Intercultural Relations and Ethnic Conflict in Asia 2016017819, 9781522505822, 9781522505839

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Intercultural Relations and Ethnic Conflict in Asia

Copyright © 2016. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

Swati Jaywant Rao Bute AMITY University, India

A volume in the Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies (ARCS) Book Series

Published in the United States of America by IGI Global Information Science Reference (an imprint of IGI Global) 701 E. Chocolate Avenue Hershey PA 17033 Tel: 717-533-8845 Fax: 717-533-8661 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.igi-global.com Copyright © 2017 by IGI Global. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or distributed in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, without written permission from the publisher. Product or company names used in this set are for identification purposes only. Inclusion of the names of the products or companies does not indicate a claim of ownership by IGI Global of the trademark or registered trademark. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

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Names: Bute, Swati Jaywant Rao, 1974- editor. Title: Intercultural relations and ethnic conflict in Asia / Swati Jaywant Rao Bute, edito. Description: Hershey : Information Science Reference, 2016. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2016017819| ISBN 9781522505822 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781522505839 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Ethnic conflict--Asia. | Cultural relations. | Mass media--Social aspects--Asia. Classification: LCC HM1121 .I5798 2016 | DDC 305.80095--dc23 LC record available at https:// lccn.loc.gov/2016017819 This book is published in the IGI Global book series Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies (ARCS) (ISSN: Pending; eISSN: Pending) British Cataloguing in Publication Data A Cataloguing in Publication record for this book is available from the British Library. All work contributed to this book is new, previously-unpublished material. The views expressed in this book are those of the authors, but not necessarily of the publisher.

Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies (ARCS) Book Series ISSN: Pending EISSN: Pending

Mission

In the era of globalization, the diversity of the world and various cultures becomes apparent as cross-cultural interactions turn into a daily occurrence for individuals in all professions. Understanding these differences is necessary in order to promote effective partnerships and interactions between those from different religious and cultural backgrounds. The Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies (ARCS) book series brings together a collection of scholarly publications on topics pertaining to religious beliefs, culture, population studies, and sociology. Books published within this series are ideal for professionals, theorists, researchers, and students seeking the latest research on collective human behavior in terms of religion, social structure, and cultural identity and practice.

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Coverage • • • • • • • • • •

Human Rights and Ethics Sociology Gender Globalization and Culture Social Stratifcation and Classes Politics and Religion Group Behavior Impact of Religion on Society Cults and Religious Movements Stereotypes and Racism

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Titles in this Series

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Comparative Perspectives on Civil Religion, Nationalism, and Political Influence Eyal Lewin (Ariel University, Israel) Etta Bick (Ariel University, Israel) and Dan Naor (Bar Ilan University/Ariel University, Israel) Information Science Reference • copyright 2017 • 322pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522505167) • US $185.00 (our price) Critical Research on Sexism and Racism in STEM Fields Ursula Thomas (Georgia Perimeter College, USA) and Jill Drake (University of West Georgia, USA) Information Science Reference • copyright 2016 • 301pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522501749) • US $190.00 (our price) Handbook of Research on Chaos and Complexity Theory in the Social Sciences Şefika Şule Erçetin (Hacettepe University, Turkey) and Hüseyin Bağcı (Middle East Technical University, Turkey) Information Science Reference • copyright 2016 • 458pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522501480) • US $305.00 (our price) Combating Violent Extremism and Radicalization in the Digital Era Majeed Khader (Home Team Behavioural Sciences Centre, Ministry of Home Affairs, Singapore) Loo Seng Neo (Home Team Behavioural Sciences Centre, Ministry of Home Affairs, Singapore) Gabriel Ong (Home Team Behavioural Sciences Centre, Ministry of Home Affairs, Singapore) Eunice Tan Mingyi (Home Team Behavioural Sciences Centre, Ministry of Home Affairs, Singapore) and Jeffery Chin (Home Team Behavioural Sciences Centre, Ministry of Home Affairs, Singapore) Information Science Reference • copyright 2016 • 582pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522501565) • US $190.00 (our price) Handbook of Research on Race, Gender, and the Fight for Equality Julie Prescott (University of Bolton, UK) Information Science Reference • copyright 2016 • 744pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781522500476) • US $320.00 (our price) Islamic Economy and Social Mobility Cultural and Religious Considerations Hasan Shahpari (Community College of Philadelphia, USA) and Tahereh Alavi Hojjat (DeSales University, USA) Information Science Reference • copyright 2016 • 372pp • H/C (ISBN: 9781466697317) • US $190.00 (our price)

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Editorial Advisory Board

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Lele Ajey, Assistant Director, India Agha Aqsa, Doctoral Scholar, India Pokhrapurkar D., Media Consultant, India Tadjine Farida, Assistant Lecturer, Algeria Bhrdwaj Sree Krishna Hotur, Doctoral Scholar, India Nasir Khaled, Geopolitical Analyst, Bangladesh Thakur Kiran, Adjunct Faculty and Research Coordinator, India Bhagat Mono, Senior Advisor and Consultant, India Gokhale A. Nitin, National Security Analyst, Media Trainer and Author, India Chandra Priyanka, Doctoral Scholar, India

Table of Contents

Preface. ................................................................................................................xii ;

;

Chapter 1 A Region of Association and Turbulence............................................................... 1 Meha Pant, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India ;

;

;

;

;

Chapter 2 Communalism: Challenge to the Truth of Indian Diversity................................. 28 Aqsa Agha, JNU, India ;

;

;

;

;

Chapter 3 Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka: The Indian Infuence.................................... 46 Sudha Jha Pathak, Amity Law School, India ;

;

;

;

;

Chapter 4 Islamic Modernism in the Works of Jamaluddin Al-Afghani and Syed Ahmed Khan: Contrast and Relevance.............................................................................. 68 Priyanka Chandra, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India ;

;

;

;

;

Chapter 5 Love Thy Neighbor as Thyself? Public Attitudes, Opinions and Level of Concern in Asia.................................................................................................... 86 Sirjjan Preet, Youth Technical Training Society (YTTS), India ;

;

;

;

;

Chapter 6 21st Century Confict: A New Perspective......................................................... 108 Athul M. A., Max Protection Ltd., India

Copyright © 2016. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

;

;

;

;

;

Chapter 7 Role of Citizen Journalism through Internet in Reporting War and Conficts: An Introspection................................................................................................. 127 Sree Krishna Bharadwaj H., National Law School of India University, India ;

;

;

;

;

Chapter 8 Understanding the Role of Media in South Asia................................................ 137 Sukanya Natarajan, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India ;

;

;

;

;

Related References............................................................................................ 164 ;

;

Compilation of References............................................................................... 214 ;

;

About the Contributors.................................................................................... 231 ;

;

Index. ................................................................................................................. 233

Copyright © 2016. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

;

;

Detailed Table of Contents

Preface. ................................................................................................................xii ;

;

Chapter 1 A Region of Association and Turbulence............................................................... 1 Meha Pant, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India ;

;

;

;

;

The areas in and around India have always had a close association in building up of events which with time have attained historical and cultural prominence. In this study of cultural association the today’s neighboring countries of Pakistan and Afghanistan have served as a passage of the infux of various cultures into the Indian subcontinent. The end of the Cold War highlighted the new threats which had emerged, not bound in the notions of safeguarding the integrity and sovereignty; they were way beyond territorial demarcations. These new threats were transnational in form with a much larger impact on the masses of the state. The rise and fall of Taliban in Afghanistan and the Anti India Islamic forces in Pakistan with the rise of India as a new regional power has led to new perspectives in concerns for the diplomatic and bilateral relations between these countries. What remains to be pointed is the level of porosity of borders and the ancient passes which have been routes for trade and inter cultural afliations among these countries. The period of 2009-2015 was marked by various incidents which rocked the subcontinent bringing in strategic concerns to a new level. This article would study the historical linkages and cultural afliations which binds the area of Afghanistan, Pakistan and India into a deeper relationship. Along with dwelling into the political scenario defned by bilateral and diplomatic ties which has taken up an important place in the times of changing perspectives of war and confict. Copyright © 2016. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

;

Chapter 2 Communalism: Challenge to the Truth of Indian Diversity................................. 28 Aqsa Agha, JNU, India ;

;

;

;

;

Indian diversity is a result of generations of co-mingling and the delicate social fabric faces challenge of the ever- growing threat of communalism. To understand

the challenge of communalism it is imperative for us to defne and recognise its manifestations. This chapter will focus on defning communalism, its changing form from pre to post independence, how the contemporary political scenario has promoted communal passions of the masses, that is often manifested in the communal violence, how it has made history central to their communal programme; and fnally the repercussions of the communal hate mongering on the Indian social fabric. It is through communal interpretation of history and its propagation through all possible means that pits one community against the other. This chapter will counter the communal interpretation of history and will focus on the need for the promotion of counter narrative. ;

Chapter 3 Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka: The Indian Infuence.................................... 46 Sudha Jha Pathak, Amity Law School, India ;

;

;

;

;

This paper is a historical study of the mutual exchanges in the religious and cultural traditions, in the context of Buddhism between India and Sri Lanka. As a powerful medium of trans-acculturation, Buddhism enriched several countries especially of South and South-East Asia. Though Asoka used Buddhism as a unifying instrument of royal power, he was considered as the ruler par excellence who ruled as per dhamma and righteousness ensuring peace and harmony in the kingdom. He was emulated by several rulers in the Buddhist world including Sri Lanka. Royal patronage of the Buddhist Sangha in Sri Lanka was reciprocated by support for the institution of kingship. Kingship played an important role in the political unifcation of the country, whereas Buddhism provided the ground for ideological consolidation. The Indian impact is clearly visible in all aspects of Sri Lankan life and identityreligion (Buddhism), art architecture, literature, language. However the culture and civilization which developed in the island nation had its own distinctive variant despite retaining the Indian favour. ;

Chapter 4 Islamic Modernism in the Works of Jamaluddin Al-Afghani and Syed Ahmed Khan: Contrast and Relevance.............................................................................. 68 Priyanka Chandra, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India ;

;

Copyright © 2016. IGI Global. All rights reserved.

;

;

;

Linkages between religion and politics have engaged the interest of scholars for centuries. Two thinkers, whose works are central to these inter-linkages are Jamaluddin al-Afghani and Syed Ahmed Khan. Both were Islamic modernists in the late nineteenth century who sought to reform religion by engaging with modernity. They have also contributed signifcantly to shaping the nationalist movements in West Asia and India respectively. This chapter will examine their ideas on important issues like religious and educational reform, nationalism and Pan-Islamism, diferences and

contrasts in their ideologies and their contributions to Islamic modernism. Through this examination this chapter will highlight the relevance of their contributions to the study of contemporary political Islam. ;

Chapter 5 Love Thy Neighbor as Thyself? Public Attitudes, Opinions and Level of Concern in Asia.................................................................................................... 86 Sirjjan Preet, Youth Technical Training Society (YTTS), India ;

;

;

;

;

In a continent as vast and as densely populated as Asia, regional cooperation and friendship is rooted in the people. People-to-people ties determine the extent of economic and social progress in the region. The chapter focuses on attitudes, opinions and expectations of Asian community so as to monitor the state of mutual understanding and trust among countries in Asia. It is an attempt to acquire realistic understanding of the nature and determinants of public attitudes and opinions in the Asian region. Besides studying the impressions/views of Asians about each other, the chapter also intends to investigate the reasons behind these impressions and provide recommendations based on the observations. ;

Chapter 6 21st Century Confict: A New Perspective......................................................... 108 Athul M. A., Max Protection Ltd., India ;

;

;

;

;

Warfare has evolved rapidly in the frst few years of the 21st century. There are stark diferences with conventional mode of warfare, which was the de facto mode for much of 20th century, and today’s asymmetric warfare. In the conventional mode of warfare, if winning and losing a war could be defned by the traditional yard sticks of number of enemy dead, how much area of land occupied and number of prisoners taken, today these yardsticks no longer us get a clear picture of who is winning or losing it. ;

Chapter 7 Role of Citizen Journalism through Internet in Reporting War and Conficts: An Introspection................................................................................................. 127 Sree Krishna Bharadwaj H., National Law School of India University, India ;

;

;

;

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;

It is no doubt that internet has brought a revolution in the world. Every individual is nowadays active in terms of information of not just his country but happenings throughout the world. Therefore, with devices having connectivity in everyone’s hand with the whole world, it is impossible to suppress or any occurrence. Every individual is becoming a journalist. This paper explores the issues in citizen reporting especially in wars and conficts both legal and sociological. ;

Chapter 8 Understanding the Role of Media in South Asia................................................ 137 Sukanya Natarajan, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India ;

;

;

;

;

The South Asian region is positioned at the heart of enormous socio-politico-cultural transformations that are repeatedly captured by the rising rates of consumption, population, unemployment, aspiration, urbanization, inequality and confict within the region. In this region, media plays an increasingly important role in propagating mass wakefulness by shaping public opinion day in and day out. The cultural signifcance and value attached to South Asian Media whether it’s the print or audio visual media to the social and political life of people of the region presents itself for greater understanding of history of South Asian media including media culture, new technology and its impact on the regional politics and economics. This chapter intends to understand the dynamics behind the rise of social media, print media, audio visual media and flm in these countries and how there is a cultural and social continuum that the media has to work with and employ in shaping public opinion within the South Asian region. ;

Related References............................................................................................ 164 ;

;

Compilation of References............................................................................... 214 ;

;

About the Contributors.................................................................................... 231 ;

;

Index. ................................................................................................................. 233

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;

;

xii

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Preface

South Asia region is a group of eight countries Afghanistan, Bhutan Bangladesh, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. This region shows lot of cultural similarities but there are differences at geo political level. Geo political differences are not only affecting the economic growth and prosperity of the region but also making it politically unstable, vulnerable and increasing socio-cultural differences. This geographically diverse area has lots of socio-cultural similarities. People to people connection are the strength of this area. Inter regional cultural exchange, marriage relations is in the practice. Education and scholarly exchange, similar food habits, art, literature, people’s faith in different religions, similarity in different religions connects South Asian countries very strongly. All South Asian countries have their political, economic, socio-cultural, problems. They are facing conflicts and riots at home, tension at border and global threats like terrorism and war. In globalized world, South Asia is going through a transition period of regional differences and pressure created by global powers for their own geo-political and economic interests in the region. Inter regional political differences between South Asian countries creates dilemma and tension among people of these countries and responsible for internal security threats, border tension and conflicts. There is lack of confidence building measures at state and local level. If something happens at border, in cities, or in communities people look at government, local administration and media to get proper information and to know what exactly is happening. At many times Government, local administration and media do not provide proper information and leaves people to live with the dilemma, confusion, fear and tension. Today when there are multiple sources of information are available; people are getting information from both authentic and non-authentic sources, which further create confusion in the society. Culturally bonded societies are more sensitive towards their families, culture, faith, belief and customs. Politically incorrect information easily creates panic and chaos in such societies. This fear of loss - loss of family members, land, property, identity, faith, culture, belief sows the seeds of differences and hatred amongst the people. Moreover, in such situation if they are not getting proper directions from

xiii

the state and information from the media they feel helpless. Sometimes it is a political agenda to support such situation of uncertainty, loss, fear, tension and hatred. Sometimes media organizations are used to provoke people’s feelings and sentiments to increase tension, riots and chaos and to disturb social harmony. In such situation, it is necessary to analyse India’s cultural relations in South Asian countries in changing perspectives of war and conflicts and role of media and new communication technology. It is necessary to evaluate how historical and cultural similarities and relations of South Asian countries can be a source to maintain bilaterl, diplomatic relations and to secure border issues? what new tectics of war and conflicts are in use in South Asian region? What role media is playing in reporting riot, conflict and war and in building confidence and trust between the people and governments? This book focuses on all above-mentioned issues. In this book editor tried to get a collection of chapters to evaluate intercultural relations in south Asian countries, changing geopolitical situation in the region and its effect on intercultural relations, changing patterns of war in the region, media’s role in enhancing socio cultural relations, building confidence and trust and in reporting conflict, tension and war. This book is for scholars, academicians and students of bilateral relations and international affairs. This book is also for scholars, academicians and students of culture, politics, sociology, journalism and communication.

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ORGANIZATION OF THE BOOK The book is organized into twelve chapters. A brief description of each of the chapters follows: Chapter 1 identifies South Asian region as a region of association and turbulence. In particular, the chapter identifies the area in and around the Indian subcontinent as a mixture of various defined and undefined flows of love, tolerance, religious affiliation along with the prevalence of emotions of mistrust and hatred. The region shares an affinity, which in today’s times has lead to the various transnational forces causing instability in the region due to the shared geographical shared proximity and the porous borders that prevail between these nations. The end of the Cold war highlighted the new threats, which had emerged, not bonded in the notions of safeguarding the integrity and sovereignty; they were way beyond territorial demarcations. This article highlights historical linkages and cultural affiliations, which binds the area of Afghanistan, Pakistan and India into a deeper relationship. Along with dwelling into the political scenario defined by bilateral and diplomatic ties which has taken up an important place in the times of changing perspectives of war and conflict.

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xiv

Chapter 2 establishes that Indian diversity is a result of generations of comingling and the delicate social fabric faces challenge of the ever- growing threat of communalism. To understand the challenge of communalism it is imperative for us to define and recognize its manifestations. This chapter defines communalism, its changing form from pre to post independence, how the contemporary political scenario has promoted communal passions of the masses, that is often manifested in the communal violence, how it has made history central to their communal program; and finally the repercussions of the communal hate mongering on the Indian social fabric. It is through communal interpretation of history and its propagation through all possible means that pits one community against the other. This chapter analyzes the communal interpretation of history and the need for the promotion of counter narrative. Chapter 3 presents an analysis of linkages between religion and politics, which have engaged the interest of scholars for centuries. Two thinkers, whose works are central to these inter-linkages, are Jamaluddin al-Afghani and Syed Ahmed Khan. Both were Islamic modernists in the late nineteenth century who sought to reform religion by engaging with modernity. They have also contributed significantly to shaping the nationalist movements in West Asia and India respectively. This chapter examines their ideas on important issues like religious and educational reform, nationalism and pan-Islamism, differences and contrasts in their ideologies and their contributions to Islamic modernism. Through this examination, this chapter highlights the relevance of their contributions to the study of contemporary political Islam. Chapter 4 reviews the security threats posed by “Islamic State of Iraq. Author argues about the real threat and its projection by media. By rising questions such as is ISIS really coming? What is it? Why the world is so scared from it? Is it a new terror organization? Alternatively, it is just the same terror group under a different name? Is it as big as it claims or it is just a fake projection by media? This chapter cover it all using the available resources in the open source. Chapter 5 is a historical study of the mutual exchanges in the religious and cultural traditions, in the context of Buddhism between India and Sri Lanka. As a powerful medium of trans-acculturation, Buddhism enriched several countries especially of South and South-East Asia. Though Asoka used Buddhism as a unifying instrument of royal power, he was considered as the ruler par excellence who ruled as per dhamma and righteousness ensuring peace and harmony in the kingdom. Several rulers in the Buddhist world including Sri Lanka emulated him. Royal patronage of the Buddhist Sangha in Sri Lanka was reciprocated by support for the institution of kingship. Kingship played an important role in the political unification of the country, whereas Buddhism provided the ground for ideological consolidation. The Indian impact is clearly visible in all aspects of Sri Lankan life and identity-religion (Buddhism), art architecture, literature, language. However, the culture and civiliza-

xv

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tion, which developed in the island nation, had its own distinctive variant despite retaining the Indian flavor. Chapter 6 reviews South Asia continent as vast and as densely populated where regional cooperation and friendship is rooted in the people. People-to-people ties determine the extent of economic and social progress in the region. The chapter focuses on attitudes, opinions and expectations of Asian community to monitor the state of mutual understanding and trust among countries in Asia. It is an attempt to acquire realistic understanding of the nature and determinants of public attitudes and opinions in the Asian region. Besides studying the impressions/views of Asians about each other, the chapter also intends to investigate the reasons behind these impressions and provide recommendations based on the observations. Chapter 7 reviews that warfare has evolved rapidly in the first few years of the 21st century. There are stark differences with conventional mode of warfare, which was the defacto mode for much of 20th century, and today’s asymmetric warfare. In the conventional mode of warfare, if winning and losing a war could be defined by the traditional yard sticks of number of enemy dead, how much area of land occupied and number of prisoners taken, today these yardsticks no longer us get a clear picture of who is winning or losing it. Chapter 8 analyzes the impact of new media on society. With the rise of technology, there has been tremendous change in the reporting of news. The citizen journalism has gained momentum especially through social media such as blogs, Facebook, twitter etc. It is very difficult to assess whether the citizen journalism is significant in the society. This paper analyses these concepts with the help of case studies.

1

Chapter 1

A Region of Association and Turbulence Meha Pant Jawaharlal Nehru University, India

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ABSTRACT The areas in and around India have always had a close association in building up of events which with time have attained historical and cultural prominence. In this study of cultural association the today’s neighboring countries of Pakistan and Afghanistan have served as a passage of the infux of various cultures into the Indian subcontinent. The end of the Cold War highlighted the new threats which had emerged, not bound in the notions of safeguarding the integrity and sovereignty; they were way beyond territorial demarcations. These new threats were transnational in form with a much larger impact on the masses of the state. The rise and fall of Taliban in Afghanistan and the Anti India Islamic forces in Pakistan with the rise of India as a new regional power has led to new perspectives in concerns for the diplomatic and bilateral relations between these countries. What remains to be pointed is the level of porosity of borders and the ancient passes which have been routes for trade and inter cultural afliations among these countries. The period of 2009-2015 was marked by various incidents which rocked the subcontinent bringing in strategic concerns to a new level. This article would study the historical linkages and cultural afliations which binds the area of Afghanistan, Pakistan and India into a deeper relationship. Along with dwelling into the political scenario defned by bilateral and diplomatic ties which has taken up an important place in the times of changing perspectives of war and confict.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-0582-2.ch001 Copyright ©2017, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

A Region of Association and Turbulence

INTRODUCTION ...the vast region that today encompasses northern India along with Pakistan and much of Afghanistan was commonly under a single polity, even as sovereignty over southern India was in doubt. Thus, for Indian elites, to think of not only Pakistan but Afghanistan, too, as part of India’s home turf is not only natural but historically justified. The tomb of Babur is in Kabul, not in Delhi. This does not mean that India has territorial designs on Afghanistan, but it does mean that New Delhi cares profoundly about who rules Afghanistan, and wishes to ensure that those who do rule there are friendly to India. (Kaplan, 2012). As stated India stands at a predicament which has yet to be risen above the shifts of power dynamics in the region. Much influenced by the flow of culture from the western borders it has always shared a relationship with the state of Afghanistan even during the British raj. Pakistan on the other hand was a vital part of the Indian subcontinent until it was divided with the call of independence from the British Raj leading to partition of the Indian state into India (Hindu Majority) and Pakistan (Muslim majority).

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BACKGROUND The Indian subcontinent can be defined as a conglomeration of various cultures, ethnicities, notions and perceptions which exist and have thus continued since time immemorial. The region has been a so called transitory area from the west to the east. While the civilizations like that of Iran, Central Asia and the western side of the continent have influenced the culture of the region, India itself has been a source of influence to its eastern neighbors, be it the countries of Nepal, Bhutan, Burma, Myammmar and even China with the greatest weapon of religion. The borders of the region have been mountainous and less guarded leading to influx of people, religion, culture and various invasions from one region to another. Though the countries of Afghanistan, India and Pakistan have been closely interlinked on various terms but have also had some issues of contestation which have rocked the region from time to time meddling with the geographical and cultural affinity they share. The troubled past has lead to a trust deficit between the three which is apparent from the attitude that they have adopted against each other leading to a sense of rivalry that dominates the region. Each of these three countries of the Indian subcontinent have been interlinked troublemakers for the individual states. While the countries of Afghanistan Pakistan have had troubles with the issue of the Durand Line or that

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A Region of Association and Turbulence

of Pakistani support for Taliban and Mujahidin forces which has led to instability in Afghanistan. Pakistan holds India as a betrayer with the Kashmir issue while Viceversa Pakistan is accused of being a breeding ground of terrorism against the India state. While strategically Pakistan holds Afghanistan as a region where it can acquire “strategic depth” against India while also as a gateway to the untamed Central Asian resources. Afghanistan considers India as a friend which has always been there in the times of need contrary to the Pakistani belief of India being a regional bully. India has always maintained great relations with the Afghan nation except the era of the Taliban. The bitterness that India and Pakistan dates back to 1947 and the creation of a separate Hindu and Muslim state from British India. The history of the Indian and Pakistan nations have been one of territorial disputes, nuclear rivalry, disagreements over resource sharing, nonconventional security threats, internal security stresses, lack of development, abysmal social indicators, and a constant state of fluidity in their domestic politics (Narayanan, 2010). The Kashmir issue and insurgency have been questioned time and again between the two nations. If a consensus is ever reached between the three on the issues of Figure 1. 1947 war

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Source: *http://im.rediff.com/news/2015/aug/17indo-pak-war1.jpg (1947 war)

3

A Region of Association and Turbulence

Figure 2. TIME magazine cover

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Source: *The Time Magazine cover for war 1965.

the Durand line(though now new more vital issues apart from this has risen between the two states) and the Kashmir issue economic and political prosperity of the region can be achieved while the three together can counter militancy with a firm hand. What can be firmly stated here is Freud’s theory of ‘Narcissism of Minor differences’ which in the wake of conjoined socio-political mechanisms joins the civilizations into a co evolutionary spiral of morbid fascinations and neurotic obsessions. Which as a result omit the rational calculation of interests as can be seen between the two countries of Afghanistan, Pakistan and India.

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A Region of Association and Turbulence

Figure 3. Indo-Pak War

Source: *http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-yXLmPyJz7rI/VgBNHQGqFoI/AAAAAAAACys/wZly0sTGq5E/ s640/bm-image-716241.jpeg

Figure 4. Losses in 1971 war

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Source: *http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-yXLmPyJz7rI/VgBNHQGqFoI/AAAAAAAACys/wZly0sTGq5E/ s640/bm-image-716241.jpeg

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A Region of Association and Turbulence

Figure 5. Kargil War

Source: *http://photos.outlookindia.com/images/gallery/20130207/kargil_war_20130218.jpg (Kargil War 1999)

INTERLINKED YET UNIQUE When Indians look at their maps of the subcontinent they see Afghanistan and Pakistan in the northwest, just as they see Nepal, Bhutan, and Bangladesh in the northeast, as all part of India’s immediate sphere of influence, with Iran, the Persian Gulf, the former Soviet Central Asian republics, and Burma as critical shadow zones. Not to view these places as such, is, from the vantage point of New Delhi, to ignore the lessons of history and geography. (Kaplan, 2012)

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The three nations though share a common history and bond have always maintained a uniqueness that separates one from the other. Before we dwell into the concerns that have been instigating responses from the three countries it is important to know the nations at a individual glimpse.

AFGHANISTAN Allama Mohammad Iqbal (1932) had aptly described the geographical importance of the Afghan nation for the Indian subcontinent as “Asia is but a body of mud and

6

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A Region of Association and Turbulence

water. Its throbbing heart is the Afghan nation. The Afghan nation’s relief gives relief to Asia and its corruption corrupts Asia”. Afghanistan is a big, landlocked, rugged country sharing its borders with the countries of Pakistan, China, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Iran which has been organized on the basis of tribes and clan politics. The geographical location has lead the region to be serving as a melting pot of civilization from the west and the eastern borders of the country, leading to being the juncture of various invasions and political commotion since its inception. While also being an area for the transmission of Islam from the west to the eastern part of the subcontinent. The last big event which defined the course of its history into the 21st century was it serving as the battle field of the two great powers of USSR and the US leading to the end of the long years of the Cold War. Afghan society though disproportionately diverse has Islam serving as a common thread that holds various sections together. Though here it is worth mentioning that the Islam in this area has acquired a feature of its own which cannot be compared to that of the countries of West Asia. ‘Islam in Afghanistan has successfully gelled in, between and among several tribal cultures and has acquired localized spin-offs that differ region by region in the same territory. Islam and Muslims in Afghanistan have unique socio-cultural practices and festivals also not known in other Islamic nations. The way marriage ceremonies happen in Afghan society is a strong pointer in this regard’ (Rabbani, 2012). The country was trying to adapt into the system of the Taliban when the event of 9/11 brought the country again into the forefront of world politics as a battle field for the US for its fight against terrorism and groups like Al-Qaeda and Taliban. The recent state of affairs as stated by the Afghanistan expert Barnett Rubin argues that the state of affairs in the country facing corruption, unemployment and devastation has led to the people of the same clans with no substantive issue fighting against each other. Quoting a fruit vendor (2007), “Those Afghans who are fighting, it is all because of unemployment,” adding, “A drought in some parts of the country has also led to displacement and a decline in agricultural employment.” The lack of a stable economic structure has lead to migration, drug trafficking which initiates the rising up of the “Jihadi economy” deriving funds from the outside actors in play in the country (Cole, 2009). As the US forces decided to leave the country into the hands of Afghan leaders a sense of fear came whether Afghanistan will become the juncture for a new war amongst the regional and the international players. As the researchers foretold that the vacuum created by the US leaving may also initiate the extremist forces to rise to gain hold over the region, which can be seen by the rise of terrorist incidents since the US declaration by the President Barack Obama on troops leaving in 2014. The state of affairs in the current times though cannot be termed satisfactory yet can be termed as one where the afghan government is taking

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in various measures for the democratization of the system, while trying to initiate people’s participation from the far flung areas so that well represented they would not be forced to act against the government while with funds flowing in for their development will put an end to their age old differences with the centre.

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PAKISTAN For Jinnah, to quote Akbar S. Ahmed, “Pakistan meant more than just territory, more than a defined area with boundaries; Pakistan meant a culmination of a Muslim movement rooted in history, the quest for a mystical homeland, a Pakistan, a land of the pure” (Ahmed, 1997). The geographical setting of the Pakistan nation is such that it is a “South Asian state when looked from India, a Middle Eastern, when viewed from the Persian Gulf and a Central Asian, when viewed from Ghazni, Kandhar or Kabul in Afghanistan” (Burke & Ziring, 1990). The invasions that rocked the region before the British were basically from the direction of Central Asia and it is the reason that the region beyond the Afghanistan of NWFP and Balochistan or FATA are of a Central Asian setting. Leading to Afghanistan claims of these areas demarcated by the British on the basis of the Durand line as being part of their territory sharing the same cultural affiliation. Pakistan was born as a child of massive violence which lead to an age of turmoil and struggle for the Pakistani state for its upliftment from the shackles of low literacy and lack of industry which was the result of inheritance from the British (Cole, 2009). Standing as a bridge with being a custodian for its rich inheritance of the Indus valley civilization it had also played an important role as a transistor of the Silk Route Network in the Middle Ages. With a variant geography of desert in one part and lush green vegetation along the Indus (Punjab Province) on the another, it still is one of the largest populated nations of the world (Cole, 2009). Taking such variations in the geopolitical, geostrategic, economic and religious realm into consideration the Pakistan Foreign Policy has been intricately designed in order to meet the needs of the modern security environment. While trying to stabilize the nation along with upliftment from the acquired legacy, Pakistan has faced a number of setbacks in terms of war and partition of another chunk of its territory of Bangladesh in a war with India in 1971. This war seemed to have shaken the very foundation of the Pakistani state as was dreamt by Jinnah in his dream of a Muslim land as Bangladesh came up as a nation apart from that of Pakistan. It was this war which furthermore instigated the desire for survival amongst state of Pakistan where it was ready to go to any measure for establishing itself as

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a formidable force on the Indian continent. This prolonged desire, lead to it acquiring one of the best military forces in the world and also nuclear power. An array of revenge oriented dreams were set free on the Pakistani soil since 1947 and the wars that were fought. Yet the nuclear tests conducted were a direct answer to India which the Pakistani regime seemed to bogey for a long period of time. Despite knowing of the fact that any endeavor on its part to hamper the Indian soil would have much greater repercussions on themselves and their populace. The Pakistani foreign policy and its establishment of friendly relations with the powers like the US and closely with China is nothing but a step which mainly caters to it acquiring strategic depth against its rival India in the Indian subcontinent. It even played a pivotal role in the dynamics of the Cold War era. Strictly denying the acts of the Soviet Union in Afghanistan in 1979, it played an important ally for the US while serving as a transit route for humanitarian and military aid from the International Community into Afghanistan. The policy of containment lead to it becoming a “key player in dismantling what the free world once called the “Evil Empire” of the former Soviet Union (Mahzar & Gorava, 2013). Despite the harsh years of Cold War, Pakistan did not wink in the face of intensity and immediacy of the Soviet ‘watch’ and continued playing the role of a fall guy (Mazhar & Gorava, 2013) under the US. Even after the Cold War period the Pakistani state tended to serve as a base for Islamist Talibani regime in Afghanistan turning into a safe haven for the extremists which looked for a safe haven for themselves in the wake of any

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Figure 6.

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harsh measures by the state government. The phenomenon in the aftermath of these triggered events influenced the behavior of the people on both sides of the Pakistan and Afghanistan border to a great extent. The fragility of civilian institutions in Pakistan and the overwhelming power and resources of the armed forces suggest that behind a veneer of civilian leadership, the state in Pakistan is run by a praetorian guard (Narayanan, 2010). The whole scenario of US faith on the Pakistani regime seemed to overturn when Osama Bin Laden was found hiding in the city of Abbottabad in Pakistan. The US had been serious enough for the hunt of a man who had questioned the security of the most powerful state of the world while posing a challenge to the billions of American and World citizens. The question was laid as to the secrecy the Pakistani state had maintained all this time on the issues while serving as a safe haven for the forces the US had been trying to wipe out since 2001 in Afghanistan. Furthering the issue was the highlighting of the use of terrorism as a state craft which received UN attention which was attentively seemed not only to be directed against the state of India but would reach across all borders. The act lead to not only the Pakistani image going down but with it the other well guarded secrets coming up leading to the terming up of the state of Pakistan as a rogue state.

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INDIA India has always been a country based on the concept of tolerance and peace. Unlike the turbulent neighbors around the country it maintains sovereignty and secularism which have been incorporated in the constitution of the country. Since its inception in 1947 the country faced a number of challenges which have been met efficiently except the Kashmir issue which continues to bother while also being terrorism which has led to instability in the country from time to time. Though it needs a mention that the Indian state has been strong enough to tackle such a situation of turbulence though desiring a permanent solution that prevail between it and its neighboring states of Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka etc. The partition of the country on the basis of religion had led to the initial years full of turbulence, as there was a high number of displaced populace on either side of the border. The strong leaders at the time have saved India from going into depression while being able to raise its importance in the international forum by continuous policies like that of NAM (Non-Alignment Movement). When the world had been divided into two factions of Capitalism and Communism. India has risen up as strong regional political and economic power and today holds up a crucial place amongst the rising powers of the world.

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AREAS WHERE INTEREST CONVERGES: TURNING ENEMIES INTO FRIENDS The countries of the area are facing serious external and internal security threats. While Afghanistan needs to attain stability which is still yet to be achieved a process, the countries of Pakistan and India have a number of issues which have to be dealt by the respective governments. Though Pakistan and India have always had swords drawn against each other, they both today face the same set of problems which have been created by the very same turbulent neighbor of Afghanistan. In dire need a broad based strategy encompassing military, political, social, economic and informational domains, they aim at stability to prevail in the region, while desiring peace on the western corners of their respective countries. Today Pakistan faces a spillover of tensions and insurgency from Afghanistan due to instability in the region, forgetting that India has always been a victim of a home grown terrorism by Pakistan in the areas of Kashmir. Even after an eight year long war waged by the international and the regional forces defeating the Taliban and Al-Qaeda insurgents in the name of “War on Terror”. The Taliban has risen again and this time with more formidable tactics and maneuvering skills threatening the lives of millions on both sides of the border. Creating trouble for the regional players as well as showing the failure of the international ones, it challenges the political and territorial integrity of Pakistan(Galula, 2006).The insurgency in Pakistan found its way through smuggling of arms and ammunitions (missiles, hand grenades, anti-tank missiles) from Afghanistan. The weaponization of the society where the weapons smuggled from Afghanistan reached every part of Pakistan is backfiring today. It is these weapons which served as a formidable strength are responsible for the current wave of militancy in Balochistan and Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) along with the ever increase in incidents of suicide and terrorist attacks throughout Pakistan. This ever-growing scenario of bomb blasts and religious extremism has turned the liberal and moderate society of Pakistan into an extremist one (Humayun, 2011). The countries of the region whether Pakistan, India or Afghanistan converge and are deeply intertwined with each other. Though in the current scenario it is the wave of terrorism and transnational border security threats that bind them but there are levels of relativity issues which have always brought them on a same plane. India has come way beyond the failures of independence crisis while Pakistan and Afghanistan have a lot to tackle to. Both the countries tribal areas have resisted the penetration of elitism or any other foreign influence and have continuously fought the perception of being puppet regimes under the US. While Pakistan can be proud of a national cohesive elite and a large army, it has troubled notions of party poli-

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tics, extremism. Pakistan cannot be toppled by tribal warlords so easily as history has seen frequent change of power from one power group to another. Kashmir on the other sense is not the localization of threats by non-state forces like war lords but state generated affairs against India by the state of Pakistan. Fisher and Ury’s ‘Getting to Yes’ suggests important tools to negotiate complicated conflicts like in Kashmir, FATA and may be even for a new government in Afghanistan by suggesting methods and steps in negotiation, which lead to a win-win solution. Fisher and Ury have suggested four methods, which could be very helpful for removing the deadlock in the peace process between India and Pakistan. Each point deals with a basic element of negotiation, and suggests what should be done about it. The four methods are; •

People: Separate the people from the problem it is very important for the state to separate the people from the problems of the governments. As it is they who are the most afected by the policies which go wrong. The Afghan people have been tired of decades of turbulence and instability which have led to low levels of income and poor levels of life. Leading to various problems on the fulfllment of basic needs of life. Even the Kashmiri people have faced continuous bombardments and riots which have lead to Kashmir turning into one of the most unstable frontiers and borderline states.

Here though it must be noted that the Indian government has gone beyond measures given the Kashmiri’s the amenities they desire and the state involvement for all around development. Yet the India government fails to woo its people as generations of people supporting either Pakistan for terrorism prevails. So any government programme is either sidelined or barely reaches completion. While on the other hand the Afghan government has extended its support and recognition to its far flung border areas with better representation of people from these areas leading to respect and development flowing through and curbing the feelings of disarray against the central government that prevailed.

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•

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Interests: Focus on interests, not positions.The governments need to focus on what is gained by taking steps for the state rather than keeping their ego’s on the table. In today’s time all three nations are sufering from a common enemy of terrorism, extremism, and militancy and last but not the least that of corruption. It is well needed that a measure is extended which helps in getting rid of a monster which has bitten hard leading to countries poverty and underdevelopment to prevail. The recent long sidelined TAPI pipeline initiative will serve as a measure which may be a breakthrough in cooperation between the three countries.

A Region of Association and Turbulence

•

•

Options: Generate a variety of possibilities before deciding what to do. As has been seen in the case of Kashmir and the involved states of Pakistan and India that they have adopted only certain parameters while others have always failed. Pakistan initiated military to get the desired results in Kashmir while India has been accused of never letting plebiscite happen for Kashmiri people to decide what they desire. Neither the peace process has been let to work by the forces on either side of the border. Criteria: Insist that the result be based on some objective standard. A certain standard needs to be set before any initiative in the feld is taken for penetration of peace talks or process of association for betterment of the region.

Peace building is a creation of structure between two or more than two states based on fair dealing, equity, and cooperation (i.e., positive peace doable through economic interaction), to tackle the core causes of violent disagreements. In different studies and literature, peace building is recognized as a dynamic, something that changes at every phase of a conflict always moving/changing in response to the situation. Peace advocates argue that states with a long history of war need to accept, cooperate, interact, build feeling of security, space for human dignity, institutionalization of a mechanism for dispute resolution, and settlement. They advise that for sustainable peace-building process, social and economic development must integrate into actual settlement and hence this argument pave way for phenomenon of economic interdependence and regional integration (Gartzke, Li & Boehmer, 2001). There is link in the desired aims of the countries of Pakistan and India on a certain level today. Both want an elimination of foreign terrorists and their facilitators from their territory. Both aim for the establishment and strengthening of political and administrative institutions (Pakistan in FATA; India in Kashmir), while desiring a safe and secure environment which would lead to sustained development resulting in the achievement of socio-economic progress and stability.

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EVOLUTION OF LINKAGES BETWEEN THESE COUNTRIES The withdrawal of the Soviets in 1989 led to Afghanistan breaking into an era of civil war amongst various section of the warlords. Pakistan started with supporting its traditional allies of the Mujahedeen camp (Gulbuddin Hektmatyar and Hezb-e Islam), but as the power equation shifted from one section to another it gained the trust of Taliban making it its most important partner. Religious education was being imparted to students in Pakistan, who later went back to join the ranks of the Taliban. Pakistan earned the title of being “Taliban’s godfather” due to immense support it provided to the group both militarily and logistically (Elias, 2007). 13

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It cannot be denied that the Islamic militancy which erupts and flourishes on both side of the Durand line has a strong correlation with the militant capabilities in around the LOC and the Kashmir valley. The militant groups like that of Lashkar-eTaiba and Hizb-ul Mujahideen have been proven to have their training in northwest Pakistan with coordinated training and arms and logistical support. It has also been seen that the trained mujahedeen and Taliban fighters have made their way into India on various occasions with the aim of toppling the stability of the country. The three nations being linked, it can be stated that unless and until a strong and stable regime is reinstated in Kabul, the influx of terrorism and other illicit activities will continue to create problem for the country of Pakistan and the Indian state. India also has a hidden agenda in the Afghan state and that is monitoring the state of Pakistan which has been a reason of menace since the division of the two countries in 1947 (Ganguly & Howenstein, 2009). Closeness of India with the Afghan nation would help in curtailing the issue of ‘Strategic Depth’ which Pakistan has always sought for from the nation of Afghanistan. Which would make India on a stronghold against any attacks from the Pakistani side.

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Aftermath of 1947 Ahmed Rashid states that while Pakistan and Afghanistan share historical ties which go far beyond 1947 the relations have never been of a friendly kind. Despite sharing a common cultural, ethnic, linguistic and religious proximity, there have been certain contentious issues between the two which have led to the relationship seeing it’s most low and ugly state. With a history which has been defined by the internal politics and the external influences, these states still remain at odds with each other on a number of issues. As seen when Pakistan attained its independence in 1947 Afghanistan was the only state which voted against the new neighbor in the United Nations. The basis being its claim over the Durand Line, a demarcation by the British on the Western borders of Pakistan with the Afghan state (Rashid, 2001). FATA was created by the British as a buffer zone against the Soviets apart from the country of Afghanistan which in itself served as a buffer zone between the two empires. While unemployment, underdevelopment became the state of affairs leading to isolation from the mainstream political and social life in the Area. With the end of the British rule the demarcation was also considered illegitimate between Afghanistan and Pakistan along the Durand line. Pakistan’s role in Afghanistan was defined by a number of interests the country had in the region like that of the formalization of international border of Durand Line, acquiring strategic depth against India, gaining access to Central Asia as this part was known to be rich in natural resources, and minimizing India’s regional presence in the region. With the exacerbated tensions

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between the two countries of Pakistan and Afghanistan, India soon started exploiting the rivalry between the two. India wanted to engage the Pakistani’s with the Western frontier so that it could be secure on the Kashmir front continued paying a lip service to the Pashtunistan ” idea all through the Cold War period (Rubin & Siddique, 2006). Pakistan and India on the other hand been a common nationality until and unless they were demarcated into two nations as a result of the demand for a separate Hindu and Muslim nation.“The Partition” in 1947, according to Tahir Hasnain Naqvi, “initiated the era of decolonization but mired the independence of India and Pakistan in the ether of communal genocide and mass displacement”—an evocative and inflammatory episode that contributed to the construction of political discourses of hatred in both the countries, (Naqvi, 2007) resulting in Kashmir becoming an area of contestation between the two. Even behind the stated desire of helping the US and attainment of international Aid for a greater benefit was the aim of creating Afghanistan as a ‘Smokescreen’ behind which its desires of militant funding through diversion of Afghan aid for reimbursements of Kashmiri rebels and Kashmiri jihad could take place (Kapur & Ganguly, 2012). Pakistani elite has since long used militarism as a basis of mobilization of population against India. It was the sole purpose that assistance was provided to the Taliban and the Mujahidden forces in order to gather support and fighters against India. The camps which were being used to train militants of Afghanistan also trained the militants which were being sent to Kashmir to lead to India’s instability. For Pakistan the area of Kashmir and its acquisition is important only for strengthening its tenuous political foundations which would as a result affirm the Islamic identity of the Pakistani state. As a result of which like the Middle –Eastern countries, Pakistan would rise up as the epitome of Islamic state for the South Asian and South East Asian countries.

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POST-COLD WAR ARENA The area of contestation between Pakistan, Afghanistan and India underwent a fundamental change after the fall of the Soviet Union. Till now Afghanistan nothing but an area for the attainment of “strategic depth” for the country of Pakistan. Afghanistan while serving as a safe haven for militants against India would also help in countering the demand of the greater Pashtunistan by the Afghan state and for the attainment of this desired aim the establishment of Pakistan favorable government was needed. On the regional level, the main lesson from the Afghanistan war seemed to have been that if the strategy of Jihad was successful to defeat a super power like the former Soviet Union, it could also be used against the arch-enemy India (Khan & Wagner, 2013).

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Kashmir is still an unfinished business for Pakistan and this issue has been raised on the International platform a number of times and according to Pakistani authorities the Indian state has always been in a mode of denial. As stated in a press release issued by the National Assembly of Pakistan read “India made Kashmir an international issue by taking it to the United Nations, which passed 18 resolutions calling for plebiscite in the State of Jammu & Kashmir so that the Kashmiri people could decide their future. However, when the Indian leaders realized that the Kashmiri’s wouldn’t join India, they reneged on their promise to hold the plebiscite. India has tried its level best through their puppet governments in Occupied Kashmir to cajole the Kashmiri’s, so that they might forget their right to self-determination. The farcical elections were also held. Similarly quite a few interlocutors were sent to trap the Kashmiri’s in the name of dialogue. But India failed badly to this effect. The Kashmiri’s are struggling for freedom from India since 1947…Pakistanis will not leave the Kashmiri’s in the lurch and continue their support. It is not possible that the Kashmiri’s sacrifice their lives and honors for freedom and we don’t support them (Maulana, 2011). Unlike most of scholars who blame militancy as a result of recent decades of militarization and Islamization or even as an act to bolster Anti-Indian insurgency or support of Taliban fail to understand that Pakistan militancy tactic is more of a sophisticated asymmetric warfare campaign. The Taliban victory finally gave Pakistan’s politico-military establishment a long-sought goal: namely, what they believed to be a pliant regime in Afghanistan, one that would grant it strategic depth against India. India, on the other hand, was forced to abandon its embassy and withdraw its diplomatic personnel from Afghanistan. It was during this period that Pakistan managed to bolster its ties with the Taliban regime until after the tragic events of 11 September 2001 (Ganguly & Howenstein, 2009). The reason for the consistent win of the Taliban over the forces has been the contribution of a number of organizations basically the ones involved in drug trade by providing adequate finances to the organization. Basically in the southern part of Afghanistan there is a strong network of criminal groups which are widely linked for trade of drugs into the neighboring states and beyond. Providence of protection, taxes and bribes by the criminal groups are the main sources of income for the Taliban (Norchi, 2006).

Transnational Character An Indian Army Chief General says: “The fact is when insurgency in J&K was at its peak, we knew of a number of militants with foreign nationalities, besides our neighbors, operating here. When the militants get into a radicalized or fundamental-

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A Region of Association and Turbulence

ist mode, I do not think they worry about national boundaries or nationalities at all. They will go and wage so called Jihad anywhere alongside Taliban in Afghanistan or in Jammu and Kashmir…If there are foreign militants operating in Kashmir, there is always this possibility of some Kashmiri militants operating within Taliban and al-Qaida in Afghanistan or anywhere else (J&K)” (Deepak, 2008). A number of external and domestic factors have played role in promotion of militancy and extremism in religion in Pakistan, which Khan has narrated as: ‘The Afghanistan conflict has deeply impacted Pakistan’s polity and society. The region of FATA became the point of generation of militancy in Pakistan or rather home to the Pakistan-Taliban. The “blowback” of the Pakistani assistance was seen when while it was deploying Pashtu people to fight in Afghanistan it had been curbing the demand for Pashtunistan in its territory. Until September 11, 2001, and the U.S. military intervention, the phenomena of Talibanization and Taliban-related militancy had been largely concentrated in war ravaged Afghanistan and were generally viewed in Pakistan as a product of the Afghan Jihad and subsequent warfare in Afghanistan. Nonetheless, within Pakistan a number of radical militant groups emerged supporting the Afghan Jihad and the uprising in Indian-help Kashmir that flared up in 1989. The Pakistani resources that were given for Taliban in Afghanistan has found its way back into the country again supporting the Pakistani Taliban. The military wanted to regain control over the region which had been left out for so many years leading to significant casualties on Pakistani troops by the tribes. The apparent hopelessness of the task of militarily subduing the fractious tribes in their immense and craggy homeland led Musharraf to make a controversial truce with the chieftains in September 2006, which lasted for about a year (Cole, 2009). A combination of religious motivation, Madarsa education, Afghan-related and later Kashmir-related rhetoric, and official patronage instigated and imparted momentum to religious militancy (Khan, 2011).’ The decision of the US to leave in 2014 instigated a number of cross border attacks as a result of the Taliban presence in the provinces of Kunar and Nuristan that border Pakistan. The withdrawal seems to be highlighting the already fragile relationship among the two countries as was marked by the incident May 2013 on the Pak- Afghan border when an initiative of the Pakistani forces to repair a gate at Pakistan’s Gursal military post (near the Afghan district of Goshta in the Nangarhar province) lead to claims from the Afghan side of encroachment on the Afghan territory The porosity of the borders and the Taliban cross border infiltration remains the most intricate issue after the contentious Durand line among the two countries of Afghanistan and Pakistan. In the words of Bamett Rubin and Abubakar Siddique, “the long history of each state offering sanctuary to the other’s opponents has built bitterness and mistrust among the two neighbors” (Rubin & Siddique, 2006). The

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installation of the Karzai government in the government has just helped the recognition of international laws in the areas, as both the Taliban and the Governments are adherents of Islam. The only difference being over the interpretation of the limits of Muslim fundamentalism rather than over whether Muslim fundamentalism should be the center for law and domestic policy (Cole, 2009) Rightly said it is “as you sow so shall you reap ”, Pakistan now faces the consequences of the militancy that it reaped right after the independence in 1947, and instigated with the Taliban. Taliban has not only created a defensive alignment against the Afghan regime, NATO and the US but has Swat District also carried out attacks on the Pakistani soil. Around 80000 troops guard the border to check any infiltration but the trust deficit between the two nations seems to sideline the goodwill gestures initiated by any of the two sides (Khan & Wagner, 2013).The recent trends have been the Pakistani faction of Taliban have become active in Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan and it would not take long as expected to create a hold over the rest of the state. But even a thought questions that matter of stability of the Pakistani state and its policies for the maintenance of sovereignty of the state .Taliban is purely a regional organization with no involvement in the international arena. The conflation of Pushtuns with love for power is limited to their own region, though often instigating militancy (Cole, 2009). The Pakistan based organizations have surpassed the governmental control creating havoc for both international and external security paradigm of the state. Pursuing their very own policies has lead to endangering the already scarce resources of the country of Pakistan. Pakistan should realize that it is high time a strategy is defined to unequivocally end its support and defeat the demon it itself created.

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Fears Endangering the Notion of Indian Stability When seen from the nationalistic stance the Indian fears and concerns behind this unwavering stand on Kashmir seem to be quiet genuine in nature. The Indian state is concerned that compromising on the separatist tendencies in Kashmir might lead to the fragmentation of other Indian states on the basis of religion, ethnicity, language or sub-national identity (e.g. Punjab or Assam) along with serving as a tantamount of acceptance of failure of the ‘One Nation Theory’ and the principle of plural and secular India leading to a disintegrated nation (Rid, 2015). While for India J&K is an ‘integral’ part. The Indian parliament announced on Feb 22, 1994 that: 1. The State of Jammu & Kashmir has been, is and shall be an integral part of India and any attempts to separate it from the rest of the country will be resisted by all necessary means;

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2. India has the will and capacity to firmly counter all designs against its unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity; and demands that 3. Pakistan must vacate the areas of the Indian State of Jammu and Kashmir, which they have occupied through aggression; and resolves that 4. All attempts to interfere in the internal affairs of India will be met resolutely” (Indian Parliament, n.d.).

TERRORISM DEFINING INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE THREE

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Terrorism, as broadly understood in the present context, has been playing a critical role in influencing the thrust of bilateral relations in South Asia. There have been clear examples in the region where an attitude of acquiescence or even encouragement has been adopted by one state towards terrorist violence in or on another state. Such situations have naturally resulted in added acrimony and tensions between two neighboring states. (Khatri & Kueck, 2003) While terrorism has never been a weapon of acquisition of internal stability yet in the environment of skepticism after 1947 it was the issue of militancy which held the country together. Though criticized to have various benefits for the nation of Pakistan, like promoting Pakistan’s lack of a coherent founding narrative, facilitation of redressel of grievances of sharp imbalances of Indian and Pakistani resources, posing a challenge to India on Kashmir and also attaining prominence in Afghan politics without intervening the territory militarily. The Pakistani involvement in the issues of its neighbor has resulted in radicalization of its own population, resulting in a loss of approximately 46000 civilian and 5000 lives of the soldiers. A comprehensive counterinsurgency strategy is must to curb the destabilizing forces of TTP (Pakistan’s Taliban group) and maintaining the integrity of the nation of Pakistan (Rafique & Anwar, 2014). Pakistan has been confronted with a mutiny initiated by the Taliban, Therik-e-Nifaz-eShariat-eMohammadi, Al Qaeda and a host of home-grown militant and terror groups such as Laskar-e-Taiba, Sipah-e-Sahabah, Harakat ul-Mujahidin, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Tahreek e Talban Pakistan. Pakistan is where a large number of armed insurgencies operate in the name of religion and ideology and impose domestic threats (Rashid, 2010). The porous nature of the border and the cultural affiliation led to an influx of insurgents into the Pakistan territory. The local heads were killed even before they could oppose the infiltration, leading to this area becoming the safe haven for the terrorists and militant groups. The law enforcing bodies were targeted at first

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for toppling the government structure but as they grow in power the civilian and security personnel are being targeted leading to Pakistan earning a bad name in the international scenario. But it is yet to be realized that Pakistan is a prized ally if terrorism and militancy is to be curbed and peace has to be restored which led to US pressure on Pakistan for tackling up surging on border areas of (Rah-e-Rast, Sher Dil,Rah-e-Nijat,SWAT,Bajor, Waziristan). Pakistan, Afghanistan and India are the three respective countries which have influenced each other’s policy and regime, while also suffering from the policies of hostility towards each other. The recent rise and spill over of afghan insurgency into Pakistan has led to India being skeptical that these insurgencies might threaten security of her state while retarding its economic investments. On the other hand Pakistan fears the connection India- Afghanistan as it shares territorial issues with both the parties. Facing interstate and intrastate militancy these states are in dire need to get rid of the economic and territorial issues for attainment of peace amongst them (Naseer, 2014). While India hails itself as the beacon of democracy in the developed world. With closely held …… of being a inclusive, secular and multi ethnic and multicultural states. Pakistan on the other hand proudly announces the Islamic ore of the society which serves as the very basis of existence.

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Turning Enemies into Friends Terrorism has topped India’s agenda in the talks and is the main source of tension between Pakistan, which has been reluctant to accept it as an issue until 1997 when it agreed to include terrorism in the agenda for talks. Yet, there has been little progress from the Indian standpoint with terrorism in J&K and elsewhere in India continuing unabated to date. Though the Havana declaration has been question in regard to its efficacy, yet it has to be praised for initiating a structured process for the first time. Under this a number of meetings were held, the most important being held on 7 March 2007 in Islamabad wherein India provided Pakistan with evidence collected after rigorous investigation into the terrorists attacks in Ayodhya (5 July 2005), in Sarojini Nagar, Paharganj and Govindpuri in New Delhi (29 October 2005), in Malegaon in Mumbai (11 July 2006), at the Indian Institute of Science (IISc) in Bangalore (28 December 2005) and on the DelhiLahore Samjhauta Express (19 February 2007) to take necessary action (Subramanian 2007). The Pakistani daily, Dawn wrote that Pakistan was disappointed at India not presenting any ‘substantial’ evidence in the Samjhauta blast incident, apart from the sketch of the suspect made on the basis of inputs from witnesses (Akhlaque, 2007). Yet the atmosphere of skepticism prevails

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amongst the two. Which will only wither out with time and due to necessary cooperation on the fields of transnational threats which loom in the region currently.

OBSERVATION 9/11 has changed the very geo-political and socioeconomic scenario of the world resulting in severe consequences for the countries of Pakistan, Afghanistan. Both paying a heavy price in physical and economic terms than the USA which was the initiator of the attacks in the name of “War on terror”. ‘Considering all elements that impinge on national security like common ethnicity, porous borders, migration of non-state actors, the insecurity and instability of Afghanistan will have great impact Table 1.

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Date

Authority Involved

Cooperation

Issuing Authority

11 August 2004B

The 1 round of secretary level talks between the Indian Home Ministry and Pakistani Interior Ministry.

The talks showed the willingness of the two sides to jointly address terrorism and drug trafficking and called for the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to institutionalize their cooperation on these counts. The two delegations also expressed their satisfaction over the growing cooperation between Narcotics Control Authorities of the two sides through information sharing

Joint Press Statement 11 August 2004

30 August 2005

The 2nd round of secretary level talks representing the Indian Home Ministry and Pakistani Interior Ministry.

In these talks the proposal for cooperation between the Indian Central Bureau of Investigations and Pakistani Federal Investigation Agency was considered as well

Ministry of External Affairs 30 August 2005

30 August 2005

The 2nd round of secretary level talks representing the Indian Home Ministry and Pakistani Interior Ministry.

Home secretaries of the two sides signed an agreement on the release of prisoners treating it as a humanitarian issue. It was agreed to keep each other notified about any arrests made, provide consular access within three months of the arrest and expedite release as soon as the term of imprisonment was complete. As a result, in September, 435 Indian prisoners (371 fishermen) and 148 Pakistani prisoners (51 fishermen) were released from the respective prisons.

Ministry of External Affairs 30 August 2005

st

continued on following page 21

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Table 1. Continued Date

Authority Involved

Cooperation

22 March 2006 in New Delhi

The technical level talks were held between the Central Bureau of Investigation (Indian) and Pakistan’s Federal Investigation Agency

Considered significant, for being held after a span of 17 years, discussions dealt with key security challenges such as human trafficking, counterfeit currency and illegal immigration. Despite the initial scepticism owing to the sensitive nature of their work, willingness was evident on both sides to hold more periodic meetings to discuss issues at hand, but the possibility of holding professional training and sharing their respective experiences in criminal investigations, as agreed, seems rather distant considering their mutual mistrust

31 May 2006

secretary level talks representing the Indian Home Ministry and Pakistani Interior Ministry

which praised the progress made in talks between the Indian Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB) and the Pakistani Anti Narcotic Force (ANF) (Ministry of External Affairs 31 May 2006). The meeting between ANF and NCB to jointly address the threat of drug trafficking across the IB and LOC could be seen as significant and meaningful which shows that while the longstanding disputes still persist, the two sides can establish cooperation in addressing common challenges.

16 September 2006

Non-Aligned Summit where Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and General Pervez Musharraf agreed to revive the stalled process

Joint Anti-terrorism Mechanism (Havana Declaration) Since the suspension of the peace process in July 2006, following the Mumbai blasts, the first formal talks came about in September in Havana, Cuba on the sidelines of the. At the same time India clarified that it was important for Pakistan to agree to a joint mechanism for addressing terrorism as a condition to move forwards in the peace process. Thus emerged the ‘Havana Declaration’ which set up a Joint Anti-terrorism Institutional Mechanism to identify and implement counterterrorism initiatives and investigations

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nd

Issuing Authority Ministry of External Affairs 22 March 2006

Ministry of External Affairs 16 September 2006

* Misra, A. (2010). India-Pakistan: coming to terms. Palgrave Macmillan. *Padder, S. (2012). The composite dialogue between India and Pakistan: Structure, process and agency. Heidelberg Papers in South Asian and Comparative Politics, 65(Februa). * Lyon, P. (2008). Conflict between India and Pakistan: an encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. * Foreign Affairs Pakistan, Volume 33, issue 1-3, Pakistan, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2006.

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A Region of Association and Turbulence

on Pakistan’s internal stability and security’ (Ahmar, 2009). The internal security of Pakistan, like most of the developing countries, is challenging (Budania, 2001). While Pakistan was adamant on providing stability to the country of Afghanistan, it forgot to internalize the security situation itself. The Pakistani security forces lack the capability for counterinsurgency which has lead to the providence of safe haven to these terrorist organizations while they target institutions that govern and protect the greater Pakistani population (Rana, 2011). On the other hand recent international front the interests of Afghanistan and India dovetail in regard to the establishment of a peaceful, secure and non-Talibanized Afghanistan. As a result the US has agreed in mediating between India and Pakistan for attainment of regional stability and regional war on terror. “The establishment of a ‘fair bargain’ between India and Pakistan over their respective interests in Afghanistan” (Shasad, 2009). Though the two nations are established democracies, the prevalence of separatist movements like talibanization in Pakistan and Maoists and others in India question the very basis of the established democracy. Questioning the structure as the result of the decision of the elite which was taken by the initiators of the partition is the challenge that lies in the very legitimacy of the nation states (Narayanan, 2010). But as stated Also, inspired by Charles de Secondat and Baron de Montesquieu work that “Peace is the natural effect of trade. Two nations who traffic with each other become reciprocally dependent; for if one has an interest in buying, the other has an interest in selling: and thus their union is founded on their mutual necessities” (Carrithers, Mosher & Rahe, 2001). The established of the European Union is one of the biggest example where trade between Germany and France has lead to the animosity between the two coming to halt as interest have taken a hold over the historical contentions that prevailed. In the case of the three countries of India, Afghanistan and Pakistan too trade if taken up with the aim for benefits would lead to a start of various other cooperative measure come in ultimately resulting in shedding of the cloak of animosity and taking up peace and development as a new aim for the region. In this context the signing of a Afghanistan Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement which was signed in 2010, if would rope in the India state by turning into a trilateral endeavor would lead to an overall change in the social, political and economic situation in this region. Under this an idea of facilitation of old and new routes would led to strengthening of relations while curtailing the animosity which prevailed. when seen from the routes that would be brought into use, the following routes seem to be the best for initiating trade which bringing in overall development of the region (see Box 1). These new arrangements will give boost to the trade of all three states (Naseer, 2014).

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Box 1.­

(Ministry of Commerce Pakistan, 2011).

Since 2009 there have been a number of terrorist incidents which have rocked the three countries causing different levels of instability. While the country of Afghanistan seems to have accepted them as an everyday affair, the incidents are on a rise in Pakistan while India was shaken by the Mumbai terrorist attack to the utmost level which clearly defined the involvement of Pakistan. As we turn into a new era of cooperation and understanding various measures on a regional level need to be taken by formalizing the peace and development processes between the three.

REFERENCES

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Ahmar, M. (Ed.). (2009). Foreign Policy Making Process: A Case Study of Pakistan. Department of International Relations, University of Karachi. Ahmed, A. S. (1997). Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic identity: the search for Saladin. Psychology Press. Akhlaque, Q. (2007). Terror dossier given to India. Retrieved from http://www. dawn.com/2007/03/07/top2.htm Asad, A. Z., & Harris, R. (2003). The Politics and Economics of Drug Production on the Pakistan-Afghanistan Border. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. Bharucha, F. R. (1955). Afghanistan, India and Pakistan. Plant Ecology, 19, 39. 24

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Budania, R. (2001). India’s National Security Dilemma: The Pakistan Factor and India’s Policy Response. Indus Publishing. Burke, S. M., & Ziring, L. (1990). Pakistan’s foreign policy: an historical analysis. Oxford University Press. Carrithers, D. W., Mosher, M. A., & Rahe, P. A. (2001). Montesquieu’s Science of Politics: Essays on The Spirit of Laws. Rowman & Littlefield. Cole, J. (2009). Pakistan and Afghanistan: Beyond the Taliban. Political Science Quarterly, 124(2), 221–249. doi:10.1002/j.1538-165X.2009.tb00647.x Deepak, K. (2008). J&K Militants in Taliban, Qaida Possible. DNA. Available at: http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_j-and-kmilitants-in-taliban-qaida-possible_1175384 Elias, B. (2007). Pakistan: The Taliban’s Godfather?. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book. Galula, D. (2006). Counterinsurgency warfare: theory and practice. Greenwood Publishing Group. Ganguly, S., & Howenstein, N. (2009). India-Pakistan Rivalry in Afghanistan. Journal of International Affairs, 63(1), 127–140. Gartzke, E., Li, Q., & Boehmer, C. (2001). Investing in the peace: Economic interdependence and international conflict. International Organization, 55(02), 391–438. doi:10.1162/00208180151140612 Hanauer, L., & Chalk, P. (2012). India’s and Pakistan’s Strategies in Afghanistan. RAND Corporation. Humayun, A. A. (2011). US Policy and the Challenge of Stabilizing Pakistan. Academic Press.

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Hussain, R. (2005). Pakistan and the emergence of Islamic militancy in Afghanistan. Ashgate Publishing Ltd. Kaplan, R. D. (2012). The revenge of geography: what the map tells us about coming conflicts and the battle against fate. Random House. Khan, A., & Wagner, C. (2013). The changing character of the Durand Line. Strategic Studies, 33(2). Khan, I. (2011). A Personal History. Random House.

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Khatri, S. K., & Kueck, G. W. (Eds.). (2003). Terrorism in South Asia: impact on development and democratic process. Shipra Publications. Maulana. (2011). We will not leave Kashmiris alone in the lurch. [Press Release]. National Assembly of Pakistan. Available at: http://www.na.gov.pk/en/pressrelease_detail.php?id=115 Mazhar, M. S., & Goraya, N. S. (2013). Foreign Policy of Pakistan: Internal Challenges. Journal of Political Studies, 20(2), 91. Narayanan, R. (2010). The India-Pakistan Dyad: A Challenge To The Rest Or To Themselves? Asian Perspective, 165–190. Naseer, N. (2014). Trade as an Instrument of Peace Building (Pakistan, Afghanistan and India). PUTAJ Humanities and Social Sciences, 21(2). Norchi, C. (2006). From Real Estate to Nation-State: Who Will Lead Afghanistan? Dissent, 53(1), 24–29. doi:10.1353/dss.2006.0030 Norchi, C. (2006). From Real Estate to Nation-State: Who Will Lead Afghanistan? Dissent, 53(1), 24–29. doi:10.1353/dss.2006.0030 Quittmeyer, R. C., & Jacob, K. H. (1979). Historical and modern seismicity of Pakistan, Afghanistan, northwestern India, and southeastern Iran. Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, 69(3), 773–823. Rabbani, A. (2012). Afghanistan: A Theatre of Absurd. Dialogue, 7(4), 320. Rafique, Z., & Anwar, M. A. (2014). Insurgency in Afghanistan: Implications for Pakistan’s internal and external security. Defense & Security Analysis, 30(3), 266–282. doi:10.1080/14751798.2014.921449 Rana, M. A. (2011). Pakistan Security report 2010. Pakistan Institute of Peace Study (PIPS).

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Rashid, A. (2001). Taliban: Militant Islam. In Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia. New Haven, CT: Yale. Rashid, A. (2008). Descent into chaos: the US and the failure of nation building in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Central Asia. Penguin. Rashid, A. (2010). The situation in Pakistan. Asian Affairs, 41(3), 367–380. doi:1 0.1080/03068374.2010.507978

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Rid, S. A. (2015). Getting to Yes in the India-Pakistan Conflict: Addressing Indian concerns on a possible compromise with Pakistan. Peace, Conflict & Development, (21). Rubin, B. R., & Siddique, A. (2006). Resolving the Pakistan-Afghanistan Stalemate (Vol. 176). US Institute of Peace. Shahzad, S. S. (2009). US orchestrates Pakistan-India talks. Asia Today, 30.

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Wolpert, S. A. (1982). Roots of confrontation in South Asia: Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, and the superpowers. Oxford University Press.

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Chapter 2

Communalism:

Challenge to the Truth of Indian Diversity Aqsa Agha JNU, India

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ABSTRACT Indian diversity is a result of generations of co-mingling and the delicate social fabric faces challenge of the ever- growing threat of communalism. To understand the challenge of communalism it is imperative for us to defne and recognise its manifestations. This chapter will focus on defning communalism, its changing form from pre to post independence, how the contemporary political scenario has promoted communal passions of the masses, that is often manifested in the communal violence, how it has made history central to their communal programme; and fnally the repercussions of the communal hate mongering on the Indian social fabric. It is through communal interpretation of history and its propagation through all possible means that pits one community against the other. This chapter will counter the communal interpretation of history and will focus on the need for the promotion of counter narrative.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-0582-2.ch002 Copyright ©2017, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Communalism

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INTRODUCTION Communalism for generations is regarded as a threat to the delicate social fabric of India. The delicate social fabric implies the diversity aspiring for common economic, political, social and security interests. Communalism in India, which has evolved over a century, has become strong threat to the people’s aspirations for their well being. There have been attempts by scholars (of different persuasions) to articulate the challenges posed by communalism. These scholars have examined the phenomenon in order to contest it and articulate popular desires. To understand the challenge of communalism it is imperative for us to define and recognise its manifestations. This chapter will focus on defining communalism, its changing form from pre to post independent and analyse the medieval Indian history often used as a scapegoat to communalise history. The political scene has witnessed a promotion of communal passions of the masses for electoral and non electoral process politics that endangers the political culture and the Indian social fabric. The issue of analysing communalism lies only in an empiricist and ahistorical approach (Singh, 1990). This fails to provide a comprehensive view of communalism with all its interconnections. The evolving social crisis during the colonial and independent period brings out the dangers of communal politics in their historical and political context and role of political class therein. Communalism can be seen as “perversion of religion from a moral order to temporal arrangement of contemporary convenience, from a faith into a constituency, from a strategy of living into tactics of politics, from an end into a means.” (Khan, 1987, pp. 12-13) Just as, at a general level, W.C. Smith (1979), has defined it as, ‘communalism as ideology has focussed on opposition of religious groups on issues of organising social, political and economic life causing antagonism among religious groups.’ (p.187) However, what is important is the fact that religion by itself does not promote communalism until it is mobilised by the political class for electoral purposes. Communalism has mostly expressed itself in various forms and manifestations in both pre and post-independence phase. When not so violent, communalism manifests itself as discrimination against a religious group in matters of education, employment, promotion, placement, language, culture, way of life and livelihood. In its violent forms of mayhem, pitched battles, entry into each other’s houses to kill, burn, loot, plunder amounts to at times and places genocide. Violence is cultural, social political religious and linked to structural causes. It is not linked to culture human nature, way of life or propensity of a community to commit aggression. It is neither natural, cultural, or culture. It is situational. Situations are a combination of over determination of anxiety driven pogrom. Any pogroms of rioting, ethnic cleansing or nuclear threats are anti human, apart from an attack on identity.

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Communalism

During the freedom struggle there was a contestation between liberal and modernists point of views prevalent in sections of society. In other sections of society revivalists and traditional viewpoints based on caste and community existed. This is symbolised by Raja Ram Mohan Roy, the father of modern India, who was criticised by right wing Hindu high caste. Like traditionalism was a threat to his liberalism in modernism, communalism emerged as a threat to secularism that became a rallying call of the freedom struggle and a keynote of Indian constitution. Ideals of constitution continue to have relevance till date. (even for communal parties). And yet political practice shows its violent and subtle forms by successive governments after independence. Communal riots are a continuing reminder of pained and stained political process. Communalism is serious threat to secularism that has been a keynote of Indian Constitution. Before Independence, there were serious communal riots in Varanasi (1809), Bareilly (1871), Lahore and Delhi (1825), Kolkata (1851), Azamgarh (1893), Ayodhya (1912), Kolkata and Dhaka (1926), Ahmedabad, Mumbai (1941) and the countrywide riots of 1946 and 1947, when the partition of India took place, riots had turned to holocaust involving, Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and ordinary people. (Jaishankar & Haldar, 2005, p.2) Following independence, it was expected that the fear, hatred and suspicion among the communities would be diluted gradually and Indian identity would be strengthened and communities will leave in peace. It was assumed that the partition of the nation into India and Pakistan will bring in an end to the problem of communalism. Development will lead to peace in society and that a more homogenous society will be secular. The constitution framers were marked by the sentiment of removing every tear from every eye and the government becoming the servants of the people on the basis of the principles laid down in the preamble to the constitution. The original élan of independence, the euphoria of the masses and the expectations from the new independent India created the illusion of a unified secular India. Yet the worm turned. The discontent grew. Development did not lead to all round level of happiness. This manifested itself in different signs of discontent. Immediately after independence Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated by Nathuram Godse. RSS was banned for two years. S. Mukherjee along with Balraj Madhok started the Bhartiya Jan Sangh in 1951. RSS backed it. The first five year plan was negated in the second five year plan. In the form of revolts against the change Swatantra party under Raja ji came into existence. The communist party split in 1964. The churning in the political process expressed itself in the worst possible form of communal riots. The first communal riot broke out in Madhya Pradesh (Jabalpur) in 1961, which is considered as the first major riot between Hindus and Muslims after partition. It was shortly followed by riots in Uttar Pradesh and later in Gujarat (Ahmedabad) in 1969, where approximately 1000 people were killed. The other major riots were

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Communalism

Ahmedabad (1965-66), Bhiwandi (1970), Jamshedpur (1973), Meerut (1973, 1987), Moradabad (1980), Bhagalpur, (1989), then the large-scale post-Babri riots in 1992-93 in Bombay and other places (Jaishankar & Haldar, 2005. p.2). Communal violence in India reached an unprecedented level in 2002. The communal violence that occurred recently in Gujarat (2002) is considered as the genocide of Muslims. It has been discovered by inquiry commission reports that RSS and the BJS had a strong role to play (later the BJP). More recent have been the Assam Communal violence in 2012 and Muzaffarnagar violence in 2013. Ayodhya campaign still has the potential to promote violence and communal hatred. As witnessed the violence in Gujarat began after a campaign led by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad to construct a temple to the Hindu mythological avatar Ram on the site of a sixteenth century mosque destroyed by Hindu militants in 1992. The Ayodhya campaign that culminated in the rath yatra by L.K. Advani and the consequent demolition of the Babri Masjid continues to raise the spectre of further violence in the country. An Allahabad High Court verdict on Ayodhya land, by the three-judge bench - comprising Justice S U Khan, Justice Sudhir Agarwal and Justice D V Sharma who ruled in a majority judgment 2:1, division of the disputed site into three parts. 1/3 goes to Ram Lalla represented by Hindu Maha Sabha, 1/3 to Sunni Wakf Board, 1/3 goes to Nirmohi Akhara. The Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha and Sunni Waqf Board moved to the Supreme Court of India, challenging part of the Allahabad High Court’s verdict. Further in December 2007, it was in Kandhamal that Swami Lakshmanan Saraswati who had left for Brahmanigaon to boost the “morale of the majority community”, as quoted by the National Commission for Minorities. In its report it states that this was “indicative of his desire to exacerbate communal tensions”. (Report of NCM Visit to Orissa, 2008, p.5) This was led by an attack over a scuffle between Hindus and Christians. That incident too had resulted in violence, further widening the gap between the Christian and the Hindu communities. Four people had died during the week-long riot and many more were rendered homeless. (Singh, 2009) The minority forum in the state claimed that more than 5000 people had fled to the jungles to escape the terror and about 600 churches were damaged. During the communal riots the venom of hatred is spilled out which further results in the widening of gap among people of different religion, region and caste. The peril of communal violence and communal riots, do endanger the secular structure of a nation. The domino effect of riots is large scale obliteration of life and property in a locality, town, district or state, besides destroying the peace and tranquillity of the social fabric. Therefore, riots are an overt reaction to systemic exclusion. Systemic exclusion and nurturing of the concept of “the other” is more evident with the current political dispensation. The overt manifestation of communalism

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Communalism

are evident in the new terms that have emerged promoting hate like ‘love jihad’, ‘ghar wapsi’, the politics behind the cow and beef eating, and the popularising of the medieval Indian rulers as villains and communalism itself as a medieval idea has become part of the larger communal agenda. This has also resulted in numerous instances of violence. Therefore, it becomes important to discuss communalism as a modern phenomenon, the changing patterns of communalism pre and post independence, the challenge it poses to our society and then how medieval Indian history needs to be seen in a perspective to counter the communal interpretation.

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CHANGING PATTERNS: COMMUNALISM PRE AND POST-INDEPENDENCE Communalism, as it evolved pre-independence, firstly, recognised and believed that the communities existing in India on religious grounds, and articulated them as not only having common religious interests but also common secular interests. It promoted the idea of being distinct from the other communities. This argument defeats the very idea of India envisioned by Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru and wrongly considers India to be merely a confederation of religious identities. Communalism in India developed as a consequence of the emergence of modern politics, which in turn is marked by the incidents that gradually gave form to communal politics in India. This has its roots in partition of Bengal in 1905 and feature of separate electorate under Government of India Act, 1909. Later, British government also tried to conciliate different communities through Communal award in 1932, which faced strong resistance from Gandhi and others. All these acts were done by the British government to appease Muslims and other communities, for their own political needs. This feeling of communalism has deepened since then, fragmenting the Indian society and being a cause of unrest. By Communal award the colonial government established that consensus over any issue among different communities (i.e. Hindu, Muslims, Sikhs and others) is precondition for any further political development. Communal consciousness arose as a result of the transformation of Indian society under the impact of colonialism and the need to struggle against it. There has been an effort to define communalism and a spectrum of thought has been put forward by various scholars. Bipan Chandra defines “Communalism as the belief that because a group of people follow a particular religion. They have as a result of common social, political and economic interests” (Chandra, 1984, p.4). Thus communalism ignores the possibility of different secular interests particularly social, economic and political existing within a community. This also brushes all

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Communalism

classes existing within a community to have same interests and ignores specific interests of different classes. Secondly, it understood that the interests of different communities, necessarily and compulsorily, were divergent from each other. Thirdly, it had also pit the interests of one community being antagonistic to the interests of the others. Therefore, there is a need to problematize this communal approach that articulates communities as mentioned above disregarding their affiliations to caste, class and other realities. Taking lead from Bipan Chandra there are other scholars who have theorised communalism on similar line and considers communalism as the function of religious communities or organisations, claiming to represent them, in a way, generally considered detrimental to the interests of other groups or of the nation as a whole. (Smith, 1964, p.454) Similarly, for instance Harbans Mukhia (Mukhia, 1972) reiterates that communalism in Indian context is organising an exclusive religious group on the basis of hostility with one and more of the others at the social level. The people become more antagonistic with one another when they have to share the economic, political and other resources that are scarce for the development of the society as a whole. (pp. 45-47) Communalism evolved essentially as a colonial phenomenon, which rose as a result of the deliberate colonial policy of divide and rule. Demarking the difference between the exclusiveness of the traditional social and economic life with that of colonial state, Harbans Mukhia (Mukhia, 1972) argues that while a certain exclusiveness of religious and sectarian outlook and association has always existed in Indian history as part of the traditional economic and social life, its transformation into communalism is a phenomenon of modern origins. The basic difference between the two is that unlike the religious and sectarian exclusiveness of the earlier times, communalism takes the shape of crystallised organisations and associations and often accepts systematic ideologies. Secondly, while the exclusiveness in the distant past was confined generally to the sphere of religion and some religious ceremonies, communalism today seeks to encompass all aspects of life. The Muslim League and the Hindu Mahasabha of the pre-Independence India are the best examples of such communal organisations. Francis Robinson, has argued that the Muslim elites, organised themselves in order to secure power and protect its self interests, against the challenges, generated by British rule in India”. (Robinson, 1975, p.45) P.C. Joshi has termed it ‘cumulative causation’ that led to Muslim separatism. He has argued that Muslims formed the ruling classes before the arrival of the British. They lost their economic and political power with the coming of the British vis-a-vis the majority community. And this engendered in them the feeling of deprivation which ultimately prepared the grounds for secessionist movements. (Joshi, 1980, p.172) Pre independence it is difficult to say which came first the majority communalism or minority communalism, but

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both gave impetus to imperialism which conveniently made in roads to India. Bipan Chandra clearly demarcates that 1937 was the dividing landmark and pre 1937, was an era of liberal communalism and the post-1937 phase was that of extreme communalism. He further reiterates that communalism emerged as consequence of the modern politics based on mass mobilization and politicization which has become evident in the Indian context from 1930 onwards. (B. Chandra, 1984) Therefore, to begin with it was the British policy of “divide and rule”, which resulted in the formation of communal identity. Jawaharlal Nehru has remarked, “one must never forget that communalism in India is a latter day phenomenon which has grown up before our eyes”. (Nehru, 2008) Thus it can be attributed that the communal consciousness was a consequence of colonialism on the transition of Indian society. The resultant transition took the form of administrative unification of the country, the formation of modem social classes and the spread of new ideas of nationalism based on cultural and linguistic development. Largely accepted is the view that was initially put forward by Bipan Chandra that in the early twentieth century the impetus to Hindu dominance in nationalist thought and propaganda emerged as the most decisive factor in the growth of communalism. Some sections of the Hindu and the Muslim communalists used religion as the mobilizing factor for their selfish interests. However, what should be emphasised is the fact that religion was never a cause for the growth of communalism but it was political ideology promoted by certain leaders that led to extreme communalism with a political end. In India, till 1880 communal consciousness as a driving force was absent both in the Hindus and the Muslims. It was after the establishment of the Indian National Congress that Muslims became growingly sceptical of it. The seeds of uncertainty viewed Congress as a Hindu body, whose major objectives were against the Muslim interest and finally established Muslim League in 1907 by big landlords and Zamindars. This loyalist, communal and conservative political organization supported the partition of Bengal, demanded separate electorates and made its motto to oppose Congress but not colonial rule. Side by side, with Muslim communalism, Hindu communalism also began by demanding that Hindi language was the language of the Hindus and it should be protected. They also started a movement for banning cow slaughter in 1896. They also began to demand due share to the Hindus in legislature and government jobs. The Punjab Hindu Sabha founded in 1909 and the All India Hindu Mahasabha founded in 1915 by princely states spearheaded the activities of the Hindu communalists. Entire course of independence struggle is marked by the growth of communalism where both majority and minority communalism fed into each other disastrously. Growth and development of communalism wherein both fed into each other has been traced in three different stages. (B. Chandra, et al, 2012)

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Communalism

However, communalism did not die after the creation of Pakistan in 1947 and the differences between the Hindus and Muslims and also other minority communities were made to survive. According to Moin Shakir, (Shakir, 1984) the Indian Muslims felt sense of insecurity and their grievances being not redressed, created communal consciousness among them. These grievances impaired national unity and created problems of its own. (p.10) Therefore it cannot be ignored that minority consciousness grew up post-independent India, causing communal conflicts. Thus it emerges that the only difference is that while pre independence it served the purpose of the colonialism, where both majority communalism and minority communalism fed into each other and as a result facilitated the colonial state and British imperialism, post independence communalism served the purpose of the power seekers to polarise the Indian population on the basis of religion for electoral benefits and wherein, majority communalism has emerged as a major threat thus defeating the national interest. The picture post independence emerges to contain changes from the preceding period. What can be said to mark the change in communalism pre and post independence is the class of people engaged in the propagation of the ideology. While Bipan Chandra hold petty bourgeoisie as the main social class supporting communalism, S.A. Dange marked that ‘petty bourgeoisie trying to imitate its masters or falling victim to false propaganda forsakes its real task, until a common capitalist retrenchment, extra work, cutting salaries remind it of its class position and draws it out of narrow circles.’ (Gupta, 2004, p.257) Further Rakesh Gupta argues for a dual character of the bourgeoisie on the communal question, that is, it would brush aside communal divide if it interferes with the production of wealth and would use it if it helps in its appropriation. N.L. Gupta links up the phenomenon of communalism with monopolies and international finance capital of 1960’s. He says in independent India communal parties serve the interests of monopolies internally and imperialists externally. (Gupta, 2004, p.257) Therefore, while pre independence communalism was the instrument of the colonial powers to stem the tide of nationalism, by the rulers for a political purpose-for provoking mass civilian conflicts between Hindus and Muslims, in post independent India it was an instrument for capitalist appropriation and has become as in the words of S.G. Sardesai, ‘the main political instrument of neo-colonialism, of the most reactionary elements of our vested interests, the big landlords, monopolists, ex-princes and so on.’ (Gupta, 2004, p.257) Thus, communalism is not only petty bourgeoisie instrument, perhaps communalism is an instrument that arms sections of society from top (monopoly capitalists) to bottom. Where the ideology from top percolates to the bottom and consequently the bottom or the petty bourgeoisie acting as the actual actors of communalism they are more

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visible than the real perpetuators. Both have their areas of activity. While the lower elements carry out the overt manifestation of communalism, the top elements hold on to the subtle. One school of thought argues that the Muslims are the second largest community in India, i.e. around 13% of total population. India, has more Muslims than Pakistan. Despite such a large population, the Muslim community is viewed as a minority vis-à-vis, the Hindus in percentage terms. The Hindu-Muslim, majority-minority consciousness, has proved a dominant factor in the growth of communalism. For instance, John Oomen has brought forth the politics of communalism in Kerala, where he argues that apart from unique social structure and the geographic composition, opportunism of major political parties has intensified communalism in Kerala. (Oomen, 1995, p.544) This view argues that by aligning with small splinter communal parties, the major political parties, which could have played an important role in secularising the politics, became participant of communal processes. Consequently, the communal divide in the society gets reinforced and the possibilities of a consolidated secular base for political systems get narrowed. However, there is a need to counter this view that tags the carving of a constituency with Muslim majority as communalism. This view ignores the large scale majority communalist agenda that found expression in the riots, as discussed above. It has to be argued that it is the majority communalism alone that is capable of a fascist threat in independent India. Nehru described communalism as the Indian version of fascism. (Desai, 2002) In fact, minority communalism has hardly been visible in independent India. If at all it exists, it is in the form of defensive reaction to the majority communalism. In post independent India, it is the tussle between majority vs. minority, politics of marginalisation, fear psychosis and communal hate mongering were mobilised and often found expression in narrow sense of community at the cost of nationalism and resulted in riots. With the elimination of the Muslim League with the Partition the main threat to the secular polity in India emerged from the majority communalism. (Gupta, 2004, p.271) The Muslims as argued by Rakesh Gupta have not gained in economic clout or political ascendancy to match the threat of majority communalism. An important manifestation of minority communalism is said to be terrorism. However, it is important to note that both communal violence and terrorist violence have different features, scope, targets, methods, objects, causes and effects. (Gupta, 2004) George Mathew says, “Two subtle distinctions of communalism can be drawn up: (a) Communalism as a political doctrine; and (b) Communalism as a behaviour based on community sentiments” (Mathew, 1989, p.111). The first implies the tendency to use the religious-cultural differences to mobilise people for narrow

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political ends. This is basic characteristic feature of communalism both pre and post independence. However, communalism became a greater challenge after the 90’s decade that was marred by Babri demolition and Godhra riots a decade later, to Indian secularism, one of the hallmarks of Indian constitution. The consolidation and strengthening of right wing politics in the contemporary political scenario mobilises and promotes the communal passions of the people for its existence and strength. It challenges the characteristic feature of Indian society which is marked by co-existence and composite culture and therefore, assumes the character of a bigger challenge. The harm of communal hate mongering is deep enough that can be undone only over decades. Consequences of communal violence are well known to all of us. The real sufferers are the poor, who face killing en masse. Besides the loss to property, livelihood and the emotional trauma with the loss of lives of people, it poses challenge to human rights of the people. The most probable result is the ghettoization of people for the fear of life. Sudden increase in violence against any particular community causes mass exodus, fear psychosis and stampede which in turn can be a cause for further deaths. The phenomenon of ghettoization has often been understood to only highlight the economic and social disparities in society but what needs to be brought forth is also the fact that it also indicates the increasing segregation on the basis of exclusiveness and fear of each other. It leads to the development of feeling of alienation since it leads the victims believe that they are not part of the larger social and cultural mainstream. The sense of insecurity encourages them to live in ghettos; this may provide them a sense of community and some comfort of social interface, but such solutions are not beneficial for the society and only trigger more insecurity in due course of time. Further communalism defeats the essence of Indian constitution which upholds equality, justice and secularism as its hallmark, with minorities being viewed in suspicion by all, including the state institutional apparatus. The usual inter-community relations and vivacious plural society assumes the dearth of mutual distrust and misgivings as an obvious condition. It becomes very difficult to obliterate the memories caused by the communal expressions of violence. It might take more than a generation or two before scars are completely over. Referring to the Gandhian approach to Communal Harmony, M. L. Sharma says that the people have not been able to outgrow their communal temperaments liberal attitudes because they have been lacking an inter-communal and inter-cultural understanding which could save one from falling prey to the vested interests, the excitement of communal passion and the play of religious prejudices. Besides negatively, communalism is the result of our narrow thinking and narrow perceptions. So it is necessary to counteract and combat the problem of communalism in the proper way to establish the harmonious

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relations among various communities. (Sharma, 1988, p.182) Here the significance of inter-community relations and civic engagement for the continuance and perseverance of communal peace in India becomes paramount. India is a civilization that is a result of hundreds of years of assimilation and the diversity is largely because of a non communal common sense of its people for all the known history. The communal elements have always been on the fringe as they could hardly be accepted as the mainstream by the majority of the population. However, when active the communal elements act like poison as the Indian social fabric is delicate and any short sightedness by inciting communal passions for narrow political gains will only harm the cherished ideals of Indian Constitution in the longer run.

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‘HISTORY’: A SCAPEGOAT FOR COMMUNALISM In the process of communalisation, history, particularly the medieval period has emerged as an important site for communal contestations. It is through communal interpretation of history and its propagation through all possible means that pits one community against the other. An examination of the ideology of communalism clearly shows that it takes intellectual justification from the historical past. (Thapar, 1987). The communal approach adopted by James Mill, the British historian in dividing the periods of Indian history as the Hindu, the Muslim and the British showed considerable influence on the thought process of young and old mind in developing communal consciousness of superiority and inferiority. Therefore, it is necessary to lay stress on the modern origins of communalism because these origins are often interpolated into medieval Indian history, to the so-called “coming of the Muslims” and the establishment of the “Muslim rule”, to be precise. (Mukhia, 1972, p.45) The communal periodisation of history divides it in strict compartments not taking into account the different timings of the rise of Muslim dynasties that varied from region to region. This section will counter the communal interpretation of history and will focus on the need for the promotion of counter narrative. It will argue for statecraft and political exigencies of the time rather than religious considerations as primary concern of the medieval Indian rulers. Historical interpretation is integrally related to a people’s notion of its culture and its nationality and this in itself makes history writing most sensitive intellectual areas with wide repercussions on popular nationalism and political beliefs. (Thapar, 1987, p.10) It is important to interpret the medieval Indian period in correct light that displays co-existence as the hallmark of Indian history through the medieval ages. This section will give a narrative on the nature of medieval Indian state.

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The history of Muslim sovereignty in India begins with Iltutmish, who was sent an invitation only after a free status, was granted to him. To satisfy the formalities of Muslim law, he procured a robe of honour from the Khalifa or Caliph of Baghdad. On coins and possibly on khutba also the first real sovereign of Muslim India claimed no higher honour than that of being the lieutenant of the Khalifa. Moreover, the placing of Razia on the throne shows an opposition to the conception of sovereignty as laid down by the authors of Muslim political theory. It indicates the novelty and dynamism of the Turkish mind in the thirteenth century when it acted against the Muslim law and took the bold step. The Khiljis established that kingship could exist without any special religious support, particularly by Ala-ud Din, who had the courage for the first time that state should look after its own interest and not act under the direction of the orthodox ulema. Ala-ud-Din Khilji and most of his successors until Mohammad bin Tughlaq, reconciled themselves to a concept of universal Muslim Caliphate in the abstract, with a hypothetical caliph.(Ahmad, 1964) Ala-ud Din’s son, Mubarak Shah ventured to shake off the fiction of the Khilafat and proclaimed the sovereign power of the Sultanate of Delhi free from any outside connections. He made the sultanate of Delhi independent of the Khilafat. He was the only ruler who went even further when he declared himself the Great Imam or Amir-ul Muminin.(Commander of the Faithful) Barani always struggled with the contradiction between Islamic prescription of establishing an ideal typical Sharia oriented state in the land of unbelievers and the pragmatic impossibility expressed by the rulers of imposing such a rule in India. (Datta, 2008, p.5) His solution was a state which enforced a hierarchy where an aristocracy (i.e. Muslims of noble birth and high genealogy) would be rewarded and the baser elements, both Hindus and low-born Muslim converts, would be subordinated. However, a reverse policy was adopted under Ala-ud Din Khilji, where base people rose to high positions. Under the Tughlaqs, who succeeded the Khaljis, there was a return of old pattern of loyalty to the Caliphate. Mohammad bin Tughlaq was the first ruler who regarded his empire as a part of Dar al–Islam, but however it should be noted that he did not insist on the strict promulgation of sharia. In the Delhi Sultanate the policy regarding the levy of jazia varied from sultan to sultan. Ala-ud Din Khilji substituted the levy of jazia by a policy of taxation on land produce and livestock to control the economic prosperity of the Hindus as their increasing wealth ‘fostered disaffection and rebellion’. (Ahmad, 1964) Ghias-ud Din Tughlaq on the other hand followed a more balanced policy of taxation the object of which was neither to allow the accumulation of wealth nor to reduce them to poverty that would cause loss of revenue to the state. However, the imposition of jazia in strict accordance with the Muslim canon law by Firoz Tughlaq is distinct departure from the normal policy of

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the Sultanate; though on the other hand he abolished all those taxes which were not specifically sanctioned by the canon law, and levied only four legal taxes kharaj, zakat, jazia and khums. Akbar’s abolition of jazia pilgrimage tax and getting into matrimonial alliance is often thought to be an attempt by Akbar, anxious to win over and befriend his Rajput recruits and seems to have been dictated both by the exigencies of state policy and the consideration of religious tolerance. Akbar’s attitude during the siege of Chittor, which many argue was proclaimed by him as the victory of Islam over infidels. (Khan, 1968, p.29) However, one cannot ignore the keen interest Akbar had in religious and intellectual discussions which is quite evident from the debates of Ibadat Khana. (Smith, 1917, p.715) Abul Fazl played a vital role in these debates. He so directed the discussions, that the position of the Court ulema became awkward. (Rizvi, 1975) The discussions in the Ibadat Khana revolutionised Akbars thinking. It seems that “outward show” was no longer the essence of the faith. He was convinced that not a single step should be taken without reason. Repeating Kalima or circumcision under compulsion was no religion. It was important that everyone should stand up and fight against “the presumptuous carnal soul”. What was needed a constant self-examination. “We blame ourselves” he said, “for what we did in accordance with the old rules, before the truth about faith had shed its rays upon our hearts”. (Rizvi, 1975) The concept of Sulh-e kul, or Absolute Peace, seems to guide Akbar in taking decisions. The Mahzar, that declared Akbar the Badshah of Islam and Amir ul-Muminin, the Imam of the age and a mujtahid seek to vindicate the importance of justice, which all Muslim thinkers from the times of Nizamul Mulk Tusi and Ghazali regarded as the foremost political virtue and necessity. The Mahzar empowered Akbar to exercise power in the event of difference of opinion among the ulema. The document however did not curtail the power of the ulema but stopped their indiscreet use of authority. It reminded the ulema that the state machinery was meant to do good to people. It only empowered Akbar to select from the divergent views that best served his people and the administrative needs. Akbar seems to be interested in the need to arouse a sense of confidence in justice. More communalised interpretation has been put forward for the rule of Aurangzeb, when the great popular uprisings took place against the Mughal state, like the Maratha, the Jats and the Sikhs. These uprisings led to many conflicts between them and the Mughal state, but there were no communal violence at the social level. Thus, the Mughal Emperors from Akbar to Aurangzeb remained execrable to the emergence of a religious state within their empire and took their leaders to task as soon as they appeared to be a threat to their state policies for what seemed scandalous for the orthodox Sunnis was not that Hindus were tolerated but the un-

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bearable situation of their being equal partner in the administration of the empire. Despite insistence on rigid adherence to Sharia by a section of the Muslims in a country where Hindus formed the bulk of the population, the rulers resorted to a liberal interpretation of Sharia in order to enlist the cooperation of non Muslims in running the administration. The credit should go to the rulers who tried to shake off the hold of the orthodox section, who generally stuck fast to fanaticism. For some rulers, in fact, Akbar precisely, it was a result of self examination and reasoning to abjure differences of all religions and come to a common reality of the existence of one Supreme Being. (Ali, 1982) Thus, this question should be understood in the social, economic and political context along with the individual character of the ruler. In their attempt to run a successful state the rulers often stuck to the notion of doing what is best in the interest of the state. Incidentally, one can quote Alaud Din, who has been chronicled to have said, “I don’t know what is good or bad according to Sharia, I would do things which are best for the interest of my state.” The number of policy level changes introduced by Ala-ud Din imparted a specific nature to the state. The Emperor represented the Glory of God shining from that centre or in the forts was that of the Emperor. Both in theory and practice this glory or charisma was given a solid foundation. Skirting the issue of the ruler’s position in Islam we notice that a secular concept of Kingship developed. The idea of ‘Jahandari was enunciated. The writings of Ghazali and Tusi were adopted here to provide for an administrative concept. Barni had suggested that State laws were the key to the welfare of the people in his work Fatwa-I Jahandari and that this need not be referred to or based on either the Sharia or the view of the Ulama. (Jauhari, 2001, p.73) The Muslim rulers of India attempted, in their limited ways, to resolve problems that related to the compatibility of the Sharia with their political actions. But the ambivalence continued, and even the regional rulers during the fifteenth century had to turn to the Sharia to legitimate their political acts. For a political amenable interpretation of the Sharia in 1579, even Akbar sought the approval of the ulema. Towards the last phase of Akbar’s reign and in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries under the Mughal regime the Sharia no longer occupied a central place in political discourse. The shift Muzaffar Alam attributes to the pressures at work. (Alam, 2004) The important being the Turai-Chengiz, the customary code, whose lineage the Timurids traced to Chengiz Khan, was invoked to legitimate the political practices of the rulers and everyday life of people. Faith or world view did not determine his state policies. This was true also for the eighteenth century with dying Mughal Empire and rising regional political entities. Awadh, for instance, was being ruled by the Nishapuri Nawabs who were gaining independence by casting off the imperial yoke. To

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demonstrate the nature of governance in the eighteenth century it would be prudent to quote an incident from a primary text. To cite from Karzar-i-Sadashiv Rao wa Shah Ahmad Abdali of Kashiraj, after the battle with the Marathas, On the arrival of the body of Vishvas Rao (in Shah’s camp) the Durrani soldiers made a row, crying out, “This is the padshah of the Hindus. We shall dry his corpse and take it to our country;” Nawab Shuja-ud Daula, on hearing of it, rode out, went to the Shah’s presence, and in company with the grand wazir submitted to him, “Enmity extends only to the lifetime of our enemy. It is the custom of Hindustan that after a victory the bodies of the chiefs of every tribe are given burial according to their own manner and rites. This course is a cause of good name (for the victor), while the contrary action is a cause of infamy. Your Majesty is a mere sojourner in this country, but we shall always have to deal with the Marathas. Let the dead body be given up to me that I will carry out the practice of the country. (Sarkar, 1934) Similar mutual respect was observed H.C. Irwin, who noted the presence of Hindus in Muharram processions, mentioned Muslim landlords contributing to the expenses of Hindu festivals, and described ‘mutual tolerance as one of the pleasantest features in the social aspect of the province’. (Irwin, 1880, p.38) Moreover, what needs to be acknowledged is the fact that the Muslim rulers were never able to dominate over the entire country; large and small territories of the Hindu rulers, independent and semi-independent, were interspersed throughout with the territories under the control of the Muslim rulers; and what is more important, the ruling as well as the subject classes consisted of both the Muslims and the Hindus. (Mukhia, 1972) Even in territories formally under the Muslim rulers, it is the ubiquitous class of Zamindars, consisting of various strata from a village headman to a Raja or Rao or Rana etc., who collected the land-revenue and maintained the law and order in the vast rural areas-these two being the primary functions of the state in the pre-modern times. Besides it would be far from correct to assume the muslims as a homogenous entity. There were various ethnic linkages that often led to conflicts in the court, for instance, Irani vs. Turani factions. (S. Chandra, 2002) Therefore, to propagate social and political conflicts in the medieval period solely on the bases of religious communities is far from truth. It is important to take political exigencies of the time and the heterogeneity of the otherwise perceived homogenous groups into account as essential for terming any conflicts prevalent in medieval India as systemic communal ideology of the rulers, since communalism is a modern phenomenon. These aspects become significant as Romila Thapar has rightly remarked, ‘as historians in criticising the communal interpretation it is not our intention to substitute the communal interpretation with any other pattern of historical interpretation but to point the obstructions such interpretations pose to the study of Indian history.’(Thapar, 1987)

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CONCLUSION Therefore, what emerges from the chapter is the fact that communalism is a complex phenomenon, changing forms with the time and space. While in the pre independence period it developed as a result of the British policy of divide and rule, pitting one community against the other thus strengthening the cause of imperialism, post independence it has often been used by the political forces for electoral purposes, who have roots in the progenitors of communalism in pre-independence era. Often for the purpose of political legitimation distorting history becomes an effective tool in the hands of communalist. In this attempt they distort history, omitting or appropriating information for their own benefits. This creates a bigger challenge for the discipline of history that has to overcome the obstructions so caused in the study of history by communal interpretation. For whatever phases and causes that can be attributed to the growth of communalism in India, one has to remember that its implications are very destructive for a country like India, where generations of co-mingling has resulted in the weaving of delicate social fabric. It will not only disrupt the social harmony but also distance India from its cherished goal of providing equality and justice to all.

REFERENCES Ahmad, A. (1964). Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment. New York: Oxford University Press. Alam, M. (2004).[New Delhi: Permanent Black.]. Languages of Political Islam in India, c, 1300–1800. Ali, A. (1982). Sulh-i-Kul and the Religious Ideas of Akbar. In Mughal India: Studies in Polity, Ideas, Society and Culture. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Chandra, B. (1984). Communalism in Modern India. Delhi: Har Anand Publications.

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Chandra, S. (2002). Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court 1707-1740. Oxford University Press. Datta, R. (2008). Rethinking a Millenium Perspectives on Indian History from the Eight to the Eighteenth Century: Essays for Harbans Mukhia. Delhi: Aakar Books. Desai, R. (2002). Slouching Towards Ayodhya, From Congress to Hindutva in Indian Politics, Three Essays. New Delhi: Three Essays Press.

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Gupta, R. (2004). Terrorism, Communalism and other Challenges to Indian Security. New Delhi: Kalpaz Publications. Irwin, H. C. (1880). The Garden of India. London: W.H. Allen. Jaishankar, K., & Haldar, D. (2013). Religious Identity of the Perpetrators and Victims of Communal Violence In Post Independence India. ERCES Online Quarterly Review. Retrieved from www.erces.com Kashiraj. (1934). Panipat 1761 (J. Sarkar, Trans.). The Indian Historical Quarterly, 10(2). Khan, I. A. (1968, April). The Nobility under Akbar and the Development of His Religious Policy. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, (1/2), 29–36. Khan, R. (1987, February). Communalism and Secularism in Indian Politics. Mainstream, XXV(13), 29–30. Mathew, G. (1989). Communal Road to Secular Kerala. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Comapany. Mukhia, H. (1972, August). Communalism and Rioting. Social Scientist, 1(1), 45. doi:10.2307/3516188 Nanda, B. R. (Ed.). (1980). Essays in Modern Indian History. Delhi: Oxford University Press. National Commission for Minority. (2008). Report of the NCM visit to Orissa, 6-8 January 2008. Author. Nehru, J. (2008). Discovery of India. Penguin. Oomen, J. (1995, March18). Politics of Communalism in Kerela. Economic and Political Weekly, 30(11), 544–547.

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Rizvi, S. A. A. (1975). Religious and Intellectual History of The Muslims in Akbars Reign 1556-1605. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers. Robinson, F. (1974). Separatism Among Indian Muslims, The Politics of the United Provinces Muslims 1860-1923. Cambridge University Press. Shakir, M. (1974). Muslim Attitudes: A Trend Report and Bibliography. Aurangabad: Primal Prakashan. Singh, D.N. (2009, July 15). Kandhamal Crisis: Hatred brought The Cracks In Harmony. Retrieved from http://www.zeenews.com

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Singh, R. (1990, August-September). Communalism and the Struggle against Communalsim: A Marxist View. Social Scientist, 18(8-9), 4–21. doi:10.2307/3517338 Smith, D. E. (1963). India as a Secular State. London: Oxford University Press. Smith, W. C. (1985). Modern Islam in India: A Social Analysis. New Delhi: South Asian Books.

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Thapar, R., Mukhia, H., & Chandra, B. (Eds.). (1987). Communalism and the Writing of Indian History. New Delhi: Peoples Publishing House.

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Chapter 3

Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka: The Indian Influence Sudha Jha Pathak Amity Law School, India

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ABSTRACT This paper is a historical study of the mutual exchanges in the religious and cultural traditions, in the context of Buddhism between India and Sri Lanka. As a powerful medium of trans-acculturation, Buddhism enriched several countries especially of South and South-East Asia. Though Asoka used Buddhism as a unifying instrument of royal power, he was considered as the ruler par excellence who ruled as per dhamma and righteousness ensuring peace and harmony in the kingdom. He was emulated by several rulers in the Buddhist world including Sri Lanka. Royal patronage of the Buddhist Sangha in Sri Lanka was reciprocated by support for the institution of kingship. Kingship played an important role in the political unifcation of the country, whereas Buddhism provided the ground for ideological consolidation. The Indian impact is clearly visible in all aspects of Sri Lankan life and identityreligion (Buddhism), art architecture, literature, language. However the culture and civilization which developed in the island nation had its own distinctive variant despite retaining the Indian favour.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-0582-2.ch003 Copyright ©2017, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka

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INTRODUCTION The belief, patterns and contours of culture or religious traditions of a society get their various dimensions from the sweep and course of history of the region. However, to understand the entire gamut of the historical, religious and cultural traditions of a nation, one has to not only look into the interplay of various local factors, such as its cultural moorings, prevailing religious beliefs and practices and different aspects of societal configurations, as manifested in the various constituents of its social fabric, but also the impact of extraneous factors, including the influence of cultural elements impacting from outside and the country’s interaction with other nations, especially those located in the immediate vicinity. This paper attempts a historical study of the mutual exchanges and interface relating to the religious and cultural traditions, especially in the context of Buddhism, between India and Sri Lanka and the impact of the various strains of religious and cultural vicissitudes as emanating from India upon Sri Lanka. This paper will be looking into the role, influence and impact of the religious-cultural events and trends, primarily relating to Buddhism, in the context of contacts and interaction between the two neighbouring nations, in the history of the ancient period. As a powerful medium of trans-acculturation, Buddhism enriched several countries, especially of the South and South-east Asian region. Buddhism is viewed as a philosophy and an ethical system with an emphasis on intellectual understanding. Buddhism includes within its purview not only religious doctrines and ethical teachings, but also a bevy of traditions, rituals, and religious practices. When it was taking roots in various nations, while it introduced new religious and philosophical ideas in these areas, but at the same time it also accommodated several elements of the local cultures and absorbed diverse practices and beliefs prevailing among the indigenous people, thereby forging a fine eclectic blend between the local and outside ethos of cultural and religious traditions. Buddhism thus not only became a transforming agent in various countries where it arrived, but simultaneously it also metamorphosed into an amalgamation of various ingredients rooted in diverse cultures and civilizations. Though Buddhism originated and developed in India, it did not survive continuously or ceaselessly as a major religious sect in the country of its origin, having suffered a decline and virtual disappearance by the beginning of the 13th century A.D. and witnessing a revival only in the recent past. It nevertheless contributed immensely towards enriching the religious and cultural traditions of India during the period it thrived here (circa 6th century B.C.-12th century A.D.). The imprints and contribution of Buddhism are clearly discernible and epitomized in India’s National Flag and the State Insignia.

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However, even though Buddhism suffered a decline in India, it saw its elevation to the status of a state religion in several countries in Asia, including Sri Lanka. Over a period of time, it acquired the status of a world religion, a trend discernible of late even in modern times in the wake of the avid interest being displayed in it by the Western world. Following the progressive spread of Buddhism in the various corners of the world, it has impacted and molded thoughts, ideas, literatures, and cultures in many regions of South, South East and Central Asia, especially in countries like Sri Lanka, Siam, Cambodia, Burma, China and Japan . Thus, the evolution of Buddhism as a major world religion has had a profound global impact and left a far-reaching effect on the life and patterns of beliefs of a vast population in many countries. The spread of Buddhism in various countries also encouraged mutual contacts between diverse people, civilizations and cultures, stimulating wholesome exchange of ideas and leaving impacts on various strains of culture and ways of life of the people of these nations. In this context, it is pertinent to mention that Buddhism has not merely been a faith; it has inculcated ethical social behaviour, emphasized virtues essentials for harmony in social life, and also stood for peace, goodwill and co-operation in a world torn apart by violence and cruelty. Thus, any attempt to carry out a study relating to Buddhism would not only act as a means for understanding the paradigms and effects of cultural contacts between different countries, it would also facilitate better understanding, co-operation, and friendship among the people of various regions, especially those of the neighbouring nations.

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BACKGROUND Buddhism originated in India in the 6th century B.C. The sources for our study include the sacred literature of the Buddhists referred to as the Tripitakas comprising of the Vinaya Pittaka, the Sutta Pittaka and the Abhidhamma Pitaka. The Milindapanho and Buddhacharita provide additional information. The Rock and Pillar edicts of the Mauryan Emperor Asoka found all over the Indian subcontinent is also invaluable to us. The Asokavadana and Divyavadana are additional sources for our study. The Dipavamsa, the Mahavamsa, the Culavamsa, and Vamsatthapakshini, along with the Pali Atthakathas comprise the indigenous chronicles of Sri Lanka which provide us useful insights into the religious and cultural history of Sri Lanka. The chronicles such as the Mahavamsa and the Culavamsa were written by Buddhist monks, and hence they have a strong religious orientation. The Mahavamsa, compiled in Pali in the sixth century A.D. was an adaptation of an earlier fourth century

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Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka

epic Dipavamsa. However, the Dipavamsa is primarily a text compiled to glorify Buddhism and is not a comprehensive narrative of historical events. On the other hand, the Mahavamsa provides copious details about the rise and fall of successive Buddhist kingdoms of Sri Lanka, beginning from Vijaya. All the aforesaid chronicles, in addition to the Indian Buddhist texts and the Asokan edicts found in India, enable us to have an adequate understanding of the growth and spread of Buddhism in Sri Lanka, inter alia in the context of the mutual interaction and exchanges between India and Sri Lanka in the sphere of religion and culture. Before going into the details pertaining to the dissemination of Buddhism in Sri Lanka, it becomes imperative to look at the pre-Buddhist religious beliefs prevailing in the island kingdom. Archaeological and historical evidences have indicated the prevalent beliefs and practices prevalent in pre-Buddhist Sri Lanka (Paranavitana, 1929). We can, on the basis of the above, including the Chronicles as well as the Samantapasadika, infer broad contours and characteristics of the religious beliefs and practices prevailing there. It included certain elements of Brahmanism – as noticeable in the worship of Yaksas and tree-deities, as well as ingredients of Jainism and some other cults. There was also a continuous flow of immigrants to Sri Lanka from India since the time of Vijaya. It appears quite probable that the Jains too came to Sri Lanka along with these immigrants, but probably there were no conversions of a considerable magnitude to Jainism, perhaps because it was basically not a missionary religion. Besides we also find the Paribbajakas, a class of sophists or wandering teachers and Ajivikas, the followers of Makkali Gosala. The worship of Yaksas was prevalent in pre-Buddhist Sri Lanka, akin to the practice followed in North India in Buddha’s time. In fact, even after the adoption of Buddhism as the state religion, the worship of the yaksas continued along with it among the masses. Bonded as close neighbours, India and Sri Lanka share a lot in common, on account of an unbroken and incessant sequence of historical and cultural traditions, going back to ancient times. Several important dynasties ruling in South India such as the Pallavas, Pandyas and Cholas invaded Sri Lanka over a period of several hundred years. This led to considerable interaction and exchanges between the Tamils and Sinhalese with respect to trade, intermarriage, sharing of religious beliefs, ideas, and customs. Hence there existed Tamil ancestry among the Sinhalese, the Sinhalese language shows an influence of Tamil language and the Sinhalese caste system is similar to that of South India (Mendis, 1938). Though Buddhism is a missionary religion, it does not aggressively seek converts. There were several factors responsible for the transmission and spread of Buddhism to Sri Lanka, such as patronage of royalty, merchants and scholars. Religious and diplomatic missions were also instrumental in this as it was common for monks

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to accompany diplomatic missions, they proved instrumental in the dissemination of Buddhism, to begin with, among the dominant and influential sections. Other mechanisms included the work of scholars and intellectuals who were responsible for transforming Buddhism into an intellectual dynamic tradition, while also providing it with a rich heritage of premises, theories and ideas. Further important conduits for its transmission were the ancient trade routes along which merchants would be accompanied by monks in their journeys. Many merchants, in the process, became patrons of Buddhism, built shrines and monasteries and contributed to their upkeep and sustenance. In the trans-acculturation of Buddhism, poets, philosophers, painters and sculptors also played a pivotal role by means of their sublime literary works, poetry, paintings, and architectural structures like the stupas, caityas and viharas. The art of the stupas, caityas and viharas was also instrumental in the propagation of Buddhism in most Asian countries. Hence, Buddhism with its emphasis on ethical-philosophical aspects had tremendous civilizing impact on other countries including Sri Lanka.

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FOCUS OF THE CHAPTER India has contributed greatly to the growth and spread of Buddhism in Sri Lanka, where it emerged as the predominant religion. The Buddha is said to have visited the island of Sri Lanka three times. The first took place in the fifth month after his Enlightenment, the second in the fifth year after Enlightenment and the third took place three years later. Even though the formal conversion of Sri Lanka to Buddhism took place after the advent of Mahinda, Buddhism was known to the nation since much earlier. There exist records showing regular movement of people from India to Sri Lanka. The Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa trace the history of Sri Lanka from about the 5th century B.C. with the arrival of Vijaya, the legendary founding father of the Sinhalese Monarchy, along with his followers, and describe this event as having taken place on the very day of the parinibbana (passing away of the Buddha). According to the Mahavamsa this event took place “on the day that the Tathagata lay down between the two twin-like sala trees to pass into nibbana.” The coincidence between the said crucial events in the history of Buddhism formed as a basis of the claim of the Sinhalese to regard themselves as the chosen guardians of Buddhism and consider Sri Lanka as “a place of special sanctity for the Buddhist religion” (De Silva, 2005). Indeed, the Sinhalese like to regard themselves as the custodians of Buddhism. In fact, the central theme of the Mahavamsa and Culavamsa is the importance of Sri Lanka as the bedrock of Buddhist civilization.

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Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka

According to the Mahavamsa, for the coronation of Vijaya, the ministers sent an embassy to the Pandyan King at Madura to send his daughter to be the queen of Vijaya. In due course she was sent along with many maidens, craftsmen and a thousand families of the eighteen guilds. Buddhism was propagated throughout India after the conversion of the Mauryan Emperor Asoka to it. Emperor Asoka also shared his state policy of Dhamma-vijaya (conquest by Dhamma) with the envoys to other countries and stated that he pursued this policy in his relations with other states. Thus, the seeds of Dhamma were sown in foreign lands where they blossomed in the native soil and environment. In the Thirteenth Edict of Asoka, Sri Lanka is mentioned as one of the many countries in which conquests by Dhamma had been made by him. Buddhism was introduced in Sri Lanka due to the initiative taken by Asoka in the third century B.C. Moggaliputta Tissa, the King of Sri Lanka, had friendly ties with Asoka though they had never met. There are several references pointing to the exchange between Asoka and Tissa. To cultivate friendly ties with the Indian emperor, Tissa sent a mission to Pataliputra. He also sent a gift to Asoka in return to which Asoka sent him the five ensigns of royalty and other items required for the consecration of a king. He sent not only these material gifts but also the gift of the Dhamma. According to the Samantapasadika he sent the following message to Tissa: “I have taken refuge in the Buddha, the Dhamma and the Sangha, and I have declared myself a lay disciple in the religion of the Son of the Sakyas. Take delight, even thou, in these three, in the Supreme Religion of the Conqueror, and come to the Refuge with faith.” When Tissa received the message and gifts from Asoka, he performed a second consecration on the full-moon day of Vesaka. He gave up the humble title of Gamani, and adopted the dignified title of Devanampiya. This title was continued by the kings of Sri Lanka till the mid-6th century A.D. It was sometime after the above diplomatic exchange between Asoka and Tissa that a mission from India led by Asoka’s son Mahinda landed in Sri Lanka. The coming of Mahinda to Sri Lanka two hundred and thirty-six years after the passing away of the Buddha was a landmark event in the history of the island country. This event is detailed in the Mahavamsa, Dipavamsa and the Samantapasadika. Mahinda preached to all hues of Sri Lankan people, including the King. It is noteworthy that the ease with which the people of Sri Lanka and Mahinda understood each other, we can infer the proximity of the languages spoken in the island and North India. It is also to be noted that Mahinda’s mission to Sri Lanka had the objective of the establishment of the monastic order in the island and not merely the introduction of Buddha’s teachings in the island. The fact that Mahinda was a prince of royal blood, son of the illustrious Indian Emperor Asoka must have helped in his mission. The adoption of Buddhism by Tissa along with others in the royal family must also have contributed to the rapid spread of the religion in the island. 51

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Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka

Meanwhile, the King’s sister-in-law, Anula wished to join the order of Buddhist nuns. Since she could only be initiated by a bhikkhuni, Mahinda requested the king to invite his sister, Sanghamitra to come to Sri Lanka and establish the Bhikkhunisasana (Order of Buddhist nuns). The Sri Lankan king sent this request along with a request for a branch of the Bodhi tree under which the Buddha attained Enlightenment. All these developments have been described in details in the Mahavamsa and Samantapasadika. Asoka’s daughter Sanghamitra went to Sri Lanka and she is credited with establishing the Bhikkhuni order there. She ordained Queen Anula along with 500 Lankan ladies. Thus, Anula, belonging to the royal family, along with other ladies, joined the Bhikkhuni-sasana. Buddhism flourished rapidly in the island nation and a new social order comprising of Bhikkhu, Bhikkhuni, Upasaka and Upasika was established. King Tissa indeed contributed substantially to the spread of Buddhism in the island nation. His achievements included the construction of the Mahavihara, Cetiyavihara and Thuparama and the enshrining of the collar-bone of the Buddha. Tissa gifted the park Meghavana to the thera. This was of great significance subsequently as it marked the beginning of the foundation of the Mahavihara which later developed into a leading monastery of Sri Lanka. “In the most excellent island of Lanka, this was the first monastery” reports the Dipavamsa. Mahinda and his sister Sanghamitra spent their entire lives in Sri Lanka and their parinibbana also took place there. In commemoration of Mahinda, a mountain in Sri Lanka is called Mihintale (Mahinda-thala) and the cave in which he lived is called Mihindu-guha (Mahinda-guha). Moreover, an annual religious festival known as Maha-Mahindrotsava (the festival of the Great Mahinda) is also held in honor of Mahinda. Early Buddhism in the context of its beliefs and practices had limited potential to attain the status of a world religion. It adhered to a rather rigid means of attaining salvation by the order of monks who rejected the triviality and mundane aspects of the world. Salvation was regarded as possible only for the ones who renounced the world and remained in the Buddhist Order as monks. Thus, it lacked some of the pre-requisites required to ‘gather multitudes of confessors’ around it (Weber, 1958). The turning point for Buddhism which led to it attaining the status of a world religion was its ability to accommodate and adapt itself according to the practical needs and requirements of society. Buddhism was appealing for the Sri Lankans as it represented a new order of life which was apparently more refined and cultivated to what they had known till then. Buddhism appeared to be more attractive and inviting to the Sri Lankans because of its very organic peaceful co-existence philosophy. It was this special attribute of Buddhism besides its humane and distinctly sophisticated approach to the issues of life which probably explains why it appealed to the Sinhalese. 52

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Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka

On delving deeper into the reasons for the increasing acceptance and popularity of Buddhism in Sri Lanka, it appears that the religious beliefs and practices drawn from diverse sources which prevailed in the pre-Buddhist period only served the religious needs of the people living in isolated communities. But this insular nature of religion and society was an obstacle to ideological unification at higher levels; this gave rise to a gap which was more apparent after political unification was achieved. As Buddhism took firm roots in the fertile land of the island nation, this gap was narrowed and bridged. Thus, along with the pre-Buddhist ‘little tradition” there evolved a Buddhist “great tradition” (Obeyesekere, 1963) which eventually embodied the “central value system” or the official religion of the kingdom. However, it is pertinent to note that though Buddhism became the predominant faith in Sri Lanka and subsequently in many other countries, it was adopted by rulers also for ‘reasons of state’ as they astutely felt that it was an appropriate tool to consolidate their regal authority and strengthen the foundations of the state. Thus, at the social and political level, the kings realized that Buddhism as a religion, through its belief system and practices, carried wider appeal for the common masses and could act as a force to bind the society together under the unifying authority of the crown. Much later, Durkheim astutely sensed the role and importance of this social factor, which he has aptly described in the following words: “There can be no society which does not feel the need of upholding and reaffirming at regular intervals the collective sentiments and the collective ideas which make its unity and its personality” (Durkheim, 1915). In the process, the Sri Lankan kings looked upon the Indian Emperor Asoka as their role model as he was not only a ruler par excellence but had also used Buddhism as an instrument to strengthen royal power and as a tool for unifying large sections of his subjects through the bond of a common cultural and spiritual ethos. Thus, he was not only held in a high esteem as an illustrious and successful king who ensured peace and harmony in his vast empire, but also as an ideal Buddhist ruler who espoused the model of Dhamma and followed the canons of rule based on the doctrine of righteousness. Not surprisingly therefore, Buddhist monarchs of Sri Lanka emulated Asoka’s strategy of using religion, by way of extending royal patronage to the Sangha, as a unifying force to achieve their political objectives of consolidating the royal authority and strengthen the foundations of the state. It is believed that the missionary approach of Asoka in preaching Buddhism, as juxtaposed to the theological exclusivity of Hinduism, had been instrumental in making the religion of the Buddha closer to the common masses and making it more accessible and attractive to them. In the long run, the proselytizing appeal of Buddhism proved to be more effective and popular in Sri Lanka than in India. Even today, the annual procession of Perahera held in honour of the Buddha’s Tooth Relic acts as a celebration of Buddhism’s powerful 53

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Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka

unifying force binding all Sinhalese in its cementing framework. It is still customary for new governments in Sri Lanka to visit Kandy in order to pay their respects at the Temple of the Tooth. In the backdrop of the above facts, it does not seem surprising that many of the rulers in several countries where Buddhism found firm roots zealously sought to emulate the example of Asoka in order to reinforce their own position, authority and legitimacy. The Sri Lankan king Tissa and in the later period king Dutthagamani (13th century A.D.) looked upon Asoka as their role model and replicated him in several ways. Several rulers in other countries, such as King Kyanzittha of Pagan (11th century) and King Tilokraja of Chiang Mai (15th century) also emulated Asoka, as recorded in the chronicles of Burma and Thailand respectively. By way of emulating Asoka, these rulers sought to gain legitimacy and authority as dhammaraja and universal monarch (chakkravarttin) as also to elevate their glory and stature in the domain of Buddhist history and tradition. Thus, several Buddhist kings in Sri Lanka as also elsewhere, tried to emulate Asoka’s example by generously contributing to the Buddhist order, convening councils to purify the dhamma, resolving disputes in the Sangha etc. There were various manifestations of ‘legitimization of political power by religious authority’ including- ascribing the ruler with the mythological world monarch (chakkravarttin); associating the spiritual perfections of bodhisattva-hood; relating the concept of the ideal king as the promoter and protector of Buddhism; ascribing to the ruler the virtue of one who rules according to dhamma or rajadhamma. These rulers were also instrumental in building stupas as loci of popular cults associated with Buddhism and as symbolic manifestations of the relation between the kingdoms and the cosmos. Moreover, the material artefacts of Buddhism, such as stupas, images of Buddha etc., also became symbols of an extensive polity linking the subordinate states to the dominant ones (Swearer, 2010). By the time Buddhism was introduced into Sri Lanka, the association between religion and kingship was significantly perceptible in India under Asoka. In the case of Sri Lanka, the first to be won over and converted to Buddhism was the King himself; as such, the institution of kingship in Sri Lanka also came to be closely associated with Buddhism. The reign of Tissa, a contemporary of Asoka, was a landmark as regards the political and religious history of the island nation. His reign saw the formal laying down of the institution of kingship, with all its paraphernalia, and the firm foundation of a monarchical form of government, in place of the other forms of government existing earlier. During his reign, this was manifest in the formal abhiseka (consecration) ceremony as well as the adoption of the title devanampiya (beloved of the gods). Tissa’s reign saw the intertwining of the institution of kingship with the principles and ideals of Buddhism as espoused by the Buddhist sangha. The institution of kingship facilitated the political unification of the country, while Buddhism provided the ideological unity. 54

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Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka

In this connection, it is also worth nothing that the sacred and temporal authorities in Sri Lanka complemented each other’s position and status. Indeed, the relationship between the king and the religious order was based on the credo of mutual help and support as the royal patronage of the Buddhist Sangha was reciprocated by the latter’s support for the institution of kingship. Kings were staunch supporters of the Buddhist Sangha and usually treated the Sangha with utmost devotion. Royal support was given to the Sangha as endowments and other requirements such as robes, food, medicines, houses etc. In about the 10th century A.D., Mahinda IV had ascended on the throne of Sri Lanka. In an epigraph, he had observed on the practice that had developed between the State and the Sangha: “The kings of Lanka who are Bodhisattas are to serve and attend on the Maha Sangha on the very day that they celebrate the coronation festival after attaining to the dignity of kingship. It is bestowed by the Maha Sangha for the purpose of defending the bowl and the robe” (Rahula, 1956). However, while the king extended his patronage to the Buddhist Sangha, the latter also went all the way to support and buttress the position of the king and legitimize his political and temporal authority by representing the royal insignia as the nurturer of the Buddhist religion and as an essential instrument to ensure peace, stability and harmony of the state. Buddhism was viewed as providing an impetus to kingship as Buddhist monasticism was regarded as an instrument of monarchical statehood, its success being associated with the close relationship between monks and kings. As Buddhism was elevated to the status of a State Religion in Sri Lanka, its importance was evident in temporal affairs also as even the king had to bow down to its authority. We find that the monk community of the Mahavihara was even entrusted with the task of deciding in case of a disputed succession, as to who was to be the rightful king. The laity expected that the kings should be devout Buddhists as well, and the king’s fitness to rule depended on their participation in the cult of relics and their identification as bodhisattvas (Gunawardana, 1979). A tenth century inscription states that only bodhisattvas can become kings of Sri Lanka. Progressively, it became the established practice that the king of Sri Lanka was to be a Buddhist and his accession had to be approved by the Maha Sangha i.e. the Buddhist monk community of the Mahavihara. If a king did something wrong it could defy him with the act of “turning down the bowl”1 which it did once during the reign of Dathopatissa II (650-658 A.D.). The first Sangha of Sri Lanka, the Mahavihara, in the course of time, acquired considerable prestige and authority and was even entrusted with the responsibility of administration and direction of the new state-religion. At the same time, the Sri Lankan king, in his capacity as the protector of Buddhism, had a significant responsibility in the religious affairs and in the domain of Buddhist Sangha as well, as and when necessary. Thus, he worked towards its 55

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Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka

purification whenever the religious order became corrupt, tainted or disorganized. This was done by an act known as dhamma kamma, performed by the Sangha on the king’s behalf. Such acts were performed with the intention of purging the Buddhist order of dissenting persons and doctrines, and thus to maintain the purity of the order, its values and organization. The importance of Asoka as the defender of the Sangha was also due to the instrumental role played by him in ‘purification’ of the Sangha. The leading role being played by kings in such ‘purifications’ is significant, since the reforms of the Sangha could not have been successful without the backing of royal authority. Though the monks were supposed to have renounced society, they were nevertheless still concerned about its material and spiritual welfare, since the Sangha was ultimately dependent on the patronage of the king as well as the devout masses in general. It was stated that ‘a degree of abundance is the prerequisite for asceticism” (Benavides, 2005).The concept of dana gained popularity, by means of which the laity donated primarily food, shelter, later including even land to the Buddhist Sangha in exchange for punya (merit). By providing an arena for dana, which formed the crux of the monk-laity relationship, the Sangha kept itself in tune and responded to the socio-economic developments of society. It is stated that “to solve the mystery of giving and receiving, of sacrifice and asceticism, of work, leisure, and agency, would be to solve the mystery of religion.” (Benavides, 2005). The evidence from China, Tibet and South East Asia points to the fact that monasteries also functioned as money-lenders, banks and acted as agents to bring new lands into cultivation (Gernet, 1956). Inscriptions and texts from Sri Lanka depict that the monasteries received large tracts of land, property, and irrigation fields and they even acted as monastic landlords (Gunawardana, 1971). The equations of ‘monastic landlordism’ depict a three-way mutually beneficial relationship between patrons, monks and farmers (Gunawardana, 1971), in which religious institutions got a feudal character in the prevalent socio-economic context in India as well as Sri Lanka. The Chinese pilgrim Fa-hsien came to Sri-Lanka during the reign of king Buddhadasa and stayed at the Abhayagirivihara. According to him, there were five thousand monks at Abhayagirivihara and three thousand in the Mahavihara, which also indicates that Buddhism was in a flourishing state in the country at that time. The Mahavihara enjoyed great prestige in all the Buddhist countries. The monks from the monastery were said to represent the true line of succession and were welcomed in Burma and Siam as the true instructors of the religion. Sri Lanka became the home of Theravada Buddhism and is considered to preserve the orthodox teachings of the Buddha. Theravada Buddhism incorporates key features like adherence to the Vinaya, strong relationship with political authority, which have remained its intrinsic features. 56

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The symbols, objects of worship associated with Buddhism like the bodhi tree and the cetiyas gradually evolved into symbols of political unity. Cetiyas or stupas were the sanctuaries in which the relics of the Buddha or his disciples were deposited. They were arranged into two categories:

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1. Sarira–cetiya or one containing a relic of the body of the Buddha or of an Arahant and 2. Paribhoga-cetiya containing an article such as a bowl used by the Buddha. A sarira-cetiya was regarded to be of greater value than a paribhoga-cetiya (Adikaram, 1953). The existence of stupa worship was an important aspect of Buddhism in India and this practice existed in Sri-Lanka too where the enshrining of Buddha relics in stupas was known as dagoba. Asoka is said to have enshrined relics at 84,000 sites. It points to the fact that the relic-cult had gained prominence as an expression of devotion to religion, simultaneously it was a part of Asoka’s policy of utilizing Buddhism as a unifying instrument of royal power. The patra-dhatu (alms-bowl) used by the Buddha and the sacred Bodhi tree comprise the most important of the paribhoga relics. The bowl used by the Buddha was brought to Sri-Lanka during the reign of Devanampiyatissa. According to the Mahavamsa, this bowl ‘the king kept in his beautiful palace and worshipped continually with manifold offerings’. The Buddha’s collar-bone and tooth relic belong to the sarira-cetiya group. After the passing away of the Buddha, a thera brought Buddha’s collar-bone to Sri Lanka. It is noteworthy that the King Devanampiyatissa built the Thuparama Dagaba at Anuradhapura enshrining the relic as stated in the Mahavamsa. The tooth-relic was brought to Sri Lanka about five centuries later during the reign of King Sirimeghavanna (A.D. 301-28) as stated in the Mahavamsa. The Buddha’s Tooth Relic came to be regarded as the symbol of a righteous Buddhist king, hence it received royal patronage. It was expected that the legitimate king should have the Buddha’s Tooth-Relic. Many kings used the word datha (tooth) along with their names as Dathopatissa, Hatha-Datha. In due course of time, the patra- dhatu and the Tooth-Relic became the palladium of Sinhalese kings and was shifted from one city to another whenever the capital was shifted. The festival associated with the Tooth Relic witnessed elaborate ceremonies, which increasingly gained prominence. Fa-Hsien, who visited Sri-Lanka a few years later, saw the elaborate festival in the honour of this relic and has given a vivid description of it (Legge,1886). The bodhitree, the relics of the Buddha along with his patra (alms bowl) were instrumental in strengthening the cultural ties between India and Sri-Lanka.

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Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka

All these instances attest to the immense religio-political importance of ceremonies and festivals of this sort. The pre-eminent role played by the king himself in these activities along with the patronage extended by him helped to bind and unite the society. These rituals brought the masses in the periphery constantly in touch with the binding values of the centre, which in turn contributed to the development of the group feeling, the social factor sui generis as stated by Durkheim. “There can be no society”, Durkheim wrote, “which does not feel the need of upholding and reaffirming at regular intervals the collective sentiments and the collective ideas which make its unity and its personality. Now this moral remaking cannot be achieved except by the means of reunions, assemblies and meetings where the individuals, being closely united to one another, reaffirm in common their common sentiments; hence come ceremonies” (Durkheim, 1915). The worship of the images of Buddha started much later than that of the worship of the relics and the bodhi tree. “The early Buddhist”, says Cunningham, “had no statues of Buddha. He is not once represented in the sculptured bas-reliefs of Bharhut, which date from 150 to 100 B.C., and there is no image of his amongst the numerous scenes of the great Sanchi Stupa. The oldest representations of the Buddhas that I am aware of are found on the coins of the Indo-Scythian king, Kanishka, about A.D. 100” (Cunningham, 1892). But the art of sculpture was certainly known, and practiced by the Hindus as early as the time of Asoka as is seen from the old Buddhist railing of the Mahabodhi Vihara(Cunningham, 1892). According to Foucher, in ancient Buddhist sculptures the figure of the Buddha is not found and he is represented by means of symbols such as a vacant seat, a promenade or cankamana, the foot-prints or the bodhi tree (Foucher, 1917). It is also noteworthy that the earliest mention of a Buddha image in Sri Lanka dates to the second century A.D. and this coincides remarkably with the date of its origin in India. Sir Charles Eliot stated that “it is one of the ironies of fate that the Buddha and his followers should be responsible for the growth of image-worship, but it seems to be true. He laughed at sacrifices and left to his disciples only two forms of religious exercise, sermons and meditation” (Eliot, 1962). Among the famous scholars and writers acclaimed in ancient Sri Lanka, Buddhaghosa is held in a very high esteem. Buddhaghosa arranged systematically the existing matter in various Sinhalese chronicles into Pali in about the 5th century A.D. and made a notable contribution to Buddhism .While translating an Atthakatha from Sinhalese into Pali, he took utmost care and regularly consulted the corresponding Canonical text. The Vishuddhimagga was the first work of Buddhaghosa in Sri Lanka. The Mahavamsa states that he wrote it “summing up the three Pitakas together with

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Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka

the Commentary”. Initially in order to test his abilities, he was given two verses by the Mahavihara community before being entrusted with the important and responsible task of translating the Sinhalese Commentaries into Pali as stated by the Mahavamsa. The Vishuddhimagga is a concise encyclopaedia of Buddhist teachings. The prose style is more elaborate than other Pali works and probably shows the influence of an earlier Sanskrit (and hence brahmin) education. Buddhaghosa enjoys great statute in Theravada Buddhism, similar to that of St .Thomas Aquinas in the Roman Catholic tradition. The positive impact of Buddhaghosa’s reversion to a classical language was to place the Theravada tradition at an international level. Since then, Theravadin monks could correspond and interact across linguistic boundaries. The Theravada Sangha from then on has shared a common tradition and language despite differences in their pronunciation of Pali. Buddhaghosa being a learned man was probably aware of the cultural advantages of having a lingua franca. The Samantapasadika written by Buddhaghosa is a commentary on the Vinaya Pitaka. Commentaries on the Abhidhamma Pitaka were also written by Buddhaghosa and are based on the original Sinhalese commentaries. He is also credited with writing commentaries on the four principal Nikayas: the Sumangalavilasini on the Digha, the Papancasudani on the Majjhima, the Saratthappakasini on the Samyukta, and the Manorathapurani on the Anguttara (Adikaram, 1953). Buddhaghosa also wrote the commentaries on four books of the Khuddaka Nikaya namely the Dhammapada, Jataka, Khuddakapatha and Suttanipata (Adikaram, 1953).There were other Indian scholars like Buddhadatta and Dhammapala, who wrote commentaries, contributing to the enrichment of Pali literature. Before the advent of Buddhism in Sri Lanka, it did not have an organized state religion. Conditions in ancient Ceylon were, to a large extent, were quite similar to those existing in North India during the time of Buddha with respect to the worship of Yaksa cult. Interestingly, in spite of the adoption of Buddhism as the national religion, the earlier yaksa worship flourished side by side among the masses and has persisted down to modern times….. a good number of yaksas in vogue at present are either late creations, or, as their names imply, introduced from the peoples of a lower culture in South India (Paranavitana, 1971). The worship of the spirits of the dead also comprised an aspect of the yaksa cult which in a way was a means to maintain the social relations and family ties with the living world. Mahinda appeared to have knowledge about this practice of worship of yaksas. Hence shortly after his arrival on the island, he preached the popular Buddhist texts, the Petavatthu and the Vimanavatthu which deal with the spirits of the dead.

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Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka

The worship of sacred trees was also associated with the yaksa cult. Some trees were regarded as sacred since they were believed to be the dwelling-place of yaksas. The Pipal tree (which in the course of time was also worshipped as the bodhi tree of the Buddhists) was highly venerated in India since the Vedic period (Davids, 1911). The excavations at Mohenjo-Daro portray that the tree was worshipped even then. The importance of the tree in the context of Buddhism is obvious since the Buddha attained Enlightenment under it. Many Buddhist sculptures belonging to the 2nd century B.C. - 2nd century A.D. in India depict the veneration of this tree. Ananda Coomaraswamy opines ‘that every Buddhist temple and monastery in India once had its bodhi tree and flower-altar, as is still the case in Ceylon.’ When this tree was introduced into Sri Lanka, tree-worship prevalent there accommodated it albeit with a distinct Buddhist flavour. Sanghamitra had carried with her a branch of the sacred Bodhi tree of Gaya which was planted in Anuradhapura. The Mahavamsa also states that a branch of the sacred tree at Gaya was brought to Sri Lanka sometime after Mahinda’s arrival in the island. King Devanampiyatissa planted this branch at Anuradhapura where it is widely worshipped even today. It is as far as we know the oldest historical tree in the world (Tennent, 1860). The place where the tree was planted in Anuradhapura is considered to be the same spot where the branches of the bodhi tree of the previous Buddhas were planted earlier as stated by the Samantapasadika. It is noteworthy that the non-Buddhist Tamil invaders who destroyed many viharas left this tree untouched. As Cave observes, “it escaped destruction by the enemies of Buddhism throughout many invasions is perhaps attributable to the fact that the same species is held in veneration by the Hindus who, while destroying its surrounding monuments, would have spared the tree itself.” (Cave, 1908). Fa-Hien has also referred to this sacred tree in his memoirs. Subsequently we find saplings of this tree being planted at several places in the island. However, the original Bodhi-tree at Bodhgaya and its branch at Anuradhapura were considered to be the most auspicious of all. Sri Lankan king Sirimeghavanna is said to have sent two bhikkhus to India to King San-maon-to-lo-kiu-to that is Samudragupta, requesting him to provide shelter there for the Sinhalese monks who were on a pilgrimage to the sacred tree at Bodh-Gaya. Two inscriptions of the sixth century B.C. have also been discovered at Bodh-Gaya recording the building of a temple and the gifting of a statue by Mahanama from Amradvipa, he was from the royal family of Sri-Lanka. Cunningham opines this thera as the author of the Mahavamsa and further suggests that he may have visited the Bodhi tree in Magadha, where he built a temple and dedicated a statue (Cunningham, 1892).The practice of the worship of the bodhi tree along with the cetiyas has continued even to the present day. The way in which the Buddhist images were worshipped in Sri Lanka was similar to that of South Indian Hindu worship.

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Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka

‘‘From Vedic times, the knowledge of the twelve lunar mansions was prevalent in India and each day of the month had its own peculiar nakshatra (star).These constellations were known to the primitive Sinhalese, and the custom of naming a person after the nakshatra in which he was born, was common. The Rasavahini expressly mentions this in the case of Phussadeva, one of the warriors of Dutthagamani. He was so named because his natal star was Pusya. This was considered a particularly lucky one, and its synonym Tisya (Tissa) was adopted as the name of many early kings of Ceylon….The constellation Anuradha seems to have been specially favored by women, for most of the princesses of ancient Ceylon known to us were named after this naksatra (Anuradi, Anudi, Anula)’’(Paranavitana, 1971). As in the case of any religious tradition, various fundamental and essential ingredients of culture and civilization, like literature, sculpture and architecture are associated with Buddhism. The sangha functioned in the island country very much like the brahmins in India as the literary and cultural repositories of intellectual tradition. Monks acted as educators, similar to the Indian scenario, contributing to the literature as well as moral values. The art and architecture of Sri Lanka was also shaped and molded by various influences from India including the Mauryan and Amravati style of art. A remarkable feature of the mission sent by Asoka to Sri Lanka was that it included a number of Mauryan craftsmen who carried to Lanka their skills and expertise which left an indelible impact on the art and architecture of the country. Several features and characteristics of Mauryan architecture, such as town, garden planning and the construction, layout of Buddhist shrines became models for Sri Lankan architecture. At the same time, Mauryan sculptural designs seen on Sanchi reliefs became role models of Lankan sculptural designs which can be seen clearly in the decorative designs of Kanthaka Chetiya at Minhintale in Sri Lanka. Asokan Brahmi script also became the basis of the Lankan script. Hence, one can easily say that the Sinhala Buddhist culture was a model inspired from the Mauryan culture. The ancient name of the Sri Lankan capital Anuradhapura was Cetiyagiri. It is noteworthy that the name was derived from Asoka’s stupa at Sanchi known as Cetiyagiri in ancient times. In the Andhradesa region of India we come across many valuable specimens of Buddhist art and architecture. The literary sources of Sri Lanka indicate that there existed considerable movement of people and trade between Andhradesa and Sri Lanka. The influence of Andhra sculptural art can be discerned in Sri Lanka. The impact of Amravati style of art can be traced in the bas-relief slabs on the outer side of the Mahacaitya earlier. These Amravati art pieces are now to be found at Amravati, Chennai and British Museum, London.

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Images of the Buddha discovered from different parts of Sri Lanka depicting the Amravati style of art include those of: 1. Maha-Iluppallama Buddha: From Anuradhapur district. The image depicts the features similar to that of the Andhra Buddha images especially the Amravati style (Paranavitana, 1971). 2. Kucchaveli Buddha: (3rd - 4th century A.D.) Which portrays a torso of Buddha image in standing posture. The style of draping the robe bears close affinity with that of the Amravati School of art. There is a lotus relief below the robe. A triratna symbol is also seen identical to the Amravati style (Devendra, 1958). 3. Two-Seated Buddha: Figures from Pabaluvehera, Polonnaruwa, now preserved in the National Museum, Colombo (Schroeder, 1990). 4. Seated Buddha: Figure from Datiyamulla, Kurunegala district, where the Buddha is portrayed in dhyana mudra. This is presently to be found in the Archaeological Museum, Anuradhapura (Schroeder, 1990). Some reliefs found in Sri-Lanka bearing the influence of Andhra art have also been found, as mentioned below:

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1. Queen Maya’s Dream (1st-2nd century A.D.): Anuradhapura, similar to the carvings relating to the same subject at Sanchi, Bharhut and Amravati. The scene portrays Queen Maya’s dream. This is preserved in the Colombo National Museum (Schroeder, 1990). 2. Interpretation of Queeen Maya’s Dream (2nd-3rd century A.D.): Anuradhapur; depicting the interpretation of Queeen Maya’s Dream by the sages (Schroeder, 1990). 3. Buddha’s Miracle at Sravasti (4th century A.D.): Matale district which portrays Buddha performing the miracle at Sravasti etc (Schroeder, 1990). However, Buddhism subsequently suffered a setback in Sri Lanka due to the invasion of the Cholas from South India. The Cholas invaded Sri Lanka and took its king Mahinda V captive in 1017 AD and set up Polonnaruva as the seat of their power. They made the conquered portion of the island a Chola province and ruled over it from India. Meanwhile, the plunder and revenues they acquired from Sri Lanka helped in the construction of the splendid Chola temples. Following the Chola inroads into Sri Lanka, several elements of the Tamil or Dravidian culture percolated into the Lankan cultural landscape. As the Cholas were followers of Hinduism, there was interaction and exchange subsequently between the popular Buddhism of the island nation and the religio-cultural elements of Hin-

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Impact of Buddhism on Sri Lanka

duism. It is indeed remarkable that even today one can find the occurrence of the worship of the Buddha or Bodhisattva along with that of Siva or Skanda in Sri Lanka, indicating the blending of the beliefs, practices and religions of the two nations. When we study the course of the growth and evolution of various religions or sects, we come across several instances where gods, rituals and practices of one religion are assimilated and accommodated into and sometimes even transformed by another religion. As indicted above, the ancient religions of Buddhism and Hinduism have shared several common features and close equations with each other. Still there existed both cordial interface on the one hand as also hostile relationship at times between the followers of Hinduism and Buddhism in India and Sri Lanka. However, there are many illustrations which point to a healthy give and take between Hinduism and Buddhism without any trace of rancour or malice. It is indeed remarkable to note how Hinduism has absorbed Buddha into its pantheon of major deities while Buddhism has owned up and transformed Visnu, who is regarded as one of the three supreme Hindu gods. The process of mutual assimilation between Buddhism and Hinduism can be best exemplified by the fact that by about the 7th century A.D. the Buddha was being regarded as an avatar of Visnu, in at least four Puranas (Varaha Purana, Matsya Purana, AgniPurana, Bhagavata Purana). Moreover, inscriptions at Mahabalipuram declared that the Buddha was the ninth of ten incarnations of Visnu (Sastri, 1998). We even find the images of Visnu’s ten avatars as including the Buddha in the Visnu temples of South India, notably the Sri Rangam temple at Tiruchirapalli. This practice was also followed in Sri Lanka where we come across the fact of Buddha being depicted as the ninth avatar of Visnu in the paintings at the Visnu temple in Devinuwara from which we also infer that the avatar notion had gained popularity not only in India but in Sri Lanka as well. Similar liberal and syncretic trends are discernible in the Buddhist religion as it evolved in Sri Lanka where Visnu became a vital aspect of popular Buddhism and was assimilated into the religious practice and rituals. Visnu even came to be identified as a Bodhisattva or future Buddha for his altruistic role in helping people. The Mahavamsa categorizes Visnu with the revered role of being the island’s as also Buddhist religion’s chief minister of defence. Visnu devalayas or temples were found to be present all over Sri Lanka, more so in the rural areas. In the archaeological ruins of the Buddhist capital at Polonnaruva belonging to the 11-13th centuries, Visnu images and shrines have also been discovered. Sri Lanka’s interaction with India and the concomitant influence of the Buddhist religion also played a crucial role in the literary development of Sri Lanka too. Language is regarded as a reflection of culture. The language spoken by the early Sinhalese was understood by the people who came from India, indicating the

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close bonds and strands of similarity between the cultures of Sri Lanka and India. The Ceylonese alphabet also derived its origin from India. However, even though the Sinhalese language is derived from old Indian Prakrit dialect, it has a distinct identity of its own. The Pali language, having roots in India, became the literary language of Sri Lanka and it still holds that privileged position. The art, architecture, literature of Sri Lanka were also deeply influenced by India.

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CONCLUSION Thus, it is obvious that owing to its proximity to India, Sri Lanka was pervious to various cross-cultural, social and religious influences from India. However, the culture and civilization which developed in Sri Lanka had its own unique identity even though it betrays a very high degree of Indian flavor especially in the light of the import of the religion of the Buddha from India. Thus, even though the proximity of the island nation to India significantly contributed to the evolution and shaping of facets of religious and cultural traditions in Sri Lanka in various ways, but the civilization that evolved there was not a mere replica of the Indian ethos. There is no doubt that the outlines and constituents of Sri Lanka’s cultural and religious framework had its own distinct structure and identity, though the unmistakable Indian influence always remained discernible. Not strangely, therefore, the essence and variegated features characterizing the religious and cultural repertoire of the Sri Lankan civilization have made a tremendous contribution to the Buddhist world and left a deep imprint on it. For instance, the reign of Vattagamani Abhaya in the first century B.C. was significant in the history of Buddhism as the Pali canon, called the Tripitakas – the Vinayapitaka, the Suttapitaka and the Abhidhammapitaka was compiled and preserved, a fact for which Sri Lanka has attained a unique status in the Buddhist world. Also, the tenets and precepts of Theravada Buddhism spread from Sri Lanka and made inroads into several other countries like Burma, Cambodia, Siam and Laos, influencing the religious and cultural life of their inhabitants. Thus, Sri Lanka did not remain a mere passive recipient of the various elements of religious and cultural traditions from India but it also contributed to the advancement and enrichment of Buddhism as a great global religion. In fact, Sri Lanka also has the distinction of being the oldest surviving Buddhist civilization in the world of about 2500 years. As we come to the end of this study, it is evident that Buddhism has left a lasting impression on virtually every aspects of the culture and civilization of Sri Lanka. Besides enriching the island nation’s core spirit and milieu at the cultural and religious level, Buddhism also played a key role in the social and political consolidation of

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Sri Lanka as a nation. Thus, while the institution of kingship played its part in the unification of the country at the political level, Buddhism contributed to the process of evolution and crystallization of Sri Lanka as a nation at the ideological level and gave fillip to the undercurrents of social and political amalgamation. Thus, it is evident that while a combination of various elements relating to religion, culture, language and education cast their far reaching impact in shaping up the national identity of the Sinhalese people, the various strands of Buddhism acted as a compelling and driving force which deeply influenced and crystallized such a potent course of progression. A significant feature of this process was the generous patronage of the Sri Lankan kings to the religion of the Buddha, which helped Buddhism attain the pinnacle of glory and emerge as the religious and metaphysical manifestation of the Sinhalese nationalist identity, besides contributing to the fruition of Sinhala cultural consciousness. Ironically, however, the sustenance of the Sinhala Buddhist nationalist ideology even became an integral part of state policy in the recent past as sections of Sinhala Buddhists resorted to the course of militarism and ethnocentrism in dealing with the discontent of the Tamil speaking minority population of the island nation though certain elements among the latter too were guilty of adopting methods which were despicable. However, Buddhism has been one of the most peaceful religions of the world which has consistently promoted amity and harmony among people. Intrinsically, Buddhism also does not insist upon rigid adherence to doctrinal purity. Further, it is generally characterized by an ability to transform and adapt as also by a spirit of assimilation and reconciliation. These factors, which are conducive to the cause of peace, harmony, mutual understanding and goodwill among the people of various affiliations, have helped heal the wounds and fissures engendered in the wake of fratricidal hostilities and antagonism between sections of the Sinhala majority and the Tamil minorities of Sri Lanka during the last few decades. The recent trends indicating recognition of the importance of reconciliation and amity between the Sinhalese and the Tamil speaking people of Sri Lanka is indeed a very positive and welcome development.

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REFERENCES Adikaram, E. W. (1953). Early History of Buddhism in Ceylon. M.D. Gunasena & Co. Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology 1936(vol. 11). E. J. Brill Ltd. Bechert, H., & Gombrich, R. (1991). The World of Buddhism (Great Civilizations). London: Thames and Hudson.

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Benavides, G. (2005). Economy. In D. S. Lopez Jr., (Ed.), Critical Terms for the Study of Buddhism (pp. 77–102). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Buddhaghosa. (1930). Samantapasadika. London: Pali Text Society. Cave, H. (1908). Book of Ceylon. London: Cassell and Co. Ltd. Cunningham, A. (1892). Mahabodhi London: Academic Press. Davids Rhys, T. W. (1911). Buddhist India. London: T. Fisher Unwin. De Silva, K. M. (2005). A History of Sri –Lanka. India: Penguin Books. Devendra, D. T. (1958). Classical Sinhalese Sculpture. London: Alec Tiranti. Durkheim, E. (1915). The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (J. W. Swain, Trans.). London: George Allen and Unwin. Eliot, C. (1962). Hinduism and Buddhism (vol. 2). London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd. Fa-Hsien. (1886). A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms (J. Legge, Trans.). Oxford, UK: Academic Press. Foucher, A. (1917). The Beginnings of Buddhist Art, and other Essays. London: Humphrey Milford. Geiger, W. (2003). Mahavamsa. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services. Gombrich, R. F. (2006). Theravada Buddhism; A Social history from ancient Benares to modern Colombo. New York: Routledge. Gunawardana, R. A. L. H. (1979). Robe and Plough: Monasticism and Economic Interest in Early Medieval Sri Lanka. Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press. Heera, B. (2007). Impact of Buddhism on Socio-Religious Life of the Asian People. New Delhi: Decent Books.

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Holt, J. C. (2008). The Buddhist Visnu: Religious Transformation, and Culture. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Ltd. Malalgoda, K. (1976). Buddhism in Sinhalese Society. London: University of California Press. Mendis, G. C. (1938). The Early History of Ceylon. Calcutta: Y.M.C.A. Publishing House.

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Obeyesekere, G. (1963). The Great Tradition and the Little in the Perspective of Sinhalese Buddhism. The Journal of Asian Studies, 22(2), 139–153. doi:10.2307/2050008 Oldenberg, H. (1879). Dipavamsa. Oxford University. Paranavitana, S. (1929). Pre-Buddhist Religious Beliefs in Ceylon. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 21, 302–328. Paranavitana, S. (1936). Two Royal Titles of the Early Sinhalese and the Origin of Kingship in Ancient Ceylon. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 443–462. Paranavitana, S. (1971). Art of Ancient Sinhalese. Lake House Investments Ltd. Rahula W. (1956). History of Buddhism in Ceylon-The Anuradhapura Period (3rd century B.C.-10th century A.D.). M.D. Gunasena and Co. Sastri, H. K. (1998). Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India. New Delhi: Academic Press. Swearer, D. K. (2010). The Buddhist World of Southeast Asia. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Tennent, J. E. (1860). Ceylon, an account of the island. London: Longman, Green, Longman and Roberts. von Schroeder, U. (1990). Buddhist Sculpture of Sri Lanka. Hong Kong: Visual Dharma Publications, Ltd. Weber, M. (1958). The Social Psychology of World Religions. In From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology. Academic Press.

ENDNOTE

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1

It meant refusal to accept alms. It was an act sanctioned by the Vinaya rules (Cullavagga, v.20,6-7) to express monks’ disapproval of a person’s character or conduct.

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Chapter 4

Islamic Modernism in the Works of Jamaluddin Al-Afghani and Syed Ahmed Khan: Contrast and Relevance Priyanka Chandra Jawaharlal Nehru University, India

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ABSTRACT Linkages between religion and politics have engaged the interest of scholars for centuries. Two thinkers, whose works are central to these inter-linkages are Jamaluddin al-Afghani and Syed Ahmed Khan. Both were Islamic modernists in the late nineteenth century who sought to reform religion by engaging with modernity. They have also contributed signifcantly to shaping the nationalist movements in West Asia and India respectively. This chapter will examine their ideas on important issues like religious and educational reform, nationalism and Pan-Islamism, diferences and contrasts in their ideologies and their contributions to Islamic modernism. Through this examination this chapter will highlight the relevance of their contributions to the study of contemporary political Islam.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-0582-2.ch004 Copyright ©2017, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Islamic Modernism in the Works of Jamaluddin Al-Afghani and Syed Ahmed Khan

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INTRODUCTION Jamaluddin al-Afghani is an important figure in the history of Islamic modernism, and has influenced numerous thinkers and movements down the centuries. Born in the late 1830s1, he came to be known as a political activist and Islamic reformer as well as thinker. Having himself been influenced by the rational school of thought through the works of Avicenna and Ibn Khaldun as well as the earlier Salafi2 tradition, he is known for his contribution to the ideas of Islamic reform and pan-Islamism, and his staunch opposition of colonial rule. His discourse on Islam and politics has influenced ideas of identity of the self, pan-Islamism and the concept of umma3 and anti-colonialism. His ideas of reform influenced subsequent thinkers, political activists and reformers through the centuries. His most famous disciple was Muhammad Abduh, who in turn contributed significantly to reform and reinterpretation in the fields of Islamic education and jurisprudence among others. Together Afghani and Abduh also propagated the concept of ijtihad or reinterpretation of Islamic texts and law, as opposed to the then prevalent practice of taqlid. He was one of the major advocates of Pan-Islamism, a concept that held varied but important political connotations in the following decades. He gave a lot of emphasis to the centrality of rationality to interpreting Islam, theologically as well as politically. He is often known as the father of Islamism and some of his followers in later decades include Hassan al-Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt which is still the strongest political organization opposing the military regime in Egypt. Sayyid Qutb, whose writings are believed to have incited radicalism and extremism within the Muslim Brotherhood, was also influenced by the works of Afghani and Abduh. In the South Asian region, Abul A’la Maududi, an eminent political Islamic thinker and political activist whose influence in India and Pakistan has been significant on the colonial and post colonial eras, was deeply influenced by ideas of political Islam propagated by Afghani. Syed Ahmed Khan was born in 1817 in India, and in the early years of his life witnessed the decline of the Mughal empire, and the ascendance of the British colonial empire. This had a significant impact on his mindset, and he came to identify the decline of the Mughal empire with the stagnation of the Muslim community in the India subcontinent as a whole. He was also deeply impressed with key aspects of the British rule, most notably the British education system, which he sought to imbibe in his programme of educational reform for the Muslim community in subsequent years. His reform programme was aimed at proving the confluence of religion with science and reason, and on his appreciation of Western modernity. His

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Islamic Modernism in the Works of Jamaluddin Al-Afghani and Syed Ahmed Khan

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most important achievement was to reconcile tradition with science by highlighting how reason and natural law was central to Islam. Although his efforts at reform were directed towards the Muslim community, more so in the later years of his life, the pro-British image that he projected as an admirer of British rule alienated him from the more conservative sections of the Muslim community, and brought him directly up against the traditional ulema. Khan wrote extensively with a view to propagate modern ideas aimed at the liberation of the society. His works included a journal titled Tahzibal-al-Akhlaq (referred to as the Mohammedan Social Reformer in English) which was an interpretation of Islam. It emphasised the importance of western education, and stressed on how imperative it was for the Muslim community to imbibe it and learn from it. He also established the Scientific Society in Ghazipur in 1863 in order to instil a temperament for scientific inquiry among Muslims, where he translated several western classics to Urdu. His most significant contribution to the Muslim community in India was the establishment of the Mohammedan Anglo Oriental College (M.A.O. College) in 1875, at Aligarh, which came to be known as the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) by the year 1920. It was based on the institutional and educational structures of Oxford and Cambridge universities, both of which Khan had visited and been highly impressed with. It included teaching in Urdu, Persian and Arabic as well as English. “He was an erudite scholar and jurist who sought to find solutions through modern education to the backwardness of his Muslim fellows after the catastrophe” (Galonnier, 2012, p. 132). Being a descendent of the Mughal lineage himself, and the fact that he witnessed the decline of the Muslim community in the aftermath of the downfall of the Mughal empire, Khan’s approach was full of political pragmatism. He was certainly deeply affected by the decline of the cultural heritage of the Indian Muslim community. However, in the words of Filza Waseem (2014), (Khan’s)... remorse was of a dialectic nature, simultaneously reflecting love for the Muslim nation and loyalty to the British. It is in this context that his policy of reconciliation with the British can be understood. For a man born in a feudal family, who had personally experienced the trauma of the declining Mughal Empire, he was highly pragmatic in his outlook (p. 1410). This policy of reconciliation and cooperation with the British was a political and social necessity of the time for Khan. This approach combined with his writings, led to severe opposition from within the traditional and conservative ulema. It brought

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Islamic Modernism in the Works of Jamaluddin Al-Afghani and Syed Ahmed Khan

him into direct conflict with the orthodoxy and rigidity of the Deobandi school of thought and the Firang Mahal movements, which sought an internal regeneration of Islam as a reactionary attitude to British oppression (Waseem, 2014, p. 142). Al-Afghani and Khan were intellectual contemporaries in similar socio-political landscapes, and their interaction and critique of each other’s works is enlightening. The works of these two thinkers contain similarities on important points: both engaged with modernity and emphasized the need for Islamic reform in theological, legal and political terms. Both sought the reinterpretation of Islamic and legal texts and the practice of ijtihad as the most effective tool to bring about meaningful reform. Both contributed significantly to the anti-colonialist and nationalist discourses, and to finding the identity of the ‘self’. Yet there were important contrasts as well. Khan’s views were far more radical for al-Afghani, who was not in favour of his brand of extreme rationalism. Further al-Afghani who was staunchly anti-British, considered Khan’s education and reform programme auxiliary to British servitude. Khan, on the other hand, saw western notions of modernity as the only way forward and worked to reconcile this modernity and the tradition inherent to the society he was a part of. Nikkie Keddie (1966) has presented historical records of the journey of Afghani in his initial years including his trip to India, the influences of Islamic and national movements in India on him, and of his own activities at the time. However, there is no record of any meeting or direct interaction between Afghani and Khan. He was also aware of Khan’s work and ideology as he was extremely critical of them. His criticism of Khan’s brand of politics has been explored further in the following pages. Major politico-religious leaders, organizations and movements are influenced by the works of al-Afghani, including the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. Khan on the other hand, was the founder of the Aligarh Movement and the Aligarh Muslim University which has been a prominent centre of intellectual learning for over a century. In so far as these organizations and movements must be considered important to the polity and society of these countries, at a time when the scholars are constantly attempting to engage with political Islam, the ideology they ascribe to is extremely relevant. In order to understand these movements, it is imperative to go back to their genesis and study the significant contributions of these two thinkers. This chapter seeks to examine and make a comparative analysis of the works of al-Afghani and Khan. It will highlight points of confluence and divergence in the ideologies of the two thinkers. It will further attempt to analyse the relevance of these works to contemporary politics in India and West Asia, particularly with a view to better understand the emerging and constantly evolving trends within political Islam.

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Islamic Modernism in the Works of Jamaluddin Al-Afghani and Syed Ahmed Khan

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COMPATIBILITY OF RELIGION AND SCIENCE The convergence in the ideologies of Afghani and Khan lay in their belief in the compatibility between science and religion. They both propounded the possibilities of combining ideas of Western modernity with the socio-religious fabric of Islam, and rereading it with a perspective of reason and rationality. They both actively engaged in theological as well as juridical discourses to argue the obsolete nature of a religious, social and ethical code based on taqlid (imitation). They suggested a reinterpretation of religion in order to bring about reform in the society. One of the primary means of reform for Afghani was the practice of ijtihad. Through ijtihad, he believed that religion could be re-interpreted on the basis of Western principles of science and rationality. This would enable scholars of Islam to redefine their identity, and help imbibe modern concepts with traditional images of the ‘self’ in Muslim societies. He believed that this would create the foundation vital for nationalism. Afghani’s work on reinterpretation of Islam emphasised values such as activism, freer use of human reason and political and military activism (Keddie, 1983). Afghanit too was an admirer of many aspects of Western modernity. Yet he argued that rather than simply imitating the West, or on the other hand blindly following a path of religious orthodoxy, it was crucial for the Muslim community to revive its own identity based on a rational and scientific approach to the reinterpretation and reform of religion, simultaneously imbibing and evolving local conceptions of modernity. Similar ideas of ijtihad as an instrument for reform were proposed by Khan, who believed that a rereading of Islamic texts, and the reform Islamic jurisprudence, all in keeping with the changing times would rid the Muslim society of its then stagnant and poor conditions. Believing that the future of Muslims was threatened by the rigidity of their orthodox outlook and obsolete education system, Sir Sayyed feared that if they continued to boycott modern, scientific education, they would be left behind economically and politically. He was convinced that modern education was the only panacea for their problems (Waseem, 2014, p. 141). Khan’s efforts to promote the practice of ijtihad, and more so, to instil methods and approaches of learning were based on a rational approach. These efforts ranged from establishing modern madrasas or schools where science was taught to the establishment of the Scientific Society of Aligarh. He also presented rational interpretations of Islamic texts and scriptures in the form of numerous publications. He believed that imparting the knowledge of science would create opportunities for combining the ideas of modernity with religion, rather than corrupt religion

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religious belief as the more puritan and conservative ulema were inclined to think. This strife of Afghani and Khan, as well as other liberal Islamic modernists, was aimed at reconciling Islamic belief and traditions with modernity.

CREATING AN IDENTITY OF THE ‘SELF’ Their arguments in favour of religious and social reform were an important first step in the direction of the creation of an identity of the ‘self’. This is particularly significant given the colonial political context in which both Afghani and Khan were writing. To them, reform would bring about a new assertion of the self, as opposed to being the ‘other’ in the equation between the colonial rulers and the subjects. Similar strains appear in the thought of Afghani and Khan. For instance, despite his effort to imbibe the Western format of education, Khan did not ignore the importance of local learning cultures. While AMU represented a centre of learning predicated on a deep appreciation of western knowledge and western format of learning, many scholars believe that it did not preclude the importance or relevance of native disciplines. While Ethics and Urdu were important subjects at this institution, and it emphasised the importance of observance of religion, it is believed to have been closer to the western concept of learning. This emphasis on traditional education sustained and kept alive the ethno-linguistic vitality of the learners. The education thus did not cause a disjuncture between the basic philosophy of their socio-cultural reality and the school’s ethos, although it was closer to Macaulay’s dictum of creating an anglicized elite, in time, space, and political sphere (Waseem, 2014, p. 145).

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The efforts of Khan at educational reform are crucial to the realisation of the national identity for Muslims in British India. The founders of the Muslim League were mostly alumni of AMU, and the inculcation of an awareness of ‘self’ and of their distinct Muslim identity, not just religious but also cultural, led them to a national struggle for a Muslim state. In fact, they had a lasting effect on the post colonial Muslim intellectual culture in India too. As stated by Juliette Galonnoir, ...The AMU was not merely an educational institution... It was also a movement. The All India Mohammedan Educational Conference was launched in1866 by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan to promote modern education and political unity among Muslims. This

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movement was to become a political force after his death and the AMU the nerve centre of Muslim separatism in the United Provinces in the 1940s’ (Galonnier, 2012, p. 132; Lelyveld, 2003, p. 327; Hasan, 1989, p. 19). Afghani’s contribution to the idea of ‘self’ is equally significant. His discourse on nationalism and pan-Islamism opened up opportunities for the re-imagination of the identity of the ‘self’. Unlike Western notions of nation and national identity he sought to re-imagine identity of the self on the basis of local nationalisms combined with a sense of unity inherent to pan-Islamism. His ideas of nationalism did not exclude the religious and cultural aspects of identity. Rather they sought to imbibe them. The works of Afghani and Khan became important guiding factors for the creation of indigenous notions of identity which could balance religious and local identities with interactions with modernity, thus providing traditional roots to an identity which was no longer averse to the ideas of modernity.

CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE DISCOURSES ON NATIONALISM

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This was also the first step towards the creating a discourse and dialogue on nationalism. In so far as nationalism is a consequence of the realisation and assertion of the self, and an active opposition of the colonial power, the contributions of Afghani in West Asia and Khan in India have been of great significance. In so far as “Nationalism demands a rediscovery and restoration of the nation’s unique cultural identity...” (Smith, 2001, pp. 33-34), the efforts of Afghani and Khan towards Islamic revival and reform were crucial to the discourse on nationalism. However, both reformists recognised the perils of the Muslim community in the face of stagnation and took recourse to reform as an effective means of countering this problem. It is visible the work of Khan in his rationalist approach to religion. The new liberalizing theology that followed from Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan’s rationalist approach to Islam brought with it re-evaluation of the traditional, social ethics of the Muslim community. The latter was probably one of its strongest attractions for the growing body of Muslim intellectuals, who were becoming acutely aware of the social evils linked with such practices as slavery and unregulated polygamy and divorce. In this respect, indeed, the influence of his school has extended far beyond the boundaries of the Indian Islam through their new presentation, partly apologetic but also implicitly reformist, of Muslim practice and social doctrine (Gazdar, 1966, p. 7).

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Afghani, who had propagated that indigenous conceptions of identity and modernity were key the progress of the Muslim community, and would provide the most effective tool to fight the yoke of imperialism, invoked religious solidarity to evolve ideas of nation. Challenging Western conceptions of nationalism, Afghani asserted the possibility of the co-existence of ideas of religion and nation.

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Jamal al-Din al-Afghani rejects the western concept of nationalism as a tool to divide and suppress the Muslim nations and their religion. He says: There is a belief current in Europe, that national solidarity is always good in itself and conducive to progress while religious solidarity is always fanatical and prevents progress. It is here where the difference lies, it may be true in the case of Christianity but it is not true with Islam where religious fanaticism has been rare and religious solidarity is essential for progress. However, it remains true that for Muslims, no sort of natural solidarity, not even patriotism, can replace the bond created by Islam. Real unity, in a Muslim nation, rests on common religious conviction (Ali, 2002, p. 68). To this end, Afghani in his discourse placed religion and politics together by stating that politics was an essential part of Islam, and stressed on the interdependence of religion and politics (Moazzam, 1984, p. 19). Linking Islam and politics together was an important aspect of his discourse as this lay the foundation to advance the nationalist cause by preaching religious reinterpretation and reform. Reinterpretation takes a central position in Afghani’s philosophy not just in theological terms, but in so far as Islam is a way of life, a reinterpretation of religious texts combined with religious reform would enable the creation and realisation of an indigenous identity by the people of Islam. The realisation and assertion of the identity of the ‘self’ is integral to the creation of a national conscience and the assertion of a national identity. Afghani’s propagation of pan-Islamism and the unity of the umma was integral to his contribution to the debates on nationalism. In the context of the colonial challenge combined with the state of the Islamic society at the time, pan-Islamism presented an opportunity for unity based on religious identity to counter both these challenges. However his views on pan-Islamism are thought to be contrary to the idea of nationalism. While Afghani stated this view in the context of Muslim majority countries like Egypt, Khan came to develop a similar opinion about Muslims in India, where they were a minority. This was sentiment was evident in his criticism of the Indian National Congress, when he stated that,

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The aims and objects of the Indian National Congress are based upon an ignorance of history and present day realities; they do not take into consideration that India is inhabited by different nationalities: they presuppose that the Muslims, Marathas, the Brahmins, the Kshatriyas, the Banias, the Sunars, the Sikhs, the Bengalee, the Madrasis, and the Peshwaries all be treated exactly alike and all of them belong to the same culture (Shakir, 1986, p. 150) (emphasis added). It is evident that different identities, be they religious, caste-based or regional or ethnic, constituted different nationalities. This sentiment combined with the given disfavour of the British post the mutiny of 1857 and the status of Muslims in India at that time led Khan to believe that the only chance for the progress and uplifting of the Muslim society was through unity created by the bond of religion. In his view, the Muslim community in India needed to realise their distinct religious identity and forge solidarity based on religion in order to progress and prosper.

CONTRASTS

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The stark contrast between Afghani and Khan was not so much about their ideologies as it was about their political strategies. While they are both widely regarded as important reformers, active in religious and social reform, modernists, reformers of theology and Islamic jurisprudence, they were not just reformers and ideologues. They were also political. Their activities had a political character to them, particularly because of the colonial context in which they were active. And the primary difference in their approaches, and extending into their ideologies was that of their political attitudes to the coloniser. While Afghani was vociferously critical of colonial rule and subjugation, Khan thought that exposure to, and engaging with, certain aspects of colonial rule would benefit the Muslim community significantly, such as the British education system. To this end he established a college in Aligarh in 1875, ...In which religious education could be combined with modern scientific studies, and thus established the first “modernist” organization in Islam in India. The new college and its founder naturally became the target of violent opposition, and that not only from the orthodox ‘ulema but also from Jamaluddin al-Afghani, who bitterly attacked the ideas and views of Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan as pure materialism and treason to the faith of Islam (Gazdar, 1966, p. 7). One of the issues on which Afghani was vocally critical of Khan was the latter’s support of the British colonial rule in the revolt of 1857. In a pamphlet titled

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Asbab-e-Baghawat-e-Hind (The Causes of the Indian Revolt), Khan rubbished the notion that Muslim elites were responsible for the mutiny. He further asserted that the East India Company should employ Muslims in order to secure their loyalty so that such mutinous acts could be avoided. This was one of the instances when Khan took an openly pro-British stand in what has been seen as the first Indian nationalist revolt against the British. For him, it was the only way to a progressive and effective reform of the Muslim community. It earned him severe criticism from nationalists including Afghani, who saw a pro-British stance as a betrayal to national sentiment. While Afghani was an Islamic modernist and had engaged with Western notions of modernity, he denounced the proposition that modernization be achieved in confluence with the colonial power that was partly responsible for the subjugation and oppression of the people. It is for this reason, that Afghani openly accused Khan of political opportunism. Afghani himself, being politically active, was not innocent of such opportunism. Elie Kedourie (1994), in his seminal work titled Afghani and Abduh: An Essay on Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in Modern Islam has established with various examples and arguments that there was indeed a gap between Afghani’s propagated philosophy and his actual beliefs. From the interaction between Afghani and his disciple Abduh, it is clear that they saw the potential of using religion to propagate values which may otherwise not have made an impact. This assertion has been challenged by Albert Hourani (1962) who states that the political activism of Afghani does not necessarily imply religious unbelief. Despite varying assumptions about the personal religious beliefs of Afghani, it is agreed upon by both scholars that his efforts at religious reform and political activism have been a momentous contribution in the history of Islamic modernism, given the consistency and purpose of Afghani’s work. According to Aziz Ahmad (1960), the political, social and educational leadership of the Indian Muslim community by Khan was challenged only by the attacks of Afghani. After being expelled from Egypt by the Khedive Tawfiq Pasha in 1878, he stayed in India for a year and launched a vocal attack on the Khan’s ideology and strategy (Aziz, 1960, p. 55). Another difference in their ideologies was the conceptualisation of the political community, or the umma. While pan-Islamism and the idea of a unified umma figure prominently in the discourse of Afghani, Khan situated his ideas in a different socio-political context. Although he didn’t deny the concept of umma, his work and efforts at reform were targeted towards a very specific audience. He too, was communicating with the Muslim community, and his ideas of reform carried a general relevance, but he was particularly concerned about the status and situation of the Indian Muslims in a predominantly Hindu demographic.

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Islamic Modernism in the Works of Jamaluddin Al-Afghani and Syed Ahmed Khan

One issue on which Khan was vocally critical was the metaphysical beliefs inherent to many traditional schools of Islam. He was opposed to the notion of existence of other-worldly creatures such as djinns etc. Being inclined towards a highly rational approach, he challenged the existence of any such creatures and was critical of traditionalists who not just believed but also propagated belief in these things. Afghani on the other hand, did not openly comment on such issues of metaphysics. However, it is interesting to note here that Afghani did invoke characteristics of Islam, such as the concept of the mahdi4, which is strongly believed in by many Shia followers. As has been mentioned above, it is difficult to establish his personal views on these issues, as he chose to use popular beliefs and myths among followers of Islam to further his political causes of nationalism, pan-Islamism and social reform, rather than openly criticise them. Considering that he was also rationally inclined in a way similar, if not the same, to Khan, it is unlikely that he himself believed in these ideas that he sometimes professed. It is far more likely that these ideas, like other aspects of religion which had popular appeal for the majority of the Muslim community, were seen and used by him as instruments of propagating his own philosophy. It has been posited by scholars like Nikkie Keddie (1966) that the beliefs and preachings of Afghani and Khan were similar to the point of being identical, but this is a controversial statement which has been challenged by Aziz Ahmad (1969) who gives various instances of difference in the thought of Afghani and Khan. One of this is the role of natural law in the understanding of religion by both thinkers. The emphasis on natural law as understood at the time in Khan’s thought has been paralleled in the later writings of Afghani. As quoted by Ahmad, “Between the work of God (nature) and the word of God (scripture) there can be no contradiction” (Ahmad, 1969, p. 479). Whether or not this was influenced by his familiarity with Khan’s thought has not been established. However, it is important to note that the detailed and modernist conception of ‘naturalism’ in Khan’s work was thoroughly criticised by Afghani. Here Ahmad cites the term for nature (fitra) being identical to the term for religion (Islam). It is possible that the aspects of Afghani’s theory which are attributed to influences from Khan’s work may have been the result of this confusion. In fact, Afghani’s The Refutation of the Materialists is scathing in its critique of the naturalists, and is a refutation of the ideas professed by Khan and his followers.

RELEVANCE The relevance of the contributions of Afghani and Khan are evident in the literary cultures of current studies and interpretations of theology and scholarship on po78

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litical Islam. It is also reflected in the ideologies that motivate numerous political leaders, parties and organisations, which in turn follow a range of ideas associated with political Islam, from modern and liberal to radical and extreme. In fact, their ideas of self-identity based on a reformed and renewed, modern Islam, are particularly relevant to current political thought, particularly that pertaining to ideas of nationalism as well as ideas of political Islam. Majority of the propagators for a separate state for Muslims came from the Aligarh movement. Even in contemporary politics in India, numerous scholars view marginalisation of the Muslim community on communal lines5. There is a common feeling that such marginalisation of Muslims has occurred in post-colonial India owing to their religious identities and hence opine that any progress for the afflicted people can only be achieved on the basis of identifying and streamlining efforts towards the backward sections of the Muslim community. To this end, extensive research has been conducted on issues and subjects specific to the India Muslim community including madrasa education across India, entrepreneurial initiatives and economic activities by Indian Muslims, their representation in the executive and legislative branches from local governments to central government and Islamic law. There are various perspectives on these subjects, ranging from liberal approaches such as that of Jamaat-i-Islami Hind to more conservative and downright orthodox ones. Given the pro-imperialistic approach of Khan, his ideas were deeply influenced by the emancipatory, democratic and progressive characteristics of the British (Shakir, 1986, p. 149). These ideas went on to form the foundation for countering the increasingly conservative attitudes of the Deobandi school of thought in India in subsequent years. The relevance of Khan’s discourse on what is identified as political Islam in contemporary politics has been commented upon by Moin Shakir (1986) who stated,

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The imperialist school always considered the interaction between progressive religion and liberal politics as important. It is not an accident that the language and idiom of politics, in the early twentieth century, became more and more Islamised. Not that politics or political thinking was becoming medieval or backward-looking. Abdul Kalam Azad, Mohammed Ali, Abdul Ala Moudoodi or Mohammad Iqbal were concerned with strains and stresses of the contemporary situation (p. 152). The efforts of Khan to reform education and revive Islam through a rational and scientific reinterpretation influenced many thinkers, activists and politicians after him. These included Abul A’la Maududi, who founded the Jamaat-i-Islami, the largest political Islamic organisation in Asia, as a religious and political movement promoting Islamic values and practices. With the partition of 1947, this organisation too, split along the political borders to form Jamaat-i-Islami Hind and Jamaat-i-Islami 79

Islamic Modernism in the Works of Jamaluddin Al-Afghani and Syed Ahmed Khan

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Pakistan. Afghani’s works also provided a reference in his speeches and writings, although his own stance on religion and state were more conservative. It is interesting to note here that the same influence propelled Maulana Abul Kalam Azad in a totally opposite ideological direction. As contemporaries, Azad and Maududi preached completely contrary ideas, with the former criticising communal politics of the Muslim League based on his secular political views and the latter propagating a ‘theo-democracy’ and the imposition of Sharia law on the state. In fact Maududi’s views are known to be reflected even in the attitudes of outfits like Taliban and Al Qaeda (Paracha, 2015). The varied trajectories taken by ideas of Afghani and Khan provide a key note to their contribution and relevance to contemporary political Islam. In scholarly debates, the relevance of these contributions is even more significant to the postmodernist discourse of contextuality, which attempts to separate the core message and ethical principles of Islam from its history, and study it in contemporary politics. Thinkers such as Mohammed Arkoun of Algeria, American scholar on Islam and feminism Amina Wadud, and Pakistani scholar Fazlur Rehman are among those who, despite their varied perspectives on religion, have argued for the separation of the Islamic message from its history. Critical rereading and interpretations of Islam in current academic trends have asserted several heterodox positions which were not commonly accepted before the advent of Islamic modernism. Further, contemporary polemical studies of mushrooming ideologies under the banner of political Islam would benefit immensely from inquiries and commentaries of these thinkers on political interpretations of religion. Rereadings of the contributions of Afghani and Khan have opened many different interpretations of political Islam itself, as has been visible in the ideas of their numerous followers. It has also presented opportunities for combining modern (postFrench Revolution) political ideas with Islam. For instance, Afghani’s propagation of nationalism as well as pan-Islamism, which appear contradictory at first, allow for a re-imagination of political identities and ideas. The assumed compatibility of pan-Islamism with local nationalisms has been highlighted by Asghar Ali Engineer (1994) who states, Afghani set out to meet the external threat with his pan-Islamism. This, however, does not mean that he undervalued nationalism. In fact he advocated both local nationalism as well as pan-Islamism... In his writings and speeches, Afghani lays due emphasis on watan i.e. national home land (p. 86). Keddie opines that Afghani’s style of thought had an affinity with a range of ideas from Islamic liberalism on one end to conservative Islamic revivalism on the other, the latter including ideas like pan-Arabism and various other forms of nation-

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Islamic Modernism in the Works of Jamaluddin Al-Afghani and Syed Ahmed Khan

alisms which were to emerge in West Asia in the following decades. His approach of giving Islamic reinterpretation to the Islamic past in modern nationalist terms became increasingly popular and was later developed into various movements in the Arab world. Peter Mansfield’s6 (1978) reading of Afghani presents possibilities for secular politics in Afghani’s interpretation of Islam. Albert Hourani (1962) has emphasised the centrality of Islam as a civilisation, rather than as a religion, in Afghani’s ideas. While these inferences drawn from the speeches and writings of Afghani have been criticised by others such as Engineer (1994), it is clear that the scope of Afghani’s ideas presents possibilities for multiple, even contradictory, trajectories of development of political Islam. The existence of such a range of interpretations of the ideas of one thinker is evidence of his insight into the complexities, challenges and relevance of the intersection of religion and politics for the future of political Islam. With the changing scenario in international politics, and the renewed concerns regarding political Islam, the works of Afghani and Khan are most relevant to scholars of political Islam, as well as religious thinkers focussed on reviving the scope of religion as a way of life in the contemporary world. Developments from the growth of terrorism, and the coming up of several radical organisations on the one hand, and social and political concerns ranging from lack of prosperity to political instability in Third World countries on the other, are compelling reasons for scholars to revisit Islamic modernism. Maududi, al-Banna and Qutb are among those thinkers and political activists who were affected by the political trajectories of their nations and propagated recourse to (political) Islam. Many of the developing countries which face severe economic challenges and political instability, and many of which have significant Muslim population, including countries like India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia in South Asia, and most of the developing countries in West Asia have witnessed in recent decades a renewed interest in the understanding of Islam as a way of life, and as a code of governance. Scholars seeking to gain an understanding of political Islam need to focus on the debates of Islamic modernists such as Afghani and Khan. Several scholars and thinkers are looking for the relevance of Islam today in its interaction with the Western world, and how it can cope and evolve in the context of modernity, post modernity and forces like globalisation. This has partly led to a growing culture of conservatism in both theological and academic approaches to religion exclusive of ideas of modernity and socio-political change. The relevance of the ideas of Afghani, Khan and other Islamic modernists must be viewed not just in terms of where they have been reflected in current religious and political practices, but also in the context of growing conservatism and intolerance, where the ideas of reform and modernity propagated by Afghani and Khan can benefit contemporary religious and political

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thought. Such attitudes in particular require an engagement with ideas of Islamic modernism, involving both ideas of political Islam as well as use of instruments like ijtihad, based on a scientific and rational approach. These ideological developments make the rational, reformist and pragmatic approaches of Afghani and Khan more relevant today than ever before. The use and misuse of terms like jihad as well as a renewed vigour with which puritans are calling to go back to the ‘way of Islam’, require a contemporary examination and understanding of political Islam as well as Islam as a religion. Such an examination would be incomplete without taking into the account the contributions of Islamic modernists who were dealing with questions of the role and relevance of religion in a fast changing political and social climate, and with increasing influences from the West. These contributions enable us to contextualise the role of religion in the debates on modernity (and post-modernity), the current political trends and the evolving nature of the state.

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CONCLUSION The contributions of Afghani to the ideas of political activism combined with and aided by religious reform, and the notions of nationalism and pan-Islamism continue to influence numerous ideologies in contemporary politics. Khan’s efforts towards educational and religious reform are milestones in the intellectual history of the Muslim community in India and Pakistan, as well as in the larger South Asian region. Any study on these subjects mandates an appreciation of their efforts. These contributions also hold the key to the evolution of political Islam down the centuries, and an understanding of contemporary political Islam, not just in terms of scholarly debates but also in terms of understanding political and civil society movements in South Asia, West Asia as well as other regions. Further, the contributions of these two thinkers are immensely helpful in the analysis of the contemporary ideologies of political Islam across West and South Asia, and how historical cultural, political and intellectual ties between countries in these regions interact and influence each other. While the writings, speeches and political activism of Afghani and Khan developed in a particular historical context, the relevance of these ideas is resounding because of various reasons. First, it attempts to engage with modernity rather than look at Islam and Islamic culture in isolation. Second, it provides a medium to identify the shortcomings of practices and interpretations associated with religion, which affect every aspect of life, and propagate a reformist approach through which these problems can be resolved. Third, through the use of reason and the adoption

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of a scientific approach, these ideas create possibilities for the confluence and convergence of religion with modernity, based on the need to re-read and re-interpret religion, but more so due to the recognition of the impact religion has on every aspect of life, and in particular, its intersection with local, national and international politics. Fourth, these ideas facilitate a polemical examination of religious conservatism based on scholarly rationale and knowledge of religious scriptures. Most importantly, it opens up the scope for heterogeneity, through an acknowledgement of the existence of varied and often contrary perspectives of political Islam, as in the case of Afghani and Khan, which in turn provide a better understanding of the ideologies of political Islam.

REFERENCES Ali, S. J. (2002). Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and the West. New Delhi: Adam Publishers and Distributors. Engineer, A. A. (1994). The Islamic State. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd. Galonnier, J. (2012). Aligarh: Sir Syed Nagar and Shah Jamal, Contrasted Tales of a ‘Muslim’ City. In L. Gayer & C. Jaffrelot (Eds.), Muslims in Indian Cities: Trajectories of Marginalisation (pp. 129–158). Noida: Harper Collins Publishers. Gazdar, M. W. (1966). The Islamic Civilization in the Present Age. The Islamic Review, 54(10), 5–8. Hasan, Z. (1989). Dominance and Mobilisation Rural Politics in Western Uttar Pradesh. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Hourani, A. (1962). Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

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Keddie, N. (1966). Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani’s First Twenty Seven Years: The Darkest Period. The Middle East Journal, 20(4), 517–533. Keddie, N. (1968). Islamic Philosophy and Islamic Modernism: The Case of Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani. Iran, 6, 53-56. Keddie, N. (1983). An Islamic Response to Imperialism: The Political and Religious Writings of Sayyid Jamal al-Din “al-Afghani”. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

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Kedouri, E. (1997). Afghani and Abduh: An Essay on Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in Modern Islam. London: Frank Cass. Lelyveld, D. (2003). Aligarh’s First Generation. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Moazzam, A. (1984). Jamal al-Din al-Afghani: A Muslim Intellectual. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. Paracha, N. F. (2015). Abul Ala Maududi: An Existentialist History. Dawn. Retrieved September 7, 2015 from http://www.dawn.com/news/1154419 Shakir, M. (1986). Dynamics of Muslim Political Thought. In T. Pantham & K. L. Deutsch (Eds.), Political Thought in Modern India (pp. 142–160). New Delhi: Sage. Smith, A. D. (2001). Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History. London: Polity Press. Waseem, F. (2014). Sir Sayyed Ahmed Khan and the Identity Formation of Indian Muslims through Education. Review of History and Political Science, 2(2), 131–148.

ENDNOTES

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4

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His exact date and place of birth have been a matter of contention among scholars. Nikki Keddie, who has presented facts based on extensive research and valid proof, has established that he was born in Asadabad, Iran (Keddie 1968: 6). In the earlier centuries of Islam, Salafi tradition was a school of thought based on a rational approach which propagated the use of reason and tools like reinterpretation. In contemporary politics however, Salafism has come to be seen as associated with Wahhabism and propagates a more puritanical and often radical interpretation of Islam. Towards the end of the twentieth centruy, the Salafi movement became almost antithetical to Islamic modernism. The term Umma implies a unified Muslim community, an idea frequently propagated by Afghani through his use of this term. However, this idea of unity based on religious solidarity in the Islamic world can also be viewed as contrary to the idea of nationalism, based on shared notion of nationhood (wataniya), i.e. the contradiction between umma and watan (nation). This dichotomy occurs frequently in the anti-colonial discourse of Afghani, although he asserted that both these idea need not be mutually exclusive. Mahdi is believed to be the prophesied redeemer of Islam who will rule before the Judgement Day (qayamat) and rid the world of evil. There are differences in Sunni and Shia perceptions of the mahdi. Sunnis believe that the mahdi is

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5



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6

yet to come, but the Shias believe that the mahdi was born but disappeared and will reappear and bring justice. Adherents of Twelver Shiism believe this is the Twelfth Imam, Muhammad al-Mahdi. References to the concept of the mahdi are found in Afghani’s articles in L’Intransigeant, ppublished in Paris, 1883, which have been presented by Kedouri (1997). It has been postulated by Kedouri (1997) and Keddie (1968) that Afghani’s reference to the mahdi is based on the Shiite tradition to which he was had considerable exposure, owing to his Iranian origins. See Gayer, Laurent and Christophe Jaffrelot (Eds.). (2012). Muslims in Indian Cities: Trajectories of Marginalisation. London: Harper Collins. See Mansfield, Peter (1978). The Arabs, London: Penguin Books.

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Chapter 5

Love Thy Neighbor as Thyself?

Public Attitudes, Opinions and Level of Concern in Asia Sirjjan Preet Youth Technical Training Society (YTTS), India

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ABSTRACT In a continent as vast and as densely populated as Asia, regional cooperation and friendship is rooted in the people. People-to-people ties determine the extent of economic and social progress in the region. The chapter focuses on attitudes, opinions and expectations of Asian community so as to monitor the state of mutual understanding and trust among countries in Asia. It is an attempt to acquire realistic understanding of the nature and determinants of public attitudes and opinions in the Asian region. Besides studying the impressions/views of Asians about each other, the chapter also intends to investigate the reasons behind these impressions and provide recommendations based on the observations.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-0582-2.ch005 Copyright ©2017, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Love Thy Neighbor as Thyself?

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INTRODUCTION Asia is a continent of enormous diversity and contrast, a panorama of different landscapes, cultures and civilizations that have a long, contentious past strewn with conflicts and territorial disputes. In a continent that is home to almost 60 percent of world’s current population (World Population Data Sheet, 2015), neighborly friendship is rooted in the people. People-to-people ties determine the extent of economic and social progress in the region. They play a crucial role in establishment of meaningful and sustainable relationship and in development of mutual trust and confidence. Citizen exchanges form an important element of public diplomacy and complement traditional diplomacy as well. Integration at the grassroots has also assumed great relevance in the era of multi-track diplomacy – a concept that originated due to the ineffectiveness of Track 1 diplomacy (purely government driven) in securing international peace and cooperation. Many countries in Asia have a shared history and are tied by religion, proximity, linguistic and cultural heritage dating back centuries, but they still cannot get along. The rising economic power of India and territorial ambitions of China generate anxieties among their neighbors. Therefore, the main objective of this chapter is to foster a realistic understanding of the nature and determinants of public opinion in the Asian region. It focuses on attitudes and expectations of Asian community so as to monitor the state of mutual understanding and trust among countries in Asia. This chapter is an attempt to ascertain public opinion and gauge public sentiments by addressing questions such as the following: What feelings Asians harbor about each other? How do they rate the favorability of their neighbors? Who is their most trusted partner/greatest threat and why? What is the level of confidence they have in their leaders regarding handling of world affairs? The chapter draws on the worldwide public opinion survey data collected by BBC World Service Poll, Pew Research Centre, Lowy Institute for International Policy and other international organizations. In addition to studying the impressions/views of each other, the chapter also intends to investigate the reasons behind these impressions and provide recommendations based on the observations for consumption of public intellectuals, social scientists and policymakers. As former Foreign Secretary to Government of India, Kanwal Sibal puts it “the commandment ‘love thy neighbor as thyself’ elicits no obedience from the chancelleries of the world.” In spite of great degree of commonality among states, regional cooperation has failed to gain momentum mainly due to widespread negative perceptions at the political level. Such perceptions may differ from public percep-

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tions that are often highly pragmatic and experience-driven. Knowledge of public attitudes could serve as a valuable tool in the hands of policymakers and help them in determining the cost of prospective policies and their likely reception (Lynch, 2011). A careful scrutiny of public view on countries, cultures and people would be an excellent addition to the arsenal of statecraft and public diplomacy.

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BACKGROUND Public opinion counts with regard to policy making. The longest running American President, Franklin Roosevelt, understood the relevance of public view in policymaking and urged American public to write to him personally about their concerns regarding his government’s policy initiatives. It was his way of gauging public attitudes towards policymaking. Since then, the Office of Opinion Research under the United States (US) Department of State has been conducting regular foreign public opinion surveys in different countries to help inform its foreign policy (Hanson, 2011). Academic and policy literature has often cited strong linkages between public opinion and policy outcomes; and advocated high degree of policy responsiveness to public opinion. Manza, Cook and Page (2002) in their book “Navigating Public Opinion” present a valuable synthesis of different schools of thought that explore the relationship between public opinion and public policy in America. According to them, policies generally move in the direction favored by majority public opinion, particularly in the context of representative democracies. Erikson, MacKuen and Stimson (2002) in their famous book “The Macro Polity” offer an impressive portrayal of the role of public attitudes, behavior and perceptions in the American politics at the system level and show how public mood moves policy in the model of macro polity. Unlike many other studies on public opinion that rely on individual level data using survey research results, this book aggregates the survey results at the system level and tracks changes in public attitudes over time. Development of scientific polling and extensive research on the nature of pubic opinion and its impact during the first two decades following World War II yielded a broad agreement, the so-called Almond-Lippmann consensus. This principle of political theory authored by two American political writers, Gabriel Almond and Walter Lippmann, is based on the following three propositions about public opinion: 1. It is volatile and irrational, 2. It is unstructured and 3. It has little if any impact on foreign policy.

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However, following the conclusion of the Vietnam War it became clear that the American public had taken a more restrained approach toward the war than the heads of government did (Yuchtman-Yaar and Peres, 2000), which stimulated a new outburst of research activity challenging each of the three propositions (Holsti, 1992). Since most of the evidence above is drawn from the literature on the United States, the present chapter is an attempt to provide a valuable window onto Asian attitudes towards one another and to investigate how these views and perceptions can inform public policy and strategy across the Asian region. Post World War II, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) also carried out a series of cross-country analysis under its flagship project, the ‘Tensions Project’ (1949-53) with an objective of revealing specific attitudes that affect international understanding. This included an enquiry into the conceptions that people have of their own nation and of other nations (UNESCO Resolution 5.1.1.2). Comparable surveys of conceptions were launched in several countries across the world, in collaboration with the universities and research centers, to determine not only the direction of public opinion but also the sources of these opinions along with the study of conditions that shaped these opinions. However, it was done with the objective of overcoming aggressive nationalism and developing international understanding. In 2010, Professor Michael Yahuda of London School of Economics conducted a study of public opinion and attitudes in three countries of Northeast Asia – China, Japan and South Korea. He used evidence from public opinion polls conducted by the Mansfield Foundation about the levels of trust and good feelings that citizens of these countries have towards each other. His analysis revealed that despite hundred years of mistrust and misgivings about each other, people in these countries still support the idea of increasing economic cooperation between the three. Discussing the role of public opinion in public policy, he states, “The debates on the importance of public opinion for the making of public policy are inconclusive, especially with regard to foreign policy. Clearly public opinion is of greater importance in democracies where leaders must face the electorate at some point. But arguably, public opinion is important for authoritarian China too. Chinese leaders claim that they monitor the Internet to find out what netizens are writing and they often tell their foreign interlocutors that the reactions of their people often shape what they do or cannot do.” Professor James Reilly’s study of public opinion’s influence on foreign policy also extends beyond democratic states and reveals the evolution in authoritarian responses to social turmoil. In his book “Strong Society, Smart State: The Rise of Public Opinion in China’s Japan Policy,” he explains the rise and influence of public opinion on Chinese foreign policy. It is generally believed that the nature of

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political system is an important determinant of public opinion and its influence on foreign policy. In a democracy, leaders take note of public attitudes and avoid foreign policy choices that are most likely to evoke adverse response from citizens, whereas public opinion is unlikely to influence an authoritarian state’s foreign policy. But he argues that in an authoritarian regime, the leaders’ response to public opinion also depends on the nature of that regime and the power of the public to contest regime’s claims to legitimacy. Professor Tessler (2006), in his study of public diplomacy in the Arab and Muslim world, lays emphasis on the need to investigate the reasons behind public opinions and argues “public diplomacy…will succeed only if guided by a proper understanding of the attitudes and orientations of the Arab and Muslim publics. Such an understanding requires attention not only to what people think but also to why they hold particular views.” Unlike traditional diplomacy, public diplomacy seeks to inform, engage and influence foreign publics through strategic political communication and negotiation. It is, therefore, important that public diplomacy initiatives should be designed and implemented keeping in mind the nature and determinants of public opinion, both at home and abroad. In another important study of public diplomacy and regional competition in Asia, Hall and Smith (2013) conduct a mix of qualitative and quantitative analysis suggesting little or no positive correlation between public diplomacy by Asian states and foreign public opinion. They argue that Asians have been targets of public diplomacy since the time of Cold War when western superpowers fought to gain influence over public opinion within the Asian region. In their analysis, they use public opinion polls as evidence to prove that increasing investments made by Asian states in public diplomacy have yielded no returns. But the question as to why this is happening is left open for discussion. Rapid growth and reach of mass media across the globe is making public increasingly aware of the challenges confronting their nation, both internally and externally. Also, the increasing integration of economies, societies and cultures, is defining a new role for non-state actors and foreign publics in public diplomacy. As a result, diplomats and politicians are facing a more complex and demanding international environment in which public diplomacy operates. Surveys reflecting public opinion on crucial policy questions can prove to be an invaluable resource in the hands of policymakers in deciding their engagement with the world. In addition to that, social scientists and educators across the world can respond by conducting scientific studies of national characters that could lead to significant developments in the field of international understanding.

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PUBLIC ATTITUDES AND OPINIONS IN ASIA What Is the State of Mutual Trust and Understanding in Asia and Reasons for the Same? Asia, the largest continent by size and population, is also a key driver of global politics and global economy. In an October 2011 article for Foreign Policy, former US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, announced the US rebalance towards Asia and argued “future of politics will be decided in Asia.” It is clear that the world sees Asia as the real 21st century opportunity, but what feelings Asians harbor about each other? How bilateral relations are viewed? It is challenging to explore perceptions of trust, fear and confidence in a region that has a long and contentious past strewn with conflicts and territorial disputes. The Spring Global Attitudes Project Surveys conducted by the Pew Research Centre seek answers to some of these questions. The latest 2015 survey is based on 15,313 nationally representative telephonic and face-to-face interviews in in 10 Asia-Pacific nations and the US with adult population (18 and older) conducted from April 6 to May 27, 20151. Based on these survey results, Table 1 shows how Asians rate favorability of three major regional powers, China, India and Japan. Analysis is, however, limited to certain countries in Asia for the want of reliable and consistent data on many aspects of relevance to the present chapter. Table 1. Positive perceptions in Asia with regard to China, India and Japan Views in

China %

India %

Japan %

77

70

71

China

-

24

12

India

41

-

46

Indonesia

63

51

71

Japan

9

63

-

Malaysia

78

45

84

Pakistan

82

16

48

Philippines

54

48

81

South Korea

61

64

25

Thailand*

72

45

81

Vietnam

19

66

82

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Bangladesh*

Source: Spring 2015 Global Attitudes Survey. Q15a, b, h-j Note: Data for Bangladesh and Thailand has been taken from 2014 Global Attitudes Survey2.

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Poll results shown in Table 1 reveal that Asians harbor mixed feelings about each other. Majority of people polled in Asia view Japan positively, except people in China (12 percent) and South Korea (25 percent). The animosity between China and Japan is mainly due to historical differences and maritime disputes involving a row over a group of uninhabited islands and rocks in the East China Sea, while South Korean distaste for Japan stems from their bitter feelings about the Japanese occupation of the Korean Peninsula from 1910 to 1945. They believe that Japan has failed to atone for brutalities inflicted (such as forced labor and forced prostitution) during its colonial rule. China, on the other hand, is viewed across the Asian region, both with favor and with concern. It is most favored by Pakistan (82 percent) mainly because of their mutual geopolitical interests, closely followed by Bangladesh (77 percent) and Malaysia (78 percent). Sino-Pakistan relations are also driven by mutual interest in containing India. An expert on Indo-Pakistan relations, Hiro (2015), explains that Chinese support to Pakistan dates back to 1965 Indo-Pakistan war in disputed Kashmir when the US suspended supply of war materials to both sides. China stepped in and shipped weapons to Pakistan and helped them in building domestic arms industry. China also stood by Pakistan in its protest against America’s secret operation to kill Osama Bin Laden in 2011. On the other hand, only 41 percent of Indians see their largest neighbor and biggest competitor in positive light. China’s claim on Arunachal Pradesh and the fact that it gives military assistance to Pakistan has further embittered public sentiment in India. China’s worst critics are the Japanese (91 percent) and the Vietnamese (81 percent) and its unfavorable ratings are mostly on account of historical differences and territorial disputes with its neighbors. Table 1 also shows that India’s highest favorability is among Bangladeshis (70 percent) and Vietnamese (66 percent) and the least among Pakistanis (16 percent) due to the unflinching rivalry between the two countries.

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What is the Trend in Favorability? No matter how strongly these views are held, they are subject to change as individuals learn new facts that may challenge their earlier perceptions or beliefs. A closer look at the regional trend in favorability of these three countries over time would illustrate how opinion has shifted over time. Figure 1 depicts the trend in Asian public perceptions (based on poll data from Indonesia, South Korea, Pakistan, India, China and Japan) of China, India and Japan over the period of five years (ranging from year 2010 to 2014) derived from the results of BBC World Service polls. The results (Figure 1) reveal that public perceptions of China held steady in Asia at around 40 percent. Japan suffered a steep decline in its favorability from 43 percent in 2011 to 33 percent in 2014, while India’s favorability dropped from 39 percent in 2011 to 33 percent in 2014. 92

Love Thy Neighbor as Thyself?

Figure 1. Regional trends in favorability of China, India and Japan Source: BBC World Service Polls 2010-2014

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Who is the Most Trusted Partner / Greatest Threat? It wouldn’t be wrong to say that Asians have deeply subjective opinions of their neighbors. An array of complex cultural, historical, economic and security concerns have been instrumental in shaping each country’s perception of self and other. The dynamics of the Asian region are further changing with the rapid rise of stronger China continually impinging on the security of its Asian neighbors who have reemphasized their alliances with the US in response (Yahuda, 2010). As a result, majority of Asians today view the US as a pivotal ally, and their neighbors as the greatest threat. Table 2 shows that people in eight out of eleven Asian countries surveyed choose US as their top ally. Pakistan and Malaysia choose China as their most trusted partner while they consider the US as their greatest threat, and so does China. Filipinos and Vietnamese are both wary of China’s territorial ambitions and dispute its territorial claims in the energy-rich South China Sea. South China Sea consists of two largely uninhabited but resource-rich island chains, the Paracels and the Spratlys, claimed 93

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Table 2. Who is the most trusted partner/greatest threat Views in

Ally

Threat

US (43%)

India (27%)

China

Russia (25%)

US (36%)

India

US (33%)

Pakistan (45%)

Bangladesh

Indonesia

US (28%)

US (25%)

Japan

US (62%)

China (68%)

Malaysia

China (27%)

US (26%)

Pakistan

China (57%)

US (38%)

Philippines

US (83%)

China (58%)

South Korea

US (68%)

North Korea (36%)

Thailand

US (29%)

Cambodia (11%)

Vietnam

US (30%)

China (74%)

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Source: Spring 2014 Global Attitudes Survey. Q96a_1&Q96b_1

in whole or in part by several countries either on the basis of their geographical proximity or historical accounts. Although Malaysia also lays claim to territory in the South China Sea under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), its quiet diplomacy approach in tackling this issue is popular among its citizens who see it as an opportunity to grow closer to Asia’s largest economic and military power (Pollmann, 2014). Mistrust between Chinese and Japanese citizens has been growing over the continuing dispute over Senkaku/Diaoyu islands in the East China Sea. Thus, Japanese see China as a major threat while they name the US as their formidable ally with whom they have an active political, economic and military relationship. Majority of Indians see the US as their most trusted partner and Pakistan as their most hostile neighbor (this feeling is mutual) since the acrimony continues over the latter’s claim to the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. Indonesians are unique in citing the US as their top ally and their greatest threat at the same time. The 2003 Pew Global Attitudes Survey results revealed that Indonesians are fairly critical of the US as a country and oppose the US-led war on terrorism, but they are in favor of Americans and globalization, which may explain why Indonesians view Indonesia-US relationship with ambivalence. Although an overwhelming number of Bangladeshis expressed favorable opinion of India (Table 1), they also consider India as the greatest threat. It is evident that public perceptions in Bangladesh are still clouded by the resentment over the Farakka barrage, border killings

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of Bangladeshi civilians, and the absence of progress over Teesta water treaty and 53 other common rivers. Noted Bangladeshi journalist and editor-publisher of The Daily Star - Bangladesh’s leading English newspaper, Anam (2012), aptly sums up the Indo-Bangladesh relationship as follows: We (Bangladesh and India) have lost valuable time mistrusting each other. Up to the mid-1990s, Farakka destroyed all chances of cooperation from our side. From the 1990s till the coming to power of Sheikh Hasina, border security, insurgency, arms trafficking and links with extremism destroyed the chances of cooperation from the Indian side. The Indian participation in these experiences has created a serious “trust deficit” in our bilateral relations that must urgently be addressed.

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How Asians Rate Their Leaders? An important study on “Reflections on a Survey of Global Perceptions of International leaders and World Powers” by Saich (2014), a researcher at Harvard Kennedy School, looks at how national leaders are seen by domestic and foreign audiences. His paper also shows that perceptions of world leaders heavily influence the way foreign publics evaluate countries. The survey, involving 26000 respondents across five continents, seeks views of citizens from 30 countries (12 from Asian continent) on 10 influential national leaders who are recognized globally for their leadership and global impact. Saich explains that survey responses reveal two key trends: first, responses are influenced by geopolitics and existing state of relationship between countries; second, there exists a correlation between the nature of political system and citizen opinion of their own national leader. It means that citizens are more critical of their national leaders in a multi-party or bi-party democracy than in the case of nations where politics is controlled by the state. Table 3 and 4 show how Asians view the three prominent national leaders of Asia – Chinese President Xi Jinping, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Table 3 points out the favorability of leaders among domestic and foreign audiences on a scale of 1 to 10 with 1 representing no confidence and 10 representing complete confidence. Table 4 depicts the level of confidence that Asians have on these leaders regarding their handling of world affairs. Majority of Asians seem to be in favor of Chinese President Xi Jinping with an exception of the Japanese (3.8) and the Vietnamese (4.7). Table 4 shows that nearly 70 percent of Indians are voicing no confidence in Xi Jinping along with 80 percent of Vietnamese and 88 percent of Japanese. However, people in China appear

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Table 3. How Asians rate their leaders (On a scale of 1 to 10) Xi Jinping

Narendra Modi

Shinzo Abe

China

Views in

9

6.5

5.4

India

6.7

8.6

8.1

Indonesia

7.2

7.1

7.6

Israel

5.7

7

6.4

Japan

3.8

6.6

6

Malaysia

7

6.7

6.8

Pakistan

8.9

5.9

8.1

Saudi Arabia

6.9

6.6

7.5

Singapore

6.7

6.3

6.4

South Korea

6.1

6.6

5.1

Thailand

7.6

7.2

8

Vietnam

4.7

7.5

8.5

Source: “Reflections on a Survey of Global Perceptions of International leaders and World Powers,” Tony Saich, 2014

Table 4. Confidence on regional leaders regarding handling of international affairs (%) Views in

Xi Jinping

Narendra Modi

Shinzo Abe

China

-

29

18

India

29

Indonesia

40

28

43

Japan

12

47

-

Malaysia

72

34

73

Pakistan

59

7

34

Philippines

51

44

68

South Korea

67

39

7

Vietnam

20

56

68

36

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Source: Spring 2015 Global Attitudes Survey. Q25b-c,e

to be little less averse to the Japanese Prime Minister, Shinzo Abe. He gets a rating of 5.4 from the Chinese as opposed to 3.8 given to Xi Jinping by the Japanese, and also wins confidence of 18 percent of Chinese as opposed to 12 percent of Japanese expressing confidence in Xi Jinping. Indian government has given greater priority to Israel over other West Asian countries in its policy agenda, hence, Israelis seem to favor Indian Prime Minister, 96

Love Thy Neighbor as Thyself?

Narendra Modi the most. This also follows from the fact that Modi’s ties with Israel date back to his tenure as chief minister of Gujarat. It was under his leadership that Israel played a strategic role in facilitating economic growth in Gujarat by forging partnerships in solar energy, water management, pharmaceuticals, agricultural research etc. (Gupta, 2015). Not surprisingly, Pakistanis give the highest rating to Xi Jinping and express high confidence on his handling of international affairs while they give the lowest rating to Narendra Modi and exhibit a deep level of mistrust in him. Shinzo Abe gets highest rating from Vietnam (8.5) and the lowest from South Korea (5.1), while he enjoys only a modest rating at home (6). Similarly, Table 4 shows that Abe enjoys confidence of a huge proportion of Malaysians (73 percent), Vietnamese (68 percent) and Filipinos (68 percent) while South Koreans express little or no confidence in him at all. Shinzo Abe does not enjoy much confidence even at home as Japanese rate Narendra Modi higher than they rate their own leader. Also, data in Table 5 shows that more than 90 percent of both Chinese and Indians express faith in their respective national leader’s ability to handle domestic as well as international affairs; whereas only half of the Japanese population expresses similar faith in their own leader. Though Modi’s high confidence rating at home seems to weaken Saich’s claim that leaders do not fare so well in countries with multi-party system and political openness, it should also be noted that the survey was undertaken at the time when Modi government was newly formed and Modi was still building his image within and outside the country.

GENERATION GAP IN PUBLIC OPINION The Global Attitudes surveys indicate a deep generational divide in public opinion regarding neighboring countries. The latest survey report notes that respondents

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Table 5. Confidence on own leaders regarding handling of domestic and international affairs (%) Confidence on Handling Domestic Affairs Leader

%

Confidence on Handling International Affairs Leader

%

Xi Jinping

94.8

Xi Jinping

93.8

Narendra Modi

93.2

Narendra Modi

93.3

Shinzo Abe

50.3

Shinzo Abe

48

Source: “Reflections on a Survey of Global Perceptions of International leaders and World Powers,” Tony Saich, 2014

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aged 18-29 years are more favorably disposed towards their Asian neighbors than people aged 50 and above. For example, survey results for Japan indicate that young respondents are far more positive about Japan than older people in South Korea, Vietnam, Indonesia and China. Data also shows that young Vietnamese hold most positive view of Japan (59 percent favorable) while older Chinese are most critical of Japan (55 percent unfavorable). South Korea enjoys the confidence of mostly younger Vietnamese, Filipinos and Malaysians. Although a vast majority of younger generation of Asians is quite enamored with India, those with the most unfavorable view are older Pakistanis (80 percent unfavorable), as they are the ones who personally experienced the trauma of partition of the subcontinent in 1947. A November 2011 study by Pew Research Centre on generational dynamic of American politics finds that age differences in public attitudes and choices are driven by broader social and political climate and events experienced by each generation as they reach adulthood. It explicitly states “These changes have a bigger impact on the political views of younger people, who are still in the process of forming opinions. Older people are more likely to reflect the values prevalent when they were growing up.” At times, the attitudes of the youth can also pose difficulty for policymakers who are keen on certain policies or measures that are unpopular with nation’s youth yet crucial for its security and development. For example, in case of reunification of Korea, South Korean policymakers are pushing the agenda of reunification but recent survey by Seoul-based Asan Institute for Policy Studies finds out that South Koreans in their 20s are more averse to the idea of reunification of the Korean peninsula than are the older cohorts, presenting an increasing challenge for the policymakers. In case of Japan, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs regularly conducts public relation activities targeting young generations with a view to enhance its image and improve understanding of Japan among the young generation in other countries. In 2013, a public agency of Sweden launched an innovative fellowship program called the Young Connectors of the Future (YCF) program for young leaders (aged 22-32 years) of Afghanistan, Bangladesh, India and Pakistan. It was designed to initiate dialogue and sharing of ideas and perspectives on challenges common to the South Asian region. Since its inception, the program has successfully created a strong network of over 100 young leaders who are actively working on promoting regional peace as well as eliminating preconceived prejudices South Asians have about their neighbors (Meer, 2015). At the time when politics, social media and civil societies are influencing and shaping the opinions and perception of the public about neighboring countries and their citizens, there is a greater need for initiatives like YCF that advocate goodwill, mutual understanding, collective peace and prosperity in the region.

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According to Roberts and Hough (2005), “Politics is the art of the possible, and public opinion is one of the factors that define the limits of possibility.” In a world that is highly integrated and made smaller by globalization, and one in which nonstate actors have become involved with diplomacy in various ways, public opinion matters more than ever. Countries have come to realize the power of public opinion as they rely on goodwill of others, rather than on their own physical might to augment their global status and influence. Having said that, it is necessary to ensure that public opinion is coherent, people are well informed on issues that they care about, they can use their knowledge to hold politicians accountable, and effective mechanisms exist that allow public to voice its will to the government and be heard.

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LEVEL OF CONCERN AND RECOMMENDATIONS As seen from the Global Attitudes Survey results discussed above, political, economic and historical frictions between countries have shaped bilateral relations in the Asian continent. Focus remains on how national leaders, politicians and diplomats conduct international relations, while underestimating the role of people-to-people diplomacy in healthy growth of those relationships. The fact that friendly political relationships between nations are unsustainable without solid public support and mutual affection should not be overlooked. As in case of China-Japan relations, experts believe that ties between the two countries have been strained due to hardline policies and assertive diplomacy of their respective national leaders. At the time when these countries established diplomatic ties, Japanese people had extremely favorable views of China. Trade and tourism flourished between two countries. In the decades leading up to 1988, 70 to 80 percent of Japanese surveyed viewed China favorably. Not only that, good feelings were mutual. Veteran Japanese actor, Ken Takakura’s movies were among the first foreign movies to be screened in post-Mao China. More Chinese chose to study in Japan than in any other country. But as the political and economic frictions grew in the late 1990s, public opinion of each other dropped to an appalling level of mutual dislike (Zhu, 2015). Similarly, in case of Indo-Pakistan relations, there is an urgent need to enhance people-to-people understanding between the two neighbors. Professor Stephen Cohen, in his book, “Shooting for a Century: The India-Pakistan Conundrum” warned that India-Pakistan rivalry is likely to endure for several more decades, even to 2047, unless efforts are made to expand contacts between citizens of these two countries. A recent survey assessing South Korea’s relationship with Japan reveals that despite South Korean government’s growing sensitivity to South Korea-Japan rela-

99

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tions, public attitudes are overly critical of this relationship and they think it will only worsen in future. Japan has generally been the second most disliked country among the South Korean public after North Korea (Asan Poll, 2015). Thus, political leaders face the temptation to follow and exploit the negative public attitudes in bilateral relations in hope of garnering public support for their policies at home. But such manipulation of public opinion can flare-up the bilateral tensions and worsen the already bitter relations between neighbors. On the contrary, political leaders should rise above their shallow domestic political interests and make earnest efforts to bring people of two countries closer through various cultural and social interactions, steering the trajectory of bilateral relationships towards a new height. They must realize that it is the ordinary people who form the foundation of a robust bilateral relationship. It is equally necessary that national governments design specific programs and conduct overseas public relations activities from a medium to long-term perspective. Focus should be on promoting intellectual exchanges through workshops, conferences, joint projects, comparative studies and research dialogues, which could further aid in the development of professional networks for exchange of information between scholars/experts of neighboring countries. Policy discussions held by experts at global forums, such as the World Economic Forum, have significant impact on policy decisions of each government, as well as on world’s opinion. Similar exchanges between experts should be encouraged at a regional level, as this would go a long way in raising awareness and understanding of each other’s economy, politics, culture and education. Large-scale inter-cultural dialogues and campaigns should supplement intellectual exchanges so as to foster respect for cultural diversity and to promote mutual understanding in Asia. National governments and private sector should work together to deepen and institutionalize the areas of regional cooperation and promote effective exchange of people, culture and art, putting an emphasis on exchanges among the younger generation, as they will assume leadership in the international community in the future. With the information explosion and diversification of information communication methods, governments can make use of a wide range of public relations media available today to perform effective overseas public relations. Countries like Japan are even offering cooperation for press coverage to foreign media in order to gain support of international community for its policies and stance in the Asian region. Foreign Press Invitation Program is one such program hosted by the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs to communicate Japan’s attractiveness to the world through foreign media. Measures facilitating movement of people across the continent through agreements on visa relaxation, single tourist visas or regional passports could be explored 100

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as means for achieving greater regional integration. Finally, communication and exchanges on a civil level should always be promoted and sustained. It is the expansion of citizen exchanges at the grassroots that can ease out the tense political atmosphere between rival nations and unleash the true power of people-to-people diplomacy.

FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS

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In a representative democracy, government cannot work in isolation, it has to determine what public wants and how does it feel about policy issues. It has to open up foreign policy to well-informed and engaged citizenries. Though this chapter relies heavily on public opinion surveys involving telephonic and face-to-face interviews (considered to be one of the most effective and expensive method for obtaining a representative sample) to gauge the public sentiments in the Asian continent, such surveys/polls are just one of the many possible ways, both formal and informal, of determining public perception. Newer forms of public expression involving use of modern technology are emerging, ranging from radio and television talk shows and public debates to internet-based venues such as blogs and social forums. Choice of method of data collection should largely depend on its ability to provide policymakers with an accurate reflection of the public’s views. Scientific evaluation of different methods of data collection is beyond the scope of this chapter, nevertheless, discussion on the same could provide valuable insights on the power and limitations of each of these methods. If a government can measure public opinion, should it follow its counsel? How can it determine the accuracy of data? Should formal scientific methods be given greater weightage as opposed to informal unscientific methods? Is it right on the part of government to manipulate the opinion of public to whom it is accountable? Should a political leader blindly follow the wave of public opinion when he/she knows a better course of action? To what extent policy decisions of a particular government been consistent with the preferences of the public? Answers to these questions fall outside the scope of present discussion but they do point to several future research directions. After all, comprehensive information on public attitudes and opinion will only serve to enrich the public dialogue and support sound decision-making.

CONCLUSION This chapter explores the attitudes and perceptions of Asians with regard to their neighbors. It shows that Asia is the largest but one of the least integrated regions in the world. Negative perceptions that Asians harbor about each other hinder the 101

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progress in relations. Historical differences, territorial conflicts and negative discourse often come in the way of fostering a positive image about each other. Each country in the Asian continent should assume responsibility for making regional cooperation possible by improving its relationship further with all its neighbors. Given the fact that foreign public views are largely influenced by the tone of the coverage a nation receives, an effective overseas public relations strategy would be to gauge the degree of interest in a country, identify main areas of interest, and determine the content to publicize and most effective medium for it. Indicating the need to shape public opinion, British Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, Philip Hammond once remarked, “public opinion is conditioned by what people hear politicians saying, by what they read in the media and by what they hear commentators saying, so there are plenty of things that we can do.” Therefore, media, think-tanks, intelligentsia and civil societies have a crucial role to play in bringing people together and building mutual trust and confidence in the region. Intra-regional tourism, student and cultural exchanges, professional engagements and informal public interactions can greatly help in dispelling myths and negative perceptions about each other and give way to greater regional cooperation. Whether it’s the sight of a Pakistani cricket fan cheering for India’s win in the cricket world cup semi-final against Australia, or the scene of a South Korean shopping street flooded with Japanese tourists, eagerly waited on by Korean vendors fluent in Japanese, both elicit feelings of commonality and proves that Asians live in a larger common cultural matrix without being aware of it. As soon as they are ready to voluntarily relinquish the historical baggage, they will see value in coming together and follow the great commandment to “love thy neighbor as thyself.”

REFERENCES

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Agencies. (2003, June 5). Indonesians like Americans, Spurn US. The Jakarta Post. Retrieved from http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2003/06/05/indonesiansamericans-spurn-us.html Asan Poll. (2015). South Koreans and Their Neighbours 2015. The Asan Institute for Policy Studies. BBC World Service. (2010, April 18). BBC World Service Program on International Policy Attitudes. Globe Scan. BBC World Service. (2011, March 7). BBC World Service Program on International Policy Attitudes. Globe Scan.

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BBC World Service. (2012, May 10). BBC World Service Program on International Policy Attitudes. Globe Scan. BBC World Service. (2013, May 22). BBC World Service Program on International Policy Attitudes. Globe Scan. BBC World Service. (2014, June 3). BBC World Service Program on International Policy Attitudes. Globe Scan. Brooker, R.G., & Schaefer, T. (2015). Public Opinion in the 21st Century: Methods of Measuring Public Opinion. (Unpublished work). Centre for Strategic & International Studies. (2013). A U.S.-Indonesia Partnership for 2020: Recommendations for Forging a 21st Century Relationship. Washington, DC: Centre for Strategic & International Studies. Chandra, V. (Ed.). (2015). India and South Asia: Exploring Regional Perceptions. New Delhi: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses & Pentagon Press. Clinton, H. (2011, October 11). America’s Pacific Century. Foreign Policy. Retrieved from http://foreignpolicy.com/2011/10/11/americas-pacific-century/ Cohen, S. P. (2013). Shooting for a Century: The India-Pakistan Conundrum. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press. Erikson, R. S., MacKuen, M. B., & Stimson, J. A. (2002). The Macro Polity. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations. (2012). Neighbourhood Views of India: South Asia Studies. Gateway House Research Paper No.7. Mumbai: Gateway House, Indian Council on Global Relations.

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Gupta, K. (2015, June 14). India’s Modi to Visit Israel: Putting Speculation to Rest. The Jerusalem Post. Retrieved from http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Modi-to-visitIsrael-Putting-speculation-to-rest-406010 Hall, I., & Smith, F. (2013). The Struggle for Soft Power in Asia: Public Diplomacy and Regional Competition. Asian Security., 9(1), 1–14. doi:10.1080/14799855.20 13.760926 Hanson, F. (2011, May 24). Polls Shape the International System. ISN Insights. Retrieved from http://www.lowyinstitute.org/files/pubfiles/Hanson,_Polls_shape_ the_international_system.pdf

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Hiro, D. (2015, July 31). China Muscles Way Into the Indian Ocean Through Its Silk Road Link With Pakistan. The Huffington Post. Retrieved from http://www. huffingtonpost.com/dilip-hiro/china-silk-road-pakistan_b_7895716.html?ir=India &adsSiteOverride=in Holsti, O. (1992, December). Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Challenges to the Almond-Lippmann Consensus Mershon Series: Research Programs and Debates. International Studies Quarterly, 36(4), 439–466. doi:10.2307/2600734 Lowy institute for International Policy & Australia India Institute. (2013). India Poll 2013 Facing the Future: Indian Views of the World Ahead. Sydney, NSW: Lowy Institute for International Policy. Lynch, M. (2006). Public Opinion Survey Research and Public Diplomacy. Public Diplomacy: Practitioners. Policy Makers, and Public Opinion. Manza, J., Cook, F. L., & Page, B. I. (Eds.). (2002). Navigating Public Opinion: Polls, Policy and the Future of American Democracy. New York: Oxford University Press. Maylie, D. (2015, February 6). How the World’s Most Powerful Leaders are Viewed by the Global Public. Journalist’s Resource. Retrieved from http://journalistsresource. org/studies/international/globalization/public-perceptions-global-leaders Meer, S. (2015, October 27). Public Diplomacy: A Way Forward for South Asia. The Diplomat. Retrieved from http://thediplomat.com/2015/10/public-diplomacya-way-forward-for-south-asia/ Melissen, J. (Ed.). (2005). The New Public Diplomacy: Soft Power in International Relations. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1057/9780230554931 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan. (2015). Diplomatic Bluebook 2015: Japanese Diplomacy and International Situation in 2014. Author.

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Odugbemi, S., & Lee, T. (Eds.). (2011). Accountability through Public Opinion: From Inertia to Public Action. Washington, DC: The World Bank. doi:10.1596/9780-8213-8505-0 Pew Research Center. (2014). Global Opposition to U.S. Surveillance and Drones, but Limited Harm to America’s Image. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center. Pew Research Centre. (2011). The Generation Gap and the 2012 Election. Washington, DC: Pew Research Centre.

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Pollmann, M. (2014, July 10). Government Narratives in Maritime Disputes. The Diplomat. Retrieved from http://thediplomat.com/2014/07/government-narrativesin-maritime-disputes/ Pollmann, M. (2015, July 27). The Troubled Japan-South Korea Relationship. The Diplomat. Retrieved from http://thediplomat.com/2015/07/the-troubled-japan-southkorea-relationship/ Popiolkowski, J. J., & Cull, N. J. (Eds.). (2009). Public Diplomacy, Cultural Interventions & the Peace Process in Northern Ireland: Track Two to Peace? Los Angeles, CA: Figueroa Press. Population Reference Bureau. (2015). 2015 World Population Data Sheet. Retrieved from http://www.prb.org/pdf15/2015-world-population-data-sheet_eng.pdf Reilly, J. (2012). Strong Society, Smart State: The Rise of Public Opinion in China’s Japan Policy. New York: Columbia University Press. Roberts, J. V., & Hough, M. (2005). Understanding Public Attitudes to Criminal Justice. Maidenhead, UK: Open University Press. Ross, C. (2003). Pillars of Public Diplomacy: Grappling with International Public Opinion. Harvard International Review, 25(2). Retrieved from http://hir.harvard. edu/archives/1117 Saich, T. (2014). Reflections on a Survey of Global Perceptions of International Leaders and World Powers. Harvard Kennedy School (HKS) Faculty Research Working Paper Series. RWP14-058. Saxena, V. (2015, March 26). Love thy Neighbour: Pakistani Cricket Fans Cheer India in World Cup. Hindustan Times. Retrieved from http://www.hindustantimes. com/cricket-world-cup-2015/worldcup2015-dontmiss/love-thy-neighbour-pakistanicricket-fans-cheer-india-in-the-world-cup/article1-1330673.aspx

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Sekiyama, T. (2011, October 6). Political Hurdles to a Japan-South Korea EPA. The Tokyo Foundation. Retrieved from http://www.tokyofoundation.org/en/topics/ eurasia-information-network/japan-korea-epa Sharapov, K. (2014). Understanding Public Knowledge and Attitudes towards Trafficking in Human Beings: Research Paper. Part-1. Budapest: Center for Policy Studies, Central European University.

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Sibal, K. (2013, January 1). India and the South Asian Neighbourhood. Indian Defence Review. Retrieved from http://www.indiandefencereview.com/spotlights/ india-and-the-south-asian-neighbourhood/ Speier, H. (1950). Historical Development of Public Opinion. American Journal of Sociology, 55(4), 376–388. doi:10.1086/220561 PMID:15397399 Tessler, M. (2006). Public Opinion in the Arab and Muslim World: Informing U.S. Public Diplomacy. In J. McMillan (Ed.), In the Same Light as Slavery: Building a Global Antiterrorist Consensus. Washington, DC: National Defense University Press. Thayer, C. (2014, February 28). ‘Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick’: What is Malaysia Playing At? The Diplomat. Retrieved from http://thediplomat.com/2014/03/ speak-softly-and-carry-a-big-stick-what-is-malaysia-playing-at/ The Swedish Institute. (2015). Young Connectors of the Future Programme. Retrieved from https://eng.si.se/areas-of-operation/leadership-programmes-and-culturalexchange/young-connectors-of-the-future-programme/ United Nations Educational and Scientific and Cultural Organization. (1948). The Human Sciences and World Peace: A Report on the UNESCO Project “Tensions Affecting International Understanding”. Paris: United Nations Educational and Scientific and Cultural Organization. Watts, J. (2014, April 23). Moulding Minds: Foreign Policy and The Manipulation of Public Opinion. New Left Project. Retrieved from http://www.newleftproject.org/ index.php/site/article_comments/moulding_minds_foreign_policy_and_the_manipulation_of_public_opinion Yahuda, M. (2010). Public Opinion and Regionalism in Northeast Asia. Mansfield Foundation. Retrieved from http://mansfieldfdn.org/backup/polls/pdf/Yahuda_commentary.pdf

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Yuchtman-Yaar, E., & Peres, Y. (2000). Between Consent and Dissent: Democracy and Peace in the Israeli Mind. Rowman & Littlefield. Zhu, Z. (2015, February 27). The Power of People-to-People Diplomacy in JapanChina Relations. China Policy Institute Blog. Retrieved from file:///Users/rohit/ Desktop/Book%20Chapter/China%20Policy%20Institute%20Blog%20»%20The%20 Power%20of%20People-to-People%20Diplomacy%20in%20Japan-China%20Relations.html

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS Foreign Policy: Strategy adopted by government of a country in regards to its dealing with other countries. Geopolitics: The study of relationship between politics and geographical variables in context of foreign policy of a nation. Non-State Actors: Individuals or organizations that do not belong to any established state institution but have the power to influence and cause change. Public Diplomacy: Interactive dimension of diplomacy, which involves strategic communication with foreign publics to inform, engage and influence them. Public Opinion: Views held by majority of people in a society about a given topic/issue. Quiet Diplomacy: Conduct of international relations involving thoughtful exchange of information and ideas through peaceful means.

ENDNOTES

1



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2

The margin of sampling error for the complete set of weighed data is +/- 2.8 percentage points to +/- 4.3 percentage points Surveys conducted across 44 countries from 17 March 2014 to 5 June 2014, totaling 48,643 respondents. The margin of sampling error for the complete set of weighed data is +/- 3.1 percentage points to +/- 4.5 percentage points.

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Chapter 6

21st Century Conflict: A New Perspective Athul M. A. Max Protection Ltd., India

ABSTRACT

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Warfare has evolved rapidly in the frst few years of the 21st century. There are stark diferences with conventional mode of warfare, which was the de facto mode for much of 20th century, and today’s asymmetric warfare. In the conventional mode of warfare, if winning and losing a war could be defned by the traditional yard sticks of number of enemy dead, how much area of land occupied and number of prisoners taken, today these yardsticks no longer us get a clear picture of who is winning or losing it.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-0582-2.ch006 Copyright ©2017, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

21st Century Conflict

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INTRODUCTION The discussion on the future of warfare in the 21st century is a continuing debate as strategists continuously try to fathom the current trends and accurately predict the way humans are going to fight in the future. As such this is an attempt to give a brief summary of irregular/asymmetric warfare and factoring in the current trend of conflicts and try to establish where and how majority of future conflicts will be fought as well as the major influencers which will shape the conflicts of 21st century. According to Carl Von Clausewitz, the author of ‘Art of War’, war is like a chameleon and it changes over time. The cause of the changes can be various, including technological, societal and political changes or innovations occurring at a given period. Our concept of future conflict /war is coloured and held hostage by the understanding and experience of conflicts in the past era, when armed conflict was between nation states. We imagine conflict in the shadows of armed confrontation between two nation states .The generally character of armed conflict was that it was a symmetric confrontation between two opposing armies with each one trying to compel ones opponent to fulfil our will(Lindell, 2009), by means of arms and violence. However, post-cold war era, the nature of conflict has changed. Today conflicts are asymmetric in nature, with conflicts increasingly becoming a non-state actor-State affair. One of the primary factor for the rise of these conflicts is that the political ideologies has been replaced by ethnic, religious and regional identities, paving way for more of a ‘micro’ nature of conflicts. If the nation state wars were intended to be short wars, with mobility and speed being the backbone of third generation warfare and victory clearly defined in terms of area occupied or surrender of enemy, With non-state entities becoming important players in a conflict present day conflicts are open ended, longer and is a reminder of old style campaigns, reminiscent of preindustrial age wars. There is no longer a face to face confrontation of uniformed bodies of men like that of a conventional war. One of the primary catalyst for the rise of asymmetric conflicts in post-cold war scenario was the emergence of the United States of America as the sole military power with a vastly technologically superior military force. During the Gulf war of 1991, it was proven that no force could beat the Americans in a conventional head on battle. During Operation Desert Storm, US led coalition forces managed to reduce the Iraqi forces from a force of about 55 divisions and almost 500 aircrafts into a force of nearly 23 divisions and nearly 300 aircrafts in a span of four days. This emergence of US as the undisputed victor resulted in change of tactics of pursuing

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armed conflicts world over. The result was the emergence of a kind of warfare in which the enemy chose not to for a short a head on confrontation, but to go for long protracted warfare. If during the conventional wars, centre of gravity was physically tangible assets such as national capital, command and control centres of the opposing forces, the main aim in an asymmetric war is to zap the political will of the opponents to carry on a war, by making the civilian population believe that the war cannot be won or that the cost of executing the war is un sustainable or not worth the cause. In the chapter, my attempt is to grasp the rapidly morphing nature, tools and environment of conflicts and attempt at ascertaining the future way of conflict/war.

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WHAT IS ASYMMETRIC WARFARE? Definition of asymmetry: Asymmetric warfare is a conflict in which resource of opponents vary and in essence and in the struggle, interact and attempt to exploit each other’s characteristic weaknesses. Asymmetric warfare is always used by the weaker opponent, most often Non State actors such as militant groups, insurgents and extremists. According to Department of Defence, asymmetry is defined “In military operations the application of dissimilar strategies, tactics, capabilities, and methods to circumvent or negate an opponent’s strengths while exploiting his weaknesses (Jorgensen, 2014). The idea of asymmetric war is not a new novice. It has been in use for a long period of time. During World War I, Germany and Britain tried to incite each other’s colonial populations to revolt against their empires. The Arab Revolt in 1916 the Turkish empire and the attempts by Germany to incite the Muslim population of colonies, such as in India to rise up against the British Empire, with the declaration of Holy war by Ottomans can be seen as an attempt of asymmetry by great powers. According to Roger W. Barnett, in his book Asymmetrical Warfare: Today’s Challenge to U.S. Military Power, “asymmetries arise if opponents enjoy greater freedom of action, or if they have weapons or techniques available to them that one does not. Perpetrators seek to void the strengths of their adversaries and to be unpredictable. They endeavour to take advantage of an ability to follow certain courses of action or to employ methods that can be neither anticipated nor countered effectively”. Although asymmetric warfare is not something new, the tactics in asymmetry has remained unchanged, what has changed is that this type of war has reached global level and with increased participation of non-state actors in conflict, this mode of warfare will continue for a foreseeable future. In 1962, while addressing West Point class, John F Kennedy stated

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This is another type of war, new in its intensity, ancient in its origin—war by guerrillas, subversives, insurgents, assassins, war by ambush instead of by combat; by infiltration, instead of aggression, seeking victory by eroding and exhausting the enemy instead of engaging him. . . . It preys on economic unrest and ethnic conflicts. It requires in those situations where we must counter it, and these are the kinds of challenges (Buffaloe, 2006) that will be before us in the next decade if freedom is to be saved, a whole new kind of strategy, a wholly different kind of force, and therefore a new and wholly different kind of military training. This may well be one of the most insightful statements by any head of states about the upcoming nature of conflicts.

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Example of Asymmetric Warfare: Hezbollah-Israel War 2006 One of the recent examples of a war fought entirely by non-state/irregular force involved in asymmetric warfare is Hezbollah of Lebanon during the 2006 war with Israel clearly demonstrated ability and potential of non-state actors to study and deconstruct vulnerabilities of western style military formations. Hezbollah is a representative of the rising, hybrid threats. During the summer of 2006, Hezbollah revealed that with a disciplined well trained and distributed cells in densely packed urban centres, could effectively compete against a modern conventional force using an admixture of guerrilla tactics and technology. Hezbollah like the Chechens in 1996 were able to exploit the urban terrain to create ambushes and evade detection and to build defensive fortification in close proximity to civilians. Also the effective use of technology against modern weaponry by Hezbollah was a tactical surprise for Israeli Forces. During the battle of Wadi Salouqi, a column of Israeli Merkeva tanks were stopped, by the effective use of RPG-29 and other anti-armour weapons against the Mark IV tanks, which came into production in 2004(Katz, 2006). The Shia militia was even able to launch some UAVs which required IDF to adapt in order to detect them. However the real advantage of Hezbollah did not come from technology or weaponry. It came from the ability to prepare the terrain and tactics for a recognised enemy which they had studied and confronted earlier. They operated as decentralised cells and were willing to absorb a greater punishment to inflict a cost. The Hezbollah’s katyuska rockets and cornet missiles were able to extract a price for Israel’s intervention. The Shiite militia fired over 250 rockets on the final day of the war (4100 rockets were fired between July 12 and August 13 2006), achieving strategic effects in the battle ground as well as in the media, showing they were still capable of launching missile attacks on Israel, despite its technical superiority.

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Although the Iran backed force did not win the battle in strictly traditional military prespective or terms (they suffered more casualties and damages that the opponent), Hezbollah was able to weaken IDFs credibility and came out with a stronger ideological appeal, since IDF had failed to route them and in turn had won the battle of perceptions. This was exploited by Hezbollah for political effect. Retired Army officer Ralph Peters observed that .. Displayed impressive flexibility, relying on ability of cellular units to combine rapidly for specific operations, or when cut off operate independently after falling back on prepositioned stock piles of weapons. Hezbollah’s combat cells were hybrid of guerrillas and regular troops- a form of opponent that US forces are apt to encounter with increasing frequency (Hoffman, 2010). The 2006 war was not a guerrilla war, involving traditional tactics, but a mix from several models of warfare. Armies throughout its existence have been training and orienting for state on state confrontations or a conventional war, to take on another opposing body of men and materials which are formed and arrayed on similar lines. Both formations are legal and hence are expected to operate within the legal clauses of the State as well as international norms Our military history is full of such ‘set piece battles’ Battle of Hydaspes, Battle of Gaugamela, Battle of Kursk etc being some of them. Today’s Nation State Armed Forces however are confronted by non-state actors or an irregular force operates outside the State and hence out of law and State. Another point to be kept in mind is that the on state actors need not necessarily look for a military victory, like the conventional forces, The irregular forces are looking for victory in political terms, as they well know that the conventional forces can bring down higher fire power and resources and that conventional armies are tactically superior to irregular forces. This 2006 war in Lebanon effectively gives a future of conflict: the environment in which it will waged, the tactics which the irregular forces will employ as well as political impact. Conflicts will be seen in the contest of physical, political cultural and informational environments where conflicts will be fought.

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Practicalities of Asymmetry War is a contest of wills. Whoever can harness the will of the people to execute a conflict, wins the war. Conventional capability and superiority of western Armies such as US or UK cannot be challenged by non-state actors, and hence they will not want a conventional confrontation. According to The Australian Army Report “Complex War Fighting” US conventional dominance has led to asymmetric ‘avoidance behaviour’ by its opponents. These opponents cannot defeat the US in conventional

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21st Century Conflict

war. Thus non-state entities such as Al Qa’eda have adopted an asymmetric grand strategy in which they seek arenas other than conventional military operations in which to confront the US (Australian Army, 2009). They have also adopted an asymmetric theatre strategy, which seeks to draw the West into increasing, protracted and exhausting confrontation with the rest of the world. Earlier if conventional war was the only narrative of a war, today it has become just a phase of a conflict. Today, as we can see in the examples of the ongoing wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the conventional phase was short one sided and resulted in a rapid ‘victory’ for the NATO and US troops, where they could employ all their fire power and was given a visible enemy i.e. Taliban and Saddam regime. In today’s conflict environment the victory in conventional phase is not the end result or decisive. The asymmetric/ irregular phase starts when the opposing forces occupy the area, after the conventional victory, and the enemy is not visible and has a much decentralised command structure and lives amongst the population and engages in hit and run tactics, ambushes and IED attacks. Victory in this new phase of war cannot be defined by the conventional yard sticks of enemy territory under control, number of enemy killed etc. The centre of gravity in an asymmetric conflict is not purely in the physical domain, but more in a metaphysical domain. The outcome of the conflict will not be decided by battlefield engagements alone, but perception of the population amongst whom the battle is fought and the population back home. Battle of perception and narrative is the key to victory in today’s conflict. The dictum of T.E Lawrence is still valid today, when he stated about a 100 years ago that “We had to arrange their minds in order of battle not only of our men’s mind, though them first: the minds of the enemy so far as we could reach them, and thirdly mind of the nation supporting us behind the firing line and the mind of the hostile nation waiting the verdict and the neutrals looking on.” In a battle of perceptions, the centre of gravity, or the most coveted precession is the popular support. One of the telling examples is the Second World War, Vietnam War and the recent conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. In Second World War, US casualties numbered to about 400000, however the public will was never lost due to high casualties. However in Vietnam War, the US endured around 58000 casualties, and in Iraq and Afghanistan the combined casualty is around 6000. However they effectively lost the war because the population support to execute the war. One of the main reason for this war the increased role of media and news which showed their countrymen getting killed in a foreign country, for a prolonged period of time, with no effective end in sight, finally snapped the political strength of the civilian population leading to the US defeat. The ability of a democratic nation state to execute a war mainly comes from the civilian society and its ability and willingness to support a war. And today with

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increased connectivity and 24 hour news channel this support can be manipulated or coerced. The insurgent or militant knows that this is the Achilles heel of any nation state and they try to manipulate the national will. In today’s asymmetric warfare, one of the effective weaponry to be used for getting such a message across to the opponent’s population is the Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs).If in Vietnam, IEDs were responsible for 11% of deaths for US forces(Athul, 2015), during the war in Afghanistan and Iraq IEDs accounted for more than 60% of casualties suffered by US forces(Wilson, 2007). IED attacks are not random acts of terror; the types of targets are specifically chosen to create certain effects, to reach a specific audience and to achieve short and long term goals. According to US Colonel William Adamson Few experiences compare with the he Helplessness felt by those involved in an IED attack. The experience is searing. An IED attack has many of the attributes of a sniper ambush. IEDs are weapons of surprise. An IED victim vaults from relative calm to chaos in the blink of an eye. The IED strikes unexpectedly like the piercing crack of a sniper rifle. Personal involvement with IED attacks begins with the response to a scene of a suspected IED and often moves onto casualty evacuation, discussions with victims, patients convalescing and coping with daily rehabilitation from wounds. The sense of urgency felt on the battlefield or in the amputee wards enters living rooms via nightly news coverage. Images of IED attacks invoke strategic influence over the public, a public otherwise physically dislocated from combat. The strategic power of the IED comes from a non-kinetic source, information(Martin, 2016).

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MEGA TRENDS FOR FUTURE CONFLICTS In an article by David J Kilcullen, The city as a system future conflict and urban resilience, he states that there are three trends or mega trends which will shape conflict environment in the future. They are Urbanisation (increasing tendency of population to live in cities), Littoralization (more number of cities are in the coastal areas or in proximity of costal area) and connectivity (communication). He states that as the world’s population has grown, pace of urbanisation has increased. In December 2011, China announced that it had reached a level of 51.3 percent urbanization. He further states that this rate of urbanisation is mainly concentrated in Asia, Africa and Latin America where the existing infrastructure is not capable of handling the massive tide of humanity (Kilcullen, 2012). According to Richard Saul Wurman, the American architect, “the world’s urban population will double every 38 years … today’s urban population of 3.2 billion will rise to nearly 5 bil-

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lion by 2030, when three out of five people will live in cities. By 2050 two-thirds of the world’s population will live in cities(Kilcullen D. J., 2012).” According to estimates roughly 1.4 million people across the world migrate to a city every week According to According to a UN report, United Nations noted in 2009:

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Between 2009 and 2050, the world population is expected to increase by 2.3 billion, passing from 6.8 billion to 9.1 billion… At the same time, the population living in urban areas is projected to gain 2.9 billion, passing from 3.4 billion in 2009 to 6.3 billion [in] 2050. Thus, the urban areas of the world are expected to absorb all the population growth expected over the next four decades while at the same time drawing in some of the rural population. Asia, in particular, is projected to see its urban population increase by 1.7 billion, Africa by 0.8 billion, and Latin America and the Caribbean by 0.2 billion. In other words, the new cities which are already over stretched by the pressure of the population, in the next few decades, will be absorbing almost the entire increase in population across will be absorbing almost the entire increase in population across the world, until 1960. This high rate of urbanisation will happen predominantly in Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, where, already the infrastructure in place is over extended due to the pressure of population(population Reference Bureau, 2001). In 2000, there are 30 megacities – cities with a population of more than eight million people – and of these, there are 21 in the Third World. By 2015, however, it is estimated that there will be 36 megacities, 23 of which will be in Asia alone. Currently, half of the world’s population lives in cities. “By 2025, the figure is expected to reach 85 percent.” Since so many people are going to be in the cities, this will make the control of the urban areas vital to any strategic victory(Levi, 2000). In an article “Urban warfare and the Urban War fighter of 2025” which appeared in Parameters, US Army magazine, states that according to demographers and political strategists, many if not most of the military operations will be conducted in and around urban areas(Jezior, 1999). Control of large urban areas will be critical of successful accomplishment of strategic, operational and tactical objectives in future conflicts. Urban warfare operations will wear many faces of war. According to three bloc war propagated by US Marine General Charles Krulak, in urban battle space, we can expect to be providing humanitarian assistance in one part of the city, conducting peacekeeping operations in another, and fighting a highly lethal mid-intensity battle in yet a third part of the city(Jezior, Small Wars Journal, 1999). The increasing importance of urban landscape in warfare is in the recent conflicts is cemented by cities such as Fallujah, Baghdad, Mosul, Ramadi, Homs, Mogadishu and others in the recent conflicts.

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Furthermore, according to The city as a system future conflict and urban resilience, this urban growth is primarily in the littoral or coastal cities. By 2012, alone, eighty percent of humans on the planet live within sixty miles of a coast, while seventyfive percent of large cities are on a coastline. The implications for future conflict are profound, with more people fighting over scarcer resources in crowded, underserviced, and under governed urban areas(Kilcullen D. J., The City as a System: Future Conflict and Urban Resilience, 2012). Since these cities are near the coast lines, the climate changes such as slight rise in sea level and the increasing salinity of water will play an increased role in security and conflict in future. According to Asian Development Bank report in 2011, “Geography, compounded by high levels of poverty and population density has rendered Asia and the Pacific especially vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. The region is home to more than 4 billion people and some of the fastest growing cities in the world. By 2020, 13 of the world’s 25 megacities (of which 21 are along the coastal area or riverine Delta), most of them situated in coastal areas, will be in Asia and the Pacific. Climate change will likely exacerbate existing pressures on key resources associated with growth, urbanization and industrialization (Asian Development Bank, 2011). The current conflict in Syria is a good example for the relation between climate change and conflict. According to a recent report, according to researchers an extreme drought in Syria between 2006 and 2009 was most likely due to climate change, and that the drought was a factor in the violent uprising that began there in 2011.According to some social scientists, policy makers and others have previously suggested that the drought played a role in the Syrian unrest, and the researchers addressed this as well, saying the drought “had a catalytic effect.” They cited studies that showed that the extreme dryness, combined with other factors, including misguided agricultural and water-use policies of the Syrian government, caused crop failures that led to the migration of as many as 1.5 million people from rural to urban areas. This in turn added to social stresses that eventually resulted in the uprising against President Bashar al-Assad in March 2011.The link between climate change and conflict has been debated for years. A working group of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change wrote in 2014 that there was “justifiable common concern” that climate change increased the risk of armed conflict in certain circumstances, but said it was unclear how strong the effect was (Fountain, 2015). According to the US military, climate change has become a threat multiplier. Further another correlation between littoral cities and conflict can be seen in the Arab Spring of 2011. According to human geographer Oliver Kramsch, describing the process of urbanisation and Littoralization, described

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....Measured as a percentage of national population, the countries of the Maghreb in general demonstrate high rates of urban Littoralization, striking examples being Libya (eighty-five percent), Tunisia (seventy percent), Morocco (fifty-one percent) and Turkey (fifty-two percent)(Kilcullen D. J., The City as a System: Future Conflict and Urban Resilience, 2012). As one may recall, Libya and Tunisia, which has recorded the highest rates of urban Littoralization was where the popular uprisings had occurred. Further in Egypt too the Arab Spring occurred in cities of Cairo and Alexandria, which are again on the coast. The littoral cities usually are economic and commercial hubs of a country and rural migrants settle in the outer urban or peri urban areas which are usually slums lacking proper sanitation and other services. They are lesser developed and has less government or State presence and it is from these areas that most of the blue collar workers come from, who do the essential and basic services to keep the city running. According to David Kilcullen, at the level of the city itself, workers from peri-urban areas often perform the menial, manual, or distasteful work that keeps their city functioning, and they sit astride key communication nodes that connect that city to the external world. Wealthy neighbourhoods, often in city cores, rely on services(public transport, cleaners, shopkeepers, food servers, maintenance staff, police, fire fighters, medical personnel, and ambulance drivers) from workers who cannot afford to live where they work, and thus commute from peri-urban areas. The same peri-urban areas represent social, connective tissue between a country’s urban centres and its rural periphery, and connect that rural periphery to international networks (much as, say, the port facilities in the coastal city of Karachi connect Pakistan’s hinterland with the enormous Pakistani Diaspora). Similarly, at the global level, these areas play a connective role in patterns of transportation, migration, finance, and trade. The growing size and complexity of cities also strains the infrastructure of governance and security; police, district administrators, courts, hospitals, schools, and maintenance services. In particular, government presence can be extremely limited in peri-urban areas, allowing the emergence of safe havens for criminal networks or non-state armed groups, or creating a vacuum filled by local youth, who do not lack for grievances arising from their new urban circumstances or from their home villages (Kilcullen D. J., The City as a System: Future Conflict and Urban Resilience, 2012). The rapid unplanned growth of the city which results in lack of resources, leads the peri urban population to tap into licit and illicit activities offshore, and to connect with global networks, including diaspora populations, an interaction that affects both local and international conflict dynamics.

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The existence of areas ‘governed’ by non state actors and the peri urban population tapping into the illicit and licit networks can be used by other non-state actors and militant groups launch irregular warfare. One of the best example is the Mumbai Terror attack in 2008, when LeT militants landed in Mumbai, it was seen by many locals, who thought that the terrorists were smugglers or illegal refugees. Further, another example of the peri urban population playing a predominant role in a conflict is in Syria. From the start of the peaceful protests in 2011, the main participants in the demonstrations were the blue collared workers as well as the unemployed youths. For example the first protest f the Syrian revolution occurred on February 17, 2011 in the heart of Damascus. But it was residents of Douma, a blue-collar Sunni Muslim suburb of Damascus, not Damascenes, who were the participants. . In the ongoing conflict, the blue collar neighbourhoods such as Ghouta, in the outskirts of Damascus has become strong points of rebels. The map of opposition-held neighbourhoods in Aleppo is almost exactly that of the blue-collar working class neighbourhoods which have been poorly planned and neglected by Government of services and lacked economic opportunity(Kilcullen D. J., The Rise of Syria’s Urban Poor: Why the War for Syria’s Future Will be fought Over the country’s New Urban Villages). Another direct result of globalisation has been increased connectivity, and more importantly electronic connectivity. Mobile phones and internet has been instrumental in negating the geographical distance between places, and has brought the world a lot closer. Social Media such as Twitter, Face book and communication applications such as Google hang out, wats app etc had helped in faster dissemination of news, and has increased the ability of individuals not only to be receivers of news but also disseminate information. Another result of the increased connectivity has been that the conflict zone has become more fluid and fast moving than it was a few years ago. In Libya in 2011, when Gaddafi was killed on October 20, 2011, the video clip of his death reached Al-Jazeera in 40 minutes of the incident and in 90 minutes later it was with every major news organisation, and on the same day the regime collapsed. This dynamic is pretty much unheard of in the previous wars. The events will have an impact when it is relayed to the outside world, as the ‘broadcasting’ speed increases, the reaction time decreases. Further, for militant groups, social media has become a tool to recruit people without physically going near the, In a statement regarding militancy in Kashmir, by GoC-In-C Northern Command, of Indian Army Lieutenant General D S Hooda stated that attempts to attract the youth to militancy through social media is having some impact and stated that steps are required to counter it(PTI, 2015).

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21st Century Conflict

Furthermore, as we can see from the recent conflicts, there has been an increased trend of ‘weaponization of available technology. For example in Syria, the rebels used I pads and Android phones to adjust mortar fire and also used gaming consoles and flat screens TVs to control ‘homemade tanks’. In Libya, rebels when fighting against Gaddafi’s forces used Google hang out to connect with people from across the world, who knew how to operate heavy weapon, which had fallen into their hands. On another instance, they used Skype to plan an attack on a rocket launcher. In Iraq in 2009, according to a wall street journal report Iran backed insurgents used $26 off-the-shelf software to intercept live video feeds from U.S. Predator drones, potentially providing them with information they need to evade or monitor U.S. military operations(August Cole, 2009). According to Andrew Solonikov, one of the software’s developers said he was unaware that his software could be used to intercept drone feeds. “It was developed to intercept music, photos, video, programs and other content that other users download from the Internet -- no military data or other commercial data, only free legal content(August Cole, 2009),” Also, with the increased availability of camera phones, insurgents in Iraq and Afghanistan has been recording their attacks on Security Forces and use them as propaganda tool to recruit more people to their cause. A pertinent example of how connectivity has led to the rapid escalation of violence can be seen in the Syrian Conflict. During the reign of Hafez-al- Assad in Syria, the government had kept a tight restriction on flow of information and connectivity. They allowed no international media or satellite television or mobile phones This helped Hafiz’s government being able to isolate its population from each other. During the Muslim brother hood uprising in the 1970’s, which resulted in the Hamma massacre in 1982, the Government was able to isolate each area and quench the rebellion because there was no free flow of information and citizens in faraway places were not quite aware of what was happening in other parts of Syria. However when Bashar-al- Assad became the president, in his effort to modernise Syria, allowed electronic connectivity for ordinary citizenry, and by 2010, there were 13 million cell phone subscribers in Syria, in contrast to until 2000, when Syria had 30000 cell phones subscribers(Cavanaugh, 2014). This increased connectivity resulted in the increased awareness of what was happening in Egypt, Tunisia etc where public protests had occurred against the ruling regimes. The conflicts in Iraq as well as Syria also are in conformity with the mega trends of urban and connectedness. Most of the fight in Iraq and Syria is for major cities such as Idlib, Latakia etc and IS in Iraq controls a network of cities such as Mosul, Ramadi and Fallujah. Major clashes in the war have been for the cities, where the majority of the population resides. Further due to increased connectivity, the number

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of foreign participation has increased. According to Thomas Hegghammer, a senior research fellow at the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment in Oslo, during the summer or spring of 2013, “the number of foreign fighters in Syria exceeded that of any previous conflict in the Muslim world(Athul, The ISIS and Conflicts in Syria and Iraq: A Threat Analysis, n.d.).”One of the reasons for the increased participation has been the dissemination of information via electronic media as well as the increased physical connectivity of Middle East to rest of the world. It was this increased connectivity and the democratisation of technology which made possible the fact that the rebels in Syria were able to use homemade tanks, now famously known as Al-Sham tanks. These homemade tanks have a machine gun mounted on top of it that’s remote controlled from inside. It has no turret or anyone in the higher part of the vehicle. It is run with a Gameboy controller from inside on a flat screen television that’s mounted to the front of the inside of the vehicle, and it has video cameras around the outside that you use for driving the tank. This tank was created by tech savvy and tech literate young population, who used of the shelf non-lethal technology to suit their needs in a conflict(Kilcullen D. J., Urbanization and the Future of Conflict, 2013).

Few Characteristics of Future Conflicts

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As the battle field environment evolves and the character of partakers in the conflict changes, the nature of future of conflict will also change. Some of the witnessed and forecasted in the future conflicts are 1. Level of War: Combat has diffused across strategic, operational and tactical level of war so that actions at one level of war have a direct effect at another. The actions at a local level can be broadcasted by media and affect the course of operation. One of the prominent example for this is the incident of March 31 2004 in Fallujah Iraq, when four American Black Water military contractors were ambushed and killed by insurgents and their bodies were hung on a bridge. The photos of the charred bodies of Americans were released to media outlets worldwide and was broad casted the world over. This directly had an operational effect, where US launched it Operation Vigilant Resolve resulting in the first Battle of Fallujah, which was inconclusively concluded. The local level tactical action led to an Operational level response by US, which also was a starting point for polarisation on opinion on War in Iraq in US home front and thus affecting the Strategy. 2. Distributed Ground Forces: American strategist and educator Eliot Cohen suggested that greater numbers of boots on the ground do not mean as much as they once did. We agree that ground combat in contemporary conflict appears 120

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to be more disaggregated, but this may not result in a reduced requirement for ground troops. It is certainly true that a battalion may now cover the geographic space of a brigade with fires, sensors, and influence. Yet, while ground forces are spread out, they forces may be covering a far much larger area, or they may be assigned to longer missions requiring greater endurance which require more replacement units for subsequent rotations(Frank Hoffman, 2014). 3. Virtual Theatres: With the advent of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), a new theatre “virtual theatre has cropped up in the 21st century battlefield. Although the operation may be conducted in a distant place, such as Afghanistan, the pilots would be placed in Europe or US, and their participating effect will be same as that of any other soldier who is physically present in the theatre of conflict. Similarly a terrorist leader may be placed in a safe house faraway, but he would be able to communicate and direct operations elsewhere. For example during the November 2008 Mumbai attacks, terrorist handlers who were safely placed in Pakistan were able to control and direct the terrorists who were conducting terror attacks in India. 4. Disaggregated Battle Space: Today’s battle space is disaggregated. In today’s conflict zones, there is no massed tank on tank or army on army battles, but a number small team or squad level engagements in close proximity. The winner of such an engagement, at least in a tactical way would be the party who could bring in more fire power and importantly discriminative fire power within the shortest span of time. The factor of discriminatory fire power is most important, since the battle space would not be empty (ie could contain civilian population). Example the Battle of Fallujah was not a massive force on force battle, but a series of small squad level engagements (fire fights) between the US Marines and insurgents. 5. Diffusion of War Time and Peace Time: In today’s conflict scenario, there is no clear cut separation of war and peace time. Both have been diffused into the same. In the conflicts in Afghanistan or Iraq for example Italy, Denmark, Australia Germany, France etc has not officially declared war on either country. But this does not mean they are not involved in the conflicts either. War and peace time have effectively been diffused.

FUTURE OF STATE ON STATE WARFARE IN 21ST CENTURY: ASYMMETRIC HYBRID WAR The ongoing conflict in Ukraine is another viable example of how warfare is becoming more complex and complicated. In a January 2013 speech, chief of staff of the Russian armed forces Valery Gerasimov stated that Russian military would engage 121

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in a “new kind of war” fought with “non-military methods to achieve political and strategic goals.”These methods, Gerasimov explained, would involve fomenting popular protests, using covert military measures and deploying special operations forces, often under the guise of peacekeeping or crisis management.(Hill, 2015) This asymmetric, hybrid war, Gerasimov noted, requires “the close coordination of military, intelligence and information operations.” He further went on to state that goal of an asymmetric hybrid war is to achieve objectives without launching a full-blown conventional military war. The Ukrainian war is waged by Russia using proxies and also using their own regular army units who take part in operations, without their Russian insignias and markings, thus helping Russia maintain “plausible deniability” about its participation in Ukraine. During the early phase of the war, during the annexation of Crimea, soldiers widely believed to be part of Spetsnaz (Russian Special Force), who were masked and unmarked soldiers without any insignia to recognise them as a part of any formal military unit, were involved in seizure of Crimea. Yet Russian President Putin stated that they are in fact members of “self-defence groups” organised by the locals who bought all their uniforms and hardware in a shop(Shevchenko, 2014). They were dubbed as ‘Little Green Men’ by the media. The current conflict may effectively be an attempt by Russia for a takeover or installation of a pro Russia government in Ukraine. Although in effect it may well be called an invasion, the use of proxies and use of special forces and effective use of information campaign by the Russians and the absence of a direct link between State machinery of Russia and fighting forces stops it from being called anything but an invasion. According to some reports, this has been a ‘stealth invasion’ (Reversal of fortune, 2014). Approximately three weeks before the 2008 August war between Russia and Georgia, according to Small Wars Journal, ‘....online attackers started assaulting Georgia’s websites. Since then, researchers have tried to find out who masterminded the network strikes - military electronic warriors, patriotic hackers, cyber-crooks without finding anything definitive.(Hollis, 2011)”Nevertheless, “…Russia invaded Georgia on four fronts. Three of them were conventional - on the ground, through the air, and by sea. The fourth was new - their attacks via cyberspace ... It is, quite simply, implausible that the parallel attacks by land and by cyberspace were a coincidence - official denials by Moscow notwithstanding. “The (alleged) Russian attack upon the Georgia’s military and government networks was highly successful. “It seems that 54 web sites in Georgia related to communications, finance and the government were attacked by rogue elements within Russia ... So as tanks and troops were crossing the border and bombers were flying sorties, Georgian citizens could not access web sites for information and instructions.(Hollis, 2011) Georgian authorities discovered their Internet access and communications networks to be

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exceptional vulnerable to (alleged) Russian interference. According to Internet technical experts, it was the first time a known cyber-attack had coincided with a shooting war(Markoff, 2008). With increased reliance of all economies on internet for effective and smooth functioning of vital activities such as transportation, banking and power, cyber warfare has increased relevance in today’s conflict or war fighting spectrum. With increasing relevance of IT technology, and the relative inexpensiveness to mount such an attack, which would result in a dis-appropriate amount of losses, it will certainly remain a feature of modern warfare. According to Bill Woodcock, the research director of the Packet Clearing House, a non-profit organization that tracks Internet traffic, ““You could fund an entire cyber warfare campaign for the cost of replacing a tank tread”.(Markoff, 2008) On June 4 2015, US President Obama stated that in one of the largest breaches of federal employees’ data, involving at least four million current and former government workers in an intrusion that officials said apparently originated in China. (David E Sanger, 2015) According to US Cyber security experts, the hack appears designed to build a vast database in what could be preparation for future attacks by China against the U.S.(Kevin Llptak, 2015) In future, the 21st century, a state on state warfare would be different from that of a conventional war. The fight would involve contests in multiple domains such as cyber, air, media, land and cyber space, with both parties using both symmetric or traditional modes of warfare as well as asymmetric modes such as cyber-attacks, information campaigns, insurgency and usage of proxies etc to attain its strategic goals. It would be multi domain warfare, involving both a ground level conventional battle as well as disruptive cyber-attacks which will try to take out the communication systems which coordinate the military actions. Also a concentrated information campaign to dispel once own narrative to the conflict, so as to galvanise or neutralise public opinion in national and international levels would be seen during the conflict. Further, as we see today in Iraq and Syria, a diffused armed body of state and nonstate actors could play increasingly visible role in a conflict.

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REFERENCES Asian Development Bank. (2011, September 15). Climate-Induced Migration in Asia and the Pacific. Retrieved from Asian Development Bank: http://www.adb. org/features/climate-induced-migration-asia-and-pacific Athul, M. (2015, May 19). IEDs: Preferred weapons without a counter. Retrieved from Mantraya: http://mantraya.org/ieds-preferred-weapons-without-a-counter/

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Athul, M. (n.d.). The ISIS and Conflicts in Syria and Iraq: A Threat Analysis. Retrieved from Science Technology & Security Forum: http://stsfor.org/content/ isis-and-conflicts-syria-and-iraq-threat-analysis August Cole, Y. D. (2009, December 17). Insurgents Hack U.S Drones. The Wall Street Journal. Australian Army. (2009, November). Asymmetric Warfare and Australian National Assymetric Advantages. Retrieved from Australian Army: http://www.army.gov. au/~/media/Files/Our%20future/LWSC%20Publications/WP/pdfs/wp136-Asymmetric%20Warfare_Chris%20Field.pdf Buffaloe, D. L. (2006, September). The Land Warfare Papers. Retrieved from Association of the United States Army: https://www.ausa.org/SiteCollectionDocuments/ ILW%20Web-ExclusivePubs/Land%20Warfare%20Papers/LWP_58.pdf Cavanaugh, M. M. (2014, May28). The first results of the Future of War essay contest: Thunder from Down Under! Foreign Policy. David, E., & Sanger, J. H. (2015, June 4). Hacking Linked to China Exposes Millions of U.S. Workers. The New York Times. Fountain, H. (2015, March 2). Researchers Link Syrian Conflict to a Drought Made Worse by Climate Change. The New York Times. Frank Hoffman, P. G. (2014, October 8). The Great Revamp: 11 Trends shaping Future Conflict. War on the Rocks. Hill, F. (2015, February 26). Hybrid War: The real reason fighting stopped in Ukraine - for now. Reuters. Hoffman, F. G. (2010, December 6). Hybrid Warfare and Challenges. Retrieved from Rene’s Collected Articles: http://renekogutudartiklid.blogspot.in/2010/12/ hybrid-warfare-and-challenges.html

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Hollis, D. (2011, January 6). Cyberwar Case Study: Georgia 2008. Academic Press. Jezior, B. (1999a). Small Wars Journal. Retrieved from Urban Warfare and the Urban Warfighter of 2025: http://smallwarsjournal.com/documents/urban2025.pdf Jezior, B. (1999b). Urban Warfare and the Urban Warfighter of 2025. Retrieved from Small Wars Journal: http://smallwarsjournal.com/documents/urban2025.pdf

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Jorgensen, C. (2014, September 29). Assymetric Warfare Goes Both Ways. Retrieved from Cicero Magazine: http://ciceromagazine.com/opinion/asymmetric-warfaregoes-both-ways/ Katz, Y. (2006, August 29). Wadi Saluki Battle - Microcosm of Wars. Retrieved from Jerusalem Post: http://www.jpost.com/Israel/Wadi-Saluki-battle-microcosmof-wars-mistakes Kevin Llptak, T. S. (2015, June 6). China might be building vast database of federal worker info, experts say. CNN Politics. Kilcullen, D. J. (2012). The City as a System: Future Conflict and Urban Resilience. Retrieved from Fletcher Forum: http://www.fletcherforum.org/wp-content/ uploads/2012/09/Kilcullen.pdf Kilcullen, D. J. (2013, September 26). Urbanization and the Future of Conflict. Retrieved from Chatham House: https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/files/chathamhouse/public/Meetings/Meeting%20Transcripts/260913Conflict.pdf Kilcullen, D. J. (n.d.). The Rise of Syria’s Urban Poor: Why the War for Syria’s Future Will be fought Over the country’s New Urban Villages. Retrieved from National Defense University: http://cco.ndu.edu/Portals/96/Documents/prism/prism_4-syria/ The_Rise_Of_Syrias_Urban_Poor.pdf Levi, J. S. (2000, June). The Emergence of Megacities. Retrieved from International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War: http://www.ippnw.org/pdf/mgs/6-2schubel.pdf Lindell, J. (2009, November 26). Clausewitz: War, Peace and Politics. Retrieved from E-International Relations Students: http://www.e-ir.info/2009/11/26/clausewitzwar-peace-and-politics/ Markoff, J. (2008, August 12). Before the Gunfire, Cyberattacks. New York Times.

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Martin, J. K. (2016, March). Dragon’s Claws: The Improvised Explosive Device (IED) as a weapon of strategic influence. Retrieved from Naval Postgraduate School: http://www.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a496990.pdf Population Reference Bureau. (2001, October). Urbanization Takes on New Dimensions in Asia’s Population Giants. Retrieved from Population Reference Bureau: http://www.prb.org/Publications/Articles/2001/UrbanizationTakesonNewDimensionsinAsiasPopulationGiants.aspx

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PTI. (2015, July 19). Army concerned over Kashmiri youth joining terror groups. The Indian Express. Reversal of fortune. (2014, September 6). The Economist. Shevchenko, V. (2014, March 11). “Little green men” or “Russian invaders”? BBC News.

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Wilson, C. (2007, August 28). Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) in Iraq and Afghanistan: Effects and Countermeasures. Retrieved from Federation of American Scientists: https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/weapons/RS22330.pdf

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Chapter 7

Role of Citizen Journalism through Internet in Reporting War and Conflicts: An Introspection

Sree Krishna Bharadwaj H. National Law School of India University, India

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ABSTRACT It is no doubt that internet has brought a revolution in the world. Every individual is nowadays active in terms of information of not just his country but happenings throughout the world. Therefore, with devices having connectivity in everyone’s hand with the whole world, it is impossible to suppress or any occurrence. Every individual is becoming a journalist. This paper explores the issues in citizen reporting especially in wars and conficts both legal and sociological.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-0582-2.ch007 Copyright ©2017, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Role of Citizen Journalism through Internet in Reporting War and Conflicts

INTRODUCTION There is no doubt that technology such as computers, mobile, internet etc. has changed the lives of many and the way journalism used to work as well. With the introduction of social media, every individual can bring out any incident happening in one corner of the world to another who is another corner of the world and without any censor or restraint. The citizen journalism especially in case of wars and conflicts become critical and important because of the fact that journalist can’t be everywhere and can’t understand the ground level realities happening in the conflict zone. Therefore citizen journalism has gained importance in the present conditions of the world with the happenings in Syria, Egypt and other countries.

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BACKGROUND L. Jannett Dates (2006), in his article titled “Does Journalism Education Make a difference?” has set up the essentialness of reporting calling and its conceivable part in reinforcing the majority rule government. It has additionally broken down the variables adding to delivering productive and moral writers. K.E. Eapen (1995) in the book Communications: A Discipline in Distress has given an unmistakable photo of the stark reality of the status of scholarly correspondence programs in India. It has concentrated on issues such as the requirement for Journalism teachers to be prepared current patterns in Journalism programs in India and the relationship between the journalistic morals and expert preparing, and so forth., He has additionally dissected what turned out badly for the correspondence instruction in India. The study has archived the heartbroken situation of news-casting instruction in India, for example, absence of base, books and hardware and different obstacles in bestowing quality reporting training like qualification criteria for news coverage instructors in the state-supported colleges and schools. He has additionally called attention to that morals, as a point is not treated at any length in any of the college instructive endeavors notwithstanding all its different weaknesses of the Indian preparing. Notwithstanding, he has restored that the length of daily papers remains the spooning ground for the other media work force, for example, those of television, and the ability pool for reputation/advertising at the state, national and commercial enterprises level, the requirement for appropriate enrollment and preparing turns out to be doubly vital.

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Vasuki Belavadi (2002) in her article titled, “What troubles media instruction in India – A Teacher’s point of view”, has examined the elements, which are thought to be pulling down reporting training in India. The study has assessed that before the end of 2010, India alone would require around 15,00,000 media experts. India has more than 200 media foundations contrasted with a little more than 25 in the mid-1980s. She has likewise called attention to the issue of instructive organizations offering media-related courses with accent on expanding benefits. She has bemoaned on the way that media establishments need center in the outlining of educational programs and in their nervousness to light up their understudies however much as could reasonably be expected, numerous foundations keep on offering a smidgen of print news coverage, a sprinkling of radio and TV. This notwithstanding different subjects like correspondence exploration, corporate interchanges, promoting, and so forth., all taught in only one/two/three years. She too has expressed that media training in the nation is to a great extent subject to course books from the west whose expenses are frequently restrictive and to a great extent unessential in the Indian setting. L. Theodore Glasser (2005), in his study on Journalism Studies and the instruction of columnists, has contended that news coverage studies will just have any kind of effect on the off chance that they improve news coverage and offer us some assistance with understanding what news coverage implies. He has advanced different focuses for the requirement for news coverage instruction and what news-casting training can do to the understudies. He feels that news coverage instruction starts with the real routine of reporting and it starts in a perfect world at the graduate level with understudies who have had enough involvement in news-casting to comprehend at any rate instinctively, what it intends to do news coverage. News-casting understudies need to arrive not to leave, with the fundamental newsroom abilities, composing, reporting and altering. He has opined that instruction in reporting gives a chance to refine aptitudes not secure them.

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CITIZEN JOURNALISM AND REPORTING WARS AND CONFLICTS Defining the Citizen Journalism Oxford Dictionary defines citizen journalism as the collection, dissemination, and analysis of news and information by the general public, especially by means of the Internet. (Dictionary O., 2015) The Macmillan dictionary defines it as the gathering

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and reporting of news by ordinary people rather than professional reporters. (Dictionary M., 2015) According to the Collins dictionary, citizen journalism means the involvement of non-professionals in reporting news, especially in blogs and other websites. (Dictionary C., 2015) Techopedia defines citizen journalism as the reporting of news events by members of the public using the Internet to spread the information. (Techopedia, 2015) Citizen journalism is referred to by many other names, including: Collaborative citizen journalism (CCJ), Personal publishing, Grassroots media, Networked journalism, Open source journalism, Citizen media, Participatory journalism, Hyperlocal journalism, Distributed journalism, Stand-alone journalism, Bottom-up journalism, Non-media journalism, Indymedia, Guerrilla journalism etc.

Importance of Citizen Journalism

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The citizen journalism means collecting any happenings, events or occurrences by any member of general public and irrespective of analysis or not, disseminate the collected material to the whole world through any means and the popular being the internet. Citizen journalism allows everyone to be a journalist and provide his version of truth to the whole world. Citizen journalism has gained importance in the present era. It is also notable that the citizen journalism has become of part of democracy observed by any country. A degree of democracy can be weighed based on the restrictions on the media imposed by the Government. Hence citizen journalism has become a symbol of democracy in the modern era. However, citizen journalism in case of war has been a part of major debate on emerging aspects of journalism. Ever since the rise of internet and social media as part of a person’s life, the citizen journalism has gained maximum thrust and activism from the citizen. The reporting of war has taken many lives of journalists especially the foreign journalists and documentary makers who break stories of importance to the general public. This toll of death has its share on the citizen journalism also. Some countries also have termed citizen journalism as a treason. Putting aside the question of an individual reporting credibility on the social media/internet, the correspondence in war is dangerous and is highly important as well.

Pros and Cons of Citizen Journalism Like every subject matter, even citizen journalism has its own share of advantages and disadvantages. Some of the pros and cons are as under:

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Pros 1. The newspapers that survive are those that build the foremost of the advantages of the net world. Citizen journalism will in several cases offer free content and therefore the web provides the flexibility to succeed in a far larger audience. The recent media that mix their resources with the benefits of recent media can thrive. The recent media that attempt to take hold their recent ways of doing things can die. 2. Most likely some events get reported by subject journalists that may not be reported while not them. Reporters cannot be everyplace and can’t understand all events going down in their communities. In this sense, subject journalism might facilitate to broaden the sort of events that are reported. 3. With smaller staffs chasing fewer stories, subject journalists may facilitate native papers keep a broader mixture of stories and community reportage before of readers. Subject journalism will be a strong tool for reportage hyperlocal news (news that’s specific to one community) as a result of individual’s care concerning their community and have a hunger for locating out what’s occurring. (Storch, 2015) 4. Speed in reportage news stories. 5. Higher credibleness of subject journalism reporters than the standard TV journalism. 6. A lot of honesty within the news reportage than ancient media. 7. Covering of events that don’t seem to be permissible to be coated by the standard media coverage. Covering events of web sites linking ancient media reporters. (Khaja, 2015)

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Cons 1. Citizen journalists sometimes tend to be bias. Skilled journalists are a unit trained professionals that explore either side of a story and may write from a non-objective purpose of read. Subject journalist doesn’t have the sort of training; so, their stories aren’t as credible as professionals. 2. Citizen journalists aren’t trained on the libel law. Skilled journalists do have this information and coaching. They recognize what they will and can’t say in an exceedingly newspaper article. Associate example of this is often once subject journalists de jure defendant potential suspects and alleged co-conspirators throughout and once the capital of Massachusetts marathon bombings. The subject journalists caused the police to require longer on the investigation. It additionally caused vast issues for those who were de jure defendant.

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3. Last however not least, subject journalists don’t notice the copyright problems. Once a subject submits a story, video, or image to the press or news website, that news sources has the correct to use the fabric but they value more highly to use it. (Nelson, 2015) 4. News of subject journalism is superficial and lacks depth. 5. News of subject Journalism has to be verified. 6. Citizen Journalism might look for to unfold rumors. 7. Citizen Journalism might lose honesty as a result of it serves special interests. 8. Citizen Journalism doesn’t take the general public style under consideration. It’s going to contain scenes of violence or X-rated scenes that offend public decency.

Case Studies of Citizen Journalism through Internet and Impact on War Case 1: Elliot Higgins Belling Cat Project

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Eliot Higgins has no formal journalistic training and no background in media whatsoever. But starting from his flat in Leicester, England in 2011 — where he blogged under the nom de plume Brown Moses — he became an expert in Syrian weaponry and terrorist activity by studying YouTube videos and networking with other selftaught experts. His research was cited by New York Times writer C.J. Chivers, and helped confirm that the Syrian government was using banned weapons. Gathering evidence: In a similar way, the open database of vehicle sightings in Ukraine that Eliot and his team at the Belling cat site have been putting together — using photos and videos and eyewitness reports of vehicles, blast craters and burn marks that have been posted by residents — has produced some fairly strong evidence that Russia has been firing missiles and other weaponry into Ukraine from inside Russian territory, despite repeated government denials. (Ingram, Two great examples of how journalism has changed for the better, 2015)

Case 2 MacMaster, a Middle East peace activist who is working on his master’s degree at the University of Edinburgh in Scotland, wrote that he fictionalized the account of a gay woman in Syria to illuminate the situation for a Western audience.

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The hoax raises difficult questions about the reliance on blogs, tweets, Facebook postings and other Internet communications as they increasingly become a standard way to report on global events. Information from online sources has become particularly important in coverage of the Middle East uprisings, especially in countries that severely restrict foreign media — or that use social media against protesters. MacMaster had used Amina as an identity online for at least five years. He started the blog in February, shortly after Amina told people she moved back to Syria from the United States. Amina’s story might have remained believable, but when he wrote of her arrest, her fans — in a desire to help the woman they had grown to care about — found a trail of evidence that led back to MacMaster. The persona Tom MacMaster built and cultivated for years — a lesbian who was half Syrian and half American — was a tantalizing Internet-era fiction, one that he used to bring attention to the human rights record of a country where media restrictions make traditional reporting almost impossible. (Flock, 2015)

Case 3 Abdul Rahman, who was born Osama Suleiman in the city of Baniyas on the Syrian coast and came to the U.K. in 2000, has four main contacts in Syria. They help to collate information from more than 230 activists. By contrast, Higgins has no prior knowledge of Syria and no contacts on the ground. He started the Brown Moses blog in March 2012. His first posts were about the British phone hacking scandal, but in May 2012, he started analyzing events in Syria. He was laid off from his job as an office administrator in October 2012, and worked on a temporary contract for four months. In February 2013, he launched an Indiegogo fundraising campaign that raised more than £6,000 and allowed him to continue his analysis full-time. Since then, he has become one of the pioneers of what he calls “citizen open source investigation.”

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Case 4 Death sentence passed on the citizen journalist Mohammed Abdelmawla al-Hariri for “high treason and contacts with foreign parties”. He was arrested on 16 April just after giving an interview to the television station Al-Jazeera about the situation in his hometown of Deraa. Hariri was subjected to horrific torture after his arrest, to the point of being partially paralyzed. After the verdict was pronounced, he was transferred to Saidnaya military prison north of Damascus. (Borders, 2015)

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Findings 1. Negative Impact of Internet Journalism: There are downsides to the present approach, obviously: In some cases, journalists say things within the heat of the instant that draw negative attention from readers and viewers — or managers and house owners of the media retailers they work for — and there are repercussions. News surroundings has become far more chaotic, currently that everybody with a smartphone will transfer photos and report on what’s happening around them — together with the terrorist teams and armies that are concerned within the conflict that’s being reported on, and also the final victims of their behavior. Hoaxes and information fly even as quickly because the news will, and in some cases are tougher to find, and people mistakes will have real repercussions. (Ingram, Social media has changed the way that war reporting works — and that’s a good thing, 2015) 2. Positive Impact of Internet Journalism: We get journalism that’s a lot of personal and more visceral, additional emotional approach to news. War correspondents inbound associate degree exceedingly in a very hot zone currently give an on-the-scene ethical and physical inventory that appears totally different from times past. The other major advantage of having such a large amount of sources of reports is that the method of news has become rather more democratized, which has allowed an entire new system of journalism to evolve. We not have to be compelled to have confidence one or two of thought retailers for our news and analysis is ultimately an honest issue.

SOLUTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

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It is always better to create a policy at a global level on the situation of the people dying because of journalism. The national initiatives in this regard has always been poor. So, there is always a need to create awareness among people, the advantage and disadvantages of such reporting. Moreover, people need to be more careful as to the dangers which can take their life.

FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS It is pertinent to further dwell into the role of neighboring countries of the war hit countries to develop a safety plan for the citizen journalists who create awareness of the activities of their government and have risked their lives.

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CONCLUSION Citizen Journalism has its own share of advantages and disadvantages but it is to be noted that it gives every individual a chance to provide his side of the story to the whole world and let the world decide on it. The extent of citizen journalism shows the degree of democracy prevailing in a country. Citizen Journalism has gained much importance and the credit has to be given to the internet. Citizen journalism may have saved many lives, provide a platform for expressing one’s view over a matter but it comes along with the responsibility. Every individual has a sense of responsibility to provide truth to the world and not mislead and misinterpret the situations. When an individual observes his sense of duty towards humanity, the world can definitely be made a better place with citizen journalism.

REFERENCES Borders, w. (2015, October 22). Citizen journalist sentenced to death for Al-Jazeera interview. Retrieved from http://en.rsf.org/syria-citizen-journalist-sentencedto-18-05-2012,42641.html Collins Dictionary. (2015, October 21). Citizen Journalism. Retrieved from http:// www.collinsdictionary.com/dictionary/english/citizen-journalism Flock, M. B. (2015, October 29). A Gay Girl in Damascus’ comes clean. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/a-gay-girl-in-damascus-comesclean/2011/06/12/AGkyH0RH_story.html Ingram, M. (2015, October 26). Two great examples of how journalism has changed for the better. Retrieved from https://gigaom.com/2015/02/20/two-great-examplesof-how-journalism-has-changed-for-the-better/

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Ingram, M. (2015, October 27). Social media has changed the way that war reporting works — and that’s a good thing. Retrieved from https://gigaom.com/2014/07/28/social-media-has-changed-the-way-that-war-reporting-works-and-thats-a-good-thing/ Khaja, H. E. (2015, October 17). The Credibility of Citizen Journalism and Traditional TV Journalism among Emirati Youth: Comparative Study. Retrieved from http://www.aijcrnet.com/journals/Vol_3_No_11_Novembe_2013/6.pdf Macmillan Dictionary. (2015, October 21). Citizen Journalism. Retrieved from http://www.macmillandictionary.com/buzzword/entries/citizen-journalism.html

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Nelson, J. (2015, October 20). Pros and Cons of Citizen Journalism. Retrieved from http://letstalkaboutstrategiccommunication.blogspot.in/2013/09/pros-and-cons-ofcitizen-journalism.html Oxford Dictionary. (2015, October 21). Citizen Journalism. Retrieved from http:// www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/citizen-journalism Platt, E. (2015, October 21). Citizen Journalists Playing a Crucial Role in Syrian War. Retrieved from http://time.com/3481790/syria-journalism-kobani/ Storch, G. (2015, October 19). Citizen journalism. Retrieved from http://newmediaskool.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=187:the-pros-andcons-of-newspapers-partnering-with-citizen-journalism-networks&catid=1:late

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Techopedia. (2015, October 21). Citizen Journalism. Retrieved from https://www. techopedia.com/definition/2386/citizen-journalism

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Chapter 8

Understanding the Role of Media in South Asia Sukanya Natarajan Jawaharlal Nehru University, India

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ABSTRACT The South Asian region is positioned at the heart of enormous socio-politico-cultural transformations that are repeatedly captured by the rising rates of consumption, population, unemployment, aspiration, urbanization, inequality and confict within the region. In this region, media plays an increasingly important role in propagating mass wakefulness by shaping public opinion day in and day out. The cultural signifcance and value attached to South Asian Media whether it’s the print or audio visual media to the social and political life of people of the region presents itself for greater understanding of history of South Asian media including media culture, new technology and its impact on the regional politics and economics. This chapter intends to understand the dynamics behind the rise of social media, print media, audio visual media and flm in these countries and how there is a cultural and social continuum that the media has to work with and employ in shaping public opinion within the South Asian region.

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-0582-2.ch008 Copyright ©2017, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.

Understanding the Role of Media in South Asia

INTRODUCTION

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News occupies the same dominant position modern society as religion once did, but we rarely consider its impact on us. Societies become modern, the philosopher Hegel suggested, when news replaces religion as our central source of guidance and our touchstone of authority. The news knows how to render its own mechanics almost invisible and therefore hard to question. Cocooned in classrooms for only our first eighteen years or so we effectively spend the rest of our lives under the tutelage of news entities which wield infinitely greater influence over us than any academic institution can. It is the single most important force setting the tone of public life and shaping our impressions of the community beyond our walls. It is the prime creator of political and social reality. (Alain De Botton, The News) The South Asian region is positioned at the heart of enormous socio-politicocultural transformations captured by the rising rates of consumption, population, unemployment, aspiration, urbanization, inequality and conflict within the region. In this region, media plays an increasingly important role in propagating mass wakefulness by shaping public opinion day in and day out. Mainstream literature available on the cultural and political history of the fourth estate of all democracies in south Asia often ignores media’s role as an important catalyst accountable for these social and political metamorphosis. By and large, South Asia has been held hostage by persisting political conflict within the region. Despite national identities being strongly prevalent, there is social, geographical and cultural interconnectedness that cannot be overlooked. The cultural significance and value attached to South Asian Media whether it’s the print or audio visual media to the social and political life of people of the region presents itself for greater understanding of history of South Asian media including media culture, new technology and its impact on the regional politics and economics. Within the region so far, media by and large has been parochial and therefore panders to the demand and supply of the national audiences. To this date, several media institutions have been established with an aim of partaking greater regional cooperation amongst South Asian countries. This chapter intends to understand the dynamics behind the rise of social media, print media, audio visual media and film in these countries and how there is a cultural and social continuum that the media has to work with and employ in shaping public opinion within the South Asian region. The chapter intends to trace the political, cultural and political affinities demonstrated through the media amongst the countries of India, Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Afghanistan owing its legacy to the British colonial rule. Cooperative measures undertaken by media such as Aman ki Asha, SAFMA have tried to bring people of the region together.

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The attempt is being made to address these following questions: In what manner does media shape public opinion in South Asia? Does the medium of media influence foreign policies of states? How does jingoistic nationalism disrupt the attempts towards regional cooperation? In what sense can media play a role in promoting regional cooperation and contribute to peace and stability in South Asia? How do cultural and social differences between vernacular/local and English language media influence public opinion in the region? Mainstream literature on South Asian Media history and culture mostly captures and projects differences in the region in terms of religion, rituals, and border conflicts rather than manage positive cultural trends such as food, music and cinema. Several scholars have pointed out the anxieties of the neighbors caused by the dominance of Indian culture displayed through visual media.

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BACKGROUND Few scholars claim that it is risky to position entire South Asian history hostage to the exodus of western colonial establishments from the region and the subsequent nation building exercises in the region. Many commentators on the media history of the region point out those indigenous origins of print and visual media having started during the colonial rule within the region. Shakuntala Banaji in her book titled South Asian Media Cultures raises this issue and critically summarises the impact of media on the region. ‘While there is some merit in embedding a discussion of media cultures within a context of enduring national political conflicts, this approach is problematic if it represents India as somehow successfully negotiating between ‘modernity’ and ‘tradition’ via its apparently vibrant democracy and neo-liberal economic conditions, while its neighbors are mired in religious fundamentalism, economic collapse, terrorism or separatist armed conflict. First, the history of the region comes to be read mainly or even solely within the sporadic, ideologically dangerous and simplistic frame of such internationally sensational events and the media discourses which surround them. one manifestation of this trend, both in journalism and in academic writing relating to South Asian media and politics, is the tendency to emphasize religious differences, conflicts and borders rather than both positive and negative civic solidarities and shared cultural trends. Second, large areas and aspects of media production, interpretation and use are discussed via highly simplistic frame of reference. Others are misrepresented, suppressed or ignored. This may be seen in the lack of debate about learning, media and culture, and in misleading causal explanations about the relationship of media and media reception to politics in South Asia.’ (Banaji, 2011: 03)

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Understanding the Role of Media in South Asia

Discussing how the role of Indian media in the South Asian media space, she further reiterates on the issue of popular culture and its impact on the region. ‘The topic of popular culture and its relationship to politics appears limited to the realm of textual analyses of television news, film and other entertainment genres. India dominates the locale. Even more narrowly, anxieties about or celebrations of Indian popular cultural representations remain a key subject for much output on the politics and history of South Asian Media.’ (Banaji, 2011: 03). Institutions such as South Asian Free Media Association (SAFMA), South Asia Media Solidarity Network (SAMSN) have been created through the regional apparatus of SAARC (South Asia Regional Cooperation). Analysing these organizations that work through the SAARC window, Beena Sarwar details the evolution and performance of these organizations in her research work on SAMA and SAFMA. ‘An early attempt to bridge the regional media divide was the South Asia Media Association (SAMA) formed in 1991, spearheaded by Javed Jabbar, a prominent writer, advertising executive, and politician, from Pakistan. SAMA conducted training workshops for journalists and organised seminars on regional issues. Its media agenda for South Asia, presented to SAARC governments in 1996, was even reflected in the SAARC information ministers’ agreement of 1998. SAMA led to the formation of the South Asian Editors’ forum in November 1999, focusing on indigenous language newspapers that reach over 80 percent of the regional readership. SAMA’S activities tapered off, the South Asia Free Media Association was formed in July 2000 at a South Asia Media Conference in Islamabad, barely a year after the ‘war-like situation’ between India and Pakistan at Kargil. SAFMA founder Imtiaz Alam stressed the importance of “a regional body “for media professionals, although the conference was India-Pakistan dominated in numbers and focus. An ambitious attempt at regional journalism was South Asia Media Wise (SAMW) Online, which folded due to financial pressures (including bribery, the scourge of South Asia), despite an initial growth that resembled “a hockey stick on the graph” as its New-York based Pakistani founder Ibrahim Malick put it. Launched as a web portal on May 1, 2000, it obtained content from the independent South Asia dispatch Agency (SADA), partly financed by venture capital, with its largest chunk of equity shares owned by journalists working there. SADA had a news exchange pact with the Indo-Asian News Service (IANS, formerly the India Abroad News Service), but tensions between India and Pakistan prevented joint marketing”. (Sarwar, 2013: 03) Discussing about the setting up of Himal South Asian, a Kathmandu based Journal/Popular Magazine by its Editor, Kanak Mani Dixit, in 1996 with contributing editors in South Asian Capitals, Beena Sarwar (2013) analyses the impact of Himal, she further claims ‘The Kathmandu-based Himal Southasian, launched by its editor

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Kanak Mani Dixit in 1996 with contributing editors in the South Asian capitals, has managed to struggle on over the years, thanks largely to grants and donations. Himal uses the term “SouthAsia” as one word in an effort “to restore some of the historical unity of our common living space without wishing any violence on the existing nation states” and to inject “the aloof geographical term ‘South Asia’… with some feeling.” Himal organised the first competitive showcase of documentaries in the region: Film South Asia (FSA), a biennial festival in Kathmandu that has screened many films barred from the airwaves in their home countries. Responses to the films screened at FSA reinforce the sense that broadcasting them to larger audiences would substantially help to build bridges within the region.’ (Sarwar, 2013: 04). Maxine Loynd in his work titled Politics without television, The Bahujan Samaj Party and the Dalit counter-public sphere part of Nalin Mehta’s work on Television in India states quite clearly places the media as an anchor in an effective liberal democracy such as India and views it as sacrosanct. ‘The media play an important role in the collection and dissemination of information and provide an avenue for keeping politicians accountable to their constituents. Mindful of the impact the media can have on the fortues of a political party, and the careers of individuals within it, most politicians in liberal democracies tend to tread carefully in terms of how they manage their relationship with the media. Politicians hire public relations and media advisors, and seek media training in order to learn how to ‘use’ the media to further their political aims. In the main, the approach of India’s political parties to media relations has become remarkably similar.” (Lyond, 2008: 62)

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THE AUDIO VISUAL MEDIA IN SOUTH ASIA Audio visual media tops the charts whenever one conjures up images of South Asia in one’s mind. This section will cover the impact of television especially news channels and other cultural channels, radio channels and the movie industries of these South Asian countries that tries to bridge the borders within South Asia. The primetime news channels are largely responsible for churning out political rhetoric in the entire region. Scholars who teach Media and Journalism in western universities such as Rajendra Dudrah, Sangita Gopal and Amit Rai (2013) claim the South Asian media space differently. ‘The emergence of the new media today in South Asia has signaled an event the meaning of which remains obscure, but whose reality is rapidly evolving along gradients of intensity. These phase transitions are the occasion when fluctuations in

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a volatile system (a body, a media ecology, a public sphere) have both macroscopic effects and a new capacity to sense shifts in force. contemporary media ecologies in and from South Asia have come to sense a new arrangement of value, sensation and force. this evolution from nation based forms of communication (Doordarshan, All India Radio, the ‘national’ feudal romance) conforms and mutates the structure of feeling of national and local belonging. we, as scholars of South Asian popular culture are as concerned with understanding how people are making meaning from the new media as how subaltern tinkering does things to and in new media. meaning and pragmatics therefore are feedback looped together in the creation of new publics, new affects and new experiences of pleasure and value.” (Dudrah, 2013 et al: 01)

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Television in South Asia Compared to all the different foras of media in the South Asian region, it is televised media that holds maximum impact factor in being able to influence the vote bank and the various constituencies. In their book on “Satellites Over South Asia: Broadcasting Culture and the Public Interest”, Page and Crawley (2001) discuss the ramifications of media and its impact on South Asian Culture and Politics. ‘The rapid spread of satellite TV in recent years has made a huge impact on the choice of viewing available to audiences in South Asia, not just in the cities but increasingly in towns and rural areas as well. This unprecedented boom has provoked a lively debate about the implications for nations, communities and cultures. Satellite TV respects no borders and it has posed a major challenge to the nations state and to national broadcasting systems. The fascinating story of the opening of the skies, the media companies involved, the means of distribution and the reactions of viewers to the huge and growing menu of programmes that can be accessed at the touch of a button.’(Crawley & Page, 2001:01) According to Amos Owen Thomas, despite shared history, geography and culture, the policies of the various nation-states towards transnational television are only marginally convergent (Thomas, 2005: 76). It is important to understand the role of media in promoting regional cooperation. Scholars such as Adil Najam and Moeed Yusuf and Beena Sarwar (2006) in their work “South Asia 2060: Envisioning Regional Futures” discuss the role of Media amongst other issues that play a role in promoting regional cooperation. In the chapter titled “Media New Trends, Old Problems” authored by Beena Sarwar states that the Indo Pak rivalry has held hostage regional cooperation in a big way and that media plays a role and depicts the reality. She argues ‘The media’s potential to fan as well as defuse tensions is well recognized. the high levels of illiteracy in much of the region lend radio and television more significance in terms of reaching

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Understanding the Role of Media in South Asia

the public than the print media or social media. But television channels, driven by the race for ratings often sensationalize news and information that can fan conflict supporting the argument that the ongoing ban on each others television shows in India and Pakistan is just as well, given that their chauvinistic programs would only increase tensions. But the increasing penetration of the internet is rendering the ban irrelevant. All the top television channels are now online, these channels also cater to peace mongers. Beyond the geographical sub region of the Indo Gangetic plains with its shared language, heritage, music, food, India’s entertainment industry cuts across regional boundaries as do Pakistan’s television drama serials and music to an extent. Of the several cross border media initiatives across the region over the past couple of decades, the most visible is the groundbreaking Aman ki Asha (Hope for Peace) launched by Jang Group and TOI group the two largest media companies of Pakistan and India respectively. Although both are widely perceived as being hawkish, the stated aim of the initiative is to create an enabling environment for both governments to dialogue on all outstanding issues’ (Sarwar, 2005: 285) Mahendra Prasad Singh and Veena Kukreja claim in their work on Pakistan that the government control over media still largely influences and shapes public opinion through the media. They claim that the press in Pakistan has suffered enormously because of authoritarian politics and draconian laws both under despotic and democratic dispensations. (Singh & Kukreja, 2014: 149). Talking of the historical evolution of press in Pakistan,’ So far as the history of electronic media in Pakistan are concerned, Pakistan Television Corporation broadcast begin in 1964. Initial decades of Pakistani Media’s history was dominated by PTV. PTV’s state monopoly came to an end in 2003 when the market for electronic media was liberated. this led to the boom in new private TV channels that today transmit news, soaps and talk shows. TV sector landscape remains vibrant. In total, Pakistan has 49 TV channels of which 15 are news channels, 32 primarily entertainment networks and two religious channels. Today PTV has six channels and PTV national ends programmes in many different languages of Pakistan. Number of press media and printing groups were permitted and have launched their TV channels’(Singh & Kukreja, 2014:149). Saman Talib and Saadia Gardezi discuss the role of cable television in Pakistan over issues of identity and elite discourses. ‘Looking at cable television from the perspective of identity, over the last few `years, cable television has become the battleground where an identity for Pakistan is being forged. Citizens and audiences are surrounded on all sides by different identity pulls through the multiplicity of unmonitored and uncensored programming available on cable. Traditional ‘elite discourses’ have again gained the loudest voice in this new medium – this includes religious elites, social elites, and political elites. Of course, this tension is further

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exacerbated by indiscriminate and massive exposure to foreign broadcast channels. This struggle for precedence in dominant discourse is made more complex by the post-colonial and partition trauma of the country. Sixty years after gaining independence from the British Raj and separating from India, there is still a raging debate as to what constitutes the ‘identity’ of Pakistan or a Pakistani. In this vacuum of a historic identity, many ‘groups’ have stepped into the vacuum to birth an identity for Pakistanis. With the arrival of cable television, the public discourse is inevitably co-opted by the privileged few because they control both the means of production and the access to media. The effect is that of magnifying the voice of elites and magnifying the noiselessness of the ‘other’. Of course, there are some channels attempting to challenge this trend but the result is pillarization rather than dialogue.’ (Talib & Gardezi, 2011: 305) According to a report prepared by Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in 2013, the State-run Doordarshan’s (DD) national and regional channels reach out to over 90 per cent of the population. The total number of private-owned television channels stood at 848 in December 2012. Of them, 393 were news and current affairs channels broadcasting in different languages. Discussing the historical evolution of impact of television in India, Nalin Mehta provides a genealogy of Indian politics on satellite television targeting particular ways in which the new platform affected on a daily basis spectacle of Indian politics. Satellite television emerged as a new factor in the Indian political matrix in the mid-1990s and shows how political leaders and parties adapted their daily practices of politics to the 24-hour publicity it provided traces the journey of this incredible channel of communication in the world’s largest democracy: After four decades of state monopoly over television Indian viewers got their first taste of private television in the early 1990s. By 1998, the first of India’s private 24-hour news channels was on the airwaves and by 2007 more than 300 satellite channels were broadcasting into Indian homes. Of these, 106 broadcast news in 14 languages and as many as 54 of these were 24-hour news channels in 11 languages. These are conservative figures that do not include many foreign and local cable networks that also broadcast news. Even so, the numbers are a stark illustration of how the Indian state lost control over television broadcasting despite its best efforts to the contrary. No other country in the world has such a concentration of private news channels as India. The creation of a television public has significant implications for democracy and this essay focuses on what 24-hour news means for India. It argues that the emergence of television news networks has greatly enhanced and strengthened deliberative Indian democracy. Talk shows on news channels are highly political and serve as important agencies for political debate. Most of these talk

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shows have politicians sharing the same platform with a live audience and, according to one presenter, audience members are increasingly turning more aggressive. The publicness of the platform gives audiences agency. The protection afforded by the publicness of live television often allows audience members to aggressively question politicians. (Mehta 2008: 43) Measuring the impact of television in Sri Lanka, Neluka Silva (2011) argues that ‘configurations of peace in television not only resonate closely with the dominant public and political discourses but also invoke and are inscribed by discourses of identity and racial and cultural purity that have marked the ideological terrain of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka thus far’ (Silva, 2011: 163). Discussing the role of media and viewing it through a prism of resistance to the politics in Nepal, Mahendra Lowoti (2012) in the edited collection titled ‘Nepal in Transition’ by David Malone et al critically analyses the state of the media in Nepal: ‘The media which in many societies have been a progressive agent for change are increasingly mobilizing public opinion against inclusive reforms in Nepal. Instead of making available verifiable facts and presenting different views and perspectives to enable citizens to take informed decisions the mainstream media have become a tool of the conservative forces that are seeking to maintain the status quo. the media’s reporting on ethnic and caste movements has been largely negative and has contributed to undermining public support for the marginalised groups social justice issues. This bias is unsurprising given that the print media in Nepal is dominated by traditional elites in 2008 of the 40 daily, weekly and bimonthly print publications was not considered inclusive of minorities. Traditional elite male intellectuals who call themselves democratic, liberal or progressive control major mainstream print and TV outlets and use their influence to widely disseminate conservative views and promote status quo agenda. These individuals influence public opinion.’ (Lowoti 2012:146). Scholars such as Susan Hangen claim that without the strong presence of media, political protests will not garner interest in public domain. ‘Without media to publicise the events the effects of the protest would be limited. Media coverage of these public protests is key in order for the political party to gain public recognition as a powerful organisation with the capacity to demand support. there is negligible coverage of rural events in print media or on radio stations and a very limited circulation of print media in rural Nepal.” (Hangen, 2010:82). Anis Rahman argues that in spite of the politically violent democracy, a TV boom has been made possible in South Asia especially in the context of Bangladesh. .’..to critically examine how the unprecedented expansion of television industry in Bangladesh became possible over the past decade, and how the increasingly market- liberalization trend of this

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country constitutes the structure, content and process of news production amongst the TV channels. This is the first time South Asia has experienced the phenomenon of a TV media ‘boom’ in Bangladesh, in spite of the background of politically violent and prospective new democracy. However, the escalating commercialization is triggering a divide between the actual role of television and the potential role it could play in a progressive society. Since the government permitted private broadcasting satellite TV channels in 1997, a massive investment in the production and advertisement sector has been systematically facilitated by the dominant political and commercial elites of the country. The number of television networks has increased by 19 over last 11 years. In this perspective, this article traces the answers to the questions - why and how a country with $440 per capita GNP should need 19 television channels? What is the power-structure behind the abnormal growth of TV industry? Who invests and what are the sources of asset? Aiming what profit? What backing keeps these channels running? How are the owners’ political and business networks affecting the fate of news content? The paper also highlights a contradiction between the television industry of Bangladesh and the international economic powers.’ (Rahman 2011). Discussing the role of Television in Bangladesh, Banerjee and Logan stress the importance and value that television holds in popular culture. Television is the most popular media in Bangladesh today and it is also potentially the most useful and effective vehicle to carry the desired or intended messages to the illiterate section of the public whose number still remains very large (50%). Televisions suitability as a tool to eradicate the chronic problem of illiteracy can be exploited to good effect provided there is a will to do it. the commercial broadcasters in Bangladesh regularly transmit some public service programmes which can be expanded to include the educational agenda as well. (Banerjee & Logan, 2008: 107)

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Radio in South Asia Radio means many distinct things to different people. For some, radio primarily means the ‘golden age’ of the 1920s through the 1940s when network radio headlined the only broadcast service and provided a variety of programs for all tastes. For such listeners, radio’s importance is in its programs and stars, its role as the on the spot recorder of history and in its carriage of period politics, sports and talk. For other radio means the vibrant business of the early 21st century with huge and growing chains of stations under common ownership dependent on syndicated programs and heavy advertising. and for still others ‘radio’ does not mean broadcasting at

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all but instead refers to the transmission of voice and data, amateur or ham station operators or even reception of music and talk programs on the internet. each of these meanings non mutually exclusive illustrates part of radio’s pervasive role in society. (Christopher Sterling, Encyclopedia of Radio) In South Asia, where 24 hour television news is common place in all countries within the region, news is still banned in private radio stations. Comparing the pros and cons of radio and film, Jeffrey (2008) argues: ‘”Whatever the defects of films, they captivated hundreds of millions and crossed language boundaries more often than any other form of communication. The two media film and broadcast radio have a basic difference which leads them into different relationships with governments. Radio frequency is physically limited. The electromagnetic ‘highway’ suitable for broadcast purposes is not wide enough for an infinite number of audible signals. Film-making, on the other hand, is limitless – as long as there are cameras, film, film-makers and money to support them’ (Jeffrey, 2008: 14). He discusses the Indian broadcasting policy with regard to Indian Radio in detail in Nalin Mehta’s book on Television in India. Jeffrey argues that “the failure of Indian governments to make the most of radio and television for economic and social development stemmed from three sources:

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1. Restrictive policies inherited from a colonial state, 2. The puritanism of the Gandhian national movement, and 3. The fear, made vivid by the 1947 partition, of inflaming social conflict. The policies and institutions established in the 1940s and 1950s shaped Indian broadcasting for the next 40 years and have been significantly subverted only since 1992 as a result of the transformation effected by satellite television”. The famous Mann Ki Baat programme that is initiated by the Indian PM Narendra Modi deserves a special mention as he is perceived to be interacting with the rural audience and vote bank largely disconnected from the urban landscape. As per Asian Barometer Survey undertaken by FES, All India Radio (AIR), has over 400 radio stations across the country through which it reaches about 99% of the population. In addition, there are 245 privately owned radio stations which are in operation. The recent auctioning of the radio bandwidth licenses seems to have come under a critical radar. The Indian Prime Minister in his Independence Day speech, expressed satisfaction that his government was able to auction some 135 commercial FM frequencies for over Rs.1000 crore ($152 million), while claiming that there was pressure on him not to auction the frequencies (Noronha, 2015)

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FM radio frequencies in the larger Indian cities drew extraordinarily high bids from private players by way of license fees. But the bad news is that, as of press time, some 13 cities were still yet to find any takers. This is Phase III for private FM radio station bidding in the world’s second most populous nation. Radio here has a lot of potential, thanks to factors such as linguistic and cultural diversity within the nation, a booming middle class side by side with significant illiteracy, as well as the government dominance of the medium (and consequent limited growth) until the 1990s. Phase I for bidding by private players wanting to set up FM radio stations came in the late 1990s, covering just 21 private FM channels in 12 cities. The second phase was introduced in 2005, welcoming 243 FM channels in 86 cities. Private players claim that FM radio in India reaches 40 million listeners in four metro cities and 350 million in 91 smaller cities and towns.” (Noronha, 2015) In a country such as Pakistan, Michealson (2011) discusses the role and impact of radio on the political and cultural landscape: ‘Despite the impressive progress in the sector television, radio remains an important medium in Pakistan. Particularly for the rural and poorer sections of the population with limited access to television and other media, radio is an essential source of information and entertainment. Due to the increasing circulation of mobile phones with a radio device, more and more people listen to radio programmes via their telephone. More than 100 private FM radio stations have been licensed in Pakistan, but they are not allowed to broadcast their own news programmes. Consequently, the options of obtaining news on the radio are restricted to state programmes, illegal (mostly militant) radios, and the programmes of foreign broadcasters such as the BBC, Voice of America (VoA) or Deutsche Welle (DW). Remarkably, the BBC’s news programme is most popular among those sections of the population who otherwise access only the state-run radio as a source of information. In the Federally Administered Areas (FATA) and the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Province (KPK), many illegally operated radical radio stations distribute propaganda and erroneous information, undermining efforts towards education and development. To counteract the detrimental effects of these radical radio stations, a number of media assistance initiatives support the development of local radio stations, focusing, for instance, on women’s or human rights’ issues.’ (Michelson, 2011: 33) Broadcasting in Asia has been slower to shed its colonial past according to Vinod Pavarala and Kandhan K Malik, they claim that in the South Asian region in 1997 in Nepal.’Radio Sagarmatha became the first independent station to get a license in Nepal. This station was run by the Nepal Forum of Environmental Journalists in the capital city of Kathmandu represents South Asia’s first major effort at autonomous community radio broadcasting by non-governmental groups. In all the South Asian countries, civil society organisations are lobbying actively for independent 148

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media but progress towards establishment of community radio has been very slow.’ (Malik & Pavarala, 2007: 24). Further on, discussing the history of radio in Nepal, Prajulee (2007) claims:

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It is hard to say when Nepalis first started listening to the Radio. But we can guess that Nepalis have been listening to the radio for more than 75 years. Nepal’s neighbour, India, had already started broadcasting by 1923, so Nepalis working there certainly listened to Indian broadcasts. According to Madan Mani Dixit, one of the listeners contributing to the study this article is drawn from, his youngest uncle Dev Mani Dixit had imported a radio from England in 1929 and he attended the gathering when the radio was turned on for the first time. He further guesses that it might have been the seventh radio in Kathmandu, the capital city of Nepal, at that time. After the establishment of radio stations in India, the radio became popular in elite circles in Nepal too. However, without the ruler’s assent, nobody was allowed to have a radio set. The National broadcasting authority of Nepal terminated the monopoly of Radio Nepal which has been broadcasting since 1951 and in 1997 has now set up various community and commercial FM radio stations totalling upto 54 licensed ones. The media plays a significant role in fashion, food habits, vision and other behaviour. Every person, institution and social culture is influenced to some. degree by the visible and invisible power of the media. In the past, the radio was the most influential media in Nepal. Its effect on the listeners’ daily life is complex and long lasting’ (Prajulee, 2007: 52, 64) Christopher Sterling discussing the evolution of Radio Nepal: ‘Literacy in Nepal is low (54% as per 2001 census) and access to television is limited to the urban elite, radio plays an important role in informing, educating and entertaining the masses. Entertainment programs mainly consist of Nepali, Hindi and western music. News was broadcast specifically through Radio Nepal in both Nepali and English. Radio service from India can also be heard throughout Nepal. Nepal has recently broadcasting through FM.’ (Sterling, 2004: 167). Discussing Prashant Jha’s book on Contemporary History of Nepal, Shivam Vij, a journalist comments on a online newspaper Scroll: ‘”Nepal is also the only country in South Asia with no restrictions on community radio. Anybody can set up a local community radio station. News and politics are allowed. There were 263 operational community radio stations when the earthquake struck; 20 of them have been destroyed. Community radio is a powerful tool for bridging the information divide in poor societies like ours. Unfortunately, India is too afraid of radio, and does not give community radio licenses to anyone other than small NGOs and universities. India doesn’t even allow news on FM radio.”(Vij, 2015).

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Discussing and elaborating further on India’s fears and threats, Vinod Pavarala and Kandhan K Malik claim that “Radio designated by several as a medium of the poor seemed to have been hijacked by the elites. If it does not enable the marginalised, rural or poor populace to challenge the mainstream understanding of social issues, the whole purpose is lost. But the government of India stubbornly refused to yield to the demands for opening this sector under misplaced apprehensions that secessionists, militants or subversive elements do not need official sanction to communicate with each other.” (Malik & Pavarala, 2007: 28) Radio service was set up in 1939 in Dacca which would later become the capital of present day Bangladesh. Until 1999, Bangladesh Betar was the only service operating across the country. Christopher Sterling who documents the evolution of radio in Bangladesh claims: ‘From 1947 to 1971 radio served as a vital link between densely populated East Pakistan and the larger portion of that country 1000 miles to the west. A variety of medium wave facilities were developed and the radio service operated largely independently of the Karachi government. After considerable fighting in 1971, Bangladesh became independent of the former West Pakistan. Radio Bangladesh a government monopoly dependent on license fees took over the radio facilities in Dacca although most of the transmitters had been destroyed or seriously damaged in the strife’ (Sterling, 2003: 166). Commenting on the evolution of Radio in Sri Lanka, Sterling claims that it ‘has an interesting storyline of how Radio service evolved. Ceylon as was Sri Lanka initially called, had set up broadcasting service in 1924 under the British colonial rule. Radio Ceylon was set up in 1949 when commercial service was set up later in the 60’s. After the country achieved independence as Sri Lanka in 1972, the Sri Lanka Broadcasting corporation was set up in 1972 broadcasting in English, Sinhala and Tamil. By 2000, 21 private stations had been set up’. (Sterling, 2003: 166). In the case of Afghanistan, Radio is the most popular media platform with a record number of 175 radio channels as of today. The Radio service was started in the year 1925 in Pashto, Persian and English languages. Leanne McCullough, Laura McGinnis, and Simone Perszyk (2011) discuss the role of Aghan Radio in the larger picture of US presence in the country in a comparative piece on Iraq’s occupation and the media presence. While newspapers were available in Afghanistan, it was radio that became the most reliable and sometimes the only source of mass media for a great portion of the community considering that a large percentage of the population was illiterate and that the radio programs were free.31 By 1990, Radio Afghanistan, the only state-owned radio station, had 50 programming hours across the country and abroad. Rawan notes that “[a]ccording to some estimates, in 1990 there were about 5 million listen-

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ers across the country and a total listening audience of 10 to 12 million. However, the fact that Radio Afghanistan belonged to the government caused some skepticism regarding the accuracy of the information. As a result, the Afghan community accessed alternative radio stations with greater frequency. These stations, including BBC, VOA, and Deutsche Welle, as well as Pakistani and Iranian stations, offered programs in Dari, the first language of 75 percent of the local population, and Pashto, whose speakers are often bilingual. The efforts to reach out to a multilingual listenership demonstrated that these stations had a broad and diverse understanding of what constituted a legitimate audience. (Mcginnis & Perszyk, 2011: 71) Furthermore, they detailed the power apparatus displayed through the occupations of the American as well as Soviet forces which propagated mass wakefulness and shaping of public opinion through the Afghan Radio: “Radio Free Afghanistan (also referred to as RFA or Radio Azadi) had been on air since 1985 as an American response to the Soviet influence in the region. The station dissolved in 1993, but reactivated after the Taliban were forced to leave government in 2001. From 1985 to 1993, RFA was a pro American, anti-Soviet soft power tool used to promote American values and culture to counteract communist propaganda in the region. In 2001, RFA was reinstated using the same model with a different focus: to promote American values and offset Taliban ideals and influence in Afghanistan. The unidirectional model of communication reflects the non-collaborative focus and the power dynamics that have characterized the relationship between the United States and Afghanistan.” (Mcginnis & Perszyk, 2011: 72) Internet Radio such as Saavn and other internet based radio stations are garnering support and interest across South Asia with the implosion of new media and social media such as YouTube, Twitter and Facebook.

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Cinema in South Asia South Asian popular culture is inversely dominated by Bollywood although the cinema industry in Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal equally influence their respective national audiences. Bollywood acts as a medium and platform that connects South Asians outside the region especially the South Asian diaspora community. Melvin Ember, Carol R. Ember, Ian Skoggard discuss and analyse the role of cinema in the formation of South Asian diasporic cultures: ‘Film has played a feature role in the formation of South Asian Diasporic cultures not only because of its mobility but also because of its key role in South Asia itself. Film is the most popular and significant cultural form and commodity in the transnational South Asian culture and political economy’ (Skoggard, 2005: 373).

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Daisy Hasan discussing the impact of Bollywood on popular cultures claims: ‘The Indian film industry which comprises both Bollywood and regional film industries in South India is one of the largest film industries in the world. The industry puts out over a thousand films every year and a staggering audience of fourteen million people watch an Indian film every day. Bollywood exerts considerable cultural influence in India as it often both mirrors and mocks Indian society. Daisy looks at how the dominance of Bollywood in the local imagination threaten peripheral indigenous cultures. She views it as a form of internal imperialism and as people who are able to use mainland cinema and culture to further local identity projects.’ (Hasan 2011: 30)

THE PRINT MEDIA IN SOUTH ASIA It was density and flexibility of indigenous routines of social communication which explains why north Indians were able to make such striking use of the printing press, the newspaper and the public meeting once those innovations finally began to spread rapidly amongst them in the 1830s and 1840s. It helps to explain why political leaders in a poor country with a relatively low rate of general literacy should have been able to create a widely diffused and popular nationalist movement so early. (C A Bayly, 1996)

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This section will analyze the impact of print media in the South Asian region including newspapers both English and Vernacular languages as well as select magazines widely read in the region. Benedict Anderson in his work ‘Imagined Communities’ claims that newspapers create national identities all over the world. Anderson points to the importance of mass produced books and newspapers in vernacular languages print capitalism in his terms in the creation of the imagined community of the nation. books and especially newspapers help to forge this national identity (Duncan, 1996: 98). The obsolence of the newspaper on the morrow of its printing creates this extraordinary mass ceremony: the almost precisely simultaneous consumption of the newspaper of fiction. The significance of this mass ceremony-Hegel observed that newspapers serve modern man as a substitute for morning prayers-is paradoxical. (Anderson, 2006: 35) Alluding to Hegel’s argument on the role of news in our modern societies, Alain de Botton states: ‘Hegel’s argument that news now occupies the same prestigious

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position in society as religion once did misses out am important difference between two fields of knowledge: religions have traditionally been particularly sensitive to how bad we are at focusing on anything. Exactly like the news, religions want to tell us important things every day. But unlike the news, they know that if they tell us too much, in one go and only once then we will remember and do nothing. They therefore take care to serve up only little of their fare each day. Repetition and rehearsal are key to the pedagogical methods of the major faiths. It would be easy to suppose that the real enemy of democratic politics must be the active censorship of news and therefore that the freedom to say or publish anything would be the natural ally of civilisation.’ (Botton, 2014: 31). Evaluating the role of newspapers on national consciousness of Bangladesh, Logan and Banerjee (2008) state that ‘The print media in Bangladesh will continue to play a significant role in shaping the country’s social, economic and political life. Since the print media has held its own in the face of fierce competition from the broadcasting media, it can capitalize on the rising literacy to help stay in business.’ (Banerjee & Logan, 2008: 105). Broadly summarizing the role of print media and impact on civil society in Bangladesh, Monika Barthwal Datta succintly states: Despite having suffered from the phenomenon of misgovernance for decades, Bangladesh has had an active print media which has flourished in recent years. It has been significant in offering an outlet for civil society to express its grievance and challenge the state in its actions. The print media played an important role in the mass movement of the people and the opposition in 1990 which brought down the military rule. The Daily Star, New age and The Bangladesh Today are the three of the most popular and influential English language daily newspapers in Bangladesh. The Daily Star’s sister publication in Bangla called Prothom Alo meaning first light is also the number one vernacular daily in the country. Over the last few decades the newspaper has consistently reported on activities in the academic and civil society spheres around the notion of good governance and human security. Similarly, New Age and Bangladesh Today are known as newspapers with their fingers firmly on the pulse of Bangladeshi politics and society and are reputed as well informed and influential press organs. The ideas embedded within the concepts of mis-governance, state, societal and human security and the links between have been underlying themes in all the news coverage. Many analysts believe that these newspapers along with other parts of the vernacular press have played a key role in highlighting political violence, lack of representation and corruption within state institutions and the electoral process as real challenges to the security of Bangladeshi society. (Datta, 2012: 68).

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Describing the evolution of print media in Nepal, Kanak Mani Dixit and Shanti Ramachandran claim ‘Until early 1990, when the king-led Panchayat System gasped for its final breath, the most powerful media in Nepal were all state-owned. The two most important daily newspapers, Gorkhapatra (in Nepali) and The Rising Nepal (in English), were published by Gorkhapatra Sansthan, a ‘corporation’ under government control. Then came the People’s Movement in the spring of 1990, which put an end to absolute monarchy and the Panchayat system. Due to a confluence of several factors, the demise of the Panchayat, of course, being the most significant, media was the one sector which recorded massive growth during the decade of the 1990s, growth seen not only quantitatively but also qualitatively. By the end of 2001, the media scenario was unrecognizable to those who only knew Nepal from the earlier era. And the most dramatic changes came in print and radio’ (Dixit & Ramachandran, 2002: 268). In the case of India, as per the Registrar of Newspapers in India1, as of March 2014 (refer to Figure 1), there are about 99,660 publications in the country. Out of this tally, 13,761 publications are newspapers and 85,899 publications are periodicals and magazines. The largest circulated multiedition (29 editions) daily in the country is Times of India amounting to 47,42,671 also the second largest circulated daily- Times of India amounting to 10,26, 153. The largest circulated Hindi daily is Punjab Kesar amounting to 7,23,862; the largest circulated daily in India is Ananda Bazaar Patrika amounting to 11,81,112. The second largest circulated multi edition daily is the Dainik Bhaskar with 35 editions amounting to 35,49,796. Figure 1. Language wise publications in India as of March 2014

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Source: Registrar of Newspapers in India, 2014

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The printed press has a long tradition in Pakistan and there is a lively and diverse newspaper industry. As per official records, in 2010 the total number of periodical print publications reached 952, with 360 dailies, but according to media practitioners only around a dozen of these newspapers can actually be found at the newsstands (Asia Media Barometer, 2009: 26). The total circulation of newspapers is estimated at 6 million (AMB, 2009: 27). According to a report published by Audiencescapes,

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The language divide between the country’s two administrative languages, Urdu and English, that characterizes the overall media landscape is most distinctive in the press. English media have only limited circulation but target the urban elite, thus having an impact on opinion makers and political circles. The Urdu press reaches much larger audiences and therefore unfolds a greater influence among the general public. There are also numerous publications in Pakistan’s other vernacular languages, most importantly in Sindhi. The low literacy and education rates of Pakistan’s population represent a significant hurdle to the outreach of the press. There is also a large gender divide among newspaper readers, which is even more accentuated in the rural areas where only 5 percent of women report to read a newspaper once a week. Vernacular press in Pakistan is poisonous according to certain media experts based in Lahore. ‘In the post 2002 period Pakistan had a vibrant media landscape among the most dynamic in South Asia. To a large extent the media enjoyed freedom of expression in spite of political pressure and direct bans, sometimes administered by political stakeholders. media demographics reflect a multi linguistic, multi ethnic and stratified class society with a clear divide between Urdu and English media. there are over 1500 newspapers and journals in the country, including publications in Urdu, English and regional languages.’(Singh & Kukereja, 2014: 148). They further elaborate ‘Print media is published in 11 languages with Urdu and Sindhi as largest language groups. English language publications are not as numerous. the divide between Urdu and English media is applicable for print media. Urdu newspapers are the dominant media in the rural areas, they are conservative, folkloristic, religious and sensational and are by far the most read and influential among the general public. The English print media have radio and television channels for smaller audience than their Urdu counterparts but have more leverage among opinion makers, politicians and business community and the upper class strata of society in general. The Urdu papers have a wider circulation than compared to the English newspapers. Besides the Urdu/English and rural/urban divide, Pakistani media is also divided linguistically with a series of media in vernacular languages

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such as Punjabi, Pashtu and Sindhi’ (Singh & Kukereja, 2014: 148). According to Michelson(2011) ‘The press market is dominated by three major groups, which have also expanded into the general media market and respectively show different political inclinations’. He claims: The Jang Group, considered moderate conservative (i.e. dailies Jang and News International, Geo TV), the liberal Dawn Group (Dawn Newspaper, Herald magazine, Dawn TV), and the rather right-wing conservative Nawa-e Waqt Group (dailies Nawa-e Waqt and The Nation, Waqt News TV). The Lakson Group is another player in the media market, producing amongst others the popular dailies Express (Urdu) and Express Tribune as wellas the television channel Express News. (Michelson 2011)

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THE NEW SOCIAL MEDIA The political and cultural power that social media wields is under studied in the South Asian region. The rising number of news sites and online media sites dedicated to disbursing information and informed content rapidly has altered the landscape of journalism in the region. The growth of online news sites such as The Wire, The Scroll, The Quint, The Catchnews, Himal South Asian, The Firstpost in India as well as other countries such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Afghanistan continues and grows everyday at an exponential rate. Debating the nature of Social Media, Hunsiger and Senft (2000) categorically point out the key role that Social media plays increasingly. ‘Social media is changing the plural landscapes and disciplinary understandings of internet and our everyday lives. The meaning of ‘social media’ is a matter of debate: while some use the term quite narrowly to describe person to person relations on social networking sites like face book and twitter others use the term to signal socialization aspects of web 2.0 sites in general’ (Hunsiger & Senft, 2000). Independent of the local regional stakeholders who own the print and audio visual media, the social media stakeholders are globally run and with the management mostly based in the US for example Twitter, Facebook and YouTube to name a few. In the context of South Asia, the following Figure 2 as well as Figure 3 depict the user statistics for social media in tandem with the region’s population. The rise of the new social media and how this platform has impacted the manner in which there is now a platform which connects South Asians under one roof with a universal value. Twitter trending has become so important, the prime ministers of the south Asian countries are trying to directly connect with the public, exploding aspirations

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Figure 2. Social media in South Asia (in millions)

Source: Digital, Social and Mobile 2015 Report, We are Social

Figure 3. Social media in South Asian countries

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Source: Digital, Social and Mobile 2015 Report, We are Social

of the general public. Increase in smartphones production and availability of internet through phones have been made available, it is virtually impossible to separate people through invisible channels such as skype, twitter, Facebook. The explosion of information through the medium of social media especially through Facebook and twitter is changing the political, social and cultural landscape of South Asian community with India leading the number of Facebook and twitter users mainly due to the sheer size of the population.

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Discussing the impact of social media on political uprisings in other parts of the world, Marcus Michelsen states his viewpoint:

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The political uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt in 2011 have further intensified discussions on the political potential of internet communication which, since the very beginning, have been closely tied to the worldwide expansion of the medium: the new information and communication technologies (ICT) are generally seen as facilitating a more open information exchange, the formation of alternative political opinions, and the mobilization of social actors previously excluded from political participation. Six months after Twitter messages about the protests of Iranian voters against the manipulation of the presidential elections in June 2009 had mobilized worldwide attention, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton declared internet freedom a new priority in American foreign policy. Yet the narrative of the “Twitter/ Facebook- Revolutions” has been contested. A mere focus on information freedom and technology access neglects the way authoritarian rulers are using the internet for propaganda purposes, online surveillance, and targeted censorship. (Michelson, 2011) Speaking of Twitter/Facebook revolutions, Sanjay Kumar claims that ‘within six hours of the earthquake that struck Nepal in April this year, India sent men and materiel to aid in rescue efforts. By the next day, huge rescue teams had arrived, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi held an emergency cabinet meeting to plan India’s response. Indian media outlets were bullish about promoting New Delhi’s efforts. Nepali journalists also wrote favorably about India’s decisive response. But just over a week later, the narrative has changed. There are murmurs of discontent in the Nepali media about India’s role in the rescue mission. Some are also upset about the conduct of the Indian media in covering the worst natural disaster to ever hit Nepal. On Sunday, the hashtag #GoHomeIndianMedia began trending on Twitter, with thousands haranguing the Indian media over perceptions that its coverage had been jingoistic and insensitive. Critics back in India are also questioning the coverage, which has centered around New Delhi’s magnanimity toward Nepal in the wake of the disaster.’ (Kumar, 2015). In a similar manner, the recent adoption of Nepalese constitution was met with furor within Nepal especially Madeshi, Tharu, Dalit and women sections as being non inclusive. The Indian response to this constitution writing process was met with unwelcome remarks by the Nepalese Prime Minister. On twitter, the hashtag “backoffindia” was trending and was reflective of the dominant mood in Nepal.2

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As per We are social statistics, within a short span, set up in 2006, Twitter has evolved from a novel way for people to publish brief updates about themselves to the primary way many around the world discover news, information and content. According to Social Flow, by 2015, it has become a unique platform that allows publishers to both build an audience and distribute content to their followers. It provides engagement opportunities that simply don’t exist in either traditional media or other types of online media mobile will help to push internet penetration beyond 50% of the world’s population during mid to late 2016. Before that, though, we expect to see social media penetration reach one-third of the world’s population – likely by the end of 2015 – with new users in developing nations accounting for almost all of this growth. Discussing the impact of twitter and facebook, Kerric Harvey discusses the case of Pakistan:

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In Pakistan, where facebook and twitter rank highest among social media platforms, social media became an integral part of politics in 2009, the year that both former president Pervez Mussharraf and presidential hopeful Imran Khan created facebook pages. Although internet penetration in Pakistan is fairly low approximately 10 percent or 17 million users social media is central to the strategy of Imran Khan’s political party Tejreek E Insaf. In addition, PTI has used YouTube and twitter to reach out to the public in advance of the 2013 Pakistani elections. its various twitter accounts cumulatively have more than 5 Lakh followers. (Harvey Year: 716) Marcus Michelsen clarifying the role of twitter in Pakistan and social media in general claims that twitter has been used by politicians world over to develop closer relationships with ordinary people as the audience is able to directly engage with queries. Discussing the rise of the new party set up by Imran Khan, he discusses the role of Facebook and twitter on the number of party followers online and garnering support through the internet. India’s twitter landscape is equally if not more expansive. Politicians, journalists, parliamentarians, policymakers, academics engage with the public. The PM Narendra Modi’s twitter engagement with the public as well as with world leaders is well known. Ordinary South Asians take to Facebook and Twitter along with other social media to express their opinion and shape the course of narrative in ways and means unthinkable two decades ago (refer to Figure 4). The explosion of social media and internet penetration has changed even the traditional book publishing industry. The recent company set up by a group of female publishers and editors known as juggernaut known to tap into mobile and digital publishing is a poignant signal of change in the region.

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Figure 4. Facebook users in South Asia

Source: http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats3.htm

FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS Given that media plays an important role in the region of South Asia, future research needs to be undertaken on the specific sections on social media, print media and audio visual media. Since there is a lot of literature that exists on television and bollywood, research on social media and radio are far and few between. Further research can be carried out on the future of the print media in the context of growing social media.

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CONCLUSION Media plays a key role in the political and social landscape of South Asia. Given this context, this chapter is an attempt to paint a broad picture of how different types of media and its fora influence public opinion in the region. With the birth of internet, the manner in which the state was and continues to be used to control and restrain the spread of news and content has changed tremendously. Given that non state players and actors in this realm of media has been let loose post 1990’s in almost all south Asian states, there is dearth of research on this issue area. New trends on social media statistics and internet penetration in the region is dictating the manner in which traditional media is distributed whether its print media and especially the case of newspapers, or the increasing popularity of online news portals which may signal the death of print journalism in the distant future. Despite media catering to the national politics and economics of the region, there is a small but concerted effort to connect the region through cultural platforms such as cinema 160

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and also pan media platforms such as SAFMA and other such outfits like Himal South Asian. In this context, it is important to recognize the need to create more such platforms in a quantitative as well as qualitative manner. Apart from this, universal/global platforms such as social media sites as well as news channels such as BBC, CNN and other media channels do influence the politics of the South Asian region despite the obvious channel of national newspapers and news outlets on the country wise distribution.

REFERENCES Amos, O. T. (2005). Imagi-nations and borderless television: Media, Culture and Politics across Asia. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined Communities. London: Verso. Asian Media Barometer Report, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. (2013). Accessed at http:// www.fesmedia-asia.org/uploads/media/INDIA_2013.pdf Banaji, S., & Banaji, S. (2010). South Asian Media Cultures. London: Anthem South Asian Studies. Banerjee, I., & Logan, S. (2008). Asian Communication Handbook. Singapore: AMIC. Barthwal-Datta, M. (2012). Understanding Security Practices in South Asia: Securitization Theory. London: Routledge. Botton, A. (2014). The News. London: Penguin Press. Dixit, K. M., & Ramachandran, S. (2002). State of Nepal. Kathmandu: Himal Books. Dudrah, R. G., & Ra, S. A. (2012). Inter Media in South Asia: The Fourth Screen. Routledge.

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Duncan, N. (1996). Body Space: Destabilizing Geographies of Gender and Sexuality. New York: Routledge. Einsiedel, S. V., Malone, D. M., & Pradhan, S. (2012). Nepal. In Transition: From People’s War To Fragile Peace. Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/ CBO9781139021869 Ember, M., Ember, C. R., & Skoggard, I. (2005). Encyclopedia of Diasporas: Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around (vol. 1). Springer. Hangen, S. I. (2012). The Rise of Ethnic Politics in Nepal: Democracy in the Margins. London: Routledge. 161

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Prajulee, S. (2007). Seven Decades of Radio Listening in Nepal. Westminster Papers in Communication and Culture, 4(2), 52-67. Rahman, A. (2011). A political economy of the emerging television news industry in Bangladesh. Revista Eptic, 11(2). Sarwar, B. (2013). Media: New Trends, Old Problems. In South Asia 2060: Envisioning Regional Futures. Anthem Press.

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ENDNOTES

1



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2

Registrar of Newspapers, Press in India, 2014, Full report accessed at: http:// rni.nic.in/pin1314.pdf S.D.Muni writes in the Wire to describe the diplomatic nightmare in South Asia followed by Kanak Mani Dixit in the Hindu.

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Related References

To continue our tradition of advancing information science and technology research, we have compiled a list of recommended IGI Global readings. These references will provide additional information and guidance to further enrich your knowledge and assist you with your own research and future publications.

Acilar, A., & Karamasa, Ç. (2013). Factors affecting e-commerce adoption by small businesses in a developing country: A case study of a small hotel. In S. Chhabra (Ed.), ICT influences on human development, interaction, and collaboration (pp. 174–184). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-46661957-9.ch010 Ahmed, N. U., Montagno, R., & Sharma, S. (2012). Strategy and structure in a virtual organization. In S. Sharma (Ed.), E-adoption and technologies for empowering developing countries: Global advances (pp. 34–45). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-0041-6.ch003

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Aikins, S. K., & Chary, M. (2013). Online participation and digital divide: An empirical evaluation of U.S. midwestern municipalities. In Digital literacy: Concepts, methodologies, tools, and applications (pp. 63–85). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-1852-7.ch004 Al-Nuaim, H. A. (2013). Developing user profiles for interactive online products in practice. In M. Garcia-Ruiz (Ed.), Cases on usability engineering: Design and development of digital products (pp. 57–79). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-4046-7.ch003 Al-Shqairat, Z. I., & Altarawneh, I. I. (2013). The role of partnership in e-government readiness: The knowledge stations (KSs) initiative in Jordan. In A. Mesquita (Ed.), User perception and influencing factors of technology in everyday life (pp. 192–210). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-1954-8.ch014

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Albers, M. J. (2012). How people approach finding information. In Human-information interaction and technical communication: Concepts and frameworks (pp. 398–427). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-46660152-9.ch012 Albers, M. J. (2012). How people approach graphical information. In Humaninformation interaction and technical communication: Concepts and frameworks (pp. 262–295). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-14666-0152-9.ch008 Albers, M. J. (2012). How people approach information. In Human-information interaction and technical communication: Concepts and frameworks (pp. 114–169). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-0152-9.ch004 Albers, M. J. (2012). How people approach technology-based interactions. In Humaninformation interaction and technical communication: Concepts and frameworks (pp. 170–216). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-14666-0152-9.ch005 Albers, M. J. (2012). How people approach typography. In Human-information interaction and technical communication: Concepts and frameworks (pp. 241–261). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-0152-9.ch007 Albers, M. J. (2012). How people interact with information presentation. In Humaninformation interaction and technical communication: Concepts and frameworks (pp. 330–365). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-14666-0152-9.ch010 Albers, M. J. (2012). How people make decisions and take action. In Humaninformation interaction and technical communication: Concepts and frameworks (pp. 428–458). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-14666-0152-9.ch013

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Albers, M. J. (2012). How people perform a first glance evaluation. In Humaninformation interaction and technical communication: Concepts and frameworks (pp. 218–240). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-14666-0152-9.ch006 Albers, M. J. (2012). Information in the situation. In Human-information interaction and technical communication: Concepts and frameworks (pp. 31–60). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-0152-9.ch002

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Albers, M. J. (2012). What people bring with them. In Human-information interaction and technical communication: Concepts and frameworks (pp. 61–113). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-0152-9.ch003 Albert, S., & Flournoy, D. (2012). Think global, act local: How ICTs are changing the landscape in community development. In E. Coakes (Ed.), Technological change and societal growth: Analyzing the future (pp. 101–116). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-0200-7.ch007 Alexopoulos, G., Koutsouris, A., & Tzouramani, I. (2012). Adoption and use of ICTs among rural youth: Evidence from Greece. In S. Chhabra (Ed.), ICTs for advancing rural communities and human development: Addressing the digital divide (pp. 125–142). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-14666-0047-8.ch009 Alfaro, F., Molina, J. P., & Camacho, K. (2012). Public access ICT in Dominican Republic. In R. Gomez (Ed.), Libraries, telecentres, cybercafes and public access to ICT: International comparisons (pp. 184–200). Hershey, PA: Information Science Publishing; doi:10.4018/978-1-60960-771-5.ch015 Alhussain, T., & Drew, S. (2012). Employees’ perceptions of biometric technology adoption in e-government: An exploratory study in the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. In S. Sharma (Ed.), E-adoption and technologies for empowering developing countries: Global advances (pp. 129–142). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-0041-6.ch010 Alkhattabi, M., Neagu, D., & Cullen, A. (2012). User perceptions of information quality in e-learning systems: A gender and cultural perspective. In R. Pande & T. Van der Weide (Eds.), Globalization, technology diffusion and gender disparity: Social impacts of ICTs (pp. 138–145). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-0020-1.ch012

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Amoretti, F., & Musella, F. (2013). Governing digital divides: Power structures and ICT strategies in a global perspective. In Digital literacy: Concepts, methodologies, tools, and applications (pp. 1256–1271). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-1852-7.ch065 Andacht, F. (2013). The tangible lure of the technoself in the age of reality television. In R. Luppicini (Ed.), Handbook of research on technoself: Identity in a technological society (pp. 360–381). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-2211-1.ch020

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Baker, P. M., Fairchild, A., & Pater, J. (2012). E-accessibility and municipal wi-fi: Exploring a model for inclusivity and implementation. In S. Chhabra (Ed.), ICTs for advancing rural communities and human development: Addressing the digital divide (pp. 109–124). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/9781-4666-0047-8.ch008 Ballesté, F., & Torras, C. (2013). Effects of human-machine integration on the construction of identity. In R. Luppicini (Ed.), Handbook of research on technoself: Identity in a technological society (pp. 574–591). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-2211-1.ch030

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Beklemishev, A. P. (2012). Public access ICT in Kazakhstan. In R. Gomez (Ed.), Libraries, telecentres, cybercafes and public access to ICT: International comparisons (pp. 330–343). Hershey, PA: Information Science Publishing; doi:10.4018/978-160960-771-5.ch024 Ben, E. R. (2012). Gendering professionalism in the internationalization of information work. In R. Pande & T. Van der Weide (Eds.), Globalization, technology diffusion and gender disparity: Social impacts of ICTs (pp. 51–69). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-0020-1.ch005

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Boelter, J., & Kaschub, C. (2013). Developing the intel® pair & share experience. In M. Garcia-Ruiz (Ed.), Cases on usability engineering: Design and development of digital products (pp. 171–194). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-4046-7.ch008 Bonelli, S., & Napoletano, L. (2013). The usability evaluation of a touch screen in the flight deck. In M. Garcia-Ruiz (Ed.), Cases on usability engineering: Design and development of digital products (pp. 270–297). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-4046-7.ch012

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Bourgault, M., Drouin, N., Sicotte, H., & Daoudi, J. (2012). Moderating effect of team distributedness on organizational dimensions for innovation project success. In A. Mesquita (Ed.), Human interaction with technology for working, communicating, and learning: Advancements (pp. 216–235). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-61350-465-9.ch014 Bowe, B. J., Blom, R., & Freedman, E. (2013). Negotiating boundaries between control and dissent: Free speech, business, and repressitarian governments. In J. Lannon & E. Halpin (Eds.), Human rights and information communication technologies: Trends and consequences of use (pp. 36–55). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-1918-0.ch003 Bricout, J. C., & Baker, P. M. (2012). Deploying information and communication technologies (ICT) to enhance participation in local governance for citizens with disabilities. In S. Chhabra (Ed.), ICTs for advancing rural communities and human development: Addressing the digital divide (pp. 91–108). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-0047-8.ch007 Butcher, K. R., & Sumner, T. (2013). How does prior knowledge impact students’ online learning behaviors? In R. Zheng (Ed.), Evolving psychological and educational perspectives on cyber behavior (pp. 97–115). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-1858-9.ch007 Bwalya, K. J. (2012). Botswana’s novel approaches for knowledge-based economy facilitation: Issues, policies and contextual framework. In S. Chhabra (Ed.), ICTs for advancing rural communities and human development: Addressing the digital divide (pp. 45–56). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/9781-4666-0047-8.ch004

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Bwalya, K. J. (2012). Towards a knowledge-based economy – The case of Botswana: A discussion article. In E. Coakes (Ed.), Technological change and societal growth: Analyzing the future (pp. 117–127). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-0200-7.ch008 Bwalya, K. J., Du Plessis, T., & Rensleigh, C. (2013). A snapshot overview of the digital divide: E-inclusion and e-government in the Zambian context. In Digital literacy: Concepts, methodologies, tools, and applications (pp. 1–19). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-1852-7.ch001

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Carter, P. D. (2012). The emerging story of the machine. In A. Mesquita (Ed.), Human interaction with technology for working, communicating, and learning: advancements (pp. 1–12). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/9781-61350-465-9.ch001 Chadwick, D. D., Fullwood, C., & Wesson, C. J. (2013). Intellectual disability, identity, and the internet. In R. Luppicini (Ed.), Handbook of research on technoself: Identity in a technological society (pp. 229–254). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-2211-1.ch013

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Chaka, C. (2013). Digitization and consumerization of identity, culture, and power among gen mobinets in South Africa. In R. Luppicini (Ed.), Handbook of research on technoself: Identity in a technological society (pp. 399–418). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-2211-1.ch022 Chan, L., & Daim, T. (2012). High technology industrialization and internationalization: Exploring international technology transfer. In A. Cakir & P. Ordóñez de Pablos (Eds.), Social development and high technology industries: Strategies and applications (pp. 70–98). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/9781-61350-192-4.ch006 Chand, A. (2013). Reducing digital divide: The case of the ‘people first network’ (PFNet) in the Solomon Islands. In Digital literacy: Concepts, methodologies, tools, and applications (pp. 1571–1605). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-1852-7.ch083 Charnkit, P., & Tatnall, A. (2013). Knowledge conversion processes in Thai public organisations seen as an innovation: The re-analysis of a TAM study using innovation translation. In A. Tatnall (Ed.), Social and professional applications of actornetwork theory for technology development (pp. 88–102). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-2166-4.ch008 Chary, M. (2013). Social equity, the digital divide and e-governance: An analysis of e-governance initiatives in India. In Digital literacy: Concepts, methodologies, tools, and applications (pp. 1321–1334). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-1852-7.ch069 Chary, M., & Aikins, S. K. (2013). Policy as a bridge across the global digital divide. In Digital literacy: Concepts, methodologies, tools, and applications (pp. 364–379). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-1852-7.ch019

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Chase, N. M., & Clegg, B. (2013). Effects of email utilization on higher education professionals. In A. Mesquita (Ed.), User perception and influencing factors of technology in everyday life (pp. 233–247). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-1954-8.ch016 Chen, T., Harper, S., & Yesilada, Y. (2013). How do people use their mobile phones? A field study of small device users. In J. Lumsden (Ed.), Developments in technologies for human-centric mobile computing and applications (pp. 38–55). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-2068-1.ch003

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Chen, W., & Xie, W. (2012). Cyber behaviors of immigrants. In Z. Yan (Ed.), Encyclopedia of cyber behavior (pp. 259–272). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-0315-8.ch022 Chen, Y. (2012). The center for mobile communication studies. In Z. Yan (Ed.), Encyclopedia of cyber behavior (pp. 77–87). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-0315-8.ch006 Chen, Y., Lee, B., & Kirk, R. M. (2013). Internet use among older adults: Constraints and opportunities. In R. Zheng, R. Hill, & M. Gardner (Eds.), Engaging older adults with modern technology: Internet use and information access needs (pp. 124–141). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-1966-1.ch007 Chilana, P. K., Fishman, E., Geraghty, E. M., Tarczy-Hornoch, P., Wolf, F. M., & Anderson, N. R. (2013). Characterizing data discovery and end-user computing needs in clinical translational science. In A. Dwivedi & S. Clarke (Eds.), Innovative strategies and approaches for end-user computing advancements (pp. 301–313). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-2059-9.ch016 Choi, S. M., Chu, S., & Kim, Y. (2012). Culture-laden social engagement: A comparative study of social relationships in social networking sites among American, Chinese and Korean Users. In K. St.Amant & S. Kelsey (Eds.), Computer-mediated communication across cultures: International interactions in online environments (pp. 1–16). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-60960833-0.ch001 Chong, L., Mei, W., & Guang, A. W. (2013). Research and implementation of selfpublishing website platforms for universities based on CMS. In T. Gao (Ed.), Global applications of pervasive and ubiquitous computing (pp. 166–178). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-2645-4.ch019

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Chudoba, K. M., Watson-Manheim, M. B., Crowston, K., & Lee, C. S. (2013). Participation in ICT-enabled meetings. In A. Dwivedi & S. Clarke (Eds.), Innovative strategies and approaches for end-user computing advancements (pp. 192–214). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-2059-9.ch011 Clark, E. (2013). Interaction and expertise in an Appalachian music archive. In T. Takševa (Ed.), Social software and the evolution of user expertise: Future trends in knowledge creation and dissemination (pp. 311–329). Hershey, PA: Information Science Reference; doi:10.4018/978-1-4666-2178-7.ch018

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About the Contributors

Aqsa Agha is currently pursuing Phd from Centre for Historical Studies, JNU. The topic of research is The Awadh Nawabi: Politics, Culture and Legitimacy 17221810 c. focussing on the composite culture as the hallmark of Awadh political culture.

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Priyanka Chandra is a doctoral candidate at the Centre for West Asian Studies (CWAS), school of International Studies in Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). She is currently working under the supervision of Prof. A. K. Ramakrishnan on her PhD. thesis titled Egyptian State and the Question of Legitimacy: 1970- 2011. She has a Masters degree in Politics with a specialization in International Relations from JNU and completed her MPhil. in the CWAS, JNU. The topic of her MPhil. dissertation was Contributions of Jamaluddin al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh to the Debates on Nationalism. Her interests include international relations, religion and politics, secularism, nationalism, Islamic modernism, state, civil society and social transformation, political economy, feminism and gender issues, West Asian politics, Indian politics, and political thinkers. She has written articles and reviews as well as presented papers at seminars and conferences. Sree Krishna Bharadwaj Hotur was born on November 2nd, 1991, has completed his BBA LL.B (Hons.) from JSS Law College, Mysore in the year 2014, LL.M. (University Rank Holder and Gold Medallist) from Karnataka State Law University’s Law School, Huballi and Post Graduate Diploma in Human Resource Management from Alagappa University both in June, 2015. Currently he is pursuing his Ph.D. from National Law School of India University, Bangalore. He has published more than a dozen of his articles on diverse subjects in various journals including international journals. He has also participated in many national and state level conferences and workshops as well. Feel free to ask any questions or give suggestions- [email protected].

About the Contributors

Athul M.A. worked in SATP as research Assistant for a year and 4 months. Currently working as risk consultant in Mumbai. Sukanya Natarajan is currently a Doctoral Candidate at the Center for the Study of Law and Governance, JNU, New Delhi. She was formerly Research Fellow at the Berlin School of Law and Economics and Visiting Research Fellow at the Japan Center for Economic Research, Tokyo. She received her LLM in Law and Economics from the University of Manchester, UK and an MA in Politics and International Relations from Jawaharlal Nehru University, India. Meha Pant is a Doctoral Scholar at the Jawaharlal Nehru University. She has contributed a number of articles to various journals and books and has also participated in various seminars held focusing on the security issues. Sudha Jha Pathak has done post-graduation in History from Jadavpur University, Calcutta and Doctorate from the M.S University of Vadodara, Baroda. She taught at various Colleges in Mumbai before joining the Amity Law School, Delhi where she currently teaches. She has presented papers at several conferences and seminars. Her area of interest is Gender Studies. She is also trained in Indian classical dance (Bharatnatyam) and in playing Guitar.

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Sirjjan Preet is an Independent Economist and Consultant based in New Delhi. She is also Senior Member, Youth Technical Training Society (YTTS) - an NGO operating in Chandigarh. She was formerly Research Consultant at Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations (ICRIER) and Assistant Director at Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI). She has represented India at the Seminar on Economic Policies hosted by the Ministry of Finance, Japan and won the Outstanding Policy Paper Award out of 25 participants from 19 countries. She holds a Masters degree in Financial Economics from University of Nottingham, UK, as well as a second Masters degree in Commerce from Panjab University, India. She can be contacted at [email protected].

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Index

A Abe, Shinzo 95-97 Afghan nation 3, 6-7, 14 Afghanistan 1-4, 6-17, 20-21, 23-27, 98, 113-114, 119, 121, 126, 138, 150-151, 156, 162 Akbar 8, 40-41, 43-44 Al-Afghani, Jamaluddin 68-69, 76 Ala-ud-din 39 Amravati style 61-62 Arab Spring 116-117 Asoka 46, 48, 51-54, 56-58, 61 audio 137-138, 141, 156, 160 Aurangzeb 40 Aziz Ahmad 77-78

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B Bilateral Relations 1, 19, 91, 95, 99-100 Bipan Chandra 32-35 Bodhi tree 52, 57-58, 60 Bollywood 151-152, 160 British 2-3, 8, 14, 32-35, 38, 43, 61, 69-71, 73, 76-77, 79, 102, 110, 133, 138, 144, 150 Broadcasting 118, 137, 141-142, 144, 146150, 153, 162 Buddha 49-54, 56-60, 62-65 Buddhism 46-67

C Central Asia 2, 8, 14, 26, 48 civil societies 98, 102

Communal Interpretation of History 28, 38 communal passions 28-29, 37-38 Communal Violence 28, 31, 36-37, 40, 44 Communalism 29-38, 42-45 Composite Culture 37 convention mode of warfare 108 cultural traditions 46-47, 49, 64

D Democracy 20, 23, 86, 90, 95, 101, 104, 106, 130, 135, 139, 141, 144-146, 161 Devanampiya 46, 51, 54 dhamma 46, 51, 53-54, 56 diplomacy 86-88, 90, 94, 99, 101, 103-107 drug trafcking 7 Durand Line 2, 4, 8, 14, 17, 25

E economic life 29, 33 English 70, 95, 135-136, 139, 149-150, 152-155

F Foreign Policy 8-9, 24-26, 86, 88-91, 101, 103-104, 106-107, 124, 158

G Geopolitics 95, 107 Global Attitudes 91, 94, 96-97, 99 ground level 123, 128

Index

guerrillas 111-112 Gupta, Rakesh 35-36

H hate mongering 28, 36-37 held hostage 109, 138, 142

I India 1-4, 6, 8-16, 18-20, 22-36, 38-39, 41-51, 53-54, 56-64, 66-71, 73-77, 79, 81-82, 84, 86-87, 91-95, 98, 102-106, 108, 110, 121, 127-129, 137-144, 147-150, 152, 154, 156-159, 161-163 Indian history 29, 32-33, 38, 42-45 Indian subcontinent 1-2, 6, 9, 48 Information 43, 48, 100-101, 107, 114, 118120, 122-123, 127, 129-131, 133-134, 140-141, 143, 148-149, 151, 156-159 insurgent 114 Islam 7, 13, 18, 26, 39-41, 43, 45, 68-72, 74-77, 79-84 Islamic Modernism 68-69, 77, 80-84 island nation 46, 52-54, 62, 64-65

J Japan 48, 89, 91-93, 98-100, 104-105 Jinping, Xi 95-97 Journalism 127-132, 134-136, 139-141, 156, 160

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K Kashmir 3-4, 10-19, 92, 94, 118 Keddie, Nikkie 71, 78 Keywords: Media 137 Khan, Syed Ahmed 68-69 King 51-58, 60, 62

M Magazines 152, 154 Mahatma Gandhi 30, 32 Mahavamsa 48-52, 57-60, 63, 66 Mahinda 46, 50-52, 55, 59-60, 62

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majority rule 128 Mani, Kanak 141, 154, 163 Mauryan Emperor 48, 51 medieval period 38, 42 Michelsen, Marcus 158-159 militancy 4, 11-12, 14, 16-20, 25, 118 military operations 110, 113, 115, 119 Modernity 68-69, 71-75, 77, 81-83, 139 Modi, Narendra 95, 97, 147, 158-159 Mukhia, Harbans 33, 43 Muslim 2-3, 8, 15, 18, 33-34, 36, 38-42, 44, 69-84, 90, 106, 110, 118-120 mutual trust 87, 91, 102

N Nationality 15, 38 natural law 70, 78 negative perceptions 87, 101-102 Nehru, Jawaharlal 1, 32, 34, 68, 137 neighboring states 10, 16, 19 news coverage 114, 128-129, 153 Newspapers 131, 140, 150, 152-155, 160161, 163 non-state 12, 21, 86, 90, 99, 107, 109-113, 117-118, 123 Non-State Actors 21, 86, 90, 99, 107, 110112, 118, 123

P Pakistan 1-4, 6-20, 22-27, 30, 35-36, 69, 80-82, 92-94, 98, 104, 117, 121, 138, 140, 143-144, 148, 150-151, 155-156, 159, 162-163 Pan-Islamism 68-69, 74-75, 77-78, 80, 82 patronage 17, 46, 49, 53, 55-58, 65 Patterns of Communalism 32 peace 10-13, 20, 23-27, 30-31, 38, 40, 46, 48, 53, 55, 65, 87, 98, 105-106, 121, 125, 132, 139, 143, 145, 161, 163 Political Activism 77, 82, 84 Political Islam 43, 68-69, 71, 78-83 power 1-2, 9-10, 12-13, 15, 18, 20, 33, 35, 39-40, 46, 53-54, 57, 62, 74, 77, 87, 90, 94-95, 99, 101, 103-104, 106-107, 109110, 112-114, 121, 123, 149, 151, 156

Index

Print Media 138, 143, 145, 152-155, 160, 162 Public Diplomacy 86-88, 90, 103-107 Public Opinion 87-90, 97, 99-107, 123, 137139, 143, 145, 151, 160 Public Perceptions 86-87, 92, 94

Q Quiet Diplomacy 94, 107

R Radio 101, 129, 141-142, 145-151, 154-155, 160, 162 Reform 68-79, 81-82 Regional Cooperation 86-87, 100, 102, 138140, 142 Reporter 127 right wing 30, 37

S

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safe haven 9-10, 15, 19, 23 Sangha 46, 51, 53-56, 59, 61 Sarwar, Beena 140, 142 Satellites 137, 142, 162 Sinhalese 49-50, 52, 54, 57-61, 63-67 South Asia 19, 26-27, 81-82, 103-104, 137-142, 145-149, 151-152, 155-157, 160-163 Sri Lanka 10, 46-63, 65-67, 138, 145, 150151, 156, 163 state policy 40, 51, 65 strategic depth 3, 9, 14-16

stupa 46, 57-58, 61

T tactical confrontation 108 Taliban 1, 3, 7, 11, 13-19, 25-26, 80, 113, 151 Television 101, 119-120, 128, 133, 137, 140149, 155-156, 160-162 terrorism 3, 7, 10-12, 14, 19-20, 26, 36, 44, 81, 94, 139 Tissa 46, 51-52, 54, 61 Tooth Relic 53, 57 Tribal Areas 11, 18

U UNESCO 89, 106

V Vernacular 139, 152-153, 155 Violence 8, 19, 28-29, 31-32, 36-37, 40, 44, 48, 109, 119, 132, 141, 153

W War and Confict 1, 108 Wars 9, 109-110, 113, 115, 118, 122, 124125, 127-129 West Asia 7, 68, 71, 74, 81-82 western borders 2, 14 world religion 48, 52 World War 88-89, 110, 113

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