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International Perspectives on Inclusion within Society and Education
 9780367859718, 9781003016090

Table of contents :
Half Title
List of figures
List of tables
List of contributors
Part one International inclusion or exclusion: inclusion in society, dual citizenship, political loyalty and migration
1 Inclusion in society and education – an introduction
2 Migration – a defining issue of the 21st century
3 Inclusion and the European Union
4 Upskill America? The implications of neoliberal discourses in educational programs for migrant learners
5 Finnish-Russian dual citizens and the changing political climate of supranational citizenship
6 Kosovar Albanians in Greece: could education promote reconciliation and social inclusion in the wider Region?
Part two Poverty, educational disadvantage, and inclusion: youth radicalization, vulnerability, disadvantage and inequality
7 ‘This is our tradition’: conservatism and exclusion at the roots of radicalization; the case of the Kosovar Albanian diaspora in Switzerland
8 Educational exclusions and practices of inclusion of students from urban disadvantaged neighbourhoods. The case of Łódź, Poland
9 The inclusion of children living in substandard forms of housing in the Czech Republic in the context of involuntary residential mobility
Part three Education and inclusion: education for all, cohesive society, oppression, disability, disadvantage
10 Inclusive education as the turning point for the dignified life course of children with disabilities
11 How it feels to be jeered at: perception of inclusion/exclusion
12 Inclusive dimensions of higher education in India
13 Is there a clear effect? the role of the school managing social exclusion in Hungary
14 Conclusion

Citation preview

International Perspectives on Inclusion within Society and Education

International Perspectives on Inclusion within Society and Education explores how the theme of inclusion in education and society plays out across different nations and cultures. Covering topics like dual citizenship, political loyalty, and migration, it includes important discussions around poverty, educational disadvantage, youth radicalisation and inequality. With perspectives from a wide range of countries, including the USA, UK, Finland, Kosovo, Albania, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and India, this book explores how issues of inclusion are often decided by a majority for the majority, which can lead to included minorities feeling disadvantaged and paradoxically excluded. While setting up a strong case for inclusion in society and education, it considers factors such as poverty and mental health both nationally and internationally and evaluates the effectiveness of additional financial resources and educational support in creating an inclusive world. This book will be of great interest for academics, researchers, and post graduate students in the fields of comparative education, inclusive education, sociology, political sciences and social work. Mabel Ann Brown is a retired teacher and Senior Lecturer. She is the author of Exploring Childhood in a Comparative Context, Migration and the Education of Young People 0–19 and The Shifting Global World of Youth and Education.

Routledge Research in Educational Equality and Diversity

Books in the series include: Schools as Queer Transformative Spaces Global Narratives on Sexualities and Genders Jón Ingvar Kjaran and Helen Sauntson Promoting Academic Readiness for African American Males with Dyslexia Implications for Preschool to Elementary School Teaching Edited by Shawn Anthony Robinson & Corey Thompson High Achieving African American Students and the College Choice Process Applying Critical Race Theory Thandeka K. Chapman, Frances Contreras, Eddie Comeaux, Eligio Martinez Jr. and Gloria M. Rodriguez Community Participation with Schools in Developing Countries Towards Equitable and Inclusive Basic Education for All Edited by Mikiko Nishimura Experiences of Racialization in Predominantly White Institutions Critical Reflections on Inclusion in US Colleges and Schools of Education Edited by Rachel Endo International Perspectives on Inclusion within Society and Education Edited by Mabel Ann Brown For more information about this series, please visit: Routledge-Research-in-Educational-Equality-and-Diversity/book-series/ RREED

International Perspectives on Inclusion within Society and Education Edited by Mabel Ann Brown

First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 selection and editorial matter, Mabel Ann Brown; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Mabel Ann Brown to be identified as the author of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 978-0-367-85971-8 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-01609-0 (ebk) Typeset in Bembo by Apex CoVantage, LLC

This book is dedicated to all the people in the world who try to work together for a better world.


List of figuresx List of tablesxi List of contributorsxii Acknowledgementsxvi Abbreviations/terminologyxvii PART ONE

International inclusion or exclusion: inclusion in society, dual citizenship, political loyalty and migration1   1 Inclusion in society and education – an introduction



  2 Migration – a defining issue of the 21st century



  3 Inclusion and the European Union



  4 Upskill America? The implications of neoliberal discourses in educational programs for migrant learners



  5 Finnish-Russian dual citizens and the changing political climate of supranational citizenship MARKO KANANEN AND JUSSI RONKAINEN


viii  Contents

  6 Kosovar Albanians in Greece: could education promote reconciliation and social inclusion in the wider Region?




Poverty, educational disadvantage, and inclusion: youth radicalization, vulnerability, disadvantage and inequality77   7 ‘This is our tradition’: conservatism and exclusion at the roots of radicalization; the case of the Kosovar Albanian diaspora in Switzerland



  8 Educational exclusions and practices of inclusion of students from urban disadvantaged neighbourhoods. The case of Łódź, Poland



  9 The inclusion of children living in substandard forms of housing in the Czech Republic in the context of involuntary residential mobility




Education and inclusion: education for all, cohesive society, oppression, disability, disadvantage115 10 Inclusive education as the turning point for the dignified life course of children with disabilities



11 How it feels to be jeered at: perception of inclusion/ exclusion



12 Inclusive dimensions of higher education in India HILARIA SOUNDARI AND THOMAS AMIRTHAM


Contents ix

13 Is there a clear effect? the role of the school managing social exclusion in Hungary



14 Conclusion





8.1 Number and Distribution of Cultural Institution in Łódź voivodeship 12.1 Higher Education Expansion in Present Era 12.2 Women Enrolment Rate (per 100 males) 12.3 Female Enrolment in Top Institutes (%) 12.4 Trend in Literacy Rates of SC/ST categories (%)

95 146 147 149 149


3.1 9.1 11.1 12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4

Overseas born population in the United Kingdom Ordered map Mental disorder and treatment Higher education expansion in India Trend in literacy rates in post-independent India (%) Programme female enrolment (per 100 males) Distribution of PWD students

30 106 140 145 147 148 150


The editor Mabel Ann Brown has a master’s in education and has worked in schools for many years and worked as a senior lecturer for ten years (2003–2013) in higher education at the University of Derby prior to retirement. After successfully co-editing Exploring Childhood in a Comparative Context in 2014 she went on in 2016 to edit a book called Migration and the Education of Young People 0–19 and in 2018 she edited a book entitled The Shifting Global World of Youth and Education. She is particularly interested in inclusive education in a changing society and the need to provide young people with the skills and understanding that will support them through life.

The contributors Dr. Thomas Amirtham is an assistant professor, in the Department of Sociology and is the Principal of Loyola College, Chennai, India. Dr. A. Thomas completed his master of sociology from University of Pune and his doctoral research at Gandhigram Rural Institute in 2008. He received his Post-Doctoral Research Award from UGC in 2014. He taught in the Department of Rural Development Science, Arul Ananthar College, Karumathur, Maduari, from 2001–2010. He is known for committed contributions in empowering farmers. Apart from being a grassroots researcher, he has administered higher education institutions for the last two decades. Mara Dirba has been teaching in different teacher education courses for twelve years at the University of Latvia and for five years has been teaching at Riga Stradiņš University. She actively participates in educational projects in Europe and conducts workshops and seminars on European diversity education. She is interested in diversity and inclusive education and her research themes are inclusion, migration, diversity and intercultural education. She has published two books on diversity education. Mary Drosopulos is a trainer in the youth field and a lecturer in the field of intercultural education, translation theory, Turkish studies and children’s

Contributors xiii

literature. Raised in a multicultural environment in Thessaloniki and Istanbul, she grew up to be a fluent speaker of seven languages and three dialects, who saw this cultural richness as a tool to make a change in different communities. Mary is particularly interested in the role of intercultural dialogue in conflict management. Her professional pathway has always been combined with grass roots youth work, especially in conflict areas. She worked as a volunteer trainer in United Nations projects in Cyprus and then, as an independent researcher and youth worker in Turkey, Syria, Jordan, Spain and the Balkans. Since 2013, she has been working as a freelance trainer and rapporteur for the Council of Europe in projects promoting the Euro-Arab dialogue and the social inclusion of refugee students. She holds a BA in English and an MA in conference interpreting; she completed her PhD research in translated children’s literature in 2019. Johanna Ennser-Kananen is University Lecturer of English at the University of Jyväskylä in Finland. Her current work focuses on linguistically and culturally sustaining education for migrant teachers and anti-oppressive (language) pedagogies for migrant students, particularly those with refugee experience. Within those, she is particularly interested in legitimacy of knowledge (epistemic justice) and language practices. She is the co-editor of the Routledge Handbook of Educational Linguistics and has published in The Modern Language Journal, The International Review of Education, The Encyclopedia of Applied Linguistics and The International Journal of Language Studies, among others. Alice Gojová is an associated professor at Faculty of Social Studies at University of Ostrava. Since 1997, she had worked, for 6 years in social services. She was a social worker at Department for Social and Legal Protection of Children and then social and community worker in social services with socially excluded, mainly Roma people. Since 1998 she had worked concurrently at Department of Social Work. Her teaching and research interest are methods of family and community social work as interventions of social inclusion. She works on research projects and research papers regularly. Anita Gulczyńska is an associate professor at the Department of Social Pedagogy at the Faculty of Educational Sciences of the Łódź University, Poland. Her areas of interest in both research and teaching are socio-pedagogical aspects of social life in impoverished local communities, critical and radical social work and qualitative methods of research in general with a special attention to socially engaged research. For many years she had been dealing with research concerning children and youth socialization in the context of one of the impoverished neighbourhoods in Łódź. ­ aculty of Lajos Hüse is an associate professor at the University of Debrecen, F Health. He is a teacher and a sociologist. His main topics are exclusion – inclusion, Roma, Child welfare, children with disabilities and demography. Marko Kananen, works as a researcher at Juvenia  – Youth Research and Development Centre at the South-Eastern Finland University of Applied

xiv  Contributors

Sciences. His research deals with questions of social inclusion, citizenship and civic participation of young people. In his dissertation, Kananen explored the construction of EU-citizenship and different national perceptions on European identity. Jussi Ronkainen, is a director of Juvenia  – Youth Research and Development Centre at the South-Eastern Finland University of Applied Sciences. His research interest includes new forms of citizenship, transnationalism and multidisciplinary youth research. Ronkainen has 15 years of experience in doing research and leading research projects in the fields of youth and citizenship studies. Jonas Ruškus is Professor at the Social Work Department at Vytautas Magnus University in Kaunas, Lithuania. He is also a member of the Committee on the Rights of People with Disabilities of United Nations. His research interests include the issues of disability, human rights, inclusive education, social participation, human trafficking, among others. He is also an editor of the Social Work: Experience and Methods journal ( Nicola Scarrott is a senior lecturer at the University of Derby working on both undergraduate and postgraduate programmes. Previously she has worked in secondary schools with areas of responsibility in physical education, PSHE and pastoral leadership. She has been an educational consultant at a regional level across the Southwest region and was a teacher learning academy advisor for the General Teaching Council for England, which focused on continuing professional development and school improvement initiatives across the country. Her international experience in education includes voluntary teaching and advisory work in India and Tanzania. In 2016 she contributed a chapter to Migration and the Education of Young People 0–19 and The Shifting Global World of Youth and Education in (2018) both edited by Mabel Ann Brown. Dr. Hilaria Soundari, is an assistant professor in the Centre of Applied Research, Gandhigram Rural Institute (GRI), Gandhigram, India. She belongs to the Congregation of the Sisters of the Cross of Chavanod. As a faculty member, she teaches research methodology and social work in GRI. She is specialized in the fields of development research, gender issues and social work. Having passed UGC-NET with JRF, she received Junior Research Fellowship (1999–2001) and Senior Research Fellowship (2001– 2003) from University Grants Commission (UGC). Also, she received Post-Doctoral Fellowship (2012–2014). She has completed an UGC-Major Research Project and has undertaken ICSSR Research Project. She is working for the empowerment of marginalized women and children for 32 years in rural India. Jen Vanek is the director of Digital Learning and Research, EdTech Centre @ World Education. Her work attempts to surface and then mitigate difficulties faced by migrant, refugee and immigrant adults (and other adult

Contributors xv

learners) confronted with technological ubiquity in economically developed countries. She provides support to teachers and conducts research on the topics of digital literacy, adult learning, English language learning and online learning. Current research includes a study to identify the constellation of factors that motivate workers with limited formal education to engage in learning activities that support development of 21st-century skills, specific workplace skills and English language and literacy. Soňa Vávrová, works at the Faculty of Social Studies of the University of Ostrava. Since 1996, she had worked in the social sphere, where she was head of the Department for Social and Legal Protection of Children, the Social Affairs Department and the Home for People with Disabilities. Since 2002, she has been giving lectures to university students, primarily on subjects related to qualitative research methodology, supervision and social services. Her research is focused on the situation of endangered children and also on the inclusion of people with specific needs in the social and educational environments. Monika Wiśniewska-Kin is Doctor of Pedagogical Sciences and Associate Professor at the Institute of Theoretical Foundations of Early Education at the Department of Preschool and Early School Education at the Faculty of Educational Sciences, University of Łódź. For many years, she has been dealing with research concerning the cognitive competences of children in the early school age. She is also a member of the Elementary Education Team at the Pedagogical Committee of the Polish Academy of Sciences and a member of the Self-Education Doctoral Team at the Pedagogical Committee of the Polish Academy of Sciences.


The editor acknowledges the contribution of all the contributors who have helped to create an insight into their inclusive practices and the issues with inclusion in some parts of the world including the USA, the United Kingdom and some of the countries within the EU including the Czech Republic, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Finland and Hungary as well as contributions from Kosovo, Albania and India.


Britain’s exit from the European Union (BREXIT) The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities of the United Nations (CRPD) Convention on the Rights of the Child of the United Nations (CRC) Disability Rights International (DRI) European Typology of Homelessness and Housing Exclusion (ETHOS) European Federation of National Organisation working with the homeless (FEANTSA) International Organisation for Migration (IOM) Members European Parliament (MEP) Non-governmental organisation (NGO) Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Office for National Statistics (ONS) Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) Special educational needs (SEN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) The Equalities and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA) United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Vocational Educational Training (VET)

USA Adult Education and Family Literacy Act (AEFLA) English Plus Integration (EPI) English as a second language (ESL) limited English proficiency (LEP) literacy education and second language learning for adults and adolescents (LESLLA) Migration Policy Institute (MPI) National Immigration Forum (NIF) Skills and Opportunity for the New American Workforce (SONAW) Workforce Innovation and Opportunities Act (WIOA)

xviii  Abbreviations/terminology

Poland Disadvantaged Neighbourhood (DN)

Gross Domestic Product (GDP) Human Development Index (HDI) Local Human Development Index (LHDI)

India All India Institute of Medical Science (AIIMS) All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) Higher Education Institutions (HEI) Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Massive Open Online Courses (MOOC) National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC) National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF) Other Backward Castes (OBC) Person with disability (PWD) Scheduled Castes (SC) Scheduled Tribes (ST) Study Webs of Active Learning for Young Aspiring Minds (AWAYAM) University Grants Commission (UGC)

Hungary special educational needs (SEN) highly disadvantaged students (HHH) (This is a Hungarian legal term of pupils living in deep poverty with undereducated families. It has two degree, HH and HHH, and the HHH is the more serious, because it means they have been neglected too) education (Octa) (originally: oktatás)

Part one

International inclusion or exclusion Inclusion in society, dual citizenship, political loyalty, and migration

1 Inclusion in society and education – an introduction Mabel Ann Brown

Inclusion in society and education This book International Perspectives on Inclusion within Society and Education explores the theme of inclusion in education, in society and across nations. Inclusion is a social necessity that begins in childhood on the playground but plays out on the world stage across the globe. Inclusion leads to powerful groups and the exclusion of others; it requires power and control, which is both nationally and internationally healthy and unhealthy. This book explores the theme across nations and cultures and reflects on the role inclusion plays in different societies. The following chapters are provided by academic colleagues in the USA, the United Kingdom, Finland, Kosovo, Albania, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and India. These chapters consider citizenship, interculturalism, education, radicalisation, poverty and migration. The boundaries for inclusion are often decided by a majority for the majority, which can lead to included minorities feeling disadvantaged. Inclusion often has control mechanisms and policies such as you can be in our group if . . . but are they a recipe for a healthy world? This book has emerged as a reflection on the need to be included, but also the consequences and responsibilities of that inclusion. In Britain for instance there is both a desire to be included in the European Union, but also a desire to retain some individuality. Similarly, in the United States there is a desire for union, but also a desire for state recognition. Inclusion is closely linked to domination and an underlying recognition of control, which can create a climate of fear and resistance, leading to a breakdown within the group or a need to compromise or give something in order to maintain control (Apple 2018: 6). If the inclusion is socially responsive and less self-interested then the relationship is beneficial with strength in numbers and reassurance of self-worth. This theme of inclusion can be observed on the playground and right across the globe with Apple (2018: 6) suggesting that it is just as important ‘to keep things out as it is important to let things in.’ Frequently there are dominant economic and capitalist forces limiting opportunities for inclusion as demonstrated in the Czech and Polish chapters in this book.

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Capitalist financial capability also plays a part in education. Parents with the financial means seek inclusion in a certain kind of school for their children in order to give their children a perceived advantage. Apple (2018: 4) argues that ‘neoliberals, neo conservatives, authoritarian populists, religious movements all have their own agenda to meet their own needs’ with different ongoing ideas, supposedly for the common good. Inclusion is supposedly for the common good, but always there will be some included and some excluded whether for political, financial, national, international, social, gender, religious or health reasons. This book attempts to explore why inclusion is so difficult to achieve in its entirety, both on the local scale and on the national and international scale. International Perspectives on Inclusion within Society and Education will be of interest to academics, researchers, undergraduates and post graduate students in the disciplines of education, sociology, political sciences, social work and history. The theme of inclusion is often covered in academic educational courses and social work courses. It is also of increasing interest in education to consider collections that present international case studies on a related theme. It could also be of interest to students studying inter-disciplinary modules or with an interest in the critical theories of inclusion. This book could fit into a general social science collection within a library. Academic studies in education is also an increasing market, this book could be of assistance to these students. International students would also find this book interesting and useful both at undergraduate and post graduate level. This book has an international focus and will appeal to the different contributor’s nations. This book offers an international, cross disciplinary study, based on case studies in a very current and important subject area. The international element is a developing area in academia, particularly in international cross -cultural research and more recently as a result of extensive migration. This book draws on academic reading and the contributor’s primary, personal knowledge of what is happening in their country and their understanding of societal situations. The chapters are not politically motivated, but they do discuss some subjects that may be controversial. The chapters will fulfil a need to understand how inclusion works and how important it is for the major groups in society to work together rather than overreach themselves in the desire for ever bigger groups and more power. An example of this can be taken from the European Union where the greater the trans national political parties are, the ‘more time its MEPs are given to speak in debates and the greater their chance of being chosen to chair a committee’ (Europe’s curious parliament in The Week 2019: 13). Thus, bigger groups gain power and domination and raise questions about the significance of inclusion. First, we must ask, who decides, who is included and how do they decide? Immediately there is a suggestion of power or dominance. There are times, when it is essential to challenge the notion of inclusion so that the dominance is restrained, and the included group do not become enslaved. Apple (2018: 138) suggests the ‘We’ must be challenged to ‘illuminate the path to

Inclusion in society and education 5

new politics of voice and recognition.’ Apple is in this instance referring to education, but it could apply to society groups too. Education is at the heart of recreating a democratic, inclusive society, although frequently there are hidden agendas within education, that make education less inclusive and democratic. Education is political and it is the way in which views are passed on to the next generation although as Dewey in Kricke and Neubert (2020: 50) points out ‘we never educate directly, but indirectly by means of the environment,’ and by environment Dewey meant the whole context of a person. The context can be the neighbourhood thus some families will have access to very different neighbourhoods and this can provide access to certain schools or facilities. Thus, we must ask ourselves who and why some are included more so than others? The answer lies perhaps in a reluctance to ‘threaten the existing ethnic-economic order, something policy makers are reluctant to do’ (Cooper et al 2006: 48). Inclusion, therefore, in the first instance is selective by the more powerful for the maintenance of a certain order. Apple (2006: 9) refers to this as ‘educational policy and practice are the results of struggles by powerful groups and social movements to make their knowledge legitimate to defend or increase their patterns of social mobility and to increase their power in the larger social arena.’ Criticism of these groups is a way of checking their dominance and reducing the potential for ‘arrogance and self-importance’ (Apple 2006: 4–5). Second, once within this group, we need to ask how it is held together and does this inclusion lead to oppression and a sense of keeping that person or nation in a certain subsidiary position. Is it possible that policies are created in order to both create greater centrality and barriers in order to exclude others? An example of this can be found in education. Policies become in reality ‘partial, biased and unequal’ (Cooper et al 2006: 49) in the attempts to equalise the opportunities through redistributive measures such as vouchers or additional support or extra funding particularly in education. At the heart of educational policies are, or should be, ‘concerns for equity and social justice’ (Cooper et al 2006: 49), although there has been a leaning towards ‘efficiency and excellence’ and ‘accountability’ (Cooper et al 2006: 49), but this is difficult to achieve due to ‘an unlevel playing field’ (Cooper et al 2006: 49) caused by poverty and disadvantage or an inability to attend the school of parental choice. Schools have become a competitive market, with the view of improving standards, as demonstrated by PISA statistics, but this has created division and selectivity. Education is the tool of society, and thus what happens in education affects society and what happens in society affects education. However, we ‘have the responsibility to say no’ to antidemocratic actions and ‘affirm what is less dominative and more caring’ (Apple 2001: 13). There is inclusion within social classes, there is inclusion within national groups and international groups frequently possibly determined by power and influence, but who has decided these liaisons; is it based on finance, identity or heritage or religion or some other common element? Woodward and Kohli (2001: 4) suggest ‘three basic dimensions of membership or inclusion – political, economic and civic inclusion.’ Woodward and Kohli (2001: 4) also state that

6  Mabel Ann Brown

there is a ‘relation between individual and society,’ that is one of ‘simultaneous inclusion and exclusion.’

Inclusion Apple (2018: 137) describes inclusion as the ‘We’ group and anyone not included as the ‘Other.’ In more local United Kingdom terms, it would be ‘Us’ as the gang and the others would be ‘them.’ The ‘we function as a mechanism’ according to (Apple 2018: 137) ‘not only of inclusion but powerfully of exclusion as well.’ The ‘We’ group are the ‘dominant group’ (Apple 2018: 138), ‘leaving some people, who are not included.’ Thus, inclusion can lead to dominance and power which can be used inappropriately and leading to unanticipated consequences. An example of this could be, a dominant, powerful, ruling class, ignoring the wishes of 52 per cent of the voters in the United Kingdom in order to remain within the European Union. The term inclusion in one sense means belonging to a ‘gang’ or not belonging and this can create many issues. Lister (in Ellison and Pierson 1998:53) claims ‘the boundaries of inclusion and exclusion operate at both legal and a sociological level through formal and substantive modes of citizenship.’ This refers in particular to passports and documentation and rights and obligations, thus demonstrating the breadth of the inclusion theme. This theme of citizenship and passports is explored further in the Finnish chapter in this book in Chapter 5. There can be issues of identity or issues of behaving in a manner that is or is not in-keeping with the group. In one sense, inclusion can be a very positive concept in that it is welcoming to some, but it can also produce a negative effect, that of exclusion such as referred to in Mary Drosopulos chapter. The chapters in this book question the idea of inclusion and demonstrate how and what is beneficial in terms of inclusion. The Czech chapter clearly demonstrates how poor housing can lead to a feeling of exclusion and isolation. The American chapter illustrates how creating support courses also distinguishes one group of people from another. People with health issues, both mental and physical, also create distinctive groups and may experience exclusion. Similarly, women can be treated less favourably as in the India chapter or the citizens prospects can be affected by caste. Some children in the United Kingdom are excluded from school due to consistent poor behaviour, autism or emotional issues. ‘In 2016–2017 there were 381,865 fixed period exclusions or suspensions in schools in England,’ claim Bennett and Guzzardi (2018: 18). David Isaac the chairman of Equalities and Human Rights (EHRC) also in Bennett and Guzzardi (2018: 18) stated that if we want a fair and inclusive society this needs to be addressed and yet their rights impact on other children’s right to learn and on other children and teachers’ rights to be safe from aggressive behaviour. In this situation full inclusion can only ever be an aspiration and exclusion, must remain an option. However, when young people are excluded from one

Inclusion in society and education 7

option, it leaves them open for another, thus many excluded young people end up joining drug gangs, where they find ‘cash, food, expensive trainers and the stability and comradeship they rarely enjoy at home’ (Exclusion Zone 2028: 33).

Conclusion The conclusion hopes to consider the impact inclusion has on practice, both in society and in education. It will also attempt to seek ways forward and what lessons can be learnt from these chapters. The findings from sections one, two and three of this book, will be considered and analysed in the light of other chapters in the same sections. Economics is at the heart of most inclusive groups. Those with money seek union for their greater good and those without money seek group identity for survival. These chapters reflect some areas where inclusion is significant, educationally, socially, and both nationally and internationally. There are contributing chapters from professionals based in the USA, in the United Kingdom, in Finland, in Kosovo and Albania, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Czech Republic and India. These professionals consider some of the more controversial issues of inclusion within their country. These include dual citizenship, interculturalism, education and inclusion, radicalization into groups, poverty, disadvantage and exclusion and migrants and instability. All the contributors are academic practitioners working in the contributing countries with access to practice and practical local knowledge as well as academic knowledge. In the words of Woodward and Kohli (2001:4), ‘inclusion is social integration and order and that of the institutions of social membership,’ a ‘transformation from traditional segmentary or stratified societies to modern functionally differentiated ones’ and from ‘partial inclusion to one of all-inclusiveness’ (Kronaver 1996: 62 in Woodward and Kohli 2001: 4). The main theme is to explore inclusion in its widest sense rather than focusing primarily on inclusion for health reasons such as disability, as (2019) points out globally, ‘900 million people belong to groups that experience discrimination or disadvantages as a result of their identity.’ Thus health, identity and finance all set people apart. The objective is to explore the limitations of inclusion and some of the causes of exclusion. This book will also consider how inclusion is maintained and reinforced. This book, International Perspectives on Inclusion within Society and Education, is divided into three sections covering International inclusion or exclusion, poverty educational disadvantage and inclusion and finally education and inclusion. Some of the chapters may include features from all three sections, but they will be included in the book in the area that it covers more dominantly. The three sections are arranged in order to view societal inclusion in its broadest sense moving on to reasons for exclusion and finally the value of education in trying to aid society with better inclusive outcomes.

8  Mabel Ann Brown

Section one, International inclusion or exclusion: Inclusion in society, dual citizenship, political loyalty and migration, concerns itself with societal issues of inclusion, whilst section two, covering Poverty, educational disadvantage and inclusion: Youth radicalization, vulnerability, disadvantage and inequality, is concerned with disadvantage and poverty as causes of exclusion and finally section three deals with Education and Inclusion: Education for all, cohesive society, oppression, disability, disadvantage and attempts to improve inclusion through educational practices. Welcome to International Perspectives on Inclusion within Society and Education, a thought-provoking consideration of the value of inclusion in all its facets.

References Apple M.W. (2001) Educating the Right Way, Markets, Standards, God. New York: Routledge. Apple M.W. (2006) Official Knowledge Democratic Education in a Conservative Age. New York: Routledge. Apple M.W. (2018) The Struggle for Democracy in Education: Lessons from Social Realities. 1st edition. London: Routledge. Bennett R. and Guzzardi B. (2018) Excluding Autistic Pupils Breaches Human Rights. The Times, 23 October. Cooper B.S. Fusarelli L.D. and Randall E.V. (2006) Better Policies, Better Schools, Theories and Applications. Boston: Pearson Education Inc. Dewey, J. (1916) Democracy and Education. New York: Dover Publications. Ellison and Pierson (1998) Developments in British Social Policy. London: Macmillan Press. (2019) International Cooperation and Development: Social Inclusion. Available at: (Accessed 8 January 2020). Europe’s Curious Parliament (2019) The Week, 18 May. Exclusion Zone (2018) The State Is Failing Thousands of Children Who Are Falling Prey to Drug Gangs After Being Expelled from School: It Is a National Disgrace. The Times, 29 September. Woodward A. and Kohli M. (2001) Inclusion and Exclusions in European Societies. London: Routledge.

2 Migration – a defining issue of the 21st century Nicola Scarrott

Introduction: the context Migration has become one of the defining features of the early twenty-first century, even though the history of the human species is by nature migratory (International Organization for Migration) (IOM) (2016). Since our origins, about 350,000 years ago, as the first homo sapiens we began to move from East Africa to bordering areas (Smithsonian Institution 2020). Since then humans have spread to every continent and have evolved continually by changing eating habits, build, colour of eyes and skin. For many centuries’ migration was caused by several reasons including wars, poverty and the reduction of natural resources. After the Industrial Revolution in the eighteenth century and the evolving market economy, Europe became the centre of an emigrational system, reasons for this included, political, religious and economic disparity (Grant and Portera 2011). Future international migration flows are predicted to continue (Chamie 2020), but the world lacks a vision for how to respond to the changing nature of displacement. It is therefore crucial for policymakers to anticipate future migration challenges so they can adjust policies, design programmes and allocate resources (Migration Data Portal 2020). Migration forecasting therefore is intended to provide informed guesses about future migration flows and trends and is often viewed alongside wider world population demographics, despite it being notoriously unreliable (IOM 2016). The world population now stands at 7.8 billion inhabitants with demographers expecting the 8 billion milestone in 2023, reaching 9 billion by 2037 and 10 billion by 2056. This growth is slightly faster than projections from just a few years ago (Chamie 2020). According to research at Yale University, world population currently grows at 1 percent annually, having peaked at 2.1 percent in 1968. That annual growth rate is expected to continue declining, reaching 0.5 percent by mid-century. The population growth mostly is occurring in the world’s poorer countries. More than 50 developing countries, most in Africa, have growth rates no less than 2 percent per annum. By mid-century about half of those countries are

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projected to see their populations more than double, including Angola, Burkina Faso, Democratic Republic of Congo, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Tanzania and Uganda. At the same time, some 20 countries, particularly more developed countries, navigate uncharted demographic territory of population decline and rapid aging. These include Greece, Hungary, Italy, Japan, Poland and Spain. This number could nearly triple by mid-century and expected newcomers to population decline will soon include China, Germany, Russia and South Korea (Chamie 2020). Demographic trends, particularly population growth, decline, aging, urbanisation and international migration, are contributing to the many challenges facing humanity, including food production, water shortages, poverty, housing, climate change, environmental degradation, human rights, civil unrest, displacement and armed conflict. Anticipating the consequences of those powerful demographic megatrends could stave off security and economic crises, and hence is of international interest (Chamie 2020). Although a comprehensive theory is unattainable, it remains a crucial task of demographers to explain why people migrate. Theories of migration are important because they can help us understand population movements within their wider political and economic contexts. Reviewing some historical seminal theories on migration will thus help set the scene for later discussions around current day migration debates. Ernest Ravenstein is widely regarded as the earliest migration theorist. He was an English geographer who used census data from England and Wales to develop his ‘Laws of Migration’ (1885). He concluded that migration was governed by a ‘push-pull’ process; that is, unfavourable conditions in one place (such as oppressive laws, heavy taxation) ‘push’ people out, and favourable conditions in an external location ‘pull’ them out. Ravenstein’s laws summarised are that: the primary cause for migration was better external economic opportunities; the volume of migration decreases as distance increases; migration occurs in stages instead of one long move; population movements are bilateral; and migration differentials (e.g., gender, social class, age) influence a person’s mobility. One of the very first explanatory approaches to both internal and international migration focused on individual decision-making and this is often associated with Sjaastad (1962). The proposal was that before deciding to leave their place of residence, individuals examine the costs and benefits of migrating. Lee (1966) similarly postulated that migration is the result of an individual calculation based on positive factors at destination and negative factors at origin. He added that migration increases with time, and that this increase is driven by growing economic disparities between developed and developing countries, by education and training, and by technological progress, notably in communications and transportation. For other scholars, decisions to migrate can only be understood in a more global context. It was Mabogunje (1970) who first proposed a systems approach. He sees migration not as a linear, one-way movement, but as a

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circular phenomenon embedded in a system of interdependent variables. The approach sought to explain migration patterns in terms of a system of multiple flows between origin and destination places: flows of persons, but also of goods, services and ideas. For Castles and Kosack (1972), immigration was a structural necessity in response to the needs of western capitalism. Their approach represents a strong current in Europe, still valid today for several types of immigration, notably unskilled labour migration, irregular migration and temporary migration in sectors such as agriculture, construction, hotels and catering. Their key contribution was to highlight the hierarchical structure of employment, with immigrants often at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder, leading to a division of the working class. Piche (2013) highlights the diversity of approaches applied to understanding migration: countries of origin or destination; micro, meso and macro levels; individual behaviours, networks and migration policies. He also shows how these theories have evolved to take account of changing local and international migration dynamics. To conclude, migration it appears is a multifaceted process with distinct stages and decision points (Helms and Leblang 2019). Grant and Portera (2011) summarise the key problems stemming far from not accepting human movement as natural and essential. Instead we maintain ever-stricter distinctions between migrants and refugees, citizens and noncitizens, insiders and outsiders, haves and have-nots. The dominant discourse on migration helps create and perpetuate such a world by privileging certain types of individual suffering – discrimination, persecution, torture – as worthy of international notice and protection, while normalizing the more widespread and systemic suffering caused by poverty, inequality, disease, famine, drought, climate change, and environmental degradation, from which one is neither expected nor permitted to flee across borders.

Definitions for the purpose of inclusion or exclusion The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (2020b) in their Emergency Handbook define displaced persons as those who have been forced to leave their homes. This includes those who still live in their country of birth, (internally displaced persons), as well as those who left for a different country (refugees and asylum seekers) and have yet to resettle permanently. People can be displaced for years or, as is the case for Palestinian refugees, even for generations (Connor 2016). In 2019, long running and emerging crises forced significant new displacement in places such as Venezuela, Syria, Iraq and Africa’s Sahel region (Migration Policy Institute 2020). According to the UNHCR 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, a refugee is a person who, owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion, is outside the country of their nationality, and is unable to or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to get the protection of

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that country. An official entity such as a government or the United Nations Refugee Agency determines whether a person seeking international protection meets the definition of a refugee, based on well-founded fear. Those who obtain refugee status are given protections under international laws and conventions and lifesaving support from aid agencies, including the International Rescue Committee. In general terms, the number of refugees in the world is broadly a function of the number of wars and human-rights-abusing dictatorships at any given time. The International Rescue Committee (2018) provide a distinction between a migrant and an immigrant. A migrant they cite is moving from place to place, within their country or across borders, usually for seasonal work. Like immigrants they are not forced to leave their native countries because of persecution or violence, but rather are seeking better opportunities. Many of those crossing the United States (U.S.) from Central American countries – El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras – are in fact asylum seekers, not migrants. They have a well-founded fear of persecution if they return home. By contrast they identify an immigrant as someone who makes a conscious decision to leave their home and move to a foreign country with the intention of settling there. Immigrants often go through a lengthy vetting process to immigrate to a new country. Many become lawful permanent residents and eventually citizens. Immigrants research their destinations, explore employment opportunities, and study the language of the country where they plan to live. Most importantly they are free to return home whenever they choose. Thus, they may not choose to be included permanently. However, confusion appears in the literature as some use the term migrant and immigrant interchangeably to mean the same thing. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) is the leading intergovernmental organisation in the field of migration and works closely with governmental, intergovernmental and non-governmental partners. It is dedicated to promoting humane and orderly migration for the benefit of all. They recognise that at the international level there is no universally accepted definition of the term ‘migrant’; so, they have developed one for their own purposes. They define ‘migrant’ as an umbrella term for a person who moves away from their place of usual residence, whether within a country or across an international boarder, temporarily or permanently, and for a variety of reasons (IOM 2020). Throughout this chapter their broader definition will be adopted. An asylum seeker is someone also seeking international protection from dangers in their own country, but whose claim for refugee status has not been determined legally (International Rescue Committee 2018). They must apply for protection in the country of destination – meaning they must arrive at or cross a boarder in order to apply. They must then prove to authorities there that they meet the criteria to be covered by refugee protections. Not every asylum seeker will be recognised as a refugee, hence another group of stateless people can be identified.

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The 1954 UNHCR Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons establishes the legal definition for stateless persons as individuals who are not considered citizens or nationals under the operation of the laws of any country. ‘Statelessness’ may occur for a variety of reasons including discrimination against particular ethnic or religious groups, or on the basis of gender; the break-up of States or countries; gaps in nationality laws; and cumbersome administrative processes. Whatever the cause statelessness has serious consequences for people in all regions of the world and the UNHCR (2020c) estimates that more than 4.2 million people around the world are under their statelessness mandate.

Inclusion and exclusion, social inclusion and social exclusion One of the major problems regarding inclusion is defining what it means, or what it could be, but there seems little doubt it is a political and philosophical stance and not just an educational one. However, it is not the purpose of this chapter to debate the wider use of the term’s inclusion and exclusion in an educational context, but rather to focus on the term’s social inclusion and social exclusion from an international perspective. The concept of social inclusion/exclusion emerged in response to the crisis of the welfare state in Europe, which had an increasing impact on the analysis of social disadvantages in Europe over the last couple of decades. When the concept was first employed in France in the 1970s, it considered people unable to adjust to mainstream society and later other European countries adopted it with their own interpretation. The concept gained widespread applicability after the First World Summit on Social Development in Copenhagen in 1995 as a result of which, it was embraced into the development discourse and development agencies (Mascareño and Fabiola, 2015). The concept of social inclusion has several definitional and conceptual problems that limit its capacity to serve as a framework for the development of social policy. This is not to say that the concept is without its merits, or that its deficiencies cannot be addressed (Finn 2008). According to the Collins dictionary social inclusion is: ‘the act of making all groups of people within a society feel valued and important’ (2020). Today, the world is at a conjuncture where issues of exclusion and inclusion are assuming new significance for both developed and developing countries, therefore it can be concluded that inclusion is an evolving agenda (World Bank Group 2013). The antonym then to social inclusion is the concept of social exclusion. The concept of social exclusion can take different meanings, depending on the national and ideological context in which it is used. As such, it is important to bear in mind that the concept of exclusion is a relative and contested one (Parliament of Australia 2009). Social exclusion has been defined by the United Kingdom’s (U.K.) Department for International Development (DFID) as a process by which certain

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groups are systematically disadvantaged because they are discriminated against because of their: ethnicity, race, religion, sexual orientation, caste, descent, gender, age, disability, HIV status, migrant status or where they live. They conclude that discrimination occurs in public institutions, such as the legal system or education and health services, as well as social institutions like the household (DFID 2010). However, social exclusion can be seen as a reflection of people’s choices. While some wealthy people’s choices to exclude themselves (for example, through living in gated communities) are deemed acceptable, those of many poor or separate people are not. Along these lines, Vobruba (2003) has argued for the possibility that there are bad and good kinds of exclusion, as well as bad and good inclusion. To summarise, the difference between inclusion and exclusion is undeniably useful for sociological analysis and for public policies in complex societies. However, a high degree of complexity prevents a simplistic analysis that attributes a state of inclusion to some and exclusion to others (Mascareño and Fabiola, 2015).

An inclusive society Before examining how inclusion in society is decided or determined, consideration of what an inclusive society means is necessary. The World Summit for Social Development (Copenhagen 1995) conclude that an inclusive society as a: ‘society for all in which every individual, each with rights and responsibilities, has an active role to play’ (cited in United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2009, p6). They elaborate by saying that an inclusive society must be based on respect for all human rights and fundamental freedoms, cultural and religious diversity, social justice and the special needs of vulnerable and disadvantaged groups, democratic participation and the rule of law. It is promoted by social policies that seek to reduce inequality and create flexible and tolerant societies that embrace all people. An inclusive society is one that over-rides differences of race, gender, class, generation, and geography, and ensures inclusion, equality of opportunity as well as capability of all members of the society to determine an agreed set of social institutions that govern social interaction (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Division for Social Policy and Development 2008). The World Bank Group (2020) perspective on social inclusion is that it is the process of improving the terms for individuals and groups to take part in society, and secondly the process of improving the ability, opportunity and dignity of those disadvantaged based on their identity to take part in society. There are numerous definitions and concepts of social inclusion, due to the difficulty in obtaining agreement on the term. Social inclusion can be described as ‘a multidimensional process aimed at lowering economic, social and cultural boundaries between those who are included and excluded and making these

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boundaries more permeable’ (Therborn 2007, p2). It is a dynamic phenomenon, as its boundaries are changing over time, space, and in quality. Moving on to how a socially inclusive society functions, different views are seen to exist. Social integration or social inclusion does not mean a uniformity of people but a society which has room for diversity and still fosters engagement. What is most significant in creating an inclusive society is the engagement of the individual in the process by which society is managed, ordered and represented (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA) 2020). Social exclusion in contrast is understood as the condition (barriers and process) that impede social inclusion. Social exclusion is a process through which individuals or groups are wholly or partially excluded from fully participating in all aspects of life of the society, in which they live, on the grounds of their social identities, such as age, gender, race, ethnicity, culture or language, and/or physical, economic, social disadvantages. It may mean the lack of voice, lack of recognition or lack of capacity for active participation. It may also mean exclusion from decent work, assets, land, opportunities, access to social services and/ or political representation.

How is inclusion in society decided or determined? Any discussion about inclusion and exclusion inevitably will be entwined with ideas of power, status, equality, inequality, minority and majority. Society consists of numerous interconnected, interacting and interdependent groups, which differ in power and status. The consequences of belonging to a more powerful, higher-status ‘majority’ versus a less powerful, lower-status ‘minority’ can be profound, and the tensions that arise between these groups are the root of many of society’s most difficult problems (Butera and Levine 2009). Expert consensus is clear; inequality is not just about power (resources) but also about status (respect) (Ridgeway 2014). It therefore goes without saying that it is the higher status majority in any given society who decide who is included or excluded, as they have a disproportionate amount of power. Sociologist Louis Wirth (1945), originally the first to define a minority group, emphasised they were people who, because of their physical or cultural characteristics, are singled out from the others in the society in which they live for differential and unequal treatment, and who therefore regard themselves as objects of collective discrimination. In its sociological use, the term subordinate group can be used interchangeably with the term minority, while the term dominant group is often substituted for the group that’s in the majority. Berbrier (2004) expands by adding that minority status is never about a group’s size (i.e., it does not mean less than half of the population), but rather about proportions of power, thus groups lacking power are vulnerable to discrimination and exploitation. Although there is no universally agreed definition or benchmark overall, social exclusion describes a state in which individuals are unable to participate fully in economic, social, political and cultural life,

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as well as the process leading to and sustaining such a state (United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs 2016). There is a substantial variation from country to country regarding which groups are subject to exclusion. Women, people living in poverty, persons with disabilities, children, youth and older persons are particularly vulnerable. The act of discrimination is a violation of international human rights, as human rights ensure that every single human being is entitled to enjoy their rights without unreasonable distinction as to race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status (United Nations General Assembly, 1948). Eliminating or amending customary laws or practices that are discriminatory will be the fundamental first step to lay the foundations for a more inclusive society.

Who is included and why? In this section I will examine the importance of passports in deciding who is included or excluded and why. This will reveal some of the inherent problems that arise for those who do not or cannot obtain a passport. In Europe, until the fifteenth century, papers, seals and wax panels were artefacts sustaining authority, certifying and identifying individuals through a description of their social status. All these artefacts were devices of privilege, which provided recognition for authorities and officials. It was a form of making the privileged unique and recognizable in a positive way. It was a device of identity creation. The materiality of these devices, in fact, produced certain sensibilities in the community and made some groups and individuals seen and heard more than others, simply based on the privileged few carrying a wax panel in their pockets (Torpey 2000). From the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, authorities began to register everything and everyone (Chamayou 2013). The outbreak of the First World War intensified the passport regime for regulation of the movement of everyone between territories. Like many other phenomena, the First World War also universalised the modern passport regime that exists today. It was during this time that new European states and their colonies built on the principles of nationhood and ethnicity, as well as along racial divisions. Certain laws and decrees were established, often called Aliens Act(s), to track foreigners, spies, and unknown travellers in order to potentially detain and deport them. The very strong bond between the passport and nationality, country, or place of one’s origin – which is in itself a modern concept – is a product of combined developments in the late nineteenth century that came alongside imperial expansions as well as directly resulting from the First World War (Groebner and Serlin 2006). When passports become necessary for everyone, lack of a passport or its deprivation becomes a means of power imposition, discrimination, management and control. Once such a material or artificial entity becomes the only way to pass or move freely among territories, its absence leads to the prevention of

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motion. In Italy, for instance, in August 1914, the country suspended the right of emigration for those who were obliged to do military service by annulling all passports in their possession (Keshavarz 2019). The examples of withdrawing an individual’s passport or banning her or him from acquiring a passport is the very first material act of prohibiting movement, but this act can also render people stateless if they do leave the territory. Thus, passports not only produce national populations, but also produce populations without a state. The passport therefore is not neutral but a real and powerful device with its own specific history, design and politics, mediating moments through which socially constructed power relations can be enacted and performed. Ethnicity, gender and class come to interact, intersect and produce inequalities through how passports work in various situations. Passports are material evidence of exercising discrimination (Keshavarz 2019). Torpey (2000) explains that documents such as passports, internal passports and related mechanisms have been crucial in making distinctions between citizens and non-citizens. He believes the concept of citizenship has been used to delineate rights and penalties regarding property, liberty, taxes and welfare. Consequently, it is impossible to ignore the fact that the current passport in our hands can be seen to privilege some, whilst excluding others.

How many international migrants are there? Where are they from? Where do they live? Looking at some of the data available on migrants, refugees and asylum seekers helps to give a more comprehensive understanding of the current picture regarding who is included in, and who is excluded from different parts of the international community and on what grounds. According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), worldwide immigration is increasing exponentially with an expected 405 million migrants by 2050 (IOM 2018). Although South-North immigration continues to be the dominant pattern in migration, more migrants from developing countries settle in other developing countries (74 million) than in high-income Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries (73.3 million) or in highincome non-OECD countries (24 million) (World Bank, 2011). While many individuals migrate out of choice, many others migrate out of necessity. According to the UNHCR (2020c) we are now witnessing the highest levels of people displacement on record. An unprecedented 70.8 million people around the world have been forcibly displaced from their home. Among them are nearly 25.9 million refugees (over half of whom are under the age of 18), 3.5 million asylum seekers and over 41 million internally displaced persons. There are also millions of stateless people who have been denied a nationality and access to basic rights such as education, healthcare, employment and freedom of movement (UNHCR 2020a).

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Currently the world is one where nearly 1 person is forcibly displaced every two seconds as a result of conflict or persecution (UNHCR 2020c). In 2019, the number of international migrants worldwide – people residing in a country other than their country of birth – reached 272 million (from 258 million in 2017). Female migrants constituted 48 percent of this international migrant stock. There are an estimated 38 million migrant children, three out of four international migrants are of working age, meaning between 20 and 64 years old. 164 million are migrant workers. Approximately 31 percent of the international migrants worldwide reside in Asia, 30  percent in Europe, 26 percent in the Americas, 10 percent in Africa and 3 percent in Oceania (United Nations 2020). The Refugee Council (2018) has attempted to gather much data on the number of refugees internationally. • 80  percent of the world’s refugees are living in countries neighbouring their country of origin, often in developing countries. • The UK is home to approx. 1 percent of the 25.9 million refugees, forcibly displaced across the world. • 50 percent of refugees across the world are children. • The top ten refugee producing countries in 2018 all have poor human rights records or on-going conflict. People seeking asylum are fleeing from these conflicts and abuses, looking for safety. • In 2018, more than two thirds of the refugees across the world came from just five countries: Syria (6.7  million), Afghanistan (2.7  million), South Sudan (2.3 million), Myanmar (1.1 million) and Somalia (0.9 million). • There is no such thing as an ‘illegal’ or ‘bogus’ asylum seeker. Under international law, anyone has the right to apply for asylum in any country that has signed the UNHCR 1951 Refugee Convention and to remain there until the authorities have assessed their claim. • It is recognised in the UNHCR 1951 Refugee Convention that people fleeing persecution may have to use irregular means in order to escape and claim asylum in another country – there is no legal way to travel to the UK for the specific purpose of seeking asylum • The UNHCR 1951 Refugee Convention guarantees everybody the right to apply for asylum. It has saved millions of lives. Although not all countries have signed up to it, no country has ever withdrawn from it. With no end in sight, according to the UNHCR High Commissioner Filippo Grandi Syria is the: ‘the biggest humanitarian and refugee crisis of our time, a continuing cause for suffering’ (UNHCR 2020). It remains the largest refugee crisis in the world. Since 2011, the war in Syria has claimed thousands of lives and left 13.5 million people in need of humanitarian assistance. More than half the country’s population has been forced to flee their homes, including 5.6 million refugees seeking safety in neighbouring countries and another 6.6 million who are internally displaced inside Syria. Approximately 50 percent

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of all registered Syrian refugees are under the age of 18 – and millions have grown up knowing nothing but conflict. Most Syria’s refugees are hosted in five neighbouring countries: Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey, Iraq and Egypt.

What is political loyalty linked to? Political loyalty is devotion to, and identification with, a political cause or a political community, its institutions, basic laws, major political ideas and general policy objectives (Encyclopaedia Britannica 2020). Thus, the promotion of loyalty by all governments, democratic, authoritarian and totalitarian alike, can be viewed as a comprehensive never-ending job. In addition, national loyalties are placed in question by increasingly multicultural and multinational societies, and massive global movements of ‘stateless’ people. Regarding political loyalty and the effects of immigration on national identities there is heated social and political debate between the advocates of pluralism, and those who believe that immigration threatens national values. The discourse of the extreme far-right political parties emerging in many parts of the world is based, among other things, upon an anti-immigration stance, sometimes linked to Islamophobia (Piche 2013). It is increasingly evident that the growth of far-right populism is today a Western phenomenon that can be seen in several European countries, as well as in the United States (Stocker 2017). Apprehension over immigration and national identity are boosting the electoral fortunes of, and in some cases, bringing to power political forces hostile to the liberal world order. Central to the growing popularity of these disparate political forces and phenomena is a growing belief that borders have become too porous, that nations are accepting too many immigrants (whether through legal or illegal channels), and that immigrants are not assimilating quickly and thoroughly enough into native cultures. (Kirchick 2019). Returning to political issues, Bartlett and Ghaffer-Kucher (2013) highlight how distinctions between a migrant, someone who chooses to leave their country, and a refugee, someone who flees for fear of persecution, or is pushed out, is primarily a political issue. For example, some people are forced out of their countries by fear of persecution but are not recognised as refugees by the destination government, which would usually mean they were viewed as illegal immigrants. In conclusion, it is essential to have an appreciation of the complicated origins and consequences of migration in order to mitigate the undesirable humanitarian consequences of migration. The Fund for Global Human Rights (2020) understand these consequences and support organisations and leaders around the world who are resolutely defending the rights of migrants to safe passage, due process and access to healthcare and education. They estimate that 1 billion people around the world today are migrants; more than two-thirds of whom are forcibly displaced. Their journeys are treacherous: desperate to flee violence, oppression and poverty at home, they may choose to cross an inhospitable desert or board a makeshift

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boat without life preservers. Along the way, they are prime targets for robbery or sexual assault. Those who arrive at their destination often find themselves in a state of limbo, stuck in detention centres or migrant camps with limited access to legal and healthcare services. Children who are separated from family or unaccompanied by caregivers have particular barriers to advocating for their rights. The current picture then, summarised by The United Nations is that humanitarian agencies, the private sector and civil society face enormous hurdles as many authoritarian regimes responsible for displacing people are not held accountable, and prohibitions in international law are outdated and ignored (Centre for International Governance Innovation 2019).

How and in what way has migration affected inclusion in society? Here consideration will be given to some arguments and debates surrounding the consequences of migration for displaced populations in terms of how included or excluded they are from the countries they travel to. According to Martell (2010) although the strongest arguments for migration are to do with the needs of migrants – the economic hardship, exploitation or persecution they are escaping, yet this perspective is rarely considered in public debate, outside of the concerns expressed by humanitarian agencies. While conflicts and instability have increased the number of people forced from their homes, work is the main reason people move to another country. Climate change and the water shortages, bad harvests and rise in sea level however are expected to push more people from their homes in the future (Vickers and Alexander 2019). Economists say that migration can benefit economies. Studies show that the social services migrants use are largely paid for by their tax contributions. By adding (mostly younger) workers, migration can raise gross domestic product and ease pressure on pension systems. Still, large inflows sometimes stress schools, health care systems and housing markets. Some analyses have found that an increase in newcomers reduced native wages, though the effects were small. Immigration critics often highlight specific crimes committed by new arrivals, but research challenges the notion that migration leads to more lawlessness (Vickers and Alexander 2019). So, can immigration be viewed as good or bad? Probably not, as data on the subject is mixed and inconclusive. Some believe that immigrants flood across borders, steal jobs, are a burden on taxpayers and threaten indigenous culture. As the number of international migrants reaches new highs, people around the world show little appetite for more migration – both into and out of their countries, according to a Pew Research Centre survey of 27 nations conducted in the spring of 2018 (Connor and Krogstad 2018). Across the countries surveyed a median of 45 percent say fewer or no immigrants should be allowed to move to their country, while 36 percent say they want about the same number

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of immigrants. Just 14  percent say their countries should allow more immigrants. This hostility is echoed in research that has found extensive evidence of discrimination against foreign born and minority populations in criminal justice, business, the economy, housing, health care, media and politics in the United States and Europe (Zschirnt and Dieder 2016). In Europe, majorities in Greece (82 percent), Hungary (72 percent), Italy (71 percent) and Germany (58 percent) say fewer immigrants or no immigrants at all should be allowed to move to their countries. Each of these countries served as some of the most popular transit or destination countries during Europe’s recent surge in asylum seekers (Connor and Krogstad 2018). Ford’s (2011) evidence adds another aspect, noting that white and culturally more proximate immigrant groups are generally less opposed than non-white and culturally more distinct immigrants. In several immigrant destination countries, large majorities say immigrants are not more to blame for crime than other groups. This is the case in Canada, the United States, France and the U.K. Among other countries surveyed, only in South Africa, Sweden and Greece do majorities believe that immigrants are more to blame for crime than other groups (Gonzalez-Barrera and Connor 2018). In the Netherlands, Japan, Israel and Germany, opinions are split on the impact of immigrants on crime. In four other countries where views were mixed, substantial shares refused to choose either of the two statements offered  – Italy (26  percent), Hungary (17  percent), Poland (15  percent) and Russia (14  percent) (2018). Publics across top migrant destination countries are split on whether or not immigrants increase the risk of terrorism in their countries. There is, however, a plethora of evidence that refutes the claims viewing migrants as a burden to their new host countries. For example, in the United States, immigrants have been successful founders of companies such as Google, Intel, PayPal, eBay and Yahoo! (World Economic Forum 2020). Research on the net fiscal impact of immigration shows that immigrants contribute significantly more in taxes than the benefits and services they receive in return (World Economic Forum, 2020). Jaumotte, Koloskova and Saxena at the International Monetary Fund (2016)  argue that migration, no matter how controversial politically, makes sense economically. In the long term, both high and lowskilled workers who migrate bring benefits to their new home countries by increasing income per person and living standards. High-skilled migrants bring diverse talent and expertise, while low-skilled migrants fill essential occupations for which natives are in short supply and allow natives to be employed at higher-skilled jobs. They note that rhetoric surrounding migration has turned more negative in recent years and that native workers, too, require some help to adjust, including by upgrading their skills. According to a 2018 Pew Research Centre (Gonzalez-Barrera and Connor 2018) survey of 18 countries that host half (51 percent) of the world’s migrants, 10 of them view immigrants as a strength rather than a burden. Among them are some of the largest migrant receiving countries in the world:

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the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, Canada and Australia (each hosting more than 7 million immigrants in 2017). By contrast, majorities in five countries surveyed: Hungary, Greece, South Africa, Russia and Israel – see immigrants as a burden to their countries. Except for Russia, these countries each have fewer than 5 million immigrants. Meanwhile, public opinion on the impact of immigrants is divided in the Netherlands. In Italy and Poland, more say immigrants are a burden, while substantial shares in these countries do not lean one way or the other (31 percent and 20 percent respectively). In most countries surveyed, those on the left of the ideological spectrum are more positive about immigration’s impact on their country than those on the right. Similarly, in many countries surveyed, those with higher levels of education, younger adults, and those with higher incomes are more likely to say immigrants make their countries stronger because of their work and talents. Also, in all countries surveyed, those saying they want fewer immigrants arriving in their countries are less likely to view immigrants as making their countries stronger (Gonzalez-Barrera and Connor 2018). Populist extremist parties and ideas have exercised influence over European politics more recently. Parties aligned with radical right populism won reelection in Hungary, joined ruling coalitions in Italy and Austria, and gained ground in elections in Sweden and Slovenia, and in state elections in Germany. Poland’s populist government remained in power, but lost momentum in local elections in 2018. Elements of the populists’ anti-immigration, anti-refugee and anti-Muslim policy agenda continued to be embraced by some mainstream political parties in several EU countries, including in Germany (Human Rights Watch 2020). There have increasingly been instances of racist intolerance or violent hate crimes in many EU states including Bulgaria, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Slovakia, Spain and the United Kingdom. Anti-Semitism remained a concern in EU member states (Human Rights Watch 2020). Far-right forces have been ascendant around the globe in recent years, leading some to seriously question the strength of liberal democracy for the first time in decades. What is causing this resurgence continues to be a matter of contention (Bowman 2019). Experts think that the excesses of globalisation have created an identity crisis across the world, facilitating the rise of nationalist movements (Sofuoglu 2019). In the future, it will become even more imperative to ensure a strong labour supply augmented by foreign workers as globally, the population is ageing. Some countries are actively making efforts to attract more migrants due to its aging population and low birth rate, notably Japan (Pew Centre, 2018 cited in Gonzalez-Barrera and Connor 2018). With fertility collapsing to below replacement levels in all regions except Africa, experts are predicting rapidly rising dependency ratios and a decline in the OECD workforce from around 800 million to close to 600 million by 2050. The problem is particularly acute in North America, Europe and Japan (World Economic Forum 2020).

Migration – a defining issue 23

Conclusion Migration will continue to be a major, unstoppable factor of global life until the different push and pull factors associated with migration, including economic disparities between sending and receiving countries are eliminated. Even as governments have attempted to limit cross-border flows of goods, services, capital and migration, the smuggling of human beings and resulting populations of illegal immigrants in both developed and developing nations have assumed a growing importance. Concerns over undocumented immigration have been tempered by the need for migrant labour, specifically in developed nations, as well as the existence of growing refugee populations, further complicating the creation of efficient migration policy. Dealing with both legal and illegal immigration, then, is one of the pressing issues facing governments and societies across the world defining the twenty-first century yet society has to decide whether to include or exclude these people.

Acknowledgements Dedicated to anyone who has ever been displaced, particularly anyone I ever met in Syria before the current conflict started. Bless you.

Further Reading Keshavarz, M. (2018) The Design Politics of the Passport: Materiality, Immobility, and Dissent. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. This book examines the passport and its associated social, political and material practices as a means of uncovering the workings of ‘design politics.’ It traces the histories, technologies, power relations and contestations around this small but powerful artefact to establish a framework for understanding how design is always enmeshed in the political, and how politics can be understood in terms of material objects. Abboud, S.N. (2018) Syria. Cambridge: Polity. With more than 500,000 people killed and at least half the population displaced, Syria’s civil war is the deadliest conflict of the twenty-first century. Samer Abboud provides an in-depth analysis of Syria’s descent into civil war, the subsequent stalemate, and the consequences of Russian military involvement after 2015. He unravels the complex and multi-layered drivers of the conflict and demonstrates how rebel fragmentation, sustained regime violence, international actors and the emergence of competing centres of power tore Syria apart in wholly irreversible ways. While the Assad regime has so far survived, the instability, violence and insecurity that continue to shape everyday life for the Syrian people portend an uncertain future that will have repercussions on the wider Middle East for years to come.

References Bartlett, L. and Ghaffer-Kucher, A. (2013) Refugees, Immigrants, and Education in the Global South: Lives in Motion. London: Routledge.

24  Nicola Scarrott Berbrier, M. (2004) Why Are There so Many “Minorities?” Available at: (Accessed 19 February 2020). Bowman, B. (2019) What Is Causing the Rise of Today’s Global Far Right? Available at: https:// (Accessed 18 February 2020). Butera, F. and Levine, J.M. (2009) Coping with Minority Status: Responses to Exclusion and Inclusion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Castles, S. and Kosack, G. (1972) The Function of Labour Immigration in Western European Capitalism. New Left Review, 73, pp. 3–21. Centre for International Governance Innovation (2019) A Call to Action: Transforming the Global Refugee System. Canada: Centre for International Governance Innovation. Chamayou, G. (2013) Fichte’s Passport: A Philosophy of the Police. Theory & Event, 16 (2). Chamie, J. (2020) World Population: 2020 Overview. Available at: content/world-population-2020-overview (Accessed 18 February 2020). Collins Dictionary (2020) Social Inclusion. Available at: tionary/english/social-inclusion (Accessed 23 January 2020). Connor, P. (2016) Nearly 1 in 100 Worldwide Are Now Displaced from Their Homes. Pew Research Centre. Available at: (Last accessed: 23/01/2020). Connor, P. and Krogstad, J.M. (2018) Many Worldwide Oppose More Migration  – Both into and out of Their Countries. Pew Research Centre. Available at: fact-tank/2018/12/10/many-worldwide-oppose-more-migration-both-into-and-outof-their-countries/ (Last accessed 22/01/2020). Department for International Development (2010) Global Social Exclusion Stocktake Report. London: Department for International Development. Encyclopaedia Brittanica (2020) Loyalty. Available at: (Last accessed 21/01/2020). Finn, D. (2008) Social Inclusion Policies and Practices: Reflections from the UK, Impact, 16–17, Autumn. Available at: http://parlinfo/parlInfo/search/display/display.w3p;adv =yes;db=;group=;holdingType=;id=;orderBy=customrank;page=0;query=Social%20 inclusion%20policies%20and%20practices%20reflections%20from%20the%20UK%20Dat aset%3Ajrnart,jrnart88;querytype=;rec=0;resCount=Default (Last accessed 19/02/2020). Ford, R. (2011) Acceptable and Unacceptable Immigrants: How Opposition to Immigration in Britain Is Affected by Migrants’ Region of Origin. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies Volume 37, Issue 7 Pages 1017–1037. Grant, C.A. and Portera, A. (2011) Intercultural and Multicultural Education. Abingdon: Routledge. Gonzalez-Barrera, A. and Connor, P. (2018) Around the World, More Say Immigrants Are a Strength Than a Burden. Pew Research Centre. Available at: global/2019/03/14/around-the-world-more-say-immigrants-are-a-strength-than-a-bur den/ (Last accessed 21/02/2020). Groebner, V. and Serlin, D. (2006) Ready for Inspection: An Interview with Valentin Groebner. Cabinet Magazine, 22, Summer 2006. Available at: http://cabinetmagazine. org/issues/22/serlin.php (Last accessed 19/022020). Helms, B. and Leblang, D. (2019) Global Migration: Causes and Consequences. Available at: fore-9780190228637-e-631 (Last accessed 28/01/2020). Human Rights Watch (2020) Events of 2018. Available at: country-chapters/european-union (Last accessed 18/02/2020).

Migration – a defining issue 25 International Organization for Migration (IOM) (2016) Global Migration Data Analysis, 6. Available at: issue_6.pdf (Last accessed 19/02/2020). International Organization for Migration (IOM) (2018) World Migration Report. Available at: (Last accessed 15/02/2020). International Organization for Migration (IOM) (2020) Migrant? Available at: https://www. (Last accessed 04/06/2020). International Rescue Committee (2018) Migrants, Asylum Seekers, Refugees and Immigrants: What’s the Difference? Available at: gees-and-immigrants-whats-difference (Last accessed 21/01/2020). Jaumotte, F., Koloskova, K. and Saxena, S. (2016) Migrants Bring Economic Benefits for Advanced Economies. Available at: (Last accessed 19/02/2020). Keshavarz, M. (2019) Introduction: Design, Politics, and the Mobility Regime. In The Design Politics of the Passport: Materiality, Immobility, and Dissent (pp. 1–14). London: Bloomsbury Visual Arts. Kirchick, J. (2019) Centre-Right Strategies for Addressing the Rise of the European Far Right. Available at: ing-the-rise-of-the-european-far-right/ (Last accessed 18/02/2020). Lee, E. (1966) A Theory of Migration. Demography, 3(1), pp. 47–57. Mabogunje, A. (1970) Systems Approach to a Theory of Rural-Urban Migration. Geographical Analysis, 2(1), pp. 1–18. Martell, L. (2010) The Effects of Migration: Is Migration a Problem or Solution? Available at: (Last accessed 28/01/2020). Mascareño, A. and Fabiola, C. (2015) The Different Faces of Inclusion and Exclusion. Cepal Review, 116; pp. 127–141. Migration Data Portal (2020) Migration Forecasting. Available at: https://migrationdataportal. org/themes/migration-forecasting (Last accessed 18/02/2020). Migration Policy Institute (2020) Top 10 Migration Issues of 2019. Available at: www.migra (Last accessed 28/01/2020). Parliament of Australia (2009) Social Inclusion and Social Citizenship Towards a Truly Inclusive Society. Available at: ments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/rp/rp0910/10rp08#_Toc244315377 (Last accessed 23/01/2020). Piche, V. (2013) Contemporary Migration Theories as Reflected in Their Founding Texts. Population, 68, 1. Available at: – con temporary-migration-theories-as-refle.htm (Last accessed 18/02/2020). Ravenstein, E.G. (1885) The Laws of Migration. Journal of the Statistical Society of London. Vol. 48. No.2. pp. 167–235. London: Blackwell Publishing for the Royal Statistical Society. Available at: (Last accessed 19/02/2020). Ridgeway, C.L. (2014) Why Status Matters for Inequality. American Sociological Review. 79:1–16. Sjaastad. L.A. (1962) The Costs and Returns of Human Migration. Journal of Political Economy, 70(5), 80–93, part 2. Smithsonian Institution (2020) Homo Sapiens. Available at: dence/human-fossils/species/homo-sapiens (Last accessed 18/02/2020).

26  Nicola Scarrott Sofuoglu, M. (2019) Why Nationalism Is Rising at the Cost of Liberal Democracy. Available at: (Last accessed 18/02/2020). Stocker, P. (2017) English Uprising: Brexit and the Mainstream of the Far Right. London: Melville House. The Fund for Global Human Rights (2020). Migrants’ Rights. Available at: https://globalhu e6Esr0MT4r91PN71AuCEeHldBHm1iju73C4QvCBbwHq7sfttwjoaAsCNEALw_wcB (Last accessed 18/12/2019). The Refugee Council (2018) The Truth About Asylum. Available at: www.refugeecouncil. uefvBRDXARIsAFEOQ9GbBygm73g1yv34eOOr6ECinz3ZsQ9O_cFLWqnOKFjqS VUQd7v52OwaAj8sEALw_wcB (Last accessed 12/12/2019). Therborn, G. (2007) Presentation: Expert Group Meeting on Creating and Inclusive Society: Practical Strategies to Promote Social Integration. Paris: Division for Social Policy and Development United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs. Torpey, J.C. (2000) The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship and the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. United Nations (2020) Migration. Available at: migration/index.html (Last accessed 19/02/2020). United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (2009) Creating an Inclusive Society. Available at: (Last accessed 04/06/2020). United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (2016) Chapter 1: Identifying Social Inclusion and Exclusion. Available at: chapter1.pdf (Last accessed 04/06/2020). United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs Division for Social Policy and Development (2008) Expert Group Meeting “Promoting Social Integration.” Helsinki. Available at: AIDEMEMOIRE_REVISED.pdf (Last accessed 19/02/2020). United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs Poverty (2020) Social Inclusion. Available at: social-integration.html (Last accessed 21/01/2020). United Nations General Assembly (1948) Universal Declaration of Human Rights (217 [111] A). Paris: United Nations. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (1951) The 1951 Refugee Convention. Available at; (Last accessed 19/02/2020). United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (1951) Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees. Available at: (Last accessed 12/12/19). United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (1954) Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons. Geneva: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (2020a) About Statelessness. Available at: (Last accessed 04/06/2020). United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (2020b) Emergency Handbook. Available at: (Last accessed 19/02/2020).

Migration – a defining issue 27 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (2020c) Figures at a Glance. Available at: (Last accessed 19/02/2020). Vickers, E. and Alexander, C. (2019) Why Migration Is Bigger and More Contentious Than Ever. Bloomberg Businessweek. Available at: (Last accessed 19/02/2020). Vobruba, G. (2003) Warnock Inclusion, Exclusion: Towards a Dynamic Approach, Refugee Survey Quarterly, Volume 22, Issue 4. Wirth, L. (1945) The Problem of Minority Groups. Pp. 347–72 In R. Linton, ed., The Science of Man in the World Crisis. New York: Columbia University Press. World Bank. (2011)  Migration and Remittances Factbook 2011  (2nd  ed.). Washington, DC: World Bank. World Bank Group (2020) Social Inclusion. Available at: social-inclusion (Last accessed 28/01/2020). World Bank Group (2013) Inclusion Matters: The Foundation for Shared Prosperity. Available at: (Last accessed 28/01/2020). World Economic Forum (2020) How Immigration Has Changed the World for the Better. Available at: (Last accessed 28/01/2020). Zschirnt, E. and Didier, R. (2016). Ethnic Discrimination in Hiring Decisions: A MetaAnalysis of Correspondence Tests 1990–2015.  Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies,  42 (7): 1115–1134.

3 Inclusion and the European Union Mabel Ann Brown

Introduction The European Union (EU) is an inclusive bundle of nations and the United States (US) is an inclusive conglomeration of states, yet the US has a very different relationship to its States than the EU has with its members. Inclusion is at the centre of both organisations with some regions belonging and others on the outside looking in. Habermas (2005 xxii) argued that ‘the nation state’ of the EU ‘emerged in response to a dual crisis of legitimation and integration that arose with the demise of the old European feudal order and deepened with the acceleration of processes of modernization.’ After the wars of religion and the emergence of credal pluralism, authority had to be legitimated in a secular fashion. Modernisation left in its wake isolated individuals and dislocated communities. Creating a nation state therefore in Habermas’s perspective achieved ‘legitimation’ and ‘integration’ and ultimately ‘mutual solidarity.’ This theme of in or out runs throughout society. For instance, Mexicans are perhaps out of the US or they could be integrated or included. Similarly, migrants can either be accepted in or be excluded. People with health issues can also be included or excluded both in society and in schools. As Woodward and Kohli (2001: 21) point out, ‘individuals are both included and excluded, because they are initially included as a stranger, but excluded because they bring alternative characteristics into the group, thus each time the group is extended, it ultimately changes the whole group.’ This theme of inclusion is important in international relations, society and education because it suggests being included without limitations or restrictions. Yet inclusion requires a desire to be included and an offer of inclusion in other words a two-way process. Thus ‘groups who cannot take advantage of education or achieve advanced literacy’ are led to ‘a firmer exclusion from the mainstream social community’ (Woodward and Kohli 2001: 6). Inclusion becomes reinforced as in ‘Durkheimian functionalist thought, exclusion serves to reinforce inclusion by excluding the deviant groups,’ thus society stabilises itself ’ (Woodward and Kohli 2001: 9). Many people are moving around the world for work and study creating a new order and a new need for understanding one another. Inclusion at best

Inclusion and the European Union 29

aims to let people ‘have control over their own support and decision making’ (Keys to Inclusion 2018), and at its worst is potentially coercive for instance you can be included if you do or say something that fits in with the pack. In terms of the European Union, Woodward and Kohli (2001: 14) suggest ‘European societies are forced on the one hand to respond to questions of regional and ethnic identification and on the other hand to surrender their sovereignty to the institution of the New Europe.’ Simmel (in Woodward 2001: 22) suggests that in order to be integrated the individual must ‘give up its rights to self-determination and autonomy.’

Origins of the EU concept The European Union (EU) was formed by The Maastricht Treaty in 1993 and introduced the concept of European Citizenship. The European Union 1993 also incorporated the European Economic Community (EEC), which had previously been formed in the 1951 Treaty of Paris and the 1957 Treaty of Rome, to create economic integration and secure a more lasting peace. Thus, the initial European Union aims were European citizenship, economic integration, and peace. Initially Belgium, France, West Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands were the first countries involved in the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the European Economic Community (EEC). The United Kingdom joined the European Communities in 1973 and became part of the European Union in 1993. The initial treaties in 1951 and 1957 had worked towards economic cooperation to reconstruct the European continent after World War Two (CIVITAS 2015), but this has evolved into a political concept dealing with climate, environment, health, security, justice and migration (Europa 2017). The Treaty of Rome (1957) had ‘established a Commission, a Council of Ministers, a European Parliament and a European Court of Justice’ (CIVITAS 2015). In 1993 the European Union enabled ‘goods, services, money and people to move freely,’ with more powers given directly to the European Parliament, clearly demonstrating the loss of individual power in order to be included. The European Union is a cohesive political block of countries, nineteen of whom share the same currency. Over time the European Union extended to include twenty-eight regions (twenty-seven after 31 January 2020) with a commitment to peace, democracy, and human rights with common laws. To achieve this some sovereignty has been relinquished. Some controls were also put in place when poorer nations joined such as Romania and Bulgaria in 2007 although their citizens could work (and have worked) across Europe. As Habermas (2005: xxiv) points out, ‘if peace is to be promoted states must act in harmony with the principles of the federation,’ clearly demonstrating a need for power and possible loss of self. Acting in harmony is easy if all the participants are happy, but the financial crash in 2008 and the later migration issues in 2015 caused concern leading to a very different perspective in many countries across Europe. Yet as Kricke and

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Neubert (2020: 53) cite ‘the mechanics of democracy can function only when there is a clear understanding of the community of interest that the membership has,’ and for Europe this appears to have been lost in some countries. One of these countries was the United Kingdom whose population was growing far too quickly for inclusion and integration. The ‘Solid modernity’ (Bauman 2000:4 cited in Kricke and Neubert (2020: 55) of social order had changed and ‘liquid modernity’ had taken route. In November 2018 the Office for National Statistics estimated the UK population to have increased by 273,000 as a result of net migration. A significant number were non-EU citizens. The Office for National Statistics (Nov. 2018) collated the overseas born population living in the United Kingdom between July 2017 and June 2018, a sample example of this is included in Table 3.1, clearly showing the diversity and the need for some form of inclusive practice or concerted effort to draw these people into the nation and the national ethos of the country or end up with a very divided society. It should also be noted that the figures in the table do not include students who have no resident parent in the UK, it only includes the figures from private households and the figures in the actual ONS table only covers the sixty most common countries of origin, of which the top few countries are included here. As can be seen from Table 3.1 the regions people are drawn from are quite diverse thus inclusion could be an issue. Since 2018 further reports have been released and in the year ending June  2019, ‘long term international migration continued to add to the UK population as an estimated 212,000 more people moved to the UK with the intention of staying . . . 609,000 moved to the UK and 397,000 left’ (ONS 2019), leaving an increase of 212,000. Such huge inflows both into the UK and the European Union have created housing and integration issues. Smaller in flows can be absorbed but such significant changes create problems for infer structure and inclusion.

Table 3.1 Overseas born population in the United Kingdom excluding some residents in communal establishments. Information from Table 1.3, July 2017 to June 2018 ONS Nov. 2018. Country

Number of males

Number of females

Poland India Pakistan Romania Republic of Ireland Germany Bangladesh Italy South Africa Plus, many more nationalities

423,000 437,000 278,000 225,000 167,000 135,000 134,000 122,000 118,000

466,000 424,000 251,000 186,000 214,000 173,000 125,000 115,000 117,000

Inclusion and the European Union 31

Inclusion requires an ability to engage with the ‘other’; this can be the other individual, the other society or the other nation. The lives of current inhabitants are changed, thus engaging with the other can be difficult. Competition for housing and jobs increases, thus relationships are stretched, and a negative attitude takes route. Inclusion also immediately suggests exclusion because there is never complete inclusion. For example, whilst the EU includes twenty-seven regions it also excludes others possibly because they do not wish to be included or because they are being excluded for various reasons. Inclusion is often based on beliefs, values and practices (Parker Rees, Leeson, Willan and Savage 2010: 94), which could be stereotypes. In terms of the EU the beliefs, values and practices were initially around the idea of promoting peace and a western society, but peace is not necessarily built on exclusive economic and political clubs or agreements. In terms of the EU this alliance gradually moved on to promote greater unity demonstrating its increasing power. This process of greater unity can be seen on a smaller scale in educational inclusion, which also reflects the society in which it is based. In terms of education ‘inclusion is a process of increasing the participation of students in and reducing their exclusion from, the cultures, curricula and communities in local schools’ (Parker Rees et al 2010: 95), but for this to be effective (Farrell 2002 in Parker Rees et al 2010: 95) ‘pupils must actively belong to and be welcomed by and participate in a school and community – that is they should be fully included.’ This full union is perhaps the stumbling block in terms of the EU and inclusion, as many nations still wish to preserve their identity and culture. Kricke and Neubert (2020: 56) explain this in terms of new societal fragile bonds causing an appeal for ‘stable and secure forms of identity.’ This is becoming more apparent with the regular use of the term ‘identity politics’ referring to parties on the far right or left who are gaining ground throughout Europe. The collaborative approach of the EU has met with resistance and thus full inclusion cannot be achieved. Apple (2018: 143) speaks of a ‘talking cure,’ but this is not sufficient to alter the social and ideological conditions of dominance and subordination,’ thus the EU should reflect on why, there has been a Brexit in the UK, as this may ‘lead to a more critically democratic direction in the future’ (Apple 2018: 144). Woodward and Kohli (2001: 169) suggest ‘in the Simmelian sense, expanding territories entail widening the circle of actors upon whom one depends, but also a diminishing of dependence on any one of them. This erodes the hierarchical order and the mutual exclusivity of the different levels of territorial organisation.’ Thus, dynamics have changed in Europe and with it a shift in power. As Anthias and Lazaridis (1999: 197) say ‘this requires the strengthening of the democratic legitimacy of the EU by increasing the powers of the EU by i) increasing the powers of the European Parliament (from assembly to legislature) ii) creating institutional links between the European Parliament and national parliaments establishing partnerships between the two and generally speaking strengthening of the role of national parliaments in the

32  Mabel Ann Brown

project of European integration’ whilst promoting transparency openness and accountability. This is further substantiated by Panizza in his briefing to the European Parliament (March 2019) when he declares that ‘transparency, integrity and accountability are the essential prerequisites of a democracy based on the rule of law,’ that ‘promotes good governance and builds trust’ preventing ‘corruption.’ Sadly, some of this transparency and accountability has not filtered down to all the nations within the European Union. Even in early 2019 in Panizza’s paper questions were being asked about European members expenses and attendances at meetings, efforts were being made to address this, but such failings demonstrate a fundamental weakness of the European Union. However, European Parliament attendance in 2020 may not be quite such an issue due to Covid-19 and the need to self-isolate. Chakravarty (2018: 13) in The Week 20 October 2018 claims that an ‘inherent lack of transparency in its institutions is what has bred so much disaffection with the EU,’ there are probably other reasons, but Chakravarty then goes on to say that the EU refuses to tackle issues but instead has ‘proposed spending 1bn euros persuading people to support European values’ when really ‘it’s a drive for greater accountability’ that is required. This raises the question should we aim for full inclusion between nations or between individuals or are we losing some identity by it? Does full inclusion really mean dominant pack behaviour? Kricke and Neubert (2020: 57) quote Dewey who believed in interactive problem solving that ‘built on diversity and participation,’ regarding ‘unity as an accomplishment’ seeking solutions as ‘coconstructions to be deconstructed and reconstructed in new situations.’ Should inclusion really be viewed with caution? Inclusion in terms of the EU requires ‘positive relationships,’ and ‘self-esteem’ (Curtis et al 2014: 177) just as these would be required in educational inclusion. Foucault’s technological dimensions as considered in (Kricke and Neubert 2020: 58–59), suggests that ‘education’ is ‘a form of resistance against capitalist pressures towards a “one size fits all” and in effect ‘gated community’ education has become a tool of the rich creating a great divide. As Kricke and Neubert (2020: 59) state, ‘democracy and education’ appreciate the uniqueness of individuals, but capitalism ‘represents standardisation’ and ‘measureable performance,’ which is at odds with individualism and inclusion. Inclusion is difficult for children whose formal education has been interrupted for some reason or because the child has poor literacy skills or even a different standard of living. Inclusion somehow needs to be able to reach across boundaries both physically, socially and financially. Apple (2006a, 2018: 141) perhaps views this as ‘hybrid alliances,’ between what are usually very distinctive groups. The inclusive group differences can and are in the twenty-first century enhanced by media coverage which change perspectives both local, nationally, and internationally. For instance, in Great Britain the media reported that northerners, who largely voted for Brexit, were ignorant, whilst the Remainers were considered informed, suggesting exclusivity groups of the brightest and the less bright. Apple (2018: 148) asks, ‘Are we building a more inclusive ‘we’

Inclusion and the European Union 33

that combines the politics of redistribution, recognition and representation,’ only time will tell. The media, however, has a responsibility to be representative of all views. The ‘we’ group does need to be more inclusive (Apple 2018: 149) or there does become a sense of oppression and of being left behind and ignored or considered ignorant. Apple (2018: 151) refers to a ‘decentred unity’ as an expansion of the term ‘we’ perhaps this is what we should be looking for in Europe so that people do feel included in an organisation that only works for some, thus making the ‘invisible visible’ (Buraway 2005: 265 in Apple 2018: 152) and reducing marginalisation. There is a conflict of interest between the European Union and the United Kingdom (2016–2019), but compromises need to be made on both sides if inclusion is to work and the ‘we’ expanded. As Apple (2006b: 4) points out, we the included have a right to criticise the status quo, ‘criticism is one of the most important ways we have of demonstrating that we expect more than rhetorical promises and broken dreams.’ The dreams of an EU will fail if voices are not heard. Disenchantment will lead to discontent. There are lessons to be learned, the EU needs to be accountable for its actions and hear the voices of its people before it is too late. Challenging a large inclusive group is a way of counteracting the dangers of arrogance and self-importance. The idea of a European Union aimed to transcend national boundaries, but the positives of such a project need to be projected for the participants to embrace it. Recent events including ‘the Euro crisis, austerity policies, BREXIT and the refugee/ immigration crisis, among other factors, have led to the EU’s work model, its viability and its future being questioned by Eurosceptic or Europhobic parties. Nearly half of citizens do not trust the European institutions, and people also show low levels of confidence in their own country’s institutions,’ according to EAPN (2018).

Partnership In theory the European Union is a partnership, but a partnership is never equal, there is always a more dominant party. An example of this is the controls put in place prior to Romania and Bulgaria joining the European Union in 2007. Each of the countries within the European Union traditionally do operate very differently and an area where this is demonstrated clearly is in education. If the nation’s children are well educated it enables potential future national success. Thus, higher order skills and educational competitiveness have increased significantly.

Education Countries have responded to the challenges of requiring higher order skills in technology and artificial intelligence, by expanding access to education and learning. However, some argue that widening participation, ‘in established education systems often simply reconstitute the exclusion of those who are

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perpetually marginalised, (Parry and Rix 2019: 127). ‘Education for all’ and inclusive practice became hindered by ‘setting by ability and rigid differentiation,’ leading to more mainstream or special education in the United Kingdom (Parry and Rix 2019: 128). Similarly the United States ‘increased expenditure on education . . . focused upon marketisation and standardisation, (Parry and Rix 2019: 30) leading to the labelling of children and greater marginalisation. Financial support mechanisms and traditional linear progression routes through education, from primary through tertiary, were replaced by a vision of lifelong learning (OECD 2019: 9). Flexible pathways were created by colleges, employers and training experts; however, these changes did not always address the needs of society, thus apprenticeships emerged. The demand for skilled people globally has increased significantly and is continuously increasing. In order to meet that demand ideas about best practice were required leading to more global organisations being set up with international data. One of these was the Organisation for Economic Cooperation, which has a significant interest in the European Union countries. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation (OEEC) was set up in 1948 to help reconstruct Europe following the war. This later became the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in 1961. Japan joined this organisation in 1964, and today 35 countries are involved (OECD 2018). The OECD creates comparative tables demonstrating success or failure in education. These tables and facts can and have been beneficial in helping to share good practice; however, it is ‘a narrow view on standardized and measurable performances’ (Kricke and Neubert 2020: 61) and can be damaging towards the idea of inclusion. ‘23 countries in the European Union’ are engaged in the OECD (OECD 2019: 18): ‘Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, the Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom.’ The OECD creates a greater awareness of educational success or lack of it, thus in 2019 the report suggests problems with secondary education. A number of young adults in the OECD and partner countries ‘are without upper secondary education’ (OECD 2019: 40), below 10% among 25–34 year-olds in 13 countries (Canada, the Czech Republic, Finland, Ireland, Israel, Korea, Lithuania, Poland, the Russian Federation, the Slovak Republic, Slovenia, Switzerland and the United States), it is 50% or more in the People’s Republic of China, Costa Rica, India and Indonesia. In Korea, only 2% of men and women aged 25–34 have not completed upper secondary education, the lowest share across OECD and partner countries. (OECD 2019: 40) ‘The share of younger adults with below upper secondary education fell from 19% in 2008 to 15% in 2018, indicating overall progress in increasing the levels

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of educational attainment in the OECD’ (OECD 2019: 41). On average in the OECD, 42 per cent of 25–64-year-olds have upper secondary or postsecondary non-tertiary education as the highest level of education: 37 per cent having only an upper secondary education and six per cent a post-secondary non-tertiary qualification. The proportion of adults with a post-secondary non-tertiary qualification is particularly high in Canada, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Latvia, Lithuania, New Zealand and the Russian Federation, where 10 per cent or more of the adult population hold qualifications at this level (OECD 2019: 41). Thus, the establishment of OECD comparisons has enabled many countries to become more aware of their educational attainment or lack of it, however accurate comparisons are always difficult to achieve and can be open to question. Achievement at upper secondary limits the risk of becoming a NEET (not in education, employment or training), thus comparative studies can help society to become more educationally inclusive. However, many countries still have their issues, the situation is especially severe for 25–29-year-olds without an upper secondary education in Lithuania, the Slovak Republic and South Africa, where the share of NEETs among 25–29-year-olds without upper secondary education exceeds 60%. It is also very high in the Czech Republic, France, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Poland and Slovenia where at least half of 25–29-year-olds are NEET. (OECD 2019: 56) Further education has been more positive in some countries than others as demonstrated by ‘Greece, Italy, South Africa and Turkey,’ where ‘the share of NEETs exceeds one in five young adults aged 25–29 regardless of the level of educational attainment. Nevertheless, even in these countries, education pays off and the risk of becoming NEETs falls significantly with higher educational attainment’ (OECD 2019: 56). Education plays an important part in developing social cohesion and opportunities to study and mix with wider groups is a priority of all the OECD countries (OECD 2019: 115). Education fosters the social and emotional skills that can contribute to enhancing social connections and protecting people from isolation. Adults’ social networks comprise their family, friends, colleagues and, more widely, the community they live in. Social interactions are shaped by our social context and our household’s socio-economic status, but when they complete further education people expand their social networks, increase their participation in the labour force (see Indicator A3) and ultimately benefit from the advantages of positive social inclusion, such as better health. (VicHealth 2010[1] in OECD 2019: 115)

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Access to shared data and ideas is beneficial to all nations. Another benefit of being a member of the European Union or being in this group has been ERASMUS with funded opportunities to study abroad. Erasmus ‘is the EU’s programme to support education, training youth and sport in Europe’ (Europa 2020), and the current funding runs until 2020. In fact, in 2017 16,561 UK students participated in Erasmus, whilst 31,727 EU nationals came to the UK to study (BBC 2020). Erasmus is ‘also involved in vocational training and work overseas as well as with teachers who want to work or train abroad’ (BBC 2020). The United Kingdom exited the European Union at the end of January 2020, however this may not mean the end of participation in this scheme as currently a number of paying countries outside the EU are included, namely Turkey, Iceland, Norway and Serbia who are referred to as ‘programme members’ (BBC 2020).

Integration Woodward and Kohli (2001: 14) claim ‘the process of integration in Europe has been a matter of compromise and sometimes paradox’ with possibly a ‘restricted attention to national societies’ moving ‘towards a broader European and global focus.’ Integration suggests being absorbed into something, thus a loss of self. The EU absorbed other nations with the best of intentions, to maintain peace, but to lose oneself in the process creates a vacuum and a sense of loss and eventually a sense of prejudice and injustice. This term ‘integration’ is often used with migrants or people who are different. It was assumed that migrants could and would want to be integrated into society, but current changes such as some political national allegiances seem to indicate otherwise. Aldrick (2018: 55) claimed that the EU is struggling with a sense of purpose; as Bruegel, the Brussels thinker, once said, ‘The EU is having doubts about its future.’ Strong political forces in member states, including the six original members are questioning the direction, even the principle of European integration. Integration was encouraged and assumed to take place, but populations across the continent are now concerned about ‘sovereignty, migration and free movement’ (Aldrick 2018: 55).

Exclusion Exclusion can be considered a social problem; it can even mean marginalisation; it may be because of different beliefs, values and practices or a determination to undermine the other. Thus, for the countries that are excluded from the EU there may be a desire to create fewer desirable conditions, because they are the excluded nations. Exclusion then damages the peace process. Exclusion creates segregation, and segregation can lead to disadvantage and disadvantage and dissatisfaction to aggression. To prevent this, there needs to be an ‘ethical responsibility towards the other’ (Curtis, Ward, Sharp and Hankin 2014: 177).

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In Germany mosques have been partly funded by German tax payers as a force for integration (Deutsche Welle in the Week 2018: 19) yet following a recent mosque construction the ‘city’s cosmopolitan leaders were barred from taking part in the opening ceremony’ whilst the ceremony was conducted in Turkish, creating a ‘parallel society in Germany’ leaving the leaders and tax payers feeling excluded within their own country. An example of exclusion is the lack of recognition of some foreign qualifications, which then excludes some people from working at an appropriate level to their qualifications. Yet it is difficult to equate standards of education from across the globe even with an OECD (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development).

Equality Mansell (2017: 31) in The Teacher Nov/Dec 2017 claimed, ‘Helping only bright poorer kids is not equity.’ His reasoning is that more affluent parents in England pay for private tuition, whilst the poorer underachievers receive no further assistance. This inequality is throughout society if a person has, then he must pay, if he has not, but has potential, he will be assisted but those who lack even potential receive nothing. Inequality is and always will be prevalent because no amount of distortion will change an individual’s starting point. Atkinson et al (2003: 24) claimed whilst ‘a poverty rate of 50% might make little difference to the EU-wide statistic,’ it was ‘incompatible with European social cohesion,’ yet sadly this cohesion and lack of poverty is as far away as ever as suggested in some of the other chapters in this book. Tackling inequality to ease disadvantage is a humane response but there will always be the wealthy with more power and the poor who have little. Social justice is the aim, but there will always be issues in trying to achieve this. It was hoped to eradicate poverty and social exclusion by 2010 (Atkinson et al 2003: 2) but even with ‘common objectives and monitoring processes (Atkinson et al 2003: 4),’ and even encouragement to emulate (Atkinson et al 2003: 3) good practice this has been difficult to achieve. In terms of the EU some nations are wealthier and exert more power than the other nations, thus there is inequality in a system that wants equality and cohesion. Greece has had considerable financial issues leading to the country welcoming foreign investment, but this has led to a loss of Greek identity within some regions turning Athens into a multicultural shelter for the foreign wealthy mainly from Turkey and other non-EU countries. . . . The law grants a residence permit to anyone spending more than 250,000 euros on Greek real estate, a permit which eventually bestows Greek citizenship and thus citizenship of the EU. (To Vima Athens in The Week 2019: 17)

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Inclusion based on financial inequality in Greece will take time to resolve as the national identity changes and young Greeks with less finance are squeezed out. The recent 2020 coronavirus outbreak within the European Union has tested the idea of international inclusion and union leaving many nations with vast overspends and damaged budgets. Initially nationalism came to the forefront to resolve the problems and only later did the European monetary fund become more involved. Each country within the European Union has its own issues or problems and therefore consensus can be difficult. The Netherlands back in 2003 (Atkinson et al 2003: 20) had problems with youngsters leaving school early leading to illiteracy and poor employment prospects, whilst the United Kingdom needed to eradicate child poverty and Sweden needed to reduce welfare dependency. The European Union attempted to ‘facilitate mutual learning and exchange of good practices between Member States’ (Atkinson et al 2003: 21), but it is a thin line between enabling and demanding better practice. Thus, the monitoring and target setting can become a tool of power lacking sensitivity to the reality and what is achievable.

Cohesion Cohesion is central to the European Union or to any other nation, as it is to any relationship or educational institution or business. Cooper et al (2006: 46) refers to the ‘tension between local (citizen) control and non-discrimination and non-repression in crafting ethical and equitable education policy.’ Children and young people form the future society and their experiences of feeling inside or outside a system can have a lasting baring on their view of society and yet society will include or exclude for personal gain or to maintain a certain status or position. In fact, all parents usually seek to give their child the best perceived advantage in order to set their child up for the future. Strike (1982: 189 in Cooper et al 2006: 46) claimed even compensatory schooling can be problematic as resources are distributed unevenly and achievement can be affected by poverty and an ability and willingness to learn. Strike (1982: 255 in Cooper 2006: 46) also advocated smaller social organisations, so that they are more democratic and less bureaucratic perhaps this applies to inclusive practices in the wider world. Education has in the 1960s and 1970s endeavoured to provide equal opportunity ‘with emphasis on the needy’ (Larson 1980: 66 in Cooper et al 2006: 47), thus de-equalising the education process in fact as Cooper et al (2006: 47) says ‘no facet of education policy practice is value neutral.’

Polarisation Sadly, with so many different partner countries within the European Union there are elements of polarisation. This runs throughout society with extreme political views of the far left and the far right.

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In education there is polarisation between those who are able academically and those who are not; those who have received an education and those who have not.

Reconciliation The difficulty for the EU is how to reconcile itself as an organisation with all its elements and nations. To press for full inclusion is to deny national rights, but without this full inclusion, the EU returns to its original roots of being a peace-keeping organisation or a trading partnership. In education the issues are the same there is an aim for full inclusion, but ultimately it can only achieve limited equity as starting points are different as are financial possibilities. The EAPN (2018) sum up their priorities for Europe as inclusive employment; decent and stable jobs for young people; decent pensions; adequate and effective minimum income; economic benefits for children; extensive and quality healthcare; extensive and quality educational investment; effective social services; attention to vulnerable groups; a wide range of social housing; affirmative actions for gender equality; a redistributive tax reform; and greater and better participation of society in European democracy. All worthy points, but the following chapters demonstrate how hard it is to achieve these outcomes.

Conclusion The European Union can be compared with Parry and Rix’s (2019: 133) conclusion about inclusive education it is ‘a web of ideological positions, entrenched interests and education and social policies,’ all linked to money and attitudes. Sadly, the ideology can become lost in the power struggles that maintain the inclusion. Finally, inclusion is necessary for emotional wellbeing, it prevents isolation and gives solidarity, whilst providing a sense of being accepted and included. However, inclusion needs to allow for individualism as countries and people’s needs vary. Inclusion cannot be a box into which everyone fits, it needs to be much wider. It is a concept for peace and a recipe for a healthy world, if used with caution and a healthy attitude. Habermas (2005: xxii) advise that it ‘motivates the extension of democratic citizenship thereby addressing the problem of disintegration.’ Successful inclusion depends on attitudes and actions, for society, it removes barriers, enabling co-operation and consideration for human rights. This in turn has implications for economics and politics, creating financial stability, but also exclusive sovereignty or systems of power. Educational systems then sustain these regimes.

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A further quote from Lind (2020) demonstrates some of the issues around Brexit and Northern England, You can only have compromise if you acknowledge the legitimacy of the prior conflict. If you claim that conflict is based on the ignorance of one side or their insanity or ignorance, then there is no point in compromise; they should either be converted or defeated. In the case of Brexit that ignorance was turned into determination and no amount of arguments stating otherwise could defeat it. The distinct lack of compromise changed the British perception of inclusion within Europe. The ‘aims, beliefs, aspirations, knowledge, which constituted a common understanding or like mindedness’ (MW 9: 7 in Kricke and Neubert 2020: 50), appear to have changed between the United Kingdom and Europe leading to a separation. Dewey in Kricke and Neubert (2020: 50) would see this as a breakdown in communication. Dewey observed that ‘social life is identical with communication, but all communication is educative’ (Kricke and Neubert (2020: 50).

References Aldrick P. (2018) The EU’s Escalating Identity Crisis Could Yet Deliver a Better Brexit than Boris. The Times, 29 September. Anthias F and Lazaridis G (1999) Into the Margins: Migration and Exclusion in Southern Europe. Hants: Ashgate Publishing Ltd. Apple M.W. (2006a) Educating the Right Way, Markets, Standards, God and Inequality. 2nd edition. New York: Routledge. Apple M.W. (2006b) Official Knowledge Democratic Education in a Conservative Age. New York: Routledge. Apple, M.W. (2018) The Struggle for Democracy in Education. Lessons from Social Realities. 1st edition. London: Routledge. Atkinson T., Marlier E. and Nolan B. (2003) indicators and Targets for Social Inclusion in the European Union. Available at: and_targets_for_social_inclusion_in_the_European_Union (Accessed 17 January 2020). BBC (2020) Erasmus: What Could Happen to Scheme After Brexit? (9th January 2020) Available at: (Accessed 5 January 2020). Chakravarty D. (2018) The Transparent Failings of the EU Institutions. The Week, 20 October 2018. CIVITAS (2015) Treaty of Rome. Available at: Treaty-of-Rome.pdf Accessed on 13 November 2017. Cooper, B.S., Fusarelli, L.D. and Randall E.V. (2006) Better Policies, Better Schools, Theories and Applications. Boston: Pearson Education Inc. Curtis W., Ward S., Sharp J. and Hankin L. (2014) Education Studies 3rd Edition: An Issues Based Approach. London: Learning Matters, Sage. Deutsche Welle Berlin (2018) The Mosques that Answer to Ankara. The Week 13 October 2018. EAPN (European Antipoverty Network (2018) The Future of Europe. Available at: www. (Accessed 5 February 2020).

Inclusion and the European Union 41 Europa (2017) The EU in Brief. Available at: eu-in-brief_en Accessed on 13 November 2017. Europa What Is Erasmus? Available at: about_en Exclusion Zone (2018) The State Is Failing Thousands of Children Who Are Falling Prey to Drug Gangs After Being Expelled from School: It Is a National Disgrace. The Times (29 September 2018). Habermas J. (2005) Inclusion of the Other: Studies in Political Theory. Polity Press, Wiley. Available at: (Accessed 21 January 2020). Keys to Inclusion 2018. Available at: wp_cron=1540895795.5701870918273925781250 (Accessed 30 October 2018). Kricke M. and Neubert S. (2020) New Studies in Deweyan Education Democracy and Education Revisited. Abingdon: Routledge. Lind M. (2020) The New Class War: Did a Liberal Elite Pave the Way for the Rise of Trump? Available at: Accessed 4 March 2020. Mansell W. (2017) Helping Only Bright Poorer Kids Is Not Equity. The Teacher, November– December. Migration Statistics Quarterly Report: November  2018. Available at: peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internationalmigration/bulletins/migrationstatisticsquarterlyreport/november2018 (Accessed 3 December 2018). OECD (2018) Better Policies for Better Lives: History. Available at: tory/ (Accessed 5 February 2018). OECD (2019) Education at a Glance 2019. Available at: f8d7880d-en.pdf?expires=1580386684&id=id&accname=guest&checksum=D4E693B4 57BBE258D276510B88F0E8F2 (Accessed 2 February 2020). ONS International Migration (2019) Migration Statistical Quarterly Report November  2019. Available at: tion/internationalmigration (Accessed 30 January 2020). Panizza, R. (2019) Transparency, Integrity, and Accountability in the EU Institutions. Available at: (2019)608873_EN.pdf (Accessed 4 June 2020). Parker Rees R., Leeson C., Willan J., Savage J. (2010) Early Childhood Studies Third Edition. Exeter: Learning Matters. Parry J. and Rix J. (2019) Learning and Teaching Around the World. Edited by K. Safford and L. Chamberlain. Abingdon: Routledge. Private Eye (2020) Brussels Sprouts, number 1514. 24th January–6th February 2020. Woodward A. and Kohli M. (2001) Inclusion and Exclusions in European Societies. London: Routledge. To Vima (Athens) (2019) Selling Off Citizenship Is a Greek Tragedy. The Week, 2 February 2019.

4 Upskill America? The implications of neoliberal discourses in educational programs for migrant learners Johanna Ennser-Kananen and Jen Vanek Introduction This chapter offers an analysis of discourse used in reports that describe educational opportunities available to adult immigrant workers in the US. By examining the descriptions of two programs designed to support English learning for immigrants in the US, looking to see connections between the characteristics of the programs and the language used to describe them. Specifically, we look to the use of the words “upskilling” and “training,” which we connect to neoliberal ideologies in adult learning; an ideology that situates learning for migrants within their ability to participate in the labour market or their ability to integrate into the workforce. Our analysis illustrates how discourse in these texts provides a glimpse of the priorities that influence learning, some of which may create vulnerability and disenfranchisement for adult migrants with emerging print literacy. We intentionally selected the focal reports in order to examine contrasting perspectives. This contrast helps us illustrate alternative approaches to the education and integration of these LESLLA (literacy education and second language learning for adults and adolescents) learners.

Context: education for adult learners in the US In the US, the Workforce Innovation and Opportunities Act (WIOA) defines allowable educational programming for agencies that receive federal funds. Titles 1 and 2 of WIOA address training and educational services for adults, respectively. Title 1 focuses strictly on workforce development programming, describing allowable activities and funding structures for job training offered to unemployed or underemployed adults in the US. Title 2, the Adult Education and Family Literacy Act (AEFLA), focuses on education programming for adults with learning needs. Allowable programming defined by AEFLA includes literacy, knowledge and skill development required to support an adult’s “employment and economic self-sufficiency”; engagement in the education of one’s children; preparation for secondary diplomas, post-secondary matriculation and career development; and development of English language and literacy (WIOA, 2014, pp. 184–185).

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The focus and language of allowable activities in WIOA situate learning within a functional frame. That is, literacy, language and other academic skills are taught to support successful engagement and completion of activities outside the classroom (Sticht, 1975). WIOA funded programs acknowledge and support a range of learning goals, both “training” to support employability, but also learning to support non-career goals like English language development, family literacy, and civic integration (WIOA, 2014). However, such programs have fallen short of providing educational opportunities because they are underfunded. The result in the US is that 36 million adults have literacy development needs, but federally funded programs support fewer than 5% of these adults (Time for the U.S. to Reskill? What the Survey of Adult Skills Says 2013). At the same time, the rapid pace of innovation and high levels of employment create an imperative for adults who have been traditionally left out of work (because they may have been overlooked as “unemployable”) to become employable – and to have the skills needed to succeed at entry level work. This reality is complicated by the fact that entry-level work is increasingly reliant on digital technologies and the adults who might fill these jobs tend to lack access to technologies and opportunities to develop comfort using them. For example, entry-level service sector jobs comprise 32% of the U.S. workforce, but 73% of those employed in those jobs lack the skills to solve problems in digital environments and two out of three of those who struggle with computer use on the job (Bergson-Shilcock, 2017). Hence, crisis language around “skills gaps” and the need to “upskill” is common (e.g., Bergson-Shilcock, 2017; Digital Edge, 2017; Fall, 2017; Making skills everyone’s business 2015) and has spurred interest in supporting educational programming for adult learners from social enterprise corporations, business and organizational consulting firms, and corporate foundations concerned about the impact of the digital skills gap on employability or inclusion in the workforce. The goal of this chapter is to shed light on what it means when “upskilling” and “training” versus “learning” is used to describe the goal of an educational program. We offer this analysis to unearth this distinction in descriptions of programs created by organizations whose primary mission is not education. Specifically, our chapter is guided by these overarching questions: What are the characteristics of educational opportunities that are motivated by a neoliberal frame? What does language used to describe the learners reveal about the priorities of the organizations offering them? What implications does this have for learners?

Theoretical background Neoliberalism

Neoliberalism is based on the tenets of liberalism, a product of the Enlightenment meant to supplant church power over human behaviour with rationalism and a focus on the individual; the philosophy was foundational to early

44  Johanna Ennser-Kananen and Jen Vanek

development of democratic and capitalist societies (Levinson 2011). Moreover, it is characteristic of Foucault’s concept of governmentality, the practices and discourse employed to manage society, aptly described by Lemke (2002) as follows: ‘Governmentality is introduced by Foucault to study the “autonomous” individual’s capacity for self-control and how this is linked to forms of political rule and economic exploitation’ (p. 52). Neoliberalism’s impact on education is significant because within neoliberal discourse the social good, unlike in liberalism, is largely absent, replaced by an emphasis on one’s personal development for economic productivity (Davies and Bansel 2007). Adult education literature provides ample description of the influence of neoliberalism in justifications for adult learning. For instance, Kaščák and Pupala (2012) identify neoliberalism as the ‘promulgation of the economization of the social’ and ‘the economic vassalage of the state’ (p.  148) by which education is framed as a means to prepare learners for participation in local economies as consumers and workforce members boosting the competitiveness of a nation’s economy. Davies and Bansel (2007) describe this as a ‘reconfiguration of subjects as economic entrepreneurs, and of institutions capable of producing them’ (p. 250). Gillies (2011) writes that in a neoliberal system, learners (or workers) are viewed as human capital and that learning opportunities constructed for them prioritize development of skills with the capacity to better participate in the knowledge economy. This, they explain, ‘risks offering a diminished view of the person, a diminished view of education’ (p. 225). It further leads to a narrowing of what is considered relevant curricula – limiting them to ‘employment skills-focused learning that neither respects learners’ own goals nor values their life experiences’ (Allatt and Tett 2019, Kindle Loc 1051). Neoliberalism as discourses

For this chapter, we understand neoliberalism less as an economic theory and more as a set of discourses or discursive practices (Fairclough 2003). Specifically, we focus on discourses that center around the main themes of neoliberalism, including considerations of personal or corporate wealth (rather than communal good) and economic productivity, the emphasis on merit-based competition, the building of entrepreneurial identities and structures and the commodification of language, to name a few. The role of language in the prevalence of neoliberalism has been documented and theorized by many, maybe most prominently Norman Fairclough, who underlines the potential of discourses, or “orders of discourse” (Foucault, 1971), to bring about and reinforce social realities. This chapter operates on the understanding that discourse and reality are intertwined and can amplify each other. It is from this standpoint that we argue that a critical analysis of recent policy documents is relevant and needed for a better understanding of the current climate in which adult education takes place in the US. Although the restriction to textual analysis has certain limitations (Holborow, 2015), we believe that because of this

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intertwinedness of language and social reality, teasing out ideological stances from policy texts will create important spaces for discussion and critique.

Data and process Our analysis centers on texts written by two organizations whose main purpose is advocacy in support of policies that facilitate integration of newcomers in the US. These organizations do not primarily focus on education policy; however, they have ventured into recommendations for educational programming  – spurred by the imperative presented above.

The Migration Policy Institute (MPI) The mission of MPI, as published on their website, is ‘to improve immigration and integration policies through authoritative research and analysis, opportunities for learning and dialogue, and the development of new ideas to address complex policy questions.’ A  guiding priority included in the description is ‘the belief that countries need to have sensible, well thought-out immigration and integration policies in order to ensure the best outcomes for both immigrants and receiving communities.’ (See: about-migration-policy-institute) MPI published English Plus Integration: Shifting the Instructional Paradigm for Immigrant Adult Learners to Support Integration Success (McHugh and Doxsee 2018), a policy report highlighting limitations in the current WIOA-funded adult basic education system and offering policy and educational programming alternatives to expand access to educational programming for English learners, particularly those developing literacy and language proficiency at the lowest levels. The bulk of the report describes the English Plus Integration (EPI), the means for this expansion. McHugh and Doxsee (2018) argue that the core outcomes used to evaluate programs receiving funds available under WIOA motivate delivery of programming serving higher-level learners, who can more easily reach these goals than, for instance, learners with emergent print literacy.

The National Immigration Forum (NIF) The mission published on the NIF website states that NIF ‘advocates for the value of immigrants and immigration to our nation [and] . . . promotes responsible federal immigration policies, addressing today’s economic and national security needs while honoring the ideals of our Founding Fathers, who created America as a land of opportunity.’ NIF lists several key activities, including: ‘Integration and Citizenship – Creating the opportunities necessary for immigrants to succeed and contribute to the growth and prosperity of America.’ (See: NIF’s Upskilling New Americans: Innovative English Training for Career Advancement (2019) reports on their initiative for workplace ESL (English as a second

46  Johanna Ennser-Kananen and Jen Vanek

language), Skills and Opportunity for the New American Workforce (SONAW), whereby NIF partnered with employers to provide English language instruction for employed immigrants working in the retail sector in several US cities. The program was created in response to the need for participating employers to prepare entry-level staff for promotion. A common shared challenge for the employers, as articulated in the report, was the English language proficiency levels of their immigrant workforce, coupled with low unemployment rates, which made it difficult for the employers to fill mid-level jobs.

The analytical processes Our analysis of these two texts focused on how provision of language learning was described in the reports introducing these new programs. As former practitioners and current teacher educators and researchers whose work focuses on second language acquisition, we understand language learning to be a complicated process that includes, among other things, garnering input, making sense of conventions and structures, and production that supports pushing skills and knowledge in multiple contexts, rather than taskoriented “training” focused on narrowly defined content. This is important because successful immigrant integration and inclusion requires at least some linguistic proficiency and linguistic proficiency requires more than narrowly defined English usage in one workplace (Kallenbach et al., 2013). We reviewed texts with the goal of unearthing viewpoints and priorities associated with discourses that describe learners and learning and to glean information about what the learning might be like in the programming described in the documents. Our selections were not random; we knowingly selected texts with different authoring organizations and different stated goals for the educational programming in order to see contrast. After a thorough reading of the documents, we identified the most salient themes through a process of inductive coding (Corbin and Strauss, 1990), including for instance “deficit framing of learners,” “employers as beneficiaries” and “English as a skill.” With a more focused (deductive) lens, we then continued to look for those themes and finally decided to include those most evident in our chapter.

Findings and discussion Our reading of these key texts helped us see how language used to describe educational programming reveals the impact of neoliberal framing of adult education. On the surface, both described programs were created to create more opportunities for immigrants to learn English. MPI’s description of EPI suggests that it affords expanded access to relevant and sustained English courses for the newest learners. The NIF report on their workplace ESL initiative describes how it can accommodate challenging work schedules by making it more convenient to learn at work and online. Yet, are there several noteworthy

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points of contrast, including what counts as success and how that success is measured (e.g., learner satisfaction versus test scores), naming of the activity as “upskilling” or “training” versus “learning”, and the articulated reasons that participants should participate (e.g., integration or inclusion versus employability or economic good). Two particularly rich areas of contrast evident in the reports are 1) the articulated beneficiary and the resulting prioritized content and 2) the characterization of the learner and deficit (or not) framing of their language learning. It’s the difference in these areas that most consistently exposed neoliberal priorities in the offered programming and its intended impact on learners.

What do they call it? For the purpose of our analysis we defined our key terms as follows: •

‘Upskilling refers to the process of teaching current employees new skills’ (Feldman, 2018). Fall (2017) understands upskilling as worker development efforts such as training, certification, education credential attainment, and apprenticeship programs that are motivated by employers to support employee productivity. • Following the Cambridge Dictionary, we define “training” as ‘the process of learning the skills you need to do a particular job or activity’ (See: We note the narrow context implicit and explicitly stated in this definition. There was consistency in the way each of the terms was used in the documents we analyzed. MPI’s description of the EPI model presents English language development as a learning process that requires ongoing affective, material, and instructional support and is connected to the larger experience of integration in the US. Evidence for this lies in descriptions of the “acquisition process” (p. 12) as structured to support a broad concept of “English language proficiency” (p. 14; p. 17). “Learning” is seen as a core activity of an educational program, whereas the word “training” is never used to describe English language development and the word “upskilling” never appears in the MPI text. In contrast, in the NIF report speaks primarily to the provision of English language programming because of contributions it can make to the employer provider. Throughout the report, “training” is used consistently to describe the way English language development is meant to occur. This is most salient in the report’s description of the workplace ESL initiative as ‘an industrycontextualized English language training program’ (p. 4) and the use of “training program” several times throughout the paper (pp. 4, 20, 23, 24, 26). The use of “learning” is limited to improving performance at work, e.g., in the description of an ‘English language learning program that increases skills and improves operational productivity’ (p. 7) and in references to the part of the program that happened online (e.g., ‘online learning’).

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Why is this a problem? “Upskilling” and “training” are not necessarily learning. A training or upskilling approach makes routinization of work tasks possible so that workers can function on the job. Learning may, too, support this goal, but implicit in learning is support for metaknowledge that makes it possible for trained skills to be readily applied outside of the context in which they were attained. A “training” approach is a limited one that may inhibit development of proficiencies beyond what is required in a job. This use of language reflects a neoliberal frame for the educational opportunity described by NIF. Even more interesting is the alignment of this discourse to the named beneficiaries of the programming and how learners are viewed in each document. In the end, the question is how such differences in discourse and practice create opportunities for inclusion or risks of exclusion of LESLLA learners.

Who benefits? This question is important to ask because it gives us a sense of the overall purpose of proposed education or upskilling efforts and indicates the motivation for the organization to engage in the initiatives as well as the possibilities and risks of the initiatives to promote social in- or exclusion.

Employers as beneficiaries: bottom line considerations In the NIF materials, benefits for the employer were mentioned throughout, with seven explicit instances we identified. Most commonly, the document addresses topics of cutting costs and raising productivity, as in the following example. Research shows that employers also grapple with the challenge of filling middle-skilled jobs that require a higher level of skills [3] than entry-level employment and involve high employee turnover costs – replacing the average middle-skilled worker costs an employer 20% of that worker’s salary. (p. 3) This extract reports on a collaboration of NIF with a community technical college and employers to create language “training” for employees. Stating that the impetus for the project was the need to “upskill” “LEPs” in order to fill middleskill jobs, this effort can be seen as a way to mitigate the high-cost of employee turnover by creating a pathway to promotion for entry-level workers. In addition to being a cost-cutting measure, upskilling is also seen as a strategy to improve productivity. Specifically, the NIF paper explains the goal of providing more employers across the nation and various industries with a cutting-edge English language learning program that increases skills and improves operational productivity. (p. 6)

Upskill America? 49 Employers as beneficiaries: public support for private gain

When educational efforts, including language learning, ultimately aim to strengthen productivity and thus the financial health of the employer, it is worth mentioning that funding for so-called upskilling efforts comes from a variety of sources: To ensure sustainability, the SONAW project has moved from a fully philanthropically subsidized model to one that combines employer partner investment with philanthropic grants. (p. 15) [W]e researched and made decisions about pursuing long-range funding models, such as partnering with social finance, workforce boards or state adult education programs. (p. 23) As these excerpts show, public and charitable money is used to support employer-specific workplace training. Given that employers remain, according to our analysis, one key, if not the most important beneficiary of these training efforts, this point is problematic, to say the least.

Employers as beneficiaries: narrowly defined content The stated goal of NIF’s SONAW project was to create ‘industry-contextualized English language training that helps companies build stronger career pathways for their employees’ (p. 6). Furthermore, course content is described as ‘sectorspecific vocabulary related to customer service, safety, technology and critical soft skills such as team communication’ (p. 4). While it is certain that employees can benefit from the program, the narrow scope of the classes suggests that the priority is linguistic input that is sure to be useful in the workplace rather than in a learner’s community. Indeed, the labeling of what learners do as “training” rather than “learning” indicates that this narrow scope is intended. This narrowing of context has been observed in other research on the impact of neoliberalism in adult literacy. Allatt and Tett (2019) write, ‘[t]his economistic discourse then tends to drive a curriculum that prioritises narrow employment skills-focused learning that neither respects learners’ own goals nor values their life experiences’ (Kindle Loc 1069). Gilles (2011) saw the ‘[d]iminishing of education’ in the accumulation of ‘a bundle of technical skills’ (Gillies, 2011, p. 234). Hamilton and Tett (2019) refer to this as supporting ‘performativity’ over more holistic learning. In contrast to the NIF documents, MPI does not explicitly mention the employer as beneficiary. One mention of the broader community as benefiting from educational programs explains the goal of learners ‘and their children successfully integrate into the civic, social, and economic life of their new communities and the nation as a whole’ (p. 1). In all, our analysis indicates that the

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NIF materials remain targeted to employer benefits, most importantly financial ones. However, even in this context, intended and unintended consequences can benefit the learners. They are included as beneficiaries of training/education in both documents.

Learners as beneficiaries Our analysis of the NIF report showed five explicit mentions of adult learners as targeted beneficiaries. For example, flexible scheduling was one of the ways in which learners’ schedules and life situations were taken into consideration. By offering employees the opportunity to take free classes during the employers’ hours of operation or at times adjacent to work schedules while continuing to access convenient online learning on their own time, anywhere, the model also helped employee-students solve challenges ESL students typically face, including availability, affordability and scheduling of classes, work schedules, unfamiliarity with college systems and enrollment processes, and lack of child care and transportation. (p. 15) Despite the demands on the learners’ time and the competing priorities, there is a noteworthy level of awareness of learners’ life situations that impact their ability to participate in educational programs and willingness to take them into consideration (e.g., through innovative remote models) exist. However, we note that the convenience of attendance is trumped by work schedules, which the authors of the NIF report viewed with concern. Data revealed that the most common reasons for being tardy or absent, and for dropping out, were work-related. Students most often reported missing class because their work schedule for the week did not allow them to attend class . . . Students sometimes had to forgo participation in the class altogether when the work-related issues could not be resolved. (p. 22) Further benefits for learners included expanded opportunities contributing to their personal development. Beyond improving students’ English language and job-related skills, an important goal of the SONAW model has been to help students build self-confidence and self-advocacy skills as their English language proficiency improves. A  related and somewhat unexpected outcome of our pilot was whetting the learners’ appetite for continued learning of English and other training at the colleges or adult schools, which our employer partners found valuable. (p. 12)

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While the building of self-advocacy and self-confidence as well as the increased appetite for learning certainly deserve recognition, questions remain, including how the persisting barriers of time, cost and logistical support can be overcome. Unfortunately, no part of the NIF report speaks to that. Another important question to raise is how and whether above-mentioned support structures would or could be provided systematically and reliably, particularly considering that such support often increases learner engagement and persistence (Patterson, 2018). In contrast to the NIF report, in the MPI materials the learner is described as the main beneficiary of education: Beyond studying to meet citizenship requirements, many immigrants also seek to continue advancing their English literacy, educational attainment, and workforce skills, given the relationships between these assets and their earning potential and ability to better support their family. (p. 1) In comparison to NIF’s strong focus on workplace skills, this description understands learner’s motivation and engagement in learning as slightly more complex and the learners’ goals of professional advancement and familial interests as intertwined. While the scope of learner goals remains relatively narrow, elsewhere the MPI recognizes a broader and more long-term approach to learning: Given the short amount of time many immigrants and refugees are able to spend in formal classes, the length of the language acquisition process, and the broad range of subject areas involved in achieving integration success, helping students build the skills to continue learning and accessing information and resources after their class time has ended is essential. (p. 11) Not only does this language recognize the need for developing meta-learning skills, it offers a perspective on learner benefits that excludes the employer and extends beyond the respective workplace. In all, as our analysis showed, the MPI has holistic educational opportunities as its explicit goal that guide the programming rather than performance at work for the sake of productivity and revenue as an overall goal with some (coincidental) space for learner benefits, as in NIF materials. We argue that a broader view of learning and course content has greater potential to act as socially inclusive force, while a precarious or narrowly focused program is not able to serve LESLLA learners in the same way.

How learners are viewed Based on our analysis, we noticed differences between the two documents with respect to what is defined as a barrier or problem. While the NIF report

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consistently described learners as having “limited English proficiency,” or “LEP,” in the MPI materials no such deficit framing was evident. The NIF report used “LEP” throughout, positioning adult learners as a problem to which a solution has to be found, for instance in the shape of upskilling initiatives: [T]his worksite offering has proved to be a highly effective solution for limited-English-proficient (LEP) workers across various industries looking to build workplace skills and open career pathways. (p. 2) Adult learners are identified as a group that poses “challenges” to the employer, which the NIF offers to resolve with a particular set of measures in collaboration with the employer: As we customize the training for a particular work site, we partner with the company leadership to incorporate key training materials and companyspecific tools and vocabulary, so that employers are able to solve challenges they encounter with LEP staff. (p. 8) Such a deficit framing of adult learners is problematic for several reasons. First, with learners being identified as a problem and employers or trainers as those who solve it, an asymmetrical power dynamic is reinforced that can be a detriment to work relationships, learning, and professional trajectories. In addition, as Ennser-Kananen and Leider (2018) have noted in the context of K-12 education, deficit labels like LEP ‘are rooted in implicit biases and perpetual use of this language upholds a deficit perspective of bilingual students’ (p. 177). In other words, given the deep intertwinedness of discourse and social practice (Fairclough, 2003), labels and underlying biases can amplify each other in viewing learners through a deficit lens and relating to them accordingly. In contrast to the NIF report, such deficit framing is not evident in the MPI document. Rather than identifying the learner as the problem, there is recognition that existing structures and systems create a variety of barriers to engagement and success. MPI notes that the narrowing of prioritized functional language context in a system that is already too small, meaning fewer learners have access to content that may not be relevant. [T]he existing system meets only a small fraction (less than 4 percent) of the needs of all adult learners in the country and is also currently being reshaped by mandatory performance measures to focus largely on employment and postsecondary outcomes. Although this emphasis matches some learners’ goals, it denies providers the flexibility to tailor programming to support the more diverse set of needs and objectives that lead immigrants and refugees to adult education programs. (p. 4)

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Like the NIF report, MPI notes the limits that demands of daily life place on opportunities to persist in learning. [M]any learners’ unpredictable work schedules and family responsibilities limit regular class participation, and those seeking to become fully proficient in English or fill gaps in their basic education frequently lack the time and flexibility to complete what could be hundreds of hours of classroom instruction over several years. (p. 4) The model that the MPI report describes extends support beyond language learning to provision of information and scaffolds to ease access to systems needed to facilitate integration. Recognizing that barriers including language, culture, and systems knowledge may be stumbling blocks for immigrant adult learners, the EPI model would ensure that before program exit, students develop learning plans outlining their personal integration and family economic success goals along with practical steps for achieving them. (p. 12) The quotes above are evidence that MPI recognizes a large variety of obstacles adult learners face, including limited educational offers, the unpredictability and resulting incompatibility of family responsibilities and work schedules, and the familiarity with ‘language, culture, and systems’ (p. 12) that is needed to navigate and take advantage of educational programs. In this sense, the MPI offers an important reminder that responsibilities for educational or professional upwards trajectories do not solely lie in the hands of the learners or workers but require a systematic and communal commitment to learning and change (Ennser-Kananen and Pettitt, 2017).

Implications and conclusion While it must be stated that upskilling initiatives can offer important opportunities for employees to acquire and expand job-relevant skills, and that the documents offer examples of educational programs that target particularly underserved or disenfranchised communities, there are certain limitations to an upskilling approach, particularly for adults with emerging print literacy. As illustrated above, in the NIF materials, a deficit view of adult learners prevails. In their analysis of deficit framing of English learners, Gutiérrez and Orellana (2006) mention, among other things, presentations of English learners as linguistically and racially/(pan-)ethnically unified group and their being-othered and judged against norms of dominant social groups as some of their biggest obstacles that reinscribe deficit views as well as oppressive and exclusive structures. Although our data only speaks to the aspect of deficit

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views, it is important to see this larger picture of the dynamic’s deficit labels represent and perpetuate. A  deficit lens not only forces adult learners with emergent literacy to play eternal catch-up, it also perpetuates discourses of othering and exclusion that perpetuate the status quo of power dynamics between (often racialized) migrants and language learners and members of dominant social groups. The perspective of upskilling as investment that generates a financial return and the focus on employer benefits raises the concern that these initiatives remain dependent on the willingness and ability of employers to take a financial risk. In a context where company revenue/profit is the main goal, the prediction or fear of unstable or unlikely returns will likely lead to cuts of upskilling programs, so that upskilling initiatives are always subject to the (perceived) economic prospect of a company, which is not a reliable context for learning. Additionally, the pervasiveness of neoliberal ideology severely limits the opportunities for learning that does not align with a neoliberal paradigm. For instance, it would be important to know how employees exist within the world of upskilling who are not (constantly) looking to advance their careers. Further, learning (and even acquisition of skills) sometimes happens in non-linear ways, at slow or varying paces, and in ways that are not always easy to measure but yet valuable for the individual. Particularly LESLLA adults benefit from multiple literacies, sources and approaches in their learning. What spaces exist within the world of upskilling for such types of learning, particularly if they do not or do not even intend to benefit an employer or the national economy? In all, while the benefits of upskilling initiatives cannot be denied and deserve recognition, their dependence on employer willingness make them unreliable, and their overall goals of advancement, productivity, and profit severely restrict the ways of being and learning that are possible and accepted. As the MPI shows, an alternative way of implementing work-related education which is driven by learner goals and (at least) recognizes existing systemic barriers is possible.

Suggested Further Reading 1 Tett, L., and Hamilton, M. (2019). Resisting Neoliberalism in Education: Local, National and Transnational Perspectives. Bristol: Policy Press., especially the chapters about adult education; Allatt, G., and Tett, L. (2019). The Employability Skills Discourse and Literacy Practitioners. In L. Tett and M. Hamilton (eds.). Resisting Neoliberalism in Education: Local, National and Transnational Perspectives. Bristol: Policy Press. These chapters show examples of how neoliberal policies around accountability and employment require teachers to craft workarounds and embrace an advocacy lens so that they might best support learners. 2 McHugh, M., and Doxsee, C. (2018). English Plus Integration: Shifting the Instructional Paradigm for Immigrant Adult Learners to Support Integration Success. Migration Policy Institute. Retrieved in January  2020 from english-plus-integration-instructional-paradigm-immigrant-adult-learners

Upskill America? 55 This report is strongly recommended for anyone who wants to better understand the formal adult basic education system in the US, particularly from a critical perspective. 3 A forthcoming chapter by Vanek, J.

References Allatt, G. and Tett, L. (2019) The Employability Skills Discourse and Literacy Practitioners. In L. Tett and M. Hamilton (eds.). Resisting Neoliberalism in Education: Local, National and Transnational Perspectives. Bristol: Policy Press. Bergson-Shilcock, A. (2017) Foundational Skills in the Service Sector. National Skills Coalition. Retrieved in January 202 from tions/file/NSCfoundational- skills-FINAL.pdf Cambridge Dictionary. Retrieved in January 2020 from us/dictionary/english/training Corbin, J. and Strauss, A. (1990). Grounded Theory Research: Procedures, Canons and Evaluative Criteria. Zeitschrift für Soziologie, 19(6), 418–427. Davies, B. and Bansel, P. (2007). Neoliberalism and Education. International journal of qualitative Studies in Education, 20(3), 247–259. Ennser-Kananen, J. and Leider, C. (2018) Stop the Deficit: Preparing Pre-Service Teachers to Work with Bilingual Students in the United States. In P. Romanowski and M. Jedynak (eds.). Current Research in Bilingualism and Bilingual Education (pp. 173–189). Cham: Springer, Multilingual Education Series. Ennser-Kananen, J. and Pettitt, N. (2017). “I Want to Speak Like the Other People”: Second Language Learning as a Virtuous Spiral for Migrant Women? International Review of Education, 63(4), 583–604. Fairclough, N. (2003) Analysing Discourse: Textual Analysis for Social Research. London: Routledge. Fall, J. (2017) UpSkilling Playbook for Employers. Upskill America/Aspen Institute. Retrieved in January 2020 from Feldman, J. (2018) Knowledge Is Power: The Benefits of Upskilling for Employers and Employees. Forbes. Retrieved in January  2020 from manresourcescouncil/2018/10/02/knowledge-is-power-the-benefits-of-upskilling-foremployers-and-employees/#45f6409b23c1 Foucault, M. (1971). Orders of Discourse. Social Science Information, 10(2), 7–30. Gillies, D. (2011). State Education as High-Yield Investment: Human Capital Theory in European Policy Discourse. Journal of Pedagogy, 2(2), 224–245. v10159-011-0011-3 Gutiérrez, K.D. and Orellana, M.F. (2006). At Last: The “Problem” of English Learners: Constructing Genres of Difference. Research in the Teaching of English, 40(4), 502–507. Holborow, M. (2015) Language and Neoliberalism. London: Routledge. Kallenbach, S., Lee, K., Downs-Karkos, S., Taylor, M., Brennan, J. and Nash, A. (2013) Adult Education and Immigrant Integration: Networks for Integrating New Americans (NINA). World Education. Retrieved in January 2020 from NINA_theoretical-framework.pdf Kaščák, O. and Pupala, B. (2012). Governmentality  – Neoliberalism – Education: The Risk Perspective. Journal of Pedagogy/Pedagogický Casopis, 2(2), 145–158. https://doi. org/10.2478/v10159-011-0007-z Lemke, T. (2002). Foucault, Governmentality, and Critique. Rethinking Marxism, 14(3), 49–64.

56  Johanna Ennser-Kananen and Jen Vanek Levinson, B.A. U. (2011) Introduction: Exploring Critical Social Theories and Education. In Beyond Critique: Exploring Critical Social Theories and Education (pp. 1–24). Making Skills Everyone’s Business: A Call to Transform Adult Learning in the United States. (2015) US Department of Education. Retrieved in January 2020 from about/offices/list/ovae/pi/AdultEd/making-skills.pdf McHugh, M. and Doxsee, C. (2018) English Plus Integration: Shifting the Instructional Paradigm for Immigrant Adult Learners to Support Integration Success. Migration Policy Institute (MPI). Retrieved in January 2020 from National Immigration Forum (NIF). (2019) Upskilling New Americans: Innovative English Training for Career Advancement Table of Contents. Retrieved in January  2020 from TRAINING: definition in the Cambridge English Dictionary. (n.d.). https://dictionary. Patterson, M.B. (2018). The Forgotten 90%: Adult Nonparticipation in Education. Adult Education Quarterly, 68(1), 41–62. Sticht, T.G. (1975) Reading for Working: A Functional Literacy Anthology. Alexandra: Human Resources Research Organization. Tett, L. and Hamilton, M. (2019) Resisting Neoliberalism in Education: Local, National and Transnational Perspectives. Bristol: Policy Press. The digital edge: Middle-skill workers and careers. (2017). Burning Glass Technologies. Time for the U.S. to Reskill? What the Survey of Adult Skills says (2013). OECD Skills Studies. Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act, Pub. L. No. H.R. 803 (2014). United States of America. Retrieved in January 2020 from

5 Finnish-Russian dual citizens and the changing political climate of supranational citizenship Marko Kananen and Jussi Ronkainen Introduction: citizenship and inclusion Citizenship is often perceived as a central tool for studying social inclusion. For analytical purposes, citizenship is often divided into citizenship as status and citizenship as practice (Oldfield 1990; Lister 2003; Isin and Wood 1999). Citizenship as status refers to political and juridical status and the rights and obligations associated with it. Citizenship as practice, in turn, is crystallized in social, political and economic participation. Citizenship as practice also connects to (national) identity and cultural and psychological sense of belonging. This kind of identification is considered to be built around ethnic and linguistic background, cultural/historical memory, collective belonging and the emotional importance of the formal citizenship status (see e.g. Ronkainen 2009; 2016; Verkuyten 2005; Westin 2003). This kind of dual conception of citizenship has been criticized for focusing too heavily on the institutionalized contents of state citizenship, such as voting, enlisting and paying taxes. Especially among young people the meaning of citizenship participation has undergone a profound change in post-industrial societies (e.g. Hay and Stoker 2009; Pilkington and Pollock 2015). Young people favour a loose network of community action that reflects their personal values; they harbor mistrust towards the media and politicians; and a sense of individual purpose is the main role of citizenship instead of government obligation (Bennett 2008). That is why also the concept of citizenship should be extended from formal political and legal arenas to the micro-politics of everyday life. Furthermore, it is important to bear in mind that gaining and having a formal citizenship status does not necessarily mean inclusion and equal opportunities for participation. On the contrary, many formal regulations and practices as well as informal attitudes and everyday encounters can affect participation, inclusion and feelings of belonging even more than the official citizenship status. (Ronkainen et al. 2007) That is why it is important to pay attention to an individual’s access to citizenship: the real-life abilities to participate, to utilize the citizenship rights and to feel included, as well as to the content of their citizenship: the ways individuals understand and constitute themselves as citizens. (Isin 2008; 2009; Ronkainen 2015)

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These questions of access to and content of citizenship are especially complex among dual citizens. Based on their legal status, dual citizens are plenipotentiary citizens of two countries. However, the actual ways that they are able and willing to use their citizenships, i.e. to live the life of a citizen in these two contexts, depends among others on their country of residence and the relationship between the two states. In addition to the state-level agreements, acting and feeling like a citizen also depends on individual attitudes, life histories, as well as different social negotiations and encounters of everyday life. As such, dual citizens are not necessarily equally connected to and invested in both of their citizenships despite having the formal statuses. Furthermore, previous studies with dual citizens (Ronkainen 2009; 2011) highlight how different citizenship combinations are not equally valued or appreciated. For example, in Finland certain nationalities seem to be more easily accepted, whereas some others tend to face othering and exclusion. According to the dual citizens themselves, especially Finnish-Russians are generally considered to be stigmatized and treated differently than other dual citizen groups/ combinations. On the level of dual citizens’ practices and experiences, Finnish Russians tend to have ‘an advertisement on their back’ and face stereotypical attitudes and discrimination because of their Russian citizenship. Therefore, possessing two citizenships may actually make their societal position weaker. In addition to the reputation and likeability of the citizenships, there is also a question of the practical value of the citizenship combination. For example, in the contemporary world of ‘western’ economic hegemony the combination of the US and the EU citizenship becomes very important allowing an individual to enter both the American and the European labour and educational markets. In a similar fashion, for a dual citizen who has a Finnish and a non-EU country citizenship, the practical value of the Finnish citizenship increases, as the Finnish citizenship means also the citizenship of the European Union. (Ronkainen 2015) This aspect of the EU-citizenship brings additional political weight also on the question of Finnish-Russian dual citizenship. Finland at the eastern border of the EU is one of the main access points for Russian migrants to the European Union and although the member states have the right to decide who is granted a citizenship, this decision implies a responsibility to all the other EU members as citizens of a member state enjoy all the rights of EU citizenship. In order to address both the contextual and the individual levels of dual citizenship, this chapter, firstly, elaborates the political and judicial context of dual citizenship in Finland and in the EU. Secondly, it enlightens the complicated relationship between Finland, Russia and the EU, and thirdly, explores the implications that this contextual level has on the lives of Finnish-Russian dual citizens.

Finland and the European Union: between post- and neo-nationalism? Until the dawn of the new millennium Finnish nation state was constructed around national and ethno-cultural protectionism (Alasuutari and Ruuska

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1999; Anttonen 1998). Finnish national identity was built in the 19th century around the notions of common heritage, language and culture. Strong and exclusive national identity was perceived to be necessary first in the 20th century to gain national existence (independence in 1917 from the rule of Russia) and then to protect it in the World War II (wars against the Soviet Union). Finland also held restrictive policies against migration. This was justified mostly due to Finland’s complicated geopolitical position between the East and the West. After the World War II especially political refugees from the Soviet Union were feared to cause problems in foreign relations and this was one of the reasons that caused Finland to close it borders from immigration (Harinen et al. 2007; Forsander 2002; Paananen 1999). Due to its restrictive immigration regulations, Finland was a country of emigration for a long time. Eventually, the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 opened more leeway in international affairs and Finland started slowly to liberalize its migration policies. The prospect of the EU membership played also an important role in Finland’s shifting attitude and policies towards migration. Finally, the accession to the EU in 1995 marked an end to the highly restrictive immigration policies, as Finland adjusted to the free movement of people, goods and services between the member states. Finland’s shift from a country of emigration to a country of immigration was very rapid as the relative proportion of foreigners in the population grew faster in Finland than in any other Western European state. (Harinen et al. 2007) According to the official statistics of Finland (2018a), over four hundred thousand individuals with foreign background live currently in Finland. During the time of Finland’s accession to the EU in 1995, the number of foreign-born individuals was under seventy thousand. For the first decades of the integration process, the European Union had been cautious about dual citizenship and tended to create policies to prevent it (Toropainen et al. 2005). In general, multiple citizenship was opposed in international politics as it was seen to create practical problems between states. These problems related to the effects that dual citizenship would have, among others, on voting, taxation, diplomatic protection and military service. (Aleinikoff and Klusmeyer 2002; Hansen and Weil 2002) On a more ideological level, the fears toward dual citizenship grew from the idea that citizens should be loyal only to one nation-state. For that end, dual citizenship was stigmatized with moralizing disapproval that combined dual nationality with duality, polygamy, disloyalty, and questions of how one could serve two Lords or have two masters? (Ronkainen and Kananen 2018) However, as the integration process went forward and the movement of people between the member states increased, the EU had to reconsider the issue of dual citizenship. Increased international migration and transnational ties of people made restricting dual citizenship difficult and forced the member states to renew their policies and to come up with positive aspects about dual citizenship (Martin and Hailbronner 2003). As a result, the EU’s policies and politics on dual citizenship went through a sudden and remarkable change at the turn

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of the millennium. In the European Convention on Nationality, which came into force in 2000, European states for the first time changed their attitudes on dual citizenship from negative to neutral or cautiously positive. (Toropainen et al. 2005) As a result, dual citizens were suddenly perceived in a positive light; they became presented as individuals with high levels of cultural competence and language skills. (Ronkainen 2016) Following this European trend, Finland started to prepare changes in its citizenship legislation in the early 2000s. The Finnish decision-makers wanted to ensure that Finland could join the European Convention on Nationality without any clauses or reservations, and that the law would be in accordance with the UN Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness. In 2003, Finland followed the example of Sweden and introduced a new Nationality Act, which widely allowed dual citizenship. According to the new legislation, a Finn who acquires citizenship of a foreign country would not lose Finnish citizenship. Respectively, foreigners who acquire Finnish citizenship are not obliged to renounce their current citizenship, depending of course on the legislation of the other country in question. (Ronkainen 2009) During the preparation phase, the new Nationality Act was perceived positively in almost every decision-making body. There was a consensus that allowing individuals to maintain and foster their ties to their previous homes would also enhance their inclusion into the Finnish society. Dual citizenship was thus considered to strengthen the ties of expatriates to Finland. In addition, dual citizenship was hoped to increase the international attractiveness of Finland, as dual citizens were depicted to possess excellent language skills, multicultural knowledge and social capital, which were all needed in international competition between states (Schuck 2002). During the preparation phase, only the Ministry of Defense raised some critical points about Finnish-Russian dual citizenship combination creating a possible security threat (Ronkainen 2009). During the first decade of the new Nationality Act, dual citizenship did not gain much public attention. However, during the mid-2010s, the attitudes both in Finland and in other EU member states started to shift. Within the European Union, the question of citizenship became highly contested during the so-called refugee crisis in 2014–2016, as large number of new migrants arrived in the EU. Instead of relying on common European answers, several member states started to turn to national solutions to protect their own interests. At the center of this nationalistic turn was the idea that people have one ‘natural’ place where they rightfully belong – and where they should stay. Descriptive of this new climate is that countries across the globe have started to erect new walls to protect their borders (Tomlinson 2015). As such, after a few decades of intentional and articulated tendencies towards multiculturalism and post-national citizenships, signs of traditional nationalism have re-emerged. Due to this shift from post-nationalism to neo-nationalism, also dual citizenship has become problematized again. It has, among others, raised concerns about ‘welfare shopping,’ political disloyalty and security threats. This shift has thus marked a return to the era prior the European

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Convention on Nationality, during which the EU held a rather skeptical view on dual citizenship (Toropainen et al. 2005). The debate around dual citizenship has been heated also in Finland. It is noteworthy that in Finland the debate revolves mainly around national security and that it focuses practically on one citizenship combination – the Finnish-Russian dual citizens (Ronkainen and Kananen 2018). The remaining sections of this chapter will explore the special relationship between Finland, Russia and the European Union, and the ways the paradigm shift from post- to neo-nationalism has impacted the Finnish-Russian dual citizens residing in Finland.

The status of Finnish-Russian dual citizens in Finland According to the Official Statistics of Finland (2018b), around 117,000 dual citizens reside currently in Finland. With a population of around 30,000, Finnish-Russian dual citizens have rapidly become the largest group of multiple citizens. For a Russian citizen who applies for a Finnish citizenship the process is relatively flexible. Although the Russian Federation has not officially promoted multiple citizenship, it has not required renunciation of Russian citizenship if an individual becomes a citizen of another state. There is, however, no reciprocal agreement with Russia, as Finnish citizens cannot acquire Russian citizenship without renouncing Finnish or other previous citizenship(s) (see: Salenko 2012; Molodikova 2017). Concealing a citizenship is forbidden in Russia and the monitoring of multiple citizenship is increasing. The European Union have been building a strategic partnership with Russia since 1994. However, following the annexation of Crimean, the EU has reviewed its bilateral relationship with Russia and discontinued all bilateral summits. The EU has also imposed several economic and political sanctions against Russia since 2014. The annexation of the Crimean Peninsula and the overall strengthening of nationalism have been interpreted as signs of the new role that Russia is pursuing in international politics (Hiltunen 2014). The Federation of Russia has repeatedly justified its foreign political actions by the need to protect the Russian (ethnic or language) minorities in their neighbouring countries or the Russian citizens living in these countries, in the name of socalled ‘Compatriot policy’ (e.g. Knott 2017). This increased tensions between Russia and the ‘west’ has made the status of Russians, Russian speakers and Finnish-Russian dual citizens an important issue of internal security in Finland (e.g. Davydova-Minguet et al., 2016; Sotkasiira, 2018). There has been a rising concern over the loyalties of Finnish-Russian dual citizens, and dual citizenship has been presented as a way for Russia to interfere with Finland’s internal politics. According to this argument, Russia can force its citizens to act in Russia’s interests, to disclose information or to vote against the interests of Finland. For example, according to the Finnish Security and Intelligence Service (2016), Russian legislation can force all Russian citizens, regardless of their status as dual citizens, to aid Russian security

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forces. As such, they have the power to force double nationals into clandestine intelligence cooperation against the country the double national lives in. Based on this debate, there have been several preparations of legislative amendments concerning the status of dual citizens in Finland (Ronkainen and Kananen 2018). In 2014, President Sauli Niinistö requested a report on the need to reconsider the preconditions of dual citizenship (YLE 2014). The Committee on the new Public Servants Act discussed whether dual citizens should be barred from entry into certain public offices. The topic was reintroduced when Jussi Niinistö, Minister of Defense at the time, instituted a separate legislative project in the beginning of 2018 with the purpose of barring dual citizens from being appointed to certain military posts (YLE 2018). An example of exclusion rather than inclusion. The Minister of Defense raised dual citizenship as a security risk and referred to the concept of the ‘fifth column,’ which refers to a secret group that operates within a state and against it in favour of another nation (HS 2018). In July 2019, an amendment entered into force, which restricted the eligibility of individuals with dual citizenship to certain military offices in the Finnish Defense Forces and offices in the Finnish Border Guard. This amendment similarly restricted the eligibility of individuals with dual citizenship to study at the National Defense University in programs that aim at an officer’s post or to be admitted to the basic course for border guards (HE 252/2018). Although other restrictions for dual citizens have not so far been made, these recent discourses and developments have put the Finnish-Russian dual citizens in a precarious situation. From the legal perspective, they are Finnish citizens with all the rights associated with it, but in the current debates and discourses, they are routinely referred to as (potential) security threats and (potentially) disloyal ‘half-citizens.’ Unlike in the early 2000s, when dual citizens’ ties to their non-resident states were perceived to enhance the inclusion into the country of residence, these ties are now perceived more as a barrier to their inclusion. As such, full inclusion into the Finnish society could be guaranteed only by denouncing these ties. Although the situation of the Finnish-Russian dual citizens has been heavily debated in the Finnish politics and media for several years now, there is still very little research and information about the dual citizens themselves. How do they see themselves as citizens of Finland and Russia, and how do the tensions and the negative media coverage affect their experiences and affiliations as multiple citizens? To bridge this gap, Citizenship Constellations (2015–2019) research project has explored the participation and identifications of Finnish-Russian dual citizens in Finland. Building on a representative survey, thematic interviews and policy analysis, the final section of this chapter will present some of the key findings of this project.

Being Russian in the West The Finnish-Russian citizenship combination has a unique status coloured by the common history and geopolitics between the two countries. As put by,

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among others, Puuronen (2011) and Pentikäinen (2015), negative perceptions and attitudes towards Russia and Russians have a long history in Finland dating back several centuries. These perceptions still exist, as several recent studies (Ronkainen 2009; Davydova 2009; Jasinskaja-Lahti, Liebkind and Vesala 2002; Jaakkola 2009; Pitkänen 2006) have pointed out that Russians and Russianspeaking individuals have faced discrimination and racism in various areas of life in Finland. The results of an online survey (n=193) conducted in the Citizenship constellations project also point to this direction. For example, as many as a third of the dual citizens participating in the survey felt that Russia has a negative reputation in Finland. Furthermore, only 17% of them felt that Russian culture is valued and respected in Finland. In general, there is a sense among the dual citizens that there is something (at least potentially) dubious about being a Russian in Finland, and that it can have negative consequences. For example, in the survey as many as a third of the respondents thought that having a Russian name makes it difficult to get a job in Finland. Furthermore, even a larger share (36%) of the respondents felt that speaking Finnish with a Russian accent causes negative reactions in Finland. Russianness thus becomes something that needs to be tamed, compensated or even hidden. In the thematic interviews, this was apparent for example in the way the participants discussed their relationship to Russian language. Although they spoke Russian at home, many of them said that they avoid using Russian in public spaces. The negative perceptions concerning Russia are not limited to Finland. Many Finnish-Russian dual citizens also report feelings of exclusion in relation to Europe. For example, traveling with Russian passport in Europe has caused problems and discrimination, as Russian citizens need a special justification for entering and visiting EU-countries (Ronkainen 2009). In general, research has demonstrated the ways Eastern Europe has been constructed as a lesser Europe constantly lagging Western Europe. Therefore, many Russian speaking migrants found themselves in a position of not full Europeanness and not living up to the standards of western Europeans (Krivonos 2019; Krivonos and Näre 2019). Although having a dual citizenship can create a positive distinction and provide opportunities, the case of Finnish-Russian dual citizens indicate that it can also have the opposite effect. Dual citizens can also be considered as doubtful and threatening, and as such dual citizenship can end up limiting an individual’s opportunities. Although the negative and positive reactions to Russia and Russianness can relate also to ethnicity and cultural habits and not to the citizenship per se, for a dual citizen these aspects can be inseparable from citizenship status. (Ronkainen 2016) As such, Finnish-Russian dual citizens can become stigmatized merely based on their formal citizenship status irrespective of their actual connections to and affiliations with Russia.

Citizenship, inclusion and participation As the example of Finnish-Russian dual citizens highlights, multiple citizens are still sometimes shadowed with doubts about their loyalty and participation

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motives as citizens of several societies. The societal debate around dual citizens thus locates on the nationalist view of citizenship as an undivided loyalty to one state. However, in the survey and interview data collected during the Citizenship Constellations project, dual citizens’ Finnishness and Russianness did not appear to be mutually exclusive or contradictory. On the contrary, identification with both nationalities was on average quite strong. Instead of an indivisible bond to a single state, the results highlight uniquely varying ties and relationships to both Finland and Russia. In terms of loyalty, the dual citizens taking part in the survey and the interviews held their Finnish citizenship more important than their Russian citizenship. Practically none of the participants was ready to consider giving up their Finnish citizenship. Many of them were, however, willing to denounce their Russian citizenship if dual citizenship were to be abolished altogether. This question of citizenship choice has also a European dimension for the dual citizens. Many of them mentioned in the interviews that one of the reasons for preferring the Finnish citizenship was that it provides access to Europe and more broadly to the western world. In addition to the ease of travelling, the EU citizenship grants dual citizens many opportunities in the fields of education and employment. For example, EU citizens are entitled to study at any EU university under the same conditions as nationals. EU citizens are also entitled to work in any EU country without a work permit. It is also noteworthy that almost all the survey and interview respondents saw their future in Finland and did not consider moving to Russia. Also, their civic and political activities and interests seemed to focus more to Finland than to Russia. Finnish-Russian dual citizens, for example, voted more commonly in Finnish elections, and followed more Finnish and international politics than the political affairs of Russia. Only very few of them had voted in Russian elections despite the legal right to do so. Therefore, at least on the level of institutionalized state citizenship, Finnish-Russian dual citizens seemed to be included into the Finnish society. However, as the previous sections have shown, having a Russian heritage in Finland can put individuals in a precarious position. Among the dual citizens participating in the Citizenship constellation project, the negative perceptions concerning Russia seemed to be resulting in “privatization” of their Russianness. This means that their Russianness is lived more in the private sphere of life whereas their Finnishness is acted in the public sphere. This emphasis on private Russianness is apparent, among others, in the ways dual citizens follow and consume Russian culture, which happens mostly via social media or YouTube in the privacy of a home. Based on these findings it is reasonable to ponder, whether this privatization of Russianness is the price that the dual citizens are paying for their inclusion into the Finnish society. Referring to the Finnish debate on dual citizenship as a potential security threat, the dual citizens reject the perception that their formal citizenship status would guide or motivate their political loyalty. For example, in the interviews a common opinion among the dual citizens was that giving up the Russian

Finnish-Russian dual citizens 65

citizenship would neither make an individual less Russian (or more Finnish), nor would it abolish any existing ties or affiliations. Their Russian citizenship thus seems to be built more around their individual interests and affiliations than any state-level obligations or commitments. As such, restricting the rights and possibilities of dual citizens or abolishing dual citizenship altogether was not perceived as an effective or a fair way to address the worries related to the internal security of Finland. Instead of labelling all the dual citizens based on their citizenship status, questions of disloyalty should be addressed on individual basis.

Conclusion The founders of the European Union envisioned an end to conflicts between European states by replacing competition over national interests with joint European interests, rules and controls. Although the integration process has brought along profound changes to the member states, such as the free movement of people and the replacement of national currencies with Euro, nationalism has nevertheless kept its strength as a political and ideological force. As the examples from several member states highlight, national interests have in fact increased their role in European politics during the past couple of years. These changes in the European political climate have also affected the status and opportunities of dual citizens in the European Union. In the early 2000s, dual citizens’ ties to their non-resident states were considered to enhance their inclusion into their country of residence. Dual citizens were also depicted as individuals with high levels of language skills and cultural competence. However, lately these ties have in many cases been perceived more as a barrier to inclusion as dual citizenship has been depicted as a source of political unloyalty. For example, in Finland dual citizenship can currently rule out certain career choices. The case of Finnish-Russian dual citizens thus indicates that although having a dual citizenship can create a positive distinction and provide access and opportunities, it can also have the opposite effect. The dual citizens participating in the Citizenship constellation project are building their lives in Finland and many of them aspire of traveling, studying and working in Europe, or more broadly, in the western world. And although they have personal ties and connections to Russia, they are neither planning to move there nor are they experiencing a strong sense of political loyalty towards the Russian federation. But despite of this, they are often considered as doubtful and as a threat to the internal security of Finland. As a result, the dual citizens are toning down their Russianness in order to be fully included. One of the central problems of the dual citizenship debate seems to be that Finnish-Russian dual citizens are treated as an internally coherent group. This perception overlooks the heterogeneity of dual citizens. Finnish-Russian dual citizens come from very different backgrounds, speak different languages, and have different ethnic identities and religious beliefs. Due to these and many

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other differences, they also experience and act their citizenships in very different ways and have different kinds of connections and affiliations with Russia. That is why it is important that dual citizens are treated as individuals instead of being excluded simply because of their formal citizenship status.

Suggested Further Reading Faist, Thomas (2007) (ed.) Dual Citizenship in Europe: From Nationhood to Societal Integration. Ashgate Publishing Ltd., Aldershot. Readers can learn more about dual citizenship in Europe and different cases studies from European states. Spiro, Peter (2016) At Home in Two Countries: The Past and Future of Dual Citizenship www. Readers can learn more about dual citizenship in the United States as an important comparison to the discussions of dual citizenship In Europe. Ayelet Shachar, Rainer Bauböck, Irene Bloemraad and Maarten Vink (2017) The Oxford Handbook of Citizenship. 05854.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780198805854 Readers can learn more about multidisciplinary citizenship studies.

References Alasuutari, P. and Ruuska, P. (1999) Post-patria? Globalisaation kulttuuri Suomessa [Post-Patria? The Culture of Globalisation in Finland] Tampere: Vastapaino. Anttonen, A. (1998) Vocabularies of Citizenship and Gender: Finland. Critical Social Policy, vol 18, No. 3, 355–373. Aleinikoff, T.A. and Klusmeyer, D. (2002) Citizenship policies for an age of migration. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Washington, D.C. Bennett W.L. (2008) Civic Life Online: Learning How Digital Media Can Engage Youth. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Davydova-Minguet, O. (2009) Suomalaisena, venäläisenä ja kolmantena. Etnisyysdiskursseja transnationaalissa tilassa. [As a Finn, Russian and Third: Ethnicity Discourses in Transnational Space] Joensuu: Joensuun yliopisto. Davydova-Minguet O., Sotkasiira T., Oivo T. and Riiheläinen R. (2016) Suomen venäjänkieliset mediankäyttäjinä [Russian Speakers as Media Users]. Report, Government’s Analysis, Assessment and Research Activities. Faist, T. (2007) Dual Citizenship in Europe: From Nationhood to Societal Integration. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Ltd. Finnish Security and Intelligence Service (2016) Yearbook. Helsinki: Finnish Security and Intelligence Service. supowwwstructure/72827_SUPO_2016_FIN.pdf?b67aaecd4eb2d488 Forsander, A. (2002) Globalizing Capital and Labor – Old Structures, New Challenges. In Forsander A. (ed.) Immigration and Economy in the Globalization Process: The Case of Finland, 81–118. Sitra Reports Series 20. Hansen, R. and Weil, P. (toim.) (2002) Dual Nationality, Social Rights and Federal Citizenship in the U.S and Europe – The Reinvention of Europe. Berghahn books, New York/Oxford.

Finnish-Russian dual citizens 67 Harinen, P., Pitkänen, P., Sagne, S. and Ronkainen, J. (2007) Multiple Citizenship as a Challenge for Finnish Citizenship Policy Today. In P. Pitkänen and D. Kalekin-Fishman (eds.) Multiple Citizenship as a Challenge to European Nation-States. Rotterdam: Brill Sense, 121–144. Hay, C. and Stoker, G. (2009) Revitalising Politics: Have We Lost the Plot. Representations 45(3), 225–236. HE 252/2018. Hallituksen esitys eduskunnalle laeiksi puolustusvoimista annetun lain 37 §:n, Maanpuolustuskorkeakoulusta annetun lain 16 §:n ja rajavartiolaitoksen hallinnosta annetun lain 10 ja 26 §:n muuttamisesta [Government Proposal to Parliament to Amend Section  37 of the Armed Forces Act, Section 16 of the National Defense College Act and Sections 10 and 26 of the Border Guard Administration Act]. Helsingin Sanomat (2018) Puolustusministeri Niinistö pitää kaksois­kansalaisia turvallisuus­uhkana  – Viides kolonna on torjuttava jo rauhan aikana [Defense Minister Niinistö Regards Dual Citizens as a Security Threat – The Fifth Column Must Be Fought Already During Peace]. kotimaa/art-2000005534143.html Hiltunen, A.-K. (2014) Ulkopolitiikan nuorallatanssi. [Foreign Political Tightrope Walz]. Ulkopolitiikka, 2. Isin, E.F. (2008) Theorizing Acts of Citizenship. In E.F. Isin and G.M. Nielsen (eds.) Acts of Citizenship. London: Zed Books. Isin, E.F. (2009) Citizenship in Flux: Figure of the Activist Citizen, Subjectivity, 29(1), 367–388. Isin, E.F. and Wood, Patricia K. (1999) Citizenship & Identity. London, Thousand Oaks and New Delhi: Sage. Jaakkola, M. (2009) Maahanmuuttajat suomalaisten näkökulmasta. Asennemuutokset 1987–2007 [Finns’ Perspectives on Migrants: Attitude Shifts 1987–2007]. Tutkimuksia 1. Helsinki: Helsingin kaupungin tietokeskus. Jasinskaja-Lahti, I., Liebkind, K. and Vesala, T. (2002) Rasismi ja syrjintä Suomessa: maahanmuuttajien kokemuksia. [Racism and Discrimination in Finland: Migrant’ Experiences] Helsinki: Gaudeamus. Knott, E. (2017) Quasi-Citizenship as a Category of Practice: Analyzing Engagement with Russia’s Compatriot Policy in Crimea. Citizenship Studies, 21:1, 116–135. Krivonos, D. (2019) The Pursuit of Europeanness in East-West Migrations. https://liikkeessay Krivonos, D. and Näre, L. (2019). Imagining the “West” in the Context of Global Coloniality: The Case of Post-Soviet Youth Migration to Finland. Sociology, doi:10.1177/ 0038038519853111. Lister, R. (2003) Citizenship: Feminist Perspectives. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Martin, D. and Hailbronner, K. (2003) Rights and Duties of Dual Nationals: Evolution and Prospects. Haag, Lontoo and New York: Kluwer Law International. Molodikova, I. (2017) The Transformation of Russian Citizenship Policy in the Context of European and Eurasian Choice: Regional Prospects. Central and Eastern European Migration Review 6 (1): 98–119. Nationality Act 2003 (358/2003) Official Statistics of Finland (2018a) Population Structure. Annual Review 2018. Helsinki: Statistics Finland. Official Statistics of Finland (2018b) Citizenships Granted: 2017. Helsinki: Statistics Finland. Oldfield, Adrian (1990) Citizenship and Community, Civic Republicanism and the Modern World. Routledge, London.

68  Marko Kananen and Jussi Ronkainen Paananen, S. (1999) Suomalaisuuden armoilla. Ulkomaalaisten työnhakijoiden luokittelu [At the Mercy of Finnishness: Classification of Foreign Labour Force]. Tilastokeskuksen tutkimuksia 228. Helsinki: Tilastokeskus. Pentikäinen, M. (2015) Venäjänkielisten integraatio Suomessa: Suomen valtiotason linjaukset kansainvälisten asiantuntijaelinten suositusten valossa – suomalaisen integraatio-, vähemmistö- ja kielipolitiikan uudelleenarvioinnin paikka? [Integration of RussianSpeakers in Finland: Finnish State-Level Guidelines in the Light of Recommendations of International Expert Bodies – a Place for Re-Evaluating Finnish Integration, Minority and Language Policies] Oikeus 44(2), 121–148. Pilkington, H. and Pollock, G. (2015) “Politics Are Bollocks”: Youth, Politics and Activism in Contemporary Europe. The Sociological Review 63(S2), 1–35. Pitkänen, P. (2006) Etninen ja kulttuurinen monimuotoisuus viranomaistyössä. [Ethnic and Cultural Diversity at the Work of the Officials] Helsinki: Edita. Puuronen, V. (2011) Rasistinen Suomi [Racist Finland]. Helsinki: Gaudeamus. Ronkainen, J. (2016) Contents of Citizenship? Multiple Citizens’ Orientations Towards Nationality and Different Forms of Citizenship. In Harinen P., Ahponen P. and Haverinen V-S (eds.) Dislocations of Civic Cultural Borderlines – Methodological Nationalism, Transnational Reality and Cosmopolitan Dreams, Berlin: Springer, 33–53. Ronkainen, J. (2011) Mononationals, Hyphenationals and Shadow-Nationals: Multiple Citizenship as Status and Practice. Citizenship Studies, 15(2), 247–263. Ronkainen, J. (2009) Väliviivakansalaiset. Monikansalaisuus asemana ja käytäntönä. [Hyphenated Citizens. Multiple citizenship as status and practice] University of Joensuu. yhteiskuntatieteellisiä julkaisuja 103. Ronkainen, J. and Kananen, M. (2018) Viides kolonna? Suomen ja Venäjän kaksoiskansalaiset politiikan pelinappuloina [Fifth Column? Finnish-Russian Dual Citizens as Pawns of Politcs]. Ilmiö. – sosiologian verkkolehti. Available at: suomen-ja-venajan-kaksoiskansalaiset-politiikan-pelinappuloina/. Ronkainen, J., Pitkänen, P. and Harinen, P. (2007) Multiple Citizenship and Participation: The Case of Finland. In P. Pitkänen and D. Kalekin-Fishman (eds.) Multiple State Membership and Citizenship in the Era of Transnational Migration. Rotterdam: Sense, 91–116. Salenko, A. (2012) Country Report: Russia. EUDO Citizenship Observatory. Italy: European University Institute. Sotkasiira, T. (2018) ‘Sometimes It Feels Like Every Word Is a Lie’: Media Use and Social (In)Security Among Finnish Russian-Speakers. Central and Eastern European Migration Review, 1–19. Schuck, P. (2002) Plural Citizenships. In R. Hansen and P. Weil (eds.), Dual Nationality, Social Rights and Federal Citizenship in the U.S and Europe – The Reinvention of Europe. New York, Oxford: Berghahn books, 61–99. Tomlinson, S. (2015) World of Walls: How 65 Countries Have Erected Fences on Their Borders. Mail Online, 22. Toropainen, P., Harinen, P., Rautopuro, J. and Tsitselikis, K. (2005) Between the Old and the New: Different Perspectives on Dual Citizenship and European Citizenship. In D. Kalekin-Fishman and P. Pitkänen (eds.), An Emerging Institution? Multiple Citizenship in Europe – Views of Officials. Bern: Peter Lang. Verkuyten, M. (2005) Social Psychology of Ethnic Identity. Hove/New York: Psychology Press. Westin, C. (2003) Citizenship and Identity. In Kondo, A. and Westin, C. (eds.) New Concepts of Citizenship. Residential/Re-gional Citizenship and Dual Nationality/Identity. CEIFO: Stockholm.

Finnish-Russian dual citizens 69 YLE (2014) Presidentti Niinistö: Minä pyysin selvityksen kaksoiskansalaisuudesta [President Niinistö: I Asked for Clarification on Dual Citizenship]. Available at: 3-7425788. YLE (2018) Kohuttu kaksoiskansalaisten laki etenee – Selvitys paljastaa: Yhdessäkään lähivaltiossa ei yhtä rajua lakia kuin Suomeen halutaan [Controversial Law on Dual Citizenship Goes on – Survey Reveals: Proposed Law Stricter than in Neighbouring Countries]. Available at: https://

6 Kosovar Albanians in Greece Could education promote reconciliation and social inclusion in the wider Region? Mary Drosopulos Introduction From the Yugoslavian cosmopolitanism to Kosovo’s isolation

Little academic research has been conducted on the bilateral relations of Greece and Kosovo. Bibliography is even more scarce when it comes to addressing this relationship through the perspective of youth, education and social inclusion. Therefore, it is important to provide some facts about how these two grew detached from each other and how education is playing a role in the re-(building) of once burnt-down bridges. In the times of former Yugoslavia, the Region lived its golden moments. Yugoslavia excelled in sports, education and technological innovation, while its citizens, especially the ones of the so-called ‘New Class’, enjoyed a comfortable and extrovert life, with access to goods and services that their communist counterparts in the nations of the Soviet bloc could only dream of (Patterson 2011: xvi, 264). The periphery, however, would breathe in the shadow of the prosperous regions. Kosovans were possibly the most marginalized people (Shtuni 2016: 5). Even during the acme of Yugoslavia, Kosovans living in rural areas would suffer from unemployment, illiteracy and lack of infrastructure, as we read in the 1979 World Bank economic report1 for former Yugoslavia. According to the same source, there was not much hope of positive change in Kosovo. An escalating underground dissatisfaction burst out with the degradation and final collapse of the ‘Soviet Dream’ in the late 1980s. In Kosovo, social inequalities and tensions among ethnic communities that had being piling up for years, in combination with poverty, eventually lead to polarization and chaos. A few years later, the atrocities committed during the war would permanently stigmatize the collective memory of the people of Kosovo, creating a dark and shameful chapter in global history. The devastating war transformed a once beautiful region into a Wasteland. During this dramatic period, Greeks and Kosovars were never in direct conflict with each other; they had, however, very different understandings of the roots and implications of the Yugoslavian tragedy, which led to them taking different stances (Armakolas and Karabairis 2012: 111–112).2 Collective Kosovar

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memory formed an image of Greece as the ‘enemy’ in cahoots with the equally Christian-Orthodox Serbs, while Greek public opinion remained attached to an obsolete image of Kosovo as ‘ex-Yugoslavia’ (Drosopulos 2019: 200). In 2008, Kosovo declared its independence.3 This development triggered different political reactions all around the world and started a polyphonous discussion over the identity, vision and orientation of the new state (Demjaha 2016). Kosovo was a tiny new country, which was now claiming a place on the international map. The biggest asset of this new state, however, was its youth. The newly formed government invested on its young demographics by funding a ‘nation branding’ campaign entitled ‘Kosovo: The Young Europeans’ which aimed at re-introducing Kosovo to the world through optimistic narratives (Hapçiu and Sparks: 2012, Meçaj: 2018). The very same year, the Government of Kosovo signed an agreement with educational institutions based in Greece and started providing scholarships for young Kosovars to study in the neighbouring country.4 The perspective to study abroad, yet in a nearby country, was seen by many Kosovars as a good opportunity. It is important to mention that young Kosovars do not enjoy the freedom of mobility that their European peers do. In fact, the holders of Kosovar documents can only travel visa-free to the few countries which have recognized the new state. Otherwise, the process of obtaining a visa is timely and costly, requiring loads of paperwork and interviews, without any guarantee that the visa will be eventually granted. One can easily understand the social and psychological impact that this has on Kosovar youth; the feeling of exclusion and discrimination is strongly felt. Furthermore, a paradox can be traced here: on the one hand, it is expected of Kosovars to embrace the European values and to ‘act European’ if they are ever to join international institutions such as the European Union or UNESCO. On the other hand, Kosovars are isolated in their tiny country, which is, in fact, smaller in population than most European cities and are not given access to any opportunity that would allow them to come into contact with other civilizations and people in Europe. The educational institutions in Greece, in cooperation with the Liaison Office of Greece in Prishtina, assist candidate students with this procedure, consequently, Kosovars are granted a visa, which allows them to travel not only to Greece but all around the Schengen Zone. A journey which begins for educational purposes, opens the doors to new experiences that come with the freedom of travelling and meeting new people and places. This is a lifechanging experience for many Kosovars: once they realize the gap between the Western Balkans and other European regions with regards to living standards and educational opportunities, they start seeing themselves and their country differently. Some choose to leave the Western Balkans for good and start a new life elsewhere; others, eager to make a positive change in their country based on what they experienced abroad, go back with the purpose of implementing good practices. The case of Kosovars in Greece is a bit of both. Education in an EU country is a first step for Kosovars to embrace European principles and attitudes, which

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could facilitate, in the future, their European integration. Education is also the starting point for the improvement of the bilateral relations between Kosovars and Greeks. In the educational institutions where Kosovar Albanians study, they also come to contact with students representing other ethnic communities from Kosovo, such as Serbs or Bosniaks.5 Strange as it may seem, these people usually do not have the opportunity to meet and interact in Kosovo, where each ethnic group lives inside their own borders and tends to socialize only with their ‘own’ people. This is the case, for instance, of the divided city of Mitrovica, where Albanians and Serbs are physically separated by a bridge and do not have any substantial contact with each other. The conditions in which many Kosovan Serbs live is that of an ‘état dans un état’ (‘a state inside a state’), meaning that they inhabit in Serbian-speaking provinces, where they use a different currency (Serbian dinar instead of euro), study in their own universities, use Serbian identification documents, drive cars with Serbian plates and follow their own customs and traditions. Young Kosovans from different ethnic communities, who would normally never meet back in Kosovo, study together in Thessaloniki, attending classes in the same room, sharing notes and participating in joint activities, such as projects, excursions, field visits or students’ parties. This interaction has an effect on all parties involved and undoubtedly leads to them challenging many of their preconceptions and stereotypes against ‘others’. In this sense, education that starts in Greece indirectly promotes social cohesion back in Kosovo and a wider reconciliation in the Balkans. Given that the present chapter focuses on Kosovar Albanian students in Thessaloniki, let us share some facts and figures about this young population and more specifically, let us see how education has facilitated their social integration in Greece, compared to the case of their ethnic peers from Albania.

The triangle of ethnicity, education and social integration Today, there are dozens of young Kosovars studying mainly in Thessaloniki, due to its geographic proximity to Kosovo.6 The distance between Thessaloniki and Prishtina is 330 km approximately, meaning a four-hour drive by car, or a five-hour journey by coach via Skopje. The majority of these students are ethnically Albanians. For the Greek population, who are to some extent quite ignorant about modern Kosovo and still associate it with Serbia, the fact that the majority of Kosovars now are Albanian and Muslims is a new information. The first reaction of the local community, then, is to associate Kosovar Albanians with the Albanian immigrants living in Greece, who entered the country during the refugee crises of the early and late 1990s and now constitute a large ethnic group. Even though Albanian migrants are now officially considered integrated into the Greek society, practical lived experience shows that there are still many stereotypes against Albanians, who are seen as ‘poor and usually illegal economic migrants’, evoking, thus, feelings of contempt or mistrust (Skoulidas 2002; Drosopulos and Schwandner-Sievers 2019).

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The current profile of the Albanian community of Thessaloniki verifies the fact that lack of education is indeed an immense obstacle towards social integration: the majority of the older members7 of the community come from rural areas and are usually neither educated nor trained on a specific craft. Men are usually employed in technical jobs, while the majority of women stay either at home raising children or work in temporary or part-time jobs, mainly at factories as low-paid workers or in private and public entities as cleaning ladies. Despite many years of lived experience in Greece, many of them have a relatively weak command of the Greek language and tend to socialize almost exclusively with their compatriots. Of course, there are bright exceptions, but there are very few compared to the mass. Unfortunately, even nowadays, the majority of young immigrants from Albania in Greece arrive from disadvantaged areas, consolidating the myth of the ‘poor, uneducated labour force’ (Kretsi 2002). This is not the case, however, for the Albanians of Kosovo. Kosovar students are usually well educated, with a strong command of English and more foreign languages. In contrast with their compatriots from Albania who enter Greek territory in search of jobs, the main motivation for young Kosovars to come to Greece is education. Many of them even leave jobs behind in order to get better vocational training and academic expertise. The geographic proximity between Greece and Kosovo offers the possibility to travel often back home, a luxury that many Kosovar students use to the fullest. As soon as they start living in Greece, young Kosovars realize that being ‘an Albanian from Albania’ and an ‘Albanian from Kosovo’ are two very distinct things, evoking different feelings and reactions among the local society. As we already mentioned, Greek public opinion associates Albanians from Albania with a number of negative stereotypes but does not apply these to Kosovar students. The response of the Greek society is based on two parameters, which are both connected with education. Firstly, Greek collective memory still sees in Kosovars the cosmopolitan citizens of the former Yugoslavia who would visit Greece to study, do business or spend holidays. In this framework, Greeks subconsciously preserve an image of a friendly population who spends money, speaks different languages and contributes to the tourism and economy of the host country. On the other hand, Albanian immigrants from Albania are still viewed by many Greeks as poor, illiterate workers, who would work for a pittance; daily news coming from the local media about Albanians being involved in illegal activities on Greek territory has shaped (fragmented as it may be) the image of a population prone to delinquency, who cannot be trusted.8 Secondly, education plays a very important role in Kosovars’ being more warmly welcomed by the host society. The fact that they are arriving as a young, skilled force, with academic and technological expertise is enough for them to be differentiated from unskilled seasonal workers and consequently, acquire a higher social status. Many Kosovar students come from families that can support them more or less financially, in this sense, they have a spending capacity in Greece.

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Conclusions For young Kosovars, who are subject to travel restrictions due to visa limitations, the possibility to study in a cosmopolitan country like Greece is an opportunity expanding their horizons. Education in an EU member-state allows them to travel, interact with new people and experience a way of living which is different than the one in the Western Balkans. Once they arrive in Greece, they realize that Greeks have a negative picture about ‘Albanians’ but are more supportive towards ‘Kosovars’. The latter, seen by the locals as ‘educated’ and ‘cosmopolitan’, enjoy a better treatment than ‘Albanians from Albania’ who have the status as ‘unskilled migrants’ or ‘criminals’. Kosovars’ presence in Greece is an opportunity for both Greeks and Kosovars – who had grown apart after the war – to (re-)introduce themselves to each other and find common ground for cooperation. In Greece, Kosovar students explore another culture, which is more resilient than the one they have experienced in Kosovo. Along with the values and good practices that they carry back home, young Kosovars also get a taste of working and studying together with people they would normally never cooperate with, including students from different ethnic groups in Kosovo. These groups have been looking at each other for years as the ‘other’ or the ‘enemy’, avoiding, thus, meaningful interaction. In this context, the education that Kosovars get outside their country offers them values and experiences that could gradually promote reconciliation and cohesion in the wider region.

Notes 1 Martin Schrenk, Cyrus Ardalan and Nawal A. El Tatawy, Yugoslavia. Self-Management Socialism and the Challenges of Development. A World Bank Country Economic Report, p. 284f. 2 Greece does not officially recognize Kosovo. Compared, however, with those other EU member-states which have also yet to formally recognize Kosovo (Greece, Spain, Slovakia, Cyprus and Romania), Greece has been relatively open to bilateral relations. 3 After the 1998–1999 war and NATO intervention, Serbia lost de facto sovereignty over part of its territory, the formerly autonomous province of Kosovo. Serbia, which sees Kosovo as a place of national and historical significance with important cultural and religious symbolism, does not recognize the proclamation of its independence. 4 The University of Sheffield International Faculty CITY College in cooperation with the  Ministry of Education, Science and Technology of Kosovo  has been offering scholarships for students from Kosovo to study in Thessaloniki since 2008 (interview with the former minister of Education and current vice-president of the Democratic party of Kosovo, Dr. Enver Hoxhaj, 27.09.2018, Prishtina). The City College hosts the largest number or Kosovar students, followed by the American College of Thessaloniki (ACT). 5 The Bosniaks are a south Slavic ethnic group, usually Slavonic speakers of Muslim faith, living in various countries of the Balkans. 6 Figures and detailed information can be found in the following article which is based on research conducted within the program ‘Building Knowledge About Kosovo, Vol.2’, supported by the Kosovo Foundation for Open Society:

Kosovar Albanians in Greece 75 uploads/2019/09/KFOS_Local-and-International-Determinants-of-Kosovo’s-State hood-WEB.pdf 7 Aged mainly between 36–75. 8 The findings of research that I recently conducted (Drosopulos 2019) show that Greeks would be more willing to rent their apartment to a ‘Kosovar’ than to an ‘Albanian’.

Further reading Kostantinidis, I. and Armakolas, I. (2014) How Greeks View Kosovo: The Findings of a Public Opinion Survey. In Ioannis Konstantinidis, Ioannis Armakolas, Agon Maliqi, Shkelzen Maliqi (eds.), Being Greek, Being Kosovar: A Report on Mutual Perceptions. Pristina: Kosovo Foundation for Open Society. Paca, D. (2016) Neither Here nor There: The Discursive Construction of Identity by Kosovo Albanians. PhD Thesis, Cardiff University. This thesis, through critical discourse analysis and thirty-eight in-depth interviews, examines the discursive construction of UK Kosovo Albanian Diaspora identity by Kosovo Albanians in both the UK and Kosovo. Schwandner-Sievers, S. (2008) “Albanians, Albanianism and the Strategic Subversion of Stereotypes”. Anthropological Notebooks 14 (2):47–64. Slovene Anthropological Society. The article describes the ways in which various European host countries’ stereotypical imageries of Albanians as being culturally particularly prone to violence have forced contemporary transnational Albanian migrants into subversive strategies and practices of identity mimicry.

References Armakolas, I. and Karabairis, A. (2012) Greece-Kosovo: A Complex Relationship. Kosovo Calling- International Conference to Launch Position Papers on Kosovo’s Relations with the EU and Regional Non-recognising Countries. Pristina: Kosovo Foundation for Open Society and British Council. Demjaha, A. (2016) Interethnic Relations in Kosovo. In South East European University Review. Tetovo: South East European University. Drosopulos, M. (2019) Kosovar students in Greece: Challenging and Changing Stereotypes. In Building Knowledge About Kosovo: Local and International Determinants of Kosovo’s Statehood. Pristina: Kosovo Foundation for Open Society, 199–238. Available at: http://kfos. org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/KFOS_Local-and-International-Determinants-ofKosovo’s-Statehood-WEB.pdf. Drosopulos, M. and Schwandner-Sievers, S. (2019) No More Sad Stories: Kosovar Students Negotiating Reciprocal Stereotypes in Thessaloniki. In In Brief: Takes on Kosovo Policy Challenges. Prishtina: Kosovo Foundation for Open Society. Available at: wp-content/uploads/2019/09/KFOS_In-brief-takes-on-Kosovos-policy-challenges.pdf. Hapçiu, A. and Sparks, J.R. (2012) The Internal Effect of the Kosovo: The Young Europeans Nation Branding Campaign on the Kosovar People. Master’s Thesis, University of Dayton. Friederich Ebert Foundation, Prishtina. Kretsi, G. (2002) “Shkelqen” oder “Giannis”? Namenwechsel und identitätsstrategien zwischen heimatkultur und migration. In Karl Kaser et al (eds.), Die weite welt und das dorf: Albanische emigration am ende des 20. Jahrhunderts. Vienna: Böhlau, 262–8.

76  Mary Drosopulos Meçaj, A. (2018) Nation Branding as a Strategy to Reposition and Strengthen the Nation’s Image the Case of: KOSOVO – The Young Europeans. Master Thesis in Partial Fulfillment of Master of Arts in International Relations, Leiden University. Patterson, P.H. (2011). Bought & Sold: Living and Losing the Good Life in Socialist Yugoslavia. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press. Shtuni, A. (2016) Dynamics of Radicalization and Violent Extremism in Kosovo. United States Institute of Peace Special Report. Washington, DC: USIP. Skoulidas, E. (2002) The Perception of the Albanians in Greece in the 1830s and ’40s: The Role of the Press. In S. Schwandner-Sievers, B.J. Fischer (eds), Albanian Identities: Myth and History. London: C. Hurst & Co. Publishers.

Part two

Poverty, educational disadvantage, and inclusion Youth radicalization, vulnerability, disadvantage, and inequality

7 ‘This is our tradition’ Conservatism and exclusion at the roots of radicalization; the case of the Kosovar Albanian diaspora in Switzerland Mary Drosopulos Migration to Switzerland: recent figures and facts According to figures provided by the Swiss Federal Statistical Office (FSO 2019a: 7), at the end of 2018, Switzerland had a population of 8,544,527 that is 60,397 persons (+ 0.7%) more than in 2017. The number of Swiss nationals in the population was 6,396,252 and the number of foreign nationals 2,148,275. The percentage of foreign nationals on swiss territory has been on the rise during the last years, reaching 25% at the end of 2018 (FSO 2019a: 9). In 2018, 2.1 million foreign nationals were living in Switzerland, 19% of whom were born in Switzerland and 81% abroad. The most common foreign nationalities in Switzerland are Italian, German, Portuguese, French and Kosovar.1 Figures show that the main two reasons for migration to Switzerland vary by nationality. The FSO report for 2018 suggests that ‘citizens from EU28 and EFTA countries mainly migrate to Switzerland for professional reasons (43%), whereas other immigrants for family reasons (roughly 55%)’. In order to understand why this is happening, it is of added value to juxtapose this analysis with the swiss policy on the admission of foreigners. Regarding mobility from the EU/EFTA member states, Switzerland has co-signed the Agreement on the Free Movement of Persons. Its admission policy, however, is much stricter and based on a demand-driven system when it comes to admitting economic migrants from the ‘third countries’2 (Sandoz 2019: 62). Only qualified workers from third countries who are absolutely needed; (Swiss Federal Council 2002: 3473) can enter the swiss labour market. This is why citizens of third countries like Kosovo, justify their immigration to Switzerland by family-related reasons. Indeed, in 2017, 43% of the permanent resident population aged 15 to 74 and born abroad said that they immigrated to Switzerland for family reasons3 (FSO 2019b: 2); more specifically, either to start a family or to join/rejoin their family. According to the same source (FSO 2019b: 3), in 2017, ‘63% of the permanent resident population aged 15 to 74 who were born abroad intended to remain in Switzerland for good’. People originating from European countries outside the EU28 most often say that they plan to stay in Switzerland forever (FSO 2019b: 5).

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Switzerland is a vibrant example of diversity. Its population comprises almost of 200  different nationalities (FSO 2019c: 1). Except for the four national languages, ten other languages are widely spoken, implying the dynamic presence of various social groups. Official facts show that there is a certain level of religious tolerance as well, given that more than ten main religious communities are currently present in the country (FSO 2019c: 1). The Swiss society respects diversity, but also expects people living on its territory to respect and cherish its values. The arrival of immigrants of different cultural backgrounds has risen from time to time raising concerns over a possible alteration of Switzerland’s demographic and cultural profile. Swiss authorities have responded to this ‘threat’ by changing the regulation over admission standards and making the procedure stricter over who, why and under which conditions people enter the country with the scope of staying permanently.

The Kosovar Albanian diaspora in Switzerland Recently, there has been a concerning rise in the number of young people migrating from the Western Balkans to central and western Europe (ECFR 2018). Figures speak of a migration wave like the one witnessed during and after the war in former Yugoslavia. This is also the case for Kosovo. Twelve years after the declaration of Independence on the 17th of February  2008, young Kosovars do not see many reasons to stay in their country and prefer, instead, to migrate to economically prosperous countries offering more opportunities and a better quality of life. The profile of Kosovar migrants in Switzerland is mixed; on the one hand, there are the well-educated and highly skilled ones,4 who move outside their country in order to find professional and academic opportunities which are not available back home; on the other hand, there is also a labour force of workers who usually do low-profile jobs and settle for lower payments and standards. Diaspora money has been and still is the largest engine keeping the Kosovo economy alive as Warrander and Knaus (2007: 21) state families were kept afloat by ‘the money sent home from family members working abroad.’ Kosovar presence in Switzerland has a history that goes back to the times of socialist Yugoslavia. During the 1960s, people from the Region would work in swiss companies as ‘guest workers’ (Dahinden 2005: 2–3). During periods of instability in Tito’s Yugoslavia and even more after the war, large masses of Kosovars sought asylum in Switzerland. These people managed to obtain initially a permis de séjour (temporary residence permit) and eventually, a permanent residence permit. Immigration rules in Switzerland have been more liberal compared to other countries however Swiss law on migration also became stricter during the 1990s, narrowing down the admission criteria for foreigners from non-EU or EFTA countries, but still offered the possibility for third-countries nationals to enter Switzerland in order to rejoin their families. In this context, Kosovars, who had already started a life on Swiss ground invited their relatives

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to join them in the framework of ‘family reunification’ projects. This practice continues until today. This type of migration is permanent (FSO 2019b: 5). Fixed marriages with second generation Kosovars who have acquired Swiss documents are one of the methods used to safeguard that the newly arrived Kosovars will have the right to remain forever in Switzerland. Most of the diaspora from the former Yugoslavia live in the cantons of Geneva, Basel-Stadt and Vaud (FSO 2019a: 13), with Kosovars inhabiting mainly the French-speaking regions around Lausanne. Many of the Kosovar migrants come from the rural areas of Kosovo (Paca 2015: 148, Cola et al. 2012: 52). The 2006 ESI report contains, in fact, this characteristic phrase: ‘Pristina airport is the link between rural Kosovo and the global economy’ (2006: 3), insinuating the importance of diaspora money for the survival of the small country. The fact that most Kosovar migrants come from the countryside might also justify the strong presence of certain cultural practices and attitudes among the Kosovar diaspora which in urban centres, such as Prishtina,5 are considered obsolete or irrelevant. Considering their plan of permanent stay in Switzerland, one of the first steps that Kosovar migrants take is to attend courses in one of the national languages. A  strong linguistic command is indispensable in order to enter both social and professional life. The language spoken back home, however, is always the mother tongue. It is a priority for Kosovars to cherish and preserve their language, which they perceive as a symbol of ethnic identity and national unity, dictating, also, to a large extent their choice of spouse, friends and acquaintances. Is Switzerland truly the ‘promised land’? The swiss state offers a wide range of possibilities with regards to work, education and vocational training. Switzerland is well-organized, providing a quality and variety of services that cannot be found in the Western Balkans. In many cases, however, newcomers in Switzerland realize that they enter a realm of family and life-related obligations that are usually much more demanding than those existing back in Kosovo. Homesickness is present even in the Swiss Promised Land and it is related to different factors. Kosovar migrants tend to miss  simple things that for them signify ‘life quality’, such as the sunny weather, spontaneous getting-together of friends, warmer social interactions or even exciting nightlife. Evidence shows that the existence of ‘good living standards’ does not always imply ‘quality of life’: according to the latest FSO report, although non-EU foreigners migrate to Switzerland in quest of better living standards, such as better salaries, infrastructure or a better health system (FSO 2019b: 2), one of their main motivations for leaving Switzerland is the need for ‘better quality of life’ (2019b: 3).

Preserving social norms, family traditions and ‘pure blood’ Kosovar migrants in Switzerland maintain strong bonds with their homeland. They place special emphasis on preserving their customs and traditions and

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visit Kosovo at least once a year, especially during the summer holidays, to be warmly welcomed by their local compatriots as ‘Schatzis’. Dafina Paca (2015: 142) explains how the word ‘schatzi’ (an equivalent of ‘sweetheart’ or ‘darling’) ‘signifies a particular social and economic group in the Kosova Diaspora and their relationship to homeland’. Schatzis return home not only to visit friends and relatives, but also to find spouses. Endogamous marriages are still a common practice among Albanians, who prefer spouses of their own ethnicity in order to maintain the ‘purity of their blood’ (Paca 2016: 19). This practice is often a moral obligation connected with the principles of ‘albanianism’. This phenomenon is more evident in communities living in the rural parts of Kosovo, where marrying a ‘foreigner’ is considered as an extreme taboo, going against the ‘honour’ of the family. The tradition of arranged marriages which has become obsolete in the capital Prishtina is kept very much alive in peripheral regions. Marriages of this kind are orchestrated either by family members or by the ‘mesit’, a local matchmaker, usually female, who ‘matches’ couples according to their family, age and education background. Even today, there are still cases of young people who have been ‘promised’ to each other even since birth. Living up to one’s promise is a matter of honour among the families and it is often the case that arranged marriages are perceived as superior to ‘love matches’ (Reineck 1991: 78). Almost thirty years ago, Janet Reineck would document in her book entitled ‘The Past as Refuge’ the reality of the 1980s, when Kosovars would live a life dictated by social norms and family vows, whereby young girls were encouraged to marry and bear children instead of pursuing education and young boys’ future evolved around finding the means to support a wife chosen to them by their family. Three decades later, the very same phenomena that she described back then in her anthropological research are still present in communities of rural background. The force of public opinion is indeed so strong that it defines Kosovars’ choices with regards to love, education and marriage. In Kosovo, the family is considered the most important social institution (Krasniqi 2012: 10). Within the realm of Illyrian ethos, respecting the family values by following a socially acceptable path in life is a sign of morality, defining whether someone is a ‘good son’ or a ‘good daughter’. Family in Kosovo comes with a lot of conditions. Accepting a predestined lifepath, even if this clashes with one’s wishes or needs, is linked with the belief in two major notions in Kosovar culture; firstly, the existence of kismet (meaning destiny) as an unavoidable human fate imposed by a higher force (usually God), secondly, the acceptance of vuatje (suffering) as a life journey of challenges and adversities through which individuals prove their integrity, strength of values and faith in God. Recent research conducted among the young generation of the Kosovar Diaspora in Europe and America (Drosopulos 2019) documents that even today, preserving social norms, ethnic values and family traditions is more important than friendship, love or partnership. Modern Kosovars living abroad tend to

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socialize and do business almost exclusively with their own people. When it comes to love and marriage, they may flirt and engage in romantic affairs with people of other ethnic or religious background, but eventually opt for partners of ‘Albanian blood’, even if this means sacrificing an existing relationship to start a new life with someone they barely know. Young Kosovars answer, ‘this is our tradition’ when asked about certain family and society-dictated choices they have consciously made in their lives. In 1993, the American anthropologist Janet Reineck had shared the outcomes of her lived experience and research in Kosova. This conventional phrase was often provided to her as an explanation of the way certain things are being done. Reineck observed back then that saying, ‘this is our tradition’ is ‘a strategic evocation of the past used both to reiterate a sense of belonging and to justify a way of life’ (1993: 104). It is interesting how 15 years later, the young generation is still providing the same answer to validate attitudes and customs connected with family values and cultural norms. For instance, choosing a spouse of the same ethnic background is still a widespread practice, based on an Albanian tradition aimed at keeping Albanians homogeneous and of ‘pure blood’ (Beka in Bayraklı and Hafez 2018; Dani 2016: 428). One can understand why it was so important in the previous decades for Kosovar Albanians to maintain their homogeneity. A  suppressed life in the socialist Yugoslavia accentuated the need of the Albanian community to preserve its ethnic values, language and religion so as not be assimilated and forgotten (Shtuni 2016: 5). According to the 2006 European Stability Initiative Report, in the years before independence, family would be the main institution in Kosovo to safeguard the survival of Albanian traditions. This institution, however, was based on one of the oldest and most conservative models: that of the patriarchal Balkan family, which is to blame for a number of inequalities and opportunities lost, especially with regards to the position of young girls and women. This family model is constructed upon a system of hierarchy whereby roles and tasks are distributed according to age and gender, with the younger obeying to the elderly and women following men’s orders (Dahinden 2005: 6; Reineck 1991: 76). It is extremely important to project outwards an ‘image’ that it is compatible with the dominant norms and values, so that the family members can have a ‘face’ in the local community. This structure may not necessarily apply to cosmopolitan families in Prishtina, but it is true for families living in rural areas, even today. This conservative prototype is evident also among the Kosovar diaspora, which is, in fact, more radical than the population living in Kosovo (Sejdiu 2017). The elderly often say that it is the strict obedience to values and traditions that has kept Albanians together and allowed the Kosovar nation to survive (Reineck 1991: 161). In times, however, of national independence and European orientation, why is it so important for young Kosovars to keep old traditions at all costs?

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The roots of youth radicalization Nationalism and radicalization among youth in the Western Balkans have its roots in politics that have led to feeling ‘under threat’ or not recognized (Drosopulos and Schwandner-Sievers 2019). The smaller or more suppressed a community is, the more radical it becomes on order to safeguard its existence. Kosovar society’s traumatic history might explain an emphasis placed on preserving collective memory, unity and tradition through practices promoting ethnic and religious homogeneity, such as endogamous marriage. Kosovars lived for years in the margin of the former Yugoslavia (Shtuni 2016: 5) and now, they are somehow living in the margin of Europe. Kosovo is still trying to claim a place in the world and stand on its own feet as an independent state. Lack of international recognition, limited citizens’ mobility, as well as other internal and external challenges have their toll on Kosovars’ confidence, who feel that they are not respected or appreciated enough outside their country. As a result, they turn to their own circle to find respect, approval and safety. Following strategies of reverse ‘positional superiority’ towards the ‘others’ (Said 1978), Albanians re-evoke the past to present the albanian nation as unique and ‘superior’ to other nations, hence Albanian values as higher and more noble (Reineck 1991: 104). Janet Reineck calls this phenomenon a strategy of ‘coping with marginality by cultivating an identity as an oppressed people’ (1991: 104): Albanians accentuate an ideology of persecution in order to transform the inferiority associated with marginality into a sense of superiority associated with uniqueness. They counter this debased status by defending their collective worth on the basis of racial purity, moral uprightness, and as the keepers of a tradition uncorrupted by the breakdown of gender barriers and the individualism found among their neighbours. Transferring these thoughts to the current status quo of Kosovo and Kosovars, we can easily see a vicious circle: the international community isolates Kosovo by denying recognition and access to international institutions, based on Kosovo’s reported low performance in key areas, such as the economy, human rights, welfare or rule of law. The collective feeling of being rejected as a nation, country and society needs to be somehow counterbalanced; consequently, Kosovars seek reasons to be proud inside their own ethnic realm and mythology. Heroic narratives connected with Illyrianism and Albanianism compensate for the unsatisfied need to be accepted and respected. The more Kosovars turn to the past for refuge, the more they forget about the future and linger on to old traditions and ideals, which made them ‘who they are’, even if this means further isolating themselves from the culturally harmonious ‘European family’. In other words, isolation brings on more isolation. The way everyone will cope with the frustration caused by exclusion is unique; in

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some cases, however, marginalization combined with religious fundamentalism gradually leads to violent radicalization and extremism.

Radicalization and extremism within the Kosovar diaspora According to reports published by the Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (2018) and the United States Institute of Peace (Shtuni 2016), respectively, a considerable number of Foreign Terrorist Fighters of Kosovo are from the diaspora, with Germany ranking first in numbers and Switzerland second (KCSS 2018: 8, 30; Shtuni 2016: 1–4). The KCSS report argues that ‘it carries great threat for this particular community [i.e. the diaspora] due to the cultural marginalization, challenges of assimilation and confusion over identity’ (Perteshi 2018: 32). The members of the Kosovar diaspora who engage in extremist or terrorist activities do not have the same motives as people from the rural areas of Kosovo, who often join an extreme group out of lack of perspective (unemployment, lack of infrastructure in the community, absence of social, educational or recreational opportunities) or even out of poverty (there are cases of religious-based organizations providing financial and material support to those embracing their circles) (KCSS 2018: 33). As the USIP report clearly suggests, the drive behind the radicalization of the Kosovar diaspora is usually related with social exclusion and discrimination (Shtuni 2016: 5). In a time of increasing radicalization among youth both in the EU and the Western Balkans, Kosovo’s isolation further increases the risk of violent extremism ideology expanding in the Region. The disappointment and anger experienced in the region by the fact that the EU recently blocked the membership bids of Albania and North Macedonia could very easily fuel radical and extreme behaviours, generated by the rejection that the Western Balkan people have been experiencing for years. This has happened in the recent history, in the case of Turkey, for instance: the country’s European orientation which started with Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s vision of a secular, western state derailed with the successful rejections that Turkey saw from the EU. Decades of negotiations led to zero results, until the ‘European dream’ in Turkey gradually dissolved. In order to cope with the frustration of exclusion, Turks recurred to a ‘reverse positional superiority’ strategy, this time embracing their Orientalism by re-evoking the glory of their Ottoman past as a refuge and a source of ethnic pride. The consolidation of Political Islam became the answer to the values and practices promoted by the culturally and religiously homogeneous Europe. Today’s European Union, which has suffered major economic and social crises in the last decades, as well as the recent Brexit, is not as attractive as it used to be. Those who are skeptical towards the very existence of the European Union as an institution, might also doubt and undermine the values that the EU has been promoting, such as human rights, democracy and rule of law. EU’s

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treating the Western Balkans as a ‘problem’ and a ‘burden’ on its back might easily have a boomerang effect. The rise of Euro-skepticism in the region after the recent political developments might lead to an uncontrolled rise of hate and polarization, leaving space for extremist ideologies to grow. Maybe it is time for a change in policy towards the Western Balkans and a genuine investment on intercultural dialogue; not in the sense, however, of ‘teaching European values to the poor and disadvantaged Balkans’, but of truly exchanging experiences and learning from each other.

Conclusions There is a plethora of reasons why Kosovar Albanians prefer Switzerland over other countries. Figures provided by the Swiss Federal Statistical Office for 2018 (FSO 2019b) identify ‘family’ as the very first and most important reason: Kosovars migrate to Switzerland to join their families, with the purpose of staying permanently in their country. Most of the migrants come from the rural areas of Kosovo and usually bring with them their local practices and traditions, which may be incompatible with the norms and ideals of the Swiss society. Family is the most important institution in Kosovar society and obedience to family rules is seen as a sign of virtue and morality. The young generation of the Kosovar diaspora in Switzerland feels morally obliged to preserve traditions promoting ethnic, cultural and religious homogeneity. The vast majority of Kosovar Albanians prefer endogamous marriages; this is a way for them to preserve the so-called ‘purity of the Albanian blood’. The Kosovar diaspora tends to be more radical than Kosovars back home, with the first dwelling on practices connected with an old-fashioned ‘patriarchal family’ model, such as early – and usually arranged – marriages, organization of the household based on a hierarchal system defined by age and gender, women’s limited access to education and employment, tolerance towards domestic violence and repression. According to reports on cases of violent extremism among the Kosovar diaspora, homegrown conservatism, in combination with social exclusion and isolation can lead initially to the cultivation of violent extremist ideology and gradually, to the emergence of terrorist actions. Youth radicalization could be prevented through measures promoting intercultural and interreligious dialogue. There are many opportunities for European youth to engage in educational, training and networking activities promoting human rights and cultural awareness. The irony, is however, that those who usually need these projects the most do not have access to them; either due to linguistic barriers (most programs are conducted exclusively in English) or due to travelling restrictions, as in the case of Kosovars. In this framework, legal and institutional provisions that would allow Kosovar youth to have access to rights and privileges that their peers in other Balkan and EU countries have been enjoying for years, would appear paramount in preventing the rise of youth radicalization triggered by exclusion and isolation.

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Notes 1 All references to Kosovo, whether the territory, institutions or population, in this text shall be understood in full compliance with United Nation’s Security Council Resolution 1244 and without prejudice to the status of Kosovo. 2 Countries that do not belong to the European Union (EU) or European Free Trade Association (EFTA), as is the case of the Western Balkans (WB6). 3 The second reason for migrating to Switzerland was the quest of a better job with a better salary (32%). The next two factors were asylum (6%) and study (5%). 4 For a comprehensive anthropological analysis of these terms within the Swiss context, see: Sandoz, L. (2019) Mobilities of the Highly Skilled Towards Switzerland: The Role of Intermediaries in Defining “Wanted Immigrants”. Basel: Springer Open. 5 According to Dafina Paca, ‘it has been common to hear references to those from the city as “Qytetar”, implying that they were an elite class, and to the “Katundar” or “Katunart”, meaning those from the villages, implying a backward, rough and uneducated person (or simply the equivalent of a “hick”). This discriminatory discourse has existed despite considerable mixing of individuals and families, particularly amongst those settling in the capital, Prishtina. It is important to draw attention to these stereotypes because the diaspora of Kosovo is composed of populations from a mixture of both urban and rural areas, cities and villages’ (2015:3).

References Bayraklı, E. and Hafez, F. 2018 Islamophobia in Muslim Majority Societies. London: Routledge. Cola, M., Iseni, B. and Brusa, M.M. (2012) The Kosovar Diaspora in Switzerland: Construction of Identities Between Media Use and Diasporic Traits. Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations, 14(4). Dahinden, J. (2005) Contesting transnationalism? Lessons from the Study of Albanian Migration Networks from Former Yugoslavia. Global Networks-5, 2, 191–208. Dani, D. (2016) The Invention of the Middle Ages: The Self and the Other in Albanian Medievalism [Shpikja e mesjetës: Vetja dhe Tjetri në medievistikën shqiptare]. Albania: Pika pa sipërfaqe. Drosopulos, M. (2019) ‘Kosovar Students in Thessaloniki: Challenging and Changing Stereotypes’. Building Knowledge About Kosovo: Local and International Determinants of Kosovo’s Statehood. Prishtina: Kosovo Foundation for Open Society, pp. 199–238. wp-content/uploads/2019/09/KFOS_Local-and-International-Determinants-of-Koso vo’s-Statehood-WEB.pdf Drosopulos, M. and Schwandner-Sievers, S. (2019) ‘No More Sad Stories: Kosovan Students Negotiating Reciprocal Stereotypes in Thessaloniki’. In In Brief: Takes on Kosovo Policy Challenges. Prishtina: Kosovo Foundation for Open Society, pp. 33–36. wp-content/uploads/2019/09/KFOS_In-brief-takes-on-Kosovos-policy-challenges.pdf European Council of Foreign Relations (2018) The Way Back: Brain Drain and Prosperity in the Western Balkans. Available in brain_drain_and_prosperity_in_the_western_balkans Last accessed: 20.2.2020. Federal Statistical Office (2019a) Switzerland’s Population 2018. Available in: www.bfs.admin. ch/bfs/en/home/statistics/population.assetdetail.10827609.html Federal Statistical Office (2019b) Reasons for Migration and Conditions upon Arrival: Differences by Nationality Groups. Available in: tion/migration-integration.assetdetail.10489612.html Federal Statistical Office (2019c) Survey on Diversity and Co-Existence in Switzerland (VeS): Results 2018. Available in: tion-integration.assetdetail.7466709.html

88  Mary Drosopulos Kosovar Centre for Security Studies (2018) Beyond the Triggers: New Threats of Violent Extremism in Kosovo. Prishtina: Kosovar Centre for Security Studies. Krasniqi E. (2012) Family in a Fragile State and Economy in Kosovo: The Case of Opoja. Preliminary Project Report of the FWF Project, The Kosovar Albanian Family Revisited, Centre for Southeast European History and Anthropology, University of Graz. Paca, D. (2015) “Schatzi: Making Meaning of Diaspora”. JOMEC Journal, 7. Cardiff University Press. Paca, D. (2016) Neither Here Nor There: The Discursive Construction of Identity by Kosovo Albanians. PhD Thesis, Cardiff University, UK. Perteshi, (2018) ‘Kosovo Fighters from Diaspora’. Prishtina: Kosovar Center for Security Studies. Pp.  30–32. Available in Last Accessed: 20.2.2020. Reineck, J.S. (1991) The Past as Refuge: Gender, Migration, and Ideology Among the Kosova Albanians. Berkeley: University of California. Reineck, J.S. (1993) Seizing the Past, Forging the Present: Changing Visions of Self and Nation Among the Kosova Albanians. Anthropology of East Europe Review, 11, 1−2. Special issue: War Among the Yugoslavs, pp. 100−109. Said, E. (1978) Orientalism. Pantheon Books. Sandoz, L. (2019) Mobilities of the Highly Skilled Towards Switzerland: The Role of Intermediaries in Defining ‘Wanted Immigrants’. Switzerland: Springer Open. Sejdiu, M. (2017) Why the Kosovar Diaspora Is More Conservative and Why this Is Important. Kosovo 2.0. Available in ative-important/ Last Accessed: 20.2.2020 Shtuni, A. (2016) Dynamics of Radicalization and Violent Extremism in Kosovo. United States Institute of Peace Special Report. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace (USIP). Swiss Federal Council. (2002) Message concernant la loi sur les étrangers, FF 2002 3469. (FF 2002 3469). Bern, Switzerland: Swiss Confederation Retrieved from opc/fr/federal-gazette/2002/3469.pdf. Warrander, G. and Knaus, V. (2007) Kosovo: the Bradt Travel Guide. Bucks. Available in www. Last Accessed: 30.7.2020.

8 Educational exclusions and practices of inclusion of students from urban disadvantaged neighbourhoods. The case of Łódź, Poland Anita Gulczyńska and Monika Wiśniewska-Kin Introduction In the recent United Nations Development Programme, Poland has been ranked third (among 188 countries) as regards Human Development Index (HDI), with index value of 0.843 (Laskowska and Dańska-Borsiak 2018: 117). In 2017 Poland was ranked 33rd in the world as regards both HDI and GDP per capita, including the purchasing power (Gadomski 2019). However, our country’s high ranking does not provide much information on the varied social and economic situation within its borders. To diagnose differences in human development country-wise, we use such indexes as: The Local  Human Development Index (LHDI) and the Local Human Development Policy Inputs index (LHDIPI), including their components: Health Index, Education Index and Welfare Index. The concluded research shows that LHDI index values in Polish subregions fall within the range from 13.57 to 77.46 (Warsaw) (Laskowska and Dańska-Borsiak 2018: 118–120). The highest indexes can be observed in metropolitan subregions. Educational variables used in the analysis also suggest that subregions with the best situation are those that include large cities (such as Cracow, Warsaw, etc.) (Laskowska and Dańska-Borsiak 2018: 120). Łódź, a city in central Poland, with a population of nearly 700,000 (Łódź Statistical Office: 2018), providing the inspiration for this study, presents itself only a little less favourably. The subject of our chapter is urban disadvantaged neighbourhoods (DN) as environments contributing to educational exclusion, as well as areas where practices preventing that phenomenon have been implemented. The term ‘disadvantaged,’ is understood to be referring to processes that cause the production and reproduction of disadvantages for people and places (Snyder, Angus and Sutherland-Smith 2002). Limited educational opportunities of DN residents are indirectly due to Łódź history. As the city’s key industry (textiles) started to decline following the 1989 transformation of the Polish political system, the residents of downtown tenement neighbourhoods were particularly affected by mass unemployment and related problems. In the 1990s, the sociologists identified

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12 out of 17 so-called ‘enclaves of poverty’ within the city’s downtown core (Grotowska-Leder 1998, 2001). They consist of at least two adjacent city blocks with a poverty rate of over 30%, or 40%. Ten years later social reproduction in these locations was proved (Warzywoda-Kruszyńska and Jankowski 2010). Currently, due to the city’s revitalization, they become islands, forming the ‘archipelago of Łódź poverty’ (Warzywoda-Kruszyńska and Jankowski 2013). DN research in Łódź, as well as other post-industrial cities in different countries, reveal that such urban settings experience social problems, including anti-social behaviour, youth delinquency, dropping out of school, teenage pregnancy, single parenthood, and adults’ poor employment opportunities and parenting (Crane 1991; Brooks-Gunn et al. 1997; Leventhal and Brooks-Gunn 2000; Grotowska-Leder 2001; Bunio-Mroczek 2010; Mordwa 2014. Discussion on determinants behind the educational exclusion of DN children and youth is extensive and reveals the complexity of the issue. Some key items include deficit-based explanations that consider negative impact of neighbourhood social worlds (peer groups, adult role models or parents poorly coping with neighbourhood’s effects on their children, etc.) as dynamic processes of educational exclusion. Other researchers believe that the said determinants are created by the difference between public and private institutional resources (including schools) providing services to different neighbourhoods (e.g. Condron and Roscigno 2003; Lankford, Loeb and Wyckoff 2002; Lupton 2004), i.e. decisions, processes and structures that affect those neighbourhoods indirectly and independently of their residents. Finally, an important argument in the discussion on the reasons for social exclusion concerns various processes of stigmatization of DN residents in their roles as students (Rios-Moore et al. 2004) or users of practices enhancing educational inclusions (Rolón-Dow 2005; Nieto 1998). Multiple explanations for educational exclusion of DN students documented worldwide prove that factors determining the said phenomenon are highly complex. Thus, a complementary offer of practices enhancing educational inclusion in such qualified urban areas should be developed. In our contribution, based on an example of two referred studies in one of Łódź DN, we argue that the system of educational support for residents of such areas needs to be rethought and modified in order to increase the complementarity of offered practices and provide better opportunities for educational inclusion of residents of urban areas characterized by under investment and poverty. In order to reflect on educational exclusion, we consider practice and the experiences of the research participants. Critical analysis of those practices is followed by examples of art-based community work projects that we call ‘alternative’ practices. These refer to determinants of educational exclusion concerning those DN inhabitants who were not included in the dominating practices. Finally, we provide conclusions determining the required direction of changes.

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Typical practices enhancing educational inclusion of DN students To inform the chapter further two separate research studies were used. The first study, an ethnographic one, was conducted in 2001–2005 and followed six boys aged 14 to 20 – members of one of male neighbourhood group. In the second study (2015–2018), interviews were conducted to understand the overall effects of disadvantaged neighbourhood on the lives of its adult male residents, some of whom had participated in the previous study as boys. This disadvantaged neighbourhood, where the boys lived, was an area understood by residents as ‘theirs’ – a city block consisting of four streets commonly frequented by the general population of the city, with buildings representing a typical Łódź mixture of the 19th- and 20th-century three to four storey tenement houses. Most of the buildings are in a state of bad repair, their doors or gates lead to damaged, mould-infested interior stairway entries, and to small square or narrow rectangular courtyards, often connected into a system of identical concrete-and-brick mazes recognized only by the locals. Such a development plan hinders the inhabitants’ contact with the outer world. The whole neighbourhood lacks space for leisure activity and was inhabited mainly by impoverished families with limited access to outside resources. The courtyards of tenement houses were the only meeting places for residents, but the youth used them less frequently, as their courtyard interactions often resulted in conflicts with some adults and even in police interventions. Conflicts involving young people reveal social heterogeneity of the neighbours, along with their various views on the role of the neighbourhood in their lives. This contradiction of expectations with respect to the neighbourhood’s space was a source of tensions. As a result, groups of young people were often pushed towards the street in front of gateways to tenement houses, towards the border separating the residents from ‘the strangers.’ The way young people dress, along with their loud behaviour and frequent police interventions, were the reasons why nonresidents avoided the neighbourhood after nightfall. For the employees of local schools, police, social workers and passers-by, these young people represented risk groups. The image of Łódź as the city of bad neighbourhoods was and still is strongly maintained in the public discourse. This contributes to stigmatization of residents of such areas. Hence, our research participants were considered menace (Ethnographic Data/ ED) by the school staff, which in turn contributed to their unsuccessful school careers and ultimate exclusion from other groups. As a pupil below states, School? . . . I was screwed. . . . I came to this school from a better district and had better grades. . . . I wasn’t really liked. . . . I had to fit in somehow. . . . Grade 3, 4, 5, final assessments with distinction, but to the teachers I [had] already started to be a menace. (Narrative Data/ND)

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Such identification was due to their school behaviour and related to ‘the continuation of the backyard life at school.’ When I attended that school, everyone else were there too . . . my cousins, siblings, my relatives, my friends’ relatives. It was like bringing the backyard to school. Unlike my later experience . . . everything and everyone was new . . . starting from the beginning. (ND) The research participants suggested that in the school period of their lives the core of their neighbourhood and school social worlds consisted of basically the same persons. One of the structural determinants contributing to this phenomenon in Poland is the fact that public primary schools usually enrol children from their catchment areas. Thus, the school conduct difficulties of our research participants resulted from them being forced to refer to two contradictory normative references (the one provided by the school staff and the one defined by the social world of their neighbourhood). Considering the primary significance of the latter in constructing their identities prior to their school years, living up to the teacher’s expectations endangered the coherence of their previously shaped ‘selves.’ Hence, research participants presented themselves at school as ‘the hoods,’ ‘the enemies of the police and losers’ and ‘though cookies’ because their neighbourhood social worlds required that. As their neighbourhood peers carefully watched and assessed them in the school environment, they tried to meet their expectations to keep the privileges that ‘the hoods’ offer to their members. This allowed them to avoid a conflict of identities, but provoked conflicts with the school staff. With time, they were referred to by the school staff as a ‘menace’ and became the target group of various practices enhancing educational inclusion. The first of them was the tactics of disciplining students by means of punitive grades, including the tactics of insult and intimidation (Gulczyńska, 2019), for example like: I yelled at her, because she pissed me off. I raised my hand and started to talk, she screams ‘I didn’t give you permission’. [I] told her ‘I am not a dog’, she goes on screaming. . . . I told her to ‘fuck off’, and more. . . (ED) One time she threatened me with the youth detention centre, [I] told her ‘I’ll take care of your car’. She backed off. (ED) The dynamics and frequency of student-teacher exchanges often increased in intensity and, contrary to the teacher’s expectations, they only strengthened the student’s resistance, which contributed to students being treated by the

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teachers as ‘different’ (Gulczyńska, 2019) and led to further practices enhancing educational exclusion, all of them mediated by the school social worker (SSW). The school social worker is responsible for the implementation of an educational and preventive programme at school. The programme consists of activities adapted to the student’s developmental needs, prepared on the basis of a diagnosis of needs and problems observed in a specific school community and addressed to students, teachers and parents (Art. 26.1 of the Education Law Act of December 14, 2016, Journal of Laws of 2017, item 59). However, the very wording of requirements defined by the regulators reveal that the understanding of school difficulties is limited to individual, family or community characteristics, and thus, in case of DN students, many external factors determining their educational exclusion are overlooked. The school social worker (SSW) in the research was presented as responsible for communication with ‘the menace’ and the initiator or executor of practices enhancing educational inclusion. The first of those practices was educationalization of the students’ free time. SSW insisted on students’ participation in compensatory after-school programmes (at in-school common room and/or the Community Centres (CCs) (Gulczyńska, 2019: 8). A typical community centre offered opportunities to do homework and engage in activities unavailable at home (e.g. using computers or playing table tennis), along with various group workshops or visits to cultural institutions (cinemas, theatres, etc.). Unfortunately the community centres became a ‘space for solidifying the identity of those who were different, as the stigmatized definition of troublemaker was consolidated and disseminated in communications between the SSW and selected staff working at the CC.’ (Gulczyńska, 2019). Second, they were presented as ‘the space for integration of social worlds from various Łódź downtown neighbourhoods’ (Gulczyńska, 2019), which only intensified behaviours characteristic for ‘the hoods,’ as they tried to achieve a satisfying position in their new friends’ social worlds. In addition, the discussed activities were perceived as extending school’s control beyond its territory. This took two forms, the school social worker putting pressure on the parents and supervision by a probation officer. The relationship between the school social worker and parents began from a diagnosis focused on individual deficits (of ‘the menace’) or deficits in the family’s functioning, as SSW believed these were the reasons for the student’s problematic school behaviour. When some problems were identified in the assessment, it ‘usually resulted in the SSW expressing the need to meet with the parents, to motivate them for better coping with their children, with their life in general. . . . Some benefits were typically offered: referring the family to a local social worker, and for free school meals, psychological consultations, etc’ (Gulczyńska 2019). Probation officers were involved when a specific family was considered too difficult to cooperate and/or ‘having serious problems with fulfilling its parenting role’ (ED). The probation officer is a public official who represents the

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judiciary, thus a powerful disciplining tool in school-family relations. ‘Polish law allows for the wards of probation officers to be not just juvenile delinquents and criminals: under the auspices of the Family Court, the judicial system allows probation officers to fulfil the role of family guardian. Family guardians supervise the care of children who are at risk of being removed to institutional or foster care (Article 109, § 1 of the Family and Care Code)’ (Gulczyńska, 2019). This is how school control over students endangered with educational exclusion and his family was enhanced beyond the school. These practices of enhancing educational inclusion of DN residents reveals that the reasons behind educational exclusion of such students by the system of educational support is a very simplistic one. That interpretation attributes the responsibility for students’ unsuccessful school careers to their individual, family and community social worlds. An implicit goal of those practices is controlling and disciplining students, their families and communities.

Educational inclusion and its benefits or not From the perspective of modern knowledge of the complexity of determinants behind educational exclusion of students from disadvantaged localities, the previous reconstructed practices do not refer to some important determinants of these students’ problems faced in the educational system. First, young residents of DN are not provided with a satisfying access to cultural resources. Interestingly, Łódź downtown cannot be considered as underprivileged in terms of cultural resources distribution across the whole province, as shown by the following figure (Figure 8.1). Disadvantaged neighbourhoods’ students seem to not have recognized the cultural activities as valuable and meaningful in their life experience for several reasons. The majority of these activities are projects organized in schools by teachers or in CC by its tutors, not by artists. Even they visit cultural institutions, these are mainly one-off artistic events during which young people mainly act as recipients of culture not active co-creators of culture. What’s more, according to our observations, young disadvantaged residents fail to notice cultural institutions due to the gap between the ‘high culture’ content and the content they experience in their everyday life. If educational activities and practices of representatives of cultural institutions were more culture- and class-sensitive, the previously mentioned gap could be reduced. Secondly, despite extensive literature pertaining to students from disadvantaged neighbourhoods, the presented offer of current practices aimed at educational inclusion, reflects the deficit-based concepts of that target group, thus not recognizing the value of practices based on the resilience of disadvantaged students, their families, or even their whole neighbourhoods. The understanding of communities as services, promoted by the school staff, some of the community centres’ staff and the decision-makers, is contradictory to the significance of disadvantaged neighbourhoods as the source of valuable knowledge and important competences gained during interactions with neighbourhood social

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Figure 8.1 Number and Distribution of Cultural Institution in Łódź voivodeship. Based on: Przybylski B.K. (2013) Zróżnicowanie zasobów województwa łódzkiego i jego infrastruktury kulturalnej a zróżnicowanie opinii i postaw pracowników instytucji kultury In Ewa Rokicka and Patrycja Kruczkowska (eds.), Oblicza ekskluzji. Praktyka działania instytucji kultury a przełamywanie barier dostępu, 72. Available at: internetowa.pdf.

worlds, as documented by the research (Pinkster 2007; Bessell 2017, Mizen and Ofosu-Kusi 2013). In addition, other studies highlight students’ resistance to educational situations based on establishing control over and disciplining “deficient” students as part of enhancing their educational inclusion (Fielding 2000; Smith and Barker 2000; Catling 2005; Barker et al. 2010). All of the previously mentioned arguments prove that dominant patterns of school practices aiming at educational inclusion do not create favourable conditions for changing the negative perceptions of students from disadvantaged neighbourhoods in other citizens and in the students themselves. On the contrary, it can lead to stigma-based subjectivization of guilt and embarrassment in those students and result in their decisions to abandon life projects requiring self-confidence and depending on educational success. What is more, the limited understanding of disadvantaged residents as ‘deficient,’ which seems to be ‘hidden’ in the reconstructed overview of practices,

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creates an additional barrier for individual and community empowerment. Sharing negative perceptions of disadvantaged residents by the rest of society can result in these residents’ hindering bottom-up collective initiatives that could emerge only within impoverished and ‘pissed-off’ (irritated) marginalized communities, who contest the way they are perceived. All this proves that a failure to refer to the complexity of determinants of educational exclusions of disadvantaged students can not only limit their chances but can also aggravate the very problems they were supposed to mitigate. The above criticism proves that there is a need for well-thought practices enhancing educational inclusion of disadvantaged students in Poland. Inspiration for that change could be the activities of socially engaged Łódź artists.

Alternative practices enhancing educational inclusion: an example of art-based community work in Łódź DNs Examples of alternative practices enhancing educational inclusion can be found in social projects by Konrad Dworakowski, the director and actor of “Pinokio”Puppet and Actor Theatre in Łódź (in the period 2009–2019). The theatre he managed was something much more than a traditional cultural institution. In addition to repertoire performances for children and young people, Dworakowski engaged in activities combining various artistic genres, as well as cultural education (his projects included ‘Spójrz pod innym kątem’ (‘Look from another perspective’) and ‘Włącz teatr’ (‘Turn Theatre On’). He promoted and popularized the art of fringe theatre (his project ‘Teatralna karuzela’ – ‘Theatrical Carousel’ revolved around the most interesting Polish and European modern art events for children and young people) and made it available in spaces with limited access to culture (‘Teatr pod chmurką’ open-air initiative). Various artistic activities made up a programme that allowed the audience to experience art by discovering the theatre ‘from the inside’ (‘Dotknij Teatru’ – ‘Touch the Theatre’). He also initiated systemic activities of Pinokio Theatre in the area of social and cultural revitalization of the Łodź downtown (‘Domy Kultury’ – “Homes to the Culture,’ ‘Wjeżdżamy w bramy’ – ‘Let’s Enter the Gates,’ ‘Tu mówi miasto’ – ‘Hear the City Speak” i ‘ołanie miasta’ – ‘The Call of the City’). (, accessed on November 8, 2019) These art-based community work projects provide an alternative to typical practices enhancing educational inclusion. Dworakowski not only supplements those projects with references to various layers of determinants behind educational exclusion of residents of disadvantaged neighbourhood students, but also prevents their side effects, including stigmatization of the residents by employees of institutions that are supposed to support them in their education. His projects, unlike other forms of cultural education, are not based on any ‘educationalizing’ cultural message, external in relation to the residents. Instead, they

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are focused on a dialogue that brings about changes on both sides, as proved by the following comments: We did not want to come to Łódź residents with ‘some culture.’ Instead, we asked them to invite us into their life space. We asked them to go out with their chairs, help themselves with some tea and tell us about themselves. (, accessed on June 18, 2015) We understood more only after those first projects. At first, we thought that we were bringing some good, some value to them, a culture that they did not have, so they would get it from us. With time, when we started asking questions, we understood that our conviction about having something better than them is simply unfair and we would not create any quality there. First, we need to get to know and understand them. (Interview Data/ID) With time, the scope of changes broadened. The project focused on creating circumstances that would facilitate biographical confrontation with ‘the other,’ redefinition of the self in contact with ‘the other’ and redefinition of perception of ‘the other.’ language has to change. When we did our first project, we ‘entered the gates.’ So, it looked like that: we drop by your place, open the gate for you and show you some art. With time, those ‘entering’ was replaced with ‘opening.’ Questions arose: ‘Who can open the gate? Who is the host here?’ so gates were opened to engage the residents in those situations. (ID) Dworakowski’s idea of co-creating theatre based on life of the residents, while respecting their language and experience, as well as creative competences and involvement, corresponds to the concept of education that ‘calls for settling an individual’s educational experience in a sphere of difference that provides him or her with opportunities for crossing borders between different areas of culture’ (Męczkowska 2006: 48). Both parties understood that educational processes undergo a transformation involving mutual evaluation based on superficial knowledge of ‘the other.’ Art-based community work projects enhance educational inclusion by means of providing access to participation in another culture. A representative project in this category is ‘Domy kultury’ (‘Homes of the Culture’). Considering the physical localization of that project, i.e. within the neighbourhood, both at homes of the locals and at institutional facilities, such as Children’s Home and Residential Care Home, the role of the authorities in human-culture relation has been reversed. In the project ‘Domy kultury’ (‘Homes to the Culture’) professional artists become actual guests of the local residents, encouraging them to co-existence, instead of hedging them around with tickets availability

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and the decisions of educational institutions offering ‘a visit to the theatre.’ The professional artists co-created a relationship with the residents of disadvantaged neighbourhoods in Łódż and the residents evolved from recipients of culture into co-creators. This was manifested by adopting the roles of actors and organizers of the performances, with a recognition that their life experience was an important content and that they were capable of sharing their experiences through art. This can be best summarized by the following words: To create literature, one should never refer to literature. Literature should be made of something more alive and different  – it should be made of life itself (www.academia. edu/34891622/). In consequence of the above, it is possible to experience a relationship with culture as a voluntary process, instead of a top-down event, and the locals can decide for themselves whether they want to participate or not. However, the participation of young people from disadvantaged neighbourhoods in such cultural animation projects is erratic due to uncertain funding and takes the form of one-off events, instead of a continuous process. Art-based community projects can enhance educational inclusion by means of reducing the processes of stigmatization. The project ‘Wjeżdżamy w bramy’ (‘Let’s Enter the Gates’) is an example of such practice. It was a partially improvised performance encouraging the locals to reflect on the surrounding reality through active participation in the show. Presented in disadvantaged neighbourhoods in Łódź, the performance provided an opportunity to understand such life environments’ meanings from the perspective of their residents. Casting those who are usually defined as educationally difficult, reluctant or poorly motivated, as artists and co-creators of culture and using their life experience as the content of artistic expressions reveals strength-based orientations of the project initiators. This contributes to redefining the social identity of disadvantaged residents – both in their own eyes, thus influencing their subjective self-images, so easily harmed by superficial assessments, and in the eyes of other people, including the stigmatizing non-neighbours. Other projects – ‘To mówi miasto’ (‘Hear the City Speak’) and ‘Wołanie miasta’ (‘The Call of the City’) provide inspiration for empowerment of DN residents, including young generations. Through artistic and educational activities, a common ground was created, which in turn resulted in creation of a common city language consisting of individual voices of neglected Łódź neighbourhoods that proved to be the source of valuable relations and experience, as well as places where people are faced with multiple barriers erected by the external world. That co-created message was then presented publicly in Łódź neighbourhoods, thus allowing those who used to be deprived of their voice and agency to emerge from the artistic and social oblivion and participate in the city discourse. Formal pressure (e.g. ‘no football’ signs and video surveillance of courtyards) and social pressure (conflicts between the adults and young people, resulting in driving the latter out to the streets where they have nothing to do and become

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perceived as ‘risky’) are examples of both manifestations of inequalities in the young residents’ access to a common space and silencing their voice in urban planning. Having this in mind, typical practices enhancing educational inclusion (referring troublesome students from disadvantaged neighbourhoods to community centres in their free time) prove to be a tool for maintaining the status quo. When all of the affected neighbourhoods band together they create a peculiar grassroots narration of places and people who, over the course of the city’s history, suffered unequal treatment when confronted with the effects of historical, political and economic transformations while their own voice was never sufficiently verbalized and heard by the decision-makers. The activities initiated by Dworakowski seemed to aim at social transformation rather than simply dealing with the consequences of inequalities (Payne 1991: 223), as is the case with deficit-based dominating practices enhancing educational inclusion of young people from disadvantaged neighbourhoods.

Conclusion In this chapter we have discussed the issue of educational exclusion of disadvantaged students, as well as practices enhancing their educational inclusion. There is a need for further reflection on the side effects of the dominating deficit-based perspectives in local practices enhancing educational inclusion. Such reflection should be stimulated by an insight into disadvantaged neighbourhood children’s understanding of their own educational problems.

Acknowledgements We would like to thank Mabel Ann Brown for the inspiration provided throughout our cooperation and opportunity to participate in an international book. We are deeply grateful to Konrad Dworakowski for sharing with us his unique concepts of practices enhancing social inclusion of residents of disadvantaged neighbourhoods.

Suggested Further Reading Gulczyńska, A. (2019). Stigma and the Doomed-to-Fail School Careers of Young People from Disadvantaged Neighbourhoods. Children’s Geographies. 17 (4). This paper presents the typical school careers of students stigmatized in educational institutions because of their disadvantaged neighbourhoods, on the example of Łódź. Jarkiewicz, A. (2019) Empowering Youth At-Risk in School through Participatory Methods of Work Developed within the FYS-Forums. Czech and Slovak Social Work, Eris Journal- 19(1), Winter. This paper documents an example of in-school qualitative participatory projects extending participation of youth in the decision – making processes; hence it exemplifies a practice enhancing educational inclusion of students whose voice is marginalized in school discourse.

100  Anita Gulczyńska and Monika Wiśniewska-Kin

References Available at: (Accessed November 9th, 2019) Barker, J., Alldred, P., Watts, M. and Dodman, H. (2010) Pupils or Prisoners? Institutional Geographies and Internal Exclusion in UK Secondary Schools. Area, 42 (3). Bessell, S. (2017) The Role of Intergenerational Relationships in Children’s Experiences of Community. Children & Society, 31. Brooks-Gunn, J., G.J. Duncan, T. Leventhal and J.L. Aber. (1997) Lessons Learned and Future Directions in Research. In J. Brooks-Gunn, G.J. Duncan and J.L. Aber (eds.) Neighborhood Poverty: Vol. 1. Context and Consequences for Children. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Bunio-Mroczek, P. (2010) Nastoletnie macierzyństwo, transmisja biedy, wykluczenie społeczne. Praca Socjalna, 5, Special Issue, ( July-August). Catling, S. (2005) Children’s Personal Geographies in the English Primary School Geography Curriculum. Children’s Geographies, 3 (3). Condron, D. and Roscigno, V. (2003). Disparities within: Unequal Spending and Achievement in an Urban School District. Sociology of Education, 76(1). Crane, J. (1991). The Epidemic Theory of Ghettos and Neighborhood Effects on Dropping Out and Teenage Childbearing. American Journal of Sociology. 96 (5). Available at: (Accessed June 18, 2015) Fielding, S. (2000) Walk on the Left!: Children’s Geographies and the Primary School. In Children’s Geographies. (eds.) Sarah L. Holloway and Gill Valentine. London: Routledge. Gadomski W. (2019) Skazani na PKB. Available at: makroekonomia (Accessed October 12th, 2019) Grotowska-Leder, J. (1998) Łódzkie enklawy biedy. In Żyć i pracować w enklawach biedy. (Klimaty łódzkie). (ed.) Wielisława Warzywoda-Kruszyńska. Łódź: Instytut Socjologii UŁ. Grotowska-Leder, J. (2001) Przestrzeń miejska a zjawiska upośledzenia społecznego (na przykładzie Łodzi). In Koncepcje teoretyczne i metody badań geografii społeczno-ekonomicznej i gospodarki przestrzennej. (ed.) Henryk Rogacki. Poznań: Bogucki Wydawnictwo Naukowe. Gulczyńska, A. (2019) Stigma and the Doomed-to-Fail School Careers of Young People from Disadvantaged Neighbourhoods. Children’s Geographies. 17 (4). Journal of Laws of 2017, Item 59, Art. 26.1 of the Education Law Act of December 14, 2016. Available at: D20170059Lj.pdf Accessed 13-th December 2019) Lankford, H., S. Loeb, and J. Wyckoff. (2002). Teacher Sorting and the Plight of Urban Schools: A Descriptive Analysis. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 24(1). Laskowska I., and B. Dańska-Borsiak. (2018) Analiza przestrzennego zróżnicowania rozwoju społecznego w Polsce na poziomie NUTS 3 z wykorzystaniem lokalnego indeksu HDI. Folia Oeconomica, 1 (333). Leventhal, T., and Brooks-Gunn, J. (2000). The Neighborhoods They Live in. Psychological Bulletin, 126(2). Łódź Statistical Office. (2018) Dane o województwie łódzkim. Available at: pl/ dane-o-wojewodztwie-lodzkim/?pdf=1 (Accessed 11th September 2018) Lupton, R. (2004) Schools in Disadvantaged Areas: Recognising Context and Raising Quality. Available at: nising_context_and_raising_quality.pdf (Accessed 11th November 2018) Męczkowska A. (2006) Locus educandi. Wokół problematyki miejsca w refleksji pedagogicznej. In Maria Mendel. (ed.) Pedagogika miejsca. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Dolnośląskiej Szkoły Wyższej Edukacji TWP.

Educational exclusions 101 Mizen, P. and Ofosu-Kusi Y. (2013). A Talent for Living: Exploring Ghana’s “New” Urban Childhood. Children & Society, 27. Mordwa, S. (2014) Dysproporcje przestrzenne wybranych zjawisk patologii społecznych w Łodzi. In Dysproporcje społeczne i gospodarcze w przestrzeni Łodzi: Czynniki, mechanizmy, skutki. (eds.) Andrzej Suliborski and Marcin Wójcik. Łódź: Wydawnictwo UŁ. Nieto, S. (1998) Fact and Fiction: Stories of Puerto Ricans in U.S. Schools. Harvard Educational Review, 68. Payne, M. (1991) Modern Social Work Theory. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire and London: Macmillan Press. Pinkster, F. (2007). Localised Social Networks, Socialisation and Social Mobility in a LowIncome Neighbourhood in the Netherlands. Urban Studies, 44(13). Pionokio. Available at: (Accessed 8th November 2019) Przybylski B.K. (2013) Zróżnicowanie zasobów województwa łódzkiego i jego infrastruktury kulturalnej a zróżnicowanie opinii i postaw pracowników instytucji kultury. In Oblicza ekskluzji. Praktyka działania instytucji kultury a przełamywanie barier dostępu. (eds.) Ewa Rokicka and Patrycja Kruczkowska. Available at: (Accessed 10th November 2019) Rios-Moore, I., E. Arenas, J. Contreras, N. Jiang, T. Threats, S. Allen and C. Cahill. (2004) Makes Me Mad: Stereotypes of Young Urban Womyn of Color. New York: Center for Human Environments, Graduate School and University Center, CUNY. Rolón-Dow, R. (2005) Critical Care: A  Color(full) Analysis of Care Narratives in the Schooling Experiences of Puerto Rican Girls. American Educational Research Journal Spring, 42(1). Smith, F. and J. Barker. (2000) Contested Spaces: Children’s Experiences of Out of School Care in England and Wales. Childhood, 7(3). Snyder, I., L. Angus and W. Sutherland-Smith. (2002) Building Equitable Literate Futures: Home and School Computer-Mediated Literacy Practices and Disadvantage. Cambridge Journal of Education, 32 (3). Warzywoda-Kruszyńska, W. and B. Jankowski. (2010) Mieszkańcy enklaw biedy 10 lat później. Łódź: Biblioteka. Warzywoda-Kruszyńska, W. and B. Jankowski. (2013) Ciągłość i zmiana w łódzkich enklawach biedy. Łódź: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego.

9 The inclusion of children living in substandard forms of housing in the Czech Republic in the context of involuntary residential mobility Gojová Alice and Soňa Vávrová Introduction In this chapter we focus on children living with their parents in unstable and inadequate housing conditions. In the Czech Republic, there is a problem of inclusion of children from socially disadvantaged environments. There are many factors affecting the inclusion, but one of the most significant ones is housing exclusion. Frequent changes in residence are one of the key phenomena accompanying the substandard housing condition. This also includes frequent changes in their school environment. Changes in places of residence and elementary schools combined with stigmatization generating many problems, which complicate the children’s inclusion. The situation has been made worse by a non-existent system of dealing with the housing shortage. In 2016–2019, a research was conducted dealing with the impact of housing migration and inadequate housing on the social inclusion of children. The aim was to examine and describe the social situation of vulnerable children living in inadequate housing conditions and having the experience of residential mobility.

Families with children living in substandard forms of housing in the Czech Republic As a result of the privatization of the housing stock in the Czech Republic, which was accompanied by rent deregulation, which ended in 2012, a lack of a uniform social housing policy, over-indebtedness of part of the population and distrust between tenants and landlords, there is a trend of increasing numbers of families and individuals not being able to have standard forms of housing (Mikeszová and Lux 2013). As a result of the housing shortage, a significant proportion of families with children live in substandard forms of housing which are considered a form of homelessness. In the Czech Republic, the ETHOS typology (European Typology of Homelessness and Housing Exclusion) of the FEANTSA organization (the European Federation of National Organizations Working with the Homeless) is used, dividing homelessness into four categories: “roofless”, “houseless”, “insecure” and “inadequate” housing (MLSA 2013).

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The evolution of homelessness in the Czech Republic cannot be accurately dated due to non-existent statistics. In 2012, the number of homeless people as defined by ETHOS was estimated by experts to be 30,000 (Hradecký et al 2012). The estimated number of people at risk of homelessness was up to 100,000 in the same year (MSLA 2015a). Almost 2% of the Czech population have extreme housing problems. In 2015, according to the census of the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, approximately 70,000 people lived without a roof over their heads (outdoors or in dormitories) or without an apartment (in dormitories and shelter homes). Another 110,000 were threatened by the loss of housing, i.e. they lived in makeshift or crowded flats, with relatives or friends, so they were threatened with a loss of housing. The data show that the number of homeless people and people at risk of homelessness has been increasing. About 12% of homeless households were households with children (MLSA 2015b). According to a recent census of the Platform for Social Housing, about 83,000 people lived in serious housing need in 2018, out of which 20,000 were children growing up in 10,000 families in serious housing need, i.e. in dormitories, shelter homes, or in apartments without the basic equipment such as running water or a bathroom (Klusáček 2019). Another factor affecting the situation of family homelessness is, besides family poverty, their belonging to the ethnic group of the Roma people. In the Czech Republic, prejudices and stereotypes about the Roma minority persist, which even leads to hate speech and racism, the so-called anti-gypsyism. In addition to the lack of affordable rental housing, another cause of homelessness in the Czech Republic is housing discrimination. The acronym NIMBYism (not in my back yard) is often used to describe it (Crowley 2003). The situation can be illustrated by the results of research (Tuček 2017), which shows that, in 2017, 47% of respondents considered living of Roma people and other citizens together in the Czech Republic “bad” and 27% of respondents even “very bad”. Discrimination and segregation are not only separate causes of the situation but also variables in the complex situation of substandard housing.

The influence of substandard housing on the life situation of children In the Czech Republic, there is no research into the impact of poor and insecure housing on children. Possible links of housing and problems of children were only examined by partial analyses (Prokop and Nývlt 2015) and by research into the influence of poor housing on school achievement (Prokop 2019). Prokop’s research (2019) showed the influence of overcrowded and room-insufficient housing, unstable housing and frequent moving on, the problems of children at school. The impact of frequent moving and not having one’s own housing (living in shelter homes and dormitories) on children’s school achievement was crucial. The accumulation of housing problems increases the likelihood of difficulties at school.

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According to Prokop (2019), these children have a nearly three times greater chance of being affected by school problems than children from poor households who live normally. School failure is serious mainly due to its impact on the worse employability in the labour market and the risk of being affected by adult poverty, which may be one of the factors of intergenerational reproduction of inequalities. It was also the Rapid Re-Housing program in a controlled experiment on 100 families in years 2016–2018 that sought to record the positive effects of housing stabilization on children in the Czech Republic. After a one-year experiment, it showed positive effects on the health of children, the quality of their sleep, the reduction in being placed into substitute family care and the increased time for school preparation. However, after a yearly evaluation, no positive impact on school results was proved (Ripka et al 2018). According to the Family Homelessness in Europe report (Homelessness in Europe 2017), the research evidence of the impact of homelessness on children is very limited. In research abroad, the effects of inadequate housing on children are identified primarily as: a) reduced school achievement, which is influenced by flat overcrowding (Goux and Maurin 2005; Solari and Mare 2012) and frequent moving (Obradović et al 2009; Ziol-Guest and McKenna 2014), b) worsened or non-existent relationships with family (Nebbitt et al 2012), c) difficulties in establishing peer relationships (Chow, Mistry and Melchor, 2015; Anooshian, 2005), d) a lack of possibility to develop relationship networks outside the environment of insecure forms of housing (Swick and Williams, 2010; Hinton and Cassel, 2013), e) stress or trauma resulting from stigmatization manifested by negative interactions and mistrust from the part of the environment (Anooshian 2005; Swick and Williams 2010), f) increased incidence of educational problems (Masten 2012). McDonald, Jourilles and Skopp (2006) mention that 53% of children living for a long time (more than 2 years) in a shelter home have difficulties in establishing and sustaining social relationships and have a higher percentage of internalized problems such as anxiety. When analysing the impact of homelessness on children, other factors accompanying the homelessness of families must also be considered. It is primarily a stressful family situation resulting from the loss of stable housing (according to the Family Homelessness in Europe 2017) study, domestic violence and relationship breakdown are widely reported to be causes of family homelessness. Housing has important implications for child well-being and relates to parenting skills. It provides parents with a sense of control and choice, while well-being supports good parenting (Crowley 2003). Residential segregation based on ethnic and social affiliation that accompanies the exclusion from standard housing often results in school segregation. Its manifestation in the Czech Republic is the existence of the so-called “gypsy schools”. Their designation carries a negative connotation, which is derived from the location of the school being at “a wrong address” (mostly near socially excluded localities) and the composition of the pupils (inhabitants of socially

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excluded localities, Roma and the so-called “social cases”). In addition to the children and families, the school’s stigma is passed on to its staff too (Kasparova and Souralova 2014).

Residential mobility as a result of unstable and inadequate housing conditions The unstable and inadequate housing conditions relate to frequent changes of residence (Bassuk 2010). Dail (1993) links homelessness of families to involuntary migration. In the Czech Republic, it is caused by the housing policy, the system of social housing benefits and the segregation tendencies towards certain groups of the population. Hollaway (in Crowley 2003) uses the term ‘poverty induced residential mobility’ in this context. Inclusion is difficult to achieve under such conditions. One consequence of increased residential mobility is changes of schools (Pleace et al 2008), which has a significant impact on school achievements (Crowley 2003). The increased residential mobility may lead to an increased social isolation and a lack of support because of the severance of contacts with friends, neighbours, and relatives (Hinton and Cassel 2013). Research studies describe maternal distress (Swick and Williams 2010), exclusion, stigmatization, negative interactions and distrust from the part of others as a result of the current life situation (Anooshian 2005; Swick and Williams 2010).

Social inclusion of children living in substandard forms of housing: qualitative research The researched analysis describes the social situation of the children living in the Czech Republic in the so-called non-standard forms of housing with an emphasis on the children’s residential mobility and related aspects of social exclusion. This analysis is based on qualitative data collected while using techniques of individual, group or focus interviews with experts working with the target group of children at risk in non-standard forms of housing, mainly in the three largest cities in the Czech Republic (Prague, Brno and Ostrava).1 The research data was collected in 2016–2019 in conjunction with 54 professionals who have worked directly with people in non-standard forms of housing, social and community workers, NGOs and social and legal child protection authorities, pedagogical workers – teachers, pedagogical assistants,2 educational advisors, managers and other professional workers – persons from the state administration and self-government and professional bodies. In the data analysis demonstrated key elements, which we then organized into 12 basic components of an ordered map (see Table 9.1). Our interest was focused on children at risk living in substandard forms of housing, in whom it is almost always found that they have difficulties in integrating into the classroom. The results of the research showed that children living in substandard forms of housing, i.e. in unsuitable housing conditions

106  Gojová Alice and Soňa Vávrová Table 9.1  Ordered map (the authors’ own research, 2016–2019) Individual human components

The collective participants

The discursive construction of individuals and the collective participants

Endangered children in nonstandard forms of housing Parents of children at risk Classmates Teachers Social workers School headmasters Class authority Class teacher Pupils’ teachers Educational consultant Staff of school counseling facilities Teaching assistant

Family School Community Neighborhood Class Peer groups Social activation services for families with children Authority for social-legal child protection NGOs Medical services Self-government representatives State administration authorities Platforms and regional initiatives Social needs of children

Social housing discourse Socially excluded locations Inclusive school policy Ethnic discourse Segregated “Roma” primary schools

Social status of children Outsider Class exclusion Peer exclusion

Non-standard housing Overpopulated household Insufficient hygiene facilities Hazardous environment Absence of privacy Overpriced housing

Time components The experience of parents with residential mobility Parents’ non-housing experience Moving frequency Duration of stay Child’s age Length of compulsory education School absence

Need for friendship Need to share Need for belonging Need for acceptance Need for equality Consequences of “housing” migration Absence of home Unstable social network Ownership of material things Not being fixed Loss of ontological certainty Spatial components Social exclusion Spatial segregation Socially excluded location

Specific behaviour of children Behavioral problems Poor school results Aggressiveness/violent elements in behaviour Material deficiency Poverty Unemployment Families with more children Single mothers

Implicit components Inclusive trends in education in the Czech Republic Ethnicity The prevailing paradigm/ model of housing exclusion Attitudes of the majority society Support measures Segregated primary schools

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and overpopulated households, and who frequently move, often have problems with inclusion into the class. I have this experience – it was a Roma family and they changed their residence about four times in three months . . . and it was difficult for the children because they didn’t have a GP, they had to change their friends . . . the problem was that even the schools did not know that they had enrolled in another school, but they did not even see them, or they checked out saying that they were waiting for checking out. (R22) The children do not have record books and therefore experience gaps in their learning. Thus, the children face discrimination and bullying from their peer groups due to their inadequacies. They will become victims of bullying, or vice versa  .  .  . so this is very risky . . . the problem is also in the integration of children from certain communities into the class and in the communication between the parents and the school. (R19) The experience of the Czech social and educational staff is in line with the findings on the effects of poor and unstable housing on social relations and school integration of children. Mainly in difficulty developing peer relationships, lack of motivation, difficulties getting in contact with parents (Chow, Mistry and Melchor, 2015), limited possibilities to develop a network of relationships outside temporary forms of housing, stigmatization and distrust (Swich and Wiliams 2010). Despite their initial efforts and enthusiasm, teachers working in elementary schools in socially excluded localities gradually tend to become sceptical about the possibility of changing the situation of the children they live as a family but there may be fifteen persons in the flat . . . the children do not have conditions for learning . . . it is a question if they had those conditions, whether they would learn. (R3) Their scepticism is based on the experience of the intergenerational transmission of social exclusion when those generations are taught the model: my parents don’t work, neither will I . . . if I compare it with the situation five or ten years ago, at that time they aspired to going to secondary schools . . . but now they see that it really doesn’t make any sense. (R2)

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The cultural patterns distinguish these families from most of the society. So they take models from their parents . . . even if they were given apartments, some families with certain patterns of behaviour would destroy them or lose them . . . they live day from day, that’s the problem of the whole mentality of that culture . . . they can’t plan, they can’t calculate as they get everything . . . they don’t go to work. . . . they have different thinking and values . . . the school is not a priority for the children at all . . . their parents will excuse them, that’s more a problem of a socially excluded location. (R1) Scanlon and Devine (2001: 129) point out that residential mobility is an “overlooked factor in replication of inequality”. The experience of social workers who work with vulnerable children and their families has long shown that the absence of a home is fundamentally involved in shaping the lives of children, when they often transfer the experience to their own procreative families. The long-term absence of home promotes a lack of social bonds and thus instability of the social network. In children, it results in loss of ontological certainty (Vávrová, Gojová and Glumbíková, 2019). Social workers said that, I remember those parents who come to the social service and I knew them when they were little, when their family lost their flat because of debts, or sold the right to use the flat for a few crowns before the privatization of flats, and it was the beginning of the end of this family, because if the family doesn’t have a place, then you can only do a little with them. . . . I see how losing housing, when the today’s moms were little girls, affected them  .  .  . the family wandered from sublets to dormitories and shelter homes . . . and those girls . . . it is a common thing for them today that they do not have housing, and I think it is a pretty big mess because not having your own place, your nest, that’s the basis of being uprooted from society. (R23) Thus they become excluded. Stability is missing from their lives both in relationships and in terms of material possessions. “But when you are just traveling, this . . . is completely missing . . .” (R20). Thus, the needs of friendship, belonging, acceptance, equivalence and sharing are not sufficiently saturated. The children are often faced with feelings of shame, inferiority and loneliness linked with social exclusion from the class and peer groups. “De-stigmatization is an important aspect, because if those children are in a dormitory, they feel the pressure, but when they are in flats, in normal flats, I think their self-esteem and their ability to communicate get better” (R12).

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Securing adequate housing as a prerequisite for successful inclusion is also underlined by studies from other countries. Most often it is the implementation of the housing-first approach (Gaetz, Scott and Gulliver, 2013; Geertsema, 2013; Quilgars and Pleace, 2016) or a holistic response to family homelessness (Gulliver-Garcia, 2016), which emphasizes addressing homelessness through partnership and collaboration with diverse stakeholders, investment in local communities and education, while providing affordable housing being a key principle. The social workers considered the absence of a law on social housing in the Czech Republic to be a big problem and an obstacle of social inclusion. We have dormitories where little children should not be at all . . . those parents have no way to protect them from negative impacts . . . we can’t tell them that it is not decent to speak vulgarly because they hear words there that we would never utter, but for them it is a standard norm so . . . it is terribly difficult and I  think that until we have social housing with a clear socialization program for getting those people back to their own housing, then in the coming generations we will not get to social work at all, because today’s young mothers are already accustomed to not having their own housing. (R23)

The current state of inclusion of children living in substandard forms of housing Stable, standard and affordable housing plays a key role in social inclusion and education. In the Czech Republic, the prevailing view is that municipalities are primarily responsible for addressing the situation of housing shortage. How this concept is erroneous is illustrated by the conclusion of the Report on Housing Exclusion in 2018 (Klusáček, 2019). The Czech Republic is divided into 206 territorial districts with municipalities with extended powers, but half of the households in serious housing need are located only in 14 territorial districts. It is not in the power of municipalities to deal with the situation, especially in situations where a municipal housing stock is not available as a result of the privatization. Some municipalities with a high concentration of persons in housing take restrictive and ineffective measures that do not lead to the solution of the problem. One of them is the introduction of no-housing-allowance zones (in 2018 there were 58 municipalities with such zones). This measure intensifies the involuntary residential mobility with all its risks described above. The current approach to solving the situation makes the problem even worse, increases the risk of inter-generational reproduction of inequalities and life in substandard forms of housing, and contributes to the “fixation” of the situation in the field of homelessness. The situation does not change much, according to social workers of municipal authorities and social service providers (Conception of social housing in city Ostrava, 2017). On the contrary, 16 municipalities

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in the Czech Republic have adopted the Concept of Social Housing as a tool of inclusion and are developing its local system regardless of the absence of the respective legislation.

Conclusion The exclusion of children living in substandard forms of housing is a complex and multidimensional problem, which is influenced by a number of factors at the micro level (intergenerational reproduction of behavioural and poverty patterns at the level of individual families or individuals, stereotyping of families by experts), at the mezzo level (the state of legislative and social-political measures of local and regional authorities) and at the macro level (including the historical, social-economic and social-geographical dimension). Given the complexity of the situation, measures and interventions need to be implemented at all the levels. One of the aspects of the current situation is the partiality of attempted solutions. An example is the inclusive education, where the results are rather limited, even though the 2016 Education Act was meant to reinforce elements of inclusive education. One of the goals of the strategy of inclusive education is the intention not to support the development of segregated schools (MEYS 2015). However, if there is a concentration of socially disadvantaged children in certain locations, the entitlement to inclusive education means that they have to commute to a more distant school (in order not to concentrate them at the school in their place of residence), which brings additional stress exacerbating the effects of their social exclusion. Although a number of social service-based and school-based strategies are being implemented (school inclusion projects), these strategies need to be complemented by housing-based strategies, including a system of urban rental and social housing, in line with the authors’ conclusions (Crowley 2003). The partiality of the approach does not solve the problem and often leads to frustration, resignation and the burnout of social and educational staff. It is clear that the Czech Republic will not be able to develop the inclusive education without legislation that establishes obligations of municipalities, clearly defines the competences of the state administration authorities and at the same time ensures a stable funding for a wide range of tools to prevent and deal with the housing shortage. Segregated schools are the result of segregated localities, whose development is largely due to the housing shortage. The Czech Republic adopted the Concept of Social Housing for the period of 2015–2025 and the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs is implementing the project Support for Social Housing, which aims to introduce and develop a system of social housing and increase social inclusion. The methodological and information support is based on international cooperation and transfer of good practice, research activities of the project and, of course, on consultations with key participants. A Contact Centre has been established to mediate methodological support by MLSA. Sixteen municipalities actively cooperate in

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the project. At the same time, an analysis of the economic consequences of the adoption of the Act on Social Housing was made (Analysis of the Economic Consequences of the Adoption of the Act 2019). The results show that the adoption of the Act would bring billions of savings already in the fifth year after its introduction. The set of all these arguments and activities promises a systemic solution to the problem of housing emergency of families with children.

Acknowledgements This research was carried out with support of the Czech Science Foundation GA ČR 18–10233S Social Adjustment of Homeless Children with Domestic Violence Experience in the Territory of the City of Ostrava.

Notes 1 An expert estimate that the issue of substandard housing forms of families with children concerns them in particular is also confirmed by the Report on Exclusion from Housing for the Current Year (Klusáček, 2019). In Ostrava, there were 1,000 families in housing need, in Brno 570 families and in Prague 440 families. 2 These are teacher assistants for pupils with social disadvantages. It is a supportive tool for the inclusive education system.

Further Reading Ripka, Š., Černá, E., Kubala, P., Krčál, O. and Staněk, R. (2018) The Housing First for Families in Brno Trial Protocol: A Pragmatic Single-Site Randomized Control Trial of Housing First Intervention for Homeless Families in Brno, Czech Republic. European Journal of Homelessness, 12(1), 133–150. The article informs about the results a single-site field trial of the effectiveness of Housing First in Brno, Czech Republic, with randomised 150 participating homeless families, stratified by the number of children, into treatment and control groups. Fónadová, L., Katrňák, T. and Simonová, N. (2019) The Czech Republic: From Ethnic Discrimination to Social Inclusion in the Educational System. In Stevens, P.A.J., Dworkin, A. G. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Race and Ethnic Inequalities in Education. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. The chapter describes the development of the Czech educational system and the policy of inclusion.

References Analysis of the Economic Consequences of the Adoption of the Act. (2019) Available at: prub%C4%9B%C5%BEn%C3%A1-zji%C5%A1t%C4%9Bn%C3%AD.pdf (Accessed on 7 January 2020) Anooshian, L.J. (2005) Violence and Aggression in the Lives of Homeless Children: A Review. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 20(6), 373–387.

112  Gojová Alice and Soňa Vávrová Bassuk, E.L. (2010) Ending Child Homelessness in America. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 80(4), 496–504. Chow, K.A., Mistry, R.S. and Melchor, V.L. (2015) Homelessness in the Elementary School Classroom: Social and Emotional Consequences, International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 28(6), 641–662. Conception of Social Housing in City Ostrava. (2017) Ostrava: Statutární město Ostrava. Available at: cepce-socialniho-bydleni-SMO_logo.pdf (Accessed on 15 November 2019) Crowley, S. (2003) Mobility of Poor Families and School Mobility of Poor Children. Journal of Negro Education, 72(1), 22–38. Dail W.D. (1993) Homelessness in America. Marriage & Family Review, 19(1–2), 55–75. Education Act. Act No. 561/2004 Sb., On Pre-School, Primary, Secondary, Tertiary Professional and Other Education. Gaetz, S., Scott, F. and Gulliver, T. (2013) Housing First in Canada: Supporting Communities to End Homelessness. Toronto: Homeless Hub Press. Available at: housingfirstcanada (Accessed on 7 January 2020) Geertsema, Volker Busch. 2013. Housing First Europe Final Report. Bremen and Brussels: GISS. Goux, D. and Maurin, E. (2005) The Effect of Overcrowded Housing on Children’s Performance at School. Journal of Public Economics, 89, 797–819. Gulliver-Garcia, T. (2016) Putting an End to Child & Family Homelessness in Canada. Toronto: Raising the Roof. Available at: CF-Report-Final.pdf (Accessed on 7 January 2020) Hinton, S. and Cassel, D. (2013) Exploring the Lived Experiences of Homeless Families with Young Children. Early Childhood Education Journal, 41(6), 457–463. Homelessness in Europe: EOH Comparative Studies on Homelessness. (2017) Brussels: European Observatory on Homelessness. Available at: (Accessed on 10 November 2019) Hradecký, I., Plachý, A., Prudký, L., Růžička, J., Slavíček, A., Šmídová, M., Šos, L. and Riadová, B. (2012) Souhrnný materiál pro tvorbu Koncepce práce s bezdomovci v ČR na období do roku 2020. Praha: Dostupné na. Kašparová, I. and Souralová, A. (2014) “Od lokální k cikánské škole”: homogenizace školní třídy a měnící se role učitele. [“From a Local to a Gypsy School”: Homogenization of the Classroom and the Changing Role of the Teacher.] Orbis Scholae, 8(1), 79–96. Klusáček, J. (ed.). (2019) Zpráva o vyloučení z bydlení za rok 2018 [A Report on Housing Exclusion in 2018]. Platforma pro sociální bydlení/Lumos. Masten, A.S. (2012) Risk and Resilience in the Educational Success of Homeless and Highly Mobile Children: Introduction to the Special Section, Educational Researcher, 41(9), 363–365. McDonald, R., Jourilles, E.N. and Skopp, N.A. (2006) Reducing Conduct Problems among Children Brought to Women’s Shelters: Intervention Effects 24 Months Following Termination of Services, Journal of Family Psychology, 20(1), 127–136. MEYS. (2015) Situační zpráva o inkluzivním vzdělávání. [A Situational Report on Inclusive Education.] (2015) Ministerstvo školství, mládeže a tělovýchovy. Available at: www.nuv. cz/uploads/Situacni_zprava_o_inkluzivnim_vzdelavani_MSMT.pdf (Accessed on 10 December 2019) Mikeszová, M. and Lux, M. (2013) Faktory úspěšné reintegrace bezdomovců a nástroje bytové politiky pro řešení bezdomovství v ČR. [Factors of Successful Reintegration of

The inclusion of children 113 Homeless People and Housing Policy Tools for Addressing Homelessness in the Czech Republic.] Sociologický časopis/Czech Sociological Review, 49 (1): 29–52. MSLA. (2013) Koncepce prevence a řešení problematiky bezdomovectví v České republice do roku 2020. [The Conception of Prevention and Solution of the Problem of Homelessness in the Czech Republic Till 2020.] Praha: MPSV. Available at: domovectvi.pdf (Accessed on 5 May 2019) MSLA (2015a). Koncepce sociálního bydlení České republiky 2015–2025. (2015). Praha: MPSV. Available at: eni_CR_2015-2025.pdf (Accessed on 7 January 2020) MSLA. (2015b) Průzkum o bezdomovectví. [Homelessness Survey.] Praha: Ministerstvo práce a sociálních věcí. Nebbitt, V.E., Lombe, M., Yu, M. and Vaughn, M.G. (2012) Ecological Correlates of Substance Use in African American Adolescents Living in Public Housing Communities: Assessing the Moderating Effects of Social Cohesion. Children and Youth Services Review, 34(2), 338–347. Obradović, J., Long, J. Cutuli, J. Chan, C., Hinz, E., Heistad, D. and Masten, A. (2009) Academic Achievement of Homeless and Highly Mobile Children in an Urban School District: Longitudinal Evidence on Risk, Growth, and Resilience. Development and Psychopathology 21 (02): 493–518. Quilgars, D., Pleace, N. (2016) Housing First and Social Integration: A Realistic Aim? Social Inclusion 4 (4), 5–15. Pleace, N., Fitzpatrick, S., Johnsen, S., Quilgars, D. and Sanderson, D. (2008) Statutory Homelessness in England: The Experience of Families and 16–17 Year Olds (London: Department for Communities and Local Government). Prokop, D. (2019) Záleží na bydlení? Vztah nekvalitního bydlení a školních problémů dětí v chudých českých domácnostech. [Does Housing Matter? The Relation between Poor Housing and School Problems of Children in Poor Czech Households.] Sociologický časopis/Czech Sociological Review, 55 (4), 445–472. Prokop, D. and Nývlt, O. (2015) Nekvalitní bydlení a problémy dětí ve škole aj. oblastech. Analýza dopadů nedostačujícího bydlení na školní a další problémy dětí v ČR. [Poor Housing and Problems of Children at School and in Other Areas: An Analysis of the Impact of Insufficient Housing on School and Other Problems of Children in the Czech Republic.] Analýza autorů MEDIAN pro MPSV v rámci projektu TAČR Beta. Available at: clanky/33919/Analyza_dopadu_nedostacujiciho_ bydleni_na_skolni_a_dalsi_problemy_ deti_v_CR.pdf. (Accessed on 15 October 2019) Ripka, Š., Černá, E., Kubala, P. and Staněk, R. (2018) Dopady zabydlení po šesti měsících od nastěhování. Pilotní testování rychlého zabydlení rodin s dětmi (Rapid Re-Housing). [The Effects of Housing after Six Months of Occupancy: Pilot Testing of Rapid Re-Housing for Families with Children.] Průběžná evaluační zpráva 2. Ostrava: Ostravská univerzita, Fakulta sociálních studií. Scanlon, E. and Devine, K. (2001) Residential Mobility and Youth Well-Being: Research, Policy and Practice Issues. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare, 28(1), 119–138. Solari, C. D. and Mare, R. D. (2012) “Housing Crowding Effects on Children’s Wellbeing.” Social Science Research 41 (2): 464–476. Swick, K. J. and Willams, R. D. (2010) The Voices of Single Parent Mothers Who Are Homeless: Implications for Early Childhood Professionals, Early Chlidhood Educational Journal, 38(1), 49–55. Tuček, M. (2017) Romové a soužití s nimi očima české veřejnosti. [The Roma People and Coexistence with Them in the Eyes of the Czech Public.] Centrum pro výzkum veřejného mínění.

114  Gojová Alice and Soňa Vávrová Praha: Sociologický ústav AV ČR, Available at: form2content/documents/c2/a4450/f9/ov171110.pdf (Accessed on 20 October 2019) Vávrová, S., Gojová, A. and Glumbíková, K. (2019) Ontologická jistota u dětí “bez domova” [Ontological Certainty in Homeless Children.] Sociální práce/ Sociálna práca, 19(6): 59–74. Ziol-Guest, K. M. and McKenna, C. C. (2014) Early Childhood Housing Instability and School Readiness. Child Development 85 (1): 103–113.

Part three

Education and inclusion Education for all, cohesive society, oppression, disability, disadvantage

10 Inclusive education as the turning point for the dignified life course of children with disabilities Jonas Ruškus Introduction: the inclusive education for promoting equality and non-discrimination On 13 December of 2006 the United Nations adopted the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). The CRPD heralded a new epoch in the way that the States should consider all matters related to persons with disabilities. The CRPD has legitimated the radical paradigm shift from charity and medical models of disability to the human rights’ model of disability. On the beginning of 2020, 180 countries from all regions has ratified the CRPD and it is one of the most ratified UN Convention in the world. Under the CRPD the States parties have obligated to replace the discriminatory policies, laws and practices concerning persons with disabilities and ensure the implementation human-rights model of disability. The reports submitted by the governments of the States parties as well by the organisations of persons with disabilities to the CRPD Committee disclose that persons with disabilities still face structural discriminations throughout all areas of life and across their life course in all States parties of the Convention (see: UN Treaty body data base). The basic human rights such as right to equality and non-discrimination are not ensured to persons with disabilities. The provisions maintaining discriminatory approaches to disability persist in many countries across the world such as deprivation of legal capacity on the grounds of disability, promoting the specialized life, educational and work settings outside of mainstream society. This also include the lack of access to regular services and the lack of provision of the support to persons with disabilities to equally and effectively participate in society. Under the CRPD, the States parties commit to address these issues and ensure the necessary policies and legislation to promote, protect and ensure the full and equal enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms by all persons with disabilities, and to promote respect for their inherent dignity (article 1, purpose of the CRPD). The Sustainable Development Goals explicitly include persons with disabilities within its priority areas and its specific targets. Education is a keystone in the international human rights, including disability rights, framework. The Sustainable Development Goal (thereinafter SDG)

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No 4 on quality education, of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, adopted by all United Nations Member States in 2015, calls the States to ensure equal access to all levels of education and vocational training for persons with disabilities among other groups in vulnerable situations (target 4.5), to build and upgrade education facilities that are child, disability and gender sensitive and provide safe, nonviolent, inclusive and effective learning environments for all (target 4A). Ambitions for education, captured in the SDG No 4, found the UNESCO Framework for Action Education 2030, which aims to ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all by 2030. The paragraph 7 of the Framework states: Inclusion and equity in and through education is the cornerstone of a transformative education agenda, and we therefore commit to addressing all forms of exclusion and marginalization, disparities and inequalities in access, participation and learning outcomes  .  .  . commit to making the necessary changes in education policies and focusing our efforts on the most disadvantaged, especially those with disabilities, to ensure that no one is left behind. This chapter aims to promote the assumption that the inclusive education is a cornerstone of the life course of a person with disability and suggest the educational human-rights provisions that are necessary for a successful inclusive education. The focus of the chapter lies on the conceptual grounds provided by the CRPD. The concept of life-course perspective is employed for emphasizing the crucial role of inclusive education for the whole lives of persons with disabilities.

Patterns of segregation of persons with disabilities Across the globe, persons with disabilities face the discriminatory patterns that determine their social exclusion. Policies and practices, determined by historically determined charity- and medical-based disability models, drive persons with disabilities into their segregation in specialized life, education and health settings from a very early childhood. Early childhood is a crucial and decisive time period for the whole life course of a person with disability. Very usually the specialized service is proposed to the family of a child with disability by assumed reason of the challenges that family and the child will face during their life due to the disability. Robert Martin, the actual member of the CRPD Committee and international leader of movement for the rights of persons with intellectual disability witnesses his experience: ‘He [doctor] said I suffered from mental retardation. That I would never learn like other children . . . my advice is that you send your little boy away . . . there were no room for people like us in those days’ (McRae 2014, 11). This usually triggers the segregation of children with disability in specialised settings for their life. Life may begin by living in residential institutions and

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may end in specialized residential institutions or by living with parents but use the specialized care centres, special education schools, specialized workshops, specifically designed for persons with disabilities, and end in specialized residential institutions when the parents are not able to take care of their child with disability anymore. Without the empowering and inclusive support, especially those in vulnerable situations due to the lack of social, psychological or financial support, families of the child with disabilities adhere to the social pressure to follow the discriminatory patterns for their child and fall into the trap of social segregation for their entire lives. This is also determined by the lack of access to regular social and educational services within the mainstream systems. The recent report by Disability Rights International (DRI) has released a report (Rosenthal et al., 2019) on the investigation on group homes in Bulgaria as a dead end for children with disabilities. The main finding of this report is that Bulgaria has replaced a system of large, old orphanages with newer, smaller buildings that are still operating as institutions. While the new facilities are officially referred to as ‘family-like’ residences or ‘small group homes,’ DRI’s investigation finds that these institutions separate children with disabilities from society and contribute to their continued social isolation – leading to a lifetime of segregation for a new generation of people with disabilities (page i), Children with disabilities are likely to remain segregated from society in these facilities for life (page vii). This investigation is just an illustrative example of the segregatory approach to children with disabilities not only in Central Europe, but throughout of world, Europe included. The reports, submitted to the CRPD Committee demonstrate the continuing institutionalization of children with disabilities in residential institutions, as well the continuing promotion of special education. Thus, the consideration of the reports of Spain, Slovakia, France, Poland, Greece, Slovenia and other European members states in the CRPD Committee reveals the same discriminatory patterns for persons with disabilities.

The concept of life course perspective The life course perspective grounds the assumption of this chapter. The life course ‘provides a framework for studying phenomena at the nexus of social pathways, developmental trajectories, and social change’ (Elder et  al., 2003, p. 10). According to Kok (2007, p. 204), ‘the life course approach is essentially a heuristic device to study the interaction between individual lives and social change. It is a way of conceptualizing lives within the contexts of families, society and historical time.’ Hendricks (2012, p.  226) affirms, ‘a life course perspective is about examining changes, whether they be biological, developmental (including social and psychological factors), historical, or geographic and attempting to identify which factors affect the arc of change, and what transformations change bring.’ According to Maeder (2015), ‘the life-course perspective suggests an action framework for policy-making that recognizes the connections across all stages

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and domains in life. It views human development in a holistic way, physically and psychologically linking individuals to the social, cultural and historical context.’ Maeder stresses that ‘the life-course perspective specifically looks into critical life events and situations and their impact over time and cumulatively on individuals, families and social groups.’ It is evident that the life course of persons with disabilities is determined by the interaction between their impairments with various barriers that may hinder their full and effective participation in society on an equal basis with others, as it is provided within the article 1 of the CRPD. The CRPD introduces the human rights model of disability, which provides for measures for ensuring full social inclusion of persons with disabilities and dignified life in this extent.

The human rights’ model of disability The CRPD explicitly calls the States parties to ensure the full social inclusion for all persons with disabilities regardless their impairments. The CRPD calls for the disability-paradigm shift from discriminatory charity and medical models of disability to e human rights model of disability. The human rights model of disability as it is explained by the CRPD Committee within its General Comment No 6 on equality and non-discrimination (2018) recalls to the Standard Rules on the Equalization of Opportunities for Persons with Disabilities of the (1994) which proclaimed ‘equality of opportunities’ a fundamental concept of disability policy and law. The human rights model of disability reiterates the essential features of social model of disability such as accessibility, non-discrimination and equality, and operationalizes the core human rights such as dignity and liberty, as the rights of persons with disabilities to the freedom to make one’s own choices, the independence of persons, as well as to the full and effective participation and inclusion in society, the respect for difference and acceptance of persons with disabilities as part of human diversity and humanity. As Quinn and Degener, a former member and chair of the CRPD Committee, stressed in their background study for the CRPD (Quinn and Degener, 2002), the human dignity is the anchor norm of human rights. Everyone is deemed to be of inestimable value, and nobody is insignificant. People are to be valued not just because they are economically or otherwise useful but because of their inherent self-worth  .  .  . It places the individual centre stage in all decisions affecting him/her and, most importantly, locates the main “problem” outside the person and in society. (p. 14) Article 19 of the CRPD perfectly clarifies the human rights model of disability, including the concept of dignity of a person with disability, through substantial provisions such as (a) freedom of choice and control over decisions

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affecting one’s life, (b) access to a range of individualized support services, (c) availability of Community services and facilities for the general population. Furthermore, within the human rights model of disability the CRPD Committee in its General Comment No 6 (para 11) introduces the concept of inclusive equality which embraces a substantive model of equality and extends and elaborates on the content of equality in: (a) a fair redistributive dimension to address socioeconomic disadvantages; (b) a recognition dimension to combat stigma, stereotyping, prejudice and violence and to recognize the dignity of human beings and their intersectionality; (c) a participative dimension to reaffirm the social nature of people as members of social groups and the full recognition of humanity through inclusion in society; and (d) an accommodating dimension to make space for difference as a matter of human dignity. Thus, the scope and purpose of disability-related matters is the full recognition and full social inclusion and participation of persons with disabilities in all areas of life, education particularly, on an equal bases with others. The human rights model of disability asserts a dignified life course of persons with disability, regardless degree or type of impairment.

Rights of children with disabilities The human rights model of disability emphasizes the rights of children with disabilities. The respect for the evolving capacities of children with disabilities as well as for the right of children with disabilities to preserve their identities highlights children with disabilities are highlighted under the general principles of the Convention (Art. 3 of CRPD). Article 7 of the CRPD emphasizes the obligation of the States Parties to ensure the full enjoyment by children with disabilities of all human rights and fundamental freedoms on an equal basis with other children. Further, in connexion with the Convention on the Rights of the Child of the United Nations (hereinafter CRC), the CRPD provides for obligation of to ensure that the best interests of the child shall be a primary consideration, also, children with disabilities have the right to express their views freely on all matters affecting them on an equal basis with other children. In connexion with a human rights model of disability, it suggests that equality and non-discrimination should be considered as the best interests of the child with disability. The CRPD Committee observes States parties still rely rather on charity and medical, than on human rights model of disability. The Committee calls the State parties to mainstream disability rights in national strategies and action plans for children because disability strategies and as well as strategies for children doesn’t consider the requirements of children with disabilities as well as their rights. In that regard, the States parties are encouraged to ensure the right of children with disabilities to express their views on all matters concerning them, also create an enabling environment for the establishment and functioning of representative organizations of children with disabilities, according to the Committee’s General Comment No 7.

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The CRPD Committee observes the institutionalization of children with disabilities in the State Parties. A life-long institutionalization of children with disabilities is maintained, especially of those with intellectual disabilities. Some State parties, under the guise of deinstitutionalization, perform the trans institutionalization of children from one institution to another, or continue invest in institutions, smaller, called group homes, but still maintaining features of institutions. The neglect, exploitation and abuse of against children with disabilities is another very concerning issue, especially in relation to residential institutions. Alongside with the observations by the CRPD Committee to the States parties, researches show the detrimental effect of residential care for children. Thus, Dozier et al. (2014) found that group settings should not be used as living arrangements, because of their inherently detrimental effects on the healthy development of children, regardless of age. Ryan’s et al. (2008) research results indicate that the relative risk of delinquency is approximately two- and onehalf times greater for adolescents with at least one group home placement as compared with youth in foster care settings. Deinstitutionalization is a provision of article 19 of the CRPD to which the Committee’s General Comment No 5 explicitly claims that ‘Family-like’ institutions are still institutions and are no substitute for care by a family. The Committee consistently recommends to the States parties to ensure protection of children with disabilities and to end any kind of institutionalization. The Committee also call States parties to ensure that children with disabilities live at a safe family-care setting and have access to all necessary services in the community. The lack of community-based services for children with disabilities, that lead to the placement of children with disabilities in institutions, is observed in many States parties. The consistent recommendation of the Committee is to develop early intervention and other inclusive community-based services as well as provide support for families with children with disabilities; this is in relation to article 23 of the CRPD.

Inclusive education for fulfilling the potential of children with disability Inclusive education is a pillar of the human rights model of disability. Despite this, the lack of access to mainstream education for children with disabilities is still major issue. The CRPD Committee consistently recommends to the State parties to ensure the right of children with disabilities to inclusive education, in accordance with article 24 of the CRPD and its General Comment No 4. Article 4.1 of the CRPD states: States parties recognize the right of persons with disabilities to education. With a view to realizing this right without discrimination and on the basis of equal opportunity, States parties shall ensure an inclusive education system at all levels and lifelong learning directed to: (a) the full development of human potential and sense of dignity and self-worth,

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and the strengthening of respect for human rights, fundamental freedoms and human diversity; (b) the development by persons with disabilities of their personality, talents and creativity, as well as their mental and physical abilities, to their fullest potential; (c) enabling persons with disabilities to participate effectively in a free society. Dignity, equality and non-discrimination within the education are for full participation of person with disabilities in the society their whole life. The inclusive education is to oppose and replace the special education, which exclude children with disabilities from mainstream educational settings to segregated places, to which they are set apart of all children without disabilities, on the bases of their disability. In special education children with disabilities are essentially deprived of regular learning environments, daily interactions with non-disabled peers and greater educational expectations. Limited interactions and educational opportunities for children with disabilities usually cause individual and structural oppressive habitus of segregation in which further segregations are generated. The CRC Committee emphasizes within its General Comment No 9 that denying educational opportunities impacts people with disabilities ‘by denying them job opportunities in the future’ (United Nations on the Rigths of Children With Disabilities 2007, para 8). According to Quinlivan (2019), the denial of equal access to the right to education has the potential to impact negatively person’s life opportunities. The inclusive education aims at removing barriers for children with disabilities to access mainstream education. Article 24 of the CRPD provides for main determinants for the implementation of inclusive education such as reasonable accommodation and individualized support measures to maximize academic and social development of a child with disability. The obligation to provide reasonable accommodation, as defined in the article 2 of the CRPD, means necessary and appropriate modification and adjustments not imposing a disproportionate or undue burden, where needed in a particular case, to ensure to persons with disabilities the enjoyment or exercise on an equal basis with others of all human rights and fundamental freedoms. The denial to provide a reasonable accommodation is considered under the CRPD as a discrimination. Reasonable accommodation relates to specific support required for an individual student and is complementary to the universal duty of accessibility. The CRPD Committee in its General Comment No 4 explains the reasonable accommodation: There is no ‘one size fits all’ formula to reasonable accommodation, and different students with the same impairment may require different accommodations. Accommodations may include changing the location of a class, providing different forms of in-class communication, enlarging print, materials and/or subjects in sign, or providing all handouts in an alternative format, providing students with a note-taker, or a language interpreter or allowing students to use assistive technology in learning and assessment situations. Provision of non-material accommodations, such as allowing a

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student more time, reducing levels of background noise, sensitivity to sensory overload, alternative evaluation methods or replacing an element of curriculum by an alternative element, must also be considered. (para 29) The CRPD Committee in its General Comment No 4 highlights the provision of individualized instruction through teaching the same content for all children, using varied teaching methods to respond to the learning styles and unique abilities of each person. Objective of individualized support measures is the maximization of academic and social development, consistent with the goal of full inclusion (para 69). This includes the preparation for work life through the foundation of the knowledge, skills and confidence necessary for participation in the open labour market and in an open, inclusive and accessible work environment (para 54). Inclusive education is for ensuring opportunities for persons with disabilities to access to cultural life and to develop and utilize their creative, artistic and intellectual potential, not only for their own benefit but also for the enrichment of the society (para 56).

Effect and benefits of inclusive education McDonnell and Hunt (2014), when discussing educational and social outcomes of inclusive education, have differentiated two groups of effect. First is immediate effect of inclusive education on student educational achievement and social connectedness. The second one is the effect on students’ postschool outcomes, which, according to the authors, has received surprisingly little attention in spite of the obvious importance of understanding how inclusive education affects the quality of students’ lives after they leave school. When overviewing research, made on outcomes of inclusive education, McDonnell and Hunt refer to some research (p. 158), especially by Fisher and Meyer, who found students in inclusive educational programs made significant gains in adaptive behaviour and social competence, especially gains in adaptive behaviour were significantly higher for students in inclusive classes than those in selfcontained classes and no significant differences in gains were found in social competence. McDonnell and Hunt also discuss studies suggesting that there are numerous social benefits of inclusive education for promoting social interactions between peers with and without disabilities. Other studies, discussed by McDonnell and Hunt, found that the instruction provided to students in inclusive educational settings is comparable with or superior to the instruction provided to students in separate educational settings. Furthermore, the more time students spend in general education classes, the more likely it is that they will participate in instruction that is aligned with the general education curriculum (159–160). When it comes post-school outcomes, McDonnell and Hunt observed little studies on this issue. Several studies report improved adjustment to employment for students enrolled in general education classes, especially when they had taken general vocational education classes, inclusive

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education appears to have a positive effect on students’ adjustment to community living, according to McDonnell and Hunt. For them, the expected outcomes of inclusive education are that all students become full members of the community and have the educational opportunities necessary to realize their dreams and aspirations (p. 169), and this responds perfectly to what the CRPD is about. An interesting analysis on the outcomes of inclusive education has been made by the European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education (2018). The research literature review by this agency was aimed to examine the link between inclusive education and the social inclusion of people with disabilities and suggests that: • Inclusive education is one of the factors that increase opportunities for independent living. • Youngsters with disabilities attending inclusive education settings are more likely to be financially independent shortly after graduating from secondary education. However, as people age, other factors influence their life course. This sometimes led to dependence on social security income. • Youngsters with disabilities attending segregated settings are less likely to have friendships and social networks in their adult life. Over the years, the social networks of people with disabilities change due to individual preferences and different life course trajectories. • Being educated in an inclusive setting is one of the factors that increase opportunities for participation in leisure activities. Being educated in a segregated setting acts as a barrier to participation. However, the participation of people with disabilities in leisure activities needs to be interpreted with caution, as sometimes leisure is equated with physical presence or therapy, and it does not lead to the people’s satisfaction. As it is mentioned by McDonnell and Hunt (2014), referring to number of studies (p. 160), the improved adjustment to employment for students enrolled in general education classes, especially if they had taken general vocational education classes. The inclusive education encompasses the vocational education which is a foundation of lifelong learning and social inclusion in inclusive work and employment environments. For this purpose, through the CRPD, members States are required to ensure that persons with disabilities can access general tertiary education, vocational training, adult education and lifelong learning without discrimination and on equal basis with others (Art. 24), and to enable them to have effective access to technical and vocational guidance programmes, placement services and vocational and continuing training (Art. 27). The SDGs include a target of ensuring equal access to vocational training at all levels for persons with disabilities along with other vulnerable groups (Target 4.5). The objective of inclusive vocational education is independent living of persons with disabilities in the society, working in non-segregated but open labour market.

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European Agency for Development in Special Needs Education (2013) in its report on European Patterns of Successful Practice in Vocational Education and Training. Using literature review, country reports, summary reports and study visits reports, the Agency has identified 20 success factors – ‘what works’ – in VET for learners with special needs and/or disabilities. Four ‘patterns of successful practice’ were identified among these combinations of success factors: management pattern, vocational education and training pattern, learners’ pattern and labour market pattern. Within the inclusive approach, this provides for successful transfer of persons with disabilities from inclusive education to open labour market. Article 27 of the CRPD obligates to engage in the development of an open, inclusive and accessible to persons with disabilities labour market and work environment. The report made by Stephen Beyer and Annie Beyer in 2016 stresses that variability, cost studies of supported employment compared to some forms of sheltered employment and other vocational rehabilitation models have shown significant financial benefits for taxpayers and individuals from delivering jobs through inclusive employment.  .  .  . There is also some evidence that investing in supported work experiences in inclusive workplaces while at school can help people enter paid work more easily and have a positive impact on benefits for taxpayers. (p. 66)

Support for family with children with disabilities The support for family with children with disabilities plays the key role for promoting the success of children in inclusive environments, including early intervention and education at all levels. Cologon states (2013) that inclusive education, when it does occur, is often the result of considerable parent advocacy and many families strongly desire inclusive education for their children. Sadly for families, the path to achieving this is often not an easy one. It is frustrating for parents to have to continually advocate for the inclusion of their child in the school and community, particularly in light of the weight of evidence demonstrating the positive outcomes of inclusive education (p. 27). While there is a great overall lack of structural and comprehensive incentives for inclusive education, usually the pathway, segregated or inclusive, of a child with disability depends on the awareness of the rights of a child with disability and advocacy capacity of parents. Parents must be aware of the right of the child with disability to inclusive education, but also be advocates for their children inclusion at school and society. For this purpose, they must be supported by local authorities and civil servants, also provided with appropriate trainings, aimed at capacitating teachers, parents of children with disabilities about the rights of persons with disabilities, including inclusive education.

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Mann’s research (2016) on school choice, regular or special, by parents of a child with intellectual disability, demonstrates a critical role of parents they play in moving inclusive education, but also reasons way they may take decision to turn to special education schools. The findings of this research indicate that views about regular versus special schools competed with views about the elements of an optimal school life that are growth, wellbeing, connection and personhood. ‘Inclusion’ per se was not identified as one of these features (p. 152). Mann’s research suggests that the role of learner is critical; parents would do well to advocate for and support such a valued role (along with other roles such as classmate, team member, friend, etc.) in order to safeguard a more optimal experience of regular schooling (p. 184). Mann (2016) further affirms, that parents cannot make inclusive education happen for their children. For this, they need teachers who are also committed to inclusive education. According to her research, a key lesson from this research is the need for teachers to understand how their action/inaction valorises or devalues students, both for the impact on students directly, and for the role messages that teacher actions convey to parents (and others), also of honouring parental authority in enrolment decisions (p. 185). It goes alongside with many researches that indicates the significant role of collaboration between inclusive education school and parents of a child with disability for his/her successful education. Warren (2017) stresses, the reciprocal relationships that exist between child, family, school and indeed community are far reaching  .  .  . Successful outcomes for preschool children with disabilities and their families can result when they are involved and participate in meaningful ways when they are valued and included in schools that belong to all. (p. 169)

Conclusion Full social inclusion for persons with disabilities remain a huge issue in all countries in all regions. Usually, persons with disabilities, especially those with intellectual or psychosocial or multiple disabilities are obliged to be a regular customer of specialized arrangements, such as educational, employment or residential, that are specifically designed for persons with disabilities. This considerably contribute to segregation of persons with disabilities from mainstream society, but also affects the dignity and human worth of a person. The CRPD put an end to the belief that segregation of persons with disabilities is normal. The human rights model of disability for replacing the medical and charity-based models of disability was introduced. The CRPD has not only caused the change of disability-paradigms, but especially has provided the human rights based standard that the States parties are obliged to domesticate. Any kind of segregation of persons with disabilities, putting them outside of mainstream society, is considered as discrimination within the CRPD. Full

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social inclusion and participation of persons with disability, equality with all other members of society is the objective of the Convention. However, the States parties of the CRPD still fail domesticate its provisions. Due to the lack of access to regular services, persons with disabilities are obliged to get services in specialized arrangements, outside of mainstream society. It concerns education as well and especially education. Despite the recognition of inclusive education as a right for persons with disabilities, especially within the international human rights law and academic discourse, usually special education is prevailing for children with disabilities. In most of countries, including States parties of the Convention, most of regular schools fails to implement measures of reasonable accommodation for children with disabilities due to the lack of strong commitment by government to support inclusive schools, also due to the lack of teacher’s and school’s administrative staff competences. Although inclusive education is rather progressive right and have to be implemented progressively, still so many children with disabilities are obliged to attend special education schools. This means, that children acquire rather limited diverse type of skills that ultimately limit the future opportunities for independent living of the child when they will become adult. The life course of a person with disability within the special education background would lead to other segregated arrangements such as sheltered workshops, day care centres or merely living with parents. Residential institution is a dead end for persons with disabilities when parents are anymore able to take care of their child. The CRPD explicitly engage the States parties invest in measures providing for independent living of persons with disabilities, regardless impairment. Inclusive education is considered as main precondition for independent living of a person with disability. Inclusive education is directed to, as it is stated in the Article 24 of the Convention, enabling persons with disabilities to participate effectively in a free society (1c), enable persons with disabilities to learn life and social development skills to facilitate their full and equal participation in education and as members of the community (3). Within its General Comment No 4 on Article 24, the CRPD Committee highlights that inclusive education will best prepare students for independent living and vocational contexts, for work life through the acquisition of the knowledge, skills and confidence necessary for participation in the open labour market and in an open, inclusive and accessible work environment (35f). To support this moral and legal standard of inclusive education as a human right, further credible academic research is needed to bring to the end the discrimination of children with disabilities and expedite the implementation of inclusive education. As the CRPD Committee has explained in its General Comment No 6 on article 5 of the Convention, dignity of a person with disability may be recognized only in the condition of equality, non-discrimination, social inclusion and person’s full participation in the society. Inclusive equality is based on dignified life course of a person with disability.

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Acknowledgements Acknowledgements go to my colleagues, members of the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities of the United Nations, for their key role in promoting the inclusive education at international level.

Suggested Further Reading De Beco, G., Quinlivan, S.H., and Lord, J.E. (eds.) (2019) The Right to Inclusive Education in International Human Rights Law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. From this book the reader will learn about the normative substance of the inclusive education as a human rights issue within the international human rights framework. Further, the reader will learn on the main constituent concepts of inclusive education, as well on its standard and considerations that are needed to consider for its practical implementation. Soriano V., Watkins A., and Ebersold, S. (2017). Inclusive Education for Learners with Disabilities. Directorate General for Internal Policies, Policy Department C: Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs. European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education. Available on the internet at: From this study the reader will learn about inclusive education as being supported by the key international and European organizations, as well about the challenges that European States face around its implementation. The study discloses the need to increase the education systems’ capacity to provide quality education for all learners, which goes together with the best use of human and financial resources.

References Beyer, Stephen and Beyer, Annie (2016) The Economic Impact of Inclusion in the Open Labour Market for Persons with Disabilities. Report Commissioned by European Association of Service Providers for Persons with Disabilities (EASPD). Cologon, Kathy (2013) Inclusion in Education. Towards Equality for Students with Isability. Issues paper. Children and Families Research Centre, Institute of Early Childhood Macquarie University. Policy Recommendations Written with Children with Disability. Australia. Elder, Glen H. Jr., Johnson, Kirkpatrick Monika and Crosnoe, Robert (2003) The Emergence and Development of Life Course Theory, 3–19. In Handbook of the Life Course, edited by J.T. Mortimer and M.J. Shanahan, New York, Plenum. European Agency for Development in Special Needs Education, 2013. European Patterns of Successful Practice in Vocational Education and Training – Participation of Learners with SEN/ Disabilities in VET. Odense, Denmark: European Agency for Development in Special Needs Education. European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education, 2018. Evidence of the Link Between Inclusive Education and Social Inclusion: A  Review of the Literature. Edited by S. Symeonidou. Odense, Denmark: European Agency for Development in Special Needs Education. Dozier, M., Kaufman, J., Kobak, R., O’Connor, T. Sagi-Schwartz, A., Scott, S., Shauffer C., Smetana, J., van Ijzendoorn, M.H. and Zeanah, C. (2014). Consensus Statement on Group Care for Children and Adolescents: A Statement of Policy of the American Orthopsychiatric Association. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 84(3), 219–225.

130  Jonas Ruškus General Comment No 6 of the Committee of the Convention on the Rights of Persons With Disabilites of the United Nations on Aticle 6. Equality and NonDiscrimination (2018). Retrieved from Pages/GC.aspx. General Comment No 9 of the Committee of the Convention on the Rights of the Child of the United Nations on the Rigths of Children With Disabilities (2007). Retrieved from TreatyID=5&DocTypeID=11. Hendricks, J. (2012) Considering Life Course Concepts. The Journals of Gerontology, Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences, 67(2), 226–231, doi:10.1093/geronb/gbr147. Kok, J. (2007) Principles and Prospects of the Life Course Paradigm. Annales de Démographie Historique, 113, 203–230. Maeder, P. (2015) The Life-Course Perspective in Social Policy: Why and How It Could Be Useful? Lives Impact Social Innovation Through Life Course Research. Policy Brief, 1. ISSN:2297-6124. icy-n1673 (Accessed 17 January 2020). Mann, G.R. (2016) An Exploration of Parental Decisions to Transfer Children from Regular to Special Schools. A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Queensland. McDonnell, J. and Hunt, P. (2014) Inclusive Education and Meaningful School Outcomes. In M. Agran, F. Brown, C. Hughes, C. Quirk, D. Ryndak (eds.) Equality and Full Participation for Individuals with Significant Disabilities. A  Vision for the Future (pp 155–176). Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brookes. McRae J. (2014) Becoming Person: The Biography of Robert Martin. How an Intellectually Disabled New Zealander Helped Change the World. Craig: Potton Publishing. Quinlivan, S. (2019) Reasonable Accommodation: An Integral Part of the Right to Education for Persons with Disabilities. In G. de Beco, S. Quinlivan and J.E. Lord (eds.) The Right to Inclusive Education in International Human Rights Law. (pp 169–189). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Quinn, G. and Degener, T. (2002) Human Rights and Disability. New York and Geneva: United Nations Rosenthal, E., Milovanovic, D.C., Ahern, L. (2019) A Dead End for Children: Bulgaria’s Group Homes. Report Released by Disability Rights International. www.driadvocacy. org/new-dri-report-finds-appalling-conditions-in-bulgarias-group-homes/ (Accessed 17 January 2020). Ryan J.P., Marshall J.M., Herz D., Hernandez P.M. (2008) Juvenile Delinquency in Child Welfare: Investigating Group Home Effects. Children and Youth Services Review 30 1088–1099. Standard Rules on the Equalization of Opportunities for Persons With Disabilities (1994) The United Nations. Retrieved from standard-rules-on-the-equalization-of-opportunities-for-persons-with-disabilities.html. Warren, S. (2017), Hidden Voices: Parents’ Perspectives on the Barriers to and Facilitators of Inclusion on Their Preschool Children with Disabilities. In Working with Families for Inclusive Education (International Perspectives on Inclusive Education, Vol. 10). Bingley: Emerald Publishing Limited, 151–174.

11 How it feels to be jeered at Perception of inclusion/exclusion Mara Dirba

Introduction The focus of this chapter is on the inclusion of the most vulnerable groups, especially persons with mental disability in the society of Latvia. Support systems for the persons with a disability have changed enormously since joining the EU in 2004. The time period (2004–2020) is long enough however to observe how subtle and radical the changes have been. Based on non-structured interviews and focus group discussions the chapter explores personal perceptions and feelings of people with mental disabilities as to whether they feel included or excluded and how policy documents and legislation and other administrative measures, as well as the active role of NGOs have promoted the inclusion of people with disability in society. The chapter describes how much has been achieved as well as the drawbacks and needs for the future. In this chapter inclusion is viewed both on societal level and on an individual level adjusted to the multi-faceted needs of each individual. Dervin (2016) argues that diversity in the plural indicates a move from a mere emphasis on people from outside (migrants, ‘Others’) to taking into account the diverse diversities from within, in other words anyone who is considered or who constructs themselves to be different. Persons with disability identify with multiple groups and construct multiple identities, they identify with their age group, with their professional circle, with hobby groups and with ethnic groups. In this chapter we try to avoid reducing the individual to only one aspect of his/her personality and seek to consider how joining the EU has changed practice.

The Latvian context The Republic of Latvia is a small country on the coast of the Baltic Sea. Its territory is 64,573 square kilometres. At the beginning of 2019 only 1,920,000

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inhabitants lived in Latvia. That was 14,400 less than a year before, according to the Central Statistics Bureau data (Data CSB, 2019). During 2018, as the result of international long term migration, the number of inhabitants of Latvia decreased by 4,900, which is the lowest emigration number during the last 20 years, but due to the negative natural increase it decreased twice as much – by 9,500 (Data CSB, 2019). Ancient Baltic tribes – Kursi, Semgali, Letgali and Seli – arrived at the territory of today’s Latvia during the third millennium BC. They converged into one Latvian ethnos during the 13th–16th centuries, and their similar languages became one Latvian language. Today’s Latvia is the only place in the world where the Latvian language can develop. Due to the favourable geographical position the territory of todays’ Latvia has been fought for by the Vikings, the Germans, the Polish, the Swedish and the Russians. In the 17th century Riga became the largest provincial town of Sweden. Since the 18th century the territory of Latvia has been under the Russian empire. The independent republic of Latvia was founded in 1918; in 1940 it was annexed and incorporated into the Soviet Union. Independence was restored in 1991, and every aspect of life, for example, the social security system, had to be started from zero moving to a market economy. The ethnic structure of Latvia had drastically changed during the Soviet years due to the mass deportations of Latvians to Siberian labour camps and mass immigration to Latvia from other Soviet republics where the standard of living was lower. In 1935, 75.5 % of the population were ethnic Latvians (Data CSB 2016), but in 2019, the minorities constitute about 40% of inhabitants. which is one of the highest percentages of minorities in the EU. There are two rather closed communities and information spaces: Latvian speaking and Russian speaking. The EU educational documents stress tolerance and inclusion as important values, ‘social inclusion is at the core of the European Social Model and European values enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty’ (Social Inclusion 2019:1). In the EU the central value is inclusion of everybody in society, whereas in the Soviet Union people with disabilities, especially with mental disabilities, were hidden from citizens’ eyes, in places far away from city centres, institutionalized for life in hospitals and care centres. The mental health paradigm has changed from hospital settings to a community and person-centered model, modifying the traditional medicalcentered model in many EU countries. However, this refers to Latvia only partly as many psychiatrists still consider hospitalization as an essential aspect of the treatment process. People in Latvia were used to the political system where ‘otherness’ was not tolerated. As the result of opening the state borders after long years of isolation behind the ‘iron curtain’ of the Soviet Union people have enjoyed their opportunities to travel freely to other countries and to move to other EU countries to work and study. Latvia is a country with one of the lowest standards of living in the EU. Free movement of the workforce after joining the EU (in 2004) and the opening of the job markets of richer EU countries caused a huge wave

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of emigration to countries where the living standards are higher. These new experiences have broadened the minds, promoting the ability to see things from different perspectives these emigration processes have been discussed further in Dirba (2018). Still a large part of the Russian-speaking population tends to watch Russia’s television, read newspapers in Russian and use news portals in Russian. Thus, part of the information space is more influenced by Russian values than the European Union values.

Changes in the support system for people with mental disabilities The World Health Organization (WHO) states that health is wellbeing. In the World report on disability (WHO, p. 4) disability is understood as a ‘dynamic interaction between health conditions and contextual factors, both personal and environmental.’ It also points out (WHO, p. 4) that ‘disability results from the interaction between persons with impairments and attitudinal and environmental barriers that hinder their full and effective participation in society on an equal basis with others.’ In the same report, disability is defined as an interaction, (WHO, p.  4) ‘Defining disability as interaction means that “disability” is not an attribute of the person.’ The significance of the environment for improving health is stressed, (WHO, p. 4) ‘The environment may be changed to improve health conditions, prevent impairments, and improve outcomes for persons with disabilities. Such changes can be brought about by the state legislation, by policy changes, by capacity building or technological developments.’ Due to the rapid tempo and demanding and stressful work environment anybody is prone to some kind of mental disorder, for example, some anxiety disorder or depression. Yet in Soviet times patients with mental illnesses were institutionalized, and until 2011 persons with mental disorders had their decision-making rights taken away. During the years before joining the EU lots of work was done to match the EU social policy documents and social support systems with the ones in Latvia. New laws, regulations and strategic development documents and models were created and introduced, for example, the Law of Medical Treatment (1997), public health strategy for 2002–2010 (2001). Mainly since the year 2000 deinstitutionalization plans have been carried out reducing the number of patients in the institutions. The conditions within the institutions were considered below international standards. Psychiatrists and nurses were expected to change their attitudes and their perception of patients’ rights and accept inclusive practices. It is a radical switch and challenge from one economic and social perspective to a completely different one for policy makers, doctors, nurses, care givers, for the receivers of disability care and services. The switch has influenced the interactions with persons with disabilities in families, at workplaces, in the neighbourhood, on public transport and in schools, shops, cinemas and museums.

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In social media sometimes instead of sharing some constructive ideas, people aggressively fight against different even very constructive opinions and consolidate only viewpoints, attitudes by their inner ‘bubble,’ do not listen to and consider other viewpoints. Such division is not good for the integration of society, for feeling good and safe in society. Recently some people with mental problems have started sharing in social media their experiences and feelings especially anxiety and stress created problems, about depression, yet tend to avoid sharing about severe cases such as schizophrenia. In 1996 the first support group of relatives for persons with schizophrenia, ‘Beam of Light’ was formed. People fear to attend a psychiatrist as also psychiatrists are stigmatized. If somebody stays in a mental hospital, they prefer to hide this information from almost everybody with the exception of close relatives. People who suffer from depressive illness and other mental illnesses are in many cases disadvantaged. People tend to have a more positive attitude and empathy for persons with visible disability than to persons with invisible disability. Mental disability is in many cases invisible, at least between acute episodes, unlike a wheelchair. The most difficult life is for people with mostly invisible long-term disability, as other people consider them as lazy. All our systems including health system, educational system, social care system, have all functioned as segregating persons with mental disabilities, isolating them from society in hospitals, special education schools, special care centres. At the moment there are only hospitals, just rudimentary ambulatory care day centres, so if somebody has a worsening health situation and does not want to stay in old Soviet-style institutions that are not according to 21st-century standards, then there are almost no places for receiving support and care. In addition, one has to wait for a month or more to get a place in an ambulatory day care or mental hospital. Policy making documents and deinstitutionalization projects were in place in the year 2000, as were public health strategy projects in 2002 and 2003. These projects already envisaged multidisciplinary care teams, reducing the number of stationary institutionalized patients, creating psychosocial rehabilitation houses, conception about integrating persons with disability in society ‘equal opportunities for all’ from 1998 till 2010. The good news is that the Law of Psychiatric Help has been created and accepted by the government (2002). There is also a state plan, Public Health Guidelines for 2014–2020. There is more focus on ambulatory care, community-based rehabilitation and community home-based care. The year 2019 was announced as the year of mental health in Latvia, so there have been discussions, new initiatives, more information in public media about supporting persons with mental disabilities. Long term information campaigns help to understand persons with mental disorders. In June 2019 the health minister of Latvia I. Vinkele (in discussion with society ‘Garīga rakstura traucējumi’ during the talking festival ‘Lampa,’ 2019) admitted that that even after almost 30 years of independence the situation with care and support for people with mental disability is still far from ideal. Answering the question to identify areas

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of societal improvement, Vinkele suggested human attitude, timely help and support and living an independent worthy/worthwhile life as much as possible. She also suggested that a network where everybody feels safe is needed, as everybody can potentially develop a disability. The health minister Kalnāja (2019) emphasized tolerance and good will rather than seeing disability as a burden in educational institutions and in other contexts. Kalnāja (2019) stressed that both the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Welfare should collaborate in creating an effective support system for persons with mental disorders. She mentioned that the new plan ‘Plan for Improving psychiatric health care’ (Psihiatriskas veselibas aprupes uzlabosanas plans 2019– 2020, 2019) is a revolutionary plan prepared by the Ministry of Health to train doctors, teachers for being competent to help persons with mental disabilities. She pointed out that mutually connected support system for persons with mental disorders is necessary: to introduce alternative care forms such as available day care centres, the model of care at the place of living supported work, special workshops, group flats and family support centres that provide psychological help to parents already after the birth of the child. There have been significant changes in creating support system for persons with disabilities on state level and on municipality level. NGOs have contributed enormously in this process. NGOs such as Apeirons (association for persons with disabilities) or resource centre for persons with mental disorders (Zelda) have been advocating for persons with disability for years. Zelda since 2007 has been providing free of charge juridical consultations for persons with mental disorders and since 2015 has been providing support person service. In the Zelda office in Riga, persons with mental disorders can receive all kinds of help. In 2018, the NGO Zelda, as part of an EU project, provided specially trained support personnel for people with disability who wanted it. Unfortunately, the project finished in November 2019, so there is no more financing for this activity, but there are welltrained support providers. Methodological material and guidelines for social work with persons with mental disorders has been created and approbated by NGOs Zelda and Latvian movement for independent life (Latvijas kustiba par neatkarigu dzivi). The association Latvian movement for independent life since 2014 provides social services to persons with mental disorders. On 5 July  2019 the Ministry of Welfare of Latvia organized a discussion “Diversity in social work” for social care specialists and professionals about discrimination risks person experience in collaboration with municipality, as well as about readiness of social workers to work with diverse clients social services challenges and problems (Pavlovska 2019). Recently, there have been activities to include more persons with disabilities in the job market; however, just a few job providers have responded as it has been very difficult to stop a job contract with the person with disabilities. Then the government changed the laws, so now it is easier for job providers to stop contracts with disabled employees.

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People avoided and still tend to avoid visiting psychiatrists, which leads to illnesses getting worse. However, recently there is a new tendency to come into the open and tell others about their mental problems (at least about not so severe cases). Younger generation patients are not so afraid of visiting psychiatrists and also of staying in mental health hospital. The hospitals have changed to a great extent. Younger generation doctors and nurses have had different higher education and education in general compared to Soviet-era doctors, their views on effective treatment and attitudes and approaches to patients are according to the new paradigm taken from other EU countries. They have participated in mobility and exchange visits in mental health institutions of different EU countries and have taken with them good practices. Younger generation of doctors tend to be more open, more accepting of using psychotherapy in addition to medication, to working in multidisciplinary teams together with psychologists and psychotherapists. Their English language skills are much better than those of older generation doctors, so they can read freely most recent findings, they participate in research projects, conferences and seminars together with teams from other EU countries. A section of Young Psychiatrists has been formed the Latvian psychiatrist association organizing projects for promoting mental health among youngsters at secondary school ‘Mental health classes for youngsters,’ the young psychiatrist researcher, Dr. Natālija Bērziņa-Novikova is one of the authors of the study in 2016–2017 that adapted and validated and employed a questionnaire for finding out mental health patients’ perspective on mental health care provided by psychiatric hospitals in Latvia, it was the first such case when mental health patients were asked for their opinion on their care. (Latvijas psihiatru asociācija 2019, Bērziņa 2019)

Creating educational support system for students with disability For a long time, there was segregated educational system, students with special needs were isolated in so-called special schools (specialized according to the character of special needs: vision and eyesight problems, hearing disorders, physical disorders, mental disorders and mental development disorders). Deinstitutionalization has benefits for the individual, opportunities for socialization and long-term effects such as the impact on emotional life, career or on personal development. On the one hand, it is useful in very severe cases as students receive more help and support from educational and all school staff including school management, in special schools there are more experts in special education and in the particular field, also they have boarding schools for students who live far away. On the other hand, when students with special needs learn together in mainstream education schools they communicate with other students, socialize, get to know each other better, become friends, share their feelings and

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experience. As a result, students who do not have disability become more understanding of the ones who have. It is a difficult goal for the educational system to avoid stigma although schools at higher secondary level do discuss the concept of stigma, examples of stigmatization and possible ways of improving the support system. The role of education in stopping stigma is very significant. Inclusive education is a process in which corresponding diverse needs of all learners are ensured increasing the participation opportunities of every learner in the learning process, culture, and various communities and reducing the possible exclusion from the education and educational process. The Department of Special Education of the National Centre for Education at the Ministry of Education and Science of Latvia is responsible for coordinating education of learners with special needs in Latvia. From 2011 until 2013 National Centre for Education Department of Special Education realized the national scale of the EU social fund project – “Creating support system for students with functional disorders,” organizing seminars for teachers, creating methodological materials (National Centre, 2011) for teachers and informative materials for parents. During the project questionnaires in schools were carried out. As a result, it was concluded that teachers lack the skills and knowledge competencies for diversity management in classroom, for supporting students with different disabilities, so seminars were organized. Inclusive education support centres have been created in Valmiera, Jelgava, Liepāja, Balvi and Daugavpils in collaboration with local municipalities. Diagnostic tests were elaborated and approbated; training courses and the exchange of good practice were organized for teachers. There are some special education schools that are so-called developmental centres and help mainstream school teachers. Curricula content on supporting students with disabilities needs to be developed at teacher training, caregiver training and also at mainstream schools. For students with special needs, special education programs have been developed and adjusted in mainstream schools; for every student with disability, an individual education plan was created. Promoting inclusion is mentioned in Education Development Guidelines 2014–2020 as well as in the Law on General Education. The availability of adequate support measures for learners with special needs who are integrated/ included into a general education institution shall be ensured by the educational institution. Individual education plans should be developed for every learner with special needs who is included in a general education classroom. The Law on Education states that special education is general and vocational education adapted for persons with special needs and health problems, or with special needs or health problems. The Law on General Education states that special education is a specific type of general education. Special needs are needed for appropriate support and rehabilitation that give learners the opportunity to acquire educational programmes according to their health condition, abilities and level of development. Chapter 8 of the Law – Special Education, Section 49 states that special educational programmes ensure the possibilities

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and circumstances for learners with congenital or acquired functional disabilities to acquire general education according to their special needs. Learners receive an education in the most appropriate education institution. Students with special needs are granted the help of qualified specialists in the acquisition of knowledge, in the development of social skills and practical skills, in preparing for employment and integration into society. Students with special needs are also granted special correction and rehabilitation in special education institutions. There is also special support for children with special needs in general mainstream education institutions. Total number of learners with special needs in different settings (2016–2017) in Latvia was 12,437 (53% of all students). Of them 5,855 were in special schools, 1,492 were in special classes, 4,650 were included with special educational programs and 440 were included with general educational programs. There is network of special education institutions. Programs of special education may be provided by state, municipal and private special education institutions or general education institutions. In the school year of 2016–17 there were 58 special education institutions founded by the state and municipalities, 12 in Riga and 46 in the regions and towns of Latvia. The assessment of special educational needs is carried out on three levels: school level – done by support team, municipal pedagogical medical commission and State Pedagogical Medical Commission (PMC). State pedagogical medical commission assess abilities of children, analyse health condition and level of development, as well as documents from educational institutions, doctors, exercise-books and achievement sheets resulting in the commission recommending the most appropriate educational program. Schools have to either license the special education program or provide all support measures needed. It is encouraged to open special education classes in general education institutions that are close to the place of residence of children, to integrate/include learners with special needs in mainstream education institutions if they have the required equipment and provision, to make educational institutions accessible for children with severe physical disabilities. To promote the integration and inclusion of learners with special needs, support measures and accommodations are allowed in state tests and examinations (Regulations of the Cabinet of Ministers). Financing that follows learners with special needs is higher than for learners without special needs. The use of ICT in education helps also students with special needs. Digital books are available as is the possibility to use text-to-speech approach, and ‘use your own device’ is supported. The state guarantees and ensures the acquisition of general education appropriate to the health condition and type of disability of the student with special needs. There are still issues to be solved for including the children with special needs in general mainstream education institutions near to their residence. The establishment of national and regional support systems for special education is needed as well as extended functions of municipal Pedagogical Medical Commissions, providing methodological and practical support to teachers and

How it feels to be jeered at 139

parents of children with special needs, as well as other stakeholders are necessary. Financial provision for the implementation of support measures required for children with special needs also needs to be increased and transport provision provided. To promote inclusion and to support students with special needs different methods and strategies are recommended such as allowing additional time for students with special needs, reading the instructions of the task for the learner, providing materials that help to understand the text and the use of ICT. Different compensation strategies are used to help students with special needs such as getting information in alternative ways such as TV, radio, museums, exhibitions and excursions or assistance with finding key words or ideas in the text. Experts in education argue that for students with very severe disability it might be better to learn in special education schools where more suitable support from specialists is available at the moment, but this would mean exclusion rather than inclusion however every student is an individual case and there cannot be one correct solution for all. The best environment for students with special needs is the one where he /she feels and develops better, feels safe and receives the best possible help and encouragement in learning and socializing. The support system has improved, yet it is much more difficult to radically change attitudes towards others, to avoid stigmatizing towards the most vulnerable groups of society. Stigmatization experience starts in the family, preschool, school and adult life. There is still strong stigma in society about people with severe mental illnesses as the result of our recent history. In the Soviet Union institutionalizing political opponents in mental hospitals was part of the punishment system. Mental illnesses were a taboo subject and mental hospitals were closed taboo places. Thus, it is something unknown for the general population who have never been in mental health hospital before.

Societal perceptions Group discussions took place to determine societal perceptions. The concept, ‘stigma’ was discussed based on a short survey stop stigma questionnaire created by the National Health Service in the UK (Stop stigma). The survey is a good example of mental health education at school. The participants used words such as ‘crazy, ‘dangerous, violent, stupid,’ to describe mental health issues. Derogatory terms for mental hospital such as Assylum (trako nams) were used. Persons with mental disorders were called ‘apes,’ non human ‘animals.’ Some participants confessed that persons with mental disorders are often fragile and suffer from emotional and physical violence from classmates, teachers, neighbours, relatives and even psychiatric care specialists. Attitudes towards persons with mental disability tend to be more negative than towards alcohol addicts and heavy smokers. Attitudes are less negative and more understanding towards persons with visible physical disabilities such as persons in a wheelchair but even they can face abuse and feel isolated. Some people

140  Mara Dirba Table 11.1  Mental disorder and treatment Causes of mental disorder

Possible treatment


Health Stress, anxiety Employment or lack of it Darkness SAD season Attention deficit

Support services, clinics, isolation hospitals Psychologist, doctor, opportunity to discuss the problem Supportive community Clear instructions Structured environment

Segregation Attitudes, bullying Stereotypes Name calling Violence Unpredictability

in a wheelchair have reported their shock at being showered with negative epithets as soon as they entered the airport in Latvia returning from travel in other countries. Many people think that they themselves can never have mental health problem. However, in the rapid and stressful work environment in many institutions getting mental illness temporarily or long term may become a reality for anyone even some presidents of the US had mental disorders, for example Abraham Lincoln. Below is a table demonstrating some of the response views during the study in 2019. The participants suggested using the example of UK National Health Service, mental health education, or using information campaigns, social media, or digital educational materials, such as Kahoot, films and other audio-visual materials, augmented reality on life stories of famous people like Marylin Monroe, Ernest Hemingway or professor Steven Hawkins to help remove the stigma of mental illness, to use their life stories to show that despite mental illness they have contributed to humanity. Public attitudes are changing but still there is lots of stigmatization. Focus group participants concluded that mental illness has a bad reputation in Latvia. Focus group discussions showed that people tend to avoid neighbours with mental disabilities, colleagues, friends. They fear that persons with mental disorders are aggressive and unpredictable. Thus to some extent people with mental disorders can be excluded rather than included.

The mentally disabled persons perspective Rosana Teresa Onocko-Campos (Rosana Teresa Onocko-Campos et al 2017) states that focus groups have gained popularity in the field of disability. However, in our experience mental health patients feel better and safer in one-to-one interviews. The non structured interview responses demonstrated a sense of unease and anxiety in public places and a sense of exclusion and humiliation, a sense of not ‘being fully human.’ Some feel they need to withdraw from society with their families but do not wish to be institutionalized.

How it feels to be jeered at 141

As one respondent said, ‘Living together with unknown people might make me feel anxious. That seems to be too much socialization for me, it would be better to meet once a week in self help group or support group. I would like to stay at home together with my close family and have always help and support available by health care specialist and social workers when needed by phoning or by visiting.’ He would like to have mental care assistants who might support him at home when he needs help. Many feel misunderstood at work, the comments I  hear are ‘lazy, unmotivated person, who avoids communicating and chatting with them.’ Neighbours also misunderstand and make the mentally disturbed person anxious and aggressive. It is already very difficult for people with mental disorders to feel good, comfortable in public places, in crowds, so they become more and more isolated and feel bad about themselves. Derogatory names such as ‘traks’ (crazy) have been used for the person with mental illness and ‘trako nams’ (house of the insane) for mental health hospital.

Conclusion After the collapse of the Soviet Union and especially since Latvia joined the European Union, the support system for persons with disabilities and other vulnerable groups of society has been improved to a great extent. However, the attitudes of people in Latvian society towards the persons with disability and especially persons with mental disability have not changed drastically. Students with mental disorders and their parents admit that sometimes special education schools are better in cases of severe disabilities as they are in many cases more supportive, more encouraging as the teachers and management are more experienced in helping students with a disability. Workplaces in most cases are not yet supportive and helpful. On the one hand there are laws, projects, workshops and policy making documents intended to create more inclusive support systems for persons with a disability. The educational policy documents and institutions such as the Ministry of Wellbeing and the Ministry of Education all aim at integration and the inclusion of people with special needs and disabilities; However people with mental illness suffer from abuse resulting in poor self-perception and self-esteem and creating a less inclusive feeling. Despite some positive changes in the support system the persons with disabilities and especially with mental disorders tend to feel excluded. As a result, their health instead of improving tends to get worse and inclusion is still a long way from a reality.

Acknowledgements I would like to thank Mabel Ann Brown for her constant support and encouragement.

142  Mara Dirba

Further suggested reading WHO Report on Disability, WHO 2011. Available at: report/2011/report.pdf. (Accessed in December 2019) In the report the social model of understanding disability is explained clearly providing useful definitions. Dirba, M. (2018) Filling the Void: Migration to and from Latvia. In The Shifting Global World of Youth and Education (2018). Edited by Mabel Ann Brown. Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group, London, 2018. pp. 175.-178 Migration to and from Latvia is discussed mentioning also the historical background of Latvian Society. Berzina-Novikova, N. and Taube, M. (2019), Evaluation of the Patients’ Satisfaction with Psychiatric Health Care Services with an Adapted PIPEQ-OS Tool Available at www.researchgate. net/profile/Maris_Taube (Accessed in December, 2019) Psychiatrists discuss their pioneering research on the perspective of patients with mental disorders.

References Ārstniecības likums, 199735 Ārstniecības likums. LR Saeimā pieņemts 1997. gada 12. jūnijā, stājies spēkā 1997. gada 1. oktobrī. Available at: doc.php?id=44108, (Accessessed in December 2019) Berzina-Novikova, N. and Taube M. (2019) Evaluation of the Patients’ Satisfaction with Psychiatric Health Care Services with an Adapted PIPEQ-OS Tool. Available at www.researchgate. net/profile/Maris_Taube (Acessed in December, 2019) Data CSB, (2019) Available at: iedzivotaju-skaits/meklet-tema/2444-iedzivotaju-skaita-izmainas-latvija-2018. (Accessed in September 2019). Data CSB (2016). Available at: (Accessed 9th November, 2016). Dervin, F. (2016) Making Sense of Education for Diversities: Criticality, Reflexivity and Language. Available at: pdf (Accessed November 2016) Dirba, M. (2018) Filling the Void: Migration to and from Latvia. In Mabel Ann Brown (ed.), The Shifting Global World of Youth and Education. London: Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group, 175–178. Kalnāja I. Garīga rakstura traucējumi mūsdienu Latvijā – pieredzes, stereotipi, atbalsta iespējas. Available at in December, 2019) Latvijas psihiatru asociacija. Available at (Accesses in December 2019). National Centre for Education Website. https:// (Accessed on December 2019) Onocko-Campos, R.T. (2017) Methodological Challenges in the Use of Focus Groups with People with Severe Mental Illness. Available at 318436813_Methodological_challenges_in_the_use_of_focus_groups_with_people_ with_severe_mental_illness, (Accessed in December 2019)

How it feels to be jeered at 143 Pavlovska A. and Uģis Lapiņš. Metodika sociālajam darbam ar pilngadīgām personām ar garīga rakstura traucējumiem./Sociālais darbs Latvijā, 2, 55–59., 2019 Psihiatriskās palīdzības likums Available at: (Accessed December 2019). Psihiskās veselības aprūpes pieejamības uzlabošanas plāns 2019–2020. gadam. Available at: Sabiedrības veselības stratēģija 2002–2010. gadam. LR MK apstiprināta 2001. gada 6. martā. Available at: normativie%20akti/sab_ves_strategija.pdf, (Accessed on December 2019) Social Inclusion. 2019. Annual Report: International Cooperation and Development. Available at: (Accessed 8 January 2020). Stop Stigma Survey. UK National Health Service. Available at: www.cornwallhealthyschools. org/documents/stop_stigma_survey_student_version.pdf (Accessed on 19 .11.2018) World Report on Disability: WHO 2011. Available at report/2011/report.pdf. (Accessed in December, 2019)

12 Inclusive dimensions of higher education in India Hilaria Soundari and Thomas Amirtham

Education is an effective agent to promote equality, justice, fraternity and social harmony in a nation of multi customs, multicultural, multi-linguistic and multi-ethnic groups. In India, the education system is classified into two major sectors as school education and higher education. Higher education is defined as the education which is obtained after completing 12  years of schooling or equivalent and is of the duration of at least nine months (full time) or after completing 10 years of schooling and is of the duration of at least three years. The education may be of the nature of general, vocational, professional or technical education (InSCED 2014). As per India’s Census 2011, Youth (15–24  years) in India constitutes one-fifth (19.1%) of India’s total population. India is expected to have 34.33% share of youth in total population by 2020 (CSO 2017). Thus, higher education becomes a great concern of the country.

Evolution of Higher Education in India Over the centuries, higher education has gone through significant milestones. It can be perceived from different dimensions as pre-independence period, post-independence period and present era. •

Pre-Independence Period

In ancient India education was imparted through a gurukula system. Takshashila, Nalanda and Vallabhi were some of the world-renowned educational institutions which attracted students from all over the world in the ancient India (Devidas 2017). The 3rd century B.C. education was marked by religious training of Buddhism and traditional knowledge. Sages and scholars imparted education orally. Palm leaves and barks of trees were used for writing (Altekar 1957). The first college was set up in 1918 in Serampore in Bengal and imparted western education in India. In 1857, three Universities of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras were set up, with 27 affiliated colleges. In 1947, at the time of Independence, 19 universities were in India. At this phase education had been the privilege of a few.

Inclusive dimensions of higher education 145

Post-Independence Period

The entire higher education in India underwent a remarkable growth in the postindependence period. The Indian Constitution has upheld education to be a fundamental right. University Grants Commission (UGC) in 1956 became the apex body to regulate the higher education in the country. Consequently, the number of universities and colleges began to grow rapidly as can be seen from table 12.1. This growth also had its progressive impact on the Gross Enrolement Ratio. The various knowledge commissions i.e. Radhakrishnan Commission (1948–49), Mudaliar Commission (1952) and Kothari Commission (1964) initiated various reforms in higher education. Then came National Policy for Education 1986 and modified in 1992; the recommendations of these commissions brought forth progressive policies related to higher education for two decades. Government also made decisive intervention in furthering the agenda of education for all and ensuring a socially transformative development process in the beginning of the second millennium (Shailaja 2010). Table 12.1 demonstrates this point in terms of its number. •

Present Era

India has seen a rapid expansion in the higher education sector since 2001. There has been a dramatic rise in the number of higher education institutions (HEIs) and enrolment has increased four-fold. The Indian higher education system is now one of the largest in the world, with 51,649 institutions (Ravi 2019). As per the All India Survey of Higher Education Reports, the number of universities have increased from 864 (2016–17), 903 (2017–18) to 993 (2018–19). Figure 12.1 gives a vivid picture of this growth in terms of headcount and in Gross Enrolement Ratio. The significant jump from 35.7 million in 2016-17 to 37.4 million in 2018-19 became a possibility because of growth in number of universities. The draft National Education Policy 2019 envisions an India-centred education system that contributes directly to transforming our nation sustainably into an equitable and vibrant knowledge society, by providing high quality education to all. It is yet to come into implementation although government has made some progress as demonstrated in table 12.1. Table 12.1  Higher education expansion in India Year

Number of Universities Number of Enrolment (millions) Gross Enrolment Ratio (%) Colleges

1950–51 1960–61 1970–71 1980–81 1990–91 2000–01 2010–11

27 49 102 132 185 260 621

578 1,819 3,277 4,577 6,627 11,146 34,908

0.2 0.6 2.0 2.8 4.4 8.8 28.5

Source: NIEPA 2005, MHRD 2012a and MHRD 2014a

1.5 4.2 4.7 5.9 8.1 19.4

146  Hilaria Soundari and Thomas Amirtham

Figure 12.1  Higher Education Expansion in Present Era Source: AISHE, 2016–2017, 2017–2018, 2018–2019

Enrollment in Higher Education has continued to grow in recent years as demonstrated in Figure 12.1.

Areas where exclusion persists Despite the various education policies and programmes, there are certain important domains of exclusion that continue to persist in the current situation. Exclusions persist on account of geographical divide, gender, caste, class and person with disability. They are presented in detail here, •

Scattered Rural Villages

India lives in its villages, with 68.84% of the population living in rural areas (Census 2011). Comparing access to higher education between urban and rural population suggests that the urban residents are in an advantageous position than their counterpart in the rural India. The status of literacy in the census reports are one of the indicators of the low education level in rural areas. As demonstrated in table 12.2 which maps the percentage of literacy rates for various segment of population in rural and urban areas for the last seven decades. The percentage of growth, both for male and female, in rural as well as urban areas clearly indicate that the urban population had better access to education than rural people. Although there are many higher education institutions located in rural areas (Omprakash 2018) but they continue to serve the neighbouring urban population. Enabling the rural population to enter the portals of higher education institutions is critical for the growth of the country. •

Gender gap

Gender  Gap  Index 2019  showed that India  has slipped to 112th position, i.e. moved downwards four places, in terms of  gender equality  amid

Inclusive dimensions of higher education 147 Table 12.2  Trend in literacy rates in post-independent India (%) Year

1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011









4.87 10.1 15.5 21.7 30.17 46.7 58.75

19.02 34.3 48.6 49.6 56.96 71.4 78.57

12.10 22.50 27.90 36.00 36.00 59.40 66.77

22.33 40.5 48.8 56.3 64.05 73.2 79.92

45.6 66 69.8 76.7 81.09 86.3 89.67

34.59 54.40 60.20 67.20 67.20 80.30 84.11

Source: Census Reports of India, 1951–2011

Figure 12.2  Women Enrolment Rate (per 100 males) Source: Compiled from Educational Statistics at a Glance, Ministry of HRD 2015–16

increasing disparity in terms of women’s participation in the development of the country (WEF 2019). This can be seen in Table 12.2. However, India’s Constitution, which mandates universal education, has increased educational investments for girls and lower-caste children (White Gregory 2015). It is being reflected in Figure 12.2 marking a gradual growth in the enrollment of women particularly in the last decade. Remarkably, the last decade saw a drastic growth in the enrolment of women in higher education. Gender stereotype that is perpetuated in the Indian patriarchal system is being reflected in the type of courses preferred by women. Often women who wish to choose different courses as per calibre experience a wish denied because of the gender disparity in practice. As displayed in the Table 12.3, women enrolment in nursing is very high, followed by Teacher Education. In masters’ programmes of arts, commerce, science and medical, more numbers of women are enrolled than men. One of the reasons is that the number of men’s preference to continue their higher education is on the decline due to family responsibilities or for want of academic merit. The field of technology has seen a low enrolment of women which accentuates the stereotyped gender roles of Indian society.

148  Hilaria Soundari and Thomas Amirtham Table 12.3  Programme female enrolment (per 100 males) Programme






B.A.-Bachelor of Arts B.C.A.-Bachelor of Computer Applications B.B.A.-Bachelor of Business Administration B.Com.-Bachelor of Commerce B.Ed.-Bachelor of Education B.Pharm.-Bachelor of Pharmacy B.Sc.(Nursing)-Bachelor of Science in Nursing B.Sc.-Bachelor of Science B.Tech.-Bachelor of Technology L.L.B.-Bachelor of Law or Laws M.B.B.S.-Bachelor of Medicine and Bachelor of Surgery M.A.-Master of Arts M.B.A.- Master of Business Administration M.Com.-Master of Commerce M.Sc.-Master of Science M.Tech. -Master of Technology

118 64

118 65

121 75

124 73

126 70






86 188 85 462

90 197 85 445

93 203 83 384

96 200 82 379

99 207 79 358

93 39 44 95

93 38 44 97

94 39 47 99

100 38 47 101

106 40 49 106

154 58

165 61

169 62

173 70

180 75

145 147 64

148 157 64

158 167 67

168 171 55

179 174 54

Source: AISHE, 2018–19

Female student’s number just 23.9% in 127 institutions of national importance, according to the All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE) 2018–19. These institutions of national importance include All India Institute of Medical Science (AIIMS), Indian Institute of Technology (IITs), Indian Institutes of Science Education  & Research (IISERs), National Institute of Technology (NITs) and Schools of Planning and Architecture. Surely, the increased women enrolment rate in higher education, as highlighted in figure 12.3, is quite encouraging considering specialized education is an important part of women’s development (Keertika 2016). Despite the availability of higher education institutions, it is generally observed that there persists disparity in access between men and women. These evident gender gaps seen in certain specific programmes and institutions of national importance as in Figure 12.3 demonstrates the lack of equal opportunity for women and gives course for concern. •

Caste considerations

The Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) remain in the lowest rung of the social ladder of Indian society. Caste hierarchy has left its remnants in higher education too. Unfortunately, the professional, elite institutions in India reinforce and maintain a divide between Scheduled Castes (SC) and

Inclusive dimensions of higher education 149

Figure 12.3  Female Enrolment in Top Institutes (%) Source: AISHE, 2018–19

Figure 12.4  Trend in Literacy Rates of SC/ST categories (%) Source: Census Reports of India, 1961–2011

others (Chandra, 2017). According to William (2018), university students from Scheduled Castes (SCs) face a number of challenges that not only prevent them from graduating but also prevent them from being strong performers in universities and upon graduation. Similar issues are faced by the students belonging to the Scheduled Tribes too. The trends in literacy rates as in Figure 12.4 is one of the indicators to portray the participation of the SC and ST in the higher education. Post-independence

150  Hilaria Soundari and Thomas Amirtham Table 12.4 Distribution of PWD students Category

% out of Total PWD Male

% out of Total PWD Female

% out of Total PWD

Female per 100 Male


– 9.5 2.8 33.1

– 9.2 4.2 30.1

– 9.3 3.4 31.5

78 76 116 71

Source: AISHE, 2018–19

trends have shown a remarkable progress, as seen in figure 12.4; yet there is a long way to go. According to Nirmala (2018), the gross enrolment ratio in higher education for Scheduled Caste was found to be the highest in Tamil Nadu (32.9%) and lowest in Bihar (8.7%). Similarly, the enrolment ratio in higher education for Scheduled Tribes was also found to be the highest in Tamil Nadu (30.8%) and lowest in Madhya Pradesh (7.8%). •

Differently abled persons in HEI

Person with Disability (PWD) or Differently abled person means a person suffering from not less than 40% of any of the following disabilities as certified by a medical authority. The listed disabilities are blindness, low vision, leprosycured, hearing impairment, locomotors disability, mental retardation and mental illness. According to census (2011), the figure rose by 22.4% to 26.8 million. Of which, 20.3% of people with disabilities have movement disabilities, 18.9% have hearing impairments, and 18.8% have visual impairments. The 2011 census additionally collected data on mental disability for the first time and found that 5.6% of Indians with disabilities fall into that category (Sivakumar, 2018). There are 85,877 PWD students enrolled in higher education. Out of which 48,212 are male and 37,665 are female students. Category-wise distribution of PWD student is shown in Table 12.4 which indicate that as compared to all SC, ST and OBC students, share of PWD students of these categories is very low; particularly in ST category. Female participation among PWD students is highest in ST category with 116 females per 100 male followed by SC (76) (Source: AISHE, 2018–19). For the population of 26.8 million differently abled persons, only 85,877 have enrolled in the higher education institutions. It revealed that the higher education still remains a distant dream for the vast majority of the PWD and providing increased access for the PWD has to be taken on a war footing.

Challenges in the process of attempting inclusion Including the excluded population of rural India, women, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and differently abled persons in higher education poses a lot of challenges to the implementing agencies. Awareness about the opportunities

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available in the field of higher education is minimal for these excluded sections of the Indian society. They need proper guidance and accompaniment. Secondly, they need to be sensitized about the scholarships available for them to pursue their education. For the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, though there are a lot of opportunities of reservations and scholarships available, they remain distant to them. Most of them need the financial assistance at the time of their admission and at that time it becomes hard to get. For women, entering into higher education enables them to increase their age at marriage. The degree, they acquire, helps them to earn their livelihood. There is also an increasing trend of men staying at home and caring for children, while the woman goes to earn income for their family. Yet another concern for all these target groups is the low employability of graduates. Many of them are not able to earn a reasonable livelihood for the family. According to Shamika Ravi (2019), quality of teaching, good governance, enough funding and proper regulatory norms can help to get the maximum from the higher education institutions.

Recommendations Based on the challenges faced in including the vulnerable sections in the higher education institutions and in view of enabling them to empower themselves the following recommendations are suggested. •

Enhancing quality of education

There is an urgent need to enhance quality in higher education institutions. Even after completing undergraduate or post graduate programmes, good number of them are neither able to write a single sentence on their own without mistakes nor able to articulate their thinking coherently. If the vulnerable sections are to benefit from higher education, it is inevitable to attend to the quality of education imparted in the higher education institutions. Though there are organizations like National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC) to assess and accredit higher education institutions (HEIs) and National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF) to ensure quality in HEIs, the curricular aspects do not enable students to master the art of communication. Either the existing institutions need to ensure quality of education or there must be a system to implement them. •

Employability skills

The public and private sectors, which are in need of personnel, seek for required skills for each described job. Invariably all sectors expect certain basic employability skills to appoint them. Such as comprehension skills, communication skills, computer skills, interpersonal skills etc. are basically expected in every sector. Providing these skills to women, SC, ST, PWD and rural

152  Hilaria Soundari and Thomas Amirtham

first-generation learners are important in order to take advantage of the higher education provided to them. According to Rekha (2017), vocational and professional courses need to be introduced for women so that they have increased employment opportunities and it may, in turn, become an incentive to their parents. University Grants Commission (UGC) is implementing Deen Dayal Upadhyay Knowledge Acquisition and Upgradation of Skilled Human Abilities and Livelihood Kendras (DDU-KAUSHAL Kendras) scheme with the main objective of creating skilled manpower for industry requirements at various levels (AR, 2017). The concept of knowledge acquisition and upgradation of skilled human abilities has to be incorporated in all spheres of higher education. •

On-going learning process

Learning is an ongoing process. Especially the vulnerable young population need to be introduced to the novel ways of learning. SWAYAM (Study Webs of Active Learning for Young Aspiring Minds) is one such programme initiated by Government of India and designed to achieve the three cardinal principles of education policy viz., access, equity and quality in 2017. It is also an indigenous IT platform for hosting the Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) with a capacity to revolutionize the education system by providing best quality education (AR, 2017). However, the objectives with which these programmes were introduced is yet to be realized. They need to be scaled up for the excluded sections of the society. •

Ensuring admission and required arrangements

The enrolment of differently abled students in higher education institutions calls for special attention. HEIs need to ensure admission of as many differently abled students as possible through the open quota and through the reservation meant for them. These institutions need to be equipped with the facilities or special arrangements for providing access to disabled persons so that the environment may enable them in their mobility and independent functioning. There are many institutions that have physical as well as mental barriers that disabled persons find it difficult to handle in their day-to-day functioning; these issues are to be addressed in all HEIs (Bhuvaneswari, 2018). •

Fund allocation for inclusion

India has the third largest higher education system in the world, after the US and China, according to the World Bank. However, in terms of expenditure per student as well as per teacher, India falls much behind (Amarender 2019). These need to be addressed immediately and specific allocations must be made specifically to the socially excluded sections. Reasonable fund allocation will attract quality teachers and the teaching and learning will bring the best out of

Inclusive dimensions of higher education 153

the students. As many of the private HEIs fees are relatively high and unaffordable for the vulnerable sections, maximum government funding support will change the situation drastically. The proposed Draft Higher Education Bill intends to repeal the UGC Act and proposes to establish the Higher Education Commission of India (HECI). The reasons for doing away with UGC is that it is not functioning efficiently, and the regulatory framework is hindering performance of HEIs (Ravi 2019). More than changing nomenclature, allocating adequate funds and assessing its performance may help the current situation more productively. •

Productivity of research

Research in HEIs, across the world, is a measure of quality of higher education and publication count is a key measure of the productivity of research (Ravi 2019). In the field of research, the socially excluded sections must be given more opportunity to identify their special talents and to raise up to the national/international standards. National fellowship that are available for women, SC, ST and PWD are not in proportion to the respective populations. For the purpose of including the socially excluded, Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, is established by selected HEIs by UGC since 2008 to conduct research on the issue of social exclusion, which has hypothetical as well as policy importance. Such centres need to be strengthened with adequate funds and extended to all HEIs so that such centres can expand their policy research for the socially excluded.

Conclusion The scenario of higher education in India over the past few decades has gone through remarkable progressive changes. However, the persons living in rural areas, women, SC, ST  and PWD need to be included in the empowering process of higher education more vibrantly. In view of including these vulnerable sections, some of the suggestions made in improving quality of education, enhancing employability skills, promoting on-going learning process, ensuring admissions, allocating increased funds and innovative researches can help in including them into the mainstream of higher education. The inclusive process in higher education may enable the nation to progress in the path of sustainable development.

Suggested Further Reading Sudhanshu Bhushan. (2019) The Future of Higher Education in India. Springer, New Delhi. This book gives a critical understanding of the present policies which are in the process of melding the present and determining future directions. Sudhir and Hilaria Soundari. (2014) Higher Education and Gender Issues in Rural India New Delhi, Authorspress.

154  Hilaria Soundari and Thomas Amirtham This book presents a collection of various empirical studies carried out in rural areas on higher education and gender issues. It is an excellent resource for the academicians, policy makers and development agencies.

References AISHE (All India Survey on Higher Education) 2016–17 (2017) Ministry of Human Resources Development. New Delhi: Government of India. action?documentId=239. AISHE (All India Survey on Higher Education) 2017–18 (2018) Ministry of Human Resources Development. New Delhi: Government of India. action?documentId=245. AISHE (All India Survey on Higher Education) 2018–19 (2019) Ministry of Human Resources Development. New Delhi: Government of India. action?documentId=262. Altekar, A.S. (1957) Education in Ancient India. Varanasi: Nand Kishore and Bros. Annual Report (AR) 2016–17 (2017) Department of School Education and Literacy, Ministry of Human Resources Development. New Delhi: Government of India. Bhuvaneswari. A. and Swarnakumari, P. (2013) Entrollement of Differently Abled in Higher Education. Indian Journal of Research, 2(8), 268–271, August 2013, ISSN:2250-1991. Census of India, New Delhi: Government of India. paper2/data_files/india/paper2_1.pdf. Central Statistics Office (CSO, 2017) Youth in India, Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Government of India, New Delhi. Fennell, S. (2010), Educational Exclusion and Inclusive Development in India. DFID, RECOUP Working Paper No. 35. Gohain, M.P.  (2019) Women in Higher Education Show Steady Rise, Enrolment in Top Institutions Not Growing TNN, 24 September. Available at: http://timesofindia.indiatimes. com/articleshow/71267870.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium= text&utm_campaign=cppst. InSCED (Indian Standard Classification of Education) (2014) Department of Higher Education, Ministry of Human Development, New Delhi. Ministry of Human Resource Development (2012a): All India Survey of Higher Education, Department of Higher Education, New Delhi. Ministry of Human Resource Development (2014a): Educational Statistics at a Glance, GOI, New Delhi. National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration (2005): The Report of the CABE Committee on Financing of Higher and Technical Education. New Delhi: NIEPA. Nirmala, R. and Annapoorani, R (2018), Participation in Higher Education of Socially Excluded Population (Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribes)-an Assessment of Indian States, Asian Journal of Multidimensional Research (AJMR), Volume: 7, Issue: 1, p.(47–62), Online ISSN: 2278–4853 Omprakash, A.S. (2018) Challenges of Rural Higher Educational Institutions in Supply of Quality Human Resource. Aadhar Publication, Amaravati. 329091656 Ravi, S., Gupta, N. and Nagaraj, P. (2019) Reviving Higher Education in India. New Delhi: Brookings Institution India Center.

Inclusive dimensions of higher education 155 Reddy, A. and Vaidyanathan, G. (2019) India’s Higher Education Needs a Paradigm Shift, 28/Feb/2019, Rekha, D.K. Gender Disparity in Education Sector in India: A  Quantitative Analysis, South-Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies (SAJMS), 4(3), 205–216, ISSN:2349-7858: SJIF:2.246. Sivakumar, B. (2018)  Disabled Population Up by 22.4% in 2001–11. Times of India, 19 August. Singh, C.B.P. (2017) Multilevel Exclusion of Dalit Students in Professional Elite Colleges of India. Social Change, first published 14 August. 717712814. Tierney,  W. G., Sabharwal,  N.S. and Malish, C. M. (2018), Inequitable Structures: Class and Caste in Indian Higher Education,  Qualitative Inquiry, December  14,  https://doi. org/10.1177/1077800418817836 Lal, K. and Arora, V.P.S. (2016), Women Enrolment: Existing Trends in Higher Education, International Journal of Enterprise Computing and Business Systems, 6(2), July–December, Online ISSN:2230-8849. Sharma, S. and Sharma, P. (2015), Indian Higher Education System: Challenges and Suggestions, Electronic Journal for Inclusive Education, 3 (4). https://corescholar.libraries.wright. edu/ejie Varghese, N.V. (2015) Challenges of Massification of Higher Education in India. CPRHE Research Paper Series No. 1. Available at: White, G., Ruther, M. and Kahn, J. (2015) Educational Inequality in India: An Analysis of Gender Differences in Reading and Mathematics. India Human Development Agency, University of Maryland, College Park, Working paper No. 2016–2. World Economic Forum (2019) Global Gender Gap Report 2020. Geneva, http://www3. Waydande, D.B. (2017), Education System in Ancient India: A Historical Review, Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) 3(5), 1237–1240. ISSN:2454-1362. Available at:

13 Is there a clear effect? The role of the school managing social exclusion in Hungary Lajos Hüse, Mihály Fónai, Viktória Pázmány, Erika Zolnai and Nóra Barnucz Introduction: the context If we examine a social phenomenon, especially those that we identify as a problem, it is sometimes worth putting it in a broader context. The issue of a broader context is particularly exciting for countries whose history has an alternating effect of dichotomy. In our opinion, the most serious dichotomy lies in the question of where Hungary belongs. What is your relationship with the West and the East, the socio-political establishment and economic mechanisms of the two major centres of power? Is Hungary part of “Eastern Europe”, “Central Europe”, or “Central and Eastern Europe”? The use of concepts means different content and meaning, and it is also a kind of answer to the question of the specificities of affiliation and the path of development. The answer of István Bibó (1994) and Jenő Szűcs (1981) was of great influence on Hungarian history. They saw that the Hungarian development, more generally the “Central and Eastern European” development, had been carried out for centuries according to the main characteristics of western fiefication (for example, in terms of fiefdom, policing and urban development). The development of the region in the 16th century has been the most developed in the world. In the 19th century, it swerved towards the eastern development road. The eastern social organization established in the Turkish occupation persisted in Hungary during the centuries of undercutting of Habsburg, despite the fact that the area became a province of a prominent Western great power, since it was appropriate for the Hungarian aristocracy to maintain the institution of the second serf, and to determine the manner and extent of personal submission on the eastern development path. The western orientation of independent, Germanfriendly Hungary, which lost 72% of its territory after World War I and 64% of its population after World War I, was closed by the 1945–1990 political divide, in which Hungary was a member of the eastern bloc led by the Soviet Union. Regardless of the process, a central European identity has also developed in the region, distinguishing the people living here from the West and the East. At the same time, the concept and the boundaries of the region are elastic, and its content is uncertain, often reflecting on big power games that want

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to have an impact on “intermediate states”. In addition to the pro-European identity, the other stable factor in the “stablely unstable”, rather reflective, was the mostly formal democracies subordinated to authoritarian leadership, and is still reported today. The political elite of under-citizen central and eastern European countries has responded to the lack of economic development with modernization – an integral process in the West, but on the semi-periphery and periphery, a topmanaged process in which the state (and the elite groups governing the state) had and has a major role (Berend 1996; Gyáni and Kövér 2006; Valuch 2005). The norm of addiction and successive waves of over-directed modernization have combined the passivity of Hungarian society, reinforced by the fact that, apart from short periods, the civil organization and the civil society are strongly controlled by the current power in Hungary, which is independent of Habsburg rule, and pits some of them in the right movement direction by finance and other means, and that others are impossible or even banned. In the West, civil society is in control of the watchdog, in the East – and also in Hungary – and the state seeks to control civil society more extensively. If we want to summarize the specificities of Hungarian social history, we can describe it with the lack of it and the catch-up and modernization efforts given there to. The aim of catching up is to “reach” the West, which has often meant the takeover of Western institutions. At the same time, this process has led to a different modernization, since the patterns did not always work, modernization was only able to transform certain areas of the economy and society. Education was one of the most successful areas, which has been a priority for Hungarian modernization since the end of the 19th century. The different levels and institutional forms of education have been indeed successful, contributing to the modernization of Hungarian society, social mobility and the reduction of inequalities. In our study, we are looking at the extent to which this successful modernization is typical of today’s Hungarian education system, its ability to ensure desegregation and an adequate level of social mobility. If you look at the socialist era, you can say that your main idea, equality, has not been achieved to the extent that it had to be communicated and could be communicated. The socialist society also stifled along the financial situation, the ability to promote advocacy and other dimensions (Ferge, 1969) and then social mobility exceeded the mobility of the era between the two wars. In the market economy that was booming after the regime change, social services were rapidly built, but the safety net was inefficient, and the elite’s rapid and spectacular enrichment was poorly depleted and they sank to the level of extreme poverty (BBJ, 2017). Mobility opportunities have narrowed, not to a small extent, the loss of jobs that previously affected the employment of the under-skilled and its geographical-territorial nature, which ends up as a trap for the affected masses. Today, there is a growing emphasis on getting the right qualifications and the exclusive terrain for getting qualifications is the school.

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The situation of the main social groups One of the social groups that are intensely sensitive regarding integration is the people with disabilities. The 8th Chapter of the 2016 Microcensus contains data collected on the Characteristics of the Population with a Disability and with a Handicap, as a Result of a Health Condition. Albeit in 2011 6.2% of the population indicated having a kind of handicap, in 2016 4.3%. However, this decrease in the disabled population did not uniformly affect the different types of disabilities. Although in most types a decrease is observed, there are disability forms in which significant increase is detected (KSH, 2016). According to a 2017 study by the Parliament Office, the definition and the typology of disability is the result of social environment reaction. It is generally a mental and/or physical difference from the usual, a handicap resulting from health disorder. However, in Hungary there has been a paradigm shift in the denotation of people with disabilities, which changes social attitudes towards them: a medical approach is replaced by a social approach (aimed at eliminating hindrance) (Máté 2017). While previously the normalization of their living conditions and the realization of the human rights due to people with disabilities was considered the expected way of caring for them was that (Mutters 1981), social integration would incorporate extending their self-respect and individuality via providing meaningful employment. The Hungarian Legal system recognizes that disabled people are not subject to charity but owners of rights. National government activity should advance the disabled to exercise these rights themselves preserving their human dignity (OGY 2015). Education and employment are tightly intertwined: people with mental disability are excluded from meaningful employment without proper education (Könczei 2005). This shifts emphasis to schooling as a source of integration for the disabled. Various studies show that the Hungarian education system is not sufficiently adapted to children with disabilities. The main problem relates to inclusion and access to mainstream education for children with disabilities (Béndek 2013). This very report alleges that according to (The Evaluation Committee 2010 report) “more than 62.5% of SEN pupils participated in integrated (mainstream) education (studying together with children with no disabilities in mainstream schools) in 2010. . . . However, NGOs report that the vast majority of students with disabilities attend special schools and there are only isolated initiatives for the introduction of an inclusive educational system” (Béndek, 2013: 33). This inaccuracy in the data showcases the distance between national and international legislation and everyday reality. Even the Parliament Office admits: “inclusion (befogadás) is scarce, though. According to the Commissioner of the Basic Rights report the institutional, special pedagogy facilities are deficient” (Máté, 2017). Several and severe attempts are made by NGOs to further social inclusion via schools and thus work for the aims of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights Article 26. This means assisting schools, demanding pupils and families, trying

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to find ways to foster their children with disabilities through education to unite. The most essential argument for integration is that it assists the socialization of a child with disability as they can learn a number of social skills to be used successfully in mainstream society (Kiss and Szekeres, 2016). Programmes like Mindenkinek becsengettek (The school bell rings for everyone), or Adj egy ötöst (Give me a five), however do much more. Building bridges between the pupils with and without disabilities they bring forth real social inclusion, when participants can get to know and accept each other, see their positive side and learn how to help meaningfully.

Contradictions of the Hungarian integration practice In an understanding of the Hungarian school integration practice, we try to briefly summarize the broader context of the phenomenon and understand the difficulties of Hungarian practice from their experience. The significance of this is that SEN and highly disadvantaged children in the PISA surveys (Csullog, Molnar and Lannert, 2014) form the lower, low-performing segment, their mass appearance without transforming the culture and concept of the school, it strongly weakens the effectiveness of education, both by reducing averages and, in other parts, by reducing good performances, i.e. school expectations. Poorly effective integration reforms may have contributed to the reduction in performance in PISA surveys. In public education, a thorough examination of the choice of schools is highlighted by Eszter Berényi (2008), which found that parents with higher status (education, social situation) are more effective at avoiding segregated special schools and putting their children in a better educational place, which suggests that even access to integrated school provision is not even more likely in Hungarian society. In the 2000s, the integration institution tried to meet the challenges under double pressure. On the one hand, performance pressures from the immediate and indirect environment of the education, which strengthen selections and competition, as well as the fairness associated with integration from the policy direction. They can only be developed at each other’s expense. The integration of children with special educational needs, skills and needs more attention, work, as well as students with highly disadvantaged backgrounds, will be placed in the centre of conflicting interests in practical implementation, while the ability of stakeholders to promote their interests shifts the language of the balance sheet towards mainstream interests. In schools that are also segregated at regional level, troubled, deviant children are often predominant, while elsewhere they are almost completely excluded from the school community. The overturned balance necessarily causes anomalies in the practice of integration and inclusion, leading to distortions of the performance of the school and/or children. In addition to making the introduction of legislation and effective implementation suitable for school change, it is also necessary to improve environmental

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standards. This includes, among other things, changes in attitudes for teachers and students. The domestic situation in this area is not very hopeful. High school students’ feelings towards people with disabilities are dominated by confusion and discomfort (Berényi et al 2008), which stems from a lack of knowledge and connection on the one hand and compliance with the exclusionary behaviour of mainstream society. There is more reluctance to be with intellectual disabilities, autism, than in the direction of sensory or disabled people. In Hungary, high-quality education is traditionally one of the most significant means of social mobility, and perhaps the only area that recreates the possibility of personal control in social integration. Education is a legitimate tool for achieving social goals, earning higher positions, earning income. Of course, its success is becoming less and less guaranteed worldwide, but learning is still an important means of increasing autonomy. During further education, the competition was fierce, resulting in the differentiation of schools (in particular the metropolitan, Budapest grammar schools, church and restructuring grammar schools were placed in the position of so-called open-school, highly selective schools). The complex process has complex conflicts of interest, with a strong positive selection effect of quality, effectiveness and success, in which there is nothing to impose at first glance. However, the assessment of schools, the perception of parents, the public and the profession, is based on academic performance and further learning indicators. When there is a ranking, the proportion of successful people is very limited, so today the majority of the most popular courses in higher education are transferred from a dozen grammar schools (Polónyi, 2012). By contrast, from vocational schools and rural high schools, the proportion of former college suppers is more likely to apply to former college supschools, while further learning rates are insignificant from vocational schools that give them to the baccalaureate. In Hungary, the school is unable to compensate for social inequalities with companions, it increases it further because of selectivity. The social and cultural capital of families defines the child’s learning performance more strongly than in most European countries. Many authors describe the need for a fairer education and an education system, but the practice of this does not fit with the extreme competitive situation in schools and the pursuit of quality. If the school is a competition, then there are winners and losers, successful and unsuccessful, especially if they don’t even have a chance to run, and some must “run double distances”. Competition is difficult to reconcile with integration, it is no coincidence that interest groups of specific values committed to selectivity and integration have difficulty speaking out with each other, and more and more talk about fairness in the face of effectiveness. This phenomenon clashes with the view that the market and democracy are in constant conflict (Myles and Brym, 1992). The losers of regime change have also found themselves in a particularly difficult situation in the field of education: low-level, low-level groups, in particular Roma (Gypsy) families and their children, as well as groups of people with little capacity for self-validation. Both groups are highly stigmatized in

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Hungarian society, and public thinking about integration is defined by prejudice, fear and communication difficulties associated with them. Surveys in the late 1990s showed that the two groups in public education are often intertwined, the Roma population is over-represented in segregated special primary schools and continues to grow in the face of European practice (Polónyi, 2001). The importance of this problem is enhanced by the fact that the special education of people with disabilities in Hungary dates back to centuries of tradition, with high-quality higher education, teacher training and a very centralised and segregated network of institutions. Special schools for children with disabilities, hearing disabilities, disabled people and intellectual disabilities have provided appropriate training in the dormitory residential system. For children with learning and understanding difficulties, special primary schools and socalled schools (middle-weight mental illnessed children) were the place for school duty in cities. There were (some) significant differences in the quality of care, which was reflected in the level of supply. The smaller the child is born with a disabled person, the less likely he is to have the necessary improvements, and the greater the burden on the family to ensure this and the lower the quality of service he is forced to achieve. This is exacerbated by the structure of the already heavily centralised settlement in the country, the institutional system built on it, the economic and infrastructure differences between the areas. Especially among children with intellectual disabilities and cumulatively damaged children, large numbers of often Roma children with learning difficulties are present in care (Liskó 2005, Polónyi 2001; Bánfalvy, 2001, 2009; Andor 2001). Numerous research and studies have been published on the subject, methodological experiments, a mass of educational and catch-up projects, yet the past decades have yielded little undetectable results, the gap has deepened further. In 2010, there was a significant shift in right-wing – even more populist – education policy, focusing on talent management rather than catching up with lecterns. Previous developments have either been discontinued (nonspecialised training, competency-based education) or have not been supported to the previous extent (integrated pedagogical system). In addition, there has been a significant change in the delivery of the compulsory education age and the transformation of vocational training (Mártonfi, 2014). From 18 years to 16  years, the age of compulsory education has changed, and instead of the previous 2 + 2, the vocational school picture has become 3 years old. Not only has the training changed significantly in its structure, but also in its content: the proportion of public knowledge lessons has decreased sharply, so that students with significant lack of knowledge and ability have even less chance of catching up (Fehérvári, 2015). During the change of direction, the textbook market was restructured, and the ‘state’ textbooks based on the pedagogical principles exceeded by decree pushed the rest out of the market by decree. The amount of curriculum to be taught is enormous, which once again puts those from the more difficult families, sociocultural handicaps as well as those with learning disabilities at a disadvantage. For the year 2020, the new National Core

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Curriculum, which was published in February 2014, further strengthens this process, with several experts stating that the mass and structure of the curriculum prevent the use of modern pedagogical tools in lessons: the head-on of the curriculum remains (Nahalka, 2020). In domestic practice, children are developed and filtered for methods (ripeness) and have to go somewhere for the child to be able to teach for the school. Children with special needs are special because education has to adapt to them, with methods, goals and tools. However, this is a very unusual perspective for the school, at least for most practicing educators. Integration requires the teacher to respond to individual needs. Since these competences were previously part of the framework of special education training, they are difficult tasks for teachers to manage. It follows that, despite all good intentions, integration attempts prove to be quite unsuccessful (Csányi, 2008; Csépe, 2008).

Summary In conclusion, we could state that there is a huge need for a fairer education in Hungary, but the practice of this does not fit with the extreme competitive situation in schools and the pursuit of quality (Myles and Brym, 1992). Integration requires teachers to respond to individual needs. As we have previously mentioned these competences were included in the framework of special education training, they are difficult tasks for teachers to manage. Unfortunately, despite all good intentions, integration attempts prove to be quite unsuccessful (Csányi, 2008; Csépe, 2008). Experience has shown that parents are dissatisfied, educators are frustrated, and children perform below standard. Ideally, integration takes the form of inclusion (Réthy, 2002), where the school and all its actors as systems are prepared to implement integration. The chances of this afore mentioned resistance are highly questionable in the majority of schools, although we know of well-functioning examples.

References Andor, M. (ed.). (2001) Romák és oktatás. Pécs: Iskolakultúra. Bánfalvy, Cs. (2001) Szakképzés a szakképzés főáramán kívül. Educatio 2001/2 278–295. Bánfalvy, Cs. (2009) A fogyatékos emberek iskolai integrációjáról. Esély 2009/2 pp. 3–15. BBJ (2017): One-Third of Hungarians Living in Deep Poverty. Budapest Business Journal 13/12/2017. 142925 Béndek, J. (2013) Country Report on Hungary for the Study on Member States’ Policies for Children with Disabilities. Policy Department C – Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs, European Parliament: Brussels. Berend, T. I. (1996) Central and Eastern Europe 1944–1993: Detour from the Periphery to the Periphery. New York: Columbia University Press. Berényi, E. (2008) Szabadon választható gyakorlatok? Differenciálódás, sikerek és kudarcok az általános iskolába kerülés során. In Berényi, E., Berkovics, B. and Erőss, G. (2008) Iskolarend. Kiváltság és különbségtétel a közoktatásban. Budapest: Gondolat. pp. 187–217.

Is there a clear effect? 163 Berényi, E., Berkovics, B. and Erőss, G. (2008): Iskolarend. Kiváltság és különbségtétel a közoktatásban. Budapest: Gondolat. Bibó, I. (1994) A magyar társadalomfejlődés és az 1945. évi változás értelme. In. Demokratrikus Magyarország. Válogatás Bibó István tanulmányaiból. Budapest: Magvető. Csányi, Y. (2008) Új utak és törekvések a sajátos nevelési igényű személyek oktatása terén az OECD szakmapolitikájában és ennek néhány hazai vonatkozása. Fejlesztőpedagógia, 1. 28–33. Csépe, V. (2008) A különleges oktatást, nevelést és rehabilitációs célú fejlesztést igénylő (SNI) gyermekek ellátásának gyakorlata és a szükséges teendők. In Fazekas, K., Köllő, J. and Varga, J. (szerk.): Zöld könyv a közoktatás megújításáért. Budapest: ECOSTAT. pp. 139–166. Csullog, K., D. Molnár, É. and Lannert, J. (2014) A  tanulók matematikai teljesítményét befolyásoló motívumok és stratégiák vizsgálata a 2003-as és 2012-es PISA-mérésekben. In Oktatási, Hivatal (ed.) Hatások és különbségek: Másodelemzések a hazai és nemzetközi tanulói képességmérések eredményei alapján. Budapest: Oktatási Hivatal. pp. 167–211. Fehérvári, A. (2015) Lemorzsolódás és a korai iskolaelhagyás trendjei. Neveléstudomány 2015/3. pp. 31–47. Ferge, Zs. (1969) Társadalmunk rétegződése. Elvek és tények. Budapest: KJK. Gyáni, G., Kövér, Gy. (2006) Magyarország társadalomtörténete a reformkortól a második világháborúig. Budapest: Osiris Kiadó. Kiss, D., Szekeres, Á. (2016) Egy és két enyhén értelmi fogyatékos tanulót integráló osztályközösségek összehasonlítása. Iskolakultúra 2016/12: 3–15. doi: 10.17543/ISKKULT. 2016.12.3 Könczei, Gy. (2005) Értelmi fogyatékossággal élő emberek jogai – Oktatási és foglalkoztatási lehetõségek. Disability Studies, 23. Open Society Institute. KSH (2016) A fogyatékos és az egészségi ok miatt korlátozott népesség jellemzői. Központi Statisztikai Hivatal Mikrocenzus 2016, 7. Liskó, I. (2005) A roma tanulók iskolázási esélyei. Iskolakultúra, 15(2). Mártonfi, Gy. (2014) Korai iskolaelhagyás – Hullámzó trendek. Educatio, 1. 36–49. Máté, O. (2017) Fogyatékossággal élő gyermekek. INFOjegyzet 2017/3. Budapest: Országgyűlés Hivatala. kossaggal_elo_gyermekek.pdf/04882905-ee99-4b72-a715-aa7a94a2bf4b Mutters, T. (1981) Social Integration of Mentally Handicapped Persons. Psychiatr Prax. 1981 Aug; 8(3): 108–111. Myles, J. and Brym, R.J. (1992) Markets and Welfare States: What East and West Can Learn from Each Other. In Ferge, Zs. et al [eds.]: Social Policy in a Changing Europe. Frankfurt am Boulder: Campus, Westview. pp. 27–37. Nahalka, I. (2020) Ki és mi a nemzetellenes? Nahalka István Blogja, 2020. február 11. OGY (2015) 15/2015. (IV. 7.) OGY határozat az Országos Fogyatékosságügyi Programról (2015–2025). Alapelvek/2. Polónyi, I. (2011) A különleges ellátást igénylő tanulók ellátásának és oktatásának néhány finanszírozási jellemzője. Educatio, 2, 339–348. Polónyi, I. (2012) Honnan jönnek a hallgatók? Educatio, 2, 244–258. Réthy, E.-Né (2002) A speciális szükségletű gyermekek nevelése, oktatása Európában. Magyar Pedagógia, 102. 3. 281–300. Szűcs, J. (1981) Vázlat Európa három történeti régiójáról. Történelmi Szemle, 3, 313–359. Valuch, T. (2005) Magyarország társadalomtörténete a XX. század második felében. Budapest, Osiris Kiadó.

14 Conclusion Mabel Ann Brown

Introduction The chapters in this book have demonstrated that society will always and to some extent, desire to appear to work towards inclusion, but some will always be more welcome than others as the more dominant in the group will make the decisions. The weaker less included will tolerate the situation until the gap becomes too great, leading to tensions and new inclusive groups forming or a need to move away in another direction. Inclusion is about creating a powerful group in society and maintaining it by its power, its numbers, its rules, and financial strength. For instance, Turkey is excluded from the European Union, but it receives money from the European Union to maintain its borders. Thus, even the excluded countries must maintain a reasonable relationship for the good of each other. Inclusion is good for individuals, society, and countries, but if that inclusion is based on too much centrality and power it stunts progress and change. Inclusion needs to enable creativity, innovation and change, and the power source needs to be challenged to allow for this as demonstrated in Chapters 1 and 3.

Power, communication, and competition No group continues along the same path forever, it needs to progress. This is borne out in Kricke and Neubert (2020: 72) when they describe the ‘potential for growth,’ to be a ‘keystone of democracy in education.’ Yet democracy is a complex word to define and can mean different things to different people as Apple (2018: 135) claims, for a Neoliberal or Neo conservative it can mean, ‘marketization, individual choice and the defence of traditional cultures, identities and structures,’ but for a progressive it can mean commitments to ‘structural equalities and emancipatory politics.’ Equally controversial are the terms globalism and nationalism with many viewing the latter as too narrow. Yet as I draw up this conclusion the world is in the grip of a new virus, SARS-CoV-2, and as Rachman in the FT and quoted in The Week (28 March 2020: 6) says, ‘In times of emergency

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people fall back on the nation state which alone has the financial and administrative muscle and the emotional cohesion to weather such storms,’ thus for now globalism is not at the forefront. Chapter  5 also confirms the return to and importance of nationalism during the migration crisis 2014−2016 in Europe. In fact, there is a realisation that reliance on one source is not ideal and we do indeed need to ‘strengthen domestic supply lines and rebuild our manufacturing base’ (Rachman in The Week 28 March 2020: 6). An example of this is ‘the UK is a leader in vaccine science, but lacks mass manufacturing facilities, it has only two major vaccine factories run by Astra Zeneca and Seqirus; GSK, a global leader makes its vaccines in Belgium,’ and the ‘first citizens that will have that vaccine will be their citizens and their healthcare workers and vulnerable people’ (The Silver Bullet in The Week 2020: 15). For now, nationalism is the favoured option as free movement and inclusion become a thing of the past as each nation seeks to survive; however international cooperation is still important in the search for solutions as Chapter 2 says inclusion is an evolving agenda continually changing. Society is increasingly divided between globalism and nationalism, and education is the activity that informs the next generation. Both globalisation and nationalism have their merits, and both are aligned to inclusion, however problems such as economic pressures, employment pressures and open borders lead to anxiety and ultimately dissatisfaction. The gap between rich and poor has intensified in recent years and the non-elite have asked for concessions, which have not been forthcoming. As Goodwin (2020: 28) quotes Lind saying there is an ‘overclass’ and where once ‘in the post war era’ there was compromise reflected in civil rights legislation, strong trade unions, welfare states, political parties and religious institutions, now much has changed with many people feeling left behind. In the words of Kricke and Neubert (2020: 51) ‘there are vast and concentrated aggregations of wealth; there are monopolies of power; great unemployment; a shutting down of doors of opportunity, a gulf between rich and poor, and no frontier to which the hard put can migrate’ (LW6: 95f). Dewey (in Kricke and Neubert 2020: 51) ‘observed that practices of capitalism increasingly tended to put democracy at risk.’ In effect what has happened is a turning away from current power groups, due to the lack of opportunity to be heard. In effect communication between the groups has broken down and a new order is in the process of being created, an example of this is Brexit in the United Kingdom. In any grouping or social order, it is important to engage the individual in the inclusive process as discussed in Chapter 2. If the individuals are not engaged or feeling at a perceived disadvantage, they will eventually react. The advent of the Coronavirus has demonstrated the plight of different individuals and highlighted that some unskilled workers are essential to the ‘functioning of our society’ (The Week March 2020a: 6). It has also allowed voices to be heard regarding pay and statutory sick pay and how difficult it

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is to live on some of these benefits. The nations may be in lock down, but national, not international solidarity is coming to the forefront. Borders are closing and inclusion means working within national borders with a complete rethink of our values. ‘The 2020 crisis will reinforce existing trends for more local production, economic protectionism and tougher border controls’ (The Week 28 March 2020a: 6). Inclusion now in 2020 means caring for our local society and communicating with them. For too long inclusion has looked towards the ‘other’ rather than the immediate area, but a contagious virus has changed all that. ‘Togetherness has indeed become a threat’ (Goldberg in The Week 28 March 2020a: 18). Self-isolation has become the norm as families try to survive in their local communities. Yet staying at home raises questions about our individual living spaces, some have the capacity to create an office at home, whilst others share the dining room table if they have one. This question of home environment is further discussed in Chapters 7 and 8, although as Chapter 7 says ‘good living standards do not always equate to a better quality of life.’ However, the standard of home and housing can lead to a lack of self worth and a sense of exclusion with anxiety in children as in Chapters 7 and 8. The Covid-19 2020 social distancing has proved difficult for some people and a lack of personal space has created communication issues within the home. Inclusion can mean lack of personal space, an inability to engage in on line education, leading to frustration and poverty and an inability to communicate and rise above the situation. Thus, inclusion in society requires good communication skills and all communication is part of our learning curve. However, communication is difficult in an unlevel playing field for instance, where there is poverty or poor housing as in the Polish and Czech chapters in this book. In these two chapters the people in these areas demonstrate resilience but are less included and so develop their own groups or gangs, partly to demonstrate strength and partly because they feel excluded. In order to improve cohesion, opportunities have been provided for study abroad, but even this can be divisive as in the Drosopulos chapter where the Kosovars wish to be included for the benefits, but they also wish to retain their way of life; thus they only partly accept the life offered in Switzerland. This can lead to frustration and possibly radicalization as national values and traditions are valued and preserved more when outside the original homeland as mentioned in Chapter 7 of this book. Studying abroad can help to break down national barriers as mentioned in Chapter 3, and offer good, but sometimes lonely experiences. Drosopulos in Chapter  6 demonstrates how educated Kosovars can be more included than the poor unskilled worker, who is considered as more of a burden on society. This is similarly demonstrated in the Hungarian chapter where the disabled can be included into mainstream education, but in so doing their presence reduces the school’s overall academic results

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resulting in some schools failing in the competition performance statistics such as PISA. Foucault in Kricke and Neubert (2020: 62) is said to speak of ‘dispositifs of power as a name for complex cultural constellations of practices, discourses and institutions in which subjects interact,’ an example of this is the dispositive of measurement such as PISA. The results from PISA create attitudes of superiority and a need to develop other countries education systems irrespective of their ‘cultural and political context’ (Kricke and Neubert 2020: 63). PISA is an example of power leading to competition and standardisation, which do not necessarily work in conjunction with inclusion and yet these are at the heart of education and to a great extent the heart of society. Globalisation has led to many foreign students attending British colleges and universities in September 2019 the number of Chinese students rose by 33.8 per cent a total of 21,250 Chinese students. Similarly, applications from India rose by 32.9 per cent with a total of 6,230 students. Meanwhile 43,030 European Union students commenced in colleges and universities in September 2019. The latter according to Bennett (2020: 17) are guaranteed the same tuition fees and financial support as UK students. Although this talent sharing can be mutually beneficial there are many UK students, who might benefit from better opportunities. Similarly, in Chapter 6 we learn that many Kosovars study in Greece enabling an opportunity to connect with other people from other countries and backgrounds.

The value of inclusion to society Section One of this book considered inclusion or exclusion and the value of inclusion to society and education. Chapter 1 concluded that although everyone likes to feel included, that inclusion is based on a submission to power and a loss of personal choice, as belonging means taking on the views and policies of the gang or group majority. This can be at odds with Dewey’s view of moral democracy, that it is for ‘the liberation of the individual and for the promotion of the common good’ (Kricke and Neubert 2020: 51). Too much submission and loss of rights defeats the idea of liberation of the individual. ‘Representative democracy’ (Kricke and Neubert 2020: 52) was developed in Europe, but even this was in the control of the powerful. Power can be based on economics or financial privilege, enabling a private exclusive education or opportunities, like access to Davos or other elite events, where decisions might be made. As EdgecliffeJohnson (2020: 54) remarks ‘debates about inclusion and social mobility at events like Davos can feel abstract,’ and are soon forgotten back in the working world even though all the business leaders realise that ‘treating employees decently,’ and ‘making work more inclusive’ and ‘upskilling workers’ and providing a living wage, are the right thing to do. Yet the Corona virus has taught the administrative classes that unskilled workers such as ‘cleaners, shopkeepers,

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shelf stackers and delivery drivers’ (The Week 2020a: 6) are very important to our society, but their wages do not necessarily reflect this. Similarly, unskilled seasonal workers are employed in Greece and in the United Kingdom. Sadly, if you are underskilled educationally as mentioned in Chapter 13, then you are looked upon unfavourably and this becomes a trap for those in that situation. In contrast the Hungarian chapter tells the reader that high quality education fascilitates social mobility.

Inclusion in society, dual citizenship, political loyalty, and migration Brown in Chapter 1 of this book discussed the need for inclusion in all aspects of life but also reached the conclusion that inclusion is decided by a powerful few and involves some subordination. Education follows this theme through by preparing society in varied educational institutions for the world of work. Due to finance or neighbourhood, this education becomes exclusive rather than inclusive and attempts to change this, also emphasise the discrepancies. Chapter  4 discussed the need for upskilling people, which immediately sets this group of people apart from others and engages them in activities that are not available to the rest of society. Chapter 4 also considered training as more employer based, whereas upskilling was aimed more at enhancing the whole persons skills. Employers take a financial risk in contributing towards the training, but it does limit what is taught. The employers desire value for money and the employee desires skills to progress in employment. Personal benefit is frequently greater than group benefit. Society seeks fairness but self interest is important for the survival of the individual thus in Hungary and in the United Kingdom parents who can afford place their children in perceived better schools and live in better neighbourhoods causing anomalies with inclusion and integration.

Citizenship Chapter  5 moved on to consider citizenship demonstrating that there are numerous issues and divided loyalties with the notion of dual citizenship. This raised questions about what we mean or expect from citizenship. In the Week (Feb 2020a: 23) Rod Liddle’s words are quoted saying citizenship is described as a privilege not a right and those who do not respect the laws of that country can be removed. To be included these people require a sense of responsibility towards the country that is hosting them. In Brown (2018: 275) citizenship is said to ‘demand an understanding of how society works and it also demands an affiliation with the new country,’ and in Brown (2014: 6) we learn that ‘education aims to produce citizens who are useful to society.’ The difficulty then

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arises with the notion of dual citizenship as discussed in the Finnish chapter in this book particularly across countries that are quite dissimilar by tradition such as Russia and the Western countries. Chapter 2 also discusses citizenship but from a historical passport requirement perspective. Passports are an entitlement to a country and therefore an element of power. Chapter 2 also considers displaced populations and the fact that for these people inclusion is both a ‘political and philosophical issue as well as an emotional one’ (Scarrott in this book). In effect inclusion raises many concerns but there is also the emotional factor of other peoples needs and situations. The concerns are usually about how inclusion can be made to work in practice for the good of existing communities. One such example of this is raised in the Finnish chapter concerning dual citizenship. My personal conclusion having viewed the Finnish chapter in this book is that one can have dual nationality but not dual citizenship. If a person migrates and wishes to become a citizen, they really need to be aligned to their host country for the common good of all the host nation’s citizens. This undivided loyalty to one country is particularly important for the purposes of taxes, structural organisation and politics. However, the authors of Chapter 5 whilst aware that dual citizenship may weaken societal position, do not advocate doing away with dual citizenship and they appreciate that not all migrants wish to be integrated into a new host nation.

Migration, poverty, disability, and inclusion Drosopulos, in Chapter  6 demonstrates that the reason behind a person’s migration might create an atmosphere of exclusion or inclusion, due to perceptions around the reason people have moved to a new country. Thus, a poor uneducated person moves for low skilled work and can be perceived as a threat and a thief, whilst an academic student may be perceived as an opportunity to widen experience and knowledge and therefore be more included into the community. Most of the migration according to Chapters 2 and 7 is for economic benefit. In Chapter 7 we are told that 32% moved for a better salary and 6% moved for asylum. Inclusion is as Scarrott’s chapter indicates an evolving agenda, it is constantly changing, as are the groups, we identify with in life. Scarrott also points out that inclusion should override race, gender, disability, and class, however the later chapters in this book demonstrate that this is not the case. Gulczyńska and Wiśniewska-Kin and Gojová and Vávrová in this book demonstrate how poverty and housing sets people apart; similarly, Rukus, Dirba and Hüse demonstrate how disability can lead to exclusion. Exclusion can lead to gangs of people living outside the norm. Dewey in (Kricke and Neubert 2020: 52) believed that the prosperity of a local community was necessary for democracy and its prosperity. All decisions need to be based on ‘deliberation, negotiation, formation of public opinion and decision

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making’ (Kricke and Neubert 2020: 52); this is demonstrated in the Poland chapter where sub neighbourhoods are subjected to up skilling, but actually respond better when the sub neighbourhoods themselves are allowed to be creative in sharing their issues through drama. In this way their poverty, disadvantage and vulnerability can demonstrate their resilience in the face of a poor situation. Trying to educate these neighbourhoods is as the United States chapter demonstrates setting these people apart and it is mainly done to meet the needs of employers and not the needs of the people. As this upskilling is to meet the needs of employers, the education offered is narrowed to fulfil that purpose only. In effect capitalism and corporate wealth take precedence creating competition and as Hüse states in his chapter ‘with competition there are winners and losers’ (Hüse, page 160 in this book). In effect competition is not compatible with integration and inclusion. In the last few years schools have competed through league tables, both nationally and internationally with the consequence of many winners and losers. This has led to even further depressed neighbourhoods and defined some schools as not for the winners of this world, thus property in some areas has increased in value, whilst other neighbourhoods have sunk even lower. The learner’s life situation makes learning ever more difficult as they juggle earning with learning. The learners can become identified as the problem (as in the United States and Polish chapters) rather than the system or syllabus. In Chapter 12 we learn that although inclusion is at the centre of opportunities in India the people of different castes, tribes or from rural areas or female, have less opportunities. Inclusion is difficult to achieve in some situations, particularly where culture is an ingrained facet of life. This same difficulty applies in countries where the physically and mentally ill have been institutionalised over the centuries making change difficult to achieve. Section three of this book considered education and inclusion working towards education for all and a cohesive society however in reality this is not easy to achieve due to home location or cultural barriers or economics. This has recently in 2020 been emphasised by the fact that online learning has not been available to all young people in the United Kingdom during the Covide-19 outbreak as some children have access to computers at home whilst others do not have access.

Overall conclusion Inclusion is essential to well being but not all are welcome as groups are maintained by a powerful core and to some extent economics. Society requires these power structures to function, but it can mean domination and subordination. An inclusive society according to Scarrott in this book overrides all differences and creates opportunities for all, but there is and always will be a

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sense of survival of the fittest in the real world. Chapter 10 considered Human Rights and some of the discrimination that is still evident in the world today. An example of this, in the United Kingdom, is newly built houses with a ramp and wheelchair access, but the houses still fail to be built with toilet facilities on the ground floor wide enough for a wheelchair to enter and turn around. Similarly, there are new family homes that are too small for families to find a quiet space in which to study or work. During the Covid-19 lockdown, some families also had no access to an outdoor space thus they were deprived of activities that others had access to. As Apple (2018: 135) states, ‘there will always be contradictions and conflicts both in the larger society and thus in education,’ even though we work for a more inclusive and democratic society. It is as Apple (2018: 136) later says ‘understanding the social and economic context is crucial to what actually happens and who wins or loses,’ and I believe this is borne out in all the previous chapters. Inclusion ultimately works better for the winners of this world, but gradually the disgruntled, left behind will find a voice and create their own groups unless inclusion endeavours to be more inclusive both in society and education. Finally, at the heart of inclusion is a ‘we’ group but who are the we? Apple (2018: 137) responds to this by saying, ‘we’ functions as a mechanism not only of inclusion but powerfully of exclusion as well,’ with all this in mind, all-inclusive groups must be wary of the periphery or excluded becoming dissatisfied. Connections need to be made and communication needs to take place to ensure a better understanding between all groups and provide an inclusive society and educational opportunity for all. Good communication and accountability will enhance inclusion and strengthen trust hopefully enabling a better understanding and stronger society that works for the common good. Society and education are both threatened in 2020 by a virus that is changing the way we work and socialise, the UNESCO Education (2030) aims of inclusive opportunities for everyone may be under threat but how we all respond will determine if these worthy objectives are met in the next decade.

Further research • • • •

A research into the concept of citizenship and dual citizenship A research into whether too much competition is leading to sink areas and a loss of local pride A research into foreign students and Higher education funding and admission routes A research into building homes that do meet all peoples needs and provide a sense of pride and space creating better communities

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Recommendations •

Dual nationality but not dual citizenship would be preferable as the meaning of citizenship usually means an acceptance of a country’s values and an unwritten agreement to abide by them • Improved localities and environments enable poorer families to feel more included and give them less reason to create gangs and groups of their own kind. • Less focus on competition and league tables within our educational systems and a greater focus on achievement • A clear engagement of the individual in the inclusive process • Good clear communication within inclusive groups

Summary • The concept of dual citizenship needs greater consideration and is not necessarily viable • Neighbourhoods need to be environmentally pleasing to create a feeling of inclusion and pride • The children whom the child mixes with defines their academic success • Competition leading to selectivity is at odds with integration and inclusion • Including disabled children affects performance tables statistics • Some countries are still struggling to include the disabled or mentally ill • Communication is important in successful inclusion • Passports are an example of power over people and demonstrate both inclusion and exclusion • Most migrants are seeking greater financial opportunities and economic benefit and not necessarily inclusion and integration • In times of crisis nationalism comes to the forefront thus inclusion on a wider scale is less reliable during these occasions • Training is sometimes financed by employers and is not necessarily the upskilling that an employee needs to progress in employment • Lack of IT skills can exclude people from employment or access to Higher Education and lead them to becoming unskilled low paid seasonal workers

References Apple M.W. The struggle for democracy in education. Lessons from social realities. Abingdon: Routledge. Bennett, R. (2020) A Third More Chinese Apply to Study in UK. The Times, 6 February. Brown, M.A. (2018) The Shifting Global World of Youth and Education. Abingdon: Routledge. Brown, M.A. (2014) Exploring Childhood in a Comparative Context. Abingdon: Routledge. Edgecliffe-Johnson, A (2020) Davos Wakes Up to the Value of Workers. The Week, 25 January. Goodwin, M. (2020) How to End Elitism. The Sunday Times Culture Magazine, 9 February.

Conclusion 173 Education 2030. Available at: cation-2030-incheon-framework-for-action-implementation-of-sdg4-2016-en_2.pdf Accessed 8 June 2020. Kricke, M. and Neubert, S. (2020) New Studies in Deweyan Education. Abingdon: Routledge. Rachman, G. (2020) Coronavirus: how the outbreak is changing global politics. London Financial Times. Available at: Citizenship: The Haves and the Have Nots. (2020a) The Week, 22 February. The Silver Bullet: Searching for a Vaccine (2020b) The Week, 28 March. Available at: Accessed 2 June 2020.


admission standards 80 adult learner 50, 52 Albanians 72 – 73, 82 – 83 arranged marriage 82 asylum seeker 12 behaviour 92 borders 166 Bosniaks 72 Brexit 33, 40, 165 capitalism 4 caste 148 – 149 citizenship 57, 168; dual 169; of the EU 63 – 64, 71 cohesive education 74 communication 40, 86, 165 – 166, 171; via IT skills 166 community work projects 96 competition 5, 160, 167, 170 conservatism 79, 86 Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) 125 – 128 Covid 19 164 – 165 cultural activities 94 culture 81; norms 83 curriculum 161 – 162 customs/traditions 81 – 83 Czech Republic 102 – 114 Davos 167 deficit based conception 54, 94 – 96 deinstitutionalisation 122, 133 democracy 160, 164 demographics 9 – 10 Dewey, J. 5, 32, 40, 167, 169 digital technology 43 disability 117; and education 117 – 118; and socialisation 159

disability rights 117; international 119 Disability Rights International (DRI) 119 disadvantage 91; neighbourhoods 90 – 91 discrimination 71 displacement 11 diversity 80, 131, 137 dual citizenship 58 – 66 Durkheim 28 economic migrants 72 education 33 – 34, 70 – 74, 144 employability 43, 151 employer 167 – 168 employment hierarchy 11 environment 104 equality 37, 146–147 ethnic identity 81 ethnicity 82 Europe 80, 82, 84 – 85, 165, 167 European integration 32, 36, 72 European Parliament 29, 31 – 32 European Union 28 – 41, 59, 61, 85 exclusion/isolation 5 – 6, 36, 71, 84, 86, 140 – 141; deviant groups 92 – 93 Finland 57 – 69 Foucault, M. 32, 44, 167 gender inequality 146–147 gender roles 147 Germany 80 globalism 164, 167 Greece 37 – 38, 70 – 76 Habermas, J. 28 – 29, 39 higher education institutions (HEI) 151 homelessness 103; impact on children 104; impact on education 104

Index  175 housing 102 – 103 human rights 84 – 85 human rights model 119 – 121 Hungary 156 – 163; education 157 hybrid alliances 32 identity 31, 81, 84, 93, 98; central European 156 immigrant definition 12 immigrants 20 – 22 inclusion 3, 6 – 7, 13 – 15, 90, 92, 94 – 95, 97 inclusive education 4, 123 – 125, 137 – 138 inclusive society 14 – 15 India 144 – 155; caste opportunities 148 – 149; funding 152; higher education 145, 151; research 153 inequality 108 institutionalisation 121 – 122, 132 integration 36, 73, 107, 162; for the disabled 158 international security 61 Kosovars 73, 166; education 73 – 74, 80 Kosovo 70 – 76, 79 language: learning 46, 81; second 42 Latvia 131; history 132 living space 166 living standards 71, 81, 166 Maastricht Treaty 1993 29 marginalisation 85 medical model 128, 158 mental ability 118, 123, 139 mental disability 131, 134 Mexicans 28 migration 9, 79 – 81 Migration Policy Institute (MPI) 45 Muslim 72 national identity 59 National Immigration Forum (NIF) 45 nationalism 60, 65, 164 neoliberalism 42 – 45, 164 NEET 35 neighbourhood 89 – 99, 105 – 107 non-EU 80 non-governmental organisation (NGO) 105, 135, 158 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) 34 – 35

parental rights 126 passport 16 – 17, 169 Poland 89 – 101 political loyalty 19 population: Switzerland 79; UK 30; world 9 poverty 89, 166; and disadvantage 170 power, loss of 29 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 159, 166 – 167 psychiatry 134 quality of life 81 radicalization 84 – 86, 166 Ravenstein, E. (1889) immigration theories 10 redistributive measures 5 refugee 12 rejection 84 residential mobility 108 Roma 103, 160 rural areas 70, 73 Russia 58; influence 132 – 133 school location 104 – 105, 159 security 61 segregation 118, 123 selective schools 16 self-interest 168 self-isolation 166 Serbs 72 Simmelian 31 skills: gap 43; higher order 33 – 34; unskilled 165 social disadvantage 102 social exclusion 13 – 14, 15, 85 social identity 98 social inclusion 13, 57, 70, 98 – 99, 132 social integration 7 social model 119 – 120, 158 social segregation 119 social status 16, 73, 108 social workers 93, 108 – 109, 135 sovereignty 29 stateless 13 Switzerland 79 – 86 teachers 107 training 43, 47 – 48 Treaty of Paris 1957 29 Treaty of Rome 1957 29 Turkey 35 – 37, 164 UNESCO 71 UNESCO education 2030 171

176 Index United Kingdom 29 – 30, 33 – 34, 36, 38, 40 United States 42 – 56 unskilled 167 – 168 upskilling 43, 54, 168 values 71, 74 visa 71

war 70, 74 women’s access to education 144 – 153 women’s role 82, 147 World Health Organisation 133 Yugoslavia 70