Intercultural Relations In Asia: Migration And Work Effectiveness 9789812837875, 9789812837868

This book showcases some of the key thematic issues reported by Asian migrants and sojourners residing abroad, as well a

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Intercultural Relations In Asia: Migration And Work Effectiveness
 9789812837875, 9789812837868

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INTERCULTURAL RELATIONS IN ASIA Migration and Work Effectiveness

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INTERCULTURAL RELATIONS IN ASIA Migration and Work Effectiveness

editors

Chan-Hoong Leong National University of Singapore, Singapore

John W Berry Queen’s University, Canada

World Scientific NEW JERSEY



LONDON



SINGAPORE



BEIJING



SHANGHAI



HONG KONG



TA I P E I



CHENNAI

Published by World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd. 5 Toh Tuck Link, Singapore 596224 USA office: 27 Warren Street, Suite 401-402, Hackensack, NJ 07601 UK office: 57 Shelton Street, Covent Garden, London WC2H 9HE

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

INTERCULTURAL RELATIONS IN ASIA Migration and Work Effectiveness Copyright © 2010 by World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd. All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof, may not be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission from the Publisher.

For photocopying of material in this volume, please pay a copying fee through the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. In this case permission to photocopy is not required from the publisher.

ISBN-13 978-981-283-786-8 ISBN-10 981-283-786-8

Typeset by Stallion Press Email: [email protected]

Printed in Singapore.

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2 Foreword

Over the last several decades social scientists have increasingly turned their attention to the question of how cultures change as a result of migration. This is not a new issue, to be sure. It goes back to the beginning of the American experience (as Berry has quoted in this book) and certainly was a focus of the Galton Problem on culture drift and impact on neighboring geographical areas. I am sure we would find, if we wanted to look, ancient scholars of every country and culture ruminating over the impact of immigration. They would be found to be raising alarms about the changes brought by the newcomers or celebrating the richness that might well result. So, it is not a new issue. What is new, as reflected in this, and other books and articles, is the use of the methods of social science to both understand the phenomena of social change and to manage its consequences. Articles on culture and its change have begun to appear in increasing numbers. Journals like the Journal of Cross-cultural Psychology, the International Journal of Intercultural Relations and the Journal of Migration Studies have devoted more of their output to these topics. More and more books, in both the popular and academic oeuvre crowd the bookshelves in bookstores and on-line. In studying how to v

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manage the consequences, scholars have hoped to have significant impacts on social policy. The classic case of such impact was the use of social science as an explanatory principle by the United States Supreme Court in the Brown v. Board of Education decision outlawing school desegregation in 1954. Other examples from other countries could be cited since the United States is not alone in wondering how society can change without being destroyed. In recent years, however, a new catch word, “globalization” has come into the lexicon of both the academic and non-academic writings, largely as a result of the intertwining of the world financial systems. As economies have competed for their share of the capital movements and as companies have sought less expensive manufacturing capabilities, countries have experienced population shifts unprecedented in human history. In many cases, these shifts have been between countries (e.g., the guest workers in Western Europe from the Middle East and Africa), in other cases within countries as rural populations have moved to urban locations to find employment or other benefits as in China. Globalization has not, however, been seen as a necessary good. The recent financial collapse of the American economy and its impacts on the worldwide fiscal structure has directed many to wonder about the benefits of globalization and its putative consequence — migration. Nevertheless, despite efforts to retard or even eliminate migration, it is clear that it will continue and maybe at an accelerating pace as people seek refuge from the disintegrating economies in their home countries. Accordingly, it will behoove scholars of whatever stripe to redouble their efforts to understand how migrants can be integrated into new societies in ways to minimize conflict. This book is a reflection of that desire. Most of the research, it can be cogently argued, has focused on migration to Western and developed countries (e.g., the United States, Canada, and the Netherlands). As well, the migrating populations have been from either the Western Hemisphere (e.g., Central and South America) or the Middle East or Northern Africa (e.g., Turkey and Morocco). There have to be spates of studies looking at acculturation of Asian populations to e.g., the United States largely as

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a result of the entry of fairly large numbers at the end of the Vietnam War. But, studies focusing on the problems of Asian immigrants are certainly not common as yet. And it is even more uncommon to focus on shifts within and between Asian societies. It is to redress this imbalance, I suspect, that this book is directed. As an edited book, it shares both the riches (of which there are many) and some of the problems of such volumes. As is common with edited books, there is no one overarching theme that permeates all of the chapters. Rather, there are at least three: experimental design (quantitative vs. qualitative), population studied (students vs. managers) and focus (research vs. practice). This, I think, reflects the field as anyone who has attended acculturation conferences can attest. It reflects the fact that the field of acculturation studies is so complex and involving so many different populations that no one research design and focus can resolve the many problems. And, yes, despite being almost half a century old, it is quite immature. It also reflects an interdisciplinary thrust involving psychologists, educators, management people, and others each bringing their special knowledge to bear on the issues of how people insert themselves in new societies (for whatever reason) with as little disruption to their self-image and their psychological sense of well-being as possible. For readers whose disciplinary focus and inclination comes from any of the fields mentioned above, this book will have many pleasures. For policy makers, there is much here that can serve to start a discussion leading to the best and most humane immigration policy. A very wise social psychologist noted many years ago that resolving the problems of group conflict (which can come about by poorly thought-out migration policies), is “…literally a matter of life and death.” I second that notion. Dan Landis Kea’au, Hawaii. USA.

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The international migration of people, and the resulting interaction of diverse peoples in cities and workplaces, is increasing the world over. These intercultural encounters present both opportunities and challenges to individuals, to public and private institutions, and to societies as a whole. Asia is a major participant in these migrations, both as a provider and as a recipient of these population flows. Many countries in the West have substantial populations of Asian origin; many cities in Asia have increasingly large communities of Westerners; and many of these cities are experiencing the return of former migrants to their home societies. This volume is devoted to understand the benefits and costs, the opportunities and difficulties, and the advantages and disadvantages generated by these population movements. Individuals and societies may experience both the positive and negative consequences of intercultural contact. Any examination of these issues requires a multidisciplinary approach, one that employs the concepts and research tools of all the behavioral and social sciences. At the level of the individual, psychology (particularly the domains of social, cross-cultural, and intercultural psychology) provides the tools and empirical evidence required to make these movements and encounters more positive for all concerned. ix

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At the group level (of institutions and societies), sociology, geography, economics, and political science all make their contributions. To address these complex issues, this book presents ideas and findings in four thematic sections. First is “Intercultural Relations and Social Integration”, in which some international experiences (to Western countries) of migration, settlement, and outcomes are recounted. A central question here is whether these other experiences can provide any insight or guidance for Asian societies as they become destination countries for immigrants. A second section, on “Cultural Competency in Workplace and the Social Environment”, shifts the discussion from a global purview to the workplace and the social environment in which careers are developed and managed. Here, the concern is specifically with the world of work, examining the many factors that promote (or impede) the successful integration of individuals into the workforce following migration. In a third section, “Socio-cultural Effectiveness and Emotional Adaptation”, the focus is more on the emotional life and personal adaptation of Asian and Western sojourners in cultures that differ from their own. One of the many factors that influence successful settlement is the emotional reaction of immigrants in response to daily experiences in their new society. A final section on “Understanding Asian Migration in Asia” takes up the issue of internal migration, which is a ubiquitous challenge in Asian societies. This rural-urban labor migration, and the consequent intercultural relations among peoples of differing ethnicity in major cities, is a topic of increasing concern for social stability in many Asian societies. We hope that these materials, drawn from scholarly research in Asian and Western societies, will make a useful contribution to our understanding of the issues of migrations and intercultural relations that follow from them. Our intention is to advance the knowledge base that can be used for policy and program development; with these materials, it may be possible to make these intercultural encounters more often a “win-win” situation for immigrants and receiving societies alike. C-H L, Singapore JWB, Canada February 17, 2009

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Foreword

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Preface

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List of Contributors

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Section I. Intercultural Relations and Social Integration 1. Acculturation and Social Cohesion: Emerging Issues for Asian Immigrants in New Zealand Colleen Ward

1

3

2. Migrating Talent: Subsequent Mobility of Recent Asian Immigrants to and From New Zealand Elsie Ho

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3. Immigration and Integration: The Canadian Experience John W. Berry

43

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Section II. Cultural Competency in the Workplace and the Social Environment

67

4. Preparing Managers for Intercultural Leadership: Application of an Economy-Based Theoretical Framework Dharm P.S. Bhawuk, Vijayan P. Munusamy and Keith H. Sakuda

69

5. Work in Cultural Translation: Workplace Encounters in Taiwanese Firms with Western Migrant Employees Rueyling Tzeng

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6. Sociocultural Competence for Career Success and Social Integration: The Case of Asians in Australia Anita S. Mak

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7. “Show Me the Money!” Construct and Predictive Validation of the Intercultural Business Corruptibility Scale (IBCS) Chan-Hoong Leong and Weirong Lin

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Section III. Sociocultural Effectiveness and Emotional Adaptation

177

8. A Study in Cross-cultural Adjustment: The American Community in India Kiveli Kazila Filmeridis

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9. Expectations and Real Life: Cross-cultural Adaptation of Chinese Students in China and the Netherlands Jan Pieter van Oudenhoven, Jianhua Long and Wenhua Yan

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Section IV. Understanding Asian Migration in Asia

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10. The Influence of Adult Attachment Styles on Urban Residents’ Attitudes Toward Acculturation Strategies of Rural-to-Urban Migrants in China Huadong Yang, Lili Tian and Jan Pieter van Oudenhoven

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Index

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Keith H. Sakuda is a doctoral student in international management and an instructor at the Shidler College of Business at the University of Hawaii at Manoa. His research interests include cross-cultural training, intercultural group dynamics, and social entrepreneurship. Prior to joining the Shidler College of Business, he was a faculty member at TransPacific Hawaii College. He currently holds an MBA from the University of Hawaii and a graduate certificate from Fujitsu’s Japan America Institute of Management Science (JAIMS). His work experience includes education, education administration, and business in both the United States and Japan. He is also involved in several social entrepreneurial ventures. He can be contacted at: [email protected]. Colleen Ward (PhD Dunelm) is a professor of psychology and director of the Centre for Applied Cross-cultural Research at Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand. She has previously held teaching and research positions at the University of the West Indies, Trinidad, the Science University of Malaysia, the National University of Singapore, and Canterbury University, New Zealand. Professor xv

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Ward’s major research interest is in acculturation, particularly the cross-cultural transition and adaptation of short- and long-term migrants. She is the co-author (with Stephen Bochner and Adrian Furnham) of The Psychology of Culture Shock (2001) and has published over 100 papers and book chapters, primarily in the field of cross-cultural psychology. Professor Ward was the Royal Society of New Zealand James Cook Fellow in Social Science (2005–2007). She is a fellow and president-elect of the International Academy of Intercultural Research, former secretary-general of the International Association for Cross-cultural Psychology and immediate pastpresident of the Asian Association of Social Psychology. She is also adviser to the Ministry of Social Development (Immigration and Social Cohesion) and the Department of Labour (Longitudinal Immigration Survey, New Zealand) in New Zealand. She can be contacted at: [email protected]. Dr Dharm P. S. Bhawuk, a citizen of Nepal, is a professor of management and culture and community psychology at the University of Hawaii at Manoa since 2002. He did his PhD under the supervision of Professor Harry C. Triandis at the University of Illinois UrbanaChampaign (1992–1995) on the development of theory-based culture assimilators using the concepts of individualism and collectivism. He conducted his thesis research on inter-cultural sensitivity under the supervision of Professor Richard W. Brislin as a degree participant at the East-West Center (1987–1989) and earned his MBA from the University of Hawaii at Manoa. He has a degree in mechanical engineering from the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Kharagpur. His research interests include cross-cultural training, individualism and collectivism, inter-cultural sensitivity, diversity in the workplace, indigenous psychology and management, culture and quality, culture and entrepreneurship, and leadership and political behavior in the workplace. He has published more than 50 papers and book chapters and is a co-editor of the book Asian Contributions to Cross-Cultural Psychology (1996), Sage Publishers. He worked for Nepal Airlines as a manager for 10 years, and has consulted and conducted cross-cultural training programs for organizations like the American Peace Corps,

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German Volunteer Program, Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA), International Labor Organization, and so forth. He has received many awards and honors including the Professor of the Semester Fall 2007, Best Paper Award from the International Division of the Academy of Management (1996), the Distinguished Service Award from the East West Center (1989), and the Lum Yip Kee Outstanding MBA Student Award from the College of Business Administration, University of Hawaii (1990). He is a founding fellow of International Academy of Intercultural Research. He can be contacted at: [email protected]. Dr Elsie Ho is senior research fellow in the Migration Research Group of the University of Waikato, New Zealand where she has been based since 1990. She has previously held teaching appointment at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University, and her PhD was completed in 1995 at the University of Waikato. Dr Ho is a leading expert in migration studies in New Zealand, and has been researching the cross-cultural transition and adaptation of Asian immigrants and international students for over a decade. In 2007, Dr Ho’s research has been recognized formally through the New Zealand Honours system with an award of Member of the New Zealand Order of Merit for services to migrant communities. Dr Ho is currently a consulting editor of the Journal of Immigrant and Refugee Studies. She is also a honorary visiting research fellow in the School of Social Science of the University of Adelaide and honorary research fellow in the Centre of Asian Studies of the University of Hong Kong. She can be contacted at: [email protected]. Huadong Yang received his PhD in social and organization psychology from the University of Groningen, the Netherlands in 2006. Prior to that, he studied and worked at the Institute of Psychology, Chinese Academy of Sciences in Beijing. He is currently an assistant professor at the University of Twente, the Netherlands. His research interests include conflict management with a specific focus on the intra- and inter-group conflicts, and cross-cultural

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psychology in which he is interested in identifying cultural dimensions and exploring their impacts on individual behaviors. His work has been published in several leading international journals, such as Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology, and Applied psychology: An International Review. He is a member of the International Association of CrossCultural Psychology (IACCP), and of the International Association for Chinese Management Research (IACMR). He can be contacted at: [email protected]. Prof. Dr Jan Pieter van Oudenhoven graduated from the Universtiy of Leiden in social psychology. He started his career in Latin America as a UNESCO associate expert in educational programs for farmers. He is currently a professor of cross-cultural psychology at the University of Groningen. His research focuses on immigration issues, international attitudes, and inter-cultural competencies. He is a chair of the Foundation for the Enhancement of Intercultural Contact. He can contacted at: [email protected]. Jianhua Long received his master degree in psychology at the Department of Applied Psychology at Shenyang Normal University in China, and at the same time, he was working as a research assistant at the Institute of Psychology of the Chinese Academy of Sciences in Beijing. Since May 2007, he has enrolled as a PhD student at the University of Groningen. His research topic is “Chinese, Dutch, and international students’ coping strategies in cross-cultural encounters”. He can be contacted at: [email protected]. John W. Berry is a professor emeritus at the Department of Psychology, Queen’s University at Kingston, Canada. He received his PhD from University of Edinburgh. His main research is in the general area of cross-cultural psychology. He is currently working on projects dealing with acculturation, intercultural relations, and ecological factors in human behavior, especially in the areas of immigration, family, and cognition.

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His recent publications include: The Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology, Cambridge University Press in 2006. Immigrant Youth in Cultural Transition was published by Lawrence Erlbaum in 2006. A summary article was published in Applied Psychology: An International Review, also in 2006. He can be contacted at: [email protected]. Kiveli Kazila Filmeridis, before retiring, was an assistant professor in Psychology in the School of Social Sciences of the Singapore Management University. Prior to that, she was an associate professor in psychology at the American University in Dubai and lecturer in psychology at the College of Health Sciences in Bahrain. Her research interests cover the areas of cross-cultural adjustment and training, multicultural identities and the hidden curriculum in educational institutions. She is specifically interested in the study of socio-cultural and other contextual variables contributing to adaptation in different culture — bearing units and in the transformations of identity positions as a result of cross-cultural transitions. She can be contacted at: [email protected]. Lili Tian is an associate professor at the South China Normal University. She received her PhD in educational and social psychology from Beijing Normal University, China. Her major research interests include acculturation of (im)migrant children, life satisfaction, adolescent’s school well-being in, and personality assessment. She has published on those topics in both national journals, such as Chinese Journal of Psychological Development and Education, Chinese Journal of Applied Psychology, Chinese Mental Health Journal, and international journals such as Journal of Youth and Adolescence. She is affiliated with the Chinese Psychological Association and the Chinese Association of Social Psychology. She can be contacted at [email protected]. Rueyling Tzeng is an associate research fellow at the Institute of European and American Studies, Academia Sinica, Taiwan. She

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received her doctoral degree from the Department of Sociology, State University of New York at Stony Brook. Her primary research areas are international migration and economic sociology. She has published papers on highly skilled professional migrants, foreign direct investment, and ethnic networks in transnational firms. In addition to Chinese publications in Taiwan, her work has appeared in English-language journals such as the International Migration Review, Women in Management Review, and Asian Population Studies. With Professor Brian Uzzi at the Kellogg School of Management at Northwestern University, she co-edited a book entitled Embeddedness and Corporate Change in a Global Economy published by Peter Lang in 2000. In the same year, she served as the head of the Institute of European and American Studies Library. In 2003, she was Executive Editor of EurAmerica: A Journal of European and American Studies; the journal received Taiwan National Science Council Awards for Outstanding Academic Journals in 2002, 2003, and 2004. She has also served as a referee for numerous journals published in Taiwan and the Englishlanguage journals such as Business History and Population, Space and Place. She can be contacted at: [email protected]. Anita Mak is a professor in psychology at the Faculty of Health, University of Canberra (UC), Australia. She holds a PhD in psychology from the Australian National University, and a master’s in social sciences (clinical psychology) from Hong Kong University. A fellow of the International Academy of Intercultural Research, Anita has over 80 peer-reviewed publications in her research areas of acculturation, adolescent and migrant mental health, work-related stress, and social competence. Her current research projects include intercultural social interactions, acculturative stress, international students’ psychosocial adjustment, and evaluation of intercultural social skills training for students and immigrant jobseekers. Anita’s long-term contributions to students’ development of crosscultural awareness and social skills have been recognized nationally by a 2007 Carrick Citation for Outstanding Contributions to Student Learning. Anita is a member of UC’s Equity and Diversity Advisory Group, and the university’s International Education Committee.

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A registered psychologist, Anita has designed and delivered various intercultural training courses on productive diversity and culturally responsive professional practice. She is a co-developer of the EXCELL (Excellence in Cultural Experiential Learning and Leadership) program, an evidence-based program for developing socio-cultural competencies that has been introduced into over 80 institutions in Australia, New Zealand, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands. She can be contacted at: [email protected]. Chan-Hoong Leong obtained his PhD from Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand. He is currently a research fellow at the Institute of Policy Studies, Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore. Prior to this appointment, he was the head of programme for psychology at the SIM University and a post-doctoral fellow at the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore. His research interests include the state of socio-psychological adjustment among immigrants and expatriates in cross-cultural transitions, intergroup relations between recipient nationals and sojourners, the assessment of intercultural effectiveness, and more recently, on the challenges related to the “brain drain” phenomenon in Singapore. His empirical research has appeared in both international and regional journals and books, such as the Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology, Progress in Asian Social Psychology, and International Journal of Intercultural Relations. He can be contacted at [email protected]. Weirong Lin obtained his bachelors degree in communication studies (Hons) from the Wee Kim Wee School of Communication and Information, Nanyang Technological University in 2008. In 2007, he completed a six-month internship at the Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, where he contributed towards research into the psychological dimensions of emigration, cultural values and corruptibility, as well as inter-group/inter-cultural relations. Over the course of his studies, he was also a part of a number of other research projects on issues such as consumer culture, symbolic violence and female religious praxis, gaming culture,

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and media effects theory. He can be reached at linweirong@ gmail.com. Vijayan Munusamy is a Research Director at the Center for Creative Leadership® — Asia-Pacific. He started his career as a Mechanical Engineer in Malaysia and made his first “cultural crossing” after observing that many of the conflicts in the workplace and in society are due to cultural misunderstandings. Recognizing cultural education as a powerful tool to advance multicultural understanding, he founded a social enterprise to promote the sharing of children’s stories from different cultures in Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia. The lessons he learned from this experience and the need to develop theoretical, methodological and experiential expertise in cross-cultural issues led him to make his second “cultural crossing” toward becoming a Degree Fellow at the East-West Center, Hawaii and a PhD student at the University of Hawaii. His recent publications include a book chapter in “Teaching about Asian Pacific Islanders: Effective Activities, Strategies, and Assignments for Classrooms and Workshops (AltaMira Press, 2006), a book chapter in “Contemporary Leadership and Intercultural Competence (Sage, 2008) and a book chapter in “Handbook of Cultural Intelligence (Sharpe, 2009). Recently, his dissertation titled “Decoding the meaning of multiculturalism: An International Study of Malaysia, Singapore and Hawaii won the 2009 best dissertation award from the International Academy for Intercultural Research. Together with his co-authors, Dharm, Bhawuk and Susan Mrazek, he is also a 2009 recipient of the Rupe Chisholm Best Practical Theory paper from the Organization Development and Change Division of the Academy of Management. An Asian Development Bank scholar, an East-West Center Distinguished Service Award and a recipient of The Wall Street Journal Student Achievement Award, he has been recognized numerous times for his achievement in academic, work and community service.

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Section I

Intercultural Relations and Social Integration

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1 Acculturation and Social Cohesion: Emerging Issues for Asian Immigrants in New Zealand1 Colleen Ward*

ABSTRACT One in five persons resident in New Zealand is overseas-born, and China and India have been amongst the largest contributors to recent immigration flows. With immigration rising and cultural diversity increasing, maintaining a socially cohesive society has become an important issue for New Zealand. This chapter synthesizes complementary approaches to the study of Asian immigration in New Zealand and interprets the research * Centre for Applied Cross-cultural Research, Victoria University of Wellington. E-mail: [email protected]. 1 An earlier version of this chapter was presented at the International Conference on “In and Out of Asia: Migrating Talent, Globalizing Cities” at the National University of Singapore, 19–21 November, 2007. 3

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4 Ward findings within Jenson’s (1998) framework for the assessment of social cohesion. Incorporating the views of both immigrants and recipient nationals, belonging and recognition are examined in conjunction with psychological research on acculturation attitudes, preferences, and expectations. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the benefits of social cohesion for attracting and retaining skilled immigrants.

Migration is a worldwide phenomenon. Currently there are over 200 million people who live outside their countries of origin (United Nations Population Division, 2006). This number has been steadily climbing and is expected to rise further over the next decade. These trends are mirrored in New Zealand where both the extent of cultural diversity and the proportion of overseas-born people are rapidly increasing. Although European (67.6%) and Maori (14.6%) remained the two largest ethnic groups in the 2006 census, the proportion of Asian peoples (9.2%) grew faster than all other groups and for the first time surpassed the Pacific population (6.9%) in New Zealand. Furthermore, Asians are projected to increase to 11.1% in 2011 and 14.5% by 2021. The majority of Asians currently in New Zealand are overseas-born (79%), entered New Zealand under the skilled and business immigration streams, and identified ethnically as Chinese (41.6%), Indian (29.5%) or Korean (8.7%) (Statistics New Zealand, 2007). In addition, the proportion of overseas-born residents increased from 19.5% in 2001 to 22.9% in 2006, and New Zealand currently has the fourth highest percentage of overseas-born people in the Organization for Economic Development (OECD), after Luxembourg (33%), Australia (24%), and Switzerland (24%) (OECD, 2006). The most common overseas birthplaces (in descending order) are now: England, the People’s Republic of China, Australia, Samoa, India, South Africa, Fiji, Scotland, and the Republic of Korea; however, in the last 10 years there have been comparable proportions of immigrants from the People’s Republic of China (14.4%) and England (14.1%) (Statistics New Zealand, 2007). With changing demographics, New Zealand, like other contemporary societies, is facing questions about

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Acculturation and Social Cohesion 5

how to manage immigration flows and to identify the risks and benefits of increasing cultural diversity within its borders. Within this context, a major concern has arisen over the issue of social cohesion. Jenson (1998) initially identified belonging, participation, inclusion, recognition, and legitimacy as the core elements of a socially cohesive society, and Spoonley et al. (2005) extended their work to formulate a framework for the assessment of social cohesion that has been adopted by the New Zealand government (Ministry of Social Development, 2008). As articulated by Spoonley et al. (2005, p. 103), when “ethnically and culturally diverse communities and individuals experience a sense of belonging and their contribution is recognised, celebrated and valued,” and “all people in New Zealand are able to participate in all aspects of New Zealand life,” a socially cohesive society will be achieved. This chapter adopts a psychological perspective on social cohesion, in particular the recognition and belonging dimensions as outlined in the Ministry of Social Development’s (2008) Diverse Communities: Exploring the Migrant and Refugee Experience in New Zealand. Against a backdrop of national research on immigration, it presents key findings of interlinked studies of Asian immigrants and New Zealand nationals. In doing so, the chapter offers a novel perspective on identity, belonging, and the cultural politics of everyday encounters. SOCIAL COHESION AND RECOGNITION “Recognition as a domain of social cohesion means that people value diversity, accept and respect differences, including the different opinions and values of the many cultures that make up New Zealand, and encourage protection from discrimination and harassment” (Ministry of Social Development, 2008, p. 100). Factors that have been identified as indicators of recognition are: (1) attitudes and discrimination; (2) representation in national and local government and other bodies; and (3) first language retention and the prevalence of immigrant media. This chapter concentrates on the first of these three factors and examines findings from four New Zealand studies: (1) a large national survey (n = 2020) on attitudes toward immigrants, immigration,

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6 Ward Table 1: Sample size

Sampling frame Ethnic composition

Age range Gender (% female) NZ born (%) NZ citizen (%) English first language (%)

Sample Characteristics.

1

2

3

4

2020

51 Technology recruitment agencies

4352

2203

Random 70% NZE 5% Maori 4% Asian 1% Pacific 20% other

Population —

Convenience 33% Chinese 43% Korean 24% Indian

18–65+ 57 76 89 91

— — — — —

12–19 55 17 56 —

Convenience 39% Indian 20% Pakistani 14% Chinese 14% Filipino 10% Other Asian 15–86 55 0 48 12

and multiculturalism (Ward and Masgoret, 2008); (2) a field experiment on immigrant entry into the labor force (Ward and Masgoret, 2007); (3) a survey of Asian youth (n = 435) as part of the New Zealand component of the International Comparative Study of Ethno-cultural Youth (Berry et al., 2006; Ward, 2007a); and (4) a recent survey (n = 220) of first generation Asian immigrants (Ward et al., 2008). The characteristics of the samples in each of these studies are summarized in Table 1. Indicators of social cohesion were broadly examined in Ward and Masgoret’s (2008) study of New Zealanders’ attitudes towards immigrants, immigration, and multiculturalism. Their national survey 2

Only data from Chinese, Korean, and Indian youth are reported here. The total ICSEY sample was 1585, which included immigrants (n = 935), New Zealand European (n = 396), and Maori (n = 114) youth. 3 Only the responses from Asian immigrants are reported here. The larger sample included 317 first-generation immigrants (Ward et al., under review).

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revealed that New Zealanders strongly endorse a multicultural ideology, that is, an ideology that supports the “maintenance of heritage cultures and identities and the full and equitable participation of all ethnocultural groups in the life of the larger society” (Berry, this volume; Berry et al., 1977). Eighty-nine per cent agree that it is a good thing for a society to be made up of people from different races, religions, and cultures. This was significantly greater than the 85% agreement found in Australia (Dunn, 2003). It also exceeded the 36–75% agreement found in European Union countries (Eurobarometer, 2000). Support for multiculturalism was further evidenced by 80% agreement with the statement that it is important to accept a wide variety of cultures in New Zealand and majority support for government policy on the numbers (53%) and the sources (61%) of immigrants. On the whole, attitudes toward immigrants are positive. For example, 81% acknowledge that immigrants have made a valuable contribution to New Zealand, and 82% agree that immigrants have qualities that they admire. Perceptions of threat, known to predict negative attitudes and discriminatory behavior, are low to moderate (Esses et al., 1998; Ward and Masgoret, 2006). Only one in four agree that immigrants take jobs away from New Zealanders and increase the level of crime while one in five believe that allowing immigrant cultures to thrive weakens New Zealand culture. The overall pattern of findings suggests that immigrants in New Zealand are, to a large extent, achieving the recognition required in a socially cohesive society where diversity is valued and accepted. However, attitudes toward immigrants in general are different from attitudes toward specific groups. Immigrants from Asia, specifically Indians and Chinese, are perceived less favorably than immigrants from Australia, Great Britain, and South Africa. They are evaluated similarly to Pacific immigrants and are viewed more favorably than those from Africa (Ward and Masgoret, 2008). Although the absolute value of favorability ratings for immigrants from India and China is still positive, as Fig. 1 shows, it is significantly less positive than the generic rating for “immigrants”. Variations in responses to specific immigrant groups were also found in a 2004 National Business Review poll where 45% thought

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8 Ward 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Aus

GB

Figure 1:

S. Africa

India

China

Samoa

Somalia

Mig

New Zealanders’ perceptions of immigrant groups.

Note: The scale is 0–100 where 100 represents more favorable perceptions.

there were too many immigrants from Asia, 39% believed there were too many from the Pacific and 39% agreed that there were too many immigrants from the Middle East (Ministry of Social Development, 2008). These findings are in line with international studies, which demonstrate that “acceptability indices” for immigrants are largely a function of cultural distance (Ward et al., 2001). As an example, a similar Australian study showed that 43% recommended the acceptance of fewer immigrants from Asia and 50% supported decreasing immigration from the Middle East, compared to 19% and 22% who endorsed the reduction of immigrants from Great Britain and Southern Europe, respectively (Ho et al., 1994). To date, two important discrepancies have been identified in immigrant research on attitudes and discrimination in New Zealand. The first is the gap between attitudes toward immigrants in general and attitudes toward Asian immigrants in particular. The second is the disparity between New Zealanders’ multicultural principles and their everyday practices. This was illustrated in Ward and Masgoret’s (2007) study of immigrant entry to the labor market. The research involved a field experiment where unsolicited resumes were sent to recruitment agencies in Auckland, Wellington, and Christchurch from either a New Zealand-born or China-born

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candidate in the technology sector. Ethnicity and migration status differed, but personal information such as age and marital status, educational qualifications and work experience were identical, with the exception that the former candidate undertook education and initial employment in New Zealand and the latter in China. In addition, their letters of introduction presented the same information, specifying that the candidate wished to relocate to New Zealand from a current position in the Middle East. The study revealed that candidates’ ethnicity and immigrant status did not affect the likelihood that they would be told that there were no jobs currently available and that they would be put on file. However, the New Zealand-born candidate was significantly more likely to be engaged for further contact by the agencies and the Chinaborn candidate significantly more likely to have contact terminated. The differential responses were discussed in terms of the factors that have been identified as barriers to immigrant entry into the labor force, particularly English language proficiency and the unreceptiveness of employers to overseas qualifications and experience (Watts and Trlin, 1999, 2000; Henderson et al., 2001). The former was ruled out as a causal factor in this case as the written English was identical in the two versions of the resume and the accompanying information. The latter, in contrast, was elaborated in terms of “discounting”, where the skills of overseas trained employees are devalued compared to locally trained employees, even if the quality of their skills is equivalent or better (Esses et al., 2003). Above and beyond issues of language proficiency and discounting, however, discrimination was implicated in the results of the study. Similar trends have been reported in New Zealand studies of probable selection (Coates and Carr, 2005) and simulated short-listing (Wilson et al., 2005) where both non-European ethnicity and immigrant status disadvantaged job candidates. Selection biases, such as these, are important contributors to immigrant under-employment, the general economic disparities between nationals and immigrants, and the even greater differences between nationals and immigrants from non-traditional sources, such as India and China (Zodgekar, 2005). Selection bias also presents an obstacle to the long-range goal of social cohesion.

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New Zealanders recognize and acknowledge that immigrants face many challenges to successful integration. In a 2004 Human Rights Commission survey, 78% of the respondents believed that Asians are subjected to some or a great deal of discrimination — more than any other identified group (Ministry of Social Development, 2004). There were similar expectations for new immigrants (72%) and refugees (70%). More interesting are the actual experiences of discrimination as perceived and described by immigrants themselves. A survey by the New Zealand Immigration Service (2004) indicated that one in five immigrants reported the experience of discrimination, that this occurred most frequently in work-related areas and that Asians were more likely to report discrimination than immigrants from other regions. Our research, a survey of 220 first-generation immigrants and the ICSEY project including 435 Korean, Chinese, and Indian adolescents, further elaborates the Asian experience. Table 2 presents Table 2:

Perceived Discrimination.

Item

% Agreement Asian adults (n = 220)

I have been teased or insulted because of my ethnic background I have been threatened or attacked because of my ethnic background I do not feel accepted by New Zealanders I feel like New Zealanders have something against me

Korean youth Chinese youth Indian youth (n = 188) (n = 145) (n = 102)

20.0

50.0

54.6

50.0

16.4

30.0

18.2

12.0

15.5

24.2

10.2

11.3

12.6

21.1

15.2

12.3

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Acculturation and Social Cohesion 11 4

3

2

1

Korean Chinese Indian S. African British NZE

0

Figure 2: Perceived discrimination: immigrant and national youth. Note: The scale is 1–5 where 5 represents greater perceived discrimination.

the breakup of responses, 20–55% of Asian immigrants have been teased or insulted because of their ethnic background and 12–30% have been threatened or attacked. Amongst the youth Korean immigrants reported more discrimination than the Chinese and Indians, but all Asian groups reported more discrimination than a comparative sample of New Zealand European youth (Ward, 2007a). They also reported more discrimination than British and South African immigrants (Fig. 2). The adolescent study further explored the most common sources of discrimination, revealing that peers were more frequently seen as responsible for unfair treatment than teachers or other adults. Research has further shown that the influence of perceived discrimination on immigrants’ adaptation is uniformly negative. Perceived discrimination is a strong predictor of symptoms of psychological distress, lower life satisfaction, and greater identity conflict. In adolescent immigrants, perceived discrimination is also associated with poorer school adjustment and more behavioral problems (Ward and Lin, 2005; Ward, 2007a; Lin, 2008). This is consistent with the international literature, which has linked discrimination to a range of negative outcomes, including increased stress, lowered self and group

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esteem, impaired health, antisocial behaviors, such as drug use and delinquency, poorer work adjustment, and lower job satisfaction (Ward et al., 2001). SOCIAL COHESION AND BELONGING “Belonging as a domain of social cohesion means having a sense of being part of the wider community; accepting people’s identity and individuality, while also recognizing that people can belong to and identify with many groups” (Ministry of Social Development, 2008, p. 34). Three factors have been identified as indicators of belonging: (1) attachment to identities; (2) satisfaction with life in New Zealand; and (3) intention to stay in New Zealand. Here, both attachment to identities and life satisfaction are examined in connection with the adult and adolescent immigrant studies. The assessment of both ethnic and national identities was a key component of the 13-nation International Comparative Study of Ethno-cultural Youth. Figure 3 presents the mean identity scores for Chinese, Indian, and Korean youth, controlled for gender, age, and generational status. As can be seen from Fig. 3, ethnic and national identities are both strong although ethnic identity is consistently stronger. There are no significant differences in ethnic identity across the groups; however, Indian youth have the strongest national identity, followed by Chinese and Korean, with each of these significantly different from the other. The adult data follow a similar pattern. Ethnic identity is stronger than national identity although both are moderately strong.4 In the main, these findings are consistent with

4 Ethnic and national identity were assessed in the ICESY project by a modified version of the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure by Phinney (1992) and a related instrument by Phinney and Devich-Navarro (1997). Both measures tap affirmation (pride) and belonging. All mean scores for national and ethnic identities were above the scalar median of 3 on a 5-point scale. For Asian adults, the Acculturation Index was used to measure co-national and host national identity in terms of similarity (Ward and Kennedy, 1994; Ward and Rana-Deuba, 1999). The instrument uses a 7-point scale and both ethnic (M = 5.09) and national (M = 4.01) identity were above the scalar median of 4.

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Acculturation and Social Cohesion 13

Ethnic National

Chinese

Indian

Korean

Figure 3: National and ethnic identity in Asian youth. Note: The scale is 1–5 where 5 represents stronger identity.

the international literature on immigrant identities (Ward, 1999; Berry et al., 2006). In addition to the strength of ethnic and national identity, the relationship between them is an important indicator of belonging. This is known to vary across immigrant groups and national settings (Hutnik, 1991; Phinney et al., 1997). Data from the ICSEY project revealed that the correlations between national and ethnic identity ranged from −0.28 in Germany to 0.32 in New Zealand.5 Furthermore, the relationship was generally positive in settler societies, such as Canada, the United States, and New Zealand, but negative in former colonial societies, such as France and the Netherlands, and in recent receiving societies, such as Norway and Sweden. This suggests that social, historical, and political context affects the options that immigrants have, permitting them to maintain multiple identities and integrate into the wider society in some instances and forcing them to choose between national and ethnic identities and, consequently, assimilation or separation in others. In Asian adolescents in New Zealand the two identities are positively related (r = 0.11, p < 0.03). This suggests that New Zealand’s multicultural policies and 5

In Berry et al. (2006) only Chinese and Pacific data were included from New Zealand.

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practices create an environment where integration may be achieved (see Berry, this volume). Attachment to multiple identities is not only an important indicator of belonging, but it is also a significant predictor of immigrant adaptation and well-being. Strong ethnic and national identities predict greater life satisfaction in Asian youth. For adults, stronger national and ethnic identities predict better general health. In addition, a stronger national identity is linked to greater life satisfaction. These results are in accordance with the international literature that demonstrates: (1) a positive association between ethnic identity, self-esteem, and psychological well-being (Phinney et al., 1997); (2) a relationship between national identity and immigrant adaptation (Shalom and Horenczyk, 2004); and (3) that the most adaptive outcomes for immigrants occur under conditions of strong ethnic and national identities (Phinney et al., 2001). Adolescent and adult studies also show that immigrants are relatively satisfied with life in New Zealand. The mean scores for Chinese (3.40), Indian (3.71), and Korean (3.44) youth are all above the “gold standard” (M = 3.31) suggested by Cummings (1995) for the measure of life satisfaction used in our research (Diener et al., 1985). The mean for Asian adults (3.29) approximates the standard, and findings indicate that the majority agree that they are satisfied with their lives (54%) and that they have gotten what they want in life (59%). Overall, then, research with adolescents and adults indicate that Asian immigrants identify with both their ethnic culture and the national society and that they are generally satisfied with life in New Zealand. BELONGINGNESS AND RECOGNITION: ACCULTURATION ATTITUDES AND EXPECTATIONS A core component of psychological studies of immigration is research on acculturation attitudes and expectations. This arises from work by Berry (1974, 1980, 1984) who has identified two key questions arising from immigration and intercultural contact: (1) is it important for immigrants to maintain their original cultural heritage? and (2) is it important for them to engage in intercultural contact with other

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groups, including members of the dominant society? If the answers to these questions are dichotomized as yes-no responses, four acculturation orientations (also called attitudes, strategies, preferences, orientations, modes, and expectations) can be identified. If both cultural maintenance and contact are important, an integrated orientation results; if neither is important, marginalization occurs. Assimilation arises when only contact is valued while separation results when only cultural maintenance is of concern (see Berry, this volume). Berry’s approach to acculturation incorporates both the perspective of immigrants (how they do and how they would like to manage issues of identity and engagement) and members of the receiving society (how they would like to see immigrants manage these issues). Consequently, the conceptual and empirical framework brings together aspects of both belonging (immigrant identities and participation) and recognition (acceptance of diversity and difference in the wider society). While the perspectives of both immigrants and recipient nationals are important in understanding the acculturation process, the two viewpoints do not always converge (Bourhis et al., 1997). There is widespread international evidence that immigrants prefer integration (Berry et al., 1989; Ward, 1999; Ward and Leong, 2006), but the responses of recipient nationals are more variable. Germans prefer assimilation (Zick et al., 2001); Israelis prefer integration (Horenczyk, 1996) and the Dutch are equally likely to endorse integration and assimilation (Van Oudenhoven et al., 1998). The responses of majority members are also likely to vary depending on the characteristics of the immigrant group. Montreuil and Bourhis’ (2001) Canadian research reported that integration was favored for immigrants from France but separation (segregation) was preferred for immigrants from Haiti. There is little research in New Zealand about acculturation attitudes towards specific groups, the exception being Leong’s (2005) work on attitudes toward Chinese immigrants. Sampling Maori and New Zealand Europeans from the New Zealand electoral rolls, he found that integration was preferred (74%) with only small proportions endorsing assimilation (12%) and separation (10%). This is similar to the results of the national survey on general

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Ward Table 3:

Item Integration Separation Assimilation

Adult Acculturation Attitudes and Preferences: % of Agreement.6 Asian immigrants

Nationals: Actual

Nationals: Perceived

81 28 2

82 28 21

68 29 21

attitudes toward immigrants where integration was endorsed more strongly than separation or assimilation (Ward and Masgoret, 2008). Of key interest, then, is the concordance or discordance between the acculturation preferences of migrants and the expectations that members of the receiving society have for them (Table 3). Our research shows that there is a convergence of attitudes in some domains, particularly in the strong preference for integration. The national survey on attitudes toward immigrants revealed that 82% of the respondents endorsed integration. This is not significantly different from the responses of Asian immigrants where 81% likewise agreed that immigrants should maintain their original culture while also adopting New Zealand culture. In addition, there was large agreement about separation: 28% of the both groups agreed that immigrants should maintain their original culture as long as they do not mix it with New Zealand culture. The major point of divergence, however, was found in attitudes toward assimilation. One in five New Zealanders (21%) endorsed the view that immigrants should give up their original culture for the sake of adopting New Zealand culture; however, only 2% of the Asian immigrants agreed with this proposition. A similar pattern of results was found in the youth samples. There was strong convergence across New Zealand European, Maori, Chinese, Indian, and Korean youth that integration is the preferred strategy for immigrants. Only a minority agreed with the principles of separation and assimilation (Table 4). It does appear, however, that immigrant youth are less inclined toward separation and more tolerant of assimilation than their adult counterparts. There may be various 6

These responses are derived from single item measures; the survey tapped individualism and exclusion (Bourhis et al., 1997) rather than marginalization (Berry, 1984).

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Acculturation and Social Cohesion 17 Table 4:

Youth Acculturation Attitudes and Preferences: % of Agreement.7

Item

Integration Separation Assimilation Marginalization

NZE (n = 396)

Maori (n = 114)

Korean (n = 188)

Chinese (n = 145)

Indian (n = 102)

63.5 8.8 18.8 12.1

52.8 23.4 18.2 15.3

59.0 11.3 15.0 7.6

76.3 10.4 18.9 14.2

74.7 12.1 16.0 9.0

reasons for this difference. First, 17% of the Asian youth sample was New Zealand-born, and generational analyses have shown that later generations are more accepting of assimilation (Ward, 2007b; Ward and Viliamu, 2008). Second, age differences may contribute to the apparent discrepancies as developmental studies have shown that adolescents are more influenced by peer groups (Pugh and Hart, 1999). Consequently, a sense of belonging and the need to “fit in” may be heightened for young people, leading to a stronger inclination to be like members of the majority group. Third, the different ethnic composition of the two samples may affect the outcomes. Despite some variation, however, the convergence of results is an important finding. All groups prefer integration, and there is strong evidence that Asian immigrants who integrate experience better psychological and sociocultural adaptation, including greater life satisfaction (Ward, 2007a; Ward et al., 2008). The social psychology of intergroup relations tells us that it is not only important what groups actually think of each other, but also what each group thinks the other thinks of them. Therefore, it is also instructive to know if immigrants accurately perceive New Zealanders’ attitudes. The findings summarized in Table 3 demonstrate that immigrants have accurate perceptions of New Zealanders’ views with respect to assimilation and separation; however, fewer immigrants believe New Zealanders endorse integration (68%) than they actually do (82%). A number of authors have argued that discrepancies in 7

These responses are derived from single items pertaining to retention and adoption of heritage and national cultural traditions.

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acculturation preferences can lead to negative outcomes for both immigrants and members of the receiving society (Bourhis et al., 1997; Navas et al., 2007). For example, research with ethnic repatriates in Finland, Germany, and Israel linked discordant acculturation preferences to greater perceived discrimination and increased psychological distress (Jasinskaja-Lahti et al., 2003). Our research demonstrated that the greater the discrepancy between immigrants’ endorsement of assimilation and their perception of New Zealanders’ support for assimilation, the lower their life satisfaction (r = −0.27, p < 0.001; Ward et al., 2008). Finally, the research shows that despite integration emerging as both the ideal and most adaptive acculturation strategy, it is not uniformly achieved (Table 5). Assessing real and ideal acculturation strategies, findings revealed that 61% of the Asian immigrants could be classified as integrated, but that 78% perceived this as the ideal option. The gap between real and ideal was due largely to 28% of the immigrants being categorized as separated, but only 13% of them favoring this as the ideal strategy. International researchers have noted that separation is more likely to occur under conditions of greater perceived discrimination (Barry and Grilo, 2003; Ying et al., 2000), and in this study, as in the ICSEY project (Berry et al., 2006), separated immigrants perceived greater discrimination than those who were integrated. Discrimination as a causal factor in the choice and realization of acculturation preferences should be systematically investigated in future research. Table 5: Asian Immigrants’ Real and Ideal Acculturation Strategies.8 Item Integration Separation Assimilation Marginalization

8

Real

Ideal

61 28 5 5

78 13 7 3

Categories were derived from the co-national and host national subscales of the Acculturation Index.

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SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION In summary, New Zealand-based research shows that attitudes toward immigrants are largely favorable and that there is widespread support of multiculturalism. Nevertheless, Asian immigrants are perceived less favorably than immigrants from some other regions, particularly those that share a common heritage, culture, and language. In addition, there is a gap between New Zealanders’ multicultural principles and their everyday practices. Despite the value placed on cultural diversity, research has demonstrated that Asian immigrants are disadvantaged by discrimination, particularly with respect to entry into the workforce. From the immigrant perspective, Asian newcomers retain a strong ethnic identity but are also oriented toward the larger national society. They express a strong preference for integration and strongly reject assimilation as an acculturation option. Despite this ideal, however, integration is not always achieved. Some immigrants remain separated and disengaged from the larger society, possibly due to the pressures of discrimination. The attitudes and preferences of Asian immigrants and recipient nationals in New Zealand converge to a large extent, but this is not always recognized. Both prefer integration, where immigrants retain their traditional culture and participate in the wider society, and the extent of this preference is virtually identical across the two groups. Unfortunately, Asian immigrants perceive that New Zealanders are less supportive of integration than is actually the case. Concordance likewise occurs for separation; this is supported only by a minority in both groups, and New Zealanders’ attitudes in this domain are accurately perceived by immigrants. The major point of divergence is in the area of assimilation, which is endorsed more frequently by New Zealanders and recognized as such by Asian immigrants. Although less than a quarter of New Zealanders agree with the principles of assimilation, it appears that assimilationist pressures have negative psychological consequences for immigrants. Social cohesion is a broad concept and is not bound by ethnic and cultural parameters. Nevertheless, it is important to consider social

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cohesion in relation to immigration and settlement outcomes. If social cohesion can be achieved and maintained, New Zealand will have a competitive edge in attracting and retaining skilled immigrants and will benefit from their economic, social, and cultural contributions. If not, the country will lose valuable talent or face the challenge of dealing with the consequences of social inequality and impediments to integration — economic hardship, social difficulties, psychological distress, health problems, and other negative outcomes (Trlin et al., 1999; Aye and Guerin, 2001; Ho, 2001; Ip, 2003). ACKNOWLEDGMENT The author would like to thank the following organizations for funding the research reported here: the Royal Society of New Zealand (James Cook Fellowship), the Foundation for Science, Research and Technology (UOWX0203, Strangers in Town), and Victoria University of Wellington (#121980). REFERENCES Aye, AMMT and B Guerin (2001). Astronaut families: A review of their characteristics, impact of families and implications for practice in New Zealand. New Zealand Journal of Psychology, 30, 9–15. Barry, DT and CM Grilo (2003). Cultural, self-esteem and demographic correlates of perception of personal and group discrimination among East Asian immigrants. American Journal of Ortho-psychiatry, 73, 223–229. Berry, JW (1974). Psychological aspects of cultural pluralism. Topics in Culture Learning, 2, 17–22. Berry, JW (1980). Acculturation as varieties of adaptation. In Acculturation: Theories, Models and Findings, AM Padilla (ed.), pp. 9–25. Boulder, CO: Westview. Berry, JW (1984). Multicultural policy in Canada: A social psychological analysis. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 16, 353–370. Berry, JW, R Kalin and D Taylor (1977). Multiculturalism and Ethnic Attitudes in Canada. Ottawa: Supply and Services. Berry, JW, U Kim, S Power, M Young and M Bujaki (1989). Acculturation attitudes in plural societies. Applied Psychology, 38, 185–206. Berry, JW, J Phinney, DL Sam and P Vedder (eds.) (2006). Immigrant Youth in Cultural Transition: Acculturation, Identity and Adaptation Across National Contexts. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.

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Acculturation and Social Cohesion 23 Spoonley, P, R Peace, A Butcher and D O’Neill (2005). Social cohesion: A policy and indicator framework for assessing immigrant and host outcomes. Social Policy Journal of New Zealand, 24, 85–110. Statistics New Zealand (2007). 2006 Census of Population and Dwellings. Wellington: Statistics New Zealand. Trlin, A, A Henderson and N North (1999). Effects of unemployment among skilled immigrants from India. New Zealand Population Review, 25, 99–117. United Nations Population Division (2006). World Immigration Report. New York: Author. Van Oudenhoven, JP, KS Prins and BP Buunk (1998). Attitudes of minority and majority members towards adaptation of immigrants. European Journal of Social Psychology, 28, 995–1013. Ward, C (1999). Models and measurement of acculturation. In Merging Past Present and Future in Cross-cultural Psychology, WJ Lonner, D Dinnel, DK Forgays and S Hayes (eds.), pp. 221–230. Lisse, the Netherlands: Swets & Zeitlinger. Ward, C (2007a, May). Identity, acculturation and adaptation in migrant youth. Paper presented at Pathways, Circuits and Crossroads: New Research on Population, Migration and Community Dynamics. Wellington, New Zealand. Ward, C (2007b). The Experiences of Migrant Youth: A Generational Analysis. Wellington: Department of Labour. Ward, C and A Kennedy (1994). Acculturation strategies, psychological adjustment and sociocultural competence during cross-cultural transition. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 18, 329–343. Ward, C, S Bochner and A Furnham (2001). The Psychology of Culture Shock. London: Routledge. Ward, C, L Kus and AM Masgoret (2008, July). Acculturation and intercultural perceptions: What I think, what you think, what I think you think and why it’s all important. Paper presented at Bremen, Germany. Ward, C and CH Leong (2006). Intercultural relations in plural societies: Theory, research and applications. In Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology, DL Sam and JW Berry (eds.), pp. 484–503. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ward, C and EY Lin (2005). Immigration, acculturation and national identity in New Zealand. In New Zealand Identities: Departures and Destinations, J Liu, T McCreanor, T McIntosh and T Teaiwa (eds.), pp. 155–173. Wellington: Victoria University Press. Ward, C and AM Masgoret (2006). An integrated model of attitudes toward immigrants. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 30, 671–682. Ward, C and AM Masgoret (2007). Immigrant entry into the workforce: A research note from New Zealand. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 31, 525–530.

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Ward, C and AM Masgoret (2008). Attitudes toward immigrants, immigration and multiculturalism in New Zealand: A social psychological analysis. International Migration Review, 42, 222–243. Ward, C and A Rana-Deuba (1999). Acculturation and adaptation revisited. Journal of Cross-cultural Psychology, 30, 272–292. Ward, C and M Viliamu (2008, June). Identity, acculturation and adaptation in first and second generation Samoan youth. Invited presentation, Pathways, Circuits and Crossroads: New Research on Population, Migration and Community, Wellington, New Zealand. Ward, C, J Stuart and L Kus (under review). The Construction and Validation of a Measure of Ethno-cultural Identity Conflict. Manuscript submitted for publication. Watts, N and A Trlin (1999). Cultural resources of immigrants and international business in New Zealand. New Zealand Population Review, 25, 119–132. Watts, N and A Trlin (2000). Diversity as a productive resource: Employment of immigrants from non-English-speaking backgrounds in New Zealand. Social Policy Journal of New Zealand, 15, 87–101. Wilson, MG, P Gahlout, S Mouly and L Liu (2005). A rose by any other name: The effect of ethnicity and name on access to employment. University of Auckland Business Review, 7, 64–72. Ying, YW, PA Lee and JL Tsai (2000). Cultural orientation and racial discrimination: Predictors of coherence in Chinese American young adults. Journal of Community Psychology, 28, 427–442. Zick, A, U Wagner, R Van Dick and T Petzel (2001). Acculturation and prejudice in Germany: Majority and minority perspectives. Journal of Social Issues, 57, 541–557. Zodgekar, A (2005). The changing face of New Zealand’s population and national identity. In New Zealand Identities: Departures and Destinations, JH Liu, T McCreanor, T McIntosh and T Teaiwa (eds.), pp. 140–154. Wellington: Victoria University Press.

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2 Migrating Talent: Subsequent Mobility of Recent Asian Immigrants to and From New Zealand1 Elsie Ho*

ABSTRACT In today’s highly globalized world, migration is no longer perceived as a permanent one-way movement as described in the traditional “settler” migration model. Transnationalism views migration as a dynamic process by which immigrants create and maintain intensive contacts and multistranded relations that link together their societies of origin and destination. This chapter uses a new immigration database maintained by New Zealand’s Department of Labour to examine the subsequent mobility of new immigrants from six * Migration Research Group, Population Studies Centre, University of Waikato. 1 An earlier version of this chapter was presented at the International Conference on “In and Out of Asia: Migrating Talent, Globalizing Cities” at the National University of Singapore, 19–21 November, 2007. 25

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Ho sources in Asia (People’s Republic of China (PRC), Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan, South Korea, and India) who took up residence in New Zealand between 1998 and 2004. The findings challenge the notion that people granted permanent residence remain in New Zealand permanently. While the majority of immigrants from South Korea and India did not spend large amounts of time out of New Zealand after taking up residence, some immigrants from Taiwan, Hong Kong, and PRC were very mobile and spent lengthy periods away from New Zealand. These movement patterns suggest that dual residence in New Zealand and overseas is common amongst a significant minority of Chinese immigrants. Immigrants from Japan were also very mobile, but they did not spend lengthy period in absentia. The results are discussed in the wider context of talent circulation and the study of migrant adaptation and integration.

INTRODUCTION One of the most active and intense “wars” in the early 21st century is to be found in the international competition for “talent”. Points systems for selecting immigrants on the basis of their specific skills and talents have become much more widespread in recent years, especially in Europe. They are likely to be adopted increasingly in Asia, and even the United States has been exploring the advantages of such a system. Yet, while this competition for talent is intensifying, there is also evidence from some new databases in countries like Australia and New Zealand that many immigrants selected under skilled and business migrant programs are living multinational lives. They adapt to being both “here” and “there”, maintaining a variety of ties to their homeland while, at the same time, establishing and settling themselves in their new country. The multiple possibilities of combining ‘here’ and ‘there’, absence and presence, ascription and disavowal, in everyday life — astride boundaries and across ever-widening distances and spaces — is central to understandings of social life in a globalizing world (Yeoh et al., 2003: 208)

In the late 1990s, at the Population Association of New Zealand’s biennial conference, Graeme Hugo (1999: 29) argued that we needed a new paradigm of international migration — a paradigm that took account of the shift from “settlement” of skilled immigrants and others at their destinations towards what Richmond (1991: 4) has termed

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“transilience” associated with hypermobility involving remigration and return. Migration that was not “permanent” was becoming much more important than previously in meeting demands for labour at the destination, including demands for “talent”. Hugo (1999: 35) argued that this was a function of several developments associated with globalization in the second half of the 20th century including the internationalization of many labor markets, the relative cheapness of air travel by the later years of the century, the increased significance of “business” migration which relies on maintenance of strong economic and social linkages with the home country, and the shift in source countries for skilled immigrants towards the rapidly developing economies of Asia. The idea that international immigration systems everywhere are increasingly dominated by complex mixes of flows between source and destination countries, and are increasingly dominated by nonpermanent or “temporary” forms of movement is not new — indeed the literature on international migration systems has been acknowledging this fact for several decades (see, for example, Kritz et al., 1981; Prothero and Chapman, 1985; Kritz et al., 1992, amongst others). What is new, and is allowing for much more detailed analysis of the nature of contemporary international immigration, is the development of much better databases relating to the subsequent mobility of people who have gained residence status in countries that deliberately select immigrants on the basis of their skills and talents. Australia and New Zealand are two countries which have developed databases that allow subsequent mobility behavior of new “settlers” to be assessed. The Australian database has been used recently to explore the subsequent mobility of New Zealander’s resident in Australia (Sanderson, 2005; Poot and Sanderson, 2006, 2007), and has informed the analysis of the movements of Chinese and Indian immigrants, amongst others, to and from Australia since their arrival as “permanent residents” (Hugo, 2005–2007; Hugo et al., 2007). In New Zealand, the Approvals Management System database maintained by the Department of Labour has been used to examine the subsequent mobility of immigrants to New Zealand between 1998 and 2004 (Shorland, 2006), the transitions to residence of international students (Merwood, 2007) and the movements of citizens of Pacific

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countries between New Zealand, the islands, and Australia (Bedford, 2007; Liava’a, 2007). In this chapter, I extend this analysis to the subsequent mobility of immigrants from China (PRC, Hong Kong, and Taiwan) as well as Japan, South Korea, and India. A Methodological Note Between January 1998 and December 2004, a total of 267,368 immigrants had their applications for residence under the skilled/ business, family sponsorship and international/humanitarian streams approved by New Zealand’s immigration authorities. The immigrants counted in this database are the principal and secondary applicants — not their dependents. The data thus refer to individual immigrants, not to family units. The data relate to the total population of immigrants who applied for residence approval — not a sample. Excluded from the database are Australian citizens who have the right to enter New Zealand without a visa or permit and to stay indefinitely under the terms of the Trans-Tasman Travel Arrangement, and three Polynesian peoples who have been granted New Zealand citizenship by right: Cook Islanders, Niueans, and Tokelauans. Of the 267,368 immigrants approved for residence during the period, 10,138 (3.8%) did not arrive to take up residence. The majority of these people (6,016) did not arrive within the required one year of receiving approval to reside in New Zealand. The remaining 4,122 were approved during 2004 and were yet to arrive. These people have been deleted from the database used for this analysis. The remaining 257,230 immigrants did arrive, and over the seven-year period they made 1,431,456 moves out of and back to New Zealand (Shorland, 2006: 13). Some manipulation of the movement data set was necessary before analysis could be carried out in order to establish a complete residence history in terms of spells of absence. Details of these manipulations can be found in Shorland (2006: 13 and 14). The immigrant population that is the subject of discussion in this chapter comes primarily from northeast Asia — the PRC, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea — with India also included as a major Asian source of immigrants in New Zealand. A total of

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82,011 immigrants who had been approved for residence between January 1998 and December 2004 arrived from these countries and took up residence by December 2004. They comprised 32% of the total immigrant population (257,230), with 77% (63,085) coming from the PRC (33,476), and India (29,609). Numbers from the other four countries were much smaller with 9,570 from South Korea, 4,438 from Taiwan, 2,932 from Japan, and 1,986 from Hong Kong (Table 1). During the period, 2,071 approved immigrants from the six sources did not arrive to take up residence (488 from PRC, 48 from Hong Kong, 93 from Taiwan, 1,259 from India, 140 from South Korea, and 43 from Japan). This represented between 2% and 4% of those approved. The main characteristics of the study population, including their gender, age, and main category of approval, are shown in Table 1 below. Table 1:

Characteristics of the Study Population. Nationality

PRC

HK

Taiwan

India

S. Korea

Japan

33,476 13%

1,986 1%

4,438 2%

29,609 12%

9,570 4%

2,932 1%

Gender Male Female

47% 53%

48% 52%

47% 53%

53% 47%

48% 52%

30% 70%

Age Under 16 16–24 25–44 45–64 65+

16% 9% 52% 17% 6%

20% 11% 45% 17% 7%

31% 11% 39% 14% 4%

24% 10% 52% 11% 2%

30% 10% 44% 12% 3%

8% 6% 78% 7% 1%

Approval category Skilled Partnership Family parent Family other Business Other

39% 15% 17% 11% 16% 2%

38% 17% 13% 15% 15% 2%

32% 10% 6% 7% 44% 1%

75% 11% 8% 4% 0% 1%

60% 9% 5% 6% 20% 1%

46% 45% 2% 1% 4% 2%

Total number % of total approvals

Note: Single and double digits are indicated in percentage.

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Movement and absence patterns of recent Asian immigrants Two dimensions of the subsequent movement of immigrants, after taking up residence in New Zealand, are explored in this chapter. • •

The total time spent out of New Zealand as a proportion of time since taking up residence (Fig. 1). The number of spells of absence from New Zealand (Fig. 2). A spell of absence is a departure from New Zealand and a subsequent arrival on return. An absence can be for any period — there was no minimum or maximum set for a spell.

Time Spent Outside New Zealand Since Arrival Almost half (46%) of the immigrants from Taiwan and a third (31%) from Hong Kong had spent 75% or more of the time since they arrived to take up residence living outside New Zealand (Fig. 1). These high absence rates contrasted quite sharply with the absence rates for immigrants from PRC, India, South Korea, and Japan. Onethird of immigrants from South Korea (33%) and India (36%) had spent no time absent from the country, and a further 49% and 41%, respectively were absent for less than 25% of the time that had lapsed since they took up residence in New Zealand. In the cases of the immigrants from PRC and Japan, 27% and 13%, respectively had spent no time outside New Zealand since arrival. High proportions of PRC and Japanese immigrants had also spent less than 25% of the time out of New Zealand (39% and 62%, respectively). The three Chinese populations have quite different patterns for the aggregate time absent — those from Taiwan are quite distinctive with only 7% of principal applicants (PA), and 4% of secondary applicants (SA) having spent no time outside New Zealand since arrival. The averages for all source countries (including those outside Asia) for no absences from New Zealand are 31% for principal applicants and 40% for secondary applicants (Shorland, 2006: 30). In the case of Hong Kong, the percentages of nonmovers are 14 (PAs) and 15 (SAs), while for China they are 27 (PAs) and 28 (SAs).

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Migrating Talent 31 50

40

Percent

30

20

10

0 None