Jahrı-ya. His audience includes both Jahrı-ya followers and many Muslims who had never heard about Jahrı-ya before. In fact, the main emphases of Xinlingshi are what anthropologist Bernard S. Cohn calls “proctological history” and plebeian culture, both of which are issues of concern in modern anthropology and its “historicization” tendency.27 “Proctological history” describes historical studies from the bottom up, and its subjects include obscure populations that have generally been neglected by mainstream history who are forced to face coercion and exploitation. In this approach, historians must search for non-elite primary resources, oral materials and other elusive information to reconstruct the patterns of life in commoner society.28 Although the focus of Xinlingshi coincides with Cohn’s definition of proctological history, mainstream historians had in fact never neglected the history of the Jahrı-ya and even left many “records,” as mentioned by E. Leach above. Ironically, these records were mainly created by government officials and hence were filled with distortion and biased commentary because the Jahrı-ya was the most important Islamic organization to provoke a series of anti-government insurgencies against the Qing, and it suffered severe repression. While these insurgencies derived from local competition between different Muslim factions in northwest China rather than from any political ambition, to the Qing government the Jahrı-ya was not only a heretical form of Islam but also synonymous with rebellion. Under these conditions, internal historians of the Jahrı-ya had to resort to writing in Arabic or Persian to avoid official scrutiny and sanction. In this “secretive” way, they managed to keep historical records of the shaykhs and their merits—including external sectarian lineages, performance of miracles, tragic martyrdom and contributions to religious revival. Before the 1990s, these memories existed only within the Jahrı-ya social network, in their “clandestine” organization, but then they became known through Xinlingshi. Zhang Chengzhi transformed a traditional and confidential form of historical recording into a form of contemporary historiography.

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Most of its readers consider Xinlingshi to be a historical novel. Not only does it unveil secret genealogical documents, making them less enigmatic, but it also enables them to appear formally in mainstream historical works. The Arabic texts were later translated into Chinese by other enthusiastic followers of the Jahrı-ya, and another Chinese history of the Jahrı-ya —Zheherenye daotong shilüe—based on Zhehanye daotong shizhuan, has also been published. What used to exist “underground” has been brought to light. Despite Zhang’s popularity and significant achievement in literature, the Chinese government still considers him a dissident writer because of his evident anti-authoritarian sentiment. Hence, his works have become controversial and Xinlingshi was banned in the early 1990s. Nevertheless, the illegal edition of Xinlingshi continued to circulate clandestinely in northwest China, especially in Jahrı-ya communities. In 1993, Zhang wrote, in Japanese, a short pamphlet on Islam in China, Kaikyo- kara mita Chu-goku–—Minzoku, shu-kyo-, kokka (Observing China from Islam: Ethnicity, religion and nation), which was published in Tokyo. In this extraordinary Japanese publication, Zhang used the “Jahrı-ya style of secret writing,” which he knew well, to describe historical taboos that could not be openly discussed in China.29 In Xinlingshi, Zhang had described such cases through metaphor, rather than ordinary historical prose. No longer writing in Arabic, as in Reshihaer, but in Japanese, Zhang followed in the footsteps of his Jahrı-ya predecessors to keep sensitive, potentially controversial internal historical records. Besides rescuing more collective memories, he tried to teach Jahrı-ya followers the history they ought to know. Despite his efforts to enhance the authenticity of historical memory within the Jahrı-ya, Zhang still has to face the cruel, paradoxical reality of divisive internal factions in the intense competition for succession of shaykhs inside this contentious Sufi order. The Jahrı-ya divided into two main factions in the beginning of the 20th century, after having suffered a brutal crackdown and continuous retaliatory Qing policies in the name of shanhou.30 At a moment of crisis, the sixth-generation shaykh Ma Yuanzhang attempted to revive his endangered order from this unprecedented adversity. Despite Ma Yuanzhang’s successful revival of the Jahrı-ya, the depth of the internal schism made unity impossible. In Xinlingshi, Zhang Chengzhi treats the lineage of Ma Yuanzhang (called the Shagou faction) as the legitimate heir, a viewpoint strongly opposed by the rival Banqiao faction (the lineage of fifth-generation shaykh Ma Hualong). In fact, Sufi competitors often use sectarian history combined with genealogical evidence from the shaykh’s lineage to claim legitimacy and strengthen historical memory among followers. These tactics enable them to seize religious power or obtain social resources. Zhang Chengzhi and his Xinlingshi have thus aroused the attention and curiosity of the outside world toward the Jahrı-ya and its history of suffering. Nevertheless, the secular leadership crises inherited from ancestral shaykhs remain unresolved, even when their genealogies and merits are openly known.

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Responding to public interest, Zhang Chengzhi privately published a revised edition of Xinlingshi. This very rare book costs 1500 RMB and can only be sold in limited markets. According to Zhang’s restrictions, all of the income is donated to Palestinian refugees. After the 9/11 incident in 2001, Zhang eagerly targeted “American imperialism” and Islamophobia in Western countries. Now the style of protest Xinlingshi and its secular functions can be propagated in more sophisticated ways, no longer confined within the Jahrı-ya.31

Conclusion Whether viewed from the historical or contemporary perspective, the representation of the genealogy of Sufi orders and its socio-educational functions in modern northwest China show two tendencies. First, the formerly ambiguous, obscure lineages and domestic succession of the shaykhs have now been revealed much more clearly and have become widely known, as have some previously unknown records of shaykhs’ miracles and other Sufi practices. Second, through publication, these historical records have circulated among the followers of Sufi orders, which contributes to consolidation of their sectarian identity and collective memory. More importantly, these collective memories have become a means to obtain social resources in the process of fierce sectarian competition and succession struggles. Such rivalries have existed in northwest China for a long time. To strengthen the legitimacy of their religious power among their followers, the shaykhs widely disseminate and strongly emphasize these genealogical records, which confirm their “charisma,” even to the point of exaggeration. Under these conditions, the well-known Muslim writer Zhang Chengzhi has become the mouthpiece of the Jahrı-ya, and his Xinlingshi not only publicized the authenticity of the genealogical records but also revealed a general sense of “proctological history of Muslims” that had been neglected for a long time. Nevertheless, despite triggering controversy about the succession of shaykhs and creating conflicts within the Jahrı-ya, Xinlingshi still constructed a prominent collective memory and became an historical witness for the followers of this tragic Sufi order. Furthermore, in a Japanese-language pamphlet, Zhang imitated the “Jahrı-ya style for secret writing” to reveal the atrocities of the CCP against the Muslims during the atheistic political movements from the 1950s to the 1970s. This unique case offers a new explanation for the contemporary representation of the genealogy of Sufi orders and its socioeducational functions in the Muslim communities of northwest China.

Notes 1 Some discussions of this chapter were presented at the conference “Educating Muslim Minorities in Asia,” Waseda University, Tokyo, December 15, 2012. 2 In the contemporary science of religion, it is hard to give an accurate definition of the term jiaopai used in the Muslim society of modern China, or to distinguish its

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3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

15 16 17 18 19 20 21

22 23 24

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actual meaning from similar concepts. Jonathan N. Lipman and Dru C. Gladney have used terms such as religious faction, order and solidarity to denote jiaopai. On the one hand, Michael Dillon has used “religious factions” and “sects” to translate jiaopai so as to give a more comprehensive perspective, including both sectarianism and schism. On the other hand, scholars in Taiwan have preferred to use the term “denomination” for jiaopai. In this chapter, I use terms like sect and sectarianism to refer to jiaopai in China’s Muslim society. For Dillon’s discussion of the combined explanation, please see Michael Dillon 1999, pp. 91–92. Jonathan N. Lipman 2004, p. 23. The English term “order” translates the Arabic tarı-qa (way, system, religion). Ma Tong 1986a; Mian Weilin 1981. Joseph F. Fletcher 1995, posthumously published. Joseph F. Fletcher 1971, pp. 75–96. The names “New Teaching” and “Old Teaching” had shifting meanings over the following two centuries. Jonathan N. Lipman 1997, p. 63. Ma Tong 1986a, 1986b. See genealogical tables in the appendixes of Ma Tong 1986b, pp. 471–499. Jonathan N. Lipman 1997, p. 63. Ma Shiying 1991. Similar to Ma Shiying’s research are the studies of the Humen faction of Khafı-ya by Ma Guifen and Zhao Guojun. Ma Guifen is a descendant of a Humen sheikh. See Ma Guifen and Zhao Guojun 2005. Reshihaer (Rashhah) was translated from Arabic into Chinese in Yang Wanbao, Ma Xuekai, and Zhang Chengzhi 1993. Since the 1980s, books like Qingzhen genyuan (The origin of Islam), Zhehanye daotong shizhuan (History of the Jahrıya’s transmission of the Way), Zhehelinye daotongshi xiaoji (A collection on the Jahrı-ya’s transmission of the Way), Zheherenye daotong shilüe (Outline history of the Jahrı-ya’s transmission of the Way) and Huzi laotaiye shilüe ji jiapu (The Humen shaykhs: Outline history and genealogy) have been released separately in some unofficial and underground editions in northwest China. They were eventually collected into the Islamic book series Qingzhen dadian, Vol. 19, 2005. About this discussion, see Chang Chung-fu 2013. Yang Jiefang and Ma Jingcheng 2015. Shaykh Muhammad 2015. Ma Chengjun and Ma Wei 2014. Fu Tongxian 1996, p. 119. Raphael Israeli 1978, p. 99 used similar translations— “Muslim Sinicizing” and “Chinese Islamizing” respectively—for the concepts of “Huahua” and “Huihua.” Chang Chung-fu 2012. In addition to these “three tides,” Dru C. Gladney 1991, pp. 36–61 also claims there is a “fourth tide,” which is “ethnic nationalism in an age of the nation-state.” On the other hand, the well-known Hui scholar Yang Huaizhong 1994, p. 15 proposed a different periodization. His concept of “four tides” includes: (1) formation of Turkic Islamic culture (10th–13th centuries), (2) multicultural pluralism of Islamic civilization in the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368), (3) development of Islamic spiritual culture in the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing Dynasties (1644–1911), and (4) a new cultural revival of Muslims in modern China. The core of Yang’s “four tides” lies in the interaction between historical traits in the dynastic cycle and Islamic cultures foreign and domestic, while Gladney’s “four tides” emphasize the transformation of Islamic religious culture and the emergence of Muslim ethnic nationalism. Chang Chung-fu 2012, p. 6. Jonathan N. Lipman 2004, p. 23. See Chang Chung-fu 2013, pp. 80–87.

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25 26 27 28 29

Dru C. Gladney 2004, pp. 49–50. Edmund Leach 1990, p. 227. Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney 1990, p. 4. Bernard S. Cohn 1980, pp. 214–215. In addition to Jahrı-ya’s tribulations, Zhang’s Japanese book also describes the tragic treatment of another non-Sufi group, the Xidaotang of Taozhou in southern Gansu, and the notorious massacre known as the “Shadian Incident” in Yunnan during the Cultural Revolution. See Zhang Chengzhi 1993, pp. 157–172. 30 Shanhou means state-imposed pacification after violence, especially rebellion. See Jonathan N. Lipman 1997, pp. 127, 129, 180. 31 For further discussion of the Jahrı-ya and Xinlingshi, see also Chang Chung-fu 2011.

Bibliography Chang Chung-fu [ZhangZhongfu]. 2011. “Lishi minzuzhi, zongjiao rentong yu wenxue yijing de huitong—Zhang Chengzhi Xinlingshi zhong guanyu Zheherenye menhuan lishi lunshu de jiexi” [Historical Ethnography, Religious Identity and Literary Comprehension: Historical Interpretation in Zhang Chengzhi’s History of the Soul]. Qinghai minzu yaniu [Qinghai Journal of Ethnology], 1: 1–12. Chang Chung-fu. 2012. “Diversity in Islamic Sectarian Antagonism—Revival of Modern Reformism and Its Rival Long Ahong in Linxia.” Paper presented at “The Everyday Life of Islam: Focus on Islam in China.” Conference, Cornell University, April 27–28. Chang Chung-fu. 2013. “Zhongguo Yisilan menhuan xipu de zaixian jiqi dangdai guancha yiyi: Yi Linxia Dagongbei weili” [The Representation of Chinese Islamic Sufi Genealogy and its Significance in Contemporary Investigations: The Case of Da Gongbei in Linxia]. Qinghai minzu yanjiu [Qinghai Journal of Ethnology] 2: 78–87. Cohn, Bernard S. 1980. “History and Anthropology: The State of Play.” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 22(2): 198–221. Dillon, Michael. 1999. China’s Muslim Hui Community: Migration, Settlement and Sect. London: Curzon Press. Fletcher, Joseph F. 1971. “Central Asian Sufism and Ma Ming-hsin’s New Teaching.” In Ch’en Chieh-hsien (Ed.), Proceedings of the Fourth East Asian Altaistic Conference. Tainan: National Ch’engkung University, pp. 75–96. Fletcher, Joseph F. 1995. “The Naqshbandiyya in Northwest China.” Edited by Jonathan N. Lipman. In Beatrice Forbes Manz (Ed.), Studies on Chinese and Islamic Inner Asia, XI. Aldershot: Variorum, pp. 1–46. Fu Tongxian. 1996. Zhongguo Huijiao shi [A History of Islam in China]. Taipei: Taiwan Commercial Printing House. Gladney, Dru C. 1991. Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People’s Republic. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Repr. Harvard University Asia Center; 2nd edition (1996). Gladney, Dru C. 2004. Dislocating China: Muslims, Minorities, and Other Subaltern Subjects. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Israeli, Raphael. 1978. “Established Islam and Marginal Islam in China from Eclecticism to Syncretism.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 21(1): 99–109. Leach, Edmund. 1990. “Aryan Invasions over Four Millennia.” In Emiko OhnukiTierney (Ed.), Culture Through Time: Anthropological Approaches. Stanford: Stanford University Press, pp. 227–245.

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Lipman, Jonathan N. 1997. Familiar Strangers: A History of Muslims in NorthwestChina. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Lipman, Jonathan N. 2004. “White Hats, Oil Cakes, and Common Blood: The Hui in the Contemporary Chinese State.” In Morris Rossabi (Ed.), Governing China’s Multiethnic Frontiers. Seattle: University of Washington Press, pp. 19–52. Ma Chengjun and Ma Wei. 2014. “Gadelinye, Wenquan Tang yu Salazu: Yige Xibei Yisilan shenmizhuyi jiaotuan de tianye diaocha” [The Qadiriyya, Wenquan Tang and the Salars: Field Investigation of a Mystical Religious Organization in Northwestern China]. Beifang minzu daxue chubanshe [Journal of Northern Minzu University] 3: 128–136. Ma Guifen and Zhao Guojun. 2005. “Humen menhuan de lishi yange” [The Historical Development of the Humen Sufi Order]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu [Studies of World Religions] 4: 109–119. Ma Shiying. 1991. Zhongguo yislanjiao kubulinye puxi [The Genealogy of the Kubrawiya in China’s Islam]. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe. Ma Tong. 1986a. Zhongguo Yisilan jiaopai menhuan suyuan [The Origins of China’s Islamic Factions and Menhuan]. Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin chubanshe. Ma Tong. 1986b. Zhongguo Yisilan jiaopai yu menhuan zhidu shilüe [A Brief History of China’s Islamic Factions and the Menhuan System]. Yinchuan: ningxia renmin chubanshe. Mian Weilin. 1981. Ningxia Yisilan jiaopai gaiyao [An Outline of Islamic Teachings in Ningxia]. Yinchuan: Renmin chubanshe. Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko. 1990. “Introduction: The Historicization of Anthropology.” In Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney (Ed.), Culture Through Time: Anthropological Approaches. Stanford: Stanford University Press, pp. 1–25. Shaykh Muhammad (Ed.). 2015. Zhongguo Gadirenye Naigeshibandingye daotong shizhuan [The History of the Qadiriyya-Naqshbandiya’s Transmission of the Way in China]. Hong Kong: Siji Publishing Society. Yang Huaizhong. 1994. “Zhongguo lishishang Yisilan wenhua de sici gaochao” [The Four Tides of Islamic Culture in Chinese History]. Huizu yanjiu [Journal of Hui Muslim Minority Studies] 1: 4–19. Yang Jiefang and Ma Jingcheng (Eds.). 2015. Zhongguo yisilanjiao gaderenye Dagongbei menhuan daotong shilüe [Outline History of the Qadiriya Da Gongbei Sufi Order in Islam in China]. Yinchuan: Ningxia remin chubanshe. Yang Wanbao, Ma Xuekai and Zhang Chengzhi. (Trans.) 1993. Reshihaer. Beijng: Sanlian Shudian. Zhang Chengzhi. 1993. Kaikyo- kara mita Chu-goku—Minzoku, shu-kyo-, kokka [Observing China from Islam: Ethnicity, Religion and Nation]. Tokyo: Chu-o- Ko-ronsha. Zhou Xiefan and Sha Qiuzhen (Ed.). 2005. Qingzhen da dian [The Grand Encyclopedia of Islam in China]. Hefei: Huangshan shushe.

5

Social Conflicts between New Teaching and Old Teaching Sufi Orders among the Salar (Xunhua Sub-prefecture, Gansu Province) in the 18th Century Zongbao Ma

Introduction During the reign of the Qianlong Emperor (1736–1796), clashes broke out between two Sufi orders, called New Teaching (Ar. Jahrı-ya, Ch. Zheherenye or xinjiao) and Old Teaching (Huasi or laojiao) by the Qing government, in Xunhua sub-prefecture of Gansu province (today’s Xunhua Salar Autonomous County, Qinghai province).1 Spanning over twenty years, these religious clashes began in 1761, included a number of armed fights and lawsuits, and finally culminated in the uprising of Su Sishisan in 1781 and the subsequent uprising of Tian Wu in 1784.2 These uprisings had a powerful impact on the history of ethnic relationships in northwest China as well as the development of the Hui Muslims and the Salar Muslims in the region. During the period of social chaos related to the uprisings, about 40 percent of the entire Salar population was killed.3 Scholars have thus paid much attention to these historical incidents and numerous valuable studies have been published.4 Their studies focused on the development of the uprisings and the reasons for their failure, but insufficient attention has been given to the decades of tragic religious clashes that took place before the uprising. What turned these religious conflicts vengeful, fatal and armed, finally spiraling out of control during the twenty years from 1761 to 1781? In those years, the Salar Muslims had a population of about 7,000, most of whom were closely or distantly related by blood. What made these relatives resort to weapons and attack one another? This research is based on the Imperially Approved Records of the Lanzhou Campaign (Qinding Lanzhou jilüe), the Xunhua tingzhi (Xunhua Sub-prefecture Gazetteer), the Zheherenye daotong shi (History of the Jahrı-ya chain of transmission) and other official and unofficial records. It focuses on the entanglements and disagreements between the New and Old Teachings during the twenty years before the uprising of Su Sishisan. By delving into the development and details of the conflicts, we hope to illuminate the underlying reasons for the outbreak of religious clashes.

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The Background of the New and Old Teaching Conflicts According to the 1844 Xunhua Sub-prefecture Gazetteer, the territory under the governance of Xunhua included thirteen groups within the gate and eight Salar Muslim gong outside the gate, forty-nine western Tibetan zhai (fortified villages), twenty-one southern Tibetan zhai, four Baoan tun (military garrison camps), [for] a total of ninety-four gong, zhai or tun.5 In 1764, “2,709 households belonged to the Salar group, with 3,497 adults and 3,588 minors.”6 Altogether, the population came to about 7,000. The Imperially Approved Records showed that there were 6,000 or more Salar Muslims in the twelve gong, scattered over a number of administrative units.7 In Xunhua, the term gong appeared after the Yongzheng reign (1723–1735), with different explanations of its origins. The historical documents show that the gong might sometimes have been used as a taxation unit and each gong might have been made up of several villages. The Salars lived by farming, supplemented by trade. Their region was called the Salar valley, where “paddy fields were many and the soil was fertile.”8 Before the uprising of Su Sishisan, Salar Muslims in the different gong were free to visit places like Xunhua, Hezhou, and Lanzhou to trade in woolen fabrics, cattle, and sheep. Some even served as menial staff in the government offices in Xunhua and Hezhou, indicating that Salars had some measure of stable relations with other local people. Salar people had a unique socio-political structure, displaying overlapping patterns in which different kinds of power interwove and coexisted, forming a complex system of internal social hierarchy. The Salar established their social order on the basis of aghina9 and kumsen.10 The former referred to “brothers” in Salar society, usually those with a blood relationship within five generations. Kumsen meant “people having the same family name” or “having the same root” and therefore was used “to refer to the extended family, close to the meaning of lineage among the Han Chinese though different in its organization and structure.”11 Each Salar village comprised several kumsen, each led by an elder (Tur. xarë). This leader represented their group in communicating with other kumsen on matters such as irrigation and drainage, the development of land for cultivation and the management of religious affairs. “When there were clashes between the households, the xarë would first try to reconcile the trouble before passing on the matter to a higher level.”12 Qadi, an Arabic term meaning “a judge,” was a post held by the most respected person in a Muslim community, the most learned in Islamic religious law. His main duty was to lead the community in religious activities and handle matters such as resolving internal disagreements. This title had existed earlier in Chinese Muslim society but disappeared gradually after the Ming

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dynasty. However, the post of qadi still existed in Salar society during the Qing period. As a religious authority, the qadi had an exceptionally important place in the social development of the Salars. Their mosques were ordered hierarchically: the grand mosque (zongsi) in the market town, then the district mosque (zongsi), also called haiyisi mosque, and subsidiary village mosques. Correspondingly, there were three tiers of religious leaders: the overall leader (zong zhangjiao), the religious leader (zhangjiao), and the small (or local) religious leader (xiao zhangjiao).13 Before Ma Laichi brought the Huasi Sufi order to the Salars, they practiced what they called the gedem (Ch. gedimu; Ar. Qadim) “traditional” form of Hanafi, Sunni Islam. In Chinese-speaking Muslim regions, gedimu communities were organized as individual jiaofang, autonomous mosques parallel to each other, with none subordinate to another. In contrast, the Salars, though they called themselves gedem, organized their mosques in a pyramidal hierarchy, with the qadi as the center and the twelve Salar gong each led by its religious leader.14 All were unified under the overall leader at the market town, and the group members took part in religious activities under the local leadership of each gong’s zhangjiao.15 In the beginning, zhangjiao were nominated and elected by the villagers but this evolved into an hereditary system, so that sometimes the qadi position even merged with that of the imperially appointed hereditary local chieftain, tusi. Like the qadi, the shaykh or master of a Sufi order also occupied the top of a pyramidal hierarchy, since the religious leaders of each Sufi congregation were selected by the shaykh. Clearly, the pyramidal structure of Salar society was further strengthened when some Salars were initiated into the Huasi Sufi order, giving those in the upper tier of the religious hierarchy stricter control over the mass of believers. This social structure also helps us understand the strong resistance faced by Ma Mingxin when he brought another Sufi order— the Jahrı-ya, often called New Teaching—to the Salars. The coming of the Jahrı-ya meant that gedem and Huasi mosques, which had been established earlier, came to be called the Old Teaching. The tusi system was introduced among the Salars from the Ming dynasty, when in 1373, soon after the establishment of Ming dynastic power, Han Bao received the title of baihu (hereditary head of one hundred households). The appointment of the local chieftain as the tusi represented a significant extension of state power. The tusi system, however, was not very successful in governing this region, for the tusi only held a title but had no power.16 “The Salars,” whom the Chinese sources called fan, “being strong and tough by nature, refused to be controlled.”17 Consequently, tusi such as Han Bing and Han Dayong requested the establishment of a Xunhua garrison. According to the report of Yang Yingju,18 governor-general of Shaanxi and Gansu, in 1762 the imperial court set up the Xunhua sub-prefecture to Pacify the fan. The sub-prefecture was an administrative unit on a county level, established under Hezhou prefecture to facilitate the handling of taxes in cash and grain, household and marriage registration, and litigation, and thus to strengthen

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the management of the region. Whether it was called Xunhua garrison or Xunhua sub-prefecture, the officials located their power at “a suitable center” among the Salars, so that “the office was centrally located and able to control them.”19 The setting up of these offices showed that state power extended to the Salar region by the mid-Qing. At the same time, the extension of direct governance during the Ming–Qing transition indicated that the actual political and legal power of the tusi was weakened by the establishment of the military garrison and tax collection through Hezhou prefecture. The military garrison, Hezhou prefecture, and Xunhua sub-prefecture gradually took control over legal powers previously exercised by Salar leaders appointed as tusi.20 At the same time, no political channels opened for any Salar to serve in Xunhua local government after these political changes. In 1781, when the Qianlong Emperor received the report of Su Sishisan’s uprising, he asked, “Where did the New Teaching come from, and has it ever appeared before?” Governor Lerchin replied, As requested, your humble official found out that Salars are Muslims. They recently wanted to set up a New Teaching and forced the people in the Old Teaching to follow. The latter refused and this led to their killing each other.21 It had taken this governor more than two weeks before he could provide a rough outline of the religious conflicts in his jurisdiction. He explained as follows: “About 800 households have followed Su Sishisan’s New Teaching. Their gowns are mostly white and brown in colour. They can also speak the Han language. They look like Muslim people (huizi) but have their beards and queues cut short.”22 Two months later, the officials had gained some understanding of the relationship between the two groups among the Salars: Followers of the Old and New Teachings live in the same region. They use the same prayer books but differ in the volume of their voices when reciting. The local officials cannot clarify the distinction. Sometimes, father and son follow different teachings, and so do [elder and younger] brothers.23 About half a year later, the officials had finally succeeded in figuring out the twelve gong and their religious allegiances. Hanwensi, Mengda, and Xichang gong followed the Old Teaching, whereas the other nine gong had mixed followers. Based on the documents available, we may see that the officials had limited knowledge of the Salars’ religion, history and culture. For instance, they used the term Fan Hui to refer to the Salars and viewed them as located between the Tibetans and the Muslims of the interior. The officials’ unfamiliarity with and biases toward the history, culture and local conditions of the Salars affected their choices in management style and the application of laws and hence the effectiveness of their governance.

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Contention between the New and Old Teachings: Case Studies According to the Imperially Approved Records, In 1761, Han Haji24 of the Old Teaching, Hema Liuhu of the New Teaching, and some others were praying at the same place. Hema Liuhu shook his head while he prayed, and Han Haji said that this gesture was not the custom handed down from their ancestors. Hema Liuhu, in return, said that the donation requested by Han Haji was excessive. This led to disagreement between the two groups.25 The two men involved in this argument were Salars in Xunhua, Han Haji, the local hereditary overall leader and Hema Liuhu, a leading student of Ma Mingxin. After this incident, similar arguments continued to break out in the Xunhua region, some mild, others very serious. Case 1 Han Haji Sues Hema Liuhu for Building New Mosques In 1762, Hema Liuhu of the New Teaching built three new mosques in Xunhua, leading to dissatisfaction among Old Teaching adherents. Seven years later, in 1769, Han Haji brought this matter to the attention of the Xunhua sub-prefectural government. The official ordered that the followers of both groups had to worship in the same mosque, and that the newly built mosques were to be shut down.26 The closure of the three new mosques aroused the anger of Hema Liuhu and other followers of the New Teaching. They sued Han Haji for conspiring with the Huasi Sufis’ leader Ma Guobao27 to swindle the people and pocket their money. They brought their lawsuit to the highest legal authority of Gansu province, the surveillance commissioner (Gansu anchashi). At the same time, Old Teaching adherents such as Han Haji and Han Wu also filed a lawsuit, accusing Ma Mingxin of collaborating with someone surnamed Yang to sneak into the Salar region during 1762. According to the indictment, Ma Mingxin—together with Hema Liuhu, Ma Suonan, Han Hashao and others—proclaimed false auguries to deceive the people, shook their heads when they said their prayers, and committed other offenses.28 We do not know the scale and expenses involved in the building of new mosques, but the fact that the New Teaching Muslims erected three new mosques within a short time demonstrates that their followers had become numerous and that the religious organization of the region had undergone considerable changes. These changes, of course, made Han Haji and others of the Old Teaching unhappy, so they brought the case to the Xunhua officials. When Zhang Chunfang, the sub-prefect at Xunhua, closed the new mosques and stipulated that all followers of both teachings worship together, the New Teaching adherents thought the decision unjust.

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Subsequently, the two parties went to the officials several times to bring charges. Provincial Surveillance Commissioner Hu ordered officials from Lanzhou prefecture, Hezhou prefecture, and Xunhua sub-prefecture to convene a joint hearing, which found that the accusations made by both parties were contrived and groundless. Hema Liuhu of the New Teaching and Han Wu of the Old Teaching were punished with the bastinado and cangue, and then some of those involved were exiled for making false accusations. Since Hema Liuhu started the whole affair, he was exiled to Urumqi as a slave, whereas Han Haji was only beaten. Ma Liuge, Han Hashao, and the others did not suffer any punishment because they were ignorant of the case. Thereafter, officials suggested a different method to handle such disputes: The two parties follow two slightly different teachings but are not two different religions. Since they do not wish to worship in the same mosque, they should not be forced to do so. This may avoid arguments. The twelve gong of the Salars should each recommend an honest man from a decent family background, of good conduct, to be its religious leader, who will be responsible for regulation and inspection. The three newly built mosques are meant for the use of the Muslims, and should therefore be used by them to worship separately. This, too, would curb arguments. When Muslims in the gong get married or require funeral services, the family involved will decide on the religious leaders that they find convenient to be invited to officiate at the occasion. It is forbidden to make the invitation mandatory.29 The reopening of the three mosques indicated that the government approved the existence of the New Teaching. At the same time, the officials wanted to supervise religious activities by ordering the selection of twelve religious leaders to “regulate and inspect.” Case 2 Fatal Brawling in 1773 In the ninth month of 1773, more than twenty Old Teaching households from Hedongzhuang village, in Qingshui gong, converted to the New Teaching. Other Old Teaching adherents went to the government office to sue them. On their way, they met some followers of the New Teaching from Hexizhuang village. The two parties started fighting, and one of the New Teaching group was killed. “This was the first casualty in the collective violence triggered by religious clashes.”30 Zhang Chunfang, the sub-prefect at Xunhua, “followed the usual practice applicable to common fights among frontier people and ordered a person from the Old Teaching to pay the price for the life of the deceased.”31 In the eleventh month of that same year, some New Teaching followers, led by Han Erge, went to Hedongzhuang village and killed four followers of the Old Teaching. Sub-prefect Zhang Chunfang took the view that compensation payment should be made for the deaths and Han Erge was only punished by the bastinado.

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Case 3 New–Old Teaching Battles in 1780 According to the Xunhua Sub-prefecture Gazetteer, “In the ninth month of 1780, there was a funeral in Dasuguzhuang village, and this again led to clashes between the two teachings. A member of the New Teaching was injured in the fight and died several days later.”32 The fight came about because two brothers in the family of the deceased followed different teachings. When their mother passed away, the elder brother suggested having his imam officiate at the funeral service but the younger brother disagreed. Finally, the elder brother forced his will on his younger brother and invited New Teaching imam Su Sishisan to conduct the service. This enraged members of the Old Teaching, who picked a quarrel that led to a death.33 When the case was brought to court, the sub-prefect Hong Bin again sought a compensation price, but only for half a life because the victim had died not on the spot but only later from his injuries.34 Though a verdict had been issued, the family of the deceased, supported by Su Sishisan and Han Erge, refused to accept it. Three months later, on the 16th day of the twelfth month: Su Sishisan killed cows and goats in Han Erge’s home and treated followers of the New Teaching from the eight gong to a feast at Caotanba valley. He had them to prepare their weapons and proclaimed that they would kill all members of the Old Teaching and exterminate the local tusi. Su Sishisan would lead the upper six gong, while Han Erge would lead the lower six gong. On the 8th day of the 1st month in 1781, Ma Bashige, a New Teaching follower from Dingjiangzhuang village, started a fight, killed a member of the Old Teaching from Bieliezhuang village35 and surrounded the Old Teaching families. Members of the Old Teaching from Bieliezhuang village and Yimamuerzhuang village went to help, resulting in injuries and deaths on both sides. On the 12th day, Su Sishisan and Han Erge led a thousand people to attack Hedongzhuang village in Qingshui. Two people were killed and about eighteen others were taken captive, including the household head Han Sanshiba, who was later killed.36 The Imperially Approved Records recorded that in the third month of that year, two members of the Old Teaching, Han Halawu and Han Wuge, filed an accusation at the provincial governor’s office: A household head, Han Sanshiba, had been killed because he did not follow the New Teaching which was set up by Ma Mingxin and Han Erge, teachers from Anding county who had been invited here by Su Sishisan. Members of the two groups fought against each other. The Old Teaching lost more than forty lives and more than a hundred people were injured. Valuables, livestock and grain were looted.37

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This incident showed that previously occasional violence and small grudges had escalated into a large-scale planned and armed conflict. When the clashes escalated, people from the Old Teaching brought a lawsuit at the court in Hezhou prefecture. Since the Xunhua sub-prefecture, Hong Bin, was visiting Lanzhou, Husonga led troops to put down the violence but failed. He wrote to Hong Bin and asked him to return quickly, but Hong thought that such killing among the border peoples was something common. Only on the 4th day of the third month, when the son of Han Sanshiba went to the governor in Lanzhou to plead innocent, did the officials start to deal with the case. On the 7th day, civilian and military officials arrived at Chajiagou valley to deal with the conflicts, but the situation was already beyond their control. Meanwhile, another official, Xie Huan, went to Xunhua and tried to summon Su Sishisan and others to court but they refused. This indicated that the clashes could no longer be resolved by legal proceedings. These cases clearly show the attitude and judgment of local officials, as well as the development of conflicts, as the competition between the New and Old Teaching over believers spread. These cases guide us in understanding why and how the conflicts became serious among the Salar area Muslim population, which was stable in number. The analysis and explanation in the following sections help us to understand why the contention over religious followers was a key issue related to the Salar culture, the governmental strategy and the timing of the development of Sufi orders along the Yellow River valley.

An Interpretation of the Escalation of Conflict Most previous studies by Chinese scholars have viewed the causes of the religious conflicts in the framework of class struggle within the Salar society. Scholars have written that clashes between the New and Old Teachings were, in fact, clashes between landowners and “the masses.” They see the uprising of Su Sishisan as a struggle of Salar and Hui communities against suppression by another class or another ethnic group. These interpretations help to explain some aspects of these religious clashes but remain inadequate. American scholar Jonathan N. Lipman has made several studies of Muslim society in northwest China during the Qing, including a more comprehensive and fresher explanation for these clashes and the following rebellion led by Su Sishisan.38 For instance, he identified the damaging influence of internal stratification of Muslim society on ethnic unity and how this allowed the Qing rulers to utilize one group to attack another group. However, Lipman dealt only with the religious identity of Hui (Sino-Muslim) people in the northwest and did not attend to the Salar Muslims’ culture, customs, and society. Nor was he aware of the influence that the human and religious geography of the region had on the relationship between the religious groups, limiting the depth of his explanations. This chapter thus aims to provide some additional explanations for the conflicts between the Muslim groups, especially the escalation of violence.

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Relevant to the causes of the conflicts described so far was contention over scarce religious resources. We may define religious resources in terms of the total population, distribution and socio-economic conditions of religious followers. In any specific region, such resources were limited and stable. Chinese Muslims, in general, do not proselytize among non-Muslim communities, so resource growth mainly depends on natural increase within their families, limited by the community’s size. In Gansu, the Muslim population was relatively concentrated in the Yellow River and Huang River valleys, which constituted the core area where Sufi orders and other Islamic groups competed to spread their religious ideas and to recruit followers. The concentration of population generated tension over the supply of religious resources. In this situation of limited supply, new groups emerged, all trying to recruit as many followers as possible within these geographical and demographical constraints. If this competition among religious elites had been orderly, relative stability might have been maintained, but this frontier social order was fragile and unstable. When Ma Mingxin returned from pilgrimage to spread his New Teaching, the Muslim population in the area was already divided by Sufi orders and their subsidiary branches. Local Muslim society had been fragmented and destabilized by this re-demarcation of communal boundaries. Persuading followers of other groups to accept one’s doctrines implied a redistribution of religious resources and changes in religious leadership, affecting the interests of existing elites. In this situation, the absence of self-discipline or a strong mechanism for external discipline would make clashes inevitable. Since the land around Xunhua was fertile, and opportunities for trade plentiful, the region enjoyed comparative affluence. Nevertheless, the religious resources of a small region with only six to seven thousand Salar Muslims were limited and easily exhausted. From the sketchy information available in the Imperially Approved Records, people in the Xunhua region were fairly quick to accept Ma Mingxin’s New Teaching. In 1762, they managed to build three new mosques, which indicated that a considerable number of Old Teaching Salars had been converted to the New Teaching, and the previous religious framework in Xunhua had been disturbed. In this specific circumstance, Han Haji—the hereditary overall religious leader of the twelve gong— came forward to halt the losses suffered by the Old Teaching, bringing suit against Hema Liuhu for building three new mosques. According to the Xunhua Sub-prefecture Gazetteer, Ma Mingxin arrived in Xunhua to preach39 in 1761; in less than two years, he had formed a Sufi order “more popular than Ma Laichi’s,” and “hence, the contention started.”40 The pursuit of Islamic truth did play a part in the Xunhua religious conflicts. But if they had remained on the level of doctrinal interpretation and not involved the transfer of resources from the Old Teaching to the New, the original structure would not have been violated and such arguments would not have incurred much risk. As noted in the Imperially Approved Records, the “Muslims in the Xunhua region would invite their gong religious leaders

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and the overall religious leader to the Zhangha Mosque to pray if they had weddings or funerals.”41 When Hema Liuhu quarreled with Han Haji, the former claimed that “Han had asked for excessive donations.”42 Obviously, economic benefits had a powerful influence in religious life. If more Salars changed their allegiance from the Old to the New Teaching, the original overall religious leader and local gong religious leaders—all belonging to the Old Teaching—would lose the benefit of being invited to lead prayers at religious functions, an important source of income for them. They would be replaced by Hema Liuhu, Su Sishisan, and other New Teaching imams as recipients of niyyah (Ch. nietie) donations.43 As the New Teaching spread, sometimes fathers and sons or elder brothers and younger brothers belonged to different groups, but clashes did not necessarily occur between them over religious doctrine. In the funeral at Dasuguzhuang village, the sons of the deceased belonged to different Sufi orders and could not agree on which imam to invite to conduct the funeral service. Clearly, competition between elites over the resources of the New and Old Teaching adherents lay behind this issue, as they divided villages and even families. The history of Islam in northwest China shows that frequent and serious religious clashes took place between different Sufi orders,44 or between different branches within the same order. Before the clashes of the New and Old Teachings during the Qianlong reign, Xunhua had experienced clashes over “eating before or after the Maghrib [evening] prayer during Ramadan” (qiankai and houkai). Though the parties had brought their conflict to court and prosecutions had been undertaken, no deadly armed fights occurred, possibly because the gedem congregations did not have any centralized inter-community organization. Beginning in 1744, however, Ma Mingxin started to preach the Jahrı-ya from Guanchuan, his hometown.45 A number of prefectures and counties experienced “the New and Old Teachings living together.” At that time, these were two different Sufi orders, but there were no obvious clashes when Ma Mingxin preached in other areas with similar Sufi institutions. What led to the serious conflicts in Xunhua? I argue that the main cause was that the Salar region and communities had integrated the systems of the Sufi order, the various levels of religious leaders and the tusi. All of these were devoted to protection of the local traditional order and the interests they had already gained. Surely, they would manipulate their resources to curb any external power—such as Ma Mingxin’s Jahrı-ya (New Teaching)— that might upset this order and jeopardize their interests. The inner force uniting the Sufi orders rested on the allegiance that the followers (Ar. muridun) owed their teacher (Ar. murshid) and the solidarity among the followers belonging to the same circle (Ar. da’ira). These characteristics enabled the leaders of a Sufi order to mobilize their followers to undertake collective action on social as well as religious matters. The overlapping nature of the religious leader system in the Xunhua mosques also

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encouraged religious organizations that honoured unity and uniform action internally and exhibited strong exclusivity towards outsiders. The spread of the Jahrı-ya New Teaching in Xunhua, in fact, undermined the Salar family ties of the aghina and kumsen. Identification with family and lineage and the allegiance to blood relations competed with or were replaced by identification with the same Sufi practice and allegiance to the murshid. In earlier Salar society, all those having the family name “Han” should belong to the same kumsen. The 18th century clashes, however, revealed a religious split in the Han lineage, and similar splits occurred in other lineages. Differences between Sufi orders had divided Muslims who shared the same ancestors into opposing parties. Government mishandling of the legal disputes might also have intensified local conflicts. The Qing government considered the Tibetans and other groups in Qinghai areas fan people (fanzu), and Xunhua sub-prefecture was established to manage the fan areas effectively. To implement policies that aligned with local conditions, the Qing government promulgated the fan statutes (fanli) in this area. These laws and regulations — 68 of them, covering areas such as theft, injury, and military and civil affairs — were selected and translated from the Mongolian Code, which was a specific part of the Great Qing Code.46 The fan statutes stipulated that in a case that involved death, a life compensation price (Ch. fafu) would be imposed. After deaths or injuries in the Xunhua religious clashes, the government officials applied the fan statutes and adopted the life compensation price to recompense the injured party. Contrary to its purpose, this punishment seemed to encourage, to a degree, a disregard towards life, as evident in Hema Liuhu’s revenge killing of four Old Teaching adherents. It was a mistake for local officials to use the fan statutes in handling Salar affairs, because the officials’ actions ignored the culture and customs of the Salars themselves. When a member of an aghina or kumsen group was killed, Salar practice dictated that the surviving members “had the right and obligation to determine whether to forgive or to avenge. If the deceased was considered to have been ‘murdered’, revenge would be carried out and the life taken would be repaid by another life.”47 “If the injury was serious [and led to death], the killer might be killed in return.”48 “If someone did not take part in the revenge, he would be excluded from any ceremonial activities of the aghina and kumsen.”49 To a certain extent, these customs followed the concept of collective vengeance. For mild injuries, understanding and forgiveness would be sought. For serious injury, compensation had to be made. A life would be repaid with a life, not a life compensation price. In such a culture, it was inappropriate for the officials simply to apply the fan statutes to settle a Salar case. The conflicts between the New and Old Teachings continued for twenty years. Starting from arguments over the interpretation of Islamic texts, followed by violent quarrels and finally spinning out of control, the clashes persisted because the sub-prefectural officials did not do their jobs and failed to intervene in a timely fashion. As the government admitted, clashes between

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the government and the people occurred mainly because of the “officials’ mishandling” and “negligence.”50 “If the local officials had handled them discreetly at an early stage, this situation would not have taken place.”51 In the ninth month of 1780, fights between the two groups over a funeral service led to the death of a New Teaching adherent. The official decided that the killer should be “punished by a half-life compensation price” (banming fafu). Su Sishisan and Han Erge intervened, and the family of the deceased refused to accept the verdict. During the six months from the ninth month of 1780 until the third month of the following year, the clashes between the two groups rapidly escalated. During this critical period, the local officials at various levels treated the situation lightly and even took leave, thus delaying effective action and missing the best time to resolve the conflicts. In the process of suppressing Su Sishisan’s uprising, the “Gansu famine relief fraud” scandal came to light. This was a very serious collective corruption scandal involving many provincial and local officials in Gansu province. This project to provide funds for famine relief involved 113 people, including the provincial administration commissioner, who collectively embezzled 2,810,000 liang (almost 4 million ounces) of silver. The case shocked the court, and the Qianlong Emperor called it “an unprecedented case of extraordinary greed.” Many of the officials who had presided over the religious conflict trials were entangled in this scandal, which resulted in 56 executions and 46 banishments. Unofficial documents recorded that some officials had accepted silver bullion and valuables as bribes when handling religious clashes.52

Conclusion Through the analysis of the conflicts between the two teachings, the following findings have emerged. First, during the Qianlong reign, the New Teaching had spread to Xunhua. This implied that the religious structure was being reset and the religious resources redistributed. This, coupled with the relative scarcity of such resources, meant that doctrinal change could easily lead to competition among religious elites. Second, there existed a tradition of collective vengeance in Salar culture. People sought understanding and forgiveness in mild cases of physical assaults and “a life for a life” in cases of deaths. This concept was still upheld so they did not endorse the use of a life compensation price. Therefore, simply using the fan statutes to settle clashes among Salars not only failed to solve the problem but might even have worsened the situation. Third, the fact that the clashes between the New and Old Teachings in Xunhua lasted for a long time was largely due to the corruption and negligence of officials, who missed the optimal time to deal with the conflicts. These findings shed new light on the circumstances that led to the disastrous events resulting in the dramatic diminishing of the Salar, who lost about 40 percent of their entire population. The close analysis of the Salar case provides another perspective on the challenges and the limitations facing the Qing rulers in their dealings with the empire’s vast ethnic frontiers.

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Notes 1 Established in 1762, its formal name was “Xunhua Sub-prefecture to Pacify the Fan, Belonging to Hezhou Prefecture.” 2 Qing shilu 1986, pp. 241–243. 3 Lin Gan 1954, pp. 31–34. 4 Ma Chengjun and Ma Wei 2004. 5 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 80. 6 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 93. 7 Yang Huaizhong 1988 includes Hanwen Monastery, Mengda, Xichang, Chajia, Qingshui, Zhangga, Bielie, Caotan, Yaman, Suzhi, Jiezi, and Dasugu in the subprefecture. 8 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 92. 9 Aghina, a Turkic term, means “relatives of blood-related brothers.” 10 Kumsen, a Tibetan term, means “clan kinfolk headed by elders.” 11 Ma Chengjun 2009. 12 Ma Wei and Ma Furong 1997. 13 The Salars used the conventional Persian term for an imam, akhund (Ch. ahong), also used by Chinese-speaking Muslims, so the various levels of qadi and zhangjiao were sometimes called akhund. 14 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 101. 15 Han Deyan 1991. 16 Yang Huaizhong 1988, p. 84. 17 Yang Huaizhong 1988, p. 92. 18 Yang Yingju (1696–1766), from Xining, was first appointed as the Shaanxi and Gansu governor-general, then posted to Yunnan and Guizhou in 1766. 19 Yang Huaizhong 1988, p. 91. 20 Ma Haiyun, 2009. 21 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 61. 22 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 104. 23 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 137. 24 Most scholars are of the opinion that Han Haji was probably a religious leader who had made the pilgrimage and was therefore called “Haji.” 25 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 101. 26 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 101. 27 Ma Guobao was the son of Ma Laichi, the returned pilgrim who founded the Huasi Sufi sub-order that Muslims called Khafı-ya and the officials called part of the Old Teaching. 28 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 101. 29 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 102. 30 Ma Haiyun, 2009, p. 7. 31 Wang Shumin 1948. 32 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 178. 33 Ma Tong 2000. 34 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 178. 35 Yang Huaizhong 1988 quoted Ma Fucai’s statement: “The arguments started with the saying of prayers at Dingcangzhuang and led to fighting by both parties.” Dingcangzhuang was the same place as Dingjiangzhuang. 36 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, pp. 177–178. 37 Yang Huaizhong 1988, p. 100. 38 Jonathan N. Lipman 1990, 1997. 39 In Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, his name is written as Ma Mingqing. 40 Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan 1968, p. 177. 41 Yang Huaizhong 1988, p. 101.

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42 Yang Huaizhong 1988, p. 101. 43 Niyyah, Arabic for “intention,” in this context means voluntary donations, separate from the compulsory zakat. 44 This term, now generally used to refer to Sufi orders in China, means “great (or official) lineage.” Yang Zengxin, a Qing official assigned to the northwest, first used it to refer to “Sufi orders” in the 1890s. 45 Scholars differ on the date of Ma Mingxin’s return to China, some arguing for 1744 and others for 1761, though internal Jahrı-ya sources claim the earlier date. In decades of hard work, Ma covered most of Gansu, including Lingzhou, Yancha Ting, Pingliang, Guyuan, and Huining in the east. To the west, his teaching spread to Liangzhou, Suzhou, and Xining. 46 Yang Qiang and Guan Zhiguo 2008, 43–46. 47 Ma Wei and Ma Furong 1997, p. 46. 48 Ma Wei and Ma Furong 1997, p. 47. 49 Ma Wei and Ma Furong 1997, p. 47. 50 Yang Huaizhong 1988, p. 46. 51 Yang Huaizhong 1988, p. 47. 52 Yue Weizong 1981, pp. 69–71.

Bibliography Gong Jinghan and Li Benyuan (Eds.). 1968 (1844). (Daoguan) Xunhua tingzhi [Xunhua Sub-Prefecture Gazetteer]. Daoguang edition. Rpt. Taipei: Chengwen chubanshe. Han Deyan. 1991. “Shitan salazu de gazui zhidu” [On the Salars’ Qadi System]. Qinghai minzu yanjiu (shehui kexue ban) [Qinghai Journal of Ethnology], 1: 27–30. Lin Gan. 1954. “Qingdai qianlong nianjian de su sishisan qiyi he tianwu qiyi” [The Su Sishisan and Tianwu Uprisings in the Qianlong Reign of the Qing Dynasty]. Lishi jiaoxue [History Teaching], 1: 31–34. Lipman, Jonathan N. 1990. “Ethnic Violence in Modern China: Hans and Huis in Gansu, 1781–1929.” In Jonathan N. Lipman and Stevan Harrell (Eds.), Violence in China: Essays in Culture and Counterculture. Albany: State University of New York Press. Pp. 65–86. Lipman, Jonathan N. 1997. Familiar Strangers: A History of Muslims in Northwest China. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Ma Chengjun. 2009. “1781 nian jiaozhen: defang shehui yu guojia quanli” [Religious Clashes of 1781: Local Society and the Power of the Nation-State]. Guangxi minzu daxue xuebao (zhexue shehui kexue ban) [Journal of Guangxi Minzu University (Philosophy & Social Sciences Edition)], 1: 2–77. Ma Chengjun and Ma Wei (Eds.). 2004. Bainian salazu yanjiu wenji [Collection of a Century of Salar Studies]. Xining: Qinghai minzu chubanshe. Ma Haiyun. 2009. “Fanhui haishi huifan? Hanhui haishi huimin?—18 shiji gansu de salaer zuqun jieding yu qingchao xingzheng biange” [Fanhui or Huifan? Hanhui or Huimin?— Salar Ethnic Identification and Qing Administrative Transformation in 18th-Century Gansu]. Qinghai minzu yanjiu [Qinghai Journal of Ethnology], 4: 1–14. Ma Tong. 2000. Zhongguo xibei yisilan jiaopai menhuan zhidu shilve [History of China’s Islamic Solidarities and (Sufi) Menhuan System]. Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin chubanshe.

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Ma Wei and Ma Furong. 1997. “Salazu xiguanfa jiqi tezheng” [Salar Customary Law and Its Characteristics]. Qinghai minzu xueyuan xuebao (shehui kexue ban) [Journal of Qinghai Minzu University (Social Science Edition)] 2: 43–49. “Veritable Records of the Gaozong Chun (Qianlong) Emperor (Gaozong Chun huangdi shilu.” In Qing shilu [Veritable Records of the Qing Dynasty]. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1985–1987. Wang Shumin. 1948. “Qianlong 46 nian sala shibian yu xibei huijiao xinjiupai fenli zhi youlai” [The 1781 Salar Incident and the Origins of the New-Old Factional Split among the Northwestern Muslims]. Xibei tongxun [Bulletin of the Northwest] 3(5): 7–14. Yang Huaizhong (Ed. and Punc.). 1988. Qinding Lanzhou jilüe [Imperially Approved Records of the Lanzhou Campaign]. Rpt. Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin chubanshe. Yang Qiang and Guan Zhiguo. 2008. “Lun qingdai dui mengguzu yinsu erzhi de lifa yuanze jiqi yiyi” [Discussion on the Qing-Dynasty Legislative Principle of ‘Rule by Custom and Traditions’ Towards Mongolians]. Qinghai minzu xueyuan xuebao [Journal of Qinghai Nationalities Institute], 34(3): 43–46. Yue Weizong. 1981. “Qianlong nianjian gansu ‘jianliang maochen’ tanwu an” [The Corruption Case of ‘Gansu Famine Relief Fraud’ in the Qianlong Reign]. Lanzhou xuekan [Lanzhou Academic Journal], 4: 69–71.

Archival Sources Qing shilu [Veritable Records of the Qing Dynasty]. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1985–1987.

6

Hui Lineages in Taozhou and the Acculturation of Islam during the Qing Dynasty Yue Que

Introduction1 This chapter analyzes genealogical writings of Hui Muslim commoner (Huimin) families from Taozhou, Gansu, combined with fieldwork findings. It examines the processes of localization and acculturation that Muslim communities in northwest China underwent during the second half of the Qing dynasty (18th–19th centuries). As in other places in the world, in its spread throughout China, Islam underwent localization into culture as well as social structure. In recent decades there has been a growing number of Chinese scholarly discussions of acculturation of Islam in China. Many of these works have tended to focus on texts and on architecture. Those based on text analysis deal with the Confucian concepts used to translate the doctrines of the Islamic faith into Chinese. In the body of texts called Han kitab,2 this approach is described as “using Confucianism to interpret the Islamic classics” (yi ru quan jing). Other works identify Chinese cultural elements in the architectural style, layout and decorations of mosques.3 These discussions concentrate on the external cultural appearance of acculturation (sometimes called “sinicization”4) of Islam and overlook other core matters. That is, they miss the issue of social-historical causation: why and how the religion transformed from Islam in China to become Chinese Islam. This is because scholars seldom pay enough attention to the social activities of individual Muslim commoner families. Overlooking the internal link between the social setting and structure of Hui communities, with their core of religious institutions and belief, prevents the development of a comprehensive and well-defined understanding of the acculturation of Islam. Therefore, working on a specific region and studying the course of continuous development of Hui families and the ways that they merged with the local society can enable a better understanding of localization of Islam in Chinese history. During the Tang, Song and Yuan periods (7th–14th centuries), Muslims in China had been generally regarded as foreigners, but according to present-day contemporary Chinese scholars, during the Ming and Qing dynasties (14th–20th centuries), Muslims (Huihui ren) became part of the Chinese nation (Zhonghua

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minzu).5 This change, from “foreign sojourners” (fanke) to “local people” (bendi ren) was not merely a change in formal status but also a social process that transformed the Muslim communities. During this transformation, Muslims came to adopt Chinese surnames, speak Chinese, use Chinese characters, and dress in Chinese clothes. During the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), these Muslim commoners were sometimes called Han Hui (Chinese Hui). Since Confucian ideology is a core component of Chinese culture, the Confucian influence on Hui social development constituted an important part of the acculturation of Islam. As Bai Shouyi wrote in 1958, “Being a Muslim and also a Confucian (Hui er jian ru) is an issue that is worth studying in the history of the Hui people.”6 The custom of compiling and preserving family genealogies is an important indication of being “a Muslim and also a Confucian.” By adopting the Han people’s practice of compiling genealogies in Chinese script, the Hui conformed to the ideologies of Neo-Confucian scholars on ancestral lineages.7 The ideas of Hui people about compiling genealogies, as well as the genealogies themselves, became important social features of these communities. Muslim commoner genealogies, therefore, have become important historical materials for the study of the acculturation of Muslim communities. Since the 1950s, Chinese scholars have collected Hui genealogies and closely studied their contents. In 1968, Luo Xianglin used such information to discuss the history of Central Asian Muslim people who settled in China during the Song (960–1279) to Ming dynasties.8 A 1990 volume entitled Research on the History of the Chendai Hui Nationality includes essays discussing the local history and ethnography of a southeastern Hui lineage.9 Using genealogies, oral histories and ancestral shrines as their evidence, the writers of these essays studied the Ding family of Muslim descent, in Chendai town, Jinjiang county, in Fujian province. For several hundred years, this family lived among the local Chinese people, subsequently forming religious customs, venues for ancestral worship and a culture of ancestral lineages endowed with local and regional characteristics. The largest concentration of Muslims live in the northwestern areas of China, where Islam has spread and flourished for many centuries. The various Islamic sects, Sufi orders and teaching schools are also concentrated there. To date, the major publication on Hui family genealogies in the northwest is the Genealogy of the Guanghe Ma Lineage.10 A 1993 dictionary collected the Genealogy of Ma Zheli’s Lineage. Originally organized in 1964, it recorded the pedigree of the Ma family warlords of the northwest.11 These studies included direct quotations from Hui genealogies and paid little attention to how the genealogies came into being. In using the genealogies as a research tool, Liu Zhiwei pointed out that one should first consider the process by which the genealogies were produced.12 Consequently, integrating the compilation history of the genealogies into the discussion of Hui family history helps us understand the direct link between Hui families in the northwest and the acculturation and localization processes.

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This chapter focuses on the Genealogy of the Taozhou Ding Lineage, compiled in 1897.13 This was not the first compilation of the genealogy, earlier compilations had been made from the 18th century. According to the Ming official history, Taozhou had been “an important frontier since Han and Tang times, controlling the Fan and the Rong [barbarians] to the west, and protecting the Yellow River and Gansu to the east.”14 The Ming state had set up the Taozhou garrison there. In 1748, now under the Qing dynasty, the area that had been controlled by the garrison was designated a county. People of the Ding surname were registered as residents of Old Taozhou, that is, the county seat and the administrative centre of today’s Lintan county.15 In the Qing dynasty, this became the part of Taozhou that was known as Taozhou Old City.

The Compilation of the Ding Family Genealogy The compilation of a genealogy is the expression of the collective action of a lineage and defines communal identity. Therefore, this study begins by examining the origins of the Genealogy of the Taozhou Ding Lineage. To understand the history of this document, it is necessary to begin with the Hui rebellion in the 1860s. The Hui rebellion lasting from 1863 to 1867 made momentous impact on Taozhou society. During that time, some Hui people in Taozhou and Hezhou fought against the local gentry’s militia (mintuan) and the Qing army known as the Green Standard (lüying). They fought over control of the forts in different parts of the prefecture. The gentry militias and armed village volunteers caused immense damage to local society, as the local gazetteer reported: In 1862, the Hui made use of the opportunity created by the Nian rebellions in central China and started to rebel. On the 11th day of the second month in 1863, the Hui in Taozhou followed suit … On the 1st day of the eleventh month [1865], the militia leader He Jianwei took control of the Zhanqi Fort and killed almost all the people there. Therefore, the people invited the Hui back to drive out the militias. On the 13th day of the fifth month in 1866, the Hui took control of the Mill Valley Fort. In autumn, General Fan Ming collected the scattered volunteers still in the Di[dao]-He[zhou] area and defeated the Hui in the southern part of the city. The Taozhou Hui then fled to Hezhou, and the uprising thus came to an end.16 These records show that the Hui uprising at Taozhou affected the areas to its east and south. In 1864, Hui from Hezhou entered Taozhou and took control of the Tibetan Yucheng Buddhist monastery. In 1865, gentry-led militias and village volunteers advanced from the west of Taozhou and attacked the Zhuoxun Fort in Zhuoni prefecture. Moving east from Taozhou Old City, they made their way toward the New City administrative center, controlling

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the Mill Valley Fort west of the New City. The discipline of the village volunteers and militias was lax, for while fighting against the Hui, they occupied the forts and treated the people cruelly, carrying out massacres in the forts once occupied by the Hui and “killing almost all the common people.” As a result, the ordinary people living in the southeast section of Taozhou sided with the Hui and “invited the Hui to drive out the volunteers.”17 It was only in the autumn of 1867 that General Fan Ming managed to collect and organize the scattered volunteers in Didao and Hezhou prefectures and drove the Taozhou Hui to Hezhou, thus ending the Taozhou Hui uprising. During these conflicts, people of the Ding surname defended the Old City and when peace was restored helped to rebuild it. As the Genealogy of the Taozhou Ding Lineage recorded of ninth-generation ancestor, Xingyuan: Our ancestor Xingyuan was the father of Yisan. All through his life, he conducted business with righteousness and treated people with courtesy. His behavior was exemplary. During the Tongzhi reign, the country was in turmoil because wars and fighting were frequent. The honorable gentleman made untiring efforts in defending the city for three years. He was entrusted with the task of food supply. He worked so hard that he did not bother to eat. He was highly trusted by General Cao and was conferred the fifth class Official Cap and appointed a nominal military general with the official title of company commander (qianzong) as acknowledgement of his hard work. After the suppression of the uprising, he carried out building projects, repaired storehouses and saw to their completion. He inspected the lijia household registration system and set up strict regulations in the villages. The county magistrate Ye often commended him for being righteous.18 The Ding family head, Ding Xingyuan, organized the local people in “defending the city for three years.” After the uprising, Ding consolidated his leading role in Taozhou society and was often praised by the magistrate, Ye Kexin. The congenial relationship that the Ding family had established with the local officials informed an exceptional phase in the family’s history. Clearly, although Ding Xingyuan was Muslim, he stood unwaveringly on the side of the Qing government during the Hui uprising. Thirty years later, when Xingyuan’s son, Yuqian (also called Yisan), invited Min Butang of Taozhou Old City to recompile the Genealogy of the Taozhou Ding Lineage. It is common practice in compiling a genealogy for earlier editions to be incorporated. The 1897 compilation of the Ding genealogy shows that the lineage had held a leading position in Taozhou for some centuries, but that at the end of the 19th century, it was celebrating an even more elevated status.

The Ding Family: Hui and Confucian Teaching According to the Genealogy of the Taozhou Ding Lineage, the founding ancestor who first migrated to Taozhou was Ding Lin, who

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held the titles of duwei (commander) and zhongjun (middle army) and served in the Taozhao and Minzhou garrisons in Xining. […] He came from Ji’nan in Shandong province and was posted at Xiangwu. His official duty brought him to Taozhou where he served in Lintan. Because he was kind and virtuous, the people of the Tao valley all spoke well of him. The more the master loved his people, the more the people wished him to stay on. Therefore, the master settled down and made Taozhou his home.19 Based on records describing the activities of Ding Lin’s son, we may conclude that the Dings moved to Taozhou Old City during the late Ming and early Qing period (17th century). Ding Lin’s son was Ding Yangyuan; genealogy compiler Min Butang heaped praises on him for “continuing the work of the ancestors” and “expounding the classics.” Min continues with a description of Yangyuan sponsoring the education of brilliant clansmen and assisting poor families. Such comments demonstrate that Yangyuan fulfilled his Confucian duties. However, the account goes on: Ancestor Zhongsan [that is, Yangyuan] was virtuous like the early sage and well versed in the religious texts and literary classics. In disciplining himself, he adhered to honesty and sincerity. In raising his family, he gave priority to filial piety. He provided stationery to assist the worthy among the lineage to study. He offered clothes and food to relieve the hardship of the poor and needy in the neighborhood. The gentleman and my second-generation ancestor Master Kean served together as Islamic religious heads (zhangjiao), guiding the people to the right path and relieving those suffering hardships. In 1697, the two gentlemen repaired the grand mosque. They emptied their pockets to contribute to the construction of the magnificent building and took part in all endeavors to help the community. They contributed whatever was needed and did their utmost in supporting [the community]. The classic texts commanded us to establish and nurture virtues, and there was a saying that doing charity brought happiness. The gentlemen had all these [qualities].20 According to genealogy compiler, the history of the Ding and the Min lineages was related closely to the history of the mosque. The restoration of the mosque was among the most important events recorded by these Muslims in the early Qing dynasty, and the records related to it supply the richest accounts of their early family history. The second-generation ancestor of the Ding family and the second-generation ancestor of the Min family “both served as Islamic religious leaders” and “repaired the grand mosque” in 1697. This record confirms that Hui families, indeed, should follow the widely approved Confucian ethics of loyalty and filial piety, but they put even a higher premium on maintaining and protecting Islam.

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The theme of combining Confucian values and Hui identity is apparent in many biographies in the genealogy. The following is one such, on seventhgeneration ancestor Zhaopeng: Ancestor Zhaopeng seldom spoke or smiled. He was sincere and looked serious. He would work hard at his desk and visit high mountains. He traced the ancestral lineage and wrote the family history. He did his utmost for charity and worthy causes. In 1790 he and our fourth-generation ancestor Jixi set up the school together, thus helping to cultivate talent and promote learning. He built large buildings and relieved the hardships of the poor. He helped people in crisis and he led an honest and upright life. He treated people with kindness and forgiveness, like the junzi (gentleman) in ancient times. Moreover, he dispensed free medicine to the poor, helping them to avoid misery. In his opinion, the preparation of drugs to cure sick people was a way to cure the country.21 Ding Zhaopeng applied Confucian ethics and practices, respecting the ancestral line and guiding his clansmen in tracing the ancestral lineage and compiling the family history. In 1790 he set up a school to provide free education, an expression of Confucian values and social responsibilities as fitting for leading scholars. Nevertheless, he not only adopted Confucian ethics, he also simultaneously upheld the identity of a pious Muslim. According to a Hui oral history account recorded in contemporary Taozhou Old City, the grand mosque in the Old City was repaired and built by officers and soldiers of the Taozhou Huihui garrison who were stationed there during the Hongwu reign (1368–1398) of the Ming dynasty. The site covered today’s upper and lower mosque. From this time to 1777, the Old City had only one mosque, the mosque that Ding Yangyuan and Min Kean collaborated to finance and repair in 1697. In 1777, due to a division within the Muslim community, another mosque was established in the city. In that year, some of the Muslims in Taozhou Old City joined a Sufi order, following Ma Laichi, leader of the Huasi menhuan, who spread the doctrines of the Khafiya in places like Qinghai’s Xunhua county and Gansu’s Hezhou.22 Later, Min Xiangli, a Muslim from Taozhou Old City, initiated local Muslims into the Beizhuang menhuan in Lintan. Since the teachings of these Sufi orders differed, the Muslims in the Old City were divided. The Old City mosque split into the upper mosque and the lower mosque, the former belonging to the Beizhuang and the latter to the Huasi order. While Ding Zhaopeng together with Min Jixi offered free schooling and medicine, they were doing that as religious schism was introduced into Taozhou. Their endeavors demonstrate employing Confucian-inspired means to achieve Muslim ends, merging these two traditions harmoniously. The genealogy lists thirty-six descendants from the first to the ninth generations who had received civil or military titles and posts from the imperial government. Most of them were students of the county school or expectant (houbu) officials, meaning that the titles were honorific. Min Butang said of them:

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In serving their parents, they do their utmost with sincere respect. In associating with their kinsmen, they treat them with fairness. In teaching their children, they guide them with righteousness. In dealing with people, they treat them with honesty. In life, they seek harmony.23 In the prominence given to members of the lineage who won imperial honours, and in the biographies included in the genealogy of members of the lineage noted for their achievement and virtue, the Ding lineage clearly encouraged their members to immerse themselves in the study of the Confucian classics and to strive for scholarly achievement and official positions. By doing so they sought to enhance their social status and to express their identification with the existing political order. But, leading members of the Ding lineage also played an active role in the routine affairs of the mosque. Ding Yangyuan was as much a religious leader of the mosque as he was a member of the local gentry, and Ding Weinan (seventh generation) was a student at the county school as well as a religious leader in the mosque. The combination of Hui and Confucian personas enabled the flourishing of Islam in the Taozhou area in this period.

Marriage Relations and the Social Structure of the Region The Genealogy of the Taozhou Ding Lineage also has exceptionally detailed records of the first and second wives of the principal heir in each generation and the families into which their daughters married. These records allow for a discussion of the social networks of the Hui elite of Taozhou, especially as seen in intermarriages. Counter to widely accepted views stressing the endogamous tendencies of Muslim communities, the genealogy record demonstrates that Hui marriages with Hanl Chinese and Tibetans (fan) were common during the Qing dynasty. Moreover, the women marrying into the family played an important role in promoting and upholding Confucian values, while at the same time fostering Muslim education and religious practice in their families. The Genealogy includes detailed charts portraying the marital relationships. The charts use vertical columns to record, for each generation, the family of origin and the dates of birth and death of the direct heir’s (dizi) first wife and other wives, the number of sons and daughters each generation had and background details of the families into which the daughters married (see Table 6.1). The table provides a vivid picture of the horizontal social relationships established by the Dings in Taozhou with their neighbors, Muslim and non-Muslim. In the first several generations, the entry for the family founder Ding Lin simply mentioned that his wife’s surname was Zhang and that she came from Gansu province. The wife of second-generation Ding Yangyuan, Madam Li, came from Old Zhuangzi, a town located along the route linking Taozhou New and Old Cities. During the early Ming dynasty, commander Li Da

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Table 6.1 Example of the format used in the Genealogy of the Taozhou Ding Lineage The order of Generations Father Mother

Grandfather Father

Age at Death and Burial Died at Years

Daughter(s) Married to Which Surnames

Son(s)

Great-grandfather

Names of the Ancestors

Wife’s Surname

Surnames of Mothers

Birth Year

Siblings and Patrilineal Cousins Patrilineal Uncles; Patrilineal Grandfathers

Wife or Concubines

Other Names

(1358–1445) was stationed at Old Zhuangzi, and it is very likely that Madam Li came from his family (duzhihui). Li Da’s family had come from Fengyang prefecture in Anhui province, a claim commonly made by garrison families, Fengyang being the home prefecture of the first Ming emperor, Taizu. Da’s father, Li Sheng, had served Taizu and was given the title of a hereditary assistant commissioner in chief (shixi zhihuishi). During my fieldwork interviews with Li Da’s descendants, I was shown land deeds dated to the Xuande reign (1426–1435) showing that Li Da was buying land and houses in Old Zhuangzi and Taozhou Old City. My interviewees also showed me a copy of an imperial certificate of appointment issued in 1406, conferring on Li Da the title of an official in charge of the local horse and tea trade station.24 It would seem that as Li Da was settling into Taozhou, marrying a woman from his family to the native Ding family would have been an advantage. Third-generation Ding Chaochen had two wives. The first was the eldest daughter of Ma Chongde, another commander of the Taozhou garrison and the second was the daughter of Yang Rusong, a hereditary Tibetan chieftain who was a descendant of the chieftain in Zhuoni valley. Ding Fufeng of the fourth generation married the daughter of Min Yongchang, a Muslim scholar who held the gongsheng or senior licentiate degree. The Min lineage was another powerful local Muslim family.25 The first wife of Ding Yibing of the fifth generation was a daughter of the Taozhou Gao lineage. The chart noted that she was the aunt of Gao Delu, an expectant officer of the Lintao garrison.

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Other marriage connections included the first wife of the sixth-generation ancestor, who was the second daughter of Ma Qi, also an expectant officer of the Taozhou garrison. Ding Zhengnan of the seventh generation had three wives; the first was the younger sister of Ye Jinren of Taozhou Taiping Fort, a stipendiary student.26 Ding Xingyuan of the ninth generation, who received the most coverage in the text of the genealogy, had two wives. The first one was a daughter of the Ma family, a member of which had served as a military commander, and the other of a Ma family in Sichuan province. The first wives of the third, fourth and the sixth generations, and the wives of the seventh and the ninth generation all came from Muslim families.27 As for the daughters, the genealogy includes the records of thirteen married daughters belonging to the main Ding family line. Apart from three daughters whose spouses’ backgrounds were not recorded, three of the remaining ten married Confucian students with official titles, and three others married military officers of the Qing Green Standard. Attention should be drawn to the marriage connections made with the most powerful families in the area in the early history of the Ding lineage. It is worth looking at Ding Yangyuan’s history again, this time from a supplementary note in the genealogy: In 1697, the gentleman built and repaired the grand hall of the local mosque, sponsoring the foundation and donating 120 liang of silver. He was benevolent and generous. He was the religious leader of Taozhou Old City. His wife, surnamed Li, was submissive, cautious, obedient and filial. … The gentleman was loyal and filial by nature, as well as polite and kind to friends and people around him. He excelled in archery and horsemanship and was good at training his soldiers. His wife followed his orthodox teaching and became enlightened. … His wife, Madam Yang, helped to supervise local matters and did a good job guarding all the wood needed for the construction of the mosque.28 This passage shows that although Madam Li had come from a Han Chinese family, she converted to Islam after her marriage. She not only “followed his orthodox teaching” but also “helped to supervise local matters and did a good job guarding all the wood needed for the construction of the mosque.” My fieldwork findings from Lintan indicate that in today’s Taozhou Hui society, marrying a non-Muslim would not be spoken about, nor would it be publicly announced. Thus, the Genealogy’s records of Qing-era marriages with Han and Tibetan families are of exceptional value. The other prominent local family with whom the Ding forged close family relations was that of the Tibetan Yang tusi. Yang Jiqing tusi lived in the city of Zhuoni, 15 kilometers southeast of Taozhou city. The founder ancestor Xiedi was a member of the Zhuoni tribe in Taozhou garrison. In the year 1404, he surrendered to the Ming dynasty, and, for his contribution of bringing his tribesmen into the Ming realm, in 1418, he was

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given the hereditary title of commander. The title was inherited by his descendants generation by generation. In the Zhengde reign period (1505– 1521) the then ruling Zhuoni tusi was posted to the capital where he was given the surname “Yang” by the emperor. Thereafter, the family adopted the Chinese surname Yang. Yang tusi was the most influential leader in the Tibetan community of Taozhou, being in charge of 48 banners (military units) under the Qing. Ding Chaochen’s second wife was Yang Rusong tusi’s daughter. Rusong had inherited the tusi title in 1707. The Ding surname genealogy says the following of her: The thing that most people admired was that he [Ding Chaochen] had the daughter of Yang tusi as his other wife. She was a gentle lady and a wonderful match for the master. From a young age, she studied how to behave well and listened to the teaching of her mother. She was a good housewife and gave good support to her husband. She instructed her children in their studies and encouraged them to work diligently. She was a loving mother and a learned teacher to them. Everyday teaching was already an important principle.29 The theme of her being “a loving mother and a learned teacher” continues in the genealogical entry on Chaochen’s sons: In the fourth generation were ancestors Yitong, Zhuxi, Zhongling, Qiwang and Xuecong. They obeyed the teaching of their mother and progressed toward a bright future. They respected their father and “followed famous historical heroes.”30 That would have been a description fitting even for any Han Chinese mother. Yang Rusong tusi’s own wife bore the surname Li. The Gazetteer of Taozhou County reported: The son of Rusong, Yang Chongxiao, inherited the title in 1750. The son of Chongxiao, Yang Zhao, took the military examination in 1741 but passed away before he inherited the title. His son, Yang Shengnian, was young and therefore his right to chieftainship was temporarily held by his grandmother Li, who took up the job of managing local matters in 1754.31 Yang Rusong’s wife, Madam Li, was also a descendant of Old Zhuangzi’s Li lineage that claimed Li Da as a founding ancestor. Madam Li of the Yang family and Madam Li of the Ding family were thus aunt and niece (see Figure 6.1). It is possible to see how convenient such connections might be. When Ding Yangyuan, the religious leader of the grand mosque, was in charge of its repair work in Taozhou Old City, the timber needed would have

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come from territory controlled by Yang tusi, and Yangyuan’s wife, Madam Li originally of the Yang family, guarded the wood that was needed. The leading families of Taozhou were well connected with one another, whatever their religion or ethnicity.32

Conclusion The Taozhou Hui people’s simultaneous reverence for Confucian teachings and Islam continued into the Republican era (1912–1949) as seen in the lives of Ding Yuqian and Min Butang, who compiled the Ding lineage genealogy in 1897. In 1909, Ding Yuqian taught Tibetan language in the Qinghai School of Mines. He was a good friend of Liu Erxin, a famous Lanzhou scholar. In the early years of the Republic, Ding Yuqian was elected to the Gansu Provisional Parliament and he also set up a primary school for the different ethnic groups in Taozhou Old City. In 1915, he settled in Lanzhou with his family. He was the chairman of the Lanzhou Morality Society (Daode hui) but he also served for several years as the head of the Lanzhou Institute for Encouraging the Study of Islam and as manager of the Association for the Promotion of Education for Muslims in Gansu.33 In 1911, Min Butang was the magistrate of Zhengning county in Gansu. After the revolution, he became an advisor to Ma Anliang, a regional Muslim warlord. He helped in clerical work and planning military matters. In 1918, he was elected a member of the House of Representatives in the second National Assembly. For several years, he was the magistrate for different counties.34 In their social conduct and community undertakings, these two Hui representatives of the transitional period actualized their respect for Confucianism and Islam in their choices in life and careers.

Figure 6.1 Descent and marriage relationships of the Ding, Li and Yang families.

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The Genealogy of the Taozhou Ding Lineage shows the lively development of a Hui Muslim Confucian family, how it integrated into a region with an ethnically diverse population and grew strong. It provides a unique glimpse into the localization of a Hui community and sheds new light on the widely accepted view regarding their social lives and attitudes towards marriage. Seen conventionally, a Chinese Hui Muslim community rests on the foundation of their communal commitment to Islam. In specific places and times, this foundation has been strengthened and has pervaded their everyday lives. The compilation of the Taozhou Ding lineage genealogy indicates that, during the Qing period, they also employed Confucian ethics and practices to reinforce their Islamic religion. That Hui officials and Confucian scholars engaged in such integration with local frontier society was a critical reason for the rapid development of Islam in the Taozhou area from the 17th century.

Notes 1 The author wishes to thank Prof. David Faure, Prof. Jonathan N. Lipman, Prof. Liu Zhiwei, Prof. Zhao Shiyu, Prof. Wang Jianping and Prof. Ma Jianxiong for their comments on earlier versions of this chapter. 2 The term denotes a corpus of texts produced from the mid-17th to the late 19th centuries. 3 Jin Yijiu 1995, 2012; Na Guochang 1996; Na Qi 1999; Tan Tan 2003; Ma Mingliang 2009; Xu Shujie and Yu Pengxiang 2010 4 See the discussion in Melissa J. Brown 1996, pp. 41–46. 5 Bai Shouyi 1983, p. 8. 6 Bai Shouyi and Ma Shouqian 2001. 7 There is a long tradition of genealogical records in many Muslim societies, so this adoption was not necessarily sinicization. The tradition of “descent from the Prophet” also marked Chinese Muslims’ genealogical thinking. (See Chapters 1, 2, 7 and 8.) 8 Luo Xianglin 1968. 9 Chen Guoqiang 1990 (also Chapter 9). 10 Genealogy of the Guanghe Ma Lineage. 11 Qiu Shusen 1992. 12 Liu Zhiwei 2000. 13 Ding Yuqian 1897. 14 Zhang Tingyu 1974, p. 8541. 15 According to the fifth census of Lintan county in 2000 in Lintan xianzhi (Bianweihui 2008, p. 93), the town’s population was 21,316, of which 60.26 percent were Hui. 16 Bao Yongchang 1907, juan 18. 17 Bao Yongchang 1907, juan 18. 18 Ding Yuqian 1897, pp. 4–5. 19 Ding Yuqian 1897, pp. 11–12. 20 Ding Yuqian 1897, pp. 4–5. 21 Ding Yuqian 1897, pp. 11–12. 22 Ma Tong 2000, p. 114. 23 Ding Yuqian 1897, p. 1. 24 The Taozhou Li Genealogy does not indicate the exact time that Li Da’s family moved into Old Zhuangzi. Li family members still live there, and they maintain the tradition of claiming descent from Li Da.

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25 Based on the information collected during fieldwork interviews, the surname “Min” was unique to the Hui in Lintan county. 26 Taiping Fort was about 25 kilometers away from the Old City; it was a village with Hui settlements along the west road of Lintan. The surname Ye was a traditional Hui surname as well. 27 Without corresponding genealogies, the family background of the wives of the ancestors in the first, fifth and eighth generations could not be confirmed. 28 Ding Yuqian 1897, pp. 3–4. 29 Ding Yuqian 1897, p. 8. 30 Ding Yuqian 1897, pp. 8–9. 31 Bao Yongchang 1907, juan 10. 32 When a new Muslim uprising threatened the region with extensive violence in 1895, Taozhou Old City’s multicultural elites united to prevent its spread. Jonathan N. Lipman 1997, pp. 152–154. 33 Lintan xianzhi (Bainweihui 1997, pp. 862–863). 34 “Minshi xingzhuang” [The Biography of Min Shixing], in Min Butang n.d.

Bibliography Anon. Guanghe mashi jiapu [Genealogy of the Guanghe Ma Lineage]. Unpublished manuscript. Bai Shouyi. 1983. “Zhongguo huijia xiaoshi” [A Short History of Islam in China]. In Zhongguo yisilanjiao shi cungao [An Existing Draft on the History of Islam in China]. Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin chubanshe, Pp. 1–44. Bai Shouyi and Ma Shouqian. 2001. “Jizhong huihui jiapu zhong suo fangying de lishi wenti” [Some Historical Questions as Reflected in Huihui Family Genealogies]. In Bai Shouyi minzu zongjao lunji [A Collection of the Studies on Ethnic Religions by Bai Shouyi]. Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, pp. 183–191. Bao Yongchang (Ed.) 1907. (Daoguan) Taozhouting zhi [The County Gazetteer of Taozhou (Guangxu version)]. Bianweihui. 1997. Lintan xianzhi [Gazetteer of Lintan County]. Lanzhou: Gangsu minzu chubanshe. Bianweihui (Ed.) 2008. Lintan xianzhi (1991–2006) [The County Gazetteer of Lintan (1991–2006)]. Lanzhou: Gansu renmin chubanshe. Brown, Melissa J. 1996. “On Becoming Chinese.” In Melissa J. Brown (Ed.), Negotiating Ethnicities in China and Taiwan. Berkeley, CA: Center for Chinese Studies, pp. 37–74. Chen Guoqiang (Ed.). 1990. Chendai Huizushi yanjiu [Research on the History of the Chendai Hui Nationality]. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe. Ding Yuqian (Ed.). 1897. Taozhou dingshi zupu [Genealogy of the Taozhou Ding Lineage]. Gao Youtang. 1934. Lintang Minzhuochen xiansheng xingzhuang [The Biography of Lintang Min Shixing]. Jin Yijiu. 1995. “Yisilanjiao zai zhongguo de defang hua yu minzu hua” [Islamic Religion under the Regional and Racial Influences in China]. Shjie zongjiao yanjiu [Research on the World’s Religions], 1: 1–8. Jin Yijiu. 2012. “Tantao yisilanjiao zhongguohua wenti” [Probing into the Question of Islam being Sinicized]. Huizu yanjiu [Journal of Hui Muslim Minority Studies], 3: 13–16. Lipman, Jonathan N. 1997. Familiar Strangers: A History of Muslims in Northwest China. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

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Liu Zhiwei. 2000. “Zupu yu wenhua rentong” [Lineage genealogies and cultural identification]. In Wang Heming et al. (Eds.) Zhonghua puidie yanjiu [Research on Chinese Genealogies]. Shanghai: Shanghai kexue jishu chubanshe, pp. 32–42. Luo Xianglin. 1968. “Zupu zhong guanyu zhongxi jiaotong ruogan shishi zhi faxian” [Some historical findings relating to the communication between China and the West in the lineage genealogies]. Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 40(shang): 125–138. Ma Mingliang. 2009. “Yisilanjiao de zhongguohua yu ‘yi ru quan jing’” [The Sinicization of Islam and ‘Using Confucianism to Interpret the Islamic Classics’]. Alabo shijie yanjiu [Research on the Arabian World], 5: 53–60. Ma Tong. 2000. Zhongguo xibei yisilan jiaopai menhuan zhidu shilve [History of China’s Islamic Solidarities and (Sufi) Menhuan System]. Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin chubanshe. Min Butang. n.d. Taozhou dingshi zupu [Genealogy of the Taozhou Ding Lineage]. Unpublished manuscript. Murata, Sachiko (Trans.). 2017. The First Islamic Classic in Chinese: Wang Daiyu’s Real Commentary on the True Teaching. Albany: State University of New York Press. Na Guochang. 1996. “Zhongguo yisilanjiao rujia xueshuo” [Islam in China and the Study of Confucianism]. Huizu yanjiu [Journal of Hui Muslim Minority Studies] 2: 54–59. Na Qi. 1999. “Cong huizu jiaodu tan yisilanjiao de zhongguohua” [The Sinicization of Islamism From the Perspective of the Hui]. Huizu yanjiu [Journal of Hui Muslim Minority Studies], 4: 25–31. Qiu Shusen. 1992. Zhongguo huizu da cidian [The Complete Dictionary of the Hui in Chin]. Yangzhou: Jiangsu guji chubanshe. Tan Tan. 2003. “Minmo qingchu huizu yisilan hanwen yizhu xingqi de yuanyin yanjiu” [A Study on the Reasons for the Emergence of Chinese Translated Works on Hui Islam during the Late Ming and Early Qing Periods]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu [Research on the World’s Religions], 3: 115–128. Wang Daiyu. 1988. Zhengjiao zhenquan; Qingzhen daxue; Xizhen zhengda [The Authentic Interpretation of the Orthodox Religion or Real Commentary on the True Teaching; Advanced Study on Islam; Discussions about Islam]. Proofread by Yu Zhengui. Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin chubanshe. Xu Shujie and Yu Pengxiang. 2010. “Shilun yisilanjiao de zhongguohua ji Ma Zhu duici de gongxian” [An Attempt at the Study of the Sinicization of Islam and Ma Zhu’s Contributions]. Shehui kexue zhanxian [Social Sciences Frontline] 12: 7–10. Zhang Tingyu. 1974. “Xiyu liezhuang” [Biographies of the Western Regions], No. 218. In Zhang Tingyu (Comp.), Mingshi [History of the Ming]. Juan 330, Vol. 28. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, pp. 8539–8569. Zhang Tingyu (Comp.) 1974. History of the Ming. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju.

7

Ming–Qing Huihui Genealogies and Changing Communal Memory A Study of Qingzhou (Shandong) Huihui Jiapu Huiqian Ding

Introduction In recent years, many scholars have studied Huihui people’s collective memory of their shared history. Yao Dali used Max Weber’s explanatory framework, postulating that racial awareness stems from a sense of a “shared bloodline,” and that tracing consciousness of that “shared bloodline” reflects the formation of a racial community.1 With the “identification” of a shared virtual ancestor outside China—in what Yao calls “the Huihui ancestral land” (Huihui zuguo)—as well as a hypothesized “shared bloodline,” in the late Ming and early Qing the Huihui evolved from a religious community to a racial community. Yao bases his construction of awareness of “the Huihui ancestral land” on material found in the Administrative Geography of the Great Ming (Da Ming yitongzhi) and mosque stone inscriptions. Many genealogies kept by ordinary Huihui families even more explicitly illustrate Huihui people’s understanding of the historical development of their community. In this chapter, I use Huihui genealogies from Qingzhou (Shandong) to analyze how these records were created and amended, describing both their contents and their changes. By comparing texts, I explore the processes by which the Huihui community formed recollections of their history beginning in the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), as well as their common features and particular regional characteristics.

Yang Yingkui and the Ming-Period Yang Lineage Genealogy The compilation history of Qingzhou Huihui family genealogies can be traced back to the Jiajing period (1521–1567) of the Ming. During the Daoguang reign (1820–1850) of the Qing dynasty (1644–1911), when yet another edition of the Yidu Yang Lineage Genealogy was recompiled, the editor wrote, “Our ancestral record began with Prefect Shenggu, then Yuzhai, Xuebo, Zhuxi, Heng’an, and Maocai continued with the compilation. The family had documents on which our ancestors relied.”2 Prefect Shenggu, the earliest compiler, was Yang Yingkui, of the lineage’s sixth generation; he was mentioned in the Jiajing-period Qingzhou gazetteer as a literatus.3 He earned the jinshi degree

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in 1511 and served as a county magistrate, secretary in the Ministry of War, and other central government posts.4 He was twice appointed as a prefect. In 1540 he wrote a preface to the lineage genealogy, describing his family’s history: During the Kaihuang period (581–600), Arabia of the Western Regions sent a tribute mission, and Muslims entered China for the first time, the so-called Huihui, as recorded in the history books. In 1206, Genghis Khan ascended the throne on the upper Orkhon River. He fought in the Western Regions and his army reached India. Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din, a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad,5 came to surrender with his thousand cavalrymen, offering a leopard and white doves. They were ordered to serve in the Palace Guard and fought in battle. He was called Sai Dianchi, his [personal] name was not used, and he was equal to a Chinese aristocrat. He held the titles of Grand Preceptor, Supreme Pillar of State, and Xianyang King. He had five sons. The eldest, Nasulading (Arb. Nasr al-Din), became a Grand Councilor and Yan’an King. He had thirteen sons. The eldest, Bayanchar, served as Grand Secretary, carried a gold tablet [of office], and married a princess. He received the titles of Grand Preceptor and Fengyuan King. Throughout the Yuan [dynasty, 1271–1368], [many] who enjoyed high status and wealth and thrived were descendants of Sayyid Ajall. Since so many years have passed, it is hard to know what happened to them.6 Yang Yingkui did not conceal the fact that his ancestor was not Chinese. As to the time when Muslims entered China, he adopted the “Kaihuang reign of the Sui dynasty” theory. Numerous Chinese sources from the late Yuan and Ming periods testify that this date was widely accepted both among Muslims and in official compendia.7 Most claimed that the sahaba (companion of the Prophet) Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas introduced Islam to China.8 Yang Yingkui traced his ancestral line back to the Yuan-period general and governor Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din, through his eldest grandson Bayanchar, but admitted that the family tree was not clear through the intervening centuries. To prove the connection, he mentioned some stories that circulated within the lineage: I often heard my late father say that among [his] in-laws was Yan Biaomu, already eighty years old in the Chenghua reign period [1464–1487]. A nephew of the Yang family, he also migrated from the north to the south. He said, “My mother’s brother carried the gold medallion [of official authority] as an imperial son-in-law. To this day we do not dare to talk about it.” It is also said that those who moved south with this aunt wore fine silks with multicolored crane-feathered sleeves, and had rows of gold pins stuck in their hair, polished parts bright and flat. I was still able to see their clothes.9

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These two pieces of evidence in fact do not clearly indicate who the Yangs’ ancestors were, so Yang Yingkui used these clues to undertake textual research: According to the History of the Yuan, a princess’s consort was required to be from a family of honorable officials, influential aristocrats, or an invested king. Among the Huihui, only Sai Dianchi (Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din) was invested as a king, carried the golden tally, married a princess, and became an imperial son-in-law.10 Yang Yingkui’s memory was not only vague about his family’s ancestors, but he also did not know any details about their migration to Qingzhou: When it comes to our fifth-generation ancestor Mosu, he lived in the Goat Market neighborhood of Dadu, so he took the surname Yang [a homophone for “goat”]. Dadu was today’s capital city. The seventh-generation family head’s name has been lost, but he served as Yidu Route Commander. The sixth-generation head was appointed Commandant of Linqu, retaining land and residence in Qingzhou. In 1368 the [Ming] army seized Dadu and the commander instructed the people in the capital to retreat to the south. The head of the sixth generation therefore fled to Qingzhou with Mosu and his two daughters. They lived in Gucheng Ward and would not disclose their official ranks nor their family ties, and therefore the details were not known. In Yang Yingkui’s opinion, his family had held noble ranks in the Yuan period. During the dynastic change, his ancestors were forced to migrate south and hide their identities: [T]he fathers advised the children not to study and become officials. So for the following generations, great-great-grandfather Qing and great-grandfather Quan were illiterate. Leading a simple and modest life, they were never late in paying their taxes or performing their share of the [corvée] service.11 As a result, the names and accomplishments of their ancestors could not be fully known by later generations. The later Yang family genealogy considered Mosu to have been the head of their first generation of ancestors, and Yang Yingkui belonged to the sixth generation. He was more familiar with ancestors after Mosu, who were registered in the Ming state’s lijia household registration system and thus would have been recorded in official documents.12 For Yuan-period ancestors, the Yangs turned to the records of Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din’s family. Gong Shitai’s “Postscript to the Biography of Sayyid Ajall’s Family” included this admonition: He was bestowed the title of Xianyang Loyal and Generous King Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din. He served Ögedei Khan, Möngke Khan, and Khubilai Khan and made a remarkable career in the distant southwest. After his death, offerings continued to him in the temple. His descendants were

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Huiqian Ding ennobled or put in charge of local affairs in the interior and on the frontier. Was this not the result of his many virtuous deeds? Though ancestors performed virtuous deeds, their further development fell upon the descendants. As descendants, they should exert themselves to extend the good deeds of their ancestors, not merely clinging to the genealogy and boasting of themselves as “grandchildren of the Xianyang King.”13

Gong Shitai, a Yuan-period jinshi and high official, died in 1362, so his “Postscript” demonstrates that Sayyid Ajall’s family already had a genealogy by that point. That genealogy’s introduction was mentioned in a late Ming family narrative, completed in 1633 or earlier: The biography of Sai [Dianchi’s] Family of Jinling [Nanjing] was written by Pan Tiju14 in the Yuan. Its introduction said, “Sai’s ancestors were people of the Tianfang Kingdom. During the Zhenguan reign period [627–649] of the Tang [dynasty, 618–907], their first ancestor was Biebangbaer [Per. Payghambar], also called Sayyid, the one we now call the Sage of the True Teaching, Muhammad, namely the Great Sage of the West. He was born with sagely virtue, able to instruct plants, trees, birds and animals to come and go, move and halt. Someone asked him, ‘Can your deity break the moon?’ He replied, ‘Yes,’ whereupon he raised his hand and waved a finger, and the moon divided. People all deeply respected him, regarding him as a sage. By the nineteenth generation, the Song [dynasty, 960–1279] had given way to the Yuan. The Commandery Duke of Yunzhong, Kamal al-Din, had a son, Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din. He served the Yuan as Prime Minister and as Grand Secretary, and for his merit was enfeoffed as Xianyang King, with the posthumous title of Loyal and Generous. His tomb, built by imperial order, still stands in Shaanxi. … In his home country, Sayyid (Ch. Sai Dianchi) equaled the [rank of the] Chinese nobility. … In the reign of Genghis Khan [1206–1227], the ancestor Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din was set as leader over the people of Bukhara. … His descendants held important posts at court or in the military one generation after another. … The ancestors followed the western Teaching of Heaven [Islam] through the Tang, Song, and Yuan periods. Chinese and foreign people, far and near, praised him highly.”15 Members of the Yang lineage were still identified as Muslims during the Ming and Qing, including mention in a 1684 inscription recording the rebuilding of a Qingzhou mosque.16

Compilation of the Zhao Lineage Genealogy in the Qing A Zhao lineage in Qingzhou also claimed to be descendants of Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din. Members of the twelfth generation in the Yang Lineage Genealogy took note of them in the late eighteenth or early 19th century:

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It is said that the Qingzhou Zhao lineage, like [our] Yang lineage, descended from Sayyid Ajall. Their clansman who compiled the genealogy named Bayan (of Khubilai Khan’s reign), the grandson of Sayyid Ajall who subdued the Song, [as the one who] took the surname Zhao and honored him as their founding ancestor. [Ancestor] Fujian did not thoroughly investigate and in error included him in our genealogy.17 The Zhao Lineage Genealogy (Qingjun zhaoshi zongpu) probably existed during the Ming–Qing transition of the mid-17th century, for its earliest preface is dated 1685. But during the Ming, the Zhaos had another version of their ancestry, which probably existed before the genealogy seen by the twelfth-generation Yangs. A stele of the Zhaos’ ancestral tombs, dated 1577, recorded: The first ancestor was Bayan, a man from the Western Regions. He served the Yuan and was given the surname Zhao. Holding important military and civil posts for more than fifty years, he contributed much by his loyal service. … When his son Mingyuan initially served our dynasty, he was ordered to migrate to Qingzhou and settle there. The descendants multiplied and gained status in succession, becoming cultivated and prosperous. Our teaching does not believe in heterodox ways and does not use inner or outer coffins [to bury the dead], and we instruct the descendants to follow this forever.18 The Zhao family erected this stele in their ninth generation and claimed to have adhered faithfully to Islam, honoring Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din as their ancestor. Zhao Qingzhen’s 1685 preface to the Shengyi Zhaoshi jiasheng (… jiasheng, which claimed descent from the Prophet), told substantially the same story as the Yangs, and the biography of Sayyid Ajall was nearly identical to that in the History of the Yuan. The two ancestors named Bayan, however, were not the same person, for the Zhao lineage genealogy reproduces the biography of a Mongolian general Bayan found in the History of the Yuan, not that of Sayyid Ajall’s grandson Bayanchar. With careful textual analysis, we may conclude that later genealogies of lineages claiming to be Sayyid Ajall’s descendants— who took a number of Chinese surnames over the course of the Ming period, including Sai, Ma, Zhao, Ding, and Na—gradually combined the biographies of the Mongol Bayan and Sayyid Ajall’s grandson Bayanchar. For example, they connected the title Huai’an King, or sometimes Huai King, to Sayyid Ajall’s descendant, though the title was originally held by the Mongolian Bayan. Outside Shandong, several versions of Sayyid Ajall’s lineage genealogy remain extant. Two lineages surnamed Sai compiled genealogies—one from 1763 and one from 1923—honoring Sai Hajji, a descendant of Bayanchar, Nasr al-Din’s eldest son, as the ancestor of their line:

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Huiqian Ding [Sayyid Ajall’s] wife’s eldest son was the Yan’an King, Nasr al-Din. His son was Bayan, the Huai King. His son was the Count of Dianning, Midena, whose son was the Count of Dianyang, Miliqin. Bestowing of titles ended with the collapse of the Yuan dynasty. Miliqin’s son was Sai Hajji, who was given the title of Count of Weining during the Yongle reign period (1402–1424) of the Ming.19

Other genealogies, compiled by lineages surnamed Ma, describe their ancestors very similarly, claiming Sai Hajji’s son Ma Wenming as the founder of their line. Their ancestors, they wrote, changed their surname to Ma to “hide their identity, borrowing the word from Mas’udi,” who was Sayyid Ajall’s fifth son and thus a thirty-second-generation descendant of the Prophet. The Yunnanese Han kitab20 author Ma Zhu, who claimed descent from Sayyid Ajall, wrote several genealogical documents in the late seventeenth century. He repeated the claims that Sayyid Ajall was of the thirty-first generation after Muhammad, his grandson Bayan was Huai King, and Sai Hajji (descended from Mas’udi) was the ancestor of the lineage in western Yunnan. The 20th-century Hui historian Bai Shouyi pointed out that Ma Zhu was a fifteenth-generation descendant of Sayyid Ajall and would have compiled his account of the lineage relationships based on the genealogy held in their home, making its claims stronger. But even in Ma Zhu’s account, and in later compilations based on the same sources, the confusion of the Muslim Bayan [char] and the Mongolian Bayan continued.21 The Zhao lineage genealogy provides more details than the Ming-period tomb stele regarding the family’s migration to Qingzhou in Shandong: When Ming Taizu united China, the times and the dynasty changed and the people scattered—some returned to the Western Regions, some moved to Beiping, and some migrated to Heyou. [Bayan’s sons Zhao] Minggao and [Zhao] Mingfang successively died honorably. Only [their brother] Mingyuan was praised for his concealment by Ming Taizu, who commanded him to move with their grandmother Ms. Ma—who had been named a Dowager of the First Rank—to Nanliu Ward, in Yidu County of Qingzhou prefecture [Shandong] to live as a commoner. The remaining family members faithful [to the Yuan] guarded their loyalty and filiality and were all exiled to the north and south as commoners. They [Zhao Mingyuan and Ms. Ma] left the capital on October 13, 1368 and took up their new residence the following spring. In defining the identity of the Zhaos’ ancestors, the writing of the genealogy was of utmost importance. By the late Ming, the family already had new stories about their ancestors, identifying Bayan as a descendant of Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din, fully elaborated in the introduction to the 1685 genealogy. By the time they erected a new stele for their ancestral tombs in 1708, Bayan was no longer just “a man from the Western Regions” but a Sayyid, a

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descendant of the Prophet Muhammad. From that point on, the Zhao lineage were regarded as descendants of the Prophet Muhammad (shengyi) in the Huihui community of Qingzhou.

Historical Memory of the Ancestors of the Qingzhou Huihui Evidence from the stele inscriptions and genealogies of the Yangs and the Zhaos demonstrates that Huihui people, clearly identified as descendants of Huihui people of the Yuan, lived around Qingzhou during the Ming. Both lineages honored famous Huihui of the Yuan as their ancestors, but only the Zhaos aimed to be recognized as descendants of the Prophet. This recognition led them to live in Qingzhou as acknowledged Huihui descendants. After Yang Yingkui’s death, he was honored in the Qingzhou Temple of Local Worthies, and many generations of his descendants participated in the civil service examination. His great-grandson, Yang Ting, played a role in writing and compiling a Kangxi-period (1661–1722) Yidu county gazetteer, which did not mention Yang Yingkui’s identity as a Huihui in its account of his family. Nor did the Xianfeng period (1850–1861) Qingzhou prefectural gazetteer, but its description of Yang Tong, of the twelfth generation, was different from all the others: Yang Tong, literary name Shuyan, a Hui registered person of Yidu, earned the juren degree in 1773. Throughout his life, he deeply studied classics and history, excelling in ancient lexicography and prosody. He wrote Ancient Phonology of the Classic of Songs and a record of investigations of ancient laws and rituals. When he governed Yidu, Zhou Jiayou undertook a critical study of a Yuan-period local history but fell ill before completing the draft. The task of writing then passed to [Yang] Tong, who amended and finished it. At his funeral, the Confucian ritual was used, though scholars still called him a Huihui.22 Though Yang Tong was a “Hui registered person of Yidu,” he did not follow the Muslim funeral rituals but adopted Han practice. His elder brother, Yang Fen, “had the coffin painted and burial clothes ready. When he died at eightytwo, the funeral followed the [Confucian] ritual texts, not their old practices.” Yang Fen’s son, Shaoji, also “left an instruction to bury him in clothes and a coffin.” Based on this local record, people still called Yang Tong a Huihui, though he had changed the burial customs of his family. How did Yang Tong regard his identity as a Huihui? We may have a glimpse of this in his introduction to the genealogy of the Qingzhou Liu lineage: In the early Hongwu period (1368–1398) of the Ming, Shandong clans descended from the Jin (1115–1234) and Yuan periods all adopted Han surnames close to theirs. Later generations even gave these up and adopted some of the old surnames of China Proper. So there was reason for

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Huiqian Ding some confusion. Huihe23 was one of the thirty-one semu24 groups under the Yuan. Since Genghis Khan pacified the Western Regions, numerous people followed and migrated to China Proper, surrendering to the former dynasty. Living in scattered areas, they adhered strictly to their customs, refusing to mix or curry favor, so their genealogies are reliable. [Because] this Liu lineage Chinese genealogy had tabooed names, they moved their home from Cangzhou to Qingzhou. Their son [Liu] Zan, literary name Tingbi, passed the local examination in 1464 and earned his jinshi degree two years later, serving as Assistant Provincial Judge in Shaanxi. Among the commoners from the Huibu [living] in Qingzhou, theirs was an outstanding family.25

During Yang Tong’s time, the geographical term Huibu (a toponym for the Hui region or Hui cultural area) often appeared, referring to military and political affairs in the area south of the Tianshan (around the taklamakhan desert). After the Qing victory in 1759, the regions north and south of the Tianshan became the “New Territory” (Xinjiang) of the Qing, and the Huibu was included. This area also continued to be known as the Western Region(s). In the Veritable Records of the Qianlong period (1736–1795), we find the following in a report from the Grand Council: The compilation of the Administrative Geography of the Great Qing (Da Qing yitong zhi) was completed in 1743, and it has long been used throughout the realm. In recent years, pacification of Zungharia and the Huibu has extended our territory more than 20,000 li, an achievement unparalleled since ancient times. We previously ordered officials to compile an Atlas of the Western Region (Xiyu tuzhi), so the Astronomical Bureau was ordered to investigate in the field and survey the meridians to be included in the maps. But the Administrative Geography did not mention any additions and amendments. Officials should be appointed to include records on the Western Regions and New Territory, following the format already used.26 The Administrative Geography called the area north and south of Tianshan “the Western Regions and New Territory combined.” The Imperially Commissioned Compendium on Xinjiang (Qinding Xinjiang shilüe), published and released in the early Daoguang period (1821–1950), used “Xinjiang” to refer to the entire area, north and south of Tianshan: “Today’s Xinjiang is the Western Regions of the past.” This was entirely different from the Mingperiod concept, which referred to the area west of Dunhuang all the way to Arabia as the “Western Regions.” In contrast, the Imperially Commissioned Atlas of the Western Regions, published in 1760, defined the area as bounded by “Suzhou in the southeast, Khalkha in the northeast, the Pamirs in the west, Russia in the north, and Tibet in the south.” The Administrative Geography further elaborated the boundaries of the Western Regions:

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In the east are Khalkha, the Gobi, and Gansu, in the west Samarkand and the Pamirs, in the south Tibet, in the north Russia and the Kazakh Left and Right Wing. In the southeast is Gansu, in the southwest Badakhshan in the Pamirs and Hindustan, in the northeast is Russia and in the northwest the Kazakh Right Wing. The area occupies more than 20,000 li. Zungharia and the Huibu previously occupied the land in the north and the south of Tianshan respectively.27 We may thus be sure that the Huibu was regarded as lying in the Western Regions. People then thought that Tianfang (Arabia) was also in the Western Regions. Since Huihui came from “Tianfang of the Western Regions,” the terms Western Regions, Huibu, Tianfang, and Huihui were interrelated and could even be interchangeable. Yang Tong therefore said that the Huihui people came from the Huibu, a term specifically used in the mid-Qing. The expression “came from the Huibu” had considerable influence on the Huihui people in Qingzhou. The reprinted Ding lineage genealogy of 1905, for example, stated clearly, “The Ding line came from the Huibu,” and both Huihui and non-Huihui texts referred to “Huibu people,” sometimes specified by location, e.g., a “Jinling Huibu person” or a “Dongguan Huibu person.”28 We should stress here that this mid-Qing expression “came from the Huibu” was a local phenomenon in Qingzhou. Genealogies of other Liu lineages in Cangzhou (Hebei), who shared ancestors with the Qingzhou Lius and for whose genealogy Yang Tong wrote an introduction, did not claim that their ancestors “came from the Huibu.” Like other North China Huihui families, they thought that their ancestors had accompanied the Emperor as guards and then migrated to Cangzhou from Erlanggang in Jinling29 in the early Ming; they make no mention of Yuan-period ancestry. The Yangs and Zhaos of Qingzhou claimed to be descendants of Huihui people since the Ming, associating the history of their ancestors with the Western Regions and the Huibu. During the Qing period, the Qingzhou Huihui families arranged their documents and records to construct the histories of their lineages. In the Qingzhou area right now, we may find many Huihui genealogies and inscriptions written or recompiled during the mid- to late Qing.30 The Ding family, for example, claimed a complex duality for their ancestors’ identity. The introduction to their Guangxu-period (1875–1908) Yidu Ding Lineage Genealogy states: At leisure I studied the Ding family as descendants of Sayyid, the nephew of the Utmost Sage Muhammad. The Sai, Sha, and Ding lineages were considered descendants of the Sage, so the Dings came from the Huibu. They were also said to be the descendants of Duke Ding of Qi [10th century BCE]. … It is hard to research and introduce the genealogy before the time of the migrant ancestors (seventh generation), so both historical records and lineage records started from the eighth-generation

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Ding Yupu, the writer of this introduction, noted that the Dings claimed two origins, one related to Huihui people who were linked to Muhammad, and the other to the ruler of the ancient state of Qi, which ruled much of Shandong.32 The Republican compilation of the Dings’ genealogy specified Ding Dexing, an early Ming general, as their ancestor. This conforms to sayings that link the Huihui to the founder of the Ming dynasty: “Ten great Huihui protect the Ming,” and “Ten Hui protect one Zhu [Yuanzhang].” We may thus deduce that by the mid- to late Qing, Qingzhou Huihui people had gradually created a common narrative of their history—they descended from Huihui people of the Yuan dynasty.

Conclusion Most academic studies of Sayyid Ajall’s lineage during the Ming and Qing focus on the descendants of the Ma family in Yunnan, including Zheng He, Ma Zhu, and Ma Dexin. As Ma Zhu wrote, “For four hundred years the descendants have multiplied and spread. Their given names became their surnames. There are different lineages and branches. Others have mixed with other groups, so it is difficult to trace.”33 This demonstrates that families other than the Mas have claimed to be descendants of Sayyid Ajall Shams alDin. Among the Yunnanese, it is said that Sayyid Ajall’s descendants have thirteen different surnames, but the number differs from version to version.34 Ma Zhu traveled all over China and attended many gatherings of Sayyid Ajall’s descendants, where he saw numerous genealogies. He noted that their surnames differ because they were derived from the first sound of their nonChinese given names.35 Muhammad became Ma or Mu, Nasr became Na, Sayyid became Sai, al-Din became Ding, and so on. The Qingzhou Yangs mentioned in this chapter were descendants of Bayanchar, son of Sayyid Ajall’s eldest son Nasr al-Din. The Zhaos also honored Bayan as their ancestor. The Yangs took their surname from the Goat Market in the capital, while the Zhaos claimed that their ancestors received their surname from the court during the Yuan. During the midMing period, imperial ritual regulations changed to allow commoners to offer more sacrifices to their ancestors and officials to establish lineage temples. By the time he wrote the introduction to his family genealogy in 1540, Yang Yingkui had served in the Ministry of Rites and received imperial largesse. In that introduction, he reiterated that the first ancestor of his lineage was Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din, and that genealogy was passed on to later generations. He did not consult the family documents of other descendants of Sayyid Ajall in this compilation, so it constitutes an entirely separate version of lineage descent, sharing with these others only Sayyid Ajall himself.

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Yang Yingkui admitted that he was disappointed in his personal ambitions: At a young age, I wished to do something great and make significant contributions like the sage Fan Zhongyan,36 and I remind myself of him constantly. Now that I have retired from office, not much money is left, and a day working in the fields cannot suffice to provide for my children. The desire to bring honor to my lineage can only become empty words … I do have reason to lament! Will my sons and grandsons be able to accomplish my wishes?37 Failing in his lofty aspirations, he could only compile a family genealogy and write an introduction on his first ancestors and his family’s move to Qingzhou. Using these materials, we can confirm his perceptions of his bloodline and define his lineage as descendants of Yuan-period Huihui people. In the generations following Yang Yingkui, his descendants amended and recompiled the genealogy on the basis of documents gathered from several branches. Yang Ting, the ninth-generation ancestor who edited the genealogy, invited the famous literatus Zhang Zhen to write an introduction. It contained the following: [Yang] Ting’s first ancestor was Sayyid Ajall, who came from Medina and served the Yuan. He lived at Wanping. His children and descendants inherited his titles. When it came to [his grandson] Bayanchar, he served as Huai King, married a princess and carried a golden tally. Zhang’s narrative was based on documents provided by the Yang family, so his description of Bayanchar as Huai King, the rank held by the Mongolian Bayan rather than Sayyid Ajall’s descendant, shows that his narrative had already been influenced by the Zhao family’s ancestral story. A later compiler, Yang Tong, corrected this error in an introduction to the genealogy of the Huihui Liu family: I personally saw that the semu lineage living in our area acknowledged Bayan of the Yuan as their first ancestor and said that he was the grandson of Shams al-Din. The Yuan History contained his supplementary biography. Their genealogy had confused the Zhongwu King, who won the war against the Song, with Tuotuo’s uncle, enfeoffed as King of Qin, as the same person. They did not know [the method of] “begin with the clearly known generation,” so they misread it.38 When he amended his own family’s genealogy, Yang Tong avoided the mistake made by the Zhao family. During the 17th century, the Zhao family’s identification of their ancestors underwent considerable change. From Bayan of the Western Regions to Sayyid Ajall’s grandson Bayan[char], the Zhao family gradually linked their

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ancestry with Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din and emphasized his status as “descendant of Payghambar.” In other words, they created the image that the Zhao family descended from Muhammad, a move probably linked to the family’s strong religious background. Their genealogy includes twelve ancestors between the fourth and twelfth generations who held the post of zhangjiao in the three mosques in the city. Many of them are mentioned on stelae preserved in the mosques, one of which “was erected by the descendants of the Yuan-period Prime Minister Bayan in 1302.” Usually the position of zhangjiao involved three people with different duties, who together managed religious affairs for the community. These posts had a strong hereditary nature.39 Creating the image of their lineage as sayyid (Ar. descendants of the Prophet), the Zhaos could use the stories of other Huihui lineages in the Qingzhou area and other Sayyid Ajall lineage stories to enrich their own ancestral narrative. In particular, several of Sayyid Ajall’s descendant lineages addressed Bayan as the Huai King. The Zhao lineage had inherited the content of Sayyid Ajall’s genealogy from the Ming period and had adjusted that same genealogy to match the stories they told of their ancestors’ descent. During the Ming and Qing periods, Qingzhou Huihui people’s recollections of their ancestral histories changed. In the mid-Ming, Yang Yingkui claimed to be a Huihui descended from Yuan-period Huihui, so famous Huihui such as Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din and Bayan[char] would be auspicious ancestors from whom to trace descent. Having their residence recorded in Qingzhou in the early Ming marked a new beginning for these Huihui people, who came to see themselves as belonging to the Ming rather than the Yuan. In the mid-Qing, these Ming-period changes had major impacts on their compilation of genealogies and thus on their expressed identities. Since Mingperiod Qingzhou Huihui people traced their ancestry back to the Yuan, their stories provided a basis for the mid-Qing historical narrative that they “came from the Huibu.” Yang Tong might have been the first to use that expression to generalize the origins of local Huihui people and their bloodline. Later, when local officials compiled the local histories, they accepted this view and used the term “Huibu people” to replace “Hui registered people,” “Huihui people,” and other previously used words. This became the special way for Qingzhou people to refer to the origins of the local Huihui. The compilation of the Ming–Qing Qingzhou Huihui lineage genealogies, and the pattern of changes in their consciousness of their ethnic group’s history, provide a chance for us to understand the development of a regional Huihui society. The “Tianfang [Arabia] nostalgia” of Chinese Huihui people, as shown in the Xilai zongpu (Ancestral genealogy from the West) and folk tales of missionizing by the Four Great Worthies (sida xianren),40 is filled with the intention to spread their religious belief. Delving into the developmental history of a regional Huihui community, we can discover that their historical recollections of settling down reflect the actual needs of people moving to a new place. Dynastic changes, wars, migration, and other historical events became important elements as Huihui people shaped the history of their local community.

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At different periods of history, the stories might change. In different linguistic settings, they might use different expressions and terms. We can take these stories as imagined accounts of a shared, but unsubstantiated, ancestry. They might not come from the same bloodline, but they could imagine the same ancestral origin or migration experiences. By shaping these common features, they could strengthen the identity their community. In the process of developing a nation-wide Huihui community, the formation of a regional recollection of shared history constitutes an important chapter that should not be overlooked.

Notes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

20 21

Yao Dali 2004. (Daoguang) Yidu Yangshi shipu (Anon. 1844), Vol. 1. Qingzhou fuzhi, Du Si 1964. Zhu Baojiong and Xie Peilin 1980, p. 1652. Numerous Ming-dynasty sources note that Yang Yingkui served in the Ministry of Rites and other government offices. Editor’s Note: The text calls Sayyid Ajall “a descendent of Bie’anboer” (Per. Payghambar), meaning the Prophet Muhammad. (Daoguang) Yidu Yangshi shipu, “Introduction” by Yang Yingkui, dated 1540 (Anon. 1844). Chen Yuan 1980. See Yu Zhengui and Lei Xiaojing 2001, p. 15. Editor’s Note: The Kaihuang period ended in 600 CE, more than two decades before the Prophet’s hijra from Makka to Medina, so the chronology cannot be accurate. No contemporary Middle Eastern sources connect Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas, or any other Companion of the Prophet, to China, but the connection is widely accepted in China. (Daoguang) Yidu Yangshi shipu, “Introduction” by Yang Yingkui, dated 1540 (Anon. 1844). Op. cit. Op. cit. Yang Yingkui likely used the lijia registers as the source for genealogical materials on his family. These records could not, however, throw light on more distant ancestors. Bai Shouyi 1985, p. 260. “Pan Tiju” refers to Pan Dongming, who served as Supervisor of Confucian Studies (Tiju) on the Korean peninsula (zhengdong xingsheng) under the Yuan. In 1310, he wrote an introduction to Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din’s family genealogy. Wu Haiying 2008, vol. 63, pp. 229–231. The inscription on the establishment of the mosque was found at the Qingzhou Dongguan Zhenjiaosi. (Daoguang) Yidu Yangshi shipu, “Prefatory Notes” (Anon. 1844). Zhao Qian 2004, photograph of the inscription at the Zhao family graveyard. “Saishi zongzu die” (Collected lineage records of the Sai family) and “Saishi zupu shuo” (Explanations of the Sai family genealogy), in Liu Zhongri and Zhou Shaoquan 1985, pp. 8–41 and 12–13, respectively. This genealogical text (p. 16) notes that Sai Hajji was entitled the Count of Weining. Han kitab refers to Islamic texts written in Chinese. For further discussion of this term, see Chapter 6. Editor’s Note: The original essay performs detailed kaozheng, evidential research, to demonstrate the elements of Mongolian Bayan’s biography that have been found

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22 23 24

25 26 27 28 29

30

31 32 33 34

35 36

37 38 39

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in genealogies claiming descent from Sayyid Ajall. Its conclusions are summarized in this passage. (Xianfeng) Qingzhou fuzhi (Mao Yongbo 1859), juan 49. Editor’s Note: Scholars agree that this is a Chinese transliteration of the word Uyghur, as well as the source of the word Huihui. Editor’s Note: This Yuan-period classificatory term means “various categories,” and it referred to non-Chinese people brought by the Mongols from elsewhere in Eurasia to live in China. In modern China, it is often misunderstood as “colored eyes” to emphasize the foreignness of the semu. Xizhaohe Liushi jiapu (Anon. 1777), p. 180. Qing Gaozong shilu, eleventh month of the 29th year of the Qianlong reign (1764). (Jiaqing chongxiu) Da Qing yitongzhi (Mu Zhan’a 1934). Editor’s Note: Jinling is another name of Nanjing city, Jinling Town and Dongguan are towns in Qingzhou prefecture. Editor’s Note: Erlanggang is a ward in the early Ming capital city of Nanjing, also called Jinling (not the same name as the homophonic town of Jinling in Qingzhou). For the migration of Huihui from Nanjing to Shandong, see David M. Robinson 2001, pp. 31–32. Among the numerous examples of Qingzhou Huihui genealogies, from the Shunzhi period (1644–1661) to the Republic (1912–1949) is the genealogy of the Ma family of Tianjiamiao in Linzi district. It claims that, “the ancestors of the Mas were royal relatives who shouldered important responsibilities and served as officials in many places. When Shundi [the last Mongol Khan to rule China Proper] faced threats, the ancestors of the Ma family protected him and fought against the enemies.” Yidu Dingshi jiapu (Anon. 1905), juan 1, p. 1. Such dual claims are common in Hui genealogies. For other examples, see Chapter 9. Ma Zhu 1985, p. 265. In his Record of Hui Personages of the Yuan Period, historian Bai Shouyi quoted a Yunnanese genealogy: “The thirteen families descended from the Xianyang King Sayyid Ajall are Na, Ha, Ma, Hu, Su, Sa, Sai, Bao, Shan, Mu, Sha, Su, and Huo.” See Bai Shouyi 1985, p. 50. Ma Zhu 1985. Editor’s Note: Fan Zhongyan (989–1052), an early exponent of Neo-Confucianism, was and is regarded as one of the foundational thinkers of Chinese history. He served as the highest official of the Song court at the zenith of its power and grandeur, and his writings remain canonical to this day, including essays stressing the importance of lineage institutions. Yang Yingkui named his halls and gardens with phrases from Fan’s writings and imitated Fan by donating land to support indigent members of his lineage. (Daoguang) Yidu Yangshi shipu, “Introduction” by Yang Yingkui, dated 1540 (Anon 1844). Yang Tong’s introduction may be found in Xizhaohe Liushi jiapu (Anon. 1784). For example, Zhao Xizhen (ninth generation) was the zhangjiao of Jinling Town in Qingzhou. His son Zhao Yangshan “inherited the post and became the zhangjiao.” Zhao Dezhan, also of the ninth generation, was the zhangjiao in the city. His son Zhao Yanghui “inherited the post from his father and became the zhangjiao,” as did his son Zhao Yongtai. Editor’s Note: The Xilai zongpu (Ma Qirong 1876) includes popular Hui stories relating that the Prophet Muhammad personally sent four worthies to spread Islam in China, one each to Guangzhou and Yangzhou and two to Quanzhou. The sahaba Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas supposedly went to Guangzhou. As noted above, there is no contemporary evidence for these legends.

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Bibliography Anon. 1777, 1783, 1784, 2006. Xizhaohe Liushi jiapu [Genealogy of the Liu Lineage of Xizhaohe], Preface by Wu Piqing in 1777; Preface by Liu Maoguan in 1783, Preface by Yang Tong in 1784, in Ma Xiangxue (Eds.) 2006. Hebei Huizu jiapu xuanbian [Selected Hui Genealogies of Hebei Province]. Shijiazhuang: Hebei Renmin Chubanshe. Anon. 1844. (Daoguang) Yidu Yangshi shipu [Daoguang-Period Yang Lineage Genealogy], Vol. 1. Anon. 1905. Yidu Dingshi jiapu [Yidu Ding Lineage Genealogy]. Bai Shouyi (Ed.). 1985. Huizu renwu zhi (Yuandai) [Record of Hui Personages of the Yuan Period]. Yinchuan: Ningxia Renmin Chubanshe. Chen Yuan. 1980. “Huihuijiao ru Zhongguo shilüe” [The Entrance of Islam into China]. In Chen Yuan xueshu lunwen ji [The Scholarly Essays of Chen Yuan], Vol. 1. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, pp. 542–561. Du Si. 1964 (1565). (Jiajing) Qingzhou fuzhi [Qingzhou Prefectural Gazetteer], Jiajing period, “Renwu” (Personages) 14.35. Cited in Tianyige cang Mingdai fangzhi xuankan [Selections from Ming Gazetteers in the Tianyige Library], Vols.41–42. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Shudian. Liu Zhongri and Zhou Shaoquan. 1985. Zheng He jiashi ziliao [Materials on Zheng He’s lineage generations]. Beijing: Renmin Jiaotong Chubanshe. Ma Qirong (Ed.). 1876. Xilai zongpu [Ancestral Genealogy from the West]. Ma Zhu. 1985. “Xianyang Wang Sai Dianchi Shansiding gong ying bei zongxu” [General Introduction to the Tomb Inscription of the Xianyang King Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din]. In Bai Shouyi (Ed.), Huizu renwu zhi (Yuandai) [Record of Hui Personages (Yuan period)]. Yinchuan: Ningxia Renmin Chubanshe, p. 265. Mao Yongbo (Ed.) 1859. (Xianfeng) Qingzhou fuzhi [Qingzhou Prefectural Gazetteer]. China: n.p. Mu Zhan’a. 1934 (1842). (Jiaqing chongxiu) Da Qing yitongzhi [Jiaqing Edition of the Administrative Geography of the Great Qing]. Shanghai: Shanghai Shangwu Yinshuguan. Qing Gaozong shilu [Veritable Records of Qing Gaozong]. In Qing shilu [Veritable Records of the Qing Dynasty]. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju. 1985–1987. Robinson, David M. 2001. Bandits, Eunuchs, and the Son of Heaven: Rebellion and the Economy of Violence in Mid-Ming China. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. Wu Haiying (Ed.) 2008. Huizu diancang quanshu [Complete Compendium of Hui Documentation], Vol.63. Lanzhou: Gansu Wenhua Chubanshe; Yinchuan: Ningxia Renmin Chubanshe. Wu Piqing and Ma Xiangxue (Eds.). 2006. Hebei Huizu jiapu xuanbian [Selected Hui Genealogies of Hebei Province]. Shijiazhuang: Hebei Renmin Chubanshe. Yao Dali. 2004. “‘Huihui zuguo’ yu Huizu rentong de lishi bianyi” [‘Homeland of the Huihui’ and Historical Changes in Hui Identity]. Zhongguo xueshu [China Scholarship] 1: 90–135. Yu Zhengui and Lei Xiaojing (Eds.) 2001. Zhongguo Huizu jinshi lu [Compendium of Hui Inscriptions in China]. Yinchuan: Ningxia Renmin Chubanshe. Zhao Qian (Ed.) 2004. Qingzhou Huizu suyuan [Tracing the Origins of the Qingzhou Hui]. Chongqing: Chongqing Chubanshe.

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Zhu Baojiong and Xie Peilin. 1980. Ming-Qing jinshi timing beilu suoyin [Index of Ming and Qing jinshi Autograph Inscription Lists]. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Chubanshe.

Archival Sources Qing shilu [Veritable Records of the Qing Dynasty]. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1985– 1987.

8

A Hui Muslim Lineage in Southwest China A Case Study of the Xiaba Ma Genealogy Jianping Wang

Introduction As I wrote my doctoral dissertation—a history of the Hui in Yunnan1—at the University of Lund, Sweden in the early 1990s, Ma Xingdong, a Hui friend who worked at Yunnan Institute of Nationalities, sent me a copy of some privately printed, unofficially published historical materials on Hui society in Zhaotong, in northeastern Yunnan. Those materials included a genealogy of the Ma lineage of Xiaba (lower flatlands), in nearby Weining, Guizhou, which became one of my sources on the lineage organization of the region’s Hui.2 In this essay, I present a more detailed and explicit introduction to this Hui lineage in the Ming–Qing period (1368–1911). Hui Muslims in the southwest called family genealogies, sometimes known as zongpu or pudie, by the names zupu, “lineage genealogies,” jiapu, household genealogies, or jiasheng, family genealogies.3 Influenced by the lineage organizations of Han Chinese culture, these Hui Muslims compiled genealogies to preserve their family history, the story of their lineage with its common “apical” ancestor, in these cases the one who migrated from the outside, “the stranger.” Hui genealogies thus constitute an important source for us to study their Islamic culture in China. Given the paucity of primary sources for our study of the Hui and of Islam in China, the surviving lineage genealogies can provide important evidence on tumultuous times, wars, and ethnic confrontations in the southwest. The discovery and publication of more Hui genealogies in various parts of China has enriched our understanding of Hui society and its religious traditions. Among the dozens of Muslim family genealogies in the Zhaotong area of northeasternmost Yunnan, and in the Weining area of northwesternmost Guizhou—both areas of concentrated Hui Muslim settlement—that of the Xiaba Ma lineage is most comprehensive. Indeed, the Xiaba Ma may be the largest lineage in the area, its population widely distributed among ninety Hui enclaves4 or Muslim communities in Zhaotong alone. According to the genealogy, many Hui Muslims living in Zhaotong and Weining traced their original settlement, in the Ming period (1368–1644), to Xiaba. This genealogy, first hand-copied and then printed by later generations, went through

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numerous editions and therefore contains many misprints, wrong characters and errors. Some copies include contradictory facts or dates due to the long span of time covered and unstable political conditions. Nonetheless, it remains a most valuable resource to study Hui history in the region. In many respects, this genealogy resembles other compilations. It is divided into three parts: a preface, the genealogy itself, and the lineage regulations, which constituted the ethical code for the family. The preface briefly introduces the origins of the lineage, the history of its migration, and the history of compiling, editing and revising of the genealogy. The genealogy presents the family tree and the order of the generations, its divisions, and the different areas into which the descendants spread. The lineage regulations explicate the moral and ethical norms of the lineage, a combination of Islamic practices with Confucian cultural traditions.

How a Household Developed into a Lineage: The Local History Xiaba, a few miles from the county town of Weining in Guizhou, historically was closely affiliated to Zhaotong in Yunnan. The Ma family chose to settle there after its ancestor served for many years in the Ming military administration. Like most Chinese Muslims, the Xiaba Ma lineage claim to have originated outside China, migrating from West and Central Asia. Where is the native place from which the ancestors of the Ma lineage migrated? The genealogy provides an ambiguous outline of their journey: from Medina in Arabia to Chang’an (Xi’an), the former capital of the Tang dynasty, and finally to Weining as part of a Ming military mission. It tells this story of their origins: I [Ma Tingru, the compiler in 1803] think the genealogy the everlasting root, and the ancestor the origin. That resembles the source of water and the root of a tree. If the root is deep, the leaves will be lush; if the source is remote, the river will be long. … To trace the [lineage’s] source will be to know the numerous generations in the past. If one wants to have a perpetual foundation that will not collapse, the only way is to rely on the genealogy to check the order of the forebears in detail. For a long time I have had the intention to compose a genealogy, but I have been intensively involved in teaching. In the 2nd month of 1802, I got a copy of the genealogy from my brothers Tingbiao and Tinggang, who inherited it from our grandfather. I read the genealogy during my spare time away from teaching and started to know the origin of our ancestors. Our forefathers lived in Arabia when the Prophet taught Islam in Medina. In the 1st year of the Zhenguan reign (627–649) of the Tang dynasty (618–907), the [Chinese] Emperor had a dream one evening. [Afterwards] he sent his minister Shi Tang5 to Arabia with an imperial letter to invite Waqqas Baba, who worked under the leadership of the Prophet, to come to China. He therefore brought 3,000

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cavalrymen to Xi’an and was instructed by imperial order to settle inside the Cangmen gate. He built a mosque and since then his descendants have spread to many different places. The lineage became prosperous and was distributed throughout Xi’an prefecture. Examining the genealogy I find that our forefather was appointed as Commander of a Thousand, stationed in the Wusa Garrison during the Hongwu reign (1368–1398) of the Ming. Wusa Garrison was affiliated to Weining sub-prefecture of Dading prefecture, in Guizhou province. Thus, our ancestor led his soldiers and people to settle down in the barracks located at Xiaba, outside of the northern gate of Weining town, Shizi Hill and Majin Hill. It was said that one branch of our forebears was the offspring of the Ma Taishi (Imperial Tutor Ma) family living in Liushuwan of Kaichengbu, in the eastern township (dongxiang) of Xi’an prefecture, in Shaanxi province. Our ancestors had lived in Xi’an for several hundred years since the Tang dynasty, but we do not have detailed information concerning the lineage origin of the Ma Taishi household, except that their forefather came from a famous family.6 From this we may surmise that the Xiaba Ma lineage is a division of Ma Taishi’s family. I have checked the lineage of Ma Taishi from other sources and discovered that it claims ‘Abbas [ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib], the uncle of the Prophet Muhammad, as its apical ancestor. ‘Abbas’ father was ‘Abd alMuttalib. ‘Abbas’ great-grandson Abu al-‘Abbas ‘Abd Allah as-Saffah ibn Muhammad (724–754) founded the Abbasid dynasty (750–1258). The founding ancestor of Ma Taishi’s lineage was Ma Zeyuan, who was of the forty-second generation from ‘Abbas and the thirty-eighth from Abu ‘Abbas. According to the genealogy, Ma Zeyuan arrived in the southwest in 1623.7 However, one branch of this Ma household moved back to their Shaanxi home not long after the family moved to Weining in the early Ming. The Xiaba Ma linage genealogy records the history thus: The great ancestor [Ma] Wuji and his sons, the five brothers—our ancestors Ma Guozhu, Ma Guoxiong, Ma Guoan, Ma Guoxiang, and Ma Guoliang—resigned from their official positions and returned to their hometown in 1369 and asked the magistrate of Chang’an county of Xi’an prefecture in Shaanxi for permission to retain the title of Imperial Tutor [Taishi, a teacher to the royal family]. This request was granted by the emperor, and the descendants were permitted to retain even the uniforms and caps of the ancestors’ military rank. Afterward our forefathers were appointed as officials in Pingliang, Gansu province, in the Shunzhi reign (1644–1661) of the Qing (dynasty, 1644–1911). During the Kangxi period (1662–1722), the empire investigated the cases of loyal officials who had served the previous dynasty but had been wrongly dismissed. A duke in the civil service traveled around and looked at the files about our first ancestor, and the court selected one of our ancestors to take a military position at Dali, Yunnan, with the title of

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Jianping Wang “General,” then afterward appointed him to Wusa. Due to his success in suppressing Yi bandits, [the court] appointed another ancestor, [Ma] Chengzhang, to be Commander of the Middle Battalion (zhongying) of Weining, in Guizhou. Since then our ancestors settled down in Xiaba, outside the north gate of Weining.8

The descendants of this Ma lineage thus returned to their second hometown in Guizhou in the 17th century, as military officials for the Qing. The genealogy also informs us that initially two brothers of the Ma lineage came to the southwest; one of them, Ma Dingtai, was promoted to the post of Weining Prefect. He married a woman named Sa, a surname closely associated with Central Asian origins, and she became the great-grandmother of the Ma family’s apical ancestors. The couple had six sons, and later some of the sons and/or their children migrated to Hunan and Guangdong provinces. One branch settled in Baoqing prefecture (today’s Shaoyang in Hunan), where they lost their Islamic identity. The Xiaba Ma lineage genealogy says: “The descendants of our ancestors spread like stars in various places. … The offspring of the first ancestors migrated from Weining to Zhaotong, Ludian, Dongchuan, Xuanwei, Yongshan, Daguan and other areas in Yunnan.”9 The descendants of Ma Guozhu, the eldest son of Ma Wuji, also grew into many branches of this lineage, spreading into Dali, Jiangchuan, Chengjiang, Kunyang, and Nanlong in Yunnan; Zhenyuan in Guizhou; as well as Hunan, Hubei, Guangdong and Guangxi provinces. In 1730, the Qing quelled a rebellion in Wumeng (today’s Zhaotong) and then absorbed the positions previously held by hereditary local chieftains (tusi) into the imperial administrative system of appointed officials and counties.10 Weining was in Guizhou, a province with many branches of indigenous peoples, while Zhaotong was affiliated to Yunnan. The two provinces formed a large administrative region where numerous descendants of the Xiaba Ma lineage lived. The branches of the lineage were widely distributed and the offspring very prosperous, so they desired to avoid errors in the genealogy. Led by a retired official, the lineage slaughtered oxen and sheep, recited the Qur’an and established monuments—a stone archway, a pair of stone poles, a pair of stone lions, and a pair of stone sheep—to demarcate the lineage cemetery. In 1766 they also inscribed in stone two lines from a Tang-dynasty poem— “Beyond the Eastern Wall is the library, and in the Western Garden is the study hall” —to specify the formal names of each generation in the lineage. In 1802, the kinsmen affirmed the couplet and copied it into the genealogy as a reference. The genealogy claims that all Xiaba Ma households have had copies of the genealogy since the nineteenth century. The compilers were afraid that later generations might forget the order, so it was necessary to remember the former generations. Since the forebears migrated to Xiaba, ten generations had passed, so the later generations took the name of Xiaba as their lineage name.11

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Through the information provided by this genealogy, it seems that in the late Ming and early Qing, Hui enclaves in Yunnan placed great emphasis on the concept of umma (an Arabic term meaning “the Islamic ecumene”) and on the lineage. Hui communities built interlocking lineage organizations centered on kinship assembly and lineage tradition. We find evidence for this movement in genealogical or lineage records, lineage estates, lineage cemeteries and even lineage memorial halls, which in some areas served as lineage mosques.12 Genealogies like that of the Xiaba Ma lineage and some mosque stelae have been preserved by Hui households and communities in various parts of Yunnan and Guizhou.

Southwestern Muslims in Their Local Context Weining, named Wusa and included in Yunnan during the Ming, became a prefecture of Guizhou in the Kangxi period and was affiliated to Guizhou thereafter, its strategic location making it the gateway from the interior to Yunnan. The Weining-Zhaotong region was and remains the frontier of three provinces: Sichuan, Guizhou and Yunnan. The region even today has broad grasslands suitable for both husbandry and farming, so it is not surprising that in the past it was one of the empire’s supply bases for horses and grain. The region also had rich mineral resources such as coal, copper, silver and gold. Before the Yuan dynasty (1271–1368) few immigrants from outside lived in Weining, but the Mongol court ordered a contingent of Uighur soldiers to Wumeng in 1316, ordering them to “reclaim wasteland” there after they had conquered the local people.13 Historians usually assume that the dominant indigenous population, who formed the majority of the population in Wusa and Wumeng in the Yuan, was the Yi, called Lolo in that period, and the Yi/ Lolo and the Miao are separate groups. The Mingshi (History of the Ming dynasty) verifies this assumption.14 Historical statistics also show that during the Ming, about 50,000 Hui and Han immigrants settled in Wusa after the court established a military garrison (wei), made up of five regiments (suo) of frontier guards, to control this area.15 Many of the immigrants to the region were Muslim soldiers that moved into Wusa (Weining) to suppress Yi rebellions. Afterward they remained to safeguard the area and control the communications route to Yunnan and Sichuan. The chronicles record thirteen rebellions by Yi and other indigenous peoples in Wusa during the Ming and Qing, all mercilessly suppressed by imperial forces. For example, an imperial chronicle records that, in 1382, Ming general Fu Youde (d. 1394) beheaded 30,000 Yi people in the suppression of a rebellion in Wusa.16 The massacres committed by the imperial military were so severe that even by the end of the Ming, the Yi population in Wusa had not increased for almost three centuries but had rather grown smaller.17

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In 1730, when Yi people in Weining and Wumeng again rebelled against the Qing, the Muslim general Ha Yuansheng led Muslim troops to the area to suppress them. According to a local dictionary (Weining Yizu cidian), “General Ha’s Muslim army defeated thousands of the Yi rebel force in Weining and shot dead Heigua Mumo, the chief of the rebel force. In the battles about eighty strongholds of the Yi rebel forces were destroyed.”18 After having suffered these massacres, the Yi population in the area again declined.19 Many Han and Hui people settled in Weining during that period, most of them soldiers who were assigned land after they suppressed the Yi rebels.20 The Muslim soldiers came from Shaanxi and Gansu provinces in northwest China, and from Hebei, Shandong and Henan provinces. Although they embraced Islamic culture and its particular practices, they had also been influenced by Chinese Confucian culture before they came to the southwest. In their new surroundings, they found a different cultural environment that required different social, cultural and religious adjustments. Beyond their jobs of farming the land and guarding the frontier, the Muslim soldiers and settlers had dual tasks and responsibilities. First, they had to maintain their Islamic solidarity and unity in potentially hostile surroundings. Second, to promote economic prosperity and peaceful coexistence, they had to ensure the cooperation and submission of the local people, maintaining friendly relations with Yi, Miao, Han, and other nonMuslims in the region. As the southwestern guards of the Qing state, they played a bridging role between the state and the indigenes. Thus, the Muslims in Weining adapted to the local environment by compiling lineage genealogies, while maintaining their distinct religious identity and community organization by building mosques. The Xiaba Ma lineage genealogy fulfilled these functions, educating members about their history and religion while demonstrating the legitimacy and duration of their family’s six centuries of residence in local society.

The Xiaba Ma Lineage through Its Genealogy The Xiaba Ma lineage became a large and influential Muslim group in the six hundred years after it migrated from Shaanxi, spreading into different parts of several southern provinces. In its long history, the lineage produced quite a few prominent military officials for the imperial administration, recorded in their genealogy (see Appendix 1). From this long list we may see that the Ma lineage derived its social legitimacy by highlighting their ancestors’ role in the local military; this was similar to the practices of great Han families, who also emphasized the crucial roles played in local society and politics by their family members. The Xiaba Ma lineage military officials defended the frontiers, on many occasions suppressing the rebellions of Yi and other local people in Yunnan and Guizhou. Not surprisingly, the Ma lineage’s position as conquerors and outsiders generated a complicated relationship with the local non-Muslim peoples.

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We know that composition of this genealogy started before the early Ming, for the 20th century version records that the ancestor who migrated from Shaanxi to Wusa in the Hongwu period of the early Ming left the genealogy in the household of the eldest son of his younger brother. In 1622, a big fire destroyed the genealogy and left only two stone inscriptions stating that Ming Taizu had granted an official title to the Ma lineage’s ancestor. These two stone monuments are not only the oldest historical relics for genealogical studies in Zhaotong today, but also the earliest traces of the Xiaba Ma lineage. A remaining inscription records that Ma Zhong was ordered by the court to safeguard the Wusa area in Guizhou, given the title of Military Prefecture Commander, and promoted three levels in military rank. He also simultaneously took charge of religious affairs.21 The first formal compiler of the Xiaba Ma lineage genealogy was Ma Xiang, the fifth-generation ancestor who retired from an official position and returned to his hometown as a jinshi degree holder in the Kangxi period. He organized his kinsmen to recompile the lineage genealogy in 1677. But in 1731, a period of local violence, rebels broke into the house of Ma Shilin—who kept the genealogy— and stole the book, removing it from the lineage. In 1738, Ma Xun discovered a copy of the lost genealogy and gathered the kinsmen to discuss recompilation, which produced an expanded version. Twenty-seven years later, in 1765, Ma Anlin returned to his hometown after serving as a military officer in Guangdong. He gathered his kinsmen for a meeting, slaughtered animals, and prepared a banquet to honor them. Thereafter, the lineage built a stone archway, and the text of the genealogy, its chart of the generations, and the names of important personages were carved on a stele for later generations’ reference. In 1803, Ma Tingru composed a sequel to the genealogy,22 the text of which I have used in this study. In the spring of 1846, a stele inscribed with the text of the genealogy was ceremonially erected. In 1861, when Hui-Han confrontations and mutual massacres in Yunnan reached a peak, Ma Zhouxing and Ma Zhoulin handcopied the genealogy in the midst of violence, but unfortunately this copy did not survive the turmoil.23 In 1906, the genealogy was copied from the stele inscription at the lineage hall.24 The genealogy has thus gone through at least three compilations, recompilations, and editions. The version of the genealogy I have used was compiled by Ma Tingru in 1803, and it has been hand-copied several times by descendants of the Ma lineage in several generations. The consecutive compilations during the two centuries, from late Ming to late Qing, reveal the dominant role of military officials in the service of the imperial government in consolidating lineage cohesion by adopting and nurturing the custom of genealogy compilation.

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Islamic Decline and Revival within the Ma Lineage during the Qing The genealogy records the tortuous history of the Hui enclave in interaction with its neighbors and notes the rise and fall of their Islamic practices and traditions: More than several centuries have passed since the Hongwu reign of the Ming dynasty, and in Weining town, northwestern Xiaba, a short distance from this enclave, several hundred households are distributed in the area’s villages. They followed iman [Ar., the Islamic faith] and regarded the First Caliph Abu Bakr, the Second Caliph Umar, the Third Caliph Uthman, and the Fourth Caliph Ali as the righteous successors of the Prophet Muhammad, who was the messenger of Allah and ruled the earth in the name of Allah. The establishment of the religion of Allah aims to worship only one God and no other gods; its title [is] the Pure and True orthodox teaching (qingzheng zhengjiao), Islam. Pure means words without falsehood; true means the words are correct and righteous without error. In the mosque [we declare that] the essential [attributes] of Allah are “no shadow, no form, no location, no image.” At the time of juma’a [Ar., Friday congregational worship] the people would gather to pray. Although the tradition is different from Confucianism, its function is the same: to cultivate people, to reform customs, to honor the prophets and sages, to advance compassion. However, the times changed, war and violence frequently broke out, and the tradition has been given up, except for its name. Morality is in drastic decline; the people do not know proper behavior or what way to choose. Society is so unstable that the religion is not like in former times. Since 1690, our religion fortunately has shown signs of revival. The emperor25 sent Duke Han Zhong as the General Commander and head religious leader. He came here from Zhuanglang of Liang prefecture [today’s Wuwei in Gansu], and was stationed to safeguard Weining, a frontier area. As he was in charge of military and civil administrative affairs, he embraced Islam. He arrived at the time of an Islamic festival in Xiaba. After prayer he spoke to the three religious chiefs, asking how we could worship Allah and illuminate the religious tradition while the mosque’s courtyard was so full of weeds and rubble. Our religion should have renewed features. He also suggested that the prayer-hall should be decorated, the madrasa (school) enlarged, and the minaret repaired. After having taken these measures he resided in Wanqiao, at Haizitun Station. He advocated cultivation of elementary religious studies for the Hui, regardless of their age or youth. He used his office to instruct a capable person to be employed in the madrasa. He administered the [mosque’s] affairs, and for years he collected funds and materials to rebuild the mosque, so the structure became large and spacious and looked new and glorious. He further advised the kinsmen to pay religious

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alms and distribute them to the needy. Also [he instructed that] the believers should fast during Ramadan [the 9th month in the Islamic calendar] and celebrate the Islamic festivals. He taught the believers to perform the five prayers every day. In the more than ten years of the Duke’s serving the empire in this area, he advocated that the people should study Confucianism, so someone who followed the Duke’s good example would be a filial son and would pass the imperial [civil service] examination and therefore become an official. He taught the people to farm the land in an industrious way, so the kinsmen engaged in agriculture and [as a result] no one would starve. He recorded monumental inscriptions and the Islamic regulations. Our Islam came from the western area, and we should keep the Islamic traditions, and should go to the mosque to practice the five pillars: recite the witness formula, pray, fast, pay alms and go to Mecca for the pilgrimage. The Qur’an is our holy book, Muhammad is our Prophet, and we should build the mosque on the model of the Ka’aba. By expounding the doctrine of Islam in a simple way, [the lineage can] prevent kinsmen from transgressing the ethical codes in their daily life. Our Islam is a great, exquisite and moderate religion. The way of practicing Islam by Muslims does not resemble the Buddhists’ worshipping Buddha, nor does it resemble the Daoists’ seeking longevity, making immortality pills and living in seclusion. For this reason Islam has spread all over the world and has not changed its nature. In ancient times, a prime minister asked Confucius, “Who can be called a sage?” Confucius answered, “One hundred generations from now there will be a great sage born in the West. Without actively governing he naturally [effortlessly] brought about great order. Without speaking he naturally [effortlessly] will incited them [the people] to good conduct; and without actively transforming them he naturally [effortlessly] will made them sincere in all that they did. How utterly fabulous! The people could find no words to describe him. What a pity that I cannot see that day!” That man is the Perfected Sage, Muhammad.26 From the Ma lineage genealogy we learn that the family had neglected their religion, the mosque was in a run-down condition, and few Hui kinsmen practiced the conventional Islamic duties. However, with the arrival of Duke Han, a Muslim from northwest China assigned to Yunnan for military service, the Islamic practice of the Ma lineage experienced a strong renewal. Here we see that the Muslim social network linking northwest China with southwest China played an important part in strengthening local Islamic tradition and practice. From Liangzhou in Gansu to Weining in Guizhou is 1800 kilometers, and Liangzhou is located on the Silk Road, close to Central Asia and connected to the holy places of Arabia. So even in as remote an area as Guizhou and neighboring Yunnan, Hui Muslims were able to maintain their relations with northwest China and with the heartlands of the Islamic world through their religious network.

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Preserved Memories Refresh Islamic Tradition The Xiaba Ma genealogy records their “memory” of the history of Islam in China in a lengthy narrative: The Prophet [Muhammad] was born in the time of Emperor Liangwu (502–549), and until the Kaihuang reign (581–600) of the Sui dynasty (581–618), the Prophet taught Islam. In the past Sayyid Waqqas Baba, and Sayyid Baba [Ajall Shams al-Din] came to the East to introduce Islam into China. They built the Huaishengsi mosque in Guangzhou. The tomb [of Waqqas] remains today, after many thousands of visitors came to pay their respects to the Companion of the Prophet. That was the beginning of Islam in China. Afterward it spread to various places, and [Muslims] built mosques in different locations. The imperial command granted [permission] to build a mosque in Xi’an, so the royal court appointed Luo [Tian]jue as the official supervising the construction and Baizhe’erdi (Ar. Badr al-Din) as imam. In the Zhenyuan reign (785–804), about 4,000 men came to China on a tribute mission. An imperial order divided this group into two armies for military service, so our religious believers developed into a large population, particularly in Shaanxi and Gansu. In 996, during the reign of Emperor Zhenzong of the Song dynasty (960–1279), Shaykh Qutb (?) al-Din,27 from Fulatai [Herat, in today’s Afghanistan] came to China to settle. He had three sons, Sayyid Pur al-Din; Nasr al-Din; and Sa’ad al-Din. The latter two sons followed the imperial command to build a mosque and became religious heads (zhangjiao). That mosque is the Great Mosque on Oxen Street (Niujie) in Beijing today; the old name for the location was Liuhe (Willow River) Village. During the reign of Hongwu [of the Ming], the capital was in Nanjing, and the Temple of Guanyin (Goddess of Mercy) was changed into Jingjuesi (Pure Enlightenment) Mosque. The emperor granted a poem of one hundred characters [to praise Islam]. That mosque is on Third Lane in Nanjing. As for the Libai (Worship) Temple, Faming (Dharma Illumination) Temple, and Pushou (Eternal Longevity) Temple, although they had different tablets, eventually they all became mosques. In Islamic places we worship God and praise the Prophet, and these are the famous places and scenic spots [of our religion], therefore, we need to maintain and respect them. Even in the poor rural areas, we should never forget the faith and should honestly believe in it. If our religion has a foundation to be relied on, could a mosque be small? Today we set the ancestor’s grave [of Ma Taishi] beside the Ma lineage Mosque in Xiaba, Weining. The current [lineage] officials have established the monument, stone archway and stone pillars, etc. This event has been reported to Ma Zhong, nominated by imperial order to [command] the Weining garrison and to establish the General Garrison of the Military Prefecture (zongzhen dudu fu). The court granted him a promotion of

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three ranks and conferred [on him control over] religious affairs. At the same time our ancestors [also received official appointments].28 This part of the genealogy demonstrates that even in an area as remote from China Proper as Weining of Guizhou, a history of Islam in China was maintained in the minds of the Hui Muslims, stationed on this frontier to supervise and control the restless indigenous peoples. This memory is part of maintaining Islamic tradition within the lineage structure, preserving the lineage cemetery, and commemorating the military achievements of the ancestors. The community history has been retained in the genealogy to become an important element of Islamic education and a source of solidarity for the lineage.

Integrating Islam with Confucianism The lineage regulations in the genealogy stipulate a wide variety of social relations between Muslims and other peoples in Yunnan and Guizhou. They particularly stress obedience to state law and Confucian ethics, as well as Islamic orthopraxy (see Appendix 2). Clearly these regulations of the Muslim Ma lineage are very similar to those in Han Chinese society in imperial times. The tenets of Confucianism and the doctrine of Islam punished ethical transgressions and violations of the social order with similar harshness. In my view, these similarities between Islam and Confucianism result from considerable similarity in social structure and social mode: social hierarchy and authoritarian statecraft.29 The lineage leaders were able to enlist traditional Islamic social and moral ideals and align them with the social and ideological principles promoted by late imperial Confucian elites. They skillfully managed to portray the prevalent patriarchal, hierarchical structures and social relations based on consanguinity as deriving both from Islamic scriptures and traditional Chinese ideology.

Why Implement Confucian Ethics? In its regulations, the lineage affirmed the centrality of the Confucian codes for human relations and lineage relations to preserve virtue and harmonious ties within the Muslim enclaves. The passage reads: In the autumn of the year [probably in the 18th century], lineage members repaired the tombstones of the graveyard, slaughtered sheep, and invited the kinsmen, the elders, the learned, etc., from different areas to a lineage meeting to discuss compiling a sequel to the genealogy for later generations. The ancestors’ descendants [now] have the genealogy to inherit, and our ancestor will not sigh sadly against the wall. If the order of the generations is clear, there will be no mistakes, no confusion in the characters and no violations of the ethical code. Although we [the different

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Jianping Wang branches] are located in different areas and therefore have been separated from each other for a long time, we have a lineage genealogy to check our ancestry and the family tree’s distribution. Since our forefathers moved to Xiaba, the lineage was recompiled after discussion. The elders said that the lineage members are numerous. It is our duty to discipline our kinsmen to prevent them from breaking customary rules. If the norms are not proper, the stubborn will not obey the law. If the obligation is loose, the kinsmen will be arrogant, and there will be indulgence. Then others will copy [their] bad behavior, and gradually the young will bully the elder, the commoners will challenge the authorities, [and] the kinsmen will rely on force instead of reason, on power instead of law. Then will they know the virtues of honesty and friendship? Will they know the importance of ethics and morality? Thus, if we have the genealogy our later generations and branches will be in order, and they will inherit [our] good traditions, not mixing the order of the different generations in the genealogy. It will make explicit what marriages would be suitable, what household belongs in which generation, what age they belong to. So every elder agreed, if one wants to keep close ties with relatives, one must be prevented from becoming estranged. If one wants to have harmonious relations with one’s kinsmen, one must avoid disharmony. Therefore, if a lineage makes everything explicit in its family tree, keeps the order between senior members and junior members, regulates relations within the lineage, and sets normative examples for the young people and children, then later generations will observe these admonitions and be aware of the punishments. None will dare to transgress the law. Every sub-lineage shall keep one copy of this genealogy and every household shall have a hand-copied one. The father and the household head shall read and explain frequently the lineage mores set by the genealogy to the children and young people, to let them understand and know how to behave themselves. The ethical code is a fundamental thing, and everyone should cultivate morality and make the mind righteous, and promote intimate marriages and harmonious relationships in the lineage. Every family should work industriously and every household should study hard. Only by heeding the good example of the forebears will the descendants live in the shelter of their merits. There are many official positions and ranks on the earth, and many people of our lineage have taken [high] positions through their scholarly works. Their excellence certainly will have good results and their merits will be eternal.30

In short, the Xiaba Ma lineage genealogy advises kinsmen to preserve good traditions and to avoid immorality and indecent habits in order to continue the lineage’s flourishing and good fortune, and to ensure the family’s social position, political status and economic livelihood. The Hui enclaves in Guizhou and Yunnan knew that only by following both Islamic and imperial law,

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as well as the social ethics of the mainstream Chinese gentry, could they peacefully coexist in frontier society. There, among many indigenous peoples and Han Chinese, they aimed to create harmonious social relations, and the imperial government relied on them to safeguard the region.

Conclusion The Xiaba Ma lineage genealogy provided not only a history of the lineage to guarantee unity and solidarity, but it also had social functions such as establishment of sound relationships and maintenance of good traditions within the lineage. Thus, the genealogy became a pedagogical text, the family document from which each new generation learned the traditions of their forefathers. The lineage genealogy also functioned to prevent marriage within the lineage or sub-lineage or marriage between people with the same surname who were connected biologically in the lineage bloodline. It was also intended to distinguish the order of senior and junior members for the different generations. As in non-Muslim society, Muslim lineage genealogies often recorded a poem composed by a forefather. From this poem, parents took the first character of their children’s given names, accurately marking the successive generations in order to avoid an inappropriate marriage between kin. The regulations that the Ma lineage in Xiaba articulated in their lineage genealogy were modeled on Ming–Qing imperial penal law, which was in turn influenced by Confucian ethics and the five cardinal principles for human relations. The genealogy also admonished the kinsmen to obey Islamic law in daily life.31 As described in these regulations of the Xiaba Ma lineage, both legal systems regulated law breaking and imposed severe punishment on offenders against the social order. Both also aimed to maintain orthodox traditional authority, both patriarchal and hierarchical. The essential aims of the Hui and Han lineage assemblies were also fundamentally the same: to reward the good who earned merit and to punish evildoers who harmed society. The Hui used their lineage framework to mesh with Chinese society in obeying the penal law. In addition, their lineage leaders, the Hui gentry, used both Confucian codes (imperial penal law) and Islamic law in civil affairs to adjust Chinese ideals of social order and ethics to their community’s conditions. Under normal circumstances, since there was no basic incompatibility between the two systems and their traditions,32 imperial power and Muslim communities could coexist in peace. The lineage assembly and its major activities were held in the lineage memorial hall or lineage mosque, which was the center of the lineage organization.33 This was most obvious in northwestern Guizhou and northeastern Yunnan. Many graveyards among the Hui villages had stone pillars to mark the lineage cemetery in the period from the middle Ming to the late Qing.34 In Dongjiawan stands a four-hundred-year-old lineage mosque, just a hundred meters away from the community mosque, the largest in Zhaotong. The lineage head told me that the lineage mosque was built after a dispute

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between his ancestor and a man from another lineage over a pair of shoes being taken mistakenly after a prayer service. This dispute made the Dong lineage establish its own mosque for prayer.35 Some lineages, including the Xiaba Ma, were so large that their kinsmen and sub-lineages spread into many counties in Yunnan and Guizhou, and even to other provinces. Their assemblies were vast gatherings.36 Hence, even though Islam advocates the concept of umma (the Islamic ecumene), the coherence of Islamic society in southwestern China historically clung to the lineage structure based on bloodline. From genealogies such as that of the Xiaba Ma lineage, we may learn vivid local stories of a region and a family; these illustrate many social processes:         

lineage development based on common ancestry; prosperity through military service to the imperial government; long-term survival in Confucian-dominated society while mingling with frontier peoples such as the Yi and Miao; employment of Confucian ethics to manage a Muslim community; after considerable acculturation, renewal of Islamic traditions and practice through the network of mosques and religious leaders; maintenance of “imagined history” to revive Islamic culture; coordination with state authorities to discipline kinsmen and coexist with non-Muslims in a mixed frontier region; keeping friendly relations with indigenous peoples without being assimilated into their non-Muslim religious traditions; finding common ground between Islamic law and Chinese imperial law to punish offenders among the kinsmen.

These interrelated processes allow us to understand the complicated historical relationship between a Muslim lineage-based community, surrounded by non-Muslims of many cultures, and Chinese society. We may conclude that for this lineage the genealogy became supplementary reading materials to the Qur’an and Hadith, all aiming to maintain their Muslim identity and revive their Islamic traditions.

Notes 1 See Wang Jianping 1996. I acknowledge the great help given by Dr. Ma Jianxiong, and his very kind invitation for my participation in the workshop of Chinese Muslim Lineages Studies in Hong Kong, 2013. I also express my hearty appreciation of the editing work done by Prof. Jonathan Lipman and Prof. David Faure, who hosted this workshop. 2 Ma Xiang 1717, The Xiaba Ma Genealogy is included in Zhaotong Huizu shehui lishi zhiliao, vol. 1 (Bianjizu 1987) . 3 Li Zhengqing 2008, p. 382. 4 Ibid., pp. 221, 224 and 423. 5 Perhaps a misprinted name for General Shi Jingtang, of the late Tang dynasty. 6 “Preface to the Xiaba Ma Lineage Genealogy,” in Bianjizu 1987, p. 16.

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7 Li Zhengqing 2008, p. 382. As noted in Chapter 9 in this volume, many Hui genealogies claim descent from “famous personages” of the distant past, whether in China or in the Islamic heartlands. 8 “Preface to the Xiaba Ma Lineage Genealogy,” p. 17. 9 “Preface to the Xiaba Ma Lineage Genealogy,” p. 16. 10 The process that integrated chieftains into counties was called gaitu guiliu. 11 “Preface to the Xiaba Ma Lineage Genealogy,” pp. 17–18. 12 Wang Jianping 1996, pp. 140–142. 13 Song Lian 1976, p. 2578. 14 Zhang Tingyu 1974, p. 8186. 15 Weining Ren n.d.-a. 16 “Important Events in Wusa and Weining in the Ming–Qing period,” n.d. 17 Weining Ren n.d.-b. 18 “Biography of Ha Yuansheng” in Zhao Erxun 1977, p. 10408. 19 By the end of the Qing dynasty, the total population of Weining was 160,000, of which the Yi people constituted only 39,000, or about 29 percent. See Weining Ren n.d.-b. 20 For the migration of Muslims from northwestern and northern China to Wumeng and Wusa in the Ming–Qing period, see Wang Jianping 1996, pp. 53–57. 21 Li Zhengqing 2008, p. 391. 22 Ibid., p. 384. 23 Ibid., p. 392. 24 Bianjizu 1987, Zhaotong huizu shehui lishi ziliao, pp. 17–21. 25 Either the Shunzhi (r. 1644–1661) or Kangxi (r. 1662–1722) emperor, since there is some confusion as to whether Duke Han Zhong came to Wusa in 1661 or in the early eighteenth century. See Li Zhengqing 2008, pp. 271 and 282. 26 “General Regulations for the Preface of the Lineage Genealogy,” p. 18 (Bianjizu 1987). The reference to Muhammad definitely does not originate in the Confucian text, it is cited from the Liezi, Confucius. The passage about a Sage being born in the West echoes earlier Daoist sources. The Liezi for example, includes a close equivalent in which the reference to the “man from the west” probably refers to Laozi, certainly not to the Prophet Muhammad (Liezi 2015). 27 Editor’s Note: A modern scholar suggests that Gewamending is “scripture-hall language” (jingtangyu) for “pillar of the religion,” or Qutb al-Din. 28 “General Regulations for the Preface of the Lineage Genealogy,” pp. 18–19 (Bianjizu 1987). 29 I first made this argument at the international conferences organized by the Harvard-Yenching Institute and Nanjing University on dialogue between Confucianism and Islam, in 2006, 2010, and 2012. 30 “Preface to the Xiaba Ma Lineage Genealogy,” 1987, p. 17. 31 See, for example, the lineage rules described in articles 8 and 10 of the “Lineage Regulations from the Xiaba Ma Genealogy” in Appendix 2. 32 Other Hui genealogies have similarities with that of the Xiaba Ma lineage. In one lineage, an article directly warned the kinsmen not to marry across generation lines and thus break the ethical codes. See Bianjizu 1985–1987, Yunnan huizu shehui lishi diaocha, vol. 2, p. 60 and vol. 3, pp. 81–82; and Bianjizu 1987, Zhaotong huizu lishi ziliao among others. 33 Jin Shaoping 1991, pp. 13–15. 34 For example, Shadian in Gejiu, Wenming in Ershan, Tuogu and Tiejia in Ludian, Najiaying in Tonghai, Huilong in Jianshui and others. 35 Interview with the head of the Dong Lineage, Dongjiawan, Baxianying, Zhaotong, Yunnan, December 1, 1994. 36 For example, some descendants of Sayyid Ajall Shams ad-Din and the Ma lineages in Luxi. See Bianjizu 1985–1987, Yunnan huizu shehui lishi diaocha, vol. 2, pp. 40– 57 and vol. 3, p. 82.

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Appendix 1 Titles and Ranks Held by Xiaba Ma Lineage Members Ma Zhong (马忠), Chief Commander of the Military Prefecture, promoted three ranks and simultaneously in charge of religious affairs; also specially nominated as Garrison Commander (zhenbiao 镇标) of Wusa Town and Military Division. Ma Chengzhang (马成章), candidate for Commander of the Middle Battalion (中营), Weining sub-Prefecture. Ma Ji (马骥), General of Martial Virtue (Wude jiangjun 武德将军). Ma Qilin (马契麟), General of Martial Virtue. Ma Cilin (马慈麟), General of Martial Virtue. Ma Maolin (马懋麟), Military Graduate (wusheng 武生), Left Battalion (zuoying 左营) Commander of a Thousand (qianzong 千总), stationed in Weining township (威宁镇). Ma Tinglian (马廷连), Provincial Military Graduate (wuju 武举), Right Battalion (youying 右营) Commander, stationed in Zhaotong township (昭通镇). Ma Tingxun (马廷勋), Commander of Xundian (寻甸) and Zhanyi prefectures (沾益府). Ma Anlin (马安麟), equivalent to the first rank degree in 1708, nominated as Prefectural Commander (游府) in Guangdong, then in Shaanxi. Ma Tingke (马廷克), nominated as candidate for Prefectural Commander at Xiama Pass (下马关), Shaanxi. Ma Zhengkui (马正奎), Garrison Commander (shoubei 守备) of the Left Battalion in Yongning (永宁), Sichuan; head of the military stud with the fourth rank. Ma Kaixiang (马开祥), head of the military stud in Sichuan, equal to Commander of a Thousand of the fourth rank. Ma Xirui (马锡瑞), Military Graduate (wuyangsheng 武痒生) of Weining prefecture, granted the title of Junior Cavalry Commander (qiwei 骑尉) for the Left Battalion, equal to the fifth rank. Ma Zhaoxiong (马兆熊), Commander of the Right Battalion of Zhaotong township, Garrison Commander of Suijiang (绥江) county, Sichuan. Ma Yingbiao (马迎标), Commander of a Thousand of the Right Sentries (youshao 右哨) in Heli township (鹤丽镇), equal to the fourth rank in the Left Battalion. Ma Renrui (马壬瑞), Junior Officer, equal to the fourth rank. Ma Zhiyu (马之屿), granted the title of General of Martial Virtue, equal to the fifth rank. Ma Tingxia (马廷霞), Provincial Military Graduate in 1753, Prefectural Defender and candidate as Commander of Tengyue (腾越). Ma Tingsui (马廷随), Provincial Military Graduate in 1756, nominated as Vice Commander defending Guizhou prefecture, Assistant Commander of Tongren (同仁).

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Ma Tingliang (马廷亮), specially nominated as the Middle Battalion Commander of several towns in Shaanxi. Ma Wenxiong (马文雄), Provincial Military Graduate in 1774, Frontier Battalion Commander in Zhaotong. Ma Weilong (马为龙), nominated Right Battalion Commander of a Thousand with the General Staff seal in Zhenxiong (镇雄). Ma Jilin (马继麟), nominated as Prefectural Defender.

Appendix 2 Lineage Regulations from the Xiaba Ma Genealogy Today we list the order of the thirty generations to avoid transgressing generational boundaries. After the thirty generations the offspring will continue to use the title of Ma Taishi. [They include] the branch from Chang’an county, Xi’an prefecture in Shaanxi; the branch from Pingliang prefecture in Gansu; and the branch from Dali in Yunnan, from which came the branch of Weining in Guizhou, from which one member was appointed as a military official and settled down. After Wumeng was subdued, the Yunnan branch spread to the surrounding areas of En’an county, Zhaotong, to claim land for their livelihood. They also compiled the genealogy of Ma Taishi. All these people are the kinsmen of the Ma lineage in Xiaba, Weining. [In the current genealogy] we have the lineage preface, general regulations, commentaries to the genealogy, and the family tree of the lineage. All the branches and the root, the chart of the generations and the text of the genealogy are very explicit and without doubt. From the first ancestor to now more than 290 years have passed, and all together [there have been] thirty generations included in the generational order. We must obey the lineage regulations and fix the order of the characters for the generation’s number order. No later generation could transgress on former generations. Anyone who breaks the lineage regulations should be sent to the authorities for judgment. Here we list the lineage regulations made by our forebears: 1) A junior cannot offend his senior in the lineage. If this happens, the lineage chief must punish the person according to the lineage customs. 2) The parents of a household should discipline their children and not let them join any bandit groups. If parents have children who break the law, the [law-breaking] children must be punished severely in order to warn their parents. 3) The juniors and children should not follow bandits to rob people. If this happens, the lineage chief must hand the offenders over to the authorities. 4) Lineage offspring should obey the law and not make trouble. If they join in groups and blackmail others, the lineage chief must send them to the authorities for judgment.

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5) Lineage offspring are forbidden to steal, rape, commit adultery, do evil, rob, or use force to arrange a marriage or elopement. The law-breaker must be handed over to the authorities. 6) If someone in the lineage is bullied by others, the lineage shall speak on his behalf. If necessary, the victim should receive money as compensation. But the lineage should use reason and non-violent means. Do not gather people and react excessively. 7) A member of the lineage may not rely on force or bully his junior in position and power. The offender must be punished according to the lineage customs. 8) Offspring of the lineage are not allowed to drink alcohol. The offender is to be punished according to shari’a (Ch. jiaogui). 9) Lineage offspring must be taught the doctrines of religion and be guided in the righteous way. They may not transgress the law. If someone loses faith, he should be sent to the officials for judgment. 10) Encourage the study of the Qur’an, agricultural work, and learning the Confucian classics. Put most emphasis on practice. The following ten offenses are [in violation of] state law, and the offenders will not be pardoned: 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7)

8) 9) 10)

A son murders his father, or a subject murders the monarch. An apprentice murders his master or his senior fellow apprentice. A nephew murders his uncle. A wife murders her husband. The crimes of murder and arson; the servant offends both his master and his senior. Do not deceive or offend your parents. If this happens, the offender must be sent to the officials for judgment. A wife who commits adultery with a man from outside the household and conspires to murder her husband should be cut into pieces and her adulterous partner should be executed. A younger brother who commits adultery with his sister-in-law and has murdered his brother should be executed. If a husband panders to his wife and offends his parents, he should be executed. One who conspires with others from outside the household to steal his own household’s property should be executed.

Bibliography Bianjizu (Ed.) 1987. Zhaotong Huizu shehui lishi zhiliao [Historical Materials on Zhaotong Hui Society], Vol1. Bianjizu. (Ed.) 1985–1987. Yunnan Huizu shehui lishi diaocha [Social Historical Investigation of the Hui in Yunnan]. Kunming: Yunnan remin chubanshe.

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Jin Shaoping. 1991. “Yunnan huizu zongzu zhidu tanxi” [An Exploration of Lineage Structure among the Hui in Yunnan]. Huizu yanjiu [Journal of Hui Muslim Minority Studies], 2: 13–20. Liezi. 2015. Liezi Zhongni pian [Liezi, Confucius], vol.4. Bejing: Shangwu Yinshuguan. Li Zhengqing. 2008. Zhaotong huizu wenhua shi [The History of Hui culture in Zhaotong]. Kunming: Yunnan minzu chubanshe. Ma Xiang. 1717. Xiaba mashi zupu [The Xiaba Ma Genealogy]. Song Lian (Comp.) 1976. Yuanshi [History of the Yuan Dynasty]. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju. Wang Jianping 1996. Concord and Conflict: The Hui Communities of Yunnan Society in a Historical Perspective. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International. Zhang Tingyu (Comp.) 1974. Mingshi [History of the Ming Dynasty]. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju. Zhao Erxun (Comp.) 1977. Qingshigao [Draft History of the Qing]. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju.

Web Sources “Important Events in Wusa and Weining in the Ming–Qing period.” http://vip.book. sina.com.cn/book/chapter_186843_159179.html. Accessed on March 30, 2013. Weining Ren (Pseud.) n.d.-a. “Mingchao shiqi de Weining Yizu renkou” [The Yi Population in the Ming Dynasty]. http://tieba.baidu.com/p/1049701647. Accessed on May 18, 2013. Weining Ren (Pseud.) n.d.-b. “Qingchao shiqi de Weining Yizu renkou” [The Yi Population of Weining in the Qing Dynasty]. http://tieba.baidu.com/p/1087386497. Accessed on May 18, 2013.

9

Genealogy Compilation and Identity Formation1 Southeast China Communities of Muslim Descent Oded Abt

This chapter examines the role of lineage genealogies in the identity formation of descendants of Muslims in the coastal regions of southeast China, from the mid-Ming era (mid-15th to mid-16th centuries) until today. It is part of a larger anthropological and historical study of these lineages and the mechanisms they utilize to shape their own identity. Members of these lineages are not practicing Muslims but rather descendants of Muslim sojourners who settled in the city of Quanzhou in Fujian, during the Song (960–1279) through Yuan era (1271–1368). Since the 14th century, many descendants of those merchants gradually assimilated into the local population. Today, while resembling their Han neighbors in almost every aspect, many still commemorate their foreign origin. Under current minzu (ethnic minority) policies, some of them even claim a distinct ethnic Hui (Huizu) identity. With the political reforms of the late 1970s, profound changes took place in official government policy regarding identification and labeling of ethnic minorities and the preferential rights they are granted. Intending to encourage their integration into Chinese society, and to avoid ethnic strife and minorities’ “separatist” aspirations, the Chinese government granted economic and political privileges to Hui and other ethnic minorities. The main policy tenets were determined as early as the 1950s but were vigorously implemented during Deng Xiaoping’s reforms.2 During the early 1950s, the newly established PRC government launched a vast-scale campaign of ethnic identification. The Hui were among those awarded minzu status, constituting the third largest minority group in China. Due to the diffuse and diverse nature of Hui communities in China and the wide variety of their ethnoreligious expression in different social settings, this process lacked a uniform set of linguistic, cultural, territorial or religious criteria to determine their ethnic identity. Understanding it called for a more complex approach identifying Hui according to various cultural and religious markers and indicated the salient role of a shared descent from foreign Muslim ancestors in determining Huizu identity. Recently, however, tens of thousands of descendants of Muslims in Fujian, people who had been deeply acculturated several generations earlier and who lacked most of the

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ethnoreligious expressions of a distinct identity typical of the well-defined Hui communities of northwest China or Yunnan, were also recognized as Huizu. Members of these lineages do not observe any Muslim rules or religious customs, and none of them, up to the late 1970s, thought of themselves in terms of belonging to a distinct group separate from their fellow non-Muslims. Nevertheless, since the initiation of the political and economic reforms, the government accepted their claims for Huizu status based entirely on family traditions and rituals commemorating their Muslim ancestors, backed by written genealogical evidence attesting to the Muslim origin of their forefathers.3 Among these markers of distinct origin are unique customs of ancestor worship, such as maintaining a pork taboo in ancestral rituals and presenting offerings of ancient Qur’an books, considered proof of their ancestors’ Muslim beliefs.4 Since the early 1980s, there has been a growing tendency among members of these communities to recover their Muslim heritage. As these practices are often referred to in lineage genealogies, in recent decades local cadres seeking to enjoy special minority privileges have joined scholars in selecting, highlighting, and re-editing genealogical registers containing references to Islam that help reinforce their newly acquired ethnic Hui status. Due to their role in current minority politics, most scholarly works referring to these genealogies address them from the ethnic perspective, focusing on sections demonstrating the lineage founders’ adherence to Islam to explain what they perceive as authentic, newly recovered ethnic identity. According to this approach, by preserving the memories and accounts of the Muslim ancestors, members of these communities managed to maintain a certain degree of distinct identity, one that is accepted as a valid criterion of Huizu status according to current policies.5 This chapter offers an alternative view of the significance of genealogical documentation among Muslims’ descendants. It examines the genealogies’ dual roles, as internal means for handing down the memory of the family’s foreign origin while simultaneously acting as vehicles for joining the Han majority. The following analysis examines not merely the contents but also the significance of adopting the practice of genealogical compilation: the cultural and social ethics it entails, the political and social goals it serves, its historical foundations, and its adherence to the general structure and outline of Chinese genealogies. Thus, this chapter will not only analyze the genealogical texts but also present fieldwork exploring what Frank N. Pieke terms the “genealogical mentality” of China, referring to the customs and concerns associated with the compilation and preservation of genealogies.6

Genealogies and Current Identity Politics The importance of genealogies in the current vibrant discourse regarding the ethnic identity of descendants of Muslims has been discussed by several ethnographers and historians of the Hui in Fujian. Referring to the newly recognized Hui lineages of Fujian, Dru C. Gladney claimed that, “the emphasis upon

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genealogy and history as criteria for ethnicity … indicates that this is still a valid means for legitimating one’s ethnicity.”7 This description has a firm base in current political reality and certainly cannot be refuted. It is further strengthened when one examines contemporary prefaces of newly edited genealogies, written by foreign and local Muslim notables; some of the prefaces are even written in Arabic. The titles of some of the modern editions, such as Chendai Dingshi Huizu zongpu (1996) or Baiqi Guoshi Huizu zongpu (2000),8 explicitly cite affiliation to the officially recognized Huizu minority. Selected Genealogical Materials of the Quanzhou Huizu (Quanzhou Huizu pudie ziliao xuanbian9), edited in 1980, provides a particularly illuminating example of the current political value of the genealogies of descendants of Muslims in Fujian. The chief editor, Ding Tongzhi, a senior member of the Hui Committee of Chendai, also added his own preface concerning southern Fujian families of Muslim descent. The book includes selections from the genealogies of four clans—Ding, Li/Lin, Jin and Su —with its main focus on those sections demonstrating or inferring a foreign Muslim descent. The Hui Committee of Chendai is an official state-sponsored organization in charge of handling the affairs of the recently recognized Hui minority. They had to establish the authenticity of their claims of Muslim origin as a key step along the path to obtain Hui status and to enjoy all its associated privileges. It is no coincidence that they prepared this compilation a year after the first Ding lineage members were granted official Hui status. Compilations of this sort demonstrate the political value that descendants of Muslims currently attach to their genealogies. However, this latest revival of genealogical recording should not be treated solely in an ethnic context, as a phenomenon uniquely related to lineages of Muslim descent. In his research on kinship practice in northern Fujian, Michael Szonyi describes the “fever for genealogy” that developed in the early 1990s in the vicinity of Fuzhou; one aspect was a trend for reviving old copies of genealogies and compiling and editing new, costly volumes of colorful editions with photos and additional material.10 These strongly resemble those of the Ding and Guo lineages of southern Fujian, mentioned above.

Genealogies of Descendants of Muslims The following analysis examines genealogical texts of two lineages of Muslim descent: the Jin and Pu of southeast China, the earliest among them compiled during the mid-Ming period. This section focuses on traditional Chinese characteristics of genealogy compilations that are salient features of these genealogies, such as the central role played by local literati in initiating the early compilations and the important contribution their initiatives made to the formation of organized descent groups. Special attention will be paid to the custom of inviting renowned scholars and dignitaries to contribute stylish prefaces to the genealogy. It further examines the general outline of the family histories, consisting of a transition from a mythical section referring to

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ancient, pre-Yuan origins to a later, more factual section beginning with late Yuan ancestors who were the first to settle in the region. Finally, this section addresses the widely accepted norm in Fujian of claiming ancient origins from northern Han Chinese migrant ancestors. I shall demonstrate how these compilations were utilized by these groups to confront changing circumstances following the Ming takeover. The Jin genealogy highlights their ancestors’ successful absorption into local literati society, simultaneously presenting narratives celebrating the important deeds of their early Muslim ancestors. In their genealogies, the Pu made strenuous efforts completely to conceal their ancestors’ foreign origins. The two families’ historical narratives, occasionally tightly related, yet also representing conflicting interests and sentiments, strongly influenced the fortunes of Muslims in Quanzhou at large, and especially those of the Pu and Jin lineages whose descendants still live in Quanzhou and its surroundings. The Jin Lineage of Quanzhou The Jin lineage of Quanzhou numbers several thousand members, who have recently received Hui minority status from the government. The Quanzhou Jin descend from Jin Ji, a Muslim general dispatched to Quanzhou in 1333 by the Yuan government. Once there, he and his son, Jin Ali (written Heli in the genealogy), soon became notable figures in the city’s thriving Muslim community. Due to their undisputed Muslim origin, the Jin are among the few families of Muslim descent in Quanzhou whom the government recognized in the early 1980s as belonging to the Hui minority. Although in personal exchanges they express great pride about their foreign heritage, they are not practicing Muslims. Many generations ago they adopted local popular beliefs and practices, and at present they resemble the Han among whom they live in all respects. At the same time, the Jin, like other lineages of Muslim descent in the region, maintain a pork taboo in the rituals they perform for their Muslim ancestors. Thus the very knowledge of the family’s foreign ancestry plays an important role in their identity. The first Jin lineage genealogy Qingyuan Jinshi zupu was composed in 1555 by Jin Zhixing, the earliest scholar-official produced by the Jin since their semu11 ancestors participated in politics during the Yuan period. The genealogy includes two central themes related to the deeds of the early Muslim ancestors of the Jin. The first is the contribution of Jin Heli, the son of the lineage founder Jin Ji, to the Qingjing Mosque’s restoration. A number of essays in the genealogy refer to it, including the complete text of the renewed inscription commemorating the Qingjing Mosque restoration in 1349.12 Another reference to this matter appears in the biography of Jin Heli: In his usual conduct, our master was oblivious to material gains, charitable and generous, merciful and benevolent. He revered Islam and Muslims. In Quanzhou there was [a mosque called] Qingjingsi, which had

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Oded Abt long fallen into disrepair. The master used wood and stone to renovate it, spending a large amount of money. The building was grand and spacious, and its splendor can be witnessed to this day. The Muslims were most appreciative and repeatedly carved steles to commemorate his merit.13

The second theme—their founding ancestor’s crucial role in ending a violent decade-long civil war between rival local Muslim militias—will be discussed in more detail below. These themes appear in several essays, honorary introductions, documents and biographies in the genealogy and are highlighted by current commentators and family members active in promoting the Jins’ contemporary Hui identity. However, this chapter also explores other important themes that the Jin use to prove their ancestors’ successful absorption into local society, namely the central role of scholar-officials in initiating the early genealogies and the adoption of the widely accepted norm of claiming ancient origins from northern Han Chinese ancestors. Most of the lineage registers include a few prefaces (xu) contributed by local notables of other surnames, as well as at least one preface by the chief compilers. By the mid-Ming era, this custom had become prevalent throughout China as local literati were increasingly more active in initiating projects such as building ancestral halls and compiling genealogies, decisive steps in promoting kinship solidarity and organized descent groups.14 As shall be demonstrated below, families of Muslim descent in Fujian adopted similar practices, indicating their high level of local acculturation. It allowed the family leaders proudly to present the texts as evidence of their successful absorption into the Chinese elite. The analysis of the Quanzhou Jin lineage genealogy demonstrates how Muslims’ descendants chose to present their heritage to their own kin, and at the same time, the ways in which they wished to be perceived by their nonMuslim neighbors. The genealogy opens with five prefaces, one by the editor Jin Zhixing himself. The other four were written by officials and literary figures closely acquainted with Jin Zhixing, each honoring the Jin by contributing to their genealogy. For example, Huang Run (jinshi 1521), the first preface writer, served in important official posts: county magistrate of Wujin, a director in the Ministry of Punishments (Xingbu zhushi) stationed in Nanjing, an official in charge of military appointments within the Ministry of War (Bingbu wuxuan), governor of Songjiang Prefecture (chushou Songjiangfu), Vice-Head of the Provincial Surveillance Commission of Henan (gai Dongchang shou, qian Henan xianfu) and a Senior Administrative Vice-Commissioner of Shanxi (Shanxi zuocanzheng).15 Zhu Wu and Jiang Yili, both renowned poets and founders of a local poets’ association, wrote the other two prefaces.16 Besides the direct association with local non-Muslim dignitaries, these essays bear other characteristics typical of local Han genealogies. According to Otto Van Der Sprenkel, the lineage narratives in many large genealogies consist of two distinct parts, marking a gradual transition from an earlier “mythical” or “legendary” history section to a later, more “factual” part. The

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first section usually contains a sketchy outline of the ancient forefathers and their presumed relations to mythical characters such as the early emperors or sages of Chinese history. In these sections, a remark frequently appears about the scarcity of facts regarding the early ancestors. It contrasts strongly with the second section, which is more factual and usually written in much simpler and more straightforward language. This section normally begins with the lineage’s “first migrant ancestors” and continues to the present. This record of more recent descendants is usually more complete, more detailed and more accurate than that describing the “ancient” generations.17 The Jin genealogy compilers took similar measures. Although the editor openly refers to his foreign ancestry, he claims a mythical origin from Zhouera (c. 1046–256 BCE) forefathers who were granted a feudal estate in the remote northwest, where their descendants presumably adopted Islam, returning to the Chinese realm only with the advent of the occupying Mongols. The third preface of the Jin genealogy, written by Jiang Yili, begins with a mythical history of the Jin containing typical components of traditional Chinese lineage origin myths. The story goes that during the Spring and Autumn period (c. 771–c. 476 BCE), the king applied a policy of “employing Chinese to acculturate the barbarians” (yong Xia bian yi, citing Mencius): “he conferred feudal estates to his descendants in four corners of the country. In later generations they all turned barbarian (bian yu yi).” Jin Tianshi, an ancient ancestor of the Jin, was among the princes granted a feudal estate. It is of no coincidence that the direction of acculturation here is reversed—while the stock phrase says barbarians (yi) become Chinese (Xia), here these are the Xia who became yi. As mentioned above, although this text signifies the Muslim heritage of the Jin family, it simultaneously served to demonstrate their belonging to local society. Although the current discourse is dominated by discussions of the Muslim heritage, the Ming-era (1368–1644) compilers found it no less important to nurture a tradition of shared ancient origin with their fellow Chinese. This story provides historical context, rooted in Chinese antiquity, of the circumstances that led to their ancestors’ adoption of Islam. Their ancestors were originally Han who were sent to the frontier regions under instructions of the Chinese sovereign. Generations later and under different circumstances, they were acculturated and eventually became Muslim. [His estate] was on the northwestern frontier of the kingdom, and was named Xiutu. … Centuries later, in the time of Han Wudi (140–87 BCE) his prince [a descendant of the earlier Jin prince], Mi Di, returned to his Han origins. Finally he [Mi Di] became one of the state’s most important ministers. Later on, the state of Xiutu suffered from the growing hostility that erupted between the northern and southern leaders of the Xiongnu. [Caught between the fighting factions] the people of Xiutu moved … and settled in “the Western Regions” (Xiyu). From then on for many generations they were known as Xiyu people. With the arrival of the occupying

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Oded Abt Yuan troops, the leaders of the Jin lineage surrendered and greeted them, and then went along with them back to [the capital] Shangdu.18

Jiang Yili ends this section by stating, “This is the broad outline of the story. The genealogical records do not reach that period. Due to its scarcity, [the information] is uncertain.” This mythical version of the family’s history bears considerable significance for the acculturated Jin lineage. The more recent history of the Jin in Quanzhou does not conform to this link to ancient mythological descent. Local people generally accept that Jin Ji, the Quanzhou branch founding ancestor, was a foreign Muslim general stationed in the city by the Yuan government. Ample source material shows that his immediate descendants were also practicing Muslims. How can the two contradictory narratives coexist? How could a family that only two centuries earlier had been labeled as semu by the ruling Mongols be linked to the ancient history of imperial China? Investigation into these questions may tell us a great deal about how the members of the Ming-era Jin lineage perceived their identity. I suggest that linking the family’s mythical origin to its more recent history was a valuable method for presenting the Jin’s Ming-period ancestors as legitimate, respectable, Han Chinese families of Quanzhou.19 The Muslim identity of their relatively recent ancestors could be presented as a temporary stage or transition that the ancestors, originally Han, went through. Jin Zhixing himself presents this argument in his preface to the Jin genealogy: Our family’s origin is in descendants of the Han-period, honorable ancestor Mi Di. For generations they had been living in Shangdu. It was many decades ago. Nothing is known about any of the other family factions. Writing about the “attempts to trace the origin of one’s zu [lineage] to some important personage,” Hu Hsien-chin claims that: While such an ancestor undoubtedly confers prestige on the zu, he also ties up the zu with the historic and mythical past of the nation. This motive is best understood when one considers the many foreigners who have settled among the Chinese during many centuries and have become acculturated. To legitimize themselves they had to build up a Chinese pedigree, and naturally it was easier to claim descent from some illustrious person living at a time when accurate historic records were still unknown. … The search for a family tree thus has been part of the acculturation process of various invading groups ever since the end of the Han Dynasty [206 BCE–220 CE]. … A good number of these families must have reinforced their claim to membership in Chinese society with a suitable genealogy.20

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Jin Zhixing did not supply any explanation for the process which made the descendants of (Jin) Mi Di become Muslim, but merely explained, “Now I have arrived at the conclusion that Master Yi’an [Jin Ji’s courtesy name] was the earliest of the ancestors who had entered Quanzhou, and became the founder [of the current lineage branch].” He then gave further details regarding the genealogical tables prepared by his early Quanzhou ancestors and added an interesting remark: The compilation of the genealogy was [done according to the example] copied from the Song Confucian style. It bears the arrangement principles of the zong [classical system of descent groups] system … it has a general outline of each generation’s pedigree in order to record all [the family’s] details. Jin Zhixing, though admitting the foreign origin of his branch’s early ancestors, found it important also to describe their adherence to Song Neo-Confucian principles of descent organization and, in particular, genealogical recording. The Jiang Yili preface further explains the reason for compiling the current text and its importance: The Jin family members, in the less significant intermediate period of almost two hundred years, were not able to relate anything about the matter [of their family’s history]. … Some saw themselves as members of the same lineage, others claimed to be of different ancestry. Some could not recognize each other, acting indifferently when passing by one another. This was all due to insufficient documentation. According to Jiang Yili, the turning point in the Jin family’s own awareness came in tandem with their change in status. The fact that the family had produced a scholar initiated a process that transformed the whole family’s identity and notion of its own history. He [Jin Zhixing] made a precedent by pursuing his quest of becoming an official in order to initiate a new tendency [among his family members]. Now, [his] descendants will act rigorously to fulfill their determination to attain official rank and being students of court academicians (boshi dizi) … then the Jin family will be among the honorable [families] of Quanzhou. This analysis of the Jin genealogy demonstrates the central role of scholarofficials in successful absorption into local Han society and in the subsequent descent group organization manifested, among other means, by the compilation of the genealogy. The editor openly refers to his family’s foreign origin, but he organizes and formulates the information according to Chinese cultural and intellectual principles and in a fashion that signifies membership in local non-Muslim society.21

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The Pu Lineage The following section examines genealogical records of a different lineage of Muslim descent that, in response to the changing circumstances in a oncethriving cosmopolitan trading center, employed various strategies to disguise their ancestors’ identity and manipulated their genealogical records to do so. Later editions became the main channel for disseminating a narrative of persecution that their forefathers endured during the early Ming, which had presumably driven them towards complete assimilation. The Pu lineage of southeast China are descendants of the famous Song and Yuan official, Pu Shougeng (d. 1296) who played a crucial political and military role in 13th century Fujian and whose historical influence continues to resonate in southeast China to this day. Pu Shougeng was a wealthy merchant widely believed to have been of either Arab or Persian origin.22 Towards the end of the Song dynasty he held several posts, including that of customs master of the international port city of Quanzhou, allowing him control over a substantial naval force. Yet, in 1277, he shifted his allegiance to the Mongol invaders, denying the Song loyalists entrance to Quanzhou and depriving them of naval assistance they had desperately counted on. In the meantime, he massacred thousands of Song imperial clansmen who resided in the city. According to some sources, the primary reason for Pu Shougeng’s betrayal of the Song was the Song army leaders’ confiscation of his entire fleet and property as part of their preparations to resist the Mongols. Outraged, Pu Shougeng decided to side with the Mongols.23 Pu Shougeng was repaid generously by the new Yuan regime for his support. Between 1279 and 1297 he was appointed to a series of key positions and enjoyed a flourishing military and political career, which established his hegemony over Quanzhou’s affairs.24 Some sources even claim that, at that time, his military and political influence extended over the entire coastline of southeast China.25 Pu Shougeng’s long career and his widespread connections solidified the position of his whole family, which became one of the region’s most powerful lineages during much of the Yuan period.26 According to several Ming and Qing (1644–1911) sources, due to Pu Shougeng’s dominant role in the Mongol takeover, the Ming founder, Zhu Yuanzhang (1328–1398, r. 1368–1398), who seized the throne about a century after Pu Shougeng’s surrender, persecuted his descendants and banned them from taking part in the imperial exams or serving in any official post. The Quannan zazhi, compiled during the late Ming, quotes the earlier Song Yuan tongjian by Xue Yingqi (1500–1573) as follows: Our great Emperor Taizu banned the descendants of Pu Shougeng … of Quanzhou from serving in any official post as punishment for their forefather’s crime of supporting the Yuan takeover of the Song; for this reason he fully persecuted them.27

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Thus, a tradition developed that placed the brunt of the responsibility for the Mongol takeover of Quanzhou, and the consequent collapse of the Song resistance, on Pu Shougeng, the alien official. This in turn is believed to have caused the harsh fate of Pu Shougeng’s descendants in the early Ming. During that period, most Pu family members were forced to emigrate from Quanzhou to remote rural areas, where they adopted the local religions and customs, and in some cases even had to conceal their identity. Pu lineage members present various accounts of their ancestors’ strategies for obscuring their identity, or at least for avoiding linkage to Pu Shougeng. These narratives of forced assimilation have been disseminated since the late 14th century through genealogical texts, oral legends, references within the ancestral rituals, and symbolic imagery in the family shrines. Qing-period editions of the Pu genealogy record cases of adopting a different surname, either the maternal family name or simply names with a similar sound, in an attempt to avoid the discriminatory policies of the early Ming. Some later resumed their original names, while others continued to hold their adopted names while secretly maintaining family traditions attesting to their ties with the Pu lineage. The best-known case is that of the founder of the Pu branch in Dongshi, south of Quanzhou. The Dongshi Pu lineage, numbering several thousand people, are descendants of Pu Shougeng, who moved in the early Ming era to a section of the town formerly called Gurong village (Gurong cun). Some of them still resided in the village in the mid-1950s. In its center was the family’s main ancestral hall. The hall and the burial grounds surrounding it were demolished in 1954 and the last remnants of the Pu neighborhood completely erased in 1966. The founder of the Dongshi Pu branch was Pu Benchu (jinshi 1397), who according to the genealogy was a great-grandson of Pu Shougeng. In the early Ming he was taken as an infant from Quanzhou to his mother’s hometown of Dongshi (Gurong village), where he remained under the custody of her family. They officially adopted him, he received his mother’s surname (Yang), and from then on, he was called Yang Benchu.28 Family sources maintain that this step was taken to avoid persecution and the harsh restrictions that the Ming founder imposed on Pu lineage members. It enabled him to take the examinations and qualify as a student in the imperial academy. After he retired, he resumed his original name—Pu Benchu.29 Persecution and attempts to avoid it are central themes in the Dongshi Pu lineage’s family history, and they are demonstrated to this day in the symbolic imagery of their early ancestor. In 2009 they completed construction of a new ancestral hall in their contemporary residence of Songshu village. The new hall is dedicated to the founder of the Dongshi branch and to the heritage of his immigration and settlement in the region. Inscriptions and couplets commemorating Pu Benchu and his host family decorate the walls of the hall, emphasizing the forced concealment of his true identity and the hospitality he received from his mother’s kin. An inscription on the inner entrance lintel

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reads as follows: “The Yang [family] of [Gu]rong [village] disseminates virtue (rong yang chuanfang).” According to family sources, this verse was originally inscribed by Pu Benchu on the lintel of the family hall he established when he retired to Gurong village.30 Another sentence on one of the pillars explicitly refers to the help that the Yang family gave Pu Benchu: “As for maternal uncles, we cherish with greatest affection [Yang] Yiweng [Pu Benchu’s uncle].” Other similar cases of adopting a different surname among Pu branches were recorded in Fujian, Jiangsu, and Hainan Island.31 While Qing editions of the Pu genealogy detail some of the strategies employed by their ancestors for avoiding the government’s persecution, earlier editions may have played an active role in their actual concealment. Omission of all traces of Pu Shougeng from the genealogies constitutes a family trait which the Pu attribute to their Ming-period historical circumstances, a strategy to avoid attracting attention to their family ties with him. In recent decades a genealogical pedigree chart of the Pu family originating in Guangdong has been circulated among Pu branches in Fujian, drawing considerable attention from family members. This chart is reproduced from the Guangdong Nanhai Ganjiao Pushi jiapu (1619).32 On a visit to Dongshi (Fujian) in 2005, I was introduced to this document, which charts the first eight generations of the Pu family in China. It includes Shougeng’s brother, Pu Shoucheng. Next to him, where Shougeng would have been, the compiler inserted two blank squares representing an anonymous ancestor, an odd tactic since his renowned brother and his descendants do appear in the genealogy itself. I believe this was not an effective disguise, but rather done in order to avoid extra attention to this undesired link. In the section of the Guangdong genealogy, entitled “common guidelines for the genealogy” (jiapu fanli), the compiler supplies a brief explanation of the reason for using two blank squares: Throughout history, (we have kept) the following rule in our genealogy: if a lineage member was an evil official who was executed as punishment he well deserved, for crimes such as conspiracy and treason, or was expelled from his home for being unfilial, or was killed while committing robbery or rape and so on—without any exception, his name should be erased and not recorded. Instead there should be two empty squares such as this □□, to make known that he is held in contempt by the lineage. This is a rule of our illustrious family’s genealogy throughout successive generations. A later handwritten addition next to the empty squares on the above-mentioned chart indicates that the anonymous forefather’s descendants migrated to Fujian and settled in Quanzhou, without any indication of the circumstances and period of this addition. Current family members in Guangdong or Fujian could not add any other details. While the Fujian lineage members find great interest in this chart and perceive it as an important symbolic

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record of their family’s heritage of forced assimilation, the Guangdong lineage members simply claim that they lost all contact with the Fujian Pu branches. The actual links between the Guangdong and the Fujian Pu branches remain obscure. The Guangdong genealogical chart records early Song-period ancestors with names indicating their foreign origin. According to the genealogy, the first ancestor who came to Guangzhou from the “western regions” during the Song dynasty was called Maqu’a. He had seven sons. Luo Xianglin states that their Chinese names are in fact transliterations of Arab names of prophets and other historical figures.33 Several of these names are indeed easily recognized: Yisufu (Yusuf ‫)ﻳﻮﺳﻒ‬, Haidaer (Khadr ‫)ﺧﻀﺮ‬, Mahaimo (Mahmud ‫ )ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ‬and Wumaer (‘Umar‫)ﻋﻤﺮ‬. Elsewhere in the genealogy it is stated that their family is of Uighur, rather than Arab or Persian, origin.34 The clearly distinguished West Asian origin, together with the mentioning of Pu Shoucheng and the taboo on the name of his brother, confirms claims raised by some researchers as well as Fujian Pu members who are convinced that the two lineages share the same origin—West Asian Muslims who arrived as merchants from Southeast Asia and settled in Guangzhou during the early Song. However, the Fujian and Guangdong genealogies also include other chronological and biographical inconsistencies that raise several unresolved questions.35 During an initial research trip in Guangdong in the summer of 2013, in search of the descendants of this genealogy’s compilers, I began to investigate how these family branches perceive the tradition of disguising their family ties with Pu Shougeng. So far, through many personal communications, I have discovered that the direct descendants of this Guangdong family branch have no knowledge of Pu Shougeng, descent from him or from Muslims at all. Unlike the Fujian Pu, none of them ever considered applying for Hui status. It is too early for me to decipher whether this indicates the effectiveness of that strategy of leaving empty squares—whether they actually concealed their identity. Similar measures were also taken in other Pu genealogies. In the late 1930s, Zhang Yuguang and Jin Debao discovered in the town of Dehua, north of Quanzhou, the Pushi zupu belonging to one of the branches of Pu Shougeng’s lineage. This genealogy includes relatively detailed biographies of the Pu ancestors. Pu Shougeng’s father appears in the sixth generation and Pu Shoucheng is mentioned as the seventh-generation ancestor. Surprisingly, there is no entry dedicated to Pu Shougeng. His name appears only in his father’s biography, in the list of his three sons. Zhang Yuguang and Jin Debao, who were permitted to copy parts of the genealogy, commented that in the section dedicated to the seventh generation there was a blank space of one page and not a word about Shougeng.36 That copy was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. However, in 1982 Liu Zhicheng discovered another copy in Yongchun, handwritten between 1875 and 1908. It contained the same avoidance of Pu Shougeng while documenting his direct descendants.37

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Earlier Narratives Resurfacing Although the erasure of Pu Shougeng has long been understood as resulting from Ming Taizu’s actions, researchers have recently encountered increasing evidence showing that the Pu family’s close ties with the Mongol regime were already dramatically severed during the late Yuan era, in a process that climaxed in the violent struggle known as the Ispah Rebellion (Yisibaxi bingluan, 1357–1366).38 That confrontation, waged between a local Muslim militia headed by a Pu in-law named Nawuna and the Yuan regime backed by local non-Muslim warlords, marked the final undermining of the Pu family’s status, two years before the Ming take-over. A detailed account of this less familiar narrative is found in the 1555 Qingyuan Jinshi zupu, a genealogy of the Jin lineage discussed previously. Their founding ancestor Jin Ji played an important role in bringing an end to the violence which had ravaged the region for almost a decade. Several essays in the genealogy refer to this issue, the most detailed an historical novel entitled Li shi (The Glorious History)39 that is included as an appendix to the genealogy. A fascinating, hitherto overlooked historical source, set against the background of events in the late Yuan dynasty in Fujian, its last part recounts the quelling of the Ispah Rebellion by local Chinese forces loyal to the Yuan regime, with the collaboration of General Jin Ji, who served as a Muslim militia commander. During the siege of Quanzhou, he was persuaded to secretly open the city gates, allowing the Yuan supporters to take it by surprise. Yi Su [a leading figure in the novel] … offered to go into town behind the enemy lines. Inside the city, the Commander of Thousand Households (qianhu) Jin Ji, also of Muslim (Huihui) origin, was guarding the city’s western gate. Yi Su saw him and said: “The military man who would put the Muslim [rebels’ leader] to death will be regarded in great esteem. You, illustrious lord, in your capacity as the garrison’s commander, can kill Nawuna and then receive the government troops and that will be to your tremendous merit.” Jin Ji … made an agreement with Yi Su and at night he opened the Western gate and secretly allowed Chen Xian’s troops to enter the city. Nawuna charged out of the city with his cavalry to counter-block their advance. Yale, holding a large hatchet, courageously charged right into the [enemy’s] battle lines, beheaded over a hundred cavalrymen and seized Nawuna’s city.40 This account of the end of the Ispah Rebellion focuses on the notorious character of Nawuna, who took command of the Persian garrison that ruled Quanzhou during the second phase of the unrest, between 1362 and 1366. His short-lived, tyrannical regime caused immense suffering to the city’s population and severely damaged its economy.41

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42

The novel clearly associates Nawuna with Pu Shougeng’s family:

His [Pu Shougeng’s] in-law, a man of the western regions [called] Nawuna, staged a sudden armed rebellion. … Nawuna had already seized control of the city. He committed excessive pillage and rape. He selected women from among the people to serve in his residence as his concubines. He ordered them to collect kumquats which he cast beneath the Su building to satisfy his own amusement.43 He … built there the temple Fanfo Si.44 He then embellished the temple to the extreme, storing in it treasures that he had stolen from elsewhere.45 Naturally, Pu family sources do not cite this reason for the animosity towards their ancestors. Those turbulent years elicited tremendous resentment towards those of Quanzhou’s Muslims who were considered responsible for the bloody events. One can only imagine that after the final defeat by the non-Muslim forces, the Pu lineage, linked to Nawuna, suffered the local population’s wrath. The Li shi goes on to recount the harsh persecution that took place in the unrest’s aftermath: The Fuzhou army arrived, tore open all the Pu traitors’ graves and confiscated the huge amount of treasure [buried in them]. Most lavish was the tomb of Shougeng’s ruthless elder son, Shiwen, who had executed the Song imperial clansmen with his own hands. [It contained an] epitaph inscription made of emerald, composed by Chengshou, a Hanlin academician from Jinling (Nanjing). … All of the Western people were annihilated and a number of foreigners with large noses were mistakenly killed, while for three days the gates were closed and the executions were carried out. … The Pu corpses were all stripped naked, their faces to the west. … They were all judged according to the ‘five mutilating punishments’ and then executed with their carcasses thrown into pig troughs. This was in revenge for their murder and rebellion in the Song.46 These passages necessitate new discussion regarding the relations between the late Yuan and early Ming regimes and the southeast coast Muslim elites. They demonstrate that the circumstances leading to the profound change in the Muslims’ lives were far more complex than the widely accepted narrative recounts. Although at the end the author remarks, “This was in revenge for their murder and rebellion in the Song,” it seems more likely that the direct reason for the imperial ban and the persecution of the Pu in the late 14th century was not general animosity towards Yuan supporters, or Pu Shougeng’s surrender to the Mongols almost a century earlier, but rather the more recent Ispah Rebellion and its notorious leadership’s association with the Pu family.

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Conclusion This chapter has dealt with two facets of genealogy compilation among lineages of Muslim descent: the fact of compiling genealogies itself and the significance attributed to them by family members, from the Ming era down to the present; and the genealogies’ role in creating and disseminating family narratives. The main significance of these genealogical texts lies in their dual roles, both as a vehicle for incorporation into the Han majority and as a means for differentiation. The genealogical essays examined in this chapter represent two different tendencies of families of Muslim descent. Both the Jin and Pu produced genealogies that conformed to traditional Chinese principles, and these documents initially served their ambition to present their lineage as Chinese by nature and practice. However, while the Jin genealogy also simultaneously highlights family narratives that celebrate the important deeds of their early Muslim ancestors, the genealogies of the Pu family reflect the desire to sever links with their foreign ancestors and conceal their original identity. Interestingly, it was the Jin family history that preserved the historical accounts carefully omitted from the Pu collective memory for over six hundred years. The Jin, on the other hand, made it a central theme in their family narrative. In the present, both the Jin and the Pu make use of these ancient family documents for strengthening and nurturing their links to foreign origin and Muslim heritage. The Jin highlight the relevant records that exist in their genealogy while the Pu, for the same purpose, refer mainly to what is missing from theirs. All that being said, our attention should also turn to the new political aspect of genealogical recording. Under current political and social conditions, narratives of forced assimilation appear to be central to contemporary identity formation of Muslims’ descendants in southeast China. Genealogical evidence, kept hidden by the Pu over many generations, may now be celebrated as an important marker of their identity. This changing approach towards their own family history reveals the dynamic nature of these “living texts,”47 which play different roles under changing circumstances. During several visits to Fujian throughout the 2000s, I witnessed the latest turn in the Pu family’s narrative. In Dehua county, a senior Pu branch member showed me a hand-copied manuscript genealogy originally composed in the mid-2000s by a family member in nearby Yongchun.48 It presents an entirely different approach to the family history than earlier compilations, abandoning the old tradition of omitting Pu Shougeng from the genealogy. Contrary to the other old editions found, this version contains a long, detailed, and very wellinformed biography of Pu Shougeng, featuring a description of his betrayal of the Song and the persecution his descendants suffered. It also includes a direct reference to Nawuna’s family ties with Pu Shougeng and his role in stimulating the vengeance of both the late Yuan rulers and the Ming founder. The new Yongchun genealogy has also been copied and introduced to the Dehua offshoot and thus is instrumental in disseminating new themes into the family history.

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Meanwhile, in 2002 in the village of Dongshi, where more than six hundred years ago little Pu Benchu’s caretakers changed his name to Yang Benchu, his descendants made an appeal to the local authorities to reacquire a small portion of the land where their ancient ancestral hall, dedicated to him, had stood until the 1950s. They intended to rebuild it as a memorial hall that would serve not only the family’s rituals but also as a national historical site. Family members showed me a detailed architectural plan for a grand memorial hall. Interestingly, along with the traditional Chinese characteristics, the plan also includes arched windows designed in what they perceive as ancient Middle Eastern or Muslim architectural style.49 The government did not approve their appeal, but instead, in 2006, it authorized the building of a small pavilion with a “Gurong Pu History Stele” erected in its center. The stele contains a brief family history beginning with the early Song Muslim ancestors of West Asian origin, and continuing with Pu Shougeng, his great-grandson who established the sub-branch in Dongshi, and down to the present. The Gurong Pavilion and the newly built ancestral hall mentioned earlier, in the Pu lineage’s current location at Songshu village, represent two different facets of the current Dongshi Pu identity: the public official approach aligned with the current ethnic discourse and resurgence of Islamic heritage, and the more private and traditional aspect according with centuries-old ideology and terminology of lineage discourse. The stele in the pavilion highlights foreign origin, focusing on Pu Shougeng. This aspect of the family heritage has recently become very important, and the Pu are extremely keen on publicly promoting it. Nonetheless, the family hall simultaneously represents the other, complementary aspect of the family’s narrative, celebrating their more private, Ming-era acculturated ancestors’ achievements and emphasizing their high esteem towards the Yang family, who made those achievements possible. Thus, in the 21st century, with the help of historians and current government policy regarding Hui identity, members of the Pu lineage no longer find it necessary or beneficial to conceal their origin. Distanced by several centuries and living in an age when proof of foreign descent is highly desirable, the Pu choose to reinstall Pu Shougeng as their lineage founder and to publicly celebrate their Muslim descent, regardless of the controversial reputation attached to several of their family ties. The Pu narrative is continuously evolving and resuming new shapes, as previously unknown or concealed chapters in their history unfold. The Ming-period Jin and Pu descendants—whether actually acculturated Muslims or merely former Yuan elites closely affiliated with the foreign merchant community—dispersed, at times even entered into concealment, and underwent identity transformation, blending into local society. Centuries later, when their original identity re-emerged under changed circumstances, it was narrated in simplistic ethnic terms. The historical memories they nurtured were founded on events and persons of the Song and Yuan eras, though shaped by ideas, values, and social practices that reflect their more intimate identification with their acculturated Ming-era ancestors, the direct founders of the lineages explored in this research.

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Notes 1 A considerable portion of the research work for this chapter was carried out as a post-doctoral fellow of the Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange during 2013–2015 and of the CUHK-SYSU Centre for Historical Anthropology, Chinese University of Hong Kong. An additional research trip to Fujian province during 2016 was generously financed by the Gerda Henkel Stiftung research scholarship (project no. AZ 29/V/16). 2 Dru C. Gladney 1995, pp. 242–245. As part of the Chinese government’s affirmative action policies towards minorities, officially recognized Hui are entitled to allowances and benefits such as government investments in infrastructure, subsidies, and varied economic benefits for businesses, increased education budgets, higher priority for college admission and a larger representation in local government than their actual proportion in the population. Several communities even enjoyed the right to have two or more children, whereas the rest of China’s urban population was limited to one child. While these policies were widely implemented in many locations in China, including the Hui autonomous counties and townships of Fujian, government minority policy was never uniform. It went through continuous changes responding to different political ideology trends, levels of autonomous administration, national interests and local circumstances. While some regions possess certain degrees of autonomy and minority privileges, the policy towards other communities is currently overshadowed by contrasting political and military concerns that deeply transformed the fate of those ethnic minority groups and the government treatment of them. This becomes very obvious if one compares the Fujian Hui with the Uyghurs or Tibetans. For further reading see the essays in Morris Rossabi 2004; Fan Ke, 2012; Dru C. Gladney 1991(1996), 89–96, 328–332; Katherine Palmer Kaup 2000, pp. 75–123. 3 Gladney 1991(1996), pp. 65–79, 328–333; Fan Ke 2012. 4 Dru C. Gladney 1995, pp. 249–254 and 1991(1996), pp. 261–265. 5 Dru C. Gladney 1987, pp. 495–532; 1995; and 1991(1996), pp. 261–291; Chen Guoqiang and Chen Qingfa 1993; Chen Guoqiang 1990; Guo Zhichao 1990; Fan Ke 2003; 2004, pp. 1–23; and 2006, pp. 35–68; Zhuang Jinghui 1993, pp. 93–107; Zheng Zhenman 1990. 6 Frank N. Pieke 2003. 7 Gladney 1991(1996), p. 96. 8 Zhuang Jinghui 1996; Baiqi Guoshi Huizu zongpu revision editorial committee (ed.), Baiqi Guoshi Huizu zongpu 2000. 9 Quanzhou Lishi Yanjiuhui 1980, unofficial manuscript informally published. 10 Michael Szonyi 2002, pp. 26–27; and 2015, pp. 466–470. 11 Semu ren means “various kinds,” but may be translated also as “special status.” The Mongols were reluctant to allow their new Han Chinese subjects to manage state affairs, so they recruited subjects of the empire’s western regions and assigned them most of the administrative positions. Many of these non-Chinese officials were Muslims. The term is often erroneously translated as “having colored eyes,” claiming it was meant to indicate that they were immigrants from the West, as opposed to the black-eyed Hans. This interpretation seems to have been a much later creation since none of the Yuan sources available indicate that meaning. See Morris Rossabi 1981, pp. 257–260; Liu Yingsheng 2008, pp. 135–137; John Chaffee 2006, pp. 412–413, and 2008, p. 117; Donald Daniel Leslie 1986, p. 86. 12 Wu Jian 1350, “Chongjian Qingjingsi bei” (Tablet recording the restoration of the Qingjingsi [Mosque]), in Jin Zhixing 1555, pp. 53b–55b. His name is recorded as Jin Heli, rather than the original inscription’s Ali. 13 Zhu Wu, “Ershizu Yuanchu shisu xuan fujun zhuanzan,” in Jin Zhixing 1555, p. 9. 14 Chen Zhiping 1996; Zheng Zhenman 2001; Michael Szonyi 2016, pp. 442–446.

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15 Zhou Xuezeng 1990, p. 1115. 16 Zhou Xuezeng 1990, p. 1346 and p. 1686; Fang Ding and Zhu Shengyuan 1966–1968, pp. 341–342. 17 Otto Berkelback Van Der Sprenkel 1973, pp. 87–90. 18 “Jiang Yili xu” in Jin Zhixing 1555. The story of the Han-dynasty high official Jin Midi (134–86 BCE) appears in juan 68 of the Han shu. The full account describes him as a prince of a Xiongnu confederation that was captured by Han-dynasty Chinese forces and made a slave who tended horses in the imperial stables. However, he gained the trust of the emperor and ever since was promoted to high posts as one of the closest assistants of the emperor himself. His biography is often referred to as an example of a successfully assimilated foreigner who could rise to the highest posts in the Han government. 19 I discussed elsewhere similar cases of other Fujian lineages of Muslim descent. See Oded Abt, 2014; Fan Ke 2003, 2004. 20 Hu Hsien-chin 1948, pp. 46–47. 21 See also the interesting discussion on genealogy compilation and the formation of a unique Muslim-Confucian (Hui ru) identity in Chapter 6 in this volume. 22 Since the early 20th century, scholars have largely accepted the notion of Pu Shougeng’s Muslim origin, and it still remains the dominant view, based on the works of Kuwabara Jitsuzō 1923. However, scholars have recently questioned Pu Shougeng’s ethnic identity, pointing out that there are no well-authenticated contemporary Song or Yuan sources that explicitly mention Pu’s Muslim origin. For the latest work refuting the authenticity of the main source on which Kuwabara bases his assertion see Stephen G. Haw 2015, pp. 317–325. For the arguments in favor of its authenticity, see Jitsuzo- Kuwabara 1935, pp. 2, 9–13; Zhong Han 2007. 23 The following is a list of selected sources dealing with the life and deeds of Pu Shougeng and his kinsmen: Tuotuo et al. 1977, “Benji”, juan 47; Jitsuzo- Kuwabara 1928, 1935; Oded Abt 2014; Luo Xianglin 1959; Billy K. L. So, 2000, pp. 303–305; Pu Faren 1988; Li Yukun 2001, pp. 16–23. The most updated, comprehensive addition to the study of Pu Shougeng is John Chaffee 2017. 24 Jitsuzo- Kuwabara 1935, pp. 66, 80–87; Billy K.L. So 2000, p. 117; Yokkaichi Yasuhiro 2006, p. 14; Mukai Masaki 2010, pp. 428–445. John Chaffee 2017, pp. 67–68. Tansen Sen 2006, pp. 299–326 claims that the Mongol rulers were in fact disappointed to learn that Pu Shougeng’s contribution to renewing commercial ties actually yielded very limited results. 25 Billy K.L. So 2000, pp. 303–305. 26 Huang Zhongzhao 1989, vol. 2, juan 27; Jitsuzo- Kuwabara 1935, pp. 67–68, 92–96 notes 14–17; Luo Xianglin 1959, pp. 71–74, 89–90; Billy K.L. So 2000, pp. 107–114; Oded Abt 2014; Chen Ziqiang 1983, pp. 244–246; Chen Yuan 1966, pp. 14–17. 27 Chen Maoren 1936, vol. 2; He Qiaoyuan 1994 juan 52; Gu Yanwu 1983; Shao Yuanping 1968, juan18. 28 John Chaffee 2017, p. 74 rightfully noted the incompatibility of identifying Benchu as the son of Pu Chongmo, a grandson of Shougeng, since Chongmo, is recorded as dying in 1334, several decades before the events describing Benchu’s adoption as an infant in his biography. In John Chaffee 2018, p. 167, he suggests that Benchu was actually the son of one of Chongmo’s younger brothers. 29 Zhang Yuguang and Jin Debao 1983, pp. 225–226; Liu Zhicheng 1983, pp. 7, 105–108 and1985, p. 57. For a detailed discussion of this and other cases of name change among Pu lineage branches, see Oded Abt, “Locking and Unlocking the City Gates,” pp. 9–14. See also Zhuang Weiji and Zhuang Jinghui 1983, p. 236. 30 This claim appears in the Pushi jiapu, a newly compiled manuscript genealogy of the Yongchun Pu family.

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31 Zhang Yuguang and Jin Debao 1983, p. 218; Liu Zhicheng 1984; Zhuang Weiji and Zhuang Jinghui 1983, p. 238; Luo Xianglin 1959, pp. 165–226; Ma Jianzhao and Du Rui’er 1990. 32 The chart was also reproduced in the modern punctuated edition that was published as a volume in the Zhongguo Huizu guji congshu (Nanhai Ganjiao Pushi jiapu 1987, p. 6). 33 Luo Xianglin 1959, pp. 148–151. 34 This claim appears in an essay entitled “Puxing yuanliu kao” (A study of the origin and development of the Pu family) that states as follows: “Our early ancestor of the Song era admired the Confucian teachings and therefore came from the Western regions to China. Our third generation forefathers’ younger brother was qualified as jinshi in the Mongol-semu list during the Taiding era (1324–1327), [in the year] 1327. … In the old genealogy (our ancestors) were referred to as xiyu—Huihe ren. Investigating into this matter shows that xiyu is in fact Mongol territory. During Tang (618–907) and Song times they were called Huihe as well as Huihu.” 35 Luo Xianglin 1959, pp. 11–37 believes that the two genealogies represent two separate families of Muslim descent. 36 Zhang Yuguang and Jin Debao 1983, p. 224. 37 Liu Zhicheng 1985, “Dongshi Puxing tantao,” pp. 55–59.　 38 Shinji Maejima1973, 1974; Wu Wenliang and Wu Youxiong 2005, pp. 304–311. 39 Oded Abt 2014, pp. 18–24; Guan Guiquan 1993; Wang Lianmao 1993. 40 Jin Zhixing 1555, p. 52a. 41 See Shinji Maejima 1974, pp. 55–57. 42 Although it is impossible to verify this through other historical sources, it is known that he indeed married a member of the Quanzhou Pu lineage. Billy K. L. So 2000, p. 305. 43 Nu’er claims that showering a young couple with a thousand pearls or small fruit is a custom originating in Muslim communities and it exists till this day among Muslims in Quanzhou. See Nu’er 1982. 44 Considerable research regarding the Fanfo Si in Quanzhou has been published. While some think it was a Hindu temple and explain its establishment in the Southeast Asian origin of the Pu clan, others claim fanfo si was a term also used to describe Muslim prayer-houses and fanfo (“foreign Buddha”) stands for the Muslim God. See Nu’er 1982. 45 Jin Zhixing 1555, p. 51b. 46 Jin Zhixing 1555, p. 52b. The second passage was translated in John Chaffee 2008, p. 122. 47 Li Renyuan 2014. 48 Untitled manuscript of the Yongchun branch Pu family genealogy. Undisclosed compiler. 49 “Jinjiang shi, Dongshi zhen, Songshu Pushi jiniantang” (Memorial hall of the Pu family of Songshu, Dongshi Township, Jinjiang County), May 2002. Architectural plans for the Pu family’s ancestor hall in Dongshi. Fan Ke has written about the new trends of Muslim architecture in Baiqi and Chendai and their significance in Fan Ke 2001, pp. 275–329.

Bibliography Abt, Oded. 2014. “Muslim Ancestor, Chinese Hero or Tutelary God: Changing Memories of Muslim Descendants in China, Taiwan and the Philippines.” Asian Journal of Social Science, 42(5): 747–776.

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Glossary

aghina ahong Baizhe'erdi (Ar. Badr al-Din) Bai Shouyi baihu banming fafu Bao Shan Baoming zhenjing Baoqing prefecture Baoshan Bayan bendi ren bian yu yi Bie’anboer Bieliezhuang Bingbu wuxuan boshi dizi Cai Xuan Cangmen Cangzhou Caotanba Chajiagou Chang Yunhua Chengjiang cifa jichu Da Ming yitongzhi da zaxue Dading Daguan Daodehui Dasuguzhuang daxue Dazhuang

阿格乃 阿訇 白者尔的 白寿彝 百户 半命罚服 保善 (Shizu Laobaba 师祖老巴巴) 宝命真经 宝庆府 保山 伯颜 本地人 变于夷 别庵伯尔 別列庄 兵部武选 博士弟子 蔡璿 (Cai Baba 蔡巴巴) 仓门 沧州 草滩坝 查家沟 常蕴华 澄江 词法基础 大明一统志 大杂学 大定 大关 道德会 打速古庄 大学 大庄

148

Glossary

Dehua Didao Ding Dexing Ding xingyuan Ding Yupu Dingjiangzhuang dizi Dongchang Shou Dongchuan Dongguan Huibu Dongjiawan Dongshi dongxiang duwei En’ an Erlanggang fafu Faming fan Fan Hui fanke Fanfo Si fanli fanzu Feng Boan Feng Erqiao Fengyang Fengyuan Fu Tongxian Fu Youde gaitu guiliu Gao Baba gazui gedimu gong Gong Shitai gongbei gongsheng Gurong Cun guwen xianfa Ha Yuansheng Haidaer (Ar. Khadr) Haiyisi Haizitun Han Bao

德化 狄道 丁德兴 丁星垣 丁玉璞 定匠庄 嫡子 东昌守 东川 东关回部 董家湾 东石 东乡 都尉 恩安 二郎岗 罚服 法明 番 番回 藩客 番佛寺 番例 番族 冯伯菴 冯二乔 凤阳 奉元 傅统先 傅友德 改土归流 高巴巴 (马联元) 噶(尕)最 格迪目 工 贡师泰 拱北 贡生 古榕村 古文仙法 哈元生 嗨哒唲 海乙寺 海子屯 韩宝

Glossary Han Bing Han Dayong Han Erge Han Haji Han Halawu Han Hashao Han Hui Han Sanshiba Han Wu Han Wuge Han Zhong Haopansi Hedongzhuang Heigua Mumo Hema Liuhu Henan xianfu hengzhou fulatai Heting yijie Hexizhuang Hezhou Hong Bin houbu houkai Hu Dengzhou Huaguang Huahua Huai King Huaishengsi Huasi Hui er jian ru Hui ru Huibu Huihe Huihua Huihui ren Huihui zuguo Huizi Huizu Husonga Huzi laotaiye shilüe ji jiapu Jiangchuan Jianming jiaoyixue dagang jiaogui jiaofang

韩炳 韩大用 韩二个 韩哈济 韩哈拉勿 韩哈勺 汉回 韩三十八 韩武 韩五个 韩忠 豪畔(街)寺 河东庄 黑寡慕末 贺麻六乎 河南宪副 衡州 (Herat甫喇台) 赫听译解 河西庄 河州 洪彬 候补 后开 胡登洲 华光 华化 淮王 怀圣寺 花寺 回而兼儒 回儒 回部 回纥 回化 回回人 回回祖国 回子 回族 胡松阿 胡子老太爷史略及家谱 江川 简明教义学大纲 教规 教坊

149

150

Glossary

jiaomen jiaopai jiaozhang jiapu jiapu fanli jiasheng Jin Ali Jin Heli Jin Ji Jin Tianshi Jin Zhixing jingshu bingzhong jingshu liangquan jingtang jiaoyu Jinling jinshi jinxue xichuan pu Jingjuesi juren Kaichengbu Kaihuang kailianmu Kaiyuan Kean Kumsen Kunyang Laituo Yifu Mantui Ge laojiao Lerchin Li Da Li shi Li Yanling Liangzhou libai Liezi Zhongni pian lijia Liu Zhi Liushu Wan Lolo Ludian Luo Tianjue luojixue jichu lüying Ma Ankang Ma Anlin

教门 教派 教长 家谱 家谱凡例 家乘 金阿里 金呵哩 金吉 金天氏 金志行 经书并重 经书两全 经堂教育 金陵 进士 经学系传谱 净觉寺 举人 开城堡 开皇 凯俩目 开远 克菴 孔目散 昆阳 赖托易福·满退格 老教 勒尓谨 李达 丽史 李延龄 凉州 礼拜 列子仲尼篇 里甲 刘智 柳树湾 倮倮 鲁甸 罗天爵 逻辑学基础 绿营 马安康 马安麟

Glossary Ma Anyi Ma Anzhen Ma Bashige Ma Dexin (aka Fuchu) Ma Dingtai Ma Guobao Ma Guoying Ma Hualong Ma Huiting Ma Jiaolin Ma Ju Ma Laichi Ma Lianyuan Ma Liuge Ma Minglong Ma Mingxin Ma Suhu Ma Suonan Ma Ruitu Ma Shilin Ma Taishi Ma Tingru Ma Wenming Ma Xiang Ma Xingdong Ma Xun Ma Xuxuan Ma Yuanzhang Ma Yuncong Ma Yunliang Ma Zeyuan Ma Zhiguo Ma Zhong Ma Zhoulin Ma Zhouxing Ma Zhu Mahaimo Majin Maqu’a Erqiao menhuan Menghua Mi Di Mi Zebo Miao

马安义 马安真 马八十个 马德新(字复初) 马定泰 马国宝 马国英 马化龙 马惠亭 马蛟麟 马举 马来迟 马联元 马六个 马明龙 马明心 马速忽 马索南 马瑞图 马士林 马太师 马廷儒 马文明 马骧 马兴东 马训 马续轩 马元章 马云从 马云良 马泽源 马治国 马忠 马周林 马周兴 马注 玛咍嗼 马金 玛呿阿 二乔 门宦 蒙化 日磾 米泽波 苗

151

152

Glossary

Min Butang Ming Taizu Mingde Ming-sha-er Ming-sha-le mintuan mu’anjin muerlin Na Kaixi Na Ming’an Na Pengzun Na Runzhang Na Shiying Na Xun Na Zhizhi Na Zhong Najiaying Nanlong Nanmen Qingzhensi Nasulading (Ar. Nasr al-Din) Nawuna nei nietie Pingliang Pu Benchu Pu Shoucheng Pu Shougeng pudie Pu’er Ma Pushi zupu Pushou qianhu qiankai qianzong Qiluhu Qinding Xinjiang shilüe Qingjingsi qingjun zhaoshi zongpu Qingshui gong Qingyuan Jin shi zupu Qingzhen zhinan Qingzhen zhengjiao Qiwei ren Zhu duyi rong yang chuanfang

敏步堂 明太祖 明德 明沙尔 明沙勒 民团 穆安津 穆尔林 纳开禧 纳明安 纳鹏尊 纳润章 纳世英 纳训 纳之秩 纳忠 纳家营 南龙 南门清真寺 纳速剌丁 那兀纳 内 乜贴 平凉 蒲本初 蒲寿宬 蒲寿庚 谱牒 普洱马 蒲氏族谱 普寿 千户 前开 千总 杞麓湖 钦定新疆史略 清净寺 青郡赵氏宗谱 清水工 清源金氏族谱 清真指南 清真正教 骑尉 认主独一 榕杨传芳

Glossary Sa sahaba Sai Dianchi Saidepuding (Sayyid Pur al-Din) sandao zhi sanzhangjiao semu shanhou Shanxi zuocanzheng Shengyi Zhaoshi jiasheng Shi Jingtang shixi zhihuishi shixunban si da jingshi sida xianren sishu Su Sishisan suo tanding rudi Taozhou Tian Jiapei Tian Wu Tianfang Tianfang dianli Tianfang xueli yuekan Tiju tusi wai Wang Daiyu Wang Jiapeng Wang Jingzhai Wanqiao wei Weining Wenquan Tang Wu Sangui Wumaer (Ar. Umar) Wumeng Wusa Wuwei xarë Xiaba Xi’ an Xianyan xiao xiansheng zhi

撒 撒哈八 赛典赤 赛德普定 三道制 三掌教 色目 善后 山西左参政 圣裔赵氏家乘 石敬瑭 世袭指挥使 师训班 四大经师 四大贤人 私塾 苏四十三 所 摊丁入地 洮州 田家培 田五 天方 天方典礼 天方学理月刊 提举 土司 外 王岱舆 王家鹏 王静斋 万桥 卫 威宁 文泉堂 吴三桂 乌玛唲 乌蒙 乌撒 武威 哈尔 下坝 西安 咸阳 小先生制

153

154

Glossary

xiao zhangjiao xiaojing Xiaoweigeng Xichang Xie Huan Xie Zhenfu xilai zongpu xingbu zhushi xinjiao Xinlingshi xiucai xiucixue jichu Xiyu Xiyu tuzhi Xu Zhaowen Xuanwei Xunhua Yan’ an Yang Ting Yang Tong Yang Yingju Yang Yingkui Yidu Dingshi zupu Yidu Yang Lineage Genealogy Yihewani (Ar. Ikhwan) yimamu (Ar. imam) Yisibaxi bingluan yong Xia bian yi Yongchun Yongshan Yousufu (Ar. Yusuf) Yunnan xuepai Yuxi zhafu Zhang Chengzhi Zhang Chunfang Zhang Jianying Zhang Wenshan Zhang Zhen Zhangha Mosque zhangjiao Zhao Qingzhen Zhaotong Zhaozhou zhengjiao zhengquan

小掌教 小经 小围埂 西昌 谢桓 契珍富 西来宗谱 刑部主事 新教 心灵史 秀才 修辞学基础 西域 西域图志 许兆文 宣威 循化 延安 杨珽 杨峒 杨应琚 杨应奎 益都丁氏族谱 益都杨氏世谱 伊赫瓦尼 伊玛目 亦思巴奚兵乱 用夏变夷 永春 永善 优素福 云南学派 玉溪 札付 张承志 张春芳 张建英 张文山 张贞 章哈礼拜寺 掌教 赵庆臻 昭通 赵州 正教真诠

Glossary Zhenxueshe Zhenyuan Zhongguo Huijiao jiuguo xiehui Yunnansheng fenhui Zhongguo Huizu wenhua cujinhui Zhongguo Yisilan xiehui diyici daibiao dahui Zhonghua minzu zhongjun zhongying Zhou Liangjun Zhuanglang Zhuoni zong zong zhangjiao zongpu zongsi zongzhen dudu fu zu zupu

振学社 镇远 中国回教救国协会云南省分会 中国回族文化促进会 中国伊斯兰协会第一次代表大会 中华民族 中军 中营 周良骏 庄浪 卓尼 宗 总掌教 宗谱 宗寺 总镇都督府 族 族谱

155

Index

Abd al-Baqi al-Mizjaji, Muhammad 38 Abd al-Khaliq 38–40 Abd al-Khaliq ibn al-Zayn al-Mizjaji 40 Abd al-Khaliq ibn Zayn al-Mizjaji 35 Abt, Oded 10, 33 Abu ‘l-Futuh Ma Laichi see Ma Laichi Abu ‘l-Futuh Sini, Muhammad 35 acculturation 129, 130; of Islam 75, 76 Administrative Geography of the Great Qing (Da Qing yitong zhi) 96 aghina 61, 70 al-dhikr al-jahrī 34 al-dhikr al-khafi 34 al-Din, Muhyi 38–40 Ali, Jin 127 al-Jazuli, Muhammad 36–7, 40 Allah 24, 112 al-Mizjaji, Muhammad ibn-Zayn 35, 40 ancestral worship 1, 2 Ancient Phonology of the Classic of Songs (Shuyan) 95 Aqal Makkiyya 35, 38, 40 Aqila Makki 35, 38 Arabi, Ibn 34, 38–40 Atlas of the Western Region (Xiyu tuzhi) 96 Baba, Waqqas 106 Bage, Hazrat 39 Baha’ al-Din 38–40 Bao, Han 62 Baqi Bi’llah 38 baraka 32, 41 Bayan 93–4, 98, 100 Bayanchar 93, 94, 98–100 Benchu, Pu 133, 134, 139 Benchu, Yang 133, 139 Benite, Zvi Ben-Dor 5 Biaomu, Yan 90 Bing, Han 62

Bin, Hong 66, 67 Biography of Sayyid Ajall’s Family (Shitai) 91–2 Boan, Feng 21–2 Brown, Tristan 33 Bulu Seni, Muhammad 39 burial customs 95 Butang, Min 78–81, 85 b. Zayn b. Muhammad al-Mizjaji see Abd al-Khaliq Caliph 112 Can, Zhao 5, 20–2, 29 “celebrations of the two lives” 17 Chang, Chung-fu 6 Chaochen, Ding 82 Chengzhi, Zhang 37, 53–6 chieftaincy: abolition of 11 chieftain (tusi) politics: Islam in 6–8 Chinese Confucian culture 110 Chinese Hui Muslim community 86 Chinese Islamic National Salvation Association 26 Chunfang, Zhang 64, 65 Classical Grammar (guwen xianfa) (Lianyuan) 24 Cohn, Bernard S. 54 Confucian classics 16 Confucian codes 117 Confucian culture 76 Confucian ethics 79, 80, 117 Confucianism 23, 112, 113; integrating Islam with 115 Confucian ritual texts 95 Confucian teaching 78–81, 85 Confucian training 17 Confucian values 79 Congyun, Wang 21 Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) 6, 49

Index Daiyu, Wang 8, 11, 16 Dala’il al-Khayrat (al-Jazuli) 36 Da, Li 81–2, 84 Dali, Yao 89 Daoguang reign (1820–1850) 89 Daohe, Qi 50 Daoist concepts 16 Dar al-Islam 52 Dawantou faction 50 Dayong, Han 62 deaths 70–1 Debao, Jin 135 Dengzhou, Hu 3, 14, 20, 21, 24 Dexing, Ding 98 dhikr 34, 36, 37, 40 dhikr-i arra 34 dhikr minshārī 34 Di, Mi 129–31 Ding family: genealogy 77–8, 97–8; Hui and Confucian teaching 78–81 Ding, Huiqian 9 Ding lineage 8, 79, 81, 83, 85, 86; genealogy 97 Ding surname genealogy 78, 84 Dongshi Pu identity 139 Dongshi Pu lineage 133 “ecstatic Sufism” 39 Erge, Han 65, 66, 71 Erqiao, Feng 21 ethnic identity 125–6; Shougeng, Pu 141n22 Fan Hui 63 fatal brawling in 1773 65 Fātiha 34–5, 40, 42n20 Fātiha-khwandan 33–8, 40; translation of 44–5 Fen, Yang 95 “fever for genealogy” 126 five teacher-training classes 28 Fletcher, Joseph 32–4, 37–40, 49, 50, 52 “Founder Old Master” 21 “Founding Fathers” 38, 39 Four Books and Five Classics 26, 28 fourth tide 57n21 Fufeng, Ding 82 Fujian genealogies 135 Fundamentals of Grammar (yufa jichu) (Lianyuan) 24 Fundamentals of Lexis (cifa jichu) (Lianyuan) 24 Fundamentals of Rhetoric (xiucixue jichu) (Lianyuan) 24

157

Fundamentals of the Study of Logic (luojixue jichu) (Lianyuan) 24 Fusūs al-Hikam (Arabi) 34 “Gansu famine relief fraud” scandal 71 Gansu Jahrīya 37 Gansu Muslims 40 Gansu, spiritual genealogies: Jahrīya Silsila 37–40; Minshār Fātiha-khwandan 33–7 Gansu Sufis: spiritual descent 40 Garnaut, Anthony 35, 38, 39 Gazetteer of Taozhou County, The 84 gedem 62 Gedimu (Ar. qadim) 52 genealogical arguments 51 genealogical legitimacy 51 genealogies 76, 81, 83; compilation of 131; and current identity politics 125–6; defined 48; of descendants of muslims 126–35; Hui chinese-style 8–10; in Hui communities 1; Hui family 76; Huihui Liu family 99; Jin lineage of Quanzhou 127–35; Ming–Qing Huihui see Ming–Qing Huihui genealogies; Muslims descendants 126–35; Prophet Muhammed 15–17; Pu lineage 132–5; of Qing-era marriages 83; of Qingzhou Liu lineage 95–6; Sufi orders 49–51, 56; Taozhou Ding Lineage 81–2; Xiaba Ma lineage 110–11; Zhao lineage 92–5 Genealogy from Xianyang (Zhu) 5 Genealogy of Classical Learning, The (Can) 5, 20, 22, 29 Genealogy of Ma Zheli’s Lineage 76 Genealogy of Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din, The (Ma Zhu) 5, 22 Genealogy of the Guanghe Ma Lineage 76 Genealogy of the Taozhou Ding Lineage 77, 78, 81–2, 82, 86 General Guide (da zaxue) (Lianyuan) 24 General Principles of Islam (Huijiao yaozhi) (Ankang) 28 Gladney, Dru C. 52, 125–6, 140n2 gong 61–3, 65, 66 Gongbei, Da 50, 51 governance: mosque community 13–14 Great Qing Code 70 Guangdong genealogies 134, 135 Guangxu-period (1875–1908) 97 Guanhai, Huang 21

158

Index

Guide of Islam, The (Ma Zhu) 4, 16, 22–3 Gurong Pavilion 139 Haji, Han 64–5, 68, 69 Hajji, Sai 94 Hall of the Western Dao 8 Han Chinese family 83 Han, Duke 112–13 Han Hui 76 Han immigrants 109 Han kitab 75, 94 Han lineage 117 Han society: Hui society versus 1–2 Han surname 7 Han temple 2 Hashao, Han 65 Heli, Jin: biography of 127–8 Heting [Ar. khatm] Interpretations (heting yijie) (Lianyuan) 24 Hexi 21 He, Zheng 98 Hezhou prefecture 62–3, 65, 67 Hidayat Allah 35 historical identities 38 History of the Yuan 91, 93 household registration 3 Hsien-chin, Hu 130 Huan, Xie 67 Huasi Sufi order 62 Huibu 96, 97, 100 Hui Chinese-style genealogies 8–10 Hui communities 3, 5, 8, 11, 15; in genealogy 1–2; history 2, 11 Hui families 79 Hui genealogies 3–5, 17, 76 Huihui 90 “the Huihui ancestral land” 89 Hui identity 79, 139 Hui immigrants 109 Hui lineages 117 Hui lineages in Taozhou 75–6; Ding family genealogy 77–8; Ding family: Hui and Confucian teaching 78–81; marriage relations 81–5; social structure 81–5 Hui mosque 2 Hui Muslim Confucian family 86 Hui Muslim lineage in Southwest China 105–6; Confucian ethics 115–17; integrating Islam with Confucianism 115; Islamic decline 112–13; local history 106–9; Ma lineage during the Qing, revival 112–13; memory of

history of Islam 114–15; Southwestern Muslims in local context 109–10; Xiaba Ma lineage through its genealogy 110–11 Hui Muslims 8, 48, 60, 67 Hui rebellion 77 Hui society: versus Han society 1–2 Hui teaching 78–81 Huzi laotaiye shilüe ji jiapu 51 identity politics: genealogies 125–6 Ikhwan 52 Imperially Approved Records 61, 64, 66, 68 Imperially Commissioned Atlas of the Western Regions 96 Imperially Commissioned Compendium on Xinjiang (Qinding Xinjiang shilüe) 96 imperial order 65, 114 “inner generations” 6, 33, 38, 39 “inner” shaykhs 38 “inner” silsilas 40 inscription 111, 133–4 intermarriages 81 Islam: and Confucianism 115; memory of history of 114–15 Islamic decline 112–13 Islamic Middle School 28 Islamic scholarship 27 Islamic sectarianism 49, 52 Islamic tradition 113–15 Islamic truth 68 “Islamizing” 52 Islam teaching 3 Islam training 17 Ispah Rebellion 136, 137 Jahrīya 37, 62, 69–70; inner seven generations 38; socio-cultural identity 53–6 Jahrīya shaykhs 33 Jahrīya silsila 37–40 Jahrīya Sufis 6, 33, 37 Jami, Nur al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahman 39 Jiajing period (1521–1567) 89 Jianwei, He 77 Jianxiong Ma 3 Jianying, Zhang 27 jiaopai 56n2 Jiapei, Tian 26, 28 Jiapeng, Wang 26, 28 jiapu 33 Ji, Jin 10, 127, 130, 131, 136, 138, 139 Jilani, Abd al-Qadir 36, 40

Index Jin lineage of Quanzhou 127–31, 138 Jiqing, Yang 83 Jixi, Min 80 Junayd of Baghdad 37, 39 Kaihuang reign (581–600) 90, 114 Kaikyō kara mita Chūgoku–— Minzoku, shūkyō, kokka 55 Kaixi, Na 26 Kamal al-Din 92 Kangxi period (1662–1722) 95, 107, 109, 111 Kasani, Ahmad 35, 37 Kean, Min 80 Khafīya 33–7 Khafīya shaykh 36 Khafīya Sufis 6, 33, 36 Khafīya vs. Jahrīya conflict 34 Khan, Genghis 90, 92, 96 Khoja, Afaq (Apaq) 35 khwandan 35 Kubrawiya 50 kumsen 7, 61, 70 Laituo Yifu Mantui Ge (Lianyuan) 24 Lanzhou prefecture 65 Leach, Edmond 53–4 LeGall, Dina 38 Lerchin 63 Liangjun, Zhou 23 liangshi juqing 17 lijia household registration system 9, 13, 15, 91 Li, Madam 81–5 Lin, Ding 78–9, 81 lineage regulations 121–2 Lipman, Jonathan N. 6, 17, 50, 52–3, 67 Li shi 136, 137 “little tutors system” 24 Liuhu, Hema 64–5, 68–70 Liu lineage Chinese genealogy 95–6 Liye, Guan 50 Ma Ankang 26–8 Ma Anlin 111 Ma Anyi 27, 28 Ma Anzhen 27, 29 Ma Chengjun 51 Ma Chongde 82 Ma Dexin 23–4, 29, 98 Ma Dingtai 108 madrasa 112 Ma Guoan 107 Ma Guobao 64

159

Ma Guoliang 107 Ma Guoxiang 107 Ma Guoxiong 107 Ma Guoying 25, 26 Ma Guozhu 107, 108 Ma Hashao 64 Ma Hualong 51, 55 Ma Huiting 28 Ma Husu 15 Ma Jiaolin 22 Ma Ju 20–1 Makhdūm-i A’zam 35, 37 Makhdūmzāda khojas 35, 36 Ma Laichi 34–8, 40, 62, 68, 80 Ma Lianyuan 23–9 Ma lineage genealogy 113; migration 106–7; in Qing, revival 112–13; Xiaba 110–11, 116–18 Ma Minglong 21, 22 Ma Mingxin 34, 37, 38, 40, 62, 64, 66, 68, 69; Jahrīya 69 Mansur, Muhammad 50 Ma Qi 83 Maqu’a 135 marriage relations 81–5; non-Muslim 81, 83 Ma Ruitu 28 Ma Shiying 50 Master Feng 21 Master Hai 21 “Master Tall” 24 Ma Suhu 15 Ma Suonan 64 Ma Taishi 107, 121 Ma Tingru 106, 111 Ma Tong 37, 39, 40, 49; “four great menhuan” 50; Sufi orders 49–50, 52 Ma Wanfu 26 Ma Wei 51 Ma Wenming 94 Ma Wuji 107, 108 Ma Xiang 111 Ma Xingdong 105 Ma Xuekuan 24 Ma Xuezhi 39 Ma Xun 111 Ma Xuxuan 22 Ma Yuanzhang 55 Ma Yuncong 28 Ma Zeyuan 107 Ma Zhiguo 28 Ma Zhong 111, 114 Ma Zhoulin 111 Ma Zhouxing 111

160

Index

Ma Zhu 4, 5, 8, 11, 14, 16, 17, 22–4, 29, 94, 98; genealogy of Sayyid Ajall 5, 9, 22 Menghua prefecture 16, 21 menhuan 32 Midena 94 Ming’an, Na 27 Ming dynasty 1, 3–5, 8, 9, 13–15; military 7, 11 Ming, Fan 77, 78 Mingfang 94 Minggao 94 Ming government 13 Ming-period Yang Lineage Genealogy 89–92 Ming–Qing Huihui genealogies: historical memory of ancestors of Qingzhou 95–8; Yang Lineage Genealogy 89–92; Yingkui, Yang 89–92; Zhao lineage genealogy compilation 92–5 Ming–Qing imperial penal law 117 Ming–Qing transition 63, 93 Ming-sha-er see Ming-sha-le Ming-sha-le 33, 34 Mingyuan, Zhao 94 Min lineage 8, 79, 82 Minshār 33–41 Minshār Fātiha-khwandan 33–7; translation of 44–5 minzu identification 42n10 Mongolian Code 70 Mongols 2, 13, 129 , 130, 132, 140n11 mosque: of Huiying village 5; of Shangjie village 4; teaching in 3 mosque community: governance 13–14 Mosu, Yang 91 Ms. Ma 94 mu’alim system 24 Muhammad (Prophet) 4, 8, 9, 35, 36, 112–14; genealogy 15–17 Muslim architectural style 139 Muslim-Chinese (Hui) ethnic identity 10 Muslim Chinese literary knowledge 5 Muslim funeral customs 16 Muslim lineages 10 Muslim Ma lineage 115 Muslim population 68 Muslims’ descendants 124; ethnic identity of 125–6; genealogies of 126–35; Jin lineage of Quanzhou 127–31; Pu lineage 132–5 Nanhai Ganjiao Pushi jiapu 134 Naqshbandi devotions 34

Naqshbandi Makhdūmzādas 37 Nasr al-Din 93–4, 98 Nawuna 136–8 Neo-Confucian concepts 2, 23, 24 New and Old Teachings: background of conflicts 61–3; battles in 1780 66–7; contention, case studies 64–7; interpretation of escalation of conflict 67–71 new mosques building 64–5 New Teaching 49 non-Muslim: marriage relations 81, 83 Northwest China: history and sectarianism in Sufi genealogies 51–3; socio-cultural identity and its influence 53–6; Sufi orders 49–51 northwest China: history of Islam 69 Old Teaching 49 Old Teachings, New and: background of conflicts 61–3; contention, case studies 64–7; interpretation of the escalation of conflict 67–71 “outer generations” 6, 33 “outer nine” shaykhs 41 “outer seven” shaykhs 41 Papas, Alexandre 35 Pengzun, Na 26 Pickens, Claude L. 39 Precious True Scripture (Baoming zhenjing) (Lianyuan) 24, 25, 27, 27 proctological history 54, 56 proto-Naqshbandi silsila 35 Pu’er Ma 26 Pu lineage 127, 132–5; see also Jin lineage of Quanzhou “Puxing yuanliu kao” 142n34 qadi 7, 61–2 Qadiriya 32, 50, 51 Qing dynasty 1, 4, 9, 11, 14, 15, 17, 21, 22, 26, 75, 77, 79, 89; Sufi orders 2 Qing government 7, 8, 10–11, 37, 49, 50, 53, 54, 70; tax policy 17 Qingyuan Jinshi zupu (Zhixing) 127, 136 Qingzhen genyuan (Daohe) 50, 51 Qingzhen, Zhao 93 Qingzhou Huihui: historical memory of ancestors 95–8 Qingzhou Liu lineage: genealogy of 95–6 Qingzhou Zhao lineage 92–5 Quannan zazhi 132 Quanzhou Jin lineage genealogy 127–35

Index Que, Yue 8 Qur’an 14, 21, 24, 26, 34, 35, 45, 108, 113; cover page of 25; last page of 27 Ramadan 69, 113 ra-tib 35 religious conflicts 60, 63, 67; causes of 68–9; escalation of 67–71 religious leaders 68–9 religious resources 68 Research on the History of the Chendai Hui Nationality 76 Reshihaer 39, 50, 52–5 ritual regulations 98 Run, Huang 128 Runzhang, Na 28 Rusong, Yang 82, 84 Sa’d ibn Abi Waqqas 90 Sai Dianchi see Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din Salar Muslims 11, 60–3, 67, 68; history of communities 7; Huasi Sufi order 62 Salar society 61–2, 70 salāsil: of Jahrīya shaykhs 33 Sangui, Wu 21 Sanshiba, Han 66, 67 san zhangjiao 14 Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din 4–5, 9, 11, 15–17, 90–5, 98–100; family genealogy 9–10; lineage genealogy 93 sayyids 36 scriptural extracts 34 “scripturalist faction” 52 “scripture hall” 14 scripture-hall education 3–5, 8, 11, 14–15, 17; in Yunnan 20–4, 26, 28–9 “secret form” 51 sectarian conflicts 51 Selected Genealogical Materials of the Quanzhou Huizu (Tongzhi) 126 Shan, Bao 21 Shangyong, Wang 16 shanhou 55 Shaoji 95 shared bloodline 89 shaykhs 11, 32–8, 52, 53; historical records 54; succession of 41, 56; of Sufi orders 6, 49, 62 Sheng, Li 82 Shengyi Zhaoshi jiasheng (Qingzhen) 93 Shitai, Gong 91–2 Shiying, Na 28 Shizu Laobaba 21

161

Shougeng, Pu 10, 132–9 Shouyi, Bai 76, 94 Shuyan see Tong, Yang “the silent ones” 34 Simple Outline of the Study of Religious Doctrine (jianming jiaoyixue dagang), A (Lianyuan) 24 “Sinicizing” 52, 75 Sino-Arabic schools 26 Sino-Muslims 33 Sishisan, Su 60, 61, 63, 66, 67, 69, 71 social conflicts: background of New and Old Teaching 61–3; interpretation of escalation 67–71 social history 1–2 social structure 81–5 socio-cultural identity: Jahrīya 53–6 Song Yuan tongjian (Yingqi) 132 south China 1 Southwestern Muslims: local context 109–10 spiritual genealogies 6, 11 spiritual genealogies in Gansu: Jahrīya Silsila 37–40; Minshār Fātihakhwandan 33–7 stone monuments 111 Sufi genealogies: historical memory 51–3; sectarian identity 51–3 Sufi mysticism 54 Sufi orders 6–8, 11, 48, 53, 55, 68–71; dissemination of 52; diverse representations 49–51; genealogy 49–51, 56; Khafīya 8; Qing dynasty 2; shaykhs of 6, 49, 62; teachings 80; translations 50 Sufis 6, 32–7, 40, 41; Middle East 37 Sufism 7, 8, 37–9, 50 Sufi teachings 7, 8 Sunni Islam 62 suras 36 Sūrat al-Ikhlās, 34–5, 40 Su, Yi 136 Szonyi, Michael 126 Taizu, Ming 94, 111, 132, 136 Taj al-Din al-Uthmani 38, 39 tanding rudi 17 Tang, Shi 106 Tang, Wenquan 51 Taozhou: Hui lineages in see Hui lineages in Taozhou; Islam in chieftain (tusi) politics 6–8 Taozhou Hui lineages 8 Taozhou Hui society 83 tax policy 17

162

Index

Taylor, Martin F. W. 38–9 “three heads of religion” 14 three tides 52 Tianshi, Jin 129 Ting, Yang 95, 99 Tongxian, Fu 52 Tong, Yang 96, 97, 99, 100 Tongzhi, Ding 126 transcultural umma 51 turuq 40 tusi system 62, 63 umma 109, 118 Unity of Being 38 Uways al-Qarni 39, 40, 42 Van Der Sprenkel, Otto 128 Voll, John 38 wahdat al-wujud 38 Wang, Jianping 10 Weber, Max 89 Weilin, Mian 49 Weinan, Ding 81 Weismann, Itzchak 35 Wenhua, Chang 22 Wenshan, Zhang 28 Wenxuan, Hai 21 Wide, Thomas 6, 34 Wudi, Han 129, 130 Wu, Han 64, 65 Wu, Tian 60 Wu, Zhu 128 Xiaba Ma lineage genealogy 106–11, 116–18; history 107; regulations 121–2 Xian, Chen 136 Xiangli, Min 80 Xianglin, Luo 76, 135 Xiaoweigeng Mosque 26 Xingjian Middle School 28 Xingyuan, Ding 78, 83 Xinlingshi (Zhang) 6, 53–6 Xuan, Cai 21–2 Xuande reign (1426–1435) 82 Xunhua: Islam in chieftain (tusi) politics 6–8 Xunhua garrison 62, 63 Xunhua sub-prefecture 60; contention, New and Old Teachings 64–7; New and Old Teachings see New and Old Teachings; religious conflicts 60, 63, 67–71

Xunhua Sub-prefecture Gazetteer 61, 66, 68 Xun, Na 27 Yang family 84, 85, 90, 91, 99, 134, 139 Yang Lineage Genealogy 9, 89–93 Yang surname 8, 9 Yangyuan, Ding 79–81, 83, 84 Yanling, Li 22 Yao, Jide 3 Yazid, Abu 39 Yellow River valleys 2, 6 Yemen 37–40 Yibing, Ding 82 Yidu Ding Lineage Genealogy 97 Yidu Yang Lineage Genealogy 89 Yili, Jiang 128–31 Yingju, Yang 62 Yingkui, Yang 89–91, 95, 98–100 Yingqi, Xue 132 Yongchang, Min 82 Yongzheng reign (1723–1735) 61 Youde, Fu 109 Yuan dynasty 1, 3, 13, 15, 94, 98, 109, 136 Yuansheng, Ha 109 Yuanzhang, Zhu 132 Yuguang, Zhang 135 Yunnan: continuities in 25–8; genealogy of the Prophet Muhammed 15; Muslims in 21, 26; scripture-hall education in 20–4, 26, 28–9 Yupu, Ding 98 Yuqian, Ding 78, 85 Yusuf see Ma Zhu Zan, Liu 96 Zayn 39 Zayn b. Muhammad al-Zayn al-Mizjaji 39 Zayn b. Muhammad az-Zayn al-Mizjaji 38 Zebo, Mi 27 zhangjiao 62, 100 Zhao Lineage Genealogy: compilation of 92–5 Zhaopeng, Ding 80 Zhao surname genealogy 9 Zhaowen, Xu 27 Zhaozhou subperfecture 21 Zhehanye daotong shizhuan 50–5 Zhehelinye daotongshi xiaoji 51 Zheherenye daotong shilüe 51, 55 Zhenfu, Xie 26

Index Zhengde reign period (1505– 1521) 84 Zhengnan, Ding 83 Zhenyuan reign (785–804) 114 Zhen, Zhang 99 Zhicheng, Liu 135 Zhihong Ma 5 Zhi, Liu 8, 11, 16 Zhiwei, Liu 76 Zhixing, Jin 127, 128, 130, 131

163

Zhizhi, Na 21 Zhongguo Yisilanjiao Kubulinye puxi (Ma Shiying) 50 Zhongguo Yisilan jiaopai yu menhuan zhidu shilüe (Ma Tong) 49 Zhong, Na 27 Zhongsan see Yangyuan, Ding Zhongyan, Fan 99, 102n37 Zongbao Ma 7 Zwemer, Samuel 38